Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/essaysinphilosopOOsethrich ,(0 /J -J^ ^vT ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM YEESIT ^■' LOXDON : PRIKTKD BY BPOTXiaWOODE AND CO., NKW-STREET SQUAEB AKD FAELIAJIEXT STUEKT ESSAYS m PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM EDITED BY ANDREW SETH and K. B. HALDANE WITH A PREFACE BY EDWARD CAIED ^S^ 01^ trf; UNIVEESITY LONDON LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 1883 .4// ri(jlitx rf served S4 Joyp/ DEDICATED TO THE MEMORY OF THOMAS HILL GEEEN WHTTB'S PROFESSOR OF MORAL PHnK)SOPHY IN THE OXIVERSnV OP OXFORD CONTENTS I 'AUK PKEFACE 1 By Edward Caird, M.A., LL.D., Professor of Moral Philosophy in the University of Glasgow. I. PHILOSOPHY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGORIES . 8 By Andrew Seth, M.A., Assistant to the Professor of Logic and Metaphysics in the University of Edinhiirgh, and late Hihbert Scholar. II. THE RELATION OF PHILOSOPHY TO SCIENCE . 41 By R. B. Haldane, M^A., Barrister-at-Law, and J. S. Haldane, M.A. III. LOGIC AS THE SCIENCE OF KNOWLEDGE . . 67 By Bernard Bosanquet, M.A., Felloiv and late Tutor of University College, Oxford. IV. THE HISTORICA.L METHOD 102 By W. R. Sorlby, B.A. (Camb.), M.A. (Edin.) Scholar of Trinity College^ Cambridge, arid Shaio Fellow of the University of Edinburgh. V. THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY .... 126 By D. G. Ritchie, M.A., Fellow and Tutor of Jesus College, and Lecturer of Balliol College, Oxford. VI. THE PHILOSOPHY OF ART 169 By W. P. I^K, M.A., Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. VII. THE SOCIAL ORGANISM 187 By Henry Jones, M.A., late Clark Fellow of the Uni- versity of Glasgoto. VIII. THE STRUGGLE FOR EXISTENCE .... 214 By James Bonar, M.A., Balliol College, Oxford. IX. I'ESSIMISM AND THE RELIGIOUS CONSCIOUSNESS 24G By T. B. Kilpatrick, M.A., B.D. ITIVEHSIT ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CEITICISM. PREFACE. The various contributors to a volume of Essays such as the present may naturally be supposed to be animated by some common purpose or tendency ; and I have been requested to say a few words to indicate how far such a common purpose or tendency exists. In the first place, then, I have to state that the Essays have been written quite independently by their several authors, and that any agreement which exists among them is due, not to an intention to advocate any special philo- sophical theory, but rather to a certain community of opinion in relation to the general principle and method of philo- sophy. In other words, it may be described as an agreement as to the direction in which inquiry may most fruitfully be prosecuted, rather than a concurrence in any definite results that have as yet been attained by it. Such an agreement is consistent with great and even vital differences. For any idea that has a principle of growth in it, any idea that takes hold of man's spiritual life on many sides, is certain, as it developss, to produce wide divergencies, and even to call forth much antagonism and conflict between its supporters. A doctrine that passes unchanged from hand to hand, is by that very fact shown to have exhausted its inherent force ; and those ideas have been the most fruitful both in religion and philosophy, which, accepted as a common starting-point, have given rise to the most far-reaching controversy^ Never- 2 PRELACE. theless, so lon<^ as in such controversy it remains possible to appeal to one principle, so long as the differences are due to the various development of one way of thinking in different minds, the division and opposition is a sign of lifie, and may be expected ultimately to be overcome by the same spiritual energy which has produced it. The writers of this volume agree in believing that the line of investigation which philosophy must follow, or in which it may be expected to make most important contri- butions to the intellectual life of man, is that which was opened up by Kant, and for the successful prosecution of which no one has done so much as Hegel. Such a statement of their philosophical creed, however, would be misleading, if it were not further explained and limited. For a refe- rence to definite names is in philosophy often taken to imply a kind of discipleship which cannot be acknowledged by those who believe that the history of philosophy is a living development, and who, therefore, are adherents of a school only in the sense that they trace the last steps of that development in a particular way. The work of Kant and Hegel, like the work of earlier philosophers, can have no speculative value except for those who are able critically to reproduce it, and so to assist in the sifting process by which its permanent meaning is separated from the accidents of its first expression. And such reproduction, again, is not possible except for those who are impelled by the very teach- ing they have received to give it a fresh expression and a new application. Valuable as may be the history of thought, the literal importation of Kant and Hegel into another country and time would not be possible if it were desirable, or desirable if it were possible. The mere change of time and place, if there were nothing more, implies new questions and a new attitude of mind in those whom the writer addresses, which would make a bare reproduction unmean- ing. Moreover, this change of the mental atmosphere and environment is itself part of a development which must affect the doctrine also, if it is no mere dead tradition, but a seed of new intellectual life. Anyone who writes about philosophy must have his work judged, not by its relation to the intellectual wants of a past generation, but by its power to meet the wants of the present time — wants which arise out of the advance of science, and the new currents of in- PREFACE. 3 flnence wliicli are transforming man's social and religious lite. What he owes to previous writers is, so to speak, a concern of his own, with which his readers have directly nothing to do, and for which they need not care. For them the only question of interest is, whether in the writer they have immediately to deal with, there is a living source of light which is original in the sense that, whatever may be its history, it carries its evidence in itself. And this evidence must lie in its power to meet the questions of the day, and in the form in which they arise in that day. A volume of Essays such as the present, touching on so many important topics, can be only a small contribution to that critical re- construction of knowledge which every time has to accom- plish for itself. But it will, I believe, serve the purpose of its writers, if it shows in some degree how the principles of an idealistic philosophy may be brought to bear on the various problems of science, of ethics, and of religion, which are now pressing upon us. A better indication of the spirit and aims with which the writers of this volume have written, than can be given in any such general statement as the above, may be found in their wish to dedicate it to the memory of Professor Green ; an author who, more perhaps than any recent writer on philosophy, has shown that it is possible to combine a thorough appropriation of the results of past speculation with the freshness and spontaneity of an original mind. To Professor Green philosophy was not a study of the words of men that are gone, but a life transmitted from them to him — a life expressing itself with that power and authority which belongs to one who speaks from his own experience, and never to 'the scribes ' who speak from tradition. It may be permitted to one who had the privilege of a long and unbroken friendship with him to take this opportunity of saying a few words on his general character, as well as on the special loss which philosophy has sustained in his death. Those friends who can look back on Professor Green's life with the intimate knowledge of contemporaries cannot fail to be struck with the evidence of consistency and un- swerving truth to himself, which it presents. His fellow- students at the University were specially impressed by two features of bis character, which then stood out with the greater clearness from their contrast with the usual ten- B 2 4 raEFACE. dencies of joutli. The first was the distinctness with which he lived by conviction and not by impulse. No man could be less pedantic ; he had, indeed, a kind of humorous grasp of character and situation which made pedantrj^ always im- possible to him. But it seemed to be for him a moral impossibility to act at all, unless he had thought out his course and come to clearness of decision regarding it. Hence at times his manner might quench or repel the ready fire of immediate youthful sympathy in those around him, and might seem to keep even those who were most intimate with him at a distance from his life. Really, however, no one was more capable of friendship, and he was one with whom every tie which he bad once formed only grew stronger with time, and was unaffected even by absence and want of intercourse. The other characteristic was the intensity of his political and intellectual interests. In this respect his character seemed to invert the usual order of development. What is called the * enthusiasm of humanity,' or at least a sympathy with great intellectual and political movements, was with him a primary, and one might almost say an instinctive, passion ; and it was rather out of this and, as it were, under its shadow, that for the most part his personal feelings and affections grew up. Hence he was, in some sense, intel- lectually old in his youth, and he seemed to become younger at heart— less restrained and self-centred, and more open to individual interests— as he grew older. He was, in the best sense, a democrat of the democrats. I use this word for want of a better, but what I mean is, that from a somewhat exclusive interest in the essentials of humanity — in the spiritual experiences in which all men are alike — and from a natural disregard for the outward differ- ences of rank and position and even of culture, by which these essentials are invested and concealed, his sympathies were always with the many rather than with the few. He was strongly inclined to the idea that there is an * instinct of reason ' in the movement of popular sentiment, which is often wiser than the opinion of the so-called educated classes. The belief in the essential equality of men might, indeed, be said to be one of the things most deeply rooted in bis character, though it showed itself not in any readiness to echo the commonplaces of Radicalism, but rather in an PREFACE. 5 habitual direction of thought and interest to practical schemes for 'levelling up' the inequalities of human lot, and giving to the many the opportunities of the fev^. This characteristic * note ' of his mind is expressed by his last published writing — an Address to the Weslejan Literary Societj^ of Oxford, * On the vrork to be done by the new Oxford High School,' which ends with the following words : — * Our High School then may fairly claim to be helping forward the time when every Oxford citizen will have open to him at least the precious companionship of the best books in his own language, and the knowledge necessary to make him really independent ; when all who have a special taste for learning will have open to them what has hitherto been unpleasantly called '' the education of gentlemen." I confess to hoping for a time w^hen that phrase will have lost its meaning, because the sort of education which alone makes the gentleman in any true sense will be within reach of all. As it was the aspira- tion of Moses that all the Lord's people should be prophets, so with all seriousness and reverence we may hope and pray for a condition of English society in which all honest citizens will recognise themselves, and be recognised by each other, as gentlemen. If for Oxford our High School contributes in its measure, as I believe it will, to win this blessed result, some sacrifice of labour and money — even that most difficult sacrifice, the sacrifice of party spirit — may fairly be asked for its support.' In philosophy Professor Green's whole work was devoted to the development of the results of the Kantian criticism of knowledge and morals. To Hegel he latterly stood in a somewhat doubtful relation ; for while, in the main, he accepted Hegel's criticism of Kant, and held also that something like Hegel's idealism must be the result of the development of Kantian principles rightly understood, he yet regarded the actual Hegelian system with a certain suspicion as something too ambitious, or, at least, premature. * It must all be done over again,' he once said, meaning that the first development of idealistic thought in Germany had in some degree anticipated what can be the secure result only of wider knowledge and more complete reflexion. This attitude of mind was, indeed, characteristic of one who scarcely felt that he had a scientific right to any principle which he had not submitted to a testing process of yearKS, 6 PREFACE. and who never satisfied himself — as men of idealistic ten- dencies are too apt to satisfy themselves —with an intuitive grasp of any comprehensive idea, until he had vindicated every element of it by the hard toil of an exhaustive re- flexion. Hence he was almost painful in the constancy of his recurrence to certain fundamental thoughts, which he never seemed to have sufficiently verified and explained, and which he was ever ready to reconsider in the light of new objections, even those that might seem to be comparatively unimportant to others. In this he showed how a deep faith in certain principles may be united with the questioning temper of science, and even with a scrupulous scepticism which is ever ready to go back to the beginning, that it may exhaust everything that can be said against them. For such a mind there must always be a wide division between faith and reason, or (what in philosophy comes to the same thing) between a principle and its development into a system. Its appropriate activity must be rather to lay and to try the foundations than to build the superstructure. But it is the result of such work, and of such work alone, to secure that the foundations are immovably fixed on the rock. Professor Green's great influence on the life of the Uni- versity and the City of Oxford, to which so many testimonies have been given since his death, was not due to any of the usual sources of popularity. Wanting in superficial readi- ness of sympathy, wanting also in the sanguine flow of animal spirits, and by constitutional reserve often prevented from expressing what he felt and wished to express, he yet gradually created in those around him a sense of security in trusting him which was due to the transparent purity of his aims and to the entire absence of personal assumption and petty ambition. It was due, it may be added, to the secret fire of ethical enthusiasm, which gradually made itself felt through the unpretending simplicity and business-like direct- ness of his manner. His very reticence and unwillingness to speak, except upon knowledge and from necessity, gave an additional, and sometimes an almost overpowering, weight to his words when he did speak. And in later years the conscious- ness of the success of his work, both speculative and practical, (however he might underestimate it), and also the conscious- ness of the sympathy, which he found in his home and in a widening circle of friends who understood him, seemed to PREFACE. 7 soften tlie streiigtli of his character and give him greater freedom in the use of his powers. There are not a few among the Oxford men of the last fifteen years to whom, as was once said of another teacher, ' his existence was one of the things that gave reality to the distinction between good and evil.' The loss of such an educative influence cannot be easily replaced ; but, so far as his literary work is concerned, there is reason to believe that his forthcoming volume upon Ethics, though not quite completed, will prove a better representation of his thought and aims to those who were not immediately brought in contact with him than anything from his pen that has as yet been given to the world. Edward Caied. 'uhivsksitt; ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. I. PHILOSOPHY AS CRITICTSM OF CATEGORIES. A HUNDRED years have passed since Kant, in a note to the Preface of the first ' Critique,' declared his age to be pre- eminently the age of an all-embracing criticism, and pro- ceeded therewith to sketch the outlines of what he called the critical philosophy. The latter has grown to be a great fact even in that dim general consciousness in which humanity keeps record of the deeds of its past. But a hundred years have apparently not been long enough for commentators and critics to make clear to a perplexed public the exact import of what Kant came to teach. And if Kant had survived to dip into the literature of the centennial and see the different doctrines with which he is credited, one can fancy the indignant disclaimers that would have filled the literary journals. The agreement is general that Kant's contribution to philosophy forms a bridge between one period of thought and another; but opinion is sadly divided as to the true philosophic succession. Hence it is probably better, in any treatment which aims at philo- sophical persuasion, to regard Kant not so much with reference to the systems of which his own has been the germ as with reference to the whole period which he closed. If we get in this way to see what notions it was that he destroyed, then we may possibly reach a certain unanimity about Jhe principles and outlines of the new philosophy. When we know on what ground we stand, and what things are definitely left behind, we are in a position to work for the needs of our own time, taking help where it is to be found, but without entangling ourselves in the details of any particular post-Kantian development. An unexceptionable clue to the way in which Kant was accustomed to regard his own philosophic work is furnished by the use he makes of the term criticism. Criticism, as PHILOSOPHY AS CllITICISM OF CATEGORIES. 9 everyone knows, is generally mentioned by Kant in con- nection with dogmatism and scepticism, as a third and more excellent way, capable of leading us out of contra- diction and doubt into a reasoned certainty. The term thus contains, it may be said, Kant's own account of his relation to his predecessors. That account — often repeated in the Kantian writings — bears a striking similarity at first sight to Locke's description of his discovery that most of the questions that perplex mankind have their source in the want of * a survey of our own understandings.' ' Were the capacities of our understandings well considered, the extent of our knowledge once discovered, and the horizon found which sets the bounds between the enlightened and dark parts of things — between what is and what is not com- prehensible by us — men would perhaps with less scruple acquiesce in the avowed ignorance of the one, and employ their thoughts and discourse with more advantage and satisfaction in the other ' (' Essay,' Book I. chap. i. § 7). But Locke's aim was practical, not professionally philo- sophical ; and, being an Englishman, he had not been much troubled by the metaphysical system-builders. Kant, on the other hand, has the latter continually before his mind ; * the celebrated Wolff' in particular had made a deep im- pression upon him. But he perceived that not one of the metaphysicians was able to establish his system as against the equally plausible constructions of others, or in the face of the sceptical objections brought against such systems in general. The disputes of the Schools seemed best likened to the bloodless and unceasing combats of the heroes in Walhalla. A scepticism like David Hume's appeared the natural end of these ineffectual efforts to extend our knowledge. Profoundly convinced, however, that scepticism is not a permanent state for human reason, Kant tried to formulate to himself the necessary causes of the failure of the best meant of these attempts to construct a philosophy. This is how he differentiates his own work from Hume's. Hume, he says, was satisfied with establishing the fact of an actual failure on the part of metaphysics, but he did not show conclusively how this must be so. Hence in the general discredit which he threw upon the human faculties he in- volved much of the knowledge of the natural world which no one disputes, but which it is impossible to vindicate on 10 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CPvITICISM. the principles of Humian scepticism. Besides, though an effectual solvent of preceding systems, Hume's method oflPers no guarantee that other philosophers will not arise, more subtle and persuasive, winning many to accept their constructions, and calling for a second Hume to repeat the work of demolition. What is essential is to set the bounds between our necessary knowledge and our equally necessary ignorance. We must submit to critical evaluation, not facta of reason, but reason itself. Proof must be had not merely of limitation or finitude in general, but of a determinate boundary line that shuts off knowledge from the field of the unknown and unknowable. That is, we demonstrate on ground of principle not only our ignorance in respect to this or that subject, but in respect to all possible questions of a certain class. There is no room for conjecture. In this region of complete certitude alone can reason take up its abode ; and to mark out the firm * island ' of truth is the task of criticisyn} All the conclusions of the system -builders are vitiated, Kant explains, by the fact that they have not submitted the conceptions and principles which they employ to a pre- liminary criticism in order to discover the range of their validity. Conceptions which are familiar to us from daily use we assume to be of universal applicability, without considering what are the conditions of our present ex- perience, and whether these conditions may not be of essential import in determining for conceptions the range of their application. Conceptions quite unimpeachable under these conditions may be quite unmeaning when these con- ditions are removed. Metaphysic which is oblivious to such considerations Kant calls dogmatic. Thus, when philoso- phers conclude that the soul is immortal because it is a substantial unit and therefore indiscerptible, their argument is altogether in the air, for they have omitted to consider whether such a conception as substance can have any meaning except as applied to a composite object in space. Similarly, when Locke attempts to prove the existence of God by the ' evident demonstration that from eternity there has been something,' he is importing the conceptions of time and causality into the relations between God and the ' Cf. Kant's ' Methodcnlehrc' at the The special reference is to the second end of the Critique of Pure Reason. section of the first chapter. PHILOSOPHY AS CPJTICISM OF CATEGORIES. 11 universe, without reflecting whether time and causality are available ideas when we venture beyond the context of our sense-experience. Nothing could well be more satisfactory than this. But in such an undertaking everything depends upon, the thoroughness with which the idea of criticism is applied ; and Kant unfortunately left the most fundamental conception of all uncriticised. He dogmatically assumed the conception of the mind as acted upon by something external to it. In other words, the mechanical category of reciprocity, which psychology and ordinary thought may justifiably employ for their own purposes, was taken by him as an adequate or philosophic representation of the relation of the knowing mind to the objective world. The distinction between mind and the world, which is valid only from a certain point of view, he took as an absolute separation. He took it, to use a current phrase, abstractly — that is to say, as a mere fact, a fact standing by itself and true in any reference. And of course when two things are completely separate, they can only be brought together by a bond which is mechanical, external, and accidental to the real nature of both. Hence it comes (in spite of the inferior position to which ^ Kant explicitly relegates empirical psychology) that the ' Critique of Pure Eeason ' sets out from a psychological standpoint and never fairly gets beyond it. ' In what other fashion is it to be supposed that the knowing faculty could be roused to exercise, if not by objects which affect our senses ? ' Kant hardly waits to hear the answer, so much does it seem to him a matter of course. Such a self- revelation is too naive to be got rid of by saying that this sentence in the first paragraph of the Introduction expresses no more than a provisional adoption of the standpoint of ordinary thought, in order to negate it and rise above it by the progressive criticism of the remainder of the book. That this point of view is negated and surmounted in the ' Critique,' I do not in the least doubt ; but it is just as certain that Kant did not mean to express here a merely provisional standpoint from which he could intelligibly launch his own universe upon the reader. The passage may be matched by many J others taken from any stage of Kant's speculations. They recur too often to be explained otherwise than by the ad- mission that, while his new method is the conclusive refu- 12 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPlirCAL CRITICISM. tcition of the claims of psychology to function as philosophy, Kant himself never consciously called in question the funda- mental presupposition of psychological philosophy, much less subjected it to the criticism which his principles demanded. Many untenable Kantian distinctions to which students — and especially students trained in English philosophy — take exception at the outset, are connected in principle with this initial psychological dualism. Such are, for example, the sheer distinction drawn between the form and the matter of experience, between a priori and a posteriori, and the equally abstract way in which Kant uses universality and necessity as the criteria of formal or perfectly pure cognition. Since the whole of Kant's scheme of thought appears to rest upon these distinctions, it is not to be wondered at if many con- clude that the rest of the system must be entirely in the air. It is not the less true, however, that this is a case in which the pyramid does not stand upon its apparent base. Such disjunctions in Kant are due to the effort of reflec- tion to escape from the unlimited contingency of the Humian position, while retaining the ultimate presupposition of the unrelatedness of mind and things, from which the scepticism of the earlier thinker resulted. What the mind learns from things must necessarily, on this hypothesis, be so many bare facts or atoms of impression cohering simply as they have been accidentally massed in the piecemeal process of acquisi- tion. Kant is forward to endorse Hume's conclusion on this point; that 'experience' cannot yield universality and neces- sity, is the ground common to both Kant and Hume which furnishes the starting-point of the ' Critique.' On the one hand, Kant found himself faced by this assumption, on the other, by the existence of judgments continually made, and whole sciences constructed, whose universal and necessary application it would be mere affectation to deny. The lines of his own theory were virtually settled by these two admis- sions. If the necessity which we find in experience is con- fessedly not derivable from the atomic data furnished to the mind by things, then it must be infused into these data by the action of the mind itself. We have thus the spectacle of experience as the product of an interaction taking place between ' the mind ' and things. The element contributed by the action of things Kant calls the matter of experience ; the contribution of the mind he calls the form. On his own PHn^OSOPHY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGOPJES. 13 principles the * matter ' ought to he pure matter or unlimited contingency, containing in itself no germ of methodical arrangement, while the ' forms ' of the mind should compel this mass into order and system. But it is of course im«« possible for Kant to maintain himself at the point of view of a distinction which in this shape simply does not exist. He is forced to admit that, for the particular applications of the general forms or laws imposed on experience by the mind, we remain dependent upon things. But, in such cases, if the particular application is given in the matter, then a fortiori the law or principle in its general form must be so given. It must be possible, by an ordinary process of generalisation and abstraction, to formulate in its generality the principle which the specific instances exemplify. In other words, Kant admits that what is ' given * to the mind is not pure matter, not mere particulars, but matter already formed, particulars already universal ised, that is to say, related to one another, and characterised by these relations. The task of the knower is simply to read off, or at most laboriously to bring to light, what is there complete before him in his material. There is not the slightest doubt that, when we remain at the point of view of the abstract distinction be- tween mind and the world which we have signalised in Kant, empiricists are correct in insisting tliat not the matter of his experience only, bat the form as well, is derived. by the individual from the world with which he is set in relation. The mind is not the seat of universals and the world a jumble of particulars, the former being superimposed upon the latter for the production of knowledge. Neither mind nor the world lias any existence as so conceived. How, for example, can the unfilled mind of the child be regarded as creatively producing order in a chaos of pelting impressions, or what do we mean by postulating a mind at all in such a case ? If they prove nothing else, such considerations prove the complete impossibility of treating knowledge from a psychological standpoint. We conclude, therefore, that matter and form are shifting distinctions, relative to the point of view from which they are contemplated ; and the same is true of the world and the mind, of which opposition, indeed, the other is only another form. From the standpoint of a theory of knowledge it will be found that the mind and the world are in a sense convertible terras. We may talk 14 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CmTICISM. indifferently of the one or of the other ; the content of our notion remains in both cases the same. A similar criticism applies to the criteria of universality and necessity as employed by Kant. No sooner are the words uttered than people begin to ransack their minds in order to discover whether, as a matter of fact, they ever make such judgments as are here attributed to them. The absolute necessariness which Kant affirms of certain judg- ments becomes a species of mystic quality. Some thinkers persuade themselves that they recognise this quality in the judgments in question ; others, more cautious, maintain that whatever stringency the judgments possess may be suffi- ciently accounted for without resorting to what they brand as an 'intuition.' Thus, when a conscientious associationist like Mill comes forward and denies that he finds any absolute universality and necessity whatever in his experience, Kant's argument is brought to a complete standstill. The question of fact on which he builds being denied, there is no common ground between him and his opponent. Few things can be imagined more unfortunate than this reduction of the con- troversy between Kant and empiricism to a discussion about the existence or non-existence of some mystical necessity in the propositions of geometry. Yet this actually happened in the earlier stages of Kantian study in England. Wherever ' intuitions ' come into play, the point in dispute is referred to a merely subjective test, and controversy necessarily fritters itself away into a bandying of 'yes' and 'no' from the opposite sides. No one who has learned Kant's lesson so as to profit by it, should have any hesitation in finding Mill's hypothetical theory of demonstration to be truer in concep- tion than any theory which insists on a difference of kind between the necessity of geometrical and that of any other propositions. All necessity is hypothetical or relative, and simply expresses the dependence of one thing upon another. No truth is necessary except in relation to certain conditions, which being fulfilled, the truth always holds good. The more general or simple the conditions on which any truth depends, the wider is the range of its validity ; and truths which, like those of 'geometry, depend only on the most rudimentary elements or conditions of experience, will of course be univer- sally and necessarily valid /or all experience depending on these conditions. This, as every student ought to know, is the only PTITLOSOPIIY AS CPtlTlOISM OF CATEGORIES. 15 necessity which Kant's theory eventually leads him ho attri- bute to the propositions of geometry. It is the more un- fortunate that he should seem to base his argumentation upon the assertion of an abstract or absolute necessity. But this is only one of many instances in which the true sense of Kantian terms must be defined by the completed theory. Necessity of the latter type is not so much doubtful in fact as it is contradictory in notion. 'Necessity' invariably raises the question ' why ? ', and the answer must consist in showing the conditions. Something may be necessary in relation to conditions which are themselves of limited appli- cation ; in that case we never speak of it as necessary unless when these conditions are themselves under consideration. When we speak of anything as being necessary in a pre- eminent sense, we mean that our assertion depends for its validity on nothing more than the system of conditions on which experience is founded. There is no abstract opposi- tion, therefore, between the necessary and the contingent, such as Kant presents us with ; the difference is not one of kind but of degree. This interpretation of necessity is particularly worth keep- ing in mind in connection with the Kantian categories or conceptions of the understanding ; for Kant's treatment of these so-called a priori elements as the contribution of the mind has again led him into false issues — or at least it has led many of his followers and opponents. It is supposed, for example, that the whole question turns upon the mental origin of certain conceptions, and this, as has been seen, is a fact which may very properly be denied. It appears to be forgotten amid the pros and cons of such an argument, that mental origin is in itself no clue to the function of a concep- tion or the range of its validity, unless we connect our asser- tion with a whole theory as to the nature of experience in general. This, it must be allowed, Kant has not neglected to do ; and his ultimate proof of the necessity of conceptions like substance and cause is simply that without them ex- perience would be impossible. They are the most general principles on which we find a concatenated universe to depend. Their mental origin falls in such a deduction com- pletely into the background ; and Kant is only obliged to assert it because of the absolute opposition which he set up between the necessary and the contingent, and the pre- IG KSSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CPJTICISM. supposition witli which lie started that experience can give us nothing but contingency. The conceptions derive their necessity from their relation to experience as a whole. Kant proceeds, indeed, to describe the conceptions in this relation as modes of mental combination, according to which the Ego lays out the variety poured in upon it from without. As nothing can come within experience except so far as it fits itself into the structure of the mental mould, the necessary validity for experience of these combining multiples is evident. But nothing is gained by isolating these conditions, princi- ples, or categories from the experience in which they are disclosed to us, and hypostatising them as faculties or modes of faculties — methods of action inherent in the mind. On the contrary, this is essentially a mischievous step; for when we talk thus, we are inevitably held to refer to the individual mind, and the difficulties, or rather absurdities, of such a position have already come under our notice. It is to be regretted, therefore, that Kant frequently described his un- dertaking as a criticism of faculties, instead of keeping by the more comprehensive and less misleading title (which, as we have seen, he also employs) of a criticism of conceptions. Unfortunately this is not merely a verbal inconsistency ; it re- presents two widely different views of the critical philosophy. Kant's general scheme is sufficiently well known to render any minute account of it superfluous in this connection. It was framed, as has been seen, to account for the fact of universal and necessary judgments, and its form was con- ditioned by the previous acceptance of Hume's fundamental assumptions. Kant's way out of the difficulty wa.s contained in what he called his Copernican change of standpoint. If there is no necessity to. be got by waiting on the world of things, let us try what success attends us if objects are made to wait upon us for their most general determinations. The form or ' ground-plan ' of experience which Kant discovers in following out this idea, consists of twelve categories, concep- tions, or methods of combination, according to which the matter of sense is arranged in the perceptive or imaginative spectra of space and time, the process of arrangement being ultimately guided by three ideals of intellectual complete- ness, and being referable at every point to the unity of the transcendental Ego. Or, in Kant's psychological language, the mind is furnished, first, with the a priori forms of space nilLOSOPIIY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGORIES. 