THE LIBRARY 
 
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 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 IN MEMORY OF 
 
 PROFESSOR 
 EUGENE I. McCORMAC 
 
 
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THE LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 OF 
 
 Samuel J. Kirkwood, 
 
 IOWA'S WAR GOVERNOR, 
 
 AND AFTERWARDS A SENATOR OF THE UNITED STATES, AND A MEMBER 
 OF GARFIELD'S CABINET. 
 
 BY H. W. LATHROP, 
 
 LIBRARIAN OF THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OP IOWA. 
 
 1893. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE AUTHOR, 
 IOWA CITY. 
 
 LIBRART 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNQT 
 
Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1893 by 
 
 H. W. LATHROP, 
 in the office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. 
 
 Of REGAN PRINTING HOUSE, CHICAGO. 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 To the Soldiers of Iowa in the late Civil War, whose 
 valor, courage and fortitude without a stain in camp, on the 
 march and on the battle field, combined with the adminis 
 tration of their chief, the u War Governor," at home, con 
 tributed to give to their beloved state a name and a fame 
 that will endure as long as history shall be written, or 
 history shall be read, this work is respectfully inscribed by 
 their friend, 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 My acquaintance with Gov. Kirkwood commenced very 
 soon after he came to the state, and it became somewhat 
 intimate while he was serving his tirst term in the state 
 senate, during the winters of 1856-7, and where I was acting 
 in the capacity of reporter of proceedings for a local paper 
 and correspondent for a Chicago Daily. During his whole 
 residence in Iowa City I have been associated with him as a 
 neighbor, and have served with him several years on our 
 local school board. Since I have commenced writing his 
 life he has submitted to me all of his correspondence, both 
 public and private, needful for my use, and copies of all 
 public documents in his possession, and he has submitted to 
 frequent and oft repeated interviews during the progress of 
 my work. 
 
 In my labor I have been greatly aided by his faithful 
 wife, who has from time to time during his official life, 
 gathered from the public press and other sources and 
 treasured them up, facts relating to him that otherwise 
 would have been lost. 
 
 Governor Boies has kindly permitted me the use of the 
 Executive Records made during Governor Kirkwood' s 
 gubernatorial administrations. 
 
 The manuscript as it has been written from time to time 
 has been submitted to him for his correction and approval. 
 
 IOWA CITY, IOWA, June 29th, 1893. 
 
TH6 Lite and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwoofl, 
 
 IOWA'S WAR GOVERNOR. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Ancestry: Scotch-Irish and Scotch Robert Kirkwood in the Revolution 
 With St. Glair on the Wabash The Kirkwoods as Scholars Scotch 
 Presbyterians Jabcz a Blacksmith and Farmer Blacksmitfying 
 100 Years Ago Farm Tools Then Family Work Samuel an 
 Apt Scholar Goes to Washington to Attend School Joins a Liter 
 ary Society Becomes a School Teacher in Pennsylvania A Drug 
 Clerk for His Brother Wallace Kirkwoods Move to Ohio Settle in 
 the Woods and Make a Farm Samuel Teaches School Again Be 
 comes Deputy County Assessor A Store and Tavern Clerk. 
 
 The Kirkwood family in America date back to 1731, 
 when Robert Kirkwood and his widowed sister-in-law with 
 her two children, a son named Robert, three years old, and 
 a sister older emigrated from Londonderry in the north of 
 Ireland, and settled in New Castle, Delaware. Captain 
 Robert Kirkwood, a son of this immigrant Robert, was a 
 Captain in the revolutionary army all through that war; was 
 an active participant in the battles of Princeton and Long 
 Island, and was so distinguished for his eminent services, 
 that the brevet rank of Brigadier General was conferred on 
 him upon the recommendation of Washington. That he 
 should be advanced from a Captaincy to a Brigadier Gen 
 eralship, without going through the intermediate grades, and 
 that upon the recommendation of his commander in chief, is 
 the best attestation that could be given of his ability, his 
 valor and his worth. He was in the bloody battles of Cam- 
 den, Hobkirk's Hill, Eutaw Springs and Ninety-Six; and 
 Lee, in his memoirs of the Southern revolutionary cam 
 paigns, makes frequent and honorable mention 'of him. 
 
 At the battle of Camden his Delaware regiment was so 
 badly cut up that enough for but one company of it was left 
 
8 THE LIFE AtfD TIMES OP SAMUEL j. KlRKWOOD. 
 
 and he had command of it. After the close of the war, in 
 1789, he moved into eastern Ohio, opposite Wheeling, 
 Va. 
 
 In the spring of 1791 the cabin of Capt. Kirkwood was 
 attacked by a party of Indians in the night, but they were 
 repulsed. The cabin was set fire to, the roof was all ablaze, 
 when it was pushed off and the fire quenched with water and 
 milk from the house. Of fourteen soldiers in the house at 
 the time, one was killed and seven wounded. 
 
 After this affair, Capt. Kirkwood returned with his 
 family to Newark, Delaware. On his way he met some of 
 St. Glair's troops on their way to Cincinnati. Exasperated 
 at the attack of the Indians upon his house, he took the com 
 mand of a company of Delaware troops, and was with them 
 at St. Clair's defeat on the Wabash in the fall of 1791, where 
 he fell in an attempt to repel the enemy with the bayonet. 
 
 In the year 1759 this three year old boy Robert, had 
 attained his thirty-first year, when he married Jane Hender 
 son, and became the father of six children, five sons Wil 
 liam, John, Robert, Nathaniel and Jabez, and one daughter 
 Sarah. 
 
 Rev. A. B. Cross, compiling in 1886 a history of the 
 Presbyterian church of which the early Kirkwoods were 
 members, mentions eight of them and their descendants as 
 being Elders in the church, three as professors in colleges, 
 one (Samuel J.) as ex-Governor, ex-U. S. Senator and ex- 
 Cabinet Minister, and says: "All these Elders, Preachers, 
 Professors, Lawyers and Politicians are the descendants of 
 that fatherless three year old boy who came to Delaware in 
 1731. To me there is a peculiar interest in the childhood of 
 that boy. In all my ministry I have been on the most 
 intimate terms with, and have preached to many of the 
 Kirkwood family, and I would not do justice in this notice 
 if I did not say, from a long and intimate knowledge of 
 them, they have been a family that have always been true to 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 9 
 
 their country and true to their church, with a line of Elders 
 from the beginning in 1731 till now." 
 
 It may be said of the early Kirk woods that they were, 
 and their descendants of to-day are, men of large niental 
 caliber and of great aptitude in the acquisition of knowledge. 
 Among the most noted are *Daniel Kirkwood, LL.D., a life 
 time teacher in various schools, and for several years pro 
 fessor of Mathematics and Astronomy in Indiana University, 
 author of "Meteoric Astronomy and the Asteroids between 
 Mars and Jupiter," and a work on Comets and Meteors; and 
 who is quoted as the highest authority on those subjects; 
 Prof. Wm. R. Kirkwood, D.D. of Macallister College, Minn.; 
 and Prof. Samuel J. Kirkwood, LL.D. of the University of 
 Wooster, Ohio. 
 
 Such is his reputation as an astronomer, both at home 
 and abroad, that when, in 1875, the great English astronomer 
 Richard Anthony Proctor, visited America, he came west to 
 Indiana on purpose to see his colaborer in astronomical work, 
 Prof. Daniel Kirkwood. 
 
 Jabez Kirkwood was an infant son of the revolution being 
 born in that memorable year 1776, and he married for his 
 first wife Mary Coulson, by whom he had two sons, Robert 
 and Coulson, and for his second wife a widow Wallace, whose 
 maiden name was Mary Alexander, by whom he had three 
 sons, John, Wallace and Samuel Jordan. His second wife 
 was born in Scotland. 
 
 Robert, the father of Jabez must have been a man of 
 thrift and well to do in the world, as he settled his five sons 
 at their majority, when they were ready to set up business 
 for themselves, each on a good sized farm for that time, that 
 given to Jabez containing 140 acres or more. 
 
 Samuel Jordan Kirkwood, son of Jabez, the subject 
 of this memoir, and the youngest in the family, was born on 
 
 *A cousin of Samuel J. and his pupil when he taught his first term 
 of school. 
 
10 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 the 20th of December, 1813, in Harford Co., Md., to which 
 place his ancestors had immigrated from Delaware. As will 
 be seen by the foregoing, his parentage on his father's side 
 was Scotch-Irish, and on his mother's pure Scotch. His 
 parents were both Scotch Presbyterians of the strict puritani 
 cal school of that denomination during their time. 
 
 Being a blacksmith as well as a farmer, his father spent 
 most of his time in the shop and the boys, after they had 
 arrived at sufficient age carried on the farm. At this early 
 date so worn had the thin soil of parts of this farm become, 
 that one whole field though well situated and originally feitile 
 was abandoned and left uncultivated. In after years the 
 application of lime restored its fertility. 
 
 Blacksmithing then was as different from the blacksmith- 
 ing of to-day, as our farm operations are different from those 
 of that time. The; making of the iron work of plows, making 
 chains, nails, axes and other edge tools, such as knives, 
 butcher knives and chisels as well as hay forks and manure 
 forks and also many other things we now buy at the hard 
 ware stores were the work of the home blacksmith, and Jabez 
 Kirkwood was an adept at all the work in his line. Cut 
 nails had not then been invented, nor had wire nails been 
 dreamed of, and all the nails then used for building or other 
 purposes, whether large or small, were drawn out one at a 
 time by the smith with his hammer and anvil, and the head 
 of the nail made by having the large end mashed down with 
 a riveting hammer. The edge tools of that day were all 
 ground by hand to fit them for use after they came from the 
 hands of the blacksmith, and it was a good half day's work 
 for two men to grind and fit a new ax ready for chopping. 
 Horse shoes were all turned by hand and the nails for setting 
 them also made by hand. 
 
 The farm tools of that day as used on the Kirkwood 
 farm consisted of a plow, the wood work of which was made 
 by Coulson, one of the elder boys, and the iron work by the 
 
f 
 
 1 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 11 
 
 father; an U A" harrow with heavy frame and but few teeth 
 and they of large size, a sled used in place of a wagon (in 
 later years displaced by a wagon), scythes, sickles, grain 
 cradles, hand rakes, pitchforks, manure forks, shovels, flails, 
 a fan for cleaning grain after it was threshed; and all these 
 tools combined were not equal in value to a mower or reaper 
 or even a farm wagon of to-day. Thus all the farm work 
 except the plowing and harrowing was done by hand and 
 that by tools far inferior to those of the same kind manufac 
 tured to-day. The fanning mill that now lingers on a few of 
 our farms had just begun to supersede the old hand fan. 
 
 In the house, in place of cook stove, for that had not 
 then been invented, was a large open fire place with a broad 
 stone or brick hearth in front of it, wide enough to take in 
 five feet wood, and capacious enough to use in one day wood 
 enough to last a cook stove a whole week. In this fire place, 
 over the fire, was hung an iron crane that reached nearly the 
 length of the fire place and would swing out over the hearth, 
 and on the crane a family of iron hooks from a few inches to 
 two feet or more in length, and a trammel on all which were 
 hung the pots and kettles in which was done the family cook 
 ing, except the frying and baking. In baking a large long 
 legged cast iron bake kettle, sometimes called a Dutch oven, 
 was used. A huge pile of coals was drawn from the fire on 
 to the hearth, the oven set over them, the dough being first 
 put in, the large iron cover, with a wide flange turned up, 
 placed on and this cover loaded with live coals to the top of 
 the flange. This was the ' 'send off" the embryo bread got 
 in the oven, the live coals both on the hearth and the kettle, 
 being renewed from time to time till the baking was finished. 
 The frying was done by hauling live coals on to the hearth, 
 placing the spider or frying pan over them, sometimes with 
 a cover over the pan and often not. Turkeys, ducks, chick 
 ens and ribs of pork were roasted by being hung before the 
 open fire and turned and basted as the roasting process pro- 
 
12 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 ceeded. Before and over this blazing, roasting fire all the 
 family cooking was done and it is a wonder that our mothers 
 and grandmothers as cooks did not themselves get roasted 
 by it. 
 
 The preparation of the family clothing, except the dyeing 
 and fulling, from the time the wool came from the sheeps' 
 backs and the flax came from the hands of the flax dresser, 
 was all made in the family. The wool was all carded, spun 
 and woven by hand, the hand cards, spinning wheel and loom 
 being common tools in nearly every household, and when the 
 garments of the men and boys were to be made a 4 1 tailoress " 
 was brought into the house and she remained till a year's 
 stock for all had been cut and made. The day of shoe stores 
 had not then, dawned nor had boot and shoe shops become 
 plenty, and when shoes were wanted leather was purchased 
 at the country store or at the tanner's and a shoemaker with 
 his kit of tools was brought into the house, given a place in 
 the kitchen and he remained till the whole family were shod. 
 It was the custom in those days for boys as well as girls till 
 well in their teens to go barefooted in the summer, and if the 
 shoemaker could not get around in time it was often as late 
 as the advent of early frosts and untimely snows * before the 
 shoes were ready, and the Governor often goes back in mem 
 ory to the time when as a barefooted boy he was sent out in 
 the early morning to drive up the cows, and remembers 
 how he stood on the warm spots where the cows had lain 
 over night to warm his toes chilled by the ungenerous 
 frost. 
 
 As there were no girls in the Kirkwood family the boys 
 did the churning, helped do the washing and such other 
 household chores as boys could turn their hands to, and 
 Samuel performed his share of these tasks. 
 
 Such was the farm on which, and such the home and 
 family in which the Governor spent the first ten years of his 
 life, and they did not differ in any essential particulars from 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 13 
 
 i ti 
 
 the majority of the farms and homes in that part of the 
 country at that time. 
 
 On one corner of his father's farm was a log school house, 
 in whose small windows oiled paper served in the place of 
 glass and whose seats were logs split in two with wooden 
 pins for legs, and desks made in a similar manner. In this 
 rude school house young Samuel commenced his education, 
 and it was begun when he was so young that the older 
 brothers often carried him to school on their backs, and here 
 it was continued till he was ten years old, and he must have 
 been an apt scholar in his childhood days, for he cannot 
 remember the time when he could not repeat the multiplica 
 tion table, and before he graduated from the log school house, 
 at the age of ten, he had advanced so that he had ' 6 ciphered ' ' 
 to the "rule of three" (proportion) in arithmetic, and had 
 made a corresponding advancement in his other studies, an 
 advancement that in those days was deemed creditable in a 
 youth of fifteen. 
 
 A well educated man by the name of John McLeod who 
 left Ireland during the stormy revolution of 1798, when 
 England finally abolished the Irish Parliament, came to 
 America and became a teacher. He married a Miss Coul- 
 son, sister of Jabez Kirkwood's first wife, and in after years 
 opened a school in Washington. 
 
 During his residence in Washington as a teacher, -he 
 often spent his vacations in Maryland with his brother-in- 
 law, the father of his assistant teacher and of his pupil Sam 
 uel J. 
 
 Robert Kirkwood, his nephew, and half-brother of Sam 
 uel, who was a very excellent linguist, was an assistant 
 teacher in the school, and through his influence the latter was 
 placed in the school to prosecute his studies and here he 
 remained four years during the close of Monroe's and the 
 opening of J. Q. Adams' administration, finishing his 
 English studies and getting enough of the classics to enable 
 
14 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 him to read the Greek Testament and several Latin authors, 
 when he quit school and entered, as a clerk, a drug store 
 kept on Pennsylvania avenue in Washington. While at 
 school he engaged in all the literary exercises connected with 
 it, and after he left it and went into the drug store, he and 
 his associates formed a literary society, which was at first a 
 private affair, but was finally opened to visitors, and con 
 siderable audiences, including the ladies, listened to the 
 deliberations, debates and addresses of these embryo states 
 men; and it was here, in the exercises of this youthful 
 society, while yet in his early teens, he laid the foundation 
 of that character and those habits, and developed the char 
 acteristics that made him so successful a platform speaker in 
 after life. In the debates in this organization he acquired 
 the mastery of himself upon the floor, with the eyes of the 
 audience all upon him, and learned to marshall his facts, 
 array his thoughts, and so discipline his powers that when 
 they were called into action in his intellectual contests with 
 his opponents, he felt perfectly at home and could use every 
 weapon at his command like a veteran in long service. 
 
 After spending a year in the drug store of Patrick 
 Leyne, at the age of seventeen, he went into York County, 
 Pennsylvania, near the Maryland line, and there engaged in 
 teaching a country school, boarding with his Aunt Sally, and 
 doing chores before and after school to pay for his* board. 
 After closing this term of school he went into another neigh 
 borhood, where he opened a subscription school, boarding 
 around among the patrons of the school, as was the custom in 
 those early days. This "boarding around" had its advan 
 tages as well as its drawbacks, while it made an itinerant of 
 the teacher, feeding him at almost every man's table in the 
 neighborhood, it gave him an insight into the inner and 
 domestic life of his patrons, and enabled him to study human 
 nature in all its varied phases. To a young man who was to 
 become a professional or public character in after life, this 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD 15 
 
 itineration was a most excellent school in which many lessons 
 could be learned that would prove useful in after life. At 
 this last school Daniel Kirk wood, Samuel's cousin, now the 
 distinguished astronomer living in California, then two 
 years his junior, was his pupil, and here he showed those 
 habits of deep research, thorough study and intense applica 
 tion that afterwards made him the eminent scholar that 
 he is. 
 
 After finishing his teaching here his older brother Wal 
 lace, who had purchased a drug store at the corner of Penn 
 sylvania avenue and Eleventh street, in Washington, wanted 
 him for a clerk, and here he remained two years or more and 
 then returned home and spent a* winter in a school kept some 
 three miles away, perfecting himself in his classical studies. 
 
 While at school here he walked these three miles twice a 
 day, making a daily six-mile tramp in pursuit of knowledge. 
 
 As indicating the power of the prejudice and tenacity of 
 opinion and force of habit of these early Scotch Presby 
 terians, it is related that the two clerks of the church where 
 the Kirkwoods attended, occupied a position in front of the 
 pulpit facing the audience during the service, one of them 
 read the psalms and hymns and the other named the tune 
 and led the singing, and in these duties they alternated one 
 with the other, and they had for a long time used a set of old 
 church tunes that all in the congregation had become familiar 
 with, and the older members had become attached to. But 
 in the course of time a singing school was taught in the 
 neighborhood, and some new tunes had been introduced and 
 learned by the younger members of the congregation. One 
 of the clerks was Wm. Coulson, a brother-in-law of the elder 
 Kirkwood, and the other Wm. More Livingstone. The 
 latter was in favor of singing some of the new tunes, in fact 
 had taught them, and when it came his turn to lead he named 
 them quite frequently and they were sung. One good 
 brother by the name of Tarbet, who was orthodox in all 
 
16 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 points of faith, thinking the singing of these new tunes was 
 sacrilege would not endure them, and left his seat in hot 
 haste and went out of the church to get away from the sing 
 ing. The particular tune that was then being sung was after 
 wards, from this fact, named "Tarbet's Trot." Not long 
 after this the horses of Jabez Kirkwood hitched to some 
 trees in plain view from the pew he occupied were getting 
 into some trouble with each other, and he seeing them in 
 their dilemma during the singing of one of these new tunes 
 rushed out of the church in haste to relieve them. The con 
 gregation, supposing that he was going out for the same 
 reason that Brother Tarbet had, named that particular tune 
 "Kirkwood's Canter." 
 
 The father of Samuel was a man in good circumstances, 
 "well to do in the world" as the phrase goes, but he became 
 surety for a friend, and as bondsman was called upon to 
 make up a large deficit of his principal, and when this was 
 done he had only his farm left. Hoping to regain his for 
 tune on it in raising horses, he had made a good beginning at 
 it when his horses were all carried off by disease. He then 
 determined to sell and go West with the current then setting 
 strongly in that direction. 
 
 In 1835, just after Samuel had attained his majority, he 
 sold the farm and the family all went to Richland County. 
 Ohio. The journey was made from Maryland to Ohio in a 
 two-horse wagon, which contained all the worldly goods of 
 the family, and it was most of the way over the Great 
 National Road, along which nearly the whole trade of Balti 
 more and Philadelphia was carried on, some in heavy, wide- 
 tired wagons drawn often by four, six and eight horses to a 
 wagon, and when nearly every other house on the road was a 
 tavern. It was quite the custom of travelers in those days 
 to carry their provisions with them and do their cooking at 
 the fire in the tavern kitchen, the men sleeping in their 
 covered wagons and the women and children in the house. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 17 
 
 On getting up one morning it was found that all the money 
 belonging to the Kirkwood family was missing, it all being 
 carried in a common purse. The consternation can better 
 be imagined than described until after diligent search it was 
 found in the bottom of the wagon. 
 
 Here the father entered eighty acres of heavily timbered 
 wild land, and John, one of the sons, bought at second hand 
 160 acres more, on which a little clearing of about four acres 
 had been made, and on which was a small log cabin, built in 
 the rudest and most primitive style of round, unhewed logs 
 with a puncheon roof, held on by weight poles, and a rough 
 puncheon floor; on the place was also a very rough primitive 
 stable. Here in a contest with the primeval forests, endur 
 ing the hardships and inconveniences of pioneer life, recom 
 menced the struggle for subsistence and the regaining of a 
 competency. This struggle was continued until sixty acres 
 of the faim had been subdued and made tillable land. 
 
 About this time there was speculative mania all over the 
 country for the purchase of wild Western government land, 
 which had been reduced in price from two dollars to one dol 
 lar and a quarter per acre, and so much was bought that, 
 combining with other causes, a large surplus of money, 
 amounting to over $70,000,000, had accumulated in the 
 United States Treasury, and was afterward distributed among 
 the several States. This speculative mania, with other causes, 
 resulted in the financial crash of 1837, the most disastrous 
 one that ever afflicted the country, one in which the banks 
 all suspended specie payment, in which all business was 
 paralyzed, and in which nearly every considerable debtor 
 became a bankrupt. This brought about a state of affairs 
 oppressive to almost every family in the country, and pecul 
 iarly so to one like the Kirkwood family, just commencing a 
 new life on the wild frontier. But they manfully braved it 
 all and success eventually crowned all their efforts. 
 
 During all this time Samuel spent the winters in teaching 
 
18 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 school, at which he got good wages and became the possessor of 
 a little ready money. During one of these terms of school an 
 incident occurred that is worth mentioning here, as it illus 
 trates the fact that it is as important that a boy should learn his 
 rights and how to maintain them as it is to learn the rules of 
 grammar and arithmetic and how to apply theinT He had 
 for a pupil his brother's son William, and some of the boys 
 were in the habit of pitching on to him and abusing him 
 without any provocation, and his uncle asked him one day if 
 such was not the case, when he replied that it was, and he 
 asked him why he did not defend himself, and the boy 
 replied that his father told him he must get along quietly at 
 school and not get into any trouble with the boys. " Well," 
 said his uncle, "don't you let the boys abuse you again if 
 you can help it, and as to your getting into trouble with 
 them, I'll give you a quarter apiece for each one you'll give 
 a thrashing when they attack you." Within a day or two 
 Will says one morning: "Uncle Sam, you owe me seventy- 
 five cents; I gave three of the boys a lickin' yesterday." 
 " Well," replied his uncle, " here is your money, but I think 
 I'll rescind the contract now. " It was he who afterwards, as 
 a " boy in blue," and a lieutenant in the 14th Iowa Infantry, 
 and still later in the battle of Corinth, was employed by his 
 other "Uncle Sam" to punish some bad " boys in gray ," 
 and he helped do a good job at it in the capture of Fort Don- 
 elson. He received special mention from his colonel " for 
 very valuable assistance in forming the line with his company 
 in front of the enemies breastworks. " 
 
 While teaching school Samuel became well acquainted 
 |with a Mr. Abram Armentrout, who was the assessor 
 of Richland county, and in the year 1840 he was 
 employed by Mr. A. as his deputy assessor, and thir 
 teen townships of the county were assigned to him as 
 the scene of his labors, and all the personal property in these 
 thirteen townships was assessed by him and the work was 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL -J. KIRKWOOD. 19 
 
 done and the whole section traveled over on foot. For this 
 service the deputy was allowed a dollar and a half a day, and 
 this county school teacher undoubtedly thought that in get 
 ting such a job as this, at such a price in such pinching 
 times, he was securing a small fortune, and such it was in 
 those times. 
 
 After closing up this work, Mr. Armentrout bought a 
 store and a tavern stand, and engaged his deputy as his clerk 
 to assist him in selling goods and " keeping tavern." After 
 spending a year in this business our subject began to think a 
 wider field might be found in which he could better display 
 his powers and accomplish more good for himself and the 
 world at large than in subduing the forest and working a 
 farm, teaching a county school or selling goods and helping 
 keep tavern. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 Studies Law in Mansfield Assistant in County Clerk's Office rs Ad 
 mitted to the Bar Opens an Office and Begins Practice Forms a 
 Partnership with His Old Preceptor Prepares Cases for Trial- 
 Cases all Well Prepared Marries Jane Clark Elected Prosecuting 
 Attorney Successfully Tries a Murder Case Three Attorney sin the 
 Case Become Cabinet Ministers Forms a Partnership with Barn 
 abas Burns Farewell by the Bar of Richland County Elected to 
 the Constitutional Convention Extracts from Speeches There. 
 
 Bidding good- by to all previous occupations, in the year 
 1841, at the age of twenty-eight, he went to Mansfield, and 
 entering the office of Thomas W. Bartley commenced a two 
 years' study of law. One of the questions that was puzzling 
 him in the contemplation of these two years' professional 
 study was the obtaining of funds to pay his board bills and 
 meet other necessary expenses during that term. At this 
 time Dr. E. W. Lake, a personal friend and afterward a 
 resident in Iowa City and Marion in this State, was the clerk 
 of the courts in Richland county, and not wishing to confine 
 himself to official work in the office, young Barnabas Burns 
 was his deputy, on whom most of the duties of the clerk 
 devolved, and arrangements were soon made by which young 
 Kirkwood got work enough writing in the clerk's office with 
 the deputy to realize nearly money enough to meet his nec 
 essary expenses. This was a most excellent opportunity, for, 
 in addition to furnishing him means to pay his way, the work 
 gave him an introduction to, and familiarized him with, all 
 the legal forms in a law practice, and to the legal machinery 
 by which the court was run and the law administered. No 
 better avenue could have been opened to a young law student 
 than this. 
 
 Completing his law studies and obtaining the necessary 
 
 90 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES Ofl SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 21 
 
 certificate from his preceptor, he went on horseback, in com 
 pany with Frank Barker, another law student, also on horse 
 back, from Mansfield to Cincinnati, a distance of 150 miles, 
 to be examined for admission to the Supreme Court. Re 
 turning, a full-fledged attorney, with his diploma in his 
 pocket, he opened an office in Mansfield facing the public 
 square, where, also facing the square, was the office of 
 his old preceptor in which he had spent the previous two 
 years. 
 
 After spending a few months in this office reviewing his 
 law studies and waiting for clients, his old preceptor dropped 
 in on him one day and asked him if he had made any arrange 
 ments toward forming a partnership. He replied he had not, 
 but that he and Frank Barker had had some preliminary talk 
 on the subject. "Well," replied Mr. Bartley, "I have dis 
 solved with my old partner and I have come in to offer you 
 his place." Here was something better offered than sitting 
 alone in an office and waiting for clients it was an invita 
 tion to an office and a practice where clients did not have to 
 be waited for. The result of this interview was that a part 
 nership was then formed in which the new and young partner 
 was to get one-half of the proceeds of the office. It was 
 not "nominated in the bond " that the new partner was to do 
 more than half the work, but he had it to do nevertheless. 
 Upon going back into the old office, the young partner found 
 that the papers in some twenty cases had to be drawn up and 
 prepared for filing, to be ready for the next term of court, 
 and some of them were very important ones, involving ripa 
 rian rights and damages by the overflow of land in the erec 
 tion of mill dams, and he thought that an older and abler 
 lawyer than himself should prepare the pleadings which were 
 then under the old common law forms. The days wore on, 
 the older partner did not get at them and the younger one 
 had to. When after all were got ready by him they were 
 placed on the senior's table to be examined, and there they 
 
22 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 lay undisturbed and unexamined when the filing day arrived. 
 In a state of nervous indignation and exasperation they were 
 taken by the junior to the office and filed. Trepidation then 
 began in the mind of the junior, lest some of the petitions 
 (declarations they were then called) should be demurred out 
 of court, and some important cases have to go over or be dis 
 posed of to the disadvantage of clients. But they all k 'stood 
 fire," and it was a happy time for the junior when the last 
 day of court arrived and he found his work all well done. 
 The main work of trying these cases in court was done, of 
 course, by the senior member of the firm. He had undoubt 
 edly learned that his former pupil could be trusted as a part 
 ner with the most important work that came into the office, 
 as he had fully prepared himself for that work. 
 
 In the year 1811 there settled in Ohio, about six miles 
 from Mansfield, Mr. Ichabod Clark, and here he reared a 
 typical Ohio family of two sons and eight daughters. John, 
 the younger of the two sons, studied law in the office of Mr. 
 Kirk wood, and afterwards becoming a litigant in the office of 
 n country justice, went to Mansfield the day before the trial 
 to get his former preceptor to help him in his case. Mr. K. 
 spent the night before the trial at the home and in the family 
 of his client's father, and also the following one after the 
 trial, and here he made the acquaintance of lovely Jane 
 Clark, his client's sister. That acquaintance ripened into 
 love and culminated in their marriage, which took place on 
 the 27th day of December, 1843, and together they have 
 since traveled the journey of life, she being all this time a 
 model wife and he an exemplary husband. 
 
 Mr. Kirkwood had been in practice but a couple of years 
 when he was elected prosecuting attorney of the county, and 
 this put into his hands the preparation and tiral of one side 
 of all the criminal cases in court, and during his term the 
 first conviction in that county for murder in the first degree 
 took place. It was a case of more than usual interest, as the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 23 
 
 families of both the murderer and murdered man were 
 wealthy and influential and occupied prominent positions in 
 society. 
 
 It was the trial of Robert Bowland for the murder of 
 Frank Barker. One thing that gave it a deep interest to 
 the public prosecutor was the fact that the murdered man 
 had been a co-law student with him, rode in company on 
 horseback with him to Cincinnati to be examined for ad 
 mission to the Supreme Court, and afterwards contemplated 
 forming a law partnership with him and as a matter of 
 course had been on very intimate terms with him. 
 
 The parties were both young men, recently married and 
 were brothers-in-law Barker having married Bo wland's sister. 
 
 The attorneys were, in addition to Mr. K. as public 
 prosecutor, a prosecuting attorney from an adjoining county 
 and Judge Lane from Sandusky, who had held a position on 
 the Supreme Bench, on one side, and Thomas Ewing and 
 Columbus Delano for the defense. Judge Lane was em 
 ployed by the father of Barker as assistant counsel, as it was 
 thought that legal questions might arise during the trial, that 
 he could better grapple with than younger lawyers, and that 
 his opinions would weigh more before the court trying the 
 case than theirs. 
 
 Nearly a week was consumed in the trial of the case and 
 when the testimony was all in, and the lawyers were ready 
 to go to the jury, Mr. K. in consultation asked Judge Lane 
 what part he would like to take in the concluding part of the 
 trial in addressing the jury. The Judge laughed and replied: 
 ' 'You are perfectly competent to present this case as it should 
 be presented in all its aspects to the jury; 1 have no reputa 
 tion to make in it, I was got here to help you out on legal 
 questions and I will leave the case now in your hands." The 
 assistant from the adjoining county made the first speech to 
 the jury and Mr. Kirkwood the closing one. The result was 
 a verdict of "guilty." 
 
24 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 It is a notable fact that three of the lawyers, Ewing, 
 Delano and Kirkwood, engaged in the trial of this cause, 
 afterwards became cabinet ministers, all being Secretaries of 
 the Interior, and when Mr. K. went to Washington to enter 
 upon his duties in that office, he found the portraits of the 
 men who had confronted him on this trial hanging on the 
 walls of his office; their portraits being left there as is usual 
 in all the departments. 
 
 When Barnabas Burns had completed his term of office 
 as Deputy Clerk, he entered the office of Bartley & Kirk- 
 wood as a student at law; in due time was admitted to prac 
 tice, and opened an office and went into practice in Mans 
 field. 
 
 As time wore on the senior member of the firm of Bartley 
 & Kirkwood, though not becoming any less a lawyer, was 
 becoming more and more a politician, devolving more and 
 more of the labors both of the office and the court room upon 
 the junior, and the latter began to think another partnership 
 desirable for the successful practice of the law business that 
 was accumulating, with the perplexing problem of how to 
 get rid of the old partner presenting itself. Fortunately Mr. 
 Bartley was an aspirant for the office of governor, but there 
 were other* aspirants whose chances were probably better than 
 his. The embryo firm of Kirkwood & Burns proposed him 
 for Supreme Judge, an office which the New Constitution 
 provided should be filled by election by the people. They 
 advocated and procured his nomination by the convention of 
 his party and he was triumphantly elected, made a most 
 excellent judge, and left a vancancy in the law office which 
 was filled by the old time Deputy Clerk, Barnabas Burns, as 
 the junior member of the firm of Kirkwood & Burns. It is 
 not often that a man is got out of another's way by being 
 invited to take a seat higher, where greater honors can be 
 bestowed upon him, but this was a case of that kind. This 
 partnership formed by the old Deputy Clerk and his subor- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMtTEL J. KIRKWOOD. 25 
 
 dinate, continued till the latter left Ohio in 1855 for a per 
 manent residence in Iowa. 
 
 The bar of Richland county, always a strong one, was 
 particularly so at this time, containing among others such 
 men as Bartley ; Stewart, father in-law of John Sherman, who 
 is now so widely and well known as one of our leading states 
 men; Newman; Ford, afterwards Lieut. Gov. with Salmon 
 P. Chase for Gov. ; Brinkerhoff &> Geddes, both afterwards 
 members of Congress, and others their compeers, and on the 
 final departure to Iowa of so prominent a member of that bar 
 as Mr. Kirkwood had been, they tendered to him a banquet, 
 and in addition to the feast spread upon the table it was a 
 ' 'feast of reason and a flow of soul" where Mirth and Good 
 Cheer reigned supreme, and at the close of which many a 
 farewell hand shake was given, and a "God speed you on 
 your way" was pronounced by all. 
 
 In 1802 Ohio was admitted into the Union, and from 
 that time till 1850 her constitution had remained unchanged. 
 In the latter year a State Convention was held to revise and 
 change that instrument. Of that body S. J. Kirkwood was 
 chosen a member from Richland county. The history of that 
 state for the forty-ei^ht years preceding that convention had 
 demonstrated the necessity of many changes and reforms in 
 its fundamental law, especially on the subjects of Finance, 
 Banking, Judicial Organization, Education, Corporations, 
 Law Practice and other subjects. The consideration of and 
 the debates upon the questions relating to these topics gave 
 an opportunity for the display of the abilities, talents and 
 sound judgment of the members of this body, and in most 
 of them Mr. Kirkwood took a prominent part, and the im 
 press of his opinions was stamped upon that constitution, 
 which still remains the fundamental law of the Buck-eye 
 state. 
 
 Ohio has always been rich in men of learning, talent and 
 ability, and a heavy drain upon, and choice selection from 
 
26 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 that class of her people was made to constitute that conven 
 tion. It is doubtful whether she ever has, in her whole his 
 tory, called together an abler body of men in an official 
 capacity than this convention embraced, and Mr. Kirkwood 
 took a fair rank in it. On taking his seat he was made 
 chairman of the committee on Privilege and Elections, and 
 had a place on the committee on the Judiciary, one of the 
 most important ones in that body, where he was intimately 
 associated in his work with some of the ablest lawyers and 
 jurists in the State, among whom was the venerable Peter 
 Hitchcock, who was for twenty-seven years on the Supreme 
 Bench and J. R. Swan, author of Swan's Treatise, the most exten 
 sively used book by the whole Ohio Bar; Judge McKennon, 
 of Belmont, Henry Stansberry and others of the prominent 
 lawyers of the State. 
 
 The convention met at the State Capitol, in Columbus, 
 on the 6th day of May, 1850, and continued in session till 
 the 8th day of July, when it adjourned to meet in Cincinnati 
 on the first Monday of the following December. The reason 
 for adjourning was that the cholera had made its appearance 
 and was becoming epidemic in many parts of the State, some 
 cases occurring in Columbus which had proved fatal. The 
 convention met at the appointed time and place and finally 
 adjourned on the 10th day of the following March, having 
 been in session in all one hundred and thirty-five days. 
 
 Below are given a few extracts from some of the speeches 
 made by Mr. Kirkwood on some of the leading subjects dis 
 cussed in the convention. 
 
 On the subject of Biennial Sessions of the legislature, Mr. 
 Kirkwood said: 
 
 "I had not intended to say a word on the question under considera 
 tion, and I will say but few. I shall vote in accordance with my own 
 sentiments, and those whom I represent in favor of biennial sessions, 
 but before doing that I wish to allude briefly to some objections to 
 that measure. 
 
 "The gentleman from Hamilton has argued this question as if it 
 
(THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD. 2? 
 
 were a question of government or no government, of order or anarchy. 
 Now, sir, that is not the question at issue. It is really a question as 
 to how often it is necessary and proper that the people should gather 
 together by their representatives to enact new, or to amend or 
 repeal old laws, whether it is safer or better that this should be 
 clone annually, or biennially. I apprehend that while our General 
 Assembly is not in session we have a government the law-making 
 power is in the hands of the people where it is safe, or rather .perhaps 
 is dormant where it cannot be used to their prejudice, but the Execu 
 tive and Judicial Departments are in full operation, extending by 
 means of existing laws protection to the rights and interests of the 
 people. It strikes me that there is a misconception on the part of 
 some gentlemen who have argued this question, and who seem to be 
 impressed with the idea that it is only during the sessions of the Gen 
 eral Assembly that the people possess any power. I think this is 
 incorrect the sovereignty the law-making power is in the people at 
 all times, except during those sessions. At these times it is in the 
 hands of agents, and returns again to the people as soon as the agents 
 cease to act. * * * I think, Mr. Chairman, that gentlemen who 
 favor annual sessions are in error in drawing comparisons between 
 our form of government and a monarchical one, in aid of their view 
 of the question. With us the sovereignty is in the people; in mon 
 archies it is in a greater or less degree in the monarch. Now, sir, 
 what department of government is it which, wherever it exists is 
 always stealing or wresting to itself power from the sovereign? I 
 answer the legislative or law-making power. In governments where 
 this department does not exist, and the sovereignty is in the monarch, 
 that monarch is a despot, and the people are slaves. Under limited 
 monarchies where this department does exist, it is the channel through 
 which power passes from the monarch, and a body between which and 
 the monarch a struggle for power is continually going on; and hence 
 the Liberals under a monarchical government are always in favor of 
 frequent sessions of their legislature. But, sir, this is not the state of 
 affairs with us. Here the people are sovereign, and do we need a 
 legislative body to carry on a continual war with our sovereign, to 
 draw power from his hands? It is no less true, sir, in popular than in 
 monarchical governments that the legislature is the channel through 
 which power is drawn from the sovereign, it is with us the channel 
 through which power is drawn from the people, and I wish to make it 
 as narrow and open it as seldom as is consistent with safety. We are 
 here to narrow that channel, and I hope, sir, to provide that it shall 
 not be opened more frequently than once in two years." 
 
 Upon the question of giving to the governor or with 
 holding from him the veto power, Mr. Kirk wood said: 
 
28 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KlRRWOOt). 
 
 "I am in favor of the old-fashioned veto, I always have been. I be 
 lieve that experience has shown its utility both in state and national 
 affairs, but I ani satisfied that in this convention we cannot get it, and 
 I make it a rule if I cannot get the best (which is always preferable) to 
 take the next best. This I find to be a very practicable and reasona 
 ble rule of action. I never wed myself so closely to my own opinions 
 as to feel, if I cannot carry them that I will go against everything else. 
 It was Tfith this consideration that I had hoped that this proposition 
 coming from our friends on the other side (the Whigs) would have 
 been accepted as a concession, I shall myself vote for it because cer 
 tainly to some extent it will impose a restraint upon hasty legislation." 
 
 In the debate on the subject of Corporations occurs an 
 episode in one of Mr. Kirkwood's speeches worthy a place 
 here. He said: 
 
 "I believe that there is at the foundation of political parties in the 
 State and in our Union and among 'the rest of mankind,' a radical 
 difference in principles, and that the names made use of to designate 
 parties are not mere sounds meaning nothing. I believe that the 
 term Democrat as adopted by the Democratic Party has a significancy 
 as to principle, and does not merely mean a number of men com 
 bined together for the purpose of getting office. I also believe that 
 the term 'Whig,' as applied to the Whig Party is intended to signify 
 principles, and not merely to signify a body of men banded together 
 merely to obtain place. This I believe-- if I did not believe it parties 
 would be, in my opinion, objects of scorn and detestation. No honest 
 man would be a party man if there was no higher bond of union than 
 spoils. Now I believe these differences arise from principle, and so 
 believing I never can consent to abandon the position I hold as a mem 
 ber of my party, or the advocacy of its principles. Parties are 
 founded on principles and the no-party man is a man without prin 
 ciples." 
 
 On the question of taking private property for public 
 use, or the use of corporations, Mr. Kirkwood advocated the 
 right of all persons whose property had been taken to have 
 their rights adjusted in the courts, and of having their claims 
 determined by a jury in those courts. 
 
 On the proposition to excuse Quakers and others opposed 
 to war from performing military duty, Mr. Kirkwood 
 said: 
 
 "The proposition is to exclude from doing military duty a certain 
 portion of our citizens, that if hereafter the legislature should deem it 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 29 
 
 necessary to enact a law requiring that military drill and trainings be 
 had, a certain portion of our citizens should be exempt from the opera 
 tion of that law. Now I would ask, why not make a general provision 
 applicable to all laws that they shall be obligatory only on those who 
 conscientiously believe them to be right, and that those who con 
 scientiously believe any law to be wrong, may disregard it. Why 
 confine our action to one law and one class of people? I think my 
 friend from Jefferson will not endorse, on the part of the Quakers, 
 this claim to be thus peculiarly favored. I believe there is a sect 
 called the covenanters, who hold peculiar opinions in relation to civil 
 government. They hold that all government that does not conform to 
 the Bible is wrong. They are therefore conscientiously opposed to 
 paying taxes for the support of our government, as in their opinion it 
 does not come up to their standard. Will gentlemen make a law 
 declaring that these persons be exempt from taxation? Why not? If 
 it is right in this case to make a constitutional provision exempting a 
 certain class of men from bearing arms because they are conscien 
 tiously opposed to so doing, is it not equally right to make a provision 
 exempting the class alluded to from paying taxes because they are 
 conscientiously opposed to so doing? Again, the Catholics deem it to 
 be wrong, and think their rights are infringed upon when they are 
 compelled to pay taxes for the support of common schools, to which 
 they cannot conscientiously send their children. They would desire 
 the portion of the common school fund they contribute applied to 
 schools where their children could be educated in the same religions 
 faith as themselves. Will gentlemen go to that length and make the 
 distinctions in these cases as well as the one under consideration? If 
 not why not?" 
 
 Mr. Robertson, a member of the convention, said: 
 
 " The argument of the gentleman from Richland (Mr. Kirkwood) 
 against exempting any class from military duty ought to be conclu 
 sive. If we begin to make exceptions, there is no point where we can 
 end. The very idea of exceptions destroys that equality that should 
 prevail among all the citizens of the State." 
 
 Upon the question of taxation the convention encoun 
 tered a difficulty that we have met with in this State, that of 
 * ' double taxation, " and to meet and obviate the difficulty Mr. 
 K, offered an amendment providing for "the levying of taxes 
 upon all residents of the State in proportion to the amount of 
 property and assets owned by each, deducting therefrom the 
 debts by him owing according to the value thereof;" and 
 upon this he said: 
 
30 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 4t My object is to tax every man for what he is worth and not for 
 what he merely holds. For instance, if a man buys a farm of the value 
 of, and for which he is to pay, ten thousand dollars, for which he pays 
 down five thousand, and continues to owe five thousand on it, he ex 
 pects, in the course of years, by his own skill and labor, to make the 
 money out of the land to pay the balance. Under the present law he 
 is taxed upon the whole ten thousand dollars. By what right is he so 
 taxed? I desire, by this amendment, so to fix it that a man in future 
 will be taxed upon property only to the extent of his own interest in 
 it, and not upon all that he holds, whether his own or not. * * * 
 The present law is unjust in its operations. It calls upon many men to 
 pay taxes on more than they are worth. It brings in property for tax 
 ation twice over, once in the form of land and again in the form of 
 notes given for its purchase. A farm sold for ten thousand dollars 
 may readily be made to pay taxes upon fifteen, ten thousand upon the 
 land and five thousand upon the mortgages. A sells a farm for ten 
 thousand dollars, for which he receives five thousand in hand and 
 notes for five thousand secured by mortgage on the farm. On this five 
 thousand he is taxed, while B, to whom he sold the land, is taxed for 
 the whole price of it, ten thousand dollars. This is wrong. I want to 
 hear the viewe of gentlemen on this question." 
 
 The question of the Reform of the Law Practice in the 
 courts, both civil and criminal, was before the convention, 
 and on it Mr. K. said: 
 
 " I object to the grand jury system on account of its expense. I 
 would be glad to see all cases of assault and battery, petit larceny and 
 other minor offences that would go to the grand jury disposed of before 
 a justice of the peace, and if the disposition of the case was wrong, it 
 could be taken up on writ of error. It is not good policy to spend 
 $200 in costs to protect an interest of six and one-fourth cents." 
 
 At this time the Democratic party with which Mr. K. 
 affiliated was, to quite an extent, in favor of an exclusive 
 metallic currency, and opposed to the issue of paper money, 
 and on this subject he was in accord with his party, and in a 
 considerable speech he advocated the exclusion of all bank 
 notes from circulation under the denomination of twenty dol 
 lars. As this was soon after the discovery of gold in Cali 
 fornia, it was argued that the influx of the precious metals 
 from that section would be sufficient to supersede the use of 
 bank paper and we would have a circulating medium that 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 31 
 
 never would become depreciated in value, and would be the 
 current coin of the whole country. Mr. K., among other 
 things, said: 
 
 "Sir, what do the people want? Our friends here say they would 
 have hard money. Well, I am agreed to that. I am a hard-moneyed 
 man, and I believe that if this question could be fairly brought before 
 the people they would also vote for it. But we cannot get such a 
 proposition through here. It is now well understood by this conven 
 tion that no hard money proposition can be engrafted in the constitu 
 tion, and we may just as well say it at one time as another, and know 
 ing this, do these gentlemen desire the old system to go on? Do they 
 desire the convention to adjourn and say not a word about banking? 
 Will they throw the question back into the politics of the State just 
 where it has been for the last eight or ten years? Will they let the leg 
 islature go on and charter bank after bank with the existing license of 
 the system, and do nothing but wait for the 'good time coming, 'and, in 
 the mean time, permit the same system of outrage and wrong under 
 which we have suffered so much? If this be their policy, it is not 
 mine. I am willing to go as far as any of these gentlemen to effect 
 what we all believe to be the best thing; but if that cannot be effected, 
 I then desire to effect the next best thing, and this I apprehend to be 
 the dictate of plain common sense. Admitting to be correct all these 
 gentlemen claim, admitting that within a few years such a change will 
 have taken place in public opinion in this State as to render absolutely 
 certain the attainment of a hard money currency, 1 have shown, and 
 every gentleman must see that the attainment of this desirable end is 
 not in any manner endangered or delayed by the adoption of the sec 
 tions I have offered; but let us suppose for a moment that it is possible 
 for these gentlemen to be mistaken; that it is possible that they may 
 not be infallible; that it is possible that these gentlemen may be igno 
 rant of the future, although they know so well every thing past and 
 present, and what then? Why this: that these gentlemen are about to 
 fasten upon the people of this State for an indefinite period of time a 
 system of plunder and robbery against which they have been strug 
 gling for years, a system that these gentlemen and myself consider 
 corrupt and demoralizing, and but little if any better than legalized 
 swindling. And are the gentlemen so sure that they precisely and ex 
 actly know not what now is or what has been, but what will be, that 
 they are willing to run the risk? Are they willing to stake this fearful 
 result upon their infallibility? If they are, I am not. I have a very 
 high opinion of the wisdom of these gentlemen, but they must excuse 
 me from placing implicit confidence on their fore-knowledge. 
 
 " Now*, 1 affirm that the people desire and expect of us that we 
 should do something with the que&tion of the currency, although I can 
 
32 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 speak positively only of those whom I represent. But I can say to my 
 Whig friends here that I have not met a single Whig in Richland 
 county amongst the rank and file of the party but desired to have some 
 constitutional restriction on the power of the legislature to grant 
 charters hereafter, and, moreover, I have never found a single indi 
 vidual in favor of the present banking system of the State, nor of leav 
 ing to the legislature unrestricted exercise of the same power which 
 they now have with reference to this matter. I have found some 
 Whigs that are in favor of submitting the question of banks or no 
 banks to the people, and, in case of their decision in favor of banks, to 
 fall back upon a new constitutional alternative. I have not seen so 
 much as one man of either party but what was in favor of some con 
 stitutional action on this question, either a total prohibition of paper 
 money, or some restriction upon the legislative power creating it. 
 Then if we cannot obtain our preference, let us have the best practical 
 thing we can get. Although we think we see 'a good day a-coming,' 
 still we ought to guard as well as we can the interests of the people 
 until it shall come. 
 
 " I address myself to practical men on both sides of this chamber. 
 Seeing that their extreme notions can not be adopted here, I ask them 
 to come up and do what they can to remedy existing evils. I tell 
 them that the people ask this at their hands, and that they will not be 
 put off with an abstraction. 
 
 " How would it look in me to go home and say to the people, ' your 
 party had it in their power to save you from plunder, but they refused 
 to do so because they thought that some ten years hence, perhaps, they 
 could do it more effectually?' * * * I shall record my vote and 
 raise my voice against the adjournment of this convention without 
 some attempt to protect the people of Ohio from the system of bank 
 plunder under which they have suffered so long and go grievously." 
 
 A statement was made and a table of figures presented in 
 which it was shown that the people of Ohio during the exist 
 ence of the old constitution had lost $5,000,000 in deprecia 
 ted and worthless bank paper, and it was to prevent any 
 such loss in future that Mr. Kirkwood would reform the 
 banking system. It was not supposed at that time, nor even 
 dreamed of by the most ardent advocate of a paper currency, 
 that we could have such a sound circulating medium, backed 
 by the credit of the whole National Government, as we have 
 in our National Bank notes, or, better still, in the "Blessed 
 Greenback." 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 33 
 
 Had Mr. Kirkwood been told at this time that he would 
 one day be using paper money that was equal to or better 
 than gold or silver, he would have thought that the man tell 
 ing it was the Prince of Lunatics, and yet the Republican 
 party has made this an accomplished fact. 
 
 The capacity of our gold and silver mines to yield us 
 their precious metals was both unknown and underestimated, 
 and their products have since gone beyond all the anticipa 
 tions of that time. 
 
 Upon the proposition to permit any one to plead his own 
 case in a court of record, or employ any one else to do it for 
 him, whether such person had been admitted to practice at 
 the bar of that court or not, it being claimed by some that 
 the lawyers were a privileged class, and had a monopoly of 
 this business, Mr. Kirkwood said: 
 
 " When the people of Ohio sent us up here I suppose they had some 
 definite object in view. They had been laboring under some incon 
 veniences grievous to be borne, and they sent us here to remove them. 
 But I never heard any gentleman say here or elsewhere before that the 
 evil here sought to be remedied was considered to be a very great evil 
 by the people at large. I am sure that the mass of the people whom I 
 represent here never thought of complaining that they had not the 
 right to practice law. I desire to confine my action here to the 
 removal of palpable existing evils, and I am satisfied that the farmers 
 of Richland county do not ask for the privilege of leaving their farms 
 and their plows and coming into our courts of justice to practice law. 
 But whenever I can be convinced that I am mistaken in this, I will 
 support this provision. 
 
 "We have, however, a few men in our county whose complaints I 
 have heard upon this subject. And who are they? I have said they 
 are not our farmers, neither are they our mechanics or working men. 
 They do not belong to the classes that make up the strength of the 
 country. But they are those men who are constantly prowling about 
 our justices' courts, fomenting quarrels and disputes among their 
 neighbors and encouraging litigation. These are the only men whom 
 I have heard complain of the exclusive privileges which belong to 
 lawyers." 
 
 Nearly every proposition advocated by Mr. Kirkwood 
 was engrafted upon this new constitution; it was adopted by 
 
34 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 the people, and forty years' experience under it has demon 
 strated that the changes in it from the old one were eminently 
 fit to be made, and that under it the State of Ohio has 
 enjoyed an unusual era of prosperity covering two-fifths of a 
 century. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 Gold Discovery in California Gold Hunters Cross Iowa Afterwards 
 Settle Here Immigration of*1854, 5 and 6 Glowing Description 
 of Iowa's Advantages Dam Built in 1843 across the Iowa Mill 
 Resorted to by People from a Large Scope of Country Mill Sought 
 by Ezekiel Clark Mr. Kirk wood Becomes His Partner Farmer 
 and Miller Sells a Stranger Flour and Gets His Vote. 
 
 The discovery of gold in California by Capt. Sutter in 
 the year 1848, in unusual and unheard of quantities, set the 
 western world ablaze with excitement, and a general rush 
 was made for the golden field thus opened, and the route to 
 that field taken by those who went thither from the west, as 
 well as the eastern bank of the Mississippi lay across the 
 then undeveloped state of Iowa, and every ferry across the 
 great "Father of Waters" (he had not yet been spanned by 
 a single bridge), was kept busy for several weeks, if not 
 months in the spring of the few years following the influence 
 of the magnet attracting numerous wealth seekers to this 
 golden discovery, in crossing teams and passengers on their 
 way to this new Eldorado. 
 
 As Iowa with her then millions of acres of unbroken fer 
 tile prairie, lay immediately in their way, and these gold 
 seekers indulged in the luxury, if luxury it could be called 
 of crossing them on foot or with slow-traveling ox and horse 
 teams, they had an opportunity of studying this new country 
 in all its favorable forms, and of learning all that could be 
 known of it. The knowledge thus obtained left a most fav 
 orable impression upon all who crossed the state. When 
 these gold seekers, after making their "pile" and returning 
 to their old homes with it, sought out a new place in which 
 to build a home and invest that "pile" in it, their 
 thoughts adverted to the new and undeveloped state of Iowa. 
 
 85 
 
36 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 They had seen its broad prairies, had traversed its fertile 
 vales, climbed its grass-covered hills, passed through its beau 
 tiful groves, crossed its clear and pebbly streams, and hither 
 they came with their friends to whom they had imparted 
 this knowledge. 
 
 Another writer on this subject says: 
 
 "In the year 1854 and 1855 the stream of emigration began to pour 
 into Iowa from the eastern states to an extent that was astonishing 
 and unprecedented. For miles and miles, and day after day, the 
 prairies of Illinois were lined with cattle and wagons pushing on 
 toward Iowa." 
 
 At Peoria one gentlemen says, that during a single month 
 seventeen hundred and forty-three wagons had passed through 
 that place and all for Iowa. 
 
 The Chicago Press says: 
 
 "Most of the passenger trains came in last week with two locomo 
 tives, and the reason of this great increase of power will be under 
 stood when it is known that twelve thousand passengers arrived from 
 the East by the Michigan Southern Railroad during the last week." 
 
 The Burlington Telegraph says: 
 
 "Twenty thousand emigrants have passed through the city within 
 the last thirty days, and they are still crossing it at the rate of six and 
 seven hundred a day." 
 
 These figures were furnished by the ferryman who keeps 
 a sort of running calendar, and the editor of the Dubuque 
 Reporter writes: 
 
 "Never before in the history of this northwestern region has there 
 been a more gratifying spectacle than that now presented to those 
 who take an interest in its progress and welfare. Viewing the almost 
 countless throng of immigrants that crowd our streets, and learning 
 that a similar scene is visible at every other point of the Mississippi 
 border of Iowa, the spectator is led naturally to infer that a general 
 exodus is taking place in the eastern states of the Union, as well as in 
 those that a few years ago were denominated the west. 
 
 "Day by day the endless procession moves on a mighty army of 
 invasion which, were its objects other than peace and a fraternal, cor 
 dial league with its predecessors, their joint aim to conquer this fair 
 and alluring domain from the wild dominion of nature, would strike 
 terror in the boldest hearts. They come by hundreds and thousands, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. o7 
 
 from the hills and valleys of New England, bringing with them that 
 same untiring, indomitable energy and perseverance, that have made 
 their native states the admiration of the world, and whose influence 
 is felt wherever enterprise has a votary or commerce spreads a sail; 
 with intellects sharpened to the keenest edge, and brawny arms to 
 execute the firm resolves of their iron will, and gathering fresh acces 
 sions as they swept across the intermediate country from the no less 
 thrifty and hardy population of New York, Ohio and Indiana. Tarry 
 ing no longer among us than to select their future homes, away they 
 hie to the capacious and inviting plains that spread themselves inter- 
 miuabl} 7 , to yield almost without preparation their rich latent 
 treasures. 
 
 "In reply to the question that may be asked, to what is the high 
 tide setting into Iowa to be ascribed? we take it on ourselves to 
 answer, that the unanimous consent of those who have investigated 
 her claims, accords her a climate of unequaled salubrity, a soil of the 
 most generous fertility, and a geographical position unsurpassed by 
 that of any other western state; in a word, that naturally she contains 
 within her limits all the elements which properly availed of by man 
 will secure his highest temporal prosperity and happiness. When we 
 take into account the central position of Iowa in the Union, and the 
 fact of the rapid development of her resources, we can easily believe 
 that she is destined to become at no distant day all that the most san 
 guine hope for. Her salubrious climate, abundance of water, and 
 favorable distribution of timber and mineral resources all contribute 
 to give Iowa pre-eminence among the western states in the minds of 
 those who are exchanging a residence in the east for one in the west." 
 
 In the van of this surging mass in 1848 there came to 
 Iowa City as a permanent settler Hon. Ezekiel Clark, and 
 later in 1855 came with it his brother-in-law, S. J. Kirk- 
 wood. 
 
 In the year 184:3 the first dam was built across the Iowa 
 River about a couple of miles northwest of Iowa City at a 
 place now called Coralville. 
 
 There was then no foreign capital to be got for such an 
 enterprise, especially in a new frontier country as we were 
 and none was available at home for investment in manufac 
 turing purposes of any kind. The records of our court soon 
 after this date show that twenty-seven of the leading citizens 
 of our sparsley settled county went through bankruptcy. 
 This is an index to the financial standing of our people at 
 
8 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KtRKWOOD. 
 
 that time. But the people had to live, and a mill in which 
 to grind their grain was one of the necessities of that living. 
 Heretofore the people of the "Old Capitol" county had to go 
 a long distance into Illinois, or to a small mill in Dubuque 
 county to get their grinding done, where they had to wait 
 long weary days for their "turn," in the mean time sleeping 
 in their wagons, or in the mill, and a home mill became a 
 great desideratum. 
 
 To meet these wants a charter was granted by the legis 
 lature organizing the Iowa City Manufacturing Company, 
 with a capital of five thousand dollars, divided into shares of 
 twenty-five dollars each. These shares were taken payable 
 in all kinds of material that were the subject of barter in 
 those days, such as flour, bacon, grain, team work, labor, 
 groceries, store pay, etc. ; one man subscribing four shares 
 payable in shoemaking. But the dam, breasting the foam 
 ing, surging waters of the boisterous river, was built and it 
 was a happy time when the following New Year's day was 
 celebrated by a public banquet in the mill at which the 
 viands were "mush," "hoe cake," "corn pone," "Johnny 
 cake," "brown bread" and other primitive dishes made from 
 meal ground in the new mill, and a richer feast these ban 
 queters never sat down to. In building this dam but twenty- 
 five dollars in cash was expended, and the dam was 400 feet 
 long and 10 feet high. 
 
 It is not certain that any dividends were ever paid on the 
 capital stock of this company, the stockholders being content 
 to derive their profits from it in the decreased distance they 
 had to travel and the reduced time required in going to mill. 
 
 Ezekiel Clark eventually became the purchaser of this 
 mill, or the dam and mill site, for the old mill had been 
 burned down, and on this site he erected another. 
 
 This mill was resorted to by people from Fort Dodge, 
 Marshalltown and that whole northwestern country for the 
 purpose of getting their grinding done, or for the purchase 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 39 
 
 of the flour they used, and the vicinity of the mill often 
 looked like a camping ground, so thronged was it with teams 
 waiting their turns to have their grists ground. 
 
 In connection with and close to it, Mr. Clark owned a 
 farm of 1,200 acres, and when Mr. Kirkwood came to Iowa 
 in the spring of 1855 he became a joint owner of this farm 
 and mill with Mr. Clark, and here from being a leading 
 member of the bar in Richland County, Ohio, he became a 
 full fledged Iowa miller and farmer, wearing the dusty coat 
 of one and the soil-stained boots of the other, and if the sar 
 castic old adage is true, that "the dust from an honest mill 
 er's coat is a sure cure for sore eyes," Mr. Kirkwood might 
 have opened an eye infirmary in one corner of the mill and 
 have done a thriving business in that line, but the grists of 
 his customers took so much of his time that he could not 
 look after their eyesight. 
 
 During the summer and winter of this year, his time was 
 spent looking after his farming and milling, leaving law and 
 
 politics in abeyance. A new customer by the name of 
 
 from Fort Dodge, then one of our outposts of settle 
 ment and civilization, came down to Muscatine for a supply 
 of groceries, and on the way back stopped at the mill for a 
 supply of flour, calculating that he wanted a certain quan 
 tity, but when the flour was put up, he found that he had 
 not money enough to pay for it all, and told the miller he 
 would have to take some of it back, when the miller says to 
 him: 
 
 "You have not got more flour than you want, have 
 you?" 
 
 "No," he replied, "but there is more than I have money 
 to pay for." 
 
 "Well," says the miller, "you have come a long way to 
 mill, and it takes you a great while to go and come, and you 
 had better keep the flour and send the money for it when 
 you can," and he did so. 
 
/ 
 
 40 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 When the trade was completed the miller asked him his 
 name, which he gave, and then asked the miller for his, and 
 got the reply, "My name is Sam Kirkwood." 
 
 In after years, when this customer saw the name of S. J. 
 Kirkwood on the Republican ticket for governor, he asked 
 some of his neighbors if this S. J. Kirkwood was not ' 'Sam 
 Kirkwood the miller," at Iowa City, of whom he once 
 bought some flour, and learning that they were the same, he 
 cast his vote for him, though he was a Democrat, and ever 
 afterward when he saw that name on the ticket he voted for 
 "Sam Kirkwood the miller." 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Complexion of Political Parties Factions Mr. Grimes Nominated for 
 Governor Consults the Abolitionists Abolition Ticket Withdrawn 
 Mr. Grimes Canvasses the Slate Call for a State Convention Meet 
 and Organize Make-up of Convention Mr. Kirkwood Attends Is 
 Called Out arid Makes a Speech Elected to the State Senate On Most 
 Important Committee Introduces a Free Kansas Joint Resolution 
 Supports it in a Speech Mr. Harlan Sent Back to the Senate After 
 Being Sent Home Change in Congressional Districts Arkansas and 
 New Hampshire Resolutions. 
 
 There are times in the history of our country when the 
 great body of the people are nearly equally divided on a 
 clear and distinct line of public policy, and two sides are 
 taken on a single clear, distinct and well-defined principle, or 
 set of principles, and these principles are enunciated in a 
 platform, sometimes composed of a single plank, but more 
 frequently of several. On the other hand, there are times 
 when the body politic seems cut up into factions, and there 
 are squads of all shades of political complexions, and the 
 people are divided up on various and diverse principles and 
 projects. 
 
 The first instance of the former state of affairs was in the 
 later colonial times, and during the revolutionary period of 
 1776, when the parties were divided into Whigs and Tories, 
 and the political platform of the former was the immortal 
 Declaration of Independence, the most clean-cut political 
 document ever penned. 
 
 An instance of the other state of affairs was in 1824-, 
 when there were four presidential candidates in the field, and 
 all claimed to be Democrats. 
 
 The most notable state of affairs of this latter class was 
 about the year 1854 to 185 6. The old Whig party was then 
 fast integrating, and had become divided into " Woolly 
 
 41 
 
42 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Heads" (anti-slavery) and "Silver Greys" (pro-slavery). 
 The Democrats were divided into "Free Soilers " and "Hun 
 kers," the latter slavery propagandists and the former slavery 
 restrictionists. There was also a faction of them called 
 "Barnburners," who would purify the party as the Dutch 
 man got rid of rats, by smoking them out and, in the process, 
 burning up his barn. We had the " Old Abolitionists " and 
 the new-fangled party styled "Know Nothings," and there 
 was a small party called "National Reformers," sometimes 
 called the "Vote Yourself a Farm" party, because their 
 almost single principle has given birth to, and been crystal- 
 ized in our, "pre-emption," "homestead" and "timber 
 culture " laws, relating to the settlement of our public domain. 
 
 The last State Whig convention was held in the year 1854, 
 when James W. Grimes was the nominee of the Whig party 
 for Governor. A State convention of Abolitionists had been 
 held the same year, and a full ticket had been nominated by 
 them, and though this party was small and few in numbers, 
 they held the balance of power, and it was pretty certain that 
 with three tickets in the field the Democrats would win. 
 Under this state of affairs Mr. Grimes visited Dr. Shedd and 
 the leading Abolitionists in their stronghold at Denmark, in 
 Lee county, told them privately, but fully and frankly, what 
 his position and principles were on questions dividing the 
 parties, and stated if these were satisfactory to them, and if 
 they would withdraw their ticket from the field, he would make 
 a canvass of the State and endeavor to be elected, otherwise 
 he would return to Burlington, devote himself to his law 
 practice, and leave the political canvass to take care of itself. 
 
 The Abolition ticket was withdrawn. Mr. Grimes 
 opened a vigorous personal canvass, crossed the State from 
 Burlington to Council Bluffs, speaking to large audiences in 
 all the important towns; thence across the State again by 
 way of Des Moines to Dubuque, intending to return home by 
 way of the river counties, visiting on his way some of the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 43 
 
 large towns in the more inland counties. But his voice had 
 become so worn-out by his much speaking that he went 
 directly home from Dubuque, stopping only at the large 
 towns on the river. At this time there was not a mile of 
 railroad in the State, nor were many of our streams bridged, 
 and some of our sloughs were almost impassable, and travel 
 ing was slow, tedious, wearisome and vexatious. But the 
 work was done, and the result was that he was triumphantly 
 elected by over two thousand majority. 
 
 This coalition was the funeral knell of both the Whig 
 and Abolition parties in Iowa, as they were never heard of 
 afterward. 
 
 The Whig party, however, left to the State a dying 
 legacy in the nomination by the Whig members of the Gen 
 eral Assembly the next winter, who resolved themselves into 
 a self-constituted State convention, of a State ticket that was 
 voted for and elected the next April, after being endorsed by 
 the Know-Nothings in State Council assembled. 
 
 But all political parties in the State except the Demo 
 cratic were this year in a state of "innocuous desuetude," 
 and became wholly disbanded. 
 
 On the third day of the following January there ap 
 peared in public print, where or by whom written it would 
 now be difficult to ascertain, the following notice: 
 
 TO THE CITIZENS OF IOWA I 
 
 Believing that a large majority of the citizens of Iowa are opposed 
 to the political principles of the present Administration, and to the in 
 troduction of slavery into territory now free, and that made free by the 
 compromises of 1820, and that the party styling itself the " Democratic 
 Party" are striving to make slavery a great national institution, con 
 trary to the principles laid down in the Declaration of Independence 
 and the Constitution as taught by the fathers of the Republic. We 
 would call upon all such free citizens to meet in convention at Iowa 
 City, on the 22d day of February, for the purpose of organizing a 
 Republican party, to make common cause with a similar party already 
 formed in several other of the States of the Union. 
 
 January 3, 1856. MANY CITIZENS. 
 
44 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 This was the conception of the Republican party in Iowa. 
 Its birth took place on the 22d of the following month, when 
 it was baptized and christened. Behind this call was no 
 "central committee," no organization, no association, no 
 club, nobody with any official authority to issue it; but as 
 soon as it met the public eye it went over the State like a 
 prairie fire before a driving wind. The public mind was 
 ripe for something better in the shape of a political organi 
 zation than any that then existed. The "Many Citizens" 
 and their friends came together. They met as "Abolition 
 ists," "Free Boilers," "Whigs," " Know Nothings, " "Nat 
 uralized Foreigners," "Disgusted Democrats," and "the 
 rest of mankind opposed to slavery extension;" but they all 
 went home as " Republicans," with one creed, one confession, 
 one covenant and one baptism. There was a spontaneous 
 uprising of the people, and that uprising culminated in the 
 organization of the Republican party. Never was field more 
 ripe for the harvest than was Iowa then for the gathering 
 together and the uniting of the hosts of her people in oppo 
 sition to the encroachments of the slave power. 
 
 The venerable Philip Yiele was made president of the 
 convention, and among its members were such men as Price, 
 of Scott; Grinnell, of Powesheik; Judge Hubbard, of Linn; 
 Nourse and McCrary, of Van Buren; Finkbine and Kirk- 
 wood, of Johnson. But it is invidious to make separate 
 mention, when all were able and sound 
 
 The late Alfred Sanders, then the able editor of the 
 Davenport Gazette, and one of its members said of it: 
 
 " It was much the largest convention that ever assembled in the 
 State of Iowa. Men were there as delegates from Dallas, Cerro Gordo 
 and other far-distant counties, many of them having traveled from 100 
 to 150 miles. The greatest enthusiasm marked the proceedings, and 
 the utmost unanimity prevailed upon the great question for which we 
 had all assembled. Scores of speeches were made, all pointing to the 
 great issue, and every one of them marked by ability. Men accus 
 tomed to attend political gatherings, and who had assembled in con- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 45 
 
 ventions in Eastern States, remarked that they had never witnessed 
 such a manifestation of talent. During the afternoon and evening one 
 after another took the floor in favor of the limitation of slave territory, 
 sundered the ties that bound him to his old party, and gave in his alle 
 giance to the Republican party. It was an experience meeting, and 
 men in the candor of their hearts briefly, tersely told of their bitter 
 experience in the schools of the old parties. The happiest feeling pre 
 vailed, and men felt as though they had indeed assembled for a great 
 and noble purpose, and that their constituents who had entrusted to 
 them a question of such vital importance expected of them that they 
 would do their work satisfactorily. 
 
 It was done satisfactorily. A platform was constructed upon which 
 every man opposed to the encroachments of slavery upon free territory 
 could stand." 
 
 Jacob Butler, afterwards Speaker in the General Assem 
 bly and Attorney -General of the State, a delegate from Mus- 
 catine county, being one of the most enthusiastic among the 
 members, after the unanimous adoption of the platform, 
 jumped on to his desk swinging his hat, when he shouted, 
 " Mr. President, 1 am now like Simeon of old 'Mine eyes 
 have seen the salvation of the Lord; now let thou thy servant 
 depart in peace." His was but the expression of joy felt by 
 a great many others. 
 
 This convention was not called as a mass or delegate 
 meeting, and some came simply as citizens of the State, and 
 some as delegates from counties; but it was finally resolved 
 into a delegate body, each county being entitled to a specified 
 number of votes. It met in the morning and the formal 
 business was completed soon after dinner. The committee 
 on platform was sent out, and so many diverse opinions and 
 interests were represented that liad to be compromised and 
 harmonized, that the committee were out not only a good 
 part of the afternoon, but till late in the night, and the time 
 of the convention was in the mean time spent in listening to 
 speeches from various persons as the spirit moved them or 
 as they were called out. 
 
 The firm of Clark & Kirkwood, in addition to the farm 
 and mill at Coralville, two miles up the river, had a store in 
 
46 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 the city, and while Mr. Kirkwood superintended the farm 
 and mill Mr. Clark took charge of the store. 
 
 In the afternoon of the day on which the convention was 
 held Mr. Clark went up to the mill and asked Mr. K. if he 
 was not going down to it, when Mr. K. replied that u the 
 members were all strangers to him, and, besides, there was 
 so much to do in the mill he could not well leave. " Mr. C. 
 answered: " There are one or two of your old Ohio friends 
 there that would like to see you;" whereupon Mr. K. came 
 down and spent the remainder of the day and evening in the 
 meeting. There were several of Mr. K.'s neighbors, the 
 writer among them, who were desirous of hearing him on 
 the political questions of the day, and about half a dozen of 
 them determined to take different positions in the crowd, for 
 the room was full, and as soon as one called for him the others 
 were to repeat the call till he responded. While the call was 
 being made, as he was a stranger among them, loud whispers of, 
 "Who's Kirkwood? Who's Kirkwood?" were heard around 
 the room, one of the inquirers asking, in a louder voice than 
 the others, and more earnestly, "Who in h 1 is Kirkwood? 1 ' 
 
 To these repeated calls Mr. K. came forward and, among 
 other things, said that u he had always been a Democrat; 
 had voted for Franklin Pierce, but that he had left the Dem 
 ocratic party, or rather the Democratic party had left him; 
 they had deserted their former principles; that he could not 
 now affiliate with them; that he did not know whether the 
 party now to be formed by this meeting would be one that 
 he could unite and work with/' But he talked long enough 
 and strong enough to show that he was in harmony with the 
 leading thought that inspired the convention, and he was 
 enrolled a member and placed on a committee to prepare an 
 address to the people of the State, having for his associates 
 in that work J. B. Grinnell, H. W. Lathrop, A. Sanders, 
 J. B. Ho well, William M. Stone, Hiram Price, J. A. Parvin 
 and L. A. Thomas. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 47 
 
 This was Mr. Kirkwood's first introduction to the politi 
 cians and people of Iowa, and the question, u Who's Kirk- 
 wood?" is not whispered into any one's ears to-day, for the 
 answer to it is inscribed on the brightest pages of the State's 
 history. 
 
 The following summer Mr. Kirkwood was nominated for 
 and elected to the Senate by the Republicans of Johnson and 
 Iowa counties over his Democratic competitor, J. D. Temp- 
 lin, by a good majority. 
 
 One of the arguments made use of by his opponent to 
 get the support of the voters of Iowa county was that Mr. 
 Kirkwood was the owner of, and was supporting, a dam 
 across the Iowa river, in Johnson county, that prevented the 
 large fish from ascending it, and if he (Templin) should be 
 elected, he would have a law passed so that the fish should 
 not be obstructed in their ascent, and when the voters in Iowa 
 county wanted to catch some large ones they would not have 
 to travel twenty or thirty miles to the foot of Kirkwood's 
 dam to do it. This is the first instance on record of a politi 
 cian trying to buy votes with fresh fish, and those fish 
 running at large in the Iowa river. 
 
 At this time the country was aroused on the subject of 
 the encroachments of slavery into free territory in the settle 
 ment of the new territories of Kansas and Nebraska, and 
 Governor Grimes, in the month of July of this year, in call 
 ing an extra session of the legislature to take action on the grant 
 of land by Congress for the construction of railroads across the 
 State, among other topics alluded to in his message, says: 
 
 " Concurring in the general desire that your session may be short, 
 and that your time may be occupied solely by matters relating to the 
 State, I do not deem it proper to call your attention at length to the 
 deplorable condition of affairs in Kansas and at our National Capital. 
 It would be an error to suppose that my failure to do so is attributed 
 to any want of sympathy with the patriotic and devoted men who are 
 struggling for the right of free speech, free labor, free soil and a free 
 press in that territory and in the councils of the nation," 
 
48 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 In his message to the legislature, in December, Governor 
 Grimes refers to the subject again, but in connection with 
 the treatment, by border ruffians from Missouri, of citizens 
 of Iowa, who had settled in Kansas. 
 
 On the first day of December, 1856, Mr. Kirkwood took 
 his seat as a member of the State Senate. This body at this, 
 the last session held under the old constitution, and the last 
 regular one held at Iowa City, consisted of thirty-three mem 
 bers. Mr. K. had a place on three committees, they being 
 those on Public Buildings, Railroads and Federal Relations, 
 being chairman of the latter; and, from a partizan stand 
 point, this was the most important committee appointed, as 
 to it would be referred all the matters relating to questions 
 on the most important and exciting topics of the time, the 
 relation of the States to each other, and to the General Gov 
 ernment on the question of slavery extension and slavery 
 restriction. 
 
 As indicating the interest manifested on this subject at 
 the time it may be stated that the second bill introduced in 
 the house at this session was a 
 
 JOINT RESOLUTION 
 
 entitled, Instructions to Our Senators and Representatives 
 in Congress in Relation to Slavery and the Admission of 
 Kansas into the Union. 
 
 WHEREAS, Under the Constitution of the United States, Freedom is 
 national and Slavery sectional, and believing that the peace, welfare 
 and honor of the country imperatively require that our National 
 domain shall be preserved Free, Free Homes, for Free Men; and be 
 lieving it to have been the settled policy of our Fathers dictated by 
 reason and exalted patriotism, to prohibit the extension of Slavery and 
 make Freedom the law of our National Progress. Therefore be it 
 
 Resolved by the General Assembly of the State of Iowa, That we are 
 unqualifiedly opposed to the extension of Slavery within the jurisdic 
 tion or by the sanction of the General Government, and insist that 
 Congress shall exert all constitutional power to preserve our National 
 Territory Free. 
 
 Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our 
 Representatives be requested to exert their influence and vote for the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 49 
 
 admission of Kansas into the Union as a Free State, and to oppose its 
 admission with a constitution establishing or tolerating Slavery. 
 
 Resolved, That the Governor be and is hereby requested to transmit 
 a copy of the above preamble and resolutions to each of our Senators 
 and Representatives in Congress. 
 
 Mr. Brigham, on the Democratic side of the Senate, 
 offered the following substitute for the joint resolution: 
 
 Resolved, That it is the imperative duty of the General Government 
 to protect all actual residents in the respective Territories of the 
 United States, and all persons seeking homes there, in the full and free 
 enjoyments of all legal and constitutional rights of person and 
 property. 
 
 Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be instructed, and our 
 Representatives respectfully requested, to use all constitutional means 
 in their power to cause an immediate repeal of all laws of the Terri 
 tory of Kansas which unreasonably abridge the right of suffrage, 
 require extraordinary test oaths as a qualification for civil or political 
 office, and are incompatible with the rights of free speech and a free 
 press. 
 
 Resolved, That while we entertain and express the confident hope, 
 that the people of Kansas will at a proper time, organize and adopt 
 for her government a constitution prohibiting the institution of 
 domestic Slavery, we still recognize their right to determine and man 
 age their own domestic institutions in their own way, and be admitted 
 as one of the States of this Union, 
 
 Provided, Her constitution and form of government be republican. 
 
 Mr. Kirkwood offered the following amendment to this 
 Democratic substitute: 
 
 To insert after the words "their own way" and before the words 
 "and be admitted the following," 
 
 Provided, That the power of the people who may settle in our Ter 
 ritories, to establish therein the systems of human slavery or poly 
 gamy, is not essential to the free enjoyment of all the rights of self- 
 government. 
 
 The writer hereof who was then a correspondent for a Chi 
 cago paper, but did not have a seat in the "reporter's gal 
 lery," for the Senate Chamber of that time had none, but 
 had a seat alongside of an honorable Senator, then wrote: 
 
 "Never have we seen more consternation in a friendly circle than 
 this created among the dozen Democrats in the Senate; Had a bomb 
 shell burst among them, they could not have been more disconcerted. 
 
50 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Here was a dilemma, they must either vote for polygamy and slavery, 
 or vote against them, they could not ride the non-intervention hobby 
 and say to slavery, 'we neither love nor hate you, go where you please, 
 and to polygamy you may do the same.' 
 
 "A motion was made by Mr. Thurston to strike out polygamy from 
 the substitute, but it was voted down. 
 
 "In introducing his amendment Mr. Kirkwood made decidedly the 
 best speech that has been delivered this session. He is the Ajax of the 
 Senate, at least a head and shoulders above all his compeers. 
 
 "He said he was opposed to generalities, and would come to the 
 question at once. He was in favor of the principle of self-government, 
 but the right of self-government does not imply the right, authority or 
 power to take away any of the natural rights of others. If the 
 Democratic doctrines of to-day are right, we present to the countries 
 of Europe the sad spectacle that our General Government looks with 
 equal approbation on freedom and slavery, and has not the power, or 
 at best the independence to choose between the two. If our country 
 has the power and right to acquire free territory, it has the power and 
 right to keep it free. We got Utah and New Mexico free; not a slave 
 breathed on the soil of either, and yet we are told by the Democratic 
 party, that we have no power to keep them free. I have been a long 
 time a Democrat, I voted for Franklin Pierce, but I do not now be 
 lieve this to be sound Democratic doctrine and never did while acting 
 with that party. Before the final vote was taken the Senate ad 
 journed, which gave the Democrats a breathing spell in which to 
 recover from their consternation." 
 
 In a subsequent letter the same writer says: 
 
 "The debate on the Kansas resolutions closed to-day. It has taken 
 a very wide range, and the questions involved were ably discussed on 
 both sides. Among the best speeches was that made by Mr. McPher- 
 son of Warren county. Hailing from a senatorial district of new 
 counties on the 'Missouri slope,' he was at first thought to be a kind 
 of 'linsey woolsey 1 Senator from the wild frontier, but that impression 
 is now wholly dissipated. He is but thirty years of age and though a 
 North Carolinian by birth, he is one of the soundest Republicans on 
 the floor of the Senate. 
 
 \ "That part of Mr. Kirk wood's amendment relating to polygamy 
 elicited a warm debate and the 'latter day saints' had their doctrine 
 closely analyzed and roughly handled. 
 
 "Mr. Kirkwood said that progress was the watch-word of the Demo 
 cratic party. He traced the history of legislation in regard to the 
 territories down to the year 1852, and demonstrated the fact that Con 
 gress had, till that time, recognized and exercised the power of repeal 
 ing all such laws passed by the territorial legislatures as they pleased. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 51 
 
 The doctrine of squatter sovereignty in the territories was 'Demo 
 cratic progress' in politics, and the doctrine of polygamy which was 
 preached by Joseph Smith and is now promulgated by Brigham 
 Young, and practiced by the settlers of Utah, is the corresponding 
 'progress' in theology. 
 
 "Mr. Test said it could not be proved that polygamy existed in 
 Utah. The Mormons wore married to but one wife, they were sealed 
 to the others, and those to whom they were sealed were not their legal 
 wives. 
 
 "Mr. Kirkwood replied that all our commentators on common law 
 called marriage a domestic institution. Polygamy is marriage, there 
 fore polygamy is a domestic institution. He read from an official 
 report made to the President of the United States by certain terri 
 torial officers of Utah, showing that polygamy was boldly and openly 
 practiced there, and recognized as one of their institutions by the citi 
 zens of that Territory, and if the Democratic members were in favor 
 of permitting the people of Utah to cherish this as one of their insti 
 tutions, and come into the Union with it, he wanted them to say so on 
 the record, and if not he wanted their negation equally on the record. 
 This is soon to become a practical question, and as it is one in which 
 Iowa is interested, our Senators in Congress should be instructed in 
 relation to it. It was in a fair way to become as much of an institu 
 tion as slavery. It was growing up in the same way. Slavery was 
 not recognized by law when introduced into the country. At first it 
 was looked upon with apprehension, then tolerated, and finally 
 established and protected by law, till in some parts of the country it 
 had become interwoven with the whole net work of society. Just so 
 it is with polygamy, and we should embrace the first opportunity to 
 check it. 
 
 "Upon a joint-resolution instructing our Senators and request 
 ing our Representatives in Congress to vote against the alteration of 
 our naturalization laws, and for the passage of a law prevent 
 ing the importation by foreign governments of felons and paupers, 
 Mr. Kirkwood said he was in favor of the resolution presented, 
 but he wished something further. It is well known that in some 
 localities a large number of fraudulent naturalization papers had been 
 issued on election day, or a short time before, and those to whom they 
 had been issued voted at some of the late State elections. The investi 
 gation in the late contested election case in Philadelphia, showed that 
 many of these papers had been thrown into the houses, and clandes 
 tinely placed in the pockets of those who were not voters; that these 
 had been used by those to whom they had been thus given, and he was 
 in favor of having something done to put a stop to such operations 
 and punish those engaged in them. 
 
 "Mr. Trimble thought the passage of these resolutions at this time 
 
52 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 would not affect our Representatives now either one way or the other. 
 Two years ago it might have done something for them. There were 
 many then who had great fears of the influence of Dutch Krout, Irish 
 Whiskey and the Pope of Rome, but now that storm at one time so 
 threatening had passed away, and had been succeeded by a calm. On 
 the floor of the Senate there was but one who had remained firm in 
 his first love. The principles embraced in the resolutions he had ever 
 cherished and advocated. 
 
 "Mr. Foster inquired who had left their first love. He knew of 
 none who had gone further astray than Democratic Senators. They 
 had left their first love in deserting the principles of Jefferson. Cer 
 tainly the Democratic Senator from Marion (Mr. Neal) had left his 
 first love in voting for Hale for president in 1852 and for Buchanan 
 now. 
 
 "Mr. Test said he did not know where the Republican party was on 
 this question. It was made up of the fragments of the Know Nothing 
 party. 
 
 "Mr. Carter inquired why the Senator from Davis (Mr. Trimble) 
 was elected in a county where the Know Nothings were once largely 
 in the ascendency, if the Republicans had absorbed that party. 
 
 "Mr. Brigham said the records of the election in Pennsylvania 
 showed that Senators were in a party which had affiliated with the 
 Know Nothings. The Democratic party had always stood by the 
 oppressed, and he hoped they always would. 
 
 "Mr. Jenkins said he was glad to see Senators in such good humor; 
 when the Kansas resolutions were under consideration some of them 
 Avere restive. Can they now be strangers to the fact that during the 
 Presidential contest, the Democratic papers complimented the Ameri 
 can party and its candidates in the most honied words? Why the 
 change? When this American party promised to become a formida 
 ble rival it was called by the hard names "Dark Lanternites, " "Hin 
 doos, ''etc. What are now called by them the "patriotic Whigs,' 1 
 were once stigmatized by them as the worst enemies of their country. 
 When the charge was made that the Republicans had absorbed the old 
 Know Nothing party, he 'would take them to his county where a 
 prominent Democrat had said 'he hoped he would be able soon to find 
 a member of the Democratic party that had not been a member of a 
 Know Nothing council.' 
 
 "Mr. McPherson said he had never been a Know Nothing, he did 
 not wish to abridge the period of naturalization, but he would punish 
 the frauds in issuing false papers. 
 
 "The bill appropriating $100,000 for the building for the Insaue 
 Asylum being under consideration, Mr Kirkwood said he should sup 
 port the bill from economical considerations, and the duties we owe to 
 the unfortunate insane of the State. Those for whom this building is 
 
THE LIFE ANt) TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRtfWOOD. 58. 
 
 to be erected need prompt and efficient attention, and the longer means 
 are delayed for their benefit so much more is the prospect of their 
 recovery lessened. If this building is not soon put up, our insane, when 
 they become maniacs, will have to be shut up in our jails, where they 
 cannot receive the attention their case demands, and where their con 
 dition is becoming more and more hopeless. 1 ' 
 
 It was during the session of this General Assembly that 
 Mr. Harlan was ousted from his seat in the United States 
 Senate, and the correspondent writing upon this subject 
 
 says: 
 
 ''The ousting of Mr. Harlan from his seat in the United States 
 Senate, will devolve upon this Legislature the duty of filling the 
 vacancy. He will be re-elected by the unanimous vote of his party. 
 There are few men in the State that have a stronger hold on the affec 
 tions of the people of the State than he. In the spring of 1847 they 
 elected him to the office of Superintendent of Public Instruction. He 
 entered upon the discharge of the duties of the office and was ousted 
 from it on account of some informalities in the law providing for his 
 election. At the succeeding election he was a candidate, and claimed 
 to have been elected, but was again cheated out of it by a maneuver 
 in canvassing the votes. His friends wishing to show the confidence 
 they reposed in him, presented his name as a candidate for Governor 
 at the next gubernatorial convention, where he received the nomina 
 tion without opposition ; but during the canvass it was ascertained that if 
 elected he would not have reached the age required by the Constitu 
 tion, and, therefore, he declined the nomination." 
 
 Three days later this correspondent writes: 
 
 "This is one of the proudest days in the political history of our 
 State. She has to-day given the revolutionary and disorganizing 
 clique which claims to be the Democratic party, one of the most signal 
 rebukes ever administered. By a vote of sixty-three to thirty-six, the 
 joint convention of the two houses re-elected Hon. Jas. Harlau to the 
 United States Senate. 
 
 "It has become the custom of political parties of all complexions 
 to caucus for all candidates for all offices, and on all occasions, but 
 so clear was the indication of the popular will in this instance, that 
 the Republican members went into the joint convention without even 
 the least consultation, and cast their undivided vote for Mr. Harlan. 
 The unanimity with which this choice has been made, is no less 
 remarkable than the dispatch with which Mr. Harlan has been 
 returned. Last Monday the vote for his expulsion from the United 
 States Senate was taken and within five days from that time, he has 
 returned to his constituents, and is again on his return to Washington 
 
54 frHE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMtTEL J, KIRKWOOD, 
 
 with his credentials in his pocket. Mr. Harlan arrived here yesterday 
 and this evening addressed a meeting of the citizens and members of 
 the Legislature, held in the Senate Chamber. 
 
 "He reviewed the history of his case from its very inception, made 
 a clear analysis of each event connected with it, and made some of the 
 Democrats, who two years ago participated in the disgraceful scenes 
 of that period, so ashamed of themselves that it will be with difficulty 
 they can by any means sufficiently expiate their shame. He told them 
 that their own political friends at Washington had denounced in the 
 harshest language their disorganizing schemes to prevent an election 
 two years ago. He told the Democratic members of the present legis 
 lature that it was in obedience to their express dictation, that Senator 
 Jones had called up the protest against his (Harlan 's) holding his seat, 
 and had passed it to final action. He gave his auditors a brief exposi 
 tion of his position on the great issue of the times, and was frequently 
 greeted with the most hearty applause. He told his friends that there 
 was to be a grave question presented in a decision of the Supreme 
 Court on the great issue now before the country, and it was one they 
 must be prepared to meet. He referred to an opinion delivered by 
 Chief Justice Marshall, in which the court decided that "Congress in 
 the Territories possessed all the powers of a State and the General 
 Government combined," and he said he felt bound by that decision, 
 and should support it; that it was made when it was not extorted from 
 the court by the over-powering influence of a great political party. 1 ' 
 
 Mr. Kirkwood has always been a friend of the State 
 Historical society and on January 23, 1857, during the 
 infancy of the institution, in his place in the Senate, he 
 secured for it an appropriation from the State of two hundred 
 and fifty dollars annually, and thirty copies of all documents 
 printed by the General Assembly to be distributed by the 
 society to like societies in the several states for the purpose 
 of receiving the like from those states in exchange. 
 
 Upon a proposition to tax railroads one hundred dollars 
 per mile and exempt their lands from taxation, Mr. Kirk- 
 wood said: 
 
 "The opponents of this bill are called the enemies of the railroads, 
 and those who live in towns where these roads already terminate, are 
 charged with being opposed to the bill because they wish to retard the 
 progress of the roads from their towns. When these lands pass into 
 the hands of the railroad companies, they become private property 
 and are subject to the same rules as other private property. It is true 
 
!rttfi ItFfJ AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j, KIRKWOOD, 55 
 
 these lands were granted to the State in trust, but that trust termin 
 ated when the lands were parted with by the State." 
 
 . At this time there were but two Congressional Districts 
 in the State, one, the northern, largely Republican, and the 
 other only slightly so. A change took Des Moines, Louisa 
 and Washington from one and transferred them to the other, 
 making them more equal in population and both strongly 
 Republican, and it was charged that the change was made by 
 the Republicans from political motives. Mr. Coolbaugh 
 denounced the scheme in the most unmeasured term. 
 
 Mr. Kirkwood (alluding to the stampede the Senator took 
 when the Democratic part of the Senate ran away two years 
 ago to prevent Mr. Harlan's election) said: 
 
 " It came with an ill-grace from the Senator from Des Moines (Mr. 
 Coolbaugh) to charge Senators with acting from political motives 
 when the Senatorial stampede in which he was so active a participant 
 was so fresh in the minds of all." 
 
