mmFW^

 
 SOCIAL PEOGEESS
 
 BY THE SA3IE AUTHOR. 
 
 THE PKOBLEM OF EVIL : an Introduction to 
 the Practical Sciences. 8vo. 10s. &d. 
 
 A SYSTEM OF PSYCHOLOGY. 2 vols. 8vo. 3Gs, 
 
 THE EELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS OF THE 
 HUMAN MIND. 8vo. 7s. U. 
 
 London : LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO.
 
 SOCIAL PROGRESS 
 
 AN ESSAY 
 
 BY 
 
 DANIEL GEEENLEAF THOMPSON 
 
 AUTHOR OF 'a system OP PSYCHOLOGY' 'THE PROBLEM OP EVIL' 
 'THE RELIGIOUS SEXTIMENTS OF THE HUMAN MIND' ETC. 
 
 LONDON 
 LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 
 
 AND NEW YORK : 15 EAST 16'" STEEET 
 
 1889 
 
 All rights reserved
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1889, 
 
 by Daniel Grecnleaf Tborapson, 
 
 in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at 'Washington.
 
 
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 TO MY FELLOW-MEMBERS OF 
 
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 M THE REFORM CLUBS, OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK 
 
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 5ii^^bOui3
 
 PBEFAGE. 
 
 The ' System of Psychology,' by the present writer, 
 was piibnshedinl884 ; ' The Problem of Evil,' in 1886 ; 
 the ' Eeligioiis Sentiments of the Human Mind,' in 
 1888. None of these volumes has a preface, the author 
 believing that in general, when a book is before the 
 reader, to explain it is quite superfluous. It ought to 
 be judged according to what it is, not according 
 to what its author may say about it. With this 
 treatise I depart from my former practice, not so much 
 for the purpose of commenting upon what is now pre- 
 sented to the public, as with the view of showing its 
 relations to former works and its place in a scheme of 
 systematic thought which was projected more than 
 twenty years ago and has been completed to this 
 point. I shall, therefore, ask the reader's pardon for 
 becoming a little autobiographical and for indulging 
 in a somewhat familiar conversation about my books 
 and the philosophy of which they are the expression. 
 In looking over a note-book, dated nineteen years 
 ago, in the year of my graduation from Amherst 
 College, in Massachusetts, I find a general plan of life, 
 which had been fixed upon two or three years pre- 
 viously. As we grow older we are rather inclined to 
 disparage our youthful enthusiasms. They are apt
 
 vili SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 to seem ridiculous to us and to others. But to an 
 observer of the development of the individual human 
 mind, it is interesting to look back and compare past 
 with present positions. Nor is it without interest to 
 students generally, perhaps, to note that it is possible 
 for a man, who during all the period has been also 
 devoted to the study and practice of an exacting- 
 profession, to carry out for twenty years a systematic 
 plan of philosophical study, writing and publication. 
 Thus I may be excused for referring to my old note- 
 book and saying that I find therein set forth as the 
 chief object of my life to take precedence of all 
 others, ' the attempt to attain, expound, and apply 
 some of the principles which underlie all knowledge.' 
 Some four or five years prior to the date of this 
 memorandum (1869), at about the age of fifteen, I 
 read and was deeply interested in Kant's ' Critique of 
 Pure Eeason.' This was the first book of a philoso- 
 phical character that I had studied, and it made a 
 profound impression upon me. I endeavoured to 
 master it, and for two or three years it completely 
 possessed my thought. My college course required 
 for a year the study of the works of Dr. Laurens P. 
 Hickok, which are a development from Kantian 
 philosophy, though by no means resting with Kant's 
 conclusions. In addition, Schwegler's ' History of 
 Philosophy ' constituted a part of the plan of study. 
 My whole mental development was along the lines of 
 German philosophy. After forming the idea of a 
 more thorough work, my first anxiety was to familiar- 
 ise myself with what might be considered the other 
 side from that with which I had previously been 
 acquainted. Accordingly I read Hume, then Locke, 
 then James Mill's ' Analysis,' and afterward Hartley,
 
 PKKFACK. ix 
 
 Thomas Brown, Stuart Mill's 'Logic,' Bain's works, 
 and finally Herbert Spencer. The result was an entire 
 mental revolution culminating in a profound convic- 
 tion that while German philosophy of the Kantian 
 type was useful as a corrective, the most valuable 
 work in psychology and philosophy belonged to Eng- 
 land. This I do not doubt to-dav, thouo-h German 
 psychological study in special directions has been 
 very fruitful and is worthy of high credit. Psycho- 
 logy is certainly entitled to be called a science, although 
 there may be some who still dispute its claims. The 
 unscientific character ascribed to it, however, has been 
 largely owing to the failure of its devotees to cast off 
 metaphysical and speculative connections both in the 
 method of study and in the exhibition of results. It 
 has progressed to a scientific standing by the adop- 
 tion of the method of all science, namely, the observa- 
 tion of facts and generalisation, wholly irrespective of 
 any metaphysical or transcendental implications. Such 
 implications cannot be excluded from ps3xhological 
 science, but whatever philosophical doctrines are 
 adumbrated or even expressed should follow and not 
 lead the course of psychological thought. 
 
 I thus came to believe that psychology has been 
 raised to the rank of a science chiefly by the labours 
 of what has been called the English Experiential School. 
 Though Locke contributed much of psychological 
 value, psychology as a distinct science begins to 
 emerge in the M^orks of James Mill. This writer un- 
 doubtedly struck upon the scientific method of psy- 
 chological study. He also expressed the central doc- 
 trine of ps3^chology, namely, the laws of association, 
 though he did not see their full import, nor under- 
 stand all their relations. John Stuart Mill likewise
 
 X SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 made many valuable suggestions in psychology, tend- 
 ing to establish more firmly still its scientific character. 
 Professor Bain accomplished an absolutely essential 
 work in presenting a cyclopedia of classified facts in 
 regard to mental life, which must, I think, always be 
 resorted to by students who desire to pursue their 
 studies with a knowledge of mental phenomena scien- 
 tifically arranged without metaphysical colouring. 
 The unification of psychological facts under the 
 general law of evolution by Herbert Spencer still 
 further advanced the progress of the science. In 
 addition, a large numljer of able workers had month 
 by month, and year by year, been building up the 
 fabric of psychological science, until there no longer 
 existed ground for the old reproaches. 
 
 From this point of view the author believed that 
 the time had come for a review and revision of that 
 system of psychology which the English Experiential 
 School had thus constructed. It seemed to him also 
 that a further systematisation was needed ; that the 
 things settled ought to be emphasised as settled, the 
 things unsettled ought to be indicated, that the 
 general method ought to be made more plain, that 
 some omissions ought to be supplied, that a more 
 complete synthesis should be attempted both of facts 
 and principles. More particularly it seemed to him 
 that the view of mind as an active power, rather 
 than as a passivity, which constitutes one of the most 
 valuable elements of German thought and which had 
 been neglected somewhat by the English school 
 referred to, was quite compatible with the principles 
 and methods of the latter and was needed to complete 
 the English system. Therefore the author commenced 
 such a work of revision, systematising, co-ordinating.
 
 PREFACE. XI 
 
 and supplementing, which after ten years of hxbour 
 issued in his ' System of Psychology.' 
 
 I suppose this book has, to the well-equipped 
 scholar, the appearance of an old garment with its 
 cut altered here and there, and new cloth now and 
 ao-ain sewed in. But it should be considered that 
 the whole has been carefully scrutinised, the fabric 
 tested, the seams and rents closed up in one place 
 and another and the cloth cleaned and furbished. 
 The reader no doubt finds some things new, and 
 some old topics treated in a novel manner ; and if 
 critics are inclined to complain that they have to go 
 over much with which they are acquainted in order 
 to reach the new ideas, I claim at their hands at 
 least the credit of having examined, and thoroughly 
 deliberated upon every topic and question in the 
 range of the work. If then anything appears as old 
 matter, it represents the author's conviction, after 
 close scrutiny, in the light, too, of authorities Conti- 
 nental as well as Enc^lish, that it ouo-ht to stand as 
 verified science. I am sure in scientific study it is a 
 merit to know when not to be original. If, therefore, 
 in the ' System of Psychology ' I have succeeded in 
 repressing within proper limits the natural inclina- 
 tion to innovation and radicalism, and if the state- 
 ments made above be accepted, I shall certainly 
 esteem it as much a compliment to my work as any 
 credit I may obtain for novelties. 
 
 The original features of the 'Psychology' are either 
 absolutely so, or relatively, by laying a new stress on 
 some principles previously enunciated but neglected. 
 They have been in the main recognised by those who 
 have favoured the work with their attention, but not 
 altogether. I will venture to instance a few particu-
 
 xii , SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 lars in wliicli I have been disposed to believe that an 
 advance has been made in this book upon previous 
 psychological science: (1) In the method of treat- 
 ment by which the law of evolution is applied to the 
 systematisation of mental facts in a more complete 
 manner than by former psychologists ; (2) In the 
 unification of the postulated truths of psychology 
 with those of all science (chaps, iii., xi.); (3) In the 
 analysis of the Elements of Consciousness (chap, ix.) ; 
 (4) In the doctrine that space and force are comple- 
 mentary sides of matter (chaps, xii., xviii.); (5) The 
 doctrine that the law of correlation of forces is a law 
 of coexistence (chap, xvii.); (6) The correspondence 
 between the elements of consciousness and those of 
 'external' things (chaps, ix., xiii.); (7) The systema- 
 tising of organic functions into introsusception, 
 repulsion, assimilation, disassimilation, expulsion, 
 and reproduction, and the exposition of the general 
 facts of organic nature upon this system (chap, 
 xix., IF.); (8) The increased emphasis laid upon the 
 idea that cognition is specialised definite feeling 
 (chap, xxvii.); (9) The contention that the stimulus 
 to action is pain not pleasure (chap, xxviii.) ; (10) As- 
 signing Society as a primitive appetite (chap, xxx.) ; 
 (11) The full formulation of the laws of development 
 under the law of evolution (chap, xxxv.) ; (12) The 
 creation of the class Ee-percepts and the class Fic- 
 tions among mental products (chaps, xlix., li.) ; (13) 
 The complete treatment of concepts and abstracts 
 (chap. 1.) ; (14) The classification and treatment of 
 pleasures and pains (Part viii.); (15) The analysis of 
 the elements of the value of the ends and dispositions 
 (chap. Ixxiii.) ; (16) The new classification of mental 
 states by which volition is eliminated (chap. xlvi.).
 
 PREFACE. xiii 
 
 I have never been able to agree witli the tendency 
 existing in some qnarters to hmit the province of 
 psychology and extend that of philosophy. It seems 
 to me that the view of mind and body as a double- 
 faced unity is the one likely to be finally received. 
 If this be so, two grand divisions of knowledge 
 naturally appear, somatology, or scientific knowledge 
 of things on the material side, and psychology, or the 
 science of things on the mental side. Out of these 
 two grand divisions the various physical and mental 
 sciences are carved. Thus logic, aesthetics, ethology, 
 ethics, and the various sociological sciences are 
 really parts of psychology. At all events they are 
 branches of the psychological tree ; and while they 
 have their own specific range, their connection with 
 psychology is intimate and from psychology they 
 derive their foundation principles. Now if this view 
 be accepted, philosoi^hy is the unification of soma- 
 tology and psychology in exhibiting the principles 
 which connect the material and the mental spheres. 
 It must hence be only a theory of knowledge and a 
 correlative theory of being. It is the bridge which 
 unites the material and mental worlds. Hence it 
 would be, for example, far more proper to designate 
 Mr. Herbert Spencer's Psychology, Sociology and 
 Ethics, a System of Psychology, and his First Prin- 
 ciples a System of Philosophy, than to characterise 
 the whole series of his works by the latter term. A 
 system of philosophy is not a bundle of different 
 sciences. And while psychology need not (and 
 should not) embrace all the details, subordinate 
 principles and facts of logic and ethics, for instance, 
 it should supply the foundations for those sciences, 
 exhibiting their basic principles as a part of psycho-
 
 XIV SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 logy. Thus that notion of the province of the latter 
 science which has led many English psychologists in 
 their works to stop with the delineation of mental 
 processes, disregarding the mental products, is, I be- 
 lieve, a mistaken one. Without an examination of 
 mental phenomena as products, that is to say on the 
 static side, a science of psychology is incomplete. 
 Such products form points of departure for the 
 development of logic, ethics, and other like sciences. 
 
 Having settled in my own mind my psychology 
 and formulated it, the most important part of my 
 projected work was accomplished, however imper- 
 fectly. Without a psychology everything was chaotic ; 
 with it, the whole world of mental objects — of both 
 intelligence and volition — -became orderly, and what 
 man could do and what he ought to do became in the 
 main clear. My attention then turned itself to prac- 
 tical problems. The basis of ethics had already been 
 found in the ' Psychology,' and it was next in order to 
 consider ethical questions. So much had been done 
 by others in the way of expounding the theory of 
 ethics in which I had come to rest, that it seemed to me 
 I could do a better work if I presented my thoughts 
 in this department as an Introduction to the Prac- 
 tical Sciences, showing that the general practical 
 problem is to minimise evil, and for the solution of 
 this problem indicating the nature of evil, mapping 
 out the four great departments for labour to that end 
 — the Industrial, the Political, the Philanthropic, and 
 the Educational — and then exhibiting and discussing 
 some of the principal obstacles which lie in the way 
 of effort to reduce and abolish human woe. This plan 
 resulted in the publication of ' The Problem of Evil.' 
 
 It has been surprising to me to find myself
 
 rilEFACi:. XV 
 
 charged with violence and intemperance of language 
 in this work as against Christianity, If this be so, 
 I am sorry ; for I thoroughly appreciate, as the 
 critic of the ' Spectator' reminds me, that ' hard words 
 break no bones.' Moreover, no good purpose is 
 served by intemperate expression. But except with 
 regard to a few isolated paragraphs, perhaps, I am 
 not disposed to acknowledge the justice of the ac- 
 cusation. On the contrary, a book cannot, it seems 
 to me, be regarded as in anywise an assault upon 
 Christianity, whose conclusions are that non-religious, 
 scientific investigation and thought issue in presenting 
 as a necessity for the most complete elimination of 
 evil, exactly the same thing to be attained, as the 
 Christian system demands ; namely, the modification 
 and transformation of individual dispositions to 
 conform to the Law of Love. This places Science 
 and Eeligion on the same platform for practical 
 work, leaving open for dispute only questions of 
 method. If there be severe criticism of some 
 theological doctrines (as I admit there is in my book), 
 this would seem to be of less moment than not onty 
 the concession of the paramount value of what the 
 church claims that it is pre-eminently labouring for 
 so far as human society is concerned, but also the 
 laying of a distinct and strong emphasis thereon. 
 Yet only two religious authorities among my re- 
 viewers have seemed to see this. And if theological 
 readers find their own general doctrine affirmed even 
 with invective against particular dogmas, it might be 
 well for them to consider again whether or not these 
 latter may not be, after all, as contended in 'The 
 Problem of Evil,' obstructive of the very ends they 
 propose to themselves as the chief.
 
 xvi SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 It lias for a long time been my belief that one of 
 the most important departments for the application 
 of ethical principles has been sadly neglected. 
 There has never been to my mind any adequate 
 treatment of the Ethics of Sex-Eelations. I therefore 
 prepared a treatise on that subject in five Essays : 
 ' Love ' ; ' Marriage ' ; ' Divorce ' ; ' Extra-marital 
 Eelationships ' ; ' Woman.' This was substantially 
 completed in 1884, but has not yet been published, 
 though once referred to in ' The Problem of Evil.' I 
 have refrained from publication because I wished 
 to give the book more mature thought. The volume 
 will be about the size of the one just named, and the 
 discussions of its various topics are, I hope, more 
 thorough than is usual on such themes. Inasmuch 
 as some of the ideas therein contained, since the 
 Essays were written, have been suggested by others 
 here and there, I desire to put on record at this time 
 the date of its completion. 
 
 For any comprehensive system of thought, it is 
 highly essential, and indeed unavoidable, to consider 
 religion as a phenomenon of human life. ' The 
 Eeligious Sentiments of the Human Mind,' therefore, 
 followed the works above named. This book is 
 mainly psychological. It is intended, however, to 
 present the outline of a science of religion, as the 
 author deems such a science should be constructed. 
 But it is merely an outline and makes no pretence to 
 an exhaustive treatment of the subject, like the work 
 of Dr. Martineau, for instance, which was published 
 about the same time. Yet the writer hopes it 
 exhibits the true scientific method of dealing with 
 religious questions. 
 
 The organic connection of human beings with
 
 PREFACE. XVll 
 
 each other in society naturally claimed attention, 
 after the foregoing topics. With this subject the 
 present volume deals. While its point of view, and 
 probably its illustrations, are more distinctively 
 American than those of any of my former works, I 
 shall venture to include it in the series published in 
 England, hoping that my friends in that country may 
 desire to look at it. Besides, my relations with my 
 publishers have been so agreeable that really I 
 should not feel at home with any others. Inasmuch 
 as authors do not always have this experience, I am 
 very glad to mention it. This essay on Social 
 Progress is substantially the introduction to a longer 
 work, upon which I am engaged, entitled ' The 
 Fundamental Eights of Man,' which will treat of the 
 nature, meaning, and extent of the rights to Life, 
 Liberty, and Property. 
 
 I owe it to myself to elaborate, as a part of my 
 philosophical task, a Theory of Knowledge and of 
 Being. This is partially completed, and will be ad- 
 vanced as fast as my opportunities will allow. 
 
 I have cfiven this account of the manner in which 
 
 o 
 
 I have thus far (at the age of 38) followed out the 
 scheme of systematic thought projected twenty years 
 ago, not because I place any extravagant value upon 
 the results actually achieved, but because, as sug- 
 gested at the beginning of this preface, I think it well 
 to record the fact that in these busy times a man can, 
 if he will, devote himself somewhat to the pursuits of 
 the student and the scholar at the same time that he 
 is engaged with the practical concerns of professional 
 or business life. The superstition is very prevalent 
 that the pursuit of philosophy and the pursuit of the 
 ' hundred dollars ' are quite incompatible ; and I
 
 XVlll SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 should be glad if I could do something to dispel the 
 illusion. Mr, Herbert Spencer told me at the time of 
 the publication of the ' Psychology ' that he thought I 
 would eventually either give up my studies, or my pro- 
 fessional practice. This has not been, nor is it likely 
 to be, the case. Another highly-valued English friend 
 once expressed to me his satisfaction that philosophy 
 was passing out of the hands of ' counsellors-at-law 
 and into those of academic teachers. This of course 
 is eminently desirable, as everybody knows who ob- 
 serves how philosophy is manufactured and taught in 
 many of our institutions of learning : but still, I must 
 confess that in my wickeder moments I indulge the 
 hope that I shall not be the last counsellor-at-law 
 who devotes himself and gives expression to syste- 
 matic thought, be it more or less philosophical. 
 
 DANIEL GEEENLEAF THOMPSON. 
 
 New Yokk City : 
 
 Sept. 1, 1888.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAET I. 
 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PBOGBESS. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. LIBERTY AND LAW 3 
 
 II. THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FOUNDATION OF INDIVIDUAL 
 
 LIBERTY 7 
 
 III. SOCIAL LIBERTY 12 
 
 IV. LAW INDISPENSABLE TO SOCIAL LIBERTY . . . 20 
 V. SECURITY ......... 24 
 
 VI. EQUALITY IN RIGHTS . . . . . . . 27 
 
 VII. EQUALITY IN POWER ....... 41 
 
 VIII. FRATERNITY . . 58 
 
 PART II. 
 
 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PBOGBESS. 
 
 IX. RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM 77 
 
 X. THE UTILITY OF CHANGE . . . . . . 81 
 
 XI. GENERAL PRINCIPLES 88 
 
 XII. THE FORMATION OF OPINIONS 97 
 
 XIII. THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS ..... 117 
 
 XIV. RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM IN ACTION . . . 143
 
 Paet I. 
 
 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS.
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 LIBEETY AND LAW. 
 
 Evert individual has some idea of his own advance- 
 ment. Whatever his condition, there are always some 
 tliinjTs which he would like to have added unto him. 
 Even the most favoured think of their advantages as 
 means for acquiring something more. The wealthy- 
 man desires more riches ; the powerful man more 
 power ; the famous man more fame. They believe 
 that unto him that hath should be given. On the 
 other hand the poor and the needy are impelled by 
 necessity to strive to better their condition, else that 
 condition becomes so wa-etched that they perish. High 
 and low, rich and poor, powerful and impotent— all 
 have ideals of an improved status that furnish to 
 them ends of activity which they are ever seeking 
 to attain. 
 
 Closely bound up with this ideal of individual 
 betterment is an ideal of social improvement. Men 
 have dwelt temporarily in isolation, but no human 
 being, so far as we can learn, ever lived without a 
 mental life modified in some degree by thoughts of 
 others of his kind. Everywhere, among savages and 
 civilised, there exists and is recognised some sort of 
 social relation between men. Hence, notions of a 
 
 B 2
 
 4 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL mOGRESS. 
 
 better state of things for society inevitably follow 
 ideas of an improved condition for the individual. 
 The question, What is a better society ? will, indeed, 
 be answered very differently by different individuals. 
 To the cannibal chief the better social state may be 
 one in which people are fatter and thus more edible, 
 and perhaps more complaisant on the subject of being 
 killed and eaten. The warrior dreams of communi- 
 ties wherein military activity is stimulated, where 
 men are well-trained for battle and eager for the fray. 
 To the merchant absorbed in trade, commercial 
 enterprise and its results promise a realisation of his 
 highest ideals. The heaven of the artist and man of 
 literature is similarly coloured by the nature of their 
 pursuits. But even if the improvement of society 
 consists in the selfish aggrandisement of the individual, 
 he still entertains social progress as an end along with 
 individual progress. The two are always in some 
 manner connected, because men dwell together in 
 society. 
 
 If there be individual progress there must be room 
 for its march ; if there be the other, for that too 
 room must be allowed. But when many different in- 
 dividuals entertain widely divergent or totally op- 
 posed views of their own relations to others and thus 
 to society, collisions necessarily arise. No individual 
 is satisfied with another's idea of social good when the 
 latter involves, for example, the inferiority of the 
 former in power, place, or wealth, and the exaltation 
 of the latter. Without restraint the social purposes 
 of antagonistic individuals will destroy each other, 
 and the ideal of social progress in men's minds will
 
 LIBERTY AND LAW. 5 
 
 arise only to be defeated in its movements toward 
 realisation. 
 
 This restraint is furnished by Law. We find not 
 infrequently in communities of all times that self-con- 
 trol by which a man is a law unto himself for the good 
 of all, but we more often encounter an absence of self- 
 restraint in which one seeks only that he may be a 
 law unto others and ])e himself independent of law. 
 In such case as the last mentioned, there must either 
 be war, which is the destruction of society, or there 
 must be a power sufficient to impose a restraint in the 
 social interest, which must somehow be defined and 
 declared. A man by his own strength and prowess 
 may defend himself and maintain his life, but he does 
 it at the sacrifice of that satisfaction which the social 
 part of his nature craves. He may, indeed, do with- 
 out this for a time ; but sooner or later his o-regfarious 
 inclinations will assert themselves, and then returns 
 the problem of how to maintain society and promote 
 social progress. 
 
 Every one likes to have his own way ; no one 
 cares to be restrained. Moreover, restraint tends to 
 suppress spontaneous activity ; if it be too absolute it 
 not only prevents action but it quenches enthusiasm, 
 weakens energy and hinders development. It opposes 
 progress of the individual, and thus may be an op- 
 ponent to social progress. If absence of restraint 
 is dangerous and destructive, so also is too much 
 restraint. Thus the general condition essential to 
 social progress is the establishment of an equilibrium 
 between Liberty and Law. Neither can be dispensed 
 with, and neither can be permitted unqualified supre-
 
 6 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 macy over the other. But since there is in the nature 
 of things an apparent conflict between the two, how 
 is any stable equihbrium possible ? Is not the anta- 
 gonism irrepressible, and is not the best status we 
 can look forward to one of an armed peace, witli war 
 likely to be precipitated whenever the resisting power 
 of either party falls below the strength of its oppo- 
 nent's aggressiveness ? Questions like these are the 
 most important to be answered in determining the 
 conditions of progress.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FOUNDATION OF INDIVIDUAL LIBERTY. 
 
 It does not imply materialism to declare a strict 
 and close analogy between physical and mental life. 
 Whatever may be our theories of the nature and con- 
 nection of mind and body, there is admitted on all 
 hands to be a correspondence and parallelism between 
 the functional processes of the two. At any rate the 
 law of evolution governs both ; and the individual 
 human being, whatever may be the ultimate origin and 
 destiny of his conscious personality, is so placed in the 
 natural physical world that his life is determined by 
 action and reaction of his organism and its environ- 
 ment. Natural law governs his mental as well as 
 his physical life. Now the latter is a growth, and con- 
 sists in a continuous series of changes. ' Life is the 
 evolution and integration of an organism. Death is 
 the dissolution and disintegration of an organism. 
 An organism is said to be living while the processes of 
 evolution and integration of the organism as a whole 
 are going on ; an organism is said to be dead when 
 such processes of evolution and integration have ceased 
 and there remain in operation only processes of disso- 
 lution and disintegration.' ^ The law of evolution is 
 
 ' System of Psychology, by the present writer, vol. i. ch. xix. p. 5.
 
 8 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PIIOGRESS. 
 
 that there is in nature universally a course of integra- 
 tion of forces from indefiniteness, simplicity and 
 homogeneity in their relations, to definiteness, com- 
 plexity and heterogeneity ; ' when this movement is 
 stopped a reverse movement follows. The course of 
 evolution then involves continuous movement, and in 
 the human organism this is a process of selection of 
 asshnilable material from the outside world, of assimi- 
 lation when taken within, and of expulsion of non- 
 assimilable or disintegrated matters. There is per- 
 petual interaction between the organism and its sur- 
 roundings. If this movement is stopped the animal 
 or the plant dies ; if its free play is interfered with, 
 there is deficiency of growth or positive disease. All 
 these are familiar facts. 
 
 The accomplishment of this process of evolution 
 involves a spontaneous activity of the organism moving 
 outward and also a resistance to forces impinging. 
 The natural structure of the organism exliibits such 
 an arrangement of forces that this course of adaptation 
 proceeds naturally in their development. In animals 
 we note countless instinctive movements in furtherance 
 of evolution. These inherited pre-arrangements of 
 the structural constitution cause functional action 
 along the lines of evolutional develop^nent toward 
 an accuracy of adjustment that is truly wonderful. 
 If this were not so, the organism would speedily perish. 
 In addition, as sentience appears there is a guidance 
 of action to the same end under the stimuli of pleasure 
 and pain. Moreover, as consciousness grows there 
 comes a volitional movement, resulting in action ; 
 
 ^ System of Psychology, ch. xvii. p. 20.
 
 THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FOUNDATION OF LIBERTY. 9 
 
 which vohtion is governed by feeUng indeed, but with 
 the higher authority of inteUigence superimposed. 
 
 When intelhgence takes the hehii, definite ends of 
 attainment appear, and the mind forecasting settles 
 upon certain things to be done and certain things to 
 be gained by action. These, however, are in further- 
 ance of the evolution of the individual's life. He has 
 certain organic appetites to support the demands of 
 nature, and to satisfy these his activity must be di- 
 rected. Pleasure if he succeeds in satisfying them, and 
 pain if he does not, govern his volitions. His ends are 
 formed accordingly ; and they as well as the means 
 for fjatherino^ them are immediate or remote, inter- 
 mediate or final, direct or indirect, corresponding to 
 the reach of his intelligence. But whatever may be 
 the mode of exercise, one thing is certain, that activity 
 or movement there must be. If life requires move- 
 ment, consciousness requires movement. So long as 
 the organism lives the mind must be active in some 
 decrree. Consciousness is movement, and that too in 
 furtherance or avoidance of definite objects somehow 
 related to the pleasure and pain of the individual, and 
 thus to the development or retardation of his life. 
 
 Liberty, when analysed, is resolvable into Freedom 
 of Movement. If a man is bound in a strait-jacket 
 and confined in a cell he is undoubtedly deprived of 
 liberty. So also if he is imprisoned without the strait- 
 jacket. His movements are circumscribed or pre- 
 vented. Whatever hinders, abates or prevents action 
 is a restraint upon liberty. But to accomplish this it 
 is not necessary that a person be literally chained or 
 bound with thongs or withes. The ability to forecast
 
 10 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 the result of actions enables him to know in advance 
 the consequences of what he proposes to do, and to 
 proceed or forbear accordingly. A simple prohibi- 
 tion may then be a restraint upon liberty as fully 
 (though perhaps not as surely) as an actual physical 
 confinement. If a child understands that fire burns, it 
 is ordinarily not necessary to tie his hands to keep them 
 out of the fire. The knowledge operates as a check 
 upon his action. Conduct is governed by foresight, 
 not always correct of course, but as accurate as the 
 experience and acuteness of the individual will allow. 
 
 It thus appears that the idea of liberty springs 
 from a natural appetite which is grounded in a ne- 
 cessity of organic life. The appetite for movement 
 is as prominent as that for rest or alimentation, and 
 activity itself in some degree is as essential to existence 
 as food and drink. And, as for the end of satisfying 
 the constitutional wants of human beings desires arise 
 toward objects of action or acquisition, we find the 
 particular applications of the idea of liberty in the 
 affairs of man influenced and determined by these 
 desires. The love of liberty then is as natural and as 
 inevitable as the love of life. It really is a form of 
 the latter, because restraint of freedom if carried too 
 far becomes a menace to life, and if made more abso- 
 lute will destroy life, surely though it may be slowly. 
 
 But wholly unregulated movement is as fatal as 
 is suppression of movement. The whole course of 
 nature is a process of educating vital activity to move 
 in certain lines favouring natural development and 
 avoiding destructive forces. To accomplish this 
 opposition, repression and restraint are requisite.
 
 THE PSYCHOLOGICAL FOUNDATION OF LIBERTY. 11 
 
 Human iiitelligence perceives this and is willing to 
 submit to control or direction when in i'urtherance of 
 its own personal ends. A desire known to be of 
 injurious tendency will awaken another desire to 
 combat it. An end of effort clearly formed must give 
 way to a higher end of greater value. Thus in the 
 individual character, quite irrespective of interfer- 
 ences from other men, along with dispositions toward 
 movement and activity there proceed inclinations to- 
 ward self-control, which will enable the person to 
 direct his activity and use it to his best advantage. 
 This self-control can only be acquired through 
 conflict of volitions and repression of some of them. 
 
 Wliile, therefore, the nature of man is such as to 
 require liberty ; that nature also maintains a principle 
 of self-conservation which demands that a check be 
 put upon activity in harmful directions. Liberty is 
 only a minister to the development of life, and when it 
 interferes with and is subversive of this development, 
 the fact that the desire for it is formed in nature is 
 no reason against its limitation. 
 
 In truth, when a person is moved toward courses 
 of action which he knows are destructive, he is no 
 longer free. His will is constrained and he becomes 
 a bond-servant to desires which he would prefer to 
 oppose and overcome. In order to preserve his 
 liberty he must maintain by restraint a balance 
 between various inclinations, by which he can govern 
 his action and do what his judgment tells him is 
 best.
 
 12 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 SOCIAL LIBERTY. 
 
 The individual man in his growth deals with inor- 
 ganic and with organic nature below the human 
 in two ways. He brings near that which he can 
 utilise and utilises it, and he repels or avoids that 
 which he esteems of no value or positively injurious. 
 With reference to this environment, his purposes are 
 entirely egoistic. We need not now consider sympa- 
 thies for lower animals, which might qualify the above 
 remark. He uses nature for his own ends ; and while 
 he is compelled to allow the power of physical forces 
 to affect his own life and thus is obliged to employ 
 them and to counteract them, he never thinks of them 
 as having any ends of their own which he is bound 
 to serve. The idea of being of use to a physical force 
 is an absurdity. One cannot think of the wind, the 
 lightning, or even a tree, a flower or an insect, as 
 having objects, ends, purposes, of which men can take 
 account. 
 
 When, however, other human beings appear, a 
 new principle comes in. The individual indeed can 
 and does treat his fellow as he treats animals. He 
 attempts to use him, and if he cannot he avoids or 
 destroys him. But in the endeavour to utilise he 
 speedily discovers the new principle. He learns that
 
 SOCIAL LIBERTY. 13 
 
 this fellow-creature acts according to volitions which 
 are governed and determined by his pleasure and pain. 
 If he is hurt he fights back or runs away ; if he is 
 pleased he remains. If he cannot get away he will 
 labour under the lash, but his work is of inferior 
 quality and he must be watched constantly. His 
 regularity cannot be depended upon as can the 
 certainty of a stream of water passing over a wheel 
 or even of the ox that treadeth the corn. The way to 
 make him thoroughly useful is to make him desire to 
 be useful. Such a desire can only be evoked by some 
 pleasurable imagination ; that is to say, he must believe 
 that the service is in furtherance of some end of his 
 own formed in his own mind and appertaining to his 
 own personality. Hence, in order to use other indi- 
 viduals for my benefit, I cannot safely deal with them 
 as I would deal with physical forces ; but I must recog- 
 nise a personality like my own, whose actions obey the 
 laws of intellect, feeling and will. I cannot succeed, save 
 imperfectly, unless I create a disposition to serve me. 
 Such a disposition cannot be formed without the idea 
 that assisting me favours the ends of the other, that 
 what is done for my advantage contributes to the 
 maintenance and development of the life of the doer. 
 There must be some reciprocity of service and respect 
 even on the part of the master toward the slave, else 
 the latter is not usable. 
 
 The other course is that of conflict and destruction, 
 or avoidance. Fighting involves risk on both sides. 
 If I attempt to kiU another man, I endanger myself. 
 If I succeed in despatching him, the Avenger of Blood 
 may slay me. If I am cunning and place my foe at
 
 14 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGEESS. 
 