17 and time in wliicli all its impressions must be received ; and secondly, with twelve principles of intellectual synthesis, by submission to which the impressions of sense first become objects in a world of related things. The relations of space and of objects in space,^ as dependent upon the nature of the mind-form and of the mind-imposed laws of combination, may thus evidently be known with complete certainty. "We are in a position, so far as these points are concerned, to anticipate experience ; universality and necessity are saved. But the counter-stroke is obvious. We anticipate experi- ence — and to that extent, as Kant paradoxically puts it, legislate for nature — simply because it is our own necessity, and not the necessity of things, which is reflected back to us from the face of this mind-shaped world. We purchase the sense of certainty in our knowledge at the cost of being told that our knowledge is not in a strict sense real knowledge at all. The world of real objects (improperly so called, inasmuch as they never are objects) on which Kant repre- sents us as waiting for the matter of our experience, is necessarily cut off from us by the constitution of our powers of knowing. Here Kant draws the line which he said Hume neglected to draw — the line dividing the region of complete certitude from that of necessary and eternal ignorance. The first region is the field of phenomena, related to one another in space and time — the context of possible experience, consisting of the mind-manipulated data of sense. The second, from which our faculties debar us, is the world of thinga-in- themselves, considered not merely as the unknown region where our sense-experience takes its rise, but as a world in which room may possibly be found for such non-spatial entities as God and the soul, and the asj)ects of human life which seem to depend on these ideas. The nature of these results determines the special sense which the term criticism assumes in Kant's hands. The term originally describes merely the method of procedure, but it naturally becomes descriptive also of the definite view of the universe to which his method leads him. The critical ' Time, Kant proves in the' Ilofutii- of time and space Leing necessary, the tion of Idealism/ is knowablo only in limitation of knowledge is correctly de- relation to space. He says elsewhere scribed in the text as limitation to the that inner sense receives its whole fill- contents of space, ing from outer sense. The correlation 18 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. philosopher, accordingly, is one who clearly apprehends what is implied in calling the deduction of the categories transcen- dental, A transcendental deduction is one undertaken solely with reference to experience — one which leaves us, therefore, completely without justification for employing the deduced conceptions in any other reference. And if it be considered that experience in this connection implies for Kant the rela- tion of the mind to an unknown object — means, in fact, the application of the categories to the matter derived from that object — it is evident that when the latter element falls away, the conceptions must become so many empty words. Expe- rience so conceived is called sense-experience, in order to describe our partially receptive attitude and the compound character of our knowledge. It yields us a knowledge only of material things and their changes, and the attempt to gain any other species of knowledge by means of the cate- gories Kaiiij compares to the flapping of wings in the unsup- porting void. Criticism means, then, the recognition of this limitation, and it pronounces experience so limited to be merely phenomenal in character. Experience actual and possible represents, in other words, not things as they are in themselves, but only a certain relation of the human mind towards the world of reality. Our ignorance in this respect is inevitable and final ; and if there are other avenues by which — in the case of the Self and Grod — we may penetrate to noumenal existence, yet the conviction we reach is not such that we can rightly speak of it as knowledge. All knowledge remains in the Kantian scheme phenomenal — phenomenal in the sense that there is a reality behind, which we do not know. If now it be asked, by what right Kant draws the line exactly where he does, and cuts off from knowledge every- thing but a spatial world of interacting substances, the answer must be that his conclusion depends ultimately on his uncritical acceptance of the dualistic assumption of pre- ceding philosophy. We express the same thing in another form, when we say that the result is due to the attempt to construct a theory of knowledge from the standpoint of psychology. This standpoint brings with it the distinction between ' sense,' as the source of knowledge, and ' under- standing,' as a faculty of ' comparing, connecting, and sepa- rating,' the material supplied by sense. This is Locke's UNIVERSIT PHILOSOPHY AS CPvITICISM OF CATEGORl distinction, and it is Kant's too.' Kant minimises the tribution of sense ; he speaks of it on occasion as a mere blur, and in itself no better than nothing at all. But the amount referred to sense does not affect the principle of the distinc- tion ; so far as it is made in this form at all, its consequences will be essentially the same — either with Hume, the denial that (so far as we know) any real world exists, or with Kant, the denial that such a world can ever be revealed to us by knowledge. Hence the importance of observing that the distinction is not a deduction from the theory of knowledge, but a presupposition drawn from another sphere. The divi- sion of the mind into receptivity and spontaneity is the mere correlate of that view of the universe from which the Kantian criticism was ultimately destined to set us free — the view which represents the relation of the world to consciousness as a case of interaction between two substances. The effect of the distinction on the form of the Kantian theory appears in the separation of the Esthetic from the Analytic, and the hard and fast line drawn in consequence between space and time as forms of sensibility and the categories as functions of the understanding. Kant gets the perceptive forms in the Esthetic by an independent set of arguments, vv^hile in the first part of the Analytic his categories seem to drop at his feet as pure intellectual conceptions. Hence the categories do not appear to him as limited or inadequate in their own nature, but because of their subsequent association with sense and its forms. It would be nearer the truth to say that the Kantian categories are themselves the reason why the world appears to us in space ; space is merely the abstraction or the ghost of the world of interacting substances which these categories present us with. If the Kantian categories can give us nothing beyond a world of material things, the defect is in their own intellectual quality and not in any limitation extraneously attached to them. They are bonds of connection, yet they may be said to leave the elements guage looks like a reminiscence of this pilSf^age, when he speaks of impressions ' As it happens, Kant's phraseology in. the opening paragraph of the Intro- duction corresponds exactly with Locke's account of knowledge given in Book II. chap. xii. of the Essay. ' The materials Ijeing such as he has no power over, either to create or destroy, all that a man can do is either to unite them to- getlier, or to set them one l)y another, or wholly separate them.' Kant's Ian- producing ideas, and rousing * the faculty of the understanding to compare, connect, and separate these, and so to work up the raw material of sensuous impressions i n to a k nowl edge of obj ect s.' Of co u rs e Kant's 'raw material ' turns out after- wards not to mean so much as Locke's ' simple ideas.' c 2 20 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. they connect still independent of one another. The cate- gories of quantity, while in one sense they express a connec- tion between all things, express even more emphatically the complete indifference of every individual point to its neigh- bours ; and though the categories of relation — summed up, as they are, in reciprocity — undoubtedly express a system of elements in which this mutual indifference is overcome, yet the individuals brought into connection are not seen to have any necessary relation to one another in the sense of being members together of one whole. The individuals appear endlessly determined by their relations to one another, but there is involved in this very endlessness an unavoidable sense of contingency. If we are to have a real whole and real parts — parts, that is, whose existence can be understood only through the whole that determines them — we must have recourse to other categories than these. But the imperfect relatedness just referred to is the essential mark of what we call the world of sense ; and for a theory of knowledge, if it retain the term sensible world, that world is definable simply by this characteristic, and not by an imaginary reference of its contents to an impressing cause. It is defined, in other words, by the categories that constitute it, and by the re- lation of these categories to the other modes in which the mind endeavours to harmonise the world. With reference / to Kant, then, the point to be insisted on is, that the cate- ^ gories which he offers as the only categories are inherently inadequate to express a synthesis more intimate than the mutual relatedness + mutual externality of things in space. The world, therefore, necessarily presents this aspect when viewed solely by their light. They are not got independently of sense (we might reply to Kant) and afterwards immersed in it ; they are the categories of sense. Their true deduc- tion is not from the table of logical judgments ; it is given in the ' system of principles ' in the second part of the Analytic, where they are proved to be the ultimate conditions on which a coherent sense-experience depends. In Kant's technical language, the categories do not require to be schematised, because apart from schematisation they do not exist even as conceptions. The conception of substance, for example, means just that relation of a permanent to shifting (or con- ceivably shifting) attributes which is familiar to us in the sensible world. The logical relation of subject and predicate, PHILOSOPHY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGORIES. 21 which Kant seems to say is the pure category before it is soiled by sense, is merely the image of this real relation expressed in language.^ There is thus no justification for a separation of space from the categories, space being simply the ultimate appear- ance of a world constructed oti these categories alone. When this is admitted, the mere fact that we perceive things in space is no imputation upon the reality of our knowledge. In itself space is no limitation ; it is an intellectual bond, it is one point of view from which we may represent the world as one. This mode of knowledge becomes limited and unreal only when it claims to be the ultimate aspect from which the universe is to be regarded. The nature of space affords no grounds then for a division of knowledge into absolutely phenomenal and absolutely noumenal, such as we find in Kant. The so-called phenomenal world of sense is as real as the so-called noumenal world of ethics, that is to say, its account of the universe is as legitimate so far as it goes ; but to claim for either an absolute truth is the essential mark of dogmatism, whether the claim be advanced by the man of science or by the metaphysician. Both are accounts which the mind gives to itself of the world, relatively justified points of view from which experience may be rationalised. It is the province of a theory of knowledge to point out the rela- tion of the one point of view to the other, and, in general, while showing the partial and abstract nature of any par- ticular point of view, to show at the same time how it is related to the ultimate or concrete conception of the universe which alone admits of being thought out without self-con- tradiction. The opposition between phenomenal and nou- menal worlds is thus replaced by one between more abstract and more concrete points of view. That is to say, the oppo- sition itself is no longer of the rigid or absolute nature which it was before. The truth of the one point of view does not interfere with the truth of the other ; the higher may rather be regarded as the completion or fulfilment of the lower. Let us now see how far Kant helps us towards such a philosophic conception. Reasons have been given for dis- allowing his absolute limitation of knowledge by erecting ' The relation of the table of logical matter of forced interpretation) is thus judgments to the Kantian categuries seen to be rever8ed. (where it actually exists and is not a 22 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CrilTICISM. behind it a realm of unknowables. These unknowables are simply the impressing things of preceding philosophy, un- critically assumed, and removed into a somewhat deeper obscurity. But the theory which derives knowledge from impressions is essentially a physiological theory which we, as spectators, form of the rise of knowledge in an organised individual placed in relation to a world which we already describe under all the categories of knowledge. What we observe is, strictly, an interaction between two things which are themselves objects in a known world. And if we afterwards extend inferentially to our own case the conclusions which our observations suggest, we are still simply repeating the picture of a known environment acting on a known organism. The relation is between phenomenal things and a phenomenal organism in which they set up affections, not between a tran- scendent or metempirical somewhat and intelligence as such. In other words, when we have framed our notion of the world, and of our own position as individuals in it, we can give even to such a misleading metaphor as impression a certain in- telligible meaning ; but to step outside of the world of know- ledge altogether and characterise it by reference to something beyond itself — this is the type of all impossibility. Yet it is no less than this that Kant and the neo-Kantians undertake to do when they pronounce our knowledge phenomenal, im- plying by that term the existence of something hidden from us in its own transcendency. While adhering, therefore, in the fullest ma.nner to Kant's position that the categories are only of immanent use for the organisation of experience, we deny altogether that the existence of transcendent entities may be justly inferred from such a statement. Only to those who are haunted by the ghosts of the old metaphysic can the proposition appear in the light of a limitation of human reason ; to others adhesion to Kant's position, so far as it asserts immanence, becomes a matter of course. What they combat in Kant's scheme is the assumption that his twelve categories are the only categories implied in our experience, and the belief, corresponding to this assumption, that they give a completely coherent and exhaustive account of that experience. Kant himself, however, is prone to confess that expe- rience is not exhausted by these categories, if by experience is understood the whole life of man. The world of ethical I PHILOSOPHY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGORIES. 23 action (to take his own crucial instance) remains completely unintelligible when viewed from the standpoint of mechanism. Determination by ends is the characteristic feature of this world ; and action so determined cannot be understood, Kant says, except under the idea of freedom. That is to say, the attempt to explain it by the categories of natural causality is equivalent to a denial of the existence of the facts in question. Such a procedure means that in our levelling zeal we obliterate the specific difference of two sets of facts ; whereas in reality the difference is the fundamental feature of the case which calls upon us for a rationale of its possi- bility. Now it is matter of common knowledge that for Kant himself moral experience was the reality. In the Preface to the ' Critique of Practical Reason ' he speaks of the idea of freedom as the ' topstone of the whole edifice of a system of pure reason, speculative as well as practical ; and no attentive reader of the first Critique can fail to notice the vista ever and anon opened up of a world of supersensible reality into which we are eventually to be carried by the march of the argument. The whole critical scheme of sense- experience is thereby invested with a palpably preparatory character. Kant fully recognises, and indeed enforces, this aspect of his work when he comes to review its scope and method in the Preface to the second edition. The whole investigation is there represented as merely ' making room ' for the extension of our knowledge on the basis of practical data ; criticism simply fulfils the function of ' a police force ' in keeping the unregulated activity of the speculative reason within bounds. It might well seem, then, as if, in going on to treat the presuppositions of morality, we were merely passing from one sphere of rational experience to another. Kant's method, too, is essentially the same in all the three Critiques. It is an analysis of certain experiences with a view to determine the conditions of their possibility^ One would expect, therefore, that the different sets of con- ceptions to which his analysis leads him, would be treated impartially, and on their own merits, or looked at merely in their relation to one another as parts of one rational expla- nation of experience. If there is no flaw in onr deduction of the conceptions, it seems very like stultifying the tran- scendental method to talk of differences between them in respect of objective truth or validity. Kant, however, as is 24 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CPITICISM. well known, draws a variety of such distinctions. Thus, in the * Critique of Judgment ' he finds the idea of organisation to be as essential to a complete account of nature as he had previously found the conception of substance to be for a narrower range of experience. Yet he arbitrarily holds the former to be of merely regulative utility — a fiction or con- trivance of the mind to aid it in investigation — while the latter is allowed to be constitutive of nature as such. And so again Kant restricts the terms experience and knowledge to the sense-phenomena of the first Critique, while the pre- suppositions of ethical experience are made at most matters of rational belief or moral certainty. It is impossible to decorate the one with pre-eminent titles without a correspond- ing disparagement of the others. The term experience is in these circumstances a question-begging epithet. When such distinctions are drawn, it inevitably tends to make men regard the ' Critique of Pure Reason ' as alone embodying Kant's substantive theory of the world. The categories of life, of beauty, and of morality come to be looked on as appendices of a more or less uncertain character, the accep- tance or rejection of which does not interfere with the finality of the categories of sense. This is unquestionably the form in which Kantian results are most widely cur- rent at present. It is a form for which Kant himself is chiefly responsible, through his habit of ^ isolating ' differ- ent spheres of experience for the purposes of his analysis, and neglecting afterwards to exhibit their organic relation to one another. None the less is it a form which ignores explicit intimations like those quoted above from the two Prefaces, and one which is based on that very notion of the relation of mind to reality which Kant came to destroy. After all, too much stress has probably been laid upon the difference of nomenclature which Kant adopts, and it ought to be remembered that though he refuses to call his moral faith knowledge, he yet holds that it, and it alone, brings him into contact with reality. If we now return to Kant's account of the phenomenal nature of our knowledge, and abstract altogether from the illegitimate reference of our sense-objects to the transcen- dental thing-in-itself , another meaning of the phenomenality of sense-experience begins to emerge. The opposition is no longer between the world of sense and its unknown correlate PinLOSOPHY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGORIES. 25 (or cause), but between the world of sense as nature or the realm of causal necessity, and the 'intelligible world,' as Kant calls it, or the realm of ends, in which the will deter- mines itself by its own law. Noumenal personality and freedom are reached in the notion of the self-legislative and self-obedient will. The condemnation of phenomenality comes upon the world of sense because of the contrast which its externality of connected part and part offers to the self-centred finality of a conception like the self-deter- mining will. If this is not the meaning of phenomenality which is most prominent in the ' Critique of Pure Reason,' still it is continually appearing there also ; and in proportion as it comes into the foreground, the other reference of objects to their transcendental correlates tends to lose its importance and almost to disappear. Anyone may convince himself of this by turning to Kant's official chapter ' On the ground of the division of all objects into phenomena and noumena.' He will find that the conception of noumena or nbn- sensuous objects is there defined as a ' GrenzbegrifF,' a limitative con- ception, or, more exactly, as a conception which sets bounds to the sphere of sense (ein die Sinnlichkeit in Schranken set- zender Begriff). The conception is problematical, Kant says, inasmuch as it does not give us a knowledge of intelligible or non-sensuous objects as actually existing, but merely affirms their possibility. Its utility lies in the fact that by it we prevent sense-knowledge from laying claim to the whole of reality. Evidently it would be unfair to interpret the term problematical here as if Kant meant by using it to throw doubt on the actual existence of what he sometimes calls ' the non-sensuous cause ' of our ideas. ' In what other fashion is it to be supposed that the knowing faculty should be roused to exercise,' he might repeat, ' if not by objects which affect our senses ? ' The question of the origin of the matter of sense remains for Kant just where it was, but he is speak- ing here in quite another connection, and that problem has fallen out of view for the time. He is engaged in limiting sense so as to ' make room ' for the mundus intelUgihilis which he is afterwards to produce as guaranteed by the practical reason. It is the existence of freedom and its implicates that is declared to be, in the meantime, merely problematical. The phrase intelligible world is never used by Kant, so far as I know, except of the world of ethically determined 26 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. agents — an additional proof that we are right in attributing to him here a point of view which judges the inadequacy of sense not bj reference to a somewhat beyond the confines of intelligible experience altogether, but by reference to a higher phase of experience itself. The lower point of view is not, strictly speaking, abolished by the higher, but it is perceived that to try to take the sensible world absolutely or by itself would be to render it unintelligible. Isolated in this way, the world of interacting substances would have all the irrationality of a series that cannot be summed, of multi- plicity without unity, of externality without internality. It is impossible, in Kant's language, to treat nature as an end in itself, as something there on its own account ; yet reason demands this notion of the self-sufficing and self-justifying, as that in which alone it can rest. Kant recognises that it is only intelligence, and especially intelligence in its moral aspect, that supplies the lacking notion ; nature itself, he says, assumes a unity which does not otherwise belong to it, and becomes a ' realm ' or system, when viewed in relation to rational beings as its ends.^ It is thus on account of its incomplete and self-less character that the mundus sensihilis appears phenomenal, when regarded from the standpoint of the intelligible world. And reason is compelled, Kant says, to pass beyond the phenomenal and occupy such a standpoint, ' if we are not to deny to man the consciousness of himself as intelligence, i.e., as rational and through reason active, which is to say, a free cause.' ^ The importance of the change in the point of view can hardly be over-estimated. Self-consciousness is here put forward explicitly as the one noumenon to which all phenomena are referred, and by which they are, as it were, judged and declared to be phenomenal. This is the real Co- pernican change of standpoint which Kant effected, or at least which he puts us in the way of effecting ; and it must be pronounced fundamental, seeing that it reverses the whole notion of reality on which the old metaphysic was built. The dominating categories of philosophy in the present day are still, it is to be feared, those of inner and outer, substance and quality, or in their latest and most imposing garb, noumenon ' Of. Gmndlegung zur Metaphysik ^ ]Ycrke, IV. 306. The expression der Sittcn. Wcrke, IV. 286 (eel. Harten- * Stundpunkt ' is used by Kant himself, stein). ■ PHILOSOPHY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGORIES. 27 and phenomenon. And these are so interpreted as to repre- sent the intellect clinging round the outside of things, getting to know only the surface of the world, and pining and wailing for the revelation of that intense reality, the ' support of accidents,' which yet is unrevealable, and mocks our cries. A true metaphysic teaches that if we so conduct ourselves, we do in very truth ' pine for what is not.' This unapproachable reality is entirely a fiction of the mind; there is nothing trans- cendent, no unknowable, if we once see that a phenomenal world is a permissible phrase only when taken to mean some- thing in which reason cannot rest, and that the ultimate noumenon is to be found in self-consciousness, or in the notion of knowledge and its corollaries. The centre of the world lies then in our own nature as self-conscious beings, and in that life with our fellows which, in different aspects, constitutes alike the secular and the divine community. The spirit fostered by physical science, and the mood familiar to all of us — the mood which weighs man's paltry life and its concerns against the * pomp of worlds ' and the measureless fields of space — is in reality less philosophical than that of the poet and humanist to whom this pomp is barren save as the back- ground of the human drama. Ordinary people get most of their metaphysics through religion or through poetry, and they probably often come nearer the truth in that way than if they went to the professed philosophers. Kant's ethics are part therefore of the strength and not of the weakness of their author. They are not to be re- garded as a calling in of faith to repair the breaches of knowledge ; on the contrary, they are founded on Kant's deepest philosophical conceptions. But for all that, the superstructure contains much questionable material ; and as we are not engaged in a process of hermeneutics, it is essen- tial to arrive for ourselves at a general notion of how the ethical point of view stands related to the mechanical. This will serve as an illustration of the main thesis of the essay, the distinction of categories or points of view. It is at the same time the more necessary in the present case as Kant has expressed the relation chiefly by negations, and has left the sensible and intelligible systems separated by an appar- ently impassable gulf. The positive predicate of freedom which he applies to the ethical world is, on the other hand, so ambiguous, and to men of scientific training so ominous, 28 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. that it has been more productive of misconception than of enlightenment. It may be said at once, then, that if Kant's account of freedom contains anything which seems to lift man, as it were, out of all the influences and surroundings that make him what he is, and from this height makes him hurl a decisive and solely self-originated fiat into the strife of motives beneath — then, undoubtedly, this idea is not only at variance with the teaching of physical and social science, but is fatal to all rational connection in the universe. But the self in such a conception is a bare unit, an abstraction which has no existence in fact. So long as we take up with such notions of the self, we must inevitably seem to be battered about by the shocks of circumstance. The man whose self could be emptied of all its contents and reduced to this atomic condition would be, in a strict sense, no more than the moving point which exemplifies the composition of forces. In re- ducing the abstract self to this position, and so abolishing it, determinism is entirely within its rights ; it is in vain that the upholders of ' free-will ' try to save for this self even a power of directing attention on one motive rather than another. But happily the real self is not this ghost of argumentative fancy. A man cannot be separated from the world which lies about him from his infancy — and long before it — moulding him after its own image, and supplying him with all sorts of permanent motives in the shape of creeds and laws, customs and prejudices, creating, in a word, the concrete personality we are held to refer to when, in ordinary speech, we name this or the other individual. The self- conscious individual is not something identical with himself alone, and different from everything else ; he is not even exclusive as one thing in nature is exclusive of other things. The whole past and the whole present are transformed, as it were, by self-consciousness into its own nature. A man's motives do not seem to him, therefore, to come to him from without ; they are the suggestions of his good or evil self. And if he reviews his past experience, when his self, as others might sa}', was in the making, he cannot himself take this external view. It is impossible to him because it abolishes the one presupposition from which he cannot depart; it abolishes himself. Much rather he will say that he has made himself what he is ; he identifies himself necessarily with all his past, and of every deed he can say ' Alone I did PIIILOSOPHY AS CIIITICISM OF CATEGORIES. 29 it.' In short, thougli the external view with its tabulation of motives may be useful for statistical purposes, and may yield scientific results that are not to be despised, it is abso- lutely valueless in ethics or the explanation of moral experi- ence as such. The presupposition of ethical action, as of intelligence generally, is the Ego. It is true that, as ex- plained above, we do not suppose the Ego in action to bring an inexplicable force into play any more than we suppose it, as intellect, to add any determinations to things which were not there already. But just as any metaphysic which does not base itself on self-consciousness, as the fundamental pre- supposition and the supreme category of thought, is forced openly or tacitly to deny the conscious life, so a science of ethics which does not assume as its basis the self-determina- tion of the rational being, remains outside of moral experi- ence altogether. Moral experience consists entirely in this self-reference ; if this be destroyed the whole ethical point of view vanishes. Let us contrast with this the point of view of physical science from which we started. From this standpoint every moral action is simply an event, and as an event forms a term in a series of mechanical transformations. This is certainly one way of regarding the actions in question ; they are such events, and for science that is the legitimate and true method of treating them. All that we contend is that the scientific explanation does not exhaust their signifi- cance ; so far as they are actions, that is, related to the moral consciousness, it gives no account of them at all. The world of ethics is superimposed therefore upon that of science, not as contradicting it, but as introducing a totally new order of conceptions, by which actions which are for science mere factual units in a series, become elements in a life guided by the notion of end or ought. Their sole ethical meaning is in relation to this ideally judging consciousness, and to that extent they cease to be facts conditioned by other facts. The ethical consciousness identifies itself with each of its actions, and each therefore is immediately re- ferred to the standard of duty. Ethically, that is to say, the action is not referred backward in time to the circumstances and predispositions of which, as. motives, it is the legitimate outcome ; but the man brings his action face to face with a ' Thou shalt,' which he finds within him,* and according to ' The ' matter ' which the law commands, depends of course upon his social 30 ESSAYS IN rniLOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. its conformity or want of conformit}^ with this law he ap- proves or condemns his conduct. The former method of looking at his actions is appropriate to a spectator — a psychologist, a statistician, a scientific educator, &c. — but not to the man himself. As soon as an individual begins to seek excuses for his fault by showing how ' natural ' it was in the circumstances, he has fallen from the ethical point of view. He is assuming the position of a spectator or scientific observer, and however justifiable this standpoint may be for others, it certainly means the destruction of the ethical con- sciousness in him who deliberately adopts it in his own regard. The proper category of ethics is not cause and effect, bat end, with its correlative obligation. The world of ethical ends, however, is only one of the conceptions or points of view by which reason makes the world intelligible to itself ; and by treating it as the sole antithesis of the world of sense, Kant ran the risk, as was hinted above, of falling into a fresh dualism. It is not even well to speak of the one as 'intelligible' by pre-eminence, lest the sensible world lose its reference to consciousness altogether. We might do worse than recall in this connection Kant's demonstration of the intellectual elements in sense-experi- ence. We do not get ' facts ' given to us in the mechanical scheme of science, and in ethics a point of view from which to regard this factual world. Bare facts in this sense have no existence save for an abstract thought which conceives them as the pegs on which relations may be hung. The process of knowledge does not consist in the discovery of such individua, but in the progressive overthrowal of such ideas of the nature of the actual. In this process the scientific account of things forms one of the ways in which the mind seeks to present the world as an intelligible whole ; it is a theorising of the world, and, as it turns out, the theorising is incomplete and ultimately contradicts itself. Such considera- tions prepare us to expect a progress by more gradual stages from the less to the more complete conception of the universe than is found in Kant's great leap from mechanism to morality. Here again Kant helps us on the way. The ' Critique of Judgment,' according to his own account of it, environment and his past ; but the involved in the most rudimentary notion * form ' of law exists wherever conscious- of society, ness exists, since riglits and duties are PHILOSOPHY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGORIES. 31 is intended to bridge over the gulf between the world of the understanding, outlined in the first Critique, and the world of reason or of free determination, outlined in the second. There is as usual much that is artificial in the scheme of faculties with which Kant connects his investigation. So far as we are concerned here, the best method of approaching the ' Critique of Judgment ' is simply by reference to the aspects of nature which it endeavours to explain. Its importance lies in its recognition of certain points of view which are con- tinually recurring in our contemplation of the world, but which find no place in the critical idea of nature. These are the aesthetic and the teleological judgment of things, or, in less technical language, the phenomena of beauty and of organisation.