 The premonitory mutterings of the great storm that was 
 to break upon the country in 1861 were now being heard. 
 One of these is thus alluded to in a letter from the corres 
 pondent heretofore quoted: 
 
 " The Governor laid before the Senate a series of blood and thun 
 der ' resolutions passed by the Arkansas Legislature, and the response 
 thereto by the Legislature of New Hampshire. They are worth a 
 perusal, and I give a synopsis of them. They declare that property in 
 slaves is recognized by the Constitution of the United States, and that 
 each State by being a party to the compact has recognized the same 
 and is bound by such recognition, and that the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise is in accordance with this recognition. They assert that 
 opposition to this repeal in the Northern States is at war with the 
 letter and spirit of the constitution, violative of plighted faith, and a 
 traitorous blow aimed at the rights of the South. They further declare 
 that the people of Ohio have pursued an unjust and odious course in 
 their fanatical hostility to an institution for which they are not respon 
 sible, in their encouragement of known felons, and endorsement of 
 reputed and shameless violations of law and decency in their estab 
 lishment of Abolition presses and circulation of incendiary documents, 
 and that it is the duty of the people of Arkansas to discontinue all 
 social and commercial relations with the citizens of said State, and the 
 
56 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 same recommended as a punishment of past outrages and a preventive 
 of future aggressions, 
 
 " The Legislature of New Hampshire responded to these by denying 
 that the constitution recognizes property in slaves, and they assert that 
 the repeal of the Missouri Compromise was a wanton outrage on the 
 sentiments, rights and feelings of the people of the North, and a per 
 fidious and treacherous violation of national faith. They declare they 
 will not consent to the admission of any slave State from any territory 
 north of 36 30', and that while they are attached to the Union, they 
 will not, to avoid any crisis, submit to the introduction of slavery into 
 any territory for thirty years consecrated to freedom; that threats of 
 disunion coming from any of the slave States, unless they are permit 
 ted to regulate the policy of the General Government on the subject of 
 slavery, have lost their terrors with the people of New Hampshire, 
 and that they will maintain their right at all hazards consistent with 
 the honor of the Constitution; that it will be time for the people of 
 Arkansas to complain of the legislation of the free States relating to 
 slavery when the slave States have corrected their own, and when the 
 lives, liberty and property of the people of the free States are made 
 safe therein. They state that they have no fears that the people of 
 Ohio will be frightened from what they believe their duty or interest 
 by any threats coming from Arkansas, or any other slave State, and 
 that they will unite with and sustain the people of Ohio in all consist 
 ent efforts to resist the aggressions of the slave power." 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 Republicans Elect Their Ticket in August Are Defeated the Next April 
 Mr. Kirkwood Takes the Stump Speaks at West Union in 
 Borrowed Clothes Offers to Support Orimes for Senator Governor 
 Grimes Elected Nebraska Shin Plasters Dred Scott Decision 
 Joint Resolutions Personal of the Seventh General Assembly Ban 
 quet to State Officers Also to Citizens Nominated for Governor 
 Joint Canvass Ride with Ox Team Elected Inaugural Address- 
 Financial Failure in 1857 Railroad Prediction. 
 
 The following August the Republicans elected the ticket 
 nominated in February, 1856, by over seven thousand 
 majority, but in the following April, when three State offi 
 cers were to be chosen, only one Republican was elected, and 
 he by the meagre majority of 315, while the two Democrats 
 got each over 500. With this showing it looked as though 
 the State was falling back into the arms of Democracy again, 
 and that the newly formed Republican party of Iowa was 
 destined to be short lived. 
 
 In August, 1857, Ralph P. Lowe was nominated by the 
 Republicans for governor, and Ben M. Samuels their pet and 
 idol by the Democrats. Mr. Samuels was a man of considera 
 ble talent, of fine presence, and withal a very fluent, attrac 
 tive and able speaker. 
 
 Under such a state of affairs it looked as though the 
 Republicans would have to put forth their best efforts to suc 
 ceed. Gov. Grimes, who had been on a visit to his old New 
 Hampshire home, had previous to his going away made 
 arrangements with J. W. Rankin of Keokuk, a neighbor and 
 particular friend of Mr. Lowe, to stump with him a portion of 
 the northeast part of the State, where Mr. Samuels was sup 
 posed to be very strong, and they were to meet for their 
 start at Iowa City. In the mean time Mr. Rankin had been 
 nominated for the Senate in his own county, and had to 
 
 57 
 
58 H Ltffi AND TIMES OP SAMtfEL J, KtRfcWOOB, 
 
 remain at home to attend to the canvass there, a fact Which 
 Gov. Grimes learned on his arrival at Iowa City. 
 
 The day of Gov. Grimes' arrival, Mr. Kirkwood had 
 come into town from his mill on business connected with it, 
 when on the sidewalk he met a boy, sent for that purpose, 
 who informed him that some men at the State House wanted 
 to see him. Thither he went and found Gov. Grimes and 
 several others, who in consultation had sent for him to take 
 Mr. Rankin's place on the stump. Mr. Kirkwood at first 
 peremptorily declined, stating that his partner, Mr. Clark, 
 was away from home, and that in addition to the mill and 
 a 1,200 acre farm, he had to keep an oversight of the store 
 in town. But as there was to be a United States Senator 
 elected the next winter, and it was necessary that every effort 
 should be put forth to hold the State for the Republicans, 
 and elect a Republican successor to Gov. Grimes, Mr. Kirk 
 wood consented to sacrifice his own personal interest for the 
 public good and accompany Gov. Grimes, but only on the 
 condition that he should be permitted to return in a few days 
 as soon as someone else could be got to take his place, and 
 so laying aside his flour-dusted coat, and packing his grip 
 sack, they left Iowa City together, traveling as they had to 
 in ante-railroad times in a two-horse buggy. 
 
 The few days that Mr. Kirkwood was to spend in this 
 work lengthened themselves to three weeks, the man to take 
 his place was never found, and the Republicans in the six 
 teen counties got the benefit of the herculean labors of these 
 two Republican "wheel horses." 
 
 Previous to this time the acquaintance of these two men 
 had not been very intimate, only such as they would get in 
 an official intercourse as Governor and State Senator. But 
 they had learned what each other was by reputation as a 
 platform speaker, the one in his canvass through the State 
 as candidate for Governor in 1854, and the other as candi 
 date for State Senator in the canvass in his own district 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMtJEL S. klRKWOOD. 59 
 
 in 1856, as well as subsequently on the floor of the State 
 Senate. 
 
 On their way they stopped over night at Cedar Rapids, 
 where a competitor of E. N. Bates, who was an aspirant for 
 legislative honors on the Republican side endeavored to 
 secure the influence of Gov. Grimes against this aspirant, on 
 the ground that he was opposed to the election of Gov. 
 Grimes for United States Senator. Gov. Grimes' advice to 
 him was: "Let nothing for or against me have any part in 
 this election, but choose some good Republican regardless of 
 whom he will support for Senator." 
 
 This conversation was overheard by Mr. Kirk wood and 
 it left the impression with him that Gov. Grimes was labor 
 ing solely for the general good, instead of his own individual 
 interest. 
 
 This was one of the very wet seasons in Iowa, and in 
 traversing the county the rivers were found at flood tide, the 
 creeks bank full, the sloughs themselves considerable streams, 
 and our travelers often found themselves traveling much in 
 
 O 
 
 the rain, sometimes being uncomfortably wet on arriving at 
 their stopping place, but though made under difficulties, the 
 appointments were all filled, good audiences addressed, and 
 an increased Republican vote was the result of their com 
 bined labors and the whole ticket was elected by a good 
 majority, and that majority was obtained measurably through 
 the efforts of these two men in that few weeks' canvass. 
 
 There was a little episode in this canvass that is not on 
 the usual program of stump speakers. They had an appoint 
 ment to speak at West Union in the evening, and had to 
 make an all day's ride to reach the place. Most of that day's 
 ride was in the rain, not a drizzle, but a good orthodox 
 down pour, in which water was at a big discount, and the 
 result was they were about as wet as water could make them, 
 and it came down so plentifully that a couple of basins were 
 found in the glazed leather cushions on which they were 
 
60 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KIFtKWOOD. 
 
 riding, and they finished their ride with these basins full and 
 running over. 
 
 Speaking under these circumstances was not to be thought 
 of. They would have to spend the evening standing around 
 the tire to get dry. The reputation of these speakers had 
 preceded them. Political enthusiasm was at a white heat. 
 A large crowd was gathering. But a couple of speakers, 
 dripping wet from shirt collars to stocking, were not in a 
 good condition to entertain an audience. Someone, rich in 
 expedients, suggested that a couple of dry suits could be 
 borrowed, and borrowed they were, and a couple of comely 
 clad speakers, in dry, if not "glove fitting" clothing, most 
 interestingly entertained an eager and well instructed audi 
 ence. 
 
 S. W. Cole, the hotel keeper where they put up, was in 
 the "second-hand clothing" business long enough to obtain 
 and furnish these "dry suits." 
 
 During most of this canvass Mr. Kirkwood spoke first 
 and Gov. Grimes last, but at an evening meeting held in 
 Guttenburg the order was reversed, Gov. Grimes spoke 
 longer and more eloquently than he was accustomed to do, 
 leaving Mr. Kirkwood less time than he usually occupied, 
 and he therefore concluded that instead of his usually elabo 
 rate speech, he would present only its best points, and eluci 
 date them with some aptly told stories, which were so telling 
 they were cheered to the echo by frequent rounds of ap 
 plause. 
 
 At the close of the meeting Frank Rodman, an enthusi 
 astic German Republican, who had been a member of the 
 legislature, said to them: "You are shust the two men to go 
 togedder. Gov. Krimes makes grand, good speech, and Mr. 
 Girkwood is full of good points, and he tells fine stories and 
 makes fun for de boys." 
 
 Before the close of their three weeks' canvass, and after 
 they had made each others acquaintance quite fully, Mr. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 61 
 
 Kirkwood, without a hint, solicitation or suggestion of any 
 kind on the subject from him, told Gov. Grimes one day as 
 they were riding along, that he ought to be our next United 
 States Senator, and that as a member of the legislature he 
 would like to support him for that office, which was responded 
 to by Gov. Grimes saying that he would like his support in 
 case he was a candidate for the office as he probably 
 would be. 
 
 On his arrival home, Mr. Kirkwood found that W. Penn 
 Clark, one of his immediate constituents and a near neighbor, 
 had become a candidate for United States Senator, and that 
 he, of course, expected the support of his home member. 
 Mr. Kirkwood, by letter, apprised Governor Grimes of this 
 state of affairs, whereupon he replied, absolving Mr. K. from 
 any obligation to support him under the circumstances. Mr. 
 Clark got the support of his home member until it became 
 certain that he could not be elected, when his friends endeav 
 ored to secure Mr. K.'s influence for another than Governor 
 Grimes, but Mr. K. told them that his vote and influence had 
 been due to, and had been used for, Mr. Clark, and it was 
 not transferable by any one but himself, and having dis 
 charged all his obligations to Mr. Clark, neither he nor his 
 friends had any more claim upon him. Mr. K. then threw 
 his vote and influence for Governor Grimes and his election 
 was secured. 
 
 The year 1858 was a memorable one in the legislative 
 history of Iowa. The State had spent the first twelve years 
 of its existence under an anti-bank constitution, using a cur 
 rency in all the commercial transactions of the people over 
 which she had no control, and to which she could give no 
 character, and the people were subjected to the use of the 
 poorest and most irredeemable currency afloat in the country. 
 
 During the latter part of this dozen years of history, 
 those of our people who wished to engage in banking busi 
 ness crossed the Missouri river into Nebraska, and there 
 
62 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 established banks, whose notes were to be the main currency 
 of the money users of Iowa, and then recrossed the river and 
 put those notes afloat amongst us. How much we all then 
 suffered from the use of what became to us at last worthless 
 trash, in the form of money, is only known to those who 
 then used it. In the financial crash of 1857 these notes were 
 on a par with the forest leaves of autumn, and those bankers 
 who had issued them found themselves bankrupt. 
 
 An extract from Governor Lowe's inaugural address, 
 delivered to the Seventh General Assembly, is a good index 
 of the condition we were then in. He says: 
 
 "In the absence of a national paper currency, and with an estab 
 lished policy of seventy years' standing in the use of a mixed currency 
 of paper and metal by the States, each for itself providing and regu 
 lating its own circulating medium, it would seem to be the very climax 
 of human folly for a single State possessing equal powers to lean 
 wholly upon other States and foreign corporations for its currency. 
 Yet Iowa from the beginning has been guilty of this great folly, the 
 effect of which has been to keep out that amount of fair proportion of 
 gold and silver which a wise and well-regulated banking system would 
 have necessarily supplied, and subjected us to the necessity, as well as 
 the hazard, of employing the paper of a thousand banking institutions 
 in other States, at an immense annual cost in the shape of interest, 
 failures and counterfeits, and now, when the whole country is over 
 taken by a money crisis in which many of their banks have gone into 
 liquidation and others have withdrawn their issues, we find ourselves 
 destitute of a circulating medium. 
 
 " It is needless to disguise the fact that, like the balance of the civil 
 ized world, we are greatly in debt, with no disposition, however, to 
 break faith with our creditors. Possessing millions of produce and 
 other good property, still we have no money or available credit to 
 meet our liabilities." 
 
 At this session Mr. Kirkwood was chairman of the com 
 mittee on Federal Relations and had a place on the commit 
 tees on Schools and Universities, on Banks and on Public 
 Buildings. 
 
 About this time the country was aroused by the decision 
 of the Supreme Court of the United States, or rather the 
 opinions and dicta of some of the Judges of that court in the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 63 
 
 Dred Scott case, and no less so on the admission of Kansas 
 into the Union under the Lecompton Constitution, and the 
 legislature took strong ground in criticising the court, as 
 well as the National Administration, in both these cases. 
 
 Governor Grimes, in his annual, and Governor Lowe, in 
 his inaugural, message, took also strong and decided ground 
 against the action of both, and they were in full accord with 
 the legislature, which expressed itself on these subjects in the 
 passage of a set of joint resolutions, in which the action of 
 the court and the National Administration were both severely 
 criticised and condemned, and our Senators in Congress were 
 called upon to resign unless they could oppose the admission 
 of Kansas under the Lecompton Constitution. 
 
 The State of Iowa, like most others, has had its periods 
 of infancy, childhood, youth and manhood. Its territorial 
 days were its infancy, the administrations of Governors 
 Briggs and Hempstead its childhood, those of Grimes and 
 Lowe its youth, and those following its manhood. 
 
 Never in the history of the State has there been an abler 
 General Assembly than the Seventh, which was the first one 
 to meet, in 1858, at Des Moines, the new capital, when the 
 State was leaving its youthful condition and entering upon 
 that of incipient manhood. It was the first to assemble un 
 der the new constitution. Adapting laws to its new provi 
 sions enacting them for the creation of banks considering 
 means for the more thorough and efficient plans of county 
 organization passing upon measures for the relief of the 
 people from their financial embarrassment, caused by the 
 financial crisis of the previous year reorganization of our 
 system of popular education, in which they had the assist 
 ance of such able and experienced educators as Horace Mann 
 and Amos Dean remodeling the judiciary system wrestling 
 with the problem of the Des Moines River Improvement 
 Company rescuing our magnificent school fund from waste, 
 caused by an unfaithful public officer providing for a more 
 
64 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 prompt collection of taxes, and building up our reformatory, 
 charitable, penal and higher educational institutions, were 
 among the measures that demanded attention. 
 
 To perform these labors there were in the Senate such 
 men as Rankin, Brigham, Coolbaugh, Trimble, Saunders, 
 Anderson, Pusey, Patterson, Kirkwood, Cattell, Grinnell 
 and their associates, and in the House such men of age and 
 experience as Lincoln Clark, Shelladay, Avers, Streeter, 
 with men younger in years, but equal in ability, like Casady 
 of Mahaska, Seevers, Edwards and Bradley; while it con 
 tained a galaxy of sixteen young men, the equals of whom 
 are rarely found in any legislative body. They were Bel- 
 knapp, McCrary, Wilson, Gue, Wright, Bates, Carpenter, 
 Drummond, Jackson, Curtis, Clune, Sprague, Woodward, 
 Beal, Bennett and Casady of Woodbury. Some were but a 
 few years out of their " teens," McCrary being but 22, and 
 all were in the ''twenties;" but there were giants among them. 
 
 Of these, Belknapp afterwards became Secretary of War; 
 McCrary, Secretary of War and afterwards a Judge on the 
 bench of a United States Court; Wilson, a United States 
 Senator; Carpenter, Governor of the State; Gue, Lieutenant- 
 Governor and Wright a Brigadier-General, while others of 
 them held high and responsible positions. Few brighter 
 stars have shone in the intellectual firmament than Tom 
 Drummond and T. Walter Jackson. It is a noteworthy fact 
 that two of these youngsters, Wright and Gue, fought 
 through and procured the passage of the bill establishing the 
 Agricultural College, by a vote of 49 to 5, in face of an 
 adverse report upon it from the Committee of Ways and 
 Means. Eight years later these same two youngsters, as 
 presiding officers in the two branches of the Eleventh Gen 
 eral Assembly, one as Lieutenant-Governor and the other as 
 Speaker of the House, certified the election to the United 
 States Senate of Samuel J. Kirkwood, one of their co-law 
 makers at this session. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 65 
 
 The average age of members of the House was under 
 forty years. Mr. Kirkwood was chairman of the committee 
 on Federal Relations, and it was an important one, for at this 
 time those relations were not of the most friendly character. 
 As chairman of that committee he introduced the following 
 
 JOINT KESOLUTIONS: 
 
 Of the General Assembly of the State of Iowa touching the opinions 
 of some of the Judges of the Supreme Court of the United States on polit 
 ical questions, incorporated in the opinion of that court, in the case of 
 Scott vs. Sandford. 
 
 WHEREAS, The Supreme Court of the United States, in the recent 
 case of Scott vs. Sandford, after expressly deciding that it had not 
 jurisdiction of the case by deciding that the plaintiff, Scott, could not, 
 by reason of his descent,, sue in the courts of the United States, has 
 undertaken to pronounce an extra judicial opinion prohibiting the 
 people of the United States, through Congress, and the people of the 
 territories, through their local governments, instituted under the au 
 thority of Congress, from any control of the question of slavery within 
 the territories of the United States, and legalizing slavery in all those 
 territories; and, 
 
 WHEREAS, Such extra judicial opinion subordinates the political 
 power and interests of our whole people to the cupidity and ambition 
 of a few thousand slave-holders, who are thereby enabled to carry the 
 odious institution of slavery wherever the national power extends, 
 thereby degrading free labor in all the territories which the United 
 States now have, or may hereafter acquire, by bringing slave labor in 
 direct competition therewith, predooming such territory to all the 
 blighting influences of the system of human slavery; and, 
 
 WHEREAS, Such extra judicial opinion of the Supreme Court is 
 conclusive proof of the settled determination of the slavery propa 
 gandists to subvert all those high and holy principles of freedom upon 
 which the American Union was formed, and to degrade it from its in 
 tended lofty position as the exemplar and bulwark of freedom into a 
 mere engine for the extension and perpetuation of the barbarous and 
 detestable system of chattel slavery. Therefore, it is as the sense of 
 the people of Iowa, 
 
 Resolved, That the extra judicial opinion of the Supreme Court in 
 the case of Dred Scott is not binding in law or conscience upon the 
 Government or people of the United States, and that it is of an import 
 so alarming and dangerous as to demand the instant and emphatic 
 reprobation of every good citizen. 
 
 Resolved, That one of the most dangerous of the political heresies 
 
66 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 thus illegitimately announced is that which denies the equality of the 
 free States, and renders them, on account of their free institutions, in 
 ferior and subordinate to the slave States by declaring that, by virtue 
 of the Constitution of the United States, slavery goes into all our 
 territories to the exclusion of freedom, and is sustained and protected 
 therein, until the people of the territories form for themselves State 
 Constitutions, at which time, if at all, but certainly not till then, they 
 may rid themselves of the system; and we would be ungrateful to 
 those whose care and foresight provided for us free homes, and dere 
 lict in our duty to those who will come after us. did we not promptly 
 and sternly denounce this new doctrine, which, if established, degrades 
 the free States and either confines free labor within its present limits 
 or sends it into our new territories in degrading competition with 
 slave labor. 
 
 Resolved, That we still recognize and sustain the time-honored doc 
 trines taught by the early fathers of our political faith, that freedom is 
 the great cardinal principle which underlies, pervades and exalts our 
 whole political system; that the Constitution of the United States does 
 not, in any way, recognize the right of property in man; that slavery 
 as a system is exceptional and purely local, deriving its existence and 
 support wholly from local law. Any person held to service or labor 
 in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another State may 
 bo reclaimed, not as property, but as a person, who, by the laws of the 
 State whence he escaped owes, or, by the Constitution of the United 
 States, is capable of owing, a debt of service or labor which he must 
 discharge. 
 
 Eesolved, That the State of Iowa will not allow slavery within her 
 borders, in any form or under any pretext, for any time, however 
 short, be the consequences what they may. 
 
 It had been a time-honored custom for the citizens of the 
 Capital, while it was at Iowa City, to give a ball and social 
 party in honor of the Members of the Legislature and State 
 officers, and afterwards one in return was given by them to 
 the citizens. 
 
 At the first session held at Des Moines this custom was 
 observed by the people of that city at a banquet and ball in 
 Sherman's Hall, on the 22d of February, and the citizens 
 were treated to one in the Capitol by the members and State 
 officers on the 18th day of March. Mr. Kirkwood was 
 chairman of the Committee of Arrangements. Representa 
 tives' Hall was occupied by the dancers, the Senate Chamber 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 67 
 
 by the promenaders, and supper was furnished in the library 
 and Supreme Court rooms. 
 
 The subscription paper providing funds was drawn up 
 and headed by Mr. Kirkwood. It contains the autograph of 
 each member and State officer, and is now preserved in the 
 archives of the State Historical Society as one of the relics of 
 those early days. 
 
 Following closely in the wake of the new constitution and 
 laws enacted under it by this General Assembly during the 
 State's incipient manhood, agriculture, its leading industry, 
 entered upon a new and more promising era; improved stock 
 of all breeds and races began to be introduced, new styles of 
 farm implements were adopted, the horse-mower replaced 
 the old scythe, the reaper the hand-cradle, the horse-planter 
 and check-rower the hoe and hand-planter, the two-horse corn 
 cultivator the old shovel plow, and the sulky rake, hay- 
 loader and horse-fork their slow-working, labor-imposing 
 predecessors, till half the boys can now leave the farm, and 
 those left on it can raise more stock and more grain, and do 
 it more easily, than they all could in former days. These 
 things, with our telegraph and railroad systems, then just 
 beginning, have contributed to the development of our State 
 into its present condition of stalwart manhood. 
 
 The labors of the Seventh General Assembly being 
 ended, Mr. Kirkwood returned from his legislative duties 
 and honors to his farm and mill, having no political aspira 
 tions, and intending to spend there the remainder of his days 
 in the care and oversight of both. But he was not permit 
 ted to remain long in'the care of them. The following year 
 a new Governor was to be chosen, and though Mr. Kirk 
 wood had no thought or desire of being a candidate for the 
 place, and was not seeking it, still the place sought him. 
 
 The Republican State Convention met June 22, 1859, 
 and he was nominated by acclamation, without even an in 
 formal ballot being taken. Probably no man in the State did 
 
68 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 more to bring Mr. Kirkwood forward for that position than 
 Governor Grimes. The knowledge he had acquired of Mr. 
 Kirkwood's power as a stump speaker in the few weeks they 
 were together in the active work of the canvass of a previous 
 year, in some sixteen counties in the northeast part of the 
 State, satisfied Governor Grimes that Mr. Kirkwood was the 
 man of all others who could canvass the State as a candidate 
 for Governor and carry the people with him. 
 
 Augustus Caesar Dodge was the nominee of the Demo 
 crats at this election. He had been in official life during his 
 whole residence in the State; had for thirteen years been a 
 member of Congress from Iowa, and for the four years pre 
 vious to his nomination had been Minister to Spain. During 
 all this time he had been the most popular man in his 
 party in the State, and it was he who they thought could 
 redeem it from the thraldom of Republicanism into which 
 they claimed it had fallen. He had a high estimate of his 
 own power and ability. He seemed to think he stood in his 
 relation to Iowa as Webster, in his palmiest days, did to 
 Massachusetts; Clay, to Kentucky, and Benton to Missouri; 
 that the highest gifts of the State would be given him for the 
 asking, and that in the gubernatorial canvass he would 
 sweep all before him, and his own partisans entertained the 
 same views. 
 
 He looked upon his competitor as a man who might be 
 a very good rustic Iowa farmer, or a fair country miller, but 
 could not be a match for Iowa's once favorite statesman, in 
 the race for gubernatorial honors. Had he informed himself 
 in the outset, he would have learned that this rustic farmer 
 had at one time, and that quite recently, been one of Ohio's 
 ablest lawyers, and also one of her experienced legislators. 
 
 The Democratic party at this time looked upon the State 
 of Iowa, "the first born child of the Missouri compromise," 
 Mnd the first free State carved out of the Louisiana purchase 
 as an heir loom that had come down to them from Mr. Van 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 69 
 
 Buren, through successive Democratic administration?, and 
 that the Republicans had stolen it from them; that it must 
 be recovered at all hazards; that it was presumption on the 
 part of the Republicans to think they had any right to keep 
 it. It must be retaken, and Gen. Dodge was the man chosen 
 to lead the Democratic hosts to its rescue, they not dreaming 
 that a political Waterloo was in store for them, where their 
 Napoleon would have to meet a political Wellington and 
 Blucher combined, in the person of a dust-covered miller and 
 a soil-begrimed farmer. 
 
 The first speech of the campaign was made by Mr. Kirk- 
 wood at Davenport, on the 13th of July, but a list of 
 appointments was made for him commencing at Muscatine 
 on the 25th, but an arrangement was finally made by which 
 the two should canvass the State together, and it opened at 
 Oskaloosa on the 30th of July. 
 
 The questions discussed were those of State policy and 
 national affairs. At this time many of our charitable insti 
 tutions were in their infancy, and large expenditures had 
 been necessary in the erection of buildings for their use, and 
 charges of Republican extravagance in these matters had to 
 be met and refuted. It was charged by Mr. Dodge that the 
 building for the insane at Mt. Pleasant was so extravagantly 
 large that it would not be filled for fifty years, the fallacy of 
 which charge seems most apparent when in less than thirty- 
 five years from that time we have three such, with not much 
 unoccupied room in any one of them, but the exciting topics 
 for discussion were those relating to the compromise meas 
 ures on slavery and the Fugitive Slave Law, and the attitude 
 of the two parties on them. On these matters Mr. Kirkwood 
 had much the advantage of Gen. Dodge; while the latter had 
 been spending the last four years hob nobbing with royalty 
 at the court of Spain, remote from the discussions of home 
 political questions and not familiar with them; the former 
 had been an active participant in them all, and was well in- 
 
70 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 formed on them in all their bearings. The general was 
 placed at such a disadvantage in the discussions that bitter 
 personalities were often indulged in by him, when sound 
 argument failed. 
 
 At their first meeting which was at Oskaloosa, and which 
 was held in the day time, Mr. Kirkwood spoke very plainly 
 and forcibly againt the Dred Scott decision, the blighting 
 influences of slave labor, and of the efforts of the Democracy 
 to extend and perpetuate that institution. 
 
 In reply, Gen. Dodge said in regard to Kansas and the 
 Lecompton Constitution, his sympathies were all in favor 
 of a slave State, stating that the Fugitive Slave Law is a 
 part of the constitution, and he asked Mr. Kirkwood if he 
 supported the Compromise measures of 1850. Mr. Kirk 
 wood replied that in common with the great body of the peo 
 ple of the country he accepted those measures as a settle 
 ment of the slavery question. Gen. Dodge then asked if 
 he would aid in carrying out the Fugitive Slave Law. Mr. 
 Kirkwood replied that he would not resist the enforcement 
 of that law, but he would suffer the loss of his right arm, 
 and every dollar's worth of property he possessed, rather 
 than aid in catching a fugitive slave. Mr. Kirkwood then 
 asked Gen. Dodge if he would aid in running down and 
 catching a fugitive slave. Gen. Dodge replied that he would, 
 and that he would do whatever the law commanded him 
 to do. 
 
 At the meeting in the evening, Mr. Kirkwood having a 
 very strong aversion to joining the slave hunters, either with 
 or without their blood hounds in the pursuit and recapture 
 of their runaway property, again referred to this matter with 
 the remark, that Gen. Dodge was the first man to avow his 
 willingness to help capture runaway negroes he had found in 
 Iowa. To this Gen. Dodge replied that the stringent pro 
 visions of the fugitive slave law were necessary to render it 
 effective. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 71 
 
 At the evening meeting, which Gen. Dodge announced 
 in the afternoon would be held, he took the stand, stated how 
 long he had served the people of Iowa, what he had done for 
 his country, connecting himself in his eulogies upon them 
 with Clay, Webster, Douglass and Buchanan, stating that 
 the two former were his friends, that Douglass was his "dear 
 bosom friend, " and that Buchanan was his life-long friend. 
 He said Mr. Kirkwood had depicted slavery in its worst 
 aspect. Gen. Dodge declared that slavery in its influence 
 on the blacks was christianizing and civilizing. That the 
 negroes were brought from the jungles of Africa, and in this 
 country were enlightened, christianized and prepared for 
 heaven. In old times, continued he, when a slave ship from 
 Africa reached our shores, the negroes were welcomed with 
 open arms because the people realized that another cargo of 
 human beings was saved from heathenism and perdition. 
 
 Replying, Mr. Kirkwood remarked that those present in 
 the afternoon would remember that he had predicted that 
 before long the Democracy would be advocating the revival 
 of the slave trade, because slavery as they would affirm is a 
 christianizing institution, "but I did not expect my competi 
 tor would commence it so soon. " 
 
 Yiewing these questions from the standpoint of to-day, it 
 can easily be seen at what a disadvantage Gen. Dodge was 
 put, in his discussion with Mr. Kirkwood. 
 
 An amusing incident occurred on their visit to Washing 
 ton in that county. They had spoken the previous day at 
 Sigourney, and from that place Hon. G. D. Woodin was 
 Mr. Kirkwood' s attendant. To give Gen. Dodge a taste of 
 the royal style he had been accustomed to in Spain, his 
 friends had engaged a "coach and four," the only rig of the 
 kind in town, and had gone out on the Sigourney road to 
 meet him and give him a royal welcome and a grand entry / 
 into the city. The account of this affair given in a local 
 paper of the time is as follows: 
 
72 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 "About ten o'clock our friend Bacon, of fine stock notoriety, 
 brought a 'rig' got up as only Bacon can get up such things, a splen 
 did carriage. and four, with a few gentlemen as escort, went out to 
 meet Gen Dodge, and bring him into town. This state of things com 
 ing to the knowledge of the Republican brethren, it was determined 
 that an escort befitting the head of the 'plow handle ticket' should be 
 despatched for Mr. Kirkwood. Accordingly a good sized wagon, with 
 a hay rack on, with two yoke of oxen under the guidance of our 
 esteemed fellow citizen, Mr. Jonathan Wilson, and some dozen others, 
 was sent out on the road. Mr. Woodin on coming in sight of the 
 coach, says to Mr. Kirkwood, 'Well, I guess they have come out to 
 meet you in fine style.' However on the other side of the road a little 
 further on, was another vehicle. W^hen within speaking distance one 
 of the men hailing said, 'Be you Sam Kirkwood? ' On receiving an 
 affirmative answer, the ox team men said they were a reception com 
 mittee, and desired Mr. Kirkwood to take a seat in their wagon at 
 once, saying they would explain matters on their way to town. Mr. 
 Kirkwood took a seat with the committee, and with a crack of the 
 whip off they started. In due time the wagon returned with Mr. 
 Kirkwood seated therein, and as it approached the Public Square, 
 hundreds crowded both sides of the street to welcome the novel 
 cortege. Loud and lusty cheers went up from the multitude on all 
 sides, to the no small bewilderment of the astonished oxen, who though 
 civilly enough disposed concluded that something was loose and 
 stopped for deliberation. The continued cheering, however, they con 
 strued into some belligerent demonstration, and began to make off at 
 such a rapid rate as to bring Mr. Wilson from his place on the wagon, 
 to administer a few blows of the whip and then he drove them around 
 the square in true farmer style. The wagon stopped in front of the 
 Iowa House where cheer after cheer was given, and Mr. Kirkwood 
 alighted amid the congratulations of his friends. 
 
 Soon after, Gen. Dodge and his friends arrived carrying various 
 hickory poles, and made a turn or two about the square in fine style 
 and alighted at the same house, but most of the enthusiasm had been 
 expended on the arrival of the ox wagon." 
 
 So hot had Mr. Kirkwood made the discussion for his 
 opponent, and so far short of being a match for him had he 
 proved to be, that he finally refused to continue it to comple 
 tion, and Mr. Kirkwood carried on the canvass without 
 him, completing it in those parts of the State not previously 
 visited. 
 
 On the 13th of August, Hon. Abraham Lincoln made a 
 political speech at Council Bluffs, advocating the election of 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 73 
 
 Mr. Kirkwood. It will be remembered that this was the 
 year before he was nominated for president. 
 
 Seldom has the State been better or more thoroughly 
 canvassed than it was during this campaign. It was opened 
 formally on the 25th of July, and it was not closed till the 
 8th day of October. Some two weeks' sickness in his family 
 prevented the filling of some appointments by Mr. Kirk- 
 wood. 
 
 Mr. Kirkwood was elected by a majority of 3,200. being 
 629 more votes than was received by any other candidate on 
 the ticket. 
 
 On the llth day of January, 1860, before a joint con 
 vention of the two houses of the legislature, Gov. Kirkwood 
 took the oath of office and delivered the following 
 
 INAUGURAL ADDRESS! 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate, and the House of Representatives: The 
 people of Iowa have placed in your hands, for the time being, the law- 
 making power of the State, and therefore they look to you, that dur 
 ing the time you hold this trust, such course of policy shall be pursued 
 and such laws enacted, as will tend to promote the honor and welfare 
 of the State. 
 
 The office to which I have been elected, and the responsibilities 
 which I have just assumed, associate me with you to a certain extent 
 in this work, by imposing upon me, among other duties, that of com 
 municating to you such information, as will aid you in the perform 
 ance of your duties, and recommending to you such measures as in 
 my opinion will, if adopted by you, advance the public welfare. 
 
 Under a government like ours, where the people are the source of 
 all political power, the laws are necessarily a fair reflex of the intel 
 ligence and morals of the people, and therefore it becomes of the first 
 importance that the standard of intelligence and morality should be 
 raised as high as possible. In this view it has been the settled policy 
 of the State to foster and encourage in all suitable ways, the education 
 of the youths of the State, so that when at a more advanced period of 
 life, they take part in the direction and control of public affairs, they 
 can do so understandingly, and with an intelligent regard to the pub 
 lic welfare. Under our constitution the subject of education has been 
 almost wholly withdrawn from you, and placed in the hands of a 
 board specially constituted for that purpose, leaving with you, how 
 ever, the power of revising and amending their action. This board 
 
74 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 has just closed a session at which they have made such changes in and 
 amendments to the school law as they deemed expedient and proper, 
 and in my opinion it would be prudent for you to interfere with their 
 action only in case that you shall find, upon examination, an over 
 powering necessity for so doing. 
 
 Not only is it highly important that the voice of our people, as ex 
 pressed through the ballot box, shall be enlightened and intelligent, 
 but it is imperatively necessary that the titterings of that voice be 
 correctly and honestly reported. In a government like ours, without 
 privileged classes, and where the laws affect all alike, we need not 
 fear that a majority of our people will deliberately pursue a policy 
 intended to operate injuriously upon the public welfare, because by so 
 doing they would be acting contrary to their own best interests. We 
 therefore feel at all times safe in submitting quietly and cheerfully to 
 the will of the majority fairly and constitutionally expressed, confi 
 dent that if at any time, from any cause, the people are led into error, 
 they have the sagacity speedily to detect and the honesty promptly to 
 correct the error. But if through fraud or violence, the ballot box 
 shall cease to report to us correctly and honestly the will of the 
 majority, if corrupt and interested men are enabled to substitute their 
 will for that of the people, then the assurance of safety derived to us 
 from the honesty, the intelligence, and the interest of the people, no 
 longer exists our confidence in our government is lost, and we feel 
 that we are at the mercy of dishonest men, who seek the control of 
 our affairs, for the purpose of promoting their own private interests 
 rather than the public good. We cannot, therefore, guard with too 
 much care, the sanctity and purity of the ballot box. In my opinion, 
 there is no measure so well calculated to effect this object, as a care 
 fully prepared and well guarded registry law; and I respectfully 
 recommend that measure to your consideration. It may be objected 
 by some, that the operation of such a law is burdensome to the elect 
 ors. I am satisfied that the supposed difficulty in this respect, is much 
 over-estimated, and even were it not, I cannot conceive that any 
 elector who properly appreciates the value of the privilege he enjoys 
 as such will deem burdensome any reasonable amount of time 
 and attention that it may be necessary for him to bestow, in order 
 to prevent his honest vote from being destroyed by a fraudulent 
 one. 
 
 The institutions for the care of the insane, and for the education of 
 the mute and the blind, will, I doubt not, receive from you prompt 
 and cheerful attention and support. Established as they have been, in 
 answer to the requirements of those better feelings of our nature, 
 which prompt us to protect the weak and succor the unfortunate, you 
 may rely with confidence upon the approval by our people, of all 
 reasonable and proper efforts on your part to make them useful and 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J, KIRKWOOD, T5 
 
 efficient means for carrying out the noble purposes for which they 
 were created. 
 
 I would also recommend to your favorable consideration, the State 
 University, at Iowa City. It is based upon a grant made by the Con 
 gress of the United States to this State, for the support of such an 
 institution, and, having accepted the grant, we are bound by a proper 
 sense of State pride, by our duty properly to execute the trust confided 
 to us, and by the interests of education, in which are involved the best 
 interests of the State, to render the institution such an one as will be 
 useful and creditable to the State. 
 
 The condition and affairs of the penitentiary, located at Fort Madi 
 son, will necessarily engage your careful and serious attention. The 
 safety of society requires that the building be such as will afford 
 proper facilities for the safe confinement of those vicious persons 
 whose liberty is dangerous to the lives and property of peaceful and 
 law abiding citizens. 
 
 An agricultural college was originated at the last session of the 
 General Assembly, and has since been located in Story county. Agri 
 culture will be for many years to come, as it has been in times past, 
 that interest which underlies and supports all other interests in our 
 State; and any aid that can legitimately be given to it, should be given 
 generously and not grudgingly. I have not sufficient information 
 touching this institution, to enable me to make any specific sugges 
 tions in regard to it, and can only recommend the whole matter to 
 your careful and friendly consideration. 
 
 The present condition and future management of the permanent 
 school fund of the State deserve your serious investigation and delib 
 eration. Under former and existing laws, this fund has been lent to 
 individuals, and in many cases either through the carelessness or dis 
 honesty of the officers by whom it has been lent, the securities taken 
 therefor have proved to be entirely inadequate, so that large losses to 
 the fund must ensue. By a provision of our Constitution, all these 
 losses fall upon the State and become a funded debt upon which the 
 State must forever pay the interest. Many of the loans thus made, are 
 now or soon will be falling due, and it becomes a matter of grave im 
 portance to determine in what manner the moneys when paid shall be 
 again disposed of. I consider the present system open to much objec 
 tion. Not only are losses of the principal constantly occurring under 
 it, which the State is bound to make good, but even the interest is not 
 promptly paid, so that the active fund for the support of schools is 
 fluctuating and uncertain. I am strongly inclined to the opinion that 
 a better policy would be to direct the payment of the principal, as it 
 falls due, into the State Treasury, to be used as other moneys for State 
 purposes, bind the State to pay the interest on the same for school pur 
 poses. - In this way the money would, in the first instance, go to the 
 
76 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 benefit of all the people of the State alike by lessening to that extent 
 the amount of money to be raised by taxation, and the interest would, 
 in like manner, be paid by the people and be applied directly to their 
 use in the support of the public schools. If this shall be deemed 
 objectionable, I would recommend that the money when paid in, be 
 invested either in stocks of the United States or in the best stocks of 
 interest-paying States. In case you shall deem it proper to adopt this 
 or a similar policy, it will be advisable to vest in the officers to whom 
 the money shall be paid, in the first place, discretionary power to 
 grant indulgence of time to those borrowers whose loans are amply 
 secured, so as not to cause unnecessary hardship or distress, during 
 our present financial difficulties. 
 
 I would also suggest to you the propriety of a careful examination 
 of our revenue system, with a view to ascertain if it cannot be made 
 more certain and efficient. Any system of revenue which permits 
 large amounts of taxes to become delinquent and to be ultimately lost 
 to the State, must be defective, and must operate unjustly and un 
 fairly upon our people. The deficiencies thus created in the revenue 
 must be provided for by additional taxation upon those who have 
 already discharged their duty as citizens by paying the taxes assessed 
 upon them, and they are thus compelled to bear more than their due 
 proportion of the public burden. The laws should provide for the 
 most rigid and exact accountability of all officers charged with the 
 collection, control or disbursement of the public money. Any vague 
 ness of the laws which permits an officer to retain in his hands, with 
 out detection, any portion of the public moneys, or to use them for his 
 private benefit, not only defrauds the revenue, but introduces among 
 officials a laxity of morals highly dangerous to the public interest. 
 The Governor is authorized, by a law passed at the last session of the 
 General Assembly, to institute a careful examination of the accounts 
 of the State officers once in each year, and I have not any doubt the 
 law will be found beneficial in its operations. But the amount of 
 money paid by our people into the State Treasury is but a small pro 
 portion of the total amount paid by them in the shape of taxes. A 
 much larger amount is paid for county and other purposes, and, in my 
 opinion, the existing laws are defective in not requiring a more care 
 ful scrutiny of the accounts of those to whom this money is paid and 
 by whom it is disbursed. I therefore recommend to your considera 
 tion, in addition to any other measures your wisdom may suggest, the 
 passage of a law requiring the Judge of each Judicial District to ap 
 point once in each year a skillful accountant in each county of his 
 district, whose duty it shall be to examine carefully the books of each 
 county officer, and to state and record an account between such officer 
 and his county, and, when necessary, between officer and officer. 
 Such examinations by disinterested persons would, in my opinion, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 77 
 
 have a decidedly beneficial effect; the expense attending them would 
 be very small, and I have no doubt the people of the counties would 
 cheerfully bear that expense for the satisfaction of knowing that the 
 large amounts of money they pay as taxes are applied to the proper 
 object. 
 
 I apprehend it is scarcely necessary for me to recommend to you 
 as close and rigid an economy in the matter of appropriations as is 
 consistent with a proper administration of the affairs of the State. 
 The scarcity of money, consequent upon the financial revulsion of 
 1857, and the failure of our crops to a great extent since that time, has 
 caused the payment of the taxes necessary to the support of our gov 
 ernment to be felt as a sensible burden by our people, and they have 
 the right to demand, and I think 'do demand, at our hands that until 
 the present pressure is somewhat removed, and our financial affairs 
 have become somewhat more easy and prosperous, we shall limit the 
 expenses of the State to the smallest sum compatible with a due regard 
 to the public interest. 
 
 An event has recently occurred in our sister State of Virginia, 
 causing in that State an intense excitement, which has, to a greater or 
 less degree, extended throughout our country. I allude, of course, to 
 the late unlawful invasion of that State by John Brown and his asso 
 ciates. The moving causes that led these misguded men to that mad 
 attempt, in my opinion, may be easily and certainly found. On the 
 4th of March, 1853, President Pierce was inaugurated as the Chief 
 Magistrate of a happy and united people. The administration of his 
 predecessor had been marked by a settlement of the agitation of the 
 question of slavery, growing out of the acquisition of territory from 
 Mexico, as the administration of Mr. Monroe had been marked by the 
 settlement of a similar agitation in connection with the territory pur 
 chased from France during the Presidency of Mr. Jefferson, and as 
 these two settlements covered all the territory then belonging to our 
 government, our people fondly hoped that for a long period of time 
 this vexed and irritating question would be kept out of our national 
 councils, and that the angry and embittered feelings always arising 
 from its discussion would then die out for want of food. As an addi 
 tional basis upon which to rest this hope, our people had the solemn 
 pledge of honor of the political party then dominant in all the branches 
 of our national government, deliberately given at the time Mr. Pierce 
 was nominated by them for the Presidency, that if placed in power 
 they would resist, to the extent of their power, the agitation of that 
 dangerous question, both in the Congress of the United States and out 
 of it. Unfortunately for the peace of the country, and for the preser 
 vation of those kindly and fraternal feelings which should always ex 
 ist among our people, Mr. Pierce and his political friends did not 
 redeem that pledge. On the contrary, the first important act of his 
 
78 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 administration was the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, by which 
 the settlement made during Mr. Monroe's administration of the ques 
 tion of slavery in the territory acquired from France, was set aside, 
 and the fountains of strife so recently closed, again opened to pour 
 forth among our people their bitter waters. The excuse offered for 
 this wanton, uncalled-for and most unfortunate act was the alleged 
 desire, on the part of those who did it, to settle the question of slavery, 
 then in a state of perfect quietude and repose; and this was to be done 
 by introducing into our legislation a new policy which denies to Con 
 gress a power claimed for it by the founders of our government, and 
 exercised by it from the beginning; which declares that to be uncon 
 stitutional which the makers of the constitution declared to be consti 
 tutional, and which rests upon the strange assumption that the Gov 
 ernment of the United States cannot set up and maintain in the Terri 
 tories of the United States a form of government demanded by a 
 majority of our people, and identical in the disputed particular, 
 with the form of government of a majority of the States 
 of our confederacy. If the men who did this thing did 
 not know that their action would again produce among us 
 agitation, heartburning, jealousy and ill-will, they were so wholly 
 ignorant of the temper and feelings of our people as to make them un 
 safe public servants. If they did know, they were unfaithful. In 
 either view, they were faithless to the pledges they had given as the 
 inducement for placing power in their hands. The Kansas-Nebraska 
 bill was long pending, and its passage was strenuously resisted in Con 
 gress. The debates in that body upon it were acrimonious and excit 
 ing; the discussions in the public press were bitter and inflammatory, 
 and when the passions of the people in the different sections of our 
 country had been thoroughly aroused, their prejudices inflamed, and 
 their pride enlisted in the contest going on in the halls of Congress, 
 that contest was by the passage of the bill, transferred from these halls 
 to the plains of Kansas; from the representatives in Congress to our 
 entire people; and thus was cast into the arena as a prize to be strug 
 gled for by an aroused and excited people, a territory which, in size, in 
 soil and in climate, is equal to some of the most powerful monarchies 
 of the old world. Did the men who passed that act expect and desire 
 that struggle to be a friendly and peaceful one? The country would 
 fain so believe; yet such belief requires that we should attribute to 
 them a want of knowledge and foresight but little less criminal in men 
 in their position than would have been the expectation and desire by 
 them that the struggle should be as it was, a hostile and a bloody one. 
 
 It is my deliberate conviction that on the day on which the oppo 
 nents of this new and most unfortunate measure, aided by a few of its 
 original friends, defeated its legitimate consummation by defeating 
 the passage of the so-called Lecompton bill, which sought to enforce 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 79 
 
 upon the people of Kansas a constitution they abhorred, and which 
 would have required for its enforcement the aid of federal bayonets 
 on that day, the union of these States met and escaped the greatest 
 peril to which it has yet been subjected. But, happily for all, unex 
 pectedly to the fears of many, adversely perhaps to the wishes of 
 some, that great peril was escaped, and Kansas, with a constitution 
 which accords with the legislation, which in the last generation dedi 
 cated her to freedom, and, with the wishes of her people, stands ready 
 to ask admission into our Union as a free State. I do not recur to 
 these past transactions for the purpose of again stirring up ill feelings 
 now measurably appeased, but for the light which, in my opinion, 
 they throw upon present events. It is as true now as it was in the 
 olden time, that " they who sow the wind shall reap the whirlwind." 
 
 During the struggle in Kansas, which makes her story a blot on 
 the page of our country's history, the free State men of that territory 
 were treated by their pro-slavery brethren in that territory and in the 
 States, and by the General Government, as if they had not any rights, 
 legal or natural, which either were bound to respect. Is it strange that 
 some of them should have ceased to respect the rights of those whom 
 they looked upon as their oppressors? should have learned to hate the 
 institution for whose advancement they were oppressed? During the 
 same period that other new policy called fillibusterism, and the doc 
 trines by which it is sought to be upheld, attained full force and vigor. 
 It was insisted in substance by our Southern brethren, and either 
 openly or tacitly approved by many in the North, that if our people 
 should find upon our borders, or within reasonable reach of us, a weak 
 and helpless nation, who could be attacked with comparative safety, 
 and whose form of government did not attain to our standard of per 
 fection, it was not only the privilege but the mission of such of our 
 people as desired to engage in the laudable undertaking to invade her 
 territory with fire and sword, to bring upon her peaceful inhabitants, 
 men, women and children, all the horrors of war, and having thus 
 carried through and perfected a process of "regeneration" to establish 
 on the ruins of her government our own free institutions, prominent 
 among which, according to the advocates of this doctrine, stands 
 human slavery. 
 
 Is it strange that the bare promulgation of these doctrines, acting 
 upon the minds of men maddened by the recollection of wrongs inflic 
 ted upon them in Kansas because of their love of freedom should lead 
 them to the conclusion that they should do and dare as much at home 
 for liberty, as those who have oppressed them were doing abroad for 
 slavery? It seems to me most natural, and while I deeply deplore and 
 most unqualifiedly condemn, I cannot wonder at, the recent unfortu 
 nate and bloody occurrence at Harper's Ferry. But while we may not 
 wonder at, we must condemn it. It was an act of war of war against 
 
80 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 brethren, and in that a greater crime than the invaders of Cuba and 
 Nicaragua were guilty of, relieved to some extent of its guilt, in the 
 minds of many, by the fact that the blow was struck for freedom, and 
 not for slavery. Still it was a wrong, and as such the deliberate publ.c 
 sentiment of the north, as well as of the south, condemns it. In my 
 opinion, much misapprehension exists on this subject among our 
 southern brethren, and this misapprehension renders proper the pres 
 ent allusion to it. The mass of them relying upon the statements of 
 the leading men of the south, who should know better, and of promi 
 nent men in the north, who do know better, but falsify for a purpose, 
 believe that the sympathy expressed by many of our northern people 
 for the leader of that invasion, covers and contains an approval of his 
 act. This is a great, and it may become a dangerous error. While 
 the great mass of our northern people utterly condemn the act of 
 John Brown, they feel and express admiration and sympathy for the 
 disinterestedness of purpose by which they believe he was governed, 
 and for the unflinching courage and calm cheerfulness with which he 
 met the consequences of his failure. Many, very many, of our north 
 ern people felt deep sympathy for the gallant Crittenden, who died so 
 bravely in Cuba, for an act they strongly condemned, and the tears of 
 many of the best and bravest of our revolutionary sires bedewed the 
 grave of Andre, who, by their own judgment, died the death of a spy, 
 his sentence approved by Washington. When passion has passed 
 away, and calm reason has resumed its place in the minds of our 
 southern brethren, they will fully appreciate our feelings, and then, if 
 I do not mistake them, while with us they condemn yet pity John 
 Brown as a misguided but not base minded man, they will also with us 
 detest and scorn these men in our midst who now seek by distorting 
 our lauguage and falsifying our sentiments, to use the passions and 
 prejudices of our southern brethren as a means to pave their own base 
 way to power and place. 
 
 I cannot concur in the opinion expressed by some persons, that the 
 constituted authorities of the States of this Union have discharged 
 their entire duty, when they have looked to and cared for their own 
 internal affairs, and that they travel out of their legitimate sphere 
 when they in any manner concern themselves with the affairs of our 
 General Government. The several States, as such, are the constituents 
 of one branch of the National Congress, and if it be true that the con 
 stituent may and should concern himself with what is done by his 
 representative, it must be true that each State may and should con 
 cern herself with the actions of that General Government of which her 
 representatives are a part; if it be true that the States of our Confed 
 eracy are interested in the administration and preservation of that 
 compact but for which they would be wholly independent and rival, 
 perhaps hostile sovereignties, instead of one great and united nation, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 81 
 
 it must be true that they may and should concern themselves with the 
 manner in which those to whose hands that administration and preser 
 vation are committed, discharge their trust. 
 
 The passage by Congress of the measure commonly known as the 
 Homestead Bill, would, in my opinion, be productive of much good, 
 preventing in a great degree the acquisition, by speculators, of large 
 bodies of the public lands, to the injury of the actual settlers, and by 
 enabling many honest and industrious poor men who cannot now do so 
 to enrol themselves in the class of independent farmers who are the sup 
 port and strength of our country. The government price of a quarter 
 section of land may appear to many a small and insignificant sum, but 
 the many thousands of the farmers of the west who have opened farms 
 either "in the woods" or "on the prairies," can more justly appreciate 
 the great benefits deriveable from that small amount in their work of 
 toil and privation. I respectfully recommend that you memorialize 
 Congress for the passage of such a law. 
 
 The building of a railroad to the Pacific Ocean, is a measure which, 
 in my opinion, is demanded by the best interests of our whole country. 
 In case of war with any of the great maratime powers, the States on 
 the Pacific would be peculiarly open to attack, and our Government 
 could afford them the necessary aid for their defense only at great risk 
 and enormous expense. Troops could not be sent to their assistance 
 through our own country, except by the overland route, which expe 
 rience has shown to be, for an army, almost impracticable; while if 
 sent by any other route, they might be compelled to fight their way to 
 the States they are sent to defend. It seems to me to be a bad policy 
 that would compel us to depend upon other nations for a right of way 
 to our own possessions and our own homes, when we can have such 
 way within our own limits. 
 
 A great central trunk route, with branches at either end to accom 
 modate all parts of our country, both upon the Atlantic and Pacific, 
 would meet our wants and commend itself to the sound sense and 
 calm judgment of our people. I also recommend that you memorial 
 ize Congress in favor of that measure. 
 
 There is one aspect of the vexed and exciting question of slavery to 
 which I wish to direct your attention as one upon which per 
 haps our whole country can harmonize. Recent events in Virginia 
 have drawn the attention of our Southern brethren to the danger sur 
 rounding them, by reason of the great number of free colored persons 
 among them in contact with their slaves, and the excitement of the 
 moment has caused some of their State Legislatures seriously to enter 
 tain the terrible proposition to compel this unfortunate people either 
 to become involuntary exiles from the land of their birth or to become 
 slaves. The repugnance, the prejudice, if you will, of the people of 
 the Free States, especially of the northwestern States, against allowing 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 any large influx of these unfortunates among them, is well known and 
 must be heeded by those who make laws for those States. The dangers 
 and difficulties attendant upon the presence of free colored persons in 
 a slaveholding community, prevent emancipation by many who would 
 otherwise gladly set free their slaves, and have in some States cause. 1 
 the passage of laws prohibiting or greatly hindering emancipation. 
 Indeed the dangers and difficulties are to-day the great hinderance to 
 the abolition of slavery in and by the Slave States, and the appre 
 hended danger that in case the Southern States should abolish slavery, 
 the Free States would at once be overrun by the ignorant slaves just 
 manumitted, is skillfully used by partizan politicians among us, to 
 reconcile the northern mind to the extension of slavery in other direc 
 tions. Moved by these considerations, 1 deem it my duty to recom 
 mend to your careful and favorable consideration, a plan for the coloni 
 zation of the free colored population of our country in Central or South 
 America, under the protection of our General Government, brought 
 forward in the Congress of the United States, by a distinguished mem 
 ber of that body from the State of Missouri, with the view that if the 
 measure shall meet your approbation, you may memorialize Congress 
 in its favor. The substance of this plan as subsequently presented in 
 the U. S. Senate, by one of the Senators from Wisconsin, is that our 
 Government shall by treaty with some of the Central or South Ameri 
 can Governments acquire "the rights and privileges of settlement and 
 of citizenship for the benefit of such persons of color of African de 
 scent, as may voluntarily desire to emigrate from the United States, 
 and form themselves into a colony or colonies under the laws of the 
 State or States to which they may emigrate, the United States, in con 
 sideration of the commercial advantages of free trade with such colony 
 or colonies making and securing the necessary and proper engage 
 ments to maintain them in the enjoyment of the rights and privileges 
 acquired by such treaty or treaties." The colonization of this unfor 
 tunate race in some country peculiarly adapted by climate and pro 
 duction to their use and occupation, has long been a favorite scheme 
 with a large portion of the people in all sections of our country, and 
 until time and experience had shown the operations of the Society 
 which proposed to colonize them in their native country, to be, by 
 reason of the expense, impracticable as a means for relieving our 
 ^country of the vast numbers of these people among us, that Society 
 received, as it justly deserved, a great degree of public favor. That 
 the operations of that Society have produced and will produce great 
 good to Africa, I have no doubt, and I shall rejoice to see its ability 
 for usefulness largely extended. But experience has shown it to be 
 wholly inefficientas a means of removing from among us this large and 
 rapidly increasing population. Colonization in Central or South Amer- 
 jca by means of the proximity of the proposed colonies, would be much 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 83 
 
 less expensive, and therefore more effective, and if the General Gov 
 ernment, supported by the several States, should take the matter in 
 hand with earnestness and zeal, it seems to me that we might con 
 gratulate ourselves upon having done a work which would not only be 
 productive of great good to ourselves, but also enable us to commence 
 the payment of that vast and accumulated debt we owe this wronged 
 and unfortunate race, and which would, perhaps, enable us to see the 
 beginning of that most desirable end, when our land shall be in truth 
 ' the land of the free" as it has been and is "the home of the brave. " 
 In conclusion, permit me to say that although our political horizon 
 is not unclouded, although anger and jealousy have to some extent 
 t aken the place of brotherly kindness and good will among our peo 
 ple, although some men occupying high position under our Federal 
 and in some of our State Governments, influenced by pride and 
 passion, under sentiments disloyal to our Union, and others in like 
 high position, but governed by baser motives, either openly or silently 
 approve the sentiments; still, in my opinion, those who love our Con 
 stitution and our Union, have not very great cause for alarm. Passion 
 will subside, reason will resume its sway, and then our southern breth 
 ren will discover that they have been deceived and misled, as to our 
 feelings and purposes; that the people of the north, while hoping and 
 praying for the day when no slave shall press 6ur soil, yet do neither 
 claim nor desire any power to interfere with slavery in any of the 
 States where it exists; and that the good old ways wherein we walked, 
 when to talk of disunion openly or to approve it silently, was to incur 
 the scorn due a traitor, are ways of pleasantness, and that the good 
 old paths our fathers taught us to tread, are paths of peace. And they 
 will join with us in believing that the men who achieved our inde 
 pendence and framed our Constitution, were as true patriots, and 
 understood the Constitution as well as the statesmen of the present 
 day will unite with us in following their teachings and walking in 
 their footsteps, and in discarding these new measures, and this new 
 policy which have produced no fruits but those of discord and bitter 
 ness, and will again pledge themselves as we to-day pledge ourselves 
 in the full depth and force of its meaning to the sentiment of the true 
 and stern old patriot of the Hermitage "The Union it must and 
 shall be preserved . " 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 The Legislature was in harmony with the Governor on 
 all subjects presented in the Inaugural Address, and took 
 action on them all except those relating to the Registry law 
 and the colonization of the black population. Our charitable 
 institutions anc i QUJ Agricultural College were thep ia then 1 
 
84 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 infancy, and as liberal appropriations were needed for them 
 as the state of our finances would permit. 
 
 The Governor entered upon the discharge of his 
 duties during a period that was very unpropitious 
 in many respects. In the year 1856, we had a frost 
 in the month of August that so injured the corn that 
 the crop of that year sold as high as eighty cents a 
 bushel before another was raised. During the following 
 year, 1857, the worst financial cyclone of the century swept 
 over the whole country, breaking up or suspending nearly all 
 our banks and bankrupting nearly every one who had any 
 considerable debts to pay. The next year was one of our 
 very wet seasons, rendering it almost impossible to tend corn, 
 and rusting and blasting our wheat crop to such an extent 
 that whole fields were not worth harvesting, and those that 
 were yielded a product that was very inferior, if not worth 
 less. The currency then in circulation, consisting in great 
 part of ' 4 Nebraska Shinplasters, " and the issues of banks of 
 the State of Illinois, founded upon State stocks, whose 
 market value was constantly declining, had been blighted by 
 a commercial mildew that shrunk and shriveled it almost as 
 badly as the weather had our wheat crop. These causes, all 
 combined, called for the strictest and most rigid economy in 
 public expenditures, and the Governor recommended that 
 the treasury should be well guarded. 
 
 In the address the project of building a Pacific railroad 
 was discussed. This was not the first time the Governor had 
 discussed that topic. 
 
 In the year 1848, before any railroad had reached 
 Chicago, a great meeting was held near East Palestine, on 
 the State line between Ohio and Pennsylvania, to celebrate 
 the commencement of work on the first ^fcfty miles of the 
 Pittsburgh and Ft. Wayne road, when the President of the 
 road would be there to throw the first spadeful of dirt, a free 
 dinner would be given and speeches made. A participant at 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 85 
 
 that scene, Samuel Beeson, now of Liscoinb, in this State, 
 says that among the speakers was a lawyer from Mansfield 
 by the name of Kirkwood, and that among other things said 
 by him was that 4 ; in spite of all opposition, the road would 
 be built, and at no distant day railroads, like wagon roads, 
 would be built where they were needed, and that in time the 
 Atlantic and Pacific would be united and bound together 
 with bands of iron, and then, with our North and South river 
 system, we could defy the powers of Europe combined." 
 This prediction, made at that railroad meeting forty-five 
 years ago, the Governor has lived to see more than fulfilled. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Attends the National Convention Supports Mr. Lincoln Presidential 
 Candidates Spirit Lake Massacre A Call for the Surrender of 
 Coppoc Special Message Presidential Election Challenge from 
 Mr. Byington Answer to Him Invited to Speak at His Old Home 
 in Mansfield, 0. Electoral and Popular Votes Contrasted Visits 
 Mr. Lincoln Attends His Inauguration Letters to Oov. Grimes 
 To the Oovemor of Maryland Military Companies Tendered to the 
 Governor. 
 
 The year 1860, while not memorable for its stirring 
 events, except the election of Mr. Lincoln, was noted for 
 those incidents which gave vent to the underground rumb 
 lings that were to burst forth in the following year in an 
 eruptive volcanic explosion of secession that would make the 
 country tremble from centre to circumference. John Brown's 
 body was mouldering in the soil of Virginia, but his soul, 
 typical of that freedom of thought which could not be put 
 down or trammeled by the intolerance and insolence of the 
 slave power, was marching on. Its spirit seemed in its 
 marching to have, if not invaded the Democratic party, at 
 least to have been skirmishing around and hovering over it 
 and so distracted it that it gave us two National Democratic 
 Conventions that year, and made possible the defeat of both 
 their candidates and the election of the nominee of the 
 Republican party whoever he might be. 
 
 Governor Kirkwood was favorable to the nomination of 
 Mr. Lincoln as the Republican standard-bearer; and he did 
 not need the letter he received from John A. Kasson, saying, 
 "Pray beat Chicago, if possible, to aid and influence the 
 indiscreet by your counsel, " to induce him to do all he could 
 to secure Mr. Lincoln's nomination. He attended that con 
 tention in Mr. Lincoln's interest. 
 
 M 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 87 
 
 The candidates before the convention were Mr. Seward, 
 Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Cameron, Mr. Chase, Mr. Bates, Mr. 
 Dayton, Mr. McLean, Mr. Collamer, Mr. Fremont and Mr. 
 Sumner, and on the first ballot they ranked in the order 
 named, Mr. Seward getting 173^ votes, it requiring 232 to 
 elect. On the second ballot the vote stood: Seward, 184f ; 
 Lincoln, 181; Chase, 42^; Bates, 35, Pennsylvania deserting 
 Cameron and voting for Lincoln. 
 
 Before the third ballot, Governor Kirkwood, with others, 
 had won over to Mr. Lincoln most of the Ohio delegation, 
 with many of whom he was acquainted, and the result was 
 that on this ballot Mr. Lincoln got four votes more than 
 enough to elect, when, on motion of Mr. Evarts, the head of 
 the New York delegation and the particular friend of Mr. 
 Seward, the nomination was made unanimous. 
 
 It is a noteworthy fact that after Mr. Lincoln's election 
 he made the four strongest competitors he had in this con 
 vention members of his cabinet, bringing to himself more 
 support, and giving to his administration more strength than 
 he could have done by the appointment of any other four 
 men. 
 
 In the year 1857, near the close of one of the most severe 
 winters in this climate, both on account of the depth of the 
 snow and the intensity of the cold, a band of 200 Indians, 
 led on by their chief, Inkpaduta, committed one of the most 
 barbarous massacres near Spirit Lake that ever took place 
 on our Western frontiers, in which forty-one persons were 
 killed, twelve others were missing, probably killed; three 
 badly wounded, and four women were taken prisoners and 
 carried off into captivity. Three companies of troops, under 
 the command of Major Williams, were hastily raised and 
 sent to the theatre of the outrage. They did not arrive till 
 the carnage had taken place, but on their march and return 
 they encountered incredible hardships and endured untold 
 sufferings, many of them freezing their hands and feet, and 
 
88 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 two of them freezing to death. As their claims had not all 
 been liquidated, an act was passed at this session making 
 provision for their final payment in full. 
 
 For the purpose of enabling the citizens of the North 
 western frontier to defend themselves against marauding 
 bands of Indians, the Governor was authorized to furnish 
 them with arms and ammunition. A small company of min 
 ute men was enrolled and an active police employed to act in 
 case of any emergency that might arise in repelling the 
 attacks of hostile Indians, and $500 was appropriated for 
 this purpose. 
 
 On the 3d day of December, 1859, the vengeance and 
 supposed honor of the people of the State of Virginia was 
 
 partially satisfied by the execution of John Brown, 
 
 Cook and Edward Coppoc; but some others had escaped 
 their vengeance, and among them was Barclay Coppoc, a 
 brother of Edward and a citizen of the State of Iowa, and a 
 requisition was made upon the Governor of Iowa by the 
 Governor of Virginia for his delivery, which the Governor 
 of Iowa refused to grant, and he so informed the Virginia 
 Governor, giving his reasons for his action in the premises. 
 It was hinted by some of the pliant tools of the slave power 
 that Governor Kirkwood was not acting in good faith, and 
 was resorting to frivolous excuses for not complying with 
 the requisition. To bring the subject all before them and 
 the public, on the second day of March the House of Repre 
 sentatives passed the following preamble and resolution: 
 
 WHEREAS, There has lately appeared in the public press a message, 
 purporting to have been sent by the Governor of the State of Virginia 
 to the Legislature of that State, in which it is stated that a requisition 
 had been made upon the Executive of this State for the rendition of 
 one Barclay Coppoc as a fugitive from justice, and that "the requisi 
 tion had been refused for reasons stated in said message to be frivol 
 ous, and such as have in no previous instances, as the Governor says, 
 to my knowledge, influenced the action of any State Executive in its 
 intercourse with this Commonwealth." Therefore, be it 
 
 Resolved, That the Governor of this State is requested to communi- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 89 
 
 cate to this House all the facts, together with a copy of all papers and 
 correspondence connected with, or growing out of, said requisition 
 and its refusal. 
 
 In answer to this resolution the Governor sent the fok 
 lowing special message: 
 
 EPECUTIVE OFFICE, ) 
 MARCH 3, 1860. i 
 
 Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: I have received your 
 resolution of yesterday, requesting me to communicate to you all the 
 facts and correspondence connected with or in any way growing out 
 of the demand made upon me for the arrest of Barclay Coppoc, and 
 his surrender to the State of Virginia, as a fugitive from justice, and 
 my reasons for refusing that demand. 
 
 The Special Message of the Governor of Virginia referred to in the 
 preamble to your resolution, is of such extraordinary character as in 
 my judgment to render proper the publicity of the information asked 
 for by your resolution. All the papers and correspondence connected 
 with, or in any way growing out of this matter, are the requisition of 
 the Governor of Virginia, a copy of which I transmit, marked A; the 
 affidavit upon which said requisition is based, which I copy in the body 
 of this communication; my letter to the Governor of Virginia, dated 
 January 23, 1860, a copy of which I transmit, marked B; and my let 
 ter to him dated January 24, 1860, a copy of which I transmit, marked 
 C. I have not received from the Governor of Virginia a reply to either 
 of my letters to him, and I have not had correspondence upon this 
 subject with any other person. 
 
 The facts touching that requisition were these: On the 23d day of 
 January last, an agent of Virginia called upon me and presented his 
 commission from the Governor of that State, as such agent, to receive 
 Coppoc, who was demanded in the same commission as a fugitive from 
 justice, as appeared by an annexed document, of which the following 
 is an exact copy: 
 
 "City of Richmond, and State of Virginia, to-wit: 
 
 "Andrew Hunter maketh oath and saith, that from information 
 received from several of the prisoners recently condemned and execu 
 ted at Charleston, Jefferson county, Virginia, and from other facts 
 which have come to his knowledge, he verily believes that a certain 
 Barclay Coppoc was aiding and abetting certain John Brown, and 
 others, who on the sixteenth and seventeenth days of October, in the 
 year 1859, did feloniously and treasonably rebel and commit treason 
 against the commonwealth of Virginia, at a certain place called Har 
 per's Ferry, in said county of Jefferson, and who did then and there 
 feloniously conspire with and advise certain slaves in the county 
 aforesaid to rebel and make insurrection against their masters, and 
 
90 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 against the authority of the laws of said Commonwealth of Virginia 
 and who did then and there feloniously kill and murder certain Hay- 
 ward Sheppard, a free negro, and George W. Turner, Fontaine Beck- 
 ham and Thomas Barclay and affiant further states that from infor 
 mation recently received, he verily believes that said Barclay Coppoc 
 is a fugitive from justice, now escaping in the State of Iowa. 
 
 "Sworn to before me, a Notary Public, in and for the City of Rich 
 mond, in the State of Virginia, this ninth day of January, 1860. 
 
 "S. H. BOYKIN, N. P." 
 
 Upon examination of this paper, I declined to issue my warrant for 
 the arrest of the alleged fugitive, because, in my judgment, no author 
 ity so to do was conferred upon me by law, in a case resting upon 
 such a basis. 
 
 It is a high prerogative of official power in any case, to seize a citi 
 zen of the State and send him upon an exparte statement, and without 
 any preliminary examination, and without confronting him with a 
 single witness, to a distant State for trial. It is a prerogative so high 
 that the law tolerates its exercise only on certain fixed conditions, and 
 I certainly shall not exercise that power to the peril of any citizen of 
 Iowa, upon the demand of the State of Virginia, or of any other State, 
 unless these conditions are complied with. 
 
 The act of Congress provides that besides the Executive demand for 
 the fugitive, there shall be produced "the copy of an indictment found, 
 or an affidavit made before a magistrate of any State or Territory, as 
 aforesaid, charging the person so demanded with having committed 
 treason, felony or other crime, certified as authentic by the Governor," 
 &c., &c., upon the presentation of which it becomes my duty to cause 
 the arrest to be made. There was not any "copy of an indictment 
 found" presented to me, and of course the case rested upon the 
 affidavit. 
 
 I refused the order of arrest in this case for the following reasons: 
 
 1st The affidavit presented was not made before "a magistrate," 
 but before a Notary Public. 
 
 2d Even had the law recognized an affidavit made before a Notary 
 Public, the affidavit in this case was not authenticated by the Notary's 
 seal. 
 
 3d The affidavit does not show unless it be inferentially, that Cop 
 poc was in the State of Virginia at the time he "aided and abetted 
 John Brown and others," as stated therein. 
 
 4th It did not legally "charge him" with commission of "treason, 
 felony or other crime." 
 
 I will consider the first and second reasons in connection. It will 
 not be pretended that a Notary Public, an officer unknown to the com 
 mon law, and equally unknown to the administration of justice, and 
 never charged directly or indirectly with any step from first to last in 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 9l 
 
 the trial of criminal offenses,, is "a magistrate within the meaning of 
 the term" as used here or elsewhere. The Governor of Virginia does 
 not so pretend, but seeks to avoid the force of this objection by citing 
 an act of Congress, passed September, 1850. He says: "But the Gov 
 ernor of Iowa has failed to .ee that by an act of Congress, passed on 
 the 16th day of September, 3850, it is provided that in all cases in 
 which, under the laws of the United States, oaths or affirmations, or 
 acknowledgments may be taken before any Justice of the Peace of any 
 State or Territory, such oaths, affirmations or acknowledgments may 
 hereafter be also taken or made by or before any Notary Public duly 
 appointed in any State or Territory." "This act," he adds, "com 
 pletely overthrows the reasons assigned by the Governor of Iowa, and 
 makes the case so plain that argument and illustration can add noth 
 ing to it." It is true, I had not seen this act when I refused the war 
 rant for Coppoc's arrest; but if I had seen it, my action would have 
 been the same. In answer to my objection that the seal of the Notary 
 was not attached to the affidavit, he says: "The Notary before whom 
 the affidavit was made, was duly appointed in pursuance of the laws 
 of this Commonwealth, (Virginia) and his signature was accompanied 
 by a scroll, in precise conformity with established usage and the decis 
 ions of our courjts, which recognize scrolls as seals." 
 
 If the Governor of Virginia has not "failed to see" the "act of Con 
 gress, passed September 16, 1850, he has certainly failed to read it. To 
 suppose that he had read it would be to suppose that he had quoted 
 just so much of said law as tended to support the position he had 
 taken, and suppressed so much of it as showed that position to be 
 untenable a supposition which my sense of "comity" forbids my 
 entertaining for a moment. I supply that portion of the law which he 
 has, doubtless through inadvertence, omitted. The last words quoted 
 by him, the words "State or Territory," are in the law as printed, fol 
 lowed by a comma, and then in immediate connection follow these 
 words: "and when certified under the hand and official seal of such 
 Notary, shall have the same force and effect, as if taken and made by 
 or before such justice or justices of the peace. [See 9th U. S. Statutes 
 at large, page 458] From this it appears by express provision of the 
 law of Congress, an affidavit made before a Notary Public, shall have 
 "force and effect" only when "certified under his hand and official seal." 
 Now, the affidavit made in this case before a Notary Public, is not cer 
 tified under his hand and official seal, and I regret to be compelled to 
 add that the statement of Governor Letcher, that the signature of the 
 Notary to the affidavit "was accompanied by a scroll" is wholly 
 unfounded in fact. So far is this from being correct, that to this 
 document received from him and still in my possession, there is neither 
 seal, nor scroll, nor mark, nor device whatever. "Comity" requires 
 that I shall express my belief that in so radical an error of fact, the 
 
92 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Governor of Virginia was misled by the. information of others, or by a 
 defective memory, rather than by a desire to support his argument by 
 a misrepresentation. 
 
 To recapitulate upon these points: The law of 1793 provides that 
 when in this class of cases, an affidavit is used, such affidavit must 
 be made "before a magistrate." The Governor of Virginia does not 
 pretend that a Notary Public is "a magistrate" within the meaning of 
 that law, but claims that by the law of 1850, the law of 1793 was so 
 modified as to permit the use of affidavits made before Notaries Pub 
 lic. But the same law of 1850 which modifies the law of 1793, expressly 
 and in terms provides that such affidavits, made before a Notary Pub 
 lic, "shall have force and effect" only when "certified under his hand 
 and official seal, " and the affidavit in this case was not so certified. 
 Not being so certified, it did not have "force and effect," and not hav 
 ing "force and effect" no warrant could issue upon it. It will be ob 
 served that the official seal of the Notary is expressly required by the 
 act of Congress, and being so required, I could not waive it if I would. 
 It appears to me that upon these points "the case is so plain that argu 
 ments and illustration can add nothing to it." 
 
 I leave this part of the discussion here, waiving the question 
 whether the law of 1850, so general in its terms, can be construed as 
 repealing or amending the specific requisites of the special act provid 
 ing in all respects the mode by which fugitives from justice are to be 
 surrendered to another sovereignty for trial. I am advised that this 
 construction would not be admitted by the courts, and is altogether 
 untenable and is without precedent in this State. 
 
 My third and fourth reasons, (which I shall also consider in con 
 nection) are that the affidavits did not show otherwise than by in 
 ference that Coppoc was in Virginia at the time he "aided and abet 
 ted" John Brown and others, as stated; and did not legally charge him 
 with crime. What is the substance of the affidavit? Stripped of all 
 verbiage, it is this and this only: Andrew Hunter swears "that John 
 Brown and others on certain days and at a certain place in the State 
 of Virginia, committed certain crimes," and "that from information 
 received from several persons' ' recently condemned and executed in 
 Virginia, and "from other facts that have come to his knowledge," he 
 "verily believes" that Barclay Coppoc, "aided and abetted" said John 
 Brown and others in the commission of said crimes, and that from 
 other information more recently received, he "verily believes said Bar 
 clay Coppoc is a fugitive from justice now escaping in the State of 
 Iowa." 
 
 Now what is the law? I quote a note from Brightly's Digest of the 
 laws of the United States, page 293: "The affidavit, when that form of 
 evidence is adopted, must be at least so explicit and certain that if it 
 were laid before a magistrate it would justify him in committing the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 93 
 
 accused to answer the charge: 6 Penn. Law Jour. 414, 418. It must 
 state positively that the alleged crime was committed in the State from 
 which the party is alleged to be a, fugitive, and that the party is 
 actually a fugitive from that State, "Exparte Smith, 3 McLean 121, 
 122, Fetters case 3 Zabr. 311. In the matter of Hay ward, 1 Sandf. S. 
 <?., 701; Degant vs. Michael, 2 Carter, 396. I quote further from 3 
 McLean 135: "Again the affidavit charges the shooting on the 6th of 
 May in the County of Jackson State of Missouri, that he believes and 
 has good reason to believe from evidence and information now (then] in 
 his possession, that Joseph Smith was accessory before the fact, and is a 
 resident or citizen of Illinois."" The Court go on to say: "There are 
 several objections to this. Mr. Boggs, [the affiant in that case] having 
 the evidence and information in his possession, should have incorpo 
 rated it in the affidavit, to enable the Court to judge of their sufficiency 
 to support his belief. Again he swears to a legal conclusion, when he 
 says Smith was an accessory before the fact. What constitutes a man 
 an accessory is a question of law, and not always easy of solution. Mr. 
 Boggs' opinion then is not authority. He should have given the facts. 
 He should have shown that they were committed in Missouri, to enable 
 the Court to test them by the laws of Missouri, to see if they amounted 
 to a crime. Again, the affidavit is fatally defective in this, that Boggs 
 swears to his belief. " 
 
 Let us apply these rules to the affidavit under consideration. An 
 drew Hunter does not swear positively that Coppoc was ever in Vir 
 ginia. He says certain persons other than Coppoc committed certain 
 crimes at certain places in that State, and that Coppoc "aided and 
 abetted" them, leaving to be inferred that he was with them in Vir 
 ginia; but he might have furnished arms from Ohio, or ammunition 
 from Pennsylvania, or aid and comfort from Maryland; thus "aiding 
 and abetting ' ' the crime committed in Virginia, without being there 
 in person, and yet not liable to be tried in Virginia for so doing. Mr. 
 Hunter says Coppoc is " a fugitive from justice escaping in the State 
 of Iowa." From what State? From Virginia, or Maryland, or Penn 
 sylvania, or Ohio? It may be inferred the escape was from Virginia, 
 but it is not "positively " so stated, nor is there on either point that 
 "certainty that would justify a magistrate in committing an accused 
 party." Again, Mr. Hunter " having the evidence and information in 
 his possession, should have incorporated it in the affidavit." He 
 swears to a legal conclusion when he says " Coppoc aided and abetted. " 
 What constitutes aiding and abetting "is a question of law and not 
 always of easy solution." Mr. Hunter's "opinion is not authority. 
 He should have sworn to the facts. " " The affidavit is fatally defective 
 in this that Hunter swears to his belief. 1 ' The whole case is this: A 
 paper was presented to me purporting to be an affidavit made under a 
 law of Congress, but not made before an officer recognized by that 
 
94 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 law, or if the law of 1850 applies to this class of cases, lacking to its 
 authenticity an essential requisite prescribed by that la\v. That paper 
 was made the basis of a demand that I should arrest and surrender for 
 trial for crime in a distant State, a citizen of this State, while it con 
 tained only the statement of a person wholly unknown to me that he 
 believed the citizen was guiity of a crime; which crime, if committed 
 at all, might, for aught appearing in the paper, have been committed 
 in any other State as well as Virginia. I refused the demand made 
 upon me; and now, after a more full and careful consideration of the 
 matter than I then gave it, I am content with the decision then made. 
 
 My action in this matter is not without precedent in our own State. 
 My immediate predecessor refused a warrant for a citizen of this State, 
 upon a requisition from the State of Indiana, upon the ground that the 
 affidavit upon which the requisition was based, although sufficient in 
 substance, was made before a notary public. The Governor of Indiana 
 did not, as I am advised, consider this refusal as evidence that the 
 people or authorities of Iowa were unwilling to perform their consti 
 tutional obligations, or a matter of sufficient importance to be the 
 subject of a special message to the General Assembly of that State. 
 
 The Governor of Virginia complains that I did not cause Coppoc 
 to be arrested and held until another requisition in proper form could 
 have been sent to me. The law of the State provides the manner in 
 which such provisional arrest shall be made (Code, Sec. 3284, and the 
 remaining sections of that chapter). 1 called the attention of the agent 
 of Virginia specially to this law, read it to him and placed it in his 
 hands, and requested him to advise with counsel in relation thereto 
 and act upon that advice. For some reason, doubtless satisfactory to 
 himself, but wholly unknown to me, he did not, so far as I have 
 learned, act under the provisions of that law. If the Governor of 
 Virginia has cause for complaint against any person on this point, it 
 is against his own agent, and not against me. 
 
 The Governor of Virginia also complains that the first of my letters 
 to him was published in the papers of this State before it had reached 
 him. This is probably true. During the afternoon of the day on 
 which the requisition was presented to me, and after that fact had 
 become public, many inquiries were made of me touching the matter, 
 and great desire expressed to know my reasons for refusing the war 
 rant. It would have been useless and absurd in me to have affected 
 secrecy in regard to the matter when the agent of Virginia had him 
 self made it public; and I answered inquiries by stating the facts, and 
 for my reasons referred to my letter, a copy of which I had kept. 
 Some of the gentlemen who read the letter suggested that, as the mat 
 ter would probably excite some public interest, it would be well to 
 publish the letter, and not being able to see how, under the circum 
 stances, any possible injury could result from its publication, I allowed 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 95 
 
 copies to be taken for that purpose. It is to me a matter of profound 
 regret that the Governor of Virginia did not, in his special message, 
 content himself with an examination of the legality of the documents 
 sent by him to me, and of my official action thereon, without attempt 
 ing to convert a question of official power and duty into a question of 
 personal motives. Not satisfying himself, apparently, that he had a 
 good cause of complaint against me upon the law or the facts of the 
 case, he repeats some hearsay, some suspicions of his own or his 
 agents, some broken extracts from my inaugural address, and from all 
 these, attempts to justify his insinuations of my sympathy with the 
 erimes lately committed in Virginia, and of my desire, perhaps efforts, 
 for the escape of this alleged fugitive. I repel all such suggestions, 
 coming from him or from others, with the scorn they deserve; and I 
 would not dignify them by any notice were it not for this considera 
 tion. Right-minded men in other States may well suppose that the 
 Chief Magistrate of Virginia could not make charges so grossly viola- 
 tive of the courtesy due by him to the Chief Magistrate of a sister 
 State, unless he knew the charges to be sustained by the facts, and 
 might construe my silence into an admission of their truth. 
 
 The fact that an agent of Virginia was here with a requisition for 
 Coppoc became publicly known in this place solely through the acts of 
 that agent himself. I denied myself what I greatly desired, the privi 
 lege of consultation with gentlemen, in whose opinions I had confi 
 dence, touching the legality of the papers submitted to me, lest the 
 matter might thereby, through inadvertance, become known. After I 
 had communicated to him my determination not to grant the warrant 
 demanded, he sat in my office conversing freely with me on the sub 
 ject. During our conversation, other persons came in on business 
 with me, and, to my surprise, he continued the conversation in their 
 presence. I said to him that I had supposed he did not wish his busi 
 ness to be made public; to which he replied that, as the warrant had 
 been refused, he did not care who knew his business, and continued 
 the conversation. In this manner the fact that a requisition had been 
 made for Coppoc became known in this place; and I am credibly in 
 formed that it was well known in Iowa City to many persons there, 
 that the agent of Virginia was on his way to this place with such 
 requisition before he reached here. 
 
 The insinuation that I had anything to do, directly or indirectly, 
 with sending information to Coppoc that a requisition had been made 
 for him, is simply and unqualifiedly untrue; nor have I any means of 
 knowing whether such information was sent by others, or, if so, by 
 whom sent, other than that common to all persons then at the Capital 
 common rumor. 
 
 Were I disposed to follow the course pursued by the Governor of 
 Virginia, I might, perhaps, tind in this matter sufficient to justify the 
 
96 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 conclusion, that he has been throughout more anxious to lay a founda 
 tion for complaint against Iowa, for the purpose of inflaming sec 
 tional prejudice, than to procure the return of Coppoc to Virginia. 
 The facts that the papers transmitted are so grossly defective; that the 
 agent sent with them was so careless to keep secret his mission; that 
 when his demand for a warrant was refused on the ground that his 
 papers were insufficient, he failed to make use of the law pointed out 
 to him for the provisional arrest of the alleged fugitive until new 
 papers could be procured; and that the Governor of Virginia, without 
 answering my letters or asking any explanations, has seen fit to pro 
 mulgate his extraordinary special message, might justify that conclu 
 sion to those who are astute to discover, and deem it consistent with 
 fair dealing to impute bad motives for all acts done by others; and the 
 same process of reasoning might lead me to conclude that his declara 
 tions of attachment to the Union are but a cover to conceal, on his 
 part, the design openly proclaimed by many with whom he fraternizes, 
 politically, to destroy that Union if they cannot control it. 
 
 The people of Iowa need no defense at my hands. They love the 
 Union and are determined it shall be preserved. Their fealty to it is 
 not determined by the fact whether or not they control its policy and 
 enjoy its honor and emoluments, and although they may believe at 
 times that that policy is controlled for improper purposes, and those 
 honors and emoluments placed in unworthy hands, they will still 
 quietly wait until a change shall be made in a legitimate and constitu 
 tional way, and when that time shall have come they will see to it that 
 the Union shall still be preserved. 
 
 Permit me to say, in conclusion, that, in my judgment, one of the 
 most important duties of the official position I hold is to see that no 
 citizen of Iowa is carried beyond her border, and subjected to the 
 ignominy of imprisonment and the perils of trial for crimes in another 
 State, otherwise than by due process of law. That duty I shall per 
 form. Whenever the Governor of Virginia, or of any other State, 
 shall transmit to me papers, properly executed and containing proper 
 proof, demanding the surrender of any one of our people, I shall 
 promptly issue a warrant for his rendition and not till then. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 A. 
 
 THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA, TO THE EXECUTIVE AUTHORITY 
 OF THE STATE OF IOWA: 
 
 Whereas it appears by the annexed document, which is hereby 
 certified as authentic, that Barclay Coppoc is a fugitive from justice 
 from this State, charged with the crime of treason, conspiring with 
 and advising slaves to rebel and make insurrection, and with murder 
 perpetrated at the town of Harper's Ferry, in this Commonwealth, on 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 97 
 
 the sixteenth and seventeenth days of October, in the year 1859: Now 
 therefore I, John Letcher, Governor of the State of Virginia, have 
 thought proper, by virtue of the provisions of the Constitution of the 
 United States, in such cases made and provided, and of the laws of 
 Congress in pursuance thereof, to demand of the Executive authority 
 of Iowa, the arrest and surrender of Barclay Coppoc, and that he be 
 delivered to C. Camp, who is hereby appointed the agent to receive 
 him on the part of this Commonwealth. 
 
 , -^* Given under my hand as Governor, and under the Great 
 j L. S. Seal of the State, at Richmond, this 10th day of January, 
 """ 1860, and in the eighty-fourth year of the Commonwealth. 
 
 JOHN LETCHER. 
 
 B. 
 
 EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, IOWA, ) 
 Des Moines, January 23, 1860. f 
 To His Excellency, the Governor of Virginia: 
 
 SIR: Your requisition for Barclay Coppoc, alleged to be a fugitive 
 from justice from the State of Virginia, was this day placed in my 
 hands by Mr. Camp. Having carefully considered the same, 1 am of 
 opinion that I cannot, in the proper discharge of my duty as Execu 
 tive of this State, grant the requisition, because it does not, in my 
 opinion, come within the provisions of the Constitution of the United 
 States, and of the laws of Congress, passed in pursuance thereof. The 
 certificate of the Notary Public, that the paper purporting to be the 
 affidavit of Andrew Hunter, was sworn to, is not authenticated by his 
 Notarial Seal, and for that reason, is no higher evidence of that fact, 
 than would be the statement of any other citizen. Were this the only 
 difficulty, 1 would, as it is in its nature technical, feel disposed to 
 waive it in this case; but there is a further defect, which in my judg 
 ment is fatal, and which my duty will not allow me to overlook. 
 
 The law provides that the Executive authority of a State demand 
 ing any person as a fugitive from justice, shall produce to the Execu 
 tive authority of the State on which the demand is made "the copy of 
 an indictment found, or an affidavit made before a magistrate" of the 
 State by which the demand is made. In this case, there is not a copy 
 of any indictment produced, and the affidavit produced, is made ber 
 fore a Notary Public, who is not, in my judgment, a magistrate, withii} 
 the meaning of the law of Congress. 
 
 This is a matter in which, as I understand, I have no discretionary 
 power. Had the application been made to me in proper form, charg 
 ing the offense charged in this case, the requisition must have been 
 granted; and as it is, I have not any more authority to surrender the 
 person demanded, than if requested to do so by a private letter. 
 
 Very respectfully, SAMUEL J. KIRKWOQD. 
 
98 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 C. 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, ) 
 Des Moines, January 24, 1860. f 
 To His Excellency, the Governor of Virginia: 
 
 On yesterday, Mr. Camp, of your State, presented to me*a requisi 
 tion for Barclay Coppoc, which I declined to grant, for reasons stated 
 in a letter to you, which I handed to him, (Mr. Camp). 
 
 I have since examined more carefully the body of the affidavit of 
 Andrew Hunter, and beg leave to call your attention to it. Mr. Hunter 
 states that from information received by him from certain persons con 
 demned and executed in your State and from other facts which have 
 come to his knowledge, he believes that Coppoc was aiding and abet 
 ting John Brown and others, who on certain days, in Virginia, com 
 mitted certain crimes, and that from information recently received, he 
 verily believes Coppoc is a fugitive from justice, escaping in this State. 
 It is not stated, unless it be inferentially, that Coppoc commuted the 
 acts charged, in the State of Virginia, nor are any of the facts upon 
 which affiant bases his belief of Coppoc's guilt stated. 
 
 It seems to me very desirable that in case you shall deem it your 
 duty again to demand Coppoc from the Executive authority of this 
 State, that no question may arise upon the sufficiency of the papers 
 upon which the demand shall be made, and I have therefore deemed it 
 proper to make to you the above suggestions. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 A VETO MESSAGE-MUST HAVE GOOD MONEY. 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, \ 
 March 30, 1860. \ 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate: I herewith return to your house, in 
 which it originated, without my approval, " An act to amend an act 
 entitled, an act authorizing general banking in the State of Iowa," 
 passed by the Seventh General Assembly. 
 
 Should the proposed act become a law, it would change the existing 
 law in these particulars: First, by permitting banks to be organized 
 thereunder, with a paid-up capital of $'35,000 instead of $50,000 as now 
 provided. Second, by abolishing the office of Bank Commissioners as 
 provided by the original law, and dispensing with the supervision and 
 control by these commissioners of the banks that might be established; 
 and, third, by permitting the establishment of banks in towns with a 
 population of two hundred and fifty inhabitants instead of five hundred 
 as required by the original law. 
 
 It seems very clear to me that the second and third of these 
 changes would be very injurious to our people by bringing into disre- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 99 
 
 pute our entire banking system and inflicting upon us an irredeemable 
 paper currency. 
 
 The Bank Commissioners (whose duties it is proposed to dispense 
 with) are now required to make semi-annually, and as much oftener as 
 i hey may deem advisable, thorough and searching examinations of 
 each bank for the purpose of ascertaining if the law has been complied 
 with, and the public are safe in receiving the bills in circulation; and, 
 in case they find the law has not been complied with, and that the pub 
 lic are not safe, they are empowered to take proper steps to secure the 
 public safety. These commissioners cannot be either directly or indi 
 rectly engaged in banking under the law, and must be sworn to a 
 faithful and impartial discharge of their duties. I am well satisfied 
 that the provisions of the law providing for the appointment of these 
 commissioners, and denning their powers and duties, are wise and 
 salutary, and that the performance of these duties is essential to the 
 protection of the people, and I cannot approve an act which proposes 
 to leave our people without that protection which is so essential to 
 their safety. 
 