 SO great a disadvantage that I feel sure of victory, still 
 there is some peril. I may have miscalculated and 
 underestimated the strength or the skill of my op- 
 ponent. At best war is a desperate game. Moreover, 
 I cannot slay every other human being. If one is 
 killed, another has to be reckoned with, and the same 
 problem presents itself. I am obliged to get along 
 somehow with others of my kind. I cannot run 
 amuck without insuring my own speedy destruc- 
 tion. 
 
 If avoidance be attempted, it will be found prac- 
 tically impossible. Men and women do not spring 
 full-grown and full-armed from the head of Zeus. 
 There is a period of infancy, of childhood, of depend- 
 ence. The family relation is necessarily a social rela- 
 tion. Besides, families are not found in isolation, un- 
 less in exceptional and abnormal cases. To put one's 
 self out of contact with others of his species would 
 require much study and very persistent work. If 
 theoretically it would be possible, practically it is not. 
 Society is the natural condition. 
 
 This brings us to the strongest consideration of 
 aU. Men live in society because they have a natural 
 appetite for the amicable presence of their fellows. 
 The inclinations springing from difference of sex are 
 a powerful force of attraction. They, together with 
 the parental affections, produce a disinterested senti- 
 ment, the essence of which is the spirit of service to 
 another personality. The mind thus actually comes 
 to find its pleasure, its happiness, its ends of effort in 
 the welfare and happiness of that other. Self-abnega- 
 tion, altruism, love, thus become an impelling and
 
 SOCIAL LIBERTY. 15 
 
 governing energy in human conduct, since they are 
 natural elements of human constitution. 
 
 Nor is this the whole of the matter. The presence 
 of these innate sympathies, of this social appetite, 
 requires opportunity for their satisfaction in the de- 
 velopment of mind. As mental operations increase 
 in complexity and definiteness, ends of volition and 
 action which involve the social intercourse of men 
 multiply vastly. Interests, though selfish, become of 
 such a character that they can only be subserved by 
 a social life. The assistance of others is demanded 
 to obtain food, clothing, and shelter, for help in sick- 
 ness, for protection against enemies. The desire for 
 power becomes a desire for power over other men. 
 Wealth is of value chiefly for social advantages. 
 Fame and reputation are absolutely dependent upon a 
 social state. It thus speedily happens that even for the 
 necessities of life the action of other people is sought, 
 and that the most engrossing objects of human pur- 
 suit demand for their attainment a social condition. 
 Mind requires for its healthy growth an environment 
 of other minds. From them it must obtain nourish- 
 ment. Its pleasures become of a social character, 
 and its ends toward which its governing volitions 
 are directed are ends to be gained only by a social 
 assimilation. 
 
 It was noticed in the preceding chapter that actual 
 physical force is not the only restraint on liberty, but 
 that the prevention of action through anticipation of 
 iUs to follow it is as real an interference with freedom 
 as chains or imprisonment. Extending the applica- 
 tion of this thought, it may now be remarked that
 
 16 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 any such condition of things as prevents activity to 
 realise purposes which spring from desires founded 
 in the natural constitution is an abridgment of liberty. 
 Having given men and women dwelling in propin- 
 quity ; if there be a state of hostility, there is no op- 
 portunity for satisfying the social volitions nor for 
 obtaining those objects which appertain to them. It 
 is thus rendered impossible to enter into and culti- 
 vate, save very imperfectly, a vast region which lies 
 open to the vision of human imagination, and toward 
 which as a field for activity some of the strongest 
 instincts and appetites are continually urging people. 
 Men see the advantages which result from society ; 
 they appreciate, indeed, the necessity of society and 
 form countless ideal ends which can only be realised 
 in a settled social order. Hence anything tending to 
 prevent the maintenance of such an order becomes 
 a check upon individual liberty, and whatever makes 
 for its preservation, works at the same time an exten- 
 sion of such liberty. 
 
 It may be said that it is natural for man to hate 
 his brother and to be a murderer ; that the aggres- 
 sive, predatory instincts are as much natural elements 
 in human constitution as are the social, and indeed 
 more so ; that if a person is jorevented from attack- 
 ing his fellow it is also an infringement of liberty ; 
 that he can choose his own society among his kin, 
 and that the liberty of warring on anybody else is 
 more precious to him than any possible developments 
 of a social state wherein this freedom is denied. It 
 may be urged, in a word, that if we base the rights 
 of liberty upon the nature of man, the right to rob
 
 SOCIAL LIBERTY. 17 
 
 and murder would take precedence of every other, 
 and there is no justification for any restraint. The 
 answer to this Une of argument is, I conceive, that, 
 except among the lowest savages perhaps, social ends 
 are more commanding and social desires are more 
 imperious than the predatory. As a fact men do live 
 gregariously, and just as soon as intelligence begins 
 to reach beyond seeking means to satisfy immediate 
 wants, it commences to find its ends and purposes in 
 fellowship relations of one sort or another. If this 
 were not true we should not discover that persistent 
 re-formation of social groups when war breaks them 
 up. Destruction of societies has been going on from 
 the beginning of the world, but such ruin has always 
 been followed by the establishment of new ones. 
 More, even ; the destructive movements themselves 
 have generally been in the name and avowedly for 
 the sake of a better order. The difficulty has always 
 been, not that men did not desire a condition of social 
 stability, but they were mistaken as to the true 
 methods of securing it. The history of the human 
 race reveals a never-ceasing attempt to establish such 
 a status that men may dwell together in society and 
 develop their social dispositions in all directions un- 
 disturbed by the fear of social disruption. 
 
 If, even in comparatively primitive conditions, the 
 wisdom of that precept of King Archidamus is recog- 
 nised wherein he declares that ' it is most honourable 
 and most secure for many persons to show themselves 
 obedient to the same order ; ' how much more is such 
 wisdom apparent with the advancement of civilisa- 
 tion ! Such an obedience becomes absolutely essential. 
 
 c
 
 18 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 The natural tendency of civilised development is 
 toward a specialisation of functions on the part of 
 individuals. One man raises grain ; another mills it ; 
 another dispenses it. This man is a soldier, that man 
 prepares sustenance. One is for the field, another 
 for the hearth. Every one is dependent upon others, 
 and unless each is free and unimpeded in his work 
 others suffer. So complete is this interdependence 
 that we find the most accurate description of a society 
 which can be given, to be in likening it to an organism 
 wherein each part is at once the means and end of all 
 the rest. 
 
 Again, the progress of civilisation has worked out 
 another result. By affording facilities for quick com- 
 munication science has brought nearly the whole 
 human race within the rule of social law. The same 
 interdependence which is exhibited in a small com- 
 munity begins to be felt increasingly between people 
 who are widely separated. The work of the Chinese 
 is desired by the European or the American, while 
 the products of the latter are sought after by the 
 former, against ancient and very obstinate prejudice. 
 It is quite impossible to say that any community is 
 independent of any other on the face of the globe, if 
 only there be lines of communication between them. 
 
 It thus becomes apparent that, except within a 
 very limited range, wholly inadequate to the wants 
 of any but men of the lowest intelligence, individual 
 liberty can only find the satisfaction of its desires, 
 can only have its ends subserved, can only secure its 
 natural development in a society wherein men dwell 
 together in organic relations, each being both tjie
 
 SOCIAL LIBERTY. 19 
 
 means for the purposes of others, and at the same 
 tmie and not the less, the end of their activity. This 
 requires a Social Liberty. Such a liberty is the actual 
 recognition of each member of the community as a 
 personality with rights, to whom the rest owe duties 
 and the limitation of tlie acts of every one by those 
 rights and duties. It is imperative for the liberty of 
 each individual that the liberty of all others be re- 
 spected. Otherwise, society tends to fall asunder, and 
 every one is in danger of losing the very advantages 
 which he hopes to gain from the social state. Super- 
 ficially, the individual appears in the latter case to 
 have a greater freedom ; really he has much less. He 
 is cut off from activity in the directions which his 
 own will would choose, and he cannot get those 
 things which he has come to esteem most desirable. 
 
 We are forced to this conclusion, therefore ; that 
 individual liberty cannot long subsist, nor reach any 
 degree of perfection or completeness at all commen- 
 surate with its own demands, without the mainte- 
 nance of a social liberty ; that the latter can only exist 
 and be conserved through a check upon the wills 
 and actions of the individuals composing a society, 
 imposed upon them by the practical recognition of 
 reciprocal rights and duties as existing between man 
 and man. 
 
 c ■>
 
 20 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 LAW INDISPENSABLE TO SOCIAL LIBERTY. 
 
 "When Blackstone remarked that ' the only true and 
 natural foundations of society are the wants and fears 
 of individuals,' he expressed a fact out of which grows 
 the necessity of law. However extensively the ideal 
 of social order prevails in the minds of men, it is ex- 
 tremely difficult for them to do the things requisite 
 for realising and maintaining such an order. They 
 may desire social liberty, but they will not contribute 
 to its maintenance by their own example. They prefer 
 that other people shall furnish the meekness and the 
 submission. A man wants a great many things, and 
 to obtain his will he is certain to infringe upon the 
 rights of others, unless there be some restraint. He 
 must be made afraid of evil consequences to himself, 
 if he persists. 
 
 This is perfectly natural. There is no way of 
 regulating and directing movement except by resist- 
 ance and counteraction. If it were not for resistance 
 in the physical world, everything would fly in pieces 
 and chaos would come. The animal's spontaneous 
 vital action stimulates muscular motions in all direc- 
 tions, which follow the lines of least resistance. These 
 lines may lead to his destruction, but he will pursue 
 them unless prevented. His prescience of harm given
 
 LAW INDISPENSABLE TO SOCIAL LIBERTY. 21 
 
 him Ijy his experience will often operate as a deterrent 
 but frequently it will not, and he will go on (o liis 
 death unless stopped by some vis major. Similarly, 
 in the human individual, children must be taught 
 from early infancy to do certain things and not to do 
 others, else their lives would speedily be abridged, or 
 if prolonged would proceed with no power of self- 
 direction. Teacliing is done by exercising constraint 
 and restraint. Though the discipline of fear is by no 
 means the whole of education, it is indispensable in 
 some degree. It is primary and fundamental, furnish- 
 ing the basis for establishing character. 
 
 In like manner, when the period of youthful 
 tutelage is past, the man's activity will follow those 
 lines wherein resistance is least. If the education of 
 character were perfect and knowledge were complete, 
 the resisting force to desires conflicting with social 
 liberty might be furnished by the mind of each indi- 
 vidual. But such is far from being the case. People 
 do not see clearly ; and their dispositions are not 
 right. They even deceive themselves as to their own 
 purposes. And to reach the same end a great variety 
 of conflicting means is often proposed. Unless then 
 a common restraint is imposed, a state of conflict will 
 exist in itself destructive of social liberty, and there 
 will be no such condition of peace and order as will 
 admit of the growth of a governing disposition to 
 obey the requirements of that liberty. 
 
 The assertion, therefore, that law is necessary to 
 social liberty means that there must be in the minds 
 of men the apprehension and approval of a common 
 rule of right and duty binding upon all individuals,
 
 22 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 and an enforcement of that rule by actual restraint 
 upon conduct, wherever necessary, through a power 
 sufficient for its ends, acting in the interest of the 
 general freedom. As in the bodily organism there 
 must be resisting surfaces which by a restraining op- 
 position direct and govern the functional processes, 
 so that all parts shall be properly nourished and no 
 one be developed to the detriment of the rest ; and 
 as in the growth of the individual mind only by a 
 similar course of action and resistance can a har- 
 monious and well-balanced, self-directing character 
 be secured : so in that organic relationship of men 
 which we call a society there must be a structural 
 unity made by a law common to all, which constitutes 
 the bones, the muscles, the skin, the tissues, the re- 
 sisting surfaces, in the midst of which and governed 
 by which the vital action of individuals proceeds in 
 its various modes to promote the health of the whole. 
 Without such law an organic union of men in society 
 is impossible ; the social organism dies. 
 
 All history furnishes demonstration of the neces- 
 sity of positive law with machinery to enforce it. 
 Wherever we find men dwelling together, there we 
 observe law and government existing, in however 
 rude a fashion. Some authority superior to individual 
 volition and controlling individual action is always 
 apparent among savages and the civilised alike. 
 That such is the case historically does not need 
 detailed illustration. Our present object has been to 
 explain this universal fact in the light of the general 
 facts of human nature itself. We need not seek for 
 such an explanation in any doctrine of general
 
 LAW INDISPENSABLE TO SOCIAL LIBERTY. 23 
 
 depravity and exceptional excellence, nor do we need 
 to appeal to supernatural commands. The laws of 
 nature as it is, and of the human constitution in 
 particular, brought out by scientific examination of 
 the facts, show clearly how it is and why it is that 
 law is essential to liberty. Godwin was not far from 
 right, though he did not state the case completely, 
 when he said : ' The only sufficient reason that can 
 be offered for the institution of government is a fatal 
 and indispensable necessity.' If he had said 'natural' 
 instead of ' fatal,' and included the idea of government 
 as the instrument of law, his enunciation would have 
 been unexceptionable as a generalisation for political 
 science, though we should have still to go back to 
 psychology for the ultima ratio. Law is a natural 
 necessity because the social relationship of men is 
 naturally organic, made so by the natural appetites 
 and wants of individual human beings ; and the 
 social organism cannot live without a resisting and 
 controlling structure connecting all parts for the 
 conservation of each.
 
 24 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SECURITY. 
 
 Law being necessary to social liberty, its office is evi- 
 dent and its own limitations may be indicated. Law 
 is a means to liberty and should be maintained for its 
 sake only. Law is made for liberty, not liberty for 
 law. Governmental administration is primarily for 
 the purpose of preserving the common freedom, the 
 essential condition of which is that each member of 
 the community shall be secure in the enjoyment 
 of his rights, which themselves are limited only by 
 the rights of others. ' I call the citizens of a state 
 secure,' said Wilhelm von Humboldt,^ ' when, living 
 together in the full enjoyment of their due rights of 
 person and property, they are out of the reach of any 
 external disturbance from the encroachments of others ; 
 and hence I would call security (if the expression does 
 not seem too brief for distinctness) the assiirarice of 
 legal freedom.' Men make for themselves plans 
 of action which involve a career, or course of life, 
 extending forward into the future and having inde- 
 finite limits. Each one desires the development of 
 his life to its full measure of completeness, and inas- 
 much as he has the power to determine his future, at 
 least to some extent, he wishes to be secure against 
 interferences on the part of other men. He needs 
 
 * Sphere and Duties of Government.
 
 SECURITY. 25 
 
 tlie assurance of liberty, else his activity will be 
 paralysed. 
 
 Thus a condition of stability is of the first import- 
 ance to social liberty. If what is to-day may be over- 
 turned to-morrow, no one can predicate anything on 
 the existing status and there is no encouragement for 
 enterprise of any kind. Every individual is obliged 
 to prepare himself for self-defence and that is all he 
 can do. Eeally there is no liberty, for though he 
 may for the moment be dwelling in peace with his 
 neighbours, he must be ready for war on the morrow ; 
 and he can only stand and wait, prevented by the 
 situation from pursuing his own ends. It has often 
 been claimed that a stable social order with imperfect 
 liberty is better than one wherein there is nominally 
 a greater liberty with little assurance of its continu- 
 ance. There may be some force in such an argu- 
 ment, but there would be more if it were not for the 
 fact that this greater stability is generally secured at 
 the expense of all opportunity for improvement in 
 respect to liberty until the very idea of individual 
 liberty is deemed offensive, whatever is allowed be- 
 ing regarded as a boon, not a right. Nevertheless, 
 stability of law, and uniformity in its administration, 
 are necessary to any social liberty worthy of the name, 
 and thus necessary for individual liberty as well. 
 
 Appertaining to such stability is certainty. This 
 involves both certainty in declaration and in execu- 
 tion. If individual action is to be governed by law, 
 the law itself must be clearly and definitely enunciated 
 and it must be unfailingly and consistently enforced. 
 Otherwise, there is no law at all; and the pretence of
 
 26 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 it only serves as a cover for plans of individual 
 domination. Human language is indeed imperfect 
 and human wills are weak, so that it may be more 
 easy to perceive and assert the necessity of certainty 
 in both the respects named than actually to obtain it. 
 But so far forth as it is wanting social liberty is en- 
 dangered ; and if law is to be supreme within its 
 sphere the highest possible ideal of its effectiveness 
 must be held up before men's minds and the most 
 earnest efforts made to realise that ideal. 
 
 The security of the individual in the enjoyment 
 of his rights, in the pursuit of his ends as limited by 
 the requirements of social liberty is a fundamental 
 social necessity. There is no development of liberty 
 without it. It is of the essence of social liberty. 
 Indeed, the problem of governmental administration 
 is primarily a question how to obtain and guarantee 
 security. Government may do more than this, but 
 this at least it must do. Very much is to be said as 
 to the means to be employed to give to every one a 
 complete ' assurance of legal freedom,' and as to the 
 difficulties in the way. There is room for serious 
 dispute over particular laws and measures, over 
 forms of government and details of administration. 
 It is by no means easy to determine in every case 
 what is necessary for security and what is likely to 
 impair it. Some of these questions are beyond the 
 scope of this volume : others wdll receive attention 
 and perhaps a degree of elucidation in subsequent 
 chapters. The general statements above made are 
 sufficient to show the primary necessity of security 
 as a condition of progress.
 
 27 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 EQUALITY IN RIGHTS. 
 
 I HAVE spoken of social liberty as involving for its 
 maintenance a limitation of individual action. This 
 is necessitated by the wants of other individuals. In 
 order that men may be means to each other they 
 must also be ends. This restriction of action is re- 
 cognised as essential by men dwelling in society. 
 They at least desire to be secure themselves from the 
 encroachments of other people, and thus are theoreti- 
 cally willing to submit to a law for all. Practically, 
 however, they are inclined to conform as little as 
 possible to the rules which they seek to impose upon 
 others. The law thus furnishes a resisting barrier 
 against which their force directs itself; if that 
 barrier is strong, the assailing current is diverted 
 and controlled; if it be weak, it may be broken 
 through or overthrown. 
 
 If there is to be any structural constitution of 
 society which affords security to one against the 
 interferences of others, it must consist in effective 
 law, applied without distinction of person. Other- 
 wise the tendency is to destroy the organic relation- 
 ship between man and man, which is requisite for 
 society's existence, and, as we have seen, for the 
 development of individual man and the satisfaction
 
 28 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS, 
 
 of man's wants. If one may do what another may 
 not under the same circumstances, the social bond is 
 thereby weakened. For, in such case, each indi- 
 vidual ceases to be a personality having ends which 
 all others are bound to respect, and becomes de- 
 graded to the position of mere means to the ends of 
 some other. This he will not submit to, unless he is 
 obliged by force. He will resist if he thinks he can 
 do so successfully. Hence, instead of an order 
 having intrinsically the elements of stability, that 
 unstable equilibrium is created whose maintenance 
 depends upon force. The moment the weaker 
 becomes the stronger, there is a houleversement, 
 which produces a chaotic condition with ruin of all 
 sorts. 
 
 Consequently, if liberty is to be ]3reserved and 
 developed, if there is to be security to the individual 
 in the pursuit of his happiness ; there must be an 
 equality of legal restriction upon individual acts. 
 This is what we mean by justice, and without this 
 the tendencies of communities is toward the anarchy 
 of the primitive state, wherein each man's hand is 
 raised against his neighbour. The preservation of 
 equal rights is much more than a matter of expe- 
 diency, or of comparative utility : it is necessary for 
 social progress, for society itself, because of under- 
 lying elements of human constitution, of facts in the 
 natural history of man. The political law must be 
 as inflexible and as uniform as physical law. As in 
 the physical world the uniformity of nature is the 
 condition for all evolutionary movement ; so in the 
 social sphere, the uniformity of governmental law is
 
 EQUALITY IN IlIGIITS. 29 
 
 necessary to furnish that permanent stabiUty along 
 which and guided by which progressive changes can 
 alone take place. 
 
 The community is made up of individuals, and in 
 tlie absence of these there is no community, common- 
 wealth or state. Social progress is accomplished only 
 through the development of individuals in one direc- 
 tion or another. Individual human beings have 
 within themselves the stimulus to their own growth. 
 They require only a favouring and nourishing environ- 
 ment in order that their native powers may exercise 
 themselves and their activities be put forth for ends 
 which their own minds set before them. All they need 
 is that the field be kept clear for their efforts. They 
 must be secure and have the feeling of security ; then 
 they will project, work, and achieve. This feeling is 
 of something common to all and usable by all, as the 
 air is for all to breathe. Men are not equal in endow- 
 ments, nor can they be equal in their individual de- 
 velopments. Variety, unlikeness, heterogeneity must 
 always be characteristic of social progress : but in 
 order to its accomplishment in a natural order there 
 must be a homogeneous and uniform application, as 
 nearly as possible, of the forces upon which society 
 depends for its existence. As has been repeatedly 
 observed, the social nexus is the recognition of each 
 individual man as an end to which others are means ; 
 because he is a man having intelligence, feeling and 
 will, and thereby entitled to the development of his 
 own life to its fullest perfection. 
 
 Equality of rights means equality in respect to pro- 
 hibition and restriction. No man shall be prevented
 
 30 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 from doing what another, under the same circum- 
 stances, is permitted to do ; and if there be no vio- 
 lation of law, the penalties shall be equally inflicted. 
 Now, if law is effective it must be enforced by men. 
 Interference by one man with another always evokes 
 the spirit of resistance tending to conflict. If, how- 
 ever, a person understands that he is restrained only 
 in the things in which every other man is restrained, 
 he submits to the restriction with a much better grace 
 than where another is favoured above him. Moreover, 
 in the former case he gets little sympathy or support 
 from his fellows, whereas in the latter a class is cre- 
 ated of those who from one cause or another find 
 themselves in an inferior political status, and who by 
 parity of circumstances become themselves naturally 
 united in opposition to the more fortunate classes, to 
 the law, and to the administration which protects them. 
 The disposition to rebellion is formed which superior 
 force alone can control, which is nourished and 
 strengthened by the sense of its natural justice, and 
 which bides its time for successful self-assertion. In 
 the other instance, though resistance to the adminis- 
 tration of law may take place, it tends to subside for 
 want of support. It cannot organise a propaganda. 
 Sympathy, though perhaps awakened for the moment, 
 is soon quenched, because other people have nothing 
 to gain, but, on the contrary, something to lose if the 
 opposition were to succeed. The vast majority of 
 men see this, feeling it instinctively even if they are 
 not able to give reasons for the sentiment. Conse- 
 quently it is true that where rights are equal and the 
 law justly administered the general security is pro-
 
 EQUALITY IN RIGHTS. 31 
 
 moled, while if there be ineqiiaUty in either respect 
 it is imperilled. In the one situation the social bond 
 is strengthened, in the other it is weakened ; with 
 equality the integrity of the social structure is main- 
 tained ; with inequality disintegrating forces are 
 straightway set at work. 
 
 The ' Contrat Social ' of Eousseau is regarded as 
 an erroneous and obsolete theory of human social rela- 
 tions. Undoubtedly it is a crude doctrine, and false 
 as far as it purports to give an explanation of the 
 origin of human societies. And yet it does not fail to 
 suggest the true statement of the basis of authority of 
 one man over another. The authority does exist by 
 permission granted on the faith of an implied contract 
 that the community will give to me the protection it 
 gives to my neighbour. If this is not done, I may in- 
 deed yield to the authority because I must ; but I shall 
 not support it nor submit to it unless compelled. If 
 I see no hope of overthrowing it openly, I will strive 
 to undermine it. I will thwart its exercise in every 
 way and teach my children to hate it, in the hope that 
 in their day a favourable opportunity may occur for 
 destroying it. I am born with a personality of my 
 own, I am an end unto myself. I will follow my own 
 ideals and obey my own behests. If I allow other men 
 to restrict my action, it is upon the condition that all 
 others shall be equally restricted for the common good ; 
 for my benefit as well as for that of my fellows. If 
 this cannot be, I owe nothing to others. I will defend 
 myself with the sword if attacked. I can at least die, 
 feeling that the unknown, whether for good or for iU, 
 is preferable to known and certain evils. Such a
 
 32 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 spirit as this is natural and inevitable in human beings. 
 It has always been developed in the face of tyranny 
 and class supremacy, and always will be. It is the 
 spirit which, if respected, is the strongest promotive 
 force of social progress, and which, if despised, will 
 sooner or later demolish any governmental and poli- 
 tical regime, however firmly established and power- 
 fully supported by bayonets and cannon. 
 
 Such an implied contract, of course, never arose 
 from an original express contract by which society was 
 founded, but rather out of the natural conditions 
 which exist from men dwelling together and the 
 necessity that they should live in society. But the 
 fact that they remain in the community and partake 
 of the advantages of a social order raises the presump- 
 tion that they have agreed to obey the law which is 
 common to all. Their enjoyment of rights creates a 
 corresponding obligation to respect the rights of 
 others and to submit to the same restrictions that 
 others submit to. And even though there never was 
 an express contract on the part of anybody, whether 
 to do or to forbear ; yet the acting or the forbearing 
 is never divested of the idea of consideration. 
 Implied contracts, indeed, are based upon status : 
 that is to say, established relations more or less per- 
 manent of human beings to each other. But volun- 
 tary submission to such relations and acquiescence in 
 them rests upon receiving at least a quid i^ro quo for 
 what is given or forborne. If there is no adequate 
 consideration, or if it fails ; then the social nexus is 
 severed, the organism perishes, and nothing but 
 greater force destroying resistance can preserve even
 
 EQUALITY IN RIGHTS. S3 
 
 the semblance of order. Antagonism, wliioli is anti- 
 social, takes tlie place of assimilation, which is the 
 principle of social life. 
 
 No government ever existed which did not derive 
 its actual power really (though not nominally) from 
 the consent of the governed. Not, indeed, of all the 
 governed, but of enough of them in number, in wealth, 
 in intelligence, in power, to overcome the rebellious 
 and defeat those anxious for a revolution. The most 
 powerful autocrat who ever thrived would have been 
 absolutely impotent, unless he had been supported by 
 formidable numbers of those professedly his subjects. 
 Without an army a despot cannot keep his throne, 
 and his army must have its own interests promoted 
 through the sen^ice it renders him. Its loyalty is 
 dependent upon benefits received or expected. Even 
 under a monarchical system of the most absolute kind, 
 political inequality can only be maintained through 
 a practical recognition of the principle of gift or 
 promise and consideration. But this is the principle 
 of equivalence ; in truth the principle of equality of 
 rights, which is thus admitted to be the true basis of 
 social communication and assistance, without ajDplying 
 which, even a despotism is impossible. 
 
 It may now be seen that the difference between a 
 state organisation wherein equality of rights does not 
 obtain and one wherein it does, lies not in the absolute 
 denial in the former case of the doctrine of equality 
 nor in an entire repudiation of it in practice, but 
 in a limitation of its application. Monarchical govern- 
 ments allow and enforce equality of rights between 
 those of the same class ; and such governments as 
 
 D
 
 34 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 have established the most equal justice to all who are 
 esteemed to be on a par, have been the strongest and 
 most permanent, even though highly autocratic. But 
 differences in position, resulting in ranks, orders, clans 
 and castes, have always seriously interfered with and 
 often effectively prevented a universal extension of 
 the principle for the benefit of all within the com- 
 munity. 
 
 It is not to be denied that political institutions 
 which neither admit nor justify the doctrine of equality 
 of rights have been upheld for long periods of time 
 and with prosperity to the peoples living under them. 
 From this it is strongly argued that equality is by no 
 means necessary for the general good, but on the 
 contrary is likely to be inimical to it. I have no 
 intention of disputing the well-known facts of history 
 nor legitimate inferences from them : but I unhesi- 
 tatingly claim that the allowance of equal rights, so 
 far forth as it has occurred, has invariably had the 
 tendency to promote social progress, while their 
 denial has so far forth been subversive of such pro- 
 gress ; and whenever there has existed a monarchical 
 or oligarchical regime which has developed prosperity, 
 it has been because substantial equality has been 
 maintained with even-handed justice between the 
 members of classes great enough in number and 
 strength to overcome the discontented and rebellious. 
 The reasons for this contention have already been 
 given as lying in the facts of human nature and the 
 very constitution of society itself. But, if what I 
 have claimed be true, the wonder is that men have 
 been contented with imperfect and limited equality
 
 EQUALITY IN RIGHTS. 35 
 
 when a more complete and universal equality is a 
 fortiori desirable. 
 
 The simple answer to such a query is that they 
 never have been content. The lowest subject classes 
 have never been satisfied, and have only been kept in 
 subjection by stern repression. Nor have the middle 
 classes been wholly contented ; but they have pre- 
 ferred their superiority over those beneath them even 
 w^ith the authority above, to a condition in which the 
 lower classes are raised to their level. If they can 
 dominate somebody else, they are willing to be 
 themselves dominated. Yet there have always been 
 agitations against the ruling power, necessitating 
 strong military protection for the latter. This in turn 
 has aroused the spirit of resistance, and political 
 history has been a succession of wars, revolts, and 
 revolutions in a ceaseless struggle on the one side to 
 retain power and on the other to acquire it. So 
 long as a soldier class, powerful enough to overcome 
 uprisings, can be maintained whose interests lie in 
 fealty to the ruler, his government is safe ; but the 
 inequalities within that class, and those between the 
 military caste and the rest of the subjects, constantly 
 develop disintegrating forces which it needs the utmost 
 care and the use of more and more stringent measures 
 to counteract. 
 
 A very effective support for inequality has been 
 found, however, in the fa\ct that those in servient 
 and subject conditions, when they are released from 
 their bonds, though woefully taught in the school 
 of oppression, seek only to become themselves op- 
 pressors. Unquestionably a known tyranny, whose 
 
 D 2
 
 36 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PKOGRESS. 
 
 methods of operation are understood and to wliicli 
 men have learned to accommodate themselves is far 
 preferable to a new and unsettled despotism. Even 
 a mad despot will have method in his madness. He 
 will have his habits of tyranny, and when these are 
 known it is possible to forefend and avoid. But 
 under a new despotism there must be a period of 
 great uncertainty, till the policy of government be 
 settled. Distrust and terror are widespread. The 
 social condition is anarchic ; no dependence can be 
 placed on anything. And knowing the general dis- 
 position of those freed from servitude to abuse liberty 
 and to disregard the rights of others, a large body of 
 conservative people has always been found, even in 
 communities conspicuously oppressed by the ruling- 
 power, who prefer to endure the existing ills rather 
 than face the risks and uncertainties of a destruction 
 of the governmental machinery under whose operation 
 they suffer so many things. 
 
 Notwithstanding all this, the truth remains, as re- 
 marked at the beginning of the chapter, that a con- 
 dition of inequality of rights is a condition of unstable 
 equilibrium surely tending to chaos. The employ- 
 ment of physical force by one human being against 
 another is an act intrinsically anti-social. It thus 
 ought to be used as a purely defensive measure, to 
 supply an effective resistance to the action of the 
 man who attacks or encroaches upon the rights of 
 another. When it goes beyond this it necessarily 
 destroys the conditions of social growth. Now the 
 only way in which any claim to vested rights of 
 government or of class superiority can be success-
 
 EQUATJTY IN PJOHTS. 37 
 
 fully asserted is by means of physical I'orcc. 'J'he 
 military power becomes dominant, and war and the 
 shedding of l)k)()d are looked upon as praiseworthy 
 and glorious. This very fact stimulates the dispo- 
 sition toward organised opposition. The king's 
 soldier upon occasion is ready to fight for the bold 
 rebel. In order to its preservation, the military 
 power must keep on strengthening itself and grinding 
 down those under its domination. Hence the; ener- 
 gies of individuals are quenched, assimilation between 
 members of the community is checked, antagonisms 
 are everywhere generated, the functional activities of 
 the organism are destroyed, and social retrogression 
 goes on steadily to disintegration and dissolution. 
 
 The equilibrium becomes the more unstable as 
 intelligence waxes and civilisation increases. Know- 
 ledge is power. If people know their rights, after a 
 while they will dare maintain them. Means of subtly 
 opposing brute force will be devised more generally 
 and be more successfully practised. To be sure, if 
 the spread of knowledge enables the subject classes 
 to mine, it will teach their oppressors the more effec- 
 tually to countermine ; but, on the whole, the ad- 
 vantage will be with the former, because they con- 
 stitute the more numerous class. The power which 
 knowledge gives will be greater in amount on the 
 side of the oppressed than on the side of the dominant 
 party. This, after a time, will be appreciated by 
 both ; and when the conditions are ripe, a rising will 
 take place, and the revolution accomplish itself — 
 perhaps, too, with ease ; for victory in a battle does 
 not necessitate that one army shall exterminate the 
 
 246005
 
 38 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGKESS. 
 
 other, but occurs when the situation becomes sucli 
 on the one side or the other as to make it evident 
 that further resistance is hopeless. It is, therefore, 
 always a wise policy on the part of tyrants to dis- 
 courage education. The ignorant, semi-civilised man 
 has fewer wants, to begin with ; and even should 
 desires be awakened, if he lacks knowledge he cannot 
 gain his ends, but is kept the more readily in subjec- 
 tion. He can be made to worship his Czar as his 
 God, and to believe that in serving his monarch he is 
 attaining the summit of human happiness. But once 
 let the key of knowledge unlock the. door, and his 
 eye behold the vision of the vast possibilities of indi 
 vidual development ; then he becomes a new man. 
 Then all his activities are quickened, and if he cannot 
 lift off the weight which crushes him, he will circum- 
 vent it, as the growing tree shoots its trunk from 
 underneath, around, and finally above the stone at its 
 root. In a world which has reached our earth's 
 present development in science and the arts, no 
 government can much longer subsist in any en- 
 lightened country save on the basis of a full acknow- 
 ledgment of the equality of all in the fundamental 
 rights of man to life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
 happiness. And this we may affirm, not because 
 the wish is the father of the thought, but from a 
 scientific examination of the conditions of human life 
 and society. 
 