^ The weakness of the book lies in the presupposition on which it proceeds, that the record of objectivity has been definitively closed in the first Critique. In other words, Kant believes knowledge to be limited by the imagination ; nothing is real (in the domain of knowledge) unless what can be con- structed in relations of space. Now the ' Critique of Judgment ' consists virtually in the production of two sets of negative in- stances ; a living body and an object considered as beautiful are not exhausted in the space-relations which constitute them. Imagination knows only parts that are external to one another, and to that extent independent of one another ; but in the organism this externality and independence disappear. The parts are only parts through the whole of which they are parts. Part and whole acquire, in fact, a meaning in which their necessary correlation is for the first time apparent — a correlation or union so intimate as to be inadequately ex- pressed by terms which contain, like part and whole, a quantitative suggestion. Similarly the category of cause breaks down when applied to the organism, for all the parts are mutually cause and effect; and the organism as a whole is at once its own cause and its own effect {causa sui). It organises itself. In all this Kant's description of organic phenomena is unexceptionable ; he pleads the case well against himself. But unfortunately the negative instances he produces did not lead to a recasting of his theory. They ' To avoid confusion, the signifi- notion of the world, is not touched upon cance of the aesthetic judgment, or of in the present essay, the categories of art, for our ultimate 32 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CHITICISM. only led to a fresh distinction. The new aspects of natare could not be recognised as constitutive or objectively valid, but they might be accepted as regulative points of view for the investigation of phenomena. But as there is no ground for this distinction except in presuppositions which have been shown to be irrelevant, we shall make no scruple of ignoring it, and treating the relation of organism to mechan- ism not as subjectivity to objectivity but as a more adequate to a less adequate interpretation of the same facts. It must be observed that the notion of organism given above constitutes no assertion of the existence of a vital force as a separate cause of the phenomena of life. This is the kind of deduction which metaphysicians of the kind that have brought the name into disrepute were quick to draw. But it is easy to see that by explanations of this sort we are just setting up a duplicate of the thing to be explained, or in other words, hypostatising it as its own cause. Besides, when the physiologist comes to close quarters with a living body, he finds everywhere a mechanism of parts connected with one another and communicating with the surrounding world. Motion is handed on from one member of this system to another without the intervention of any other than mechanical contrivances; and so far from a necessity arising for a transcendent cause, there is nowhere a gap to be found in the circle of mechanical motions where its introduction could be effected. The physiologist, in short, in describing the action of the different parts of the organism, is in precisely the same position as the psychologist in giving an account of mental states and processes. The empirical psychologist analyses the most complex states into their elements, and builds up ethical and religious sentiment out of simple desires and aversions, and all by a process essen- tially mechanical, without any reference to the unity of the conscious life for which these states exist. Just as the psychologist has neither occasion nor right to consider any special power which he calls the Ego, so the physiologist in the case of the organism. He works within the conditions of organic existence, as the psychologist within those of con- sciousness, but neither requires for the purposes of his special science to make any explicit reference to these con- ditions. Hence it comes that physiology, so far as it treats the living body as a whole, represents it as merely a mecha- PiriLOSOPIIY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGORim^v/ §13 '-'-^ nical conjunction of parts in space. The abstraction is iiM======^ only defensible but necessary ; none the less, however, is it a complete abstraction from the si^^nificance of the same parts viewed as members of a living system. Viewed organi- cally, or in their relation to the whole, they are seen to be mutually implicative, and, within certain liriits, mutually creative. The presuppositions of mechanism are so far over- thrown that at the organic standpoint the mutual exclusive- ness of the parts disappears ; the organism, qyid organism, is not in space at all. If we persist, therefore, in looking at the parts abstractly or in their separateness, and if we tender this as the complete account of them, we are leaving out of sight the very fact which constitutes the phenomenon to be ex- plained.^ So far from mechanism being objective and the notion, of organism only subjective, we should be compelled, if we were in the way of talking in this strain, to reverse the relation. For even as applied to so-called mechanical things, if the category of causality be thought out into reciprocity, and if reciprocity be conceived as complete, the result is that we arrive at a closed circle of perfect mutual conditionedness, in which all play of actual causality is brought to a standstill. The universe becomes like the sleeping palace of Dornroschen : there is no point where movement might be introduced into this dead picture. We sublate in this way the conceptions with which we started, and only find the contradiction solved for us (at least temporarily) in the notion of the organism. If the categories of reciprocity and abstract individuality fail us in speaking of the living body, still less will they serve us when we come to treat of conscious individuals and what is called the social organism. Step by step we have combated the intellectual vice of abstraction, but it is when we reach self-consciousness that the nature of this fault becomes fully a-pparent. When we examine the conceptions of ordinary and scientific thought in the light thrown upon them by that supreme category of which they are all the imperfect reflec- tions, the whole series of stages from which the individual knower views the world appears as a gradual deliverance from an abstract individualism, or, as Spinoza said, from the imaginative thought that insists on taking the individual as a thing by itself. When we reach the only true individual, ^^B' Cf. the working out of this point iu the second essay of this volume, pp 62-60. I 34 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. the self-conscious being, we find that individuality is not the exclusive thing we had imagined it to be. The self is indi- vidual only to the extent that it is at the same time universal. It knows itself, i.e., it is itself, just because it includes within its knowledge not only one particular self, as an object in space and time, but also a whole intelligible world embracing many such selves. A mere individual, supposed for a moment possible, would be a self-less point ; and it was the assump- tion of the reality of such self-less points that led us into contradiction at a lower stage. In the notion of the self we find that what is outside of, or different from, a man in the narrow sense, yet enters into and constitutes his self in such a way that, without it, he would cease to be anything more than the imaginary point just referred to. The individual is individualised only by his relations to the totality of the in- telligible world. In a more restricted sense, his individuality is constituted by the social organism of which he is a member ; he cannot be an individual except so far as he is a member of society. If this is the relation of society to the individual, it is at once apparent how false any theory must be which tries to take the individual as a mere individual, and regards society as an aggregate of such beings combined together for mutual advantage. The doctrine of laissez-faire and the theory of the police-state are immediate deductions from the individualistic premisses. It is natural from such a point of view that the State should be treated as a mechanism external to the individuals, and constructed by them merely that they may live at ease and enjoy their goods. But the logic of practice refutes both these principles. The economic doctrine has been largely modified even by those who promulgated it, little as their professed philosophical principles give them a right to do so ; and the external view of the State is refuted not only by its practical action in numberless spheres of life, but by every patriotic emotion that passes over individuals or peoples. If the State is the artificial aggregate it is represented as being, how shall we explain Shakespeare's impassioned apostrophe to • This happy breed of men, this little world, This precious stone set in the silver sea . . . This blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this England . . . This land of such dear souls, this dear dear land. This little ivorkl- a more felicitous phrase could hardly be de- i PHILOSOPHY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGORIES. 35 sired to describe what the true State must always be to its citizens. The State is not Leviathan, as Ilobbes supposed, swallowing up the individual, but the ethical cosmos into which he is born, and by which his relation to the wider cosmos of universal experience is mediated. These, however, are considerations which are insisted upon elsewhere in the present volume, and which are being recognised, one is glad to see, in other quarters, even though it be as yet without a consciousness of their ultimate philosophical bearing. Still we are not entitled to depart from individualistic metaphysics in one point unless we recognise the fallaciousness of its method everywhere. We need not fear by so doing to sacrifice what are called the rights of individuality. Socialism, for ex- ample, is the recoil from individualism, not the refutation of it. Individualism and socialism are alike refuted by the true notion of self-consciousness, which combines all-inclu- siveness with intensest concentration in a way which might have seemed impossible, had we been engaged in an abstract argument and not simply in an analysis of concrete reality. While this notion is held fast, the members in whom the social organism is realised will not cease to know themselves as personalities, and to demand that the free play of their lives be not sacrificed to imaginary needs of the body ]}olitic. Our whole criticism of categories thus leads us up to the notion of self- consciousness or knowledge. Here we may connect ourselves for the last time with Kant. The short- comings of his theory of knowledge have been, somewhat severely criticised in the earlier part of the essay. It has been seen that he vitiated his analysis to a great extent by confusing a psychological or a spectator's account of the growth of knowledge with a transcendental analysis of its conditions. It has also been shown how the presuppositions that sprang from this confusion prevented him from seeing the mutual relations of the categories in their true light as simply stages or phases of explanation (of greater or less abstractness) which necessarily supersede one another in the development of knowledge. But in spite of the absolute line which Kant drew at reciprocity, he explicitly announced he emancipation of the category of categories — the unity of pperception — from the dominion of the conceptions which were its own creatures. It can be compassed, he says, by none of them ; it can be known only through itself. Know- i> 2 36 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CraTIClSM. ledge is related as such to au universally synthetic principle which calls itself ^ 1/ and which is described by Kant as the transcendental Ego to distinguish it from the empirical con- sciousnesses which constitute, as it were, the matter of this formal unity. Kant's view of this unity as merely logical and merely human prevented him from recognishig that he had found the true noumenon here as well as in the ethical sphere. Nevertheless his assertion of the unity of the sub- ject as the ultimate principle of thought leads directly to the conception of knowledge as necessarily organic to a subject, and as constituting in this form the complete Fact from which all so-called facts are only abstractions. Here the line between dogmatism and criticism may be drawn withont prejudice to Kant's essential meaning. Dogmatism, or the use of uncriticised conceptions, means practically the un- questioning application of the categories of mechanism to the relation between consciousness and things. Mind and matter are hypostatised, and the category of reciprocity is employed to describe their union in knowledge. How far Kant was him- self a dogmatist in this sense has been already considered ; at all events the whole of modern philosophy before Kant is based upon this conception. ' In order to make his theory work,' says Professor Eraser in his recent notice of Locke in the ' Encyclopsedia Britannica,' ^he (Locke) begins by assuming a hypothetical duality beneath phenomena — some phenomena referable to external things, others referable to the con- scious self — and in fact confesses that this dual experience is the ultimate fact, the denial of which would make it impos- sible to speak about the growth and constitution of our thoughts.' It is to be noted that what is spoken of is not a duality with reference to knowledge— in which case know- ledge itself would be the ultimate fact ; there is an assump- tion of two facts or things out of whose (contingent) relation to one another a third fact arises as something additional. The derivative fact acts as a kind of mirror in which actuality, consisting of the first two facts, is reflected. Now if we start with the notion of a self- existent self (an entity which, what- ever it is, cannot by any chance be a self) and a self-existent world, it is easy to make a watershed of experience in the fashion indicated, and so to appear to establish the hypo- thetical duality with which we started. This, as Professor Eraser says, is what Locke did; and all psychological PHILOSOPHY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGOHIES. 37 philosophy does so still. As it becomes more acute, specula- tion is necessarily led, as idealism or materialism, to dissolve one of these substances into a series of changes in the other, while scepticism calmly points out to both disputants that the arguments which apply in the one case apply in the other also. But idealism, materialism, and Humism have meaning only with reference to the assumption of a duality of self- existing substances to which experience is referred as to its causes. They exist as the denial of one of the factors, or as the assertion of the impossibility of proving either, but they do not attack the abstraction on which this hypothesis of dual existence was originally founded. Hume is a sceptic because he cannot prove either mind or matter to be real in the sense in which Cartesian and Lockian metaphysics under- stood reality. But if such realities are no more than fictions of abstract thought, then a sceptical disproof of our knowledge of them is so far from being a final disproof of the possibility of any real knowledge that it is rather to be taken as indis- pensably preliminary to the attainment of a true notion of what reality is. Such a notion is attainable only through a transcendental analysis of knowledge — an analysis, that is, which shall regard knowledge simply as it is in itself, without any pre- suppositions of existences which give rise to it. An analysis of this sort, so far as it remains true to its transcendental standpoint, will not be tempted to substantiate the conditions of knowledge apart from the' synthesis in which it finds them. It will simply relate them to one another as different elements in, or better perhaps, as different aspects of, the one concrete reality. This is why Kant's treatment of the ' I think ' is so different from Descartes' procedure with his ' Cogifco.' Kant, like Descartes, finds the presupposition of knowledge and of intelligible existence in an ' I think ' ; but he never forgets that it is only in relation to the world, or as the synthesis of intelligible elements, that the self exists or can have a meaning. A world without this unifying principle would fall asunder into unrelated particulars ; the synthetic principle itself, apart from the world which it unifies, would be no more than the barren identity, 1 = 1. Even this consciousness of self-identity is reached only through the synthesis of objects to which it stands in relation. This necessity of correlation may be treated without injus.tice as 38 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. the fundamental feature of the transcendental method. So far is it from being a figure of speech that the self exists only through the world and vice versa, that we might say with equal truth the self is the world and the world is the self. The relation between them is that of a subject to its predicate when the predication is supposed to be exhaustive. The subject is identical with its completed predicate without remainder. So the self and the world are only two sides of the same reality ; they are the same intelligible world looked at from two opposite points of view. But, finally, it must not be for- gotten that it is only from the point of view of the self or subject that the identity can be grasped ; this, therefore, is the ultimate point of view which unifies the whole. It will easily be understood that, in speaking thus of the self of knowledge, abstraction is made from any particular self in experience. No one who has mastered Kant's dis- tinction between the transcendental and the empirical Ego is likely to have any difficulty here. At the same time, the theory of knowledge makes no assertion of the existence of the transcendental self otherwise than as the form of these empirical individuals. To raise the question of existence in this shape is to fall back once more into mechanical or spatial categories, and to treat the ultimate synthesis of thought as if it were a thing that could exist here or there. Separate facts, however, are the type of reality only to that abstract thought which has faced us in every sphere. The trans- cendental self, as the implicate of all experience, is, for a theory of knowledge, simply the necessary point of view from which the universe can be unified, that is, from which it becomes an universe. Thus the Kantian criticism with its claim to map out knowledge and ignorance has assumed under our hands the less pretentious form of a criticism of categories. The at- tempt is no longer made to determine the validity of reason as such ; the trustworthiness of knowledge is and must be an assumption. But this does not mean that every reasoned conclusion is true. Knowledge is not a collection of facts known as such once for all, and to which we afterwards add other facts, extending our knowledge as we might extend an estate by adding acre to acre. This is not a true picture of the march of knowledge. On the contrary, every advance of science is a partial refutation of what we supposed we PHILOSOI>HY AS CRITICISM OF CATEGORIES. 39 knew ; we undertake in every new scientific theory a criticism and rectification of the conceptions on which the old was constructed. On the largest scale the advance of knowledge is neither more nor less than a progressive criticism of its own conceptions. And, as we have seen, this is not all. Besides the continual self-criticism carried on by the indi- vidual sciences, there is the criticism which one science or department of inquiry passes upon another. The science of life cannot move hand or foot without the category of development, which in its biological acceptation is foreign to the inorganic world ; and the science of conduct is founded upon the notion of duty, of which the whole world of nature knows nothing. But so long as this mutual criticism is left in the hands of the separate sciences themselves, it tends to degenerate into a strife in which there is no umpire. Philo- sophy, as theory of knowledge, can alone arbitrate between the combatants, by showing the relation of the different points of view to one another, and allowing to each a sphere of relative justification. When physical science, for ex- ample, begins to formulate its own results and to put them forward as an adequate theory of the universe, it is for philo- sophy to step in and show how these results depend entirely upon preconceptions drawn from a certain stage of know- ledge and found to be refuted in the further progress of thought. Philosophy in the capacity of a science of thought should possess a complete survey of its categories and of their dialectical connection ; but this ' Wissenschaft der Logik ' will probably never be completely written. In the mean- time it is perhaps better if philosophy, as critic of the sciences, is content to derive its matter from them and to prophesy in part. Examples of this progress and connection among conceptions or points of view have been given in the preceding pages, and whether we apply to them the name dialectic or not is of little matter. This critical office in which philosophy acts, as it were, as the watch-dog of know- ledge is important enough not to compromise the dignity even of the queen of the sciences. She is critic not only of the special sciences, but especially of all metaphysics and systems of philosophy. Most men of science believe that metaphysics consists in the elaboration of transcendent entities like an extraneous Deity, or Mr. Spencer's Unknowable, or the Comtian noumena. 40 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. But the theory of knowledge teaches us that all such con- structions in the void have their genesis in a belief that the substance is something different from all its qualities, or that the cause is not identical with the sum of its effects. We learn, on the contrary, that cause and effect, substance and quality, and aU similar conceptions are not names for two different things, but necessary aspects of the same object, and that therefore, when we are dealing, not with limited objects, but with the universe as the synthesis of all objects, it is a mere repetition to invent a cause of this synthesis. To be delivered from bad metaphysics is the first step and the most important one towards the true conception of the science. True metaphysic lies, as we have tried to show, in that criticism of experience which aims at developing out of the material of science and of life the completed notion of experience itself. Andeew Seth. 41 II. THE RELATION OF PHILOSOPHY TO SCIENCE, While the Berkeleian reduction of esse to percipi has become matter of common knowledge among educated men, students of philosophy have of late years grown familiar with a line of criticism of an order more penetrative if more pre- tentious. The point of this criticism may be defined in its own somewhat uncouth language, as a claim to have exhibited even the simplest phases of sensation as possible only through the operation of an intelligible synthesis which cannot itself be made an object of experience, because only through it is experience possible. And just as the Berkeleian principle has come to be regarded as amounting to little more than a rather barren truism, so the criticism of ex- perience is often treated with a considerable decrease of respect arising from its vagueness. But while both principles suffer from the too great generality of their terms, they may claim, each in its own way, to have effected in speculative thinking revolutions of a sufficiently definite character. The influence of Berkeleian empiricism without and within the field of philosophy is currently and adequately recognised. It is the object of these pages briefly to sketch out one branch of the case on behalf of the theory of knowledge. Kant gave a new significance to the old question whether knowledge was limited by imagination, that is, actual or pos- sible presentation under the forms of space or time. Experi- ence for bim implied two elements equally radical and logically independent of each other, but of which it was a gross mis- understanding to speak as separable in any other sense. In the constitution of experience it was implied that transcen- dental thought (thought which itself could never as such become the object of experience) should operate as a synthetic activity in the pure forms of space and time. Only through 42 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. sucli a logical combination was the real constituted, and except in space and time there could be no real. It followed from this that knowledge was for Kant limited by imagination, or in other words, that what could not be represented as constituted by relations of space or time was not real. But the real, or experience, was only an element in Kant's system. There was at the other extreme the moral universe of which it was the characteristic that it ought to be but was not — that it must remain an unrealizable creature of reason. Obviously the universe, that is, every possible object of know- ledge in the wider meaning of the word, was not exhausted by these two conceptions. Between them came the subject matter of what Kant called the criticism of judgment — those aesthetic and (in the Aristotelian sense) teleological relations of which it was the characteristic that while they could not be expressed in terms of space or time, they were yet real in the sense that the real universe of perception necessarily suggested them to thought, and never was, as a matter of fact, conceived wholly apart from them. Kant's meaning may perhaps best be illustrated by a reference to another part of his system. Experience is, for him, constituted in twelve fundamental modes of the synthesis of thought. But there is no object in experience which can be conceived as constituted in one or more of these modes to the exclusion of the rest. They are only logically separable. When we say of something that it is a cause or a substance, we are simply abstracting, for the purpose of clearness of individual knowledge, from its other relations. That which in one reference presents itself as cause or substance, in others presents itself as quantity or quality. But just because finite mind {i.e. for Kant, mind which has by making itself its own object, or becoming self-conscious, limited itself in space and time after the fashion of objects in general) is incapable of attending to any other than a limited aspect of its object at one time, we speaJc as though the object were only a cause or a substance, a quantity or a quality. Atten- tion is in short concentrated on one relation in actual or possible perception, to the exclusion of others. So it is with the sesthetic and teleological aspects of things. It is true that they exist only for thought or judgment in the meaning in v^hich it is distinguished from actual or possible percep- tion, and cannot be realised in space and time, but they are I THE RELATION OF PHILOSOPHY TO SCIENCE. 43 just as inseparable from the object of perception as are those other categories which are abstracted from when we concen- trate attention upon an object in a particular relation in perception. For Kant, then, the relation of reciprocity, as the most concrete of the categories, is the highest relation of reality. Teleological and aesthetic significance belong to objects only in so far as they have been invested with these features by the subjective operation of thought. In the w^orld of real experience there is nothing higher than mechanism, and the mechanical aspects of organised bodies are the highest aspects which experimental science can recognise. Yet such is the constitution of knowledge, that we cannot but regard the world as though it were also consti- tuted by such relations as those of beauty and organisation, relations not less real than its mechanical aspects. So far as it goes, it is difl&cult to impeach this reasoning. Apart from their aesthetic and teleological aspects, objects are not objects at all, but mere abstractions. It is im- possible to conceive a universe which should be constituted out of relations of a nature exclusively mechanical. On the possibility, for example, of our conceiving what we call an organism as that in which the whole, while indistinguish- able from its parts, yet determines them, depends, as we shall find later on, the possibility of our knowledge of some of the most common features of nature, the features which embrace what we call life. Therefore we may take it that the question whether there are or are not relations higher than those of mechanical arrangement in space and time is identical with the question whether the world as we know it does or does not exist. But when it passes beyond this general proposition, Kant's doctrine becomes eminently unsatisfactory. It is not easy to see why the higher relations should be treated by him as merely subjective, while those of mathematics and physics are regarded as in reality constitutive of objects. For, as we have seen, objects are no more to be conceived as constituted exclusively by the one sort than by the other. Nor is it intelligible to speak of their aesthetic and teleological aspects as existing merely in the percipient mind. For mind as percipient, for Kant, creates the objective universe which it perceives, and is not itself an object of perception. No doubt mind, when it makes itself its own object, does become 44 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. an object of perception, limited, like all individual objects, by time and space relations, but in tliis aspect mind is conceived in quite a different reference from that in which it is taken to be tlie creative synthesis of transcendental thought. Accordingly, to speak of certain relations of things as existent only for the subject is to use language which, upon Kantian principles, is either meaningless or contradictory. That mind as the object of experience cannot be the subject of knowledge, Hume and the physiologists have shown, by disproving upon this hypo- thesis, the reality of the objective universe. On the other hand, Kant has proved that if even the illusion of an objective universe is real, the subject in knowledge can never be an object disclosed in experience, or, what is the same thing, be a finite individual. It is therefore im- possible for the consistent Kantian to distinguish the characteristics of the object into such as really belong to it, and such as really exist only in the mind. The truth is that the terms in which Kant put to himself the problem of knowledge were never divested of a psycho- logical reference. For him the process of knowing, not- withstanding the new departure in his conception of its position, was always more or less conceived as a process taking place between two objects of experience. It was not until after his time that the principle which he had laid down as against Hume and the physiologists was worked out to its full development. The fully developed theory need here be only briefly characterised. The fundamental fact beyond which we cannot get is the fact of self-con- sciousness. This fact contains within itself elements which, while inseparable in existence, are yet distinguishable in thought. We find a self limited by an objective universe. But the one cannot be separated from the other, and we come to find that, although it is only as apparently external to and independent of one another that these two elements can be made objects of knowledge, they must yet be assigned to a common position as moments in a higher synthesis of thought. But this synthesis can never become an object, Le, conscious of itself, save under this form of limitation. Such a theory is not a theory of creation, much less of origin in time, but simply an analysis of the fundamental unity of knowledge. In becoming conscious of itself thought THE RELATION OF PHILOSOPHY TO SCIENCE. 45 finds itself limited bj itself in space and time as one of many individuals, and as such the process of knowledge so far as known, i.e. as real, is a finite subjective process. But even finite self-conscious knowledge is potentially infinite, i.e. is, in ultimate analysis, thought, not as presented to itself in self-consciousness, but as identical with the creative synthesis. For such a doctrine there can be no real dis- tinction, as with Kant, between the forms of space and time and the categories of thought; space and time can be nothing else than the fundamental forms of the limitation which the self finds confronting it in consciousness. And the other categories, themselves in a like sense the objective relations of intelligence, must be looked upon as phases differing from the fundamental characteristics of externality not in kind but in degree. From such a point of view we should expect to find that the process of conscious knowledge exhibited certain charac- teristics — characteristics of a kind of which Kant was in some measure actually aware. We should expect, from the nature of its limitation, to find knowledge to be a process in which certain relations or aspects of its objects are actually under known conditions present to consciousness, while others, which are ^potentially present, and in that sense equally real, tire abstracted from. An illustration of this is the distinction drawn in mathematical physics between kinetics and kinematics. The latter science looks at ob- jects from the point of view (in the language of the theory of knowledge under the categories) of change of position. Kinetics, on the other hand, brings in the conception of force as producing such change of position. It brings in an entirely new series of relations or categories, without which its subject matter would be as unintelligible to the physicist as is colour to the blind. But no physicist really supposes. that he is dealing with anything else than a metaphysical abstraction as distinguished from a real object in a purely kinematical investigation. His abstraction no more ex- hausts the reality which it represents symbolically, than does the abstraction of the pure mathematician when he speaks of a straight line or of the numerator of a differential coefficient. In the same way we shall find — what appa- rently is not so clearly understood by materialists or spiri- tualists — that the categories of mechanism do not exhaust 46 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. reality in its aspect of life: But it is time to turn to another side of this subject. As we have seen, the term mind has a double significance. It may mean that which is in analysis found to be the ulti- mate reality to which all existence is referable. This was the view of mind which was known to the Greeks, and which Kant found to be the true way out of the dilemma put by Hume, In this sense, mind is not a substance or individual object of experience, but the creative synthesis of thought which, just because it is that which constitutes experience, cannot as such be made an object of experience. We infer it as the only possible explanation of the fact of experience, and we conclude further that it manifests itself in fundamental modes, which definitely differ from one another, but which mutually imply each other and are related in a dialectical development. Such a development is, of course, no affair of space and time, for space and time are themselves, as has already been stated, but two of its stages. In the other meaning of the term, mind is conceived as it appears, as its own object — having transformed its nature and become a definite part of experience. In this aspect it is the subject matter of empirical psychology, and falls under that distinc- tion between subject and object, which, as a relation created by thought, really falls within it. It is in this way that mind is at the same time creator and created, at once infinite and yet a finite self. Our subjective knowledge is ever attended with that consciousness of limitation which points to its infinite nature. To treat mind as an ordinary object of investigation is to abstract from the very fact that only for mind do objects exist at all. The more definitely intelligence is brought like other matters into consciousness by abstraction, the further is the result from the reality, however much we may have gained for ordinary purposes. These remarks may, for the present, in some degree serve to explain what is meant when it is said that the process of finite or conscious knowledge is essentially a process of abstraction, and that whether its method be looked at on its inductive or its deductive side. It necessitates the isolation of definite relations presented by its object through the application to that object of a general concep- tion. In the case of certain branches of natural science, these general conceptions are chiefly those which make pos- THE RELATION OF PHILOSOPHY TO SCIENCE. 