 The provisions of the original law prohibiting the establishment of 
 a bank in any city or town with a population less than five hundred 
 are also, in my judgment, eminently wise and proper. 
 
 The object of the law was to prevent the establishment of banks at 
 points remote and inaccessible to those who might wish to present 
 their bills for redemption; in other words, to prevent the flooding of 
 our State with a paper currency practically irredeemable, and at the 
 same time to prevent the establishment of banks of issue at points 
 where they could not do a legitimate business, and must, therefore, be 
 necessarily unsafe. Banks of issue can be tolerated only when their 
 bills are at all times convertible into specie, and any laws which prac 
 tically prevent such convenience are unwise and injurious. The States 
 of Wisconsin and Illinois have now a paper currency practically irre 
 deemable, and our people, as well as the people of those States, are an 
 nually suffering a heavy loss in consequence. It does not appear to 
 me to be wise and prudent to increase the evil by adding to the cur 
 rency now in circulation largely among us an additional amount of 
 like character issued in our own State. 
 
 It may be urged that the General Assembly and Executive of the 
 State are not required to examine banking laws with the same care 
 and caution as others, because banking laws, after having been passed 
 by the General Assembly and approved by the Governor, do not take 
 effect unless approved by the people. I cannot conctfr in this opinion. 
 In my judgment, the constitutional requirement that laws of this 
 character should be approved by the people before going into effect, 
 was not designed as a license to the General Assembly and Governor 
 to shirk their duties and responsibilities, and pass and approve such 
 
100 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 laws without examination and deliberation, because the people were 
 to pass finally upon them, but was intended to provide an additional 
 ordeal through which such laws should pass after the General Assem 
 bly and Governor had done their whole duty as in other cases. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 By this timely veto we were saved from the calamities 
 that would have followed the establishment in our State of a 
 system of " Wild Cat" banking that had from beyond our 
 eastern and western borders cursed us for years. 
 
 Writing to Suel Foster, one of the trustees of and the 
 father of the Agricultural College in the early days of that 
 institution, in regard to the economical expenditure of funds 
 for it, the Governor says: 
 
 "For one, I will not consent to have standing on the farm a pile of 
 unfinished buildings as a monument of my folly and business capacity. ' ' 
 
 It was the " economy " and " business capacity" of the 
 Governor and friends of the college during its infancy that 
 contributed to make it the noble institution it is to-day. 
 
 The Presidential election of this year was a very exciting 
 one. With four tickets in the field, and with Mr. Lincoln, 
 personally the strongest man on either, as the standard- 
 bearer of the Republican party, it looked from the start as 
 though he would have a u walk over" in the Presidential 
 race; and such it proved to be, yet there never had such an 
 array of able speakers been engaged in the field as then. 
 Mr. Douglass took the stump and canvassed nearly the whole 
 country, and Mr. Breckenridge advocated his cause in his 
 own State. 
 
 The defection by Mr. Seward's friends that was counted 
 on in New York and by those of Mr. Bates in Missouri did 
 not materialize, and Mr. Lincoln had no more ardent and 
 active supporters than were his competitors in the Chicago 
 Convention. The canvass was one of principle alone. All 
 personalities were kept in the background. Never in any 
 political campaign did our people get such excellent lessons, 
 ur so much good instruction on the subject of civil liberty, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 101 
 
 the true functions of our government, the relation of the 
 General government to the States, of the States to each 
 other, and especially to the Territories, or from such able 
 teachers as they got that year from speakers on the stump, 
 and never did our people give so much thought and atten 
 tion to questions presented by public speakers as they did 
 then. 
 
 There were at this time but two congressional districts in 
 the State. Wm. Vandever and Ben M. Samuels were oppos 
 ing candidates in the northern, and Samuel K. Curtis and C. 
 C. Cole in the southern district, all first-class speakers, and 
 they spent two whole months on the stump, speaking nearly 
 every day. C. C. Nourse, one of the best of our platform 
 speakers, candidate for Attorney General, made a thorough 
 canvass of the State, and the candidates for electors filled 
 numerous appointments; that silver-tongued orator, the gal 
 lant Henry O'Connor, threw himself into the work with his 
 whole soul. u Wide Awake" clubs were formed, and local 
 speakers put to work all over the State. Gov. Kirkwood 
 was put into the harness as one of the wheel horses, and his 
 voice and pen were neither of them silent. He used the lat 
 ter with telling effect in reply to LeGrand Byington, a 
 Democratic politician of more than a local reputation, and 
 au assistant elector on his own ticket, who challenged him to 
 a joint debate. Mr. Byington had business to attend to in 
 several counties where he proposed to speak, and made it a 
 condition that between each debate, while he spent forty- 
 eight hours in attending to business, Gov. Kirkwood was to 
 sit around on store boxes or something not much better, and 
 spend the time in idleness before another debate should take 
 place, but the letter tells its own story: 
 
 IOWA CITY, Sept. 3, 1860. 
 LeGrand Byington, Esq., 
 
 SIR: In your letter to me in the State Press of 29th of August, you 
 make a speech and give me a challenge. Courtesy requires that I 
 should reply to both. Of the Whig Party I have only this to say. It 
 
102 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 is not a living organization. The time has not come to write its his 
 tory, nor is either of us its proper historian. Its name and the names 
 of the statesmen and soldiers it has given in our country will be cher 
 ished in our State, when your name and mine will be forgotten. The 
 Republican party is a living organization, you either misunderstand 
 or misrepresent its purposes and its history. It is not "thoroughly 
 abolitionized," unless "abolitionism 1 ' consists in an earnest and deter 
 mined, but peaceable and constitutional opposition to the extension of 
 slavery into free territory. Its convention was a National and not a 
 sectional one. True all the States were not represented in that con 
 vention, not because any were excluded by the call, but because some 
 did not choose to send delegates, but more States were represented 
 by full delegations than in either of the remnants of the convention at 
 Baltimore that nominated Mr. Douglass and Mr. Breckenridge. 
 
 Its candidate, Mr. Lincoln, is not nor has ever been an "abolition 
 ist," unless the term is to be understood as above stated, nor did he 
 exhibit "factious hostility in Congress" to the Mexican war. I may 
 not properly understand what you mean by the assertion that Mr. 
 Lincoln "acknowledged his obligation" to the "higher law," but if you 
 mean that if he shall find himself commanded by the law of man to do 
 or not to do an act under penalty, the doing or not doing of which is 
 expressly prohibited to or enjoined on him by the law of God, he will 
 in such case * 'obey God rather than man, ' ' you define his position truly. 
 
 You say in substance that you and I acted together politically in 1848, 
 as members of the then Democratic party, and that now while you are 
 a member of the same Democratic party, I am a member of the Repub 
 lican party. You err somewhat in this. You are a member of but a 
 faction of the Democratic party, and the members of the other faction 
 of the same party, apply to you and your associates the term "aboli 
 tionist," as flippantly, as unctuously and as justly as you apply it to 
 the Republicans. You are a Douglassite and not a Democrat. 
 
 Why I am not one or the other I will state briefly. I believe the 
 men who made the Constitution, and the men who received it from 
 their hands and put it in motion, understood the meaning of tl.at in 
 strument better than Mr. Pierce, Mr. Buchanan, Mr. Douglass and 
 Mr. Breckenridge. I know that those men and the men who for many 
 years followed them in the control of our National Government be 
 lieved and acted upon the belief that Congress had power to prohibit 
 slavery in the Territories, and therefore I cannot accept the teachings 
 of the new men of the Democratic Party, who deny Congress that 
 power. The Breckenridge faction directly favor the introduction of 
 slavery into all the Territories, while the best that can be said for the 
 Douglass faction is, that it "don't care" whether slavery be so intro 
 duced or not. In my judgment neither faction occupies the ground held 
 by the Democratic party in 1848, nor does either faction occupy the right 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J KIRKWOOD. 103 
 
 ground, and therefore I cannot act with either, but I can and do cor 
 dially sympathize with the Republican party, which while earnestly 
 deprecating and opposing the extension of slavery into free Territory, 
 seeks to use no means to that end not sanctioned by the fathers of the 
 Constitution and the Union. So much for your speech, now for your 
 challenge. 
 
 I very much regret that I cannot accept it. My entire time for the 
 next two weeks is already engaged. I have also accepted several in 
 vitations to attend Republican mass meetings after that time, at points 
 quite distant from each other, and with several days between their 
 dates. Besides I do not desire to confine myself wholly to counties 
 south of the M. & M. (now the Rock Island) Railroad, nor would I be 
 willing to waste so much time as would result from allowing ''an 
 interval of at least forty-eight hours between the different meetings 
 out of Keokuk county. 1 ' For these reasons I must respectfully decline 
 your challenge. Very respectfully, SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Such a reputation as a platform speaker had the Gov 
 ernor made in his canvass with Mr. Dodge, the previous 
 year, that he was flooded with invitations from all parts of 
 the State to address large public meetings, several counties 
 often uniting to get up monster demonstrations, and some of 
 them were so large that two and three different stands were 
 erected and occupied by different speakers at the same time. 
 
 From his old home in Ohio came this invitation: 
 
 MANSFIELD, Ohio, Sept. 12, 1860. 
 Hon. Samuel J. Kirkwood : 
 
 DEAR SIR Our County Central Committee have appointed Friday, 
 the 5th day of October, for a mass meeting of the Republicans of this 
 and adjoining counties, designed to be the gathering of the campaign 
 for " all this region." We are instructed to invite you to be present 
 with us on that day to address the people with whom you are held 
 now more than ever in grateful remembrance for distinguished 
 services as the leader of the opposition in this county to Mr. Douglass' 
 first labored effort for the Presidential chair. 
 
 Will you not be with us? We shall confidently expect you. 
 Please reply at your earliest convenience, and oblige, 
 
 Your friends, 
 
 Z. S. STOCKING, 
 I. H. FORD, 
 R. BRINKERHOFF, 
 G. GASS, 
 
 Committee. 
 
104 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Since the establishment of our Government, with the ex 
 ception of the Presidential election when Mr. Jefferson was 
 elected over Mr. Adams, no one election was more hotly 
 contested, nor did any one attract more attention or call forth 
 more effort than the one of 1860. The result with reference 
 to the four candidates was peculiar. The popular vote was 
 as follows: Lincoln, 1,857,610; Douglass, 1,365,976; 
 Breckenridge, 847,953; Bell, 590,631. Of votes in the 
 electoral college Lincoln had 180; Douglass, 12; Brecken 
 ridge, 72; Bell, 39. 
 
 It seems very singular that under our form of govern 
 ment Messrs. Breckenridge and Bell should get more than 
 nine times as many electoral votes, while they got but few 
 more popular votes, than Mr. Douglass, and that Mr. Bell 
 should get more than three times as many electoral votes as 
 Mr. Douglass, while Mr. Douglass had more than twice as 
 many popular votes. But such was the case, and that un 
 der a legal count. 
 
 Soon after election Governor Kirkwood wrote Mr. 
 Lincoln: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, Iowa, Nov. 15, 1860. 
 Eon. Abraham Lincoln, President- Elect of the United States \ 
 
 DEAR SIR Permit me to congratulate you, and I most heartily do, 
 upon the result of the recent Presidential election, and to express the 
 earnest hope that your administration may prove as useful to our 
 country and as honorable to yourself as you yourself can desire. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 The result of the election created a great deal of dissatis 
 faction at the South, and mutterings of discontent and 
 threats not to abide by it were quite frequent, and the 
 threats were growing bolder every day, and they created a 
 feverish feeling in the public mind at the North. 
 
 Under this state of feeling Governor Kirkwood deter 
 mined to visit the President-elect at his home in Springfield, 
 Ill.j and learn, from a personal interview, "what manner of 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 105 
 
 man he was," and whether he could be depended upon to 
 meet the difficulties in store for him and the Union-loving 
 people of the country. 
 
 The account of that interview is given in the Governor's 
 own words in an article written by himself and published in 
 the Iowa Historical Record : 
 
 Editor Iowa Historical Record : In compliance with your request, 
 I submit an account of my first meeting with Abraham Lincoln. His 
 nomination by the Republicans, in 1860, as the candidate for the Pres 
 idency was very favorably received by the great body of the party, 
 although there was some disappointment felt in some of the Eastern 
 States, particularly by the friends of Mr. Seward, and to a less extent 
 by the friends of Mr. Chase. But in the West, especially by that por 
 tion of our people whom Mr. Lincoln so aptly afterwards called " the 
 plain people," the feeling of his party friends in his favor was earnest 
 and enthusiastic His great debate with Mr. Douglass in 1858, and 
 his Cooper Institute speech in 1860, had convinced everybody of his 
 great ability, his thorough understanding of the great questions in 
 volved in the pending contest, his conservative views on those ques 
 tions, his sterling honesty, his candor and his courage. In short, it 
 was thoroughly believed that although he was not, as the term was 
 then understood, a politician that he was a statesman in the better 
 sense of the term. 
 
 After his election two elements of opposition to his administration 
 rapidly developed. Firstly, the secession element, composed of those 
 who had, ever since the days of Nullification, determined upon the 
 dissolution of the Union; and, secondly, of those who earnestly sought 
 to force Mr. Lincoln and his friends, through fear, into some compro 
 mise which would give to slavery all it contended for. 
 
 I had never met Mr. Lincoln, nor did I expect to attend his in 
 auguration. But, as time passed on, I thought it due to him and to 
 the official position I then held in my State to pay my respects to him 
 before he left his home for Washington. I was further led to do this 
 by the increasing excitement and alarm in the country growing out of 
 the increasing boldness and power of the secession movement in the 
 South, and the increasing efforts of those North and South who clam 
 ored for "peace at any price;" and it is but candid to say that I 
 desired to form for myself, from a personal interview with Mr. Lin 
 coln, a more satisfactory opinion than I otherwise could of his " equip 
 ment" to meet the unexpected aud terrible responsibilities that he 
 would probably have to meet. 
 
 Accordingly, early in 'January, 1861, I went to Springfield, 111. 
 I did not expect that I should meet any one there whom I knew, un- 
 
106 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 less it might be Mr. Hatch, who was then the Secretary of State of 
 Illinois, whom 1 had met at Chicago at the Republican National Con 
 vention in 1860, and with whom I had there formed a slight acquaint 
 ance. I did meet him, either on the evening of my arrival at Spring 
 field or the next morning. He introduced me to Governor Yates. I 
 told them in general terms the object of my visit, and that I was em 
 barrassed to know when and where I could have an interview with 
 Mr. Lincoln. They told me that he had a room, or rooms, in the city, 
 at which he attended every day between certain hours, but that his 
 time, on such occasions, was so occupied by his many callers that there 
 was neither time nor opportunity for such an interview as they under 
 stood I wanted, and they proposed that at an hour they named they 
 would accompany me to his residence and introduce me to him, and I 
 could have my interview there. I hesitated somewhat about going to 
 his residence, as he might perhaps consider it an intrusion, but they 
 insisted he would not so consider it, and as I was anxious to accom 
 plish my purpose and to return home as soon as possible, I consented 
 to go with them. We started at the time appointed and on our way 
 we saw at some distance before us a tall man of somewhat remark 
 able appearance. Before we met, either Governor Yates or Secretary 
 Hatch said, "There is Lincoln now." As we met they shook hands 
 and I was introduced to Mr. Lincoln, and after a short conversation I 
 told him in general terms the purpose of my visit, and that, at the 
 suggestion of the Governor and Secretary, we were on our way to visit 
 him at his residence, as they had informed me there would not be a very 
 favorable opportunity for a private conversation with him at his rooms 
 uptown. He replied in substance that was all right; that he was 
 going up town on an errand, and that the gentlemen with me and my 
 self should go on to his home and he would soon return. As we were 
 about to separate he said to me that if it would suit me as well, he 
 would call on me at my room in the hotel at which I was stopping, 
 and that we would be less liable to interruption there than at his 
 house. I was not then (nor am I now) much acquainted with the 
 etiquette of calls upon or by Presidents or Presidents-elect, and I have 
 since thought that he did not know much more on that somewhat in 
 tricate subject than I did or care any more about it. I gladly assented 
 to his suggestion and we separated, I going to my room at the hotel. 
 Within an hour Mr. Lincoln came to my room and we had a long and 
 what was to me a very interesting conversation. I cannot, of course, 
 undertake to give his language or my own. I told him in substance 
 that our Iowa people were very much excited over the condition of 
 the country North and South that they were devotedly attached to 
 the union of the States, and would never consent to its dissolution on 
 any terms; that they were not to be frightened into abandoning their 
 principles by bluster and bravado, and that he might depend upon 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 107 
 
 them to sustain him to the utmost of their power in preserving the 
 peace, if that could be fairly done, and in preserving the Union in any 
 event and at whatever cost. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln listened with great attention and apparent interest and 
 expressed great satisfaction at what I had said touching the intention 
 of the people of Iowa to give their earnest support to his administra 
 tion. He proceeded to say that he still had strong hope that a peace 
 ful and safe solution might yet be had of our present troubles that it 
 seemed to him incredible that any large portion of our people, even in 
 the States threatening secession, could really desire a dissolution of 
 the Union that had done them nothing but good; that his own opinion 
 that Congress had not the power to abolish slavery in the States where 
 it existed was well known before his nomination; that the convention 
 by which he was nominated, with full knowledge of that opinion, had 
 nominated him, and that with full knowledge of both these facts he 
 had been constitutionally elected; that he would not consent to or ad 
 vise his friends to consent to any bargain or so-called compromise that 
 amounted to a purchase of the constitutional rights growing out of the 
 late election, because the so doing would be an invitation to the 
 defeated party, or parties, in future elections to pursue the course now 
 being pursued with the hope of achieving like success by like means, 
 thus reducing our Government to the level of Mexico, which was then 
 in a constant state of revolution; that he would bear and forbear much 
 to preserve peace and the integrity of the Union, but if the issue 
 was clearly made between war and a dissolution of the Union, 
 then, however much he might regret the necessity, he would use 
 all the constitutional powers of the Government for its preser 
 vation, relying on God's justice and the patriotism of the people for 
 success. 
 
 It is now about thirty years since 1 had this interview withMr. Lin 
 coln, and my life for several years after was a busy one. I, therefore, do 
 not claim to give his words only his ideas nor do I claim that what 
 was said consisted as herein stated of a continued opening statement 
 by me and a continued reply by him; on the contrary, the interview 
 was, to some extent, conversational, although much the greater part 
 of what was said was said by him. He spoke calmly, earnestly and 
 with great feeling. I listened with anxious interest and heard with 
 profound satisfaction . 
 
 When he left I went with him to the door of the hotel, and when I 
 returned to the office I found myself an object of considerable atten 
 tion. It was known that Mr. Lincoln was up stairs with somebody, 
 and when it appeared that I was that body, a good many people about 
 the hotel seemed anxious to learn who I was and where I had come 
 from. 
 
 I left for home with a strong conviction, which never left me, that 
 
108 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 
 
 he was the right man in the right place, and the longer he lived the 
 stronger that conviction grew. 
 
 S. J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Iowa City, January 14, 1891. 
 
 Five states, South Carolina, Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia 
 and Arkansas, seceded before the inauguration of Mr. Lin 
 coln, not waiting to see what his policy would be. They 
 seemed to have a foreknowledge that their favorite institu 
 tion was doomed; for they remembered that Mr. Lincoln had 
 prophesied that this country must eventually become all free 
 or all slave territory, and they very well knew that slavery 
 was an institution that never could cross Mason and 
 Dixon's line. 
 
 Gov. Kirkwood went to Washington and was present at 
 Mr. Lincoln's inauguration, and with some Ohio friends 
 assisted in getting Mr. Chase into the cabinet as Secretary of 
 the Treasury, a most fortunate appointment for both the 
 Administration and the country. 
 
 The nervousness of the country during the early months 
 of the year 1861 in regard to the unsettled state of affairs, 
 is indicated by the letter of Gov. Kirkwood to Senator 
 Grimes, and by captains of various military companies in the 
 State tendering to the President and the Governor their 
 services. 
 
 DBS MOINES, IA., January 12, 1861. 
 Hon. James W. Orimes: 
 
 DEAR SIR: It really appears to me as though our Southern friends 
 are determined on the destruction of our Government, unless they can 
 change its whole basis and make it a government for the growth and 
 spread of slavery. The real point of controversy is in regard to 
 slavery in the territories. On that point I would be willing to go 
 thus far: Restore the question of slavery in our present territories to 
 the position in which it was placed by the compromise measures of 
 1850, and before passing the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and admit Kansas 
 as a free state at once. The whole country agreed to do this once, 
 and therefore could do so again. As to future acquisitions of terri 
 tory, do either one of two things: 1st, Prohibit future acquisitions 
 except by the vote of two thirds of each branch of Congress, or: 2nd, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 109 
 
 Make the condition of the Territory at the time of its acquisition its 
 permanent condition until admitted as a state. 
 
 I think neither of these requires an abandonment of principles, or 
 involves disgrace to either party, North or South. 
 
 But at all hazards the Union must be honored; the laws must be 
 enforced. What can I do in the premises? Shall I tender the aid of 
 the State to Mr. Buchanan? Some of our people desire an extra 
 session I do not. My present intention is not to call an extra session 
 till after the 4th of March. If after that time an extra session be nec 
 essary to support the Government, I will so far as in me lies see to it 
 that the last fighting man in the State, and the last dollar in the 
 treasury are devoted to that object, and our people will sustain me. 
 If such aid is required by Mr. Buchanan, it is at his service. Please 
 consult our delegation and write me fully such course as you think 
 best to be pursued. Very truly, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 P. S. Can anything be done in the way of procuring arms for this 
 State beyond the regular quota for the current year? Cannot an 
 arsenal be established and supplied in some North-western free state? 
 
 K. 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, | 
 Iowa, Jan. 22, 1861. f 
 
 His Excellency, the Governor of the Slate of Maryland: 
 
 SIR: Permit me to tender you my hearty thanks, and those of the 
 people of Iowa, for the patriotic and manly stand you have taken 
 against disunion and treason. 
 
 I am a native of the State of Maryland and I feel a great, and I 
 trust an honest pride in knowing that the good old State stands firmly 
 to the Constitution and the Union in these trying days, when so many 
 are disposed to abandon both. This I am satisfied is in a great meas 
 ure due to the bold stand you have taken, and when passion shall have 
 subsided, and when reason and love of country shall have assumed 
 the ascendant, your name will stand high on the roll of those whom 
 the people delight to honor. 
 
 With sentiments of high regard I remain 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, ) 
 Jan. 28, 1861. f 
 
 To Hon. Jas. Harlan, Jas. W. Grimes, Samuel E. Curtis and Wm. 
 
 Vandever: 
 
 GENTLEMEN: You will find herewith a paper requesting you, if you 
 consider it advisable, to attend a meeting of the commissioners of the 
 different States at Washington City on the 4th of February next. I 
 
110 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL .1. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 wish you to be guided wholly by your own discretion as to your 
 attendance. 
 
 I confess the whole thing strikes me unfavorably. The very early 
 day named renders it impossible for the distant States to select and 
 send commissioners, and also it is liable to the construction that it was 
 the intention to force action both upon the meeting and upon Con 
 gress before the 4th of March next and without proper time for delib 
 eration. Again the fact that the basis of adjustment proposed in the 
 resolutions is one that all the free States rejected by an overwhelming 
 majority at the presidential election (the votes for Lincoln and Doug 
 lass being all against it) indicate that either in expectation that the 
 free Stases shall stultify and degrade themselves or a purpose by the 
 failure of the commissioners to agree upon terms of adjustment to 
 afford excuse and justification to those who are already determined to 
 leave the Union. You upon the ground can judge of these things 
 more correctly than I can here. 
 
 Should you tiad the meeting disposed to act in earnest for the pre 
 servation of the Union without seeking the degradation of any of the 
 States for that end permit me to make a few suggestions. 
 
 The true policy for every good citizen to pursue is to set his face 
 like a flint against secession, to call it by its true name treason to 
 use his influence in all legitimate ways to put it down; strictly and 
 cordially to obey the laws and to stand by the government in all law 
 ful measures it may adopt for the preservation of the Union, and to 
 trust to the people and the constituted authorities to correct under the 
 present constitution, and errors that may have been committed or any 
 evils or wrongs that have been suffered. 
 
 But if compromise must be the order of the day then that compro 
 mise should not be a concession by one side of all the other side de 
 mands and of all for which the conceding side has been contending. 
 In other words the North must not be expected to yield all the South 
 asks, all the North has contended for and won, and then call that com 
 promise. That is not compromise and would not bring peace. Such 
 "compromise" would not become dry on the parchment on which it 
 would be written before "agitation" for its repeal would have com 
 menced. A compromise that would restore good feeling must not de 
 grade either side. Let me suggest how in my opinion this can be 
 done. Restore the Missouri compromise line to the territory we got 
 from France. We all agreed to that once and can, without degrada 
 tion do so again. 
 
 The repeal of that line brought on our present troubles; its restora 
 tion ought to go far to remove them. As to New Mexico and Utah 
 leave them under the laws passed for their government in 1850 the 
 so-called compromise of that year. We all stood there once and can 
 do so again without degradation. This settles the question of slavery 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. Ill 
 
 in all our present territories. As to future acquisitions say we can't 
 make any. We thus avoid the slavery question in future. We have 
 enough territory for our expansion for a century and let the men of 
 that day make another to suit themselves. It says merely we prefer 
 our Union as it is to conquest that may endanger it. The fugitive 
 slave law was made by the South. The reason of its non-existence is 
 its severity. It is in direct antagonism to the public sentiment of the 
 people among whom it is to be executed. If something were done to 
 modify it so as to require the alleged fugitive to be taken before the 
 officer of the court of the county from which he has alleged to have 
 fled and there have a trial if he demand it, in my opinion the law 
 would be much more effective than it is. 
 
 The personal liberty laws are the acts of the States that have them 
 and I doubt not would be repealed when the present excitement dies 
 away. Iowa never has had nor does she want one. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 The following is the u paper" above referred to: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, ) 
 Jan. 28, 1861. J 
 
 Eon. James W. Orimes, James Earlan, Samuel E. Curtis and Wm. 
 Vandever: 
 
 GENTLEMEN: I received in the evening of the 21st inst. by mail a 
 copy of a preamble and resolutions passed by the General Assembly 
 of the State of Virginia on the 19th inst. inviting the other States of 
 the Union to send commissioners to Washington City to meet there on 
 the 4th of February next, commissioners appointed by the State of 
 Virginia to consult upon the present unfortunate conditfon of public 
 affairs. I did not receive a copy of said preamble and resolutions by 
 telegraph as is contemplated thereby. 
 
 It is impossible for me now to select persons in different parts of 
 this State and inform them of their appointment in time for them to 
 reach Washington City and participate in the convention at the time 
 named. 
 
 Under these circumstances I have determined to- request you to 
 attend said meeting on the part of this State if you shall think it 
 advisable so to do in view of your official position, of the attendance 
 of commissioners from other States and of all the surrounding circum 
 stances. 
 
 Should you deem it advisable and proper so to attend these will be 
 your credentials. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 SAMUEL. J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
112 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 South Carolina seceded on the 20th of December, 1860. 
 Louisiana followed on the 23d, and Georgia and Alabama 
 went out in January following, and public affairs were 
 assuming an alarming aspect and the dark clouds of war 
 were gathering in the political horizon, and though no call 
 for troops had been made by either the President or the 
 Governor, and no military preparations had been made to 
 put down secession, Capt. F. J. Herron, of the ' 'Governor's 
 Greys" at Dubuque, Capt. R. R. Cowles, of the " Washing 
 ton Light Guards," Capt. J. L. Matthies, of the "Bur 
 lington Rifles" and the captain of the "Mt. Pleasant Greys," 
 all tendered the services of their companies to the Governor, 
 all of which were accepted, and the Governor wrote Capt. 
 Cowles as follows, and to the other captains in the same strain: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, ) 
 Iowa, Jan. 17, 1861. f 
 
 R. S. Cowles, Captain Washington Light Guards, Washington, Iowa: 
 
 SIR: In these days when cabinet officers abet treason, and use their 
 official positions to bankrupt and disarm the government they are 
 sworn to support, when members of both branches of our national 
 councils are openly engaged in endeavoring to overthrow the govern 
 ment of which they are the sworn servants, and retain places and 
 prostitute their powers to thwart the efforts of those who loyally seek 
 to maintain that government when in one portion of our country 
 many men deHrious with passion, regard the firing upon our National 
 flag, the forcible seizure of our National forts, and the plunder of our 
 National arsenals and treasuries as manly, honorable and patriotic 
 service when in another portion of our country a few men blinded by 
 partisan prejudice can be found who justify these acts, and say the 
 perpetrators of them must not be punished when, in short, men are 
 found in high places so lost to patriotism as to emulate the treason of 
 Benedict Arnold, and so lost to shame as to glory in their infamy, and 
 can find followers and apologists it is gratifying to know that the 
 gallant yeomanry of Iowa are still determined "to march under the 
 flag and to keep step to the music of the Union." 
 
 I accept with pleasure the services of the "Washington Light 
 Guards" so frankly tendered, and should events render it necessary, 
 shall promptly call you to the field to defend that flag under which 
 our fathers fought so bravely, and to maintain that government they 
 founded so wisely and so well. Very respectfully, 
 
 SAMUEL J, KIRKWOOD. 
 
CHAPTEK VII. 
 
 Sumter Fired On Troops Called For Governor's Proclamation 
 Calls an Extra Session of the Legislature liaises Money for the Sol 
 diers Sends Ezekiel Clark and Hiram Price to Disburse It Special 
 Messages State Banks Offer Money Laws of Extra Session ' omr. 
 Audit Claims on "War and Defense Fund' 1 ' 1 Caleb Baldwin G. 
 M. Dodge Adjutant. 
 
 On the 12th of April the telegraph flashed the news from 
 one end of the country to the other that Sumter had been 
 tired on, and our flag had been insulted by traitors, and the 
 lightning that carried the news seemed to fire every loyal 
 heart at the North. Never before had the loyal people of 
 the country been fused into one homogeneous mass, where 
 but one pulsation moved every heart, and every throb was a 
 loyal one, as did the startling announcement that our country 
 had been assailed at home by organized and armed traitors. 
 The shock was so great, that party, sect and everything else 
 subordinate to National life, were momentarily forgotten, 
 and the expression seemed to fall from every lip, u all else 
 must be sacrificed to save the country. The country and the 
 Union lost, all is lost; the country saved, all will be safe." 
 
 But three days of this tremulous excitement was per 
 mitted to exist till the President issued the call for 75,000 
 volunteer troops, of which the quota for Iowa was one regi 
 ment. Preparations were to be made for engaging in one of 
 the most severe of civil wars. None fiercer, more relentless, 
 more bloody or fratricidal than this promised to be. had ever 
 been recorded in history. 
 
 No State could be more poorly prepared for such work 
 than was Iowa at this time. She had no military organiza 
 tion, except a few independent companies, and they were not 
 well armed or equipped. Her laws on the subject were few 
 
 113 
 
114 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 and of a general nature, and during a long period of peace 
 had been almost a dead letter, or there had been no call for 
 their enforcement. Divisions, brigades, regiments and bat- 
 tallions were mentioned in the law, but not one had ever 
 existed in fact. The constitution made the Governor com 
 mander of the army, navy and militia of the State, but he 
 had no troops belonging to either arm of the service that he 
 could command. But troops had to be raised, and he for 
 that purpose issued the following: 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 WHEREAS, The President of the United States has made a requisi 
 tion on the Executive of the State of Iowa ior one regiment of militia, 
 to aid the Federal Government in enforcing its laws and suppressing 
 rebellion. Now therefore I, Samuel J. Kirkwood, Governor of the 
 State of Iowa, do issue this proclamation and hereby call upon the 
 militia of this State immediately to form in the different counties vol 
 unteer companies, with the view of entering the active military service 
 of the United States for the purpose aforesaid. The regiment at pres 
 ent required will consist of ten companies of at least seventy-eight 
 men each, one captain and two lieutenants to be elected by each com 
 pany. 
 
 Under the present requisition only one regiment can be accepted, 
 and the companies accepted must hold themselves in readiness for 
 duty by the 20th of May next at farthest. If a sufficient number of 
 companies are tendered, their service may be required. If more com 
 panies are formed and reported than can bo received under the present 
 call, their services will be required in the event of another requisition 
 upon this State. The nation is in peril. A fearful attempt is being 
 made to overthrow the Constitution and dissolve the Union. The aid 
 of every loyal citizen is invoked to sustain the General Government. 
 
 For the honor of our State let the requirement of the President be 
 cheerfully and promptly met. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Iowa City, April 17, A. D. 1861. 
 
 At this time our Governor happened not to be a military 
 man. His whole life had been devoted to "the useful arts 
 of peace." His life study had been how to make men better, 
 how best to preserve and ennoble life, rather than how easiest 
 and quickest to destroy it. 
 
 The telegram from the President to the Governor calling 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIEKWOOD. 115 
 
 for a regiment of troops reached Davenport, then the most 
 western telegraph station, and was taken from there in hot 
 haste by Wm. Vandever, then member of Congress, but 
 later a general in the army, to Iowa City where he found the 
 Governor on his farm, in his overalls and stoga boots, look 
 ing after his stock, and after reading the despatch he ex. 
 claimed, "Why the President wants a whole regiment of men! 
 Do you suppose, Mr. Yandever, I can raise that many? " 
 
 That he might be within reach of the General Govern 
 ment by telegraph he repaired at once to Davenport, and got 
 there in time to take part in one of the most enthusiastic 
 meetings ever held in Iowa. ^The meeting was presided over 
 by Mayor French; speeches were made by Messrs. C. C. 
 Nourse, Wm. Vandever, Jacob Butler, Judge Dillon, Rev. 
 Collier, Gov. Kirkwood, and Mr. Booth, the latter an old 
 time Democrat. During his speech Gov. Kirkwood is re 
 ported to have said: "He would raise the regiment as 
 required. He would not call a session of the Legislature, as 
 it would involve great expense, and it could be dispensed 
 with. The expense of enlistment and sending away the regi 
 ment would cost about $10,000, and this matter could be 
 attended to without the present intervention of the Legisla 
 ture. The Governor said he would see that these expenses 
 were paid till the regiment was handed over to the govern 
 ment. He said that $10,000 would be raised for this pur 
 pose if he had to pledge every dollar of his own property '' 
 
 The report adds: "He made an eloquent appeal to the 
 patriotism of his listeners, and though sick, gave them one 
 of the most stirring addresses of the evening." 
 
 The Governor had not now found out how great a labor 
 had been devolved upon him, nor how great the task before 
 him. In less than a month from the time of making this 
 speech he called an extra session of the Legislature, and it 
 was not done any too early. In his ignorance relating to 
 military affairs he called to his assistance Judge Dillon of the 
 
116 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Supreme Court, only to find that the judge's knowledge on 
 such matters was quite as meagre as his own, and in his 
 dilemma he sent for Gen. McKean, a citizen of Marion in 
 Linn county, and a graduate of the West Point Military 
 School, who had been in the military service of the country, 
 who was well informed on all military affairs in every detail, 
 and he came and assisted in the organization of the com 
 panies and the regiment until it was proposed to elect him 
 its colonel by a vote of the regiment. This seemed in some 
 way contrary to his military ideas, when he went home 
 refusing to stay any longer. ( The regiment was organized 
 with J. F. Bates as Colonel, Wm. H. Merritt, Lieut. Colonel. 
 
 Here at once began that watchful care of "his boys," as 
 the Governor always called the Iowa soldiers, that he exer 
 cised over them during his whole administration. In camp, 
 in field, on the march, in hospital, wherever they were, his 
 best efforts were exerted for their welfare and comfort, and 
 he was never more sensitive than when their wants were 
 unprovided for, their valor questioned, their courage doubted 
 or their patriotism impugned. 
 
 Before this regiment was fully organized offers of several 
 more were made. As the Governor quaintly expressed it, 
 he was u embarrassed with riches in the offers made of men," 
 for the call on him was for but one regiment and he had 
 offers of four; but as he thought more men would be needed, 
 enlistments for more regiments were encouraged, but his 
 recommendation was that they should remain at their homes 
 attending to their usual business, and get together for fre 
 quent drill till they were wanted, as it was much better than 
 to be idling away their time in camp without organization, 
 officers, arms and equipments. That time was not far in the 
 future, for on the third of May the President issued his 
 proclamation for the raising of 200,000 additional troops, 
 and soon thereafter two additional regiments were in camp 
 Ellsworth at Keokuk, and another at Council Bluffs, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 117 
 
 Keokuk was fixed upon as the place and the 20th of May 
 as the time for the rendezvous of the first regiment. There 
 was at this time not a thing with which to equip or clothe 
 the soldiers, no money in the treasury, and no provision for 
 raising any. Finally some very poor, thin, sleazy gray sati- 
 nctt, half cotton and half wool, only fit for summer wear 
 was obtained and of this the patriotic ladies in the various 
 localities where the companies were raised associated them* 
 selves together as "Soldier's Aid Societies" and made up the 
 clothing. It was thought that it would be sufficient for the 
 first regiment, as they would have but three months to serve, 
 and that during the warm months of summer, but the boys, 
 before the march to Springfield in Missouri, had got their 
 thin clothes badly worn out, especially behind, and many of 
 them took flour sacks and made themselves aprons and wore 
 them there instead of in front. When Gen. Lyon saw the 
 first one of these on a soldier, he ordered him to remove it at 
 once, but when he found its removal left the whole fighting 
 force of that soldier without a "rear guard" and exposed to 
 the jibes and jokes of friend and foe, he ordered it quickly 
 replaced. 
 
 So ragged an appearance did the First Iowa present on 
 its march to Springfield, that Gen. Lyon called them his 
 "tatterdemalion gypsies," and when afterward they out 
 marched all his other troops, he called them his < 'Iowa Grey 
 hounds." Had he survived the battle of Wilson's Creek, he 
 would have undoubtedly rechristened them his "valiant 
 patriotic Iowa heroes," for they saved our troops from defeat 
 there, by doing some most persistent and desperate fighting, 
 after their term of enlistment had expired, and by thinning 
 their ranks with the loss of 160 men. 
 
 On the 4th of June, after the adjournment of the Legis 
 lature, the Governor and several of the members of the 
 General Assembly visited the soldiers in camp and found 
 there a very unpleasant condition of things. There was at 
 
118 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 this time a stringency in the money market, and the boys 
 were without funds. But few of them had money enough to 
 buy a cigar, a plug of tobacco, or a postage-stamp. They 
 had been hurried from home into camp mostly by steamboats 
 on the Mississippi river. Their departure from home was so 
 hurried that they had but little time to prepare for it. 
 
 At the extra session a law had been passed providing that 
 the State should pay the soldiers from the time of their en 
 listment until they were mustered into the United States 
 Service, and this was called their " State' pay." The soldiers 
 had learned of the passage of this law, and not knowing the 
 depleted condition of the State Treasury, supposed the money 
 would be paid them at once, and as the Governor passed 
 through the camp he would hear the soldiers, not knowing 
 him, say, " It's a burning shame that the Governor will not 
 furnish us our c State pay.' ' Some of the members of the 
 legislature who knew the depleted condition of the Treasury 
 and the situation of things as well as he did, instead of tell 
 ing them he had no money, said to them, ' - The Governor 
 ought to pay you." 
 
 To say that this conduct on their part displeased him 
 would be expressing it too mildly it really angered him; it 
 stirred that usually placid temper of his to its profoundest 
 depths. 
 
 He went back to Des Moines, and as a large appro 
 priation had been made for a Governor's contingent fund to 
 meet his expenses, which it was expected would be quite 
 heavy, he drew the money from the Treasury, brought it to 
 Iowa City, went into the branch of the State Bank there, of 
 which his brother-in law, Ezekiel Clark, was president, and 
 told him he had called to get for the State just as much 
 money as the bank could spare. He stated that he had no 
 authority to do this other than the general law that the 
 soldiers who had enlisted were entitled to their pay, and 
 should be paid. Having secured what he could from Mr. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 119 
 
 Clark's bank, with it and the contingent fund, he sent that 
 gentleman to Davenport to see what could be got from the 
 branch of the State Bank there, of which Hiram Price was 
 president. As security for the payment of these loans so 
 made from these banks, he gave his notes as Governor of 
 the State, making himself individually liable for their pay 
 ment, by his individual indorsement of them. For the money 
 to be got at Davenport he sent a blank note, signed and 
 indorsed, to be filled up when the money was obtained. Mr. 
 Clark's name was on the note for the money got here. There 
 was no authority of law for these transactions, but " neces 
 sity knows no law," and, as a *' war measure," it was the 
 best and only thing that could be done to get the "boys" 
 their pay; and it was well for them and the State that we 
 had a Governor who knew what was best to be done, who 
 had the ability and courage, and who would " take the 
 responsibility" to do it, and do it at once. 
 
 With this money Messrs. Price and Clark were sent by 
 the Governor to Keokuk to act as State Paymasters to 
 furnish the soldiers with their much and long needed pay. 
 Before they reached Keokuk, however, the troops had been 
 ordered into Missouri, and they followed closely on, but as 
 that State was then bristling with bushwackers and guerrillas, 
 they obtained an escort to accompany them, overtaking the 
 troops at Booneville, furnishing them their pay, and where 
 they had not enough to pay in full, made an equitable divi 
 sion so that all got a share. 
 
 By the action of the mob in Baltimore, all communica 
 tion with Washington was cut off, and the Governor needed 
 to be in constant communication with the war officers of the 
 Government, and as he could not be, either by telegraph or 
 mail, he was at his wit's end, and in this dilemma he went 
 down to Burlington to consult Governor Grimes and induce 
 him to go to Washington for him. He thought it would be 
 hard work to prevail upon him to go, but if he went, he felt 
 
120 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 assured all would be done that could be. He met Governor 
 Grimes in his front yard, where they had some talk about 
 the condition of affairs; but he waited till they got into th<; 
 house before the purpose of his coming was made known. 
 As he was acquainted with Mrs. Grimes, he wanted her help 
 in the furtherance of his plans, which were that, as he was 
 shut off from all communication by telegraph and by mail 
 with the Government, Governor Grimes should proceed at 
 once to Washington, and there do what was necessary to be 
 done for us in raising, arming, equipping and sending for 
 ward our troops. 
 
 He at first was averse to going, for he said, " I cannot 
 get through. " But the result was that Governor Grimes 
 packed his grip-sack and the two Governors left Burlington 
 together, the one for home and the other for Washington, 
 and Governor Grimes got through with the first regiment 
 that left Baltimore. No other man in the State than Gov 
 ernor Kirk wood could have induced Governor Grimes to un 
 dertake this business. 
 
 The President had concluded that the uprising of the 
 South was to be no such small affair as the Whiskey Rebellion 
 in Western Pennsylvania in 1794, suppressed by Washing 
 ton, or the Shays Insurrection in Massachusetts in 1787, put 
 down by Gen. Lincoln, and he called a special session of 
 Congress to meet on the 4th of July to make full and com 
 plete arrangements for a protracted war; and the Governor's 
 call was out for an extra session of the Legislature to meet 
 on the 1 5th of May. On their assembling, he delivered to 
 them this 
 
 SPECIAL MESSAGE. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives: 
 
 The Constitution requires that I shall state to you the purpose for 
 
 which you have been convened in Extraordinary Session. 
 
 When, a little more than a year ago, your regular session closed, 
 
 the whole country was in the enjoyment of peace and prosperity. At 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 121 
 
 home, life, liberty and property were secure, and abroad the title of 
 an American citizen was claimed with pride, and a full assurance that 
 it was a sure guaranty of respect and protection to all who could make 
 good the claim. To-day civil war is upon us, and a wide-spread con 
 spiracy against the General Government, which we now know has 
 been maturing for years, has been developed, and the whole country 
 is filled with the din of arms. On the one hand, and from one section 
 of the country, men who should be loyal citizens, if benefits conferred 
 by a government should make men loyal to it, are mustering in armed 
 bands with the intent to dissolve the Union and destroy our govern 
 ment, and on the other hand, partially from the same section, and as 
 one man, from the other, our loyal people are rallying around our 
 Union and our government, and pledging for (heir maintenance what 
 our fathers so freely periled to secure for them life, fortune and 
 honor. 
 
 In this emergency Iowa must not and does not occupy a doubtful 
 position. For the Union as our fathers formed it, and for the govern 
 ment they founded so wisely and so well, the people of Iowa are ready 
 to pledge every fighting man in the State and every dollar of her 
 money and credit; and I have called you together in extraordinary 
 session for the purpose of enabling them to make that pledge formal 
 and effective. 
 
 Those who, to gratify their mad ambition, have brought upon the 
 country this great evil, seek to disguise their true intent, to cover their 
 true purpose. They say they do not desire to destroy our Govern 
 ment, but that it has become hostile to them, and they only wish to 
 peacefully withdraw themselves from it, which they claim the right to 
 do whenever, in their judgment, their interest or safety may require 
 such action. Many loyal men, deceived by their professions and not 
 perceiving that " peaceful secession " was destructive alike of the Con 
 stitution and Union, were unwilling that any coercive measures should 
 be used to bring them back to a sense of their duty. How are the 
 facts? Our government is based on these great central, controlling 
 ideas. The people are the only true source of power. In the exercise 
 of their power, they have created our present form of government, 
 retaining in their own hands its management and control. They have 
 honesty enough to desire, and intelligence enough to discern, the 
 right, and if at any time they should, by reason of excitement or 
 passion, misdirect the action of government and do wrong to any por 
 tion of themselves, their honesty and their intelligence can be surely 
 relied upon to correct such wrongs. These are the fundamental ideas 
 of our form of government, and when any section of our country or 
 any portion of our people, alleging that wrongs have been done them, 
 declare they cannot and will not rely upon the honesty and intelli 
 gence of our people to right such wrongs, but will right their wrongs 
 
122 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 in their own way and by their own hands, they strike a blow which, if 
 not arrested, will crumble the fabric of our government into ruins. 
 
 Has the Government been hostile to them? At the time tins un 
 natural rebellion commenced there was not on the statute books oi the 
 United States a single law that had not been dictated or assented to by 
 their Representatives. The recent election, of the result of which they 
 so loudly complain, had placed in the Presidential chair a person 
 opposed to their policy upon one important question, but had left 
 them in possession of two other independent and co-ordinate branches 
 of the Government, so that it was utterly impossible any injury could 
 result to them from the election of a President who was not their 
 choice. Under these circumstances, without waiting to see what 
 would be the disposition of the newly elected President, without trust 
 ing to Congress and the Judiciary yet under their control, without 
 waiting for an appeal to the honesty and intelligence of the people to 
 right any wrongs that might be attempted against them, they rebelled 
 against the Government, and sousrht to destroy it by arms. They have 
 seized by force the forts, arsenals, ships and treasure, and have set at 
 defiance the laws and officers of the United States, and they have 
 sought to set up within the Union another and independent govern 
 ment. They have for months past been levying troops, building forts 
 and gathering munitions of war, with intent to make war upon our 
 Government, if it should attempt to perform its lawful functions, and, 
 after months of preparation, have attacked with overwhelming num 
 bers and captured the troops of the United States, holding a fort of the 
 United States, and have, so far as in them lies, dishonored that proud 
 flag, which throughout the world is the emblem of the power, the 
 honor and the glory of our nation. 
 
 What in the meantime has been the action of our Government 
 towards these misguided men? The history of the world cannot show 
 equal moderation and forbearance by any government towards a por 
 tion of its people in rebellion against its laws. For months some of 
 these men were allowed to hold high positions in the Cabinet, and used 
 their official power only to betray the government of which they were 
 the sworn and trusted servants. For months many of them were 
 allowed to retain their seats in both branches of Congress, and used 
 their positions to defeat the enactment of wholesome laws necessary 
 for the protection of the government. For months many of them were 
 permitted to hold high command in the army and navy, and used their 
 position to betray and dishonor the flag they had sworn to protect and 
 defend. For months the government yielded, step by step, and had 
 used only words of kindness and good-will. But forbearance, moder 
 ation and kindness were regarded only as evidences of weakness, im 
 becility and cowardice, until at last the crowning outrage at Fort 
 Sumter convinced all men that further forbearance had indeed ceased 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 123 
 
 to be a virtue, and would make those charged with the safety of the 
 government as criminal as those who were seeking to destroy it. At 
 last the Government has spoken, and has called the loyal men of the 
 country to rally to its support, and the answer has been such as to 
 show the world the strength of a government founded on the love of a 
 free people. 
 
 On the 15th day of April last the President issued his Proclamation, 
 calling upon the loyal States for aid to enforce the laws. On the 25th 
 day of the same month, I received from the Secretary of War a requi 
 sition on this State dated on the 15th, calling for one regiment of 
 troops. Having been before advised by telegraph that such requisi 
 tion had been issued, I i'elt well assured that I would be carrying out 
 your will and the will of the people of the State, in responding to the 
 call as promptly as possible. I therefore did not wait the receipt of 
 the formal requisition, but proceeded at once to take such steps as 
 seemed to me best adapted to speedily effect that object. I was met at 
 the outset by two difficulties. There were not any funds under my 
 control to meet the necessary expenses, nor was there any efficient 
 military law under which to operate. Your action only could furnish 
 these aids in a legal way, and yet to await your action would involve 
 great, perhaps dangerous, delay. 
 
 The first difficulty was obviated by the patriotic action of the char 
 tered Banks and citizens of the State, who promptly placed at my 
 disposal all the money I might need, and I determined, although with 
 out authority of law, to accept their offer, trusting that you would 
 legalize my acts. One difficulty thus avoided, I trusted, as the result 
 shows, safely, to the patriotism of the people for the removal of the 
 other, and on the 17th day of April issued my Proclamation calling for 
 the requisite number of troops. 
 
 The telegraphic dispatch of the Secretary of War informed me that it 
 would be sufficient if the troops required of this State were in rendez 
 vous at Keokuk, by the 20th inst. The prompt and patriotic action of 
 the people enabled me to place them there in uniform on the 8th, 
 twelve days in advance of the time fixed, and they would have been 
 there a week sooner had not the action of the mob at Baltimore cut off 
 all communication with the seat of Government, and left me without 
 any instructions for two weeks. I recommend that you make suitable 
 appropriations, covering expenses thus incurred. 
 
 Tenders of troops were made altogether beyond the amount re 
 quired, and learning from the newspapers and other sources, that an 
 other requisition would probably be made on this State, I took the 
 responsibility of ordering into quarters, in the respective counties 
 where raised, enough companies to form a second regiment in antici 
 pation of such requisition, that they might acquire the necessary dis 
 cipline and drill. The second requisition has not yet reached me, but 
 
124 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIBKWOOD. 
 
 I am expecting it daily, and am prepared to respond to it promptly 
 when made. 
 
 The officers and men composing the first regiment were in quarters 
 for some time before being mustered into the service of the United 
 States, and those called out in anticipation of a second requisition, will 
 have been in quarters a considerable time before they will be called 
 into service, if at all. It is but just that provision be made for pay 
 ment of the men who have thus promptly and patriotically stopped 
 forth in defense of the country, for the time lost by them before being 
 actually received by the United States, and I recommend that you 
 make the necessary appropriations for that purpose. 
 
 In addition to the two regiments thus accepted by me, I have 
 already received tenders of companies enough to make up five regi 
 ments more, and I have been strongly urged by them, and by many 
 other good citizens, to accept the whole, and place them in quarters at 
 the expense of the State. In view of the facts that all I had done was 
 without authority of law, and the further fact that you, the law-making 
 power of the State, was so soon to assemble, I did not feel justified in 
 so doing, but have recommended in all cases that all such companies 
 should if possible keep up their organization, and should devote as 
 much of their time as possible to the drill without interfering mate 
 rially with their ordinary business, thus keeping in reserve a large 
 organized and partially drilled force, to meet emergencies. 
 
 In several localities patriotic citizens have at their own expense 
 furnished subsistence for companies thus organized, and not accepted, 
 and they have been in quarters drilling daily. Whether any of the 
 expenses thus incurred shall be paid by the State, or whether any 
 compensation shall be made to the men for the time thus spent in 
 quarters, is peculiarly within your province to determine. 
 
 In addition to the passage of laws legalizing what has thus far been 
 done, and providing for expenses thus far incurred, it will be your 
 duty carefully to examine what further the State should do to meet 
 present necessities, and future contingencies. 
 
 In my judgment there are two objects which in your deliberation 
 your should keep steadily in view, and which I recommend to your 
 serious consideration, viz: the protection of our State against invasion 
 and the prompt supply to the General Government of any further aid 
 it may require. 
 
 Our State is supposed by many to be exposed to attack, on two 
 sides our Southern and Western borders on the South by reckless 
 men from Missouri; on the West by Indians. Missouri is unfortu 
 nately strongly infected with the heresy of secession, which is hurry 
 ing so many of the Southern States to ruin. What may be the ultimate 
 result in that State, we do not know. Should she unfortunately 
 attempt to dissolve her connection with the Union, serious trouble 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 125 
 
 may, and probably will, spring up along our Southern border. Even 
 in that event I can hardly anticipate an armed invasion by regular 
 military forces from that State. Surrounded as she is by Kansas, 
 Illinois and Iowa such invasion by her would be sheer madness, and 
 it seems to me we are guarded against such danger if not by her calm 
 judgment and her neighborly good will, at least by her instinct of self- 
 preservation. But lawless, reckless men within her limits may take 
 advantage of the unsettled condition of public affairs to organize a 
 system of border warfare, for the purpose of plunder, and it is your 
 duty to properly guard against this danger. 
 
 The known facts that the troops have wholly or in a great part been 
 withdrawn from the forts in the territories west of us, and the restraint 
 of their presence thus removed from the Indian tribes on our border, 
 that the Indians have receive^, probably highly-colored statements in 
 regard to the war now upon us, and that since the massacre at Spirit 
 Lake in our State, some years since, which went wholly unpunished, 
 they have shown an aggressive disposition, coupled with the proba 
 bility that they may be tampered with by bad men, render it, in my 
 judgment, matter of imperative necessity that proper measures be 
 taken to guard against danger from that quarter. 
 
 I have already done what I could, with the limited means at my 
 command, to furnish arms on both borders. 
 
 Two modes for the protection of the State and furnishing further 
 aid, if needed, to the General Government, suggest themselves to me. 
 One is the mustering into the service of the State, arming, equipping 
 and placing in camp to acquire discipline and drill, a number of regi 
 ments of volunteers. The advantages of this are, that we would have 
 at hand a disciplined force, ready to meet any emergency, State or 
 National. The disadvantages are its expense, and its insufficiency, by 
 reason of the great extent of our border, to protect our frontier against 
 the lawless bands to which we are exposed. The other plan is to 
 organize along our Southern and Western frontier, arm and equip but 
 not muster into active service, a sufficient force of minute men, who 
 may be called upon at any moment to meet any emergency that may 
 arise at any point. This will be the more effective plan for home pro 
 tection, but will not place the State in position to render such effective 
 aid to the General Government. Which, if either, of these plans, or 
 whether a combination of both, or whether something wholly distinct 
 from either shall be adopted, I leave for your wisdom to decide. 
 
 It will be necessary that you enact a military law, authorizing, 
 among other things, the formation of a military staff under which I 
 can have the assistance and advice of such officers as compose it, in 
 raising, arming, equipping and supporting such further troops as you 
 may direct to be raised for the use of the State or as may be required 
 by the United States* 
 
126 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 
 
 It will also be necessary to use the credit of the State to raise means 
 to meet the extraordinary expenses incurred, and to be incurred. You 
 have the power to do this under that provision of the Constitution 
 which authorizes without a vote of the people the contracting of a 
 debt "to repel invasion' 1 or to "defend the State in war." 
 
 In most or all of the counties in which companies have thus far 
 been accepted, the Board of Supervisors or public spirited citizens 
 have raised means for the support of the families of volunteers who 
 have left families dependent on them for support. This action is emi 
 nently praiseworthy and yet its operation is partial and unequal. It is 
 scarcely to be presumed that companies will be received from all the 
 counties of the State, or equally from those counties from which they 
 may be received, and it seems to me much more equitable and just 
 that the expense be borne by the State, and the burden thus equally 
 distributed among our people. 
 
 The procuring of a liberal supply of arms for the use of the State, 
 is a matter that I earnestly recommend to your early and serious con 
 sideration. The last four weeks have taught us a lesson which I 
 trust we may never forget, that during peace is the proper time to 
 prepare for war. 
 
 I feel assured the State can readily raise the means necessary to 
 place her in a position consistent alike with her honor and her safety. 
 Her territory of great extent and unsurpassed fertility, inviting and 
 constantly receiving a desirable immigration, her population of near 
 three quarters of a million of intelligent, industrious, energetic and 
 liberty-loving people, her rapid past, and prospective growth, her 
 present financial condition, having a debt of only about one quarter of 
 a million of dollars, unite to make her bonds among the most desira 
 ble investments that our country affords. 
 
 The people of Iowa, your constituents and mine, remembering that 
 money is the sinews of war, will consider alike criminal a mistaken 
 parsimony which stops short of doing whatever is necessary for the 
 honor and safety of the State and a wild extravagance which would 
 unnecessarily squander the public treasure. 
 
 Our revenue law is, in my judgment, defective in some particulars, 
 requiring, perhaps, some unnecessary expense and not being suffi 
 ciently stringent to compel the prompt payment of taxes. At all times, 
 and more especially at a time like this, every good citizen should 
 cheerfully contribute his share of the public burdens, and those who 
 are not disposed to do so should fetl the force of stringent laws insur 
 ing the performance of that duty. A failure to pay taxes promptly 
 compels the State to use her warrants instead of cash, to carry on the 
 operations of the government, and adds to the expense of the State, 
 not only the increased prices she is compelled to pay for articles pur 
 chased for her use over and above the prices at which she could buy 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 127 
 
 for cash, but also the interest upon the warrants issued until the same 
 are paid. 
 
 I earnestly recommend a careful examination and a full use of your 
 Constitutional powers to punish the men, if any there be, in our State 
 who may feel disposed to furnish aid in any way to those who are or 
 may be in rebellion against the United States or engaged in acts of hos 
 tility to this State. 
 
 The great haste in which, amidst the pressure of other duties, I 
 have been compelled to prepare this message, renders it very probable 
 that I may have overlooked some subjects that you may deem of im 
 portance in the present emergency. When convened in extra session, 
 your powers of legislation have the same scope and limit as at your 
 regular sessions, and I feel confident your wisdom and foresight will 
 supply all such omissions. 
 
 Permit me in conclusion to express the hope that what you do, may 
 be done promptly, calmly and thoroughly. Let us take no counsel 
 from passion, nor give way to excitement. Let us look our situation 
 boldly and squarely in the face, and address ourselves to and do our 
 duty like men who believe that while we hold to our father's faith and 
 tread in our father's steps, the God of our fathers will stand by us in 
 the time of our trial as He stood by them in the time of theirs. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD 
 
 On learning the condition of the Treasury, and the finan 
 cial needs of the State, W. T. Smith, President of the 
 branch of the State Bank at Oskaloosa, wrote to the Gover 
 nor: " Draw on us for what you want and we will let you 
 have all we can spare." J. K. Graves, at Dubuque, wrote : 
 " Our bank will honor your drafts to the amount of $30,- 
 000." And it seemed that the patriotism of the people had 
 opened and invaded nearly every bank vault in the State, for 
 responses like these came from nearly every one of them, 
 and the Governor availed himself of nearly all these offers to 
 obtain funds; but to draw for all he wanted would have 
 crippled the banks, and it was not good policy or justice to 
 do that. Even the few railroads we had in the State became 
 imbued with patriotism, for offers came from them all offer 
 ing free transportation for all our troops. 
 
 The members of the Legislature were almost unanimously 
 in harmony with the Governor in the recommendations con 
 tained in the message. Party affiliations were for the time 
 
128 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 forgotten, and officers of the Legislature were chosen from 
 both parties. That foul brood of political serpents known 
 as "Copperheads" had not then been hatched, but incubation 
 for that purpose was not long delayed. 
 
 In the Revised Statutes of 1843, known as the "Blue 
 Book" of territorial days, there was a very full and complete 
 militia law, but we look in vain in the codes of 1851 and 
 1860 for any such statutes. 
 
 The Legislature was in session from the 15th to the 29th 
 of May, and during that time, among others, they passed a 
 general militia law, and one for raising two regiments of in 
 fantry, one battalion of not less than three companies of 
 artillery, one squadron of not less than five companies of 
 cavalry and one regiment of mounted riflemen. This force 
 was State troops for the protection of our southern borders 
 from the inroads of Southern traitors, and our western 
 and northern borders from the incursions of hostile Indians. 
 A law was passed authorizing the Governor to purchase 
 arms, powder, clothing and other munitions of war; one for 
 bidding the commencement of civil suits at law against any 
 volunteer soldier during the term of his enlistment, and con 
 tinuing those that had been commenced; one for the issue of 
 $800,000 of State bonds for a "War and Defense Fund;' 1 
 one for the payment of volunteer soldiers of the State till 
 they were mustered into the service of the United States; 
 one for the support of the families of volunteer soldiers by 
 the different counties of the State, and one to regulate the 
 staff of the Governor as commander-in-chief of the forces of 
 the State. 
 
 On his staff he afterwards appointed as aides : William 
 B. Allison, Rush Clark, Add H. Sanders and John C. Cul- 
 bertson, with the rank and pay of a lieutenant-colonel of 
 cavalry. 
 
 Although the law provided for the issuing of $800,000 
 of bonds, drawing 7 per cent, interest, the Governor of the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 129 
 
 State, Charles Mason, William Smyth, James Baker and 
 C. W. Slagle were made a Board of Commissioners to deter 
 mine from time to time how many bonds it was necessary to 
 issue. The sale of these bonds was advertised in the papers 
 in New York, Boston and Chicago, but before they were 
 offered some of the Copperhead newspapers of the State, like 
 the dirty bird that befouls its own nest, had begun to decry 
 them, claiming that the law providing for their issue was 
 unconstitutional. 
 
 One man in New York offered to take a large quantity of 
 them at a discount of 25 per cent, and pay for them in cloth 
 ing for the soldiers at a high price. It was supposed that a 
 company in the State had been, or was about to be, formed 
 to buy them up at a big discount, but the Governor was 
 anxious that no great sacrifice should be made on them, as 
 he thought that a State as rich as Iowa in natural resources, 
 though they had then not been fully developed, would, in 
 the near future, be able to redeem them. There was also a 
 large amount of uncollected taxes that could be made avail 
 able for keeping up the credit of the State, and there would 
 be ready money when those taxes were paid. 
 
 When it was found that a general sale of them in the 
 open market at the stock boards of the country could not be 
 made, except at a ruinous discount, in order that a market 
 value might be put upon them, a few were offered in the open 
 market in New York, and Mr. Ezekiel Clark, President of 
 the branch bank of the State at Iowa City, bought them for 
 94 cents on the dollar, and those afterwards sold at home 
 were sold at that rate. There was a provision of law that 
 they should not be sold for less price than they brought on 
 the Open Stock Board in New York. Mr. Clark had been 
 recalled by telegraph from Missouri, where he bad been sent 
 to pay the members of the First Iowa Regiment, and was 
 sent East on this business. 
 
 The bonds not finding a market at the East were brought 
 
130 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 back, when Mr. E. C. Lyon, of Iowa City, took $25,000 of 
 them, and some of the State banks took a portion. Every 
 effort was made to find a market for them at home and most 
 of those efforts were eventually, but not immediately, suc 
 cessful. 
 
 When soldiers were rendezvoused in camp at various 
 places, many of those who furnished them supplies took part 
 payment for those supplies in bonds, and in different parts 
 of the State they were disposed of at only a small discount, 
 and by the Governor's prudent management with their dis 
 position and sale a large amount was saved to the State. 
 The money raised by their sale was called the "War and 
 Defense Fund," and its disbursement was committed to a 
 Board of Commissioners, composed of John N. Dewey, 
 Isaac W. Griffith and S. R. Ingham, and that Board had the 
 privilege of meeting at any place in the State where troops 
 were or had been quartered, and such meetings were held for 
 the convenience of those in the neighborhood who had claims 
 on the ' 'War and Defense Fund" for supplies they had fur 
 nished, and these claims had to be audited and allowed or 
 rejected by this Board. All payments into and from this 
 fund were made in coin as provided by law. Isaac W. 
 Griffith afterwards resigned as one of the commissioners and 
 F. R. West was appointed to fill the vacancy. 
 
 Only $300,000 of these bonds were sold; the other 
 $500,000 were destroyed, after being passed over to Gover 
 nor Kirkwood's successor. 
 
 Under authority of the law passed for that purpose, the 
 families of enlisted soldiers were looked after during their 
 absence in the service and their wants supplied in most of 
 the counties by Boards of Supervisors or agents appointed 
 by them for that purpose. 
 
 During the session of the Legislature several messages 
 were sent from the Governor to the body calling for informa 
 tion. Here is one that explains itself; 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 131 
 
 Gentlemen of the House of Representatives: In reply to your reso 
 lutions of inquiry in regard to clothing furnished the First Iowa Regi 
 ment, I have the honor to say: 
 
 When the telegraphic dispatch from the Secretary of War informing 
 me of the requisition for the First Regiment reached me, I did not an 
 ticipate the uniforming the men at the expense of the State, as such 
 course had not, so far as I knew or could learn, been pursued in the 
 Mexican War. Fearing, however, that the suddenness of the danger 
 might render it desirable to furnish uniforms, I immediately wrote to 
 the Secretary of War asking information on that point; but the inter 
 ruption of communication at Baltimore prevented me from receiving 
 any answer. Judging from the fact that other States were preparing 
 for uniforming their volunteers, that it would be desirable to have the 
 same done here, I sent an agent to Chicago to purchase materials for 
 uniforms; but the sudden and great demand for that kind of goods had 
 exhausted the supplies in that city. On learning this by telegraph, 
 and fearing there would not be time to await a supply from New York, 
 I immediately instructed the persons acting as Commissaries to pur 
 chase materials and make uniforms at the points where the several 
 companies had been raised. The persons who had the matter in 
 charge at the several points were, at Dubuque, D. N. Cooley Esq. and 
 Capt. F. J. Herron. Capt. Herron was sent specially from Davenport 
 to Dubuque to select the materials and direct the uniforms in such 
 manner as the companies preferred. At Cedar Rapids, Dr. Carpenter; 
 at Davenport, Hiram Price Esq.; at Muscatine, Hon. Jos. A. Greene, 
 and at Burlington, Major J. G. Laurnan. 'At Muscatine and Iowa City 
 the material was purchased and the maki.ig of the clothes superin 
 tended by committees of citizens. Under these circumstances it was 
 impossible to procure the same uniform for the whole regiment. All 
 that could be done was to have the men of each company clothed alike, 
 but differing from those of other companies. It was also impossible to 
 procure as good material as would have been desirable, had more time 
 been allowed. Much of the clothing was made by the ladies, which to 
 that extent lessened the cost. The amount of clothing furnished, so far 
 as the means now in my possession enable me to state, is as f^ Hows: 
 
 Capt. Herron 's company, Dubuque; each man, hat, frock coat, 
 pants, two flannel shirts, two pairs of socks and pair of shoes. 
 
 Capt. Gottschalk's company, Dubuque; blouse instead of coat, and 
 other articles same as Capt. Herron 's. 
 
 Capt. Cook's company, Cedar Rapids; hat, two flannel shirts, pants, 
 socks and shoes, no jacket or coat. 
 
 Capt. Mahanua's company, Iowa City; hat, jacket, pants, two flan 
 nel shirts, socks and shoes. 
 
 Capt. Wentz's company, Davenport; hats, blouse, pants, two flan- 
 nel shirts, socks and shoes. 
 
132 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Capt. Cumming's company, Muscatine; cap, jacket, pants, two flan 
 nel shirts, socks and shoes. 
 
 Capt. Mason's company, Muscatine; same as Capt. Cumming's. 
 
 Capt. Matthies 1 company, Burlington; hat, blouse, pants, two flan 
 nel shirts, socks and shoes. 
 
 Capt. Streaper's company, Burlington; same as Capt. Matthies 1 . 
 
 Capt. Wise's company, Mt. Pleasant; same as Capt. Matthies'. 
 
 I am not certain that all the companies were furnished with socks, 
 shoes and shirts. Some of the shoes, I have reason to believe, were 
 not of good quality costing only from $1.25 to $1.50 per pair, others I 
 know were good, costing from $2.00 to $2. 50 per pair. One thousand 
 extra shirts were sent to Keokuk to supply any deficiency that may 
 have existed in that particular. Most of the material for pants was 
 satinett, and not of good quality, costing, as far as the same came 
 under my observation, from forty to sixty cents per yard by the quan 
 tity. The entire amount expended for clothing, so far as I can give it 
 from the data in my possession, is about $12,000 or $13,000. If it be 
 desirable in your judgment to have the companies of this regiment 
 uniformed alike, it will be necessary to furnish all with coats and 
 pants of the same make, and to furnish an additional number of hats or 
 caps. Hats were procured for all, but some preferred the cap and 
 procured it, and the cost has been provided for. I cannot think that 
 all the companies need new shoes, as some of the shoes furnished were 
 of excellent quality and have not yet been worn more than two or 
 three weeks. 
 
 I am satisfied that it is for the comfort of these troops that many of 
 them be furnished with pants and shoes, and some with socks. As the 
 Second and Third regiments will be clothed throughout alike, it would 
 no doubt be very gratifying to the First regiment to be placed in the 
 same position, and it will afford me much pleasure to carry out what 
 ever may be your wishes in regard to it. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 May 23, 1861. 
 
 Another message on another subject was presented the 
 next day. 
 
 EXECUTIVE CHAMBER. ) 
 Des Moines, May 24, 1861. f 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives: Since the 
 commencement of your session, I have been engaged, as fully as my 
 other duties would permit, in collecting and comparing information 
 from the different parts of our exposed frontier, as to what is neces 
 sary for the protection of that portion of our State, and in making 
 estimates of the sums necessary, in my opinion, for that and other pur 
 poses connected with the present and possibly future emergency. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIEKWOOD. 133 
 
 The pressing need upon our border is for arms and ammunition. 
 The people are willing and confident of their ability to defend them 
 selves from what they most fear, the depredations of Indians and 
 plunderers, provided they are promptly furnished with good arms and 
 ammunition, and until this shall be done they will be in a state of un 
 easiness and alarm to a greater or less degree, as the various localities 
 are more or less exposed. I consider it a matter of primary import 
 ance that your action on this matter be as speedy as may in your 
 judgment be consistent with proper deliberation. I would have sent 
 an agent to find and contract for arms for this purpose in anticipation 
 of your action, but for the fact that the provisions of the bill for that 
 purpose pending before you, require that said agent shall be nominated 
 to and confirmed by the Senate. The appointment by me of an agent 
 for that purpose, and the sending him on his mission in advance of the 
 passage of the law, under the circumstances, would have been im 
 proper and highly censurable. 
 
 I fear that the present great demand for arms by the United States 
 and the different States, will cause considerable delay in procuring 
 arms after I have authority to act, and I therefore again respectfully 
 recommend that your action on this subject be as speedy as possible. 
 I am distinctly of the opinion that in view of our present condition, 
 and the uncertainty of the future, it is highly desirable with reference 
 both to our duty to our State and to the General Government, that you 
 make provision for the organization, encampment and drilling for a 
 limited time, of not less than three skeleton regiments at the expense 
 of the State. With a liberal provision for the purchase of arms and 
 ammunition for the use of mounted men, for the defense of the border, 
 and a provision for three regiments for a limited time at the expense 
 of the State, I think Iowa will be placed in a position consistent alike 
 with her honor and safety. 
 
 But to do this, and at the same time make prudent provision for 
 the uncertain future will in my judgment require that you make pro 
 vision for the loan of at least a million of dollars. The best estimates 
 I can make are that the expenses already incurred, and that must be 
 incurred in case that the measures above recommended be adopted, 
 will amount to half a million, and it seems to me very clear that to 
 leave me with all this machinery on hand for the purposes above indi 
 cated," and without leaving under my control the means necessary for 
 the purposes for which it was provided, will not be either safe or 
 prudent. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 In answer to resolutions of the House of May 20, of in 
 quiry as to the cost of raising, organizing and placing in 
 camp at Keokuk the first regiment and what had been done 
 
134 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 toward raising the second regiment, the Governor com 
 municated the facts, giving expenses in detail which includ 
 ing three weeks' pay for the First aggregate $39,229.82, and 
 for the Second including one months' pay $50,000, in addi 
 tion to the above were the items expended for both regi 
 ments in sending Senator Grimes to Washington, and Capt. 
 Herron to Springfield, 111., to obtain arms from Gov. Yates. 
 and other items $4,493, making in all $93,722 expended for 
 the two regiments, and in this sum not one cent is included 
 for arms for these had not then been furnished. 
 The Governor says further: 
 
 "In reply to the third and last clause in the resolution I have to 
 say, that in addition to advising private parties on the western fron 
 tier to organize and perfect their drill with such private arms as they 
 might be able to obtain, I have written the following letter, viz: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, ) 
 April 25, 1861. f 
 Hon. Caleb Baldwin, Council Bluffs, Iowa: 
 
 DEAR SIR: I hand you herewith blank commission for military 
 companies in the western part of the State. Please fill them up and 
 deliver them to the officers elected by companies organized under 
 your direction. I am informed some uneasiness exists on the western 
 frontier lest the border counties suffer from attacks by Indians, or 
 lawless men from Missouri. There are not now any arms to send 
 there except about fifty muskets that will be sent at once. The people 
 should organize as minute men, and arm themselves with private arms 
 as best they can. I authorize you to make such arrangements as you 
 may think the safety of the border requires in the way of organizing 
 and of perfecting a system of communication with each other in case 
 of need. You are also authorized to call any of these companies into 
 service, if in your judgment the public safety requires, and continue 
 them in service as long as the necessity may require. If they are 
 called on to act against Indians, they had better act as mounted men. 
 From necessity I leave the whole matter in your discretion, confident 
 that you will in all respects act with due regard to the safety of the 
 frontier, and the public interest. In case you are compelled to call 
 out any of the companies let me know at once. I will recommend to 
 the General Assembly the payment of the men for any time they may 
 be in actual service under your direction. 
 
 Very truly, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. * 135 
 
 A number of companies have been organized under the foregoing 
 instructions but so far as yet advised none have been called into 
 actual service. Some expense has been incurred in the purchase of 
 ammunition, but I am not informed as to the amount. 
 
 I have forwarded to Council Bluffs 140 stands of arms, and have 
 ordered one 8-lb. field piece and forty revolvers with the necessary 
 -equipments and ammunition transported thither without delay, in 
 curring for express charges, freight,- etc., an expense now knon of, 
 $359.95. The force necessary to protect the north and western frontier 
 should be had by organizing in each county a company of mounted 
 rangers, who should meet for drill and company exercise as often as 
 their patriotism and interest might induce them to do, and the expense 
 attending such force consists in furnishing each member of a company 
 with a rifle and sword bayonet valued at from $23 to $50, and a Colt's 
 revolver valued at $22 to $25. 
 
 Besides the expense incurred in raising the 1st and 2nd regiments, 
 and the protection of the frontier, there are sundry small bills the 
 amount of which I cannot now even estimate, and in the absence of 
 bills rendered there may be items of considerable amount which have 
 escaped my recollection, SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 It will be seen by the letter to Mr. Baldwin that the 
 Governor placed in his hands in the matter entrusted to him 
 all the power he himself possessed, and results showed that 
 the power given, and the confidence reposed in him were 
 not misplaced and could not have been placed in better hands. 
 
 To expedite the raising of troops Mr Baldwin issued the 
 following circular: 
 
 COUNCIL BLUFFS, IOWA, { 
 May 6, 1861. f 
 
 To THE CITIZENS OF WESTERN IOWA. 
 
 In order more fully to carry out the desire of the Governor of this 
 State to protect our frontier settlements, I respectfully request that an 
 effort be made to organize at least one military company in each of 
 the western counties of the State, which shall hold itself in readiness 
 for service at any moment there may be occasion therefor. 
 
 Each company should be composed of not less than forty, nor more 
 than eighty good loyal citizens. 
 
 As soon as the requisite number have volunteered for the purpose 
 of organizing a company, the members thereof will proceed to elect 
 their officers, to whom commissions will be issued. 
 
 The rolls of the companies with the names of the officers should be 
 forwarded to Adjutant G. M. Dodge of this city. 
 
136 - THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Arms will be provided by the Executive of this State at the earliest 
 moment possible for all the companies thus organized. 
 
 A thorough military organization in our western counties, with 
 plenty of arms and ammunition, is the best guaranty we can have 
 against invasions from the savages not far from our borders, or for 
 marauding parties whose time for operation is when our citizens are 
 in a defenseless condition, and when our National troubles direct the 
 attention of the Federal Government to other parts. 
 
 C. BALDWIN. 
 
 The following letter is on the same subject: 
 
 HEADQUARTERS MIL. Div. WESTERN IOWA, ) 
 Council Bluffs, May 8, 1861. f 
 Colonel Means: 
 
 DEAR SIR: I am informed that you are in command of the military 
 company in Woodbury county. As your point is considered one of 
 importance on our frontier, I am instructed to urge upon you the im 
 portance of an immediate and thorough organization, and that you 
 will report your command immediately to me that arms can be for 
 warded you as soon as they reach this place. The Governor has 
 placed the organization of the western portion of the State under sepa 
 rate command, and one or more regiments will be immediately formed 
 and placed in condition for actual service. 
 
 The company should be thoroughly drilled, and if possible adopt 
 some cheap and durable uniform. I shall endeavor to have some 
 arrangements made for quick communication with your place and 
 would suggest that couriers from your command be provided that in 
 case of difficulty it may be reported immediately at headquarters. The 
 companies in Monona and Harrison, as soon as they report, will be 
 instructed in this matter. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 G. M. DODGE, 
 
 Acting Adjutant. 
 
 In answer to a resolution from the Senate, the following 
 message was sent: 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate-. I have the honor to state in reply to your 
 resolution of inquiry whether I have employed an agent to purchase 
 clothing for the two first regiments now stationed at Keokuk, that I 
 have contracted with Hon. Samuel Merrill for the following clothing 
 for the second and third regiments, to-wit: 
 
 2,000 gray all wool frock coats. 
 
 2,000 gray all wool pants. 
 
 2,000 gray felt hats. 
 
 4,000 gray all wool flannel shirti. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 137 
 
 4,000 gray all wool flannel drawers. 
 
 4,000 pairs all wool knit socks. 
 
 2,000 pairs best army brogans. 
 
 Being 1 hat, 1 coat, 1 pair pants, 2 shirts, 2 pairs drawers, 2 pairs 
 socks and 1 pair shoes for each man, at the price of $21 for each man 
 delivered on board cars at Boston, Mass., to be paid for when accepted 
 and delivered by my agent there in bonds of the State at par, if the 
 contractor will receive the bonds at par, and if not to be paid for there 
 as soon as the money can be realized by the sale of the bonds. In 
 obedience to a joint resolution of the General Assembly, I have also 
 ordered from the same person 1 coat, 1 pair of pants and 1 pair of 
 brogans for each member of the First Regiment, which will cost about 
 $15 per man. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Executive Chamber, Mav 27, 1861. 
 
 The first three regiments raised in the State could hardly 
 be called "boys in blue," for their uniforms were all gray. 
 
 Before the close of the session, the patriotism of some of 
 the democrats began to fade. They could not call treason 
 by its right name, and they christened it by such mild, soft 
 names as "unnatural strife," "unhappy trouble," "unfortu 
 nate disagreement," "National difficulty," and those whose 
 true names were "traitors" and "rebels," were called by them 
 by the endearing name of ' 'erring brethren. ' ' and some of them 
 afterwards showed that they were brothers in crime with 
 those who were traitors in fact. Delay and compromise were 
 written in bold letters on too many measures they proposed. 
 Even as profound a lawyer as the late J. C. Hall, was in 
 favor of treating with the State of Missouri in relation to the 
 treasonable acts of some of her citizens, although the Con 
 stitution of the United States forbid any such action by 
 either State. 
 
 No executive of the State ever had been placed in such 
 embarrassing circumstances or subjected to as much worry, 
 perplexity and anxiety as was Governor Kirkwood, from the 
 time of the President's proclamation in April, till the time 
 when the General Government was able to supply the enlisted 
 men of the State with uniforms, arms and rations. If 
 
138 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 money, arms and other munitions of war could have been 
 furnished by the loyal people of Iowa in such an abundance 
 .and with as much readiness and freedom as they furnished 
 men to use them, the case would have been different. But these 
 arms and munitions were not in the hands of the people, nor 
 were they within their reach, nor was the money in their 
 pockets with which to buy them. Had it been they would 
 have poured it out as freely as they afterwards did their 
 blood in the holy cause. On the 29th of April the Governor 
 wrote to Simon Cameron, Secretary of War: u For God's 
 sake send us arms. I ask for nothing but arms and am 
 munition. Three regiments are waiting and five thousand 
 guns are required at once." 
 
 On the second day of May he telegraphed Simeon 
 Draper, president of the Union Defense Committee of New 
 York: u For God's sake send us arms. Our First Regiment 
 has been in drill a week, a thousand strong. It has tents 
 and blankets but no arms. The Second Regiment is full and 
 drilling. Send us arms. Ten thousand men can be had if 
 they can have arms." 
 
 Money, guns and other munitions of war were the great 
 needs of the hour. The vaults of the State banks from Keo- 
 kuk on the south to McGregor on the north, and from the 
 Des Moines river on the west to the Mississippi on the east 
 had been opened to be made subject to the drafts of the 
 Governor upon them, although there was no law authorizing 
 him to make such drafts. Financial relief from this source 
 began to be felt, but not sufficiently to meet all the needs of 
 the time. Every gun belonging to the State was hunted up 
 and repaired. Agents were sent to St. Louis and to Gov. Yatc-s 
 of Illinois, who had received a supply of 5,000 stands of 
 arms, and to Chicago for them. Every manufacturer of 
 arms in the country was telegraphed and written to for a sup 
 ply. Hon. John A. Kasson, Gov. Grimes and Fitz Henry 
 Warren, who were in Washington, were written to to call 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 139 
 
 on the Secretary of War and urge him with all possible des 
 patch to furnish guns and war material at the earliest possi 
 ble moment, for with Bushwhackers and Guerrillas on the 
 south, and hostile Indians on the west and north, we were 
 threatened with war at our very doors. No other loyal State 
 was threatened as we were early in the war. While our sis 
 ter western States were protected on their west and south 
 lines by the natural barrier a broad river our enemies had 
 but to step over an imaginary boundary line to confront us 
 face to face in our very homes. 
 
CHAPTER Till. 
 
 Private Secretary Appointed N. H. Brainerd, Military Secretary 
 Governor Goes to Washington for Arms, etc. Calls on Gen. Meigs 
 TJieir Interview Re-nominated for Governor Republican Platform. 
 Charles Mason, Democratic Nominee Elected by 16, 000 Ma 
 jority Democratic Resolution Against Bonds and Banks Union 
 State Convention Nominates Gen. Baker for Governor He De 
 clines Governor Kirkwood Urged to Take the Stump Makes a 
 Speech, Which is Reported for the Newspapers. 
 
 During the summer, and well into the autumn, no man 
 was more harrassed, worried and perplexed than was Gover 
 nor Kirkwood. Troops were to be raised, officered, organ 
 ized, fed, clothed, armed and mustered into the service, with 
 little or no material at hand and an empty State Treasury. 
 To save expense during the first part of his administration, 
 he had done without a private secretary, but now the corres 
 pondence of the Executive office was becoming so volumin 
 ous that not only was a private secretary needed, but a 
 military secretary had to be employed, the office being most 
 ably filled by the appointment of Mr. N. H. Brainerd to the 
 latter place; and then, with two secretaries, the Governor 
 was not so relieved but that he had to conduct much of the 
 correspondence himself. In reference to the letters written 
 by him during the war, Dr. Lloyd, editor of the Historical 
 Record, in copying some of them into that journal, says: 
 
 " They embrace almost every conceivable subject relating to the 
 war. Some are answers to letters from wives imploring news of hus 
 bands, absent, perhaps, in Southern prisons; some replying to appeals 
 for interposition for release from federal imprisonment for disloyalty; 
 some are recommendations for appointment to government positions; 
 many contain words of comfort and encouragement for the sick, 
 wounded and weary at the front; some are firm warnings to refractory 
 officers; some conciliating appeals to regimental field officers to har 
 monize differences between themselves and subordinates; some prom* 
 
 140 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIEKWOOD. 141 
 
 isesof immediate or future promotion; a few stern refusals of favor, 
 and some plain but still eloquent vindications of the fame of Iowa 
 soldiers." 
 
 The Governor was always zealously watchful of the fail- 
 name and fame of the State and of her troops, as is shown by 
 these letters, and if any slight or dishonor was attempted to 
 be put upon even the most humble of the brave men from 
 Iowa, he raised over them whenever he could the broad shield 
 of executive protection. 
 
 So urgent was the call for money, guns, clothing, tents 
 and other munitions of war, and so tardily was that call 
 being answered, that on the 5th day of August the Governor 
 went to Washington that he might hurry up the needed 
 supplies. 
 
 The soldiers were not uniformed when they were sent 
 forward to St. Louis and other points in Missouri, being in 
 their everyday working clothes, no two of them alike, mak 
 ing the companies and regiments when on dress parade look 
 like "crazy-quilts," in comparison with uniformed troops 
 from other States; and this condition of things was mortify 
 ing to the feelings of the Governor, as well as the men, and 
 by many he was blamed for it. 
 
 His first work in Washington was to call on Quartermas 
 ter-General M. C. Meigs, presenting his case, telling him of his 
 situation and asking him for relief. He said to the General: 
 
 "We have men and can furnish all the Government calls for, but 
 we have no money to use for any military purpose, our treasury is 
 empty and our credit is low. He stated the condition in which the 
 soldiers were sent out of the State, saying it was trying both to them 
 and to him, that he was blamed for it when he could not help it. He 
 even said if he should consult his own feelings and it was not wrong 
 for him to do so he would resign and go back to his farm and mill 
 and attend to his own private business. He said he had come to him 
 to see if he could not, in some way, relieve our wants. Our people not 
 knowing the actual condition of things blame me for all of it." 
 
 Gen. Meigs replied: 
 
 "I cannot help you now, but will as soon as I can. The people of 
 Iowa do not understand the condition of the country- I ana found 
 
142 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 fault with every day. Tens of thousands find fault with me where 
 hundreds find fault with you. If you are fit for your place, go home 
 and go to work and do the best you can." 
 
 He did go home and went to work, and no Governor did 
 better or more acceptable work than he; and to-day he has 
 the grateful thanks of the people of the whole State for the 
 arduous, intelligent and patriotic work he did for them and 
 their cause during that eventful period. 
 
 On the 31st day of July the State Republican Convention 
 was held, when Governor Kirk wood was nominated for re 
 election, receiving 273 of the 374 votes cast on an informal 
 ballot, and 310 of the 374 on a formal one, F. H. Warren 
 and S. F. Miller receiving respectively 29 and 31 votes, 
 when the nomination was made unanimous. 
 
 This vote was the best endorsement that could be given 
 of the approval of his administration by the Republicans, 
 and the people of the State endorsed it in November by giving 
 him a majority of 16,600 votes over W. H. Merritt, his 
 opponent, and this when a large drain had been made on the 
 Republican voters of the State to furnish soldiers for the 
 war. 
 
 The Republican platform of this year was as free from 
 purely partizan political dogmas as it well could be, and it 
 was one to which every true Union man could subscribe. 
 Its eight planks might have been condensed into one, and 
 that one would have been Gen. Jackson's famous toast at the 
 banquet held on the anniversary of Jefferson's birthday at 
 Washington in 1830: "OuR FEDERAL UNION IT MUST AND 
 
 SHALL BE PRESERVED." 
 
 On the 24th of July that Copperhead aggregation of 
 treason and disloyalty, known as the Democratic State Con 
 vention, upon a call issued by that Prince of Copperheads, 
 D. A. Mahoney, met in Des Moines and nominated Charles 
 Mason for Governor and Maturin L, Fisher for Lieutenant- 
 Govern or. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 143 
 
 In a three-column newspaper letter, Mr. Mason, after 
 trying to show how much better his party could settle the 
 question of Secession than by a resort to arms, accepts the 
 nomination. Mr. Fisher, as he said, "for private reasons" 
 declined. 
 
 The convention that nominated these men 
 
 Resolved, That the appropriation of $800,000 made at the special 
 session of the General Assembly is unauthorized by the Constitution. 
 
 When this appropriation was voted, or rather when the 
 law was passed by which that amount of "War and Defense" 
 bonds could be issued, the General Assembly was so non- 
 partizan, and the Republicans had conceded so much that 
 both of these men were selected, the one with the State 
 Treasurer to negotiate and sell the bonds and the other to be 
 one of a Board of Commissioners to issue the bonds and 
 determine, from time to time, how many of them should be 
 sold. 
 
 When the Governor was calling on the branches of the 
 State Bank for the loan of money to the State of all the 
 funds they could spare, and the branch at Oskaloosa was pre 
 sided over by such a loyal Democrat as W. T. Smith, and 
 the one at Burlington by another strong Union Democrat, 
 W. F. Coolbaugh, and both, with the other branch banks of 
 the State Bank, were furnishing the Governor with money, 
 the issues of their respective banks, this convention 
 
 Resolved, That we are irreconcilably opposed to all paper money 
 banking as being a system of legalized swindling. 
 
 Here we have the Democratic party, as represented in its 
 State Convention, putting itself on record as being bitterly 
 opposed to furnishing the State with anything in the shape of 
 bonds or the issues of the State banks to be used in feeding, 
 clothing, arming or equipping our soldiers and sending them 
 to the war. The party that passed these resolutions had not 
 spent many weeks after their passage till it found itself badly 
 demoralized, It hoped to recover from that demoralization 
 
144 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. HJRKWOOD. 
 
 by putting Lieutenant-Colonel Merritt in the place declined 
 by Mr. Fisher. This did not help the party, but it put 
 Colonel Merritt into very bad company it was but little 
 better than being a prisoner of war in a Confederate camp, and 
 the position was not half as honorable. Imprisonment by open 
 enemies is far preferable to imprisonment by secret traitors. 
 
 Judge Mason soon found it convenient to retire from the 
 head of the ticket, when Colonel Merritt was advanced to fill 
 the vacancy. But a loyal leader in a disloyal cause could not 
 make his treasonable followers patriotic. 
 
 So distasteful had this band of copperhead conspirators 
 and their doings become, that on the 29th day of August, 
 another Democratic Convention assembled at Des Moines. 
 This convention, called as was supposed for the purpose 
 of detraitorizing the party, was presided over by Hon. Lin 
 coln Clark of Dubuque. The forces that dominated in the 
 former Democratic Convention, had a majority in this, and 
 controlled its action, and renominated its candidates. 
 
 A majority and a minority report on platform was pre 
 sented, the former differing but little from the one adopted 
 by the former convention being adopted. Upon this action 
 being taken, Mr. Clark, the president, vacated his chair and 
 left the convention in disgust. The minority report pre 
 sented and read by Mr. Coolbargh never got into the hands 
 of the secretary of the convention, or into its published pro 
 ceedings, when he left the convention with Mr. Clark fol 
 lowed by the whole Dubuque and Des Moines counties' 
 delegations. 
 
 Judge Nourse, writing to Gov. K. says: "The conven 
 tion was in session till after midnight. There was a fierce 
 quarrel between the Mahoney men and the Union portion 
 of the convention * * * The fight over the platform 
 was rich, rare and racy. A great many truths were told by 
 the loyal men to the secession wing that controlled the con 
 vention." 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 145 
 
 On the 28th day of August, a convention of Republicans 
 and Democrats, calling themselves the "Union Party," met 
 in Des Moines and nominated Gen. N. B. Baker for Gov 
 ernor, Lauren Dewey for Lieutenant-Governor, and Reuben 
 Noble for Supreme Judge. Gen. Baker and Mr. Noble both 
 declined, although the latter was in sympathy with the 
 movement and one of its prime movers. He was in hopes 
 Gov. Kirkwood would be the nominee of the convention, for 
 in writing to Andrew J. Stevens on the subject of the con 
 vention, he says: "If I were a member of the convention I 
 would urge the nomination of Gov. Kirkwood for Governor 
 * * * It is due to him that he should finish the work he 
 has begun. I know personally that his labors have been 
 arduous; that he has expended large sums of money upon 
 his individual credit for the benefit of the State; that no new 
 man could finish the work begun as well as he, for these 
 reasons 1 have supported him and have seen no reason to 
 change my mind." 
 
 So strong, however, were the political prejudices of the 
 Democratic portion of that convention, that they rebelled 
 against endorsing anyone who had been supported by the 
 Republican Convention. 
 