 The circumstance that in some cases, where the 
 government is weak under a system of equal rights 
 theoretically conceded, there is disorder leading per- 
 haps to practical inequality, is no argument against
 
 EQUALITY IN lUOHTS. 80 
 
 tlie position we have taken, but rallicr riiniishes 
 more proof of its soundness. For in such case the 
 difficulty which eusnes is precisely that equal rights 
 are not securely maintained. The fault lies with the 
 government, because of its inefficiency. The question 
 which then arises is, whether a government to enforce 
 equality in general can be successful, except upon 
 a basis of conceded inequality. The fact that it can 
 be is evidenced by the national career of the United 
 States of America, not to seek for other examples. 
 If, then, the inevitable and necessary tendency of a 
 government claiming for some political rights which 
 to others are denied be, as I have endeavoured to 
 show, toward dissolution and social retrogression, is it 
 not better to strengthen the government of equal rights 
 within its limited sphere, rather than to remove the 
 limitations and allow it a more absolute power ? 
 
 How this can best be done we shall consider in 
 subsequent chapters. Enough has now been said, I 
 think, to make plain that the social principle requires 
 equality of rights for the maintenance of society, and 
 that the points for discussion are solely questions of 
 the extent of the application of the doctrine. The 
 subject to be dealt with comes to be the existence 
 and mutual relations of classes occupying a different 
 status in the community. Lesser societies are created 
 within the greater. The mutual antagonisms of these 
 subordinate unions promote instability ; and the more 
 close the connections between individuals, the more 
 certain and rapid the means of communication, the 
 greater the necessity for removing class differences 
 and including? all under an absolutelv connnon and
 
 40 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 uniform law, whose prohibitions and restrictions 
 bear upon all alike. Thus, for that security which it 
 is the purpose of social liberty to guarantee, we cannot 
 dispense with equality in rights. The human race 
 cannot remain a part in ignorance and a part highly 
 cultivated, a part sovereigns and the other part 
 subjects, one portion with vested rights to rule and 
 the other portion privileged only to obey. Make 
 whatever barriers we please, knowledge will pass 
 through them by osmosis, and with the permeating 
 knowledge goes dynamitic force which will destroy 
 thrones and abolish institutions which give to one 
 man vested rights superior to his fellow, thereby 
 unjustly restricting his opportunities for living out 
 his life according to his own ideals of happiness and 
 perfection,
 
 41 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 EQUALITY IN POWER. 
 
 It would naturally occur to the reader of the last 
 chapter to inquire how, granting the importance of 
 equality in rights as a condition of social progress, 
 such an equality can be secured. The thirst for 
 domination is well-nigh universal, and it is not 
 easil}" appeased. It grows by indulgence. If the 
 law is to be equality, who can be trusted to enforce 
 that law ? This thought leads us to a further con- 
 sideration of the topic of equal rights upon its oppo- 
 site face. 
 
 The lust for power over one's fellows has been the 
 greatest obstacle in the way of the progress of civili- 
 sation and of individual development. It has been 
 not merely an open foe, but under multifarious dis- 
 guises, so ingenious as to deceive the most intelligent, 
 it has blighted social progress most seriously in all 
 parts of the world. Of all the forms in which it has 
 appeared, that of political authority has been the 
 most fatal. This authority has fortified itself upon 
 divine right and an alleged inherent sacredness of 
 institutions as ends in themselves. In this way it has 
 sought to justify itself, taking care, however, to re- 
 member that Providence is always on the side of the
 
 42 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 heaviest battalions. It has hkewise sometimes stood 
 upon the claim of utility, though this has always been 
 dangerous ground : but special exigencies have no 
 doubt arisen when the value of the strong hand of a 
 monarch has been so apparent as to reconcile the 
 minds of people to a continuance of his power long 
 after the necessity for it has passed away. There 
 have been crises in the history of every state when it 
 has been necessary to allow the governing authority 
 a more absolute power and even to permit somewhat 
 arbitrary action. The dictator is sometimes a useful 
 and even indispensable functionary. The difficulty 
 has been that the imperator once established will not 
 relinquish his supremacy and dignity, and the people 
 who have elevated and supported him do not appre- 
 ciate that the value to the state of his office is only 
 temporary ; that when the emergency no longer exists 
 his remaining in authority is increasingly detrimental. 
 Military chieftainship seems essential to national 
 defence, and the glory of military success turns the 
 head of both leader and people. Under such circum- 
 stances, when the army has the power, it is no wonder 
 that the political authority which it defends should 
 perpetuate itself. In this tendency toward the per- 
 petuation of authority lies the root of the evil. 
 
 To any one who considers the eagerness for domi- 
 nation which is so salient a trait in human character, 
 it is obvious that power, wherever it exists, must be 
 balanced or equality of rights will not even be left as 
 a name to conjure by. If there are to be actually 
 equal rights for all, settled inequality of power must 
 be prevented. Thus any permanence of political
 
 EQUALITY IN POWER. 43 
 
 authority in one luau or a class of men must l)e 
 dangerous. The consul for ten years becomes consul 
 for life, then emperor and absolute autocrat. When- 
 ever office is created, there must be a responsibility to 
 some one for the discharge of its duties with a power 
 of censure and removal in case of abuse. There can 
 be no government without entrusting authority to 
 some men over others ; but the conditions of its exer- 
 cise can be regulated and its duration limited so far 
 as any one individual is concerned. Hence any claim 
 of right to rule or to occupy official position, which 
 is based upon inheritance, rank, caste, or divine de- 
 legation, must be condemned as in its very essence 
 anti- social, and wherever it exists should he denied 
 and opposed in every effective way. 
 
 No doubt kings are often held responsible to their 
 people for their acts. In a constitutional monarchy 
 especially, the sovereign's acts are circumscribed and 
 controlled by laws, which, if disregarded, would be 
 enforced against him, perhaps to the extent of de- 
 priving him of his throne. Practically the sovereign 
 in such case is only an hereditary executive of laws 
 which are supported by the people, and which will 
 be upheld eyen to overruling the king's fiat. But the 
 foundation principle under which he claims and is 
 allowed to claim authority is wrong. Under other 
 circumstances and with a different people the consti- 
 tutional monarch becomes the dictator, in whom is the 
 sole law and from whom proceeds all rightful autho- 
 rity. Political power exercised as a vested right is 
 altogether dangerous to the security of individual 
 rights and to social liberty.
 
 44 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 Therefore, althouoh power thus exercised may in 
 fact be so balanced l)y acknowledged responsibility 
 to law as to be comparatively harmless, complete 
 safety can only be found in the recognition of the 
 principle that political power is but a delegation, a 
 permission ; or better, a trust, bestowed upon indi- 
 viduals solely for the interests of the general freedom. 
 Then the ruler is not a sovereign but a public servant, 
 and can be held more strictly accountable for his 
 deeds and misdeeds. Breach of public trust, then, is 
 a crime to be punished with more severity than abuse 
 of private trust ; and he who obtains office is made to 
 feel that his tenure depends upon his fidelity to the 
 duties imposed upon him. And a most necessary 
 precaution to be taken in the case of executive posi- 
 tions is to have that tenure limited with ineligibility 
 of re-appointment or re-election. There are, to be 
 sure, many official places in which long continuance 
 is a great aid to efficiency in the discharge of duties, 
 and connected with which there is no alarming amount 
 of power. In such cases a different rule may be 
 allowed to prevail ; but in all offices to which is at- 
 tached a high and broad executive authority especially 
 controlling or affecting large numbers of people, the 
 general interest cannot afford to take the risks of per- 
 mitting the incumbents to remain for a long period 
 when the temptation is all the time to work for the 
 strengthening and perpetuation of their own supre- 
 macy. When, as in the army, the highest degree of 
 efficiency cannot be secured if generals of proved 
 ability be retired because of a fear of their influence 
 upon others to promote selfish ends, some other
 
 KQUALIl'Y IN POWER. 45 
 
 counteractive may be discovered. If military officers 
 be made always ineligible to civil offices, and if the 
 military service be invariably subordinated to the 
 civil authority, all danger from the sources I have 
 mentioned would probably be averted. But as a rule 
 the sense of responsibility is heightened by the know- 
 ledge that there is a definite period when tlie autho- 
 rity taken up must be laid down and an account of 
 stewardship rendered. 
 
 One of the most valuable supports of political 
 autocracy and oligarchy has been found in the subtle 
 but potent influence of the sentiment that political 
 institutions are ends in themselves, not agencies ; that 
 they have an inherent sacredness, and that they live, 
 and are for ever destined to live, as far above indivi- 
 duals, and should dominate the latter by virtue of their 
 intrinsic superiority. In another work ^ I have endea- 
 voured to show that the doctrine in question is based 
 upon fallacious principles, is really an outgrowth of 
 the most incorrigible and reprehensible selfishness, 
 and has been in the world's history one of the most 
 prominent and serious obstacles in the way of the 
 elimination of evil in human life. Having in that 
 treatise discussed the topic at length, I shall do nothing- 
 more now than to reaffirm the conclusions there 
 reached, that the state is nothing apart from the 
 individuals composing it ; that legislation for the 
 state itself, aside from those individuals, is not only 
 futile, but delusive and dangerous to the peace and 
 order of the community; that the government is 
 merely the agent of the people in carrying out such 
 
 ' The Problem of Evil. Longmans, 1886.
 
 46 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 measures of organisation and administration as are 
 necessary for the common weal ; and that all state 
 and governmental authority exists solely and ex- 
 clusively for the end of the highest happiness of the 
 greater number of individuals. Beyond this there is 
 no warrant whatever for the exercise of authority, 
 and for adherence to this canon all governmental 
 administration should at all times be held strictly ac- 
 countable as a trustee to individual cestuis que trust} 
 
 We are now brought naturally to a consideration 
 of the second form in which the desire for power has 
 manifested itself to the detriment of the social weal. 
 I refer to ecclesiastical authority. This has always 
 shown a tendency to pass into political authority or 
 to ally itself with the other, and in this its mischievous 
 influence has been principally felt. By associating 
 political power as exercised by certain men with the 
 commands of the Almighty, making opposition to the 
 governmental order, flagrant impiety, entailing upon 
 the audacious culprit eternal damnation, a tremendous 
 force has often been evoked in aid of absolutism. 
 Of the practical influence of such claims of divine 
 supervision, evidence enough exists in the fact that 
 chieftains like Moses and Mohammed have been able 
 to maintain an almost absolute governorship under 
 the guise of a theocracy. Hence all the objections 
 which occur against the continuance of vested political 
 superiority obtain also against permanent ecclesiastical 
 authority, so far as it has political relations. 
 
 It cannot be gainsaid that ecclesiasticism, wherever 
 it has had actual power, has been in fact, and generally 
 
 ' The Problem of Evil, chap, xviii.
 
 EQUALITY IN POWER. 47 
 
 ill assertion, inimical to equality of rights. It could 
 scarcely be otherwise, for its whole system is hie- 
 rarchical. The relations held to exist between God 
 and man are those between an absolute monarch 
 and his subjects. The summit of piety is unqualified 
 obedience. The model of a future state, toward 
 which all men look with longing and with fear, is 
 monarchical or oligarchical. The rewards promised 
 to those who are pre-eminent in the religious virtues 
 are superior rank and position with greater favour 
 from the Deity. Hence earthly societies formed in 
 similar fashion appear the most reasonable and the 
 most admirable. And if people can be made to 
 believe that those occupying high political or ecclesi- 
 astical positions are really God's lieutenants upon 
 earth, doctrines favouring equal rights will necessarily 
 be reprobated. 
 
 A further harm coming from ecclesiastical autho- 
 rity is its influence upon opinion and belief generally, 
 and thus indirectly upon conduct. The acceptance 
 of assertions upon the authority of some man or some 
 organisation supposed to be a repository of infallible 
 truth is terribly demoralising. It leads to the habit 
 of relying on authority for knowledge, tends to quench 
 the enthusiasm for truth, and to abate that question- 
 ing spirit which inspires all the mental activities that 
 make for the acquisition and retention of the true, the 
 beautiful, and the good. It produces mental apathy 
 and makes ignorance seem a virtue. It is inimical to 
 liberty and social order. As against such influences, 
 the counter-force of enlightenment and education 
 must be raised Since we shall recur to this subject.
 
 48 TEIE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS, 
 
 no more need be said at present than to call attention 
 to it. 
 
 The principle of equality in respect to the right to 
 wield political power and also in respect to the weight 
 of opinions held, in the one case permitting no man 
 long to bear sway over masses of his fellows, and in the 
 other allowing to no one's declarations a greater con- 
 sideration by reason of any office he may hold either 
 in church or state, has been steadily making progress 
 throughout the world. It has so far succeeded in 
 pervading those communities which lead the van in 
 material and social civilisation that its complete 
 triumph may confidently be expected. But even with 
 the admission of equality in rights as sound doctrine, 
 to be practically applied in maintaining a govern- 
 mental system and with a total absence of military 
 autocracy, a formidable difficulty in the way of 
 securing equal rights in fact has presented itself to 
 human experience. This trouble, like every other 
 affecting the matter, is still the persistence of an in- 
 equality of power ; tending, as such inequality always 
 does, to encroachments on the part of the stronger. 
 It is felt as an impending danger to social liberty 
 even in the United States of America, where equality 
 of political rights is one of the foundation-principles 
 of the government. It is appreciated likewise in 
 other countries where the militant spirit is yielding 
 to the industrial. It is, in fact, a concomitant of 
 industrial civilisation. I allude to the aristocracy of 
 wealth. 
 
 It has been supposed by the most of political 
 thinkers who are at the same time genuine philan-
 
 EQUALITY IN POWER. 49 
 
 tliropists that under a regime where all men are 
 equal before the laM% M^here every citizen is eligible 
 and may aspire to the highest governmental offices, 
 and where every one may actually take part in the 
 government by means of the ballot, a condition 
 of absolute security would be found with the most 
 complete liberty. Such has not proved to be the 
 case. Inequality of power has, spite of all this, again 
 become a menace to equal rights and once more 
 infringes upon liberty. But the circumstances under 
 which such a situation has been developed are so 
 peculiar that it exhibits a problem exceedingly per- 
 plexing and difficult of satisfactory solution. 
 
 If the theory of human relations in a communitv 
 be that each member is entitled to pursue his happi- 
 ness in his own way unhindered by others, the right 
 to hold and to acquire property cannot be denied 
 him. He must have the right to work ; and the 
 products of his toil and his skill must be secured to 
 him. Interference with such right is apparently an 
 attack upon individual liberty, which, if permitted 
 to prevail, would destroy freedom altogether. The 
 right of property is a fundamental right, essentially 
 appertaining to liberty and necessary to the normal 
 development of life itself. If there be anything 
 which ought to be sedulously guarded it is this same 
 right. 
 
 When now in the peaceful pursuit of industrial 
 occupation by legitimate business methods, by gift 
 or inheritance, without force or fraud, a man comes 
 to accumulate a great fortune, what objection can be 
 raised ? What he has achieved he has gained by 
 
 E
 
 50 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 activities, for the free exercise of which men have 
 been struggUng for centuries. Having secured liberty, 
 is it worth the price of all the blood and tears, if we 
 cannot enjoy its blessings ? 
 
 This is a plausible contention, but a little analysis 
 will show that there is something more to be said 
 which will put another face upon the matter. It is 
 no less an essential part of social liberty that 
 individual freedom shall be limited by the necessities 
 of the common freedom than that the individual 
 shall be free at all. He only secures his liberty 
 by the restriction that no one shall use his liberty 
 to another's hurt. Therefore the question is not 
 over the right of restriction or limitation of action, 
 but whether or not such restraint or inhibition is 
 necessary to the common liberty. Hence, if any 
 person so employs his activities or the products of 
 them that another is cut off from equal opportunities 
 to pursue his ends of life, there is certainly an ethical 
 ground for the interposition of restraining law. And 
 this ground exists as certainly when the same result 
 is produced by inaction and a tenacious, though 
 passive, holding of one's position. 
 
 The possession of great wealth has already 
 wrought much evil in the directions indicated, and 
 threatens to inflict more. Extensive landed proprie- 
 torship has unquestionably prevented great numbers 
 of men from rising to a condition of independence, 
 and has even reduced them to the position of depen- 
 dents and slaves. In similar manner accumulations 
 of personal property have resulted in the establish- 
 ment of monopolies which have crushed out competit ion
 
 EQUALITY IN POWER. 51 
 
 and have put chains or clogs upon the activities of 
 multitudes in less fortunate circumstances. The 
 lords of the soil and of the counting-room have 
 not hesitated to use their power even for political 
 ends, and to affect in their favour the administration 
 of government in all its branches. Because of these 
 things equality of rights has sometimes seemed to be 
 but a mocking name, serving only to remind people 
 of what they had lost, as was said of the French with 
 respect to their cherishing the term Liberty. 
 
 If having great possessions resulted merely in an 
 enlargement of facilities for sumptuary enjoyment to 
 which their owner would alone devote himself, there 
 would be less harm ; for no man, let him do his best, can 
 spend his money without contributing to the advantage 
 of somebody else. Fine houses and their accompa- 
 niments, works of art, libraries, banquets, music, and 
 the countless articles of luxury in which the rich man 
 may indulge his tastes, cannot be enjoyed without 
 benefiting the producer and the purveyor. In similar 
 manner, works of business enterprise like the building 
 of railroads and steamboats, the establishment of 
 valuable manufactures, and the encouragement of all 
 sorts of industries, furnish employment to armies of 
 men and stimulate general prosperity. If this were 
 all, there would be no cause for complaint, and 
 plutocracy would be an unqualified blessing. But 
 the possession of the power conferred by riches, like 
 all other power, almost irresistibly leads to unjust 
 aggression, to the reduction of inferiors to subjection, 
 to the prevention of other men from rising to an 
 equality with the industrial lord. Political equality 
 
 B 2
 
 52 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 no doubt furnishes a decided check to such tenden- 
 cies, but unfortunately wealth has power to corrupt 
 and to control so thoroughly as to render this pro- 
 tection of little avail. 
 
 It is such facts as those instanced in the last 
 paragraph that make the problem a troublesome 
 one ; I mean the undeniable utilities of concentrated 
 M^ealth. We are not only indebted to our moneyed 
 kings for works of commercial importance, but also 
 for splendid charities ; for eleemosynary and educa- 
 tional institutions founded and supported by them, 
 and of so great value to individuals, to the commu- 
 nity, to the world, that their beneficent munificence 
 in these respects seems to supply a complete atone- 
 ment for their misdeeds, if they have any, and to 
 present a sufficient offset to the disadvantages to 
 which allusion has just been made. Yet it must not 
 be forgotten that largesse, however generous and 
 abundant, never can compensate for loss of liberty, 
 and that established superiority of power in one 
 necessarily is a loss of liberty to others. If opportu- 
 nities are cut off", if the paths of advancement are 
 blocked, if effort put forth in legitimate directions is 
 turned back upon itself because of a vis major of 
 wealth, the founding of colleges and asylums is not a 
 quid pro quo. 
 
 There is no doubt that inequality of power from 
 wealth is dangerous to social liberty, but I do not 
 regard it as being so perilous as is political in- 
 equality. Nor do I believe that when the latter has 
 been abolished and equality of political rights once 
 established, it would be very easy for plutocratic
 
 EQUALITY TN POWER. 53 
 
 power to completely destroy this equality or to 
 prevent its restoration after a season, even if tempo- 
 rarily impaired. There are a good many natural 
 counteractives at work which effect a balance of 
 power. These operate upon the volitions and actions 
 of the millionaire and upon all whom he in- 
 fluences. They also raise antagonisms beyond the 
 sphere of his power. In the first place, the rich man 
 knows that riches have wings. Having great posses- 
 sions, which must be in a measure entrusted to other 
 men in the process of investment, he is not apt to 
 be reckless or very aggressive. The military chief 
 thrives on war ; the industrial chief only in peace. 
 The wealthy man is hence conservative, and no other 
 can have a greater interest in preserving social order. 
 Hence, though he may seek to extend and consolidate 
 his power to a certain limit, his own intelligence will 
 generally set such a limit ; and he will see that his 
 position cannot be secure if too great distress exists 
 among his neighbours, or if their activities are too 
 much circumscribed. If he had a military force at his 
 command, his situation would be very different ; then 
 he could laugh at his inferiors : but without this, he 
 cannot afford to provoke to physical violence or even 
 to such an implacable hostility as to bring upon him 
 social detestation. If he does, his financial ruin is 
 very likely to ensue and his power is gone. 
 
 Thus the man who is rich in personal property, at 
 least, is singularly dependent upon his fellows. To be 
 of any use to him, his money must be in motion ; 
 and even if he were to buy bullion and lock it up, 
 somebody must be trusted to keep it. If it is invested.
 
 54 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 many people have the handUng of it. He is thus 
 under bonds for his good behaviour. With the landed 
 proprietor, however, the case is somewhat altered. If 
 his title is upheld by law, he can leave his land to take 
 care of itself, sure that it will not vanish. All he need to 
 concern himself about is to keep other men off it. 
 Yet, if he wishes to make his property yield anything 
 he must employ the services of his kind. But his title 
 gives him always a signal advantage, and he can work 
 more injury to others with less risk to himself than 
 the holder of personal estate. 
 
 Again, man's life is short. From the twenty-first 
 to the seventieth, or at most the eightieth year is the 
 period of ownership. After sixty years of possession 
 at the utmost there is a change ; and if the man ac- 
 cumulates his property mainly by his own efforts, 
 the duration of his power is much shorter, inasmuch 
 as he usually does not acquire it till late in life. If 
 the property all descend to one heir, the change of 
 personality is of vast moment. The son is never the 
 same as the father. His habits, his character, his 
 aims, his ideals, his capacity, his friends, his associa- 
 tions — all are different. The solidarity of power is 
 broken ; there is at any rate a deflection and a loss of 
 force difficult to recover ; generally there is much more 
 than this. The dispersion of power is of course 
 accomplished in a still higher degree when the estate 
 is divided among several heirs. In that case the dis- 
 integration is very thorough, for instead of one centre 
 there are two, three, five, or more ; there is dissipa- 
 tion in place of concentration. 
 
 Passing from the plutocrat to his environment, it
 
 EQUALITY IN POWER. 55 
 
 is evident that those through whom he utiHses his 
 money to his own enjoyment, though strongly bound 
 to him, know that after all they are to a large extent 
 his masters. They are held by their own interest, and, 
 if he is not liberal, they can injure him in a thousand 
 ways. They can neglect his work and do it ill. They 
 can harm him secretly, if not openly, as regards his 
 reputation in the community. While on his part there 
 is fear, on their part there is knowledge of what they 
 can do. 
 
 Once more, the rich man always has his rivals. 
 It is impossible for one person to absorb all the wealth, 
 and there are others who are in a nearly equal posi- 
 tion. Jealous of his influence and standing, they 
 watch him. They thwart him at every turn ; they 
 alienate his servants and retainers, they defeat his 
 political ambitions and perpetually interfere with his 
 designs. 
 
 Finally, changes of values, produced by causes 
 beyond the control of any one individual, frequently 
 occur and are always likely to occur ; whereby great 
 wealth is at once swept away or very considerably 
 diminished. The millionaire may not become a beggar, 
 but he is shorn of his strength and sinks to the com- 
 mon level. 
 
 Thus, without further illustration, it will be evi- 
 dent that the inequality of wealth is not likely of 
 itself to create that permanently unbalanced power 
 which is subversive of liberty. But we must not 
 overlook the fact that against these counteractives 
 there are strong reactionary forces in operation. 
 Among them is the effect of laws of entail and
 
 56 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 primogeniture. These are utterly obnoxious to equal 
 rights and incompatible with any governmental regime 
 established thereon. Their influence in derogation of 
 the common liberty is patent, and wherever they exist 
 lovers of liberty and of a good social order ought 
 never to rest till their repeal has been secured. 
 Where such legal devices do not obtain, equalisation 
 of conditions is obstructed the most seriously by 
 the power of combinations of one sort or another. 
 Doubtless the most conspicuous of these is the cor- 
 poration, in which a vast amount of power can be 
 concentrated with comparatively little individual 
 responsibility. The evils attendant upon this form 
 of co-operation and also such organisations as labour 
 unions, together with some correctives, I have pointed 
 out in the work to which reference has already been 
 made.^ There, likewise, the dangers of too great a 
 devotion to party and faction have been indicated. 
 At present, consequently, we have need only to refer 
 to such perils as instances of the general insecurity 
 wherever there is inequality of power, to illustrate 
 and emphasise the truth that under conditions of 
 such inequality the maintenance of equality of rights 
 cannot be assured. The same thing is true when 
 the excess of power arises from fame, reputation, 
 glory. Too great admiration leads to blind worship, 
 and the hero becomes the dictator. It is by no 
 means an unfortunate situation for a country when it 
 has no pre-eminently great men ; and it is peculiarly 
 deplorable when the destinies of a nation hang upon 
 the life or the actions of any one individual. How- 
 
 ' TJie Problem of Evil, ch. xxiii.
 
 rv7 
 
 EQUALITY IN POWER. 07 
 
 ever glorious may be his career, his supremacy is 
 evidence of a very imperfect degree of civiHsation, 
 far below that which the social ideal holds up as the 
 highest. Worse, it indicates a condition of insecurity, 
 prophetic of serious convulsions as inevitable in order 
 to restore the lost equilibrium. Such a restoration 
 must somehow take place, for nature will unceasingly 
 work for equalisation, and the making of laws or the 
 establishment of sovereignties based on force cannot 
 prevent it. 
 
 Therefore we must conclude that inequality of 
 power, from whatsoever cause it may arise, is dan- 
 gerous to security, and its growth should be carefully 
 and jealously watched. It should be resisted and 
 checked, and any alarming preponderance or concen- 
 tration prevented, lest Might become the only law 
 of Eight.i 
 
 ' Since this Part was written, I have read Civilisation and Pro- 
 gress, by John Beattie Crosier (Longmans, 1888), a work in which I 
 find much to commend. The principle of the ' EquaUsation of 
 Material and Social Conditions,' given by Mr. Crosier as the con- 
 trolling factor in progi'ess, is substantially the same as that set forth in 
 the foregoing chapter, and is very strongly enforced by argument and 
 illustration.
 
 58 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 FRATERNITY. 
 
 When the Frencli overthrew the Bourbon monarchy, 
 in their search for political principles they adopted 
 ' Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity,' as expressing the 
 social ends to be attained under the new regime. 
 Wliat they really meant by the last of these terms is 
 not easy to say. It may be doubted if they meant 
 much of anything. It was enough that the word 
 sounded well. So far as there was any meaning, 
 probably it was substantially the same as that con- 
 veyed by Equality. All men should be regarded as 
 brothers with equal rights and j)rivileges. 
 
 But there is in ' Fraternity ' an implication of 
 obligation, which is of the utmost importance. If 
 this be understood and be made of the essence of 
 the term, the battle-cry of the French Eepublic well- 
 nigh expresses completely the foundation-principles of 
 social order. The maintenance of the state depends 
 not alone on the preservation of rights, but also on 
 developing the sense of obligation. This is a matter 
 too little considered by statesmen. 
 
 If we legislate that all men shall have equal rights, 
 we find the disagreeable fact that men will not grant 
 them to each other. They will tyrannise and enslave
 
 FRATERNITY. 59 
 
 if they are able. And if we take legislative measures 
 to prevent inequality of power, we find the enforce- 
 ment of laws exceedingly troublesome because human 
 agents must enforce them, and selfish purposes and 
 ends are prone to overcome the social in all indivi- 
 duals. The only way to realise perfectly the ideal of 
 the social organism is to create in men the disposition 
 to regulate their own conduct by it, to prefer the 
 ofood of the whole to their own selfish interest. 
 
 It is generally conceded by political thinkers and 
 workers that moral sentiments (and, according to 
 some, religious also) are the basis of social order. 
 But they are not apt to devote very much thought or 
 labour to the education of these sentiments as a matter 
 of practical concern. They leave such things to the 
 preachers and schoolmasters. They prefer to occupy 
 themselves with questions of finance, of civil adminis- 
 tration, military and naval defence, and industrial 
 development. The time is coming, how^ever, when it 
 w^ill be more generally acknowledged that political 
 work depends upon educational work, and that 
 questions of education, of intellect and character, are 
 of the very first importance in every community. 
 
 This is already thoroughly appreciated by some 
 statesmen, indeed, and by very many whose life-work 
 is chiefly outside of the pohtical sphere. Eeligious 
 teachers understand it, and so do students and scholars 
 generally. Educational movements go bravely on 
 and the most encouraging results follow. Such being 
 the case it is altogether unfortunate that those who 
 labour in educational and philanthropic lines should 
 be divided into two more or less hostile camps. The
 
 60 THE CONDITIONvS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 scientists, so-called, are teachers ; and so are the 
 religionists, so termed. Both recognise the paramount 
 value of education in the highest sense, and over 
 against them is the mass of the careless, the indifferent, 
 the unenlightened, the brutish. It surely ought to 
 be that a common ground for co-operative work can 
 be reached which dispenses with antagonisms. 
 
 If it be true that so far as human relations are 
 concerned the Golden Eule be, as that eminent 
 theologian Dr. Julius Miiller says, the avaKe^aXatcocrt?, 
 the sum and substance of divine commands to men, 
 scientific ethics issue in precisely the same precept, 
 and science and religion stand upon the same platform 
 for practical work. Science, psychology, philosophy, 
 teach that no fulness of human life, no maximum of 
 happiness can be attained even for the individual save 
 in the possession of such a disposition as finds its 
 chief interest in the interests of others ; that without 
 this last knowledge is vain or a power for evil. If, 
 then, science and religion are agreed that the root 
 of moral and social evil is the evil dispositions of 
 men, if we would secure the predominance of the 
 good, we have left for investigation only questions 
 of method. 
 
 There are some Avho deny to Christianity any pecu- 
 liar efficacy for transforming social evil into social good ; 
 there are others who declare that Christianity furnishes 
 the only power to improve men, and thus society. In 
 my judgment we must effect a compromise by induc- 
 ing the concession on the one side that Christianity 
 does furnish an efficient influence to produce that soul 
 cure which is necessary for the ideal social order,
 
 FRATERNITY. 61 
 
 and on the other thuL it is not the sole possessor of 
 that cure or always the most trustworthy physician to 
 administer it. By Christianit}- I mean organised 
 Christianity. One difficulty in the minds of people 
 in their reasonings and discussions is this latent 
 ambiguity as to the meaning of the term Christianity, 
 to which we shall again refer, and to which I now 
 call attention for the purpose of indicating the sense 
 in which I say that Christianity cannot invariably be 
 trusted to use its own remedies. It is perpetually 
 mistaking its own medicines and employing them 
 empirically. When it makes a wonderful cure, it 
 fails to understand what is the curative principle in 
 its own treatment. Therefore I urge upon the clergy 
 to become scientists; morbid anatomists first, because 
 it is necessary ; vivisectors also, if it is requisite ; and 
 then scientific workers upon the living human being 
 needing cure. They are feeling the necessity of this, 
 it is interesting to observe, and are rapidly becoming 
 educated. It is to be hoped they will become still 
 better educated, as well for their own sake as for that 
 of their constituencies. 
 
 The whole question is suggested in an expression 
 of Vinet. He says : 'It is the glory of the gospels, 
 not that they furnish to us a new morality, but that 
 they give us a power to practise the old.' Morality 
 did not originate with Jesus of Nazareth. Society 
 existed long before his time, and society implies some 
 decree of moral conduct. The Golden Eule is found 
 in Book II. of the ' Leges ' of Plato, to say nothing of 
 earlier records of the same sentiment. But is there 
 or is there not a power in Christianity to develop a
 
 62 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 moral disposition and to vitalise one that has become 
 deadened ? 
 
 It cannot reasonably be doubted that there is such 
 a power which is evidenced in the history of the 
 Christian religion from its first establishment down to 
 the present time. But it must also be allowed that 
 there does exist morality and the disposition to love 
 one's neighbour as one's self entirely apart from any 
 allegiance to Christ or to organised Christianity. It 
 exists in Christian countries in self-denying men and 
 women who reject the claims of the Christian religion, 
 even in noted and aggressive opponents. It is also 
 discoverable among those who, before Christ and 
 since, are believers in other religions, and it even 
 occurs among those who never heard of the Nazarene. 
 Again, it must be conceded that where the authority 
 of the Messiah is acknowledged the evil disposition 
 does not disappear, nor with it social immorality ; 
 unless, indeed, it be urged, as it sometimes is, that he 
 who embraces Christianity and is born again has no 
 longer any evil will and character, whatever he may 
 do. Certainly all kinds of the worst crimes and im- 
 moralities have been committed not alone by Chris- 
 tians, but in the name of Christianity. The conclu- 
 sion to which we are forced is, therefore, that what- 
 ever may be the superiority of Christianity, on the 
 whole, for curing the soul, and whatever may be its 
 relations to the salvation of the soul in another world, 
 it is not as an organised and distinctive system 
 omnipotent or exclusive in its favourable influences 
 upon the moral disposition. 
 
 We are thus led on to the inquiry — Is there a
 
 FRATERNITY. 63 
 
 rommon source of power to develop moral character 
 within and without the Christian religion ? If so, what 
 is it, and what are the relations of Christianity to it ? 
 To begin with, we must premise a natural germ of 
 such character in men. The fact of the existence of 
 such a thing as morality indicates a capacity of man- 
 kind to be moral. If by morality we mean that 
 regard for the good of all which makes the social 
 organism possible, that disposition and practice in 
 which one finds his good in the welfare of his neigh- 
 bour, and if man is so constituted that he can become 
 moral in this sense, it cannot be said that morality is 
 any less natural than non-morality or immoraUty. 
 Whatever its development may be its germs lie in 
 the natural constitution of man, as set forth in the 
 preceding chapters (Chaps. II. and III.). Thus we 
 find in human beings a tendency toward social ideals 
 and toward selfish. Both of these are susceptible 
 of growth and cultivation ; both may be dwarfed and 
 largely suppressed. 
 