47 sible the appreheDsion of mechanical arrangement in space and time of parts external to and exclusive of one another, and the principal aim of these departments of natural science is to regard nature simply from this point of view. But it is one thing to take such a course for the purpose of advancing knowledge, and quite another to say that because, for a certain point of view, the object can only be regarded as if it existed in a certain way, therefore it exists in the world of fact only in that way. No doubt we can bring to reflection upon the object a particular category only be- cause through that category the object is created in per- ception or (to pass beyond Kant) exists. But this does not mean that the object is constituted through that category alone. As we shall find later on, the failure to appreciate this distinction has been a fertile source of difficulty in science. The blunder amounts to the confusion of a differ- ence which exists only for individual knowledge, with a supposed difference in reality or objective knowledge. A familiar example of this mistake is the notion that causation, or the unvarying sequence of two independent facts, is a distinct process in time, taking place as a fact complete in itself. Causation is in truth but an abstract way of looking at a phenomenon, which is what it is quite as much through the relation of identity or of substance and accident. There is no such fact in nature as an unvarying succession of two unconnected events as cause and effect. If we examine such a supposed relationship we find that it resolves itself into a case of identity, in which the effect is simply the sum of its conditions. On the other hand, if we try to pre- sent the occurrence to ourselves merely as a case of identity, we find that we have excluded an essential element, that of change in time. Causation and substantiality are abstract categories or limited ways of thinking of things in know- ledge, rather than independent ways of existence in. nature. A like criticism applies to the famous distinction between the discrete and the continuous aspects of quantity, the dis- tinction which gave rise to the familiar puzzle, first solved by Aristotle, of Achilles and the Tortoise. All such distinc- tions are not only legitimate, but the absolutely necessary outcome of reflection. But, although they are only possible because reality or objective knowledge presents phases of which these are abstractions, such phases are necessarily 48 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. related to and imply one another, and are incapable of any such separation or independence as appears in the abstrac- tions of self-conscious reflection. The task of these pages is to try to exhibit some of the consequences to scientific conceptions which have resulted from a failure to appreciate this deduction from the theory of knowledge. The boundlessly varying expanse of nature presents for reflection a sort of scale of modes of existence. Here we have the inorganic world, of which the distinguishing feature is the chemical arrangements and processes among parts that seem generally to determine each other as at once causes and effects in a relation of reciprocity. Again, there is present to consciousness a world of organisa- tion in which what is characteristic is apparently the determination of parts by a whole which is not a cause distinct from them, but some principle or tendency which will not allow itself to be exhibited as any relation of these parts in space and time. Under another phase there are disclosed to us as facts of experience phenomena of conscious life. Now it is not to be supposed that such distinct phases are so many absolutely independent and- distinct ways of existence lying side by side. The extreme antithesis to this view is that which follows from the theory of knowledge as expounded by Kant. As we have already seen, objective nature consisted, for Kant, only in those aspects of bodies which embraced the mathematical and physical relations of things, and stopped short with the categories of substance, cause, and reciprocity. All those other aspects of nature which relate to its sesthetic and teleological characteristics, were for him merely subjective creations of the percipient mind. From such a point of view, the aspects under which bodies appear as external to one another in space, as con- nected with one another, or as consisting of parts connected as substances, causes, or mutual determinants, constitute one kind of knowledge. The other aspects are not qualities separable as objects in space and tim.e from the first kind, but different sorts of knowledge, the categories of which cannot be applied to the aspects which nature presents in its more immediate reference. Thus we can no more express the properti( s of a body qua organised in terms of the categories of mechanism, than we can express the properties of a stone in terms of the categories of moral judgment. THE RELATION OF PHILOSOPHY TO SCIENCE. 40 The practical significance of Kant's teaching may be ilhistrated very clearly in its bearing on the phenomena of consciousness. V/hen we perceive around us other organisa- tions akin to those which we associate with ourselves, we attribute to them those psychical accompaniments of whicli we are conscious as somehow making up in association with our bodies our existence as human beings. These psychical phenomena we do not jperceive as external qualities, but naturally attribute in a way which does not present to us an} obscurity until we come to reflect upon it. What then are these phenomena, and how are they bound up with the physical phenomena which precede them? The pure * Naturforscher ' who strives to attain to the astronomical knowledge of nature of Laplace's ideal spirit, and who, limiting his categories to those of mechanism, strives to explain and express nature simply in terms of these categories, says that the two sets of phenomena are causally related in that the one set invariably accompanies the other. It is no matter that he denies any attempt to find a nexus, and confines himself to a simple assertion of the sequence of two sets of events ; he none the less employs the category of causality and interprets his facts as a common case of cause and effect. Just because he makes the unproved assumption of the applicability of this category, an assump- tion which can only be weighed in the proper balance from the standpoint of a theory of knowledge, Kant calls him a dogmatist. Now the special view taken by Kant himself of this relation, following as it does from his principles, is very different. For him the phenomena of consciousness are perceived in time only, and by inner sense, a sense which is conceived by him as distinct from the outer sense by which external nature is perceived. Therefore it is for Kant a gross fallacy to speak of the phenomena of the one sense as causally connected with the phenomena of the other sense. The category of causality only applies to the deter- mination of phenomena belonging to the same sense. It is only phenomena of the same sense which are deter- mined by creative synthesis in the relations of sequence and co-existence, and consequently finite intelligence cannot attribute these categories of sequence and co-existence to the phenomena of different kinds of knowledge, however closely they may appear to be related. It is what Kant would call E 50 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. a mistaken assumption of the dogmatist (i.e, the person who applies categories without having duly examined into their applicability), to speak of consciousness as the effect, sequent, or concomitant of physiological phenomena, or as the other side or manifestation of an unknowable substance or thing in itself.^ But, it may be asked, must not the phenomena of conscious life, those of sensation for example, if they exist at all, be forms, or modifications of forms, of onergy ? Certainly so, if these so-called phenomena are brought under the categories of mechanism, that is to say, regarded as, like energy, something actually or possibly per- ceived as existing in space and time. But in reality there can arise no question in regard to the conservation of energy or any other physical law. For we are at once relieved from the dilemma that there must either be an exception to the uniformity of such a principle or not, so soon as we under- stand that such a dilemma arises from our assumption that we are dealing with the case of phenomena related in the same way as the phenomena which come under, because they are constituted through, the categories of substance, causality and reciprocity. No doubt we perceive other conscious beings. But in the case of mind and body, when we talk of these as distinct, we do not perceive two independent ex- istences of a physiological structure and of psychical phenomena. The phenomena of self-consciousness are pre- sented in knowledge in a different way, not as external phenomena, and not as existing with parts, and in relation to other phenomena in the multiplicity of space and time. In our perception of conscious beings outside us, we rather interpret the physical facts which we perceive by higher categories than their own, and as so interpreted their ex- istence in externality is abstracted from. No doubt we can, and for the advancement of knowledge must, at times re- gard other persons and even our bodies simply as physical or mechanical arrangements. Butin so doing we have abstracted fromapoint of viewfrom which they appear to us as something more, and so appear in a way not less real than the way of their physical or mechanical aspects. For unreflecting per- ception, psychical and physical phenomena are naturally associated. But the distinction between them is implicitly present in the simplest cases, and becoming in reflection at > Cf. note on page 61. THE RELATION OF PHILOSOPHY TO SCIENCE. 51 once explicit, demands an abstract judgment as to its nature.^ The phenomena of self-consciousness are thus not facts of external nature coming under the categories of mechanism. Kant arrives at a similar result with regard to the pheno- mena of teleology. We do, as a matter of fact, find nature presenting the aspect of organisation as life and growth. How is this aspect to be explained ? The dogmatist pro- pounds the dilemma that it must be regarded either as the manifestation of a special vital principle, a possible object of external perception, or as a complicated case of mechanical arrangement. And the scientific dogmatist properly rejects the first hypothesis in favour of the second. But for Kant there is no such difficulty. The categories of teleology belong, as we have seen, to a kind of knowledge quite distinct from external perception, that which he terms the faculty of judgment. While we must think of objects as if they existed under teleological relations, we do not find them so existing in external perception. The general knowledge of nature or experience is no doubt made up of both kinds of knowledge. But the relations which are the objects of the one kind do not exist as external facts alongside of the re- lations which are presented in the other. Life and growth are not processes taking place in space in the same sense as the interaction of molecules. In our general knowledge of nature there are two distinct classes of relations which are not reducible to each other. Therefore, to try to explain organisation as a mechanical arrangement is to hypostatise an abstraction — the mechanical aspect of what appears for the unreflecting consciousness as an organised body. We shall return to this subject presently, but at this point it is necessary slightly to correct the general form of the statement. We have been applying not the detailed principles of what we have seen to be the more developed theory of knowledge, but those of the Kantian criticism. But the fallacies in question have the same explanation for Kant and for his more modern successors. For Kant they arise from the applications of the categories of one kind of know- ledge to the subject matter of another. For the more fully * Cf. the late Professor Cliiford's irreparable loss in the absence of an theory of ejects. It is perhaps not too acquaintance with Kant's real teaching much to say that recent philosophical about the nature of knowledge on the thought in this country buffered an part of this brilliantly original thinker. E.2 52 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. developed theory the same misapplication is the explanation, the difference lying in this, that the distinction between the sorts of knowledge is not even for finite thought the insuper- able distinction between kinds which we find in Kant, but a distinction of degree. The fundamental relations or cate- gories in knowledge being conceived as dialectically implied by each other, we see more readily how it is that in nature organisation and growth exhibit for reflection mechanical aspects, and how consciousness comes to be so naturally associated with organisation. From the relations of pure mathematics up to those of self-consciousness we have a chain of aspects of nature not one of which is reducible to another, but which are yet inseparably united together in thought. If the Kantian analysis with its distinctions between inner and outer sense and spheres of knowledge is from its accom- modation to psychological tendencies more readily intelligible, it is a less adequate explanation of the continuity of the phases of nature. But whether or not we can arrange these phases systematically or exhibit the categories as a system, is for the purposes of practical criticism of categories irrele- vant. If we can affirm that upon the principles which are the foundation of the point of view of these pages, the nature of thought must be generally such as necessitates the deductions we have indicated, it does not concern us to go further. We are now in a position to illustrate the argument of the preceding pages by a critical examination of such crucial scientific conceptions as that of organisation and the cognate idea of development. These ideas are derived from the phenomena of what is called life. Now life, like beauty, is one of those ultimate facts in experience which we may try to explain but cannot get rid of. And it follows from what has been said that it is a mistake to regard it as realised in certain objects to the exclusion of others. The distinction between what lives and what is mechanical substance is a distinction of point of view and not of objects in space. No doubt we speak of such a distinction as if it existed between objects ; but this is due not to perception but to reflection. When we see a house and a man we may certainly dis- tinguish them as inanimate and animate. But this only means that the man is natur,aJly_considered in a waj' in which the house is not. Looked at merely as objects in THE RELATION OF PIIILOSOPIIY TO SCIENCE. O^i space there is really no distinction between them. Both are regarded as mechanical arrangements, and in the case of neither is the reality exhausted. On the other hand, looked at exclusively as a living being, the man in a sense has ceased to be an object in space. In perception there are involved many points of view which only reflection dis- tinguishes. As we have seen, it is not only a legitimate but a necessary procedure to consider things in an abstract reference. And this is just what physiology, as conceived by the majority of scientific men, does in regard to organi- sation. It abstracts from the point of view of life, and treats the organism as merely an exceedingly complicated mechanical arrangement, employing the category of causality to the exclusion of higher categories. No doubt physiology through this abstraction succeeds in advancing knowledge as it could not otherwise be advanced, for it in this way becomes an exact science, i.e, a science proceeding by measurement. But at the same time it gets into difficulties by the inadequacy of its category to its object, and it is forced either to admit that there is a limit to the extent of its explanations or to deny the reality of the supposed facts. An illustration of the strength and weakness of the physio- logical method may be found in the following description. An electrical stimulus is applied to the tongue by means of the electrodes of an induction machine. A flow of saliva into the mouth is observed to follow the stimulation. This circumstance is capable of a lucid mechanical explanation. An impulse is conveyed from the part stimulated along an afferent nerve to a group of nerve-cells in the medulla oblongata. The effect of this is suddenly to release nerve- energy stored up in these cells and cause it to be discharged along efferent nerves leading to the salivary glands. The stimulus thus applied to the gland-cells causes them to do work in secreting the saliva observed to flow into the mouth. The physiologist thus finds here a delicate mechanism con- sisting of nerves, nerve-cells, and gland-cells, and he traces a causal series commencing with the stimulation of the afferent nerve and ending with the secretion of saliva by the gland. He has a purely mechanical problem before him apparently indistinguishable from any other mechanical problem, starting as he does with the conception of a series of parts existing outside of and independent of one another. 54 ESSAYS IN PinLOSOPinCAL CRITICISM. Each of these independent things is successivelj considered first as effect and then as cause, or, in another mechanical aspect, it is considered that energy is passed on from the initial stimulus through several internal processes back again to the outside world. It is true that the organism is of such a nature that this energy in its passage liberates a great deal of additional energy, but this does not afPect the explanation. Perfectly satisfactory as is what we have got here so far as it goes, it is yet, when the facts are examined more closely, seen to fall short of them. The category employed is adequate to the investigation of the case of a simple mechanical arrangement, but not to the case of that arrangement considered as a normal function of the organism to which it belongs. A purely physiological account of the action of the organism simply traces energy from the sur- roundings through the organism and out to the surroundings again. If this is to be taken to be a fall account of the process it is inadequate, for it ignores the fact, characteristic of life, that the energy spent by the organism on its sur- roundings is not dissipated at random on these surroundings, but is so directed as to cause them to give back again to the organism, sooner or later, just as much energy as the organism has previously expended. In other words, the distinguishing feature of vital activity is self-preservation, or the conservation of the organism in a state of functional activity ; and this is just as true of the most complicated actions of the human body as of the movement of the amoeba towards a source of nourishment , But besides this characteristic a living structure has a capacity of adapting itself to an infinite number of changing circumstances, which is wholly unintelligible upon any con- ceivable mechanical ' scheme.' How, for instance, is the process to be explained by which in the case of a newt there grows a new hand in the place of one which has been amputated? By the amputation the vital activity of the animal is hindered. Accordingly, in order that its functional arrangements may be kept in action, it is necessary that the hindrance arising from the mutilation should be overcome by provision being made for the carrying out of the function of the lost limb. What happens is that the cells of all sorts of tissue in the stump of the limb soon begin to divide, and gradually group themselves so as to THE liELATIOX OF nilLOSOPIIY TO SCIENCE. 55 form a bud of embryonic tissue. This bud, as a matter of fact, gradually grows into the form of theh)sthand, the cells gradually so modifying themselves as to form, all in their l^roper places, bone, connective tissue, epithelium, nerve and muscle, until at last a proper hand occupies the place of the old one. Every cell performs its appropriate duty until the whole business is accurately finished without fail. Is it con- ceivable that each of the thousands of separately existing cells concerned in the process should have a mechanism within it, which would cause it in spite of all obstacles to take up the position, and undergo the modification requisite for the proper performance of its work in the newly developed hand? Or is it conceivable that mechanical pressure of any kind should cause the bud to grow into a perfect hana ? The alternative hypothesis is that each cell is directly determined in its action simply by what it has to do in order that the vital activity of the newt may be re- stored to its normal condition. The fact is that every part of the organism must be con- ceived as actually or potentially acting on and being acted on by the other parts and by the environment, so as to form with them a self-conserving system. There is nothing short of this implied in saying that the parts of the organism can adapt themselves to one another and to the surroundings. And in this light we must correct the description which went no further than the assertion of a relation of cause and effect. The action of a muscle upon a joint seems at first impres- sion a simple case of a merely causal relation. Bat in the living body the action of the muscle is controlled by nervous impulses proceeding from ganglion cells in a nervous centre, and these ganglion cells act upon the surroundings through the muscle as part of a self-conserving system. The action of the muscle has a purpose in relation to the life of the individual of which it is a part, and is not thrown away at random upon the surroundings. In reality the muscle is determined by, just as much as it determines the surround- ings. But this feature of the facts is abstracted from when joint and muscle are considered separately from their sur- roundings. Such an abstraction is at times necessary for the purposes of science, but we must not suppose that it is adequate to the reality. The first matter which is of consequence here is that 56 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. whether or not the point of view is necessarily other than mechanical, it has at least changed. The conception of the nerve, muscle, and joint as separate and independent parts, respectively related merely as cause and effect, has given place to. a conception which takes them as in conjunction I with their environment making up a process of reciprocal determination, and recognises that no explanation can be sufficient which fails to do this. In short there has been a transition from the category of causality to the less abstract, though still mechanical, category of reciprocity. Bat is it possible to stop here ? In every true case of reciprocal action the interacting bodies are considered as still external to and independent of one another. In the case of a plane- tary system, for which the appropriate conception is reci- procity, any planet can be detached from the system, and yet remain for the most part what it was before. It has an existence independent of its relation to other planets and the centi-e of the system, a relation which is after all un- essential to it. But it is different in the case of the system of life. If a sea-anemone is cut in two, the parts do not simply heal up and form two halves. They either die, or else each half buds out and changes into a new and perfect whole. A single cell of some of the lowest compound or- ganisms will, if detached, instead of living an independent life, reproduce the whole organism. In the higher animals this power appears only in the reproductive cells, but there are everywhere traces of a tendency in each living cell when isolated to reproduce the whole organism of which it formed a part. It would thus appear that the parts of an organism cannot be considered simply as so many independent units, which happen to be aggregated in a system in which each determines the other. It is on the contrary the essential feature of each part that it is a member of an ideal whole, which can only be defined by saying that it realises itself in its parts, and that the parts are only what they are in so far as they realise it. In fine the relations of life are nob capable of redaction to the relations of mechanism. The difficulty is one which has long been familiar to men of science, and attempts have frequently been made to minimise it. So long as science is regarded as made up properl}^ only of the results of observation and experiment, and abstract conceptions are admitted only for the purpose of THE RELATION OF PIIILOSOrilY TO SCIENCE. 57 facilitating the acquisition of these results, the inadequacy of the mechanical standpoint is not practically important. But it always happens that after a time observers begin to generalise and seek to obtain a systematic view of their work as an entirety. And then it is that trouble arises. , If, for example, we seek to conceive biological relations as cases of the interaction of atoms or molecules, we find it necessary to resort to some such hypothesis as that these atoms or molecules are endowed with consciousness, and we come face to face with the contradictions which, as we have seen, per- plex those who try to bring consciousness within the cate- gories of things in space. If, on the other hand, we turn to the old conception of external design or supernatural intervention, we not only commit a like error, but find our- selves wholly unable to reconcile this new notion with the context of experience. Now on the theory of knowledge such difficulties arise simply from a misapplication of cate- gories. Whether we treat life as a case of the interaction of molecules, or as the manifestation of a special vital force, we are alike dogmatically applying mechanical categories to phenomena to which thej^ are not adequate. The phenomena of life exist for consciousness in a point of view distinct from that of the phenomena of mechanism, in the same sense as is the point of view under which the world is perceived as beautiful or as morally good. This is a result of the nature of knowledge, and it follows from it that life can never be reduced to mechanism. In a way the classes of facts which are constituted through each special kind of relation may be looked upon as exhibiting a sort of endless series the limits of which are the relations of the next higher and the next lower order. And these limits are asymptotic in a sense more profound than that of the mathematician. For there can be absolutely no evolution in time of one of such relations out of another. We can, for example, conceive the vital relation as less and less apparent until we do not seem to distinguish it from a mechanical arrangement. But we can never hope to find a case of ahiogenesis as a matter of fact, any more than we can really construct the moral con- sciousness upon physical principles. Only the suppression of a point of view which is yet implicitly there enables us to imagine that we do so. It is quite legitimate to suppose that the universe has become what it is from a state of 58 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. existence as a mass of incandescent vapour. Bat in sucli a conception we have already got implicitly present all the categories which we afterwards find prominent. The idea of a mass of vapour as an object existing in merely me- chanical relations, and without reference to a percipient con- sciousness, would be a meaningless abstraction. At least such an object is only an object for knowledge, and with . knowledge is present, whether in clear consciousness or not, the whole series of the categories of knowledge. In the conception of the environment of the organism there is implied the higher class of relations. In a sense the surroundings of the organism just as much as its own structure are implicated in its life. What is really implied in such words as ' function,' ' purpose,' ' means,' and ' end ' is that we are looking at the organism, not as acted on by things outside it, but as in teleological connection with that which is different from, but not existent independently of it- We have in fact discarded those categories of mechanism which were found so useful in a different kind of enquiry in reference to the phenomena of life. When we have reached a standpoint from which we refuse to separate the individual ^ organism from its surroundings and from its relation to other individuals, we see how the species may itself be looked upon as a compound organism, or as a member of which each individual attains its true significance. And we begin to comprehend the meaning of the death of the indi- vidual, an event which otherwise appears arbitrary and unintelligible. These corsiderations may serve to throw some light on an idea which is wider than that of organisation, the idea of development. Now the first point which falls to be made in connection with this idea, is that it cannot be expressed as a simple result of action from without. As we have seen, it is not correct to separate the surroundings in thought from the organism, and treat them as independent things, for the organism only realises itself in its surroundings. It is not the case that the * fittest ' survive after the fashion in which the roundest shot only reach the bottom of the sloping board used by shotmakers to eliminate those that are im- perfect. Development is in all cases the realisation of what ! was not there at the beginning of the process. Yet the resulting difference is not conceived as impressed from THE RELATION OF PHILOSOPHY TO SCIENCE. 59 without, but as freely produced from within itself by that which developes. A little consideration shows that such branches of biological science as embryology and mor- phology become possible only through the conception of de- velopment. For the uneducated observer the examination of the sections of an embryo in different stages of progress brings no light. For him the points of difference are as striking as the points of similarity, and there is no indi- cation of continuity. But in the case of a trained embryo- logist this is not so. Such an observer at once recognises the sections as exhibiting the stages of a progress in which there becomes only more fully realised in change something which remains identical, notwithstanding the alteration of all that from a merely mechanical point of view constitutes its existence. Again, when the botanist says that leaves, petals, sta- mens, carpels, &c., are organs which are morphologically identical, he means something more than a mere similarity in appearance. Were nothing more than this signified, then assuredly Cuvier would have been right in maintaining that the idea of morphological identity was trivial and gave no new light. The differences were in that case just as real as the identity, and there would be no justification for empha- sizing the one more than the other. But for the modern comparative morphologist stamen and leaf are none the less identical because of a difference which is felt to present no real hindrance. For he brings with him to his problem the conception of development. If there were no point of view higher than that of mechanism, such conceptions as those which have now been briefly examined would be meaningless. But it is just be- cause there is such a point of view, possible by reason of the fact that the phenomena which it embraces are consti- tuted through higher categories than those of spatial and temporal arrangement, that as science advances men are driven back to the use of these higher conceptions in spite of their attempts to dispense with them. For such attempts lose their meaning as soon as it is recognised that to abandon them in no sense implies the admission of an ex- ception to the uniformity of nature. The man who insists on regarding organisation and development as mechanical, and the man who insists on the existence of supra-mechanical 60 ESSAYS IN' PIIILOSOPIIieAL CRTTICISM. substances and causes, are alike dogmatists, whose prin- ciples are really untrue to those facts of common sense with which science and philosophy alike must start. If, then, a critical examination of categories can reconcile the truth which lies at the bottom of each point of view, and without for a moment seeking to intrude into the domain of obser- vation and experiment, yet throw light on conceptions which are necessarily used in obtaining and arranging the results so reached, surely such a criticism becomes a matter of the last importance. We shall show later that the method of such an investigation, so far from being that of a priori reason- ing, is not distinguishable in principle from the method of science. Meanwhile it is desirable to say that it is in no reference such an attempt to rationalise nature as would sometimes seem to have been the real purpose of that some- what unintelligible treatise the * Naturphilosophie ' of Hegel. The theory of knowledge does not seek, as Hegel seems to have thought (whether or not he really meant it), to deduce nature from intelligence. Nor does the critical point of view find in nature a fossilisation of intelligence in which the categories of thought are strewn about, severally realised in things external to one another. It does not concern us even to consider the possibility of an attempt which lies far away from our purpose, or even to put the question whether it does not itself imply first such a misapplication of cate- gories as on Hegelian principles is inadmissible. What we have to do is merely to show from the nature of intelligence how certain different points of view are actually or poten- tially present in the simplest state of consciousness, and to correct scientific conceptions when they confound one of these points of view with another. So far as the scope of this essay permitted, its method has been exemplified by the examination, in the light of a certain view of knowledge, of the scientific conceptions of organisation and development. It is obvious that the same principle of criticism applies to the conceptions of many other departments of inquiry which do not lie within the scope of these pages. But it may not be amiss at least to mention one or two of these. It is a mistaken application of categories which, for example, gives rise to the controversy about free Avill and necessity. So soon as it is recognised that volition is really not to be looked upon as a process THE RELATION OF PIIIL030PITV TO SCIEX taking place in space,^ tlie dilemma that it mnst eithe caused or uncaused disappears. Will. and motive are not independent external existences related as cause and effect. They are phenomena of a higher point of view whose rela- tion is rather that of reason and consequent. A like criti- cism applies to the idea of the state as a mere aggregate of isolated individuals. A less abstract category would prove more adequate to the facts in embracing, in the conception of the individual, his determination by the social organism of which he is a member. And iu the light of such a con- ception the shortcomings of the abstractedly individualistic doctrines of the Manchester school in political economy be- come apparent. But it is not merely in its application to aspects of the universe higher than those of mechanism that this process of correction is important. It is no doubt quite correct to lay stress upon the mathematico -physical rela- tions of matter, and to reason from them iu an abstract • The qiiestion of the relation of will and moti\-e is not strictly relevant, but it is so important as ilhistrative of the necessity of examining the facts of experience in the light of a criricism of categories, tliat it is desirable to am- plify the reference in the text. It may be objected that the relation, though not one of externality in space, may yet well be one of sxiccession in time. This objection will hardly, however, be raised by anyone who has acceded to the earlier stages of the argument. Space and time are not things separable from, or independent of, one another. Viewed in such a light they are merely abstract figments. Tlie relations of externality and succession, of outside-one-another- ness and after-one-another-ne.«;s, imply each other in the same way as identity implies difference or substantiality im- plies ttiusation. They exist only in co-ordination as contributing to the constitution of a highly concrete reiility which they do not exhavst, however essential to it in certain aspects. This is the strength of the contention of Czolbe and Ueberweg, that the pheno- mena of consciousness (which we prefer, from the standpoint of this essay, to sp«>ak of as psychological r:\ther than as psychicj\l) must be regarded as ex- tended in space. It follows that there is no such thing as a succession in time which is not the successi CRITICISM. the truth of those premisses that do give it. Still, it is abso- lutely clear that every verified result is pro tanto a confirma- tion of any principles from which it is deducible ; and those principles are finally established from which alone all verified results allow themselves to be deduced. Thus, that is true which will organise experience as a system, and the organisation is always in form deductive ; but this does not mean that certainty is derived from generals to particulars. It is their systematic union that gives cer- tainty both to premisses and to conclusions. The hypothesis, with its tentative deduction, soon begins to add probability to unverified results ; true or false, what has explained so much is likely to explain more. The deduction of the purest kind, say geometrical for instance, seems almost beyond winning a practical increase of trustworthiness for elementary principles by new applications, even if verified ; yet if we proposed to cut ofi* all verified conclusions from geometry, we should find that there are no premisses so necessary as not to gain certainty, as they gain significance, from their application. Thus, the hypothetical doctrine of induction after all only appeals to what is the essential character of knowledge, in induction and deduction alike ; and every syllogism whose conclusion is verified gains cer- tainty for its prem'isses by that verification, as every set of premisses that has stood a series of applications, has some certainty to confer on its further conclusions. One word more on verification. The facts by which we test conclusions are not simply given from without. The confirmation of a deductive result by experience means its confirmation by certain determinate standards of measure- ment, and the like, all of which are themselves of scientific origin, and owe their fixed value to some province of system- atised experience which has been brought to bear on them. Where, for instance, is the measure of time, the sine qua non of the most elementary verifications ? How can the earth's rotation be compared with itself, and tested for uniformity ? The only answer is, that a capricious variation of motion is excluded by the congruence of our whole system of recorded niotions, in clocks and in everything else. Such trust do we put in this system as a whole, that we venture to criticise the motion of our chief time-keeper, the earth itself. Such a criticism is implied alike by asserting and by denying that LOGIC AS THE SCIENCE OF KNOWLEDGE. 