 The Governor was urged by many of his friends to take 
 the stump, and many pressing invitations came to him from 
 numerous places, especially in the north part of the State, 
 to speak there, but his answers to all these calls were that 
 his official duties were so pressing that he had no time to 
 make a personal canvass, and that those duties must be per 
 formed even if his personal interests suffered thereby. So 
 anxious were his friends to get him before the people on the 
 important and pressing questions of the day, that they deter 
 mined if he could not be heard from the rostrum he should 
 be through the press, and at the suggestion of F. W. Pal 
 mer, then editor of the Iowa State Register, arrangements 
 were made for him to make a speech and have it reported in 
 
146 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 full and published in the papers. As shorthand reporters 
 were not as plenty then as now, not even one being obtain 
 able, the arrangement was made that four ready writer re 
 porters should be engaged, that number one should take down 
 the first sentence, number two the second sentence, and so 
 on in turn to the end, as each sentence fell from the speaker's 
 lips, and that their reports should be put together and the 
 speech published as uttered. An arrangement was attempted 
 to be made for a joint discussion between Gov. K. and Judge 
 Mason, the Democratic candidate for Governor, but the 
 judge declined to engage in it. At a meeting in Sherman 
 Hall in Des Moines on the evening of Sept. 4th, presided 
 over by the Hon. T. F. Withrow, the Governor delivered his 
 speech. As Judge Mason had declined to meet the Gov 
 ernor, it was proposed to substitute in his place Hon. Jas 
 Baker of Chariton, but the audience objected, and Mr. 
 Baker being present declined in person. 
 Gov. K. being introduced said: 
 
 Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I hope you will do me the 
 justice to believe that I did not arrange this meeting. I had nothing 
 to do with it. I was requested by some of my friends to say whether I 
 would be willing to meet Judge Mason, one of my competitors, to dis 
 cuss the National and State questions involved in this canvass. How. 
 ever small my own confidence in my own ability may be, I have never 
 felt myself at liberty to decline any invitation of the kind, occupying 
 the position I do, and although it might be rash in me to meet Judge 
 Mason in this contest, I would not and did not decline. With the de 
 termination of the question whether Mr. Baker should occupy the time 
 of Judge Mason, I had nothing to do; and as you have decided, I have 
 nothing to do with your action. 
 
 I propose now to discuss briefly some questions, not all of those 
 which are uppermost in the minds of the people of Iowa. When a 
 spe iker proposes to address an audience, he ought to arrange hi< 
 thoughts beforehand, so that he may be able to present the subject in 
 a discourse which, if it be indifferent, it shall be well arranged. I 
 cannot promise you that I shall be able so to do, for until this evening 
 I have had no time for preparation, and I hope you will pardon what 
 I know will be a desultory speech. 
 
 I again find myself what I once thought I never again would be, a 
 candidate for the office of Governor, and I confess I find myself in 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 147 
 
 peculiar and unpleasant circumstances. The unpleasantness of my 
 position arises from two causes. First, the country is in a condition 
 such as it was never in before. We have had war before, but never a 
 civil war. We have had strife before, but never intestine strife. And 
 many of the good people who are in favor of pressing this war thor 
 oughly, vigorously and triumphantly to an end, believe that an error 
 was committed in making a party nomination at this time. They think 
 that the gentlemen who have placed me in nomination have erred. 
 That is one thing. Another is, and I am very sorry to say it, that some 
 of my own political household think that I am not the man; that we 
 should have some other person. Now, I intend to address a few re 
 marks on each of these points. I will certainly make them as brief as 
 possible. 
 
 Did the Republican party err in nominating a Republican ticket at 
 this time under the surroundings? What was the condition of the 
 country in May last, when your Legislature then convened in extra 
 session, adjourned? What was the condition of the State at that time? 
 The great mass of the people of this State were in favor of sustaining 
 the administration, of prosecuting vigorously, thoroughly and to a 
 successful termination, the war inaugurated by the South. This was 
 true of the entire body of the Republican party, and a large portion of 
 the Democratic party. And yet it was true, and I am sorry to say it 
 was true, that a portion of the Democratic party was not in favor of 
 -that course. Now, you know and I know that political nominations 
 are a necessity in a Government like ours. Without political organi 
 zation you cannot concentrate public opinion. We have always had 
 political organizations or parties since the foundation of our Govern 
 ment. The common sense of the country has accepted this truth and 
 acted upon it, and from that period until this day political organiza 
 tions have been the means of giving tone to and expressing the popular 
 will, and they always must be. They are a necessity in a Republican 
 form of government like ours. 
 
 Here then is a political party in this State, a party that is earnest, 
 united in favor of the prosecution of the war. Here was the only other 
 political party divided on this question. Now, these parties act through 
 these organizations, and when the Republican Central Committee of 
 Iowa called together the convention, they exercised the power which 
 was delegated to them to exercise, no more no less. They had not power 
 to do aught more, it was their duty to do no less. They had not power 
 to propose a union of parties. They could only call a convention to 
 nominate candidates. Your State Central Committee of the Repub 
 lican party did its duty in calling the party into general convention. 
 Shortly after that had been done, persons who claimed to represent the 
 Democratic party, whether truthfully or not I cannot say, called a 
 State Democratic convention at an earlier day than that for the assejn- 
 
148 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 bling of the Republican convention. After this call had been publisht d, 
 certain other persons desiring, as they claimed, to give a hearty sup 
 port to the prosecution of this war and the maintenance of the Union, 
 issued a call for what they denominated a "Peoples' or Union Conven 
 tion," and fixed the time for holding the same the day before, or the 
 day after the Democratic convention had been called to assemble. 
 They showed no desire to affiliate with the Republican convention. 
 They showed no disposition to act in anyway with the Republican or- 
 gauization of the State. Now, they had their choice, to determine 
 whether they would place their convention in a position to act with 
 the Republican party, or with the other. They chose the other con 
 vention and attempted to act in conjunction with it. They called their 
 convention to meet the next day after the Democratic convention, 
 which met a week in advance of the convention of the Republican 
 party, Both conventions were he.d, and no agreement could be 
 effected between them. Why the Peoples' party made that choice, 
 thereby placing it out of their power to act with the Republican organ 
 ization, it is not for me to say. They chose to do it and did it. They 
 went to the Democratic Mahony convention for their allies. They 
 would not or did not attempt to affiliate with the Republican conven 
 tion. I was not here at the time, but understood that consultations 
 were had but no agreement could be effected. The Democratic or 
 Mahony convention met, acted and adjourned on the day it was called. 
 On the next day the Union convention met and adjourned. They 
 could, had they been so disposed, have met with the Republican con 
 vention called for the 31st of July, when that convention was yet in 
 the future. They let the Republican convention meet and pass by as 
 they had a right to do, but they did not intimate to them in anyway 
 whatever that they had any desire to affiliate with them. 
 
 In the course of events two more conventions were held in your 
 city last week. On the one day a Union convention, and on the next 
 a Democratic convention. If you can take their acts as indications, 
 my friends, our Democratic and Union brethern have shown they were 
 unwilling to act with the Republicans. Twice have they met in con 
 vention on succeeding days, and while they were thus willing to act 
 in conjunction, they were unwilling to attempt to act with the Repub 
 lican organization. 
 
 What did the Republicans do when they met in convention? Take 
 their platform and read ito Search through it from beginning to end, 
 and what is there in it to drive from its support any man who loves 
 his country? There is nothing ! Scrutinize it as closely as you please 
 and you will find no partizanship there. You will find nothing there 
 but devotion to the American flag and love for the American Union. 
 [Applause.] The Republicans placed themselves in a position to affili 
 ate with the patriotic portion of any party or all parties in . the State, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 149 
 
 Democrats or Union men, call them what you please. But they were 
 silently passed by. No desire was shown to have anything to do with 
 them; and, relying upon the justice of their cause, they threw their 
 banner abroad, and appealed to the people to rally around it in main 
 tenance of the Federal Union and the honor of the Federal flag. 
 
 The Republicans do not ask you, my Democratic friends, to give up 
 any of your pre-conceived notions on the subject of slavery. They 
 don't ask you to accept their political faith or abandon yours; but, as 
 the predominant party in this State, ignoring for the time being all 
 past political issues, they ask every man who is willing to rally round 
 the flag to step forward to help them in this patriotic cause. Is it 
 wrong in them to do this? Every Republican is a Union man. Where 
 in all the broad land can you find one who is not? They are and have 
 been for some years the dominant party in this State. They have 
 placed themselves, as an organization, in a position to be consulted by 
 any parly or any men who might be willing to consult and act with 
 them for the Union, but had completely, perhaps studiously, been 
 ignored by all. They then, for the sake of harmony and good-will, 
 laid aside all party issues and all party tests, and simply asked that all 
 men of all parties who, like themselves, were devoted to the Union 
 should step forward and act with them, not for party, but for the 
 Union. It seems to me that more could not have been asked with 
 fairness nor yielded with self-respect. 
 
 The other orgai ization is divided. It is torn asunder. With the 
 present condition of the country, whoever is not in favor of upholding 
 the Government is aga.nst it. And, my friends, it seems to me that if 
 we could once lay aside all dissensions on this subject, and, as a united 
 people, rally round this admini.-tration, we could soon carry the war 
 to a successful issue and place the country in a position it is entitled to 
 occupy. 
 
 Now, my friends, a few words on a subject to me more delicate. 
 As Chief Executive of the State, since the war commenced much fault 
 has been found with me. I am a plain man, and although it may not 
 be prudent in me as a candidate to speak in regard to these matters, 
 yet I propose to say some things to you in a very plain way. A great 
 many gentlemen think 1 have not been energetic enough; that I have 
 not been efficient enough; that I have not pushed forward the work as 
 vigorously as I should have done. That may be true. That I have 
 committed errors I think is not only very possible, but very probable. It 
 would be the heighth of presumption in me to assert the contrary. I 
 think that all of our public men have committed errors. Look at it ! 
 When the President of the United States issued his proclamation for 
 75,000 men for three months the whole country arose and applauded 
 the act. And yet this was a mistake Those three months men should 
 have been three years men. We could have had them for three years 
 
150 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 as well as for three months. If this had been done, the country wouid 
 not have had to witness the spectacle of whole regiments retiring from 
 the service at the very time when the roar of cannon was heard at 
 Bull's Kun ! Once enlisted for the service they could have been kept 
 there, and the country would not have been fevered with excitement 
 lest Washington should fall into the hands of Beauregard. 
 
 I talk to you under the assumption that you are honest and patriotic 
 men, and that it is your wish to do right; but you will pardon me if I 
 say you expect too much of your public officers. You expect them to 
 be what you are not yourselves perfection. You can't expect from 
 them exemption from error. You and I can very easily see after a 
 thing is done whether it was rightly or wrongly done. Yet had we 
 been called on in the first instance to meet the same exigency, we would 
 in all probability, have committed a graver error. Now I press this 
 thing not on my own account, because what becomes of me is of little 
 consequence. But youhivethe Administration at Washington, on the 
 support of which everything depends. Upon you and each one of 
 you the Administration leans for support, and I say it plainly and 
 boldly you are not standing by that Administration as you should 
 stand by it. You may search the history of this world over, I care not 
 where you read its pages, and you cannot lind a government which has 
 ever done, in the same length of time, a tithe of what has been done 
 by this Administration in the last four months, taking into account the 
 condition of affairs as it found them when it came into power. And 
 yet pick up your newspapers, go into your hotel offices or reading 
 rooms, go where you will, and, instead of finding encouragement for 
 the good it has done, you find carping and denunciation. 
 
 I came recently from Washington City, and I say to you, what I 
 think I know, that this same spirit of faultfinding, this same spirit of 
 denunciation, is discouraging and weakening your Administration at 
 Washington. It has to fight Jeff Davis and Beauregard on the one 
 side and men who should rally round it on the other. I was pleased 
 with a remark of President Lincoln which I saw attributed to him in 
 a newspaper the other day. When urged to change his Cabinet, he 
 said: "Go to work fighting the enemy and stop fighting your own 
 friends." You will find the newspapers filled with, and you will hear 
 wherever you go, attacks upon this man or that man in the army, the 
 navy and all departments of the Government. A newspaper editor or 
 a newspaper correspondent, perhaps withal a disappointed office 
 seeker besides, seizes his pen and with a single dash will demolish a 
 General in the army, a member of the Cabinet, and even the Executive 
 of the Government himself, charging corruption to this man, imbe 
 cility to that, inefficiency everywhere; assailing the best men of the 
 nation as remorselessly as you would set your foot upon a worm. 
 This is wrong, and they who do it, do the country wrong. If you ex- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 151 
 
 pect to find public officers who commit no mistakes, then you must get 
 archangels, and not men. And I do insist upon it that instead of 
 hunting something to find fault with, you should strengthen and up 
 hold your public agents. Give them credit for what is right, and if 
 you see that which appears to you to be wrong, remember that you 
 may be mistaken as well as they, and even if they are wrong, attribute 
 it to the natural imperfections of man. 
 
 It has been said I have not raised men fast enough. I have raised 
 all that have been asked for, Iowa has poured forth her thousands as 
 fast as called for by the General Government. It has been said that 
 the Iowa volunteers have not been clothed as well and as rapidly as they 
 should have been clothed. That is your fault, not mine. I had not 
 the money to do it. You have it and I have not been furnished with 
 it. The clothes worn by your First, Second and Third Regiments to 
 day have not been paid for I Not a dollar has been paid for them. 
 Three thousand men, among them your sons and brothers, are wearing 
 clothes which are yet unpaid for. Much fault was found with me 
 because your soldiers at Keokuk did not receive their poor pittance of 
 pay which they were to receive from the State for the period interven 
 ing between the time of their enlistment in the service of the State and 
 their acceptance into the service of the United States. They were 
 there without money to buy even tobacco or postage-stamps. You 
 know as well as I that the Executive of this State had not a dollar to 
 advance to the soldiers. After they were mustered in at Keokuk, 
 Ezekiel Clark, Hiram Price, of Davenport, and your Speaker bor 
 rowed on their private credit the money some $30,000 which was 
 required to pay them, and paid it, and the debt is unsatisfied to-day. 
 The Executive of this State drew some $5,000 out of the State Treas 
 ury, which he had no more right by law to take for that purpose than 
 any one of you; but it was a case of extreme necessity. The balance 
 we borrowed on our individual credit, and you owe it to us now. If 
 there be a fault in this connection, on whom does it rest? I do not 
 like to say these things, but justice to myself compels me to say them. 
 The people of Iowa have not furnished their Executive with money 
 for the expenditures which he was required by law to make as they 
 should have done. The bank of this city holds my protested notes for 
 $6,000, and [ have borrowed so much that I thought it was $12,000 till 
 I called at the bank to-day and inquired. I was absent from home last 
 week and found, on my return, notices of protested paper of mine to 
 the amount $6,000 more, and not less than seven of those little tickets 
 which bankers send out to give notice of notes falling due. Now, it is 
 not agreeable to a man who has hitherto kept his commercial credit 
 unimpaired thus to find it dishonored, and it is still more displeasing 
 when he is cursed all over the State for not doing what he was power 
 less to accomplish, and it is right you should know it. 
 
152 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 But let us pass from this. It is not agreeable to you nor to me. 1 
 only mention it because it is right you should know here that the 
 clothes that your sons and brothers are wearing to-day are not paid 
 for, not because 1 am unwilling to pay for them, but because I have 
 not the means. It is right that you should know that the money your 
 boys had did not come from your State Treasury, but was borrowed 
 upon individual credit and is not yet refunded. You should at least 
 endeavor to help furnish the means to refund this money by subscrib 
 ing for State bonds. I grew pathetic in a newspaper appeal, a few 
 days since, asking you to subscribe for State bonds. Now there is 
 scarcely a man of you who, if life, limb or property were at stake, 
 could not take $103 at least of Iowa State bonds, and thus furnish the 
 means to carry on this work and have it done right. And let me say 
 plainly though as a candidate I ought not to talk so to you that, in 
 so doing, you would be performing your duty, as well as in carping 
 and fault-finding. Now, I am probably making a mistake. I don't 
 know. I ought perhaps to make handsome vows, speak soft and 
 honied words, things I cannot do; but I will tell you the truth, as I 
 understand and believe it, and if you don't like it, you have the 
 remedy in your own hands, you know. But it is due to you for me to 
 mention what Iowa has already done in this war. She has sent into 
 the field and has now in active service in Missouri, counting the Iowa 
 First and every man in Iowa will love to count the Iowa First 
 [loud and long-continued applause] seven thousand men! She has in 
 camp at Keokuk 1,000 men under Col. Bussey. She has in Burlington 
 another full regiment of cavalry under Col. Warren. She has in Iowa 
 City a regiment of infantry, consisting of 900 men, waiting the arrival 
 of another company of 100 men to complete the regiment, which was 
 to have been under the command of Col. Bennett. And here let me 
 say of Col. Bennett, he has acted the patriot as well as the soldier. He 
 has acted the man. When he found that his appointment as Colonel 
 would cause heartburnings and dissensions, he said to me, "Place me 
 where you please, but have the regiment formed." [Applause.] This 
 was what Col. Bennett did. At Davenport there is a full regiment of 
 infantry, commanded by Col. Hoffman, and a full regiment of cavalry, 
 whose regimental officers have not yet been appointed. We have, I 
 hope, to-day at Dubuque a full regiment of infantry under Col. Van- 
 dever. That is what Iowa has done. It is what your State authorities 
 have done without money to do it with; but I will not speak of that 
 again, for I am satisfied you would rather hear of something else. 
 
 And now what more should I talk to you about. I will not talk 
 about myself any longer. Let us look for a moment at the cause of 
 this unholy Rebellion ! Why is it that many a mother's eye is wet 
 with tears to-night for the brave ones who have fallen on the battle 
 field? Why is it? Why is it that Iowa is pouring forth her sons by 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 153 
 
 thousands to engage in this contest? Why have our brave men been 
 shot down in Missouri? Why do we mourn the loss of men by death 
 at Springfield? Why is it that the battle at Manassas has brought sor 
 row and affliction to thousands of homes in the East? I ask these 
 questions because where the responsibility for a',1 this rests there rests 
 a burden which bends men to the earth. Why is it that the men of the 
 North meet the men of Virginia, Missouri and the South to desolate 
 each other's fields and burn each other's houses? It is not in nature 
 that we should desire to kill each other. We are brethren of the 
 United States of America. Why, then, this strife? Why is it? It is 
 just because an attempt is made to strike down our government, the 
 best the world ever saw. That is why. What is the meaning of a 
 republican form of government? It means this: that the people of a 
 country have sense, intelligence and honor and energy enough to gov 
 ern the country. You good people of Des Moines manage Des Moines 1 
 affairs. It does not go upon the theory that the people may not some 
 times make mistakes, but it does go upon the theory that men have the 
 intelligence to see those mistakes and correct them. That is the theory 
 of a republican system of government 
 
 Now, after a battle of four long years, the Republican party came 
 into power last fall, or rather were elected last fall and came into 
 power on the 4th of March last. Our Southern friends rebelled at that 
 election. They said mistakes and wrongs had been committed. Very 
 well. What was their bounden duty? It was to appeal to the intelli 
 gence and honesty of the people. Nearly all the South, and some of 
 our Northern friends, said a mistake had been committed, and said 
 they would not trust to the good faith, intelligence and honesty of the 
 people to correct it, but would right their wrongs by arms. This is 
 what our Southern brethren have done. They have said they will not 
 submit. If they have such rights as these, then a republican form of 
 government is not a government, because such attributes crush out its 
 vitality. Suppose we Republicans, four years ago, had said, "We will 
 not submit to be ruled by a President constitutionally elected." Sup 
 pose when Buchanan was elected in 1856 the minority had said, "We 
 will not trust a majority of the people to correct mistakes, but we will 
 resort to arms." Then we would have had our Rebellion four years 
 ago instead of now. Establish this precedent and you may look for a 
 rebellion every four years. The defeated party would always appeal 
 to arms for what they claimed they should have. The United States 
 would thus be converted into another Mexico on a larger scale. Even 
 those who have placed themselves on the Mahony platform condemn 
 the Administration, because they say ii is imbecile and not strong and 
 energetic enough. The Administration has done its duty, It has dealt 
 with those in rebellion as an indulgent parent would deal with a 
 froward child. It has forborne to strike. It has dealt with those men 
 
154 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 mildly, leniently, generously. It sought to conciliate them, but failed. 
 The time has come, and I am glad to see it, when a different policy is 
 to be pursued. This policy is forshadowed in the late proclamation of 
 Gen. Fremont, in Missouri. [Tremendous applause.] The late Admin 
 istration had the power to put down this most wicked Rebellion in its 
 beginning by a single effective blow, but it let the opportunity pass. 
 The present Administration has come to a point where it is deter 
 mined to put down this rebellion by a strong hand. It has sought by 
 every means in the world to bring the rebels back to their duty. I 
 think it has done right. It was bound to exhaust every honorable 
 means of conciliation before it resorted to extreme measures. I do 
 think, viewing the subject from my standpoint, there never was a 
 more causeless and wicked rebellion. This government has given the 
 South prosperity, security, peace. It did not inflict a blow till they 
 became so arrogant and overbearing that the war became a necessity 
 for national existence. They had grown as no people ever had before, 
 cursed with such institutions as they have. It has protected them, 
 supported them, nourished them. And because a majority have ex 
 ercised their constitutional right and duty to control and regulate 
 national affairs, they have declared that if they could not rule they 
 would ruin. 
 
 And now, my friends, what is our duty? WE MUST PUT DOWN 
 REBELLION. Some gentlemen say "Peace." They say, "You cannot 
 subdue and subjugate the South and have them live peaceably with 
 you." They say, "The South are determined to go, and why not let 
 them go in peace ?" But when you yield that much, you sign the 
 death warrant of your government ! If the Southern States may 
 secede to-day, the Northwestern States may to-morrow. If the South 
 may rebel this year, then New England may next. Establish the doc 
 trine of secession any where, you leave no life, no vitality, in your 
 whole system of government. It sinks at once from the rank of 
 nations, becomes what Mexico is, a hissing and a byword, and leaves 
 you no security for life, liberty or property. It cannot be in the 
 nature of things. There are but two ways. You must either put the 
 rebels down or the rebels will put you down. You cannot compromise 
 with them. You cannot establish peace with them. You cannot con 
 ciliate them. Will you have the mouth of the Mississippi river closed 
 by Louisiana? Will you allow the inhabitants of the Lower Mississippi 
 to toll the produce of the Upper Mississippi? You will not do it. You 
 cannot do it. Your fathers risked a war to acquire that river, and 
 their sons will fight to maintain it. [Deafening applause.] A thousand 
 plans may be suggested for a peaceful solution of this question, and 
 yet you must reject them all. Recognize the Southern Confederacy 
 and you cannot keep peace with them five years. There are some 
 strange characteristics in this contest. We are in the habit of attrib- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 155 
 
 Uting to our Southern friends honor, chivalry, highmindedness; and 
 they attribute to us avarice, cowardice, venality. And yet, underlying 
 all this, there are shown to be contrary attributes in each. What is 
 the theory of this rebellion? What underlies it? The very grossest 
 material: the theory that no man has any higher motive to action than 
 the aggrandizement of self. The South said "Cotton is King! " They 
 said if war is inaugurated the pockets of the North wouldsuffer. They 
 said you would lose your markets for manufactured and agricultural 
 products; that your factories would be closed in the East; that the 
 grain would rot in your store houses in the West, and that you would 
 thus be brought to terms. All this showed what they believed to be 
 the governing principle in the North. How has this been met? How 
 have the people of the North met this question when it was forced 
 upon them? When your trade was brought low, your marts closed 
 and your shipping lying idle in your harbor, how was this question 
 met? How did you respond to the call of the President to rally round 
 the National flag? The world has never seen a spectacle such as has 
 been exhibited by the people of the North in the support of this gov 
 ernment since the commencement of this war. 
 
 It is shown to be untrue that cotton is king. Pennsylvania might 
 as well claim that coal is king. New York might as well claim that 
 commerce is king. The great Northwest might equally claim that 
 corn is king. But all these claims are untrue, and it brings us back 
 again to the Bible truth that there is but one king, the Everlasting 
 God, and him only should we serve. [Applause]. We have faith in 
 Him, and it is around this faith that our sentiments of right, justice 
 and truth will forever cluster. Before that faith southern chivalry will 
 go down. There is something in the north higher than materialism. 
 No opposition here or elsewhere can put it down. Those who have 
 taken up arms against federal authority will not and cannot succeed 
 in putting it down. And I tell you, my friends, no convention can be 
 got up which can smother that principle, and the men who seek to 
 crush it out will be ground to powder before it. [Uproarous and long 
 continued applause]. You may call conventions for the purpose of 
 obstructing the path of this government, but they will fail, let them 
 marshall their forces under the name of Democracy or whatever they 
 will. I know the force of that organization. I know as well as any 
 other man the power of the Democratic party, but I tell those men 
 who attempt to array the masses of the people against the Administra 
 tion, State or National, that is endeavoring to prosecute the war, that 
 they cannot succeed. I do not care whether they attempt to do so by 
 the publication of insidious falsehoods, in incendiary sheets, by politi 
 cal conventions, by seeking to discredit the bonds of the State, by the 
 cry that they are unconstitutional or otherwise. [Cheers and cries of 
 good]. 
 
156 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 
 
 Now, my friends, I told you when I commenced I had made no 
 preparation for an elaborate speech. I have had no order in what 1 
 have said; but I have tried to bring before you these few ideas. In the 
 first place, that although the Republican administration which canie 
 into power on the fourth of March last, surrounded by unusual diffi 
 culties, found all the offices of the government filled by members of 
 the opposition party; it has shown a degree of liberality toward its 
 opponents that could have scarcely been looked for. It is true it 
 might have been well if no purely partisan ticket had been nominated 
 at this time. It might have been well if all political organizations for 
 the time being had been forgotten; but our Union friends showed a 
 studied desire to avoid affiliation with the dominant party. At the 
 same time our Democratic friends have shown a studied desire to 
 ignore and have nothing to do with the Republican party. The gen 
 tlemen who control the Union movement have never placed them 
 selves en rapport with the Republican party, but have shown a settled, 
 deliberate and wilful purpose to co-operate rather with the Demo 
 cratic party of the State. They did not fix the day for holding their 
 convention near to the day the Republicans had selected for holding 
 theirs. They have not coquetted with us in anyway. It may not have 
 been their bounden duty to do so. I don't know it may be so. But 
 this I do know, they have asked no less of the Republican party than 
 to abandon their organization; and knowing the purpose of political 
 human nature, I know they did not expect us to do it when they asked 
 it. When the Republicans met in convention they carefully excluded 
 from their platform everything that could offend a Douglass Demo 
 crat, a "Union" man, or even a Mahoney Democrat and when we 
 asked the Union men to come with us, we being organized and 
 having strength, they said "no." They ask us to abandon our 
 organization in which is strength, and go over to them who have 
 no organization, and trust to Providence and the chapter of acci 
 dents for the result. [Laughter]. There is I am sorry to say it, there 
 is an organized party that does not look this question of rebellion fairly 
 in the face. Their conduct, not so intended perhaps, is doing more to 
 strengthen Jeff Davis and his forces than if the same number of men 
 comprising this party should go down and join their army with arms 
 in their hands. There is an organization in this State to-day that will 
 go to the polls on the 8th day of October, and which if it elects its can 
 didates, will strengthen the hands of the traitors by proclaiming that 
 there is a divided north! When that day comes you will be astonished 
 at the strength of that party. And what do the People's party propose 
 to do? They propose to divide the Union strength of this State into 
 Uvo parties, and thereby run the risk of placing the control of the 
 State in the hands of men who apologized for and even sympathized 
 with treason. That is what they ask us to do. They do not intend 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 157 
 
 by the resolutions passed a few days since to give aid to the disunion 
 party in this State; but by their action they afford to the disunion 
 party their only possible chance of success, by dividing the strength of 
 the Union vote of the State between the two tickets. That's clear. I 
 do not presume they intend that, but if there is any means by which 
 this thing can be done it can only be done in that way. Mr. Mason 
 can only be elected by the division of the Union party. Our Union 
 friends ask of us who have a party which has strength, to go over to 
 them who have I think but little strength. They ask of us, who for 
 several years have carried the election of our candidates by unequivo 
 cal majorities, to divide our strength, abandon our position, leave our 
 entrenchments and fortifications, and expose ourselves and them to 
 attacks in front aud rear, surrounded by an enemy and have the whote 
 camp captured ! 
 
 I would like to speak to you further of personal matters, but I will 
 not do it because you cannot divest yourself of the belief that I am 
 talking for myself. I am solicitous that the Union cause in this State 
 and nation should be successful. I ask you to bring to this subject the 
 same calm, sound sense that you do to your own private affairs, and 
 such as you usually do when you wish to accomplish an individual 
 end. 
 
 There is one subject, my friends, on which I wish to make a few 
 remarks before I close, and that is with reference to affairs in Wash 
 ington City and your duty to the administration there. You Douglass 
 men may think there is not sufficient energy manifested in the prose 
 cution of the war. Very well, I may think so. You may think Simon 
 Cameron, the Secretary of War, a bad man. I may think so too, but 
 I think him a badly abused man. You may think he does wrong, but 
 you cannot rely on all you hear. I was recently in Washington City 
 and had to pass three days in the War Department, and I found the 
 rooms of that department full every day. Nine-tenths of the men who 
 were there, were there for place and for plunder and they were not all 
 Republicans either by a great deal. [Laughter]. They consumed the 
 time of the department that should have been given to other matters. 
 They go there and force themselves on public men; and when they go 
 away as thousands of them do disappointed, they brand the man as 
 corrupt and imbecile who disappoints them. They get some scribbler 
 to write something to the newspapers charging incompetency and 
 venality on the officers of the government. That is the way a great 
 deal of that sort of thing is done. Hundreds and thousands of news 
 paper slanders are got up by men who have been disappointed in get 
 ting contracts. But for the swarms of these men in Washington, 
 crowding all the avenues of the Capital, the War Department would 
 be able to devote its energies more effectively to its legitimate duties. 
 As I told you before, I was in the hall of that department before I 
 
158 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 could fiLd the men whom I wanted to see. Why they even got to know 
 1 was Governor of Iowa, and they never forgot me! The reason this 
 was so, probably because I looked so much unlike other Goveiuors- 
 [Great laughter]. But even with the advantage of my official position 
 and a knowledge by the department of the pressing nature of my busi 
 ness, I was unable for some time to reach the presence of the Secre 
 tary of War. I do not believe that Mr. Cameron is open to the charges 
 preferred against him. I do not believe a word of them. I do think 
 he allows too much of his time to be given to his friends, and to be 
 imposed upon by them, but that he is a corrupt man I do not believe. 
 Let me say to my Democratic friends that in my judgment they have 
 nothing to complain of relative to the manner in which appointments 
 have been disposed of by the War Department. Have you been ig 
 nored? Have you been treated as outsiders in this contest? Look at 
 high military names that have been brought before the country since 
 the commencement of this war! Are they those of Republicans merely? 
 Look at appointments which, as executive of the State, I myself have 
 made! Have I ignored you my Democratic friends? Douglass Demo 
 crats, aye Breckenridge Democrats, have been permitted to divide with 
 Republicans the best military appointments of the State! Look at 
 every loyal State in this Union and you will find a spirit of liberality 
 manifested by Republicans in the dispensation of offices and patron 
 age, such as you never showed to your opponents when you were in 
 power. Go back to the history of the Mexican war. Tell me the 
 name of a single Whig who was placed in high command by President 
 Polk. General Scott was in command before the commencement of 
 the war. The same was true of General Taylor. Tell me, if you 
 please, what Whigs were ever placed in high military command by 
 President Pierce? You cannot do it. Your party never practiced 
 this kind of liberality to your foes. I know it because I was once of 
 you and among you [Laughter and Applause]. The Democratic party 
 always made it a principle to confer the spoils of office on its friends. 
 As partisans you were wise. You were never known to extend re 
 wards to your enemies. You always held these in reserve for your 
 friends. The consequence was that you rallied a Spartan band around 
 you, who with the spoils of victory ever before them, labored with the 
 efficiency with which a compact party always labors. The Republican 
 party has not displayed that kind of wisdom. They have rewarded 
 their enemies. Go into every State in which the Republicans are the 
 dominant party, you will find that that party, eschewing the worldly 
 wisdom displayed so long and so successfully by the Democrats, and 
 looking rather to th good of the whole country, lavishing the highest 
 offices upon Democrats as well as Republicans. It has been made a 
 subject of complaint against me in Washington as well as here, that 
 I have given too many places to members of the Democratic party 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J KIRKWOOD. 159 
 
 that I have filled important offices with political opponents. What 
 reason then have you for opposition to the Republican party? You 
 know that it is devoted faithfully and zealously to the support of the 
 National administration, to the prosecution of the war and the perpet 
 uation of the Union. Your Democratic party is in no essential respect 
 a Union party, and you know it. Why then should we incur the 
 hazard of throwing the State administration of Iowa into the hands of 
 men whose party platform, and whose affiliations show that they have 
 little sympathy with the Union cause. 
 
 My friends, the proudest day of my life was during my recent trip 
 to Washington city. I called to see the Adjutant-General, Mr. Thomas, 
 to ask a favor of him for the benefit of the Iowa volunteers. He had 
 been in military service nearly all his life, and of course had all the 
 regard for volunteers which officers of the regular army generally en 
 tertain. This was before the battle of Wilson's.Creek, or at least before 
 we had received news of the result. 1 asked of him an order to have 
 the companies composing the First Regiment of Iowa Volunteers paid 
 off in the several counties of their residence. They had not received 
 any money due them from the United States since they left Iowa. I 
 knew the boys had had a hard campaign, and I was anxious they should 
 have the full comfort of their earnings at home. He told me that the 
 first thing I would know would be that our Iowa volunteers in Mis 
 souri would leave Gen. Lyon in the lurch, as certain Pennsylvania 
 and New York volunteers left McDowell at Manassas. I told him the 
 Iowa boys would not do it, that they would do their duty, if not, that 
 not a lady would kiss them on their return to this State [Laughter]. 
 The Adjutant-General declined to issue the order as I requested, and 
 referred me to his assistant. The latter issued it just as I wanted it. 
 In the meantime the news of the battle of Wilson's Creek, and of the 
 gallant mauuer in which the First Iowa Regiment conducted them 
 selves after their term of enlistment had expired, reached Washington. 
 I then took occasion to walk over to the War Department, and every 
 man who saw me had to shake hands with me, and placing my hat at 
 an angle of forty-five degrees, I stalked through the building as 
 though I owned it and they let me [Tremendous Cheers]. I tell you 
 my friends that was a proud day for Iowa in Washington. It was 
 glory enough for any man there, to hail from this State. And all of 
 this was because our brave boys down at Wilson's Creek did their duty 
 [Applause]. They gave us a name such as we never had before. Go 
 where you will through the length and breadth of the land, and you 
 hear nothing but praises of their noble conduct. I went to Philadel 
 phia from Washington, and by mistake got into the Continental Hotel 
 the largest one there. At first nobody knew me, nobody paid any 
 attention to me, but when they heard I was from Iowa, I could have 
 bad the whole house to myself if I had wanted it [Laughter and Cheers]. 
 
160 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Now, my friends, I have but little more to say. The eastern counties 
 
 of this State had an advantage in raising men under the first call for 
 
 volunteers. The men composing the First Iowa Regiment were all 
 
 from the eastern part of the State, and one company from the town 
 
 in which I live was among them. The Iowa City company went into 
 
 the battle of Wilson's Creek with sixty-four men, and sixteen of the 
 
 number came out bearing marks of the conflict upon them. I have 
 
 talked with members of that regiment, and have heard their recital of 
 
 the hardships, sufferings and perils they endured, and I wish the men 
 
 assembled in the late Democratic convention in your city, who refused, 
 
 as I am informed, to pass certain resolutions approving the conduct of 
 
 those brave men, could hear what I have heard, if they could hear it 
 
 they would hide their heads in shame. 
 
 VOICE They did pass the resolutions afterward, Governor. 
 Gov. KIRKWOOD I am sorry they had to think twice and then wait 
 more than a month before they could adopt them [Applause]. I have 
 not seen a report of the proceedings of that convention, but was in 
 formed that such was its action. 
 
 Now, so far as I am concerned, it is a matter of very little conse 
 quence whether I shall here-elected to the office of Governor or not. 
 Don't give a thought to me personally. I was not anxious that my 
 name should go before the Republican convention. I wish I could 
 have declined without dishonor. But my friends have placed me in 
 nomination, and I am prepared to abide the result. This Government 
 must be sustained, and the question is how is it best to be done? Let 
 no personal considerations stand between you and the discharge of 
 your duty. Keep fixed in your mind this idea that the value of our 
 National Government is above all computation; that the Stars and 
 Stripes must be sustained-, and that if, in your judgment, my election 
 as your State executive would not contribute something to these re 
 sults, no man would be better satisfied with your judgment than my 
 self, although politically I never should be heard of again [Loud Ap 
 plause] " 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Proclamation More Troops Called For Makes a Speech at Davenport 
 Letter to W. C. Sipple Appoints Col. H. C. Nutt One of His Aids- 
 Bad State of Affairs on the Missouri Border Troops Raised for State 
 Service Col. Moreledge Be Enters Missouri with His Regiment 
 Col. O. M. Dodge sent to the Border with the Fourth Iowa Col. John 
 Edwards on the Border He Reports to the Governor Governor Ap 
 points Judge Eubbard One of His Aids Instructions to Him Writes 
 CoVs Bussey, Baldwin, Edwards and Hubbard Indian Massacre in 
 Minnesota Gov. K. Telegraphs Sec'y Stanton Wants Troops and 
 Arms Commission to Col. S. R. Ingham Posts Established Com 
 panies Raised Stockades and Block Houses Built. 
 
 On the 10th of September, the Governor issued the fol 
 lowing 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 FELLOW CITIZENS OF IOWA : -More soldiers are required for the 
 war. 1 therefore appeal to your patriotism to complete at once the 
 quota demanded of our State. Six regiments of infantry and two of 
 cavalry, composed of your friends, your neighbors and your relatives, 
 are now in the field. Three more regiments of infantry and one of 
 cavalry, composed of the same precious 'materials, are now in camp 
 nearly organized, and eager to join their brothers in arms who have 
 preceded them, and still four more regiments are required. Will you 
 permit these patriots who have gone forth animated with the spirit of 
 their cause, to remain unsupported, and to fight alone the battles that 
 are imminent? Remember that they will not fight for themselves 
 alone; it is your cause as well as theirs in which they are engaged. It 
 is the cause of the Government, of home, of country, of freedom, of 
 humanity, of God himself. It is in this righteous cause that I call upon 
 the manhood and patriotism of the State for a cordial and hearty rer 
 sponse. 
 
 The gallant achievements of our noble Iowa First, tiave bestowecf 
 upon our State an imperishable renown. Wherever fortitude is ap 
 preciated, and valor recognized as the attributes of a brave and great 
 hearted people, the Iowa volunteer is greeted with pride and applause. 
 Shall it be said that you were unworthy the great deeds w^ich were 
 done in your behalf by that regiment of heroes, that you were laggard 
 in the noble work which they so well begun? Shall the fair fame of 
 
 161 
 
162 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 the State which they have raised to the highest point of greatness, lose 
 its luster through your backwardness to the call of your country, made 
 in the holiest cause that has ever engaged the efforts of a people? 
 With you rests the responsibility. Men alone are wanted. Arms, 
 equipments, liberal pay, the applause and gratitude of a Nation await 
 the volunteers. I cannot believe you will prove insufficient for the 
 occasion when you know your country's need. Two regiments of 
 those yet needed; are required for the defense of our own borders 
 against the incursion of predatory tribes of Indians. While our loyal 
 armies have been engaged with civilized traitors in a deadly struggle 
 for the supremacy of the Government, the maintenance of the Consti 
 tution, the enforcement of the laws, and the protection of innocent 
 and defenseless citizens, our own borders have become exposed to the 
 ravages of savages. Some of the lawless tribes are now in league with 
 the leaders of the rebellion in Arkansas and Missouri. Others have 
 been incited by them to seize this opportunity to prey upon the de 
 fenseless inhabitants of our State. Some of our sparsely settled 
 counties imperatively demand protection, and they must have it. 
 
 Four regiments in addition to those now organizing are needed. 
 They must be had speedily. I hope for the good name of our State 
 they will be furnished wfthout resort to any other mode than that here 
 tofore so successfully adopted. Let those who cannot volunteer lend 
 encouragement and assistance to those who can. Let everyone feel 
 that there is no more important work to be done until these regiments 
 are filled. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 On the evening of the second of October at Davenport, 
 the Governor made the second one of the only two speeches 
 made by him in the canvass, and though not reported it was 
 probably in some respects a repetition of the one made at 
 Des Moines. One of the editors of the Davenport Gazette 
 who heard it, and who was afterwards one of his staff offi 
 cers, in writing of it the next day, concluded his article with, 
 "One thing we may say and with confidence, it is unanswera 
 ble. Altogether the meeting was a triumph for the Gov 
 ernor and his policy, which the audience frequently demon 
 strated by long continued and enthusiastic applause." 
 
 N. B. Baker, the Governor's able Adjutant General, who 
 had been nominated for and declined the office of Governor 
 on the Union ticket, followed in defense of the Governor, 
 exposing some of the meanness resorted to by some to defeat 
 
THE LIFE AND TIME OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 163 
 
 him, expressing his indignation and contempt of them and their 
 actions. Hiram Price and Ben Rector, of the Second Cav 
 alry, followed in eloquent and powerful arguments in favor 
 of the Republican State ticket. 
 
 So onerous were the duties devolving upon the Governor, 
 and so threatening were the disturbances on our southern 
 border by rebel guerrillas and bushwhackers, and on the 
 northwest from the raids of hostile Indians, that in addition 
 to the appointment of Hon. Caleb Baldwin of Council Bluffs, 
 Col. John Edwards of Chariton, and A. W. Hubbard of Sioux 
 City, were clothed by him with all the authority vested in 
 himself, to do all that was necessary in their respective 
 localities for the preservation of peace and the protection of 
 the lives and property of the citizens of the State. 
 
 Fremont was the county in which most trouble was had 
 with Missouri rebels and home traitors. W. C. Sipple, the 
 president of the Board of Supervisors of this county, was 
 supposed to be in sympathy with the rebels across the line, 
 and traitors at home, and was desirous of getting control of 
 t he troops raised in his county for home protection, or hav_ 
 ing that control in the hands of some one allied with him in 
 his treasonable purposes. A communication was sent from 
 the Board of Supervisors, over which he presided, charging 
 all wrongs done and outrages committed there to the "Jay- 
 hawkers," a nickname given to ardent Union men. 
 
 In reply the Governor writes: 
 
 \ 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, } 
 January 18, 1862. > 
 
 W. C. Sipple, Esq., President Board of Supervisors, 
 
 Sidney, Fremont County, Iowa: 
 
 SIR: I have just received a communication from the Board over 
 which you preside, touching the present unfortunate state of affairs in 
 your county. I have already sent to your county my aid, Lieut. -Col. 
 H. C. Nutt, to investigate the situation of affairs and to take such steps 
 as may be necessary to preserve the public peace. The condition of 
 affairs on the southern horde" of your county is very unfortunate,, and 
 I intend to use all the means in my power to afford protection to our 
 
164 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 citizens. It has been suggested to me that the public peace has been 
 jeopardized by these facts: 
 
 1st That rebels and sympathizers from Missouri, who have made 
 themselves peculiarly obnoxious to Union men there, by their out 
 rageous conduct, have fled to this State and are now in your county 
 with their property to avoid vengeance from those whom they for 
 merly outraged. 
 
 2nd That the same class of persons in Missouri, who cannot leave 
 are sending their property into your county for protection from con 
 fiscation. 
 
 3rd That these men have sympathizers in your county who harbor, 
 these men and conceal their property. 
 
 4th That the Union men in Missouri who have suffered from the 
 outrages of these persons are thus tempted to invade our State for the 
 purpose of punishing them. I have instructed Col. Nutt to investi 
 gate these alleged facts and report to me fully thereon. Should I find 
 t he allegations to be correct, I shall take measures to relieve your 
 people from this difficulty. Whilst I intend to protect our people 
 from outrage and invasion, I also intend that our State shall not 1 e 
 exposed to danger of both by becoming an asylum for rebels and 
 their property. I trust I shall have your assistance in effecting this 
 object, and that you will impress upon your citizens the impolicy of 
 e < posing themselves to the dangers they bring upon themselves and 
 their neighbors, by harboring either rebels or their property. 
 
 The communication stated that Fred Rector, Esq., late acting 
 County Judge of your county, had been authorized to organize the 
 militia of your county, and "that when he had succeeded in organiz 
 ing a sufficient force to protect the county he was, without any reason, 
 deprived of his authority." 
 
 This is a grave error. The reason that Judge Rector's authority 
 was annulled was, that I was credibly informed that his loyalty to our 
 government was doubted; that he was alleged to be of a class some 
 what numerous in your county, whose sympathies are much stronger 
 for rebels than Union men. No man whose position is not above sus 
 picion on this point can receive any authority from me, if I know his 
 position, or can retain it a moment longer than the knowledge reaches 
 me, if I have the power to annull it. Col. Hedges of your county has 
 been authorized to organize your militia, and I do not see any good 
 reason why his authority should be revoked and given to Judge Hodges. 
 
 Col. Hedges is represented to me as an efficient man, and his loyalty 
 is undoubted. The State arms now in your county are in the hands ol 
 good and loyal men, and I do not see the necessity of placing them 
 elsewhere. If there should be any further disturbance of the peace of 
 your county, the men who now have the arms can use them as well as 
 others. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 165 
 
 Col. Nutt will, on request, exhibit his instructions. Any aid you 
 can render him will no doubt be thankfully received. 
 
 Very respectfully, SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 In localities along the southern border where Union men 
 in Missouri were in the minority, they were often driven 
 from their homes and they took refuge in Iowa to save them 
 selves from persecution and destruction at the hands of the 
 rebels, but in retaliation, in communities where Union men 
 were the strongest, a portion calling themselves or being 
 called by others "Jayhawkers," retaliated on the rebels when 
 the latter for their own safety betook themselves and took 
 with them their live stock and other property to secure places 
 in Iowa, where they were shielded from harm by their Cop 
 perhead sympathizers and friends. This state of affairs was 
 producing a civil war within our own limits. To meet these 
 difficulties a military district was formed, to be known as the 
 u Western Division of Iowa Volunteer Militia," and State 
 troops were raised for service in this territory, and if neces 
 sary when called there for service in the adjoining part of 
 Missouri. The Governor never sent these troops across the 
 border, but permitted them to go when called there, saying 
 he would protect them in all they did while in Iowa, but 
 they must do that for themselves when they got across the 
 line, as he had no authority to send them there. John R. 
 Moreledge raised a regiment for service here, and on the fifth 
 of that month, at the hour of midnight, he was called upon 
 by the Union men of Nodaway county, Missouri, to 
 come to their rescue, as the rebels were about to overpower 
 them and drive them from their homes. This call was re 
 sponded to, and 250 men marched at daylight the next 
 morning thirty-three miles, remaining three days and taking- 
 sixty prisoners, when Col. Tut tie with a portion of the sec 
 ond Iowa, a regiment raised for United States service in the 
 south, arrived upon the ground, when Col. Moreledge with 
 his command returned home. 
 
166 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Two more expeditions were made into Missouri by Col. 
 Morelcdge's regiment, one on the 10th of July, and the 
 other on the 28th of August. On these expeditions they 
 were joined by Col. Craiior of the Missouri militia, with his 
 regiment, going at one time as far as St. Joseph, accumula 
 ting troops on their way till they numbered 3,000. They 
 drove the rebels, far outnumbering them, through the town, 
 where the latter had robbed the Union men and Union stores 
 of such things as they wanted to the amount of $40,000. 
 
 Col. G. M. Dodge, who was in command of the Fourth 
 Iowa at Council Bluffs, under instructions from Judge Bald 
 win, broke camp on the 23d of July and went down to assist 
 in quelling the disturbances on the border. As a compro 
 mise had been entered into by the Unionists and Secessionists 
 to suspend hostilities, he returned after going forty miles east 
 of Clarinda and within thirteen miles of the Missouri line. 
 
 On his return, among other things, he reports: 
 
 "There is no doubt but that great excitement exists on both sides of 
 the line. My scout which 1 sent out canvassed pretty thoroughly all 
 the counties in northwest Missouri, and found that the rebels of that 
 section were fearing an invasion from Iowa equally as much as the 
 people of southern Iowa were from Missouri. * * * Gentry and 
 Ncdaway counties are now nearly vacated, crops are neglected and 
 farms for miles deserted." 
 
 Col. John Edwards, reporting on the 28th of July, says: 
 
 "At least 1,500 citizens of Iowa left their harvest fields and families 
 and rushed into Missouri to the relief of the Union men. These citi 
 zens were armed in every conceivable way, without officers, system or 
 drill. Had the rebels displayed sufficient nerve and skill they might 
 have killed or captured them all; or had a general engagement taken 
 place, our citizens, without officers, system or drill, might have 
 slaughtered each other. The loyal men of Missouri subsisted our peo- 
 ' pie without charge, and did all they could to make them comfortable 
 while they were there, often spending their last dollar for that pur 
 pose. On account of the excitement and constant alarm along the 
 border, our citizens lost much valuable time by constantly hurrying to 
 arms: therefore a vast amount of grain was lost in the fields un- 
 harvested." 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 167 
 
 In the fall of 1862 four battallions were raised for the 
 defense of the Southern border, to be known as the "South 
 ern Border Brigade. " Two of these battallions had two 
 companies each, and the other two three each. The disturb 
 ances in Fremont county continuing and increasing, collisions 
 between parties of Union men and Secessionists, often with 
 fatal results, and calls from leading citizens for relief being 
 urgent, in January, 1862, Lieut. -Col. H. C. Nutt was com 
 missioned by the Governor to go into that county and learn 
 all the facts in the case, which he did. The Lieutenant- 
 Colonel, after reciting all the facts in the case as learned by 
 him, concludes with: 
 
 "I think immediate danger of trouble has passed, but I still think 
 there should be some Federal troops sent there, more to arrest Seces 
 sionists and Secession property, that have made Iowa an asylum, than 
 to protect us from invasion; but the officer placed in command should 
 be number one in every respect. A few arrests of men and property 
 would not only end their frequent occurrence, but forever end the 
 difficulty." 
 
 The history of our country does not record an instance in 
 which the Governor of a State had so much labor imposed 
 upon him at one time, and so little to do it with, as was 
 saddled upon Governor Kirkwood during the first two years 
 of the Civil War, and he had to call to his assistance all the 
 help within his reach. Writing to Senator Grimes to have 
 him do some business for the State with the War Depart 
 ment, not in the line of a Senator's duty, he writes: 
 
 " I know I am boring you, but I have been bored so much myself 1 
 have no bowels of compassion for any one else." 
 
 He had upon his hands all at one time the burden of three 
 wars: One with the Missouri Secessionists and Iowa Cop 
 perheads on the southern border; one with the murderous, 
 copper-skinned Indians in the northwest, and the third rais 
 ing and sending forward the State's quota of troops for the 
 War of the Rebellion; and all of these required prompt, 
 decisive, persevering, intelligent action, performed with 
 
168 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL ,T. KIRK WOOD. 
 
 sleepless energy and activity. It required more labor than 
 one man, though he might be a calm, clear-sighted, able, 
 energetic statesman, full of executive ability could accom 
 plish without the best of help. 
 
 To meet, in part, this difficulty in the northwest, on the 
 12th of June the Governor writes Hon. A. W. Hubbard, of 
 Sioux City: 
 
 "From information received from yourself and others, there is 
 reasonable ground to apprehend difficulties in your Judicial District 
 
 "The great distance from the exposed points to my residence, and 
 the consequent delay in communicating with me, together with the 
 probable necessity for prompt action, renders it, in my judgment, 
 desirable that I give a large discretionary power to some person, resi 
 dent in the exposed region, to act for me in case of emergency, and 
 your well-known character for prudence, firmness, intelligence and 
 integrity have indicated you as the proper person. I earnestly hope 
 you may feel at liberty to accept the position for which this letter will 
 be your authority. 
 
 "If, upon careful examination of the facts, you deem it advisable so 
 to do, you can place in quarters for discipline and drill such numbers 
 of men in your city as, in your judgment, may be best and for such 
 time as you may think proper. 
 
 " I would suggest on this point that the regular drill of the soldiers 
 may not be essential to the effective service of men engaged in scout 
 ing and Indian fighting further than is necessary to ensure a prompt 
 obedience to orders. 
 
 "Y"ou will, when in your judgment necessary for the protection of 
 your people, order the men, or such part of them as you deem neces 
 sary, to pursue and capture any hostile bands of Indians, or to do such 
 other service as your judgment may satisfy you is necessary for the 
 safety of your people. 
 
 "In short, I clothe you with all my power in this particular, agree 
 ing to adopt as my own such action as you may take in the premises. 
 Permit me to suggest the exercise of both caution and firmness. Un 
 der excitement you may be urged to adopt measures that cool reflec 
 tion will show to be unnecessary; but be careful not to fail in doing 
 whatever may be necessary, in your best judgment, for your defense. 
 In a word, I rely upon your calm, cool, deliberate judgment, and 
 will abide by the exercise of it. 
 
 "I write this because the money and means at my command are 
 quite limited, and I desire to avoid the slightest unnecessary expense, 
 while doing promptly and fully all the public interest may demand. 
 You may feel some delicacy in assuming this responsibility, fearing 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 169 
 
 that in some particulars your action may not meet my approval. On 
 that head, I have this to say: Although it is quite possible that were I 
 on the ground, your judgment and mine might differ as to the proper 
 action on some particular question, as the minds of men seeking the 
 same result will frequently differ as to the means of obtaining it, yet 
 I am prepared to adopt and stand by whatever you may do." 
 
 On the following day he wrote as follows: 
 
 'The Commissioners have determined that but $400,000 of State 
 bonds shall be issued. This, I am sorry to say, is $100,000 less than I 
 deem absolutely necessary, and places me in a very embarrassing situ 
 ation. Therefore, you will not contract any indebtedness on the part 
 of the State, or incur any expense, unless, in your judgment, the same 
 shall be absolutely and imperiously required for the protection of the 
 lives and the property of your people, and for that you will have to 
 await a further sale of bonds." 
 
 The organization of squads and minute men for home 
 protection was commenced early in May along the whole 
 western and northwestern border, and it was kept up till well 
 towards the close of the following autumn, and resulted in 
 the establishment of a line of military posts extending from 
 Sioux City to Spirit Lake. 
 
 On the 1st of August the Governor writes to Cols. Bus- 
 sey, Edwards, Baldwin and Hubbard, who were his aids, and 
 who had duties to perform in defense of the southern and 
 western borders: 
 
 " I am compelled to be absent some two weeks at Washington City, 
 looking after the clothing and equipments of the new regiments 
 raised, and being raised, in this State for the United States Service; 
 and also to procure, if possible, a further supply of arms for the use of 
 the State. In the meantime, you must exercise your discretion as to 
 the means necessary for the safety of the frontier under your care. 
 The first object and one that must be attained at all hazards and at 
 any sacrifice is to secure the lives and property of our people. You 
 have my full authority to adopt such measures as you may deem 
 essential to this end. 
 
 "Report promptly to the Adjutant-General whatever you may find 
 it necessary to do. If I succeed in procuring arms, I hope to place 
 the border in a more efficient state of defense." 
 
 The Indians under Inkpaduta had never been punished 
 for the massacre they committed on the defenseless inhabi- 
 
170 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 tants in the vicinity of Spirit Lake, in the spring of 1857, 
 and they and other Indians were in the habit of stealing 
 horses, killing the cattle of the settlers, and committing other 
 outrages; growing more and more bold and daring in their 
 inroads, so much so that on tKe 15th of June, 1861, a band 
 of eight or ten were in the Little Sioux Valley stealing horses 
 and within three miles of Sioux City; Thomas Roberts and 
 Henry Cordua, a couple of members of the Frontier Guards, 
 were murdered by them while plowing potatoes in the field. 
 
 So great was the excitement that a company of minute 
 men from Mills county marched to the scene of difficulty, 
 but as the Indians were not in force and had fled they 
 returned home. 
 
 In the month of September Col. Hubbard got authority 
 from the War Department to raise a company of cavalry for 
 frontier defense, and they were mustered into service for that 
 purpose about the middle of November. 
 
 The people along our western and northern border seemed 
 to have a presentiment that in the bosom of the near future 
 was hidden an immense bomb, labeled "Indian Depreda 
 tions," that would soon burst upon them, and as already 20,000 
 of the flower of our sturdy yeomanry had been enlisted and 
 sent from among us to fight rebels in the south, we were not 
 in a good condition to meet the explosion of such a bomb. 
 The little preparation we had made for the defense of our 
 frontier, known as it was to the Indians, undoubtedly pre 
 vented its descent in our midst, and our sister State upon the 
 north became the doomed object. 
 
 About the middle of August, 1862, the work of devasta 
 tion and destruction in Minnesota began, and within a few 
 weeks over 1,000 men, women and children were massacred, 
 and 5,000 were driven from their homes. Houses were pillaged 
 and burned, stock driven off and killed, fields devastated, 
 and women and children to the number of 250 captured and 
 carried into captivity. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 171 
 
 Of the Indians and half breeds engaged in this massacre 
 425 were afterwards arrested and tried for their crimes by 
 court martial; 321 were found guilty and 303 condemned to 
 death. The President ordered thirty-nine of these to be 
 hung and the remainder remanded to prison. Some of them 
 were kept in jail at Davenport for some time, but they were 
 finally released and turned loose on the west side of the Mis 
 souri river. 
 
 It is supposed by some that the Indian outrages commit 
 ted in succeeding years were instigated by these Indians 
 thus turned loose, in revenge for their punishment. 
 
 Mr. C. E. Flandrau, in writing of this Indian war says: 
 
 'In the numbers of Indians engaged, together with their superior 
 fighting qualities, their armament, and the country occupied by them, 
 it ranks among the most important of the Indian wars fought since the 
 settlement of the country on the Atlantic coast, but when viewed in 
 the numbers of settlers and others massacred, the amount of property 
 destroyed, and the horrible atrocities committed by the savages, it far 
 surpasses them all." 
 
 The citizens of Iowa escaped all this, in consequence of 
 the vigilance, the alertness and pursuit by our Frontier 
 Rangers of the small bands of roving Indians that were com 
 mitting these depredations on our border the year before, for 
 at that time they learned that we were prepared to, and 
 would give them a warm reception if they attacked us. 
 
 Five hundred Iowa cavalry were afterward sent into 
 Minnesota from Iowa to pursue and help subdue these 
 Indians. 
 
 As early as March, 1860, so fearful of Indian raids were 
 the settlers in the northwestern part of the State, that a law 
 was passed at that time providing for the enrollment of a 
 company of minute men to act as a military police force to 
 watch the Indians along the border. 
 
 As soon as news was received of the descent of the 
 Indians upon the peaceful citizens of Minnesota, and the ex 
 tent of their depredations, a fear that amounted to an alarm- 
 
172 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 ing consternation, seized the whole people of the northwest 
 part of Iowa, lest they should be subject to a like catastro 
 phe from the same source. 
 
 To learn the true state of affairs with reference to the 
 Indians, Geo. L. Davenport was sent by the Governor into 
 Minnesota, and he had a conference with Gov. Ramsey of 
 that State, who furnished him with all the facts in his pos 
 session, which corroborated all that had been reported as to 
 the massacre of the population, the capture and carrying into 
 captivity the women and children, and the plunder and pil 
 lage done by the Indians. 
 
 Gov. Ramsey stated that he would soon have 4,000 
 troops, 1,000 of which would be cavalry for the protection 
 of the Minnesota frontier, and that for 200 miles on a line 
 extending north from Spirit Lake, in Iowa, he would erect 
 stockade forts which would be garrisoned with fifty men 
 each, and they would serve as a refuge for the citizens in 
 case of an attack. 
 
 This was reported to Gov. Kirkwood on the 17th of 
 September, and Mr. Davenport adds: 
 
 "I am much alarmed in regard to the safety of the settlements on 
 the northwestern border of our State, I think they are in imminent 
 danger of an attack at any moment, and will be in constant alarm and 
 danger during the coming winter, as the Indians are driven back from 
 the different parts of Minnesota towards the Missouri slope, and will 
 make inroads upon our settlements for supplies of food and plunder. 
 
 "They are much exposed to attacks from the Sioux passing from 
 the Missouri river to Minnesota. Among the Chippewa tribe great 
 dissatisfaction exists." 
 
 On the 8th of September the following telegram was 
 sent: 
 
 Hon. Edward M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington City: I 
 have reliable information that the Yankton Indians are on our western 
 border north of the Missouri river; that they have joined with the hos 
 tile Indians in Minnesota and threaten our whole northwestern fron 
 tier. The settlers are flying by hundreds. I have ordered out five 
 hundred mounted men. We lack arms and equipments and must have 
 them. I beg you will order Gen. Harney to Sioux City immediately 
 
THB LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 173 
 
 to take command and put down this outbreak. There is a regiment of 
 infantry at this point armed and equipped for United States service 
 except tents. They had better be sent to the border to operate there 
 under Harney, but they must have tents. The danger is imminent and 
 nothing but prompt action can save a terrible outbreak. Gen. Harney 
 is just the man we need for the service. Another regiment of infantry 
 is organizing at Council Bluffs. If this regiment could be mounted 
 and ordered at once it would be better than to send the infantry. 
 Something must be done. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 At the extra session of the General Assembly on the 9th 
 of September a law was passed providing for the raising u at 
 the earliest possible moment," a force of five hundred 
 mounted men, and such other force as may be necessary for 
 the protection of the northwestern frontier, and this was to 
 be done by the Governor or some one authorized by him. 
 
 At the first alarm after the Minnesota massacre before 
 this law was passed, this commission was issued: 
 
 AUGUST 29, 1862. 
 8. R. Ingham Esq. 
 
 SIR: I am informed there is probable danger of an attack of hostile 
 Indians on the inhabitants of the northwestern portion of our State. 
 Arms and powder will be sent you at Fort Dodge, lead and caps will 
 be sent with you. I hand you an order on the Auditor of State for 
 one thousand dollars. 
 
 You will please proceed at once to Fort Dodge and to such other 
 places there as you may deem proper. Use the arms, ammunition and 
 money placed in your hands, in such manner as your judgment may 
 dictate, so as best to promote the protection of the inhabitants of the 
 frontier. It would be well to communicate with Capt. Millard com 
 manding the company of mounted men raised for United States service 
 at Sioux City. Place any men you may deem it advisable to raise, 
 under his command. Use your discretion in all things, and exercise 
 any power I could exercise if I were present, according to your best 
 discretion. Please report to me in writing. 
 
 Very respectfully your obedient servant, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 On the 10th day of September, Mr. Ingham reported, 
 among other things, that he had visited six counties along 
 the border, where he found the inhabitants in a high state of 
 excitement an<} alarm; that he had raised a company of forty 
 
174 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 men, and had distributed to them and to the settlers of the 
 different counties, arms and ammunition for their defense. 
 
 Having performed his duties here, he was about to start 
 for Sioux City, when he learned that the Legislature had 
 passed an act providing for frontier defense; when he got 
 from the Governor, General Order No. 1 , containing seven 
 specifications relating to the raising, organizing, etc., of the 
 troops to be raised, and he also received this further 
 
 COMMISSION. 
 
 DES MOINES, Sept. 13, 1862. 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, ) 
 
 8. JR. Ingham Esq. 
 
 SIB: You are intrusted with the organization of the forces provided 
 by law for the defense of the northwestern frontier, and with furnish 
 ing them with subsistence and forage during and after their organiza 
 tion, also with the posting of the troops raised at such points as are 
 best calculated to effect the object proposed, until the election of the 
 officer who will command the entire force, and generally with the ex 
 ecution of the orders of this date in connection with this force. 
 
 It is impossible to foresee the contingencies that may arise, render 
 ing necessary a change in these orders, or the prompt exercise of the 
 powers not therein contained, and delay for the purpose of consulting 
 me might result disastrously. In order to avoid these results as far as 
 possible, I hereby confer upon you all the powers I myself have in this 
 regard. You may change, alter, modify or add to the orders named, 
 as in your sound discretion you may deem best. You may make such 
 other and further orders as the exigencies of the case may in your 
 judgment render necessary. In short, you may do all things necessary 
 for the protection of the frontier as fully as I could do if I were pres 
 ent and did the same. 
 
 The first object is the security of the frontier; the second that this 
 object be effected as economically as is consistent with its prompt and 
 certain attainment. 
 
 All officers and citizens are enjoined to co-operate with you and 
 yield to you the same assistance and obedience they would to me, and 
 I hereby ratify and confirm all you may do in the premises. 
 
 And you are fully authorized to employ any person or persons whom 
 in your judgment you may deem necessary to assist you in the execu 
 tion of your commission. 
 
 Very respectfully your obedient servant, . 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOQD. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 175 
 
 Under this commission five companies of fifty men each 
 were raised, known as the Northern Border Brigade, and 
 they chose as their commander Lieutenant-Colonel Sawyers, 
 and they were stationed at the following places: Chain 
 Lakes, Estherville, Acheyedao, Peterson, Cherokee, Ida, Sao 
 City, Correctionville, West Fork, Little Sioux and Melbourn, 
 thus forming, in conjunction with portions of Captain Mil- 
 lard's company at Sioux City and Spirit Lake, a complete 
 line of posts along the whole northwestern frontier. 
 
 On the 15th of December, Lieut. -Col. Sawyers reports 
 that at each of the following places: Iowa Lake, Estherville, 
 Peterson, Cherokee and Correctionville, there had been built, 
 or were in forward progress of erection, a stockade, a block 
 house, and stables for horses, and at most places forage for 
 the horses for winter had been cut and stacked. So complete 
 were the preparations for defense that no attack was made, 
 and the following spring the United States sent out a force 
 that drove the hostile Indians into the Yellowstone country 
 beyond Dacotah, and they have not troubled the people of 
 Iowa since. 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 Thanksgiving Proclamation Letter to the President Wants Iowa Brig 
 adiers CoVs Dodge, Perczel, Crocker and Elliott Recommended 
 Letter to Senator Grimes Writes to an Impudent Surgeon Letter 
 to Col. Shaw Soldiers Must be Treated Like Gentlemen Good Words 
 and Grass not the Things to Pelt Eebels With Letters to Col. Worth- 
 ington To Governor of Maine^- Annual Message Inaugural. 
 
 PROCLAMATION. 
 
 Another year has gone, and we are brought to that period when, 
 following the example of our Puritan fathers, we are accustomed to 
 offer our public thanksgiving to the author of all good for His merciful 
 providence toward us. Wonderful changes have occurred during the 
 past year, and adversities seem to have overtaken us as a country and 
 as a people, yet we have manifold blessings for which to be thankful. 
 For the bounteous harvest of the field; for the general good health of 
 the past year; for the peaceful relations we occupy with the nations 
 abroad; for the aroused patriotic spirit of the people, which promises 
 in due time to restore peace at home, and triumphantly place our civil 
 and religious institutions of freedom on a firmer foundation than ever 
 before; for these and many other blessings we have abundant cause 
 for Christian gratitude. With civil war raging in our midst, the ban 
 ner of rebellion along all our southern border, hostile armies marching 
 to the conflict, and wails of mourning already swelling from thousands 
 of stricken hearts and households, that we can still recognize manifold 
 causes of gratitude and acknowledge His kindly providence and con 
 fidently place our trust in His hand to control this storm for the nation's 
 good, may entitle us to the renewed favor of Him who doeth all things 
 well. 
 
 To this end I, Samuel J. Kirkwood, Governor of the State of Iowa, 
 do hereby appoint Thursday, the 28th day of November, as a day of 
 thanksgiving, and I earnestly recommend the people of the State to 
 abstain on that day from their usual avocations and assemble in their 
 respective places of worship, to offer thanks, prayer and praise to Him 
 in whose mercy now more than ever is our great trust. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 
 
 Governor of Iowa, 
 
 J7 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES O.F SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 177 
 
 On the 4th of December, 1861, but little more than seven 
 months after the first call for troops was made, the Governor 
 wrote the President as follows: 
 
 His Excellency the President: The State of Iowa has now in the 
 field and in camp, waiting arms and equipments, fourteen regiments 
 of infantry and four of cavalry. I feel that I can justly say, and am 
 proud to say, that eo far as they have been tried either on the battle 
 field or in the scarcely less arduous duties of camp life in Missouri, 
 they have shown themselves to be at least equal to any other troops in 
 the service. For some reason this State has not been very highly fa 
 vored in the distribution of Brigadier-Generalships. Brig. -Gen. Cur 
 tis was appointed during the summer, and was the only Brigadier- 
 General from this State, until the quite recent appointment of Brig.- 
 Gen. McKean, and these two are all yet appointed from this State. 
 Were this a matter involving the mere proportion of officers, I think 
 I would not be disposed to press it upon your attention. But it in 
 volves more. Our regiments are scattered among brigades heretofore 
 in all cases commanded by Brigadiers from other States, and composed 
 mainly of troops from the State whence the Brigadier in command 
 comes. Under these circumstances, it is but natural that our troops 
 should fear their commanding officer would feel partial to the troops 
 from his own State, and perhaps but natural that officers should feel 
 that partiality. 1 have learned satisfactorily that the opinion prevails 
 extensively among the troops from this State, that they have been un 
 fairly dealt by in having had assigned to them the most laborious and 
 the least desirable duty in Missouri, and that in the report of the battle 
 of Belmont, gross injustice has been done them, and I am sorry to be 
 compelled to say, that in my judgment this opinion is not wholly with 
 out foundation. This seems to me to bean unfortunate state of affairs, 
 and one that should not be suffered to continue, if it can be readily 
 avoided. I therefore very respectfully propose that you appoint from 
 this State a number of Brigadier-Generals, sufficient to take command 
 of our troops, and that our troops be brigaded and placed under the 
 command of these officers. 
 
 It seems to me that a spirit of State pride will in this way be called 
 into action that will tell well in the service, and at the same time all 
 cause of complaint will be removed. I take great pleasure in submit 
 ting to your consideration for the positions indicated. Col. G. M. 
 Dodge of the Fourth Iowa Infantry, Col. Nicholas Perczel of the Tenth 
 Iowa Infantry, Col. M. M. Crocker of the Thirteenth Iowa Infantry, 
 and Col. W. L. Elliott of the Second Iowa Cavalry, from among whom 
 I hope you will be able to select the number to which our State will 
 be entitled, in case our troops shall be brigaded and placed under our 
 own officers. 
 
178 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Trusting this matter may receive your early and favorable atten 
 tion, I have the honor to be 
 
 Very respectfully your obedient servant 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD 
 
 After waiting nearly two months, on the 10th of Febru 
 ary he writes to Senator Grimes in Washington: 
 
 " I do not get any reply to my letters to the President in regard to 
 brigading our Iowa regiments and the appointment of additional 
 Brigadiers from this State. I am fully satisfied that this is necessary, 
 that our soldiers may have fair play; and I intend to persist in it till I 
 know the thing is done or can't be done. We must look at things as 
 they are. Brigadier-Generals, if not religious men, are yet generally ' 
 believers in a hereafter to this extent they think they may hereafter 
 want votes. Now suppose one of our regiments in a brigade, the bal 
 ance of which are from Illinois under an Illinois Brigadier. He knows 
 our men can not vote for or against him when the war is over, and 
 that the Illinois men can, and we may presume the human nature that 
 exists inside, as well as outside the army and among Brigadiers, as 
 well as others, will lead them to favor those who may hereafter benefit 
 them at the expense of those who can't. And such I am advised is the 
 fact. Our regiments under such circumstances are made the drudges 
 of the brigade, are not properly looked after and cared for, and the 
 credit of what they do is given to others, as at Belmont. 
 
 "It may be, the President thinks we have not fit men in Iowa. I 
 wish we had better men than we have, but I feel sure Perczel, Dodge 
 and Crocker are better, much better, than men from States who have 
 Brigadiers' commissions now. * * * It seems to me there might be 
 room made for three Iowa men, and 1 will guarantee that neither of 
 the men named will believe that his first duty will be to preserve 
 slavery. 
 
 " There is a man named Brodie, a brigade surgeon, appointed from 
 Detroit, of whom I am continually hearing bad accounts of his 
 brutality and intemperance. Can't you cut his head off ? " 
 
 The Governor had written this surgeon in regard to the 
 neglect of our sick soldiers and got a very impudent answer, 
 in which the statement was made that "it was not the duty 
 of a brigade surgeon to comb the hair of the sick soldiers. " 
 
 A long reply was sent intimating that it was his duty to 
 see that it was done, and giving him such a scoring as could 
 only come from the Governor's trenchant and indignant pen, 
 closing with these expressive sentences: 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 179 
 
 "I speak and feel warmly on this subject. It worries me to know 
 our brave boys are suffering as they have done and do, and, God will 
 ing, I will try and see to it that they are better taken care of, or know 
 the reason why." 
 
 At all times, in all places and on all suitable occasions 
 during the progress of the War of the Rebellion, Governor 
 Kirkwood acted on the principle, and recognized the fact, 
 that it was the muskets and bayonets of the rank and file, 
 and not the swords of the officers of the line and field, that 
 thinned the ranks of the rebel hosts; and all his efforts were 
 directed towards making those who carried those muskets 
 most efficient soldiers. The brigading of them under their 
 own Iowa leaders was recommended by him, not to gratify 
 the ambition of aspiring Colonels, but to increase the effective 
 force of the rank and file. He wanted the privates to be 
 well treated and well cared for. 
 
 On the 14th of January, 1862, he writes Col. Shaw of 
 the Fourteenth Regiment: 
 
 ' ' I am well assured you are doing all in your power to promote the 
 comfort of your men. Allow me to suggest one thing that, possi 
 bly, may be of service. Hold your company officers to a strict ac 
 countability for the perfect cleanliness of their company quarters, and 
 of the clothes of their men, and for the cleanliness and good cooking 
 of the food for the companies. It seems to me the company officers 
 should see to these matters and should be held accountable if they are 
 neglected." 
 
 At a later date, writing to Col. Worthington of the Fifth 
 Regiment, he says: 
 
 "Permit me to make the following suggestions: 
 
 "First The treatment given to privates in the Regular Service will 
 not do for the volunteers. Every company of volunteers contains 
 many men equal in every respect to their officers, except in military 
 position. These men, while always ready to yield obedience to mili 
 tary orders, and to submit to the restraints of proper discipline, are 
 yet gentlemen, and expect to be treated as such. In the Regular Army 
 the distinctions between the officers and privates are as marked as be 
 tween castes in India. All attempts to introduce such distinction in 
 our volunteer force must fail, and will always produce mischief. 
 
 "Second They have not any very high regard for men of known 
 
180 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Secession antecedents or sympathies. They do and will make a dis 
 tinction between men who are loyal and men who are disloyal in the 
 treatment both of persons and property; and I confess I participate in 
 that feeling, so long as the persons and property of Union men are out 
 raged and plundered by rebel troops as they have been, and so long as 
 the principal occupation of Union troops continues to be the guarding 
 and protection of the persons and property of rebels as it has been, so 
 long will there be dissatisfaction among our soldiers with this state of 
 affairs. * * * It will be well to try a different and more stringent 
 mode of treatment with rebels and sympathizers. We have been pelt 
 ing them in the Secession apple-tree with good words and grass for a 
 long time, and they won't come down. I think the time has fully come 
 to use stones." 
 
 On the 24th of March he writes to Senator Grimes at 
 Washington: 
 
 "How about our Brigadiers? You know I long ago recommended 
 Dodge, Crocker and Perczel, and I yet think them among our best 
 Colonels as you will find, as they are tried. Dodge has been tried at 
 Pea Ridge and has turned out just as I expected. 1 think him one of 
 the very best military men in our State. Has Lauman been appointed? 
 He acted manfully at Belmont and deserves it. Tuttle's charge at 
 Donelson is one of the most brilliant things of this or any other war. 
 I have been on the ground he charged over, and I believe that none 
 but Iowa troops could have done it. Vandever did nobly at Pea 
 Ridge, so far as I have learned, and all our Colonels and all our men 
 will do the same when they get a chance. Can't we get some more 
 Brigadiers?" 
 
 Beneath the cold skies of Maine, on the frozen shores of 
 the Atlantic, the Governor vindicates the valor, honor and 
 courage of Iowa soldiers by the following letter: 
 
 "EXECUTIVE OFFICE, Iowa, Aprils, 1862. 
 "Hon. Israel Washburnt, Jr., Governor of Maine, Augusta, Maine: 
 
 "SiR I have just received a certified copy of a resolution of the 
 General Assembly of your State in reference to our victories in the 
 West. Please accept my thanks for this compliment paid to our West 
 ern troops. 
 
 "Permit me, however, to state, in my judgment, strict justice has 
 not been done to the troops from Iowa. The troops of Illinois are 
 especially selected in the resolution for commendation for their gal 
 lant conduct at Fort Donelson. Too much honor cannot be given to 
 the Illinois men for their gallantry the e, unless in this case it be done 
 by preferring them to the troops of other States. The men of Illinois 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KTRKWOOD. 181 
 
 did bravely and well, and 1 shall never seek to pluck one leaf from the 
 wreath of honor they there so nobly won; but it is not true, as is im 
 plied in the resolution, that they did more bravely or better than the 
 men of Iowa. There was not any better fighting done by any of our 
 troops at Fort Donelson than at the right of their intrenchments. 
 There the crest of a long and steep hill was crowned by well-built rifle 
 pits, defended by i hree of the best regiments in the rebel service. To 
 their left, some 1500 yards, was a rebel battery that swept the face of 
 the hill with a cross-fire. The face of the hill had been heavily tim 
 bered, but every standing thing had been cut down and thrown with 
 the top down hill in such manner as to most effectually retard the ap 
 proach of an attacking force. At that point, through the fallen tim 
 ber, exposed to that cross-fire, in face of the three rebel regiments 
 behind the rifle-pits, a regiment of Western men, with fixed ba3 r onets, 
 with guns at the trail and without firing a shot, steadily and unswerv 
 ingly, charged up the hill and over the intrenchments, and planted the 
 first Union flag in that stronghold of treason. The men who did this 
 were men of Iowa. The flag borne by them, and the first planted by 
 Union men in Fort Donelson, now hangs over the chair of the Speaker 
 of our House of Representatives, and will soon be deposited in our 
 Historical Society as one of the most sacred treasures of the State. I 
 cannot, therefore, by my silence acquiesce in the implied assertion of 
 your General Assembly that any other troops did better service at the 
 capture of Fort Donelson than the troops of Iowa. Three other Iowa 
 regiments were engaged in the same fight, and although our gallant 
 Second, from the fact that they led the charge, deserved and received 
 the greater honor, all did their duty nobly. Elsewhere than at Donel 
 son at Wilson's Creek at Blue Mills at Belmont and at Pea Ridge 
 our Iowa men have been tried in the firey ordenl of battle and never 
 found wanting. Their well-earned fame is very dear to our people, 
 and I trust you will recognize the propriety of my permitting no suit 
 able occasion to pass of insisting upon justice being done them. 
 
 " I have sent a copy of this letter to his Excellency the Governor of 
 Illinois. Very respectfully, 
 
 "Your obedient servant, 
 
 "SAMUEL J. KlRKWOOD." 
 
 The canvass of votes showed that Governor Kirkwood 
 had a majority of 20,000 over W. H. Merritt, his leading 
 Democratic competitor, and 15,000 over him and all others 
 voted for. 
 
 On the 14th of January the annual message was deliv 
 ered, from which the following extracts are made. On the 
 
182 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 following day the inauguration took place and the inaugural 
 address was delivered: 
 
 GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE. 
 
 Oentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : 
 
 You have had conferred upon you, and you have accepted the duty 
 of caring for, guarding and promoting the interest of the State. This 
 duty, at all times responsible, is at present much more than ordinarily 
 so, for the reason that the nation of which we are a part is engaged in 
 civil war, most wantonly and wickedly thrust upon us by bad and 
 designing men. I doubt not you will address yourselves to the dis 
 charge of this duty calmly and earnestly, seeking wisdom and strength 
 from Him who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords. 
 
 The Constitution requires that I shall communicate to you the con 
 dition of the State, and recommend such matters as I may deem expe 
 dient, and I now proceed to the performance of that duty. 
 
 REVENUE AND TAXATION. 
 
 The expenditures of the last two years for all State purposes have 
 been about $300,000 for each 3 ear. This includes both ordinary and 
 extraordinary expenditures the amounts expended for the Insane 
 Asylum, the Penitentiary, the Blind Asylum at Vinton, the printing of 
 the Revised Statutes, and other extraordinary objects, as well as the 
 amounts expended in carrying on the ordinary operations of the State 
 government. The expenditure has not in any case been permitted to 
 exceed the appropriation, and is materially less both for the Peniten 
 tiary and Insane Asylum, and has, in all cases that have come under 
 my observation, been carefully and economically made. In my judg 
 ment, there is not another State in the Union in which the protection 
 of government is extended to as large a population, so widely scat 
 tered, more economically than in our own. But while this is true, it 
 is equally true that our finances are not in a healthy condition. The 
 report of the Auditor of State discloses the somewhat startling fact 
 that of the State tax for 1860 and preceding years, there was, at the 
 date of his report (the 4th day of November, 1861), delinquent and un 
 paid the large sum of about $400,000 a sum more than sufficient to 
 cover the entire expenses of our State government for one year. This 
 large delinquency has occurred mainly within the last four years, and 
 the same report shows there were, at the same date, warrants drawn 
 on the Treasury to the amount of $103,645, which were unpaid for 
 want of funds, most of which were drawing interest at the rate of 
 eight per cent, per annum. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 183 
 
 From these facts the following conclusions are inevitable: 1st, that 
 during the last four years there has been levied a State tax larger by 
 about $300,000 than the necessities of the State required; 2nd, that -this 
 was rendered necessary by the fact that only a portion of our people 
 paid the tax due the State; 3rd, that the State has been compelled 
 yearly to pay large sums by way 'of interest on warrants which need 
 not have been paid had the taxes been collected promptly and the 
 Treasury kept supplied with funds to meet all demands upon ifo 4th, 
 that the State, being compelled to purchase its supplies with warrants, 
 has had to pay higher prices than if it had had the cash to pay; 5th, 
 that the tax-paying portion of our people have thus been compelled to 
 pay not only their proper share of the public burthens, but also the 
 share of those who did not pay their taxes, increased by interest and 
 high prices. These things should not be so. They reflect discredit not 
 only on those of our citizens who seek to avoid their just share of those 
 burdens which are imposed upon all for the benefit of all, but also upon 
 the laws which permit them to do so with impunity. I, therefore, very 
 earnestly recommend to your attention a careful examination of our 
 revenue laws for the purpose of ascertaining if they can be made more 
 effective in enforcing the prompt payment of taxes. 
 
 The leading features of a good revenue law, in my judgment, are: 
 1st, the imposition of such penalty for the non-payment of taxes when 
 due as will make it unmistakably the interest of every tax payer to pay 
 promptly; 2nd, the assurance to the purchaser of property at tax sale 
 of a valid title at the expiration of a fixed time. There is, in my opin 
 ion, much misapprehension in the minds of many persons on this sub 
 ject. Some seem to think they receive no value for the money paid by 
 them as taxes, and that they are, therefore, not culpable in avoiding 
 payment if they can. Others, whilst they admit there is some kind of 
 doubtful obligation upon them to pay their taxes, if convenient, yet 
 insist that any stringency in the laws to compel payment would be un 
 just and oppressive, and that not greater penalty should be imposed 
 for non-payment than the interest allowed by law between citizens. 
 These are radical errors. Every citizen is protected by the State, in 
 life, liberty and property, in all he has and in all he may acquire, and 
 in all his honest efforts for further acquisition; and, in return, he is 
 bound as a good citizen to render obedience to the laws, to pay 
 promptly his share of the taxes necessary for the support of the gov 
 ernment, and, in time of war, if need be, to defend the government 
 with his life. If he fails to perform either of these duties of a good 
 citizen, he is liable to punishment, and the amount added to his taxes 
 for failure of payment at the time fixed by law is not the interest due 
 upon a debt, but a fine, or penalty, for the non-performance of a duty. 
 Nor can anyone justly complain of this. Why should any one of our 
 people claim that he should enjoy all the benefits of civil government 
 
184 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 and be exempt from its burthens; that he should have all these 
 advantages at the expense of his neighbors? 
 
 It may be said that some are unable to pay their taxes. This, it 
 seems to me, is erroneous. The amount of tax each one has to pay is 
 in proportion to the property he has; the greater the tax, the greater 
 the amount of property from which to raise means of payment. I am 
 well convinced that taxes are paid most promptly by our farmers and 
 by men of comparatively small means, and that there are very few of 
 us who do not spend yearly for articles of luxury, which do not pro 
 mote either our health, our prosperity, or our happiness, more than 
 the sum required from us as taxes for the support of the government 
 that protects us. The subject of revenue and taxation assumes a 
 graver interest and importance at this time, for the reason that our State 
 is called upon for the first time since its admission to pay a direct tax 
 for the support of the General Government. We may expect to be 
 called on to pay during the present year a Federal tax of from $600,- 
 000 to $700,000. This is rendered necessary by the heavy expenditures 
 incurred by the General Government in preparing to put down the 
 Rebellion in certain States of the Union. 
 
 A resort to loans has been and must continue to be necessary 
 to meet these expenses, and prudence and sound economy require that 
 the General Government shall not be compelled to borrow money to 
 pay the interest accruing upon, its loans. The interest upon loans 
 made and to be made must be met by actual payment, and not by in 
 curring further indebtedness. The capitalists of the country have thus 
 far responded nobly to the calls made upon them by the Government, 
 and have given it assistance and support as necessary as that rendered 
 by the soldiers in the field. Six hundred thousand gallant men, of 
 whom twenty thousand are from our own State, are in arms, giving 
 their labor, their health, their lives, for the country, and now the call 
 comes to us who are at home, and we are asked to give a little of our 
 substance to the same good cause. 
 
 I have caused to be prepared from documents in the office of the 
 Auditor of State a table, hereto appended, giving some interesting 
 information touching the taxes paid by our people. It will perhaps be 
 a matter of suprise to many that the taxes for the support of the State 
 Government bears so small a proportion to the entire amount of taxes 
 paid. It appears from this table that the whole amount of taxes for 
 all purposes for 1861 was $1,700,000, and that of this amount only 
 $300,000 was expended from the State Treasury for State purposes, 
 while $1,400,000 were expended from the several county treasuries for 
 county and other purposes. I regard this table as useful, for this, 
 among other reasons, viz: that the people have been led to believe 
 that the great bulk of our taxes was caused by the expenditures of the 
 State Government under appropriations made by the General Assem- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 185 
 
 bly, and they have been taught to look to a reduction of State expenses 
 as the means of relief from taxation. This table shows clearly and 
 conclusively that of every $5.66 paid by the people of the State as taxes, 
 but one dollar reaches the State Treasury or is used for State purposes, 
 while the other $4.66 are retained in the counties and used for county 
 and other purposes. I would not desire our people to rela* their vigi 
 lant supervision of State expenses, but I am of opinion this informa- 
 tion may lead them to give as vigilant supervision to the expenditures 
 of their respective counties, where equal vigilance is, in my judgment, 
 equally needed. It is evident from an inspection of the table, show 
 ing the amount of taxes paid and the purposes for which paid, that if 
 it be deemed desirable to decrease our present expenditures by an 
 amount equal or approximating to the amount of taxes required by the 
 General Government, much the greater amount of such reduction must 
 be made in the taxes levied for other than State purposes. * * * * 
 
 In order to make the revenue of the State more certain, I recom 
 mend that the County Treasurers be required by law to pay the State 
 Treasurer, at fixed times, certain proportions of the amount of reve 
 nue due to the State, until the entire sum for each year is paid, 
 whether the County Treasurers have received the entire amount of 
 State tax or not. At present the State is wholly helpless as to its rev 
 enue. It has to depend wholly upon the officers of counties for its col 
 lection and transmission, and if the county officers are inefficient, the 
 State is remediless. Each county is now liable by law to the State for 
 the amount of State tax assessed in it, but this liability, without any 
 means of making it practicably effective, is useless. If the counties 
 were required to pay the revenue due the State, whether collected or 
 not, the County Supervisors would be stimulated to require of the 
 Treasurer a strict performance of his duties; and if, in addition, you 
 should so change the present law as to give County Treasurers, in lieu 
 of salary, a per centum on the amount of money collected and dis 
 bursed, or provide for township collectors, to be paid in the same 
 way, our taxes would, in my opinion, be more punctually paid. 
 
 I also recommend that it be made the duty of the Board of Super 
 visors of each county, to employ a competent accountant once in each 
 year to examine the accounts of each county officer, and state an 
 account between each officer and his county, and between officer and 
 officer, and also that County Treasurers and all other persons who re 
 ceive public moneys be prohibited, under severe penalties, from 
 using them in any way or placing them with others to be used for their 
 private benefit. 
 
 The law* of Congress imposing a direct tax for the support of the 
 General Government gives to any State the privilege of collecting the 
 amount of tax assessed upon its people, and allows such State to retain 
 fifteen per cent, of the amount, on condition the State shall aisume 
 
186 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 the payment of the balace of the tax. Thereupon arises the important 
 question: What shall the State do in the premises? It must be remem 
 bered that if the State assumes the tax, the entire amount, less fifteen 
 per cent, must be paid by the State, whether the State collects the tax 
 or not. Keeping this in recollection, let us ascertain as nearly as may 
 be our precise position. This State has expended for the General 
 Government about $450,000, and has been repaid the sum of $80.000. 
 The State has sold her bonds to the amount of about $200,000. The 
 proceeds of said sale $184,000, and the $80,000 received from the Gen 
 eral Government have been applied to paying the expenses incurred 
 by the State, leaving unpaid and due wholly, I believe, to our own 
 people, about $186,000, for which they hold or can receive warrants 
 drawn on the War and Defense fund. If the amount expended by the 
 State, which is to be reimbursed by the General Government, be 
 $450,000, there is now due the State $370,000; and if the Federal tax 
 should be $650,000, and the State should assume it, there would be due 
 the General Government the sum of $182,500, being the entire amount 
 of the tax, less the amount now due the State, and the fifteen per cent, 
 for assumption and collection which must be assessed upon and paid 
 by our people. 
 
 But we must provide also for the payment of the amount due our 
 own citizens. This must be done by assessing the amount as a tax and 
 by either actually collecting the money and paying it to the holders of 
 the warrants, or by authorizing those holding warrants to surrender 
 them to the Auditor, and receive in lieu of them other warrants of the 
 amount of five dollars each, which shall be receivable in payment of 
 the Federal tax. These warrants being of small amounts, and being 
 all receivable during the present year for taxes, would be nearly or 
 quite at par, and would be much more valuable to the holders than the 
 present ones. Should this course be deemed advisable, it will be nec 
 essary, in order to meet the demand made upon us by the Federal 
 Government, to levy a tax of about $368,500, of which $182, 500 must be 
 collected in money, and $186,000 may be paid in the warrants out 
 standing against the War and Defense Fund. Our State debt will have 
 been increased by $200,000, and we will not have any money in our 
 Treasury wherewith to meet further military expenses, should they 
 be necessary. It will be observed that the sums given are generally 
 estimated. Absolute precision could not in some cases be arrived at, 
 but it will be found the estimates approximate very nearly the truth. 
 If this should not be deemed advisable, we can present our claim 
 against the General Government, receive the amount due the State, 
 paythe outstanding warrants in the hands of our people, and either 
 collect in money the Federal tax and pay it to the General Govern 
 ment, retaining the fifteen per cent, for so doing, or allow the General 
 Government to collect the whole without interference on our part. In 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIBKWOOD. 187 
 
 view of the actual condition of our affairs and the want of promptitude 
 with which our taxes are paid, I am inclined to favor the plan first 
 recommended. If I had assurance that our taxes would be paid as 
 they should be, I would much prefer the second. 4. . 
 
 Intimately connected with the subject .of taxation and revenue, is 
 the question as to the kind of money which shall be received for taxes. 
 Under our. present laws, specie only is receivable for public dues. 
 In view of the recent suspension of specie payments by the General 
 Government and the banks of the eastern States, it becomes a question 
 of great importance whether we can collect our revenue in coin. I do 
 not believe we can, and I urgently recommend to you such changes in 
 our laws as will allow the payment of taxes with United States treasury 
 notes and the notes of the Stale Bank of Iowa. It is true the United 
 States treasury notes are not payable in specie, but it is the interest of 
 all loyal States and of all loyal citizens to keep them at par, and the 
 receipt of them for taxes by the loyal States would tend much to that 
 end. The State Bank of Iowa is required by the law creating it, at all 
 times, to redeem its circulation in coin, and I believe it expects and is 
 fully prepared to meet that requisition. If, as it seems to me we must 
 and should receive for revenue the United States treasury notes not 
 redeemable in specie, I cannot see the wisdom or justice of refusing to 
 receive the notes of our own banks, that are so redeemable, especially 
 when by so doing we make the payment of taxes more easy to our 
 people and more certain to the State, and at the same time aid to some 
 extent in keeping in circulation among us a currency which has, and 
 in my judgment, deserves the confidence of the people. 
 