 There must be some pleasure or well-being which 
 accompanies the thought of doing a moral act to 
 stimulate in the individual the volition to perform 
 that act. He must experience some pleasurable feel- 
 ing in connection with this idea. We then are 
 obliged to ask whence comes, and how is developed, 
 this pleasure which I experience in thinking of, and 
 promoting the weal of others ? Upon investigation 
 we cannot fail to be led to the conclusion that the 
 foundation for this is the selfish consideration of how 
 delightful it would be if everybody else besides our- 
 selves were animated by the desire and purpose of
 
 64 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 helping instead of hnrting his neighbonr. I should 
 in that case find a supporting, not an opposing force. 
 Instead of being obliged to be constantly on guard 
 against attack, instead of competition and conflict, I 
 should everywhere find assistance, co-operation and 
 peace. All my activities could be put forth without 
 fear, and all my hopes and aspirations realised. Thus 
 out of the toil and trouble, the strife and destruction 
 in the world as it is, rises the ideal of a state of 
 society wherein there is harmony and happiness. 
 The presence of such an ideal as possible to be real- 
 ised, together with the dissatisfaction with existing 
 conditions, inevitably creates and fosters an impulse to 
 promote such a state. On reflection we at once dis- 
 cover that this is only feasible of achievement through 
 the self-restraint and self-denial of each individual, 
 ourselves included. If we wish others to be altruistic, 
 we ourselves must conquer our selfishness. Thus 
 begins a strife within to overcome our self-will, our 
 egoistic purposes, and to learn to take our pleasure 
 in the pleasure of others, to find our good in the wel- 
 fare of the community. What we want primarily is 
 an environing condition of freedom for the exercise 
 of our activities ; but this we can only obtain through 
 self-control and self-abnegation. 
 
 The hopelessness of seeing realised in the life of 
 any of us our ideals of a perfect society impresses 
 itself upon all, and necessarily operates to quench the 
 enthusiasm we may develop for the altruistic life. 
 Whatever I may be and do, it is useless for me to 
 expect to reform society, and at best my efforts would 
 make scarcely an appreciable impression upon the
 
 ^ FRATERNITY. 65 
 
 f 
 
 world. It will be better for me, I reason, to content 
 myself with enjoying the present, since otherwise I 
 should only make trouble for myself, and so far as I 
 can calculate, uselessly. Such thoughts weaken the 
 force of volitions which the ideal we have been speak- 
 ing of tends to create. Besides, the ordinary selfish 
 appetites are strong and frequently come into opposi- 
 tion with the altruistic demands. Thus there arises 
 a tendency to become apathetic over the matter of 
 moral conduct. We know the right but do not follow 
 it ; we see the wrong and yet pursue it. This lapse 
 may continue, unless counteracted, until society is 
 disorganised. We in our generation may be only 
 mildly selfish ; we may commit no crimes ; but we 
 shall be less careful about the moral tone of the com- 
 munity, less anxious to repress those who are actively 
 malicious, and less solicitous about the proper train- 
 ing of the rising generation. The latter will reap 
 the fruit of our neglect. After Louis XIV. and 
 Louis XV. came the outbreak which cost Louis XVI. 
 his head. 
 
 If now in this condition of despair over the prac- 
 ticability of realising an ideal state of society, there 
 is induced the hope and promise of a life beyond the 
 grave, wherein the rough places shall be made smooth 
 and the crooked paths straight, and in which all 
 desires shall be fulfilled, there is given a decided im- 
 pulse to our dispositions to do the best we may be 
 able for moral and social order. The damper put on 
 by our thought that efibrts are ahnost useless since 
 life is short, is quite removed. There is no limit to 
 the possibility of achievement. And when a connec- 
 
 F
 
 66 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 tion is established between our conduct in this hfe 
 and our happiness in the world to come, an immense 
 power to move the will and form dispositions is 
 created. Having given a morality based upon the 
 Golden Eule which we appreciate as most excellent in 
 theory and highly desirable for the world here ; if we 
 believe that our efforts to make such morality uni- 
 versal in human society will tend to secure our 
 happiness hereafter, while a contrary course will have 
 the opposite tendency, even though we suffer for 
 what we do, the hope of future reward will be com- 
 pensation for present ills. 
 
 He from the dreadful gates of death 
 
 Doth his own childx*en raise ; 
 In Zion's gates with cheerful breath 
 
 They sing their Father's praise. 
 
 We have now found, as I conceive, the nature of 
 that power to practise morality which Vinet declared 
 to be the glory of the gospels. But we see that its 
 effect depends upon natural sentiments of the human 
 mind, which can be aroused not only by the gospels 
 of Christianity but by any religion which establishes 
 a connection between the present and a future life. 
 All religions do this, unless, perhaps, the Eeligion of 
 Humanity ; they all have their heaven and make good 
 conduct in this life the qualification for entering the 
 door of Paradise. They differ, indeed, as to what is 
 good conduct, but whatever they hold it to be, the 
 one who practises it is sure of blessed immortality. 
 But the superiority of Christianity in its influences on 
 society lies in the fact that it has adopted as the ideal 
 of the perfect life for the individual the social ideal.
 
 FRATERNITY. 67 
 
 It has said to each man, You shall be clothed on 
 with immortality, and great shall be your reward if 
 you fulfil the law ; the law is, Love and obey God and 
 love man. Between these two members of the com- 
 mand, however, has unhappily arisen an opposition 
 which has greatly impaired the full effect of altruistic 
 influence contained in Christianity. It is substantially 
 the opposition between Old Testament morality and 
 New. One teaches unquestioning and unreasoning 
 obedience, the other explains that the fulfilling of the 
 law is complete in love. 
 
 The great obstruction to the development of the 
 altruistic character in the world has been in multifari- 
 ous forms the notion of authority, as intrinsically just, 
 the idea that one man has righteously power over 
 another, is better than another, is entitled by virtue of 
 position, birth, strength, or divine delegation to com- 
 mand his fellows, use them for his ends, irrespective 
 of their own preferences. This has pervaded state 
 and church. It has formed monarchical, imperial 
 systems of government in both. It has justified and 
 perpetuated war and robbery. It gives scope for the 
 unrestrained growth of selfish dispositions and charac- 
 ter. These statements have been made before in this 
 work, but I desire to make a special application of 
 them in calling attention to the fact that the altruistic 
 character, the morally healthy soul, must have its 
 vital principle within, which can be preserved only 
 by autonomy. The desire to live for the welfare of 
 others can alone be maintained under a self-formed 
 ideal which grows and blossoms as the plant under 
 the sunlight. It cannot be forced upon one by edicts 
 
 F 2
 
 68 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PKOGRESS. 
 
 or decrees ; nor can it ever develop under the influence 
 of fear. The thorough student of mental science must 
 see that this is psychologically true. Action always 
 produces reaction ; and antagonism once generated, 
 the assimilative process between two natures ceases. 
 Each gathers together more compactly its own and 
 repels more strongly everything extrinsic and foreign. 
 The other ceases to be the neighbour and becomes a 
 barbarian. War and mutual destruction are ready to 
 follow, and society perishes till the storm has passed and 
 there is again opportunity for a new organic growth. 
 In the light of these considerations, I urge upon 
 all physicians of men's souls the necessity of cherish- 
 ing, both in state and church, principles uncompromis- 
 ingly democratic. If I were to say that the ideal 
 of a perfect society is anarchy, I should no doubt 
 startle and shock the reader. It would be, indeed, 
 curious to set forth as such an ideal, a society without 
 organised government, in which all are equally sove- 
 reigns, which is without written law, without police, 
 w^ithout tribunals, without a legislature, a judiciary 
 or an executive, in which each man's will is law. 
 And yet it seems to me, I behold very much such a 
 community when I read of a City which is even 
 without temples, and which, though without the 
 light of the sun or the moon, has yet no night, and 
 into which is brought the glory and honour of the 
 nations, and wherein each of the inhabitants reigns 
 for ever and ever. Such a community requires the 
 perfection of the altruistic character ; and the fact 
 that such perfection necessitates the abolition of what 
 we ordinarily term government ought to bring before
 
 FRATERNITY. 69 
 
 US prominently the truth that, for the sake of pro- 
 moting such a character, we must labour concurrently 
 at diminishing the constraints of outward authority. 
 Wliile we seek to develop everywhere and in all, the 
 disposition of love ; a precept truly complementary, 
 an opposite face to the principle of altruism, is to aim 
 always in government, in social relations, in education 
 at the minimum of restraint and the maximum of 
 liberty for the individual. 
 
 I am quite aware that this doctrine is a two-edged 
 sword and must be handled carefully. We should 
 never lose sight of the fact that as human nature is 
 constituted too absolute a removal of restraint is 
 followed by selfish assertion and conflict of wills; 
 that then anarchy means chaos and leads with 
 certainty to a despotism. This is where the profes- 
 sional anarchist of our own times makes his mistake. 
 The condition which he seeks to bring about is fatal 
 to liberty. Under absolutism revolution may be the 
 only means of social regeneration, but in a democracy 
 revolutionary attacks upon the constituted authority 
 are without the shadow of justification or excuse, and 
 must be repressed for liberty's sake. Yet, taking the 
 civilised world as a whole, it seems clear that the 
 greatest obstacles in the way of realising the ideal of 
 human virtue still lie in the restraints of authority. 
 The Eussian autocracy with its repression of educa- 
 tion, its present degradation, its corrupt bureaucracy, 
 is a fearful menace to civilisation. The German 
 imperial system, sacrificing a cultivated and intelli- 
 gent people to the brutal domination of a state 
 doctrine false in principle and blighting in its results.
 
 70 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 is saddening and revolting to the lover of man's weal. 
 The English, even, fail to understand that their senti- 
 ment of loyalty to a sovereign and an aristocracy, 
 beautiful as it may sometimes appear, makes them 
 for ever to grind ruthlessly the face of the poor. And 
 in America too there is much to be thought of. The 
 idea is often j^ut forth that we ought to have more 
 veneration for institutions ; that the government is not 
 the agent of the community, but still is sovereign ; 
 that this or that office, this law, that principle has an 
 ' inherent sacredness,' exempting it from criticism. 
 And to my mind there is just now much cause for 
 regret also at the socialistic trend of political thought. 
 The laissez-faire doctrine, once so popular, is becoming 
 outlawed, and few are found so poor as to do it 
 reverence. No doubt in the greater complexity of 
 social life there are more requirements which may 
 properly be made of a government, but the idea that 
 its essential function is to guarantee security to all in 
 the exercise of liberty must not be lost sight of, or 
 we shall discover sooner or later to our cost that 
 there are more evils than benefits which spring from 
 any attempt to use the power of the state to force 
 development, to attain conspicuous results, to achieve 
 national renown, military or industrial. Such a course 
 will end in the domination of one man or of one 
 class over another ; it will impair the ideal of human 
 equality and human brotherhood. The poet prays 
 that ' more of reverence in us dwell.' Yes ! But 
 reverence for what? Surely not reverence for 
 abstractions under which despotism has always pros- 
 pered. The state in itself is nothing ; institutions,
 
 FRATERNITY. 71 
 
 organisations iutriiisically are nothing; tliey are en- 
 titled to no respect save as they subserve a useful 
 purpose, and wJien they have ceased to serve such a 
 purpose the iconoclast must be summoned and they 
 must yield place to something better. Men are 
 everything ; their personalities, their individualities, 
 their happiness. When I read the works of the 
 socialistic Germans, Lasalle and Marx, their followers 
 and descendants in Europe and America, I turn with 
 great relief and with a far deeper conviction of truth 
 to the language of that profounder German, Wilhelm 
 von Humboldt : ' Wherefore it follows that men are 
 not to unite themselves together in order to forego 
 any portion of their individuality, but only to lessen 
 tlie exclusiveness of their isolation ; it is not the 
 object of such a union to transform one being into 
 another, but to open out approaches between the 
 single natures ; whatever each himself possesses he is 
 to compare with that which he receives by communi- 
 cation with others ; and, while introducing modifica- 
 tions in his own being by the comparison, not to 
 allow its force and peculiarity to be suppressed in the 
 process. . . . The principle of the true art of social 
 intercourse consists in a ceaseless endeavour to grasp 
 the innermost individuality of another, to avail one's 
 self of it, and, penetrated with the deepest respect 
 for it as the individuality of another — to act upon it 
 — a kind of action in wdiich that same respect will 
 not allow us other means for this purpose than to 
 manifest one's self and to institute a comparison, as it 
 were, between the two natures before the e3'es of the 
 other.'
 
 72 THE CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 Passing now to the church, we shall find, if we 
 examine closely, that the value of Christianity, to say 
 nothing of other religions, has varied as the life or 
 the organisation has been held to be of paramount 
 importance. I made allusion to an ambiguity in the 
 term Christianity ; and this ambiguity has arisen from 
 two different conceptions of the Christian religion. 
 One is, that adherence to the visible organisation 
 with Christ as hierarch is essential, the other that 
 the life exemplified by Christ is alone crucial. The 
 former idea develops the doctrines of authority ; the 
 latter, those of individualism. As I interpret history, 
 Christianity has been a power for woe or for weal 
 largely as it has been dominated by the one or the 
 other of these conceptions. And at the present day, 
 though in modified forms, these two views of the 
 essential meaning of Christianity antagonise each 
 other. If it were possible for Christian teachers to 
 hold that the altruistic character is the Christian 
 character, quite irrespective of intellectual beliefs, it 
 would be a great gain for humanity. Perhaps it 
 might be thought that this would be a surrender of 
 some of the distinctive principles of Christianity. 
 And yet we find St. Augustine saying : ' Christianity 
 has existed since time or the world began ; Christ 
 coming gave to the principles he advocated the name 
 it now bears.' However, I will not go into this dis- 
 cussion further than to suggest that a great many 
 who are willing to labour for the service of humanity 
 are kept from working with church societies by the 
 requirements of subscription to and profession of 
 a creed which they do not and cannot believe. It
 
 FRATERNITY. 73 
 
 would seem that the preservation of doctrine esteemed 
 to be sound might be effected by the adoption of a 
 creed as a platform without requiring individual 
 subscriptions to it, the condition of fellowship being 
 Christian conduct according to the Law of Love. It 
 would be largely to the interest of the church to 
 allow this, for educational purposes : since if only 
 men can be persuaded to join in the work, knowledge 
 of the doctrine is promised. I am persuaded that 
 the sole basis of union between Christians and non- 
 Christians in the practical task of curing the soul lies 
 in a common recognition, as the supreme test of virtue, 
 of the disposition to find one's happiness in the welfare 
 of others, and that the securing of this disposition is the 
 common and transcendent end of effort. We cannot, 
 indeed, disguise from ourselves that, so far as the 
 relations of men to Jesus Christ are concerned, we have 
 to deal primarily with questions of fact, on which there 
 is no room for compromise. We either believe or 
 we do not believe. But if work in this world is to 
 accomplish the perfection of humanity in the Christ- 
 like character, which at least so far as relations to 
 man are concerned is the altruistic, antagonism in 
 these beliefs ought not on either side to prevent full 
 recognition of the results attained and full credit to 
 the sources thereof, Christian or other.
 
 Part II. 
 
 THE PEOMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS.
 
 77 
 
 CHAPTEE IX. 
 
 EADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM. 
 
 Our study of the Conditions of Social Progress has 
 made it evident, I trust, that for the success of pro- 
 gressive movements there must be a background of 
 permanence, a stability of structure to furnish a basis 
 for change and with reference to v^hich changes take 
 place. There must be preserved a social equilibrium 
 through the counteraction of restraining forces re- 
 presented by law and those promotive of growth 
 through the spontaneous activity of individuals, for 
 which liberty must be afforded. In every community 
 there are observable two opposed tendencies with 
 regard to the existing order of things ; one toward 
 change, the other, resistance to change. The terms 
 Radicalism and Conservatism have been used to 
 express these antagonistic forces. 
 
 With that abominable perversity of the human 
 mind which leads so frequently to the inclusion under 
 a common name of things essentially different, and 
 then to the praising or condemnation of them because 
 they happen to have become thus labelled, men 
 have, according to their predilections, enthusiastically 
 supported here radicalism, there conservatism, with- 
 out much knowledge of the meaning of either, and 
 certainly without taking pains to find out if the terms
 
 78 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 in any particular case are correctly applied. If a 
 person or a measure be dubbed radical, it is quite 
 enough with the man of conservative proclivities to 
 create a prejudice ; while his neighbour who prides 
 himself on his radicalism very likely finds his dislike 
 aroused by anything which a ' conservative ' is willing 
 to favour. When bloody wars have been waged 
 without the combatants being able to ascertain or 
 even willing to inquire what they are fighting about, 
 it is not surprising that in peaceful political and 
 social movements parties should be created to engage 
 in controversies with each other, without any clear 
 definition of principles and without any certainty of 
 their accurate application. No doubt a political 
 party might be formed of those who wear low hats 
 and one of those who wear high hats ; this one 
 might call itself radical, the other conservative ; they 
 might cordially hate each other ; but it would by no 
 means follow that the names appropriated meant any:^ 
 thing. They would signify just as much as and no 
 more than the low or high hat. They would be a 
 badge of membership in a fraternity or society. In 
 such case it happens that the organisation becomes 
 first, last and everything. Principles are of no more 
 importance than names ; they are simply catch- 
 phrases or rallying cries, which might be replaced by 
 any others, were it not for the power of usage and 
 habit. Indeed, there are numerous instances of 
 parties formed and held together in just this way. 
 They may or may not have started with some object 
 suggested by a principle ; however that may be, it is 
 evident finally that the party as a society of men is
 
 RADlCALISiM AND CONSERVATISM. 79 
 
 the chief end. When such is the condition, it be- 
 comes even contrary to the morals of the fraternity 
 to talk about principles, for the effect would be 
 disintegrating ; while everything that looks toward 
 approval of an opposed party or to establishing points 
 of community between the two must be reprobated 
 as destructive of solidarity. 
 
 In this manner, though without definite organisa- 
 tion, antithetical sentiments of radicalism and con- 
 servatism grow up in a community, and people are 
 trusted or distrusted according as they have a repu- 
 tation for the one or the other. Measures, too, are 
 vehemently urged merely because they will do away 
 with a present condition deemed uncomfortable ; and 
 on the other hand suggestions are bitterly opposed 
 because they are novel. The mere fact that they are 
 ' progressive ' assures the favour of people of a certain 
 disposition, without any inquiry as to the direction 
 or extent of the progress. With others a novelty is 
 necessarily ' radical,' and if radical, alarming and 
 dangerous. Thus arises an unreasoning sentiment, 
 thoroughly unreasonable also, which makes the radi- 
 cal an agitator, the conservative an obstructionist, and 
 creates two parties which antagonise each other in a 
 partisan spirit in much the same way as if they 
 rallied to martial music, had a flag and a uniform and 
 the names of their adherents on a roster. 
 
 It is very unfortunate that such sentiments exist ; 
 for it must be conceded by every one on reflection that 
 the thing to be determined when a change is pro- 
 posed is, after all, whether or not a benefit will issue ; 
 whether or not the new is an improvement upon the
 
 80 THE mOMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 old. The investigation, indeed, should take a wide 
 range, but it should have the object just stated ; and 
 approval or disapproval should depend solely on the 
 results of such an examination. The government of 
 the feelings is a hard matter. Prejudices, sympathies, 
 antipathies rule most men's minds. Still, after all, 
 man is a rational animal : and it is surely worth while 
 to make the attempt to overcome bias and to rule 
 conduct by reason. 
 
 The Promotion of Social Progress, considered in its 
 general aspects, resolves itself, therefore, as a topic 
 into questions of the mutual relations of those dyna- 
 mic and static forces which are expressed by the 
 terms Eadicalism and Conservatism. Both of them 
 are factors of that progress. So far as this work 
 is concerned I shall regard the former as the spirit 
 of or tendency toward change in human societies ; 
 the latter as marking the disposition to conserve or 
 preserve things as they are, under the assumption 
 in both cases of a supposed greater benefit to the 
 social organism from the course actually followed. 
 Our task in this Part is, then, to determine as far as 
 may be the principles which should guide us in esti- 
 mating the value of proposed changes in an existing 
 social order, and to make a few applications of those 
 principles.
 
 81 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE UTILITY OF CHANGE. 
 
 In Chapter II. we noted that Liberty is resolvable 
 into Freedom of Movement. Social change involves 
 movement on the part of individuals who are compo- 
 nent parts of the social organism. This movement is 
 first a movement of thought ; it then may proceed to 
 expression in language and to action in many ways. 
 The immediate cause is pain in some of its forms, 
 from a felt uneasiness to acute distress. The move- 
 ment itself is toward relief in the directions which, 
 when followed, experience has indicated to be pro- 
 ductive of such relief. Thus social change always 
 arises from the dissatisfaction of individuals with ex- 
 isting conditions, prompting them to such action as 
 will relieve their discontent and satisfy, as they 
 believe, their ideals of a better state of things. The 
 fact that the desires and interests of individuals col- 
 lide, one man's pain often contributing to another's 
 joy, necessitates some principle of accommodation, 
 which we found in the doctrine of the common 
 liberty as superior to the individual will. 
 
 This, however, is a negative principle. The course 
 of our inquiry in the preceding Part led us to the 
 conclusion that a merely negative rule of action was 
 not sufficient. We saw that, to have order there 
 
 G
 
 82 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 must be a disposition on the part of individuals to 
 have it. The state cannot prosper without virtuous 
 citizens. The characters of men must be improved. 
 Such a virtuous disposition is the altruistic, wherein 
 one comes to find his happiness in the happiness of 
 others. The common interest must be each one's chief 
 interest : the good of the whole his chief good. Ee- 
 straint by force must, indeed, be employed where this 
 disposition does not exist ; but the true statesman will 
 always aim to secure that which dispenses with the 
 necessity of coercive measures. 
 
 The altruistic rule leads to a criterion of the value 
 of social changes. This standard is that of general 
 social utility, or, in familiar words, the greatest hap- 
 piness of the greatest number. On the negative side, 
 the common liberty must be preserved ; and on the 
 positive, effort must be directed and governed by the 
 maximum-happiness canon. There is room, of course, 
 for much discussion over this doctrine : but I hope 
 I have elsewhere examined into the foundations of 
 ethics and politics sufficiently to be permitted to 
 omit such a discussion in this treatise without being 
 charged with a failure to establish my premises 
 by adequate proof. 
 
 If we declare that the supreme test of the utility 
 of change is the greatest ha|)piness of the greatest 
 number we have not got very far. This might be 
 conceded, and we should still discover that we had 
 obtained little help toward finding the desired guides 
 to conduct. Bacon very correctly insisted that the 
 axiomata media are of chief practical importance. 
 The Jiigher generalisation, however, is not to be
 
 THE UTILITY OF CHANGE. 83 
 
 despised, ])ut it iinist l)e applied with care and defi- 
 niteness in the formation of minor, more particular 
 principles and precepts, else it may even be an 
 obstruction in the way of gaining knowledge and 
 securing good conduct. An ultimate rule we must 
 have, however, a court of last resort, a final criterion ; 
 and such for us is the principle above enunciated. 
 
 It is obvious that change cannot in itself or always 
 be condemned as deleterious : for change, as we saw, 
 is a necessity of organic life. In the human body, for 
 example, life is dependent upon the changes going on 
 ■within and the process of adaptation to what is with- 
 out. Human society being of an organic nature 
 similar to that of the human individual, the acts of 
 one affect others and produce a reaction. In greater 
 or less degree there is a constant flux and variation of 
 social phenomena. Individuals come and go, environ- 
 ments change, and there must be a continual readjust- 
 ment to new conditions. 
 
 But change, as we also indicated, may be of an 
 assimilative and integrative or of a disintegrative and 
 destructive character. Eeproductive change might 
 be added to these, though really an extension of the 
 first-named. The one kind is healthful and indicative 
 of growth, improvement, strength ; the other is 
 symptomatic of disease and points toward decay and 
 death. This is certainly true of organic life in general. 
 It is also in a great measure true of that super-organic 
 life which we term society, but some special distinc- 
 tions ought here to be drawn. They are exemplified 
 in the fact that the limits of what we call the social 
 organism are so variable. There is an organic union 
 
 G 2
 
 84 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 of the family, another of the town, another of the 
 guild, another of the state, and even one of the nations. 
 It is hence extremely difficult to tell oftentimes what 
 change is really to be considered disintegrative on the 
 whole and what is the reverse, for that which is de- 
 structive of the organism of the guild, for example, 
 may be integrative of and beneficial to the organism 
 of the state. Again, the destruction of a state has 
 doubtless many times been an advantage to mankind 
 as a whole. The question of the utility of change, 
 therefore, is largely dependent upon the limits we 
 assign to our regards. 
 
 In the present state of the world we can scarcely 
 avoid taking into account the human race in every 
 quarter of the globe. If we were disposed to do so, 
 the demands of commerce and the facilities for com- 
 munication are likely at any time to bring us into 
 social relations with people who are geographically 
 most remote from us. Unquestionably, in the future, 
 bonds of union between nations widely separated will 
 rapidly increase in complexity, in extent, and in 
 strength. Hence, however clannish our sentiments 
 may be ; spite of ourselves we shall be obliged from 
 the force of circumstances more and more to regard 
 a man as a man wherever we find him, to legislate 
 with reference to mankind as of one blood, and to 
 moralise on the basis of the organic union of the 
 whole human race. Not merely as a consistent theo- 
 retical principle but a growing practical necessity, 
 must we consider social radicalism and conservatism 
 in their bearing upon the welfare of men as men, not 
 as Americans, or Englishmen, or Germans, or Chinese.
 
 THE UTILITY OF CHANGE. 85 
 
 Our only rule must be to adopt as an ideal a society 
 of the whole human race, whose members should be 
 protected by the social law and should be held amen- 
 able to the social law. 
 
 Such a principle by no means tends to prevent the 
 more intimate relationships of smaller aggregations of 
 men. Neither family affection nor patriotic devotion 
 to the state need be abolished by cherishing a social 
 ideal such as I have been describing. The latter only 
 requires the recognition of the truth that, under the 
 altruistic precepts of conduct, human beings as such 
 have rights which must be respected even against the 
 requirement of special relationships. Because I love 
 my brother, I have no right to despoil the stranger 
 on the highway, nor even to leave him to starve. 
 Because I am loyal to my country, I have no business 
 to attack and kill the people of other countries under 
 any such doctrine as ' Our country right or wrong.' 
 Neither family ascendency nor national predominance 
 furnish the final end or aim for truly ethical conduct. 
 These last should always be held subordinate to the 
 welfare of mankind in general, and if for the sake of 
 that welfare it is necessary that states perish, their 
 destruction is progress not retrogression, integration 
 not disintegration, evolution not dissolution 
 
 Nevertheless, in most cases it is no doubt the fact 
 that the utility of change is determined by its effects 
 upon a comparatively limited environment, varying 
 somewhat according to differences of conditions. Pdl 
 such changes as tend to make more secure personal 
 rights to life and liberty, though aiming to benefit par- 
 ticular individuals or a particular class, are inherently
 
 86 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 beneficial to the whole of mankind, because their in- 
 fluence is to create a respect for the fundamental rights 
 of man as a human being, whatever his class or con- 
 dition. In movements of this sort there is no necessity 
 for considering those beyond the sphere of immediate 
 effect, because in these things the people proximately 
 affected are representatives of the race ; and through 
 them mankind in general is served. But it is of the 
 utmost importance to educate minds to entertain and 
 be governed by the larger ideal, in order that they 
 may know when the requirements of the greater or- 
 ganic unity should be heeded, and when the present 
 advantage of the comparatively few ought to yield to 
 the supreme good, the welfare of all. 
 
 Since the individual is the unit of social life and 
 the source of changes and impulses to change in the 
 social condition, springing out of his wants ; and 
 since there is no way of absolutely determining what 
 those wants may be, inasmuch as circumstances are 
 changing and the course of evolution is continuous, 
 the fact that a man wants new things affords some 
 presumption that he should have them and oppor- 
 tunity should be left for the satisfaction of wants 
 which may arise. For change may be useful because 
 it is change. Within certain limits variety is the 
 spice of life, and freedom for the exercise of spon- 
 taneous activity is highly valuable since it enables men 
 to adapt themselves to their changing environments. 
 If surrounding nature does not remain still, men cannot 
 stay still. If the processes of organic life are all the 
 while going on within the human body, the human mind 
 wiU actively move in a parallel course. Whatever limits
 
 TIIE UTILITY OF CHANGE. 87 
 
 may be necessary, therefore, tliey must not so con- 
 strain as to destroy the individual spontaneity in the 
 free enjoyment of which consists all life that is worth 
 living. 
 
 In view of the fact already stated that change is 
 a necessity of organic life, we ought to emphasise the 
 further fact that if integrative change is stopped dis- 
 integrative will begin. If evolution is suppressed 
 dissolution will certainly follow. If nature cannot 
 develop further an existing structure, she will pull it 
 down in order that she may begin anew. The conserva- 
 tive, therefore, if he be true to his principles, should 
 be exceedingly careful not to carry his opposition to 
 changes to an extreme. For if he do, he will bring 
 entire destruction instead of partial destruction and 
 renovation. This has happened so often in the world's 
 history that the wonder is why a stupidity which fails 
 to understand this natural fact is so persistently re- 
 current. It is exemplified every day and is not 
 creditable to human intelligence. 
 
 Our conclusions are, then, that the utility of 
 change must be determined by the degree of its 
 beneficial efiects upon individuals ; having in view 
 always the maximum happiness of the greatest number, 
 with an ideal of organic unity ever tending to the 
 inclusion of the whole human race. We note also 
 that some change is inevitable, and that entire repres- 
 sion of change wiU only result in producing disinte- 
 grative and destructive change ; so that our efforts 
 must be directed toward the guidance of the moving 
 forces along the lines of natural evolution rather than 
 wasted in attempts at absolute prevention.
 
 88 THE riiOMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 CHAPTEE XI. 
 
 GENERAL PRINCIPLES. 
 
 The conclusion of the last chapter indicates the first 
 general principle governing the whole subject ; 
 namely, that the social constitution must provide 
 orderly methods for its own revision and for the 
 initiation and accomplishment of changes. This has 
 special application to the political sphere ; for in- 
 dividuals, if not interfered with, will of their own 
 spontaneity, propose and attempt to carry out changes. 
 When properly interpreted, such a principle means 
 simply that no repressive measures must be taken to 
 prevent the origination, expression, and agitation of 
 new ideas merely because they are opposed to an 
 existing regime. In olher words, the equality of 
 rights must be conceded to all to move for change in 
 such ways as shall be provided. 
 
 The next question is the limitation of the activity 
 toward change. If individuals are to be free to desire 
 and actively seek for new things, how shall their move- 
 ments be resrulated ? If not restrained at aU there is 
 chaos ; and if they are restrained, so far forth is there 
 a repression of that spontaneous energy of their natures 
 which is necessary for social liberty and prosperity. 
 This at once brings us back to the fundamental social
 
 GENERAL PRINCIPLES. 89 
 
 principle enunciated in the first Part of our work, that 
 the liberty of the one should only be interfered with 
 for the sake of the common freedom. This last must 
 take precedence if we are to have society at all ; and 
 the question of limitation, therefore, becomes one in- 
 volvin£]j the determination of what is and what is not 
 a violation of the common freedom. 
 
 Conservatism, generally speaking, must concern 
 itself with the maintenance of the social equilibrium. 
 But this is often already destroyed before radicalism 
 begins its work. Merely because the plans of the 
 agitator are re\^olutionary, he cannot be ethically 
 and justifiably opposed. He may be the truest 
 conservative, because he sees the present order to 
 be unstable and that a common liberty which has 
 been lost must be restored before there can be any 
 hope of permanent peace and happiness. 
 
 The true test of the existence of this common free- 
 dom lies in the answer to the inquiry whether there 
 exists in the community equality and security in the 
 enj oy m ent of the fundamental rights of m an. These are 
 Life, Liberty, and Property. If every man is secure 
 in his possession and use of these and in this security 
 there is complete equality between all men, there is a 
 perfect common freedom and thus the highest degree of 
 individual freedom of which the social state will admit. 
 
 We may set forth, then, the following general 
 principles : 
 
 1. Opportunity should always be afibrded in a 
 community for the free movement of evolutionary 
 forces in producing change. 
 
 2. Chanores tendinof to establish or to make more
 
 90 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 secure the common freedom should be favoured ; 
 those of a contrary tendency should be opposed. 
 
 3. The degree of equality and security in the 
 enjoyment of the fundamental rights of Life, Liberty, 
 and Property is the test for determining the existing 
 degree of common freedom, by which to measure, in 
 given cases, the value of radical and conservative 
 movements, respectively. 
 
 In the light of these principles, v^dien any change 
 from existing institutions or customs is desired, we 
 ought first to consider the interests of the proponents. 
 The desire for change is not without causes. These 
 may be selfish or they may be inspired by thoughts 
 of the woe and weal of others. It does not follow 
 because the motives are egoistic that the proposed 
 change is to be condemned. We should, however, in 
 such case be put upon our guard and scrutinise more 
 carefuUy the innovation, with more anxiety to hear 
 the other side, and with a greater readiness to start 
 objections. On the other hand the fact that a sug- 
 gested novelty proceeds from the highest and most 
 philanthropic motives must not blind us to its 
 defects and demerits as a practical measure. Lich- 
 tenberg observed, with great truth, that enthusiasts 
 without capacity are the really dangerous people. 
 Wild and impracticable reforms originating from 
 praiseworthy motives are almost as harmful as oppo- 
 sition to good measures proceeding from avowed ma- 
 lignity. There must be a cool and judicial examina- 
 tion into the circumstances of each case before we 
 can give an approval or venture our disapproval. 
 