101 the time of daily rotation is -uniform. The extraordinary reliability and precision of our measurement of time, for which we have no one absolute standard whatever, is an excellent type of the nature of the system of knowledge. And verification by observation and experience always means a reference to the standards of some such system. This is the best illustration of wha.t we mean when we say, that truth and reality are to be looked for in the whole of expe- rience, taken as a system. B. BOSANQUET. 1^ 102 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. THE HISTORICAL METHOD. There is no more striking characteristic of recent science and philosophy than the extent to which the historical method has taken the place of the methods of direct obser- vation and reasoning. The comparative method, which has revolutionised natural science, created the science of philo- logy, and is now profoundly modifying scientific psychology, is in essence identical with it ; and it was becoming evident, even before the time of Comte, that it was only through the systematic application of this method that sociology could ever become a science. This historical treatment of the sciences has grown up in the present century side by side with the more scientific treatment of history. The ten- dency in the preceding century had been to look on truth as needing only the application of enlightened reason for its discovery, and to make history a mere recital of erroneous views or meaningless events. But the conception of the f evolution of man by interaction with his environment has filled with life an otherwise aimless record, and shown the meaning and purpose of history b}^ emancipating our views of the past from their bondage to the ideas of the present. And as history has in this way assumed a scientific cha- racter, its scope and application have been extended to all departments of investigation : the sciences have become his- torical. But while every science has its history more or less closely connected with it, the historical part is in some cases merely a new department of investigation added on to the old without exerting any modifying effect upon it. This is the case with all those sciences whose subject-matter is definite and unchanging. There is a history of the science of mathematics, for instance, but mathematics itself is quite THE HISTORICAL METHOD. 103 independent of that history. In this sense every science has or may have a history. But the historical method cannot A be spoken of as used in the science unless the theoretical part is modified by the historical. And it is only in the simplest way, and to a very slight extent, that such modifi- cation can take place here, namely, by pointing- out the lines on which the science has advanced hitherto, and thus suggest- ing the course of subsequent progress. In other ca,ses, however, the theoretical part is directly affected by the historical. If the subject-matter of which the science treats has itself undergone an historical develop- ment, the science will largely consist in tracing the begin- ning, successive stages, and ultimate form of the phenomena under investigation. It is through the employment of this genetic method that the natural sciences have ceased to be merely descriptive, and advanced even beyond the stage which seeks to trace mere causal sequences. In technical language, it has led them from the categories of quantity and quality to those of cause and reciprocity. But the case may be still more complicated. For we shall find that the categories of cause and reciprocity them- selves are no longer sufficient when we have to deal with self-consciousness and its phenomena. The customs, conduct, ^ and relations of which the social sciences treat are in many ways modified by the theories about them held by those whose relations to one another and to circumstances are being traced. Nor can the complex question thus arising as to the part the internal and external factors respectively play in the formation of any given law, custom, political theory, or political constitution be got rid of by the asser- tion that the internal or ideal factor is itself the result of the external or real factor. For, even could this assertion be proved, the facts are so involved as to make the conclusion of no practical use. In the words of Mr. Mill, ' So long a series of actions and reactions between circumstances and man, each successive term being composed of an ever greater number and variety of parts, could not possibly be computed by human faculties from the elementary laws which produce it.' ^ And if we admit as a fact — whatever its explanation may be — that social phenomena are affected by the ideas of men, we are compelled to place the social sciences on a ' Logic, II. 613, 10th ed. 104 ESSAYS IX PHILOSOPHICAL CKITICISM. different level from the natural. In the latter we have to trace a sequence or an interaction of factors w^hich are strictly observable and calculable, whereas in the former, the subjective factor modifies its objective environment in a way which cannot be traced by the ordinary methods of natural science. Hence the application of the historical method to the social sciences has a difficulty of its own, and the historical prediction which Oomte claims for sociology can only belong to it to a very limited extent.' But a further and still more important distinction re- quires to be made. Hitherto we have spoken only of special sciences. But the application of the historical method really involves two questions of different kinds : a scientific ques- tion which takes many forms according to the nature of the science discussed, and which must be decided for each science on its merits, and a philosophical question, which is one and an ultimate question as to the final method of philosophy. In the former case the question is simply as to the way in which ordinary scientific methods are to be used in certain departments of investigation. When, for example, the question is put as to whether political economy is or is not an historical science to be treated by the historical method, we have obviously to deal simply with a ques- tion of logical procedure to be settled by the nature of the subject-matter and the kind of evidence it admits of. But when the question comes to be one as to the ultimate nature and significance of our intellectual and moral ideas, the discussion must evidently be raised to a different plat- form ; for the categories quite properly assumed in any in- vestigation of the special sciences cannot be taken for granted in that science which professes to be final and self- explicative. The question here is thei'efore not as to the way we are to set about inquiring into this or that special department of investigation, but as to the ultimate method of philosophy —whether it is to be realistic and historical, or idealistic and speculative. For the historical method is in this case but a branch of the realistic or experiential method. And this, indeed, is the sense in which the term is often used when applied to the special sciences as well as to philosophy. Not only must we distinguish various forms of the historical method accord- ' Positive Philosophy, Miss Martineau's translation, It. \%\. pNl7ERSI THE HISTORICAL METHOD. V^T^ '''2' ing to the subject matter to which it is applied : the terfer -"^ itself has a double meaning. As generally used it connotes " two essential characteristics. In the first place, it seeks to arrive at its conclusions by tracing an evolution in time, and it thus takes the name ' historical ' in the strict sense. But it is also in most cases equally characteristic of it that it is realistic not idealistic : it traces a development of circum- stances and external conditions, not one of thoughts or ideas, or the latter only by means of the former. In ethics it seeks to show how our present moral customs have been gradually arrived at by the development of previous social conditions, and how moral beliefs and laws then and now have been formed by these. In jurisprudence it exhibits the process by which present legal institutions have been produced by the past history and needs of the people ; in political economy, how the industrial condition of the country is at each epoch the result of preceding states, economic laws being but the expression of that condition. Through all these various phases the social organism is re- presented as having grown up in time by a natural process of evolution from its rude and simple beginning to its present complex state, with all the delicate adj ustmen t ol parts ^ that state involves. And for the spring or pulse of this his- torical movement we are referred to no ideal end or final cause gradually realising itself in life, but to outward cir- cumstances, and the selection and development of the organ- isms that can best adapt themselves to the external order. The criticism of the historical method thus really involves two questions : (I) Are we, in the various departments to which it is applied, to look for our scientific theories to the order of things and their sequence in time rather than to the logical order of thought which our perception of tilings may be shown to imply ? that is, is our method to be realistic ? (2) Are our theories to be formed from an observation of the past history and progress of social and other human con- ditions rather than from a study of their present position? that is, is the method to be historical in the stricter sense of the term ? For the most part, it is the second of these questions that has to be examined in considering the method of the special social sciences, while the former question has still to be asked of the ' first philosophy.' In the former case, since experience is assumed and left to philosophy to be 106 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CPtlTICISM. accounted for, it is obvious that the adoption of an ex- periential method creates no difficulty of its own, and the question of method may therefore be thus put : granting that it is to be experiential, is it to be from the facts of history or from those of present experience that we are to start ? Even thus, indeed, this question is often mixed up in a per- plexing way with the other. For the problems belonging to the social sciences run into, or at any rate, have not yet been definitely marked off from those belonging to the ' first philosophy.' It is difficult, for example, to say even in general, in what respects ethics is a part of philosophy, and in what respects it is to be treated as one of the social sciences, and it is still more difficult to draw the line in the detailed discussion of ethical questions. A similar difficulty meets us in the sciences of law and politics, while empirical psychology has only begun to be separated from the theory of knowledge. There is thus a danger — not always obviated — of our assuming the applicability of a realistic method to questions to which it may turn out to be inappropriate. It is difficult always to bear in mind — though the truth of the proposition cannot be denied — that the method suitable to one class of questions may imply a constant petitio ]princi]pii if applied to other questions which yet stand in close connection with the former. For in the case of philosophy proper we cannot take for granted that our method is to be experiential, seeing that the first business of philosophy is to give a reasoned account or justification of experience itself. The question of the applicability of the historical method to philosophy may be thus said to resolve itself into the question, how the adoption of the historical method in place of that of direct observation or reasoning alters the fundamental dispute which exists between philosophic systems according as their methods are realistic or speculative, or whether it affects that dispute at all? By the realistic school the historical method is regarded as a bond connecting all the special departments of investi- gation with the ultimate and co-ordinating science called philosophy. Tt enables us to rise to the ideal of a system of knowledge interconnected in all its parts, and one alike in its highest generalisations and in the method by which these generalisations are reached. A new aspect, it is con- I THE HISTORICAL METHOD. 107 tended, is thus assumed bj the old controversy between realism and idealism, and a decision arrived at in favour of the realistic view of things. The extent to which this con- tention is justified will become more apparent when the character of the historical method has been made plain by- noticing its application to the mental and social sciences. It is to the controversy on the method of jurisprudence carried on towards the beginning of the present century that we must turn for the fullest account of the meaning and use of the historical method afterwards applied by Comte to social science generally.' Theoretically, the modern historical method of jurisprudence was a protest against; the theory of a law of nature which, descending from the Roman jurists, was indiscriminately applied to legal topics by the theorists of the eighteenth century. But it had also a practical origin in the resistance made by the States of Germany to the imposition of the Code Napoleon and the controversy that arose among German jurists as to the codi- fication of their law. It was in these circumstances that, in 1814, Savigny published his pamphlet 'On the Vocation of our Age for Legislation and Jurisprudence.' He objected to the proposed codification, because it w'buld not really further the national unity it aimed at, and contended that the cause of the evil resulting from conflicting systems, was not in the laws, but in the people themselves, who were therefore not qualified to frame a code. Unity, he thought, might be best attained, not by a code, but by ' an organically pro- gressive jurisprudence common to the whole nation.' ^ In speaking of ' an organically progressive jurisprudence,' Savigny seems to have two things chiefly in view. In the first place, he means that law is not something arbitrarily imposed by an external ruler, but a living embodiment of the spirit of the people. ' This organic connection of law with the being and character of the people,' he says,^ ' is also manifested in the progress of the times, and herein it is ' Montesquieu seems to be regarded of co-existent and consecutive social by Comte {Positive Philosophy, II. states ' — an assertion which seems jus- 66, ff.) as the founder of the historical titled of the greater part of the Esprit method, and Sir Henry Maine speaks des Lois, though scarcely of such a dis- of his work in similar terms (cf. Ancient cussion as that in Book XXVIIL, with Law, p. 86, 8th ed.). On the other which may be compared the remarks on hand, Professor Flint holds {Philosophy method in Book XXIX. chap. xi. of History, p. 97) that Montesquieu « p-^^ Beruf unserir Zeit, p. 161, made no systematic use of ' the expedient 2nd ed. of historical philosophy, the comparison ' 3id. p. 1 1 . 108 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. to be compared to language. For law, as for language, there is no moment of absolute cessation. . . . Law grows with the growth and strengthens with the strength of the people, and at last dies away as the nation loses its individuality.' In the second place, Savigny holds that the historical method, by tracing laws to their source, will * discover an organic principle whereby that which still has life will separate itself from that which is already dead and belongs only to history.'^ In this way the historical study of law and custom will show us when any particular legal institutions are the product of conditions which the nation has outgrown, and may thus become a method of ascertain- ing when laws have outlived the circumstances under which they were appropriate. Beyond this Savigny does not go. He does not seem to look on the historical method as com- petent to settle the distinctively theoretical questions of jurisprudence, and, in his ' System of Modern Eoman Law,' published in 1840, he goes so far as to say that ' the reasons which first gave rise to the name of an historical school have as good as disappeared with the prevailing errors which it was then necessary to attack.' ^ Nor does Sir Henry Maine, with whose name historical jurisprudence is chiefly asso- ciated in this country, expressly apply the historical method to the solution of other than historical questions, though he is so far from agreeing with the opinion just quoted from Savigny, that he looks upon the ' philosophy of politics, art, education, ethics, and social relation which was constructed on the basis of a state of nature ' as * still the- great an- tagonist of the historical method.' ^ Yet, even Sir Henry Maine him&elf is more successful in vindicating the claims of the historical method against old abstractions than in making clear the extent of its applicability. The ' law of nature' of the dogmatical jurists was merely an unreal fig- ment of the understanding got by stripping actual laws of their distinctive content, just as the * state of nature ' to which Rousseau advocated a return, was not so much a positive notion as a mere negative of civilisation. And we are therefore not at liberty to assume that Sir Henry Maine, in opposing the historical method to the * law of nature ' ' Vom Beruf,\\.s.'w.,Y>- 117 ; c{. Von ' System drs henflgen H'6tvi$chev Maurer, Einleitunq zvr Geschichte der Bechts, I. p. xvi. Mark-, Hof; Dnrf-. und Sfarlf.Verfn.<- » .4vnn>f Lrnr. p. 91. funff (1854), p. iv. THE HISTORICAL METHOD. 109 intends it to do the work of theoretical jurisprudence, or would even exclude from that function the law of nature when more correctly interpreted. ' Nature,' properly conceived, is a con- crete not an abstract conception, does not exclude history but necessarily includes it, being itself an evolution in time towards ever-increasing complexity. The fault of the old theorists was not in taking nature as their standard, but in identifying that nature with the simple beginnings of history to the exclusion of its complex and co-ordinated results, and in constructing its initial stage by a fiction of the imagination instead of arriving at it by historical re- search. The historical study of law has been so rich in positive results as to divert attention from its possible limits, and to create the impression that this method covers the whole field of legal science. Yet it would seem that eyen its most important results are closely connected with questions the decision of which lies beyond its range. That law had its ' origin in status and not in contract — that it began with custom only afterwards formulated into command — is a / conclusion of modern jurists which has shed a new light on legal hisbory. But it is an historical conclusion which does not do away with the necessity of clearly distinguishing between legal ideas and legal customs and leaving room for their possible divergence. In any community in which there is no divergence between these, there is at the same time no scope for progress; while in any community in ^which they do diverge from one another, either custom mds to mould the ideas into conformity with it, or the ideas to reform and modify custom, or both forces act together. It is in this way that change and progress become possible. Primitive societies and undeveloped races are more prone to be governed by external circumstances than to reflect upon their nature and tendencies, and hence their ideas of legal relations are for the most part the mere reflection of customs inherited from a previous generation or necessitated by outward events. In this lies the explanation of the fact which historical investigation has established, that law arose from status. But in developed and civilised communities, where men have learned the lesson of reflection, the tendency is in the opposite direction : custom has to justify itself before the bar of reason, and conduct comes to 110 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. be guided by a definite conception of its end, instead of by a vEigue belief that it is usual. Thus ideas begin to have a power over custom corresponding to that which custom previously had over ideas. Herein partly lies the rationale of the theory that law began with contract, a theory developed by the unhistorical reflection of Hobbes and Locke and Rousseau. As an account of the origin of law this theory seems to us now almost ludicrously wrong. Yet, apart from its historical inaccuracy, it had hold of an im- portant element of truth — the truth that reflection upon action and a conception of its end produce modifications upon conduct and upon the customs in which conduct tends to become fossilised. From the varying elements of which advanced societies are composed, it follows that a broad distinction must be drawn between the legal ideas of the educated and expert on the one hand and those of the community generally on the other. Thus when Savigny speaks of law as expressing the common consciousness of the community, he must be understood as referring only to its essential elements, not certainly to the finer details which are the work of pro- fessional jurists. Savigny indeed says that in this — which he calls the technical as distinguished from the political element of law — these experts ' represent the community.' • But they represent it not by expressing its ideas, but by expressing their own at its command and within certain limits. The ideas of the community at large only extend to certain leading principles, the development of which is left to experts, while there is often a considerable want of harmony between the ideas of the expert and those which find favour amongst the rest of the community. Now, even supposing that the floating legal ideas of the community are the mere reflex of existing legal customs and institutions, the same does not hold true of the ideas of the thoughtful and the expert. I do not think indeed that any such sharp distinction can be drawn between one class and another as to justify us in saying that the ideas of the one are entirely moulded by outward circumstances, those of the other in- dependent of them. Rather it would seem that the share the external factor plays in their formation differs only in degree between the opinions of the expert and those of the ' Vom Bertif, u.s.w., p. 12. THE HISTORICAL METHOD. Ill vulgar. But even though the ideas of the vulgar be entirely moulded in this external way, it is obvious that the ideas of the expert are not so formed ; for while his surroundings in the way of legal institutions and customs are for the most part the same as those of the ordinary man, his legal con- ceptions are different. Can then the method of historical realism give a sufficient account of the formation of legal ideas or conceptions such as those of the jurists and legis- lators who modify law? This, it should be noticed, is a question which concerns not merely the history of legal ideas, but also the history of legal "customs. For these ideas, however arrived at, tend to form new legal institutions and modify old ones. The question of the formation of these legal ideas thus becomes a crucial one for the historical method. Of course it may be said that as it is a * deficient imagination ' which is largely the cause of slavish adherence to custom,^ so the formation of conceptions which pass beyond the actual to the ideal is the result of an efficient imagination. But while this answer may be true so far as it goes, it is certainly insufficient. The conditions implied in forming conceptions by the scientific imagination still remain to be investigated. And it is this analysis of the process by which these conceptions or ideals are formed •which is one of the chief problems to be dealt with in con- sidering the claims of historical realism to be the ultimate philosophical method. The question thus leads bej^ond the mere application of the historical method to jurisprudence or other social sciences, and can only be properly discussed when the conditions implied by its use in philosophy have been first of all investigated. The application of the historical method to jurisprudence 1 has had a result reaching far beyond the limits of the science immediately affected by it. Its historical treatment made law cease to be looked on either on the one hand as a system of arbitrary enactments, or on the other hand as approxima- tions to a natural code common to mankind at every stage of development and only obscured by human institutions. Laws and the customs they sanction were seen to be an '^ expression of the national life, the result of its past evo- lution, indicative of its present position, and modified at each stage of its progress. In this way jurisprudence ^ Compare Mies Simcox's striking esfay on Naiurol Lnw. p. 22. 112 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. came to be regarded as a part of that comprehensive science that treats of social relations ; and, in the positive philosophy, sociology, as an historical science, had its definite place assigned to it in the circle of knovsrledge. The preceding account of the historical treatment of jurisprudence has shown us the grounds on which the ap- plication of the historical method to the social sciences generally is to be discussed. We have seen that the intro- duction of the new method was partly a protest against the imaginative constructions of history that formed such theories as that of the social contract, and partly also sup- ported by the positive assertion that present facts and circumstances can only be properly understood by studying the process by which they have come to be what they are. In both these claims the new method is justified. It is indeed a matter for separate discussion how far we must inquire into the history of each difi'erent class of social facts and relations before lajing down the laws of their present action, though there can, of course, be no question that it is absolutely necessary to do so before speaking of what they were in the past. But we have also seen that the claims of the historical method do not stop here. Perhaps the only branch of the social sciences in which these claims may be said to extend no further is political economy, the reason for this being that the scope of this science is now generally recog- nised to be much narrower than it was looked upon as being in the days of Adam Smith. But in those questions of statecraft which were formerly mixed up with it, and in theoretical politics and jurisprudence, the historical method has a further application, or at any rate makes a more comprehensive claim, which it is harder exactly to determine. The reason of this difficulty is that we here pass beyond actual events past or present, and approach the philosophic confines of these sciences, thus raising the whole question as to the significance of the historical method in philosophy. For both in jurisprudence and in politics we have certain ideals which we wish to realise, though our efforts to attain them are necessarily limited and conditioned at once by their own nature and by the material we have to manipulate and to elevate to the ideal. In such sciences the material we have to deal with is the actual legal and political relations of the nation in connection with the whole character of the THE fflSTORICAL METHOD. 113 people and their historical position. In all such cases, therefore, our attempts to realise the ideal must be con- ditioned by the position and character of the people as de- termined b}^ their historical antecedents. So far as practical, these ideals are dependent on the actual state of affairs, but in their nature as ideals they pass above and beyond it. Hence arises the question as to the manner of their formation and the possible functions of the historical method in this reference as well as in the former. Again, in psychology and in morals the same question meets us, and here in an even more fundamental form, applying to the bases of the s-ciences not merely to their further limits. . Anthropology may show us how the pre- sent mental and moral condition of men is the result of an historical evolution. But are not cognitive categories, however crudely held and ill-applied, presupposed in the germinal knowledge of man? are not ethical ideals, how- ever indistinctly conceived and blindly followed, implied in the rudimentary moral activity of the lowest races ? The ques- tion thus comes to be whether the historical method which exhibits the development of knowledge and morality can also account for their existence. Does the process history presents us with itself afford sufficient explanation of all the facts to be explained? What, in fine, is historical expla- nation worth when quest is made for the meaning of the whole of things ? The most attractive thing about historical realism is that it is a unity, an organic system. The ordinary scientific but unhistorical realism of an earlier date was without any such bond of unity. It conjured indeed with the term experience, but only with the term ; experience itself was for it a mere haphazard external somewhat, standing in no necessary re- lation to consciousness. For knowledge, for morality, for sesthetic and religious ideals, we were referred to experience : they arose there ; it accounted for them ; each individual, coming in contact with nearly the same set of external circumstances, received much the same kind of mental filling-in in the way of knowledge, morality, &c. But in this way the different parts of his experience were only externally connected with one another, his experience only arbitrarily connected with that of other individuals. The historical method has brought unity and life into these dis- 114 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. 'jecta membra. The principle of hereditary transmission has enabled it to connect the experience of each individual man, as an organic part, with that of the race. And when expe- rience is thus no longer broken with every individual, but maintains its continuity through an indefinitely long period of time, we are able to see how its different parts are not the mere chance associates of a complex aggregate, but members of an organised system in which there is no part but is connected with the whole, and through the whole with every other part. Eealism has thus become pre-eminently a system, in which an attempt is made to explain the totality of things, and to explain them by the same method of historical evo- lution, beginning with the simplest elements and working upwards to the most complex results. The physical, the chemical, the organic, the sensitive, and the self-conscious are thus regarded as so many stages in the development of the universe, in which there is no absolute break between the different members, and in which — if the theory is to be fully made out — each member gives birth to, and, along with surrounding modifying circumstances, contains in itself an explanation of that which succeeds it. As we pass from one division to another we are indeed obliged to make use of different and additional categories for the explanation of our facts. But from the standpoint of historical realism it must be held that, although we rise from the categories of quantity and quality with simple causal connection, or at most reciprocity, to design and life, and from life which is merely sensitive and animal, to that which is conscious of itself, yet each step of the process originates in and arises from what precedes, and we are never guilty of leaping from terra firma into the empty air of speculation. If the specu- lative school begin with self-consciousness which they hold to account for all the categories, but to be itself accounted for by none, the historical school look upon it as but the latest and most complex product of time. Their chief work- ing category is that of causality, and all the others are explained as but more complex and closely interwoven cases of the causal connection. They perhaps concede that, in our present limited knowledge, there ■ is still a hiatus in experience between the inanimate and the living, and again between the merely animate and the self-conscious. But the THE HISTORICAL METHOD. 115 contention is that we can brinor the two sides so close togfether as to see that the gulf is not impassable, and that it only- needs proper material and a link of connection to enable us to throw a bridge across. The category of design, for example, has been thought to be explained without the assistance of conscious or intelligent purpose, simply by the organisms whose undesigned modifications make them the fittest to live, surviving in the struggle for existence, and transmitting to descendants the qualities which enabled them to wage successful war against the hostile forces in nature. In a similar way it is contended that even self- consciousness may be an historical result of the unconscious. And just as the reduction of the category of design to that of causality is no reason why we should not make use of the former in science (remembering always that it is not an ultimate category), so self-consciousness itself — no longer regarded as the source of the categories — will have its place in the systematic theory of things, but for its ultimate explanation must be traced to its historical source in the unconscious. The point of greatest difficulty for this theory is the passage from the unconscious to consciousness. For even the theory of historical evolution — superior as it is in unity of conception and in philosophic breadth to any other real- istic theory — ignores the very question with which philo- sophy begins, the nature of knowledge. So long as it remains on purely objective ground the value of historical realism must be tested by the ordinary scientific canons. It is only a science, though a science of the most generalised kind. But when it attempts to make the transition from the object known to the knowing subject, it forgets the obvious fact that this subject of knowledge has been all along assumed, and that it can be no longer safely ignored now that it is being turned from objects back upon itself. At this point, at any rate, the question must be raised as to what is implied by the subject having knowledge, and a transition must therefore be made from objective science to the theory of knowledge. So long as we kept to the sciences it was not necessary to refer to this fact of knowledge, for the sciences do not profess to justify their own existence. But the explanations of philosophy are only philosophical explanations in so far as they are ultimate ; and it therefore 116 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. belongs to philosophy to inquire into the nature and con- ditions of that knowledge which all particular sciences assuiue. It thus becomes evident that to identify this question with some special point of psychological or moral analysis is to mistake its central meaning. The question is not, for example, the same as, however closely it may be connected with, the question whether perceptions of space and time can be shown to have grown up in the human mind through the accumulated experiences of many ages, or whether sym- pathetic feelings and moral ideas can be shown to have their roots in early social institutions. The question is much wider and more fundamental than these, for it involves the justification not of any special doctrines merely but of a point of view. The fact that Kant's analysis of space and time was placed at the opening of his great work has led to the critical importance of that analysis being greatly over- estimated, and the central point of the ' Critique ' — the neces- sity of a reference to self- consciousness for all knowledge — being sometimes overlooked. The arguments by which Kant supported his view of space and time are entirely of a special kind, and their sufficiency and correctness have little or no bearing on the rest of his theory. What it was essen- tial for him to show, and what he really showed, Avas that experience implied the conceptions which it was made to account for by the individualistic empiricists of his day, and which it is now made to account for by the historical realists of our day. His contention was that thought or self-con- sciousness makes experience, not experience thought, whether the experience referred to be limited to the brief span of an individual life or extended to the indefinite duration of the race. In short, the detailed analysis of space and time given in the * Transcendental ^Esthetic,' is only an outwork of the system. What is fundamental in the discussion is the doctrine that these perceptions are not generated by unrelated feelings but require a mental construction, and can only be unified through the synthetic action of the self- conscious subject. Kant himself no doubt laid greater stress on his special arguments than he would have done had the * Esthetic ' been written after instead of before the * Analytic' And it is thus not to be wondered at that the analysis of space with which Mr. Spencer, on the basis of THE HISTORICAL METHOD. 