 MILITARY AFFAIRS. 
 
 The report of the Adjutant General, herewith submitted, shows the 
 number and description of troops raised in this State for United States 
 service to be sixteen regiments of infantry, four of cavalry, three bat 
 teries of artillery and one independent company of cavalry for frontier 
 service. Of these the fifteenth and sixteenth regiments of infantry are 
 not fully organized. In addition, Col. Koch and Col. Rankin are 
 engaged in raising regiments of infantry, which if completed, will 
 make the seventeenth and eighteenth regiments of that arm of the 
 service. 
 
 It is a matter of much gratification to me that our State has thus 
 promptly responded to the demands made upon it by the United States 
 for aid in this perilous crisis of our country's history, and it is also a 
 matter of great pride to me that the troops of our State, whether tried 
 in the exhausting service of the camp, the march, or in the fiery ordeal 
 of the battle-field have never been found wanting, but ha.ve by .their 
 cheerful endurance of unaccustomed hardship and .their indomitable 
 valor won for themselves and our State a name which may well cause 
 
188 THE LIFE AND TIME8 OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 us to feel an honest pride in claiming in any part of our broad land, 
 that our homes are in Iowa. 
 
 At the extra session of 1861 what was supposed ample provision 
 was made to furnish the necessary funds for raising, clothing and 
 equipping the volunteers that might be required from this State, by 
 authorizing the issue and sale of our State bonds. Immediately after 
 the close of that session, the necessary steps were taken to put our 
 bonds in market, but before tl ey could be offered in New York the 
 faith and credit of our State were most wantonly and unjustly attacked 
 by certain papers in that city, so that when, under the law, the bonds 
 were offered for sale, it was found entirely impossible to effect sales at 
 the prices fixed by the Board of Commissioners appointed for that pur 
 pose, or which would not have been ruinous to the State. No sales 
 were therefore made in New York,* and an appeal was made to our 
 own people to take the bonds and furnish the means necessary to meet 
 the large expenses consequent upon raising the troops called for from 
 this State. The report of the loan agents herewith submitted will 
 show you the amount of bonds sold by them in the State, and the 
 amount of money received therefor. It will be seen that much the 
 larger proportion of the bonds was taken by persons to whom the 
 State was indebted and that but a small share was sold for cash. The 
 result was that the officers charged with the duty of raising troops as 
 required by the General Government were much embarrassed for want 
 of means, being compelled to operate wholly upon credit, consequently 
 to great disadvantage. Whatever could be furnished by our people 
 was promptly furnished on the credit of the State, but without means 
 it was impossible to procure arms, clothing and such other articles as 
 our own people did not produce. After providing clothing for the 1st, 
 2nd and 3rd Regiments, I found it utterly impossible to provide for 
 those subsequently raised, and was compelled to rely on the General 
 Government for that purpose, and although it was a matter of much 
 mortification to me, to be compelled to allow our troops to leave our 
 State un-uniformed and un-armed, yet I am induced to believe the 
 result has been as well for the troops and for the government. The 
 troops who left our State without uniform, left at a season of the year 
 when but little clothing was needed for comfort, and they were pro 
 vided with uniforms in Missouri as speedily and more cheaply than I 
 could have provided for them. The regiments which have left the State 
 more recently have been furnished with good clothing by the General 
 Government before leaving. I have not purchased for the State the 
 arms contemplated by the law passed at the extra session, for the rea 
 son that arms could be had only for money, and I had not the money 
 wherewith to pay. Some arms have been furnished by the General 
 
 * A few were sold to give them a quotable market value H. W. L. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 189 
 
 Government, but not sufficient for the security of the State, and I 
 recommend the subject to your careful consideration. 
 
 On several occasions during the past season, when the rebels had 
 or appeared likely to get control in northern Missouri, much uneasi 
 ness existed along our southern border lest they should attempt an 
 invasion of our State, which, for want of arms, our people were not 
 properly prepared to resist. Immediately after the close of the extra 
 session of the General Assembly, I appointed Col. John Edwards and 
 Col. Cyrus Bussey as my aids, with large discretionary powers, to act 
 for the preservation of tranquility in the southern border counties. I 
 was well satisfied the peace of our State would be more easily pre 
 served by preventing invasion than by repelling it, and therefore while 
 I could not order our State troops beyond our State line, instructed Col 
 onels Edwards and Bussey, and through them the troops under their 
 command, that if at any time the loyal men of northern Missouri were 
 in peril and called upon them for assistance, they had as full authority 
 as I could give them to lead their men into Missouri to the aid cf the 
 loyal men there, and my promise upon their return that my power should 
 be used to the utmost extent to protect them if called in question for 
 so doing. Under these circumstances, and in some cases at the instance 
 of officers of the United States, Col's Edwards and Bussey, and Col. 
 Morledge of Page county, at different times led bodies of Iowa troops 
 into Missouri and kept them in service there until their presence was 
 no longer needed, and I am well assured their services were highly 
 valuable, not only in preserving the peace of our border and protect 
 ing our own people, but in supporting and strengthening the Union 
 men of Missouri. The expenses incurred in these expeditions are, in 
 my judgment, properly chargeable to the General Government, and I 
 am now seeking their reimbursement. 
 
 Great uneasiness also existed on our western and northern borders 
 lest the Indians in Dacotah and Minnesota might be led by designing 
 men to take advantage of the troubled state of public affairs, and 
 commit depredations on our people in that region. The great distance 
 of that part of the State from the place where my other duties compel 
 me to keep my headquarters, and the want of the means of speedy 
 communication therewith either by railroad or telegraph, rendered it 
 in my judgment absolutely necessary that I should confer on suitable 
 persons the power to act for me promptly in case of emergency as fully 
 as if I were present to act in person. I accordingly conferred such 
 authority on Hon. Caleb Baldwin of Council Bluffs, and Hon. A. W. 
 Hubbard of Sioux City. Under this authority bodies of mounted men 
 were called into service at different times for short periods, and I am 
 happy to be able to state the tranquility of that portion of our State 
 has been preserved. 
 
 I cannot permit this occasion to pass without thanking Messrs. 
 
190 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Edwards, Bussey, Morledge, Baldwin and Hubbard, for their efficient 
 and valuable services. 
 
 At my request the Secretary of War authorized the enlistment of a 
 company of cavalry in the service of the United States, especially for 
 the protection of the northwestern border. This company has been 
 recruited and mustered in, and I hope will be sufficient for the protec 
 tion of that portion of our State. 
 
 Our troops in Missouri have suffered greatly from sickness. To 
 some extent this is perhaps attributable to the want of care and prud 
 ence among the men themselves, to a change in their mode of life, to 
 their eating badly cooked food, and to the fatigue and exposure of 
 hard labor and severe marches, and to a much greater extent to the 
 want of proper hospitals, proper comforts for the sick, proper nurses, 
 and sufficient medical aid. Doubtless experience in camp life will con 
 vince our troops of the necessity of guarding their health, adapt them 
 to their new circumstances and will make them better cooks; and I 
 ardently hope the time will soon come when those who have thepower 
 so to do will provide that the labor which has prostrated so many of 
 them, shall be done by the slaves of those who have forced this war, 
 upon the country. Proper hospitals are now provided, and the women 
 of our State, following their womanly instinct to care for the suffer 
 ing, have been and are engaged in making and forwarding to our 
 troops those delicacies and comforts not provided by the regulations, 
 but so necessary and so cheering to the sick. I am decidedly of the 
 opinion that female nurses in our hospitals would render invaluable 
 service; and I earnestly recommend that provision be made for secur 
 ing such service for the benefit of our sick and wounded soldiers. 
 
 I am well convinced that the medical staff (a Surgeon and Assistant 
 Surgeon), now allowed by law to each regiment, is insufficient, and I 
 have been corresponding with the proper authorities for the purpose 
 of effecting a change in the law. I recommend that power be given 
 the Governor to appoint an additional Assistant Surgeon for each of 
 our regiments in service, to be paid by the State in case Congress shall 
 not by law make the necessary provision. 
 
 The law passed at the extra session for the organization of the 
 militia, is in many respects defective, and has been, in my judgment, 
 a hindrance instead of an aid in raising troops for the service of the 
 United States If the organization of the militia is to be provided 
 for by State law, a more full and perfect system must be de 
 vised. But the Congress of the United States has power "to provide 
 for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, * * * reserv 
 ing to the States respectively the appointment of officers, and the au 
 thority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by 
 Congress." It is probable that Congress will at the present session, 
 in view of the necessities of the country, provide a complete system of 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 191 
 
 military organization for all the States, to the extent of the power thus 
 conferred. It may be well to await such action until near the close 
 of your session, and conform your action to such provision, if made. 
 
 SCHOOL AND UNIVERSITY FUNDS. 
 
 The State University is now in successful operation, although much 
 embarrassed for want of means arising from the non-payment of inter 
 est clue on loans of its permanent fund. The enactment of laws re 
 quiring the more prompt payment of interest, and for the safety and 
 better investment of the permanent fund as above suggested, will en 
 able the trustees and faculty to extend the usefulness of the institu 
 tion. I am decidedly of opinion that not only the interest of the 
 institution, but also the interest of the State require, that you should 
 provide a military department of the University, and should establish 
 a military professorship therein. The sad experience of the last few 
 months has shown us the necessity of military knowledge among our 
 people. By giving to the young men who may attend the University, 
 military instruction and training, we will not only greatly benefit 
 them, but will also have made provision for what our present experi 
 ence shows may at any moment become a necessity to our people. 
 The Board of Education at their recent session directed the trustees of 
 the University to make provision for a military department therein as 
 soon as the General Assembly should make the necessary appropria 
 tion therefor, and I earnestly recommend the subject 10 your favor 
 able consideration. 
 
 RECLAMATION OF FUGITIVES FROM JUSTICE. 
 
 The law in regard to the reclamation of fugitives from justice is 
 indefinite as to the amount of fees to be paid to agents of this State, 
 who bring back such fugitives, and as to whether it is the duty of the 
 Census Board to pay such expenses in all cases. It is desirable that 
 the uncertainty on these points should be removed. 
 
 AGRICULTURE. 
 
 Agriculture is, and for many years must continue, to be the lead 
 ing interest in our State; and any fair and legitimate aid that can be 
 given thereto will tend to promote the public good. With this object 
 the State has for some years paid considerable sums yearly to aid the 
 Agricultural Societies of the State and counties. Whether the benefits 
 that have resulted from this expenditure will justify its continuance 
 during our present difficulties and embarrassments, you must decide. 
 This great interest of our State may in my judgment be aided by leg 
 islation in a new direction. Hitherto our great staples for export have 
 been wheat, corn, cattle and hogs. The prices paid for the transpor 
 tation of these articles to New York form a large portion of their value 
 at that point, Indeed, wheat and corn will not bear transportation to 
 
192 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 that market during the season when navigation of the lakes is closed. 
 Experience has, I think, conclusively shown that our State is admira 
 bly adapted to sheep grazing, and the value of wool in proportion to 
 its bulk and weight is much greater, and the price of its transporta 
 tion to New York in proportion to its value, much less than that of 
 our present staples. 
 
 A great drawback upon the growing of wool is that large numbers 
 of sheep are annually killed by dogs. I therefore recommend that a 
 tax be levied on all dogs in the State, and that the proceeds of the tax 
 be applied to paying to owners of sheep killed by dogs, the value of the 
 sheep thus killed. I would go further than this I would exempt from 
 taxation for a period of five years all sheep not exceeding fifty, owned 
 by any resident of the State, and would also exempt from taxation for 
 the same time all capital invested in the State in the manufacture of 
 woolen goods. 
 
 I am well satisfied that the cultivation of flax can be successfully 
 and profitably introduced in our State. It is valuable not only for the 
 seed, but for the lint, which under a new process is converted into 
 what is called flax cotton. I am well assured that before the com 
 mencement of the rebellion, a remunerative price could be paid in our 
 State for the flax straw, which has heretofore been an entire loss to 
 the farmer, the fibre separated from the wood, and the tow transported 
 to Boston and manufactured into flax cotton, which could flairly com 
 pete in price and usefulness with the cotton of the Southern States. 
 In order to stimulate our people to examine the question carefully, 
 and if possible, introduce among us a new and profitable branch of 
 industry, I recommend that all capital invested in the manufacture 
 of linseed oil or the conversion of flax straw into flax cotton, be 
 exempted from taxation for five years. 
 
 If our industry were more diversified, we would suffer less from 
 fluctuations of prices of particular articles, and if as necessity requires 
 and opportunity offers, we become manufacturers as well as producers, 
 we will increase our wealth and independence. 
 
 I have thus endeavored to place before you the condition of the State, 
 so far as, in my judgment, your action is needed for its improvement. 
 Your wisdom will doubtless discover some, perhaps many, particulars 
 in which legislation will be necessary that have been overlooked by me. 
 
 The year which has just closed has brought to our people a new ex 
 perience, new trials, new responsibilities and new duties. Let us con 
 tinue to meet them, as we have thus far met them, with neither an 
 overweening confidence in, and reliance upon, our own strength, nor 
 an unmanly and craven fear for ourselves or of the hardships we may 
 endure before we win by deserving success, but with patience, calm 
 ness, unflinching courage and an abiding faith in God. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 193 
 
 INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : 
 
 As this is the first time in the history of our State that the same 
 person has been twice elected to the office, the duties of which I have 
 for the second time just assumed, and as the transmission to you of a 
 message in writing, communicating the condition of the State and 
 recommending such matters as seemed to me expedient, was among 
 the last of the official acts of my first term of service, it was for some 
 time a question with me whether it was proper for me, in commencing 
 my second term, to conform to the custom heretofore acted on by in 
 coming Governors of delivering an inaugural address. Upon reflec 
 tion, I did not feel at liberty to disregard what is a well established, 
 and what is considered a useful, custom. 
 
 When, two years ago, I first assumed the duties of my present 
 office, 1 saw, and in my inaugural address alluded to, the bitter and 
 exasperated feelings existing in certain portions of our country, which 
 have since resulted in the present Rebellion, and pointed out what 
 seemed to me to be some of the exciting causes of that feeling. The 
 people of our country were then about entering upon one of those 
 political contests by which the policy of our General Government is, 
 for a time, determined; and I expressed the belief that this angry and 
 excited feeling would not result in an appeal to arms, but that a peo 
 ple taught as ours have been to yield almost instinctively to the fairly 
 expressed will of the majority would, when the feeling engendered by 
 its contest had passed away, again permit the calm dictates of reason 
 to resume their sway, and that we would again become a contented 
 and happy nation. Time has shown that my belief was erroneous, and 
 yet it seems to me it was a reasonable and just belief. 
 
 All men know well that the government against which rebellion, 
 would be made, if raised at all, was the government which made the 
 least exactions and conferred the most benefits upon its people of any 
 government in the wgrld. All men knew well, and none better than 
 those now in rebellion, that the Administration, whose accession to 
 power their opponents declared they would consider cause for revolt, 
 could not during their term of office, even if so disposed, inflict upon 
 the defeated party any wrong. And it seemed then, and seems yet, to 
 me to be a reasonable and just belief that no portion of a people, so 
 intelligent as ours has claimed to be, could revolt against a govern 
 ment which had conferred upon them only benefits, and against an 
 Administration powerless to injure them. All men know, too, that 
 rebellion must bring upon those engaged in it terrible calamities, if 
 
194 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 
 
 not sure destruction, and it did seem reasonable and just to believe 
 that sane men would not bring upon themselves such results without 
 cause. 
 
 Yet there were other things bearing upon this question which we 
 did not know. We did not know, even although we were so told by 
 some far-sighted men it seemed too monstrous for our honest and 
 loyal-hearted people to believe that men whom they had delighted to 
 honor, men upon whom they had conferred the high places, even the 
 highest place of honor and profit and trust under our government, 
 could, whilst yet holding these places and pledged in the sight of God 
 and before men faithfully to discharge their trust, and with professions 
 of love and attachment to our government yet warm upon their lips, 
 deliberately conspire to overthrow and destroy that government which 
 they were so strongly bound to protect aud defend. I repeat it, our 
 honest and loyal-hearted people could not believe these things to be 
 true: they were to them too monstrously infamous for their belief. 
 They had not yet learned the^ bitter lesson that honesty, truth, good 
 faith and loyalty were but mere words used by these men as a cover 
 under which to deal, as they hoped, a fatal stab to that government 
 from which they had derived all they ever had of honor or import 
 ance. Had this not been so (and although its truth has produced such 
 terrible results, I thank G'od our people could not then believe it pos 
 sible), I am well convinced we would to-day have no Rebellion. Had 
 the occupant of the Presidential chair, for the year preceding the 4th 
 day of March, 1861, and his advisers, been true men, and had they 
 done their duty as such and stricken rebellion one honest, downright 
 blow when first it reared its hateful head, we would have to-day 
 a peaceful and united nation. But this, unfortunately, was not so. 
 Treason and imbecility sat in our high places, and surrendered one 
 after another the outposts of the citadel of our strength into the hands 
 of Rebels, until, emboldened by success, they believed the citadel itself 
 to be within their grasp. In this way the Rebellion was encouraged 
 and strengthened, and thousands of men were induced to array them 
 selves upon its side from the conviction that the government was 
 powerless to protect its friends or punish its enemies. 
 
 At last, but too late, came a change of administration. Our Gov 
 ernment asserted its rights, and gave evidence of its will and power to 
 maintain them, and then came the Civil War that is now upon us. 
 
 I need not undertake to point out to you the primary cause which 
 has led to this disastrous issue. Although there may have been many 
 minor causes, all tending to the same end, such as the disappointed 
 ambition of bad men and the lust for power, the clear common sense 
 of our people has seen and accepted the fact that the one great con 
 trolling cause of this wicked Rebellion, and of all the fearful conse 
 quences which have followed and must follow from it, is the system of 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 195 
 
 Human Slavery. Sophistry cannot disguise this fact, nor argument 
 illustrate it. It is patent, tangible, and sooner or later it must be 
 accepted by our rulers, as well as by our people, and acted on by all. 
 This baneful system, which has wrought such terrible results, was 
 accepted with great reluctance by our fathers as an existing but most 
 unfortunate fact, and its existence recognized and protected by them 
 as such, but surrounded at the same time by influences such as they 
 confidently hoped would soon eventuate in its total and peaceful ex 
 tinction. That hope has been sadly disappointed. This system, so 
 reluctantly admitted into our form of government, and so antagonistic 
 to its vital principles, has, like a foreign substance in the human body, 
 been to the body politic a source of constant irritation, and has been 
 the real cause of all the heart-burnings and ill-will among our people. 
 Circumstances, not foreseen at the beginning, have fostered and 
 encouraged it. It has been defended, protected and nourished by its 
 votaries with a devotion almost unparalleled, until it has acquired a 
 strength and power which enabled it, at first by stealthy approaches 
 and then by bold attack, to seize the reins of government and control 
 the policy of our people. And when peacefully and constitutionally it 
 was driven from its usurped seat of empire, and the determination ex- 
 pressed that for the future it should be kept in the subordination for 
 which it was originally intended, it revolted and by civil war has 
 sought to destroy the Republic it could no longer control, and from the 
 remains to build a new one in which its empire should be absolute and 
 undisputed. 
 
 I have said that our people have seen and accepted these facts, and 
 that the time must come, sooner or later, when our rulers, too, must 
 see them, and when all, rulers and ruled, must act upon them. It is 
 not for us to determine \vhat that action shall be. That is the right 
 and duty of others. But it is for us it is our right and duty to advise 
 with those others, and to point out to them the course which, in our 
 best judgments, should be pursued Understand me rightly. I freely 
 accept, and have cordially acted upon, the theory that it is for our 
 rulers to determine the policy to be pursued, and for us to sustain 
 them, even if that policy should not meet our approbation. But it 
 does not follow that we must not advise a change of policy, if our 
 judgment teaches or experience has shown such change to be 
 necessary. 
 
 What then, if anything, have we to advise? Let us see where we 
 stand, and what are our surroundings. More than twelve mouths ago 
 this war upon our government was begun, and it has been prosecuted up 
 to this moment on the one side with fierce vindictiveness, and terrible 
 earnestness. Nothing, literally nothing, has been allowed to stand in 
 the way of the advancement of the cause for which this war has been 
 waged, by those who advocate that cause. Officers of the army and 
 
196 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 navy, to advance that cause have deserted their flag. Statesmen, to 
 advance it have betrayed their trusts. Among all ranks, acts of fraud, 
 words of falsehood and deeds of violence have been held good and 
 honorable service, if thereby the cause might be advanced, and the 
 entire energies of its advocates have been directed to that single end. 
 The sole question they have asked has been: "What thing can we do 
 which will most effectually and speedily break the strength of our 
 adversaries? " And when that question has been answered, they have 
 as one man done that thing. How have they been met? Until the 4th 
 day of March last past, not only were no steps taken to arrest their 
 progress, but many of those who now are not of and with them, insisted 
 that coercion should not be used to arrest it. After that date although 
 the new admistration took prompt and vigorous steps to meet the 
 crises, many people in the loyal States still protested against coercive 
 measures to suppress rebellion, and many others sought, as if expect 
 ing to find, some neutral ground on which to stand, some middle 
 ground between loyalty and treason, as if a citizen could be loyal to 
 his government who did not lend his hand to defend it when rebels 
 sought to destroy it But time passed on till .Surnter fell and our 
 nation awoke from what appeared to be the slumber of death. With 
 fiery zeal and generous emulation, the young men of all classes and 
 all parties in the loyal States rallied around the government, until to 
 day we have under our banner the best army the world has ever seen; 
 ready and eager to meet in battle all enemies who seek the destruction 
 of the Union. And yet it seems to me that we do not bring to this con 
 flict the same directness, the same unity of purpose and action our 
 adversaries do. It seems to me we do not ask ourselves what one 
 thing can we do that will most effectually and speedily break the 
 strength of our enemies? and when that question is answered, do that 
 thing. It seems to me the idea still pervades and controls the minds of 
 many of us that our duty requires of us not only the preservation and 
 protection of the Union, but the preservation and protection of slavery; 
 that we have sometimes feared to strike an earnest blow against rebel 
 lion, lest that blow should fall on the head of slavery; that we regard 
 slavery as an essential part of the Union itself, and that the Union 
 would not be worth preserving, unless slavery could be preserved with 
 and remain part of it. 
 
 If these things be so, we are yet far from the path that will lead to 
 success. Slavery, the leading cause of this rebellion, is an element of 
 strength or of weakness to the rebels, just as we will it shall be. If we 
 say to the slaves of rebels, we are your enemies, they will remain with 
 their masters and be to them a strength and support. If we say to 
 them, we are your friends, come to us and you shall be free, they will 
 seek to come by thousands, and the armies now standing in battle 
 array against our soldiers, will be needed at home to restrain them. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 197 
 
 Take the case of South Carolina. Our soldiers are to-day upon her 
 soil. She has a population of about 700,000 souls, more than one-half 
 of whom are slaves. Experience, the best of teachers, has shown that 
 these slaves want freedom, that they look upon our soldiers as friends, 
 and would, if encouraged so to do, flock to our camps by thousands. 
 As the slaves of rebel masters, their labor in the field and in the camp, 
 furnishes the rebel troops with food, and does for them much of that 
 severe camp labor which exhausts the energies of the soldiers and 
 brings sickness upon them. Thus rebellion is strengthened by slavery. 
 Shall we continue to leave it this strength? shall we do more than this? 
 Shall we continue to drive back to their rebel masters these unfortu 
 nates, and compel them to be our enemies although they wish to be 
 our friends? Shall we continue to require of our brave soldiers who 
 have gone forth to fight our battles, those exhausting labors that have 
 brought sickness and death to so many of them, when these people 
 stand ready and willing to relieve them if allowed? 
 
 It may be said that if we proclaim freedom to slaves of rebel mas 
 ters, slavery must suffer and may be extinguished. I reply. So be it. 
 The friends of slavery have in its supposed interest thrust this war 
 with all its evils upon the country, and upon them and upon it be the 
 consequences. It may be said the slaves of loyal masters will escape 
 and thus loyal men will suffer loss. This may be, probably will be so. 
 But if we shall be successful in preserving our government, and put 
 ting down this rebellion, we can and will make good all losses caused 
 to them by the acts of the government for its preservation. Besides, 
 it is their misfortune and not our fault that they live in sections of our 
 country in which the war is carried on and in which either a majority 
 of the people are rebels, or the loyal men in the majority have suffered 
 themselves to be prostrated and trampled on by the rebel minority. 
 We regret their condition, we pity their misfortunes, we will make 
 good their losses caused by our acts for the preservation of the Union, 
 but we cannot allow the Union to be stricken down because efforts for 
 its preservation may work them present injury. War necessarily 
 brings suffering and loss to the people among whom it is waged. This 
 war brings suffering and loss to the loyal people of all our States, and we 
 all must bear as well and as patiently as we may, until the end, when 
 it will be our duty to repair so far as we may, the losses sustained by 
 loyal men because of their devotion to their country. 
 
 I will not be misunderstood. This war is waged by our govern 
 ment for the preservation of the Union, and not for the extinction of 
 slavery, unless the preservation of the one shall require the extinction 
 of the other. If the war were so prosecuted that on to-morrow the 
 preservation of the Union were effected and secured, I would not now 
 wage the war another day. I would not now spend further treasure 
 or further life to effect the extinction of slavery, although I might re- 
 
198 tHE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 gret that the war of its own producing had left in it enough of life to 
 leave it to be our bane and pest in the future as it has been in the past. 
 But while this is true, it is also true that if I had the power on to-mor 
 row to end this terrible strife and preserve our Union by the extinc 
 tion of slavery, while to preserve both would require a month's or a 
 week's or a day's or an hour's further war; the spending of a single 
 additional dollar to the loss of a single additional life; so surely as the 
 Lord lives, this war would close to-morrow. No wife should mourn 
 her husband, no mother her son, no maiden her lover, slain in a war 
 protracted by me a single hour to preserve to rebels that which c'aused 
 them to commence and which enables them to maintain rebellion. I 
 would not believe that I had, nor do I believe that others have the 
 right, although they may have the power to protract this war in order 
 to preserve that which has caused the war. My deliberate convictions 
 are that to prosecute this war successfully, we must strike directly at 
 slavey, and that the time must soon come when every man must 
 determine for himself which he loves most, the Union or slavery, and 
 must act accordingly. 
 
 In the mean time, and at all times, it is our duty to rally around 
 and support the government. We are not of those whose loyalty is 
 doubtful or conditional. We do not say we will support the govern 
 ment if it adopts our views or carries out our plans, and if not, we 
 will become neutral or join the enemy. We support it with hearts and 
 hands and means, although we may doubt its policy, trusting time will 
 demonstrate the correctness of our views, and bring about their adop 
 tion if found correct. The giving of honest counsel and the rendering 
 of faithful service make up the duty of all true men. 
 
 The war has brought on us severe trials, and others are yet to 
 come. Many of our best and bravest have died upon the battle-field 
 or in the hospital, and many more must die. Our business operations 
 have been interrupted, our markets have been closed, the prices of the 
 products of our industry have been lessened, we have been compelled 
 to wholly forego or materially to curtail the use of some luxuries 
 which, by use, had become to us comforts of life, and these things 
 must continue to be. They are the inevitable attendants of war, and 
 must be borne as they have been borne, bravely, unflinchingly and 
 cheerfully. Life is valuable, but it is intended to be useful; and how 
 can anyone make his life more useful than by giving it for his country? 
 Could our own brave men who died at Wilson's Creek, Blue Mills and 
 Belmont have used their lives in any other way to better purpose than 
 by losing them on those bloody but glorious battle-fields? Their names 
 will live after them, embalmed in the hearts of our children and our 
 children's children, as the names of men who died for their country, 
 and their example will fire the hearts of generations yet to come to 
 deeds of equal and as noble daring. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 199 
 
 We are eminently a peaceful and peace loving people, and the in 
 terruption of our peaceful avocations of war and its incidents bears 
 hardly upon us; but we must remember, that the only way to bring 
 back and make permanently secure to us that peace we love so well, 
 is to convince those who have thrust this war upon us and to convince 
 all others that although we love peace much, we love our country's 
 honor and the perpetuity of our Union more 1 . But do we exaggerate 
 the evils of our condition? I am well convinced that there is not in 
 the world a people of equal numbers, all of whom enjoy to-day so 
 many of the necessaries and of the comforts of life as are enjoyed by 
 our people. In our own State our cause of complaint is not that we 
 have not enough of the necessaries of life, but that we cannot get high 
 enough prices for what we can spare of our superabundance; not, that 
 we have not food but that we cannot sell to advantage food, we do not 
 need! 
 
 But we will have to pay heavy taxes. True, we will and it is 
 equally true we can. We have to do but one thing, and that thing we 
 must do. We must give up the idea of money making to a great ex 
 tent until this war is over. We must be content to devote to the pres 
 ervation of the country a portion of all of the surplus we have been 
 accustomed to lay up in years gone by. We may be required to return 
 to customs and expedients for many years abandoned. We may be com 
 pelled to do as our fathers and mothers did, clothe ourselves as they did 
 with the products of their farms and their own hands. What then? Our 
 men will be none the less brave, loyal and loving; our women none 
 the less true hearted, lovely and beloved. We may be required to do 
 and may do all these things and yet suffering and want still be far from 
 us. We may be required to do and may do all these things, and yet 
 will not have done nearly so much as our fathers did to hand down to 
 us the rich inheritance we are now striving to transmit unimpaired to 
 our children. And if required, will we not do it promptly and cheer 
 fully? 
 
 There may be amongst us a few men who know no impulse of 
 patriotism, have no love of country, and can see nothing but sordid 
 gain! There may be amongst us a few others who, blinded by preju 
 dice, engendered by former political strife, cannot forget that the 
 Government is guided in this struggle for its life by the hands of politi 
 cal opponents, and who would rather see it perish than have it saved 
 by their hands, who will cry peace when there is no peace, and who 
 will endeavor to turn us from the prosecution of this war by continu 
 ally dwelling upon and exaggerating the misfortunes it has brought 
 and will bring upon us. But these men are few in number and weak 
 in influence. The great mass of our people see clearly and know well 
 that no peace can be permanent which is made by compromising with 
 armed rebels, and which will leave our present territory divided be- 
 
200 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 tvveen jealous and hostile nations by such boundaries as it must be ii 
 not preserved in its integrity. 
 
 I cannot close this address without paying a well deserved tribute 
 to the brave men who represent our State in the great army collected 
 to do battle for our country. We may well be proud of them. We 
 here as officers, and all our people as citizens, should feel that there is 
 much for us to do to maintain that high reputation they have won for 
 our State. V 
 
 Trace the Iowa First on their weary way to Springfield; see them 
 ragged and hungry but cheerful and ready; listen to their marching 
 song as it rolls along the column, lending new vigor to themselves and 
 their tired comrades; hear their fierce shouts and witness their daring 
 deeds on the field where Lyon fought and fell; witness the heroic spirit 
 of devotion and self-sacrifice with which the Iowa Third at Blue Mills 
 attacked, and the bravery with which they fought the enemy in over 
 powering numbers to delay that enemy's retreat until expected rein 
 forcements could arrive. See the Iowa Seventh on the bloody field of 
 Belmont, heading the attack and covering the retreat; witness the 
 cheerful endurance, the untiring energy, the indomitable valor of all 
 our troops whenever and wherever tried, and who does not feel proud 
 that he too is an lowan? We owe these gallant men much. The rank 
 and file of our regiments have never been surpassed. I doubt very 
 much if they have ever been equaled. There is not a company in any 
 of our regiments which does not contain in its ranks men who, in in 
 telligence and moral worth, are the peers of any man who hears me. 
 They have left behind them the comforts and endearments of home, 
 their business, their friends, their all, and have taken their places as 
 privates in the ranks with nominal pay and almost without a hope for 
 honor and distinction. This is patriotism, and I repeat it "to these 
 men we owe much." It is due to them at least, that all shall be done 
 that our circumstances will allow to promote their health and comfort 
 and I doubt not you will see to it that the debt is paid. 
 
 When the war commenced many of us hoped that by this time it 
 would have been completed, or that at least we would be able to see 
 the beginning of that desirable end. But we have been disappointed. 
 The rebellion had greater strength than we supposed. Obstacles have 
 arisen that we had not anticipated, and the end is not yet. But these 
 things should not discourage, and I am glad to say they have not dis 
 couraged us. As the greater strength of the rebellion has been devel 
 oped, we have promptly furnished the greater needed strength to put it 
 down, and if need be Iowa can yet send forth many regiments as 
 brave, as loyal, and as true as those that have already gone. As ob 
 stacles have arisen they have been met as brave men meet them. They 
 have been trampled upon and we have passed on. And now when as 
 it seems to us here that all things are ready, we are waiting patiently, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 201 
 
 but with beating hearts, for the day when the great battle shall be 
 fought listening intently, and oh! how anxiously, for the battle shout, 
 "God for the right," which will on that day roll over that battlefield 
 from the brave men who will be privileged there to rally around our 
 dear old flag and strike in its defense, and trusting humbly and conn- 
 dentJy that because they will strike for the right, the God of battles 
 will giv us the victory! 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 ;P?. : ; ... ,-,. ,. ;.. .-.: ^.^ ......-, i* . -. \ 
 
 Gen. Fremont" 1 s Order Oov. Kirkwood on thq Same, Subject^>Writes 
 the President as to His Emancipation Proclamation The Second 
 Iowa Its Flag From Disgrace to Glory Speech by Oov. Kirkwood 
 Response by the Speaker Congratulates Crocker Battle of Fort 
 Donelson News Reaches Des Moines Scenes in the House Senate 
 Joins in the Jollification Gen. Baker's Letter to the Speaker Writes 
 Col. Add Sanders To Gen. Scho/ield and the President The Women 
 Will Help Harvest the Crops Proclamation Telegrams to Secretary 
 of War Governor Gets One Company too Many Story of the 
 Twins Another Proclamation Special Session of Legislature 
 Message. 
 
 During the "first sixty years of the present century, next 
 to the Government itself, the most powerful organization in 
 the country was the Democratic party, and though occasion 
 ally defeated for a short time, its recuperative energies were 
 sufficient to enable it, as a factor in national politics, to soon 
 rally from its temporary defeats and recover its lost power. 
 The next most powerful dominating force if not as great or 
 greater, was slavery. It finally proved itself the greater, for 
 in the year 1860, it dismembered that party, and when that 
 was accomplished, it felt itself able to perform the same feat 
 on the Government itself. And it undertook the task. 
 Never was a greater truism uttered than that by Abraham 
 Lincoln in 1858, when he declared that there was "an irrepres 
 sible conflict between freedom and slavery; that this Govern 
 ment could not long exist half free and half slave; that the 
 final triumph in this conflict could only terminate in the total 
 surrender of one of these forces to the other." 
 
 When the rebellion broke out and the first calls for troops 
 were made to put it down, the idea that these troops were to 
 strike a blow at slavery, was strongly and emphatically neg 
 atived on all sides, at all times, in all places, and by all par- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 203 
 
 ties. In fact the troops raised to crush the unholy rebellion 
 were called upon too often to stand guard over slavery, to 
 prevent it from hurting itself, or its open or secret enemies 
 from hurting it. 
 
 :. .General Freemont was the first man to become sensible 
 of the fact that the best way to crush the rebellion was to 
 crush its original moving cause, and in furtherance of this 
 idea, on the 31st of August, 1861, from his headquarters at 
 St. Louis he issued his famous order, one section of Which 
 reads thus: 
 
 u The property, real and personal, of all persons in the 
 State of Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United 
 States, or who shall be indirectly proven to have taken active 
 part with their enemies in the field, is declared to be confis 
 cated to public use; and their slaves, if any they have, are 
 hereby declared to be free men. " 
 
 This brought forth a howl of indignation from southern 
 slave owners and their northern sympathizers, and weakened 
 those who were trying to sustain the Government with one 
 hand and slavery with the other, and this latter class was far 
 too numerous. 
 
 So great a pressure was brought to bear upon the President, 
 that he caused this order to be modified, but its issuance coat 
 the general his position. 
 
 The next person to take a bold stand on this question was 
 Governor Kirkwood, and that was done in his inaugural mes 
 sage, delivered four and a half months after the promulga 
 tion of Fremont's order. This message was a document no 
 military order could revoke or modify, and no superior offi 
 cer could change. It was greeted with satisfaction by all 
 who were dissatisfied with Fremont's removal. It created 
 some excitement, called forth much comment, as well as 
 Copperhead denunciation. Copies of it were sent for by 
 parties in other States who were in sympathy with the Gov 
 ernor on the questions it discussed, and it did much to edu- 
 
204 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 cate public opinion and prepare the way for the issuing of 
 the President's proclamations that succeeded it the following 
 September and January. 
 
 It was the first State paper that looked to, and opened 
 and prepared the way for the final and utter extinction of 
 slavery. 
 
 As late as the 2nd of February, 1863, Gov. Kirkwood 
 writing to the President says, "The proclamation issued by 
 you on the 1st of January last, was an act the most import 
 ant you have ever performed, and more important than in all 
 human probability you will ever again perform." 
 
 The President in reply might have said, "your last inau 
 gural message was the most important document that ever 
 came from your pen, and in all probability you will never 
 pen its equal." 
 
 While the companies of the Fourteenth Infantry were 
 being first rendezvoused at Davenport, in the summer of '61, 
 and before the regiment had been organized, Governor Kirk- 
 wood was suddenly called from Iowa City* to Davenport on 
 business, expecting to return home the next day, but was 
 suddenly called from there to Dubuque, where he met W. T. 
 Shaw, who had been appointed its colonel, telling him the 
 sad state the regiment was in unorganized, its companies un 
 lettered, with no one in command of it and urging him to 
 go at once to his regiment, as it was distressingly in need of 
 him. The Colonel replied that he must go home first, as he 
 had been gone several days and had not a change of linen 
 with him. The Governor rejoined: 
 
 "It is not an officer in fine linen, freshly laundered, that the regi 
 ment needs, but one with regimental authority to command it and 
 keep it in order, and it reeds that badly. You have got that, and you 
 must go down at once and use it. They need that a great deal more 
 than you need a clean shirt." 
 
 The Colonel and Governor left Dubuque together, and 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 205 
 
 the former entered at once upon his duties; but the latter had 
 an urgent call to go to Burlington, where he went, remaining 
 a few days and returning home by way of Davenport. 
 Entering the Adjutant-General's office the General says: 
 1 'Governor, Shaw has gone home and left his regiment." 
 The Governor says: u He should not have done that. What 
 did he go home for?" The General replied: "He said every 
 man he met that was not personally acquainted with him, 
 after looking at his shirt, culled him Governor Kirkwood, 
 and he had borne that thing as long as he could stand it." 
 As the weather was such that perspiration and shirt collars 
 were at war with each other, with victory always on the 
 former's banner, and his had seen several days' service with 
 out a change, the Governor, was in a condition to appre 
 ciate the joke. 
 
 The battle of Fort Donelson, resulting in the surrender 
 and complete capture of this stronghold, occurred on the 
 16th day of February, 1862. It was among the first victo 
 ries of the war, and the very first complete victory in which 
 Iowa troops had participated. While they had fought nobly 
 and gallantly at Wilson's Creek and in the bloody battle of 
 Belmont, and had established the fact that they were coura 
 geous and brave and in the line of duty could boldly march 
 up to the cannon's mouth, it was not till they reached Don 
 elson that they became complete masters of the field over 
 which they fought. The Iowa Legislature was then in 
 session, and the news of the battle reached Des Moines the 
 next day. Both Senate and House were in session, and the 
 scene as it occurred in the House is thus described by Hon. 
 Charles Aldrich, who was then its Clerk, in an article pub 
 lished in the Historical Record: 
 
 "I was calling the roll, when I saw Hon. Frank W. Palmer, then 
 State Printer and editor of the Register, enter the hall in a manner be 
 tokening great excitement, and glide along rapidly and noiselessly 
 outside the circle of seats and into the Speaker's desk. In an instant 
 the Speaker, Hon. Rush Clark, of Johnson, sprang to his feet, in the 
 
206 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL .1. KIRKWOOD. . 
 
 very midst of a roll call, shouting at the top of his sonorous voice, 
 4 General Grant has captured Fort Donelson ! ' Then followed a scene 
 which, in the language of highly-wrought novels, 'beggars all descrip 
 tion. ' The members sprang to their feet with the wildest cheers and 
 loudest hurrahs that ever woke the echoes of the old Capitol building. 
 * * * The members went fairly wild, hugging each other, shaking 
 hands, cheering, and in every possible manner giving way to ex 
 pressions of extravagant delight. In a few seconds the Senators, 
 startled by the noise and confusion, came rushing in and joined in the 
 scene, expressing their exultant delight. 11 
 
 As soon as order was restored, the House 
 
 Resolved, That the Secretary of State be authorized to bring out the 
 big gun and fire a salute of thirty-four rounds from Capitol Hill in 
 honor of the glorious victory achieved in the capture of Fort Donelson 
 and its 15,000 men. 
 
 The House adjourned to meet at 7 o'clock in the even 
 ing, but when met were too jubilant over the victory to 
 settle down to business, when they immediately adjourned, 
 and went to the Des Moines House, then the leading hotel in 
 the city, where a banquet had been prepared, around which 
 they could give further vent to their feelings of joy. 
 
 After partaking of the viands spread to refresh the "in- 
 ner man," speeches were made to refresh the u loyal man." 
 Mr. Aldrich, who was one of the participants at the feast, 
 says: 
 
 "Among the speakers at that noisy table, of whom my recollection 
 is most distinct, was our illustrious War Governor, Samuel J. Kirk- 
 wood. His blood had been at a very high temperature over the Trent 
 affair, in which Mason and Slidell had been captured and afterwards 
 given up, and the inspiration of the occasion did not, in the least, tend 
 to cool him off. In the midst of his remarks, every word weighing a 
 pound, while the perspiration freely run down his rugged face, he 
 said: 'Parents should rear their children to hate Old England. If I 
 
 had a son .' Just opposite the Governor sat po.or RedneJd, then a 
 
 Senator from Dallas county, a graduate of Yale, a gloriotrs fellow, who 
 afterwards 'foremost fighting fell' before Atlanta. When the Gover 
 nor reached this point, Redfield could not restain his enthusiasm, but, 
 bringing his fist down upon the table with the force of a sledge ham 
 mer, exclaimed: 'By , Governor, you shall have one!' This dem 
 onstration brought down the house. The Governor did not finish the 
 sentence. 1 must confess that my memory is misty concerning the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. . 207 , 
 
 remainder of this speech. I believe he soon yielded the floor to some 
 one else, but his look of sternness while uttering the words I have 
 quoted I have never forgotten. It was more than a joyful time. " 
 Every Democrat in the Legislature was a 'War Democrat, ' whatever 
 he may have been twenty-four hours before." 
 
 The next day the following dispatch was sent to the 
 Speaker: 
 
 'CHICAGO, Feb. 19, 1862. 
 
 " The Second Iowa acquitted themselves with great bravery at Fort 
 Donelson led the best and most successful charge have suffered, 
 terribly. Besides the Second, there were the Seventh, Tenth, Eleventh, 
 Twelfth and Fourteenth Iowa Infantry in the fight. The friends of 
 Cols. Tuttle, Lauman, Perczel, Hare, Wood and Shaw will rejoice 
 that the glory of the fight and the victory belongs and is attached to 
 their names and to the brave officers and soldiers under them. 
 Another glorious page has been recorded in the history of Iowa by her 
 gallant troops in the field. With great respect, I have the honor to 
 rejoice in the glory of Iowa and the triumph of Union men. 
 
 "N. B. BAKER, 
 "Adjutant-General of Iowa." 
 
 But there is another and a gloomy act in the Fort Donel 
 son drama. The victory was won at a cost of 600 of our 
 brave boys killed or severely wounded. One Iowa company 
 that went in to the fight with eighty men, came out with but 
 six. In many an Iowa home the tears of grief were trickling . 
 down over the cheeks of sorrow, and the sobs of anguish were 
 mingling with the hoarse winter winds, for fathers, brothers, , 
 sons and lovers slain, and for other fathers, brothers, sons 
 and lovers suffering from painful wounds and want of care. 
 They were where no mother's kindly hand and voice or sis 
 ter's tender sympathies, or lover's inspiring look could reach 
 them. That their sufferings should be relieved as soon as 
 possible, the Legislature sent a commission of medical men 
 to look after and care for them, and make provision for their 
 comfort. Governor Kirkwood took with him Surgeon-Gen 
 eral Hughes and they accompanied the commissioners, for 
 he could not rest till all had been done for the boys -that 
 could be, for he felt for them all the anxiety of a father. 
 
208 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 
 
 The General Assembly placed at his disposal $3,000 "to 
 provide for supplying the wants of the soldiers of the several 
 Iowa regiments." 
 
 HISTORY OF A FLAG FROM DISGRACE TO 
 
 GLORY A STIGMA WIPED OUT WITH 
 
 COURAGE AND YALOR. 
 
 The Second Iowa Volunteer Infantry was the first regi 
 ment enlisted in the State for the three years service, and no 
 regiment was better officered than it. Four of those who 
 were its colonels in succession, S. R. Curtis, James M. Tut- 
 tle, J. B. Weaver and M. M. Crocker, became generals, and 
 the two who did not reach that rank died of wounds received 
 in the battle of Corinth. While it was exceedingly well 
 "officered," it was equally as well "privated, " f or its ranks 
 were filled from our best class of citizens in some of the 
 older counties of the State. 
 
 They were mustered into service the last of May, and un 
 til the next February were on duty mostly in Missouri, their 
 last service in that State being the guarding of Rebel pris 
 oners in the McDowell Medical College in St. Louis. While 
 performing this latter duty, some articles were stolen from 
 the museum of the college, and as the person, or persons, 
 who did the stealing could not be found out, the punishment 
 for the theft was inflicted upon the whole regiment, and 
 punishment was inflicted in an order issued by Gen. Ham 
 ilton, commandant of the post, declaring that the march of 
 the regiment from camp to the place of embarkation to be 
 taken to Fort Donelson should be made without the tap of a 
 drum, the blast of a bugle or the note of a fife, and with 
 furled and undisplayed banner. The regiment was dis 
 graced. Their flag was hiding its bright stars and brilliant 
 stripes emblems of a country's glory and a nation's pride 
 and no patriot's eye was permitted to greet, or soldier's 
 enthusiasm to cheer, them. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 209 
 
 At the time the regiment was drawn up in line before the 
 college it had been guarding, preparatory to its march to the 
 river, when the order disgracing it was to be read, a young 
 lady appeared with a large wreath of flowers to be presented to 
 the regiment and attached to and adorn the flag as a tribute 
 from loyal citizens to the regiment for its valor, its loyalty 
 and good conduct while in St. Louis. 
 
 The flag going down in disgrace carried the wreath along 
 with it. 
 
 To say that both officers and privates were indignant is 
 expressing it too mildly. They were mad, almost fighting 
 mad. A war of words between Col. Tuttle and Gen. Hamil 
 ton failed to procure a revocation of the order. It was an 
 outrage. It was like hanging a man for murder on suspi 
 cion on public rumors, without the intervention of judge or 
 jury. It was punishing a thousand men for what but a few 
 could possibly be guilty, and in the absence of proof that 
 even one of that thousand was guilty. 
 
 The privates who took the few articles from the museum 
 were regarded as vile culprits, while the officers who took the 
 whole college, museum and all from its Rebel owner were 
 regarded as patriotic heroes. 
 
 Col. Tuttle appealed to Gen. Halleck for justice, and all 
 the response he could get from him was, < k Go to the front; 
 Gen. Grant shall give you a fighting chance, and no man 
 will, if you prove heroes, be so quick to let the country 
 know it as myself." They "went to the front.'' They "got 
 a fighting chance." Through the abattis, up the steep ascent 
 and over the intrenchments of Donelson. in the face of a 
 furious storm of iron hail and leaden rain, with comrades 
 falling all around them, they carried that flag till it was 
 proudly, triumphantly planted on the intrenchments from 
 which the Rebels had been drives, and there it was permitted 
 to wave over the humiliating white flag of capitulated foes 
 
 On its way there. Color-bearer Doolittle falls pierced 
 
210 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 with four balls. The disgraced banner is then taken by 
 Corporal Page, who soon falls dead. Again it was raised by 
 Corporal Churcher, who had the strong right arm that bore 
 it broken by a ball. It was then grasped by Corporal 
 Twombley, who, though knocked down by a spent ball, 
 arose and gallantly carried the glorious banner to the end of 
 the fight. Thus in less than a week from the time it was in 
 disgrace at St. Louis that disgrace was wiped out in a blaze 
 of glory by the brave boys, of whose courage and valor it 
 was a proud emblem. 
 
 True to his promise, Gen. Halleck let the country know 
 the boys had "proved themselves heroes," for only three 
 days after the battle he telegraphed Adjutant-General Baker, 
 1 'The Second Iowa Infantry proved themselves the bravest of 
 the brave. They had the honor of leading the column that 
 entered Fort Donelson." 
 
 No one felt more keenly the reproach heaped upon this 
 regiment than did Governor Kirkwood, and he wrote to Gen. 
 Hamilton as follows: 
 
 EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, IOWA, * 
 DES MOINES, Feb. 17, 1862. J 
 
 Schuyler Hamilton, Brigadier- General, Vols., U. S. A., 
 Commanding St. Louis Dist., St. Louis, Mo.: 
 
 SIR I received your letter of the 10th last , enclosing special 
 Nos. 28 and 30, dated on the 9th and 10th inst., in relation to the Sec 
 ond Regiment Iowa Infantry. The former of these orders commends 
 that regiment very highly for their conduct to certain prisoners that 
 were for a long time in their custody. The latter is intended. to throw 
 dishonorable reflection thereon on account of the robbing and destruc 
 tion committed by its members on the museum. 
 
 After mature reflection, I cannot consent to retain these orders in 
 my possession or to place them on the files of this department, and 
 therefore return them with the letters enclosing them. My reasons for 
 so doing are that by retaining and filing these orders I would, to some 
 extent, admit the justness of the imputations contained in the latter 
 order. This I cannot do, and there is, therefore, no other course open 
 for me to pursue than the one indicated. The good name of her 
 oldiers is very dear to the people of Iowa, and undeserved disgrace 
 shall not by any act of mine attach to this or any other regiment or to 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 211 
 
 any individual of the brave men she has sent out to fight the battles of 
 the country. 
 
 It appears, both from the order itself and your letter, that but a 
 very few members of the regiment could have been guilty of the acts 
 on which the order was based, and it does not appear but that persons 
 entirely outside the regiment may have committed these acts. There 
 are very many members of that regiment whose standing socially, 
 morally and intellectually is equal to yours or mine, who feel an im 
 putation upon their honor as keenly as either of us can do, and I must 
 be permitted to say that, in my judgment, it is harsh and cruel to sub 
 ject them to the pain of humiliation and disgrace in consequence of 
 acts not committed by themselves and the commission of which by 
 others they could not, prevent. The feeling produced by undeserved 
 punishment is never a healthy one and cannot produce desirable 
 results. * * * 
 
 I trust that measures may be taken to relieve the regiment from 
 the imputation cast upon it. 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Governor Kirkwood also wrote Gen. Halleck in regard to 
 it. But the blood of the brave boys who bore it blotted out 
 the stain upon their banner more completely than a deluge of 
 ink from the pen of a major-general could possibly do it. 
 
 During the session of the Legislature the flag was deliv 
 ered by Col. Tuttle to Hon. R. D. Kellogg, a member of the 
 House, who was one of the three persons sent to Fort Donel- 
 son to look after the wounded and sick soldiers, with the in 
 junction that it be placed over the Speaker's chair till the end 
 of the session and then be deposited in the archives of the 
 State Historical Society. 
 
 The presentation was made with imposing ceremonies. 
 The Senate in a body and the United States officers were 
 invited to be present. 
 
 The Sergeant-at-Arms announced "His Excellency the 
 Governor and his staff bearing the flag," and upon their 
 entrance the audience arose to their feet. 
 
 His Excellency then proceeded to the Speaker's desk and 
 thereupon presented the flag to the Speaker with the fol 
 lowing remarks: 
 
212 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Mr. Speaker: The Second Iowa Regiment have sent by the com 
 mission that visited Fort Donelson to look after our wounded soldiers 
 there, the flag borne by them on that bloody but glorious day, when 
 our troops first entered that stronghold of rebellion, with the request 
 that it hang over your chair until the adjournment and then be depos 
 ited in the State Historical Society, and I have been selected to perform 
 the very pleasant duty of presenting the flag to you in accordance with 
 that request. 
 
 I have been on the ground over which our brave men bore this flag 
 on that trying day. I have traced their steps over that battlefield, 
 and it will always be a marvel to me that human hearts and human 
 hands could have borLe it as it was borne, proudly and defiantly, amid 
 the terrible difliculties and the storm of battle it there breasted and 
 overcame. But the men who bore it were the men of Iowa. They had 
 strong hands and brave hearts, they knew that the hopes and fears, 
 the prayers and tears of fair women and brave men went with them, 
 they knew they fought for God and their country, and they conquered, 
 and the flag I now present, first among all borne by loyal hands, 
 waved in triumph over the entrenchments of Fort Donelson. This is 
 not the flag of a regiment merely, nor does it bear the arms of our 
 State, it is the flag of our country, it bears upon its folds Stars and 
 Stripes, all the Stars and all the Stripes, the same old flag bequeathed 
 to us by our forefathers, very dear to us both because of those from 
 whom it came and of what it has given us, and which we intend, God 
 willing, to transmit to our children with never a star or stripe the less. 
 It symbolizes to us not only the ardent patriotism, the patience, endur 
 ance and the fiery valor of those who bore it first of all over the en 
 trenchments of Fort Donelson, but, more and better, it symbolizes to 
 us the virtues of those who formed it, the blessings it has secured to us 
 and the dearest hopes for liberty throughout the world. 
 
 I now commit it to your hands. But by this pageant we have not 
 discharged our trust and duty. We owe it to the flag, and to the brave 
 men who have borne it and died for it, that we devote all we have, 
 hearts, hands, minds and means, to the good cause till it shall again 
 wave over our country and our people. 
 
 The speaker, Hon. Rush Clark, received the flag, sus 
 pended it over his chair, and responded as follows: 
 
 Hail to the flag of our country! Emblem of our nation's glory, 
 the honored escutcheon of a free people! Let our flag wave evermore, 
 with all the Stars and all the Stripes! What tongue can now add to 
 its renown? What mere words tell of the achievements written upon 
 its ample folds? Who, of men so high as to refuse our flag his rever 
 ence? What nation so proud or powerful as to dare insult it? 
 
THE LIFri AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 213 
 
 Haii to the flag of the Iowa Second, thrice honorable! so gallantly 
 upheld, so nobly defended. Who would blush to be its future custo 
 dians? 
 
 Sir, to say in behalf of the members of this House that we are flat 
 tered by this lofty work of the confidence of Iowa soldiers, they too 
 the bravest of the brave," would but meanly convey to you and them 
 the depth of intense pride which this token brings us. We are proud 
 that the State which we represent has such a regiment as that which 
 followed and defended this flag. We are proud that the people who 
 sent us here have sent to the field such sons and brothers as answer to 
 the muster rolls of the Iowa Second. We are proud, too, that they are 
 a portion of the constituency we serve. Permit us, sir, through you, 
 to say to the gallant officers and soldiers of the Iowa Second that we 
 accept this earnest of their regard as a thing priceless as our honor. 
 We have been taught from our infancy to regard this symbol of our 
 nationality with the respect due from loyal and patriotic men. We 
 have looked upon it in boyhood ^ind in manhood as the token of 
 our liberties. We have read upon it the consecrated history of a revo 
 lutionary struggle for freedom, blood stained and full of woe to our 
 suffering forefathers. We have learned how the tri-colored banner 
 was first flung to a summer's breeze under the shadow of Bunker Hill, 
 and we have followed it in history through many mighty struggles, and 
 we never found it trailed in the dust of dishonor. It remained for the 
 volunteer soldiery of our gallant State to add to the familiar list we 
 read upon its folds those other names, '"Wilson's Creek," "Blue 
 Mills," "Belmont," and last but most significant, "Donelson." 
 
 The va orous deeds of the Iowa Second are already a part of our 
 national history and make up one of its most brilliant pages. It would 
 be vain to rehearse them now. The unfaltering onset of these gallant 
 men is written in the sleepless memory of a million free men. Noth 
 ing can be abated, none of their achievements forgotten. 
 
 This standard is no idle curiosity, no mere relic of the past. Its 
 folds, riddled by the murderous lead of rifles of an enemy poisoned by 
 the hate that only a fratricidal foe can feel, tell of scenes of carnage 
 that have few parallels, and of dauntless, unflinching bravery that 
 challenges the history of the world. We only know that the unwaver 
 ing advance of the Iowa Second at Donelson was as resistless as the 
 sweep of the tornado. 
 
 These glorious colors were borne forward amidst the leaden rain, no 
 man faltering, no man fearing, but still pressing forward in the face 
 of a stubborn and desperate foe, till the brave work was done and the 
 splendid charge rewarded with a prize significant of the highest vindi 
 cation of our country and our cause. 
 
 Here the human heart bids us pause to speak of those who have 
 followed the flag of our country for the last time. Who would not die 
 
214 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 tis they? A grateful country has given them a hallowed and undying 
 memory, and a generous State mourns for them in public silence. 
 They are enshrined in the great heart of a free people. 
 
 Sir, we will see that these colors are handed down to the free men 
 who will come after us, as a precious part of our State's proud his 
 tory. Let these colors be as sacred to them as "the last bequest of a 
 sainted mother!" Let the gallant volunteers in all coming time draw 
 from the memory that clings to these colors, the spirit of the heroic 
 men that followed them to find a soldier's grave before the entrench 
 ments of the enemies of their country's liberties. May the grey haired 
 old man pause uncovered at the niche where this flag may be pointed 
 out, and let him there relate to the youth beside him the events which 
 rendered these colors immortal. Let that youth be told of the gener 
 ous love a loyal State bears to its gallant soldiery, and let him there 
 be taught "to defend the flag and obey the Constitution of his country." 
 
 The exercises were concluded by singing the "Star 
 Spangled Banner." 
 
 On the 24:th of March the Governor writes Senator 
 Grimes in Washington: 
 
 "How about our Brigadiers? You know I long ago recommended 
 Crocker, Dodge and Perczel and I yet think them among our best col 
 onels as you will find when they are tried. Dodge has been tried at 
 Pea Ridge and has turned out just as I expected. I think him one of 
 the very best military men in the State. Has Lauman been appointed? 
 He acted manfully at Belmont and deserves it. Tuttles charge at 
 Donelson is one of the most brilliant of this or any other war. I have 
 been on the ground he charged over, and I believe that none but Iowa 
 troops could Lave done it. Vandever did nobly at Pea Ridge, so far 
 as I have learned, and all our colonels and all our men will do the 
 same as they get the chance. 
 
 "Can't we get some more Brigadiers? What is the situation about 
 Washington generally? Don't things look more hopeful? Take time 
 to write me a long letter showing just how things stand. I thank you 
 for your speech on the navy and the gallant Foote. He is a man all 
 over." 
 
 After the battle of Pittsburg Landing he visited that 
 place to look after the care of sick and wounded soldiers, 
 and see that they had proper attention. 
 
 Writing to Col. M. M. Crocker, a month afterward, he 
 
 Dear Col.: My nephew, Lieut. W. W, Kirkwood, is at my house 
 very sick. His recovery is very doubtful, his disease typhoid fever 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 215 
 
 arising from camp diarrhea contracted at Fort Donelson. But for this 
 I would have been in Washington and urged your promotion person 
 ally. I have written the President and our delegation in your favor. 
 Permit rne to congratulate you on your conduct at Pittsburg Land 
 ing. Every one speaks of you in the highest terms and none more 
 highly than I am satisfied you deserve. I think nothing will prevent 
 your promotion, unless it be determination not to appoint any more 
 Brigadiers. 
 
 About the same time he writes Col. Add H. Sanders of 
 the Sixteenth: 
 
 "I have not any fear for you or the regiment. I did not, however, 
 suppose the regiment would have done as well as it did uuder the cir 
 cumstances, as new as it was, without any opportunity for regimental 
 drill, without any experience in the use of arms, it is a wonder to me 
 they stood at all, but Iowa pluck carried them through as it did the 
 Fifteenth. Say to the boys one and all, I am delighted with them and 
 expect to hear further from them in the next battle. I am fearful iu 
 regard to their health. I hope you will insist on the line officers giving 
 personal attention to everything that may tend to prevent sickness 
 this is very important, and I sometimes fear a much neglected part of 
 their duty. 11 
 
 To Gen. Schofield, commanding United States and Mis 
 souri State troops, he writes in relation to troubles on Iowa's 
 southern border: 
 
 "Yours in regard to escaped criminals in this State is received. 
 From a letter received from Governor Gamble I am led to believe he 
 will not make any effort for their reclamation. 
 
 ' 'You may rest assured that the civil officers of the United States 
 shall receive all the assistance in my power to give them, and I trust 
 the proper steps may be taken to that end. We cannot understand 
 here why men who are guilty of the greatest crimes committed since 
 Christ was crucified, should be permitted to live in peace and quietness 
 with those whose brothers and sons they have murdered. Trusting 
 you will take such steps as may be necessary, I remain 
 
 "Very respectfully your obedient servant, 
 
 "SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD." 
 
 His Excellency the President: By reason of my absence from home 
 the telegraphic dispatch of Gov. Morgan, requesting my signature to 
 the letter of the governors of the loyal States to you, requesting you to 
 call for three hundred thousand more volunteers, did not reach me un 
 til the 5th inst., too late to permit me to attach my name to the letter. 
 But for this my name would have accompanied those of the governors 
 
216 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 of the other States, and I now assure you that the State of Iowa in the 
 future as in the past, will be prompt and ready to do her duty to the 
 country in the time of sore trial. Our harvest is just upon us, and we 
 have now scarcely men enough to save our crops, but if need be our 
 women can help harvest them. I am anxiously awaiting the requisi 
 tion of the Secretary of War. I will be in Washington next week, 
 when I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you. 
 
 Very respectfully your obedi nt servant, 
 
 SAMUEL. J. KIRKWOOD. 
 Iowa City, July 7, 1862. 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, 
 July 9, 1862. 
 
 PROCLAMATION OF THE GOVERNOR. 
 
 To the People of Iowa: I have this day received from the Secretary 
 of War a telegram, requesting me to raise as soon as practicable for the 
 United States service, for three years or during the war, five regiments 
 of volunteer infantry, being a part of the quota of this State under the 
 late call of the President for 300,000 men. 
 
 The preservation of the Union, the perpetuity of our government, 
 the honor of our State, demand that this requisition be promptly met. 
 
 Our harvest is upon us and we have feared a lack of force to secure 
 it, but we must imitate our brave Iowa boys in the field, meet new 
 emergencies with new exertions. Our old men and boys unfit for war, 
 and if need be our women, must help to gather our harvest, while 
 those able to bear arms go forth to aid their brave brethren in the 
 field. The necessity is urgent. Our national escutcheon is at stake. 
 The more promptly the President is furnished these needed troops, the 
 more speedily will this unholy rebellion be crushed, and the blessings 
 of peace again visit our land. Until then we must expect the hard 
 ships and privations of war. The time has come when men must make, 
 as many have already made, sacrifices of ease, comfort and business 
 for the cause of the country. The enemy by a sweeping conscription 
 have forced into their ranks all men capable of bearing arms. Our 
 Government has as yet relied upon the voluntary action of our citi 
 zens, but if need be the same energies must be exerted to preserve our 
 government that traitors are using to destroy it. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 TELEGRAM. 
 
 DAVENPORT, August 11, 1862. 
 
 Hon. Edwin Stanton, Secretary of War: * * * I will have ten 
 regiments instead of five uader your requisition of July 8th. They 
 will be full this week. You must accept them as volunteers. They en- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KtRKWOOD. 217 
 
 listed to avoid the disgrace of a draft, as they consider it, and it will 
 not do to refuse them. Answer at once. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 TELEGRAM. 
 
 DAVENPOBT, August 20, 1862. 
 
 Son. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War: 1st. There are enough 
 companies now full and that will be filled by the 28rd, to fill eighteen 
 to twenty regiments. Our whole State appears to be volunteering. 
 
 2nd. The companies are now coming into rendezvous as rapidly 
 as I can furnish blankets for them. Could have them all in next week 
 if I had blankets and could build quarters fast enough. Have blankets 
 for only five regiments 
 
 3d. I don't want any further time than the 23d. All I want is to 
 put into regiments all the companies full on that day. If I don't get 
 this permission I will have to volunteer myself and leave the State. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 In filling up the last regiment there was a surplus of one 
 company, and the question was which one of the eleven was 
 to be the supernumerary and be left at home, for all wanted 
 to go. In making a speech to them, the Governor said he 
 was in as bad a dilemma as one of his old Ohio friends found 
 himself. A couple of brothers by the name of James and 
 Joseph Jenkins were living together, James newly married 
 and Joseph single. In process of time James' wife spent her 
 leisure moments in making small clothes for a young stranger 
 whom she expected to come and live with her. During a 
 temporary absence of the bachelor brother, the little stranger 
 arrived, and his little twin brother came with him. On Jo 
 seph's return he found his brother in a state of great excite 
 ment almost going crazy, and he says, "What's the matter 
 Jim, ain't Sally doing well?" "Yes, Sally's doing well 
 enough." "Is anything wrong with the baby? " " No the 
 baby's all right." "Well, what's the matter then?" "Mat 
 ter! matter enough, Sail's got two babies and she's got clothes 
 for only one of them." 
 
 Now, says the Governor, you can appreciate my dilemma 
 in calling for only ten companies and getting eleven when 
 I have places and clothes for only ten. 
 
218 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR. 
 
 The quota of this State of the 300,000 volunteers called for by the 
 President on the 3d of July last is 10,570. 
 
 The quota of this State of the 300,000 militia required to be drafted 
 by order of the President 4th of August instant is 10,570. 
 
 The quota of the first call is over full by the prompt and patriotic 
 response of our people within the last few weeks: I am satisfied that 
 from fifteen to twenty thousand men are now organized into compa 
 nies awaiting organization into new regiments, and I am urging upon 
 the -War Department the acceptance of the whole number, and that 
 our State be credited with the excess upon the second call for drafted 
 men. But the War Department refuses, as yet, to give us such credit 
 until the number of men required to fill the old regiments (8,005) shall 
 have been furnished. 
 
 These men for the old regiments are sorely needed, and the cause of 
 the country is better served by filling the old regiments than by raising 
 new ones. 
 
 The officers and men of the old regiments have gained a knowledge 
 of their duties by experience in the field, aud new recruits joining 
 their regiments have the benefit of this knowledge gained by their 
 officers and comrades. An old regiment filled up with new recruits is 
 more effective at the end of two weeks than a new regiment at the end 
 of two months. In order, then, to get the credit due our State for the 
 excess furnished over the first call, and in order to give the country 
 this most effective assistance and sorely-needed help, we must fill up 
 the old regiments. We can do this by volunteering until the first of 
 September. If not done by that time the deficiency will be supplied 
 by special draft, in addition to the draft under the second call. 
 
 I appeal, then, to every man for aid. Let everything else be laid 
 aside until this needed work is done. Let the young men whose 
 brothers and friends are in the old regiments take their places by their 
 sides. Any person desiring to enter an old regiment can select the 
 regiment and company he chooses, and then go with his acquaintances 
 and friends. 
 
 So deeply am I impressed with the imperative necessity of filling 
 the old regiments that I will, at the extra session of the General Assem 
 bly to convene on the third day of September, i ecommend to that body 
 the creation of a State bounty, of such sum as may be deemed advis 
 able, to all persons who shall, before the first day of September next, 
 enlist in any one of the old regiments of this State. 
 
 I also earnestly advise all companies now incomplete, and which 
 will not certainly be completed by the 28d instant, to abandon their 
 attempt at organization as companies and enlist for the old regi 
 ments. * * * 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 219 
 
 In a postscript of a letter to the President August 21st, 
 the Governor writes: 
 
 "I am satisfied Iowa has to-day not less than eighteen, and, I be 
 lieve, twenty, new regiments ready for organization, in addition to the 
 twenty-one now in the field. S. J. K." 
 
 This would make 40,000 men raised in the State in six 
 teen months, and this number reached 50,000 before the first 
 day of January following. 
 
 Writing to Geo. W. Handy, an orderly sergeant, he says: 
 
 41 1 have just received a letter, signed by some others and yourself, 
 in regard to what you call 'State pay.' I confess to some surprise at 
 the tenor of your letter, but overlook it in view of the fact that you 
 were doubtless misled. Let me state the facts. Last year the United 
 States paid the soldiers, not from the date of enlistment, but from the 
 date of mustering in of the regiment, and the State paid from the date 
 of enlistment up to the date of the muster. The effect of this was that 
 the soldiers had to take State warrants ('State Shin-plasters') for that 
 portion of their pay and sell them for what they could get and stand 
 the 'shave.' I did not think this was best for the boys and, with 
 others, tried to have it changed and succeeded in doing so, so that now 
 the soldiers get their pay from the United States from the day of enlist 
 ment, and of course get it in money and not in 'Shin-plasters.' There 
 is no time for which the State has to pay, because the United States 
 pay from the very first day of enlistment. For what time, then, is the 
 State to pay you? This arrangement is much better for the soldier 
 and much worse for the 'shaver ' the soldier gets all money and the 
 'shaver 1 has no chance at him. The officers are not so well cared for; 
 their pay commences at the day of their muster, and they are com 
 pelled to take 'State Shin-plasters' for what is due them before the 
 time. 
 
 "I trust you will from this statement see that you have been 
 entirely too hasty in charging me or any one else with neglect of your 
 interest. Permit me to say there is too* much disposition to charge 
 wrong on others without a careful examination to know whether it is 
 deserved. You will all learn, I hope, that others may be as honest and 
 as patriotic as yourselves, and that it is possible for you to be mistaken 
 in views hastily adopted. Whether any one has purposely misled you 
 in this matter, I, of course, do not know. 
 
 "One thing further. You threaten to vote the Democratic ticket. 
 Now, you must at all times do just as you please about that. You 
 have as much interest in the government as I have. I don't vote the 
 Democratic ticket because I think the Democratic party is wrong. If 
 
220 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 I thought it was right, I would vote that ticket. You must judge for 
 3 T ourselves and vote as you think right on all occasions; but allow me 
 to repeat the caution that you do not arrive at conclusions too hastily, 
 and that you don't allow yourselves to be misled by designing men to 
 vote the Democratic or any other ticket. If you can stand the success 
 of the Democracy, I will try to do so too. 
 
 "When you write again, don't take it for granted that every thing ig 
 wrong till you learn all the facts. 
 
 "Very respectfully, 
 
 "SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD." 
 
 On the 3d of September the General Assembly met in 
 special session. Hon. Rush Clark addressed the House as 
 follows: 
 
 " Gentlemen of the House of Representatives : The hour has arrived 
 at which it becomes my duty to call you to order. I will not delay 
 your proceedings by a word. While the safety of our beloved country 
 hangs in a trembling balance, let us do well, but quickly, what the in 
 terests of a common constituency demand, s- hen a million bayonets 
 are clashing about the nation's heart, our words may well be few. 
 The mighty issue still is: 'Have we a government? ' Before our ad 
 journment here that issue may be decided forever. Let us do our 
 duty to the Commonwealth and trust the God of Nations for the 
 result. We are ready to perfect the organization of the House." 
 
 That being accomplished the following message was read: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, Sept. 3, 1862. 
 Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : 
 
 You have been convened in extraordinary session to consider some 
 questions vitally affecting the public welfare, which, in my judgment, 
 require your immediate action. 
 
 When you closed your last regular session, the belief prevailed 
 very generally that the strength of the rebellion against the General 
 Governme t had been broken, and your legislation upon some ques 
 tions of great public interest was controlled by that belief. The lapse 
 of time has shown that belief to be erroneous, and a change of legisla 
 tion on those questions has therefore become necessary. 
 
 The provision made for our sick and wounded soldiers, and for 
 their return to their homes on furlough, will, under existing circum 
 stances, prove wholly inadequate. The largely increased number of 
 our soldiers that will be shortly in the field, and the great length of 
 time they will be exposed to the danger of disease and the casualties 
 of battle, will render absolutely necessary a large increase of the fund 
 provided for their care and comfort. The extraordinary expenses of 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 221 
 
 my office have also been, arid will probably continue to be, largely in 
 creased in consequence of the new demands that have been and may 
 be made upon the State. I, therefore, recommend to your favorable 
 consideration such increase of the contingent fund for extraordinary 
 expenses of this office as will be sufficient to enable me to do for the 
 gallant men, who so nobly represent our State in the army of the 
 Union, when suffering from wounds and disease, that which every 
 loyal heart so anxiously desires should be done, and also enable me to 
 carry on successfully the many and arduous labors imposed upon this 
 office, in promptly responding to all the demands made upon the State 
 for the support of the Government. 
 
 The labors of the office of Adjutant-General have been largely in 
 creased, and must continue to be very great as long as the war lasts, 
 and for some time after its close. This State will soon have in the field 
 nearly or quite 50,000 men, and the interest and welfare of our soldiers 
 and their friends require that the records of that office should be fully 
 and carefully kept. The Adjutant-General now discharges, in addition 
 to the proper duties of that office, the duties of Quartermaster-General 
 and Paymaster-General. It is, in my judgment, impossible for one 
 officer properly to superintend the labors of these three departments- 
 The amount of labor and attention required is more than one person 
 can give, and the necessary work cannot be so promptly done or so 
 well done as if there was a proper division of labor. I recommend 
 that I should be authorized to appoint an assistant Adjutant-General, 
 who shall act as Paymaster-General. A Quartermaster-General can 
 be appointed under existing law, and then the duties now imposed 
 upon the Adjutant-General can be so divided and arranged as, in my 
 judgment, to greatly benefit the public service. 
 
 In my judgment, the compensation of the Adjutant-General is not 
 adequate, either to the labor or responsibility of his position, and I 
 recommend an addition thereto, either by allowing him a contingent 
 for traveling expenses or by an increase of his salary. 
 
 Congress has provided by law an allotment system by which our 
 soldiers can set aside a portion of their monthly pay and have the 
 same paid at their homes to such persons as they may designate, with 
 out risk or expense. The benefits of this system are obvious and 
 great. Commissioners have been appointed by the President, but un 
 der the law the compensation of these commissioners must be paid by 
 the States, and as no appropriation has been made for that purpose, our 
 soldiers and their friends have not, as yet, enjoyed the benefits of the 
 system. One of the commissioners is now engaged in procuring the 
 allotments of our regiments before they leave the State, and I earnestly 
 recommend such an appropriation as will secure the benefits of this 
 system to all our soldiers. 
 
 Since your adjournment Congress has passed a law donating public 
 
222 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 lands to .>uch of the several States and territories as may provide col 
 leges for the benefit of agriculture and the mechanic arts. Under this 
 law, this State is entitled to a donation of 240,000 acres of land. It is a 
 most munificent donation, and for a most worthy purpose. It is of great 
 importance that immediate action be had by you touching this grant. 
 By taking such action the State can secure the entire amount of the 
 lands within her own limits, and consequently control their manage 
 ment and disposition. Should action in this matter be postponed till 
 the next regular session, other States may select their lands within the 
 limits of this State, and manage and dispose of them in a manner very 
 undesirable to us. I recommend the subject to your careful consider 
 ation. * * * 
 
 It is of the highest importance that the numerical strength of the 
 regiments from this State be maintained in the field. Many of our old 
 regiments have beeu much reduced in numbers, and thus the expense 
 of maintaining them in proportion to their numbers is much increased, 
 while their efficiency is much diminished. Our new regiments will go 
 out full, and the old ones will soon be filled, but in a short time their 
 numbers will be again reduced. To remedy this evil, I recommend 
 that with the approval of the proper Federal authorities a camp of in 
 struction be established at some suitable point in this State sufficient 
 to accommodate 1,000 men; that the several counties be required to 
 furnish their equitable proportion of that number of men to place in 
 camp under instruction; that when men are needed to fill the ranks of 
 any of our regiments, requisitions be made for the proper number 
 which shall be filled as nearly as may be from the men in camp from 
 the counties in which the companies composing the regiment were 
 organized, and their places in camp be immediately supplied by new 
 men from the same counties. This is entirely just to all the counties; 
 will send the men into companies composed of their neighbors and 
 friends, and will keep up our regiments to their effective strength. 
 
 On the 17th day of August I issued a proclamation urging upon our 
 people the strong necessity of filling up our old regiments, and as an 
 inducement to enlistments for that purpose declared my intention of 
 recommending to you the payment of bounties by the State to all who 
 should enlist for the old regiments, between the date of proclamation 
 and the first day of the present month. I have not yet learned the 
 number of men who have thus enlisted between the dates named, but 
 I recommend to you that an appropriation for the purpose of paying 
 to each of them such bounty as you may deem advisable. 
 
 The theory of\our government is that the people rule. This theory 
 can be carried into practical effect only through the ballot box. 
 Thereby the people mould and direct the operations of the govern 
 ment and settle all questions affecting the public welfare. The right 
 of suffrage is therefore highly prized by all good citizens, and should 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 223 
 
 be exercised by them at all times, and especially at times when ques 
 tions of grave importance are presented for solution. There never has 
 been, perhaps there never will again be a time when questions so im 
 portant, interests so vital as those now demanding action at the hands 
 of our people were, or will be submitted to them. The very life of the 
 nation is at stake, and may be as fatally lost at the ballot box as on the 
 battlefield. Under such circumstances it is not only the right but the 
 duty of all good citizens to exercise the right of suffrage, and to see to 
 it that the principles for the preservation of which our people are so 
 freely offering their treasure and life, are not jeopardized, are not lost 
 in the halls of legislation State or National. A very large number of 
 the electors of the State are in the army. We say but little when we 
 say that these men are as good citizens, as intelligent, as patriotic, as 
 devoted to their country, as those who remain at home. Under exist 
 ing laws these citizens cannot vote, and unless these laws can be 
 changed it may be that the same cause they are periling life in the 
 field to maintain, may be lost at home through supineness or treachery. 
 I therefore recommend that the laws be so modified that all members 
 of Iowa regiments, who would be entitled to vote if at home on the 
 day of election, be allowed to vote wherever they may be stationed in 
 the United States, and that provision be made for receiving and can 
 vassing their votes. 
 
 There are in this State some religious bodies who entertain peculiar 
 views on the subject of bearing arms, and whose religious opinions 
 conscientiously entertained preclude their doing so. Their members 
 are generally among our most quiet, orderly and industrious and 
 peaceful citizens, and their sympathies are wholly with the govern 
 ment in this struggle now going on for its preservation, yet they can 
 not conscientiously bear arms in its support. It appears to me it 
 would be unjust and wholly useless to force such men into the army 
 as sold ers, and yet it would not be just to the government or to other 
 citizens that they should be wholly relieved from the burdens that 
 others have to bear. I suggest therefore that these persons who can 
 not conscientiously render military duty be exempted therefrom in 
 case of draft upon payment of a fixed sum of money to be paid to the 
 State. 
 
 Startling rumors have recently reached me of danger to our people 
 on the northwestern frontier from hostile Indians 1 immediately 
 despatched Schuyler R. Ingham of Des Moines to the scene of danger 
 with arms and ammunition and full authority to act as circumstances 
 might require. I have not yet had a report from him, but will imme 
 diately upon receipt of such report communicate with you by special 
 message should the emergency require your attention. 
 
 The condition of the country is such as justly to cause anxiety and 
 distrust, but not despondency to the patriot. It is true the rebellion 
 
224 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 against the government has assumed a magnitude and shown a 
 strength we did not anticipate, but it is also true that the government 
 has exhibited a degree of power for its suppression that the most san 
 guine did not dream of. Our rulers and our people have at last real 
 ized the extent of the task before them, and have girded themselves to 
 the work like men. We have all, rulers and people, at last learned, 
 on a page all blotted with tears and blood, that in this war conciliation 
 and kindness are more than useless, and that the enemy, whose social 
 fabric is based upon force, respects only force, and can be subdued by 
 force alone. We are learning, if we have not yet learned, that it is 
 wise to strike the enemy where he is weakest, and to strike him there 
 continually and with all our power, that God's blessing upon our 
 cause will surely bring its triumph, and that we cannot with confidence 
 claim that blessing until our cause by being made in all things like 
 Him pure and holy, fully deserves it. If we have fully learned these 
 lessons, and shall fairly act upon thenv we will soon triumph. If we 
 have not learned them we will yet do so and we will then triumph. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Such was his anxiety to have all done for the soldiers 
 that could be, that on the 10th of September the Governor 
 sent in the following special message: 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives: 
 
 The burthens of the war now being waged by our people for the pres 
 ervation of our government bear heavily on us, and should be borne 
 as equally as possible. These burthens are of two kinds: First, that of 
 military duty in the field, and second, that of taxation at home. It 
 seems to me to be unequal and unfair that those of us who bear the 
 first of these burthens should be compelled to share with those of us 
 who remain at home the second; that the soldiers who are fighting 
 our battles in the field should also be compelled to pay their share of 
 taxes equally with those who do not share their perils and privations. 
 The compensation paid to those of our soldiers who hold commis 
 sions is sufficiently liberal to enable them to pay their taxes with 
 out inconvenience, but it is not so with their no less worthy, but 
 less fortunate comrades. It would be a just recognition by us of 
 our appreciation of the patriotism and self-sacrifice of the latter, 
 if we were to release them during their services from all taxes 
 levied under State laws and it doubtless would be news of com 
 fort and cheer to them amid the dangers and trials by which they are 
 surrounded for our sakes, that we be careful that the houses that shel 
 tered their \\ ives and little ones had been secured from danger of sale 
 for taxes, by our voluntary assumption of their share of the one bur 
 then, while they are bravely bearing our share of the other. I there- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 225 
 
 fore recommend to you that you pass a law exempting from all taxa 
 tion under the laws of the State the real and personal property of all 
 non-commissioned officers and privates in the regiments of this State 
 in the army of the United States during their continuance in service, 
 and that for the current year there be added to the pet centum of tax 
 ation upon the valuation of the property of all the other tax payers 
 the sum of one-fourth of one mill on each dollar of such valuation to 
 cover the deficiency in revenue created thereby. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
CHAPTEE XII. 
 
 Laws Passed Meeting of Loyal Governors Iowa's Quota Filled With 
 out Drafting Thanksgiving Proclamation Battle of Corinth Iowa 
 Regiments Engaged Letter to Col. Crocker To Surgeon Cochran 
 To Gen. Herron Governor's Anxiety for Sick Soldiers Writes Sec 
 retary of War in Their behalf Knights of Golden Circle Proclama 
 tion Writes Secretary of War Again. 
 
 i\.t this session of the Legislature the most important bills 
 passed were, one prompted by the horrid massacre by In 
 dians in Minnesota, for the protection of the northwestern 
 frontier from hostile Indians; one permitting counties to 
 pay bounties for enlistments, and to aid in the support of the 
 families of enlisted soldiers; one for the reorganization and 
 discipline of the militia; one for the appointment of sanitary 
 agents; one appropriating $30,000 for the extraordinary ex 
 penses of the Executive Department and the relief of sick 
 and wounded soldiers, and one providing for taking the 
 vote at certain State elections of the qualified voters who 
 are absent from the State in the military service of the 
 State. Much was done under the law toward organizing and 
 disciplining the militia at home, and much was done for the 
 relief of the families of enlisted soldiers, and a vast amount 
 of good was accomplished by the sanitary agents in providing 
 sanitary stores and forwarding them to the sick and wounded 
 soldiers in hospital and in camp. These agents were the 
 ministering angels of mercy that tempered and relieved the 
 rugged and cruel asperities of war. 
 
 At this extra session, in the appropriation bill was an 
 item or two which did not meet with the Governor's favor, 
 and when the bill had been passed and was presented to him 
 for his signature, a personal friend and an eyewitness of the 
 transaction says, "For once I saw the usually good natured 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 227 
 
 Governor thoroughly mad. There was a dishonest drain made 
 on the treasury by this bill which he wanted to stop, but 
 could not well do it, as the General Assembly was on the 
 very eve of adjournment." 
 
 Governor Kirkwood was one of the loyal Governors who 
 met at Altoona, and the following is his account of that 
 meeting and their subsequent interview with the President, 
 written as it purports to be for the "Iowa Historical 
 Record," and published in that journal in the January 
 number, 1892. 
 
 In relation to the draft which was resorted to to raise our 
 quota of troops, I quote from an article written for the Iowa 
 Historical Record by Mr. N. H. Brainerd, Military Secretary. 
 THE LOYAL GOVERNORS AT ALTOONA IN 1862. 
 
 Editor Iowa Historical Record: 
 
 Mr DEAR SIR: In accordance with your request I hand you here 
 with a brief history of the convention of the Governors of the loyal 
 States held at Altoona, Penn., in September, 1862. The convention 
 met in response to a circular sent to its members by Gov. Curtin of 
 Pennsylvania, signed by himself, and as I now recollect by the Gov 
 ernor of one or two of the other Eastern States. Part of its doings is 
 shown in its address to the President, prepared by Gov. Andrew of 
 Massachusetts, and published at the time; and another part consisted 
 of an interview with the President, which so far as I know has not 
 hitherto been made public, a brief and incomplete statement of which 
 I now endeavor to supply. 
 
 Sometime during the first half of September, 1862, I received a 
 circular, signed by Gov. Curtin of Pennsylvania and one or two other 
 Governors of States east of the Alleghanies, requesting the Governors* 
 of all the loyal States to meet at Altoona, Penn., for consultation in 
 regard to the then critical condition of public affairs. I felt it my duty 
 to attend the meeting and did so. Most of the Governors of the loyal 
 States attended personally or by proxies duly authenticated. I arrived 
 on the 22d day of September, and those present met on that day in 
 private session and conversed freely touching the condition of the 
 country. I got the New York papers of that day either at Creston, a 
 station west of Altoona, or at Altoona, and was delighted to find 
 
 *Thoee who met were A. G. Curtin, Pemn.; John A. Andrew, Mass ; Richa-d Yates, 
 111.; Israel WaBhburne, Jr., Me.; Edward Solomon, VVis. ; Samuel J. Kirkwood, la ; 
 O. P. Morton, (by D. G. Rose) Ind.; Wm. Sprague, R. I.; F. H. Pierriepoat, Va.; David 
 Tod, O. ; N. 8. Berry, N. H. ; Austin Blair, Mick, 
 
228 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 therein the Emancipation Proclamation of President Lincoln. It was 
 afterwards claimed by some people that the Proclamation was not 
 the deliberate judgment of the President, but that he was largely in 
 fluenced in issuing it by the action of our convention. This is a 
 mistake, as the Proclamation was publi hed before we met. 
 
 The Proclamation was freely discussed by us. Its issuance by the 
 President was heartily approved by most if not all present, and it was 
 resolved that an address to the President should be prepared for pre 
 sentation to him expressing that approval. Gov. Andrew was 
 appointed to prepare the address and he did so. We then discussed 
 the condition of military affairs and especially the fitness of Gen. 
 McClellan for military command. On this point there was some 
 difference of opinion, but my recollection is that a decided majority 
 were of opinion that the public welfare would be promoted by his 
 retirement from the command of the Army of the Potomac. But as 
 there was not the same accord of opinion on this point as there was in 
 regard to the Emancipation Proclamation, it was decided that the 
 address to be prepared by Gov. Andrew should not include any 
 expression of opinion in regard to Gen. McClellan, and that we should 
 go to Washington and have an interview with the President, at which 
 such of us as choose so to do might say what we thought on that sub 
 ject. We went to Washington accordingly and an interview was 
 arranged for, at which Gov. Andrew read the address to President 
 Lincoln, to which he made a suitable reply. This interview was 
 private at our request, because we thought as we were not in full 
 accord it would be better not to make public our difference of opinion. 
 Several of us expressed our opinions in regard to Gen. McClellan, 
 some favorable and some not favorable. Among others I gave my 
 opinion very decidedly unfavorable. I cannot give the names of those 
 on the one side or the other or the reasons assigned by any of them, 
 nor can I undertake to use the language used by myself, merely the 
 substance of it. In order to understand my position it is necessary to 
 explain my understanding of the position of the country at the time. I 
 I did not know Gen. McClellan personally, we had never met. All I 
 knew of him was what I had learned from others and the public 
 prints, and it may be I did him injustice, but I think not. I did know 
 Mr. Lincoln personally, not intimately, but I think thoroughly. He 
 was, in my judgment, next to Washington, the greatest man our 
 country has produced. In private life he was genial, gentle and 
 kindly. As a public man rigidly honest, exceptionally intelligent, 
 earnest, unselfish, brave and devoted to the preservation of the Union. 
 
 What progress had been made in September, 1862, in putting down 
 the rebellion? In the west our armies had done some good work; we 
 held the Mississippi down to Memphis, and the navy had captured and 
 held New Orleans, thus leaving Vicksburg and Port Hudson the only 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIEKWOOI). 229 
 
 obstacles to the free navigation of that great river. These obstacles were 
 removed by the capture of Vicksburg and Port Hudsoa in July of the 
 next year and the Confederacy deprived of the vast resources of the 
 rebel territory west of the river. Our western armies had fought the 
 battles of Fort Henry, Fort Donelson, Pea Ridge, Corinth and Wilson's 
 Creek, and covered themselves with glory. 
 
 What had the army of the Potomac done? It had done as much 
 and as hard fighting as the western armies but with what result? If 
 the results were not glorious and profitable the fault was not with the 
 soldiers; where was it? I then thought and still think it was with the 
 commander. He was often in a quarrel with the President, the Cabi 
 net and the Radicals, as he called a large portion of the Republican 
 members of Congress. He seemed to think the salvation of the coun 
 try depended on him alone and was continually complaining. When 
 urged to make a forward movement long before he did he insisted 
 that his troops were raw, undisciplined and not properly equipped, 
 but did not remember that our troops in the west were as raw and 
 undisciplined, and more poorly equipped than his, and yet did great 
 things. The Army of the Potomac had the first and best of every 
 thing and our western armies had what was left. The army of the 
 Potomac was better and sooner armed, better clothed, better equipped 
 in every way than our western armies. The public position I then 
 held compelled me to know it, and I was sometimes angry, and I 
 fear at times a little profane about it, and yet our western troops 
 were always doing something and McClellan was only getting ready. 
 
 It was with this knowledge and in this temper I had the conversa 
 tion with President Lincoln, which I am about to relate. After the 
 reading of our address by Governor Andrew and the President's reply, 
 I said to the President that I spoke only for our Iowa people; that, in 
 their judgment, Gen. McClellan was unfit to command his army; that 
 his army was well clothed, well armed, well disciplined, were fighting 
 in a cause as good as men ever fought for, and fought as 
 bravely as men ever fought, and yet were continually whipped, 
 and our people did not think he was a good general who was 
 always whipped. Mr. Lincoln smiled in his genial way and said, 
 "You Iowa people, then, judge generals as you do lawyers, by their 
 success in trying cases." 1 replied, "Yes, something like that; the 
 lawyer who is always losing his cases, especially when he was right 
 and had justice on his side, don't get much practice in Iowa." After 
 some further talk in the same vein I spoke upon another point, in 
 which I felt intense interest and upon which I had some fear my 
 remarks would not be received in the same spirit. But I thought I 
 knew Mr. Lincoln well enough to know that he would not take offense 
 unless he had cause to believe offense was intended, and I thought he 
 knew me well enough to know I would not intend to offend him. I 
 
230 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 said, "Mr. President, our Iowa people fear and I fear that the Admin 
 istration is afraid to remove Gen. McClellan." I saw the color come 
 to his cheek, and felt that I had blundered and I hastened to explain. 
 "Understand me, 1 ' I said, "we fear that the strong efforts made by 
 Gen. McClellan and his toadies iii the army to attach his soldiers to 
 him personally, and their efforts and the efforts of a certain class of 
 politicians outside the army to cause his soldiers to believe that the 
 severe criticisms to which the General has been subjected, are intended 
 to apply to them (the soldiers) as well as to him (their commander) 
 have so prejudiced his soldiers' minds as to make it unsafe to remove 
 him for fear his removal might cause insubordination, perhaps mutiny. 
 That is what I meant when I spoke of your being afraid to remove 
 him." And it was precisely what I meant, althongk I had blundered 
 in not saying just what I meant. Mr. Lincoln was silent for a brief 
 space, and then he said slowly and with emphasis, "Governor Kirk- 
 wood, if I believed our cause would be benefited by removing Gen. 
 McClellan to-morrow, I would remove him to-morrow. I do not so 
 believe to-day, but if the time shall come when I shall so believe, I will 
 remove him promptly, and not till then." I felt and expressed myself 
 perfectly satisfied, for I knew he meant and would do just what he 
 said; and so ended our interview, so far as 1 was concerned. 
 