 If there be a clear deprivation of natural rights,
 
 GENERAL PRINCIPLES. 91 
 
 any movement to gain these, whether egoistic in its 
 inception or not, is j9^^w^(? facie to be supported, for 
 the reasons already given. If life is endangered, if 
 liberty is taken away without due process of law, or 
 if the law which infringes liberty be wrong, if private 
 property is violated, if injustice be anywhere perpe- 
 trated ; then remedies for these ills ought to be pro- 
 vided, and the man who agitates for the securing of 
 them should be regarded as a public benefactor 
 doing his duty to society, whether his own sufferings 
 inspired him to action or those of someone else. The 
 restraint upon action in such case arises wholly from 
 questions of expediency, which we shall consider later. 
 Quite different, however, is the situation, when 
 instead of striving for rights, which it is the general 
 interest of society that he should have, an individual 
 proposes changes which are calculated to give him, 
 or his class, or party, greater power to the detriment 
 of the liberty of others ; when his own aggrandise- 
 ment beyond the proper limits of rights is his object; 
 when his motive is not merely to create an equality 
 by raising himself up to the level of others, but 
 rather to develop a reversed inequality by putting 
 himself above that level. Then repression must 
 necessarily follow. One of the greatest practical 
 difficulties in the way of establishing a perfect 
 common liberty has arisen in such cases ; when 
 numbers of people, though recognising the inordinate 
 ambition of some leader, have felt that, by adhering 
 to his fortunes and supporting his claims, they could 
 better their own condition, and have hence neglected 
 to take into account members of the community
 
 92 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 otherwise affiliated. Indeed, this idea has been 
 followed as a theory of society during the greater 
 part oT the world's history. 
 
 We next consider the effects of a proposed 
 change, as nearly as we can calculate them. This is 
 often a work of great difficulty ; and the inability to 
 foresee what consequences will ensue is a great in- 
 centive to conservatism, as no doubt it ought to be. 
 The situation is an especially perplexing one when 
 the immediate results of any action or course of 
 action are likely to be injurious, while the remote 
 effects seem certain to be beneficial. It was prob- 
 ably more conducive to the immediate welfare of the 
 American colonies on the eve of their rupture with 
 Great Britain to submit to unjust taxation than to 
 plunge into a great war. But the benefit to the pos- 
 terity of the colonists from the success of such a war 
 was incalculably great. The whole progress of civil- 
 isation has been attended with convulsions. Human- 
 ity's greatest triumphs have been achieved through 
 and after terrible woe to many who never profited by 
 their suffering. They were immolated that others 
 might live. And in the minds of those who contem- 
 plate the wreck and ruin, the blood and the agony 
 of a struggle even for a good cause, does there not 
 often arise a deep wonder whether the result accom- 
 plished was really worth such a terrible price ? And 
 if so, what right have we to sacrifice those who went 
 down to disaster for the benefit of a newer genera- 
 tion? Freedom, indeed, may be glorious, but of 
 what use is any larger liberty to the soldier who 
 perishes to gain it ?
 
 GENERAL PRINCirLES. 93 
 
 These are hard questions to answer satisfactorily. 
 For the present, it is sufFicient to observe that, 
 wheresoever our judgmenL may strike the balance of 
 moral equities, it is incumbent upon us in estimating 
 a proposed change to get clearly before our minds 
 all the facts possible as to the immediate and the 
 remote consequences of such change. It is a most 
 dangerous and reprehensible practice to adopt an ideal 
 of what we conceive to be a better state of thing's, 
 and pursue it without taking into account the effects 
 of the pursuit. If we see our goal it is not wise to 
 stampede for it. We may never reach it because of 
 the obstructions, and we ought to look to ascertain 
 upon whom we shall trample in the rush. If we will, 
 we can use the largest ideal of human welfare to 
 very great advantage ; bat only when applied in con- 
 nection with a discretive process of examining indi- 
 vidual circumstances and conditions, as they are, 
 over a wide extent, in space, and a long period of 
 time. 
 
 As the interests of proponents of change must be 
 regarded, in hke manner the interests of opponents 
 must be studied. Here, as in the other case, the 
 causes of opposition may be selfish or may lie in dis- 
 interested sentiments, and respecting them a line of 
 remark applies similar to that of the former para- 
 graphs. Opposition to any innovation, if it be egoistic, 
 may proceed from a clearly defined apprehension of 
 injury, or it may be the outcome of a disinclination to 
 be disturbed with only a confused perception of the 
 results likely to follow. This resistance of inertia 
 favours the let-welbenough-alone policies the world
 
 94: THE PKOMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 over, and gives rise to arguments against change 
 which are often extremely plausible. They are, 
 nevertheless, for tlie most part grounded in selfishness, 
 and the egoism which lurks in them should always be 
 exposed and allowed for. 
 
 Not only ought we to look at the effects of a 
 proposed reform, but also we should consider in that 
 connection the consequences of leaving things as they 
 are. No doubt there is often expediency in enduring 
 present ills rather than inconsiderately to fly to ills 
 of which we have not had experience, or which we 
 know not. We may clearly see that for want of 
 reformatory activity, disintegration of the social 
 organism is going on which will end in a catastrophe. 
 In such circumstances unwillingness to act and a for- 
 tiori resistance to well-directed activity under conser- 
 vative pleas are immoral and reprehensible. It is 
 the common liberty which is to be conserved, not 
 any particular system, custom, or institution. There 
 are frequently situations when to leave things as they 
 are is ruinous policy. To allow matters to take their 
 course means to permit them to go to destruction. 
 The ability to discriminate between those movements 
 which, though pronounced and positive, are yet 
 restorative or preventive of anarchical conditions and 
 those which are subversive of the social equilibrium, 
 is one of the very first necessities for a safe and sound 
 judgment upon political and social problems. In 
 view of a bad existing situation imperfect measures 
 may be much better than none at all. They may 
 arrest the dangerous tendency. Tliey may furnish a 
 basis for further improvement Half a loaf is better
 
 GENERAL PRINCIPLES. 95 
 
 than no bread. Often the beginning is half of the 
 whole work. 
 
 Finally, the probability of success or failure of a 
 proposed change should be thoroughly canvassed. 
 If the conditions are such that a movement will 
 result in certain failure, its inauguration and defeat 
 may be a decided obstacle in the way of an attempt 
 under better circumstances. This fact, however, 
 should not influence activity so far as to foreclose 
 effort to change the conditions themselves. And 
 inasmuch as no reform can ever be accomplished 
 unless it is brought before the minds of people, the 
 question of immediate success should not be raised 
 to prevent discussion and the education of men's 
 minds upon the subject. It is chiefly when more 
 decided action is contemplated that the danger of 
 failure should be carefully prognosticated and esti- 
 mated. Trial and failure, as well as trial and error, 
 may, indeed, have an educating effect ; but very 
 frequently the same degree of education may be 
 obtained at a much less expense. 
 
 In concluding this general survey, therefore ; in 
 addition to the principles declared near the beginning 
 of the chapter for determining the questions which 
 our subject suggests, we may lay down the following 
 general precepts, or directions, for conducting those 
 investigations whose results will enable us to decide 
 what our attitudes and conduct ought to be respect- 
 ing changes in the social order : 
 
 1. Ascertain the interests of the proponents and 
 measure the ecfoism and altruism in their motives.
 
 96 THE TROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 2. Follow the same course with recrard to the 
 opponents. 
 
 3. Determine as accurately as possible the proxi- 
 mate and immediate effects of the proposed change. 
 
 4. Determine similarly the remote and ultimate 
 consequences. 
 
 5. Consider the result of leaving things as they 
 are, and the relation the sucfo-ested chans^e bears to the 
 existing degree of common freedom. 
 
 6. Calculate the probabilities of success in accom- 
 plishing the change and the results of failure. 
 
 ?
 
 97 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE FORMATION OF OPINIONS. 
 
 The term ' freedom of thought ' is a common one, but 
 it is not ordinarily used with a correct appreciation 
 of its meaning. Thought is always free in the sense 
 that it is a product of mental spontaneity which can- 
 not be directly controlled by any one but the thinker. 
 How far and in what sense it can be controlled by 
 him is a question we need not enter into in this 
 treatise. But at all events laws commanding people 
 to think thus and forbidding them to think in some 
 other way are valueless. They cannot be enforced, 
 and it is quite possible to prevent anyone finding 
 out that they have been violated. The mind cannot 
 be chained. There can be no direct restriction upon 
 thinking. 
 
 Nevertheless, there can be a very effectual con- 
 straint imposed by various indirect means. A man's 
 thoughts are affected by associations, which are 
 determined by feeling and habit (speaking broadly), 
 themselves constituted in large measure by the c. tion 
 and reaction of the individual and his surroundings. 
 Of course, conduct, and indeed simple expression of 
 thought, may be restrained by other wills, and the 
 modification of conduct thus occasioned has its re- 
 flective effects upon the intellectual processes. It 
 
 H
 
 98 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL TROGKESS. 
 
 causes tlie formation of habits of association wliicli 
 exclude other associations. Certain channels of 
 thought are cut which are inevitably followed, inas- 
 much as they mark the lines of least resistance. Thus, 
 especially in early life, it is easy to teach people not 
 only to think for themselves, but also to think as some 
 one else thinks or would like to have them think. 
 
 As life advances the education of interest becomes 
 a still greater power. Men recognise that thought 
 ever tends to expression leading to further action, and 
 they often attempt to stifle their own thoughts when 
 the latter seem to be forcing them on to courses of 
 action apparently adverse to their interests. This 
 they will do by knowingly placing themselves in situ- 
 ations where a strong pressure will be brought to 
 bear upon them from without. Others are uncon- 
 sciously influenced by like motives, until finally, 
 perhaps to their surprise, they discover that their 
 opinions have wholly changed. Fear of untoward 
 consequences from holding certain beliefs will un- 
 doubtedly change those beliefs in many cases, and it 
 is not necessary to suppose any hypocrisy. Such a 
 supposition, indeed, would be very unjust. Similarly, 
 the hope of reward or emolument will influence 
 opinion even without the suspicion of such a cause on 
 the part of the convert. On tlie other hand, with 
 natures of a different kind the pressure of unfortu- 
 nate circumstances will stimulate thought. Great 
 oppression gives rise to schemes for achieving a 
 liberation. Eevolutionary attempts have usually 
 sprung from the lower classes, forced thereto b}^ in- 
 tolerable conditions. The despotism of authority has
 
 TJIIO FORMATION OF OPINIONS. 99 
 
 always begotten emancipatory movements in tlieoris- 
 ing and speculation. It is thus true that interest not 
 only will at times produce conservative thought, but 
 also will promote the most violent radicalism. 
 
 Therefore, ' freedom of thought,' if it means any- 
 thing at all, means such a condition of freedom of 
 expression and action as will admit of thought uncon- 
 strained by the fears growing out of personal interest. 
 Such a condition is one of equal rights before the law 
 and of individual liberty. Beyond this, that enslav- 
 ing of thought which is caused by the temptations of 
 emolument and sordid dispositions of one sort or 
 another is a matter which must be remedied by edu- 
 cation both of intellect and will. The same remark 
 is to be made respecting the effects of inherited ten- 
 dencies, dispositions created by violent prejudices 
 and the dominant power of evil appetites. 
 
 The limitations which society can put upon indi- 
 vidual radicalism in thought are hence limitations 
 upon expression and action (the discussion of which 
 I reserve for the following chapters), and the mould- 
 ing, governing influences of education. If a proper 
 education be effected in youth there would be little 
 need of governmental restraint upon adults ; but as 
 the former cannot always be secured there is a call 
 for the latter. At best, however, it is imperfect in 
 its operation. Laws are of little avail without a 
 sentiment which will sustain and enforce them. The 
 best form of government in theory is useless, save 
 where the controlling disposition of the community 
 is to uphold it. To see that as many citizens as 
 possible are possessed of such sentiments as will 
 
 H 2
 
 100 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 insure their position on the side of social order, 
 would therefore appear to be of prime importance. 
 
 It is not the purpose of this treatise to deal exten- 
 sively with the vast subject of Education which thus 
 presents itself before us, but I can hardly avoid 
 pointing out some directions in which the course of 
 education must move in order to create in the indi- 
 vidual mind the power to produce valuable thought 
 and useful action. First and foremost, it must be 
 made evident and practically insisted upon that the 
 chief end of education is the formation of a self-know- 
 ing and self-regulating character with altruistic dis- 
 positions. The mere communication of knowledge is 
 not enough. The control of the feelings and voli- 
 tions is requisite. In order that a man may be of 
 the most use both to himself and to his fellows, he 
 must have developed such a mental constitution as 
 will enable his emotions and his will to respond to a 
 proper intellectual stimulus and refuse to respond to 
 an improper one. Nor is this all. Habits of feeling 
 and volition themselves determine intellectual associa- 
 tions. As a person is in such respects, so does he 
 think. We are very much inclined to underestimate 
 the influence of habits of action other than intellec- 
 tual upon the intellectual processes, though when we 
 come to consider the matter such an influence is 
 readily seen to be inevitable. Everybody, for in- 
 stance, recognises the fact that the sybarite is gene- 
 rally a conservative, because of his indolence. His 
 liabit of life is opposed to activity. He takes what 
 is within his reach and enjoys the pleasures of rest, 
 but has a horror of anything which disturbs his
 
 THE FORMATION OF OPINIONS. 101 
 
 peare. For similar reasons old people are ver}- con- 
 servative. The same fact is illustrated on the other 
 side in many ways ; very conspicuously in the readi- 
 ness displayed by professional soldiers to glorify war, 
 and their comparative insensibility to its fearful im- 
 morality. Their ideas on this subject are largely 
 controlled by their mode of life. 
 
 Hence, one great obstacle in the way of the for- 
 mation of trustworthy opinions is the inability of the 
 average individual to understand the motive causes 
 of his beliefs. He lacks the capacity to be suspicious 
 of himself He is not willing to ask. How do I come 
 to entertain this view ? Nor has he the patience to 
 answer such a question. He suppresses the inquiry 
 at once, and if another makes it he feels insulted. 
 He will not allow even to himself his own selfishness. 
 A proposition is true because he maintains it. A 
 measure is right because he has come to favour it, 
 though he does not know why and will not examine 
 himself to find out. 
 
 Now it is quite impossible to arrive at theoretical 
 truth or to determine the practical value of any pro- 
 posed change, if our minds are to be swayed by 
 influences whose force we cannot measure, and of 
 which, indeed, we are scarcely conscious. Such a 
 situation exists not only among savages but also in 
 civilised and intellectual persons. It is then of the 
 highest importance to educate people into the habit 
 of self-inquiry that they may have sufficient self- 
 knowledge to estimate the influence of the personal 
 factor in the development of their opinions. Self- 
 knowledge is a necessary preliminary to self-control,
 
 102 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 and he who is not master of himself has not reached 
 a degree of manhood which will enable him to realise 
 his own ends, much less to become a useful member 
 of society. 
 
 Of course human selfishness is the root of the 
 evil. The statesman well knows that in proposing a 
 measure to be adopted or rejected by popular suffrage, 
 or by the votes of a legislative assembly, he has to 
 base his calculations of its success upon the opinions 
 of the voters as likely to be formed upon their 
 interests, rather than on any broad view of the 
 general welfare. If he gets them even to act accord- 
 ing to what they believe to be the interest of their 
 own narrow constituencies, he has accomplished a 
 great deal. The art of practical politics respecting 
 measures has become largely a balancing and trading 
 of interests, in which the advantage of a small class 
 dominates that of the whole community. It is true 
 that diverse interests will often counterbalance and 
 check each other, but the intelligent statesman of 
 high purpose never will give up the hope of in- 
 spiring the people with an honest desire to secure 
 the welfare of the whole organism by the adoption of 
 political measures which shall apply to all consis- 
 tently, rather than to rest content with the crude and 
 unsatisfactory method of offsetting one man's selfish 
 claims by those of another. 
 
 Neither self-knowledge nor self-control can be 
 attained without thorough discipline in early life. 
 For this both the training of the family and that of 
 the school are necessary. In a free country the idea 
 is apt to prevail that a child should be suffered to
 
 THE FORMATION OF OPINIONS. 103 
 
 grow up with as little interference as possible ; that 
 his inclinations should be favoured, all his desires 
 gratified, and his self-assertion overlooked. No doc- 
 trine could be more dangerous and no practice more 
 damaging. The habit of denying self, preferring 
 others and working for others, should be acquired in 
 the first twelve years of life in order to insure the 
 formation of such a character as will make the urown- 
 up man and Avoman act according to those maxims 
 whose universality as law they can at the same time 
 voluntarily decree. Charity begins at home and in 
 childhood. In the absence of a discipline of self- 
 repression, maturity will show a character in which 
 the satisfaction of self is the chief end. If it is not 
 brutally selfish, it is likely to be of the rule-or-ruin 
 order. It will lack that self-distrust which we have 
 just been commending as necessary even for self- 
 knowledge. With such a person there is little tolera- 
 tion of the opinions of others. Those plans are good 
 which he advocates, but measures lose all their ex- 
 cellence when he cannot have the credit of proposing 
 or leadership in promoting them. The w^orld must 
 revolve around him and a feudal relationship esta- 
 blished between him as lord and the rest of the com- 
 munity as feudaries. Such a type of man is certainly 
 of limited vision, and of still more limited usefulness 
 to his fellows. 
 
 Systems of state education have many enemies, 
 coming too from very different quarters. It is a 
 curious spectacle to behold Herbert Spencer and the 
 Eoman Catholic priesthood joining hands in a crusade 
 against public schools. To me, the maintenance of
 
 104 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 such schools seems of the utmost importance on the 
 very ground upon which all government action is 
 primarily justified, namely, that of security. Why 
 security requires that they be upheld has been made 
 sufficiently apparent in the foregoing pages ; a full 
 consideration of the matter is hardly within the scope 
 of this treatise. But allowing that a system of public 
 instruction is justified, it ought to be made efficient, 
 and accorded a place among the governmental depart- 
 ments commensurate with its importance. This can 
 never be while the salaries of those in charge of edu- 
 cational institutions are so ridiculously insufficient. 
 Surely the head of a large school in a city performs 
 a service to the community as valuable as that of a 
 clerk of court, or of a municipal department, or even 
 a police magistrate. But comparisons of the schedules 
 of compensation will reveal, I venture to say, that 
 the positions of the latter are generally more advan- 
 tageous. The effect of inadequate compensation to 
 practical educators is twofold. It prevents the com- 
 munity from securing and retaining the best talent in 
 the profession, unless there is a universal equality of 
 low salaries. Moreover, it discourages persons of the 
 highest abilities from attempting to find a satisfactory 
 career in educational work. Its importance is belittled 
 to the great detriment of the public interest. It 
 promises neither wealth, honour, nor fame. I cannot 
 but think that the failure to properly recognise the 
 high value of schools, colleges and universities ; to 
 provide amply for their maintenance and extension as 
 a matter of public policy ; to remunerate teachers and 
 superintendents, and honour them as other public
 
 THE FORMATION OF OPINIONS. 105 
 
 servants, is a reproach to any civilisation that claims 
 to base itself upon the principles of common liberty 
 and security. 
 
 It is not alone the egoism of personal interest nor 
 the desire for personal supremacy that stands in the 
 way of the formation of correct opinions respecting 
 change and conservation. Minds are terribly warped 
 by sympathies and antipathies of many sorts. 
 Likes and dislikes of individuals, family ties, party 
 affiliations, religious sentiments, aesthetic susceptibili- 
 ties — all control action to so prevailing a degree as to 
 override the considerations which reason declares 
 ought to prevail. The world seems to like enthusiasms 
 of all kinds. The man whose feelings are strong and 
 who manifests them in his action commands attention 
 and elicits admiration. Even if his cause be deemed 
 a bad one, he is praised for his zeal. He sways other 
 men's minds and is extolled even by his enemies. It 
 is generally considered that without the zealot's ardour, 
 which concentrates itself upon the object sought 
 and cannot be diverted, no reform can be accom- 
 plished. Every movement for better things must have 
 some Peter the Hermit to lead it, or it will fail. Till 
 human feelings are powerfully affected, it is said, no 
 thorousjh nor valuable work can be done. 
 
 A character controlled by its emotional states 
 might be well enough, if we were sure that the emo- 
 tions were aroused on proper occasion and their force 
 rightly expended. But the power of emotion is 
 usually attained only at the sacrifice of powers of 
 discernment and discretion. Intellectual strenc^th 
 comes through a process of checking and repressing
 
 106 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 emotions. He wlio is at the mercy of waves or 
 gusts of feeling cannot look comprehensively. His pas- 
 sion possesses him; and self-direction and self-control 
 are made difficult. In such a state he does not learn 
 anything ; he simply puts forth impinging or resisting 
 force. Sometimes force thus developed accomplishes 
 surprising results. If the results are good, it is a 
 matter for congratulation ; but we have no guaranty 
 that at the next ebullition the consequences will not 
 be j)ernicious. 
 
 UjDon the whole, it seems to be very evident that 
 strongly emotional characters ought to be discouraged, 
 that as intelligence increases in the world they will be 
 more rare, and that this circumstance is one to be 
 rejoiced over rather than lamented. No doubt, in 
 such case, the heroic virtues seem to be abated ; but 
 the business of the state will be done better, the social 
 organism will be healthier, and the world will be the 
 gainer thereby. 
 
 The inevitable effect of a concentration of sym- 
 pathies is to narrow the circle of their application. 
 Intensity is gained and extensiveness is lost. Without 
 doubt altruism must begin somewhere. If I am to 
 love my neighbours generally I must commence by 
 loving some one of them. That, however, is no reason 
 why my regard should stop with him ; nor is my 
 conduct less laudable if I distribute my good offices 
 among many. In loving one we do not thereby love 
 all ; we limit our usefulness and perform an incom- 
 plete service for humanity. 
 
 It is often said that the deep feelings which the 
 family relationship inspires are the most noble of
 
 THE FORMATION OF OPINIONS. 107 
 
 which human nature is susceptible. But it is also 
 said in the same connection that family affection is the 
 true type of the feeling we ought to cherish toward 
 all mankind. Yet no one W'Ould expect that a 
 European who loves his son would entertain the same 
 regard for the Hottentot whom he has seen for the 
 first or hundredth time. The truth is that altruism, 
 the humane, the Christian character, is measured not 
 by intensity of emotion, but by conduct. Abou ben 
 Adhem is revealed by deeds not by phrensy. 
 
 Therefore, if emotion supplies raw material, in- 
 telligence must work it up ; if feeling gives the 
 dynamite, 'the intellect must fashion, point and fire 
 the gun. If there be concentration it should be under 
 intellectual supervision ; for ' the commandment of 
 knowledge is yet higher than the commandment over 
 the will ; for it is a commandment over the reason, 
 belief, and understanding of man, which is the highest 
 part of the mind and giveth law to the will itself; 
 for there is no power on earth, which setteth up a 
 throne, or chair of state, in the spirits and souls of 
 men, and in their cogitations, imaginations, opinions 
 and beliefs, but knowledge and learning.' ^ 
 
 Beautiful as is the mutual love shown in a well- 
 ordered family, it often seems to be the cause of a very 
 marked distortion of intellectual vision. Every mar- 
 ried couple's child, for example, is the best in the 
 neighbourhood. No other ever had or is likely to 
 have such perfections ; and this is loudly announced 
 in the style of the hen, which cackles when she has laid 
 an egg. Nor is it a matter of mere playfulness. The 
 
 ^ Bacon : Of the Proficiency and Advancement of Learning,
 
 108 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 claims made are believed in ; and while to others they 
 appear ridiculous, their assertion is deemed a merit. 
 So in more important things the virtues of kindred 
 are frequently exaggerated, they are pressed forward 
 in their careers, their interests are furthered, without 
 much reference to their capabilities or to considera- 
 tions of natural justice. 
 
 I do not mention these things because they are of 
 so much consequence in themselves, but because they 
 are symptomatic of a disposition inimical to the 
 formation of correct opinions and the development 
 of a well-balanced mind. It may be observed with 
 justice that instances of bitter hatred in families, and 
 oppositions arising out of family jealousies, are as 
 numerous as those of a contrary nature. This very 
 fact, how^ever, supplies another argument against the 
 permission of emotional domination. For, if sym- 
 pathies are strong, antipathies will also be strong. 
 The sympathetic nature is the one capable of the 
 most intense malevolence. He who is most madly in 
 love is the most uncontrollably jealous. ' Hell hath 
 no fury like a woman scorned.' It is the warm friend 
 that becomes the savage enemy. The one who 
 devotes himself most fervently to his party has less 
 charity for his opponents. The most zealous is the 
 most intemperate and implacable. Yet people of 
 such characters are admired for their virtues, while 
 those of judicial and moderate temperaments are 
 decried. The strong partisan is applauded, the 
 ' Mugwump ' is hated. 
 
 The influence of these sympathetic and anti- 
 pathetic sentiments is exceedingly subtle and far-
 
 THE FORMATION OF OPINIONS. 100 
 
 reaching. It avails to create that despotism of 
 authority which we have found to be so pernicious. 
 It is liard to see any good in a person we for any rea- 
 son disUke ; but to one witli whom we are pleased 
 we are ever ready to lend a listening ear. It is 
 generally the case that popular endorsement of opin- 
 ions depends not upon the opinions themselves, but 
 upon the person who utters them. Every one knows 
 how difficult it is for a man unknown or disliked to 
 get a hearing. No attention is paid to what he says. 
 In politics the advocates of a measure always seek 
 for some one of influence and popularity to present 
 it, quite irrespective of its intrinsic merits. In lite- 
 rature it usuall}" takes long years of patient labour 
 before an author's productions will be looked at. The 
 brilliant tyro will find his meritorious poem con- 
 signed to the editor's waste-basket, while every line 
 of a Tennyson in his dotage is eagerly printed and 
 read. This is certainly a lamentable state of things. 
 Progress has been hindered by it to an incalculable 
 degree. Because of it, reforms have had to slumber 
 for years and centuries ; and there can be no manner 
 of doubt that the world has been immensely the 
 loser by reason of the blighting, crushing power of 
 established personal authority upon that exuberance 
 of mental vitality which makes youth the most active 
 period of life. Not that crudity in political measures, 
 in literature or the arts, should be encouraged ; but 
 that what is produced should be judged upon its 
 merits, not by our ideas and feelings respecting the 
 producer. It is conceivable that a convict might 
 write a good treatise on moral philosophy ; but who
 
 110 THE rUOJMOTlON OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 would read it except from curiosity ? Nevertheless 
 the world ought to recognise truth, whoever brings 
 it forward. We often hear it remarked that this one 
 or that, by reason of youth, inexperience, bad cha- 
 racter, low rank, is not entitled to be heard. What 
 matters it who the messenger is ? The message is 
 what concerns us. The truth at the bottom of the 
 well, the gem in the mire, the good that is in 
 Nazareth, are things not to be neglected because of 
 their circumstances. The lesson of the life of Jesus 
 ought to teach us this, if nothing else does. 
 
 The overwhelming weight of personal authority 
 in all the various fields of its operation is sustained 
 largely by the prevalence of a sentiment, which is 
 generally considered highly creditable to human 
 nature. I refer to Loyalty. Poets, orators, teachers 
 of every sort have extolled this trait of character in 
 the most extravagant terms. Its opposite is esteemed 
 base, contemptible, and worthy of all rejDrobation. 
 But on analysing the sentiment in question we dis- 
 cover that the essence of it is devotion to a person 
 regarded as sovereign, who is the source and the 
 judge of law, whose commands are binding because 
 they are the king's word. The merit is in following 
 the person, not in approving the command as just. 
 It is just because the lord decrees it. Thus the king 
 can do no wrong, and the highest proof of loyalty is 
 a continuance of adoration and service under conduct 
 which would naturally arouse disapproval or rebel- 
 lion. Under the control of such a feeling brave and 
 noble men have gone unflinchingly to their death, 
 happy in their agony, if oidy they have had an
 
 THE FORMATION OF OPINIONS. Ill 
 
 a])proving glances from their master. And, sadder lo 
 relate, inspired by like enthiisiasra, fanatical hero- 
 worshippers have led their luckless fellow-men to tor- 
 ture, to the stake, the block, the gallows, persuaded 
 that they were but doing justice and punishing for 
 heinous crime. 
 
 In precisely tlie same way sentiments are organ- 
 ised in favour of associations, which are then per- 
 sonified. The political or religious party, the 
 fraternity, the guild, are made objects of fetichistic 
 worship. The defects of the organisation, its errors, 
 its wroncf-doiniTS are blinked, while its excellences 
 are magnified, and all glory and honour are ascribed 
 to it. He who brings as an offering the blindest zeal, 
 who is loudest in praise without stint or discrimina- 
 tion, is the most worthy ; while the man who doubts, 
 who is lukewarm, or who ventures to oppose within 
 the society, is viewed with suspicion or branded as a 
 traitor. 
 
 The same thing is often seen in national affairs. 
 ' Our country right or wrong,' is still the motto 
 which receives most favour. It matters not if acts 
 of aggression are to be committed, if international 
 law is to be violated, or the commands of the higher 
 law of universal charity are to be set aside. Patriot- 
 ism laughs at such things. Multitudes rally, the 
 pulpit, the press, the rostrum shout the battle-cry ; 
 the best blood of the nation goes forth ; homes con- 
 tribute their choicest manhood ; acclamations sound 
 and resound. Over what ? Perhaps that ruin and de- 
 vastation, death and destruction fall upon other homes, 
 another people, whose cause is after all the just one.
 
 112 THE PKOMOnON OF SOCIAL mOGRESS. 
 
 To him for whom the world is his country these 
 things are inexpressibly sad. They bring bitterness 
 to the soul. Must it always be thus ? Will not the 
 broader vision ever come ? Will not the mirage fade 
 and the real city of perfect humanity ever appear ? 
 It will not, so long as such delusions as I have been 
 commenting upon are allowed to infect men's minds. 
 So long as false theories of morality, disguised forms 
 of absolutism, fetiches in politics, religion, philosophy, 
 literature, art, are permitted to form sentiments and 
 dominate conduct, so long must we anticipate a re- 
 petition of such deplorable events. Yet it must not 
 be forgotten that a vast improvement has been already 
 effected since history began, and that all the signs 
 point to a more rapid, and still more wonderful, march 
 of progress. The main thing for us is not to mistake 
 the significance of the conditions and the various 
 movements of our own day and generation, lest we 
 unwittingly hinder where we would help and obstruct 
 where we would advance the beneficial course of 
 social evolution. 
 
 In view of the foregoing considerations, no one 
 need lament the decadence of the sacredness of 
 authority, of loyalty as a primary virtue, or even of 
 unrestrained and intemperate patriotism. That there 
 is a very marked diminution of the force of such 
 sentiments in many directions, no one can doubt. 
 Eeverence for institutions and for persons in some 
 quarters seems to be extinct. This, to be sure, has 
 its disadvantages, but on the whole the effect is 
 highly salutary. So long as rights of person and 
 property are not held in light esteem, a refusal to
 
 THE FORMATION OF OPINIONS. 113 
 
 erect any one man on a pedestal above liis fellows, 
 and a disposition to bring him down if lie puts him- 
 self there, are in furtherance of the common freedom 
 and the general welfare. 
 
 One of the most strikins^ evidences of the chanjze 
 that is going on in the direction of the equalisation of 
 power, is the decline of oratory, which the superficial 
 observer and critic so often laments, but which in 
 reality is a matter for congratulation. The strength 
 of oratory lies in the appeal to the feelings. It may 
 or may not be necessary to convince by argument ; 
 if it is, making the worse appear the better reason is 
 no mean part of the art. But the real power of the 
 orator lies in his ability to move the wills of men 
 through their emotions, thereby dispensing with 
 reasoning. Now" it is only the less highly developed 
 mind wdiicli can thus be played upon. In the Indian 
 war-dance we have the primitive type of the ora- 
 torical art. The mind is swayed this way or that by 
 touching this or that spring of feeling. An ecstasy, 
 a fervour, a fine phrensy is aroused which issues in 
 action in the desired direction. To be sure, the 
 Greeks, attaining an eminent degree of cultivation, 
 w^ere susceptible to oratory, and carried it to its 
 highest perfection. But with them the aesthetic was 
 developed at the expense of the moral. They 
 admired the beautiful for itself without regard to 
 utilities. They enjoyed the titillation of the sensi- 
 bilities, which beautiful phrases, fine figures, and 
 elegant address produced. Moreover, they were not 
 scientific, and cared little for facts. If they were 
 not, as was charged upon the Cretans, all ' slow- 
 
 I
 
 Il4 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 bellies ' ; tliey were most of them liars. The truth 
 was not in them, and they hated it. A true propo- 
 sition stood no chance in their minds beside a lie 
 contained in a well-turned period. They were not a 
 well-balanced people. They were aesthetic savages, 
 who mobbed their best men and glorified their bullies 
 and rascals. 
 
 The growing indifference to public affairs dis- 
 played by many of the most intelligent and prosperous 
 people, in the United States at least, though certainly 
 an evil, may justifiably give rise to some optimistic 
 reflections. For the chief cause of this neglect is the 
 influence of the notion that governing has ceased to 
 be a good business. Instead of furnishing an oppor- 
 tunity for a glorious career of personal aggrandise- 
 ment, governmental administration has become con- 
 stabulary work. It is much better to hire men to 
 manage public affairs than to take the time and 
 undergo the trouble oneself. For me, the man of 
 wealth and culture reasons, there is neither pleasure 
 nor profit in it. If there be an emergency, I can go 
 to the front : but in all likelihood I shall not need to 
 disturb m3^self. What if affairs are sometimes mis- 
 managed ? The damage is less than if I were to give 
 up my business or my pleasure to take active part in 
 public affairs. 
 
 Now, that siaeh an attitude is very reprehensible 
 and dangerous to the public safety, we do not need 
 to argue. But it never would be adopted, save under 
 conditions which are themselves healthful. It indi- 
 cates the possession of a; true theory of statecraft, 
 namely, that the government is an agency and not
 
 THE FORMATION OF OPINIONS. 115 
 
 the expression of a sovereignty ; that the pubhc 
 officer is an employe with no vested rights in his 
 office ; that he is, if you please, a hired servant ; and 
 that the private station is, selfishly considered, the 
 better. Then, if maladministration occurs and things 
 go wrong, let us not commit the error of wishing 
 for a return of the old notions of sovereignty and 
 fealty, of the inherent sacredness of authority and 
 office, of reverence and worship as oblations to supe- 
 riors. Let us work rather in the direction of arousing 
 an interest to require that our public servants do 
 their work well, that the rules of private business 
 govern their selection and the performance of their 
 duty. Let us strive to make it appear that every 
 one is injuriously affected by inefficiency and mal- 
 feasance, and endeavour to impress upon those who 
 do enter the public service the truest idea and re- 
 sponsibility, which belongs to the highest and most 
 important agencies. 
 