117 the modern evolutionist philosophy, attempts to supersede the Kantian analysis, should be put forward by him as an integral part of a theory which tries to account by a natural process of development for knowledge and the self-conscious- ness which Kant regards as its supreme condition. Mr. Spencer's discussion of the subject is also one of the best examples of the method of accounting for knowledge by showing its genesis. And as it is further a typical case of the application of historical treatment to a question con- nected both with the theory of knowledge and with the analysis of mental states, it may repay a fuller considera- tion. Mr. Spencer has, of course, this advantage over Kant's earlier opponents, that he has an unlimited time at his com- mand in which the results of individual experience can be consolidated and transmitted. But however long a period of time may be granted him, however many generations the evolution of the nervous structure may have occupied, the difficulty of passing from the perception of that which for the perceiving subject is non-spatial to that which is for it spatial must still be met at some point or other. Even granting a sufficiently developed nervous structure, the per- ception of space implies the reference to things outside one of the sensations to which tbis structure is organic, and the crucial difficulty — the conversion of the non-spatial into the spatial — is only apparently surmounted in an analysis w^hich presupposes that the distinction between various parts of our organism is already a distinction for the percipient sub- ject before there is any spatial perception, and then evolves the perception of space from the consciousness of this dis- tinction. Yet it is evident as soon as stated that, so far from originating the perception of space, this known dis- tinction of organic parts really presupposes it.^ This diffi- culty seems to be obscured rather than overcome by Mr. Spencer's method of treatment, in which the perception of (extended) matter is discussed before that of space or exten- sion, while the admission is made that, on his theory, the perception of space implies that of motion — a perception left to be explained subsequently,^ but afterwards found to be not what we ordinarily call the perception of motion, but simply the ' muscular sensations ' ^ which are said to accom- ' a. Principles of Psychology, 3rd ^ Principles of Psychology, 11. 176, ed., §§ 327, 239 ; vol', ii. p. 168 ff. ; vol. » Ihid. II. 218. i. p. 549. 118 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. pany (the cbjective fact of) motion, and from wMch the (subjective) perception of motion is said to be built up. The perception of space on the evolution-theory is thus reduced to the same terms as in individualistic psychology: a series of touches concomitant with a series of muscular feelings, and recognised as similar to a number of simultaneous touches.^ The resultant association of the series of muscular feelings with these simultaneous feelings of touch is thus made to constitute our germinal perception both of space 'and motion. By speaking of these simultaneous sensations of touch as ' a series of co-existent positions,' the genesis of the perception of space appears easy enough. But when we keep them strictly to what they are — a number of sensations which require to be successively attended to in order to be brought into distinct consciousness — and then associate them simply with another series of sensations which physiology has since taught us to call muscular, the transition to the spatial still remains to be made. Once given his ' notion of relative position ' in space, Mr. Spencer's evolution-theory en- ables him to show how the definite conception of space as we novr have it has been built up by the experiences of previous individuals being handed down in the form of modified struc- ture to their descendants ; but it has not in any way solved the difficulty of showing how sensations which ex hypothed are not in space can yield the spatial perception. It is on this account that Lotze's hypothesis of 'local signs ' as the original elements of the space-perception has been admitted with such great unanimity by recent scientific psychologists. The adoption of this hypothesis does not indeed necessarily imply an acceptance of the Kantian view that space is an innate form of intuition, but it is an acknow- ledgment that it cannot be built up merely from passive * Tyschology, II. 224 : ' What it Spencer would admit, is either in space now concerns us to notice is this : — or time. If, then, tha ' co-existent posi- that as the series of tactual feelings A tions ' in which the ' simultaneous tac- to Z, known as having sequent positions tual feelings ' are presented, are spatial in consciousness, is found to he equiva- positions, the presentation of space is lent to the accompanying series of mus- already there, and does not need to be cular feelings \ and as it is also found to got at by any combination of ' equivalent ' he equivalent to the simvUaneous tactual feelings, or series of feelings. If, on feelings A to Z, which are presented in CO- the other hand, the * co-existent posi- existent positions ; it follows that these tions ' in which the ' simultaneous tac- two last are found to he equivrdents to tual feelings' are presented, are posi- eaoh other.' I cannot help thinking that tions in time, the statement simply the phraseology of this important pas- means that the simultaneous feelings sage is n^isleading. 'Position,' Mr. are — simultaneous. PTHE HISTORICAL METHOD. 119 and muscular sensations, but necessitates a further con- dition. This condition is the assumption of an element of distinction between the sensations coming from different sensory circles of the skin, or different fibres of the retina — an element which prevents the coalescence of the qualita- tively similar sensations originating at different quarters, and is thus in germ that out-of-one-another-ness which we call space. According to Lotze himself, this condition would be inoperative did there not first of all exist in the mind an original and innate tendency to form the perception of space. ^ But even those investigators who do not admit this innate mental tendency, have adopted his suggestion of local signs as the element which gives distinction to sensations quali- tatively alike ; so that modern scientific psychology, if no longer content with Kant's analysis of the spatial perception, is yet far from endorsing the derivative view he was opposing. It must be allowed to psychology to analyse, so far as analys- able, the perception of space, like any other mental state. But historical psychology has been no more successful than individualistic psychology was in resolving this perception into elements of mere tactual and muscular feeling. For the germinal perception from which our present complex per- ception is built up is found to have already implied a dif- ferentiation of sensational elements which are not qualita- tively distinguishable. How this germinal perception has been worked up into the various forms in which it now appears can be traced by the evolution-theory in a way which the older psychology could not rival. But the ex- tended time which that theory puts at our disposal does not make it any the easier to pass from mere sensation to the perception of spatial distinction. The failure of the empirical analysis of space, even when aided by the doctrine of heredity, is due to no mere temporary defect of psychological analysis, but to its attempt- ing the impossible feat of getting out of unrelated sensations a relation which mere sensation could never generate, since it implies the distinguishing and relating function of the con- scious subject. The so-called historical basis of ethics is open to a similar objection. The theory which traces the growth of the moral feelings and the widening of moral ideals has still left undiscussed the conditions of moral ' Grundcilge der Psyohologie, p. 30. 120 ESSAYS IN PIIILOSOrmCAL CRITICISM. action, has given no solution of the question, What is im- plied in that identification of self with an end or course of action, on which morality is based ? No competent inquirer is likely to deny nowadays that moral ends and the feelings accompanying moral action have differed in different races and participated in the general development of mankind. And in drawing attention to the share morality has had in this development, the historical school has undoubtedly done good service. But we go beyond our record when we assert that moral action has been developed out of merely natural action. The action to which alone moral value can be ascribed is that which is consciously determined, in which an end is seen and pursued. Morality is thus, we may almost say, a kind of knowledge, or rather both knowledge and morality are kinds of consciousness. In this respect, as well as in its more obvious meaning, Spinoza's doctrine of the equivalence of action and intellectual cognition ^ holds true : we act only so far as we know ; otherwise the action is not really ours. If knowledge implies an activity of the subject in receiving and relating the data of sense, so does con- scious action imply a distinction and selection of the end pursued. Hence, the first point which a complete evolution- ethics has to explain seems to have been practically over- looked; no account has been given by this theory of the dis- tinction between merely natural actions and those which as self-determined can have moral predicates ascribed to them. It lies with the historical method alone to trace the growth of altruistic and other moral feelings, and to exhibit the development of ethical ends in connection with that of social and political institutions. But there are two ques- tions which it fails to touch, or at any rate to decide. The first of these is the point just mentioned, the differentia- tion of moral or consciously determined action from that ' which is merely natural or determined b}' conditions in- dependent of consciousness. This may be called the fun- damental question of ethics. And as the historical method has failed to touch it, so neither in the second place has it shoTvn its competency to decide what may be called the final question of ethics, to decide, namely, between various ethical ends, and to determine that which ' ought ' to be followed. It is one thing to trace the modifications which ' Eth, iv. 24 : ' Nos eatenus tantumniodo agimus, qnatenus intelligimus.' p THE HISTORICAL METHOD. 121 moral ideals have undergone, and the results in conduct of these various modifications ; it is quite another thing to pass from this merely historical ground of what has been, and to set up an ideal for present action and future striving. We are thus brought back in ethics to the point where the historical method of jurisprudence left us in uncertainty. How do we form the ideals which regulate scientific progress or govern practical conduct? To this question, there would seem to be two imperfect answers. According to one of these the ideals are presented to us in history and fact, and we have neither need nor right to go beyond experience in framing them. It is some such answer as this, I think, that is given by those who hold that the historical method is able to decide what have been called the final philosophical questions into which we are led. But it is a matter of no little diificulty to give an exact statement of this vicAV, chiefly because, so far as I am aware, those who seem to adopt it as a consequence of the historical method have never fully worked it out or even defined it with sufficient clearness. It i? only when the claim thus made for the historical method shall have been put forward with greater precision and sup- ported by appropriate argument, that it will be possible fully to estimate its value. At present it is hard to tell whether it is meant {a ) that the historical evolution of out- ward circumstances and institutions contains in itself a suffi- cient explanation of all theories as to the end of conduct, or (6) that the development of opinion is such that each succes- sive view is determined and fully accounted for by those which preceded it, or (c) simply that we must be guided by history and fact in the formation of our ideals. The first view seems to be a moderate expression of the opinion not seldom met with, that we had better give up altogether the inquiry after an ' ought,' and rest contented with the ' is ' and the ' was.' But this is merely cutting the Gordian knot the historical method itself has tied. The test of this method as the final method of philosophy is its competency to determine ends or ideals, and for solution of the question we are told that ends cannot be determined. This answer can, however, only be taken as a frank acknowledgment of the limits of the historical nip.thod, hardly as a proof that what it does not extend to is therefore unattainable by any other means. Rather, having already seen that this method implies conditions which it 122 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. cannot itself account for, we need not be surprised at its leading up to questions that lie beyond it, though they do nofc lie outside the field of consciousness. To say (a) that opinion follows external circumstances, is to make an asser- tion founded only on the broad correspondence existing between the twOj a correspondence which may be equally well or better accounted for by the supposition, not that one is cause alone, and the other effect alone, but that their mutual action has a tendency to bring one into harmony with the other : so far as experience goes it shows us opinions modifying circumstances as often as modified by them. Again, the assertion (b) that each new opinion follows from those which preceded it either leaves no room for the mutual influence of opinion and outward customs or institutions, or, if it does admit both factors, neither of them altogether independent of, and neither of them altogether dependent upon, the other, this is an admission that the mental ele- ment in the evolution both modifies and is modified by its surroundings. It may of course be said that it is just this interaction of organism and environment which the historical method has commonly to trace in natural science. But the difference is that our internal factor here is not an organism like a plant or an animal, but self-consciousness and the mental states which follow from or depend upon it. And if, as in a previous part of this paper I have attempted to show, self-consciousness stands apart from historical evolution, and can only be evolved from it when it has been already assumed in it, it follows that the ideals we form are in part at least dependent on a source which stands above the merely tem- poral succession traced by the historical method. It is indeed still possible for us to assert (c) that history and fact must be our guides in the formation of these ideals, but sup- posing this proved, it only shows that their material content must be got from external events and institutions, while the various elements composing this content will still be selected and unified under the guidance of an idea supplied by the self-conscious subject. It is the use of these regulative ideas which makes it possible for the scientific imagination to frame conceptions which pass beyond actual experience. The other theory referred to as imperfect recognises, but in a one-sided way, the truth that the formation of these ideals passes beyond actual events, though not beyond the THE HISTORICAL METHOD. 123 range of consciousness. According to this theory our ideals are formed independently of facts or experience, and the aim of morality, of politics, and of law is said to be the realisa- tion of some such abstract principle as that of equality, justice, liberty, or it may be happiness. It was as a protest against this abstract way of looking at practical ideals that the historical method came into prominence, and by a natural ' revulsion tended to ally itself with a one-sided empiricism. Ideals of this sort, separated from experience, and often un- connected with the spirit of the time, have more frequently hindered progress than furthered it. As Bluntschli justly remarks, ^ ' Napoleon was not far wrong when he said " the metaphysicians, the ideologists, have ruined France." For the " ideological " conception of liberty and equality left the land in ruins and drenched it with blood. So, too, the doctrinaire elaboration of the monarchical principle repressed political freedom in Germany and impeded the development of its power, while the abstract principle of nationality has / been so applied as to endanger the peace of Europe. The truest and most fruitful ideas become pernicious when " ideologically " conceived and developed with narrow fana- ticism.' Both the empirical and abstract theories just mentioned may be said to be true in what they afl&rm, false in what they deny. The former theory is right in so far as it asserts that all our ideals to be fruitful must be founded on ex- perience or history. The end we seek must in all cases be, as Aristotle says in his ' Ethics,' dvOpcowivov, a human end, and built on the foundations already laid. In ethics the first duty which lies before the individual is to fill his place as, and to perform the ordinary functions of, a member of the family, of the community, and of the State, and any ideal which conflicts with this is in so far discredited. In politics the first aim is to conserve the constitution of the State and to regulate international relations with respect to its historical place and action, while in legislation regard is had to the continuity of established custom, and each pro- posed change is jealously weighed. But if we are to pass beyond the duty of the good neighbour and honest citizen to higher and more comprehensive ends, if the State is to develop and laws to be improved, we need to pass beyond ' Lehre vom modernen Stat, I. 6, 6th ed. (1876). 124 ESSAYS IN PIIILOSOPinCAL CRITICISM. liistory. Only through the ideal of a condition better than the present, and still remaining to be realised, have previous improvements been made or is further progress possible. On the one hand, therefore, from the historical side, we must guard against an ideal unsuitable to present circumstances, while on the other hand, the reason that * looks before and after ' passes on towards a unity of knowledge and a perfection of practical ends which ex- perience cannot yield. How these ideals of science and life are formed is a question for philosophy itself, not for methodology. The materials of the ideal may themselves be traceable to experience, but they are formed anew by the reflective reason. Thus the conception of humanity as the end of conduct which forms the high ideal of the positivist philosophy is one which could never have been reached on the merely positivist or historical ground. For it sets up as the moral end a conception which passes far beyond actual experience, which looks upon that which is past as part of a whole along with what has as yet no actual existence. It is only a metaphysical theory which, by virtue of its function of examining the conditions of knowledge and action wherever found, can thus pass both beyond the individual and beyond the race as a mere part of experience. It is true, as Comte remarks,^ that the science of the individual cannot advance to this conception ; and if the science of the individual can be metaphysical, as Comte supposes, this individualistic metaphysic is under the same limitation. But it is only on account of the unity of conception — itself not a product of experience — which underlies Comte's historical method, that even the science of the race can attain to it. Metaphysics, which necessarily transcends the individual in considering the conditions essential to thought and action, is thus able to reach an ideal for knowledge and conduct. It is true, indeed, that in all the practical sciences — in morals, law, and politics — ends of conduct may be conceived and followed which do not rise above empirical ground. But these ideals, through their own limitation, carry in themselves a reference to higher ideals. And it is to the * Posit he Philosophy/, 11.509. When ahstract science without necessary re- Mr. Stephen {The Science of Ethics, lation to experience. Only as such is p. 453) asserts that the metaphysician the metaphysic of morals what he calls cannot reach the ' ought,' he seems to it, * a transfigured bit of logic' be looking upon metaphysics as an THE HISTOmCAL METHOD. 125 presence and power in human life of these higher ideals — not yielded by experience itself, since they imply a principle of the harmony and tendency of experience — that progress is to be ascribed. The examination of the historical method has thus led to the conclusion that its applicability, however wide, is necessarily limited. It implies categories of which it can only trace the historical manifestation, leaving the investi- gation of their logical position and nature to the theory of knowledge or to the theory of action ; and it leads up to problems which pass out of the range of the chronological sequence to which it is restricted. Yet, between these two limits, its application extends to the whole field of develop- ment in time. The result thus arrived at by analysing the nature of the historical method might also be confirmed from another point of view. The logical and ethical postu- lates with which the theory of knowledge and the theory of morality have to do find their realisation in an experience which is in time, and our metaphysics thus needs to be supplemented by an account of the historical process through which these conceptions have been manifested in the human mind and in society. But this speculative justification of the historical method does not seem to be called for now. It would almost appear an impertinence to vindicate a place in philosophy for a line of study which has won its own position by its positive achievements : it seems sufficient at present to have restricted attention to the method itself, showing the range of questions to which it is appropriate, and the limits beyond which it cea.ses to be of any avail. W. R. SORLEY. 126 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. V. THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY, In Aristotle we find the first attempts at a history of philosophy as an essential part of a philosophical system ; and in him, too, we find some faint recognition of a philo- sophy of history. He gives a historical, instead of a merely logical, account of the origin of political society;' and he seeks to show the inner necessity of the actual order in which the constitutions of Greece succeeded each other.^ But here, as in many things, the wide domain claimed by Aristotle was left unoccupied until after Kant. In the intervening period, such ideas as there are about the philosophy of history must be sought (apart from the isolated speculations of Yico^) among theologians, poets, aud in general literature, rather than among the philosophers. It is the great merit of Hegel — a merit which even those who most disagree with his dialectic cannot dispute — that he has attempted to regain for philosophy the whole province of the work of spirit, and that, above all, he has occupied himself with historj^ in every department. And if philosophy is to be taken seriously as an effort to explain the world of thought, nature and man, it must not shrink from the interpretation of the facts of history. While a philosophy of history is necessary if philosophy is to be adequate to its task, it is equally necessary if history is to attain its end. The student of history, if his interest in his subject is anything more than the curiosity of the antiquarian, the zeal of the polemical critic, or the enthu- 1 Pol. I. 2. plutot de I'expliquer, et de montrer que 2 Pol. III. 15, §§ 11-13. la Science iwuvelle n'a et6 si n^glig^e ' ' Pendant que la foule suivait ou pendant le dernier siecle, que parce combattait la reforme cart6sienne, un qu'elle s'adressait au notre.'— Jules Mi- genie solitaire fondait la philosophie de chelet, Discours sur le systeme et la vie de I'histoire. N' accusons pas I'indifference Vico. des coiitemporaiuB de Vico; essayons THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 127 siasm of the rhetorician, is always struggling to win from the particular details of past events some new help for the better understanding of a nation or a period as a whole. Thus, a true historian of Eome should not merely be occupied in fixing the dates of the Agrarian laws or determining the procedure in the senate, nor in overthrowing this or that hypothesis of Niebuhr or this or that assertion of Mommsen, nor in giving picturesque descriptions of battles or elegant reflections on the decay of morals — as* if any of these things, by and for themselves, were his real object : he should always be seeking to grasp better, and put in clearer light, what was the spirit of the Roman people — the same in all its dif- ferent manifestations, in internal struggles, in conquest, in legislation, and what is its significance for the whole human race. Of course, as a scientific inquirer,- the historian has primarily to do with particular facts. Ulterior aims should not interfere with his care a.nd impartiality in getting at these ; but, at the same time, these facts can never be in themselves an end. What the good historian does for a particular period is to arrive at the meaning, or underlying principle, or ' idea,' of that period. Suppose that could be done for all history, we should have a philosophy of history, or at least a certain proof that a philosophy of history was impossible ; for the philosophy of history seeks to discover the 'ideas' of different periods in their relation to one another. The philosophy of history can hardly be regarded as identical with universal history. While the philosopher does something less than discover the facts, he must do something more than epitomise them. History is a science. Some ancient writers seem to have regarded it as a branch of rhetoric, aiming rather at flattering national vanity than at the discovery of truth. Even if we feel that history is more a department of literature than chemistry, we yet regard the scientific interest, the desire for truth, as the most essential. Again, history is a science of the higher type. It has not merely to collect and classify phenomena, but to explain them by their causes. The historian is more than the chronicler or annalist. In the great historian must be united the capacity and industry of research, the disci- plined imagination, which will lead him to see events in their connection, and the literary ability of presenting them 128 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. correctly and vividly to the reader. The absence of any of these qualifications detracts from the merits of a historian. Beyond all these we demand some appreciation of the deeper significance of the time and events with which he is occu- pied, in their bearing on the history of mankind as a whole — i.e. the greatest historian must also be something of a philosopher. But this is a demand which, though raised by history as a science, is yet a demand for something more than a science, as such, can satisfy. The philosophy of his- tory is thus distinct from hibtory as a science. The philo- sophy of history would be included in an ideal universal history ; but it is less and more than what we ordinarily mean by history. Again, though covering to a great extent the same ground, it is not to be identified with a so-called ' science of history ' or ' sociology,' which, from a collection and com- parison of particular facts, draws generalisations as to the course of human events, and the test of whose perfection would be the power of foretelling political and social changes — a sort of human weather-wisdom. Whether or how far such a science is possible is not our present question. Whether possible or not, it would not be a philosophy of history, which attempts less and more. For (1) philosophy should make no pretence at prophecy. It is concerned, properly, with what is or has been, not with what will be or may be. At the same time it must not be denied that the desire to read the future in the light of a true understanding of the past is irrepressible and not unjustifiable and not wholly irrelevant to the philosophy of history. (2) The philosophy of history is not an inductive science. It is an attempt to construe the phenomena of history a priori. The phrase need not cause alarm or derision. A priori is, perhaps, an unfortunate expression, because it suggests primarily an idea of time ; but it is so much sanctioned by use that it can hardly be avoided. The philosopher can make no pretence to know the Egyptian dynasties without studying the hieroglyphics, or the writers who have studied the hieroglyphics, nor to understand the early history of Eome better than Niebuhr or Mommsen. He must accept the facts as reported by the best authorities available. They are the ' matter ' with which he has to deal. His business is to interpret them in terms of thought — i.e. to show their rilE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 129 rationality, their significance as part of that one great pro- cess which he as a philosopher, along with most unsophisti- cated persons, assumes history to be. For he who attempts to interpret anything assumes that it has a meaning. An illustration will perhaps make clear what is here meant by * philosophical interpretation,' as distinguished from ' scientific explanation.' * Suppose it is said, as it con- stantly is, that the French Revolution is the outcome of the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century, this asser- tion, if understood as implying that the Protestant Reforma- tion was the cause of the Revolution, may justly be combated by the historian. It might very well be said that the Revolution was in great part due to the failure of the Reformation in France. The presence of a strong Protes- tant element would have supplied a liberal, and yet conser- vative, opposition to royal despotism, and a check on the corruptions of the Church. But though the statement may not be true as an expression of a fact of causation (as that is understood in inductive science), it may very well be true as meaning that the principles (of private judgment, indi- vidual freedom, &c.) involved in the Protestant position were carried out to their logical {i.e. abstractly logical, and therefore, in great part, practically illogical) result in the Revolution. Using Aristotelian phraseology, we may say that the scientific historian and the sociologist are occupied with the material and efficient causes of events and institutions, while the philosopher or philosophic historian is occupied with their formal a,nd final causes — i.e. with the spirit and mean- ing of them, as shown by the end to which they are tending. The philosophy of history implies a teleological view of phenomena. Thus the philosophic way of regarding history is more akin to the religious and artistic than to the scien- * Of course it must be noted that abstract formalism of the logical un- we are here using 'sciMitific' in a nar- derstanding. row sense, which many scientific his- It is to be regretted that Professor torians, and these the very best, would Flint, in his very learned book on the be the first to repudiate. The truly history of the PUlosophy of History, scientific spirit never does narrow itself ^?f "?^de no distinction between ' scien- to that abstract view of causality to fific history 'science of history/ 'phi- ,.,,,.-,,. , . . / . losophy of history.' It is true that the which the inductive logician seeks to first writer on the philosophy of history bind It down. True science, and there- polled it, ' scienza nuova.' But science fore true history is always striving to and philosophy have distinct meanings become philosophic, i.e. to escape the by which it is best to abide. 130 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. tific (in the narrower sense). The pious mind believes that God is causing all things to work together for His own glory and is bringing good out of evil. ' Surely the wrath of man shall praise Thee.' The poetic soul sees in the tur- moil of the passions and struggles of mankind, in the rise and fall of dynasties and euipires, the elements of a Divine poem — a great tragedy with plot and purpose. And in gloomy periods the cynic or satirist, using a sort of Satanic teleology, can find a tragic-comedy in the ' ups and downs ' of the world, and can mark with Taeitus the ' ]udibria rerum humanarum.' If the scientifi.c historian is right in occasionally ignoring final causes in order to avoid prejudgment in his researches, neither the ordinary man who thoughtfully considers public events nor the statesman who helps to make them believes that history moves without a purpose, or that that purpose is wholly unknowable by man. Their belief, which is already a sort of half- conscious and unformulated philosophy of history, is generally a religious or quasi-religious faith in Providence or Destiny. The conclusion that ' all is vanity ' implies more reflection than the unsophisticated, practical man can exert himself to undertake, and is only a passing phase of educated thought. The healthy spirit works not only or always for the satisfaction of immediate personal wants, but also for the future, at least of his kindred, his nation, perhaps of the human race. This implies some belief in a system underlying events. Csesar's trust in his ' fortunes,' Cromwell's ' Providence,' and Napoleon's * des- tiny,' were not merely subtle forms of self-conceit, but im- plied their recognition of a plan of which they were counted worthy to be the instruments. If even the private citizen has his views about the course of events and the mission of his country, to the statesman or public man it is a duty to have such views and to see that they are right. The man or nation who misunderstands or ignores the * spirit of the age ' must pay the penalty of blindness. Charles X., sup- pressing the freedom of the press, has been aptly compared to the peasant who put his hat on the source of the Danube, saying, ' Won't the people at Vienna be astonished ! ' If Metternich were living now he would have to admit that Italy is something more than * a geographical expression.' Diplomatists nowadays can hardly deal with the feeling of THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 131 nationality as did those who framed the Holy Alliance. Surely most statesmen believe that some age is to reap fruit from their labours. The only consistent political pessimists are the defenders of despotism or anarchy. * Final causes,' like ' a priori,' has an alarming sound ; it suggests those bugbears, the Schoolmen ; and * teleology ' is apt to remind us of Paley's Almighty watchmaker. But, if we are philosophers, a word should not frighten us, even were it as badly made as * Sociology.' Mr. H. Spencer says, * We must interpret the more developed by the less developed.' * This is quite true ; but it is at least equally true that we in- terpret the less developed by the more developed. We ex- plain a thing not only by its origin, but by its end. To understand what anything really is, we must look at it in the completest and most perfect form of it that we can find. The ceremonial usages of early times will not explain adequately the political constitution of a civilised nation ; nor will the marriage customs (euphemistically and pro- leptically so called) of primitive man account satisfactorily for its social structure. Rather these remote ages and rude manners only have their value for the scientific investigator because he looks at them in the light of what they come to be. No anthropophagist savage is himself an anthropolo- gist savant. The later and more complete is latent in the earlier and ruder form, and grows out of it ; but it is latent and is only seen in the light of what it, as yet, is not. We oniy understand the egg by thinking of the chicken. But this is no external and artificial teleology, such as would explain eggs by omelettes. All the elements do not make the real thing. The biographer examines the descent, education and surround- ings of a man" of genius ; yet the genius with its originality remains — the man himself, who can only be known by what he did. Similarly we may analyse Greek civilisation into its materials, Phoenician, Egyptian, Phrygian, Lydian, &c. : yet how different do all become when mastered by the Greek spirit ! That we can only understand by looking at its own work. So, again, if Christianity be explained as the result of the meeting of the Hebrew with the Greek spirit in the 'medium' of the Roman Empire, 'such a formula, even if complete (which it is not) as an expression of the elements » Data of Ethics, p. 7. K 2 132 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. in the origin of Christianity would still be quite inadequate philosophically ; because it says nothing of what Christianity in itself is, i.e., what it is in its perfection, in its end. The true meaning of historical actions must be sought to a great extent in their issues, not merely in their antecedents, the motives of their doers. By the philosopher, therefore, who should see things in their totality, the nature of events must be looked at as determined by and revealed in their ends. Of course this does not mean that he should confuse motives with results — a very common fallacy of historians, but that he must look at events as having a farther meaning than could be seen, except very faintly and dimly, by those who were partakers in them. But this implies that he must regard events as parts of a plan which is manifested in them — that history is the work of reason. The philosophy of history is not a method of getting miraculous glimpses into the future, nor does it profess to disclose the past to those who are too lazy to undergo the trouble of historical re- search. It is rather an attempt to read the plan of Provi- dence, to unravel the plot of the great drama that is played throughout the centuries. But is such an attempt possible ? That there are real difficulties it would be absurd to deny ; but it is equally absurd to imagine difficulties which do not exist. It is said, in the first place, that such an attempt is pre- sumption. This objection is made equally by those who wish to defend