 In reviewing at this late day the then situation, one thing is 
 strongly impressed on my mind: Gen. McClellan was or tried to be 
 too much of a politician and not enough of a soldier. His Harrison 
 Bar letter, indeed his whole history as written by himself, I think 
 shows this. It was a happy day for our country when Grant, Sher 
 man, Sheridan and Thomas, who were, and were content to be, 
 soldiers and did not aspire to be politicians as well, devoted them 
 selves to whipping the Rebel armies and left the management of our 
 political affairs to those to whom the people had entrusted it. 
 
 S. J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Iowa City, Dec. 20,1891. 
 
 In relation to the draft which was resorted to to raise our 
 quota of troops, I quote from an article written for the Iowa 
 Historical fiecord by Mr. N. H. Brainerd, military secretary 
 during Governor Kirkwood's administration: 
 
 "When the first call was made for 75,000 men for three months of 
 service, there seemed almost a fight for places, and in Iowa two regi 
 ments were enlisted when but one was called for and could be 
 accepted. But such was the spirit of the enlisted men that so soon as 
 a call came for enlistments for three years service, 1 his second regi 
 ment, which had enlisted but for three months, went bodily into the 
 three years service. As the conflict progressed and increased in mag 
 nitude, the Government, in 1862, issued a call for 300,000 men to be 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 231 
 
 enlisted for three >years service, and for another 300,000 to be enlisted 
 for nine months, if possible, but if not, then to be drafted. Then was 
 the time we saw the war spirit on the rampage here in Iowa. In our 
 own county (Johnson) we saw 700 men go into the Twenty-second 
 Regiment, while some 500 had gone out before. The quota for Iowa 
 in each one of these calls was 10,500 men. The first was soon filled. 
 
 "As to the second, Governor Kirkwood said he would not put in a 
 man for nine months. He said it took nine months for raw recruits to 
 become of value as soldiers to become inured to camp and march to 
 change of food and habits, and the exposure incident to army life and 
 efficient in drill and the use of arms. By the time they had got thus 
 far and were beginning to be soldiers in deed, their term of enlistment 
 would expire and they be lost to the service. So he called upon the 
 patriotism of Iowa to fill this call, also, with three years men; and so 
 well was this call responded to that the whole number were so enlisted 
 and sent to the field. 
 
 "Of all the wise things done by Governor Kirkwood during the 
 war, and there were very many of them, none were wiser than this. 
 Had this call been filled throughout the country in the same manner, 
 the Rebellion would have collapsed much sooner than it did, and tens 
 of thousands of precious lives and hundreds of millions of treasure 
 been saved. But all Governors did not have Iowa patriotism to draw 
 upon. But Iowa received at Washington credit for only the number 
 of men sent, without reference to the length of time for which they 
 were enlisted. 
 
 "As the war progressed with all its casualties, and the expiration 
 of the enlistment of the nine months men, more recruits were wanted, 
 and as they could not be enlisted fast enough a draft was ordered in 
 1863, and Iowa was called upon to furnish troops under it. I then 
 suggested to Governor Kirkwood that Iowa was entitled to credit for 
 the length of time of enlistments, as well as for the number of men 
 enlisted. He directed me to correspond with the War Department and 
 present the claim. This I at once did and received prompt reply that 
 the claim was just, but that the Department was overwhelmed with 
 work, and had no time then to adjust the matter, but would do so and 
 give due credit on any subsequent call; that the necessity for men was 
 most pressing, and this draft must go on as it did early in 1864. In 
 July, 1864, another draft was ordered, and Iowa had not received her 
 due credit. Governor Kirkwood 's last term closed in January, 1864, 
 and Governor Stone succeeded him. He also pressed this claim for 
 credit; but it was not till January 23, 1865, that he was enabled to 
 issue his proclamation announcing that, 'After a careful settlement 
 with the War Department and adjustment of credits due under previ 
 ous calls, together with recent enlistments, we are gratified in being 
 able to announce that all demands by the Government upon this State 
 
232 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 for troops have been tilled, and that we are placed beyond the liability 
 of a draft under the impending call for 300,000 one year men.' " 
 
 Had proper credit for these three-year men been obtained 
 as the men were furnished, our quota would have been full 
 when the first draft was ordered, and with the enlistments 
 which were constantly being made, all calls would have been 
 met by enlistments, and Iowa at no time subject to draft. 
 The 10,500 for three years were equal in time of service to 
 42,000 men enlisted for nine months. In actual value they 
 were vastly greater than this. They were, after the nine 
 months expired, veterans in service to the close of the war, 
 while some of the greatest embarrassments the government 
 encountered were from the expiration of the terms of the 
 nine months' men from the other States. 
 
 This was one of the most striking and creditable events 
 in Iowa' glorious war record that she went so far beyond 
 the demand made upon her by the government as to furnish 
 this so vastly greater support than she was asked to do, or 
 than any other State did do or attempt to do. The initia 
 tion of this was due to the good sense and sound judgment 
 of Gov. Kirkwood. The fulfillment of it was due to the 
 abounding patriotism and heroic valor of the young man 
 hood of Iowa. 
 
 There was no draft during Gov. Kirkwood' s adminis 
 tration. 
 
 THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION. 
 
 To the People of Iowa: 
 
 In token of our dependence upon the Supreme Ruler of the universe, 
 the more especially in this the hour of peril to the nation, in fervent 
 thanksgiving to him, that no pestilence has prevailed in our midst, 
 that the labors of the husbandman have been measurably rewarded, 
 and for the many blessings vouchsafed us as individuals and citizens, 
 in devout acknowledgment of His sovereignty and over-ruling Provi 
 dence, and in heartfelt gratitude that our armies in the. field have won 
 such renown in the great cause of the Union, that our citizens at home 
 have been inspired with such devoted loyalty, and munificence in 
 relieving our brave soldiers, and that we have been permitted to follow 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. ktRKWOOt). 
 
 in a peaceful manner our usual pursuits, while war is desolating our 
 land, I, Samuel J. Kirkwood, do hereby appoint Thursday, the 27th 
 day of November inst., as a day of thanksgiving, prayer and praise, 
 and do hereby entreat the people, "abstaining from their usual pur 
 suits, to assemble together on that day in their chosen places of wor 
 ship and offer up their prayers to Almighty God, humbly acknowledg 
 ing their short comings and their dependence upon Him, thanking 
 Him for the manifold blessings conferred upon them by His hand, 
 beseeching Him to crown our arms and cause with signal triumph, to 
 confer strength upon our gallant soldiers, to mitigate the sufferings of 
 the sick, wounded and imprisoned, and to succor and heal the anguish 
 of the bereaved, and imploring the speedy extinction of rebellion, 
 a return of peace in His own good time to our distracted land, and 
 that we may prove ourselves worthy of the institutions bequeathed us 
 by the fathers of the republic by becoming once more a united, 
 fraternal and happy people. 
 
 ] In testimony whereof I have hereto set my 
 
 * TV Q I halld and CaUSed the S reat S6al f the Stftte t0 
 
 *^S f b e affixed this 1st day of November, 1862. 
 of 8tc SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 The battle of Corinth, one of the most important and 
 decisive battles of the war was fought on the 3d and 4th of 
 October, in which our troops under Gen. Rosecrans secured 
 a glorious and decisive victory. The following Iowa troops 
 took part in the engagement: The 2nd, Col. Weaver; the 
 5th, Col. Matthies; the 7th, Col. Elliott; the 10th, Lieut. - 
 Col. Small; the llth, Col. Hall; the 13th, Col. Crocker; the 
 15th, Col. Reid; the 16th, Col. Chambers; the 2nd Cavalry, 
 Col. Hatch, and the Union Brigade. 
 
 After the news of the battle reached Iowa, Gov. Kirk- 
 wood wrote a personal letter to each of these ten command 
 ants, no one letter being like another in phraseology, but all 
 of the same tenor, and breathing the same spirit. As a sam 
 ple here given is the one to Col. Crocker: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, ) 
 IOWA CITY, Nov. 19, 1862. f 
 
 Colonel: It is with no ordinary feelings of pleasure and State pride 
 that I congratulate your brave regiment on its courage and achieve 
 ments at Corinth. Its devoted loyalty and attachment to the Union and 
 the Constitution have been thus attested on the field of battle, where 
 
234 tfttE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 life was at stake, and the gallant bearing of your men in the face of 
 death has proven them patriots as well as soldiers. 
 
 Accept for yourself assurances of my esteem and best wishes. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 Col. M. M. Crocker, 
 
 13th Iowa Infantry, Corinth, Miss. 
 
 On the news of the battle of Prairie Grove in Arkansas 
 Beaching him, he writes as follows: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, ) 
 IOWA CITY, Jan. 5, 1863. f 
 
 M. B. Cochran, Surgeon First Regiment Iowa Cavalry, 
 
 Acting Medical Director 3d Division Army of Frontier. 
 SIR: I returned from Washington on the 2nd and found your letter 
 of 13th December this morning. I am truly rejoiced to hear from you 
 and am both grateful and grieved to hear the particulars of the hard 
 fought battle of Prairie Grove. Iowa as usual did her share of the 
 lighting, and did it nobly, but also as usual lost heavily. I regret the 
 loss of McFarland very much. He was a noble man. How is Thomp 
 son doing? *Please write me how he is. He is a gallant fellow. 1 
 need not impress on you the necessity of doing all that can be done 
 for our brave boys. Let me say one thing: Don't let them lack for 
 anything, "red tape" or no "red tape;" see that they have all that they 
 need. Please write often. 
 
 Very truly your friend, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, ) 
 IOWA CITY, Jan. 6, 1863. J 
 
 General: I wish I could shake hands with you and express to you 
 verbally my thanks and congratulations for the well fought battle and 
 dearly won victory of Prairie Grove. I have transmitted to the 19th 
 and 20th letters of thanks, which I hope will be read to them. They 
 have proved themselves worthy to be called "Iowa boys." 
 
 General, you are surpassing yourself. Your name is in all men's 
 mouths, and the people delight to speak the praises of our plucky little 
 Iowa general. Wilson's Creek, Pea Ridge and Prairie Grove make a 
 record of which any man may well be proud, and I assure you you 
 can't feel more pride in that record than I do. 
 
 Very respectfully your obedient servant, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 Brig. -Gen. J. F. Herron, 
 
 Commanding 2nd Division Army Frontier 
 
 In his anxiety for the care of the sick soldiers he writes: 
 
 *Wm. G., Col. of the 20th Reg't. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKwOOD. 2S5 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, j 
 DAVENPORT, IOWA, Dec. 16, 1862. f 
 
 John Clark, Esq., State Agent, 
 
 Springfield, Mo. 
 
 DEAR SIR:: I have just seen Col. Gifford, who returned night be 
 fore last. He gives me a deplorable account of the condition of our 
 boys at Springfield. I want you to stay in Missouri as long as you 
 find it necessary. See the Medical Director, Gen. Curtis, Gen. Herron 
 and every on else until you get our boys cared for. You need not be 
 backward or mealy-mouthed in discussing the state of affairs, and in 
 cursing everyone who wont do his duty. Talk right hard, and have 
 our boys cared for. If hay and straw cannot be had, have Gen. Curtis 
 send cots and mattresses, and call on the Sanitary Association of St. 
 Louis for help and supplies. 
 
 Very truly, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 On the same subject he again writes a long letter to the 
 Secretary of War as follows: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, ) 
 IOWA CITY, June 23, 1863. 
 Eon. Edwin Stanton, Secretary of War, 
 
 Washington, D. 0. 
 
 SIR: I have received the letter of Brig. -Gen. Canby, A. A. G., 
 covering copy of Surg.-Gen. Hammond's report on my application for 
 the transfer of sick and wounded soldiers from Iowa to hospitals in 
 that State, and confess that I am deeply mortified and much disheart 
 ened by their contents. 
 
 Surg.-Gen. Hammond reports that on the 27th of May last he 
 reported to you that at hospitals then established, there were 40,000 
 vacant beds, that a compliance with my request would involve the 
 construction of more hospitals, and therefore he disapproved it; and 
 Gen. Canby 's letter merely states that he has been instructed by you 
 to enclose to me a copy of Surg.-Gen. Hammond's report. 
 
 I do not at all dispute the correctness of the facts in Surg.-Gen. 
 Hammond's report, but I think you will be troubled, as I certainly 
 have been, to discern the reason why these facts render my request an 
 improper one, when I state to you another fact which certainly would 
 be known to Surg.-Gen. Hammond, to-wit: That one of these hos 
 pitals in which these vacant beds are, is in the city of Keokuk in the 
 State of Iowa. Immediately after the battle of Shiloh a hospital was 
 established at Keokuk, and the same has been kept up continually 
 until this time. There are now some 500 or 600 patients there, and 
 "vacant beds" for at least 1,000 or 1,500 more, and when I apply to you 
 to have our sick and wounded men sent there, backed as I suppose 
 
236 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 myself to be, either by a positive law or joint resolution of Congress, 
 it is exceedingly mortifying and disheartening to learn asldo unfortu 
 nately, that the existence of this hospital is unknown at Washington, 
 and that to comply with my request will require the construction of 
 new hospitals. There is room enough in the hospital now established 
 at Keokuk, and now in operation there, for all or nearly all our sick 
 and wounded men, and thus the reason assigned by Surg.-Gen. Ham 
 mond for refusing my request being removed, permit me to renew that 
 request and further urge it upon your consideration. 
 
 There is a great deal of ill feeling among our sick and wounded 
 men and their friends at home on this subject. When men are suffer 
 ing from wounds or disease, there is among them a natural desire to 
 be as near home as possible and to see their friends if they can. If 
 you, or Surg.-Gen. Hammond or I were sick or wounded, we would 
 feel thus, and our friends would desire to have us near them so they 
 could see us. Our sick and wounded men feel thus, and it is right 
 that I should say to you plainly and frankly that the belief prevailing 
 among our soldiers and their friends at home that the government 
 refuses to gratify this natural and proper feeling of the soldiers and 
 their friends, when as in this case it can be fairly and properly grati 
 fied, is producing results in the public mind unfavorable to the gov 
 ernment and prejudicial to the cause of the country. When speaking 
 on 'this subject men whose sons are in the army begin to say, and to 
 say freely, that it would be well for the government to pay some re 
 gard to the feelings and wishes and opinions of those who have given 
 all they have for the country, as well as to be careful to conciliate 
 those who are doing much against it. 
 
 I therefore renew my request and base it on the following grounds: 
 
 1st. We have already hospital accommodations in the State. 
 
 2nd. Our people are well satisfied, and they are sustained in their 
 belief by the best medical authority, that not only will our sick and 
 wounded recover more rapidly in their own climate, but that many 
 will recover if sent here who will die if kept below. 
 
 3rd. The sick and wounded can be as well guarded at Keokuk, as 
 elsewhere, and returned to their regiments upon their recovery as well 
 from that point as from any other. 
 
 4th. It will be a cause of heartfelt pleasure to many a poor fellow 
 to be in a place where his wife, his sister, or his mother can go to see 
 him and cheer him in his suffering, aud will encourage their friends to 
 stand by and support the government that shows a sympathy for those 
 who are suffering for its preservation. Very respectfully 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 To guard the interests and protect the rights of the citi 
 zens of the State, the Governor had occasionally to cross 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 237 
 
 swords with some of the United States officers as the follow 
 ing letter will show: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, ) 
 Jan. 1, 1863. f 
 
 L. Thomas, 
 
 Adjutant General, U. S. A. 
 
 SIR: In November last Capt. Parker had in camp and was filling 
 up a company, the organization of which was commenced August 18. 
 The company had been full, but by reason of delay in getting barracks, 
 a number of the men had left. The county authorities of the county 
 in which the company was being raised, in order to encourage enlist 
 ment and thus secure the county against the liability to a draft, were 
 paying a county bounty of $50 to single and $75 to married men. The 
 men had received this county bounty, but the company was not fully 
 organized, nor had the men signed triplicate enlistment papers as 
 required by General Order No. 75, 1862. 
 
 Under these circumstances Capt. Yates, 13th U. S. Infantry, re 
 cruited nine of these men for the regular army from the State camp, 
 and the Adjutant General of the State refused to permit them to go 
 into Capt. Yates' company. I learn that you have issued instructions 
 to Capt. Hendershott at Davenport, to turn the men over to Capt. Yates, 
 taking them from the company for which they enlisted. 
 
 I respectfully and firmly protest against this action; these men were 
 not liable to enlistment in the regular service, because they had not 
 then signed their enlistment papers; they were not liable to enlistment 
 as citizens, because they had then volunteered and were in camp as 
 part of an organized company, being raised by one of my recruiting 
 officers to fill a requisition made upon me by the Secretary of War. 
 
 It is bad enough to have our volunteer organizations, raised with so 
 much labor and mustered into the United States service, decimated to 
 furnish commands for men who do not enlist men under them; but if 
 these men are allowed to go among our incomplete organizations and 
 take from them men who have been recruited by State recruiting offi 
 cers, and who have received large, local bounties, it is proper I should 
 say frankly, I shall not feel disposed to make any great exertion for 
 the future to procure voluntary enlistments. In this particular case 
 the company from which these men are taken is assigned to one of our 
 old regiments, and with these men lacks three of having the minimum 
 number. If these men are taken away this company will be still fur 
 ther delayed in its completion. The officers who have raised it have 
 spent much time and money in raising the company, and plainly speak 
 ing it is an outrage on them to take the men from them. Capt. Hender 
 shott, at my request, has delayed any action on the order issued to 
 him till I can hear from you, and I earnestly request a careful consid- 
 
238 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 eration of the matter, as your decision must seriously affect further 
 recruiting in the State. I cannot get men to undertake to recruit 
 companies, if while they are engaged in the work officers of the regu 
 lar army can seduce their men from them by promising the immediate 
 payment of the bounty which is delayed to them as volunteers. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 That traitorous and unpatriotic institution known as the 
 "Knights of the Golden Circle" had about this time gained 
 a strong foothold in the State, and its members were num 
 bered by the thousand, and while their treasonable acts were 
 not of such an overt and open character as to subject them 
 to arrest and trial for treason, their whisperings and mutter- 
 ings were sent forth with all the vile and venomous treason 
 they dare utter. Had they left the State and openly joined 
 their Southern Secession allies, their course and conduct 
 would have been much more honorable than it was while 
 they remained at home to spit out and fume their vile venom, 
 and do all they dare and could do to hinder, retard and frus 
 trate the efforts of Union men in restoring the country to its 
 former condition of peace and prosperity. Their influence 
 was felt more strongly along the southern border than else 
 where, though some of the interior counties contained nests 
 where the foul brood was hatched and nourished. 
 
 To give these people warning of their impending danger, 
 and to put others on their guard, there was issued this 
 
 PROCLAMATION BY THE GOVERNOR. 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE OF IOWA 
 IOWA CITY, March 23, 1863. 
 
 To THE PEOPLE OF IOWA : 
 
 There is reason to believe that a very considerable number of men, 
 some of whom have been in the Rebel army, and others of whom have, 
 as guerrillas, been engaged in plundering and murdering Union men 
 in the State of Missouri, have taken refuge in this State to escape the 
 punishment due to their crimes, and that instead of seeking to merit a 
 pardon of past offences by living peaceably and quietly among us, as 
 becomes good citizens, many of them are endeavoring to array a por 
 tion of our people in armed resistance to the laws. And I very deeply 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KlRKWOOD. 239 
 
 regret to say there is reason to believe that some of our people have 
 been found weak enough to aid them in their mischievous designs. 
 
 These men, by bold and tierce denunciations of certain acts of the 
 President and of the Congress of the United States as unconstitu 
 tional, and by industriously teaching that the citizen may lawfully re 
 sist by force what he deems an unconstitutional act or law, and in 
 other ways are seeking to array such as may be duped and deceived 
 by their artful and wicked machinations into armed resistance to the 
 General Government, and to inaugurate civil war within our limits, 
 thus exposing their dupes to the punishment due to traitors, and our 
 State to the storm of war, which has swept as with fire the State of 
 Missouri. These men are endeavoring to induce our soldiers in the 
 field to desert their colors, thus exposing them to the penalty of deser 
 tion, which is death, and are endeavoring to induce our citizens to 
 violate the law by resisting the arrest of deserters, and a conscription 
 in this State, if ordered, thereby exposing themselves to the punish 
 ment due such criminal acts. 
 
 It is my duty to, and I therefore do, warn these men that their 
 courses are fraught with peril to themselves and the peace and good 
 order of the State, and if persisted in to the extremity they intend will 
 certainly bring punishment; and I also warn all the good people of the 
 State, as they value peace and good order, and would avoid the 
 horrors of civil war, not to be misled by these wicked and designing 
 men, who, having nothing to lose, hope for plunder and profit in the 
 license of civil war. The laws of the General Government will be 
 enforced among us at any cost and at all hazards, and the men who 
 array themselves in armed resistance to the laws will certainly be 
 overpowered and punished. As long as those who have sought shelter 
 in Iowa from other States behave as quiet and peaceable citizens, I 
 have no disposition to interfere with or molest them; but it cannot be 
 tolerated that these men who have been compelled to flee from their 
 own State for fear of punishment for ciimes committed against the 
 laws of their own State, or of the United States, should, while enjoy 
 ing the protection of our laws, be permitted to bring among our 
 peaceful homes, and upon our peaceful people, all the horrors they 
 have brought upon the State from which they have fled. We owe it 
 not only to ourselves and our families, but much more to the families 
 of those who have left us to defend on the battlefield the life of our 
 country that we preserve peace and good order at home. It must be a 
 bitter reflection to our gallant soldiers that while they are enduring 
 the hardships and dangers of a soldier's life in defense of their coun 
 try, bad men at home are plotting to bring on their unprotected fami 
 lies the dangers of civil war. 
 
 Moved by these considerations, I have this day notified the proper 
 authorities of the United States and of the State of Missouri that many 
 
240 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 criminals against their laws are in Iowa engaged, as I believe, in in 
 citing rebellion, and that I shall insist on their arrest and removal 
 when necessary, and their trial for their crime if their conduct shall 
 continue to be such as is dangerous to the peace and safety of the 
 State; and I enjoin upon all good citizens who know that such men 
 are among them that they especially notice their demeanor and con 
 duct, and if it be seditious and dangerous that they furnish the United 
 States District Attorney or the United States Marshal, or either of the 
 Congressional District Provost Marshals, to be appointed, or myself, 
 with their names and affidavits, showing their criminality before their 
 coming to this State, and their conduct since, to the end that our State 
 may be relieved of the danger of their presence. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Breastpins made from the transverse section of a butter 
 nut, and also from an old style copper cent, with the head 
 side exposed, were favorite badges of those who were boldly 
 displaying their disloyalty, and they were emblems of the 
 treasonable hearts beating within the bosoms upon which 
 they were worn. Governor Kirkwood received several let 
 ters written by these home-bred traitors, which letters had 
 been gathered and sent to him, and replying to Peter Dolbee, 
 the person who forwarded them to him, he writes: 
 
 " It must be excessively provoking to all loyal men, and especially 
 to those men who have been in the ranks of our army as soldiers, to 
 have these copperhead breastpins publicly and offensively worn, being 
 as they are emblems of moral treason. * * * It seems to me per 
 sons wearing these badges at public places, knowing the effect such 
 conduct must produce, that it is disturbance and breach of the peace, 
 must be held to intend to do what they have good reason to believe 
 their acts will do. It seems to me much the same as if one of these 
 men would bring a Rebel flag to any of the places named and there 
 cheer for the Rebellion. He must know such conduct would cause dis 
 turbance and breach of the peace, and he should be punished if found 
 guilty of an infraction of the law. " 
 
 The Secretary of War was written to on this subject as 
 follows: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, \ 
 IOWA CITY, Mar. 18, 1863. f 
 Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.: 
 
 SIR I have to-day received the enclosed package of papers from 
 Mr. Hoxie, United States Marshal of this State. There is no doubt 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 241 
 
 there is a very unfortunate condition of affairs at this time in this 
 State. A secret organization known popularly as the "Knights of the 
 Golden Circle" is widely spread through the State, the object of which 
 I am informed and believe is to embarrass the Government in the 
 prosecution of the war, mainly by encouraging desertions from the 
 army, protecting deserters from arrest, discouraging enlistments, 
 preparing the public mind for an armed resistance to a conscription, 
 if ordered, and, if possible, to place the State government at the next 
 election in the hands of men who will control it to thwart the policy 
 of the Administration in the prosecution of the war. Indeed, Avith the 
 exception of advising desertions, the purposes above mentioned are 
 openly advised and advocated by many persons in this State. 
 
 Lieutenant Henry came to me in regard to the matter mentioned in 
 his letter to Marshal Hoxie, and, at my instance, Capt. Hendershott 
 furnished him with a detail of ten armed men to go with him to his 
 place of rendezvous, in Madison county, and remain with him. I also 
 sent by him fifty muskets and some ammunition to place in the hands 
 of loyal men. I have not heard from him since his return. There is 
 undoubtedly a feverish and excited state of the public mind, and mat 
 ters must be managed here prudently and firmly or a collision may 
 ensue. I wrote you a few days since asking that you send me some 
 arms, and also that you allow me to raise two or three regiments as a 
 'State Guard,' not to leave the State. I regard these measures both as 
 measures of precaution and prevention. Much that is said in regard 
 to the resistance of the laws is no doubt mere bluster by self-import 
 ant men of small caliber and small ambition to give themselves local 
 importance and to secure for themselves petty offices, and who, if an 
 outbreak were to occur, would not be in the way of danger. 
 
 But I also believe there are engaged in this work men of desperate 
 fortunes, political and otherwise, who would have (he courage to lead 
 an outbreak, and who would rejoice in the opportunity. I think it ex 
 tremely probable that there are in this and other Northern States paid 
 agents of the Rebels, who are organizing machinery and using the 
 means to effect the purposes herein attributed to the Knights of the 
 Golden Circle; and there is real danger that the efforts of these men 
 may so far operate on the minds of their honest but deluded followers 
 in some localities as to cause a collision among our people. If we had 
 arms in the hands of our loyal citizens, and a State Guard as I sug 
 gest, it might, and I think would, prevent this. The condition of 
 things is, in my judgment, such that the Government can only make 
 itself properly respected by convincing those disposed to be trouble 
 some of its determination and ability to preserve the peace and enforce 
 the laws. The dismissal of those "arbitrarily arrested," as the phrase 
 goes, has had a bad effect in this, that it has led many to suppose that 
 the Government has not the power to punish. Let me impress upon 
 
242 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 you my conviction that in case of any armed resistance to the laws, the 
 punishment be prompt, certain and sharp, as any thing looking like 
 indecision or timidit}" would be disastrous. 
 
 I scarcely know what to advise in regard to these men who are 
 "talking treason," huzzaing for Jeff Davis, and organizing the Knights 
 of the Golden Circle, etc. It would be worse than useless to arrest 
 them, unless they can be tried and, if found guilty, punished. If 
 arrests could be made, trials and convictions had and punishment 
 sharply administered, the effect would be excellent. Has the United 
 States District Attorney of this State had his attention called especially 
 to this matter? It seems to me if it has not, it should be done, and he 
 or the marshal furnished with the necessary money to detect arrest and 
 punish some of these active scoundrels who are producing so much 
 mischief. 
 
 I have already organized and armed a company in each of the 
 southern tier of counties in the State. These have been placed under 
 the orders of Provost Marshal Hiatt, of Keokuk, and will be placed 
 under the orders of the new provost marshals in Congressional Dis 
 tricts as soon as I am advised of their names and appointment. I 
 hope good selections have been made. I am now organizing a com 
 pany in each of the second tier of counties from the south line, and, 
 when organized and armed, I will also place them at the disposal of 
 the Provost Marshals. If I had arms, I would organize companies in 
 all the counties in the State where I think they may be needed. None 
 of these companies would draw any pay or cause any expense except 
 when called on by the proper authorities, except those in the southern 
 tier, a squad of ten men, each of which is on duty all the time. I 
 regard it as a matter of the first and most pressing importance to get 
 a supply of arms and ammunition. * * * 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Fall of Vicksburg Letters to the Soldiers To General Grant To Gen. 
 Logan The Tally War The Governor's Life Threatened Insur 
 rection Troops State Troops The War Ends Without the Smell of 
 Powder, the Whiz of Bullets, or the Stain of Blood The Governor's 
 Speech at West Union Some of His Apt Illustrations Speech at 
 Dubuque Plain Talk to the People of that County. 
 
 After news was received of the surrender of Vicksburg, 
 the following letter was sent: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, ) 
 IOWA CITY, July 11, 1863. f 
 
 To the Soldiers of Iowa in the Army of the Tennessee : 
 
 You have passed through one of the most memorable campaigns of 
 history, and are now rewarded for all your toil, privation and suffer 
 ing by beholding the foul emblem of treason trailed in the dust to give 
 place to the glorious banner of Liberty over the city of Vicksburg. 
 
 The eyes of the world have been upon you and your brave and 
 worthy comrades from other States, and admiration of your fortitude, 
 patience and indomitable bravery, watching the progress of your work 
 as one of those great events which shapes the destiny of a nation. 
 
 You yourselves have probably been unaware of the momentous re 
 sults consequent upon your failure or success. Despots the world 
 over have earnestly desired the former, while the good, the generous 
 and the nobly brave have prayed Almighty God to give you the 
 victory. But while the world has been thus observant of you, all 
 lovers of liberty in Iowa have beheld with an intensity of gaze and 
 admiration unknown to others the deeds of her valiant sons. Many 
 thousands of her citizens are bound to you by kindred ties, while 
 every one has felt that the name and standing of this State were in 
 your hands, and that he was honored in your honor, and that he 
 shared in your glory. 
 
 The brightest hope of all is realized. You have not only maintained 
 the lofty reputation of your country and your State, but have added 
 greatly thereto, and shown the world that whoever insults the flag of 
 our beloved country must meet the bravest of the brave. 
 
 The State of Iowa is proud of your achievements and renders you 
 her homage and gratitude, and with exultant heart and exuberant joy 
 claims you as her sous. Her tears flow for the brave men fallen, and 
 her sympathies are warm for the sick, wounded and suffering. 
 
 243 
 
244 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 You have made it a high privilege to be a citizen of Iowa to share 
 your renown, and it will be a proud remembrance to you while life 
 shall last and a rich legacy to your children that you were members of 
 the Army of the Tennessee. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 To General Grant this was written: 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, ) 
 IOWA CITY, July 15, 1863. \ 
 
 Major- General U. S. Grant, Com' fig. Army of the Tennessee: 
 
 GENERAL Permit me to congratulate you upon your great triumph 
 in the capture of Vicksburg. Your campaign resulting in that great 
 success stands unrivaled in the history of this war for boldness of 
 plan, thoroughness of execution and brilliancy of success. 
 
 In the name of the people of Iowa, whose brave boys aided in 
 achieving this great result, I tender you their hearty thanks. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Writing to Gen. Logan, commandant of the post of 
 Vicksburg after the surrender, in regard to sending our sick 
 and wounded soldiers to Northern hospitals, and especially 
 to the one at Keokuk, Governor Kirk wood closes his letter 
 with: 
 
 "Thank God and our brave army for the fall of Vicksburg. I 
 would have freely given a year of my life to have been with you when 
 you entered the city. The campaign ending in its capture has been in 
 plan, execution and results the most brilliant of the war, and I hope 
 will be a model for other campaigns. I did not formerly think highly 
 of General Grant, but I now take it all back. He is the man of the 
 day." 
 
 THE TALLY WAR. 
 
 When, in the year 1858, in the great debate between 
 Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas, in the statement 
 made by the former, uttering that truism that "A house 
 divided against itself cannot stand," and that u This country 
 must eventually become all slave or all free," nothing was 
 farther from the mind of that great man who made that 
 utterance than that he was to be the person whose one single 
 act would make it so. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 245 
 
 "But there's a Divinity that shapes our ends, 
 Rough cast them as we may." 
 
 It was his immortal Emancipation Proclamation that, 
 on the first day of January, 1863, made this country at once 
 and forever free. Illustrating the truth of the adage, that 
 "the pen is mightier than the sword," with one stroke of his 
 trenchant pen he cut off the heads of 250,000 slave-holders. 
 He wiped from the face of the fairest land on earth an insti 
 tution that had been the cause of more study, more discus 
 sion, more dissensions, more bitterness and more anxious 
 solicitude on the part of American statesmen, more planning 
 and scheming by politicians, and more anxiety on the part of 
 the friends of free government in our country, than any 
 others. 
 
 This act by the President enraged and embittered the 
 friends of this defunct institution, both North and South, 
 more than anything else; and when in addition to this there 
 was a prospect that a conscription would be had, and that 
 they mifijht possibly be drafted and be compelled to fight as 
 soldiers in what they had been in the habit of calling the 
 "Abolition War," their treason became more intense, and 
 their opposition to the prosecution of the war more pro 
 nounced and more bold and emphatic. 
 
 In no place in the State was this feeling more deep- 
 seated, more manifest or outspoken, than in Keokuk county. 
 It arrayed neighborhoods one against another. The recrim 
 inations and bickerings of small feuds were magnified by the 
 enormity of the contest prevailing until passion glowed at a 
 white heat. There was disloyalty to the Union which found 
 open and intemperate expression from some whose sympa 
 thies were with the States of their birth south of Mason and 
 Dixon's line. 
 
 No more open or bold defender of slavery existed than 
 George Cyphert Tally, whose father was an original Tennes- 
 seean. Young Tally was a Baptist minister, a rugged, force- 
 
246 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 ful, crude, uneducated man, with more zeal than discretion, 
 but possessed of a natural gift of oratory. He was a product 
 of the frontier. Imbued with a fervid belief in the justness 
 of the Southern appeal to arms, he became the bold, fearless 
 outspoken champion of the disloyal minority, who discredited 
 the valor of the Northern soldier and denounced the prosecu 
 tion of the war. While trying to preach the Gospel from 
 the pulpit, he preached moral and political treason on the 
 stump. 
 
 Saturday, August 1, 1863, a great Democratic mass 
 meeting was held near English River, in Keokuk county, at 
 which young Tally was the chief speaker. Several hundred 
 persons were present. They came mostly in wagons and 
 brought weapons concealed beneath the straw in the bottom 
 of their vehicles. Wild, and doubtless idle, threats had 
 been made to "clean out" the town of South English, a 
 Union stronghold, whose people, learning of the menace to 
 their safety prepared to defend themselves. A Republican 
 meeting had been held there and fire arms had been dis 
 played. 
 
 Tally had been in the habit of wearing a butternut breast 
 pin, a badge only worn by the members of the disloyal party. 
 When going through the town on his way to the meeting, he 
 had an altercation with a couple of the citizens in regard to 
 his wearing it, and they attempted to snatch it from him, 
 but did not succeed. 
 
 In the afternoon the Tally party started for the town 
 with the avowed intention of passing through it. The Rev. 
 Tally stood up in the wagon that led the procession. Some 
 one warned him not to enter the village, but he said he 
 meant harm to no one, and only demanded the privilege of 
 the street. As the party in the wagons reached the narrow 
 crowded thoroughfare where the Republicans had held their 
 meeting, there were cries of ''Copperhead," "coward" and 
 "why don't you shoot?" Someone did shoot, but it was 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 247 
 
 afterwards claimed to have been done accidently, but it be 
 came a signal for a general fusilade, and from one to two 
 hundred guns and revolvers were very soon discharged. 
 Tally stood in his wagon in the fore-front of the affray. In 
 one hand he grasped a long bowie knife, the other held a 
 revolver. This revolver spoke among the first; once, twice, 
 and then he fell dead in the wagon, pierced by three bullets, 
 one in the brain and two in the body, grasping his weapons, 
 one in each hand till they were taken from him, in the cold 
 embrace of death. News of his killing was spread far and 
 wide, and his friends vowed the direst of ve'ngeance. An 
 incredible excitement was fanned by the fury of the popular 
 passion. The menace of a vendetta was at hand, and no 
 man trusted his fellow or felt safe in his home, where before 
 the door had been unlatched and every stranger was a wel 
 come guest/ 
 
 Monday a committee of influential citizens from Sigour- 
 ney visited the Tally neighborhood for the purpose of assuag 
 ing the rising storm, by the assurance of prompt justice. But 
 this had no effect, and from Wapello, Mahaska and Powe- 
 sheik counties the avengers began to gather. 
 
 The very next day after the murder the Governor was 
 written to for help by three of the citizens of South English, 
 and so pressing were their needs, and so great their fears, 
 they repeated the request the following day. 
 
 By Monday night so serious was the aspect of affairs, 
 that two citizens of Sigourney went to Washington, the 
 nearest railroad station, on horseback; there they procured 
 a hand car and went to Wilton where they took a train to 
 Iowa City to see the Governor, who at once ordered forty 
 stands of arms and ammunition to be sent to the scene to be 
 used in suppressing the outbreak. This prompt action had 
 a warlike appearance to one of the men, who said: "My 
 God! Governor, am I to understand you that we are to return 
 home and shoot down our neighbors?" The Governor re- 
 
248 THE LlFH AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 fleeted a moment, and then replied: "On second thought I 
 guess I'll go myself. ' ' 
 
 He went, but not till he had made arrangements for half 
 a score of companies of infantry and a squad of artillery to 
 follow closely after him. As the artillery squad had no fixed 
 ammunition for their guns, bars and rods of iron were cut 
 into inch pieces to do duty in the place of canister, grape 
 and solid shot. 
 
 In sending arms to the persons applying for them, the 
 following letter was written: 
 
 * STATE OF IOWA, EXECUTIVE OFFICE, ) 
 
 August 3, 1863. J 
 
 Messrs. Allen Hale, Wm. Cochran and Thos. Moorman. 
 
 South English, Iowa. 
 
 GENTLEMEN: I have learned with regret the unfortunate occur 
 rence at your place on Saturday last, and also that there is danger of 
 further conflict and disturbance in consequence. I of course cannot 
 determine where the fault is, or who are the parties responsible, but 
 it is very clear that this is a matter to be determined by the court and 
 not by a mob. If it shall turn out that Tally was unlawfully killed, 
 the law must show who is the guilty person, and must inflict the pun 
 ishment If a mob of his friends are permitted to determine who is 
 guilty, and to inflict punishment, it is just as probable that the inno 
 cent will suffer as the guilty. Such proceedings unsettle society and 
 render every man's life and property insecure. 
 
 I have sent to the sheriff of Washington county forty stands of 
 arms and ammunition for the same, for you. These arms are intended 
 only and strictly for the defense of your people against any lawless 
 attack on your town by a mob, and for the purpose of aiding the law 
 ful authorities in enforcing the laws and maintaining the public peace. 
 They must not be used for any other purpose, or in any other manner. 
 You must keep your people strictly on the defensive, and clearly 
 within the law. You must not resist the execution of legal process, 
 but must aid in enforcing and executing it. If you are attacked by a 
 mob of rioters and lawless men you will of course defend yourselves. 
 
 The public mind is much excited by the acts of mischievous and 
 designing men, and it becomes law abiding and peaceful citizens not 
 to add to this excitement. Act prudently, coolly and lawfully. 
 
 I trust the threatened danger may pass over without further dis 
 turbance. 
 
 I have written the sheriff of your county to act in this matter. Until 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 249 
 
 his arrival I must trust to your judgment and discretion, upon his 
 arrival act under his authority. Very respectfully, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Charles Negus, an attorney of Fairfield, was sent for by 
 the friends of Tally to assist in bringing the guilty parties to 
 trial, and as he became a very close observer and a partici 
 pant in many of the scenes that followed his arrival, and has 
 published what came to his notice, portions of that publica 
 tion are here inserted: 
 
 "My road to Sigourney led near where the Tally party which had 
 been constantly increasing by arrivals from the surrounding country 
 and adjoining counties had made their headquarters about two miles 
 from Sigourney, on the south bank of Skunk River. I drove to the 
 encampment and took a survey of the premises. Here were to be seen 
 the offal of slaughtered beeves, the camp fires where food had been 
 cooked, the stacked arms, the places where men had taken their repose 
 during the night, and large numbers of wagons, horses and men. The 
 place looked warlike. * * * When I first met them they were not 
 organized, but they soon went to work, divided themselves into com 
 panies, elected officers for each company, chose officers to command 
 them as a brigade, and became organized for regular military drill. 
 
 "As soon as it was known that I was on the ground calls were made 
 for me to address them. I did not think it a very desirable task to 
 talk to such an audience, and at first declined; but finding I could not 
 well avoid it, I ascended a stand and told them the only thing I had to 
 say was not to act under excitement but to be cool and deliberate in 
 all their actions, and especially to maintain the character of law abid 
 ing citizens, and not to do anything they were not authorized to do by 
 law. * * * Under the then exciting state of affairs I thought it 
 was not a very desirable crowd to be in, and got away as soon as I 
 could and went to Sigourney. There were a great many strangers in 
 the town, and a great many constantly coming and going, and nearly 
 all took the Tally side of the controversy. Those that did not had very 
 little to say. I had not been in the hotel very long before I saw J. H. 
 Sanders coming into town on his return from having been to see Gov. 
 Kirkwood. As soon as he had stopped, a few of the leading Republi 
 cans gathered around him in private consultation. Among the num 
 ber was the landlord. On his return, just as he passed me, I heard 
 him remark in a low tone, "There'll be plenty of pale faces before 
 to-morrow at this time." As soon as I saw the landlord alone I went 
 to him, told him what I had heard him say, and asked him why he 
 made that remark. Then I was informed that the Governor would be 
 there that night with a well armed military force, that he had made 
 
250 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 arrangements and that it was his intention, if necessary, to take the 
 whole Tally camp prisoners, or if they resisted to ' shoot them on the 
 spot.' 
 
 "A little before sundown the Governor drove into town accompanied 
 by three of his aids. Soon after he arrived he went to the Court House, 
 and it was announced that he wanted to talk to the citizens. There 
 soon collected quite an audience, and the Governor from the Court 
 House steps addressed those assembled, closing his remark with, ' I 
 will make an example of those engaged in these disturbances, which 
 will forever deter others from engaging in like proceedings. I say 
 what I mean and I mean what I say.' 
 
 "The Governor continued his remarks till it was quite dark. While 
 he was speaking I made it an object to circulate through the crowd 
 and learn the effect produced upon it by the speech. I heard frequent 
 expressions of disapprobation and suppressed threats of personal 
 violence, and evident signs of much discontent. One man apparent ly 
 between forty and fifty years old, whose beard had begun to be silvered 
 over with gray hairs, and possessed of a fierce determined visage used 
 the expression, 'I'll shoot the d d old scoundrel.' His cool, decis 
 ive and deliberate manner, and his emphatic tone though uttered in a 
 low voice forcibly impressed upon my mind that he me'ant mischief, 
 and might be a dangerous person. 
 
 "After the Governor had closed his speech, he went back to the hotel 
 and took a seat at the door. I had taken a chair and was seated out 
 doors on the pavement near him. There were but few persons about 
 the house at that time, daylight had disappeared, and every thing ap 
 peared peaceful and quiet. The Governor in his thoughts had 
 apparently forgotten that he was the Executive of the State, and 
 conimander-in-chief of all its military forces, and in his feelings had 
 become an Iowa farmer again; he gave a description of his own farm, 
 how he managed it; stated that he had recently purchased a lot of 
 steers from the western part of the State, told how he was going 'to 
 handle them, ' and the profits he expected to realize from his farm and 
 steers. 
 
 "It was a beautiful evening, the sky was clear, the stars shone 
 bright, all nature apparently calm and lovely. While these things 
 were being discussed, I noticed the gray-bearded man who had made 
 the threats at the court-house come near where we were sitting ar.d 
 take a close observation of the surrounding premises and then go 
 away. 
 
 "Soon after I saw a squad of men consisting of five persons, one in 
 the lead and two abreast, following each other in close proximity, with 
 quick and hurried steps, coming up the opposite side of the street from 
 the hotel. When they got to the corner of the public square they 
 turned and came across the street directly towards where we were 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 251 
 
 sitting. As they approached near us, I discovered that the leader was 
 the gray-haired man I had heard make the threats at the court-house. 
 The thought immediately struck me that they had malicious intentions 
 and designs toward the Governor. I sprang to my feet, placed myself 
 at the door, so that my body formed a barrier between them and the 
 Governor. They came in front of the door, made a halt, turned their 
 faces towards us, stood motionless with a steady fixed gaze at their 
 surroundings; not a word was spoken, but after a few moments 
 passed, they left. 
 
 "The Governor soon retired to his room and I to mine. In connec 
 tion with the many persons about town there was nothing in the com 
 ing, stopping, or departing of those men which excited especial atten 
 tion or comment, and nothing was said about the matter at the time, 
 and their bearing would not have especially attracted my attention 
 had I not heard the emphatic threats of the gray -bearded man at the 
 court-house. There was no explanation given by the party at the 
 time, and no especial comment made by any one. The circumstances 
 had nearly passed from my mind, when, several months afterwards, I 
 was informed that those men had come prepared, and it was their in 
 tention to have shot the Governor, and if it had not been for my inter 
 ference they would have carried their intentions into effect. 
 
 "About the time the Governor came to town, the man who I un 
 derstood had been elected commander-in-chief of the Tally forces came 
 up to Sigourney. From him I learned that they had got their forces 
 fully organized, and it was their intention to start for South English 
 early the next morning. I told him of the information I had got in 
 relation to the Governor's preparations and intentions, and how I had 
 got it, and advised him to go back to the camp and as soon as it was 
 dark have his men disperse and go to their respective homes. 
 
 "The Governor in his speech at the court-house made no mention 
 of his having out any military forces, and apparently it was not his 
 intention to have it publicly known; but that night there came to 
 Sigourney, or in close proximity to the Tally camp, the Muscatine 
 Rangers, Capt. Satterlee; Washington Provost Guards, Capt. An 
 drews; Brighton Guards, Capt. Sheridan; Richland Home Guards, 
 Capt. Drummoud; Fairfield Prairie Guards, Capt. Alexander; Fairfield 
 Union Guards, Capt. Ratcliff; Abingdon Home Guards, Capt. Peck; 
 Liberty ville Home Guards, Capt. Cowan; Mt. Pleasant Infantry, Capt. 
 Jericho; Mt. Pleasant Artillery, Capt. Burr; and Sigourney Home 
 Guards, Capt. Price." 
 
 While one of the artillery men was standing guard over 
 his gun, in the early dawn of the morning, a stranger, led by 
 curiosity or as a spy from the Tally camp, came up within 
 speaking distance of the guard, and asked him what he had 
 
252 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 there, when he got the reply, ' k That, sir, by - , is a but 
 ternut cracker." 
 
 As the "enemy," following the advice of their counsellor, 
 had all disbanded and scattered during the night, no hostile 
 demonstrations were made on the part of our troops. They 
 were all put under the command of Col. N. P. Chipman to 
 remain until notified by the sheriff of the county that they 
 were no longer needed. 
 
 The camp of the Tally forces was estimated to contain 
 from one to three thousand men, but as no muster rolls of 
 them were ever made, or, if made, never published, their ex 
 act number was never known. 
 
 Upon warrants issued, twelve men were arrested for the 
 killing of Tally, when Mr. Negus, who had returned to his 
 home in Fairfield, was sent for by the Governor to assist in 
 their prosecution, but the men all waived examination and 
 gave bonds for their appearance at the next term of the Dis 
 trict Court, and thus ended the noted < 'Skunk River War." 
 
 For the prompt and decisive action of the Governor in 
 suppressing this outbreak much credit is due him, as it pre 
 vented the shedding of much blood and a long train of 
 domestic troubles and disasters that would have followed 
 dilatory measures. 
 
 In June of this year the Republicans nominated Col. 
 William M. Stone to become Governor Kirkwood's suc 
 cessor, and the latter took some part in the canvass to pro 
 mote his successor's election, making several speeches as the 
 canvass progressed. The following are portions of a speech 
 he made at West Union, in Fayette county, on the 8th of 
 September. Being introduced to the audience by Joseph 
 Hobson, Esq., as a live governor, Governor Kirkwood said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen .-Whether I deserve the ap 
 pellation of a live Governor or not, I don't know. Since this war 
 broke out I have certainly been a busy one in doing what I conceived 
 to be your work in the way in which I supposed you desired it to be 
 done. Of late 1 have been traveling about some portions of our State, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 253 
 
 talking at various places with my fellow-citizens regarding our duties 
 in the terrible struggle which has fallen upon us. -The present posi 
 tion of our political affairs is such that every person is interested in 
 them. There never has been a time since the history of the country 
 began when all the people were more deeply interested in these things. 
 We have enjoyed many years of peace and great prosperity under this 
 government. And in past days of peace, we have been accustomed to 
 gather together on the Fourth of July anniversary of our independ 
 ence and talk joyously and boastingly of our privileges, and quite 
 loudly of our patriotism and our devotion to the institutions which our 
 fathers have handed down to us. Our orators, on these occasions, 
 have given us grand pictures of our greatness and glory. They have 
 made for us very broad pledges to stand up bravely to the death, if 
 need be, for the honor and integrity of this government, and now the 
 day of real trial has come. We have talked our patriotism, and now, 
 my friends, we are called upon to make good our professions. The 
 day has now come for us to make good the words which in times of 
 peace we have so loudly spoken. The life of the government is im 
 periled. Bad men have sought to destroy this government, and we are 
 called upon in earnest to stand up and defend it to protect it from 
 the rough hands of its enemies that we may hand its blessings down 
 to posterity. 
 
 Now, I know you will not expect me to-dayto talk to you of any 
 thing but this war which is upon us. Indeed, there is no use of talk 
 ing about any thing else at this time. Well, we are at war, and what 
 are we fighting for? For our government? Well, what is a govern 
 ment? Let us consider that matter for a moment and see what we are 
 fighting for. Many people seem to get an idea that the government is 
 only a set of machinery put in motion for the accommodation of 
 aspiring, ambitious men just to make Presidents and Governors and 
 other officers to eat up their substance to lift fat, lazy fellows into 
 positions of power and luxury to use up the money the people are 
 yearly taxed to pay. This is not exactly a right view. The govern 
 ment is the means through which you are protected in your life, your 
 liberty, your property, in all that you do and have. Its protection is 
 around you and goes with you continually. It stands by you by night 
 and by day. The government protects your persons, your families, 
 your farms, your workshops, your various places of business. It pro 
 tects you from the violence of the strong, and from wrong through the 
 machinations of the cunning and dishonest. And all this it does for 
 you, not only at home, but abroad. Go to foreign lands to the end 
 of the earth, if you will and it goes commanding respectful protec 
 tion, and demanding it in the name and strength of a nation that all 
 people every where shall treat you well. And this it does not only for 
 the native born, but for the foreign born for all who, having left the 
 
254 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 shores of other lands, declare allegiance to our country. The govern 
 ment protects our ships, our commerce, through which we make those 
 exchanges of our surplus products for such produce of other countries 
 as are desirable and necessary for us. It is through the government 
 alone under God that we are enabled to acquire and enjoy everything 
 that is desirable in civilized life. 
 
 Now, then, to a government which so richly blesses us which is 
 doing all this for us which is so showering good upon us continually 
 do we owe nothing in return? I believe we do. We owe everything 
 that the government can possibly ask that we can possibly give. 
 When the government calls upon us to pay, shall we refuse? What do 
 you think of that man who is always asking to be accommodated who 
 is always receiving good from his neighbors and is never willing to 
 make any return? Why you think him a mean man, and he is one. 
 Just so is the man who receives good all his life from his government, 
 and when that government, in sore need, calls upon him for his 
 services to pay some part of the honest debt he owes, tries to sneak 
 out. [Applause.] These are duties which at all times we owe to the 
 government, and verily we owe it to the government first to be peace 
 ful and law-abiding citizens; second, to pa} r cheerfully our share of the 
 public tax, to bear our full share of the public burdens. But at this 
 time there is a duty higher than these. The duty to our government 
 now is as sacred as that which every man owes to his wife in time of 
 danger the duty not only to love and cherish, but to protect to in 
 terpose his body, when called upon, between it and the bayonets of its 
 enemies. And the man who by any means tries to get rid of this re 
 sponsibility to crawl out of performing this duty is a mean man and 
 a coward. [Great applause, and cries of "That's so."] 
 
 To-day the life of our government is threatened. Its enemies must 
 be put down, or it must die; and it seems to me there is but one ques 
 tion which a man should ask himself: "What can I do to aid the gov 
 ernment in this its time of peril? 1 ' Not what can my neighbor do; 
 not what can the county do, or what some other county can do, but 
 "What can I do! 1 ' Not who began the rebellion. Some of you will 
 stop to ask who began it, and some of you will say the Abolitionists 
 did it. I don't say whether they did, or not. But suppose they did; 
 the rebellion is here, and we must put it down. We cannot stop to 
 argue such questions. What difference does it make who caused the 
 Rebellion. We should postpone such questions till the war is over. 
 The Abolitionists may have caused it, but I know they are now trying 
 to put it down, and so far they are doing well. So far, at least, we 
 should all work together. Neither should we stop to question as to 
 what is to be done after the rebellion is over. Let us be sure first that 
 we are to have a government before we wrangle as to what is to be 
 done with it. For the present, let us take hold with a will, and ex- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 255 
 
 pend all our energies in putting the rebellion down, as it is most 
 assuredly our duty to do. I am in the habit of illustrating my view 
 in about this way: You have a fine court-house building here not 
 large enough, I am sorry to say, to admit all who desire admittance 
 to-day but it is a fine building, and has cost you many thousands of 
 dollars. Some night the cry of fire is heard in your streets. Looking 
 towards the public square you see this building in flames. Now, 
 while one class of citizens are pulling off their coats and grasping a 
 bucket here and a ladder there, and running with all their might to 
 the wells and cisterns of the town, and from them to the fire, all unit 
 ing in a desperate effort to subdue the flames, another class are seen 
 deliberately meeting on the square, and while the fire is still raging, 
 and while men are still laboring manfully to put it out, raise and 
 begin to discuss the question who started the tire. Men about the 
 building are dropping away from exhaustion, and others are needed 
 to take their places, but these fellows stand with their hands in their 
 pockets, stopping every man who comes along to inquire who caused 
 the fire. What would you think of such men? Wouldn't you think 
 they were sneaks? Wouldn't you think they were fools? Would you 
 believe their professions, ever so loudly made, that they earnestly 
 desired the house to stand? [Laughter.] Well, now at the same time 
 another class meets and organizes a meeting in the face of the flames, 
 just far enough away to be out of danger. A chairman is elected not 
 the chairman you have elected to-day, I apprehend [laughter, and 
 cries of "No! no!"] and the meeting goes to work to discuss the ques 
 tion as to how the building shall be fixed up after the fire is put out. 
 They are determined to have the house just as it was before the tire 
 broke out. It must be built up to just the same heighth; every brick 
 must be just in the same place; they must have just the same number 
 of windows and doors; the arrangement about this stand must be ex 
 actly as it is now; the window-sash must be just the same size and 
 must contain exactly the same number of panes of glass; everything 
 must be just as it was before the building was set on tire. It does not 
 matter that the flames are still raging, that it is yet doubtful whether 
 the brave men who are throwing the water on will be able to save the 
 building or not. These "house-as-it-was v men will not lend a single 
 hand to save the edifice unless the noble boys, who, in the midst of the 
 work, all covered with sweat and dust and cinders, are splashing the 
 water on to the hissing flames, will stop and enter into a solemn con 
 tract to have the house built up just according to their plan. 
 
 Now, what would you say of the men who composed such a meet 
 ing? You would say they were in league with the fiends who set the 
 building on fire. [Applause.] To-day our political edifice is on fire, 
 and while one portion of our people are crowding forward with all the 
 energy and strength that God has given them to put out the tire, 
 
256 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 another class are meanly quibbling about who started the fire, and 
 about what shall be done when the fire is over. Now, why need this 
 be so? Why can we not all come together and with one united effort 
 save the edifice? We want peace all of us, and why can not we leave 
 all these questionings and bickerings to the future and take hold as 
 one brave man and crush this rebellion out, and then we shall have 
 peace? You say, "We were united at first. We could so take hold if 
 this war was only carried on on the same policy under which it be 
 gan. It was then a war for the Union, but Lincoln has issued his 
 proclamation and changed it into a war to free niggers, and we won't 
 fight in such a cause. The proclamation is unconstitutional, and we 
 intend to stand by the constitution. You Abolitionists and Republi 
 cans who are urging on this war admit yourselves that the measure is 
 unconstitutional. You said when you were trying to elect Lincoln 
 that you had no right to interfere with slavery in the States where it 
 then existed. Lincoln disclaimed his right or intention to do such 
 thing. Now you are making a wholesale thing of it and freeing the 
 slaves of many States at once. Where's your consistency?" 
 
 It is possibly true that the proclamation may be unconstitutional. 
 It is possible the President may have violated the constitution. He 
 thinks it constitutional, but he may be mistaken. And yet there is 
 another side. The President may be right. I know that very many 
 lawyers think him so, lawyers whose reputations for learning and 
 ability are not very limited. And these lawyers do not all belong to 
 the party which put Mr. Lincoln in power; many of them were his 
 political enemies. I know that going about through the towns of the 
 State I meet another quite numerous class, who call themselves law 
 yers, and who sit most of the time on empty boxes in front of the vil 
 lage stores, having nothing to do but to talk and to whittle [laughter], 
 who gravely declare that this measure is unconstitutional! [Great 
 laughter.] 
 
 Now, these store-box lawyers may be mistaken. In relying on their 
 opinions you may be mistaken. The Proclamation may prove to be 
 constitutional after all. You are as liable to error as other great men, 
 and if in error what are you doing? Why you are refusing to aid the 
 government which greatly needs your assistance, even when called 
 upon in a legal manner. You are doing yourselves and the country a 
 great wrong. Now, it seems to me where the chances are so nearly 
 even as we here suppose, the safest way would be for you to act 
 through the direction of the existing administration until the question 
 is settled by the proper tribunals. It seems to me if you are really 
 honest and patriotic in this matter you will do this. You cannot act 
 effectively in any other way. If the power of the government is 
 Drought to bear upon this war, it must be through the constituted 
 authorities. [Applause]. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL .T. KIRKWOOD. 257 
 
 Now a word as to our position regarding the unconstitutionally of 
 freeing the slaves of our enemies. Suppose when we were trying to 
 elect Mr. Lincoln they had told some such electioneering story as this: 
 " When the Black Republicans get Lincoln elected he will send out 
 here to Galena and get Ulysses S. Grant. He will call upon thousands 
 of the young men of Iowa, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Illinois and other 
 States of this great northwest. He will take the money of the government 
 and supply these men with arms. He will build at the expense of the 
 United States Treasury gun boats. And this man Grant will lead these 
 young men down South and there at an enormous expense to the gov 
 ernment he will go to work to dig a ditch across the neck of land in 
 front of Vicksburg,in order to turn the course of the Mississippi River 
 to the injury of that city. Failing in this he will take his band of 
 armed men down below, force his way up into the country back of 
 Vicksburg, take the property of the inhabitants, even kill thousands 
 of them, and finally march into the city and take military possession 
 of it?" Why we would have answered you by calling you crazy, and 
 assuring that the President would do no such thing; that he would 
 have no right to do anything of the kind; that he would be sworn as 
 all Presidents of the United States have been, to support the Constitu 
 tion; that he would support it; that such a proceeding would be out 
 rageously unconstitutional. 
 
 Well, after all, this is just what the President and Ulysses S. Grant 
 have been doing. And they have done it in a perfectly constitutional 
 manner. Who dares to say the capture of Vicksburg is unconstitu 
 tional? Why this great charge? It is just here: The electioneering 
 story is told upon the hypothesis iliat we are at peace; that these peo 
 ple of the South have by no act of their own lost their right to be 
 treated as peaceful, law-abiding American citizens. The fact is we are 
 at war; that these inhabitants have become rebels, traitors, enemies of 
 the government in open armed resistence to it, and we have now a 
 moral, constitutional and every other right, if there are any other 
 rights to fight them to the best of our ability. [Applause.] We have 
 a right to do everything we can which hurts them and helps us until 
 they submit. Now, the President gets the power under the Constitution 
 to take their negroes, just where he got the power to take Vicksburg. 
 [Great applause]. You do not deny the right of the government to 
 take the life of the enemy, and yet say it has no right to take his 
 negroes. Do you hold that slavery is more sacred than life? These 
 negroes were doing the rebels good, and so far were doing us harm. 
 They did the drudgery, the heavy labor; entrenchments were made by 
 these slaves; breastworks were built by them, behind which the rebels 
 stood to blow the brains out of our brave boys. The rebels have no 
 scruples about using them for themselves, and I know no reason why 
 w gkould pbject by turning th tables and using them for ourselves, 
 
258 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIBKWOOD. 
 
 I can see no objections to their fighting for us if they want to. Why 
 should not a negro fight, if he is willing to fight? You said they 
 wouldn't fight for anything. They themselves gave the answer at 
 Milliken's Bend, where the fortunes of the day turned upon their 
 heroic conduct. The fact is they will fight, and so long as they are 
 willing and can take the place in the conflict of Iowa husbands, Iowa 
 fathers, Iowa brothers and Iowa sons, I am willing to let them. They 
 are awkward with arms and there is a reason for it. They are not 
 accustomed to handling them. You know how much we have been 
 told of the perfect confidence masters have in their slaves. Slaves love 
 their masters. They say you can't coax them away. The masters are 
 always willing to trust everything, even their lives, in their hands; 
 and yet there is something peculiar about the fact that go around 
 among the plantations as you will, you will never find arms in the 
 hands of slaves. As I have said they are awkward, and it may be that 
 the masters knowing this, and considering the great value of the prop 
 erty in them, are afraid to let them have guns for fear that they will 
 be so awkward as to shoot themselves. [Great laughter and applause]. 
 
 Be that as it may, the negroes are awkward with arms and need 
 training in the use of them. They have proved their valor, and only 
 need fair usuage to be made immensly valuable to us. 
 
 I was over the ground at Milliken's Bend after the battle, and was 
 called to notice some of the evidences of desperation with which our 
 own men and these negroes fought. It was a bloody hand to hand 
 encounter. Men were found together, each pierced with the bayonet 
 of his adversary. At one place one of these negroes with the breach 
 of his gun he was too awkward to use the bayonet end had knocked 
 down five of the chivalrous rebels. I came to a mound where twenty 
 of the brave sons of Iowa lay buried. As I thought of the Iowa widows 
 whose husbands lay under that heap of earth, as I thought of the Iowa 
 children whose fathers were there, of the Iowa sisters whose brothers, 
 and of the Iowa fathers and mothers whose bravest sons lay in that 
 rough burial of the glorious dead, I felt like pouring a flood of tears 
 over that mound., I went to another greater; sixty of these negroes 
 lay buried there. ' As I looked upon that mound I thought of the Iowa 
 soldiers whose lives had been spared because their places in the fight 
 had been occupied by these men. I thought of the many Iowa homes 
 that had been saved at least from one cause of sorrow and mourning, 
 because these brave fellows had been willing to fight. I thought that 
 by the help of these blacks the enemy had been prevented from boast 
 ing a victory for rebel arms, and I thanked God that they had had the 
 manliness and the bravery to come forward and help us. I thought it 
 made little difference whether men were white or black or what color 
 they were. Let men be pea green, or sky blue, or any other color 
 under the heavens, if they have the manliness and the courage to come 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 259 
 
 up and fight for the old flag, I am ready to say God speed them. [Great 
 applause]. I visited still another mound; it was where the rebel dead 
 were buried the traitors that these negroes had forced to bite the 
 dust. I walked about the mound carefully; I thought there might be 
 some stir. It seemed to me that the damning disgrace of having been 
 whipped by a "nigger" might make the chivalry restless in the grave. 
 [Laughter and applause]. But there was no stir. The mound was 
 still. I have not heard that any ghosts have been seen walking about 
 there since. I have come to the conclusion that when a rebel is killed 
 by a "nigger" he is just as dead as when killed by a white man. [Great 
 laughter]. 
 
 Some of you said our boys would die disgraced if negroes were 
 allowed to fight. But I have yet to see the soldiers who are not thank 
 ful for their help. Talk about the disgrace of fighting with a negro? 
 Why here there are two classes in this country; one class is white; the 
 government has showered blessings on this class all their lives. 
 It has always protected them in their lives, their liberties 
 and their property. It has opened to them the way to wealth, 
 to luxury and power. They have been honored by the officers of the 
 government, and enriched from its treasury. The other class is com 
 posed of negroes. Our government has done nothing for them, but to 
 put the heel upon their necks; it has denied them liberty; denied them 
 the right to their own wives; denied them the right to their own chil 
 dren; denied them everything except the right to labor under the lash 
 for nothing. Now the life of the government is imperiled. The enemy 
 are dealing heavy blows upon it. We call in the country's distress 
 upon these two classes to fight for us, to help us defend it. The 
 abused negro class come up manfully and tight. The other class 
 refuses to do anything for the government that has done so much for 
 them. Now, which class will it disgrace a man most to act with? 
 Which class is the most respectable? Which is the most decent man, 
 the white man who when called upon deserts and skulks away, or the 
 negro who comes up bravely and fights? The man who fights, the man 
 who does what he can to help crush the enemies of the country is the 
 man with whom I would clasp hands always. [Great applause]. 
 
 Again, you say you cannot unite with us because Lincoln makes 
 arbitrary arrests; you say, "Lincoln is changing this government into 
 a tyranny." I don't believe this. I believe the President to be a noble, 
 patriotic man. But suppose he were not, it is strange he should do 
 this thing. In little more than a year^ he will be a private citizen 
 again, unless he should be re-elected, and I am sure he will not want 
 to be for his personal comfort, and if he changes this government into 
 a tyranny he will have to live under it and his children also. * 
 
 A great deal of the talk made at this time about the constitutional 
 rights of private citizens is foolish, and actually disloyal. In times of 
 
260 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 war and rebellion the rights of the private citizen must be subordinate 
 to the good of the government. It is impossible that the citizen should 
 always be entitled to all the privileges in time of war, to which he is 
 entitled in time of peace. We cannot have an exact rule of law for 
 everything in such a time No man or set of men that ever lived 
 could have wit enough to frame an article which should mention all 
 the acts by which an open enemy or secret traitor can harm his coun 
 try in time of war. We must all sometimes give up private interest for 
 public good. To illustrate: Suppose I come to your beautiful town to 
 live; suppose I am very rich a violent presumption, but suppose it 
 were true; I build me a grand house, and arrange the most magnifi 
 cent grounds, I have fountains and a large cistern to furnish them; I 
 have on my grounds every tree and every shrub and flower that can 
 be made to thrive in our climate; my garden is crowded with these 
 things; the children pass along my place to school. Some bright 
 morning a sweet little girl with sparkling eyes comes tripping along, 
 and looking up with a smile says, "Mr. Kirkwood, please give me a 
 flower." I say, "No, keep away from my yard." Why you would say I 
 was a mean man. But I would have the constitutional right to do just 
 so. I have a constitutional right to make a hog of myself if I choose 
 to do so. I should say power perhaps, for I apprehend that to say I 
 have the "right," is a misapplication of terms. But let us pass on 
 with the illustration. Suppose that on the opposite side of the street 
 from my grounds is a row of fine business buildings filled with valua 
 ble goods. A fire breaks out in that row and threatens to destroy all 
 that property. The fire boys run with their engines and hose carts to 
 the spot, and the boys with hose in their hands cry to their chief fire 
 man, "There is no water, what shall be do? " He replies, "Push you? 
 hose through Kirkwood's gate there and run to his cistern." But I 
 stand at my gate and say, "No, you must not come in here; I will not 
 have you running over my shrubbery and trees and flowers; besides I 
 don't want the water drained from my cistern." The boys cry back, 
 "Kirkwood wont let us in." The chief fireman answers, " Don't mind 
 him, hurry up! Go along about your business, quick! " Then I stand 
 and claim my constitutional rights and make personal resistance. The 
 chief fireman seeing it says, "Boys, just lay that crazy man one side 
 till the fire is over, [laughter] and then we will settle the damage with 
 him." [Applause]. The people would say the fireman was right and I 
 was wrong. And they would speak the truth. The constitutional 
 rights which a citizen may have in times of peace and safety, must give 
 way when in times of war public danger requires. But you say, "This 
 war is a terrible thing; we want peace." So do I want peace, but you 
 wont agree to my way of getting it. What is your way? "Compro 
 mise with them. We can never whip the rebels, we must compromise 
 with them," Now, I think we cau whip them, With your help we 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 261 
 
 could do it very soon, but we shall put this rebellion down whether 
 you help or not. [Applause]. 
 
 So much has never bee,n done in the world to put down an enemy 
 as has been done by our administration since this rebellion began. We 
 have conquered more territory in this war than Napoleon ever con 
 quered, and it is territory that counts with us. Our great trouble is 
 that the enemy have all creation to run over and keep out of the way. 
 Suppose we had the entire force of the rebellion shut up within the 
 State of Missouri? Where would the rebellion be now? But you say 
 compromise. How shall we compromise? Farmers can compromise 
 where there is a question regarding the line which separates their 
 lands. They can fix a line which will do justice to both which will be 
 equally fair for the one as for the other, and thus settle the matter 
 forever. But how shall we compromise with these rebels? What are 
 we disputing about? They say they will not submit to the same laws 
 that govern you and me. We say they shall. Now, how will you man 
 age that? You cannot compromise by saying that they need not obey 
 them and / must. I will not stand that, I count myself just as good as 
 Southern chivalry. Put us under the government on an equality if 
 you will, but I shall submit to nothing less. You wrong me and you 
 wrong the government by any other arrangement. I don't believe in 
 getting peace. I don't believe we can get a valuable peace by compro 
 mise with rebels in arms. When you offer to compromise with such 
 men, you encourage rebellion. Suppose a thief comes in the night 
 and steals your horses and runs them off. In the morning you look 
 for them. You come across an old log house out somewhere where 
 you see the horses, and you are satisfied that the man who stole them 
 is inside. You notice as you approach, that parts of the chinking be 
 tween the logs are knocked out, and through the holes a row of guns 
 protrudes. You get near enough to demand your property, and you 
 do so. The thief threatens your life and says you can't have it. You 
 come back to town and get the sheriff, and he gets a hundred men and 
 you all go out again. As you approach the cabin the thieves threaten 
 to fire their guns upon you. You see the thing is getting desperate. 
 You can 'easily overcome them, but you are afraid somebody will get 
 hurt. While you pause to consider the matter a moment in comes an 
 outsider whom any sensible man would take to be one of the gang and 
 says, "I'll tell you how to get out of the scrape. Just compromise 
 with them." You say, " How can we? " He replies, " Give up one-half 
 of the property, and take the other half." You agree to it and the 
 matter is soon arranged. You take one-half of your property, and 
 come home without further trouble, and leave the other half to the 
 thieves. You run to the house and say, "Wife, we came near having 
 a bloody time; the fellows talked pretty saucy, and threatened to shoot 
 us, but we scared them out and settled up without having anybody 
 
262 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 hurt." [Laughter]. "Settled it," your wife would say, "how did you 
 settle it? " "Why we had to give them one-half the horses and let them 
 go, and they let us bring the other half home." "Why you coward," 
 your wife would say. She would really think you a miserable coward, 
 and would turn her back on you ail day and all night. [Uproarous 
 laughter]. 
 
 Now, would this be a profitable way of settling with thieves? 
 Would it be an honorable way? Would it free you from further 
 depredations upon your property? Would such a "settlement" be 
 likely to last long without further trouble? You know it would not. 
 You know you would be offering a premium for stealing. You would 
 be saying to thieves, "If you come to steal my property, I will give 
 you one-half you get and let you go unharmed and unpunished." Now, 
 it is just so with rebels in arms. If you do compromise with them and 
 give them what they ask, you encourage them to rebel every time 
 things do not go exactly to suit them. The people of the South rebelled 
 because they were beaten at an election, we will say. Now, if you 
 give up to them on that ground, how do you know that the "Black 
 Republicans " will not rebel next time, if they are beaten? It may be 
 the turn of the Abolitionists next. It wont do to settle in this manner. 
 If the right to rebel is half acknowledged by compromise, if the weak 
 ness of the government is thus acknowledged we shall never be at 
 peace. We shall soon have no government at all. The true way to 
 secure peace is to crush the rebellion out, to grind the enemy to the 
 earth. Give them Greek fire and sword and bayonet continually, 
 without stopping a moment to give them breath, until the signal of 
 unconditional surrender appears. When they are willing to obey the 
 laws as they stand, when they lay down their arms, when they stop 
 firing on the old flag, when they express a willingness to show proper 
 respect for the authorities of our government, it will be time for us to 
 stop fighting. We can then talk with them if they desire to reason 
 about the matter. We must enforce the laws everywhere. The peo 
 ple everywhere must understand that there is no such thing as indulg 
 ing in a factious opposition to the laws of the land with impunity, that 
 there can be no such thing as a successful appeal from the ballot box 
 to arms, and then we shall have peace worth having. [Great applause]. 
 
 I feel like talking to you a little regarding our approaching election, 
 because I feel that it is intimately connected with the war. The good 
 name of our State depends very much upon the character of the 
 men who fill its offices. Two men are mentioned in connection 
 with the office of Governor. I know both men. I believe they are 
 both brave men. Some are saying that Col. Stone is not a brave 
 man. I think he is a brave man. It has been my duty to look 
 after him somewhat in this respect. His promotion has come through 
 niy hands. I have had pretty good opportunities for judging, and I 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KlRKWOOD. 263 
 
 assure you he would never have been promoted by any act of mine if 
 I had not known him to be a brave man. [Applause]. I would not 
 detract a particle from the good name of the man who led the noble 
 Iowa second up the hill at Donelson. *Gen. Tuttle has proved his 
 bravery well. But there are others as brave as he is. * * * There 
 were thousands in the ranks that were just as brave as the men who 
 led them, and they deserve their full share of the honor. I tell you 
 the men in the ranks deserve more at your hands than the men who 
 wear the straps. [Applause and cries of that's so]. You say if Col. 
 Tuttle is a good man why not vote for him in preference to Col. Stone. 
 Why, Col. Stone is a good man and his associates on the ticket are 
 men of undoubted loyalty. 
 
 This cannot be said of the associates of Gen. Tuttle. He is on the 
 ticket with Buncombe, as bitter a Copperhead as there is in the State; 
 and with Mason, who pledged himself two years ago, when a candi 
 date for the Supreme bench, to decide the law authorizing the issue of 
 State bonds to be unconstitutional. The very bonds, colonel, (to Col. 
 Brown of the Iowa third who was upon the stand) with which I 
 obtained the money to clothe your regiment. Mason still stands 
 pledged to this thing. Tuttle is dissatisfied with the treatment of the 
 government towards Vallandingham. He is dissatisfied because Val- 
 landingham was not hung. There are men in Iowa whom he says 
 ought to be hung, and yet these persons are going to vote for him. 
 There is something strange about this. I would not expect a man to 
 support me whom I thought ought to be hung. I should not want him 
 to vote for me. I tell you there must be a trick somewhere. Some 
 body is to be cheated. Either the Copperheads are to be cheated, 
 or we are. When they are trying to make the soldiers and Cop 
 perheads vote together, the same ticket, you may be sure some 
 thing is wrong. 1 can prevent myself from being cheated. I can 
 keep myself perfectly safe by not voting that ticket. Are you 
 willing to run the risk? (Cries of no! no!) I hope you will not. I 
 wish I could talk to the soldiers a few minutes about this matter. But 
 there is no need of it. Soldiers understand this matter as well as we 
 do, and they are more in earnest. Suppose the ticket which Gen. Tut 
 tle heads is elected. Then suppose it may happen, human life is 
 uncertain, suppose Gen. Tuttle dies. Then you have Duncombe in the 
 chair of the chief magistrate of the proud State of Iowa. An executive 
 who will bitterly oppose the furnishing a man or a dollar to aid the 
 government. I repeat, there is a trick somewhere. The plain open 
 way is upon the other side. 
 
 Ladies, I have been talking to these men about their duties. They 
 may not heed me, but I have faith to believe that you will. I there 
 fore desire one word with you. You have a wonderful influence, and 
 
 *Democratic candidate for Governor, running against Col. Stone. 
 
264 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 you can make it of great service in the struggle which is upon us. 
 You have done well. Through the instrumentality of the Sanitary 
 Commission, you have done a great, a noble, work. I wish you could 
 know how heartily the brave boys the poor, sick and wounded fei- 
 lows thank you, and pray God to bless you. But there is still more 
 you can do. You can cast your influence against the enemies of the 
 government at home. Set your faces against them. Let them know 
 that you do not entertain a very high respect for them. And you 
 young ladies should exert your influence in this direction. When you 
 meet one of these young men who hang about home with no excuse, 
 who is down on the Administration and the war, and the policy of the 
 government generally, and who never has any fault to find with Jeff 
 Davis or the Rebels I say, when you meet such a young man at the 
 lecture room, or the social party, or anywhere else, and he offers his 
 arm to escort you, just tell him you prefer to be excused. [Laughter.] 
 And should one of these young men have the impudence to ask you to 
 marry him, just say, "No; I'm going to wait and marry a soldier." 
 [Applause.] I had a little talk with the boys back of Vicksburg, and 
 I told them that all the prettiest and best Iowa girls were going to wait 
 for husbands until they got home. I wish you could have heard the 
 cheers upon cheers they sent up. The soldiers are almost all good 
 cooks, you know, and that is one advantage. [Laughter.] And, again, 
 the man who is false to his country, mark my word for it, cannot be 
 true to you. * * * 
 
 In conclusion, let me appeal to you all to come forward and strive 
 to heal up the divisions which exist among us. If we could only all 
 take hold and strive earnestly together, we should soon make an end 
 of this war. Division has killed thousands of our brave boys. It is 
 killing them yet. Let us work together. Let us all with one united, 
 earnest effort put our shoulders 10 the wheel and we shall soon have 
 peace and a restored Union. [Long continued applause and three 
 cheers for Governor Kirkwood.] 
 
 Speeches were made by Governor Kirkwood at several 
 other places during the canvass. 
 
 Dubuque county had been noted as containing quite as 
 large a per cent, of disloyalty as any other in the State, and 
 one in which was manifested much opposition to the enforce 
 ment of a draft, if one should be ordered. It was also the 
 residence of that prince of disloyalists and that preacher of 
 treason, D. A. Mahoney. 
 
 At a Union meeting held here early in September, this is 
 reported as a speech made there by the Governor: 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 265 
 
 Fellow-citizens of Dubuque : My name is not on the program as 
 one announced to speak here on this occasion; but being here, and 
 being called upon, I will say a few words because I have a few words 
 that I want to say right here in Dubuque. 
 
 Perhaps you know I have been favoring the organization of volun 
 teer companies and arming them in various places in the State. I find 
 that there have been men base enough to say that these companies are 
 being armed for the purpose of driving Democrats from the polls on 
 election day. I also find that men are fools enough to believe it. 
 And I want to tell you why I have done this. 
 
 The other day a man in Keokuk county got into a row very unfor 
 tunately for himself got killed. His friends in that vicinity chose to 
 believe that the perpetrators would not be called to an account and 
 punished by the proper authorities, and accordingly attempted to take 
 the matter into their own hands. The result has been such as to show 
 that their services in the case were not needed. 
 
 You remember that the draft commenced in New York the other 
 day and a mob was raised to stop it, and threats have been made that 
 the same thing would be done here in Iowa would be done here in 
 Dubuque. And I wanted to talk here in Dubuque just long enough to 
 tell you that it will be a very bad thing to start a mob here in opposi 
 tion to the draft. It is for your own interest that no mob is started 
 here. I tell you I will see to it that any mob that is started shall be 
 put down for you! You see that I am not only a plain-looking man, 
 but a plain-speaking man; and I intend to speak plainly. 
 
 When this war began Iowa had no history. People in the East 
 knew there was such a State west of the Mississippi, but they supposed 
 it was inhabited by a few white persons and a good many Indians, and 
 that the balance of the population was composed of wolves. But 
 Iowa's soldiers have been making a patriotic name for her. On every 
 battlefield in the West since the commencement of the war they have 
 fought, and fought with a bravery not surpassed by any other State in 
 the Union. Iowa has a name now. And it will be a shame, a burning 
 shame, men and women of Iowa, if the soldiers who are in front of the 
 enemy cannot be assured that their wives and children and loved ones 
 at home can be protected from traitors in the rear. Why, down in 
 Keokuk county, the county records had been packed up and were 
 about to be carried to a more safe place of deposit, and the wives and 
 families of absent soldiers trembled and fled in fear from their homes. 
 What will the soldiers think? What did the soldiers from Keokuk 
 county think when they learned that their homes had been in jeop 
 ardy, and that their mothers, and wives, and daughters, and sisters 
 were made to tremble for their lives, unprotected because they had 
 given up those who once cared for them to the service of their coun 
 try? Such a burning shame shall not disgrace our State and grieve 
 
266 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 the hearts of our iioble soldiers again without punishment, dire, swift 
 and sure, reaches the traitor that engages in it. The homes and fami 
 lies and property of those who have gone to tight their country's bat 
 tles must be protected; and may my God forget me in my hour of 
 sorest need if I do not see to it that they are protected. 
 
 But the affair in Keokuk county was soon ended, and those who 
 engaged in it will think twice, I am of the opinion, before they enlist 
 in such an enterprise again. It commenced on Saturday. I received 
 word of the position of affairs on Tuesday, and by Wednesday night I 
 had five companies and one piece of artillery on the ground, and by 
 Thursday night five more companies and another piece of artillery; 
 and there was not a blank cartridge there. And I tell you if it be 
 comes necessary for me to come here to Dubuque on the same errand, 
 I shall not bring a blank cartridge here. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Letter to the President Last Annual Message Gen. Baker's Compli 
 ment to the Governor The Governor's to the General Kirkwood's 
 Gubernatorial Administration Difficulties Encountered His Able 
 Assistants Allison, Price, E. Clark, E. Clark, Hubbard, Baldwin, 
 Nutt, Edwards, Ingham, Sanders, Dodge Dodge Sent for Arms 
 Gets Them When Others Could Not Is Appointed Colonel of the 
 Fourth Iowa The Governor Childless Children in the Family 
 S. Kirkwood Clark Enlistment Wounded at Arkansas Post Dies 
 From the Wound Letters From His Uncle From His Colonel 
 Appointed Minister to Denmark. 
 
 ST. Louis, Feb. 2, 1863. 
 
 His Excellency the President : 
 
 SIR Appreciating as I do the responsibilities and cares of your 
 position, I have avoided obtruding upon you my opinions, except in 
 cases wherein I would, in my judgment, have been wanting in my 
 duty to my country had I forborne to do so. A case of this kind, in my 
 judgment, now presents itself, illustrating a grave question of policy. 
 
 On the 8th of January Col. William T. Shaw received from Major- 
 Gen. Curtis, commanding the Department of the Missouri, written 
 orders to repair to Helena, Ark., and report to the officer command 
 ing the Eastern District of Arkansas, for duty in organizing and mus 
 tering in troops to be raised from persons emancipated from servitude 
 for garrison and other duties as contemplated in the proc 
 lamation of his Excellency the President of the United States 
 of the 1st of January. In obedience to this order, Col. Shaw re 
 paired to Helena, reaching that point about the 16th of January, and 
 reported to Brigadier-General Gorman, commanding, delivering the 
 order of General Curtis. General Gorman positively refused to recog 
 nize Col. Shaw as an officer under his command; positively refused to 
 issue any orders or to afford Col. Shaw any facilities to execute the 
 orders of Gen. Curtis; used grossly insulting language to Col. Shaw 
 for being willing to act under such an order; stated that if he (Gen. 
 Gorman) had any officer under his command that would help to exe 
 cute such orders he would have him mustered out of service, and that 
 if any man should attempt to raise negro soldiers there his men would 
 shoot them. Throughout the entire interview his demeanor and lan 
 guage to Col. Shaw was grossly insulting and abusive. Shortly after 
 this interview, a member of the Second Arkansas Cavalry handed to 
 
268 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Col. Shaw a letter directed on the outside of the envelope, "Col. Shaw, 
 in charge of negro camp." The letter was as follows: 
 
 "EXECUTIVE OFFICE, HELENA, Ark., Jan. 23, 1865. 
 " General Orders No. 2. 
 
 " No person, or persons, in the State of Arkansas shall be enlisted, 
 or recruited, to serve as soldiers except by an officer duly appointed by 
 the Military Governor of this State. 
 
 "AMOS F. ENO, 
 " Secretary of State, pro tern." 
 
 Col. Shaw finding he could not execute the order of Gen. Curtis, 
 reported in person to him. 
 
 Mr. President, I do not desire to intermeddle in matters with which 
 I have not legitimate concern, nor do I think I am so doing in bring 
 ing this matter to your notice. Col. Shaw is a gallant officer frojn the 
 State of Iowa, commanding the Fourteenth Regiment Io\va Volunteer 
 Infantry. He led his regiment bravely at Donelson and Shiloh; was 
 taken prisoner at the latter place, and after a long and severe impris 
 onment, was paroled and exchanged in October last. Except in mili 
 tary position, he is at least Gen. Gorman's equal. He has been grossly 
 insulted while endeavoring, as a good soldier should, to execute the 
 orders of his superior officer. 
 
 But the precise point to which I desire to direct your attention is 
 this: The proclamation issued by you on the 1st of January last was 
 an act tne most important you have ever performed and more import 
 ant than, in all human probability, you will ever again perform. I 
 shall not here argue whether its results will be good or evil. 
 
 Had you not believed the good of the country imperatively de 
 manded its issuance, you would not have issued it. I most cordially 
 and heartily endorse it But, Mr. President, that proclamation can 
 not be productive of good results unless it is observed and put in force. 
 You know its promulgation has afforded many men a pretext for 
 arraying themselves against the country, and if, having been promul 
 gated, it is allowed to be inoperative, its effects must be all evil and 
 none good. Then how may it be executed? Can it be, will it be, by 
 such men as General Gorman? 
 
 Permit me to say, in all frankness, but with proper respect and 
 deference, the history of the world cannot show an instance where a 
 policy of a nation to array men strongly for or against it was ever 
 successfully carried into effect by its opponents. It is not in the nature 
 of things it should be so, and with the facts herein presented within 
 my knowledge, I can not feel that I have discharged my duty without 
 saying that, in my judgment, it cannot produce the good effects its 
 friends believe it is capable of producing, and must produce only evil, 
 unless you depend for carrying it into effect upon those who believe it 
 to be a wise and good measure. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 269 
 
 Many men holding high commands in the armies of the Union 
 openly denounce the proclamation as an "abolition 1 ' document, and 
 say it has changed the war from a war for the Union into a war for 
 freeing the negroes. This is caught up and goes through the ranks 
 and produces a demoralizing effect on the men whose affiliation has 
 been with the Democratic party, and they say "they did not enlist to 
 fight for niggers;" while the men whose affiliation has been with the 
 Republican party are disheartened and discouraged at discovering that 
 the policy of the President, which they heartily endorse and approve, 
 is ridiculed and thwarted by the meu who should carry it into effect. 
 If that proclamation is not to be respected and enforced, it had better 
 never have been issued. I am unwilling to be misinterpreted or mis 
 understood. I am not influenced by party political considerations. 
 There are few men in the country with whom I have differed more 
 widely politically than with Gen. Butler, yet it is to me a source of 
 great pleasure that he is to supersede, at New Orleans, a distinguished 
 and able officer of my own political faith. Gen. Butler is prompt, 
 ready and anxious to do the work assigned him, and such are the men 
 we must have to obtain success. I care not what their political opin 
 ions have been, if they are unconditionally for the Union to-day. 
 
 Permit me further to call to your notice the document copied 
 herein issued by 'Amos F. Eno, Secretary of State, pro tern." As the 
 Governor of the loyal State of Iowa, duly elected by the people of that 
 State, I would not feel at liberty to order that no person should be 
 enlisted or recruited as soldiers in Iowa, except by an officer duly ap 
 pointed by myself; and it certainly seems to me that the subordinate 
 of a military governor, appointed by you, for a State in rebellion 
 against the government, should not have that power. This act of this 
 man is evidence of the determination of men holding their authority 
 from you to disregard and bring into disrepute the policy you have 
 felt bound to adopt. There is a further act of this Mr. Eno that I feel 
 obliged to bring to your notice. He claims to act as the Adjutant- 
 General of the Military Governor of Arkansas, and I am informed by 
 authority, upon which I confidently rely, he turned from 100 to 150 
 sick and wounded soldiers out of a comfortable house, wherein they 
 had been placed, in order to use the house as his headquarters; that 
 these poor fellows were removed while it was raining, and that some 
 of them actually died while being removed. There are many sick and 
 wounded Iowa soldiers at the place, and some of them may have been- 
 among those thus treated. I would not, in niy judgment, be discharg 
 ing my duty to them, if I did not bring this matter to your notice and 
 demand an investigation of the facts alleged. 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 
 
270 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 On the llth day of January, 1864, the annual guberna 
 torial message was delivered, in which the State's finances 
 were declared never to have been in a more healthy condi 
 tion. School and University Funds and Lands, Des Moines 
 River Grant, Swamp Land Grant, Agricultural College 
 Grant, Supreme Court, State University, Charitable Institu 
 tions and State Historical Society, were treated upon and 
 their condition and needs were presented and discussed. In 
 regard to the latter the Governor says; 
 
 "Passing events render the work of this society vastly more im 
 portant than ever before. We are now making history with wonder 
 ful rapidity, but are making it in a fragmentary manner. Future ages 
 demand of us that we collect and preserve these fragments as material 
 from which a full and reliable record of the great events of our day 
 may be preserved. This, with the ordinary work of the society in col 
 lecting the early history of our State, is more than it can well perform 
 with the means at its disposal. No man can be found to devote to it 
 the necessary time without compensation. I recommend an appropri 
 ation of $500 as a compensation for this purpose, in addition to the 
 $500 appropriated to it for other purposes. " * * * 
 
 ORGANIZING AND ARMING VOLUNTEER COMPANIES. * 
 
 I became satisfied during the early part of last summer that 
 designing men in this, as in other loyal States, were making prepara 
 tions for an armed resistance to the authority of the General Govern 
 ment. The law of Congress, providing for a draft to fill the ranks of 
 the Union army, contained a provision that was eagerly seized upon 
 to array the poorer of our people against the government, upon the 
 specious pretense that the object of the law was to discriminate be 
 tween the rich and the poor, to the injury of the poor. 
 
 The action of the government in freeing and using the slaves in 
 the Rebel States for the suppression of the rebellion was represented 
 as a scheme by the government to overrun the free States with the 
 freed slaves, to the prejudice of the interest of the poor white men. 
 
 The government, in some instances, arrested and temporarily im 
 prisoned, or sent beyond our lines, persons whose restraint the public 
 safety required, and this was interpreted to mean an intention on the 
 part of the government to break down all the defenses of civil liberty 
 and to establish a despotism. The entire policy of our government, as 
 interpreted by these men, was that the war was waged, not for the 
 preservation of the Union, but for the abolition of slavery; that the 
 object of the government in seeking to abolish slavery was to bring 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 271 
 
 the freed slaves North and force their labor into competition with that 
 of the poor white man; that by the so-called Conscription Law, the 
 government sought to force only the poor men into the ranks of the 
 army to effect these objects so prejudicial to their interests, and that 
 while these objects were being effected, the government intended to 
 overthrow our free institutions and establish in their stead a des 
 potism ! 
 
 It is passing strange that intelligent men could be found so wicked 
 as to make these statements, and that other men could be found so 
 ignorant and foolish as to believe them. But so it was. These state 
 ments were made through the press and on the stump in the most 
 violent and exciting language, apparently with all the earnestness of 
 conviction, and thousands of honest but deluded men believed them, 
 and in consequence entertained feelings of deep hostility to the gov 
 ernment. In this excited state of the public mind, secret societies 
 were organized in many, if not all, of the loyal States, the members of 
 which were, to some extent, secretly armed for the avowed purpose of 
 protecting themselves from what were called "Arbitrary Arrests." 
 But I am satisfied it was with the intent on the part of the leaders to bring 
 their members into armed collision with the General Government in 
 case an attempt should be made to enforce the draft. The natural re 
 sult of these teachings and this action was seen in the bloody riot that 
 occurred in the chief city in the Union, and in similar smaller out 
 breaks in other places. 
 