 To sum up the lesson which it is the object of 
 this chapter to convey — self-knowledge and self-con- 
 trol in individuals are prime necessities for the creation 
 and sustenance of such opinions as will furnish reliable 
 guides to that conduct which the social ideal re- 
 quires. The habit of being suspicious of the correct- 
 ness of one's positions and of the justice of one's sym- 
 pathies and antipathies ought to be systematically cul- 
 tivated. To this end there ought to be effected an 
 abatement of the power of emotions over conduct and 
 character. If the time ever comes when everybody's 
 opinions are perfectly right and just, we need not 
 
 I 2
 
 116 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 trouble ourselves much about their feelings : but until 
 that happy day arrives we should not forget that 
 powerful sentiments of sympathy and antipathy are 
 very often serious obstacles in the way of making 
 human beings see and do the truth.
 
 117 
 
 . CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 THE EXPRESSION OP OPINIONS. 
 
 In order to find out whether one's opinions are cor- 
 rect or not, it is well to express them. Other people's 
 estimates can then be obtained, comparisons instituted, 
 errors detected, deficiencies supplied. But with the 
 most of mankind the purpose of such expression is 
 not so much to get more light, to revise and correct, 
 as it is to enforce their views. They like to lay down 
 the law and have their auditors accept it. The result of 
 letting others know what we think hence results in dis- 
 cussion essentially polemical, with anxiety on both sides 
 to maintain one's own thesis and to put to rout the an- 
 tagonist. This is not always profitable, but it induces 
 mutual respect, makes persons aware of their limita- 
 tions, and develops very frequently some disposition to 
 reconsider, if only to discover more potent and deadly 
 arguments for the next encounter. At any rate intel- 
 lectual activity is stimulated ; and that is a great gain. 
 The effect on all concerned would seem to be salutary. 
 Nevertheless, it has always been a hard matter to 
 secure liberty of expression, or even toleration. It is 
 easy to see why tyrants and absolutists should not 
 want opinions adverse to them to be expressed, 
 because, of course, such expression more or less 
 endangers their domination. It is perfectly logical
 
 118 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 for tlie Czar of All the Eussias to estal)lisli a censor- 
 ship over the press and over oral utterances. On his 
 theory of government, he would be very foolish not 
 to exercise it. But there are some people who do 
 not pretend to be supporters of autocracy, who, 
 nevertheless, believe in some such censorship on 
 grounds of general utility. To such, a word is to be 
 said. I do not propose, however, to waste time or 
 space in arguing that liberty of speech would be 
 desirable for the Czar's government. It would be 
 just as reasonable to claim that the burglar shoidd 
 allow the awakened sleeper to shout and arouse the 
 neighbourhood. The burglar's only course is to 
 knock the man on the head, or smother him. So of 
 the autocrat, who occupies to society the position of 
 an armed robber. He maintains himself only by 
 force, and it would be exceedingly silly for him to let 
 the hue-and-cry be raised against him. No doubt 
 there are reasons of policy which will at times com- 
 mend themselves to a despot, for allowing expressions 
 of opinion on a political matter, especially when he is 
 pretty well assured what the opinion will be. But 
 that is not liberty ; and nothing fit to be characterised 
 as such has ever been recognised or permitted to exist 
 institutionally by any absolute monarch, or by any 
 ruler of absolutist tendencies, if he could help it. 
 
 In the United States and in Great Britain freedom 
 of expression is, with some few exceptions, guaranteed 
 bylaw, and public sentiment favours it on the whole, 
 though by no means uniformly and consistently. Yet it 
 is often permitted even to the extent of personal abuse 
 of an outrageous character. For this, indeed, there is
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 119 
 
 a remedy in a suit for damages or even in a criminal 
 proceeding, though comparatively speaking these are 
 not availed of Avitli frecj^uency. Tlie writer once 
 heard the Prince of Wales reviled in the streets of 
 London by an elderly man who yelled forth the most 
 obnoxious epithets almost beside the carriage convey- 
 ing the Prince to the Guildhall. Police were near by 
 and heard the utterances, but the person was not 
 molested. I think if the same thing had occurred 
 in New" York, and the object of spleen had been the 
 President, the Governor, or the Mayor, the offender 
 would surely have gone to prison. Still it is better to 
 err on the side of free speech than against it. Every- 
 thing considered, the law in the United States on this 
 subject is in the main satisfactory. A prominent ex- 
 ception is the blasphemy statutes remaining in some 
 states ; but these are substantially obsolete — relics of 
 ignorance whose vitality is gone. Another exception 
 is what are termed the Comstock laws, against obscene 
 literature. While no objection can be offered to 
 reasonable preventive measures against the exhibition 
 and sale of indecent publications, the provisions of 
 these laws are so stringent and fanatical as to be in 
 derogation of social and individual liberty. Again, 
 there has been a disposition recently manifested to 
 restrain the utterance of language inciting to riot by 
 decreeing criminal penalties. The provocation for 
 such legislation has been sometimes very great, but 
 it may well be doubted if it be wise. It is dangerous 
 business to attempt to muzzle people. In Great 
 Britain similar measures have gone beyond all the 
 bounds of propriety, save on the robber-baron theory.
 
 120 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 The student of tlie course of social progress and 
 the seeker for the best methods of promoting it must 
 consider the subject of the expression of opinions in 
 its broadest aspect and its widest relations. Such 
 a consideration cannot fail (so far as I am able 
 to judge) to disclose the paramount importance to 
 the state of both permitting and sanctifying the ut- 
 most freedom of expression. It is not enough that 
 such liberty be legalised ; it must be approved by 
 the general sentiment of the community to the 
 extent that he who makes unpopular utterances 
 may do so without fear of any untoward conse- 
 quences to himself by reason of unjust prejudices 
 and antipathies. 
 
 Of the many defences of liberty of expression two 
 stand forth conspicuously for their excellence. One 
 is Samuel Bailey's essay ' On the Publication of 
 Opinions ' ; the other, Mill's ' Liberty.' For an ad- 
 mirably clear presentation of the advantages to the 
 state of free speech and the disadvantages of any 
 interference by law with its expression, both of these 
 treatises are worthy of high commendation. Mill's 
 work is generally read ; but the other, I fear, is not, 
 thouo;h it ought to be by every one who needs to be 
 educated on this subject. It will be a great pity if 
 either is suffered to fall into neglect. In consequence 
 of the existence of these essays I shall make this 
 chapter considerably shorter than I should otherwise, 
 hoping that the reader who is not familiar with them 
 will have the interest to study the treatises mentioned. 
 But there are some observations which I shall venture 
 to make as especially pertinent to the present times
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 121 
 
 and to circuinstajices where li])erly of expression is 
 supposably secured by law. 
 
 It cannot too often be brought to our attention 
 that laws to be efficacious must have a supporting 
 sentiment in the minds of the people, and that it is a 
 part of the business of good citizens to look out for the 
 cultivation of such a sentiment. There is a special 
 application of this truth to the topic now before us. 
 It often occurs that a man may express unpopular 
 opinions and be quite safe from the jail, while he is 
 so thoroughly condemned by public or private feeling 
 as to be avoided like a leper. He is supposed to be 
 morally guilty and is deemed unfit for good society. 
 This does not fulfil the ideal of social liberty as 
 related to the expression of opinion. 
 
 Such a thing usually happens with respect to 
 opinions which are reprobated by some established 
 authority, or when excitement runs high at some 
 political crisis. An attack upon orthodox religious 
 beliefs illustrates the first, while the second is exem- 
 plified in the case of the man who attempts to stem 
 the tide sweeping a nation on to a war which 
 patriotic feeling favours. In either case sentiment, 
 not calm reason, rules. There is no thought of the 
 propriety of balancing arguments. There is no moral 
 condition of mind. The spirit of the tiger, or of tjie 
 human murderer, prevails ; and there is no place for 
 either truth or justice. 
 
 The case in favour of liberty of expression is 
 briefly this. By shutting people's mouths we cannot 
 prevent their thoughts. Restriction will generally 
 make them more obstinate in their opinions and more
 
 122 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 active in covertly proiiiulgatiiig tliem. If it does not 
 have this effect, it will quench their mental enthu- 
 siasm and make them of less value to the community. 
 If the opinion which is reprobated is erroneous, there 
 is no more sure way of preventing its injurious effects 
 than to give it a thorough ventilation. The more 
 publicity the better. Declared in secret it will in- 
 fect other men's minds and work harm ; proclaimed 
 openly, its proper counteractions will be discovered 
 and brought to bear. If, on the other hand, the 
 opinion is true, it ought to be expressed ; and oppo- 
 sition to it, if its truth be known, can only come from 
 knavishness. If its truth is uncertain, the way to 
 resolve the uncertainty is to have it communicated 
 and discussed. On all accounts, public policy demands 
 that the expression of opinions be free. 
 
 Is there to be, then, no restraint whatever imposed 
 on what people shall say ? Must there be no social 
 inhibitions ? Must we tolerate the ' crank ' and accord 
 him honour ? Must we listen to ideas which outrage 
 all our best feelings ? Are indecency, treason, and 
 irreligion to be allowed full freedom for their blatant 
 utterances? 
 
 These questions cannot be answered categorically. 
 In the first place, the law of libel and slander is per- 
 fectly reasonable and proper. No man shall use his 
 liberty of expression to injure another in reputation 
 or in property. The common freedom requires this, 
 as much as it demands that one person shall not beat 
 another, or steal his purse, whether thereby he steals 
 trash or valuables. Again, decency is a matter of 
 common liberty ; and the protection of the young is
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 123 
 
 alwa3^s a subject for state solicitude. I'ublic in- 
 decency of speech, then, furnishes a legitimate cause 
 of regulation ; though, as before remarked, there is 
 great danger of undue fanaticism upon this point. 
 But here are two classes of cases in which there 
 can be little doubt that governmental restraint is 
 justifiable. 
 
 Those who believe in equal rights and who re- 
 cognise in the government, not a sovereignty but an 
 agency of the community, will find no warrant for 
 prohibiting any criticism of political measures or 
 administration. In this lies the security of free 
 states. Remedies for personal libels ought still to 
 exist, but suggestions of all sorts, wise or foolish, 
 sane or rabid, should be allowed full vent. Better 
 let the mob orator alone, till he has committed some 
 overt act, or until the danger is very imminent ; then 
 let him talk on with an abundance of police standing 
 by to keep the peace. The chances are greatly that 
 the pent-up wrath will be dissipated in the expendi- 
 ture of breath. But the moment that order is broken 
 or immediately threatened, it is time for interference ; 
 and that interference should be prompt and decisive. 
 
 John Morley's warning in his work on ' Compro- 
 mise,' that we ought to preserve always the right of 
 expressing disapprobation as well as approbation, 
 comes to mind very pertinently in connection with 
 the question how much force should be allowed to 
 social sentiments respecting opinions and their hold- 
 ers. If a person expresses ideas which are ridi- 
 culous, it is human nature to laugh at them. No 
 one likes to see an ass mounted on a platform,
 
 124 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 crowned with laurel txnd rereiving the adulation of 
 the multitude. Nor does the principle of freedom of 
 expression require this. But even the idiot has the 
 right to enjoy his own idiocy. It is not necessar}^ to 
 trample on him nor to ignore his lucid intervals. He 
 may be able to work ; he ought not to be denied a 
 living. He may be useful to his family, and they 
 should not be made to suffer for his shortcomings. 
 It takes all sorts of people to make a world, and 
 miiversal charity is the law of moral conduct. 
 
 The trouble is not so much, in the cases of intel- 
 lectual imbeciles, on account of their imbecility as 
 because of an incorrigible self-assertion which often 
 accompanies it. The more dense their ignorance, the 
 more intolerant they are themselves apt to be. They 
 insist upon being heard in season and out of season, 
 and upon obtruding their own personality everywhere. 
 Such people must be snubbed. Everyone has a right 
 to his own companions for speaking and hearing. He 
 is not obliged to submit to having his intelligence 
 insulted, nor to undergo the physical pain of inane 
 speech roared about his ears. Social ethics do not 
 impose such a hard rule ; it is quite enough if he 
 refrain from assaulting the offender. 
 
 The evil of social intolerance does not principally 
 spring from contempt of crude notions put forward 
 by the obviously feeble-minded, or from impatience 
 at that class of individuals known as ' cranks.' It 
 arises from too uncompromising antagonism against 
 those of opposite views who are able enough to be 
 feared. John Stuart Mill remarks very justly that 
 offence to those whose opinion is attacked is usually
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 125 
 
 ' given whenever the attack is teUing and powerful, 
 and that every opponent who pushes them hard, and 
 whom they find it difficult to answer, appears to 
 them, if he shows any strong feeling on the subject, 
 an intemperate opponent.' ^ Such a state of mind is 
 frequently exhibited by clergymen, when either their 
 doctrines or their methods are criticised. Like a 
 great man's lackey, though their master be humble 
 and candid, they appear to think it necessary to be 
 themselves arrogant and censorious. Still more pro- 
 nounced is this same spirit in political life. It is 
 shameful beyond expression that men, in other things 
 sensible, display such utter absence of candour, such 
 absolute disregard of truth, such bitter animosities, 
 such a narrow view of conditions, such a callous 
 insensibility to the interests of the country they 
 profess to serve, as appears every day in the words 
 and actions of ' statesmen ' in more than one country 
 of the civilised world. Their business is to weigh 
 matters ; in fact, they simply follow their party. 
 They take an oath to serve their country ; they 
 sacrifice the latter to defeat their opponents and to 
 secure the triumph of their own organisation. More 
 than this, they abuse and vilify their adversaries 
 unsparingly. What those in high places do, their 
 adherents in humbler station revel in licentiously. 
 Were it not that their extreme course defeated their 
 own ends and destroyed the force of their utterances, 
 the consequences might be very disastrous. As it is, 
 they are damaging enough. The average political 
 campaign is a series of disgraces to the community 
 
 ' On Liberty, ch. ii.
 
 126 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL TROGRESS. 
 
 which has to go through with its exhibitions of sordid, 
 untruthful, and malevolent human nature. It makes 
 one ashamed of his kind, and causes him to wonder 
 if there are ten just men in Sodom. 
 
 The true way to promote that charity which issues 
 in just deference to those who differ from us is to 
 multiply the occasions of social communication. 
 From one course and another personal contact tends 
 to develop respect. The presence of another person- 
 alit}^ softens the asperities of our thought and tempers 
 our expression — from fear, if from no better motive. 
 We find the other man not so bad as we had imagined, 
 and if he is conciliatory or not aggressive, we are 
 inclined to be magnanimous. Eesistance even in- 
 spires respect, and while we are of our own opinion 
 still, as regards the matter at issue, we seek for points 
 of common sympathy and agreement. The increas- 
 ing complexity of human life in society helps this. 
 Our political opponent is very likely our friend in 
 business. We may need his help any day in trade or 
 commercial enterprise. We must be cautious how 
 we vilify him. Our religious outlaw may be a Chry- 
 sostom, and we may desire his eloquence upon the 
 rostrum to aid our party's cause in the coming can- 
 vass ; or in the court room before the jury upon 
 whose decision depend our greatest interests. The 
 clergyman who in the pulpit is to us the cannibal 
 savage in all but costume, may yet in social life have 
 relations which are of benefit to ourselves or our 
 families. Business, politics, social fraternisation — all 
 tend to an increase of mutual toleration, charity, 
 respect. This is the explanation of that famous
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 127 
 
 couplet of Pope about the effect of familiarity with 
 vice ; it might be applied with equal truth to any 
 dislike or prejudice, though qualified by the con- 
 tempt-producing effects of too close and too constant 
 intimacy. 
 
 These natural bonds should be increased in 
 number and in strength in every possible way. 
 Hence, everything which is likely to set up impass- 
 able barriers between people should be discouraged. 
 Here occurs one of the great evils of caste and rank. 
 They cut off intercourse. The prohibition of social 
 hospitality operates strongly against what Eobert G. 
 Ingersoll so aptly styles ' intellectual hospitality.' It 
 shuts the door abruptly and keeps it closed. It will 
 not allow the stranger any opportunity to show that 
 he is worthy to become a guest. It judges him un- 
 heard and unseen. It refuses to recognise him as a 
 human being. He is placed in the same category 
 with the wild beast ; the domestic animal being 
 treated far better. With this state of feeling denial 
 of rights is inevitable and persecution is easy. 
 
 The extreme effects of this caste sentiment are il- 
 lustrated in the East ; but they are apparent enough 
 in Western civilisations. It is exemplified in that 
 singular caddishness which runs all through British 
 society, pervading even the world of letters. What a 
 lamentable state of morals and manners is witnessed 
 when Mr. Gladstone becomes ostracised from Tory 
 households, to which he was formerly a welcome 
 guest, and when party lines determine generally social 
 hospitalities ! How petty seems the whole system 
 of precedence regulating social intercourse ! How
 
 128 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 contemptible the distinctions between ' gentlemen ' and 
 ' tradespeople,' between tlie titled and tlie untitled, be- 
 tween the established church and dissenting churches ! 
 The harm of these things is somewhat nullified in Eng- 
 land by the interfusion of commercial interests and 
 the complex character of her industrial civilisation, 
 increasing the dependence of those in higher stations 
 upon those in lower, and also by the degree or free- 
 dom of expression which prevails there ; but harm is 
 done, and in the directions I have indicated. 
 
 The habit of building walls and making enclosures 
 to which the British mind is so incorrigibly addicted 
 is quite conspicuous in literature. The old sneer 
 about American books expressed a fact. Nobody did 
 read an American book. Times have changed, indeed, 
 but when a prominent critic, who made it his business 
 to observe and instruct, commented upon the taste of 
 Americans in reading ' a native author called Eoe,' in 
 the same style that he would have commented on the 
 habits of the Fijians and with like implications, one 
 cannot help feeling a grave solicitude about the mental 
 condition of the educated classes in Great Britain. 
 When ' a native author ' succeeds so far as to sell eight 
 hundred thousand copies of his works in a country 
 filled with the best of antecedent English literature 
 very generally read, even the child-brain would be 
 able to comprehend that there must be a high degree 
 of comparative excellence in that author. The whole 
 criticism of which the above comment is a sample is 
 a very good illustration of the conditions to which an 
 educated mind may be reduced by the caste prejudice. 
 It fosters the most hopeless kind of ignorance — the self-
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 129 
 
 satisfied and tlie arrogant. It makes people whose 
 powers of observation are atrophied beheve that they 
 are keen-sighted ; whose judgment is superficial, feli- 
 citate themselves upon their profundity ; who are 
 wholly unable to investigate comprehensively and 
 compare accurately, feel assured of their infallibility. 
 Of course we must pity such persons ; we will allow, 
 however, that they, if not those whom they criticise, 
 are highly ' interesting ' ; but rather to the patholo- 
 gist, the psychologist and the social philosopher ; for 
 from their cases more valuable lessons can perhaps be 
 drawn than from the study of the normal, healthy 
 mind. 
 
 The utility of comparisons of opposed views before 
 social audiences cannot be doubted. Gatherings for 
 this purpose have met with much favour in America, 
 and the plan of publishing together different opinions 
 on various topics of interest has been adopted by 
 some of the reviews, with very noticeable success. The 
 Commonwealth Club of New York City consists of men 
 of every political complexion, who dine once a month 
 and then discuss political conditions as well as mea- 
 sures needed for the welfare of the state ; a definite 
 topic being fixed by the Executive Committee, and 
 speakers assigned with a view to the presentation of 
 conflicting opinions. These discussions have not only 
 elicited a great deal of valuable information respect- 
 ing the existing methods of conducting public affairs, 
 but also have resulted in the formulation of plans 
 for impro^'ing the machiner}" of government which 
 have been substantially adopted by the legislature, 
 the governor's veto alone preventing final success. 
 
 K
 
 130 'J'HE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 The Cluh has made its influence felt ver}^ decidedly 
 in the community. 
 
 In similar manner, but with a wider range of 
 activity, the Nineteenth Century Club of New York 
 City, founded in 1883 by the late Courtlandt Palmer, 
 has achieved a national, if not international reputation. 
 In this organisation the two sexes are about equally 
 represented, and by liberty of expression has been 
 made fashionable. It is worth while to quote the 
 ' Objects and Aims ' of this association. ' The motto 
 of the Nineteenth Century Club is " Prove all things ; 
 hold fast that which is good." It will not commit its 
 individual members, nor as a society will it stand 
 committed to any special theories or measures in poli- 
 tics, industry, science, art, philosophy or religion ; but 
 on its own platform of universal liberty of expression 
 it will, in the discretion of its management, invite pro- 
 minent thinkers and workers in all the fields of human 
 research and activity generally to present their views 
 to its audiences. On this platform of mental liberty 
 any person of either sex, radical or conservative, or- 
 thodox or heterodox, whose ability and character will 
 warrant, may be invited to speak before this Club, in 
 the hope and belief that by interchange and compari- 
 son of conflicting opinions a basis of agreement on 
 important questions may sometime be evolved.' 
 
 This constitutional declaration has been observed 
 with entire faithfulness, and brilliant audiences have 
 gathered to listen to some of the most prominent 
 thinkers and workers of the country, with a number 
 of representatives of English thought also. The dis- 
 cussions have been reported and widely published,
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 131 
 
 often calling forth a great deal of journalistic com- 
 ment. 
 
 With a platform of this description prefaced by a 
 motto from the New Testament Scriptures, one would 
 think that such a society would receive universal 
 approbation. Least of all ought the clergy to object 
 to it. But, singularly enough, some of the latter have 
 uniformly condemned it apparently for living up to 
 its principles. A minister of one of the })rominent 
 metropolitan churches expressed from his pulpit the 
 regret that there existed in the city ' an intellectual 
 cock-pit ' where Christians, Jews and Infidels meet on 
 the same sand to peck each other's eyes out. He 
 thought Christians did not exhibit much shrewdness 
 in patronising the pit. The wonder is, why not ? If 
 what they believe is true, how can it suffer by com- 
 parison with untruth ? Why should any opportuni- 
 ties for enlightening the world be lost ? And if all 
 truth has not been discovered, why not seek for more ? 
 Besides, such a meeting is not at all for the purpose 
 of scratching people's eyes out. It is rather for 
 scratching them in again, when already out, as the 
 wondrous wise man of our town did by jumping into 
 the second braml)le bush. It was intimated in a 
 former paragraph that opposition to free expression 
 of opinion in a public way must proceed either from 
 knavishness or foolishness. As regards the doctor of 
 divinit}^ in question, no doubt he is well-meaning, nor 
 would any one be prepared to say that he is under- 
 witted. But when a man opposes free and fair dis- 
 cussion, we must account for his conduct somehow. 
 The most charitable supposition is that he is ignorant.
 
 132 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 Even if he be an educated clergyman claiming to be 
 a public teacher, this may be forgiven him. But his 
 salary ought to be reduced, if it be certain that he 
 does not repent for making remarks exhibiting such 
 a gross deficiency of ' lucidity.' 
 
 After all said, there is nothing to be compared 
 with the press as a civilising agent. The late 
 Matthew Arnold manifests considerable superfici- 
 ality of observation with respect to American life in 
 his criticism of newspapers. American journal- 
 ism needs improvement, no doubt, and some of his 
 suggestions were good as far as they went, but the 
 critic failed to see that minute details in regard to 
 persons and things, reported and published, have a 
 far greater influence upon conduct than statutes can 
 have. The transgressor against the social law hates 
 publicity ; and the knowledge that his deeds and his 
 character will be exposed to all the community exer- 
 cises a powerfully restraining effect. Even if much 
 of the news published is only fit for the ' servants' 
 hall,' it is well that it should be read there. The 
 newspaper is not for any one class or condition. Its 
 office is to present a record of current life. In so 
 doing it becomes also a censor of morals and manners. 
 Oftentimes it invades the region of purely personal 
 matters too inconsiderately, but the evils thence aris- 
 ing are not worthy of mention beside of the good 
 which is done by the eager investigation for news 
 which is pursued so fearlessly and so thoroughly by 
 the American journalist. Under such a supervision 
 fraud and corruption cannot long subsist, meanness 
 cannot thrive, erroneous theories lose their influence,
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 133 
 
 mistakes of fact are corrected, estimates of character 
 lose their extravagance, and the pubUc forms a much 
 more just idea of the world they live in and of the 
 people who inhabit it. The press is a great leveller 
 and equaliser, preventing on the one hand undue 
 exaltation and on the other undue disparagement. 
 
 While this is true of journalism as a whole, to so 
 full an extent as to justify us in regarding the 
 American variety as one of our most valuable institu- 
 tions and greatly superior to anything of the sort to 
 be found in other countries, those superficial defects 
 of which Mr. Arnold complained ought to be cor- 
 rected. The sensational manner of expression, the 
 triviality of facts mentioned, the indecency, the dis- 
 proportionate attention given to vice and crime 
 which are observable in many of our newspapers 
 deserve condemnation, and can very readily be modi- 
 fied without destroying the essential usefulness of the 
 journal as a purveyor of information and as a guar- 
 dian of the interests of society. But the great difficulty 
 with American newspapers, as at present conducted, 
 is, I apprehend, their carelessness of truth and accu- 
 racy. Their anxiety is not to get at all the facts and 
 exhibit them in their true light, but rather to seek 
 those items which are of a startling or sensational 
 character and to present only sensational phases of 
 the matter in question. Accuracy is a secondary 
 consideration. Mistakes are rarely corrected or even 
 admitted. The newspaper office is not by any means 
 a ' truth-shop,' as Mr. Franklin Ford (an American 
 editor) declares it always ought to be. The only way 
 for the general reader to satisfy himself as to the
 
 134 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 correctness of statements is to read several papers 
 and then he is by no means assured. Of course, too, 
 outrageous injustice is often done by indifference to 
 accuracy ; and this of itself is reason enough for 
 greater care and a more sensitive conscience. A 
 journalistic friend of the writer once told him that 
 the public did not want the ' truth-shop,' and that it 
 would not pay. I believe him to be mistaken. Truth 
 does pay, and is a necessity in trades journals, of 
 which there are multitudes ; and if the same ideas 
 were carried into all .classes of news matter, I feel sure 
 the public would appreciate the change from present 
 methods. Competition between journals will probably 
 bring about the desired reforms. Each will be seek- 
 ing to improve upon the others, public taste will be 
 educated, and prospective loss of circulation and in- 
 fluence will stimulate editors and publishers to realise 
 a higher journalistic ideal. 
 
 The great abundance and cheapness of books, 
 newspapers, periodical literature of all sorts, naturally 
 diminish greatly the importance of the pulpit, the 
 rostrum, the platform, as educational agents. People 
 go to hear a speaker fully as much to see the man as 
 to listen to the words which they may read at their 
 leisure in the morning paper. If he says anything of 
 much value, they know it will be published. Hence, 
 too, the requirement comes that speakers shall amuse 
 or entertain. If they can also instruct, all the 
 better ; but they must not be dull. The serious, 
 reasoned discourse of former times thus 'ceases to be 
 popular. What is to be said must be bright and 
 interesting. This is quite as true of educated,
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 135 
 
 cultivated people as of the valgus. The writer once 
 addressed by invitation an association of ministers 
 upon the ' Social Problem.' He thought it would be 
 a poor compliment to them if his address did not 
 contain some reasoned thought ; and of this he made 
 up the body of his discourse, prefaced, however, by 
 something in lighter vein. Much to his surprise, he 
 saw afterward in a report of the meeting made to 
 a religious journal, that the first part of the paper 
 was excellent, but that he soon grew very tiresome, 
 and ought to have remembered that he was address- 
 ing men in Monday morning mood, tired out with 
 Sunday's preaching ! The w^riter was reminded of 
 the concert which the Zulu chiefs were given in 
 London, at wdiich, after the usual preliminary scraping 
 of violins, good substantial music was rendered. At 
 the close the Zulus were asked wdiat piece they liked 
 best, and wdth one accord they said that the first 
 music, meaning thereby the tuning of the instruments, 
 was by all odds the finest ! He was glad to note, 
 though, that the correspondent drew the lesson from 
 his example that preachers should remember on 
 Sunday that business men worn out by their week's 
 labour were in the pews before them, and they should 
 endeavour to enliven as well as instruct. 
 
 Thus the most potent instrumentalities for the 
 expression of opinion have become the written rather 
 than the spoken word. The former is and ought to be 
 much more effective as it certainly is more valuable. 
 Socratic methods of button-holing ought to go out of 
 fashion. Opinions do not so often change by oral 
 arguments. People read for themselves and think as
 
 136 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS, 
 
 they read. Knowledge thus gained is worth vastly 
 more than any which is enforced by the personal 
 presence of a public speaker. It is no sign of 
 deterioration of intellect that people demand to be 
 amused and will not listen to the learned prig 
 mounted on a platform. Eather it is evidence of a 
 greater intelligence. Let the prig print his paper 
 but not inflict it on us, unless it is interesting. These 
 remarks, however, should not lead to the belief that 
 all oral address should be abolished. On the con- 
 trary, discussion is of much importance, as we have 
 previously urged. They should merely teach us how 
 such discourse should be carried on. If the change 
 wrought by journalism and literature generally is 
 understood, he who addresses an audience may by 
 skill and care so develop his subject and so phrase 
 his thought as to really instruct and benefit as well 
 as delight the men and women who are gathered to 
 hear him. 
 
 I will conclude this chapter with an admonition 
 both to conservatives and radicals. The former 
 should understand that there can be no compromise 
 as to the right to express opinions without penal con- 
 sequences and without personal opprobrium seriously 
 afiecting the relations of him who utters them to his 
 fellows in the community. The only limitations upon 
 this right are those of libellous, slanderous and 
 indecent matter. They should also remember that 
 an opinion is not to be condemned for its novelty but 
 judged upon its merits ; that the way to fight in- 
 jurious opinions is to discuss and not suppress them ; 
 that inquiry, doubt and proof are wholly legitimate
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 137 
 
 even respecting long-established ideas ; ibr conditions 
 are all the time changing and newer and better 
 methods of discovering and testing truth are con- 
 tinually appearing. 
 
 It behoves the radical to be wary in his ex- 
 pressions, for he has to contend with the established. 
 The other party is in possession. The fact must be 
 recoijnised that sentiments once fixed are hard to 
 change, and, unreasonable though it may he, anti- 
 pathies of all sorts have to be encountered by him 
 who wishes to introduce novelties. Hence opinions 
 in favour of change ought to be carefully elaborated, 
 fortified with abundance of facts and with strong 
 reasons, objections anticipated and met, prejudices 
 overcome by patience and good temper, and their pro- 
 mulgation everywhere governed by considerations 
 of prudence with regard to probable results. The 
 feelings of people have to be taken account of, and 
 he who shocks and horrifies, thereby closes the mind 
 of the offended one against all persuasion. This is 
 peculiarly true with regard to religious subjects, 
 which involve very strong feelings. It is also perti- 
 nent to questions of the domestic relations. There 
 must be earnestness, seriousness, deference to the 
 sentiments of others, or the only impression created 
 is a hostile one. 
 
 Sometimes, no doubt, ancient prejudices are so 
 obstinate, minds are so callous, or arrogant self- 
 assertion is so overweening, that all the weapons of 
 wit, ridicule, sarcasm or denunciation may be neces- 
 sary to break up the crust of conservatism which has 
 destroyed intellectual vitality. The ground must be
 
 138 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 ploughed and fallowed before the seed can be sown. 
 But such methods are dangerous and ought to be 
 employed sparingly. He who jests often is seldom 
 taken seriously. The man who ridicules is apt to be 
 deemed venomous. He who denounces too vigorously 
 is always regarded as intemperate, and little heed is 
 paid to what he says beyond the moment of utterance. 
 Apparent inconsiderateness argues want of thorough- 
 ness. The thought of the radical is esteemed to be 
 anarchic, and the reaction against it is strong. People 
 are afraid of being hurled into some abyss, if their 
 leader seems inclined recklessly to leave the travelled 
 road. After all, the substantial, the permanent vic- 
 tory is achieved in the realm of thought, not hj the 
 fierce attack and hand to hand combat, but by disin- 
 tegrating the forces of the enemy through destroying 
 their combativeness, by thus opening their ranks not 
 by closing them. The effort, then, should be to dis- 
 sipate resistance, not to excite it by the clangour of 
 arms ; to reduce passion, not to arouse it by displaying 
 our own; to show forth candour on our part and re- 
 spect for those from whom we differ. The great task 
 is to reduce the controlling power of emotions. In 
 the words of Samuel Bailey, ' the most favourable 
 moral condition in wdiich the inquirer can be is, un- 
 questionably, when he is possessed with a simple and 
 fervent desire to arrive at the truth without any pre- 
 dilection in behalf of any opinion whatever, and with- 
 out any other disturbing emotioji of hope or fear, 
 affection or dislike.' There is also good counsel in 
 what Locke says : ' To be indifferent which of two 
 opinions is true is the right temper of mind that pre-
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 139 
 
 serves it from being imposed upon, and disposes it 
 to examine with that indifferency till it has done its 
 best to find the truth, and this is the only direct and 
 safe way to it. But to be indifferent whether we em- 
 brace falsehood or truth is the great road to error.' 
 