theology, and those who wish to defend science against what they regard as the dangerous encroachments of metaphysics. ' God's ways are not as our ways, nor his thoughts as our thoughts.' ' Our human reason is not capable of comprehending the plan of the universe.' ' If history has a meaning at all it can be known only to God. We can only see the acts of individuals.' Now, of course the limitation of time — the fact that we can only know a small part of the world's history — that we do not know the beginning of the play very well, and cannot see it out to the last act — is a very real limitation. The objection as coming from those who try to reject alike theology and metaphysics, is intelligible enough, what- ever we may think of its validity; and to the Agnostic we can only answer by making good our profession of knowledge. THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 133 and showing that his no-metaphysics is only a bad meta- physics after -all. But one would like to ask those who are always pointing out the difference between human and Divine intelligence, whether they think they exalt the Divine nature by undervaluing what they regard as likest to it, and what they mean by repeating that ' God made man in his own image,' and by calling the guidance of Providence ' wise ' and ' good ' ? If a person professed to believe in a perfectly irrational Deity, then he might be justified in deny- ing that anything of the plan of history could be intelligible to reason. It is possible for the professed believer in an intelligent Deity to deny that a comjplete solution of the mystery of human toil and suffering can be found in this world (however the antithesis of this world and the other be explained), but not to deny that there is any revelation of God in history. That would be giving over the earth to the rule of unreason, it would be making the Prince of Darkness Prince of this World — a creed not quite un- known to mankind,, but which, if really believed, and not merely professed, is a creed of political and social despair. It might befit a Stoic Republican of the Roman Empire or a hermit of the Thebaid, but is not worthy of any good citizen of a free country. But, if it is once admitted that the world is governed by reason, it must be admitted that that rational government must be intelligible to reason : else the talk of rational government is a mere phrase, and might as well mean irrational government. An intelligent Providence can hardly be an unintelligible Providence. In any case we are not here concerned with the general question ' Is philosophy at all possible ? ' but, assuming that philosophy is to some extent possible, we have to ask, ' How far is it able to construe the phenomena of history ? ' Leaving the strange objection that history is unin- telligible because its plan is Divine, let us consider the converse objection that it is unintelligible because its phenomena are human. ' The sphere of history,' it is said, * is the sphere of human freedom, and is therefore not subject to general laws such as govern nature. Historical events are always in the last resort determined by the volitions of this or that individual, and to try to reduce them to general laws or to find for them a universal formula is to ignore alike the freedom and the individual diversity 1S4 ESSAYS Ix\ PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. of mankind.' This is an objection made against a science of history as well as against a philosophy of history. The answer given by the empirical psychologist is, however, hardly sufficient for an idealist. If — or, rather, so far as — human actions are simply of the same kind with natural phenomena, subject to the same law of cause and effect, they of course admit the same methods of study and can be brought under the same sort of generalisations. The average number of suicides in a country is equally capable of scientific discovery with its average rainfall. But philosophy is not needed to defend the value of statistics. That is obvious enough to the practical man. The absence of in- dividual freedom, in any sense in which it would render im- possible general inductions about human conduct, is known to every enterprising shopkeeper. To the philosopher free- dom means something other than unaccountable caprice, and individuality something more than unlimited unlikeness. The antithesis between nature and history is often wrongly stated, as if it were absolute and exclusive. We know from the examples in the elementary books of logic that ' All men are animals,^ and nobody ever thought of opposing to that proposition even a particular negative, though many persons seem to think it very shocking that the same theories should be applied to man and pigeons. But we are also told that 'Man is a rational animal.' Man is a part of nature, but he is not merely a part of nature. He knows that he is such, and therefore he is more than a mere part. He is not either a beast or a god, but a curious complex of the two. It is because and in so far as man is rational that he is free : and in so far as each man acts more under the guidance of reason and less under that of blind, i,e. merely natural, impulse, or passion, he is more of a free agent. But freedom in this sense is the very reverse of unintelligible caprice. Now history is man's constant struggle to rise above merely natural influences — to escape the tyranny of nature and make it his friend and servant. And just because history is this struggle towards rational freedom and not occupied with merely natural causes, while it may be less easily studied than nature by the methods of inductive science, it admits better of philosophical explana- tion. Individuality therefore ai^ freedom, so far from being THE RATIONALITY OF HISTOKV. 135 incompatible with national and race {i.e. general) develop- ment, are only rendered possible by the latter. As civili- sation grows and becomes more consciou.^ and more rational^ and therefore more capable of being understuv/d as a rationa movement, the individual has a better sphere o realising his true freedom than in the ages of merely natural impulse and unintelligent childish caprice. The savage, roaming solitary like a wild beast in search of prey, is more a mere part of nature and less a free individual than the citizen who lives along with others in a complicated political society whose ends are rational and the development of which it is possible to trace. \ If we were not allowed to speak of any other unity than the individual, history would resolve itself into a complicated . <^ tangle of biographies, and would become impossible to study or to write. It is true that historical events can always in theory be traced to an origin in the volitions of individuals ; but these volitions and these individuals can never be understood apart from their antecedents and environment. The individual with his particular volitions cannot indeed be analysed away into the combined influences of nature, race, education, and circumstances, but, apart from these, he is a mere abstraction, about whom we can predicate nothing except negatively — 'He is not anybody or anything else,' Individuals live and act in a physical, political, social, and moral environment which determines altogether the oc- casions and, at least to a great extent, the character of their volitions and actions. Man is a part of nature, but he is more. The splendid climate of the Mediterranean has had a great deal to do with the character and work of the historical nations of the old world; but climate alone cannot make a civilisation or preserve it. To geographical are often opposed race- influences, as if our choice lay between one and the other. Both play their part — sometimes the one more than the other — in determining the character and consequent history * If this be understood and carried mula of a paper constitution, but that out in thought, it should serve to ex- complex reality (including religion, plain and reconcile two dicia of Hegel's culture, &c.) which the Greeks meant which seem to have caused much by -nShis ; by ' Freedom ' is meant not trouble. (1) That history is-the realisa- the negative idea of 'being left alone tion of freedom. (2) That the object but the condition and actuality of of history is the State. Of course by highest and fullest development. ' State ' is meant not the abstract for- 136 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CEITIOISM. of a people. They are the conditions, or, as Aristotle would say, the ' material cause ' of a State. But their importance is greater in the less advanced stages of a people's political development : and they alone are not enough to explain a nation. To understand the spirit of a people we must consider most of all their political constitution and their religion : and to understand these we must know their history. We only know what the spirit of a people (or of an individual) is, when we know what it does. In estimating the probable, or explaining the past, conduct of an individual, still more of a number of in- dividuals, it is impossible to leave either country (province, town) or race (tribe, family) out of sight. And to these we must add the particular period of time. There is not only a national feeling, but a ' spirit of the age.' The Crusades — that strangest product of the earthly unworldliness of the Middle Ages — could only have happened when they did. That there is such a. thing as a ' Zeitgeist,' or ' spirit of the age,' no one will deny. The extent of its influence over individuals may be made matter of dispute ; but the con- troversy will really turn upon what is included in the ' Zeit- geist.' It is possible to recognise its character, at least to some extent. To do so is one of the chief aims of the man who thinks. If we were seeking to sum up the public duty of a man (beyond the determinate duties of his position in life) we might do so by saying : ' He must strive in the first place to understand the spirit of his age, and in the second place to improve it.' The attempt to perform the second duty first leads to much well-meaning mischief. Of course the person who understands is often, unfortunately, for that very reason less capable of acting : and by the very fact of his understanding the spirit of his time, it is clear that he has already got beyond it. The spirit of an age (or of an institution) is healthy in proportion as it trains up those who can see beyond it ; for so, and so only, is progress possible. No one living at any given time can fully under- stand that time. Only when an event (or person) has become matter of history can it be fully and fairly ap- preciated. But this limitation does not prevent the clearer heads from seeing the tendencies of their age. Even those who are in the stream and carried with it may have some consciousness of the direction in which they are moving — of i THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 137 the relation in which they are to their contemporaries, to the past, and to the future. We must not think that people are unconscious of everything which they can find no formula to express. These considerations should serve to refute the objection * that we cannot explain history as the development of an idea, unless we can show that people in general are conscious of their stage in that development. (1) We must not limit consciousness by power of expression. (2) We must not suppose an ideal process to be unreal, because not consciously apprehended at the time. The effort and struggle, which issue in some great action, first clearly reveal their meaning to the thinker in after ages ; but are not therefore without a meaning. In religious phrase, the actors, with their passions and aims, are only ' instruments in the hands of Providence ; * and there can be no objection to the phrase, if we avoid the superstition that only the unusual is provi- dential. When some Greeks were defeating Persians at Salamis, and others were defeating Phoenicians in Sicily, these events together were the triumph of European ideas over Eastern. Yet only a few of the Greek leaders appre- ciated the enormous significance, even to their own country, of resistance to Asia : its significance to the world they, of course, could not comprehend. In the English Rebellion of the seventeenth century, the bulk of the Puritan party only wished to substitute a covenanted king or a theocratic re- public for a monarchy of divine right. They wished to be as intolerant of dissent as their antagonists. Only a few, like Milton, understood that they were really fighting the battle of libert3^ But it will be said, * The great things of history are done by great men, and it is generally against the spirit of the age and its tendencies that the hero is struggling.' This is true, but we must not be misled by a phrase. (1) One formula will not express the spirit of an age. The period of the high Renaissance is not to be summed up in the elegant Paganism of Pope Leo X. That was only part of the movement that brought mediaeval Europe to an end. If it be said, then, that Luther, as hero of the Reformation, struggled against the spirit of his time — this is only partially true. Other and stronger elements were with him. (2) * Hero ' we can truly ' Cf. Lotze, Mikrokosmus, III. p. 39, ff. 138 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. call him who struggles against his age, and perishing, is enrolled in the ' noble army of martyrs ; ' but the great men of whom history, as distinguished from biography, must specially take account, are representative great men. Sa- vonarola, Wycliffe, Huss, may be as interesting personages as Luther, bat they were 'before their time,' and it is in him that the spirit of the age — at least one great element in it — became incarnate ; he is the symbol of a whole move- ment. We call those who die for a cause its martyrs — witnesses, that is, for some truth, which, because it is such, ultimately triumphs. Most sensible people have given up applying the name (unless in inverted commas) to the unsuc- cessful champions of lost or evil causes. Charles I. and Louis XYI. make rather sorry martyrs, now that most persons have ceased to accept as an article of faith the divine right of kings to govern badly. Cato, who chose to remain on the side which the gods had deserted, may move the admiration of the republican formalist, but, apart from any judgment on personal character, he is, what Mommsen calls him, ' a political Don Quixote,' living as much as the Knight of La Mancha in a dream of a dead world, incompetent to understand his time, and unable to help it. Of course what is clear to us, who can look at events in the light of what came of them, could not be fully seen by the clearest vision of the actors in them. Our judgment on a historical action or person is very different from that of a contemporary. It may be right, and his duty, for an individual, judging by what he can see, to resist a movement which to him appeared unjust, and led by wrongdoers, but which has vindicated itself afterwards at * the bar of history.' ' Far from ignoring the importance of great men, the philosophy of history might be charged with giving itself over to a blind and immoral hero-worship, exaggerating the significance of a few not altogether admirable individuals and calmly contemplating the sacrifice of the welfare of mankind to the selfish ambition of a Csesar or a Napoleon. But even the ambition of the representative great men of the world can never be adequately explained by calling it ' selfish ; ' or, if we call it ' selfish,' we must imply that the ' self ' has become to a greater or less extent identified with ' ' Die Weltgeschichte ist das Welt- signation.' Of. Hegel, Phil, das Bechts, gericht.'— Schiller, in a poem called ' Ke- § 340. THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 139 the wishes of many others. One might call both Pericles and Alcibiades ambitious; but the ambition of Alcibiades was merely selfish, whereas that of Pericles was identified with the ambition of the Athenian people. ' World-historical individuals are those in whose aims a general principle lies ; ' but they are not necessarily conscious of that general principle, or are so only to a slight degree. Caesar's success meant the welfare of the provinces as opposed to the selfish interests of the senatorial oligarchy ; but we should be going beyond the facts of history if we made the result of his conduct its motive. His own safety, his private ambition, might be a sufficient motive for his acts. But in these acts there was something more involved. When Alexander, Csesar, or Napoleon are called great men it is by no means implied that they are models for ordinary men to imitate. The supposition is really absurd ; but it is made by those who are always protesting against the immorality of hero-worship. Looked at from the stand- point of universal history, even the evil passions of great individuals may have a meaning and a worth. That does not imply that they are to be imitated. The judgment we pronounce on the morality of a man is distinct from that which we pronounce on his historical significance. But does not that mean that we apply different moral standards in judging great men and ordinary men ? There is a tendency to do so, or, at least, to express our judgment as a judgment by a different moral standard, whereas we are really apply- ing not a moral but a historical standard. But is not that to make history immoral, or at least, to remove politics from the sphere of morality ? So far it is true that we do make history non-moral, and that political questions cannot be judged by the standards of personal morality, partly (1) just because they are political questions and not personal, and partly (2) because, in some respects, political morality must stand in the rear of personal morality. (1) The claims of morality are certainly supreme ; but irrelevant moralising produces the most mischievous historical and political judg- ments. Pompey was not therefore preferable to Csesar as a political leader because he was a respectable family man ; he might be considered by his contemporaries a better poli- tician because he was loyal to the constitution ; he can hardly be considered suchby us, because we see the constitution was 140 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. dead and Pompej knew it not, or if he knew it, knew not ■what to do. Charles I. was not therefore a good ruler and Napoleon a bad one, because the one was a good husband and the other not. (2) A higher morality, or at least a higher ideal of morality, is possible to a few individuals in every age than is conceivable or possible in the conduct of public affairs where compromise is unavoidable. Of course, as we said already, historical events may always be traced to volitions of individuals, and therefore, though we say ' good comes out of evil,' this is true only when the pheno- mena are looked at from outside ; volitions which are merely evil can never issue in good ; the passions of great men, when they bring about good results, are not mere evil pas- sions, and great representative men often embody even in their passions the good ideas and good volitions of many forgotten individuals. Similarly, when it is said that the worst results often follow from the best intentions, it is not from the good in men that the evil comes, but from the defects {e.g,, in knowledge, foresight, &c.), that are mixed up with it. People often talk as if a man, even a public character, were sufficiently excused when it is shown that he was mistaken. Modern ethics have been apt to forget the ' intellectual virtues.' The objection of immorality takes another and wider form. ' If you justify the conduct of individuals or nations by results, is not that to confuse might and right ? * In a sense it is— and, in a sense, might is right. If individuals or nations are able permanently to succeed in influencing the world, we must regard their conduct as justified by their success. To deny this is to deny the rationality of history altogether — to deny that God reveals himself in history. * If this counsel or work be of God, ye cannot overthrow it.' To convert the proposition is certainly a logical fallacy ; but the permanence and success of any ' counsel or work ' is the test of its divine sanction. When some one indignantly denies that might can ever be right, the might of which he thinks is mere external force. Bayonets can do a great deal in the world ; as Talleyrand observed, ' you can do anything with them, except sit on them ; ' and that is just the im- portant limitation. The might which can turn itself into right must be a spiritual as well as a material force.* • Cf. Arist. PoLI.6, S3,... Tp6- irov nvk apirri rvyx<^fovffa x^/^JT^a^ THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 141 Alexander's armies overran Asia, but his empire broke into fragments when he died. What really conquered the East was the civilisation that came from Hellas, and especially from the vanquished Athens. Rome's legions defeated the world ; but her law ruled it. With the sad spectacle before us of so many fair civili- sations overthrown before rude invaders or perishing through internal strife, of the horrors and crimes which accompany war even when the cause is just, and victory on the side of the higher race, it is, indeed, difficult at all times to hold fast by our faith in the ultimate rationality of history. We are apt to look on the world as the scene of a confused and perhaps picturesque melodrama which may excite the imagi- nation, but can have no deeper significance. For this im- pression the way in which history used to be presented to us in school-books is in part responsible. Battles and royal persons are supposed to be more interesting to the youthful mind, which is passing through the semi-savage state, and occupy a disproportionate space. The less striking work of constitutional growth and industrial progress falls into the background. Even great original historians are partly to blame for the blood-stained appearance of their pages. The events and persons that strike a contemporary are not always those of the most real importance. Some of us would be glad to exchange even Thucydides's account of the Pelo- ponnesian war for a good description of the political, social, and artistic condition of the Athens of Pericles. After all, battles, and massacres, and assassinations, and court in- trigues are only the accidents of a people's life : if they are more, the people's life has hardly begun, or it is already near its close, and it is well for the world that it is so. The order and patient drill which enables an army in the end to conquer, the skill which directs its movements, the enthu- siasm which is with it in victory and in defeat, counts for much more than the blowing of trumpets and the clashing of arms. These are only outward signs. The Roman Senate commend- ing its defeated Consul because he had not despaired of the Republic, had more of the force which can make itself real, because it is spiritual, than the victorious army of Hannibal, Koi fiid^io-dai Svuarai fid\i(rra, Kal tanv sufficient external means, is most able h.i\ rb Kparovv iv xmipoxv o-fo-^ov to turn itself into force ; and conversely, riv6s . . . ; which we may paraphrase, might always implies a superiority in ' Spiritual excellence, if provided with some good quality.' 142 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. aimiDg only at conquest, and unsupported by his countrymen. Military success is only the symbol of strength in one of the elements in a people's spirit. It is often, indeed, besides re- ligion, the only element in which, in a rude age, the nation can find expression ; but the order which military training requires is an essential preparation for a higher political life — it is a prerequisite of freedom. Of course what is only a means may be made an end ; what is only a condition re- garded as essential. If so, the nation will surely wear out its energies in external struggles, or decay, because its soul is dead. As Aristotle said of the Spartans, Hhey could fight, but in peace they rusted.' The Turks could take Constantinople and nearly took Vienna > they cannot govern even themselves. When the conquests made by civilised nations over bar- barous are traced to lust of gain and brutal force, a truth is stated, but it is only a half-truth. It is not right to explain the Spanish conquests in America (it is as well to take a non-British instance), horribly cruel as they were, as the result simply of evil passions. They implied the victory of the more enterprising, the more civilised, the relatively higher race. If the ' better morality ' of native races be pointed to, it must be remembered fchat their morality is on the whole of a lower type. A simpler state of life is free from many of the vices, but is incapable of most of the virtues, of a more highly developed condition. Even the pre- text of spreading Christianity must not be regarded in such cases as a mere piece of hypocrisy. Whatever be thought of the Christianity spread, or however inapplicable missionary justifications of murder may be now, it was then a quite honest belief, as in the days of the Crusades, that the Cross should conquer by force or fraud. The long and wide prevalence of slavery, condemning so great a proportion of mankind to a hopeless and miserable life, corrupting the slave and not less the master, is often brought forward in protest against our pictures of the splendour of the past. But this again is an objection which implies an ignoring of historical perspective. It implies a reading of the moral feelings of a modern citizen of a state which forbids slavery into the mind of the member of a slave-holding community. Slavery was the basis of ancient society. Only on such a basis was Greek and Roman poli- THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 143 tical and social life possible. Slavery mitigated the horrors of ancient warfare, which otherwise would have had no check. In Athens, though the slave could never hope to become a citizen, he was generally well treated and regarded as a part of the family. In Italian slavery there were horrors enough, especially as the slave was often more cultured than the master ; but the Greek slaves were not as a rule wasted in the ' ergastula,' and the slave of a Roman might become a Roman himself, and his son sit down at meat with a Csesar. It is often said that Christianity abolished slaver3^ This is true as an interpretation of the facts ; it is not true as a literal expression of them. Among Christian writers the abhorrence of slavery is very recent. On few points have theologians. Catholic and Protestant, been less di- vided than in approving slavery — until after the French Revolution. But none the less the proposition is true, though centuries had to intervene between the implicit acceptance of an idea and its realisation. The equality of men in personal rights was already implicitly contained in the spirit of the religion which proclaimed their equality before Heaven. Because the individual, with his special interests, cares, suffering, and destiny is irrelevant to philosophical history, that does not mean that the significance of the individual is overlooked by the philosopher. He is overlooked where he is not the subject studied. The individual, according to o%ir ideas of morality, has a worth independent of his position as a member of a particular family or a particular state. This is just the great step which practical ethics have made in advance of Plato and Aristotle. Whether there is any sense in saying that the individual has a worth independent of humanity may be doubted; but this is a question which may be left for the present. When the philosopher or historian calmly contemplates the sacrifice of individual happiness to what he calls, with most men, the greatness of a nation or a period, he must not therefore be taunted with hardhearted- ness. His * calmness ' comes from his point of view, and that is necessarily removed from the scene of private interests, unless he is to have a distorted image of the significance of events. History is not concerned with the destiny or the happiness of the individual as such. It is therefore no valid objection to a philosophy of history that it does not justify 144 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHTOAL CRITICISM. the order of events by showing that the well-being of each individual is thereby attained. Nor, again, is it any argu- ment against our ' justification ' that the life even of nations, after fair promise and brief splendour, has gone down into darkness. Mere duration is no real test of strength or of greatness. Can we say that Athens was a failure ? She failed, it is true, to establish an empire ; she failed to keep alive on her own hearth the fire she had kindled for the world. But many of the very causes of her decay were the conditions of her glory; and she did not fall before she had offered to mankind the gift of her heroism, her art, her literature, and her philosophy. We feel that these are not mere phrases. There is something in a great deed of an individual, or a nation, which is independent of the permanence of its ex- ternal results. Permanence may only mean stagnation. When a people has fulfilled its ' mission,' by realising its por- tion of the potentialities of the human spirit, its powers are often exhausted, and it sinks quite as much through internal weakness as through the strength of its destroyer. But the political fall of a people is often the very means by which the best portion of its spirit can become the possession of the world — at least of the succeeding world-historical people. The Hebrew race made their highest contributions (which who can fully estimate 9) to the religion of mankind, after the overthrow of their political independence. Their captivity and suffering taught them more than the old glories of their monarchy. Hellenic civilisation spread over the world through the Macedonian conquests, which had first destroyed Hellenic freedom. The Romans in order to rule had themselves to lose their liberty, and the great fabric of their law was raised on the ruins of their political consti- tution. Yet Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans have surely done more and failed less than the Chinese, with their torpid civilisation, or the wandering tribes of the desert, who have never fallen because they never rose. History, because it describes the character and writes the life of a people, presupposes that a people has a unity, we mio-ht almost say a personality, and is not a mere aggregate of individuals. Universal history, and therefore a philosophy of history, presupposes that there is a unity of mankind, that the human race can be looked at as not merely an aggregate of peoples : it presupposes that humanity has a history. But THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 145 if we look at the actual history of the world, and at the attempts to show its rationality, we find that only a very few of the peoples who have lived and live on the earth are taken account of. The savage races, and the vast periods during which what are now civilised races were in the savage condition, seem to be ignored altogether. And among the civilised or semi- civilised peoples there seems to be an arbitrary selection. Thus, akin to the objection that philosophy of history ignores individual interests and rights is the objection that it ignores periods and races. An ab- stract justice might indeed require that all individuals should be taken account of, or, if we have given up the individuals, and admitted that not they but peoples are the object of history, that all peoples should be recognised. But this is a demand which — quite apart from philosophy — no scientific historian, no practical politician, for a moment concedes. Within each people the politician concerns himself with those only who are representative; in the world, with those races that are prominent. We talk, intelligibly enough, though not with abstract correctness, of * the whole world,' when we mean only civilised nations, and perhaps only a few persons in them. We regard these persons as speaking for the others, these nations as representing the true interests of the others. So, too, the historian must perpetually make selec- tion ; otherwise he is giving us a mere collection of materials for history. He must pick out certain events and persons as historical, -i.e., as historically important, and the rest he must reject as unhistorical. To do this well is no easy matter. Yet not merely as literary artist, but as scientific historian, he is obliged to select. What is true of particular portions of time is true of the world's existence generally. There are unhistorical races and unhistorical periods. Of course the historian finds himself met by the practical limit that he can say nothing about times about which nothing is known. When a people has left no record of itself, then it cannot, even in its best minds, be said properly to have attained to any true consciousness of itself as having a history at all (of course, even this would be very much less than a consciousness of the meaning of its history for the world) . A tribe may have defeated and dispossessed another tribe ; but unless it has expressed itself in some way, by some definit/e religious belief, by something we can call a L ]46 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. constitution, by poetry, by buildings, by institutions which have influenced some portion of the world, it can hardly be said to have a history. Something, perhaps, of its dim spiritual life may be gathered from its language ; but, if that be all, it is relatively an unhistorical people. But it may be said ' the Greeks had no written history, no definite chronology even, long after they must have been in a more advanced stage of political and intellectual development than many other peoples.' As if the ' Iliad ' and the ' Odyssey ' ^ were not better memorials of a people's life than genealogies of kings and lists of priests ! Where a race has left memorials, and these have to a great extent since perished or become unintelligible, it is of course more difficult to estimate its historical significance. Thus opinions will differ very much about the Etruscans, and their place in European history. But even if we knew as much about the Etruscans as about the Greeks, it would not make them of equal historical importance. The Byzan- tine Empire has more historians than the age of Pericles, yet no one would compare the significance of the two periods. All this is recognised by history as a science, and need cause no trouble to philosophy. That some people are ' elect ' to carry on the civilisation of the world, and that others are unable to assert themselves and are rejected, is an indisputable fact. The same is true of individuals within any nation. Only those who do assert themselves and make good their claims to be leaders of men can be regarded as historically important. The villager might have been a Milton or a Hampden ; but history cannot deal with what might have been. The civilisation of Mexico or Peru may interest the antiquarian, but is hardly a part of universal history. Why this should be so is a question of the same kind with the question raised by the waste which appears in Nature — questions which are partly the result of abstraction, ' Vico devotes the third book of his this sense he calls Homer ' the first Scienza Nuova to the ' discovery of the historian of the Gentile world,' and his true Homer.' The Iliad and Odyssey poems • the great treasures for the anti- (anticipating Wolf) he regards as not the quities of Greece.' The Scienza Nuova work of one man, but as the product of appeared first in 1725. How many the Greek race through several cen- elegant comparisons of Homer and turies, and in different places; and Virgil were made afrer that date! THE RATIONALITY OF IIISTOR yNl7ERSIT partly of impatience, partly perhaps unanswerable, rate we must judge the plan of the world— if it has a plan — by its successes and not by its failures. And when we are looking at things fairly, and not in some cynical mood, we do judge everything by the highest type of it. We do not suppose every Athenian to have been a Pericles or a Phidias, every old Florentine a Dante or a Giotto, yet we take these great men as the types of their people. And so it is in universal history.