 Under these circumstances my duty seemed to me to be plain and 
 clear. I was bound to see to the enforcement of the laws, and the 
 preservation of peace and good order; and when organized action 
 was being taken through the state to prevent the one, and violate the 
 other, I did not think my duty permitted me to wait until the evil was 
 upon us, before I took steps for its prevention. I accordingly called 
 upon the loyal men of the State who were willing to aid in the enforce 
 ment of the law, to organize a volunteer company in each county of 
 the State. Such companies were promptly organized in most of the 
 counties, of loyal and substantial citizens, and as they were organized 
 I placed arms and ammunition in their hands to make their organiza 
 tions effective. By these means a sufficient force was provided to 
 preserve the peace of the State, and insure the enforcement of the law 
 of Congress, without weakening our army facing the enemy by with 
 drawing any portion of it for that purpose, and in my judgment this 
 state of preparation to preserve the peace, tended largely to prevent 
 its violation. There was but a single occasion in which it was neces 
 sary to use the force, thus organized, and that was in Keokuk county.* 
 
 At the commencement of the session of the Ninth General 
 Assembly, the State had organized and sent to the field fourteen regi- 
 
 *The events connected with that case have heretofore been narrated, see page 844-52, 
 
272 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 ments of infantry, three regiments of cavalry, and three batteries of 
 artillery; and had in process of organization two regiments of 
 infantry, and one of cavalry. Of these regiments the first infantry 
 was enlisted for three months, and had then been mustered out of ser 
 vice. All the others were enlisted for three years. Since the com 
 mencement of that session the two regiments of infantry and one of 
 cavalry, then incomplete, have been organized, and in addition there 
 to twenty-four regiments of infantry, five regiments of cavalry, and 
 one battery, and all for three years. Besides these complete organi 
 zations a large number of men have been enlisted for regiments in the 
 field. * * * 
 
 Besides the troops thus furnished to the Army of the Union, there 
 were organized five companies of mounted men for the protection of 
 our northwestern frontier against Indians, and ten companies of 
 mounted men on our southern borders, to protect the persons and 
 property of our people on that line, against the depredations of organ 
 ized bauds of guerillas from Missouri. * * * The companies on 
 the northwestern frontiers have all been disbanded, and their place 
 supplied by troops of the United States. While these companies were 
 in service, they were required to erect block houses and other build 
 ings at different points for their own convenience, and to serve as 
 rallying points for the people in case of attack. These buildings are 
 now occupied in whole or in part by the United States troops on that 
 line. I recommend such legislation as may be necessary for the pre 
 servation of these buildings. They may be useful in the future, in 
 case of another outbreak of the Indians. 
 
 We owe much, very much, to the brave men who have gone out 
 from among us to take their places in the ranks of the army, battling 
 for the preservation of the Constitution and the Union. We owe much 
 to those of them who are still living to fight for us, and much more to 
 the families of those who have given their lives for our protection. 
 Their duty to go was no greater than ours, but, in patriotism they far 
 excelled us. How shall we pay this debt ? The praise we so freely 
 accord, the honors we so joyfully confer on them, and the gratitude 
 we so deeply- feel are but small recompense. Of those who have died 
 in the hospital and on the battlefield, many have left behind them 
 young children, who need care, protection and education, which the 
 State is under the most solemn obligation to supply. Some of the 
 soldiers yet living have been so far disabled, that they cannot properly 
 care for themselves. These we should support and maintain. I very 
 earnestly recommend that either wholly by the State, or by means of 
 aid furnished by the State to those of our people who may be disposed 
 to enter upon this work, ample provision be made for a home in which 
 the children of deceased soldiers may be cared for, and educated, 
 in which those of our soldiers who may not b able to support 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 273 
 
 themselves may pleasantly live the honored guests of a grateful 
 people. * * * 
 
 Much has been done by sanitary associations in this and other 
 States for the health and comfort of our troops in the field and in the 
 hospital, and for the support of their families at home. 
 
 The business of the General Sanitary Association, and of the local 
 aid societies in furnishing supplies to our soldiers in the field, has now 
 become well arranged and systematized and conseq lently much more 
 effective. This work can be done much better by those societies than 
 by the State, and I recommend that the State leave the matter in their 
 hands. There should be however a liberal appropriation for a con 
 tingent fund, under the control of the Governor, from which he can 
 upon emergency furnish aid to those societies, and to sick and disabled 
 soldiers under special circumstances, and by means of which he can 
 send to and keep in the field such agents for the State, as may be 
 necessary for the comfort and well being of our soldiers. 
 
 I very earnestly recommend that some systematic mode of furnish 
 ing aid to the needy families of our soldiers be adopted. Whether 
 this can be best done by monies furnished by the State and distributed 
 by persons appointed by the State, or through the instrumentality of 
 local aid societies, is a question of doubt. It is very certain the work 
 should be done in some way, and I have no doubt your wisdom will 
 ascertain and adopt the proper mode. * * * 
 
 NATIONAL AFFAIRS. 
 
 I cannot close this communication, and with it my official connec 
 tion with the people of the State, without adverting 10 the condition 
 of national affairs in which we are all so deeply and vitally interested. 
 The war for the destruction of the Union on the one hand, and for its 
 preservation on the other, still goes on. During the present year the 
 successes of the Union arms have been so numerous and so important, 
 tfiat the public mind appears to have settled down into the belief that 
 our ultimate success is certain, and not far distant ; and is now to 
 some extent occupied with the question of reconstruction so-called. 
 The question as to the manner in which, and the terms and conditions 
 on which, the people within the territory composing the rebel States 
 can again take part with the people of the loyal States in administer 
 ing the affairs of the General Government. 
 
 The President has recently issued a proclamation to the people of 
 the rebel States, in which he proposes to them such terms and condi 
 tions as in his judgment are right and proper. He proposes in sub 
 stance, that as soon as the number of the voting population of any 
 one of those States, equal to one-tenth of the entire voting population 
 of the State, as shown at the last presidential election, shall take an 
 oath, the form of which is prescribed, and shall establish a new gov- 
 
274 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 ernment, Republican in form, and consistent with the terms of the 
 prescribed oath, such government shall be recognized as the true 
 government of the State and protected as such. * * * 
 
 (Here follow the exceptions prescribed by the President:) 
 
 The terms and conditions proposed by the President are that the 
 party guilty of treason shall swear : 
 
 First That he will faithfully support, protect and defend the Con 
 stitution of the United States and the union of the States thereunder. 
 
 Second That he will abide by and faithfully support all acts of 
 Congress passed during the existing rebellion with reference to slaves, 
 so long and so far as not repealed, modified or held void by Congress 
 or by decision of the Supreme Court; and, 
 
 Third That he will abide by and faithfully support all proclama 
 tions of the President, made during the existing rebellion, having ref" 
 erence to slaves, so long and so far as not modified by the decisions of 
 the Supreme Court 
 
 Are these terms and conditions reasonable? * * * This is just 
 what it is the duly of every citizen to do to abide by and support the 
 law until changed by the law-making power or declared void by the 
 courts. * * * In imposing these terms and conditions on those in 
 rebellion against our government who may desire to lay down their 
 arms, the President is but requiring of them the performance of a 
 duty required of all men who have remained loyal. * * * 
 
 It is directly or impliedly admitted by all that slavery is the cause 
 of the civil war now desolating our land, although different parties 
 endeavor to throw the immediate blame upon their adversaries. The 
 anti-slavery men of the country say that slavery is the cause of the 
 war because, being founded on force, it is necessarily aggressive in 
 its character; that it necessarily makes slaveholders, as a class, 
 haughty, overbearing, impatient of control, and unwilling to submit 
 their opinions to those of a majority whom they consider their in 
 feriors. Some of the Rebels admit frankly that the desire to perpetu 
 ate slavery, and to make it the "corner-stone" of the new Confeder 
 acy, caused the rebellion; while others and their apologists generally 
 insist that the cause of our troubles is, not slavery itself, but the 
 fanaticism of anti-slavery men on the subject of slavery; and there is 
 still another class of our people who declare that, in their judgment, 
 the cause of the war is to be found in the fanaticism on the subject of 
 slavery among the extremists North and South. These are but vari 
 ous statements of the same thing, showing that however prejudice or 
 partisanship may seek to evade or disguise the fact, our people gener 
 ally recognize slavery as the cause of the war. 
 
 It is also true that slavery has been very much weakened since the 
 war began; very large numbers of slaves have been set free in fact, 
 while other very large numbers, yet; under partial control of their 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 275 
 
 masters, have been so operated on by events as to make them unfit for 
 slaves. It is indeed thought by many North and South that, in any 
 event slavery will perish. * * * 
 
 But we should not permit the discussion of these or similar ques 
 tions to divert us from the paramount purpose of prosecuting the war 
 earnestly and vigorously, until all men in rebellion against the gov 
 ernment shall either voluntarily or by compulsion lay down their 
 arms. In this consists our only safety, and I feel well assured that 
 you will, so far as depends on you, see to it that Iowa in the future, as 
 in the past, will do her full share of this good work promptly and 
 well. 
 
 The position occupied by our State in this war for the preservation 
 of the Union is a proud and enviable one. From the first outbreak of 
 the rebellion until the present time, Iowa has neither faltered nor 
 wavered in the discharge of her duty. In both branches of the Na 
 tional Council she has presented an unbroken front to treason and 
 rebellion, and has given a steady and undivided support to the Gen 
 eral Government. Her State government in all its branches has given 
 evidence of her unflinching and unconditional loyalty and devotion to 
 the good cause. Her people have at all times and promptly filled all 
 requisitions made upon them for troops to fill the ranks of the Union 
 armies; and the men she has sent to the field have been at least second 
 to none in all soldierly qualities. 
 
 To these men yet another word is due from me. When this war 
 began ours was a new State without a history. To-day her name 
 stands on one of the brightest pages of our country's record graven 
 there by the bayonets of our brave soldiers and that page is all over 
 glowing with the proofs of their heroism and devotion. We have sent 
 to the field no regiment of which we do not feel justly proud, and the 
 bare mention of the names of many of them stirs the blood and warms 
 the heart of every lowan. 
 
 It may perhaps be permitted me to say that I trust when the his 
 tory of the gallantry and devotion of these men shall be written, the 
 position I have held will of necessity connect my name humbly and 
 not discreditably with theirs, and that this trust affords compensation 
 for somewhat of toil and care, which have attended that position, and 
 should be sufficient to satisfy an ambition greater than mine. 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 In making his annual report to the Governor on the llth 
 of January, 1864, Adjutant-General Baker, as this would be 
 the last one he would make to his present superior officer, 
 under whom he had served from his first appointment in 
 1861, and with whom his relations had been of the most 
 
27d THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 friendly and confidential character, pays him this high com 
 pliment: 
 
 "As we are about to terminate our official connection, I trust that 
 it will not be deemed improper for me to allude to the manner in 
 which you have directed the military matters of the State, including 
 not only the organization of the militia companies, the arming and 
 equipping of the same, and the preparations made against the difficul 
 ties on the borders and elsewhere, as well as the organization of the 
 volunteers for United States service. Prompt in your decisions, 
 decided in your actions, faithful in your duty, you have met every 
 emergency with an energy and determination unsurpassed in any 
 Executive of any State in the Union." 
 
 This is what the Governor said in his last message to the 
 General Assembly in regard to his Adjutant-General: 
 
 "The office of the Adjutant-General has been since the commence 
 ment of the war, and still is, a very important one. The labor and 
 responsibility of the Adjutant-General have been very great. The 
 labor has always been well and promptly performed, and the respon 
 sibility cheerfully borne. The books of the office are well systema 
 tized and kept in most excellent condition. * * * It affords me 
 great pleasure to say that whatever of success has attended the raising 
 and organization of troops in this State is due to the efficient services 
 of the present incumbent of that office." 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, ) 
 WASHINGTON, March 18th, 1863. f 
 Samuel J. Kirkwood Esq^, 
 
 Iowa City, Iowa. 
 
 SIR: The President, by and with the advice and consent of the 
 Senate having appointed you to be Minister Resident of the United 
 States to Denmark, I have the honor to announce the same to you, 
 and to request that you will inform this department how soon, in the 
 event of your accepting the appointment, you will be prepared to pro 
 ceed to Copenhagen. 
 
 I am, sir, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, ) 
 IOWA CITY, March 20th, 1863. f 
 
 SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of 
 the 18th inst., announcing to me my appointment as Minister Resident 
 of the United States to Denmark, and enquiring how soon, in case of 
 iny acceptance, I will be prepared to proceed to Copenhagen. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 277 
 
 I beg leave to tender my thanks for the honor conferred upon me 
 by this appointment. 
 
 The tender of this position to me was wholly unexpected, and con 
 sequently I desire a short delay and some information before I make 
 my determination. My principal reason for asking delay is this: The 
 condition of affairs in this State at this time is somewhat critical and 
 many of our people have expressed to me a strong desire that I shall 
 continue in the discharge of my present official duties for a few 
 months longer. Will you be kind enough to inform me how long I 
 can be permitted to remain here in case I accept the appointment ? I 
 also wish to know what attaches, if any, belong to this mission and 
 how they are appointed and paid. 
 
 Upon receiving this information I will immediately determine the 
 question of acceptance. Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State, 
 Washington City, D. C. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, ) 
 WASHINGTON, April 18th, 1863. f 
 Samuel J. Kirkwood, Esq., 
 
 Governor of Iowa, Iowa City. 
 
 SIR: Your letter of the 13th instant has been received, and the 
 reasons you assign for declining to accept the mission to Denmark, 
 which has been tendered to you, until the expiration of your term of 
 service as Governor of Iowa, are entirely satisfactory. You intimate, 
 however, that it is possible these reasons may have less weight with 
 you some few months hence, and that you may then, perhaps, feel at 
 liberty to accept the appointment and to proceed to Copenhagen 
 before the close of your gubernatorial term. Under these circum 
 stances, I see no objection to your holding the appointment under 
 consideration for a few months at least. 
 
 I am, sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATE, 
 WASHINGTON, April 4th, 1863. 
 Samuel J. Kirkwood Esq., 
 
 Iowa City, Iowa. 
 
 SIR: Your letter of the 30th ultimo has been received. In the 
 event of your acceptance of the appointment as Minister Resident to 
 Denmark, it is deemed desirable that you should proceed to Copen 
 hagen without much delay say within two months. If, however, the 
 public interests in the State over which you preside, should in your 
 judgment, render it necessary that your departure should be delayed 
 
278 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 beyond that time, you have the President's permission to accept the 
 appointment with the understanding that you are to set out for your 
 post as soon as you can do so without detriment to those interests. 
 The law makes no provision for attaches to the legation. 
 I am, sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 WILLIAM H. SEWARD. 
 
 EXECUTIVE OFFICE, IOWA, ) 
 IOWA CITY, April 13, 1863. f 
 
 Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State, 
 
 Washington City, D. C. 
 
 SIR: The next regular session of the General Assembly of this 
 State will commence on the second Monday (the llth day of January), 
 1864, and my term of service as Governor will close as soon thereafter 
 as the votes can be counted and my successor inaugurated. It will 
 be very agreeable to me to accept the Mission to Denmark, if I can be 
 permitted to do so at the expiration of my term of service as Governor, 
 and after examining the matter carefully I cannot, consistently with 
 my sense of duty to the people of my State, accept it on any other 
 terms, at this time. 
 
 It is possible, that a few months hence, the condition of affairs here 
 will be so changed, that I may feel at liberty to leave the State at an 
 earlier date, but, it is I presume desirable to have the question of my 
 acceptance definitely settled and I therefore say that, if I can be per 
 mitted to remain at home until the expiration of the term of my 
 present office I will be glad to accept the position, and if not, that I 
 very respectfully decline it. Of course, if my acceptance on this con 
 dition can be permitted in view of the public interests, my compensa 
 tion as Minister Resident to Denmark will not commence until the 
 expiration of the term of my present office. 
 
 I am unwilling to have you suppose that I sought this position and 
 then hesitated as to its acceptance after having it tendered to me. I 
 was informed in December last by the delegation in Congress, from 
 this State, that my name had been submitted to the President, and 
 early in January I wrote them that I could not, for the reasons above 
 stated accept the position tendered. I heard nothing more of the 
 matter until I saw in the newspapers the announcement of my nom 
 ination and confirmation. 
 
 I very much regret that I am compelled to send you what I pre 
 sume is substantially a declination of a position which, under other 
 circumstances it would be very agreeable to me to accept. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
THE LITE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 279 
 
 With reference to his acceptance Mr. Allison writes : 
 
 DUBUQUE, March 15th, 1863. 
 
 DEAR GOVERNOR: I congratulate you on your confirmation as 
 Resident Minister to Denmark. I regret very much that you are 
 called to leave the State at so critical a period in its history. Your 
 State administration has been successful and impartial. You have 
 won the esteem and aft'ection of the people. I fear very much that we 
 shall find difficulty in choosing a successor who will sustain our good 
 name and fame. I would like very much to see you before you leave 
 the State. Could you not hold the position in abeyance, until your 
 term expires, or very nearly so ? We will have a bitter contest this 
 fall, and will need all the wisdom, influence and ability we have to 
 confront the rebels at home. You can be of great service to us, and 
 thereby to the country, by remaining here most of the summer, if no 
 longer. Whenever you go however, you will bear with you the best 
 wishes of the loyal people of Iowa, whom you have so well and faith 
 fully served. 
 
 Sincerely your friend and servant, 
 
 WM. B. ALLISON. 
 
 The gubernatorial administration of Governor Kirkwood 
 forms the most brilliant period in the whole history of our 
 State. Since its organization, never has history been more 
 rapidly, more interestingly, more intelligently, more glow 
 ingly, or more profitably made. It was, and must ever re 
 main, our heroic age. Its leading participants will ever be 
 our leading historical heroes. Entering upon the duties of 
 the office during, or immediately after, a period of great 
 financial depression, with a treasury wholly depleted, with 
 public credit at its lowest ebb, when the war cry was raised 
 the Governor had but to ask for funds, when the vaults of 
 our banks and the pockets of our capitalists, though neither 
 were very plethoric, at his magic call poured forth every dol 
 lar they could spare; bonds were voted and issued by the 
 hundred thousand, till from these sources and taxes levied 
 more than a million of dollars were poured into the treasury, 
 and disbursed on that line of economic expenditure that lies 
 between waste and extravagance on the one hand, and parsi 
 mony and stinginess on the other. 
 
 With no military organization except here and there a 
 
280 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 single company, poorly armed, with no State arsenal and no 
 arms except a few disabled muskets scattered hither and 
 thither, he had but to sound his patriotic bugle note, where 
 no militia had 'heretofore been listed; when 60,000 valiant 
 soldiers rushed forward to enlist under his banner and go 
 forth at his command to fight the battles of their country, 
 where traitors were trying to destroy the best government 
 that was ever organized and established to bestow blessings 
 upon civilized man. Under laws passed upon his recom 
 mendation, over 86,000 State militia were enrolled and more 
 than ninety companies were organized that were afterwards, 
 under his successors, formed into eighteen battallions and 
 regiments and armed for home protection. 
 
 His whole administration was loaded down with hercu 
 lean labors, but he proved to be the modern Hercules that 
 could perform them all. Immense responsibilities were 
 heaped upon him, but he met them all with a boldness and 
 alacrity, coupled with an intelligence, an integrity and fore 
 sight, that enabled him to discharge all duties imposed upon 
 him with honor to himself and to the advancement of the 
 public welfare. 
 
 In the selection of his aids and trusted lieutenants were 
 included such men as William B. Allison, Hiram Price, 
 Ezekiel Clark, A. W. Hubbard, Caleb Baldwin, Rush Clark, 
 John Edwards, S. R. Ingham, H. C. Nutt, Ad. H. Sanders, 
 G. M. Dodge, arid others. The selection was a very wise 
 and fortunate one, both for the Governor himself and for the 
 various branches of the service in which they were respect 
 ively engaged, not one but that proved himself to be the right 
 man in the right place, possessed of sound discretion, stern in 
 tegrity, undoubted loyalty and rare executive ability. As show 
 ing the confidence afterwards reposed in them by the people, 
 it may be mentioned that six of them were afterwards sent to 
 Congress, one being afterwards a colleague of the Governor 
 in the United States Senate, in a seat which he still holds. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMtJEL J. KIRKWOOD. 281 
 
 In the absence of telegraph communication and fast mail 
 facilities, it often became necessary for some of these aids 
 to be entrusted with full discretionary executive powers, par 
 ticularly those who were to act on the southern and north 
 western border, remote from the Executive office and not in 
 ready communication with it, and in no case were those 
 powers exceeded or abused, but were used with eminent 
 ability in the promotion of the public good. 
 
 Among these men one of the most determined and perse 
 vering was G. M. Dodge. In the commencement of the war 
 one of the greatest needs was arms. For the purpose of 
 obtaining them the Governor issued the following commis 
 sion: 
 
 EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, ) 
 DES MOINES, IOWA, May 25, 1861. ) 
 Capt. G. M. Dodge : 
 
 DEAR SIR I hereby confide to you a communication to Major- 
 Gen. Harney, at St. Louis, desiring from him, or, through him, from 
 the Secretary of War, 3,000 stand of arms from the command at Fort 
 Kearney, Neb. Should it be deemed proper by you, when at St. 
 Louis, upon conference with Gen. Harney, to go to Washington City 
 in order the more readily to obtain these arms, I desire you to go 
 there at once. When the order is obtained you will report to me im 
 mediately for further instructions. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, 
 Governor of Iowa. 
 
 Gen. Dodge at this time was captain of an independent 
 military company, which he had some years before organ 
 ized, and which was known as the "Council Bluff's Guard." 
 He tried to get it into the First Regiment, and, failing here, 
 into the Second, but Governor Kirk wood refused to enlist it 
 in either, thinking it would be needed for the protection of 
 the southern border from Missouri Secessionists or the west 
 ern Indians. 
 
 So anxious was Dodge to enter upon active military ser 
 vice that he told the Governor he should seek service in the 
 Regular Army. The Governor then issued to him the 
 
282 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 above commission, which he at once proceeded to execute. 
 Failing to get arms, either at St. Louis or Fort Leaven- 
 worth, he went direct to Washington. On his arrival there, 
 Cameron, then Secretary of War, said "every State was ap 
 plying for arms and he had none to give them." Gen. Fitz 
 Henry Warren went with him, and they urged the matter so 
 strenuously that Cameron told Dodge that if he could find 
 any arms, he could take them. He did find some arms, and 
 he took them, for he had a friend in the Ordnance Depart 
 ment that put him on track of 6,000 smooth-bore Springfield 
 muskets, which he got upon the order, which he sent at once, 
 in charge of a man, to Davenport and Quincy, where they 
 were used to arm the Second and Third Iowa Regiments and 
 afterwards the Fourth. Some of them were used to displace 
 old guns formerly issued that were so old, thin and poor 
 they were as likely to kill those who fired them as those at 
 whom they were fired. 
 
 Cameron offered him a captaincy in the Fifteenth United 
 States Infantry, and after obtaining the arms, the colonelcy 
 of the Fourth Iowa. The latter was tendered him, as Cam 
 eron said, in consideration of his successful efforts in obtain 
 ing arms, when such men as Senator Grimes, Gen. S. R. 
 Curtis and others had failed. He telegraphed the Governor, 
 "Shall I accept f and got an affirmative answer. 
 
 Cameron and Warren both wished him to take the briga 
 dier-generalship afterwards offered to and finally obtained 
 by Curtis, but he declined it, not then having confidence 
 in himself of being able to fill it, and lacking in ex 
 perience, though he had a thorough and complete military 
 education. 
 
 Gen. Grant, in after years, said he was the best railroad 
 builder and the best railroad destroyer in the Federal army. 
 In destroying Rebel railroads he could give the heated rails 
 a twist which nothing but Federal ingenuity and Federal 
 machinery could untwist. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. K1BKWOOD. 283 
 
 Of the military company under Capt. Dodge and other 
 ones like it, Governor Lowe, in his last message, said: 
 
 "There are several independent military companies in the State to 
 whom arms have been distributed. Yet there is no law of the State 
 under which they are organized, or that would strictly authorize the 
 Executive to call them into the field in cases requiring their services." 
 
 The Governor has never been blessed with children of his 
 own, and yet his home has rarely been without more or less 
 of those of his own kindred, and it has been a great gratifi 
 cation to him, as well as to his matronly wife, to have them 
 under their parental care. The Kirkwood hearthstone has 
 always been one around and on which children were wel 
 come to prank and play, and a couple of grandchildren, son 
 and daughter of an adopted daughter of Governor and Mrs. 
 Kirkwood, are occupying it for that purpose to-day; and 
 there they will be welcome as long as the embers remain warm 
 upon it. The one who was most near and dear to them was 
 one who bore his name, Samuel Kirkwood Clark, son of his 
 brother-in law, Hon. Ezekiel Clark, and he went to live with 
 his uncle almost from the time of leaving his cradle, his 
 mother dying when he was but five years old, and he grew 
 up to the age of incipient manhood, if not the pet, at least 
 the pride of the family. He was endowed with all those stern, 
 rugged virtues in his love of truth and justice that would 
 have made him, with his training under his uncle, a fit per 
 son upon whom the mantle of that uncle could most fitly 
 fall when it should leave the shoulders of him who had first 
 worn it. But though he was the crown jewel of the family, 
 he was a willing offering on the altar of his country's good. 
 He gave himself to her service at his nation's call, enlisting 
 November, 1861, at the age of eighteen, in the Fourth Iowa 
 Cavalry. He filled the post of second lieutenant until his 
 promotion to the position of adjutant in the Twenty-fifth 
 Iowa Infantry. Engaging in the battle of Arkansas Post, on 
 the llth of January, 1863, he received a severe wound, 
 
284 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 which terminated fatally on the 20th of February, in the 
 hospital at St. Louis. His uncle and aunt were with him 
 much of the time during his last illness. 
 
 The colonel of the regiment, reporting to Adjutant-Gen 
 eral Baker, the day after the battle, says: 
 
 "Adjutant S. Kirkwood Clark was wounded severely by a gun-shot 
 wound in the left leg just below the knee. I do but justice when I 
 notice the Adjutant in this report for his cool and gallant conduct as 
 well in this fight as the one in the vicinity of Vicksburg. He has re 
 ceived and has well earned the praise of the entire regiment." 
 
 As showing how his memory is. cherished where he spent 
 most of his life, the camp of the Sons of Veterans located at 
 Iowa City is called "Kirkwood Clark Camp." 
 
 In writing home, his letters commenced "Dear Uncle," 
 and they, when not of an official character, closed with from 
 "your son." 
 
 While he was in school his uncle writes him: 
 
 EXECUTIVE CHAMBER, ) 
 DES MOINES, IOWA, Jan. 29, 1860. f 
 
 Dear Kirk: I have been so busy that I have not found time to 
 write you until to-day. 1 do not want you to fail to write to me because 
 I do not answer all your letters. One object for wishing you to write 
 to me is to have you improve in writing by practice. 
 
 When your father was here he related to me a conversation he had 
 had with your teacher, which gave me great pleasure. Your teacher 
 says you are well behaved and gentlemanly in your deportment as a 
 scholar, diligent and attentive as a student, of clear head and strong 
 mind, and that you occupy, to a great extent, the position of leader 
 among your fellow students. 
 
 You can hardly understand how much I was gratified to hear this, 
 because I think you cannot understand the kind and extent of the in 
 terest I feel in your progress in life and your welfare. The character 
 given you by your teacher goes far towards making up the character 
 of the true man. 
 
 Allow me to give you a word of warning. If it be so that you 
 occupy, to some extent, the position of leader or umpire among your 
 fellows, that position has not only its pleasures and advantages, but its 
 dangers and difficulties. You must not allow yourself to become 
 proud and overbearing. You must not use your position to put down 
 any one who is weaker than yourself, either mentally or physically, 
 but rather to support and defend such in short, you must use your 
 
4r 
 
 C 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J KIRKWOOD. 285 
 
 influence to see that "-the right" is done at all times and under all cir 
 cumstances, and you must not allow anything to make you flinch 
 from seeing it done. You must not be quarrelsome. Avoid all per 
 sonal difficulties, if possible, but if compelled to engage in such, then 
 so bear yourself that your adversary will not wish to come in contact 
 with you again. No man is fit to control others who cannot control 
 himself. 
 
 Will you allow me to say a few words to you about smoking. I 
 don't intend to scold. You are too old to be scolded. You are old 
 enough to be argued with in short, you are in feeling, if not in years, 
 a man. Your aunt Jane has scolded you about smoking. She made a 
 mistake in so doing, but you should not feel angry with her for so 
 doing, because in what she did she acted for what she thought your 
 good. She has borne much for and from you. You should bear much 
 for and from her. I do not intend to scold you about smoking. I do 
 not intend to ask you to quit smoking as a personal favor to myself, 
 because this might look like trying to use a personal influence with 
 you. I intend merely to reason the matter with you. A perfect man, 
 aside from all questions of religion and morals, is a man who has a 
 sound mind in a sound body. Now smoking injures both mental and 
 physical health, weakens both body and mind. Examine and see if 
 this is not so. Talk with medical men and those who are not medical 
 men on the subject; read books that treat of it; then if you find the 
 facts to be as I have stated, determine about what you should do. 
 Have you not courage to do what is right and necessary for your 
 health? The habit with you is new and therefore more easily broken. 
 Think of all this and write me what you think. 
 
 I send you a copy of my inaugural address. It is praised by some 
 of my party friends and denounced by some of my party enemies. 
 You are neither the one or the other. Write me just what you think 
 about it. Write me what you think about all these things. Take your 
 time to do so, half a dozen evenings, if necessary, and half a dozen 
 sheets of paper, if necessary. I will read it all. You are at entire 
 liberty to show this to your father, if you want to talk about it with 
 him, and I think it would be well for you to do so. He may help you 
 to read it; perhaps his help may be necessary. 
 
 Very truly, your friend and affectionate uncle, 
 
 S. J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 DBS MOINES, IOWA, Jan. 1, 1862. 
 
 Dear Kirk : A happy New Year to you. I send you a New Year's 
 gift, in the shape of your commission, so that you are a lieutenant and 
 eighteen years old on the same day. 
 
 Be a "good boy" and do your duty manfully, and you will alwa}'s 
 
 be sure of the affection of your uncle 
 
 KIRKWOOD. 
 
286. THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 On hearing of his death, his colonel writes: 
 
 YOUNG'S POINT, LA., March 14, 1863. 
 
 My Dear Sir : Your favor of the 25th ult., is received. I had 
 heard of the. Adjutant's death several days before your letter came to 
 hand. The news of his death cast a gloom over the entire regiment, 
 men as well as officers, and little groups gathered in almost every 
 street of our camp giving and receiving the sad intelligence. 
 
 It is not flattery or idle words to say that the loss of no officer 
 would have been more deplored than his. You say truly "he was an 
 honorable, noble boy," and had, by strict attention to his duties, by 
 the energetic manner of always doing his duty, by his kindness to all 
 and by his cool, gallant conduct at the hill of Vicksburg and Post Ar 
 kansas, endeared himself to all of us. None speak of him but to 
 praise, and I do not think he had an enemy in the whole regiment. 
 
 I cannot express in words to you, my dear sir, how /mourn him, 
 and have only heart to say that up to this period of my life I have had 
 but two among all my companions whom I really loved - Frank Mann 
 and S. Kirk wood Clark one was shot down by my side at Wilson's 
 Creek and the other I lost at Post Arkansas. 
 
 I envy each his death. God grant when in His good providence I 
 am to die, I may meet a soldier's death and die, like Frank and the 
 Adjutant, charging a Rebel battery. 
 
 I am, sir, Very truly yours, 
 
 GEO. A. STONE. 
 
 Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa City. 
 
 Resolutions deploring his loss, recounting his virtues and 
 condoling with friends were passed at a meeting of the offi 
 cers of the regiment, and at a meeting of the students of 
 the State University, where the Adjutant had been a stu 
 dent with them. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Chosen United States Senator Discusses the Homestead Bill Ap* 
 pointed on the Committee on Pensions and on Public Lands Cere 
 monies on the Death of Lincoln Funeral Oration Early Railroad 
 Building Bonds Voted Bonds Exchanged for Stock Stock Be 
 comes Nearly Worthless Bonds Still Valid Anti-Bond Meeting 
 Resolutions Passed Nominated for Governor Again Enthusiasm 
 of Convention Informed of Nomination A Reluctant Answer Sent. 
 Guns Turned on Him by the Enemy Speech in Des Moines One at 
 Dubuque Temperance Question Favors Local Option Discusses 
 National Politics. 
 
 Governor Kirk wood, in bidding adieu to the Executive 
 office which he had for four of the most eventful years of the 
 State's history so ably and satisfactorily filled, did not return 
 to the mill and farm, but built a comfortable and spacious 
 residence on a few acres just outside the city, but which has 
 since been taken into it, and the street on which it stands is 
 named Kirkwood avenue, and this has ever since been and is 
 now his home. He associated with his brother-in-law, J. E. 
 Jewett, and together they engaged in the practice of law; 
 but he hardly got well into practice till, on the 13th of Jan 
 uary, 1866, he was elected to the United States Senate to 
 fill the unexpired term of James Harlan, who had resigned 
 to take a seat in Mr. Lincoln's cabinet as Secretary of the 
 Interior. 
 
 When the Senatorial canvass opened the names of Jas. 
 Harlan, S. J. Kirkwood, John A. Kasson, A. W. Hubbard, 
 F. H. Warren, Wm. Vandever, Gen'l G. M. Dodge and E. 
 W. Eastman were presented by their respective friends for 
 the position, but it soon became evident that only Messrs. 
 Harlan and Kirkwood stood any chance, with the possibility 
 that Mr. Kirkwood alone would be chosen for the unexpired 
 part of Mr. Harlan's term, and also for the full term follow- ' 
 
288 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 ing. But the result was that Mr. Kirkwood got the short 
 term, and Mr. Harlan the long term to be entered upon 
 when he should retire from the cabinet. 
 
 Governor Kirkwood did not enter the Senate at a time 
 when, or under circumstances which were particularly favor 
 able to his taking a prominent part in its deliberations. It 
 was not till some time after the session had commenced, 
 when all the standing committees had been appointed, and 
 the performance of their various duties had been entered 
 upon and the work they had in hand had been somewhat 
 advanced, yet the records show that he was prompt and con 
 stant in his attendance, and took a lively interest in the busi 
 ness transacted. The questions upon which he spoke more 
 at length than on any other, and then not at any great 
 length, for he did not consume much of the time of the 
 Senate, were the establishment of an Arsenal and Armory at^ 
 Rock Island, the admission of Nebraska into the Union as a 
 State, the change of the pre-emption and homestead laws in 
 their application to some of the lately seceded States, and the 
 Niagara Ship Canal. 
 
 The vote taken by the people of Nebraska on the question 
 of admission as a State, resulted in a majority of but 100 in 
 favor of admission, and when the question of admission came 
 before the Senate on the 27th of July 1866, the opponents 
 of admission claimed that two military companies of Iowa 
 soldiers voted at that election in that territory. In the dis 
 cussion Mr. Kirkwood said : 
 
 " I wish to make a single remark in regard to this allegation about 
 our Iowa soldiers voting in Nebraska. I was perfectly confident when 
 the Senator from Wisconsin said before, that two companies of an 
 Iowa regiment had voted there, that he was in error, because we had 
 no Iowa regiment or part of a regiment in Nebraska at that time. It 
 now turns out t at the allegation is, that certain men from Iowa, 
 forming companies in a Nebraska regiment, voted there. In the com 
 mencement of the war the Iowa troops could not get into the field, as 
 fast as they wanted to, and there were some men who went from Iowa 
 and entered the First Nebraska regiment, forming wholly or partially 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 289 
 
 two companies. I do not know whether they were all made up of 
 Iowa men or not. This was in 1861 . The term of enlistment was for 
 three years. All of those men who could have been in the first 
 Nebraska regiment in June 1866, must have been such of them as re- 
 enlisted as veterans. Now, counting that the whole of them originally 
 were from Iowa, then deducting the number who died from disease, 
 the number mustered out, the number killed in battle and those who 
 suffered from other casualties, and then the number of them that did 
 not re-enlist as veterans, and you may have some idea of the number 
 of original men enlisted in Iowa in 1861, remaining in 1866. I am 
 satisfied it amounts to nothing on the vote." 
 
 Upon the question of restricting the homesteads and pre 
 emptions in the late rebellious States to eighty acres each, 
 Mr. Kirkwood said : 
 
 "Since the bill has been reported by the committee, I have been 
 induced somewhat to change my opinion upon this point, not for the 
 reasons alluded to by the Senator from Indiana, but for others that I 
 will now state. Since the bill was reported I have had a conversation 
 with a gentleman from Florida, which is one of the States included in 
 this bill. He suggested to me this idea which seems to me to be reas 
 onable : He says, that if we restrict the amount of a homestead in these 
 States to eighty acres, leaving the amount of a homestead in other 
 States at one hundred and sixty acres, our action will tend to divert 
 immigration from the States named. For instance the commissioner 
 of immigration of Iowa, if we have such an officer, is in New York, 
 and there is a similar ofiicer or agent there from Florida, each endeav 
 oring to induce immigration to his State. The agent of Iowa says to 
 the immigrant: 'If you go to Iowa you can get a homestead of one 
 hundred and sixty acres of the public land ; ' and the agent of Florida, 
 says : ' If you come to Florida, you can get a homestead of eighty 
 acres of public land, and only that much. ' The result as he argued 
 and it seems to me very forcibly argued would be that immigrants 
 seeking homesteads would go to those States in which they could secure 
 one hundred and sixty acres of land, and would pass by those states in 
 which they could get only eighty acres. This argument when pre? 
 sented to me struck me very forcibly. Although I may not agree with 
 some Senators in regard to some matters concerning these secede4 
 States, I certainly do not desire to do them any injustice ; I dq noj; 
 desire to take any action that will injure their material interests, and 
 1 am strongly inclined for the reason stated by me to agree with the 
 Senator from Indiana, that it would not be gooji policy to restrict the 
 homesteads in these States to eighty acres'. If we do so it will certainly 
 give to those States where there are public lands, in which the home- 
 fe$} js not restricted, the advantage of iuduping immigrants to go to 
 
290 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 those States, and it will tend to keep immigration from States named 
 in this bill. For this reason therefore, although I felt otherwise in 
 committee, I am now strongly disposed to favor the amendment 
 offered by the Senator from Indiana. 1 think it would be but fair to 
 these States. * * * I have just sent to the committee room for 
 some information in regard to the amount of public lands within these 
 States derived from the Commissioner of the General Land Office, and 
 I have it here. It appears that the quantity of surveyed unsold public 
 lands in the States. named in this bill is over 46,000,000 of acres. I was, 
 as I before said, strongly in favor of the eighty acre limitation until 
 the suggestion to which I have alluded was made to me by the gentle 
 man from Florida, to whom I have referred. There is however, one 
 consideration which operates much upon my mind ; whatever we do 
 here unfortunately is misrepresented among the people to be affected 
 by this bill. There are men who make it their business to misrepre 
 sent all we do ; and to give it not only the worst possible construction, 
 but constructions wholly impossible. Now if we make a distinction 
 between the amount of the homestead in these States, and the amount 
 of the homestead in the other States, that fact will be seized upon by 
 this class of men to further prejudice these people against our action 
 here. That is the reason why I should be willing to see the limitation 
 of eighty acres stricken out, and one hundred and sixty acres inserted 
 in lieu of it. Another reason operating on my mind is that this limit 
 ation will really tend, or may at least tend to retard immigration to 
 these States of persons from other States, a thing that I do not desire 
 to see. I am strongly impressed with the belief that we had better 
 leave the amount of the homestead in these States precisely as it is in 
 the other States, making no distinction between these and the other 
 States, and then there will be no cause for complaint. 
 
 I fully concur in the propriety of withholding the lands from sale in 
 the States named, and allowing them to be taken as homesteads. We 
 all know that there are large amounts of land scrip now in circulation; 
 and, as soon as the land offices in those States are opened again, the 
 best of the lands will be swallowed up by persons holding this scrip, 
 and the poor men of this region will not be able to get hold of the 
 lands. I will vote for the bill either with or without the eighty acre 
 limitation, but I think it would be better for us to leave the home 
 steads in these States at one hundred and sixty acres as in other 
 States." 
 
 Mr. Kirk wood was assigned a place on the Committee on 
 Pensions and also on Public Lands. As a member of the lat 
 ter committee he reported an amendment to a bill granting 
 a right to an Iron Mining and Manufacturing Company, to 
 enter upon and purchase a portion of the unsurveyed public 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 291 
 
 lands for the purpose of establishing an iron foundry. The 
 following is a portion of the debate on the bill and amend 
 ment : 
 
 MR. GRIMES I should like to inquire from the Senator from Indi 
 ana, under what law this- New York and Montana Iron Mining and 
 Manufacturing Company was incorporated, and whether he has seen 
 the charter. 
 
 MR. HENDRICKS The bill was not under my charge in the com 
 mittee. The Senator from Iowa (Mr. Kirkwood), had charge of the 
 bill and made the investigation. 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD I will give my colleague the information he desires 
 upon that point. This company was chartered under a law of the 
 State of New York, and I hold in my hand a copy of the articles of 
 incorporation. They were submitted to the Senator from New York 
 (Mr. Harris), who is a member of that committee, and are in accord 
 ance with the laws of New York. 
 
 While I am up I will say a word in regard to the bill itself and in 
 explanation of its provisions. The public lands of Montana Territory 
 have not been surveyed, and therefore can only be located under the 
 pre-emption laws,limiting the amount to one hundred and sixty acres. 
 Mining is being carried on there to a very considerable extent, and in 
 mining and other operations there, iron is necessarily used to a large 
 extent. We know that now the iron used in that territory has to be 
 furnished from the iron manufactories of Pennsylvania and elsewhere, 
 and carried to St. Louis and up the Missouri River to some point from 
 which it is started on wheels out to Montana, or else brought by rail 
 to Iowa, wheeled across Iowa, and then by wheels carried to Montana. 
 The result is that the freight upon the iron used in that Territory 
 must be from thirty to thirty.five cents a pound. This state of affairs 
 must necessarily be a great drawback upon the prosperity of that Ter 
 ritory, and if we can in any legitimate way reduce to them the expense 
 of iron used there, it seems to the committee proper so to do. We are 
 expending a great deal of money that does not bring back money 
 again to the public treasury, or increase the wealth of the country; and if 
 we can legitimately legislate so as to increase the wealth of the 
 country, and the prosperity of these Western Territories, it seemed to 
 the committee well to do so. 
 
 What the committee therefore propose to do is : Not to give to this 
 company any lands whatever ; not to give them an acre of land, but to 
 allow them in advance of the survey which we will not make, or do 
 not make at all events, to take up the quantity of land named in this 
 bill ; with the same privileges and subject to all the liabilities of pre- 
 emptor, save and except so far as they may use the timber on the land 
 for building and running their iron works. We require them to make 
 
292 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 the surveys at their own expense. We require them before Ihey shall 
 receive a title to their land to satisfy the Secretary of the Interior, that 
 they have built on these lands iron works capable of turning out 
 fifteen hundred tons of iron per annum. If they fail in any one of 
 these conditions, they forfeit their entire right and are compelled to 
 pay for the land the price of $1.25 per acre. The whole departure 
 from the ordinary policy of the government is in allowing this com 
 pany to take up more land than it can take up under the existing law. 
 One hundred and sixty acres of land would not justify an iron com 
 pany in establishing iron works. They must have timber for coaling. 
 They cannot get it under the existing law If they go upon the unsur- 
 veyed lands without a law of this kind, they are trespassers and are 
 liable to be sued and mulcted in damages for every offence. Without 
 the timber they cannot do the work. The question then is shall they, 
 or shall they not be allowed to take up this land upon paying into the 
 public treasury the ordinary price of the public land, and establishing 
 works there before they can receive title to their land ? It struck the 
 committee that it was necessary for the development of that Territory, 
 and it would tend to do what they thought was required to be done at 
 this time, especially when we have such heavy drains upon our people 
 in the way of taxation, to increase the productive wealth of the 
 country, to some extent without at all injuring the public. 
 
 On the fifth day after his death, funeral ceremonies in 
 honor of Abraham Lincoln were held in Iowa City of the 
 following character : 
 
 PROCESSION. 
 
 Hearse drawn by four horses draped with the. emblems of mourn 
 ing, one flag to each horse, and one flag to each corner of hearse, also 
 draped. Each horse led by a colored groom draped in black. 
 
 FORMATION OF PROCESSION. 
 
 1. Hearse with grooms and pall bearers. 
 
 2. Martial music. 
 
 3. Returned soldiers commanded by Capt. Geo. W. Clark. 
 
 4. Military companies commanded by Capt. J. H. Branch. 
 
 5. Odd Fellows. 
 
 6. Good Templars. 
 
 7. Band of music. 
 
 8. Ladies Aid Society. 
 
 9. Hibernian Society. 
 10 Bohemian Society. 
 
 11. Fire Department. 
 
 12. Masonic Societies. 
 
 13. City, County, and Township Officers led by the Mayor, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 293 
 
 14. President, Faculty and Students of University. 
 
 15. All the schools, Public and Private. 
 
 16. Citizens of City and County. 
 
 17. African Association. 
 
 After marching through the designated streets, the procession, over 
 a mile long, assembled on the University Campus to participate in the 
 following : 
 
 Proceedings from the balcony in front of the university. 
 
 Prayer. 
 
 Funeral hymn. 
 
 Oration. 
 
 Funeral hymn. 
 
 Benediction. 
 
 Tolling of bells from 6 to 7 a. m., 9 to 11 a. m., from 12 m. to 6 p. m. 
 
 Firing of Minute guns from 6 a. m. to 6 p. m., at intervals of ten 
 minutes. 
 
 THE FUNERAL ORATION DELIVERED BY EX-GOVERNOR 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD, AT IOWA CITY, APRIL 19, 1865. 
 
 We have met to mourn the untimely death of the Chief Magistrate 
 and the chief man of the nation of the magistrate pre-eminent for 
 purity of purpose, devotion to the public good, clearness of judgment 
 and firmness of will of the man pre-eminent for unselfishness, kind 
 ness of heart and love for his fellow-men. We mourn him not only as 
 the good Magistrate and the good man, but as the good friend, for 
 there was not in all our broad land a man so humble that he was not 
 his friend, unless that man was the enemy of his country, and our 
 grief is deepened by the reflection that this great loss falls upon us 
 through one of the foulest crimes which the infamous rebellion that 
 has desolated our land has yet developed. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln was born in the State of Kentucky in February, 
 1809. His ancestors, who are said to have been Quakers, removed 
 from Pennsylvania to Virginia, whence his grandfather removed to 
 Kentucky, [n 1816 his father, with his family, removed to Indiana, 
 and thence, in 1830, to Illinois, at which time the subject of this sketch 
 was about twenty-one years of age. He thus grew up on the frontier, 
 almost w holly deprived of the benefit of schools, and engaged in the 
 toils and privations of a frontier life. Upon reaching manhood he 
 engaged in various avocations was a flat boatman, a clerk in a store, 
 himself a storekeeper and a surveyor, and served for three months as 
 captain of a company of volunteers in the Black Hawk war. In 1837 
 he engaged in the practice of the law, and in a few years attained a 
 position in the fiont rank of the profession in his State. Reserved 
 several terms as a member of the Legislature and for a single term as 
 a member of Congress. 
 
294 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 The attention of the nation was first directed to him in 1858 by the 
 contest between him and the late Senator Douglas, in which he gained 
 a reputation for precision and depth of thought, clearness of language, 
 fairness of statement, truthfulness, manliness and courtesy, which he 
 has ever retained. He was elected to the Presidency in 1860, since 
 which time, by reason of the unhappy condition of our country, his 
 name has been on the lips of all men and he has been the observed of 
 all observers. 
 
 When the terrible storm of war, which yet desolates our land, first 
 burst upon us, the thoughts of all our people at once centered on him. 
 Those who brought the war upon us and who sought the destruction of 
 our nationality, trained as they had been by teachings and surround 
 ings to ignore and despise men of humble birth and training, laughed 
 him to scorn, as one wholly unfit to cope with veteran statesmen 
 men educated and, as they fondly believed, born to command. Their 
 sympathizers, at home and abroad, joined in the howl of derision thus 
 raised at his alleged total untitness for the duties of his high station. 
 Of those who supported him for that position and placed him in it, but 
 few knew him personally, and while none doubted his capacity to con 
 duct the affairs of the nation under ordinary circumstances wisely and 
 well, many good men feared that his inexperience in public affairs 
 would unfit him for a leader in the fierce, wild whirl of passion through 
 which it was found the nation must pass. It is, I think, but truthful 
 to say that had the men who selected him for the Presidency known 
 before hand of the peril which universally threatened us, they would 
 have chosen some tried statesman for the place. 
 
 We all have reason to-day to thank God that that knowledge was 
 withheld from us. Every fiery trial through which he was called upon 
 to pass but proved more clearly his peculiar fitness for his most diffi 
 cult position, until, to-day, a belief, amounting to conviction, per 
 vades the hearts of our people that he was the instrument chosen and 
 set apart by God to lead us from our political bondage, through the 
 fearful wilderness of civil war, not into, but within view of, our polit 
 ical Canaan, where life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness shall be 
 the birthright of all our chosen people. It becomes us, therefore, to ex 
 amine the character of this man to mark his qualities, so that when 
 in the future we need such men we may know the marks by which to 
 find them. 
 
 What manner of man, then, was Abraham Lincoln? My knowl 
 edge of him is derived mainly, as yours is, from the current news of 
 the day; but I had, to a limited degree, other and better means of 
 knowing him. The official position which I held in our State at the 
 time of, and for some years after, his first election, made it, in my 
 judgment, proper that I should pay my respects to him before he left 
 his home for Washington. I did so, and was favored with a somewhat 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. kikkWOOD. 25 
 
 lengthy interview. This was in February, 1861, after several States 
 had seceded, as the phrase goes, and when the whole land was in a 
 ferment. Mr. Lincoln talked freely and frankly, and I listened with 
 intense earnestness. Afterwards, at various times, I saw him in 
 Washington upon official business, and at all times I observed him 
 with all the closeness and care I was master of. 
 
 In my judgment, the leading characteristic of Mr. Lincoln as a 
 public man was his entire and absorbing devotion to the public wel 
 fare. When determining his public policy and performing his public 
 duties, considerations of personal and private interest were wholly 
 subordinate to the public good. United with this was a clearness and 
 depth of thought perhaps unsurpassed, an earnestness and directness 
 of purpose that always went straight to its object, a thorough knowl 
 edge and understanding of our system of government, a marvelous, 
 an almost intuitive knowledge of the habits and peculiarities of 
 the mass of our people with whom he was so thoroughly identi 
 fied, a frank, genial nature, and heart so kindly in all its impulses 
 that I do not believe he ever knew what it was to hate any man. 
 Such was Abraham Lincoln: unselfish, vigorous-minded, earnest, 
 direct, well versed in men and affairs, genial, kindly, tender and 
 true. 
 
 He was wholly absorbed in the task of putting down the rebellion 
 and restoring peace and unity to our people; and here he was much 
 misunderstood by some and greatly misrepresented by many. It has 
 been urged that he might have prevented the war by compromise, that 
 he might have ended it after it began by compromise. It seems to me 
 that those who thus argue, wholly misapprehend his position and sur 
 roundings. He was the Chief Magistrate of our nation, the one man 
 of all our people whose sworn duty it was to ' 'preserve, protect and 
 defend the Constitution." Now, treason, in all lands and under 
 all governments, is the highest crime known to the law. It includes 
 all other crimes, and peculiarly criminal in a government like ours, 
 where the people are the source of all power, and have the knowledge 
 and the will to correct all wrongs which, at times, they may be led to 
 commit. What basis is there for a compromise between the magistrate 
 and the criminal, especially while the criminal stands out in open and 
 bold defiance of the law? What basis is there for compromise between 
 him who is sworn to "preserve; protect and defend" the Constitution 
 and him who, with his arms in his hands, uses all his powers to destroy 
 that Constitution? There is none; there can be none. There is no 
 middle ground. One or the other must submit. If the officer yields 
 to the criminal a portion of the fruits of his crime, on condition that 
 he will restore the remainder, the law is dishonored, and, instead of 
 protecting against, offers a premium to crime. If the defender of the 
 Constitution yields a portion of it to him who seeks its destruction, 
 
296 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 the remainder is preserved only until some other may be found who is 
 bold enough and bad enough to demand it. 
 
 I repeat it, there cannot, in the nature of things, be a compromise 
 between the laws and criminals against the laws. If the laws triumph, 
 all is well; if the criminal triumphs, all is lost. The failure to recog 
 nize this truth, in my judgment, has led to much of misapprehension 
 and misrepresentation of Mr. Lincoln's character. I have said he was 
 wholly absorbed in the tasks of putting down the rebellion and restor 
 ing peace and unity to our people. To effect this object he was will 
 ing to yield much, provided that in yielding he did not give up that 
 which rendered worthless what he kept. He hated slavery as much as 
 his kind heart permitted him to hate anything. He was too clear 
 sighted not to see that when the slaveholders inaugurated the rebellion 
 they placed in his hands the power to destroy slavery. But he knew 
 that his sentiments and the sentiments of those who had placed him in 
 power, on this question of slavery, had been grossly misrepresented 
 and were wholly misunderstood by the people in the Rebel States, and 
 he believed that by convincing them of this error he might win them 
 back to their duty and to submission to the laws. Hence, I think, his 
 delay in striking directly at slavery as the vital part of the rebellion, 
 and his adoption, for a time, of the so-called border State policy. He 
 pursued that policy with the earnestness of his nature, against the ad 
 vice and remonstrance of his political friends, until he became satis 
 fied he could not find the object he sought in that direction; and when 
 so satisfied he took the other course with the same earnestness, direct 
 ness and firmness. He sought, at all times, to restore the unity of the 
 people and the supremacy of the laws with the least possible shock to 
 the interest, the feelings, even the prejudice, of those who were seek 
 ing their destruction, but with an unwavering determination that they 
 should be restored at whatever cost. 
 
 And now, when his great work was almost done; when the great 
 body of the people who had been led into rebellion had seen the folly 
 and wickedness of their crime and were willing to lay down their 
 arms; when the political leaders were but seeking to prolong the 
 struggle that they might insure their own safety; when the hearts of 
 all men in the land were praising God for his goodness, and pouring 
 forth their thanks to the President and his advisers, and to our brave 
 army for their self-sacrifice and devotion; when our tears for all we 
 had lost were dried by the sunshine of gladness for all we had won; 
 when every heart sang for joy, one man r animated by the devilish 
 spirit of treachery and violence that brought upon us this wicked war, 
 has dashed the cup of joy from our lips and left us a nation of mourn 
 ers. At the very time when the heart of the President was filled with 
 kindness towards those who had sought our ruin; when, as is believed, 
 he was devising liberal and generous plans by which they might again 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 29*7 
 
 arise and enjoy the high privileges they had so wantonly thrown away, 
 the fell spirit which generated the rebellion sought and found oppor 
 tunity for its crowning act of infamy by his deliberate, cold-blooded 
 and cowardly assassination. I need not attempt to depict the partic 
 ulars of this foul deed. Any language I could command would but 
 tend to relieve it of the lineaments of its fiendish barbarity. It is 
 enough to say that we know it was intended to embrace, not only the 
 death of President Lincoln, but that of his chief adviser, Mr. Seward, 
 and, as we have reason to believe, the death of the Vice President and 
 all the members of the Cabinet. 
 
 The crime is so foul and brutal in itself, so shocking to all the bet 
 ter feelings of our nature, that our great sorrow for our and our 
 country's loss is measurably swallowed up in hot and righteous indig 
 nation against the spirit that provoked its commission. The vile 
 wretch who was the instrument in committing the deed is beneath our 
 indignation. If caught as I trust he will be, it will be fitting he should 
 die, as it is fitting any other venomous reptile should die, because it is 
 unsafe to let him live. But it is right and proper that our indignation 
 should be active and untiring against the spirit that prompted him to 
 this deed, until that spirit is utterly crushed out from among our 
 people. That is the spirit engendered by slavery the spirit of 
 violence and treachery, that has brought this war upon us with all its 
 woe. The system of slavery is founded upon wrong and oppression. 
 It teaches men that it is right that others should be slaves that they 
 may be free , that others shall sow that they may reap ; that others 
 shall labor that they may use the fruits of their labor ; that others 
 shall suffer that they may enjoy. It begets in the dominant race pride 
 and arrogance, a haughty and boastful spirit that will not brook 
 restraint or control, and that hesitates at no means to accomplish its 
 ends a disregard for the rights of others cruelty, injustice and 
 revenge. If we trace the development of that spirit in bringing about 
 and carrying on this rebellion we may learn its true character. Before 
 the actual outbreak we will find many, the principal agents in bring 
 ing about the rebellion, occupying high places under our government, 
 all sworn and paid servants of that government, bound in honor and 
 good faith to give to it their best service. With these oaths for true 
 service yet warm upon their lips, and their pay for true service yet in 
 their palms, they are found plotting and scheming how they may best 
 destroy that government, and using the power placed in their hands 
 as its sworn and paid servants, the better to accomplish its overthrow. 
 We will find other men, educated by the government and at the 
 expense of the government to be its especial and ever ready defenders 
 at sea and on the land, at home and abroad, pledged in all honor to 
 that duty while yet wearing its uniform and drawing its pay, plotting 
 how they may best betray it, and when the hour of trial comes, basely 
 
298 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD 
 
 deserting their flag and turning against it the knowledge acquired for 
 its protection . Always prating of their honor, we find that in their 
 estimation theft and fraud, falsehood and perjury, the desertion of his 
 flag by the soldier and the surrender of his ship by the sailor, without 
 a blow in its defense, and the basest treason by the statesman, are all 
 honored and alike honorable. We will find that these men have 
 sought to lay our chief city in ashes, to throw from our railroad, cars 
 filled with women and children, and to plunder our quiet villages, not 
 by overcoming our armies with their armies, on the battle-field, but 
 by means of lurking emissaries and secret spies. They have broken 
 faith even with their own soldiers, keeping them in the ranks long 
 after their terms of service had confessedly expired. They have pur 
 posely and systematically starved and ill-treated our soldiers, in their 
 hands as prisoners of war, so that thousands have died and other 
 thousands have been returned to us to die or to remain among us the 
 mere wrecks of men. The spirit -thafranimated these men in these 
 acts is identically the same that animated the assassin of President 
 Lincoln. You cannot find any fair distinction between them. They 
 come from the same foul source and tend to the same base end. Now, 
 why and how is this ? These men are not naturally worse than we. 
 Whence then this terrible demoralization ? It is, as I have told you, 
 from their having been reared among the wrongs, the cruelties and 
 the vices of slavery. They have imbibed its spirit, and these acts are 
 but the fruits of that spirit. God forbid that I should stand here to 
 encourage a spirit of revenge. "Vengeance is mine, I will repay, 
 saith the Lord." But I do stand here to say that we will be untrue to 
 ourselves, to God and humanity, if we do not see to it that the foul 
 mother of this hateful spirit the harlot slavery shall cease to exist 
 in our land, henceforth and forever. When that shameless system 
 shall have passed away we may reasonably hope that the spirit 
 engendered by it will also pass away, and not until then. It may be 
 that we needed this terrible lesson to keep us true to our duty. We 
 all know the immense power he wielded over the hearts of his people. 
 We all know that he was preparing, at the time of his death, measures 
 most liberal and generous for the restoration of the rebel States. We 
 all know how our own hearts softened under the influence of the 
 prospect of speedy peace ; and it may be, I say, that we needed this 
 terrible affliction that has fallen upon us to convince us of the truth, 
 that there is no permanent peace for this land so long as slavery 
 remains within it. If this be so, I think the object has been fully 
 accomplished. It is not reasonable to suppose that Mr. Johnson can 
 feel as kindly to the rebel chiefs as Mr. Lincoln did. He and his 
 family were, for a time, exiled by them from their homes. If I mis 
 take not a price was set upon 'his head. He has seen his beautiful 
 State converted, through their means into a desolation. Besides this, 
 
LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KlRKWOOB. 299 
 
 even if he has the will he has not the power to control the loyal people 
 that President Lincoln had. He is to them yet measurably an untried 
 man, and although they will rally around him, and support him 
 loyally and truly, they will not be disposed to yield to his lead as 
 promptly and cheerfully as to that of his lamented predecessor. Add 
 to these the other fact, that the foul deed we mourn here to-day has 
 deeply exasperated our people, and it is very evident to me that, in 
 closing up this rebellion, we will see to it that the cause of this rebel 
 lion shall be utterly removed, and that justice, not mercy, but let us 
 hope, justice, tempered with mercy, will be our rule of action. 
 
 And now I have nearly done. There are other topics upon which 
 I would have spoken, but the time allowed me for preparation has been 
 too short, and I cannot trust myself to speak upon them without pre 
 paration, lest my excited feelings should impel me to say words unfit 
 to be said, here and now. 
 
 In the shock of battle the soldier sees his gallant and well-loved 
 leader stricken down by his side. He has no time to weep, but grasp 
 ing his weapon with firmer grasp, he pushes onward, with a firmer 
 step, over the prostrate body to victory. So should we do. Since this 
 calamity has fallen upon us we have been stunned, paralyzed by its 
 greatness. But the battle is not yet fully won. Complete victory has 
 not yet crowned our efforts, and we must not permit our sorrow for 
 our great loss to cause us to falter in our great endeavor. Let, then, 
 every man arouse. Let the word "onward" ring through the whole 
 length of our mighty host, and let us, over the bleeding body of him 
 we loved so well, press on to that crowning victory to which we had 
 so fondly hoped he would lead us. Many of you loved Abraham Lin 
 coln as you would have loved a brother, although you had never 
 looked upon his face, and I trust that there is not among you one from 
 whom his patience, his courage, his kindness, his purity, his patriot 
 ism and his truth had not won the meed of respect, if not of esteem. 
 He had been building for himself a monument that will endure as long 
 as those qualities are honored among men. But he did not live to 
 finish the work. The column has been broken before the temple was 
 completed. That monument was a restored, a regenerated Union. 
 The work is almost done. Let it be our pious care to complete it. 
 When that shall have been done, when again our starry flag shall 
 float, more proudly and lovingly, over every acre of our broad domain 
 and no man can find within its shadow a slave, his fitting monument 
 will have been completed. When the strife and bitterness of the day 
 shall have passed away with those who participated in that strife and 
 felt that bitterness, when the impartial historian shall have written 
 the history of this fearful struggle, our children's children will learn 
 to love the name and the memory of Lincoln as we have learned to 
 love the name of Washington ; and those two aames, brilliant and 
 
300 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 glorious beyond all others, because the names of men, not only great, 
 but good, will forever alike be '* first in the hearts of their country 
 men." 
 
 In the late "forties" and early "fifties," the question of 
 the construction of railroads in our State began for the first 
 time to be discussed, and as the early settlers were not in a 
 condition to furnish funds for their construction, they cast 
 about for means to be obtained for that purpose. The great 
 Northwest was then but partially settled, and the United 
 States Government had a wealth of public lands lying idle 
 and awaiting settlement and improvement. Already had a 
 grant of these lands been made, through the efforts of 
 Stephen A. Douglass, a member of Congress from the State 
 of Illinois, to assist in the building of a railroad that should 
 extend from New Orleans via Cairo to Chicago, with a 
 branch to Galena. This was used as a precedent for a like 
 grant for several roads across the State of Iowa, and the 
 grants were made by Congress to the State, and by the State 
 accepted for that purpose and parceled out to various railroad 
 companies, and by these companies accepted upon the condi 
 tions that they should construct certain lines of railroad 
 across the State from east to west. 
 
 The men composing these companies being Eastern capi 
 talists claimed that they could not build these roads without 
 local aid, and as that aid could not be furnished by the peo 
 ple, individually, along the proposed lines of railroad, these 
 men suggested and urged that the different public corpora 
 tions through which the roads should run could issue bonds 
 payable at a remote date when the corporations issuing them 
 would become populous and wealthy and able to pay them. 
 These bonds were to be issued to the companies in payment 
 dollar for dollar of stock of those companies subscribed for 
 and issued to the corporations being counties and cities. 
 
 Bonds were issued by the counties of Washington, John 
 son, Jefferson, Muscatine, Lee, Powesheik, Louisa, Iowa, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL ,T. KIRKWOOD. 301 
 
 Des Moines and several others and the cities contained in 
 them to the amount of several millions of dollars. It was 
 represented by these railroad companies that the dividends 
 on the stock would pay the interest on the bonds; that when 
 the bonds became due the stock could be sold for enough to 
 redeem the bonds, and thus the u honest grangers" could get 
 a railroad at a small cost, or no cost at all. The theory 
 looked plausible; the needs for railroads were great; some 
 thing was wanted to carry to market the crops of our broad, 
 fertile acres other than teams, often mired down in our un- 
 bridged rivers, creeks and sloughs, and bonds were voted by 
 large majorities and issued, in some cases, for roads that were 
 never built, though it was claimed by good lawyers that there 
 was no authority in law to vote or issue them. 
 
 Soon dividends on stock failed to pay the interest on 
 bonds, and heavy taxes were levied and collected to pay that 
 interest. Soon again the taxes not only failed to be paid, 
 but failed to be levied. 
 
 By a reorganization of the railroad companies, other rail 
 road companies were -formed that swallowed up the old ones, 
 so that the old stock became badly shrunken or totally value 
 less, while the bonds issued maintained their original full 
 rotundity. Suits were brought in our State courts to collect 
 unpaid interest, when by the decision of those courts the 
 bonds were declared invalid. On appeal to the United States 
 courts that decision was reversed. 
 
 In view of this state of affairs, delegates from the ten 
 counties above named met at Muscatine December 15, 1869, 
 at which meeting the following, among other proceedings, 
 were had: 
 
 The Committee on Resolutions, through Ex-Governor Kirkwood, 
 reported the following: 
 
 WHEREAS, The recent decisions of the Federal courts involving 
 corporation railroad bonds in this State seem to us subversive of the 
 authority and dignity of our State courts, and dangerous to the rights 
 ancl privileges of citizens of the States, if not positive and unwar- 
 
302 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 ranted encroachments upon the jurisdiction of the State courts. 
 Therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That we respectfully and earnestly protest against the ex 
 ercise of such authority by the Federal courts, and hereby pledge our 
 sympathy and support to the State courts in the maintenance of their 
 rightful authority. 
 
 Resolved, That this Convention earnestly call upon the General 
 Assembly of Iowa to take notice of the late decision of the Federal 
 Supreme Court, and apply to Congress and the other States to take the 
 necessary steps to protect our citizens against similar encroachments 
 on their rights. 
 
 Resolved, That this Convention regards the provision enacted by the 
 Twelfth General Assembly, commonly known as the Doud amend 
 ment, as the reservation of the rights of the State to control certain 
 railroad companies, in regard to their charges for freight and passen 
 gers, as a most precious and valuable right, and ought to be preserved 
 unimpaired and unrepealed. 
 
 Resolved, That the property of railroad corporations in this State 
 should be taxed, as our Constitution provides, the same as other prop 
 erty, and the General Assembly is earnestly requested to provide for 
 such equal taxation. 
 
 Resolved, That this Convention recommends to the citizens of the 
 several counties and cities interested in this railroad bond question to 
 pay all their taxes except their railroad bond tax; to refuse to pay that 
 until all legal and practical remedies are exhausted. 
 
 Resolved, That a committee of one from each county be appointed, 
 whose duty it shall be to maintain a correspondence between the sev 
 eral counties with a view to harmony and unity of action, and that we 
 recommend to the counties here represented not to pay or compro 
 mise said indebtedness, nor any part of the same, without general con 
 sultation ; and that we further recommend that each county keep at 
 Des Moines, during the coming session, one or more competent agents 
 to furnish information to the General Assembly and to attend to the 
 interest of their respective counties on this question. 
 
 Mr. Negus, of Jefferson, explained that section of the 
 law which had been construed to authorize municipalities to 
 aid railroads. He was a member of the legislature which 
 enacted it, and said that no such authority was conveyed or 
 intended to be conveyed. 
 
 Ex-Governor Kirkwood said: "All will admit that we have 
 a right to make our State Constitution and laws just as we 
 please, provided we do not trench upon the Constitution of 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 303 
 
 the United States. What value is this right if our court can 
 not interpret the meaning of our Constitution and laws?" 
 
 It was claimed by Governor Kirkwood that under Sec 
 tion 1 of Article 4 of the Constitution of the United States, 
 which says: "Full faith and credit shall be given in each 
 State to the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of 
 every other State" every person, municipality, corpor 
 ation, officer or court that could be bound by any decision 
 of any court, was bound by and should respect the decision 
 of the Supreme Court of the State of Iowa, which had 
 declared these railroad bonds void. 
 
 The gubernatorial canvass in 1875, previous to holding 
 the Republican State Convention on the 19th of June, was a 
 peculiar one. No one of the four or five prominent candi 
 dates for Governor went into the convention with any reas 
 onable assurance that he had strength enough to nominate him 
 on the first few ballots. Their comparative strength was 
 undoubtedly in the order named: James B. Weaver, John 
 Russel, John H. Gear, Robert Smyth, W. B. Fairfield, each 
 with his host of friends assisting, striving to get all the 
 strength possible enlisted in his favor on the first ballot. 
 The editor of the Register said in his paper : " The conven 
 tion was all at sea on the choice for governor, no man had 
 worked for it, and no wires had been pulled to secure it." 
 
 The names of Weaver, Russel, Gear and Fairfield were 
 presented, with a prospect that ballot after ballot, excitedly 
 repeated, and long continued, engendering bitter feeling and 
 personal animosities would have to be taken to reach a final 
 result, when Dr. S. M. Ballard a delegate from Andubon 
 County, an old patriarch in the Republican ranks with a 
 head as white as the driven snow, his breast covered with a 
 full flowing beard of the same hue, arose and standing six 
 feet four inches tall, strait as an arrow, with a stentorian 
 voice, like the blows of a trip hammer that reached every 
 ear in the large assembly, said : u Mr. President, I desire to 
 
304 TI:E LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 present the name of Samuel J. Kirkwood of Johnson 
 County." (Immense applause.) 
 
 Gen. Trumbull of Dubuque, inquired by what authority 
 the name of Gov. Kirkwood was presented. 
 
 Raising himself to his full heigh th, throwing back his 
 venerable snow colored head, extending his long right arm, 
 with the full intonations of his powerful sonorous voice the 
 Dr. replied, "BY AUTHORITY OF THE GREAT REPUBLICAN 
 PARTY OF IOWA." (Tremendous cheers oft repeated.) 
 
 Hon. John Russel arose amid the tumult of applause 
 and said: " He would not be a candidate in opposition to 
 the great War Governor, whom he was proud to esteem so 
 highly, that he preferred him for governor to any and all 
 other men, I withdraw my name and second the nomination 
 of the gentleman from Andubon." His remarks were 
 cheered to the echo. 
 
 Mr. Gear arose amid the cheering, and in the most 
 earnest and enthusiastic manner, said : " Neither will I be a 
 candidate against the great popular favorite, Governor Kirk 
 wood, who sent seventy-five thousand boys in blue cheering 
 to the front to help so potentially in subduing the rebellion, 
 and I most heartily second the nomination of the Old 
 War Governor and withdraw my name in his favor." 
 
 The brief speech of Mr. Gear was delivered with fire and 
 dash, and it had an electrifying effect on the convention and 
 he was cheered and re-cheered to the echo. 
 
 Senator Campbell wanted to know if the friends of the 
 governor in the convention did not have a dispatch from him 
 saying he was not a candidate. He was answered by cries 
 from various parts of the house, "we don't care if they 
 have that don't make any difference. " 
 
 An informal ballot was taken resulting. Kirkwood, 238 ; 
 Weaver, 200; Smyth, 111; Fairfield, 33. 
 
 A formal ballot was then fully taken. Before the tellers 
 had counted up the ballots, counties that had vpted for other 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 305 
 
 candidates began to change their votes to Kirkwood, and 
 before the count was completed, Capt. Hull, a delegate from 
 Davis, and one of Weaver's friends moved to make the vote 
 unanimous, which was received and carried with thundering 
 applause. 
 
 A motion was made to telegraph Gov. Kirkwood for his 
 acceptance, which was met by showers of "no, no" from all 
 parts of the house. John Y. Stone arose amid the storm 
 and said, ' i Governor Kirkwood must accept, ' ' when the 
 mover said he would withdraw his motion and second Mr. 
 Stone's must. 
 
 Though in the common acceptation of the term, Gov. K. 
 had never been an office seeker, he did desire to be returned 
 to the United States Senate, and as he could not occupy that 
 place and the governor's chair at the same time, he preferred 
 not to hazard his chance for the former place, by becoming 
 an occupant of the latter. Notwithstanding no formal noti 
 fication was sent by the convention to the governor of his 
 nomination, nor a request for an acceptance, several of the 
 members of the convention went to the telegraph office, 
 among whom were R. S. Finkbine, John Russel, S. S. Far- 
 well and Ed. Wright and wired him, asking his consent to 
 become a candidate. The governor was at home and Judge 
 Wright was also in Iowa City, and he called upon the gov 
 ernor to press his acceptance, saying that instead of preju 
 dicing his prospects for the senatorship, it would advance 
 them. The question was for sometime discussed between 
 them pro. and con., when at the other end of the line all but 
 Gen. Wright, getting tired waiting for a reply, left the 
 telegraph office. It was reported that Gen. Wright in his 
 impatience and anxiety while waiting made the telegraph do 
 some swearing for him, but he was too well raised to do that, 
 but he did make the wires say, c i why in thunder don't you 
 answer." Finally the reply came, < k if I must answer 
 yes." 
 
306 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 If things had not been WRIGHT at both ends of the line, 
 it is quite probable a "no" instead of a "yes" would have 
 been sent. 
 
 As a reason for his acceptance it was urged upon the 
 governor that the Republicans of Iowa had done much for 
 him, and that this was a spontaneous call from them from 
 all parts of the State, and he should heed it. He might have 
 replied with a great deal of truth, that while they had done 
 much for him, he in return had done a great deal for them, 
 that he had often sacrificed his own private interests, his 
 ease and his comfort for their good. He was never a man to 
 press his claims to official station on what he had done for 
 his labors were performed in the honest and faithful dis- . 
 charge of official duty for the benefit of the public", rather 
 than for his own private advantage. 
 
 As soon as the nomination was made all the guns of the 
 enemy from the diminutive political revolver, carried by the 
 ward bummer in his hip pocket, to the heavy seige guns 
 under control of the State Central Committee were turned 
 upon him. 
 
 In a speech made in Des Moines, on the 27th day of 
 August, he spiked most of these guns, and before election 
 they were all silenced. From this speech a few extracts are 
 made. 
 
 He said in commencing, he would first pay brief attention 
 to some of the charges made against him by the Democratic 
 press : 
 
 " My old friend Claggett of Keokuk said, I had 'speculated in tax 
 titles.' I never owned or bought a tax title in my life. Another 
 editor says, I am a large owner of railroad stock. I once had $300 of 
 stock in an unbuilt railroad, which I afterwards sold for $5. I also 
 bought a dollar of stock in a new railroad once, in order to qualify 
 myself for president, and I own that yet. It has also been charged 
 that I own stock in a distillery. I do not own, never have owned, and 
 never intend to own any such stock. It has been charged also, that I 
 once said, ' we must give the Dutch their slops in order to keep their 
 votes.' I never said and never thought of saying this, or anything 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 307 
 
 like it, I resent, as the pure and aWe German citizen Nicholas J. Rusch, 
 who was lieutenant governor when I was governor, signed the bill 
 allowing the sale of beer and wine, would have resented this insinu 
 ation, that the German citizens would have sold their votes for lager 
 beer. The Democrats charge this now on the supposition, if they 
 believe it at all, that if we bought these people with free lager in those 
 days, they can buy them with free whiskey now. No ! The German 
 people were voting with us on principle. They hated slavery as we 
 did, opposed secession as we did, and as they do now. They were as 
 honest as we were, and as determined in being right. 
 
 "It has also been urged that during the war I once called the Ger 
 mans, Hessians and other vile epithe's, which charge is as false as the 
 first. I claim to have a little common sense, even if I have not com 
 mon honesty. I was engaged in raising troops for the war, and no 
 citizens were enlisting more spontaneously than our fellow citizens 
 of foreign birth. I never spoke of this class of our immortal soldiers 
 other than in terms of admiration and praise, and I defy any proof on 
 earth that I ever did." * * * 
 
 The charge that he speculated in army clothing was 
 taken up and exploded. The governor said, he had received 
 among other inquiries one asking how he stood in regard to 
 secret societies. 
 
 He stated that he himself was a member of the Masonic 
 Craft, and the Odd Fellows Order, many members of which 
 will oppose me politically, as bitterly as any others, and this 
 no one will think of making an issue in the canvass or at the 
 polls. 
 
 The governor said there was another little matter he 
 might refer to : 
 
 " Some of my friends who are editing Democratic papers, are 
 afraid that if I get to be governor I may want to be a senator. They 
 and some others are very anxious that we should have a good looking 
 man to send as our governor to the Centennial Exposition at Philadel 
 phia next year, and they are afraid my friend Mr. New bold, our can 
 didate for Lieutenant Governor would not make as good looking a 
 governor at the national festival as I would. (Great laughter.) 
 
 "Now, I could not go to the Senate or leave the governorship if I 
 wanted to before March, 1877, the year after the Centennial, so that 
 the people of Iowa would still have the benefit of all the beauty that I 
 have at the Centennial. (Repeated laughter.) 
 
 "There are five men in Iowa, that are noted for all the good looks 
 that they have. There are two of them in one county, Senator Lowrey 
 
308 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 and Judge Grant of Scott, (laughter). Then there's Judge Lough- 
 ridge. (More laughter.) Next, but not least by any means is Gov. 
 Eastman. (Further laughter.) The last is myself. (Still greater 
 laughter.) Now, I am willing the ladies of Iowa shall select the best 
 looking man in this lot for the representative of this State, and its 
 manly beauty at the Centennial, and I will abide by their choice. But, 
 about my wanting or not wanting to go to the Senate, I shall make no 
 promises. If I did it might be as it was with the governorship. I said 
 I did not want and would not take that ; but, I am the Republican 
 Party's candidate for it, and I do not intend to say any more what 
 office I will take and what I will not. (Cheers.) * * * 
 
 " To the temperance man we say the Republican party is the only 
 one that gives well grounded hope for the accomplishment of all 
 objects that tend to promote the improvement of our fellow men. We 
 may falter, we may stumble, we may halt, we may swerve to the 
 one side or the other; we may even go backward, but earnestly striv 
 ing, desiring and seeking for the good of all, we will ever go onward 
 in the right path at last. Your place is with us, you are no doubt as 
 honest as you are earnest, and I for one believe that you are. It is 
 right too, t be progressive, radical and advanced. But have a care 
 that you do not get so far ahead of public opinion that you will 
 get out of sight of the great body of the people altogether and be lost. 
 [Applause.] So far indeed that you cannot be heard." 
 
 At Dubuque on the 24th day of September, the following 
 speech was delivered: 
 
 Friends and Fellow Citizens: Your chairman in introducing 
 me to you has mentioned the fact that some years ago I had the 
 honor of serving you in the capacity of governor of the State, 
 an office for which I am again a candidate. I have very little 
 to say in regard to that past time, except this; that it was a very try 
 ing, troublesome time both in our state and in our national affairs. 
 The labors devolving upon me were severe, and the duties more diffi 
 cult and delicate than in time of peace. But I endeavored to perform 
 those duties the best I knew how; how well I succeeded it is not for 
 me, but for you to say. Should it be the pleasure of the people of the 
 state to again elevate me to the same office, the duties will be much 
 more easily performed, and I can only say that I will endeavor to do 
 the best I can. I may have made mistakes before; I may make mis 
 takes again. If any of you had occupied the position I did, you would 
 probably have made mistakes as 1 did; and if any of you were to 
 occupy the posi'ion in future, you would undoubtedly make mistakes 
 as I will. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 309 
 
 THE LIQUOR QUESTION. 
 
 There is one subject which is perhaps not quite a proper one for 
 me to discuss; yet one that I feel called upon to discuss in many local 
 ities and among others in this locality, that is what is called the tem 
 perance question. It is claimed by some, I learn, that I have not been 
 frank and open upon this question. This is a mistake, I have never 
 for a moment concealed my opinion in regard to this subject, and I 
 have never expressed different opinions at different points. When I 
 opened this campaign in Des Moines sometime in August last, I 
 expressed my opinion on the temperance question and what I said was 
 published in the papers of that city, and afterwards republished in 
 other papers of the state, so that any one desiring to know my opin 
 ions on the subject might know them. The only embarrassment I 
 ever felt in connection with expressing my opinions on the subject 
 arose from this circumstance: The convention that nominated me 
 did not express any opinion upon the question. The Republican party 
 is not agreed among themselves on this point. The party contains 
 many men who are opposed to licensing the sale of intoxicating drinks 
 and are in favor of a prohibitory liquor law, it contains men who are 
 opposed to a prohibitory law and in favor of license; and it also con 
 tains many men who occupy the position that I do, a position differ 
 ent from either of the foregoing. Such being the case it would not 
 have been honest in the Republican party to have expressed an opin 
 ion upon the subject in their platform, because it is a question upon 
 which the party are not agreed and the representatives of a party 
 making a platform lay down principles upon which that party are 
 agreed. But I have my personal opinions, and I will give them to 
 you. But I give them to you as my own and not those of the Repub 
 lican party, for I have no right to speak for the Republican party in 
 a case where that party has not spoken for itself. 
 
 Since the commencement of this campaign I have traveled along 
 the southern part of this state to Council Bluffs; theuce along the 
 western border of the state to Sioux City, thence through the north 
 ern part of the state to this point. In many places I have found the 
 situation of affairs to be the same as in your locality. That is the pro 
 hibitory law which is to be found on the statute book of Iowa is of no 
 effect. It is not evaded as other criminal laws are by stealth secretly, 
 it is openly, boldly, notoriously trodden underfoot. Public sentiment 
 does not sustain it, that is the condition of affairs in the county (John 
 son) where I live. But while this is true, it is just as true that in 
 many other counties of the State the law is fully and fairly enforced; 
 as well enforced as any other penal laws of your State. And the peo 
 ple in those counties are strongly attached to the prohibitory law, 
 because it shields them from evils to which they have been subjected. 
 The social habits and manners and customs of people of different 
 
310 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 localities and nationalities are as different as are the colors of white 
 and black. Living as I do in a community in which the prohibitory 
 law is not enforced, I find the result of the existence of that Un 
 coupled with its non-enforcement to be this; the daily violation of that 
 law without rebuke and without punishment, becomes familiar to a 
 man and to the community, it creates a want of respect for law in 
 general, and a habit of disobedience to law in general. You and I, 
 my friends, depend for the security and protection of our property 
 and our lives upon the law. When the laws are reverenced and obeyed 
 life and property are safe. When it is daily and openly violated, and 
 no rebuke or punishment administered to those by whom it is 
 violated, reverence for the laws is inevitably diminished, and the 
 habit of disobedience created. One man's taste or inclination 
 leads him to the violation of the prohibitory liquor law, he 
 goes unpunished and unrebuked; on the contrary public senti 
 ment in his locality sustains him. Another man's taste or inclination 
 leads him to violate some other law; and when he is brought to pun 
 ishment, the question he asks is, "Why am 1 for violating the law 
 rebuked and punished, while my neighbor, for violating another law 
 goes unrebuked and unpunished." This is a partiality and an injus 
 tice here all must see, and which inevitably leads him to a disrespect 
 and disobedience of all law. And in this condition of affairs, which 
 you all know is the condition in this State, the question arises, which 
 is the best course to pursue. What policy will result in the greatest 
 good to the greatest number? What legislation is best adapted to the 
 wants, tastes, feelings, prejudices, if you will, of the different commun 
 ities in the State? This is an entirely proper question to ask, and we 
 must find as satisfactory an answer as we can. 
 
 LOCAL OPTION. 
 
 In my judgment, what is called the "local option law" is the best 
 solution of this question, most just to each and all communities, and 
 productive of the best general results. You of Dubuque county, 
 where the prohibitory law is not enforced and where there is no pre 
 tense or attempt to enforce it, would be just as well off in every 
 respect, and much better satisfied if the traffic in intoxicating drinks 
 was more lawful with proper restrictions imposed. In other coun 
 ties where the prohibitory law can be and is enforced, and where 
 the people desire its continuance and enforcement, it is but 
 fair and right that they should have it. In the strongest prohibitory 
 counties through which I have passed, I have asked of the advocates 
 of that law, "while the citizens of your co.inty are protected and their 
 interests subserved by the prohibitory law, why insist it shall apply 
 nominally to the county of Dubuqne, where it commands no respect, 
 no obedience from the people, and where its only effect is to demoral 
 ize the public mind by familiarizing the community with the contin- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KTRKWOOD. 311 
 
 ual disobedience of law, whereby the reverence of all law is weak 
 ened?" And I have never been able to get what seemed to me to be a 
 satisfactory answer. And now I ask you citizens of Dubuque the 
 i-ame question. Jf you had a law upon this subject that suited your 
 sentiments, your tastes, your prejudices, (as some might say) why 
 should you insist that your opinions of what is right should be forced 
 upon the people of other counties of the State. My own personal 
 opinion is that the best thing for our mixed varied population is the 
 "local option" system. Then where the people prefer a license law, 
 a license law can be had; and where the people desire a prohibitory 
 ia\v, they can have it and enforce it. This is the ground 1 have 
 occupied before the people of this entire State. 1 have made no 
 change or variation or shadow of turning in one part of the State 
 from what I have said in another part. But let me repeat, that in 
 this expression of my sentiments on this subject, I speak for myself 
 alone, 1 ana not authorized to speak for the Republican party, for 
 that party has not spoken for itself; nor am I authorized to speak for 
 my associates on the ticket; they can speak for themselves if they 
 choose, or if they are called upon to do so. But you have a right to 
 know my opinions, and you have them. If they do not suit you, if 
 they excite your displeasure, I only ask that you will visit your dis 
 pleasure upon me, and upon none else. 
 
 THE BACK PAY MATTER. 
 
 There is another matter somewhat personal in its nature to which I 
 ought perhaps to pay some attention. It has been charged that dur 
 ing the two sessions of Congress, that I had the honor of serving you, 
 my action in regard to the matter of compensation pay was 
 improper. The circumstances of the case are these : Sometime in 
 May, 1805, Mr. Harlan, then Senator for your State resigned from that 
 position. This caused a vacancy in that office. When the Iowa Leg 
 islature convened the next December, I was elected to fill that vacancy. 
 I went to Washington and took my place early in January. .Now 
 there is a law upon the statute books of the United States, a law 
 which I had no share in making, but which was made many years 
 before I became Senator by which, when any Senator resigned, his 
 successor is entitled to draw pay from the date of his predecessor's 
 resignation. In accordance with this law, which I found upon the 
 statute books when I was elected, I did as had been the uniform cus 
 tom before and has been the uniform custom since. I drew my pay 
 from Mr. Ilarlan's resignation. But this, some say is very wrong. 
 Now, first, let us look at the equity of the law. I served through two 
 sessions of Congress entirely except about four weeks the session 
 commencing in December, and I taking my seat in January. If my 
 pay had commenced in January, when I took my seat, I would have 
 had to serve two sessions in Congress (save those four weeks), and 
 
312 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 draw but one year's pay, while all my associates serving but four 
 weeks longer than I, would have had two years' pay. 
 But look at this matter in another light. Your Mem 
 bers of Congress here in Iowa, were elected last year, but 
 their pay dates from March this year, 1875. California, elected mem 
 bers of Congress on the first day of this month (September, 1875), but 
 they draw pay from last March, the same as your members elected last 
 fall. Oregon has not yet elected her members of Congress, but when 
 elected they will draw pay from the fourth of last March, the same as 
 those of California, and those of Iowa. The same with those of Mis 
 sissippi, which, are yet to be elected. I took the pay which the law 
 of the land had provided for me. And here allow me to say that in 
 my judgment the men whom you have to fear are not those who take 
 the pay the law gives them, and are contented with it, but those who 
 attempt to make outside the compensation the law allows them, 
 illegitimate gains. 
 
 VOTE FOR INCREASED COMPENSATION. 
 
 During that same session of Congress the compensation of mem 
 bers was increased. I voted for that increase. That compensation 
 was fixed at three thousand dollars per year, a number of years before 
 in fact sometime before the war, when gold was the standard of 
 value. In 1866, when I took my seat in the Senate, the cost of living 
 in Washington City as here in Dubuque and everywhere else in the 
 country, was at least double what it was when the war began. The 
 consequence- was that a member of Congress could not more than pay 
 his necessary expenses, living in moderate style, out of the compensa 
 tion allowed him at the rate fixed before the war. Perhaps it is 
 imprudent for me to say it, but I am in the habit of saying what I 
 think, and so I will say that in my opinion it is just as shabby for the 
 people of Iowa to desire her Senators and Representatives to serve 
 them for less than a fair compensation, as it is for a public servant to 
 desire more than a fair compensation. And, I say further, that the 
 men who are serving you in Congress, and are doing the best they 
 know how, are entitled to something more than their actual living 
 expenses. So we increased the pay of Members of Congress from 
 $3,000 to $5,000 a year. But at the same time we reduced the mileage, 
 from forty to twenty cents a mile. The result was not so much to 
 increase the aggregate amount paid to Members of Congress, as to 
 equalize the pay. Under the old law in the case of members of distant 
 States, the mileage amounted to more than the compensation did. 
 The net result was substantially this: Taking the aggregate received 
 by all the Members of Congress for both salary and mileage, the 
 increase was but very slight. Well, as I have said, I voted for the law 
 and took the increased pay. If I believed to-day, that in so doing I did 
 wrong, I should frankly say so, but I do not believe it was wrong, and 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 313 
 
 so no power on earth can make nie say so. Our Democratic friends, 
 who now declare that it was very wrong were a long time in discover 
 ing any wrong in it. Nine years have passed since then ; and it is only 
 during the present campaign, since I was nominated for Governor, 
 that they have discovered how wrong it was. Nobody found any fault 
 with it at the time. You cannot find any complaint of it in the pro 
 ceedings of any convention of either party. I will defy you to bring 
 even a newspaper of either party or an extract from any speech by 
 any member of either party, that made any complaint in reference 
 to it at the time. In 1873, seven years afterward, when the price of 
 living had all that time been continually and steadily going down, 
 Congress passed a law increasing the pay of its members from $5,000 
 to $7,500. Then a very different condition of public sentiment was 
 manifested ; then complaint was made by people, and by papers of 
 both parties ; public indignation rose to a white heat. And in answer 
 to the demands of the people, Congress reduced the compensation of 
 its members to the point at which I aided in fixing it $ and the people 
 of Iowa recognized the rightfulness of that action, and have since 
 made no complaint. I have heard no complaint that the pay of Mem 
 bers of Congress is now too high ; yet it is to-day precisely what I 
 aided in fixing it. Another thing looks to me a little inconsistent in 
 this matter, and that is^ that Democrats should blame me in this mat 
 ter, and not blame anybody else among those Avho did just what I did. 
 What statesman in this land was more lauded by the Democracy in 
 1873, than Charles Sumner ? It is true they had not always so high 
 an appreciation of him, but when he felt it his duty to follow Horace 
 Greely into the " Liberal 1 ' ranks, the Democratic party suddenly dis 
 covered that he was one of the ablest, as well as one of the purest of 
 men that the country ever produced, and they were right. Yet Charles 
 Sumner was a member of the Senate at the same time I was : he voted 
 precisely as 1 did in the matter of that compensation, and like me to 
 use the classic language of the Democratic editors of this State, he 
 " went out of Washington with the swag in his pocket. 1 ' Then there 
 was Lymau Trumbull, the distinguished Senator from Illinois, whose 
 virtues and ability the Democrats never tire of praising ; he was in 
 the Senate at the same time I was, he voted precisely as I did, and 
 " went out of Washington with the swag in his pocket." And there 
 was Mr. Hendricks of Indiana, now Governor of that State, and pro 
 spective candidate of the Democratic party for the Presidency of the 
 United States, he was a member of the same Senate ; he voted on that 
 question of compensation just as I did, and ''went away from W T ash- 
 ington with the swag in his pocket." 'For whom did you Democrats 
 shout yourselves hoarse in 1873, as your candidate for the Vice- 
 presidency ? You may have forgotten, so I will remind you that it 
 was B. Gratz Brown of Missouri. He was a member of that same 
 
314 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Senate, he voted on the question of compensation precisely as I did, 
 and he " went away from Washington with the swag in his pocket." 
 And you Democrats did not discover any wrong in it then, and never 
 did till I happened to become candidate for Governor of Iowa this 
 year. 
 
 PERSONAL ABUSE. 
 
 But, right here my friends I feel moved to say one thing, and that 
 is, that it .is most humiliating that candidates for office, who claim to 
 be gentlemen and honorable men in a canvass such as I am now 
 engaged in, should be compelled to answer charges such as these ; I 
 mean compelled to answer charges either of petit or grand larceny. 
 I do not think our politics are improved by such methods of conduct 
 ing a campaign. I regard the making of such charges as a piece of 
 demagoguery that will not help the party using it, or hurt the party 
 against whom it is used. 
 