 Radical partisanship is as bad as conservative in 
 its essence, and is worse as a matter of policy. Conflict 
 of ideas no doubt there must be, but we must always 
 aim to chano-e the situation from one of attack to one 
 of quiet comparison and suggestion. Then truth will 
 do its own work as surely as the sun causes the in- 
 hospitable snows to disappear and the barren waste to 
 become clothed on with verdure and blossom with fair 
 flowers. Li these days of intellectual achievement 
 and consequent pride, we need to be again reminded 
 that after all we have as yet picked up only a few 
 pebbles on the shore of the ocean of knowledge, and 
 that the danger is still, not that wisdom will die 
 with us, but that we shall die without it. But if we 
 preserve that indifference to the result of our inquiries 
 which Bailey thought to be ' the most favourable 
 moral condition ' for arriving at truth, we must be 
 equally careful to keep alive that eager determination 
 to find the truth, the real truth, and be satisfied with 
 nothing less than the truth, which Locke held to be 
 so essential to prevent one from pursuing the high- 
 way to error. At such times as the present, when a 
 pointed epigram is more persuasive than a carefully 
 stated proposition, when all the great problems of 
 knowledge are settled off-hand, in opposite ways, in 
 single paragraphs of different journals, a little less 
 positiveness of statement, a little more respect for the
 
 140 THE PEOMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 matured opinions of others differing from ns, will be 
 very advantageous — not, indeed, for tlie sake of pre- 
 venting a frank and full expression of differences, but 
 rather to create the disposition frequently to doubt and 
 revise our own conclusions. To this end, therefore, 
 it seems to me we have great need of insisting upon 
 a more thorough study of questions of supreme human 
 interest. And if there be that sensitiveness to the 
 importance of embracing truth rather than falsehood, 
 on which Locke laid such stress, I think there must 
 follow a greater seriousness in the method of approach- 
 ing such transcendent themes. No Berkeley in the 
 realm of philosophical or religious thought was ever 
 vanquished ' with a grin.' Man may or may not have 
 descended from the ape, but caricature of the theory 
 will not help us to determine the fact. Jesus Christ 
 may or may not have risen from the dead, but ridicule 
 of the belief has no doubt often prevented an investi- 
 gation of the evidences ; and this is of the first im- 
 portance, whatever may be the conclusion to which 
 we may ultimately be led. If the gods be all dead. 
 Time and Space and Cause are not dead. There is 
 still Immensity and the solemn presence of a limitless 
 Supernatural which conditions our natural lives and 
 without which thought itself is impossible. It forces 
 itself upon our intellect and subdues our feelings. 
 It impresses itself upon us in the rolling of the sea, in 
 the light of the myriad worlds which shine upon us 
 nightly, in the birth of life, and in its mysterious 
 cessation. We never can escape its influence though 
 forms of expressing our beliefs and hopes change. 
 Unknown it may be ; in a sense unknowable ; but it
 
 THE EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS. 141 
 
 stimulates us unfailingly in the quest of knowledge. 
 We are sure that there is more for the human mind 
 to know, and ardour fills us to still seek for Happy Isles 
 and achieve ' some work of noble note,' ' to strive, to 
 seek, to find, and not to yield.' 
 
 In such a pursuit of truth and the happiness it 
 brings, the methods of science must be adopted and 
 unflinchingly pursued. Those methods demand care- 
 ful observation of facts, faithful experiment, doubt, 
 and verification. Above all things ' Let us be honest ' ; 
 but also let us be cautious even if we are obliged to 
 make haste slowly. When we enter new territory, 
 let us be prepared to retain and annex it. Let us 
 see the end from the beginning, behold our destina- 
 tion, discover the road which will reach it, control 
 our steed and keep him within the path. Science no 
 doubt has its hobbies, but in order to reach its goal 
 it cannot afford, as Mr. Gladstone has well put it, ' to 
 ride an unbroken horse and to throw the reins upon 
 its neck.' And, too, if possible, let our light shine 
 forth to illuminate, not merely to make the darkness 
 visible. The plodder in the fields of science knows well 
 that however beautiful are the showers of stars which 
 fall from skyrockets and however useful they may be 
 for signals, they never can furnish him the quantity 
 or quality of light necessary to guide him on his 
 perplexing way. Eatlier is it requisite to pursue the 
 method of that one who wrestled so long and faith- 
 fully with nature for her hidden truths respecting the 
 origin of species and the descent of man, at every step 
 doubting his own conclusions, with a mind never 
 swayed by passion but always open for new evidence.
 
 142 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL TROGRESS. 
 
 inspired by tliat single love of truth which extin- 
 guishes intellectual pride and makes dogmatism 
 impossible. In religion he was agnostic and did not 
 accept the cardinal doctrines of Christian theology. 
 He was by many regarded as a dangerous enemy of 
 Christianity ; but if so he conquered his foes and is 
 still conquering them, not by slaying them, l3ut by 
 converting them and taking away tlieir hostility. In 
 this example I cannot but think there is a sublime 
 lesson for all seekers and preachers of truth. For 
 it was the recognition and appreciation of Charles 
 Darwin's serious mind, his careful progress in his 
 work, for ever revising and verifying his results, 
 oblivious of self and caring for naught save truth, 
 that brought around his bier opponents and friends, 
 clergymen and laymen. Christians and Agnostics 
 alike, who, moved with one accord of homage, 
 went beneath the vaulted arches of England's great 
 memorial Cathedral, ' to lay there his honoured and 
 sacred head.'
 
 143 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM IN ACTION. 
 
 Expression of opinion is certainly action and has pro- 
 nounced effects upon human society. But action as 
 contrasted with opinion means effort put forth for 
 some specific end, to accomphsh some definite prac- 
 tical result in the way of changing existing relations 
 of people to each other or in resisting such change. 
 Thus a distinction is drawn between words and deeds, 
 the latter being considered of greater consequence, 
 as the ultimate expression of thought. 
 
 The main difference between the rules which 
 ought to govern expression and those which should 
 control action arises from the fact of the more serious 
 effects of the latter. More properly, however, the 
 differences lie in the application of the same rules. 
 We have to consider more carefully the results upon 
 the happiness of individuals which will follow a 
 proposed course. All the precepts given at the con- 
 clusion of Chapter XI. must be observed and prac- 
 tically applied. Because of the interests involved 
 and in proportion to the effect upon them, conser- 
 vatism is much more necessary than where nothing 
 more is to occur than the utterance of words. 
 
 The general principles of this whole subject were 
 given in the former chapter. Besides, in the two chap-
 
 144 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 terslast preceding it was unavoidable that miicli should 
 be said pertinent to the special topic of this head. 
 The main questions left for us to consider seem to be 
 the mutual relations and limitations of Principle and 
 Practice, involving the utility and propriety of com- 
 promise, the dependence to be placed upon counsels 
 of expediency, and the bearings of probabilities of 
 success or failure. 
 
 There are plenty of people to whom a single 
 course is always right and no other can be. To them 
 the slightest deviation is error ; the least concession, 
 a base surrender ; any thought of expediencies, high 
 treason to principle. This uncompromising spirit 
 sometimes places the supporters of principle in 
 ludicrous situations, as when we see prohibitionists 
 and the advocates of free rum united in opposing 
 high license, or the American Board for Foreign 
 Missions refusing to send out men for their service, 
 who are filled with the missionary spirit, but think 
 they can convert the heathen quicker if they are 
 not too positive about the damnation of the latter's 
 ancestors. People live who prefer no bread unless 
 they can have the whole loaf, who are perpetually 
 for cutting off the nose to spite the face. About all 
 that can be said is, as was remarked by counsel to 
 the jury in the nuisance case, when an old lady was 
 brought forward by the other side to testify that the 
 smell of poudrette was delicious to her and beneficial 
 to her health — ' There are such people.' 
 
 ' Principle ' is of no avail except with reference to 
 conditions and circumstances. It is not usually con- 
 tended that what is suitable for heaven is suitable for
 
 RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM IN ACTION. 145 
 
 lic'll, but the argunieut from so-called principle would 
 justify such a contention. Adaptation of means to 
 ends is the first dictum of reform. Means must take 
 account of circumstances ; if not, they become useless, 
 or worse. Fanaticism, untempered by prudence, never 
 pays, and it is remarkable that it should ever seem 
 admirable. One would suppose that when men talk 
 loudly about ' loyalty to principle,' they should be 
 loyal. Loyalty consists, it would seem, in promot- 
 ing the success of the principle, getting people to 
 recognise it, causing its adoption and realising it most 
 completely in practice. How, then, can it evince any 
 such loyalt}'^ to adopt a course certain to fail and to 
 bring disrepute upon the movement, making it so 
 much harder to inaugurate and carry out a subse- 
 quent movement ? People who act in this way need 
 to be apologised for. The only possible excuse is that 
 they know no better ; but it probably would be 
 beneficial for the adherents of the cause unfortunate 
 enough to have their support, to tie them together 
 and send them over to the camp of the enemy. 
 
 Nevertheless, there are cases where action may 
 be justified, though likely to fail. Some of the 
 world's heroes ha\'e seen their opportunity to lie in 
 this way. Not all martyrs have been fools, though 
 it must be urged that a greater number of them 
 were than is usually allowed. Now and then the 
 very boldness of a hopeless attempt startles the 
 community, awakens admiration, arouses pity, sets 
 people to thinking, and puts in motion forces which 
 favour, and perhaps finally work out the triumph of 
 the defeated cause. But the social value of such 
 
 L
 
 lie THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 attempts depends very largely upon the conditions in 
 tlie state where they occur, with reference to the 
 expression of opinions. If speech is free, agitation, 
 through written and oral communication, will accom- 
 plish more than any violent or revolutionary move- 
 ment. Not much success can be attained until the 
 times are ripe for it ; and it is far better to wait for 
 the slow growth of public opinion than to hazard or 
 sacrifice property and life, or disturb the peace of the 
 community. 
 
 But in countries under military domination, where 
 liberty of the press is unknown, and where it is a 
 crime even to express desire for a change of govern- 
 ment and to pass the slightest criticism upon the 
 acts of the sovereign, what is to be done ? Nothing 
 but war is of any avail, and to make war effective 
 there must be combination, wliich is conspiracy. 
 Hence follow destruction and death to some, at least. 
 Under such circumstances, however, revolutionary 
 movements which promise no success may sometimes 
 be expedient for the reasons just given. They are 
 certainly heroic, and if inspired by a moral purpose 
 those wdio participate in them are surely worthy of 
 great honour ; but even then in most cases a better 
 result would be secured if men preached boldly their 
 doctrines and suffered for the preaching instead of 
 proceeding to violence, which will perhaps involve 
 many persons in ruin with little to compensate for 
 the sacrifice. 
 
 If there be a fair chance for success in a contem- 
 plated revolution, another aspect is put upon the 
 matter. But to justify the organisation and use of
 
 RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM IN ACTION. 147 
 
 force, there ought to be not only a deprivation of 
 fundamental rights, but also an evident impossibility 
 of effecting the needed changes by peaceful means. 
 Considered abstractly there exists the moral right to 
 a change of government when that social liberty 
 which we have defined in Part I. does not exist ; 
 when men are not secure in their liberty, and when 
 equality is denied. The restriction upon radicalism 
 in that direction comes from practical considerations 
 of expediency. The cost must be counted.; and if by 
 delay, by the shapings of events, tendencies toward 
 a better state of things can be created which will in 
 time work out salutary results, it is far better to be a 
 conservative. 
 
 It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that a person 
 claiming a sovereignty which allows him to act with- 
 out law, to have the power of life and death over 
 subjects, to enter into wars of his own will, to hold men 
 and women in confinement indefinitely without a 
 trial, against whose acts no word is to be uttered, is 
 ethically himself no longer entitled to the protection 
 of law. He is a wild beast whom it is entirely legiti- 
 mate to hunt and kill whenever there is opportunity. 
 He is an enemy of society. If the hunter himself fall 
 into the clutches of the beast and is destroyed it is a 
 matter for great regret ; but there is no ground for 
 disapprobation of his personal conduct, except on the 
 score of imprudence. There are, however, in the 
 case of the human tyrant, other consequences besides 
 those befalling the man who goes forth to slay him. 
 Shooting a king or two does not alter the form of 
 government. Though the particular tyrant be gone 
 
 L 2
 
 148 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 another reigns in his stead. If the hunter's efforts 
 are not crowned with success the despotism is made 
 still more terrible, and the heavy hand of the autocrat 
 is laid upon all who are suspected of revolutionary 
 or even liberal ideas. 
 
 These last two considerations seem decisive 
 against the policy of assassination. The anonymous 
 dynamiteur Avill never reform the society in which he 
 operates, not because the Czar whom he attacks is not 
 fully entitled to be blown up, but because his method 
 is essentially valueless. His act and attempt is only 
 a protest against the existing regifne which is empha- 
 sised by the sacrifice of one or more human lives. It 
 cannot be denied that such sacrifices do have in- 
 fluence, but an influence not worth the sacrifice and 
 its reactive effects. 
 
 Any one who has read the remarkable series of 
 papers on Eussia, by George Kennan, published in the 
 ' Century Magazine,' cannot fail to be appalled at the 
 political and social conditions of that country. No 
 wonder that the most desperate schemes are concocted 
 against the government, because men are driven to 
 such despair as to act like madmen. Not only is 
 equality scouted and liberty of political action closely 
 limited, but numbers of people are held for years in 
 confinement, unable to get a trial, allowed no op- 
 portunity to show their innocence, and often in ignor- 
 ance of the charges against them ! In view of such a 
 situation w^e who live in Ens^land and America mav 
 perhaps better appreciate the inestimable value of the 
 great writ of habeas corpus. The censorship of the 
 press is rigid and the importation of books is carefully
 
 RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM IN ACTION. 140 
 
 supervised, obnoxious portions of purticuhir works be- 
 ing cut out by government agents ; police espionnage is 
 everywhere practised to an almost intolerable degree. 
 But without going into details, with which everyone 
 is familiar — How can relief be obtained in such a 
 country? What are the remedies for such an atro- 
 cious state of things ? 
 
 The process of amelioration very probably will be 
 a slow one. This reason teaches, and yet great 
 changes have often occurred through catastrophes, 
 and are likely so to occur spite of all counsels in favour 
 of moderation. This fact, however, does not dispense 
 with the duty to avoid, if possible, such destructive 
 convulsions. In Eussia it is not at all likely that the 
 autocracy can be perpetuated in the face of the march 
 of civilisation. Intelligence is rapidly increasing, 
 even under the Czars. Mr. Kennan found in libraries 
 in Siberia the works of Mill, Buckle, Herbert Spencer, 
 Darwin, Draper, and many other advanced thinkers ; 
 mutilated by the censor, indeed, but still containing 
 enough to be readable. Personal contact among 
 themselves, the universities, the advent of foreigners, 
 the introduction of improvements of all sorts, must 
 have a highly beneficial effect in diminishing the in- 
 equality of conditions. By-and-by the government 
 of Czardom will fnid its strength gone and the sub- 
 stantial change will be followed by one in form. 
 Meantime, dynamite plots ought not to receive 
 encouragement. They are wrong because they are 
 of little utility ; the gain is inferior to the loss. A 
 revolution is in order when it can be organised and 
 attempted with good chances of success ; but till then
 
 150 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PHOGRESS. 
 
 the oppressed should be content with whatever 
 milder means they can employ for social improvement, 
 and await the progress of events. As for the govern- 
 ing classes, they would do well to ponder the line of 
 considerations set forth in the first part of this treatise, 
 and learn that their method of government is a crime 
 against social nature, which will sooner or later re- 
 ceive severe punishment. Too much publicity cannot 
 be given to the infamous provisions of the Eussian 
 penal code quoted by Mr. Kennan,^ which, it is need- 
 less to say, are enforced relentlessly, even upon sus- 
 picion and under which proof of innocence is often of 
 no avail. ' They not only include all attempts to 
 overthrow the government vi et armis ; they not only 
 cover all action " calculated to create disrespect for 
 Majesty " ; but they provide for the punishment of the 
 mere intention to bring about a change of admin- 
 istration at a remote time in the future by means of 
 peaceable discussion and the education of the people. 
 Even this is not all. A man may be perfectly loyal ; 
 he may never have given expression to a single thought 
 calculated to create disrespect for the Gossudar (Czar) 
 or the Gossudar's government, and yet if he comes acci- 
 dentally to know that his sister, or his brother, or his 
 friend belongs to a society which contemplates a 
 " change in the existing form of government," and if 
 he does not go voluntarily to the chief of gendarmes 
 and betray that brother, sister, or friend, the law is 
 adequate to send him to Siberia for life.' 
 
 It may be said that we never can tell how far the 
 beneficial results of our efforts for improvement may 
 
 ^ Century Magazine, Dec. 1887.
 
 RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM IN ACTION. 1^)1 
 
 extend even if they are unsuccessful; that it is our 
 duty to work and leave the question of success to 
 Providence. To this it may be answered that neither 
 can we tell how far our attempt may be harmful, unless 
 we calculate closely the results. Of what use is in- 
 telligence unless for just such purposes ? Eeal good, 
 not apparent good, is what we should seek. The only 
 substantial objection to discouraging radicalism which 
 is aggressive at all hazard and irrespective of likelihood 
 of immediate success, lies in the possibility that wait- 
 ing for the progress of events will induce supineness, 
 will tend to prevent expression of radical opinion, 
 paralyse effort, and create positive obstructions to re- 
 form. Of this there is indeed great danger, especially 
 where one's material and personal interests will be 
 promoted by keeping still. This is always a serious 
 difficulty in the way of improving a present status, 
 as we have already in this work strenuously urged. 
 But such consequences are by no means inevitable, 
 especially if freedom of expression be maintained. 
 Thus it again becomes apparent that the latter is of 
 the utmost importance in a community. It is quite 
 feasible to create an attitude of mind exliibiting a 
 willinojness to cherish ideals of a better order which 
 if realised would necessitate very radical changes, to 
 preserve also a desire for such realisation, and yet be 
 anxious to be prudent in adopting practical measures 
 looking toward the desired end. It is eminently wise 
 to establish such mental habits. But the proper 
 balance cannot be preserved unless men recognise 
 that it is the right and duty of every one to express 
 his opinions, however radical, with the utmost freedom
 
 152 THE PEOMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 and fearlessness. Jolm Moiiey, in his work ' On Com- 
 promise,' wliicli might M^ell be ranked with Mill's and 
 Bailey's treatises mentioned as classics in the last 
 chapter, makes the following remarks which are very 
 apropos in this connection : ' Now comjDromise . . . may 
 be of two kinds. Of these two kinds one is legitimate 
 and the other not. It may stand for two distinct atti- 
 tudes of mind, one of them obstructive and the other 
 not. It may mean the deliberate suppression or 
 mutilation of an idea in order to make it congruous 
 with the traditional idea or the current prejudice 
 on the given subject, whatever they may be. Or else 
 it may mean a rational acquiescence in the fact that 
 the bulk of your contemporaries are not yet prepared 
 either to embrace the new idea, or to change their 
 ways of living in conformity to it. In the one case the 
 compromiser rejects the highest truth, or dissembles 
 his own acceptance of it. In the other, he holds it 
 courageously for his ensign and device, but neither 
 forces nor expects the whole world straightway to fol- 
 low. The first prolongs the empire of prejudice and 
 retards the arrival of improvement. The second does 
 his best to abbreviate the one and to hasten and make 
 definite the other, yet he does not insist on hurrying 
 on changes which to be effective would require the 
 active support of numbers of persons not yet ripe for 
 them. It is a legitimate compromise to say, " I do not 
 expect you to execute this improvement, or surrender 
 that prejudice in my time. But at any rate it shall 
 not be my fault if tlie improvement remains unknown 
 or rejected. There shall be one man at least who has 
 surrendered the prejudice and who does not hide the
 
 RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM IN ACTION. 153 
 
 fact." It is illegitimate coinproiuise to say — " I can- 
 not persuade you to accept my truth ; therefore I 
 will pretend to accept your falsehood." ' ^ 
 
 The distinguished author just quoted from appears, 
 however, to undervalue the pursuit and attainment of 
 intermediate ends. It ma}', indeed, sometimes be the 
 case that small reforms are the enemies of o-reat re- 
 forms, if reform stops with the lesser achievement ; 
 but there is a more powerful, educating effect in the ac- 
 complishment of reformatory change than Mr. Morley 
 seems to consider. If the minor reform is effected 
 and is not adequate, the advantage of the greater im- 
 provement will become more manifest and the want 
 of it more keenly felt. A little freedom always makes 
 man eager for more ; a little knowledge is dangerous 
 because it stimulates to the attainment of a greater. 
 It quickens the activities in all directions. When, 
 therefore, having ourselves the idea of a radical 
 change for the better, for which we cannot expect 
 the support of less advanced contemporaries, we worlv 
 for less conspicuous and less radical changes leading 
 in the direction of the ultimate reform, we are no 
 doubt acting wisely. This, probably, Mr. Morley would 
 allow ; but his argument, especially at the close of 
 his book, appears to inculcate that it is better to 
 wait until we can realise our ideas fully, ' than to de- 
 fraud the future by truncating them, if truncate them 
 we must, in order to secure a partial triumph for 
 them in the immediate present.' If this means that 
 we should never lose sight of the higher end, or mo- 
 dify our ideas of what is really and ultimately best, we 
 
 1 Chap. V.
 
 154 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 may agree to the sentiment ; but if the author intends 
 that, if we cannot secure ah we would desire, it is 
 better to wait and not accept what we can get as a 
 partial satisfaction, it seems to be vicious doctrine. 
 
 It must not be forgotten that one of the chief in- 
 ducements to an obstinate conservatism is the intem- 
 perance of radicals. Conservatives are afraid of even 
 the least concessions, the latter seeming to be but 
 giving place to the entering wedge. The tendency of 
 movements is from one extreme to another. The French 
 Eevolution is always thought of. If people could be 
 persuaded that a change once begun could be con- 
 trolled, they would not be so sensitive about its in- 
 itiation. But they are apprehensive of a destructive 
 avalanche. In this apprehension they are often jus- 
 tified. Such being the case, it is incumbent upon 
 radicals to be themselves cautious and conservative. 
 It is of much more importance to change the senti- 
 ments of people than to carry a point by sheer force, 
 since, as before said, without such an alteration of 
 sentiment the victory is of little practical effect. 
 Hence the value of labouring for minor ends which 
 can be gained without too great a disturbance of the 
 existing status, and without arousing all that con- 
 servative opposition which springs, not so much 
 from objection to a proposed measure in itself, as 
 from the dread that its adoption will lead to a 
 general breaking of flood-gates in whose maintenance 
 rests the safety of the community. 
 
 This inclination to rush from one extreme to its 
 opposite, can only be cured in the ways suggested in 
 the former chapters, namely, by the further develop-
 
 RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM IN ACTION. 155 
 
 meiit anionof men of a well-balanced intellij2fen("e 
 superior to passion and prejudice. Such an intelli- 
 gence ought to make itself felt effectively in one 
 special direction wherein lies a great deal of difficulty 
 in the way of effecting reforms. It ought to act as a 
 solvent of political parties and factions. Social pro- 
 gress necessarily involves a considerable amount of 
 political action. A party for, and one against a par- 
 ticular measure, set of measures or course of action 
 is useful, if for no other purpose, at least for insur- 
 ing a full discussion : but unfortunately parties have 
 a tendency to perpetuate themselves for the sake of 
 the party itself. The result is not merely that men 
 come to care more for the party than for the pur- 
 poses for which it is supposed to exist (upon which 
 result I have elsewhere commented^), but they are 
 carried along contrary often to their best judgment, 
 to favour or oppose what the leaders and their 
 following decree on the theory that they owe fealty 
 to the party, and it is their duty to obey the consti- 
 tuted authorities. Hence questions of the utility of 
 special projects of reform become subordinated to 
 questions of whether this or that party shall have the 
 ascendency. A man may believe in a measure advo- 
 cated by the opposite party, but dread the triumph 
 of that party on an}^ issue whatever. If there are to 
 be changes he wishes his own organisation to make 
 them. With a similar feeling on the other side, it 
 is obvious that the accomplishment of beneficial 
 changes is rendered extremely difficult. They first 
 must be adopted in the party counsels in which all 
 
 ^ See chaps, viii. and xii. ; also The Problem of Evil, chap, xxiii.
 
 156 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 the considerations of probable effect upon party 
 success are likely to have the most weight ; then if 
 they are finally promulgated as party measures, they 
 must encounter all that prejudice and distrust of 
 which we have just been speaking. The old notion 
 of loyalty to party as a primary political virtue 
 should be displaced, if possible. Government by 
 party is a crude and clumsy method of managing the 
 affairs of a state. Unquestionably those who agree 
 will associate and organise. But the main thing to 
 accomplish is the effective organisation for or against 
 certain measures or candidates, and then the dissolu- 
 tion of that organisation after its work is done. To 
 this end, there must be intelligence and the spirit of 
 independence. Furthermore, means should be de- 
 vised for giving greater opportunity for individual 
 independence to express itself, so that it may have a 
 better chance to do its legitimate work in breaking 
 up that party solidity which is such an obstacle in 
 the way of reform. This can best be accomplished 
 by taking away as far as possible the patronage 
 which follows party success, and by complete state 
 control of the machinery of elections, guaranteeing 
 to the individual the expression of his opinion by his 
 ballot without hindrance or assistance from party 
 machinery. If private emolument or advancement 
 in power and reputation were less certain to follow 
 as a reward of party fidelity, that independence of 
 action which is so necessary for the welfare of the 
 community would more frequently display itself. It 
 is to be hoped that the time will come when men are 
 radical because they have well-considered radical
 
 RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM IN ACTION. 157 
 
 ideas of llicir own, not Ijccaiiso tliey belong to a 
 radical party ; and when conservatives are such of 
 their inward convictions, not because they wear the 
 uniform of an oro-anisation called conservative. 
 
 Upon the whole it must ])e concluded that radi- 
 cals and conservatives are, for the reasons stated, 
 about equally to blame for the wholesale destruction 
 which sometimes accompanies or follows the inaugu- 
 ration of political change— the former because they 
 are too intemperate, the latter because they are too 
 obstinate and unyielding. Thus avoidance of ex- 
 tremes on both sides is to be inculcated : then a 
 proper equilibrium may be preserved between the 
 static and dynamic forces which we have found to be 
 necessary for social progress. 
 
 There is a form of radicalism in action which calls 
 for some more particular observations, because plaus- 
 ible justification for it is frequently offered, though it 
 is exceedingly dangerous. I refer to the failure to 
 execute laws through the feeling that they are unjust 
 or perhaps obsolete. The responsibility of allowing 
 statutes to fall into desuetude is sometimes taken by 
 officials who are apparently supported by public 
 opinion. This is very common in such matters as 
 excise or minor police regulations, open violation of 
 law being often unrebuked. Similarly, the blasphemy 
 laws are substantially a dead letter in most places. 
 But reflection must show every one the unwisdom of 
 allowing law regularly enacted to be nullified. It is 
 far better to rigorously enforce a bad law and then 
 speedily get rid of it. The thought that a public 
 officer may according to his own notions vary the
 
 158 THE PROMOTION OF SOCIAL PROGRESS. 
 
 decrees of tlie law-making power, is exceedingly 
 pernicious and demoralising. It weakens tlie struc- 
 ture and tends towards anarchy. Especially is it 
 important in a democratic community where the 
 power of changing laws rests with the people, that 
 when once laws are made they should be strictly 
 enforced. The stability of the community rests upon 
 this. It is very unfortunate, therefore, that a dis- 
 position to palliate offences manifests itself among 
 intelligent and orderly people, to shield offenders from 
 prosecution, to consider by way of excuse other 
 things than questions of fact as to whether the latter 
 have or have not violated law, to the end of prevent- 
 ing conviction and punishment or of securing pardon 
 after sentence. Sentimental pleas can be urged in 
 favour of any criminal, but people ought to see that 
 it is absolutely essential for the good order of the 
 state, for the security of its citizens, that there be no 
 uncertainty in the administration of criminal justice. 
 Therefore, it is imperative that those officers charged 
 with the execution of law shall execute it until 
 repealed, whether it be good or bad, wdiether sup- 
 ported by public opinion or not ; and that the person 
 who is accused of violation shall be tried, convicted 
 and punished, although our opinion may be against 
 the statute under whose operation he is made to suffer. 
 The sum and substance of the matter as to the 
 mutual limitations of radicalism and conservatism in 
 action is that radicalism should never be allowed 
 to become blindly destructive nor conservatism 
 blindly obstructive. The most far-seeing intelli- 
 gence and the most charitable feelings toward one's
 
 RADICALISM AND CONSERVATISM IN ACTION. 159 
 
 fellow- men should govern all conduct. Radical- 
 ism is especially in danger of crudeness and em- 
 piricism ; conservatism of obtuseness and want of 
 ' intellectual hospitality.' Greater conservatism is 
 requisite in action than in mere expression, because 
 the consequences of the former are generally more 
 momentous. Free expression should be encouraged 
 in every way ; while action should be carefully 
 guarded and strictly regulated by considerations of 
 the highest expediency and utility. The subject of 
 this chapter has been by no means exhausted, but 
 enough has been said to illustrate the principles 
 which have been set forth as necessary to be observed 
 in any thorough and honest effort to promote Social 
 Progress. 
 
 Social Progress is only made in the direction of 
 obtaining the most perfect liberty. The most com- 
 plete individual happiness is the ultimate desideratum ; 
 but this can in no way be secured but through the 
 perfection of Social Liberty. The latter is even 
 necessary for the perfection of individual freedom. 
 To realise such ideals of liberty there must be law, 
 because only through law can there be security. Nor 
 can security be perfect except there be equality of 
 rights. These, in turn, cannot be maintained if there 
 be great inequality of power. And, in fine, none of 
 these conditions can be completely developed save 
 through the universal prevalence in humanity of that 
 disposition and character by which one finds his 
 happiness and welfare in the happiness and welfare 
 of his fellow-men. Thus w^e shall be obliged to 
 modify Locke's declaration in the preface to his trans-
 
 IGO THE PROMOTION OF SOCIf^L PROGRESS. 
 
 lation into English of the first ' Letter concerning 
 Toleration,' wherein he says : ' Absolute Liberty, just 
 and true Liberty, equal and impartial Liberty, is the 
 thing that we stand in need of.' Absolute Liberty 
 is precisely what we do not want ; but rather the 
 highest degree of relative Liberty — of each individual 
 as related to all others. But omitting the first clause, 
 in the sense and meaning defined in the foregoing 
 pages of this work, we may agree that still — 
 
 ' Just and true Liberty, equal and impartial Liberty, 
 is the thing ive stand in 7ieed of.' 
 
 In considering the methods to be followed for 
 securing this liberty, let us not lose sight of our goal ; 
 but remember that as we draw nearer to perfect 
 social conditions positive law will grow less necessary. 
 If all men had the true altruistic disposition there 
 would be no need of government. The course of 
 progress is from the anarchy of the primitive state 
 through law and government to the anarchy of the 
 perfect state. We should aim, tlien, to diminish the 
 restraints of authority, and, though working cautiously 
 and tentatively, should seek ever to contract the 
 sphere and minimise the duties of government. Only 
 thus can that City arise into which the glory and 
 honour of all the nations may be brought. 
 
 I can find no reason for discouragement, but, on 
 the contrary, every reason for hopefulness as to the 
 future of social life, though its perplexing problems 
 are by no means all solved. If the following words 
 concluding the essay ' On the Publication of Opinions ' 
 could have been pertinent when uttered by the ' Ben- 
 tliam of Hallamshire ' in 1821, how much more evi-
 
 RADICALISM AND CONSKRVATISM IX ACTION. IGl 
 
 dent is their truth to day ; and how wise appears for 
 our times as well the counsel with which they con- 
 clude ! 
 
 ' Whoever has attentively meditated on the pro- 
 gress of the human race cannot fail to discern, that 
 there is now a spirit of inquiry amongst men which 
 nothing can stop, or even materially control. 
 Reproach and obloquy, threats and persecution, will 
 be vain. They may embitter opposition and engen- 
 der violence, but they cannot abate the keenness of 
 research. There is a silent march of thought, w^hich 
 no power can arrest, and which it is not difficult to 
 foresee will be marked by important events. Man- 
 kind was never before in the situation in which they 
 now stand. The press has been operating upon them 
 for several centuries with an influence scarcely per- 
 ceptible at its commencement, but daily becoming 
 more palpable and acquiring accelerated force. It is 
 rousing the intellect of nations, and happy will it be 
 for them if there be no rash interference with the 
 natural progress of knowledge ; and if by a judicious 
 and gradual adaptation of their institutions to the in- 
 evitable changes of opinion, they are saved from those 
 convulsions which the pride, prejudices and obstinacy 
 of a few may occasion to the whole.' 
 
 SfioCtuwoode d- Co. Printers, yeu-slrert Square, Louden. 
 
 M
 
 CRITICAL NOTICES OP THOMPSON'S 'PROBLEM OF EVIL.' 
 
 iJ^HE PEOBLEM OF EVIL. 
 
 By Daniel Greenleaf Thompson 
 Author of ' A System of Psychology.' London and New York : 
 Longmans, Green, k Co. 1 vol. 8vo. pp. 281. 
 
 The Westminster lieview. 
 
 Mr. Daniel Greenleaf Thompson is an American writer not unknown on 
 this side of the Atlantic. He, too, has made his mark in mental science, 
 and . . . after wanderinj:^ on the heights of pure speculation has come down 
 to grapple with the visible, tangible facts of life, and to offer to social science 
 his contribution on the nature of moral evil and the ways by which we may 
 hope to lessen its baneful influence on the happiness of society. His ' System 
 of Psychology ' sensibly pushed forward the boundaries of that science ; and 
 his later work does good service in emphasising the paramount importance 
 of moral reform as the condition precedent of social economic reform. 
 
 ^Ye are not so much struck with Mr. Thompson's cleverness or literary 
 skill as with the sound, free, manly tone in which he treats of social subjects. 
 He is always moderate and cool-tempered ; stern to the selfishness of the 
 few, and sympathetic towards the hardships of the many. (Article, August 
 1887, ' The Social Problem,' reviewing this ivork with Professor Graham's 
 ' Social Problem.') 
 
 The N.Y. Popular Science Monthly. 
 
 A multitude of the pressing problems of our social life are suggested and 
 discussed in this compact volume with such frankness, sincerity', ability and 
 good feeling that we can heartily commend it not only to the professional 
 scholar, but to all thoughtful men and women. The interest which it will 
 awaken will bespeak for Mr. Thompson's larger work—' A System of 
 Psj'chology ' — a wider circle of readers than it has hitherto had in this 
 country. 
 
 The Inquirer (England). 
 