^ It is quite obvious that the civilisations of Greece and Rome to which we can directly trace the civilisation of modern Europe must be taken account of when we are trying to find what history means for us. It is more difiicult to see how China and India are to be dealt with. There we have two remarkable civilisations of a high, if not the highest type, still continuing to exist, not far enough below European culture to perish before it, not near enough, and too old, to submit easily to its ways. Both countries have abundant history, in the sense of written records, and 3"et both must be regarded as relatively unhistorical. In the re- lation of Egypt and Persia to Greece, of Greece to Eome, of Rome to the nations of modern Europe, we see a continuity and a succession which we do not find in the remoter East They have handed on to one another the lamp of civilisation ; Egypt, Persia, Greece, and Rome have perished, but each in dying has given life to its successor. China and India neither die nor live. The part of Hegel's ' Philosophy of History ' which is most unsatisfactory is that which deals with the Asiatic countries. In the relation of China, India, Persia, he is unable to find a real historical connection. For this he sub- stitutes a geographical succession. The sun rises in the east and moves westward ; so does the history of the world. That there is a general truth in this we cannot deny, but the geographical succession of India to China is a very in- ' To the objection that the phi^o- objection is in part the first objection Bophy of history takes account of only (see p. 132) in a new form; partly the a small portion of the human race may result of an exaggerated admiration of be added the more sweeping objection, mere space parallel to the admiration that even if we did take account of the of mere time, which leads to the objec- whole inhabitants of our earth, that is tion we have discussed. If there are only a small part of the universe, and inhabitants in Mars, they cannot be that we cannot therefore read a Divine supposed to interest us. plan %^ith so small knowledge. This 148 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISxM. adequate counterpart to that of Italy to Greece, where the real historical relation is so much more important than the geographical. Then what is to be made of Egypt, with a civilisation older than India ? ^ The succession in time seems more easily intelligible and interpretable than the succession in geographical position, but is not without its difficulties. The development which philosophy seeks to find in the world is primarily a develop- ment of thou ght. Aristotle had already recognised the distinc- tion between a prior in thought or nature, and a prior in time, and he generally regards these as in antithesis to each other. Thus the State, in thought or nature, precedes the family, but the family in time precedes the State. But we cannot rest satisfied with the mere antithesis, because we soon find many cases where the logical and historical developments fall together, especially if our development in thought is from the more simple to the more complex, and not vice versa. (1) In the unfolding of ideas in time we must not expect to find the regularity and symmetry of a logical system. The division of history by centuries is illogically symmetrical. In the life of the individual we count the time by days and years ; but everyone feels that more is often lived through in an hour than in years. And so it is in the life of the race. Sometimes a year counts for more to the philosophic historian than a century, so crowded is it with significance : on the other hand he must avoid impatience at slow progress. ^One day is with the Lord as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day.' (2) When we talk of the * spirit of a generation,' or the ' leading ideas of a period,' we are selecting only what is > It may be objected that no ac- of empire takes its way' (Berkeley), count is taken of one of the greatest the American can certainly feel that to nations of the world — the United States him belongs the future. Whether the of America. Put to this we can answer Slavonic races of Eastern Europe have that as yet it is too new ; in spite of its an equally great future before them is immense achievements in the material more doubtful. In any case America elements of civilisation, it has contri- and Russia are not old enough to belong buted little as yet, except a few eccentric to philosophic history. All study of religions and some startling experiments their development is too much that of in literature, to the spiritual existence contemporaries. of mankind. It is performing a gigantic Those who wish to see a history of political and social task; but the task the future written from a philosophic is notnearly completed. Its population point of view will find such in the end is constantly increasing by immigration, of C. L. Michelet's Fhilosophie der and its best culture is still an echo of GescMchU : but one would hardly like the ' old world.' Yet, even apart from to stake the credit of the method on the doctrine that ' westward the course the success of his prophecies. THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 149 most typical of the time. At any given date one portion of mankind will be far in advance of another ; and, within any given nation, while a few chosen spirits may be in advance, the great mass of the people may be a long way behind what we yet quite rightly regard as the stage of the nation's progress — meaning that of the bulk of its representative members. Thus we might say that England had got beyond the proverbial stage of morality, in spite of the admirers of Martin Tupper. Again (without raising any question of * higher' or ' lower,' the only point being ' farther '), we can call the style of one building later than that of another, although it may have been built at an earlier period, mean- ing that it belongs to a later stage of architectural develop- ment. Gothic architecture had a short life in Italy, and a very long one in England, and so a Florentine palace of the fifteenth century may be later than an English college of the sixteenth. The philosophic historian of any special period or nation feels this, and thus is often obliged in his narrative of events to depart from the strict order of their occurrence by which the mere chronicler or annalist is bound to abide. This necessity is still more pressing when an attempt is made to view the history of the world as a whole. We must not look for a symmetry and a uniformity which is alien to the complex material with which we have to deal. Nor must the philosophy of history be blamed if it fails to make the order of ideas exactly fit the order of time. So far as we have gone we have formally only discussed the 'possibility of a philosophy of history. But a great deal has already been necessarily anticipated which properly belongs to the discussion of its character. . Thus our treat- ment of the latter may be brief. ' Everyone,' as Hegel says, * brings his own categories with him.' No one who thinks about the past or about his own time, can avoid having some philosophy of history of his own, more or less unconsciously held, more or less based on knowledge or prejudice. We can distinguish six main ways in which history may be and has been regarded. 1. Even he who denies that in history we can find any- thing beyond Chance, has made of chance a conception by which to explain to himself the phenomena. The denial of a plan in history is as much an interpretation of the facts by 150 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. an intellectual conception as the assertion of a plan. The only true sceptical attitude would be to refuse either to assert or deny a plan. 2. The religious recognition of a diyine Providence, gnid- h\g human events, implies the introduction of a teleological conception into the material. But the religious recognition generally refuses to go into any detail, or it does so only in some special instances, and not in others. This is to make Providence either irrational or partial. 3. It may be, and has been said that the world, in a sense, is not ruled by God. ' In history we have a Decadence from early innocence. The rule of God can only be restored by the overthrow of the dominion of man.' If this only meant that the evil in the world should perish before the good in the world, no objection need be taken ; but as the ' evil ' is usually made by the defenders of this view equivalent to the State, and the ' good ' to the Church, we are brought face to face with an absolute dualism which cannot so easily be accepted by either the statesman or the philosopher. Of course this reading of history does find in it a restoration, and therefore a progress, but its keynote is ' a regret that there should be such a thing as history at all,' ^ and this is an implicit denial that history is rational. This mediaeval way of regarding political institutions and worldly progress as in themselves antagonistic to the kingdom of God, is an anachronism now. It is the philosophising of romanticism which is really a protest against reason, and it can only be carried on at the cost of perpetual inconsistencies. No vision of childhood is so surely refuted by science as the dream of a golden age. All historical and anthropolo- gical research proves that, in Grote's famous phrase, it is ' a past that never was a present.' When the savage is talked of as ' degraded,' this only means that he falls below our ideal of what man ought to be, not that he has necessarily sunk from some better condition. There are indeed cases of real degradation and retrogression, but these are excep- tional, and do not represent the normal condition of things. We know of a pre-poRtical age : we can speak of the ' age before morality ' : and that is the only age of innocence — the innocence of the infant or the beast. Yet to put our ' Gans, in Pref, to latedit. of Kegel's Pkilosojphi/ of History, criticising F. v. Schlegel. THE KATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 151 ideals in the past is a natural habit of mind, and often a convenient way of speaking. Eeformers profess to restore primitive purity, and innovations are introduced with the seeming sanction of antiquity. This idea of a purer religion and a better life in ancient times has stimulated research into the early condition of society, much as the hope of reaching the half-fabulous countries of the remote East described by Marco Polo, led Columbus across the Atlantic to discover a new world. 4. In extreme antithesis to this last view is the ' ratio- nalistic ' tendency and wish to see in history a continuous Progress. The attempt to make this real has led to ' pro- gress ' being narrowed down to intellectual advance. Even if we accept this, it cannot be strictly maintained that the sum of knowledge has always grown. And we should be obliged to regard the first fourteen centuries of our era as a period of nearly entire loss to mankind. 5. A consideration of the fluctuations in civilisation led to the wide prevalence of the idea of Cycles ; ^ an idea which commended itself- also by reconciling filial piety to past ages with a recognition of the fact of progress. But it is an idea which implies an unhistorical and unscientific way of looking at history. History seems to repeat itself: Out it never really does. It repeats itself always with a difference. A philosophic, i.e. a not-abstract, way of regarding history has done a great deal towards dispelling the fallacies of historic parallels. 6. And thus we come to the recognition in history of a Progress by antithesis. Progress cannot mean merely ' going forward,' for that might be in a wrong direction. Again, to explain progress (or development) as ' differentiation of function,' is right but inadequate, as it gives only a negative characteristic. If we see in history a progress, we must explain it by what man comes to he, and not merely by what he ceases to be. We may call it the struggle for freedom (in no merely negative sense), the liberation of man from the domination of nature and fate. Or we may say that it is humanity making itself, or coming to a consciousness of it- ' An idea shared by Vico, but which is no literal return in the sense in which can certainly not be used to sum up bis Plato and Aristotle speak of a cycle iu philosophy of history. The return of events, his ' divine ago ' in the Middle Agea J 52 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. self — that is implied in freedom; or we may call it the * education of the human race.' None of these formulse need exclude the other ; each is inadequate.. But in any case we must recoo^nise that the movement is not uniform : it is a struggle, with loss and gain. What is a blessing to one age may, for that very reason, be a curse to the next ; and, on the other hand, those who have advanced less far may, for that very reason, be able to go on afterwards beyond those who had outstripped them. Some elements of the spiritual life of man are realised by one period or nation ; but just because they are some elements only, they are realised in a one-sided and exaggerated, and therefore self-destructive way. The next step is, therefore, in a contrary direction. Then comes an attempt to bring the two sides together. But because spirit is infinite and its temporal manifestation finite, this must always prove incomplete; and thus the world must proceed again through a new antithesis to a new reconciliation. In the concrete world of human action * the straight line is not always the shortest distance between two points.' ^ We get from one point to another through a third. It must not be thought that the number * three ' is adopted for any magical or superstitious reason. It is in- evitable when we have to express a rational process. If a syllogism be formulated in less than three propositions, something is suppressed; if in more (as in the Indian logic), something is I'epeated. Whenever there is real inference, real movement forward, we must pass from one to another through a third. This is not, as Mill says, a mere marching up hill and down again — at least it is marching down on the farther side. Unless we are content with a theory of the universe of being and knowing which makes it a mere aggregate of particulars, we must admit that we can only pass from particular to particular through a universal. And, if the process we are dealing with be a real progress, we shall certainly expect to find that we are passing from abstract universal and particular to a more concrete form which is at once universal and particular.* ' Lessinp, Erziehung des Menschen- (multiplicity), concrete unity, i.e. a geschlechts, § 91. unity of the manifold, a living unity : 2 Of course there is no special virtue and this is often tlie best formula. It in the terminology. The three stages recalls Aristotle's €?5o$: uArj : tWiJi'oXoi'. may be called abstract unity, difference THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 153 People have a suspicion of such formulse, because they think that thereby facts are ignored or perverted. And the suspicion is wholesome, because this is often the case. Only let us be sure whether it is the case with this formula of idealism, if we apply it wisely ; and whether it is not far more the case with the apparently simpler, because more abstract, formulae of the understanding which are constantly being applied by empiricism. That our formula can only be applied with great limi- tations in history must be at once conceded. As Aristotle says, the exactness of our method must always be propor- tioned to the subject matter. Therefore, in the first place, we must not expect a logical formula to fit exactly the com- plex material of human affairs ; secondly, we can see the process of thought most clearly in those countries and periods which have attained more of self-consciousness, more of free- dom, i.e. in which nature counts for less and spirit for more — perhaps hardly at all among African savages, dimly in the Oriental nations, more clearly in Greek and Roman history, less clearly again in the Middle Ages. We cannot add, ' most clearly in modern history,' for here another difiiculty meets us — we are too much immersed in the events themselves to see clearly their full meaning : we cannot see the forest for the trees. Again, in any given period, the presence of reason is most manifest in the development of those elements which, are more spiritual, less in those which are more ^ natural ' or more dependent on matter. Thus we should look rather to the history of a people's philosophy (if they have any), religion, art, and institutions, than to their external growth, which depends more on external circumstances than on the spirit of the people themselves. The development of the national spirit, especially in early races, is generally best traced in the history of religion. At a time when political ideas have scarcely dawned, when what we call political history is chiefly a personal struggle of kings and nobles, in their religion, with which the beginnings of art and litera- ture are closely connected, we can find the spirit of the people. We must constantly recognise the exceeding complexity of human characters and actions, and not regard one inter- pretation as excluding the possibility of several or many others. In seeking to read the meaning of history we are 154 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICxlL CRITICISxAI. obliged to make formulae which, just because thej are for- mulae, must be abstract, and therefore we must constantly recur to the realm of particular events to correct their ab- stractness. The philosophic study of history, as of everything else, is thus a constant struggle neither to ignore facts for formulse, nor to lose sight of reason among a mere chaos of particulars which need a formula to explain and hold them together. We may be sure that we are misapplying a for- mula if we are interpreting complex material in only one way. The great epochs of history, if we study them fairly, present at least a double aspect. Thus, if we regard the Greeks in their relation to the preceding world-historical people the Persians, and to the succeeding people the Romans, they represent the element of difPerence, of the manifold, not only in their political character, but in the rich diversity of their culture. On the other hand, if we oppose them to the mediseval or modern world, they represent the wholeness of spirit — spirit at ojie with nature, and therefore at one with itself. Yet, while each of these expressions has a general truth, we feel in presence of the Greeks the inadequacy of any formula to their significance in the life of mankind. But after all, when we speak of Hellenic civilisation, it is chiefly Ionian, and especially Athenian, civilisation that we mean. We rightly judge them by their highest type : and it is only in the intellectual Ionian races that the Greek spirit becomes conscious of itself, and finds its full expres- sion in literature and art. Yet again, we must not narrow our view to Athens, for Sparta represents more fully than Athens the strength of the civic bond, though Athens shows the highest intensity of city life. Again, what is most characteristic of Greek religion, the worship of Apollo, belongs specially to the Dorian races. Indeed, the better position of women at Sparta than at Athens might be urged in favour of the claims of the former to represent the hig^her type ; but this is only one illustration of what we find every- where, that progress is not in a straight line, and advance in one direction generally implies a certain one-sidedness and neglect of other elements. Athenian philosophers looked with longing on the better discipline of Sparta ; but their master, Socrates, whom Athens put to death, could not possibly have been produced in Sparta. The Hellenic spirit realised itself more freely through having many channels. THE ILVnONALITY OF HISTORY. 155 especially the two, Ionian and Dorian. But this very severance — this antagonism between Ionian and Dorian, brought about its political ruin. The political disunion of Greece was the external cause of its fall; the internal * break up' of the wholeness of Hellenic thought may be traced in Athenian philosophy. In Plato's 'RepubHc' we find a picture, not only of what the Greek State (espe- cially in Sparta) tended to be, but of the stages through which Greek thought (especially in Athens) tended to pass. The old Cephalus and his son Polemarchus represent the conventional unreflecting morality of old days. Thra- symachus, Glaucon, and Adeimantus in different forms typify the critical and rationalistic spirit of the Sophists.- Socrates attempts to reconcile the ' reason ' of the second with the ' custom ' of the first stage. The ideal State is intended to be the rule of reason made customary. But this recon- ciliation was attained by the Greeks only in thought ; in their practical life they did not get beyond the antithesis of a disciplined Sparta without philosophy, and a philosophic Athens without discipline. Later Greek philosophies were compelled to seek a home for morality independently of the shattered fabric of the State, and they sought to find it in the larger but vaguer unity of a brotherhood of mankind. To pass from Greece to Rome is to turn from poetry to prose, n we try to express the Roman spirit in one formula we can find no better word than Hegel's 'abstract' — of course not in any sense which would suggest 'intellectual' as opposed to ' practical,' but in the meaning of ' narrow,' ' one-sided.' With a true instinct Hegel rejects Niebuhr's fiction of an early Roman ' epos ' : the Roman legends are not material for poetry, however suitable for rhetoric. Her deities are not brilliantly human like the Greek, but cold abstractions of moral qualities. Though Venus Cloacina appears not to mean ' our Lady of Drains,' but ' the purifier of marriage,' this, if a more moral, is certainly a less artistic conception than Aphrodite rising from the sea-foam. Rome's own national poet recognises that art is not her sphere, but conquest and legislation. The Roman was no mere con- queror : Gives vocavit quos domuit — ' She made her subjects her citizens.' Her colonists were not, like those of Greece, the founders of new political units, which might come to rival the mother city, but the outposts of her empire. The 156 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISxM. Greeks were scattered over islands and the shores of many lands, united, but separated by the sea. Rome was the centre of a network of great military roads. But Eome, in bringing different nations and races under her uniform law, broke up the old unities. And in her own history we have a similar twofold aspect — in extending her^ self over the earth she lost her own liberty, and the unity of her empire proved a dead lifeless unity, which gave a long peace to the world, but allowed its energies to decay. We must not look on the uninteresting Roman Empire as a period in which nothing was done for mankind. It was not a time only of corruption, but of preparation for a new move- ment. The Athenian had his activities exercised in the struggles of the Agora. The citizen of the Roman Empire had no political career : he was thrown back on his own self, to find there the emptiness of this world, contenting himself with it as a sensualist, or fortifying his soul against it as a Stoic, or seeking escape from it as a mystic. The Roman Empire which gave the ' form ' of legal personality to its subjects, but could give no satisfactory ' content,' was thus the ' material cause ' of Christianity. To the Greek and Roman religion had been a part of the State. Christianity, finding the State such as it was, held aloof from it. And thus began the antithesis between Church and State, which even when they are united, remain distinct spheres. This antithesis gives their chief charac- teristic to the Middle Ages. There are now two ideals before men, and these are at war with one another. In their extreme forms they take the shape of the chivalric and the monastic ideals. No period has been judged so differently. To some the Middle Ages have appeared as *the ages of faith,' in bright contrast to the preceding corruption of the Roman world and the scepticism of Hellenic culture on the one hand, and on the other to the succeeding sensualism of the Renaissance and the rationalism of the Revolutionary epoch ; to others as a picturesque and romantic dreamland, dispelled by the hard realism of modern life ; to others as a time of barbarous ignorance, superstition, and cruelty — a dark night from which the Renaissance was a welcome deliverance. The diversity of judgment only shows that the phenomena are too manifold to be summed up in one formula. If we contrast the Middle Ages with the ancient world (especially THE RATIONALITY OF HISTORY. 167 with what is most typical in it — the Greek world) they represent a period of alienation of the human spirit from its surroundings — a period of discontent — a negative period. On the other hand, contrasted either with the wreck of the Roman Empire, or with the age of criticism which follows, they are a ' positive * period — a period in which the life of man was regulated by an established and accepted order of things, in which nothing was left to subjective caprice. So, too, if we contrast the Renaissance with the Middle Ages it is a reconciliation, or rather an attempt at recon- ciliation, between the old and the new — an attempt to join * Christ and the Muses.' ^ Looked at in the light of svhat follows, the Renaissance is the beginning of a revolt, the proclamation of a humanist ideal which has not yet been reconciled with the ecclesiastical ideal of the Middle Ages. To interpret our own time is the hardest task of all. It is impossible to avoid the influence of our wishes. Hegel has not escaped this difficulty and may easily be charged with unfairness. His national feelings lead him to exagge- rate the Teutonic in comparison with the other elements in the formation of the mediaeval and modern world ; he even puts himself to the trouble of defending the Lutheran against the Calvinist view of the Eucharist, and he speaks as if all political wisdom were summed up in the Prussian monarchy as he knew it. He has fallen into the temptation of * finality.' But his own method is independent of his particular applications of it. His recognition that the free- dom of all is the mission of the modern world should pre- vent contentment with a narrow bureaucracy. And surely representative government, especially representative demo- cracy, against which he shows a decided prejudice, is in its ideal the truest reconciliation we yet know of the rights of the many with the wisdom of the few, the best realisation of a ' concrete ' freedom as opposed to the abstract freedom of immediate democracy which issues only in such instruments of tyranny as the ' plebiscite.' In reference to present and practical questions Hegel's method has received very diffe- rent applications. It has been used by defenders of the RomB,n Church, and out of his school have come most of the ' In its architecture— often the best form classical forms with the fantastic index to the spirit of an era — we have variety of the Gothic spirit, the attempt to unite the reserved, uni- 158 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. intellectual leaders of socialism.^ The number of its sects does not prove the truth of a religious system nor of a philo- sophical, but is no argument against it; while the incapacity of admitting of more than one application is a sure proof of the narrowness of a formula and a sign of its want of vitality. The idea is certainly * in the air ' that we have reached a time whose principal end should be positive construction rather than destructive criticism. This idea is often made to sanction reaction in politics and religion. Such an inter- pretation ignores the fact, that a return to the past is strictly impossible ; ' restoration is always revolution ' ; and that, in real progress, the third or reconciling stage, though it looks most opposed to the second or critical, must take up the truth of the second into it as well as that of the first. Diffe- rent views will unavoidably be held about the character and issues of the democratic tendency whose existence no one can deny ; different views about the economic future of society, though most people feel that ' Laissez-faire ' is not the final word to express the relation of the State to its members;^ the conflict raised in most European countries by an irreconcilable Ultramontanism, may make the immediate future of religion seem very uncertain, and the destiny of Protestantism must depend on the victory of letter or spirit. In external politics, the coexistence of separate and inde- pendent nations will be more generally accepted, though opinions will differ whether the abstract conception of a * balance of power,' which has caused more strife than it has prevented, is still the only link between them, or whether the feeling that there is an international morality may some day render possible the fact of an international law. In any case we must recognise that the civilisation of the world is not now entrusted, as of old, to one keeper only ; and history should teach us that no nation has the right to saj, ' Surely we are the people : and wisdom will die with us.' D. G. ElTCHIE. ' InJjaiSsaWe's Arbeiterprogrammw'iW State agency, be found a brilliant application of the * No one who eaxefully studies the Hegelian method to economic history. change in English Liberalism in recent Yet Lassalle also has fallen under the years can doubt that it has ceased to temptation of finality. He expects his make the negative formula ' freedom of third period, which is to reconcile the contract ' its ultimatum. See a lecture fixity (Status) of the old world with the by the late Professor Green, 'Liberal freedom (Contract) of the new, to follow Legislation and Freedom of Contract.', quite soon and quite suddenly through Oxford, 1881. 159 VI. ON TEE PHILOSOPHY OF ART. Plato in the 'Protagoras' makes Socrates sajtliat conversa- tion about poetry and the meaning of poetry should be left to people who have not completed their education and are not able to converse freely. The vulgar like to dispute about the interpretation of the sayings of poets, who cannot come into the company to answer for themselves ; men who have been well schooled prefer, in their conversation, to go on without the help or the distraction of poetry, ' each one in the company taking his turn to speak and listen in due order, even though they be drinking deep.' To turn conversa- tion into a wrangle about the interpretation of poetical passages is hardly less a sign of want of education than to bring in flute-players in order to save the banqueters from the sound of their own voices. Socrates, before making this contemptuous speech, had criticised and explained a passage of Simonides in a way that shows how possible it is for a critic to maintain his freedom and speak his own mind while professing to draw out the hidden meaning of his author ; how the sermon may be made a different thing from the text. The whole passage is characteristic of an age which has grown too old for poetry, which is determined to work out its own problems with its own understanding, not expecting much help nor fearing much hindrance from the wisdom of bygone ages. The belief that is the centre of all Plato's theories of art is expressed here. Stated rudely, the belief is this, that art has lost its authority, that the poets and their followers are well-meaning men who would have to-day rule itself by yesterday's wisdom, whereas to-day has its own light to which yesterday's light is an impertinence. Enlightened men speak the thoughts that are in them, free from bondage to the letter of ancient wisdom ; the philoso- 100 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. pher knows clearly what the poets knew vaguely and con- fusedly. Plato's various theories of art are all expansions of this speech in the ' Protagoras.' At the worst, art is a false semblance ; at the best it is an education. The philosopher knows what beauty is better than they do who listen to the singers in the market-place. There cannot but be a quarrel between poetry and philosophy ; poetry is weak, imperfect, and ignorant, pretends to be strong and all-seeing. Philo- sophy secures its own position by showing how poetry in its proper place may be the servant of trnth, and how dangerous to truth it may be in its light-minded pretence of omniscience. This dissatisfaction with art is not mere puritanic bitter- ness, not the caprice of a sectarian who sets himself against the common belief of the world. Plato is speaking for his age, not against it. He has no innate spite against art, he has the sincerest reverence for it, yet he cannot choose but bring it down from its height, because the age for which he is speaking knows that there are results to be gained which <;annot be gained in the old ways, that the philosophers are working towards new ends of which the poets and image- makers have never dreamt. This is the way in which the attitude of Plato towards art becomes intelligible. It seemed to him that art with all its excellences was not enough for the needs of a new age, and that it should not be allowed to claim more than its fair share of respect from men who were in search of truth, who were minded to try what they could make out for themselves, 'speaking and listening among themselves ' without superstition or bondage to idols. Yet no one more than Plato recognised the value of poetry, of imagination, in the progress of the mind towards pure truth. He did not contradict himself in so doing. He denied that poetry was the whole of wisdom ; he did not deny that it was the beginning of wisdom. It is the positive side of his theorising about art which has been best remembered. The polemic against the teaching of the poets was forgotten. The belief that the beauty of sensible things is in some way the image of an unseen beauty remained as an element of many later philosophies, the creed of not a few poets. There is something in it which wins an assent that is not altogether founded on a critical investigation. The theory that the youth are to dwell in a place of pleasant sights and sounds, and to grow up unconsciously into the image of ON THE PHILOSOPHY OF ART. 161 reason, that when reason comes they may welcome it as not alien — all this is heard at first as a story which ought to be true, which overcomes prejudice at the outset. The difficulty is to fix the details of the story. The listener wants to know more about the beauty and more about the reason, and to know where, if anywhere, there is anything like this progress from the half-conscious life among beautiful things to the awakened life in reason. This theory in the ' Republic,' and the similar theories in the ' Symposium ' and the ' Phoedrus,' are the first attempts at a philosophy of beauty. They describe in dark language a relation of the manifold beautiful things to the one un- changeable idea of beauty, and describe the progress of the soul from the beauty of the manifold things of sense to the unity of reason or of the idea of beauty. If there be such a progress, it is obviously in it that the secret of beauty lies. But how are we to conceive this progress ? what is the idea in which it ends ? The education which begins in art and ends in philosophy, how does this resemble or differ from other progresses of mind ; for example, the progress of any mind, however ill educated or uneducated, from the unreal world of childhood to the more or less real world of common sense, or the historical progress of nations from myths to rationalism. Everyone knows that there are some progresses in which the mind rejects old fancies for new truths, turning in revolt against its old self ; are there others, like this one of the ' Republic ' or this one of the ' Symposium,' in which the old unreal things which are passed by are not falsehoods but images of the truth ? And supposing that art stands in some such relation as this to philosophy, will it not be of some importance to know what is to become of the images when the reality is attained to, of the pleasant places of art when philosophy is perfected, of the manifold shapes of beauty when the one idea of beauty is revealed ? Are they to be rejected as Socrates rejected the wisdom of the elder moralists, as Plato rejected the art which was an imitation ? Plato's own attitude towards art is a continual wavering between two opinions, which are both based on the one sure opinion that the poets do not at any rate contain all wisdom. Admitting this sure opinion, there are still two alternatives to Plato ; sometimes he is for expelling the poets altogether; sometimes he speaks more gently of them, as servants of the H 162 ESSAYS IN PHILOSOPHICAL CRITICISM. Divine Wisdom, who say more than they know, more than sane men are able to say. The difficulty which he finds in explaining art, and the poet's character, and the beauty of sensible things, arises from his opposition to them. He is the first philosopher to attempt to make a philosophy of art, and the sum of that philosophy is that art and philosophy are different. It is the imperfection of art, the imperfection of visible beauty, which he emphasises. To be content with art is a fatal mistake; it is to prefer opinion to knowledge. Thus Plato's philosophy of art was 'almost wholly negative. It could not help being negative to begin with, could not help asserting its superiority as critic over the matter criti- cised. The first thing of importance to be said about art is that there is a science which goes beyond it ; and Plato said this, and described in many ways the movement of the mind from the scattered things of sense to the unity which they reflect. But he never succeeded in teaching anyone that science of unity ; what he taught was that science of the unity was to be sought after. And so long as this science was unattained, the unity, the universal, was simply an abstraction of which the only thing that could be said was that it is a negation of the many, of the particulars — in- cluding them in some way, but in some undefined, unknown way — including them as a limit outside of them. Plato recognised that the relation of the many to the one was not explained simply by being stated ; he recognised that the many were not a mere negation of the one — that wrong opinion was possible — that knowledge of the inexact line and the inexact circle have their place in the world for those who wish to find their road home.^ He apprehended that the ideal was not always the truth. The criticism of Simonides in the ' Protagoras ' succeeds in showing that the ideal is often much respected by bad men who find their actual circumstances irksome : that the duty of a man often compels him to leave the ideal alone and be loyal to his kinsfolk, accepting the particular circumstances in which he is placed. This apprehension of the value of particular things is never elaborated by Plato into part of the science of the universal; so that at the end there is little more said than that there is one idea, and that there is a progress