 On the whole the book, though a little diffuse in style now and then, is 
 clearly and elegantly written, dignified in sentiment, acute in argument, and 
 animated throughout by righteous and benevolent feeling. It does not go 
 deeply into the abstruse question of evil generally, but confines its survey to 
 those more prominent evils in the political, commercial, social, and theolo- 
 gical areas of human life which more obviously produce pain and suffering, 
 particularly among the poorer and humbler members of the community, 
 and tend to alienate class from class. The greatest evil of this kind is selfish- 
 ness, or, as our author calls ii, egoism, and the great remedy or correcti\e 
 of this evil which he ably and earnestly enforces is altruism. In fact, tl e 
 volume is only a restatement and defence in clever, argumentative form, of 
 the wisdom and social necessity of obedience to the old precept, ' Do unto 
 others as 3'e would they should do unto you,' 
 
 M 2
 
 The Unitarian Review (Boston, Mass.). 
 
 "We do not for ourselves find that Mr. Thompson's preaching, clothed in 
 the phrases of the day, is likely to he more effective upon the general con- 
 science than Paul's highly poetical, highly theological, but at the same time 
 supremely practical handling of the same perennial disease of humanity. 
 But undoubtedly to a large class of minds to-day the old homily gains in 
 interest and effect from the new set of terms and the unfamiliar logical 
 apparatus which accompany it here. Mr. Thompson's moral spirit is high 
 and earnest ; and we can only wish him success in his warfare upon the old 
 Adam of selfishness, while his individualism seems to us quite inadequate to 
 any lasting victory. 
 
 Mind. 
 
 Mr. Thompson here follows up his ' System of Psychology ' . . . with 
 a treatise on ethics, or, more exactly, on ethics and politics. Starting from 
 a basis of hedonistic psychology, and adopting the utilitarian criterion of 
 ' the maximum happiness of the greatest number,' he puts his general 
 problem in the form, By what method or methods shall we seek to eliminate 
 evil ? . . . These arguments are in one way the more deserving of attention 
 because Mr. Thompson remains so completely at the unmodified utilitarian 
 standpoint. There is special interest just now in his proof, from this stand- 
 point, that individualism has not only been actually, but is logically, quite 
 compatible with altruism. 
 
 The Guardian. 
 
 We admire his [the author's] originality and analytical power, his obvious 
 desire to be true to facts, his almost omnivorous tastes in literature, and, 
 above all, his extreme modesty and self-effacement. Even when we come to 
 the end and remember that we disagree with his first principles, there 
 remains with us a consciousness of much that is tn^e and some things which 
 are new, while in lucidity of exposition and fearlessness of statement, Mr. 
 Thompson reminds us more of John Stuart Mill than of any other of his 
 chosen leaders. 
 
 The Open Court (Chicago, III.). 
 
 The style of our aiithor is admirably clear, and the general tone of the 
 discussion, covering, as it does, a wide range of practical questions which 
 are uppermost in the thought of millions at the present day, will doubtless 
 secure for Mr. Thompson's book a wide circle of intelligent readers. No 
 thoughtful person can rise from its perusal without a quickened sense of 
 personal responsibility as regards the important problem herein discussed, 
 and a sincere recognition of the thoughtfulness, candour, and ability dis- 
 played in its consideration. 
 
 The Saturday Review. 
 
 In its general drift the volume has much in common with Mr. Morison's 
 ' Service of Man.' Both writers hold that emancipation from the Christian 
 ideas, of God and free will would greatly tend to the promotion of ' altruism.' 
 That view, apart from other objections, does not appear to us to be born© 
 out by experience.
 
 3 
 
 The Journalist {N.Y.). 
 
 This work will be read with pleasure mingled with a little disappointment 
 by those who have studied ' A System of Psychology ' by the same author. 
 It belongs to a class of literature of which Herbert Spencer's latest writings 
 are the leading examples. Mr. Thompson is a careful thinker as well as a 
 line writer, and has apparently devoted* much time and attention to his 
 topic. . . • Mr. Thompson does not arise to the clear height in the present 
 volume that he attained in his other and gi'eater work. ... As the work of 
 a scholarly, conscientious writer, the ' Problem of Evil ' may be commended 
 to all who enjoy the literature of pure thought and sociologic science. 
 
 Knowledge. 
 
 Mr. Thompson, in the very able and important work before us, investi- 
 gates the nature and origin of evil, and essays to point out the most hopeful 
 means for its elimination. . . . He discusses at length the suggested methods 
 (social, political, and ecclesiastical) for reducing evil to a minimum, which 
 have been and are still advanced, and shows trenchantly the fallacies which 
 underlie them all. . . . We will not diminish the pleasure with which the 
 reader will peruse this volume, by any more detailed analysis of its contents ; 
 sutiice it to say that Mr. Thompson has made a real and enduring contribu- 
 tion to ethical philosophy. 
 
 The Scotsman {Edinburgh). 
 We are obliged to say that we have found this volume far from satis- 
 factory. As a philosophic treatise it is incomplete and inadequate. As a 
 practical work on social reform it is lacking in stimulus and inspiration. . . . 
 But we close the book with a high respect for the author. He is a clear 
 and powerful writer, a vigorous thinker and an acute critic. He touches 
 on a great variety of topics, and always in a comprehensive and masterly 
 manner. 
 
 The Examiner (Manchester, England). 
 
 Of a volume so full of compressed and yet lucid thought on what is per- 
 haps the most difficult of all subjects, we cannot give anything that can 
 fairly be called a criticism. . . . We largely disagree with Mr Thompson, 
 but he writes so thoughtfully and so lucidly that few are likely to read his 
 book without gaining both instruction and intellectual pleasure. 
 
 Public Opinion (England). 
 ' While fully admitting the philosophical character and profundity of this 
 work, we should hesitate to subscribe to all the conclusions extracted from 
 the premises laid down. . . . One of the best sections in the book is that 
 devoted to a consideration of egoism in the industrial systems of the times, 
 and here we find much to approve. The sections too on the Family, the 
 State, and the Church, include much matter for thought. 
 
 The Journal of Education (England), 
 
 Mr. Thompson has already made a name for himself as a psychologist, 
 and he handles the questions of moral science with, an acuteness which will 
 sustain his reputation.
 
 The Tabid (England ; Human Catliolic). 
 
 Mr. D. Greenleaf Thompson is a thinker of the school of Mill, and resembles 
 his master in the clear easy run of his style and the external plausibility of 
 his reasoning. He resembles him also in the real shallowness of his con- 
 ceptions. All Mr. Mill's power of concealing inconsistencies under the folds 
 of most ingenious phrasing is ft»ithfully reproduced in his follower. Be 
 content to read without probing and you may enjoy the most agreeable 
 sensation of victory. . . . But only take the trouble to penetrate beneath 
 the surface, so as to think out the positions taken up, and the fascination is 
 at once destroyed. You discover how much has been left out of account, 
 what inconsistencies have underlain the superficial show of reasonableness. 
 
 The Christian Union {New York). 
 He [the author^^he\ongs to the school in which Mill and Herbert Spencer 
 have been such eminent teachers ; and while discrediting the supernatural 
 hypotheses of revealed religion, his tone, with rare exceptions, is conciliatory 
 and appreciative toward the best and purest elements of Christianity. . . , 
 In general we are of the opinion that the ' Problem of Evil ' will stimulate 
 healthful thoughtfuhiess on the great questions involved ; and while we do 
 not indorse many of the author's negations, some of his affirmations do not 
 seem to us incompatible with reason, common sense, and true religion. 
 
 The Spectator. 
 The remarkable feature of this book is its violent and outspoken protest 
 against various Christian dogmas — notably the doctrine of sin. The writer 
 adopts in substance the ethical principles of Mr. Leslie Stephen and Mr. 
 Herbert Spencer ; but the disciple far outruns his teachers in his sweeping 
 condemnation of many of the salient features of Christianity. . . . There 
 is a considerable body of plausible argiiment and ingenious misrepresentation 
 of the doctrines he criticises which calls for detailed notice. . . . We are not 
 disposed to deny . . . that Mr. Thompson fastens on certain featm'es of 
 Christianity which have been so exaggerated by particular sects as to afford 
 him some semblance of justification for his view. And this is one reason for 
 looking on his book as a particularly unfair one, on the principle that a lie 
 which is half a truth is ever the most dangerous of lies. 
 
 The Independent (New YorTi). 
 In ' The Problem of Evil ' . . . the merits and demerits of the school of 
 modern thought to which its author belongs are at their maximum. The 
 problem is undertaken seriously ; much ability and honest work are applied 
 to its solution. We take up such works as Mr. Thompson's with interest. 
 They compel the reader to review his philosophy, and even to apply severer 
 tests to it than he ever did before. This is particularly true of the book 
 before us. . . . Is there any fatal defect in the modern methods of scientific 
 thought as a training which tends to disqualify the human mind from 
 grappling successfully with the problems of philosophy ? Sometimes we 
 think there is. The latest instance we have met is Mr. Thompson's treat- 
 ment of President Edwards in this volume ; it illustrates so well the charac- 
 teristic failure of the book ae a treatise, and of its method as a philosophy, 
 that w« will limit what we have to say to this head.
 
 Revue Philoso})hique (Paris). 
 
 Qiioi qu'il en suit, I'observation dii principe supreme de la moi'ale utililaiie 
 est pour M. Thompson le seul moyen efficace pour eliminer le mal de la 
 societe. Kestreindre les impulsions egoistes, fortifier Taltruisme, voilA lo 
 remede qu'il propose. Tout son livre n'est que le developpement de cette 
 these. On n'en saurait contester la verilre ; maia on se demandera jjeut-etre 
 si elle est bien orifj;inale. L'originalite, cependant, se retrouve dans les details. 
 M. Thompson insiste avec force sur I'inutilite des moyens legislatifs, de 
 Taction gouvernementale, pour developper Taltruisme. II croit, et il etablit, 
 que le bonheur de la societe exige la plus large expansion de la liberte 
 individuelle. II combat avec une dialectique serree et lumineuse I'utopie 
 socialiste. . . . Mais on saura gi'e A, M. Thompson d'avoir donne un accent 
 personnel i cette vieille verite, et, sans partager toutes ses opinions, on 
 cprouvera une sympathie profonde pour I'iuspiration genereuse qui circule 
 il travers son ojuvre. 
 
 CRITICAL NOTICES OF 'THOMPSON'S PSYCHOLOGY.' 
 
 ^ SYSTEM OF PSYCHOLOGY. 
 
 By Daniel Greenleaf Thompson. 
 
 London and New York : Longmans, Green, & Co. 2 vols. 8vo. 
 
 The following extracts from Press Notices are fair specimens of 
 the general tone of criticism : — 
 
 The Edinburgh Scotsman. 
 
 In the seventy-five chapters of these bulky volumes a more detailed and 
 Bystematic account is given of the genesis and development of states of 
 consciousness than can be founi in any other single work in the language. 
 
 Mr. Thompson is an accomplished and earnest searcher after truth. . . . 
 Considerable acuteness is displayed in his analysis of complex mental states ; 
 but the synthetical power he shows in grouping the facts of consciousness in 
 classes, and in making generalisation from these facts, will probably strike 
 the reader as Mr. Thompson's strong characteristic as a thinker. 
 
 Mr. Thompson's labours have done much to enrich the science with fresh 
 materials, to develop new principles, and to illustrate its doctrines. He is a 
 man of independent research and an original thinker. 
 
 Upon the whole, Mr. Thompson's ' System of Psychology ' may be 
 welcomed as a valuable addition to our literature of the subject. It may be 
 pronounced the most complete and satisfactory exposition of mental pheno- 
 mena which the empirical school has produced. 
 
 The N.Y. Popular Science Monthly. 
 
 It is undoubtedly the most important contribution to psychological 
 science that any American has yet produced ; nor is there any foreign \vork
 
 with which we are acquainted that contains so exhaustive, so instructive, and 
 well-presented a digest of the subject as this. 
 
 We have been struck by the thoroughly popular nature of the exposition. 
 The author has evidently been well trained in the important art of plain, 
 direct, and effective statement. He is neither burdened with his learning 
 nor the victim of its technicalities, but expresses himself with the ease and 
 freedom of one who is master alike of his theme and the resources of skilful 
 explanatory presentation. These characteristics adapt the treatise to popular 
 wants. 
 
 The Leeds Mercury. 
 
 This is a very comprehensive and important work. 
 
 There is abundant evidence that the author has considerable power of 
 analysis and original thought. This is conspicuous throughout both volumes, 
 but will be particularly noticed in the treatment of the subject of volition. 
 
 The discussion on the nature and origin of so-called necessary truths is 
 also remarkably acute, and is a real contribution to our knowledge of these 
 qiiestiones vexatce. In our judgment, indeed, the author appears at his best 
 in this part of his work, and presents the case of the experiential school with 
 a force and conclusiveness that will be found somewhat difficult to resist. 
 
 Mr. Thompson has boldly attempted to give adequate treatment to the 
 feelings, and though we would not assert that his treatment is a success in 
 every detail, we thmk it a highly creditable attempt, and one for which he 
 deserves the thanks of all psychological students. 
 
 The Brooklyn (N.Y.) Eagle. 
 
 Mr. Thompson is, in the judgment of gentlemen given to metaphysical 
 studies, better fitted, both by natural temperament and systematic culture in 
 this department, than any other Brooklynite known to the reading public, to 
 deal with the questions in hand. Remarkably fi-ee from the emotional 
 tendencies which lead to the mistaking of poetry for philosophy, he is no less 
 preserved by a rare power of analysis from the follies of materialism, which 
 half-educated men are prone to regard as ultimate matters of fact. 
 
 The value of his work, of course, can only be determined by time, but the 
 statement of its plan is sufficient to indicate that the author has projected 
 and executed a treatise on psychology more comprehensive in its scope tlian 
 any other American writer on the subject. 
 
 The Tablet {England; Roman Catholic). 
 
 These volumes are full of interesting discussions, and for a simple treatise 
 on psychology this work is singularly wide, both in the variety of subjects 
 touched upon and the raanner in which they are handled. 
 
 In conclusion we will merely remark that the volumes of Mr. Thompson 
 are full of much useful and interesting thought, and that his disquisitions 
 on many points are rendered not merely more lucid, but infinitely more 
 entertaining, by his many well-chosen quotations from authors of note and 
 ability. 
 
 To say his philosophy is sound or trustworthy as a whole . . . would be
 
 to betraj^ onr trust as a reviewer. Perhaps to say that it is foiinded in large 
 lueasiire on the writings of John S. Mill, Herbert Spencer, and Alexander 
 Bain, and is considerably influenced by their views, will be the best way to 
 indicate both its ends and its method. 
 
 The Brooklyn {N.Y.) Union. 
 
 One of the most notable [chapters] is upon the Summum Bonum. ... It 
 is a noble vindication of utilitarian ethics, both as against its enemies and its 
 incautious friends. A better test of Mr. Thompson's philosophical ability 
 could hardly be desired than his handling of this subject. His perfect 
 acquaintance with its literature is evident on every page, and his evident 
 ability to supply the deficiencies of a work so dominant in its sphere as 
 Sidgwick's ' Methods of Ethics,' gives him rank with Sidgwick, Leslie 
 Stephen, and their peers in ethical studies. 
 
 The Nonco7iformist and Independent (Englcmd). 
 
 This is the true philosophic spirit, and it pervades the whole work. 
 
 Among subsidiary excellences we may notice the style. This is clear and 
 lively, and makes the book remarkably easy reading. 
 
 We have in these volumes the results of long and patient study, both of 
 psychical phenomena and of the researches of others, presented in a manner 
 which speaks well for future efforts. We should imagine that most students 
 would admit that Mr. Thompson has made good his claim to have ' aided a 
 little in unifj-ing and systematising psychological knowledge.' 
 
 The Neiu York Evening Post {Nation). 
 
 Mr. Thompson is evidently a very conscientious and industrious man, 
 devoted to his work, thoughtful, naturally keen in analysis, undaunted by the 
 magnitude of his task, an excellent collector of facts, a good critic of such 
 theories as are known to him. As to our author's actual contributions to his 
 chosen science, we must admit a great deal of really valuable work, although 
 he has not helped us to find it, but has embedded it in a mass of useless 
 material. . . . But when at last he reallj^ gives us his own contributions, 
 these are not only ingenious and thoughtful, but they are often suggestiona 
 that promise to become more useful as we digest them more, and that future 
 students of psychology ought not to neglect. 
 
 Nature. 
 
 Iv criticising any new book, we ought to ask whether the author has made 
 anj' advance on his immediate predecessors. We ought, in fact, to apply to 
 the particular author we are criticising the test of progi'ess to which psychology 
 as a whole may be submitted. Mr. Thompson's book will emerge successfully 
 from an examination such as that which is here suggested. In dealing with 
 many special questions he goes beyor.d the later English iisychologists, just 
 as they themselves have gone beyond Locke. 
 
 We may conclude by saying that, although in some respects an unequal 
 book, it is decidedly an important contribution of America to the treatment 
 of psychology on the lines with which English readers are most familiar.
 
 8 
 
 The Springfield (Mass.) Rejjublican. 
 
 "VVe must not . . . under-estunate the value of a psychology which seeks 
 to explore the field of correlated facts of body and mind. Until this work 
 is done, it will remain impossible to know the ground of their connection. 
 Very much has been done to this end ; and after careful examination we 
 must say that Mr. Thompson has given it a genuine contribution. 
 
 The Inquirer. 
 
 Mr. Thompson has given us two handsome volumes containing plenty 
 of stiff reading. To those who have the time to make a special study of 
 psychology we cordially commend this book. 
 
 The Chicago {III.) Times. 
 
 The most extensive work in this direction which has seen the light in a 
 long time. 
 
 An immense work full of close and acute thought, actuated hy a spu'it of 
 scientific fairness, an evident purpose to formulate truth as far as it can be 
 known, and a frank willingness to confess a limit to knowledge when it is 
 reached. 
 
 It is not a work which is beyond criticism, . . . but it appears likely to 
 occupy the place of an important aid in the evolution of scientific thought 
 on the difiicult theme to which it is addressed. 
 
 The Academy. 
 
 Mr. Thompson's treatise, though named * A System of Psychology,' is in 
 reality, in outline at least, a system of philosophy. 
 
 While following the most plainly marked track in the fields of English 
 thought, Mr. Thompson is independent, and now and again impressively 
 original. 
 
 Nothing is more characteristic of the later developments of psychology 
 than the manner of viewing mental products, as determined by the mind's 
 conscious activity ; and one is particularly glad to find a writer like Mr. 
 Thompson, who has evidently worked out his results to so large an extent 
 by independent and even solitary study, moving toward the same point of 
 view. 
 
 A word may be said as to the author's style. Nobody will question that 
 it possesses the first quality of a good scientific style — clearness. It is, 
 moreover, free from everything like affectation. There is no effort at fine 
 writing. Even in the second volume, where Mr. Thompson, dealing with 
 the more concrete details of the emotional life, draws largely from the poets, 
 he does not abandon his characteristic plainness. These qualities help much 
 to impress the reader with the author's earnestness and single-mindedness, 
 and this is a matter of some moment when the reader is invited to accom- 
 pany that author through six hundred pages of grave discussion. — James 
 Sully.
 
 The Saturday lievieiu. 
 
 The dedication and a too modest preface, in wliicli Mr. Tlionipsoa 
 ascribes what is good in his book to the influence of John Mill, Dr. Bain, and 
 Mr. Herbert Spencer, prepare us for a thorouglily English work. Nor are 
 we disappointed ; for, though Mr. Thompson has much to say that is all his 
 own, still he is distinctly a member of what some years ago might have been 
 called the dominant English school of philosophy. . . . Partly, as it seems 
 to us, under the influence of Mr. Spencer, partly moved by his own strong 
 common sense, Mr. Thompson makes such large concessions to the natural 
 man who wants, or thinks that he wants, a material world quite indejjendent 
 of his own or any one else's sensations or thoughts, that his right to speak in 
 the name of 'the philosophy of experience ' would hardly have been allowed 
 by those who were the flrst to make that name their battle-cry. . . . This 
 almost unconscious departiu-e of the pupil from the ways of the master adds 
 to the value of some well -reasoned and original arguments about the nature 
 of Belief and other topics. . . . Bentham, who at one time had hopes that 
 Count Rumford would let him make a code for Bavaria, should be grateful 
 to Count Rumford's kinsman for a good defence of a part of his system which 
 has of late years been attacked from many different quarters. 
 
 The Glasgow Herald. 
 
 The writer is an acute and vigoroiis thinker ; he is a devoted student of 
 psychology ; and the treatise, which is fearless and thoroughgoing, is the 
 outcome of an immense amount of industry, research, and hard thinking. 
 
 The Contemporary Beview. 
 
 Mr. Thompson is an acute and careful observer himself, and a systematic 
 Btudent of the results put forward by other workers. 
 
 The author has amply made good the modest claim he puts forward for 
 himself as an independent student. — A. Seth. 
 
 The Westminster Bevietv. 
 
 A careful reader will find that while the author is of the purely English 
 school of psychology, and sometunes for a considerable space merely repeats 
 in his own way the analyses of Dr. Bain, he is frequently able to make 
 really new suggestions in dealing with the parts of the subject that have 
 already been treated in much detail by those whom he regards as his 
 masters. It is not often that the student has to travel over a large space 
 without meeting with something original, although there are chapters that 
 ofier comparatively little. The chief thing, however, in criticising a book of 
 this kind, is not to dwell on occasional defects of treatment, which could not 
 well be absent in two volumes of about 600 pages each, but to indicate its 
 character as a whole and its positive qualities. The worst fault of the style 
 is a certain want of concentration ; but the real psychological work which 
 the book contains is more than sufficient to compensate for this and for any 
 defectb of treatment that may be found in parts of it.
 
 10 
 
 The Scottish Revieiv. 
 
 Mr. Tliouipson is a true psychologist, and (apart from the unnecessary 
 and the irrelevant) there is much subtle and exact analysis throughout his 
 volumes, and often a happy knack of original illustration. 
 
 Mr. Thompson has had the good sense to avoid the pitfall into which bo 
 many of his predecessors have fallen — in connection with the coining of 
 words. The new words that he does forge are few and felicitous. 
 
 The Journal of Mental Science. 
 
 Mr. Thompson's work accomplishes its aim in a very successful manner. 
 The book may without hesitation be pronounced a good one. 
 
 Mind. 
 
 The passages that have been referred to must, of course, be taken merely 
 as specimens of Mr. Thompson's contributions to psychology, not as a 
 complete account of all that he has done ; but they are sufficient to show 
 that if he has not systematised the science from any new point of view, he 
 has at least carried the analytical methods of the older psychology further 
 in various directions. 
 
 The criticism will perhaps be made that some portions of the less original 
 matter in his book might have been omitted with advantage. . . . But the 
 error of including them (if it must be considered an error) is due to the desire 
 to completeness. The author tells us in a note at the end that in writing 
 his book he has had in view partly the systematising of his own knowledge. 
 If in doing this he has sometimes not been able to add anything of his own, 
 but has merely followed the authorities, this can scarcely be complained of. 
 Mr. Thompson (a kinsman of the famous Count Kumford, to whose memory 
 the book is dedicated) has devoted himself to the study of psychology in the 
 intervals of a busy professional life in New York ; and while this would be 
 no excuse in case of failure, it ought to be mentioned as adding to the merit 
 of the success which he has actually achieved. — T. Whitaker. 
 
 The Index (Boston, Mass.). 
 
 It is recognised as a standard work at once. (First Notice.) 
 
 This work proves the author to be a man of large intellectual grasp, of 
 keen critical and analytical ability, and at the same time of large constructive 
 power and capacity for generalisation, of ample acquaintance with philo- 
 Bophy and literatiire. 
 
 One need not assent to all that Mr. Thompson advances in order to 
 appreciate his robust thought, his masterly reasoning, his clear, strong style 
 and truly philosophic spirit. (Second Notice.) 
 
 It is without doubt the most profound, extensive, and original work on 
 psychology that this country has produced. (Third Notice.)
 
 11 
 
 Boston Evening Transcript (Mass.), 
 
 Mr. Thompson, who is a New York lawyer, has in the midst of the cares 
 and duties of his jn-ofession found time to write the most elaborate and 
 complete work on psycholoj^y that has ever appeared from the pen of any 
 American writer. It represents ten years of careful work issuing from a 
 very thorough early education, and shows a rare devotion to philosophic 
 study on themes among the highest that can occupy the human mind. 
 
 Revue Philosophique (Paris). 
 
 We consider that Mr. Thompson has rendered a great service to psycho- 
 logists in undertaking to systematise results actually attained ; he has 
 succeeded in presenting them in clear and precise form ; he has in many 
 places added useful information, and the reading of his work is eminently 
 suggestive. It seems to us, above all, that he has the great merit of 
 producing a work almost entirely psychological. — F. Picavet. 
 
 Unitarian Review {Boston, Mass.). 
 
 Mr. Thompson has produced a work which in thoroughness and com- 
 prehensiveness, if not in originality, surpasses any treatise yet produced in 
 our country. . . . Mr. Thompson's work . . . deserves the gi-atefiil recognition 
 of his countrymen who are students of psychology. To whatever school 
 they may belong they should ' point with pride ' to volumes so honourable 
 to the author in their many merits of temper and matter. — N. P. G. 
 
 Adverse Criticisms. 
 
 In a work which aims to present a body of truth, it is important to note 
 adverse criticisms. In addition to differences expressed upon special points 
 by some of the critics occupying different points of view, The Academy, The 
 Contemporary Review, The Scottish Review, and Mind to the extent above 
 quoted take exception to the inclusion within the work of so much biological, 
 ethical and philosophical matter. The Tablet condemns the general philo- 
 sophy as viewed from the Roman Catholic standpoint. The Nonconformist 
 and Indicator, The Glasgow Herald and The Inquirer express themselves 
 as opposed to the general school of thought of the author, and criticise 
 accordingly. 
 
 There are, however, only two criticisms whose general tenor is adverse 
 to the book as a whole, and these not unqualifiedly so. The one is The 
 Netv York Evening Post, which thinks the author's equipment for his task 
 ' is disastrously and intolerably provincial ' ; also that ' he knows very few 
 theories ' ; that ' his scientific horizon is limited to the older English writers — 
 to the two Mills, to Bain, to Spencer, and Lewes ' ; that his doctrine of the 
 persistence of force is ' utterly intolerable ' — Spencer and his followers ' in 
 their hopeless obscurity of ideas ' forming ' a serious obstacle to the growth 
 of clear notions about these matters,' etc. 
 
 The other of the twain is The British Quarterly Reinew, of whose criti- 
 cism the following is a fair sample : —
 
 12 
 
 A melancholy feeling ci'eeps over one in reading a careful, tentative book 
 like this. From beginning to end he seems to close iip every aperture 
 through v^'hich a ray of light can reach the eye, save and through the 
 material non-ego. Even Spencer is more metaphysical by far in the genera- 
 tion of the concept of time and space. Oddly enough he deduces the 
 persistence of force and indestructibility of matter from simple platitudes, 
 themselves derived from fundamental sense perceptions ! We conclude by 
 the wish that a mind so patient, so docile, so laborious, so honest, had ever 
 had one solitary intiiition, transcending these sense-bound cognitions, these 
 nervous ciarrents, these 'peripheral sensations,' these cerements of the 
 spirit of man, in which modern realism utters its sepulchral whine. 
 
 CRITICAL NOTICES OF THOMPSON'S 'RELIGIOUS SENTIMENTS.' 
 
 rpHE EEIilGIOUS SENTIMENTS OF 
 ■^ THE HUMAN MIND. 
 
 By Daniel Greenleaf Thompson, 
 
 Author of ' A System of Psychology,' ' The Problem of Evil.' 
 
 London and New York : Longmans, Green, & Co. 1 vol. 8vo. pp. 170. 
 
 Notices to Nov. 1, 1888. 
 
 Mind. 
 
 Mr. Thompson's present work is a study of the ' science, not oi religions 
 as they exist or have existed, but of religion as a general fact of conscious 
 experience.' His aim is rather to determine what beliefs can rationally be 
 held about the supernatural than to describe the process by which the super- 
 natural comes to be believed in ; though, in accordance with his traditional 
 view of philosophic method, he makes an investigation of this preliminary 
 to his determination of the limits of rational belief, and, more generally, 
 bases his religious philosophy on his previous work in psychology and ethics. 
 . . . The notion of a supernatural is found to be the inevitable background of 
 all positive knowledge. • . . We can have no experience of a supernatural 
 world during life. The condition of any such experience being possible then 
 is the continuity of consciousness after death. . . . The whole interest of the 
 investigation is found to centre in the question of personal immortality, a 
 belief in which, though not necessary for the existence of altruism, tends 
 powerfully to promote it, in so far as it opens up the possibility of a more 
 complete realisation of the moral ideal. 
 
 The Popular Science Monthly (N.Y.). 
 
 In the volume before us Mr. Thompson has entered upon a fruitful field 
 of thought and discussion ; one, moreover, which requires great tact and 
 ilelicacv in its cultivation if the author would secure the sympathetic and
 
 IB 
 
 rpsitoctfnl attention of his readers. In tliis respect Mr. Thompson has been 
 notably successful. His treatment of his topic is cahn, temperate, philo- 
 sopliical, free from bias, appcahng to reason rather than to theological or 
 anti- theological prejudices. While his discussion of the religious problem is 
 entirely frank, manly, and unconventional, it is also duly considerate of those 
 conceptions which he is compelled to discredit and oppose. . . . The book as 
 a whole stimulates thought and holds the attention of the reader. In con- 
 nection with ' A System of Psychology ' and ' The Problem of Evil,' it justi- 
 fies lis in ranking its author among our ablest philosophical thinkers. 
 
 The Academy. 
 
 The author's intention in this work is to vindicate a fair standing-ground 
 for religion considered as a science. Such an attempt, even when not wholly 
 successful, ought to command respect ; but in Mr. Thompson's case it seems 
 to us to have attained a considerable measure of success.. As the work covers 
 the whole range of generally accepted beliefs, both in religious speculation 
 and practice, it is obvious that we cannot give it the space its importance 
 requires ; but we can honestly commend it to our readers as the outcome of 
 profound thought, and likely to engender such thought in qualified intellects. 
 Mr. Thompson may be accepted as a philosophical teacher the more readily 
 as he does not overstrain the conclusiveness of his arguments. Thus, e.g., 
 he sets forth his belief in personal immortality as a balance of conflicting 
 probabilities. His style is lucid and concise, but sometimes marred with 
 Americanisms which to Englishmen seem a little strange and harsh. 
 
 The Unitarian Review (Bostoyi, Mass.). 
 
 Mr. Thompson as a psychologist is more nearly akin to Herbert Spencer 
 than to any other great writer in this field. . . . But he is an independent 
 thinker ; he both differs from his chief authority and goes much beyond him 
 in his positive beliefs concerning God and Immortality. . . . Now, Mr. 
 Thompson, for whom as a psychologist we entertain high respect, seems to 
 UB, from this volume, unusually lacking in religious siisceptibility. He 
 remains curiously outside his subject all the time. It is not feelings which 
 he has himself had, or strong beliefs which he has himself cherished, which 
 he seeks to analyse and verify, but certain phenomena of the general mind, 
 interesting to the psychologist because they are facts of consciousness. . . . 
 Mr. Thompson has given us an external view of religion fi-om an able psycho- 
 logist, but the soul of her is not visible. . . . With his frequent insistence 
 that nothing in religion shall be allowed under any plea to do harm to man 
 in body or in mind we are in complete accord ; and his closing remarks on 
 religious education are excellent. 
 
 The Tablet {Roman Catholic). 
 
 If we wish to see a specimen of neat printing, good paper, absence of 
 misprints, clear type, yet everything quite simple and plain, this book is such 
 a specimen, and does credit to the printer. That is all we have to say in
 
 14 
 
 its fiivonr. The tendency of the contents is to infidelity or agnosticism, to 
 general doubt, and we all know what that means. ... No one cares mu ch 
 what Mr. Thompson's views are, but we do care very much when, in con- 
 sequence of those views, he tells us that we must not teach any form of 
 religion to our children in our schools. Nothing is to be taught but what 
 can be brought under the domain of science. . . . When fairly examined, 
 the system is preposterous. We say this because morality is essentially 
 based on religion. Without religion no morality. 
 
 The New Englander {New Haven, Conn.). 
 
 The conclusion of the book is, then, agnostic ; not, however, so dogmatic- 
 ally and self-confidently agnostic as are certain other forms of the same 
 general view. 
 
 The Manchester {England) Examiner. 
 
 Readers of the more thoughtful type who are acquainted with Mr. Daniel 
 Greenleaf Thompson's ' System of Psychology ' and his very suggestive 
 treatment of ' The Problem of Evil ' will extend a hearty welcome to his 
 new work. . • . Though his work cannot be compared with the recent 
 magnificent contribution to the literature of the same great theme by 
 Dr. James Martineau, it is full of acute, sound, and penetrating thought. 
 Of the four sections into which the book is divided, perhaps the second . . . 
 is the richest in interest ; but the work from first to last is well worthy of 
 careful study. 
 
 Knoivledje. 
 
 A little dispassionate reflection must suffice to convince any impartial 
 thinker that the religious sentiment, like any other mental affection or 
 operation, must have its origin in the constitution of the human mind, and 
 must be as amenable to investigation as any other psychical condition, 
 whether perceptive, intellectual, volitional, or emotional. In the very able 
 and thoughtful work before ns, then, Mr. Thompson traces the genesis of 
 the idea of the supernatural, and exhibits in more or less detail the forms in 
 which it has subsequently been developed ; the ultimate conclusion at which 
 he arrives being that, while we really know, and can know, nothing of the 
 matter in any legitimate sense, yet that the balance of probability inclines 
 toward the existence of ... in some form, a future life. He then discusses 
 our religious sentiments in relation to feeling and conduct, incidentally 
 treating of the various conditions of existence in another world which have 
 been imagined by divers schools of thinkers. In the concluding portion of 
 his remarkable volume he deals with the application of the principles he 
 has enunciated to popular education, and here makes a suggestion which 
 will assuredly set by the ears the thousand and one sects who figure in every 
 census. It is neither more nor less than this, that no dogmatic theology 
 should form any part whatever of the curriculum of public education, but 
 that, if religion is to enter at all into such curriculum, the students should 
 be carefully instructed in the arguments against as well as those for each 
 and every form of religious belief, leaving him or her to decide between 
 them.
 
 39 Paternoster Row, London, E,C. 
 November 1888. 
 
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