 NATIONAL POLITICS. 
 
 Having disposed of these unpleasant personal matters, I will now 
 speak in regard to what I understand to be the present condition of 
 the political affairs of this nation. We are fighting this year a battle 
 that is but preliminary to a much severer one next year. Next year 
 we have to elect a president, and I am satisfied that we are to have 
 one of the bitterest and most fiercely contested campaigns since 1860. 
 Every election in every State this year is looked upon as tending to 
 show the drift of public opinion next year. What then is the polit 
 ical outlook for 1876? Let us first consider what was the political 
 condition of the county before the civil war. Before its outbreak for 
 many years the Democratic party had ruled in this country, and how 
 had they managed, in order to rule this country? First the vote of all 
 the slave States was solidly Democratic, there was no break in their 
 ranks, the Democratic party held them in the hollow of its hand. It 
 had only to count up those States, and the number of their representa 
 tives and calculate safely and surely upon so many Senators, so many 
 members of the House of Representatives, so many Electoral votes for 
 a Democratic president. The number that could thus be surely cal 
 culated upon for the Democratic party was not quite a majority in 
 either case; but it came so near it, that a slight addition from the 
 Northern States would place the control of the whole country in the 
 hands of the Democratic party. And now since the reconstruction of 
 those states has been accomplished, the managers of the Democratic 
 party have been lending every effort persistently, determinedly, unre 
 mittingly to restore the same condition of affairs. They have so far 
 succeeded that to-day there are but three of the old slave States that 
 are not in their hands; Mississippi, North Carolina and South Carolina. 
 Indeed they will have Mississippi this year, they are persuading the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 315 
 
 black men down there into voting for them; or at least into not vot 
 ing against them. They have a peculiar process of ''persuading" the 
 black men not to vote, and so I fear this year Mississippi will pass 
 into the hands of the Democratic party. The political status of 
 North Carolina is so uncertain that no one can tell how it will go. 
 And the only Republican State in the south, remarkable as it may 
 seem, is South Carolina. How strange that would have sounded 
 fifteen years ago! The statesmen of the south are men of strong wills, 
 determined purpose, and unyielding tenacity, they set their purpose 
 and then work up to it, disregarding all minor issues. They are work 
 ing now for the same object and seeking to accomplish it in precisely 
 the same way as before the outbreak of the rebellion. Then all that is 
 needed to place the Democratic party in power again, in such a condi 
 tion of affairs as will give them a few votes from the Northern States, 
 and the Democratic party will control the country and the Southern 
 wing of the Democratic party will control that party. If you believe 
 that a right and a good thing to do, do it, but do it like men; if you 
 think it not a right and a good thing to do, don't do it at all, and don't 
 indirectly aid in doing it. 
 
 But it may be asked why should not the Democratic party be 
 restored to the control of this Government? I will give you my reas 
 ons. Passing by the question that divided the parties in old times, 
 slavery; which thank God, is now taken out of our politics, there yet 
 remains another vexed question that aided in bringing the civil war 
 upon our country, and that is the question of 
 
 STATE RIGHTS 
 
 or State Sovereignty. The Democratic party insists that this is not a 
 nation of people; but as many nations as there are States, that the 
 States are separate nationalities, bound together by a band sometimes 
 called a league, sometimes a confederacy; that any one of these States 
 has a right to withdraw from the confederacy at its own pleasure, and 
 that no power can compel a State to remain in the Union, if it desires 
 to leave it. The northern Democracy did not entirely agree with this 
 view of the matter; but they took the absurd and fatal ground that no 
 State had a right to secede from the Union; but that if a State chose 
 to secede without the right, there was no power under the constitu 
 tion to compel them to remain. You will all remember how, from the 
 time of the election of Lincoln to the fall of Fort Sumpter, the cry of 
 "no coercion" rang through the land. That meant that it was wrong 
 for a Southern State to secede; yet if they did secede our fathers had 
 builded our government so unwisely that they had created a nation 
 and breathed into it the breath of life, and yet had given it no power 
 to protect that life. And the leaders of the Democratic party hold 
 that doctrine as firmly now as they did then. You will find it in some 
 guise or other in every Democratic platform throughout the length 
 
316 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 and breadth of our 1 . !. But the Republican party says this is not a 
 true interpretation of our Constitution. They say this is one country, 
 one people, one nation; that we have but one flag and God helping 
 us we will see to it that but one flag shall float throughout the length 
 and breadth of our land. [Loud applause]. Now, one or the other of 
 these two % ideas respecting our government will eventually triumph. 
 If the Democratic idea triumphs, the outlook of our country is any 
 thing but pleasant to contemplate. We or our children may see this 
 broad and glorious realm broken into numerous powerless and petty 
 divisions. We may see one independent empire on the Pacific coast, 
 and the remainder of our land broken into half a dozen insignificant 
 nationalities. We may have in America the same condition of affairs 
 that since the wars of the first Napoleon has reduced Germany from a 
 first-class power to a condition of comparative weakness. The fond 
 dream and aspiration of the German mind for years and years has been 
 -for German unity. To-day Germany is united, and being united 
 stands the arbiter of the destinies of Europe. A few years ago when 
 you asked an emigrant from Germany his nationality, he would 
 answer that he was a Prussian, or a Bavarian, or a resident of some 
 other of the petty principalities; but to-day ask him what is his nation 
 ality, his "Fatherland, 1 ' and he will say ' Germany. 1 ' And every 
 German clings to the unity of Germany as the only salvation of Ger 
 many. And the same feeling induces us to cling to the unity of our 
 nation as its only salvation. 
 
 THE DEMOCRACY DURING THE WAR. 
 
 I will give you another reason why I deem it unsafe to trust the 
 country again in the hands of the Democratic party. If any of you 
 gentlemen desired to engage a man to occupy a confidential relation, 
 you would like to know what manner of man he was whether he was 
 worthy of trust or not. You would inquire what had been his past 
 life. If his conduct in the past had been right and honorable, you 
 would trust him and engage him in your service, otherwise not. Why 
 not in public affairs use the same common sense that you use in your 
 private affairs? Let us then in the same way study the course of the 
 two parties which have controlled the government and see which has 
 shown itself most worthy to be trusted. To go no farther back than 
 the war. What was the course of the two parties during that time? 
 What did the Democratic party as a party do during the war? I wish 
 to do justice to all and in all things; and I am glad and proud to say 
 that when the war broke out the Democratic young men of the coun 
 try came forward and enlisted just as promptly, just as gallantly, just 
 as gaily as any; and God forbid that I from any supposed political 
 necessity, or any other reason, should fail to give them the just tribute 
 of praise they deserve for their patriotic conduct. They did their duty 
 fully, manfully and nobly. But these were not the representative men 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 317 
 
 of the Democratic party. Neither were those other men who always 
 voted the Democratic ticket, because it was the Democratic ticket. 
 But I refer to the men who directed the policy and wrote the platform 
 of the Democratic party during the war. What was their action? Will 
 you put your finger on a single measure deemed essential by President 
 Lincoln and his cabinet for the suppression of the rebellion, that the 
 organized Democratic party of the north did not denounce and oppose? 
 When it was proposed to issue greenbacks (that they now are so won 
 derfully in love with) they told us that there was no constitutional 
 power to issue them. When we proposed to issue bonds they said not 
 that there was no constitutional power to issue them, but that nobody 
 would purchase them; that they would adorn the walls of saloons and 
 barber shops, and be as worthless as so much waste paper. When 
 President Lincoln proposed to issue his Emancipation Proclamation, 
 a howl of indignation went up from the Democratic party all over the 
 land. When it was proposed to arm the blacks and let such of them 
 as chose to enlist, die for us instead of our own brave sons, you 
 remember how fiercely they protested. I remember the position I 
 then held gave to me the power of commissioning the Iowa regiments. 
 I remember that I received letters from some officers, high in rank, 
 that if that measure should pass they would resign their commissions, 
 leave the army and come home, for they did not enlist for the purpose 
 of fighting in a ''nigger 1 ' war. I remember also that I wrote back in 
 reply that I should be very sorry to lose their valuable services, but if 
 they were determined upon resigning, I thanked God that there was 
 not an Iowa regiment in whose ranks I could not find soldiers out of 
 whom I could make just as good officers as ever wore shoulder straps. 
 [Applause]. The act arming the blacks was passed, but I do not remem 
 ber that any of these indignant officers resigned their commissions! 
 But I repeat the statement there was not a single leading measure 
 deemed absolutely necessary by those to whom the conduct of the war 
 for saving the Union had been intrusted by the people of this country, 
 that this organized Democracy did not resist. 
 
 THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND RECONSTUCTION. 
 
 Well, the war was ended. We did what the organized Democracy 
 had declared we could not do; we suppressed the rebellion and pre 
 served the unity of the States. Then came the question of reconstruc 
 tion, the question as to what should be done with the people and the 
 States, that had just laid down their arms, after being defeated in 
 their efforts to destroy the Union. There were two plans proposed. 
 The Democratic plan was very easy, plain and simple; it was to allow 
 these who had just laid down their arms the white men of the rebel 
 lious States to reorganize those States; but there was one difficulty in 
 the way. In those States there were some four millions of black peo 
 ple. We have given these people their freedom, nominally. But if we 
 
318 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 had left them to be dealt with as their former masters desired to deal 
 with them, their nominal freedom would have been worth but little. 
 Louisiana, after reconstruction, after her first reconstruction before 
 she was reconstructed in accordance with the act of Congress passed 
 for that purpose, gave us a foretaste of what might be expected, if the 
 white men of the South were left to organize their State governments 
 to suit themselves. The Legislature of Louisiana passed a law that in 
 any year, any colored man who, by a certain day in January had not 
 hired out his services for the entire year, should be arrested by certain 
 local officers authorized to do so, and his services sold for the year to 
 the man who would pay the most for them. Is there any man in this 
 audience who has made his living by hiring out to work for other 
 men? I presume there are many here, who like myself have at some 
 period of their lives done so. Now, what would you say if the Gen 
 eral Assembly of Iowa should pass a law that you, unless by the mid 
 dle of January in each year you had hired yourself to some man for 
 the entire y ar, should be arrested, taken up by the township trustees 
 and auctioned off? Why, I tell you the passage of such a law as that 
 would raise more disturbance in Iowa than the license question! My 
 friends, I am now sixty-two years old; I have mixed with the world a 
 good deal in my time; I have been brought into contact with a good 
 many men, both good men and mean men, but I never found a man 
 meaner than the man who would use the services of another in time 
 of need, and then turn his back on the man who had risked his life to 
 help him out of the trouble. I don't believe the devil would want a 
 man to be any meaner than that. [Laughter]. I know that I cannot 
 here address an audience as large as this without addressing some 
 Iowa soldiers. Some of you when in the South have attended a negro 
 meeting. You have heard these colored men pray for you. It may be 
 that they did not use very cultured language. You could hear better 
 prayers any day in any of your churches here. But when I was a boy 
 at my mother's knee, I was taught that the prayer of the poor and 
 oppressed and down-trodden, found as ready access to the ear of the 
 good God, and as ready answer from him. as the prayer of the rich and 
 noble. It may be that in these later days, in the light of advanced 
 science, you have found a better theology than that, but that is what I 
 was brought up to believe. And if perchance those early teachings be 
 true, if there be any power in prayer, you cannot tell nor can I ho\\ 
 much in the time of our greatest peril the prayers of these poor, 
 oppressed, down -trodden people aided us. But they did more than 
 pray for us; they worked for us. And when still later in the war we 
 would allow them to do so, they took arms in their hands and in their 
 awkward, clumsy way they fought for us. And when praying, work 
 ing or fighting, they did what many a man who now turns up his nose 
 at them and calls them "damn niggers," did not do; they did all they 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 319 
 
 could for the cause of the Union. And if after these men had risked 
 their lives for us, and by their aid we have got through our trouble, 
 we have left them at the mercy of their bitterest foes, we would have 
 deserved to be a hissing and a scorn to every honorable man that walks 
 God's green earth. [Loud applause]. And yet, because we did not 
 commit that ineffable meanness, that inexpressible baseness, the whole 
 northern Democracy denounced us from one end of this country to the 
 other. Thank God that we have, nevertheless, had the manhood to 
 stand by them as they stood by us. 
 
 But the Democrcay say, allowing all these things to be true, you 
 ought not to talk about it. That tends to keep up the angry feelings 
 produced by the war. This ought to be an era of 
 
 PEACE AND RECONCILIATION. 
 
 Now, my friends, I will go as far as any one, I will do as much as 
 any man who hears me toward building up the waste places of the 
 South, restoring her to peace and prosperity, and giving her citizens 
 every right that can be rightfully claimed by any citizen of this free 
 republic. But one thing I will not do, or aid in doing because I do 
 not believe it to be best for them, nor for us ; and that is to place in 
 their hands the control of the government which, they tried their best 
 to destroy and that we mean to save. That one thing I will not do. 
 You must each judge for yourself whether you will do it. 
 
 But you say you are for conciliation. Well, so am I. And now I 
 ask you how far you are willing to go toward conciliation ? During 
 the war we had in our naval service one of the most gallant sailors, 
 one of the bravest men that ever risked his life in behalf of any noble 
 cause, 1 mean Admiral Farragut. He it was, who irradiated Mobile 
 Bay with a halo of naval glory. He it was, that forced his ships 
 between the rebel forts Jackson and St. Philip, and compelled the sur 
 render of New Orleans and all the rebel strong holds in that section 
 of the South. Yet he was one of the most modest and unassuming 
 men I ever knew. He is dead and has gone to his reward. Our rebel 
 brethren had during the war a somewhat celebrated naval officer. 
 Raphael Semmes, commander of the Alabama, which did so much 
 damage to our commerce. He still lives, but totally unreconciled, 
 unconciliated to-day. You will remember that some one wrote him 
 an invitation to attend our National Centennial Celebration that is to 
 be held at Philadelphia next year. He returned an indignant refusal, 
 in which he also advised every southern man to stay away. Now, he 
 needs conciliation. It would no doubt conciliate him to appoint him 
 to fill the place made vacant by the death of Admiral Farragut. Are 
 you ready to do that ? If not, why not ? That would do what you 
 Democrats say you are so anxious to do conciliate him and many of 
 his frieuds as well. I cannot think of anything you could do that 
 would be more conciliating. Why not conciliate him and his friends 
 
320 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 by making him an Admiral in the American Navy in the place of 
 Farragut ? Again, some of you boys who are now listening to me, 
 marched with Sherman in his march through the heart of the Rebel 
 Confederacy to the Atlantic shore. I need not rehearse to you even 
 the leading incidents of that grand March to the Sea. But, I ask you 
 are you willing to ask him to step down and out from his position at 
 the head of the armies of the nation, and put Beauregard in his place? 
 If you are willing to do so, say so, if not, tell me why not? So with 
 the gallant Sheridan as well. True, a leading Democratic Senator 
 last winter declared that Phil Sheridan was not fit to breathe the air 
 of a free republic. The poor man forgot that, but for Phil Sheridan 
 and men like him, we would not have a republic to breath air of any 
 kind in. But are you willing that Sheridan should step down and 
 out from his position in the armies of the nation, and Forrest or 
 Braxton Bragg be appointed to his place? Nothing surely could be more 
 11 conciliating" to them and their friends all over the South? If not, 
 tell me why not ; and I will tell you why I am not willing to place in 
 positions of trust and honor, other men who were no better than they, 
 South and North in fact not quite so good ; for the rebel officers of 
 whom I have spoken had the courage to fight for what they believed 
 to be right, while the men who are now trying to get hold of our gov 
 ernment did not have the courage to do that. (Applause.) 
 
 CORRUPTION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 But, our Democratic friends say the Republican Party is so corrupt 
 that we cannot trust it. Well, a good deal might be said about that. 
 There is too much corruption in public life, and too much demoraliza 
 tion in private life. Think of things twenty years ago, here in Iowa, 
 you who have lived here that long, and you will find that as indi 
 viduals vie have been demoralized. My experience tells me this, that 
 when there is demoralization in private life, you must expect it in 
 public life. I have not time to go fully into the discussion of the 
 causes which have led to this demoralization, but will examine this 
 question of political corruption a little. You are told by Democratic 
 speakers and Democratic newspapers, that the Republican Party is 
 corrupt and rotten. While there is some truth in that, there is an 
 immense deal of falsehood. It is already evident that the next cam 
 paign will be conducted by our Democratic friends under a continued 
 cry of corruption. They have in their employ as editors and news 
 paper writers, men who write unscrupulously and recklessly with 
 out caring whether what they say be true or false. The way they manage 
 to keep the country stirred up, and induce a general belief or suspi 
 cion of their accusations is this, they bring charges against the Sec 
 retary of the Interior, or some other cabinet officer. This will lead to 
 an examination before a Committee of Congress ; as soon as the com 
 mittee is appointed these fellows knowing from the first that their 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 321 
 
 charges are false, will begin to "hedge" by impugning the character 
 of the committee; and on finding that the testimony does not prove 
 the charges they will boldly accuse the committee of "whitewashing." 
 Political writers with no respect for right, truth or justice, will reck 
 lessly make charges of all kinds, knowing them to be false ; and there 
 are too many people who without taking the trouble to investigate 
 them, will receive them as true. It is a pity that men writing osten 
 sibly for the purpose of instructing the public, should not be desirous 
 of giving them the truth; but so it is. And therefore, you must dis 
 count largely before you believe without proof, the charges made 
 against public men. I have often thought of what was said by a 
 friend of mine in Muscatine County, a Mr. Kincaid, a solid, hard- 
 headed, sensible man, I had been invited down to Muscatine to make 
 a fourth of July address on the occasion of the unveiling of a monu 
 ment of some of our fallen soldiers. Well, my friend and I were talk 
 ing of the alleged corruption of the Republican Party, and comparing 
 it with the old Democratic Party, that some of these writers boast of 
 having been so pure. We were talking more particularly of Mr. 
 Leffler, my competitor for Governor a gentleman whom I have not 
 the honor of being acquainted with, but who I am told is a gentleman. 
 When my friend said that the claim of the Democratic speakers and 
 writers, that in those old days investigations were rare, while now-a- 
 days investigating committees were constantly at work, reminded 
 him of the time when he lived in Ohio, and used to make maple sugar. 
 Many of you young men who have grown up in Iowa have never seen 
 .maple sugar made ; so I will briefly explain to you the process, 'ihe 
 sugar maple tree is tapped, a hole cut through the bark into the sap 
 wood, and a "spile" driven in below the hole > to carry the sap that 
 comes from the tree into a pail or trough. The sap thus gathered is 
 boiled and by proper manipulation is made into syrup or sugar. And 
 my friend said that two neighbors of his using precisely the same 
 material, and the same appliances, produced very different grades of 
 syrup and sugar. That of one was dark colored, impure, ill-tasting, 
 scarcely fit to eat. That of the other was clear, and pure, and sweet. 
 And he said the difference in the results was caused thus, the man 
 that produced the dirty sugar, as the impurities came up to the sur 
 face stirred them all in again with a stick; so the whole mass was 
 dirty. But his neighbor stood beside the kettle all the time with 
 skimmer in hand, and when any impurities came to the surface, he 
 skimmed them off and threw them one side. And that he said was 
 the difference between the old Democratic Party, and the Republican 
 Party of to-day. In the good old Democratic days, if any fraud or 
 wrong was committed by a Democratic official, they would at once 
 stir it in out of sight, and keep it under, while the Republican Party 
 stands beside the political kettle, with skimmer in hand, and as fast 
 
322 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 as any impurities appear they are skimmed off and thrown aside. 
 (Great applause:) This is the illustration my friend used, you must 
 judge for yourselves whether it be truthful or not. You will remem 
 ber that a couple of years ago we had a kettle boiling fiercely, while 
 the Credit Mobilier business was being investigated and men stood by 
 with skimmer in hand; watching to see what would come to the sur 
 face. And it was noticed that when you dipped in the skimmer and 
 caught a Republican wasp, side by side with him, you found a Demo 
 cratic yellow jacket. | Laughter). The Democrats raised a triumphant 
 cry when we caught Oakes Ames of Massachusetts, but lo! in the same 
 skimmer full, we found James Brooks, a leading Democratic repre 
 sentative from New York. Then in the Pacific mail investigation 
 they caught King, a Republican representative from Minnesota, but 
 side by side with him we found another Democratic representative 
 from Brooklyn, N. Y. And so on through that investigation and other 
 investigations since. And I want to say this thing, because I believe 
 it to be true, I do not believe that any man who hears me can recollect 
 the time when men accused of fraud were pursued as earnestly as 
 during these Republican days. Sometimes we fail to catch our rascals, 
 and sometimes when we have caught them we fail to convict them, 
 just as you fail to capture and convict criminals under your penal 
 laws. You ought not to expect the government to do with its crimi 
 nals what you fail to do with your criminals. You make mistakes in 
 your own private affairs, and it is unfair of you to demand that public 
 officers should make no mistakes. 
 
 HOW TO PREVENT CORRUPTION IN POLITICS. 
 
 I am as much opposed to corruption as any one. I desire to see the 
 party I belong to and love, kept pure as sincerely as any man. But 
 the question is how shall it be done? Are you a church member? 
 Have you no unworthy men in your churches, serving the Devil at 
 heart, and pretending to show you the way to heaven? Can you 
 expect a political party to be purer than the churches? And when 
 you find corrupt men in your church, what do you do? Do you 
 abandon the church, and start off over the prairies on your way to the 
 Devil by your own route, (laughter) or do you stand by your organiza 
 tion, and do the best to make it pure as it should be? Let me speak 
 to you on this subject frankly and truly. You men who complain of 
 the corruption of politics, are the very men, who in too many cases 
 are the most to blame for that corruption. You have in your hands 
 the power to make such nominations as you desire, if you are not too 
 indifferent or too lazy to do so. If you fail to exercise that power, 
 the fault is with you. And I do say this, that when so much complaint 
 is made because bad men are nominated for office, it is because the 
 men who complain the most loudly, are in the main good men and good 
 citizens, will not go to the primary meetings and there do what they 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 323 
 
 can to prevent such nominations. When the day comes for the town 
 ship meeting, or the ward meeting, what do you do? Why you stay 
 at home, the most of you. The merchant says, "I can't afford to lose 
 my time to attend that meeting;" the mechanic says, "I can't afford 
 to lose my time," the farmer says, "I can't afford to lose my 
 time," and the pot-house politician, and the men who have axes 
 to grind make the nominations, and then if they don't suit you, 
 as very likely they won't, you will howl just as loudly, and complain 
 of the corruption of politics just as bitterly as though you could not 
 have prevented it. It is the duty of every man to belong to some 
 political party, and to attend to his duties as a member of that party, 
 endeavoring to see to it that only honest and worthy and capable men 
 are put in nomination. 
 
 THE FINANCIAL QUESTION. 
 
 I did desire to say something in regard to our finances; but it is 
 getting so late that I can refer to that subject but briefly. The sub 
 ject is one of such importance that it ought to be carefully examined 
 by our people. My ideas on the subject may not be worth any more 
 than those of any of you; yet any man's ideas may be worth listening 
 to. This much we all agree in that the financial condition of the 
 country is not so satisfactory as we would like to have it. Some of us 
 look back to the time of the war, and say those were good times, 
 because wheat was two or three dollars a bushel, and you would like 
 to have such times financially come again. Now I will tell you how to 
 have an excellent good time I haven't taken out any patent on the 
 process, and do not charge anything for it. If you have a piece of 
 real estate worth $10,000 or $20,000, go and mortgage it and borrow a 
 lot of money, then spend the money; while you are spending the money 
 you will have an excellent good time. You can buy new clothes, and 
 a gold watch for yourself, and dresses and jewelry for your wife, and 
 horses and shot guns and pointer dogs for your boys, and the whole 
 family can have a good time, while the money lasts. But when you come 
 to foot the bills and pay up, the pinch begins. Now when the rebellion 
 broke out we wanted money; we found we must have it to carry on 
 the war, and to obtain it we placed on this whole nation a mortgage of 
 three thousand million dollars, and while we were spending the money 
 we had a good time. Uncle Sam stood there with both hands full of 
 greenbacks, handing them out liberally to pay for putting down the 
 rebellion; and all the while any number of thieves and pickpockets 
 were surrounding the old gentleman, helping themselves to all they 
 could carry away. And now for a few years past, we have been pay 
 ing up that mortgage, the process isn't half so pleasant as spending 
 the money was. We have done very well so far, we have paid about 
 one-third of the d bt incurred during the war, and are paying more of 
 it every month. To return to the case of the individual; you know 
 
324 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 
 
 that after giving the first mortgage, and having a good time with the 
 money you borrowed, if instead of paying your debt like an honest 
 man, you can add to your gaiety by adding a second mortgage on your 
 farm, if any body will take it. So if we have a mind to, if we really 
 th nk it the best thing to do, we can stop paying our debts and borrow 
 more money and have a good time of it, until we have exhausted all 
 we borrowed on the second mortgage. But so surely as one day 
 follows another, so soon will the money obtained from the second 
 mortgage on our country be used up sometime; and when that is all 
 spent, the pinch will come again and the pinch will be harder than 
 ever. 
 
 ANOTHER REASON WHY TIMES WERE EASY DURING THE WAR. 
 
 Let me before going any further remind you of another reason 
 why times were easy during the war. We had then, counting both 
 armies north and south, something over a million of men in the field; 
 vigorous, able bodied men, and they were producing nothing; not a 
 thing, not only that, but we were feeding and clothing them, and not 
 ouly that, but we were supplying them with arms, ammunition, yes, 
 and all the munitions of war; building ships, buying horses and wagons, 
 etc., etc. The men who remained at home were engaged in producing 
 these things, while the government was engaged in buying them and 
 paying an enormous price for them. By and by the rebellion was 
 suppressed and peace came. Then the condition of things changed; 
 a million of men returned home, and when they returned to their 
 homes, they ceased being consumers, and at once became producers. 
 The market they had made for our productions ceased to exist. With 
 the loss of our market, the amount of our agricultural products 
 increased, and we had to seek a market for them abroad. And on 
 going abroad with them, we had to sell them at the prices prevailing 
 in those foreign markets; not only that, but we had to sell at prices 
 measured by a coin standard. Of course the prices of our products at 
 once tumbled down on our hands. The same was true of the manu 
 facturing interests of our country. The manufacturers thought they 
 could defy the natural laws of trade and prevent a reduction in the 
 prices of their goods. You will remember that in 1873 you could read 
 the proceedings of manufacturers of every kind; men who made shoes, 
 woolen goods, cotton goods, etc., etc., combining among themselves 
 to keep prices up. Their products were sold mainly in this country, 
 so they did not feel the effect of the changed condition of things so 
 promptly as the farmers, who had to go abroad to find a market for 
 their surplus. But their turn came at last, they organized into com 
 binations, and tried in every way to keep up the old prices; but to 
 keep up the old prices when the old condition of things had passed 
 away was of course impossible. They might just as well have tried to 
 lift themselves by the straps of their boots, or hold themselves out at 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIEKWOOD. 325 
 
 arms length by the waist-band of their breeches. There is a propor 
 tion that must always exist between the prices of the agricultural 
 products of a country, and its manufactures. Arbitrary edicts of 
 powerful combinations may prevent it for awhile; but the result is sure 
 at last. When the prices of agricultural products go down, money 
 becomes scarce in the hands of our farmers, and they cannot buy 
 manufactured goods as freely as before; then the ware-houses of the 
 country become loaded with unsold manufactured goods; then the 
 manufacturers have to sell at reduced prices, or not at all. Then they 
 are hurt, then they squeal. The manufactured goods which two or 
 three years ago the manufacturers agreed among themselves they 
 would not sell at less than a certain fixed price, are now being forced 
 upon the market at a much lower figure. Meanwhile the condition of 
 the agricultural interests of the country is improving, the harrow has 
 gone over us farmers and passed by; the harrow is now going over 
 them and we are standing. And right here is another combination; 
 the men who work for the manufacturers in the factories and shops 
 also form combinations among themselves, and refuse to work unless 
 they are paid as much for their labor, as when wheat was worth two 
 and a half or three dollars a bushel; and the manufacturers cannot pay 
 high prices to their workmen, and sell their goods at the low prices 
 they are compelled to; arid hence there arises another trouble; but 
 when these troubles pass a\vay as they will, the different branches of 
 our business will all get into their proper relations to each other; the 
 prices of farming products, of manufactured goods, and of the labor 
 that produced the manufactured goods will all be restored to their 
 proper relation to each other. We farmers are now out of our trouble, 
 in Iowa at least, we have not had better times in twenty years. Our 
 people as a people are as prosperous as they have been in twenty 
 years. 
 
 OUR UNSTABLE CURRENCY. 
 
 There is one other trouble I ought to mention in this connection. 
 Among the various things I have done in the course of my life to make 
 an honest living, I spent some time to make a farm in the timbered 
 portions of Ohio. I remember that while there, in driving a wagon I 
 had the bad luck to break the tongue. And one of the most difficult 
 tasks I ever attempted in my life was to get that wagon home without 
 a tongue. [Laughter], Now we people of these United States have 
 been driving our business wagon these la^st ten years without a tongue. 
 That is, we have not had a medium of circulation among us that had 
 a steady, fixed, stable value. For ten years past there has been no 
 sixty days, when the price of gold, or rather the value of our currency 
 as compared with gold, has not fluctuated several per cent. So men 
 cannot with any safety calculate for the future. Let me give you an 
 illustration. Our surplus goes abroad. As I have shown you, the 
 
326 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 price of our surplus grain in the foreign market, settles the price of 
 all our grain. The people of New York, buying to consume in New 
 York or New England, will not pay more for wheat purchased for that 
 purpose, than for the wheat they purchased to send to Liverpool. Well, 
 we will say, I want to send ten thousand bushels of wheat to Liverpool. 
 Gold is now, let us suppose, $1.15. If I knew that when I got returns 
 from my cargo, the gold I got for it in Liverpool would still be worth 
 $1.15 in our currency, I would know precisely what I was doing. But 
 I know that it may be five cents lower, or five cents higher. There is 
 a chance of gain, there is an equal risk of loss. That loss, if I am a 
 prudent man, I must discount in my purchase. And the dealer of 
 whom I purchase must discount in the same way, the risk he runs. 
 Now take that risk out of the business, by making that paper money 
 equivalent to coin, and you take away one of the risks that grain deal 
 ers have to discount to-day,and which you have to pay. The accumulated 
 losses from this source fall finally upon the man who raises the grain; 
 the defects of our depreciated and unstable currency reflects back, back, 
 back, until at last it is felt, and felt the most seriously by every farmer 
 in Dubuque county, who raises a bushel of wheat. The continual 
 change in the value of our currency forms an element of uncertainty, 
 which'we western men have to pay for, and that heavily. For this 
 reason I desire to have the day come as soon as it can come, without 
 serious injury to the interests of our country, when a paper dollar will 
 be worth a dollar in gold; and the whole business of our country 
 cleared of this element of uncertainty. Then the wagon having a 
 tongue once more, will be able to make a straight path, instead of a 
 crooked one. That is my view of the matter. That is the view, so far 
 as I understand it, of the Republican party. They have placed on the 
 statute book of the nation a promise, that on the first day of January, 
 1879, and thereafter, they will pay in coin the promises to pay that cir 
 culate among you under the name of "greenbacks." J believe that a 
 state of things caii be reached by that day that will enable this to be 
 done without serious injury to the business of the country. I know 
 that people 
 
 CLAMOR FOR MORE MONEY. 
 
 Why, we have to-day more money than can be used! Go to any 
 money center of the nation, and you will find lying idle, piled up in the 
 banks, thousands and hundreds of thousands of dollars, that can be 
 had at a low rate of interest, but the people will not borrow even at a 
 low interest. What is the trouble? The trouble is we do not know 
 what is to be the future financial condition of this country. Until we 
 have settled the question, whether our paper is to become equal in 
 value to coin, or whether the nation will adopt the opposite policy 
 advocated by some, of putting a second mortgage upon our country to 
 bring "good times" for a few years, to be followed by a crash that will 
 
THE LIFE ANi) MMES OP SAMtlEL J. KIRKWOOD. 327 
 
 make every man's head ache. Until this question is settled, capitalists 
 will be timid, men will be afraid to invest their money in new business 
 enterprises. My own idea on this subject I have sometimes illustrated 
 in this way. I know it is not a classical illustration, but most of you 
 will understand it. Let one of you go to a store and buy a gallon jug, 
 wash it out nice and clean, then put into it a quart of whiskey. Now, 
 that is adequate to furnish a certain amount of-of-of- comfort to those 
 who drink it. [Laughter]. Now pour in a quart of water. The liquor 
 in the jug is not so strong as it was before. It is what an Englishman 
 would call '"af-an'-'af."" Put in another quart, it is weaker yet. So 
 go on till you have filled a barrel. There is a great deal more bulk than 
 there was at the beginning, but no more '-drunk." In fact not so much, 
 for a man cannot drink enough to make him drunk. 
 
 The world has tried the experiment over and over again; in every 
 age and country, men have been found who have thought and taught, 
 that by increasing the quantity of the circulating medium, without 
 adding to its value, times could be made easier and better; but the 
 experiment has always failed, and always will fail. We sometimes say 
 that a greenback is as good as the gold. In one sense it is, and in 
 another sense the assertion is untrue. You may apply the proper chem 
 icals and wipe out every vestige of what is printed on the "greenback," 
 until it becomes white paper of no more value than any other bit of 
 paper. But take a gold piece five dollars in value, and hammer it till 
 it retains not a vestige of its original appearance, and it is worth five 
 dollars still. Take it to the crucible of the chemist and melt it, and 
 still it is worth five dollars. Paper money has no intrinsic value what 
 ever. Print enough paper money and it would become like the money 
 of the Southern Confederacy; when the war began a man went to mar 
 ket with this money in his pocket, and he carried home his purchase in 
 his basket; before the war closed he carried his money to market in 
 his basket, and carried home his purchase in his pocket. 
 
 But, gentlemen, I am tired, and I am sure you must be. I have 
 been engaged in this canvass this is the fourth week, talking almost 
 every evening. So far as I am personally concerned, I have only this 
 to say further: You must judge for yourselves whether you want my 
 services for Governor. If not, I shall be content, at least as contented 
 as a man could reasonably be expected to be under the circumstances. 
 [Laughter]. If you should conclude that you do want me, I shall be 
 equally contented [Laughter], perhaps more so. [Renewed Laughter]. 
 And if elected I will perform the duties of the office as well and faith 
 fully as I can. [Loud and universal applause]. 
 
 Of this speech and the occasion on which it was delivered, 
 the editor of the Dubuque Times, writes: 
 
 "Gov. Kirkwood had a splendid audience last night, one just to his 
 own powers, and just to the people of Dubuque. The Atheneum was 
 
328 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 filled as we have never seen it filled on a similar occasion, and by an 
 audience composed of the most intelligent voters of both parties, who 
 evidently enjoyed the clear, candid, statesman-like appeal to their judg 
 ments and their consciences, for the entire audience remained till the 
 close. The Governor was in fine condition, notwithstanding the 
 exhausting labors of a four weeks" campaign, and spoke with all his 
 old-time fo-ce, readiness and clearness. Few men have ever had such a 
 faculty as Gov. Kirkwood, to make clear to the commonest under 
 standing the propositions he sought to elucidate and few men have 
 ever been able as well as he to enforce a conviction of his thorough 
 honesty in dealing with his hearers. There is never even the faintest 
 tinge of sophistry in his argument, no shadow of demagoguery in his 
 appeals. He treats his audience as if he respected them, and invariably 
 gains their confidence. He is the true teacher, because he always 
 instructs, and he always elevates. His language is always the clearest, 
 purest, most forcible English, and his words flow with the facility of 
 his thought. The practical cast of his mind makes easy to him the 
 discussion of those matters of a material nature, upon which the people 
 are delighted to be informed, and hence he is thoroughly at home in a 
 canvass like this. He is indeed the true statesman; the man of affairs 
 who is as wise in action as he is sound in theory. With a moral 
 nature in keeping with his intellect, he is just such a man as the people 
 ought to place at the helm of affairs. This we are sure was the univer 
 sal estimate of him by the audience last night. Democrats were as 
 enthusiastic as the Republicans in expression of approval of the man 
 ner of the man, and of his speech, however they differed from the 
 matter of the latter." 
 
 During the canvass he had occasion to remain over night 
 at West Liberty, where a temperance convention was in 
 session during the evening, and he went in as a listener to 
 their deliberations, when he was called upon for his opinions 
 on the topics under discussion, and as they differed from 
 those of the man who had called him up, that gentleman 
 intimated rather tartly, that if those were his opinions he 
 need not expect many votes from those in attendance. When 
 the Governor replied that he had not come there to beg for 
 their "cold victuals," their "old clothes," or their "votes." 
 
 The following is a portion of a letter written and pub 
 lished during the gubernatorial canvass: 
 
 CLARINDA, Sept. 4, 1875. 
 
 "During the memorable seige of Vicksburg Gov. Kirkwood paid 
 the Iowa boys a personal visit and visited every Iowa regiment in that 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 329 
 
 vicinity. He also visited their several hospitals; his feelings were 
 greatly moved with compassion toward the many sick, wounded and 
 dying. Although every medical and sanitary measure was adopted 
 for their comfort, yet they lacked one thing, which the Governor was 
 not slow in procuring, and that was (as he said) he did not find a chap 
 lain to minister words of kindness and consolation to their sick and 
 dying men, or point them to the 'Lamb of God that taketh away the sin 
 of the world.' Hence he came to see Col. Stone (chaplains were as yet 
 few) and what had the Governor to say do you ask? * * * Col. 
 Stone sent for me, and entering his tent he handed me a chair and 
 taking one himself began: 'Well, Mr. Hollems, the Governor of Iowa 
 was to see me a few days ago and in course of conversation remarked 
 that he had been through many of the hospitals and that he had seen 
 hundreds of sick and wounded soldiers and not a few of them in a 
 dying condition, and 'to my astonishment,' he remarked, 'I did not 
 find a chaplain in these hospitals to speak one kind word to these 
 dying men and to give them such encouragement as they needed; and 
 colonel, this will never do, never! I want you to have a chaplain and 
 to make it his imperative duty to visit these hospitals, minister to the 
 spiritual wants of the sick and wounded and dying, and I will com 
 mission anyone whom you may appoint.' The colonel continued, 'So 
 far as I am concerned I care but little about a chaplain, yet it is strictly 
 true as the Governor represented, and if there is a place where a chap 
 lain can do more good than another it is among the sick, wounded and 
 dying, and I have concluded to appoint you chaplain of my regiment 
 if you will accept the position.' 
 
 "You may be sure there was just then somebody taken by surprise, 
 for I had not any idea of promotion and especially of one so high. 
 'Well, colonel, ' said I, 'so far as I am personally concerned I would 
 rather remain a private. Besides, I have sometimes acted foolishly in 
 cracking jokes with the boys and these things will stare me in the face. ' 
 
 "The colonel replied that he had not heard of any improprieties 
 and thought it was imaginary on my part. True, I had preached 
 occasionally in camp by request, but being a private I did not feel that 
 degree of responsibility that a person would feel occupying a more 
 responsible position, and consequently not as watchful at all times as I 
 should have been; but said I, 'Colonel, I have a large family, am poor 
 and for the sake of those who are very near and dear to me, I accept 
 the appointment.' The colonel issued his order and it was read to the 
 regiment while on dress paiade behind the rifle pits at Vicksburg, on 
 the 8th day of June, 1862, at which time and place I handed over my 
 rifle to Lieut. Stede and started for the hospitals. I thank God for 
 His benign providence over me. I also thank Gov. Kirkwood for the 
 appointment, for had he not gone among those hospitals I should never 
 have been chaplain. 
 
330 THE LIFE ANl) TIMES Otf SAMUEL j. KlRKWOOD. 
 
 "I thank Col. Stone for the selection, for he stated to me that he had 
 had a dozen applications from the ' kid-gloved gentry ' of Iowa as he 
 expressed it for the chaplaincy of the regiment; but said he, 'You have 
 taken your musket and come out like a man, and if anybody deserves 
 the position you do." 
 
 A. HOLLEMS, 
 Chaplain 25th Eegt. Iowa Vols. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 His Third Election as Governor Inaugural Address Growth of the 
 Nation Of the State Or ants a Prisoner a Conditional Pardon 
 Conditions Violated Prisoner Re-imprisoned His Case Before the 
 Courts Governor Sustained by the Supreme Court Chosen U. S. 
 Senator Reception by His Neighbors His Great Speech in the Sen 
 ate Comments Upon it by Senators and Others. 
 
 The canvass of votes by the Legislature disclosed the fact 
 that he had been elected by more than 30,000 majority over 
 all; his competitor on the Democratic ticket having been Mr. 
 Shepherd Leffler. one of the ablest and most popular men in 
 his party, who had been a member of the Territorial Legis 
 lature of the first Constitutional Convention and also a mem 
 ber of Congress. 
 
 On the 13th day of January the inauguration took place, 
 when the Governor delivered the following: 
 
 INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives and Fellow 
 Citizens: 
 
 Nearly one hundred years have passed since the Declaration of 
 American Independence, and soon our people will be busy with prep 
 aration for a proper celebration of the hundreth anniversary of the 
 nation's birth. The period of our national existence has been one of 
 vast advancement in science, in the arts, in invention, and in appliances 
 for human comfort and convenience. It has been remarkable for 
 improvements in the speed and convenience of locomotion, and in the 
 celerity of communication; for a development of the wonderful powers 
 of steam, so little known a century ago that the countless uses of that 
 motor to-day make it practically a new agent brought into subjection 
 to man; for the discovery that the mightiest and subtlest force known 
 to exist in the physical universe can be made, as in the electric tele 
 graph, to do man's bidding. The sun, too, has been made his servant, 
 and its rays are grasped and trained to preserve for him the semblance 
 of his loved ones. Improvements in machinery have characterized the 
 century, which have at once lessened the severity of labor, increased 
 its returns, and multiplied the comforts of the great mass of people in 
 
 331 
 
332 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 all civilized nations. Education has been more generally diffused than 
 ever before; and the printing press, the great educator, has made 
 more rapid strides than in all the previous centuries of its history, and 
 to-day there are publishing houses, any one of which could, in a given 
 time, almost duplicate all the work of all the presses of the world, in 
 the same period of time, one hundred years ago. In short, the century 
 now closing may be safely said to have witnessed a larger advance in 
 human knowledge, greater improvement in man's condition socially, 
 and mightier progress in every department of human activity and 
 inquiry, reaching all classes of society, and affecting all the nations of 
 the earth, than any similar period in the world's history. Among the 
 many causes that have tended to bring about this great advancement, 
 one of the most powerful, in my judgment, has been the existence of 
 this republic, and the growth and prosperity of this people. To a 
 review of this growth and prosperity, and the development and pro 
 gress of the nation and our own State, I have thought it not inappro 
 priate, in this the centennial year of the republic's life, to devote a 
 portion of the formal address required by custom on this occasion. 
 
 Nearly a century ago, our forefathers laid the foundations of our 
 national political edifice; and they laid them broad and deep. Yet, 
 when, after a hard and weary struggle they had achieved the inde 
 pendence for which they had risked so much and fought so well, 
 this handful of people some three millions in all, scattered in a nar 
 row belt along the Atlantic coast found that the bond of union that 
 had held them together during the conflict with the mother country 
 was exceedingly weak when the common danger had passed; while 
 local jealousies and conflicting interests menaced total disruption. 
 They were poor, and burdened with the debts which the States, both 
 separately and unitedly, had incurred during the war for independence. 
 Although admitted to the family of nations, they were tolerated rather 
 than welcomed; and their expressed devotion to the principles of civil 
 liberty was regarded by the advocates of monarchy as evidence of 
 either sickly sentimentality or political heresy. The statesmen of the 
 old world, trained in the school of monarchy, admitted, although with 
 hesitation and reluctance, that a republican form of government might 
 be maintained in, and suffice for, a poor and sparsely inhabited countr}' 
 like Switzerland, but they utterly denied that it could be maintained 
 in, or would suffice for, a great and powerful nation. The territory of 
 which our forefathers were the acknowledged owners, and upon which 
 this experiment was to be tried, reached on the norih, as now, to 
 Canada, on the west the Mississippi river defined its limit, and on the 
 south the thirty-first parallel of latitude cut it off entirely from the 
 Gulf of Mexico, and left the mouth of the Mississippi wholly in the 
 hands of another power. Thus supplied with nothing but territory 
 and prospects the former perhaps abundant, but the latter, in the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL ,T. KIRKWOOD. 333 
 
 opinion of the world's wise men, discouraging enough, and not at all 
 dazzling even to the most sanguine of its founders our republic com 
 menced its career. 
 
 To-day that territory has expanded southward until we hold the 
 northern line of the Gulf coast to the Rio Grande, and westward until 
 it includes the Pacific coast from near the thirty-second parallel to 
 Cape Flattery, not counting our recently acquired possession of Alaska. 
 The Mississippi, formerly our western boundary, is now east of the 
 center of our domain. Our thirteen States have increased to thirty- 
 seven, with territory enough left for nine or ten more, each as large as 
 some of the more powerful European kingdoms; and our three millions 
 of people, a large porportion of whom were slaves, have grown to forty 
 millions all, thank God! freemen. We have had the fortune com 
 mon to all nations harmony and contention, prosperity and adversity, 
 peace and war; yet I think it true that no other nation, during the 
 last hundred years, has prospered as has ours, and in no other land 
 have the people as a whole enjoyed nearly so great a degree at once of 
 liberty, of order, of safety, and of comfort; while our system of gov 
 ernment, supposed to be lacking in unity and force, has been found to 
 be able not only to endure the strain of foreign war, but to suppress 
 utterly and unconditionally a rebellion the most extensive, the most 
 powerful, and in all respects the most formidable the world has 
 known. 
 
 I have said, and I repeat it, that in my judgment our existence and 
 prosperity, as a government and people, have had much, more perhaps 
 than any other one cause, to do with the improved condition of the 
 masses of the people in all civilized nations. The monarchists of the 
 old world, while, as before remarked, doubting, or affecting to doubt, 
 man's capacity for self-government, except in isolated cases, yet 
 looked with suspicion and distrust upon the attempt to establish here 
 what has since been so happily called by one of the purest and wisest 
 men the world has produced, "a government of the people, by the 
 people, and for the people;" and they feared, not unreasonably, that, 
 if such attempt should perchance be successful, the example would 
 cause disquiet amongst their own people, who had no share in admin 
 istering the governments under which they lived. This anticipation 
 has been realized. Our example has had its influence for good upon 
 the people of other lands. Seeing that here liberty is compatible with 
 order, that here men may govern themselves, that here bayonets are 
 not necessary to the stability of the government, although when 
 danger menaces, millions of brave and willing hearts are found to 
 rally to its defense, our oppressed brethren of the old world have 
 striven, and are striving, to relieve themselves of the burdens they 
 have so long borne, and to assert the inherent and inalienable rights of 
 man. The truth of the doctrine, that "all governments derive their 
 
334 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOP. 
 
 just powers from the consent of the governed," is steadily taking 
 stronger hold on the minds of the common people of Europe, and is 
 slowly but surely removing their burdens, enlarging their liberties, and 
 increasing the scope of their comforts. This consideration should 
 add to the zea^ and earnestness with which we guard, protect, and 
 cherish the system of government to which, under God, we owe the 
 blessings we enjoy. 
 
 Our own State has a history of remarkable growth and development. 
 When our national government was formed Iowa was a part of the 
 immense domain held in America by. Spain a possession which, for 
 extent of territory, variety of climate, fertility of soil, and measureless 
 though then unsuspected wealth of mineral resources, was undoubtedly 
 the most magnificent any nation has ever held. What is now Iowa was 
 then as little known to the people of the thirteen colonies as Alaska is 
 to-day to us. It was transferred with other territory by Spain to 
 France, and by France to the United States in 1803. It formed at one 
 time part of the Louisiana territory, then of the Missouri territory, 
 then was attached to the territory of Michigan, more recently was a 
 part of the territory of Wisconsin, was (with most of the present Sta'e 
 of Minnesota and of the territory of Dakota) constituted the territory 
 of Iowa in 1838, and was admitted as a state in 1846. In 1838 our 
 population was 22,859; in 1846 it was 97,538; and in 1875 it was 
 1,350,544. By the census of 1850, we were entitled to two represen 
 tatives in Congress; by that of 1870, we have nine. The debt of our 
 State is but nominal in amount. We have provided suitable homes for 
 our afflicted unfortunates the insane, the deaf and dumb, the blind 
 and are properly caring for them. We are paying a small part of our 
 debt of gratitude by supporting and educating the children of our 
 dead soldiers who need such care. We have established a home and 
 school for the reformation of juvenile offenders, hoping thereby to win 
 them back to the pleasant path of virtue; as well as institutions for the 
 punishment and reclamation of older wrong-doers. We support 
 schools open to all for the education of all, with colleges and a univer 
 sity for those seeking the higher branches of learning; seeking in these 
 and other ways to show our gratitude to God for his goodness to us by 
 caring for his children and our brethren. 
 
 I cannot permit this occasion to pass without a brief reference to 
 the part taken by Iowa in our civil war. She was ever true as steel to 
 the good cause. Although yet in her nonage, having existed as a State 
 less than fifteen years when the war commenced, she did her duty 
 faithfully and thoroughly. We, occupying this wilderness of thirty 
 years before, sent to the field forty-five regiments and two battalions 
 of infantry, nine regiments of cavalry, and four batteries of artillery; 
 besides companies, detachments,' and individuals in the regiments of 
 other States and in the regular army. We gave in all to the service 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 335 
 
 over 75,000 men; and I but give utterance to what you all know when 
 I say that among the hosts of brave and good men who rallied to the 
 defense of the flag, none were found braver or better than the men of 
 Iowa . There is not, I think, a single one of the States which so insanely 
 sought our ruin and their own, in whose soil Iowa has not deposited, 
 as the best of evidence of her devotion to the Union, the ashes of some 
 of her heroic dead. May they rest in peace, and may their example 
 lead us and those who will come after us to guard 'with devotion and 
 reverence that for which they so patiently suffered and so nobly died. 
 
 Iowa has had a large measure of growth and prosperity; yet she has 
 but fairly entered upon her career, and our eyes have been permitted 
 to behold only the beginnings, dazzling though they are, of her glory. 
 We have hitherto been mainly an agricultural people, and doubtless 
 will ever remain so; but capital is accumulating amongst us. This 
 must shortly seek investment in manufactures, and as these are estab 
 lished and prosper, our population and wealth will increase still more 
 rapidly. 
 
 Yet, as I have said, agriculture will, for many years to come, and 
 I think for all time, be the leading pursuit of our people and our 
 greatest source of wealth. We have in our State substantially no waste 
 or untillable land. Our soil is fertile and easy of cultivation beyond 
 even the conception of those who have not seen and tried it; and, what 
 seems incredible to the people of Eastern States, our uplands are as 
 fertile and easy of cultivation as the bottom lands of our streams. 
 Our winters are at times severe, but our climate is eminently health 
 ful. The wealth of a State is at last measured by its population, and I 
 feel entirely safe in saying that no State in our Union of equal area can 
 support from its own resources a population as large as can draw a 
 bountiful living from our soil. 
 
 Senators and Representatives: To you, for the time being, has been 
 committed the grateful task of guarding and fostering the well-being 
 of our State so far as the same may be affected by the law making 
 power. Yours is a post of great honor and great responsibility. My 
 predecessor has laid before you, in detail, such information as his posi 
 tion has enabled him to acquire and such recommendations as his 
 judgment and experience have suggested to him. They will doubt 
 less receive your careful consideration. Coming as I do, like your 
 selves, fresh from private life, and having no means of procuring 
 information not open to all of you as to the condition and wants of the 
 state, it cannot reasonably be expected that I shall bring to your notice 
 questions other than those of the most general interest, or that I shall 
 discuss them except in the most general way. 
 
 The subject of general education has been, and must continue to be 
 one of great interest. The intelligence of our people measures, to a 
 large extent, the wisdom of the laws under which we live, and also of 
 
336 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 the administration of those laws. It likewise, to a great degree, 
 measures the rapidity of our growth in wealth, for the reason that all 
 pursuits which yield wealth are productive in proportion to the degree 
 of intelligence with which they are managed. Aside from these 
 obvious and powerful reasons for providing the means of education 
 for all the youth of the State, there is another reason, less obvious 
 perhaps, but certainly important. Our population comes from all 
 parts of our own country and from almost all the nations of Europe, 
 and all are alike welcome. Many of those of foreign birth come to us 
 in mature years, with their manners and customs, their habits and 
 sentiments, formed and fixed by the surroundings of their childhood 
 and youth. It cannot be expected that they will, to any great degree, 
 change their own for our manners and customs, our habits and senti 
 ments; but it may be expected, and it is certainly desirable, that their 
 children and our children shall so far as possible be combined into 
 one mass with manners, customs, habits, and sentiments, partaking 
 perhaps to some extent of the characteristics of the different nation 
 alities, but alike, and in the main American. The common school, 
 bringing together the children of the native-born and foreign-born in 
 the same school-room, engaging them together in the same studies, 
 mingling them together in the same sports and pastimes, will be a 
 potent means to bring about the desired result, and to make of all 
 our nationalities one people. 
 
 Fears have of late been freely expressed in certain States, and to 
 some extent in our own, that it is a settled purpose with some to divert 
 the school-fund from its legitimate object, and use it, at least partially, 
 for the maintenance of private and sectarian schools, and thus eventually 
 to destroy the school system. I hope this is a groundless fear, or, that 
 if such purpose has been entertained, it will be abandoned. Presist- 
 ence in it will certainly place those engaged in it in direct hostility to 
 the settled and cherished policy of the State, and it is worthy their 
 grave consideration whether they shall assume that attitude. It 
 belongs to you to inquire whether any ground exists for the fears I 
 have indicated as subsisting; and if so, to do what may be needed to 
 guard against any probable or possible danger. 
 
 It is found to be a part of the criminal law of the State that a person 
 convicted of crime, after a fair and impartial trial in the proper court, 
 may have his conviction set aside because of some informality or 
 irregularity in the formation of the grand jury by which the indict 
 ment against him was presented. I consider this a serious defect in 
 our criminal law, and recommend that the statute be so changed that 
 upon the impaneling of grand juries the proper officers shall certify of 
 record to the regularity of all the proceedings, and that such certifi 
 cate shall be conclusive. 
 
 I also recommend to your careful consideration the question whether 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 337 
 
 it would not be wise to repeal the provisions of the criminal law which 
 require that the evidence given before the grand jury, on which an 
 indictment has been found, with the names of the witnesses giving it, 
 and also the names of any other witnesses the attorney for the State 
 may intend to produce on the trial, with the substance of the evidence 
 expected from each, shall be furnished to the party accused before 
 trial. I do not think such provisions necessary for the protection of 
 an innocent person accused of crime, and I am confident they are 
 often the means by which guilty parties escape conviction and punish 
 ment. 
 
 The question of cheap transportation is one of great importance to 
 our people. Our surplus products are generally bulky and heavy in 
 proportion to their value, and the cost of transportation makes a large 
 percentage of the price we receive for them. Before the advent of 
 railroads all the internal transportation and travel of the country was 
 done on common highways, turnpikes, navigable rivers and canals. 
 All these were open to all. Any person could place on the land-lines 
 his wagon, or on the water-lines his boat, and engage in the business 
 of carrying persons and property. Since the building of railroads all 
 this is changed. Now a large part of the internal transportation, and 
 substantially all the travel, of the country are done by rail, and 
 undoubtedly better done and more speedily than by the old method. 
 But with the new system another important change has been brought 
 about. Combination has taken the place of competition. No one is 
 allowed to engage in carrying persons and property over the railroads 
 except those who own or lease the lines; while those who own or lease 
 what should be, and what were intended to be competing lines, by 
 combining among themselves, destroy competition. The result is, that 
 unless the people can in some way prevent it, the companies controll 
 ing the main through lines of railroad have it in their power to fix the 
 price of carrying persons and property at just such sum as, in their 
 own judgment of what is to their own interest, seems to them proper. 
 To-day, four gentlemen in Chicago, representing the four through 
 lines of railroad from that city to the Missouri river, can, at their own 
 will and pleasure, add to or take from the value of every bushel of 
 grain and of every head of live stock in the State of Iowa. The same 
 condition of affairs obtains in Chicago with the four'rnain lines leading 
 to Baltimore, Philadelphia and New York. 
 
 This state of things, the knowledge that this power was claimed 
 and exercised by the railroad companies, has for a few years past 
 challenged the close attention of the country; and legislation has been 
 invoked to protect the people from the abuses and extortions prac 
 ticed by these corporations. At the last session of the General Assembly 
 of this State, a law was passed intended to limit and control, to some 
 extent, the privileges and powers of railroad companies. 
 
338 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 The purpose of this law is to fix rates, beyond which they shall not 
 charge for carrying passengers and freight; but, as I understand, the 
 law was only designed to operate within the limits of our own State, 
 because it has been supposed the State has not the power to limit or 
 control the charges for carrying outside the State limits. 
 
 The States of Illinois, Wisconsin and Minnesota have passed simi 
 lar laws. In this State some of the railroad companies have promptly 
 complied with the requirements of the law. Others have resisted it 
 and carried the matter into the United States courts, claiming that the 
 State has not the power to limit, even within its own boundary, their 
 charges as carriers, and similar suits have been brought in the other 
 States named. 
 
 These suits have been in all cases, I believe, decided in favor of the 
 validity of the State law certainly so in this State and are now pend 
 ing for final decision and soon to be decided in the Supreme Court of 
 the United States. 
 
 The law of this State must of necessity have been to a great extent 
 experimental. The subject was a new one; it involved many difficult 
 questions and much of detail. I recommend to you a careful examina 
 tion of the law in the light of the experience of its effects since its 
 adoption. If you shall find that in any of its provisions it works 
 unjustly and unfairly to the railroad companies, or that it fails to 
 afford to the people that degree of protection to which they are fairly 
 and justly entitled, such defects should be remedied. I do not recom 
 mend the repeal of the law. On the contrary, I advocate its retention 
 on our statute books with such amendments as your wisdom may sug 
 gest as calculated to do justice, both to the people and to the railroad 
 companies. I also recommend to you a careful examination of the 
 question whether you cannot by law prevent the combination among 
 what should be competing lines, to which I have already alluded. 
 
 I also recommend the appointment of a Board of Railroad Commis 
 sioners, whose duty, among other things, it shall be to collect and lay 
 before the General Assembly at each regular session such information 
 in regard to the railroads of the State as will enable future General 
 Assemblies to act with reference to them with a knowledge of many 
 particulars that cannot be otherwise obtained. I think it important 
 that the question of the power of the States to limit the charges of rail 
 road companies within their respective boundaries, and the power of 
 Congress to limit such charges on inter-State trade, shall be settled by 
 the Supreme Court of the United States, so that, in case this power 
 shall be held to reside in the State and National authorities respec 
 tively, we may go on and perfect such legislation as may be found 
 necessary and proper for ourselves, and the Federal Congress be urged 
 to exercise its authority in the prevention of abuses in the great carry 
 ing trade of the country. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 339 
 
 Various modes have been suggested by which the public interest 
 can be protected in this regard, if it shall be found we cannot do so by 
 statutory enactment. Among these, the opening up, by the General 
 Government, of lines of water communication through the country, 
 and the building of one or more trunk lines of freight railroads, the 
 use of which shall be open to all, have been advocated. Either of these 
 plans would involve the expenditure of more money than our govern 
 ment is now well prepared to spend. But, if in no other way the end 
 can be gained, this difficulty will be overcome. 
 
 Let us examine this question in all its parts, calmly and carefully, 
 without passion and without prejudice. Our people are not hostile to 
 railroads or railroad companies. On the contrary, we appreciate fully 
 and concede freely the great benefits our State has gained from these 
 works, and we have always contributed freely of our means to their 
 prosecution. We know, too, that our future prosperity depends largely 
 upon their maintenance and success. But, to the claim of their man 
 agers that they, like other business men, must be allowed to manage 
 their business affairs in their own way, without interference or dicta 
 tion by the State, we answer: First, that their business so directly and 
 vitally affects the interest of every citizen, that it is the duty of the 
 State to see to it that the privileges granted to them for the public 
 good, and the power they claim to have, are not abused to the public 
 injury; and, second, that they do not manage their business affairs in 
 the same way as other business men do. I think I am safe in saying 
 that if the managers of these roads will, in fact and in good faith, 
 abandon the system of combination, if the companies will depend for 
 success, as other business enterprises do, upon the skill and courtesy 
 of their agents, upon the facilities they offer for the transaction of their 
 business, and upon the cheapness with which they can do it, they will 
 find active and earnest friendship instead of jealousy and hostility, and 
 that in their case, as in all others, the right way to do anything is the 
 best way to do it. 
 
 When, twelve years ago, 1 retired from the office the duties of 
 which I am again about to assume, our country was convulsed by civil 
 war, brought on by the most causeless rebellion the world has ever 
 known. That struggle has happily ended, and the difficult and deli 
 cate task of restoring to their proper places the States and the people 
 who sought the overthrow of our government has been accomplished. 
 The bitterness and angry feeling caused by that conflict have in a great 
 measure subsided, and it is the part of wisdom not to revive them. But 
 we must not forget that in that terrible contest there was a right side 
 and a wrong side; that either we who fought for the preservation of 
 the Union were right and they who fought for its destruction were 
 wrong; or that they were right and we were wrong; and we should see 
 to it that when we have passed away those who will follow us in the 
 
340 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 care and control of the government, which at so great cost we have 
 saved and bequeathed to them, shall have from us at least correct 
 teaching on that point. We should so shape our course and conduct 
 as to show them unmistakably that we knew and recognized the dis 
 tinction between loyalty and treason, that we loved the one and hated 
 the other, that one brought honor, the other disgrace. We should 
 make sure, so far as we can make sure, that their reverence and love 
 shall be given to Lincoln and Grant and Sherman and Thomas and 
 Sheridan, and not to Davis and Lee and Johnson and Beauregard an I 
 Forrest. To do this we must show them that our love and honor are 
 given to the men who, in council and in action, labored for the preser 
 vation of the Union, and not for those who plotted and fought for its 
 destruction. I have some times feared that in our extreme desire for 
 peace and conciliation we have failed to keep this consideration prop 
 erly in view. 
 
 The political situation at the seat of our National Government is at 
 this time interesting and peculiar. The political party which admin 
 istered the government during the rebellion- and succeeded in sup 
 pressing that rebellion still control one branch of the National Legis 
 lature. The other, the popular branch, the House of Representatives, 
 is controlled by a party of which men who were actual and active 
 rebels compose a powerful minority, if not a controlling majority. 
 
 The centennial year of our national existence will be made remark 
 ably by a determined struggle for the control of our government in all 
 its political branches by a party composed of those who a few years 
 since used every effort to destroy it and of those who during the 
 struggle for its preservation opposed all effort to preserve it. This 
 condition of things furnishes food for grave reflection. 
 
 The financial condition of the country is not so favorable as we 
 could desire, but perhaps as much as we can reasonably expect. We 
 borrowed during the civil war, and in consequence of it, nearly or 
 quite three thousand millions of dollars, and spent the money, as all 
 nations must in war times, lavishly. A million or more of men in both 
 armies were withdrawn from productive pursuits and were engaged in 
 consuming and destroying the products of the labor of those not in 
 the field. The government bought our products with bonds and paper 
 money at high prices, and we had during the war, and for a short time 
 after its close, wKat many of us called good times, but our then good 
 times were good only in the sense that an individual would have good 
 times who should mortgage his property heavily and spend the money 
 in extravagant living. The money raised by us on our national 
 mortgage was spent rapidly and lavishly. We received for it.it is true, 
 that boon of priceless value, a restored Union; but did not secure any 
 thing of marketable money value. In the latter sense the money spent 
 was lost. The so-called good times caused extravagance in expenditure 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 341 
 
 by the national government, by the State and municipal governments, 
 and by ourselves individually. When at last the time came that the 
 money was spent, that our soldiers returned to their homes and became 
 producers instead of consumers, that the government was no longer 
 the purchaser of our surplus products and we were obliged to com 
 mence the process of paying instead of continuing the more easy one 
 of spending the times began to grow hard. The first interest to feel 
 the pressure was that of agriculture, the leading one of our State. 
 Our surplus products, increased by the labor of our returned soldiers, 
 and no longer needed for the support of our armies, had to seek a 
 market abroad, and their value there was measured by the standard 
 of the world's currency coin. 
 
 The consequence was a great and rapid decline in the prices of all 
 we had to sell. The prices of all we had to buy did not decrease in 
 proportion. The manufacturers and others undertook the hopeless 
 task of keeping the prices of their products and their labor above a 
 proper relation to the prices of our products, and for a time suc 
 ceeded. The result to us was at first disastrous; but the evil worked 
 out its own cure. Our ability to buy was limited by the amount we 
 received for our surplus products, and by the prices we had to pay 
 for the goods we^ wished to purchase. We necessarily bought less, 
 and the manufacturers found themselves compelled to carry large 
 stocks of unsold goods. Slowly but surely the laws of trade asserted 
 their power. The prices of what we wished to buy, in most cases, 
 fell to a proper proportion to the prices of what we had to sell, in 
 some cases below that proportion, and the pressure upon us was 
 lightened and transferred to those not engaged in agricultural pur 
 suits. As we were the first to suffer so we have been the first to get 
 relief. We are doing reasonably well our State is fairly prosperous; 
 God has blessed our labors with fair returns; we buy at fair prices 
 what we need, and get fair prices for what we sell. The process of 
 adjusting the business of the country to the changed order of things 
 is going on gradually and steadily, and if that process shall not be 
 disturbed we may soon confidently expect renewed activity and 
 prosperity throughout the land. Some of our people, remembering 
 the era of apparent prosperity caused by the war prices, are dis 
 posed to establish another such era by placing a second mortgage on 
 the national farm in a new and abundant issue of paper money. This 
 would, in my judgment, be a great misfortune. It might, for a short 
 time, produce a feverish activity and a temporary advance in prices, 
 but this activity would be unhealthy and disastrous, and as surely as 
 day and night follow each other, so surely the inevitable result must 
 ensue, and we would soon be called upon to endure again the troubles 
 from which we are now so happily emerging, It seems to me the 
 course we should pursue is plain and clear. We owe a heavy national 
 
342 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 debt. That debt was incurred for a most worthy object which has 
 been happily effected. As honest men we must pay it. To that end 
 we must practice industry, thrift and economy, for the reason that 
 by these means, and these means only, can we prosper. We must in 
 sist upon strict and rigid economy in administering the affairs of the 
 national government, and of our state government, and we mu^t 
 practice the same economy in our private affairs. This is the way, a 
 sure way, and the. only way to certain and permanent prosperity. 
 
 Senators awl Representatives: Much of your legislative work 
 will, under the constitution, begin to have force and effect with the 
 republic's new century. Let us be inspired by this consideration to 
 make our actions worthy of the illustrious following in which we find 
 ourselves. The America and the Iowa of to-day tell how well those 
 who have gone before us have done their part in the council, in the 
 field, on the farm, in the mine, on the bench of the mechanic, and in 
 the mart of trade. But to do as well as they have done, we must do 
 better. With the benefit of their experience as well as that of all 
 the ages before them, in the fruition of their labors which they them 
 selves were not permitted to enjoy, in a day of superior intellectual 
 light, we must do our work. While our opportunity is enlarged, our 
 responsibility is vastly increased. How we use that opportunity, and 
 how we meet that responsibility, will be best judged by those who 
 will stand in our places in the years to come; and if we may look so 
 far forward as to the end of another century of American history let 
 us hope- that he who will then stand in my stead in the palace now 
 rising on the fair hill that . overlooks the beautiful capital of Iowa, 
 shall say of us that we honestly tried to do all our duty, and the 
 people's acclaim shall be, "They did it well.' 1 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 On the 2nd day of December, 1872, R. D. Arthur was 
 sent to the penitentiary for the term of ten years, from Fay- 
 ette county, for the crime of "larceny from a building in 
 the night time." After serving three years of his term, the 
 Governor was repeatedly and persistently importuned by his 
 mother and sisters to grant him a pardon. The Governor 
 not knowing whether his brief incarceration had been of a 
 sufficient reformatory character to make of him a good citi 
 zen, finally yielded to the oft repeated requests of the 
 mother and sisters, but made the pardon a conditional one. 
 
 The first condition was abstinence from the use of intox 
 icating liquors as a beverage. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 343 
 
 Second. The use of all proper exertion for the support 
 of his mother and sister. 
 
 Third. That he should not be guilty of the violation of 
 any of the criminal laws of the, State. 
 
 By the terms of the pardon, the Governor was also to 
 be the sole judge of the violation of these conditions. The 
 pardon was signed by Arthur, with the stipulation that he 
 accepted all the conditions, and became liable to be re-ar 
 rested and imprisoned for the full term, if any one condi 
 tion was violated. 
 
 These conditions were violated by the prisoner becoming 
 repeatedly intoxicated, and by various minor criminal acts on 
 his part. 
 
 Under this state of facts Arthur was re-arrested upon a 
 warrant issued by the Governor, and was recommitted to the 
 penitentiary. 
 
 After the recommitment Arthur sued out a writ of Habeas 
 Corpus, by virtue of which he was brought before the Dis 
 trict Court of Lee county to test the legality of the second 
 imprisonment. 
 
 Two points were raised on demurrer to the writ: One 
 that the Governor could not grant a conditional pardon. 
 The other that the violations of the conditions could only be 
 determined by judicial investigation, and not by the Gov 
 ernor himself. 
 
 The District Court held that the points were well taken, 
 and discharged the prisoner. 
 
 An appeal from this decision was taken to the Supreme 
 Court, and on this appeal the decision of the court below 
 was reversed. 
 
 Thus the Governor was fully sustained in his action by 
 the Supreme Court, and this case has become a leading one, 
 and has been relied upon by all subsequent Governors in 
 granting conditional pardons. 
 
 At the session of the Legislature in 1876 a United States 
 
344 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Senator was to be chosen. Among the Republican aspirants 
 for the place were James Harlan, Hiram Price, W. W. Bel 
 knapp, G. W. McCrary and S. J. Kirk wood, five very able, 
 honest men of ripe experience in public affairs, any one of 
 whom would honor the place. The contest for the position 
 was the greatest between Mr. Harlan and Gov. Kirkwood, 
 and Mr. Harlan had a stronger following than any one of 
 the five except the Governor. While it was in progress a 
 letter was received from Gov. Grimes, who favored Kirk- 
 wood's election, which it was supposed would advance the 
 chances of Kirkwood and disparage those of Mr. Harlan. 
 A conference of the friends of the Governor was called to 
 determine whether it should be used for that purpose, and 
 they unanimously said u use it." Replying to them, Gov 
 ernor K. said: "The letter shall not be used for that pur 
 pose. 1 have never pulled down a man in my own party 
 for the purpose of building myself up, and I will not do it 
 now. If I rise and succeed, I rise and win on my own 
 merits. " 
 
 Before the meeting of the joint convention for the elec 
 tion Mr. Harlan' s name was withdrawn, when in the Repub 
 lican caucus Governor K. got a majority of two over all his 
 competitors. 
 
 Within five days of his inauguration as a third term Gov 
 ernor, he was elected to serve his second term as United 
 States Senator, but as he would not take his seat as a Sena 
 tor before a year from the following fourth of March, he 
 served a little more than one-half of his third term as Gov 
 ernor before he resigned that office. 
 
 The election for Senator took place on Wednesday, and 
 the Governor returned to his home in Iowa City on Satur 
 day, and in the meantime preparations had been made by 
 his neighbors, without respect to party, to give him a warm 
 and generous reception. Lyon's band of twenty pieces vol 
 unteered their services for the occasion, and accompanied 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 345 
 
 the reception committee to the depot, where they awaited 
 the arrival of the train. When the train neared the depot 
 one gun was fired, and the band played "Hail to the Chief," 
 and amid the huzzas of the crowd the Governor alighted 
 and was immediately conveyed to a carriage and driven to 
 the St. James Hotel. A senatorial salute of fifteen guns 
 was fired while the party was in transit from the depot to the 
 hotel. After supper the Governor was conducted by the 
 reception committee to Ham's Hall, where an immense* crowd 
 awaited him, hundreds being unable to gain admittance. 
 His entrance to the hall was the signal for the wildest dem 
 onstration of applause, and after the noise and confusion had 
 subsided, Hon. L. B. Patterson, a life-long Democrat, who 
 presided, advanced on the platform and with a few appro 
 priate remarks introduced Prof. W. G. Hammond, of the 
 Law School, who addressed Gov. Kirkwood as follows : 
 
 "Honored Sir. Our and your neighbors' without distinction of 
 party, have gathered together to welcome you, and have selected me 
 as their spokesman to express in feeble language their love and esteem 
 for you. It is our peculiar privilege to love and honor you as a friend 
 and neighbor. [Applause.] Your past record is a record of noble 
 opportunities, nobly improved. The fact that, after ten years of 
 absence from political life, they have called you to the highest office 
 the State can confer, is a distinction of which I find no parallel in our 
 annals. [Applause.] We have seen five competitors, of whom it is 
 safe to say, no one would have dishonored the office. We have seen 
 months of struggle ended by a few days of partisan activity; we have 
 seen the representatives of the people meet without having given 
 pledges to fill this high Senatorial office; and finally among the men 
 able, and pure and worthy, we have seen the ablest, and purest and 
 worthiest elected. [Applause.] It is a grand thing to be the repre 
 sentative of the State, washed by the rivers which are the two greatest 
 arteries of the Republic, and within whose borders are one and a half 
 million of freemen, a State which is destined to be the keystone of 
 the arch which sustains the liberties of the nation. We rejoice that 
 there will be in the Senate ONE heart that will not quail, and ONE 
 voice that will ever be raised for the right. 
 
 "However long the time may be before the people permit you to 
 retire from public life, may there be for you the reward of a well 
 spent life, and when the end of life shall come, may your last glance 
 
346 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 fall as it does to-night, upon the friends who honor and respect 
 you." 
 
 At the conclusion of Prof. Hammond's eloquent address 
 of welcome, Gov. Kirkwood arose and was received with 
 vociferous cheers which continued several minutes. When 
 order was restored the Governor, who seemed much affected 
 by this spontaneous demonstration of his neighbors, said: 
 
 "Mr. President, Respected Friends and Neighbors: I suspected 
 from a 'despatch received yesterday, and I learned by a newspaper I 
 read on the train, that I was to have a reception here to night. I 
 should be dull and insensate if I did not appreciate the honor done me 
 by the people of the State of Iowa. As you all know, the people, con 
 trary to my wishes, elected me Governor, and recently the party to 
 which I belong have elected me to the Senate. I have lived in Iowa 
 City twenty-one years, and I love, as you all do the city in which we 
 live. We all feel as we ought to, the friendship which gives greeting 
 to one who has drawn a prize in the Lottery of Life. I will promise, 
 and that is all I have ever promised, that in the discharge of my 
 duties, I will do the best that I can, and if what I shall do will meet 
 your approval when done I shall feel fully rewarded." 
 
 When the Governor concluded his remarks there was 
 another enthusiastic outburst of applause, and when quiet 
 was again restored, loud calls were made for Hon. Kush 
 Clark, who was enthusiastically received. He made a few 
 congratulatory remarks and was followed by Hon. E. Clark, 
 Senator Rumple of Iowa County, and Hon. R. S. Finkbine. 
 
 In taking his seat as Senator from Iowa, in the Forty- 
 sixth Congress, in the formation of committees he was placed 
 on the Committees on Foreign Relations, Post Offices and 
 Post Roads, and afterwards made a member of the Com 
 mittee on Pensions. 
 
 Before the meeting of the Congress to which he was 
 elected, Jas. G. Blaine then a member of the Senate, being 
 in Des Moines, in company with Hon. R. S. Finkbine, and 
 inquiring of that gentleman what kind of a Senator Governor 
 Kirkwood would make, got this reply : 
 
 "Some day when you will least expect it, and when a matter is 
 before the Senate involving a constitutional question, he will get up 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 347 
 
 apparently without any previous preparation, and in a speech of no 
 great length, will discuss that question and present every point so 
 clearly, illustrating it so aptly, and reach his conclusions so directly 
 that you will all wonder why you have not taken the same view of the 
 subject that he does, and have reached his conclusions before by the 
 same chain of reasoning." 
 
 After the delivery in the Senate of his speech on the 
 Army Appropriation Bill by Governor K., on the 21st of 
 June, 1879, these two gentlemen, meeting each other in 
 Washington, Mr. Elaine, said to Mr. Finkbine: " Your pre 
 diction in regard to Gov. Kirkwood has heen verified. The 
 constitutional question has arisen. The speech has been 
 made. His solution of the question was the true one, and 
 was so considered by all his political friends, and it has been 
 adopted by them." 
 
 This question was the tangled skein of the extent and 
 limitation of the powers and rights of the States and General 
 Government, which such men as Clay, Webster, Calhoun 
 and Benton wore their finger nails off trying to untangle 
 without satisfaction to themselves or friends, but which Gov. 
 Kirkwood unraveled and straightened out to the comprehen 
 sion of all. This is the speech: (It was to us, and will go 
 down to posterity as the best exposition of the relations of 
 the States and National Government to each other ever 
 made.) 
 
 SPEECH OF HON. SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, having under consider 
 ation the bill making appropriations for the support of the army for 
 the fiscal year ending June 30, 1880, and for other purposes 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD said: 
 
 Mr. President: ~ [ propose with the indulgence of the Senate, to 
 consume a short time in discussing the question that I apprehend to be 
 involved in the amendment under consideration. That amendment 
 raises the question under what circumstances, if any, the Government 
 of the United States can use its troops to keep the peace at the polls on 
 the occasion of electing Representatives in Congress. That is the ques 
 tion; and that question, in my judgment, depends upon the answer to 
 another question, which is this: Is there any valid law of Congress 
 which on election day may be obstructed, may be hindered in its execu- 
 
348 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 tiou, may be resisted by force and violence at the polls? ILthat be so, 
 then not only, in my judgment, can the Government of the United 
 States use the army to put down that resistance, but it is its bouaden 
 duty so to do. That we have a law on the statute-book regulating 
 elections for Representatives in Congress no man will deny. We know 
 that, if we knew it in no other way, from the efforts made at this ses 
 sion to repeal that law. 
 
 But it has been suggested that that law is not a constitutional law, 
 and, therefore, not binding. I will examine that question briefly. If 
 it is proper to call the position held by a Representative in Congress 
 an office and him an officer, then I say that the office of Representative 
 in Congress is an office of the United States and not of the State. The 
 Representative is a United States officer and not a State officer. The 
 Constitution of the United States creates the office. Until that instru 
 ment was formed there was no such office. The office is not created 
 by the State from which the representative conies; it is the creation of 
 the United States. The Constitution of the United States says who 
 may hold the office; the State constitution cannot say anything touch 
 ing that question. The Constitution of the United States says who may 
 vote for the officer, fixing a qualification, to which the State cannot 
 add, and from which it cannot take. The Constitution of the United 
 States prescribes how the compensation for the officer shall be ascer 
 tained, by the action of Congress and not by the action of the State 
 from which he comes; and when the amount of his compensation has 
 been ascertained, it is drawn from the Treasury of the United States 
 and not from the treasury of the State: He has certain powers given 
 to him, certain duties are imposed upon him. They all arise under the 
 Constitution of the United States, and not under the constitution of the 
 State. When he is elected he brings to the House in which he claims 
 a seat a certificate from the governor of the State from which he 
 comes, which certificate gives him aprima facie right, as it is termed; 
 but whether he is entitled to hold it or not depends, not upon the action 
 of his State, but upon the decision of the House of which he claims 
 to be a member. Certain privileges are conferred upon him by the 
 Constitution of the United States solely, not by the State from which 
 he comes. When he has been elected and taken his seat, he may be 
 expelled from that seat without asking the leave'or permission of the 
 State from which he comes. 
 
 He is an officer of the United States, then, if it is proper to apply 
 that term to the position. It seems to me that any one examining our 
 Constitution and seeking to learn its meaning, having ascertained that 
 much in regard to these officers, would naturally look into the same 
 instrument to see whether or not there was any provision made there 
 as to the manner in which these officers should be chosen. He would 
 do that. Why? Because it is peculiarly appropriate, I think; because 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 349 
 
 it seems to be in accordance with the eternal fitness of things that every 
 government should determine the manner in which its own agents 
 shall be selected. Looking at our Constitution, then, with that end 
 in view, we find that there is a provision made there upon that subject; 
 and that provision is substantially this: The States shall, in the first 
 place, prescribe the times, places, and manner in which Representatives 
 in Congress shall be elected. That the people who formed our Consti 
 tution said for themselves, but they said in addition that at any time 
 the Congress representing the United States might make such regula 
 tions or might alter such as it found to exist. 
 
 Now, it seems to me that certain propositions are too plain for 
 argument. One of them is this: Whatever power the States have on 
 this subject, is given to them by the Constitution of the United States, 
 and whatever power the States have by that instrument, is reserved to 
 be exercised by the United States whenever the United States shall so 
 choose to exercise it. There cannot be any dispute about this. Let 
 me make an illustration: Suppose that when we meet on the 1st day of 
 December next we are here without rules for our government; we 
 cannot transact business; we raise a Committee on Rules, and say by 
 resolution that they shall prepare rules for the government of this 
 body in order to the orderly transaction of its business; but the Senate 
 may at any time make or alter such rules. Is not the power reserved 
 to the Senate just as broad as the power conferred upon the committee? 
 Must it not be so necessarily? And when the people of the United 
 States wrote in their Constitution that the States might regulate the 
 times, places, and manner of voting in these elections, but the Con 
 gress might at any time make or alter those regulations, they did pre 
 cisely what I have supposed in the case of making rules for the Senate 
 by a committee of the body. 
 
 If this be so, then it follows that the Congress of the Unitedi States 
 has the right to place upon our statute-books laws regulating the man 
 ner of the election of Representatives in Congress. They have done 
 so. Some fault is found with some of the details of that law. It is 
 said in regard to the deputy marshals that we have too many of them. 
 That may be true; but what remedy do our Democratic statesmen pro. 
 pose? To abolish the office of deputy marshal; not to reduce the 
 number but to abolish the office totally. It is said that the com 
 pensation of those officers is too high. That may be; but the remedy 
 proposed, again by Democratic statesmanship, is not to reduce the 
 compensation, but to abolish the office. Some people think that our 
 compensation here is too high. I do not believe it is; but I never 
 heard the wildest reformer yet propose as a remedy that the office of 
 Senator in Congress, if it be an office, should be abolished. It would 
 be more difficult still, I think, to get the approval of that remedy than 
 it would the approval of the remedy of a reduction of compensation. 
 
350 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Again, gentlemen say in regard to these deputy marshals that they 
 are not men of good character. It may be; there may be bad and 
 improper men among them; it would be strange if there were iiot. 
 It has been said that bad men get in here sometimes. The old rem 
 edy comes back; and o.ir Democratic friends insist that the cure for 
 the fact that some bad men have been selected is not to make pre 
 cautions that better men may be selected in the future, but that the 
 office shall be abolished. Is there not a dearth of statesmanship in 
 our Democratic friends when they have but the one remedy for all 
 evils. I remember (it has been so long since that I may have forgot 
 ten very much about it), in reading the good old novel of Don Quixote, 
 perhaps; there was a doctor in it, Dr. Sangrado, who had one cure 
 for all diseases, and but one. I seems to me our Democratic friends 
 have been reading that book a little and have fallen into the ideas 
 entertained by him. 
 
 MB. DAVIS, of Illinois It was in Gil Bias. 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD I had forgotten ; I have been so busy for a great 
 many years that I have not had the opportunity of indulging in gen 
 eral reading to the extent that I should like to have done. 
 
 Last Sunday I bought a copy of the New York Herald, and I pro 
 pose to read a few extracts from an editorial contained in that pa| er: 
 
 "Within about a fortnight we have had to report on an average two 
 cases a day either of assault by the police upon citizens in their houses 
 or in the streets, or of the arraignment of policemen before justices on 
 charges of assault or personal outrages of an even graver nature. 
 Upon trivial differences within the limit of the rights of the people it is 
 dangerous to exchange a word Aviih a policeman." 
 
 This of course refers to the policemen of the city of New York. 
 
 MR. HILL, of Georgia You are not reading that against us of the 
 South now? 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD I will make the application after awhile. The 
 article from which I quote proceeds: 
 
 "Not only is it perilous to bandy words with these guardians of the 
 public peace, but the citizen who does not quietly submit to invasions 
 of his domicile, is in a fair way to get to the nearest hospital in a cart. 
 
 In a tenement-house row an officer came upon the scene in the pas 
 sage on the level of the street, presumably to pacify the row. He was 
 saluted with unpleasant language from an upper window. Immedi 
 ately his duty was forgotten. The dispute which had brought him to 
 the scene became suddenly trivial in his eyes and unworthy attention. 
 He mounted the stairs and clubbed the poor civature above, so that he 
 now lies in a bad way with a leg in splints. But this person had been 
 guilty of no breach of the peace and was in his own house. No act had 
 been committed that would in any circumstance have justified his 
 arrest. Only the dignity of the policeman had been offended, and that 
 must be revenged at any cost. And that is a type of the dealings of the 
 police with these people. The average policeman is simply a cham 
 pion bully, ready to enforce with his club, not order, but the recogni- 
 ion of his personal supremacy on his beat." 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 351 
 
 Here is a little more from the same editorial: 
 
 "It is shown by the trial of the Manhattan Bank robbers that honesty 
 is regarded as of so little account on the police, that theft does not dis 
 qualify a man for holding a place. An officer is now in custody on the 
 charge that he was an accomplice of those robbers, and if this is true 
 it is the fourth robbery in which he is believed to have been concerned, 
 as the police authorities know. He was a gambler before he went on 
 the police, and as he was found out by one captain after another in 
 his various exploits, what was done with him? He was removed each 
 time to some other precinct where the captain did not know him." 
 
 Here is another extract: 
 
 "Some time ago a couple of detectives were caught in predatory 
 operations also, and they were not dismissed either. They were made 
 roundsmen." 
 
 I do not know what that term means. 
 
 MR. CONKLING Patrolmen, walking around. 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD And it concludes: 
 
 "So that this is a part of the system." 
 
 And now for the application. If it be true that there is found occa 
 sionally upon a police force improper men, dishonest men, brutal men, 
 is that a good cause for abolishing the police? Has it ever occurred to 
 the authorities or the people of New York City to abolish the whole 
 number of policemen in that city? That is the remedy our Democratic 
 friends insist upon in regard to the deputy marshals, that because some 
 of them have been ascertained to be improper persons, therefore the 
 whole body shall be abolished. But I do not think the good people of 
 the city of New York, because bad men get upon the police force of 
 that city, would be willing to abolish the police force of the city. If 
 the things that are alleged here in regard to the police of the city of 
 New York be true, and if things equally as bad were proven to be true 
 in regard to these deputy marshals, how the eloquence of the Senator 
 from Indiana [MR. VOORHEES] would be heard in this Chamber 
 denouncing the brutality of intrusting the keeping of the peace at the 
 polls to such men. And yet it is precisely to such men as have charge 
 of the preservation of the peace in the city of New York that the Dem 
 ocrats desire to submit wholly the elections. This is outside of my 
 line of argument, however. 
 
 A very pertinent question was asked by the Senator from South 
 Carolina [MR. HAMPTON] a few days ago. I do not see him in his seat, 
 and yet I will refer to the matter, because it involves nothing but 
 what can be referred to either in his presence or in his absence. He 
 made the statement that until within a few years last past, Congress 
 had never exercised the power to regulate 1 the manner in which these 
 elections shall be held; and he asked the pertinent question why now 
 it should be done. He was not entirely accurate I think in his state 
 ment. A good many years ago, ho\v long I cannot remember, but 
 before the Republican party had an existence, Congress commenced 
 
352 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 the work of regulating the manner of the election of members of Con 
 gress. For many years, when I was a much younger man than I am 
 now, some of the States of this Union elected their members of Con 
 gress by general ticket, and they continued in that practice until Con 
 gress, believing it to be a bad practice, remedied it by providing that 
 the elections should be held by single districts and not by general 
 ticket. 
 
 MR. HILL, of Georgia That was in 1842, 1 think. 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD I had forgotten the date, but it was long ago. 
 But the question still recurs what reason was there why this custom 
 that had prevailed so long should not be allowed to continue ? It 
 strikes me that there are two good and sufficient reasons why it should 
 be so. Ihere are in the city of New York about one-third as many 
 people as the entire population of the original thirteen States at the 
 time we achieved our independence. There are, I apprehend, in half 
 a dozen of our large cities as great a number of people as the entire 
 population of Ihe old thirteen colonies was at that time. While this 
 brings advantages, it brings disadvantages also with it. As wealth 
 is concentrated in the hands of comparatively few in our large cities, 
 and ease and luxury and all the accompaniments of wealth go with 
 wealth-, it also happens that vice grows as well. I do not pretend to 
 give from official data what I am about to say, but I believe I am cor 
 rect in saying that there are to-day in the city of New York more pro 
 fessional criminals and by that I mean men who make their living 
 by the commission of crime as their business than the entire popula 
 tion cf that city contained at the time our independence was achieved; 
 and the same holds largely true as to all our large cities. This is a 
 condition of affairs that did not exist when the custom that is so much 
 honored now, about leaving the elections solely to the States, origin 
 ated. In many localities in these large cities four-fifths of the voting 
 population are men with whom no gentleman who hears me would 
 trust either life or property if he thought either could be taken from 
 him without detection. A different system is required, a different 
 supervision is required, different care is required in dealing with such 
 men than was required in dealing with the men who gave their votes 
 at the time when our Government was formed. That is one reason. 
 
 Another reason is that, as a consequence of the civil war through 
 which we passed, the war of the rebellion, some four million people 
 who were formerly slaves are now free men. That has produced and 
 must for years to come produce difficulty, trouble, trial, hardship in 
 the communities where this great change has occurred. It could not 
 be otherwise, unless we could change human nature, and we cannot 
 do that. The men who were formerly masters will not consent, if by 
 any means they can avoid it, to be ruled by the men who were form 
 erly their slaves. This produces a condition of things there that does 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 353 
 
 require supervision not merely by those who live there and of the 
 master race, but by others as well ; so that I contend there is good 
 cause for saying to-day that the old system that obtained for so many 
 years should be changed and a different and, we hope, a better system 
 substituted for it. 
 
 But to come back, if I am correct in holding that Congress has the 
 right to make an election law and that the laws on that subject upon 
 our statute-book are constitutional, then the question arises what 
 power has Congress to enforce its own law ? Must it depend upon 
 some other power, some other authority, or must it rely upon its own 
 power and its own authority to carry into effect and put down oppo 
 sition and resistance to the laws of its own enactment ? I have no 
 doubt upon that subject, Mr. President. A government that cannot 
 do that is an incomplete and an inefficient government, as much so as 
 a human being who is born with one leg or with one arm, or who is 
 born blind or mute or dumb, is an incomplete person. A government 
 that has to rely upon something else than itself, upon some power 
 other than its own to enforce its own law, is not a government; and if 
 ours is such the sooner we abandon it and substitute for it something 
 better, the better for it and for us. 
 
 Let me make myself understood now. There is a great deal of talk 
 about the Government of the United States interfering in the States to 
 keep the peace. Nobody claims that it has the right to do that ordina 
 rily; but it is claimed that whenever a constitutional law is passed by 
 Congress it goes of its own power, not by favor, not by permission 
 from anybody, but of its own constitutional vigor it goes through the 
 whole length and breadth of our land and attaches to and becomes 
 part, so to speak, of every inch of our soil. 
 
 That is my theory. It attaches not only to the soil but to every 
 man living upon it, unless by special provision he is a foreigner rep 
 resenting his own country here as an embassador, or in some such 
 way is exempted from its operation. I care not where it may be, 
 wherever that law of this Government goes the agents of this Govern 
 ment to enforce it have the right to go, again not by favor, not by 
 permission, but because the law has gone before them and opened the 
 way for them. They ask no permission of any man, or of any State, 
 or of any power. They ask no power of any man, or of any State, or 
 of any authority. They go by the same power and authority that the 
 law itself goes, and when those engaged in the administration of the 
 law, the. power of this Government, civil and military, the power of 
 forty-five millions of people stands with them, above them, below 
 them, behind them, around them, to guard and protect them against 
 any and all power that may oppose them in the lawful execution of 
 that law. 
 
 J,ft me TOke the distinction, TWO yearg ftgo it happened that in 
 
354 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 the city of Pittsburgh, in the State of Pennsylvania, there occurred a 
 great riot. For many days, I do not know how many, all traffic and 
 travel was suspended. Immense amounts of property were destroyed. 
 People from the State in which [ live beyond the Mississippi River 
 wished to go to New York. They could not go there by that route. 
 They had property being transported from one State to the other, but 
 it could not reach its destination by that route, and the United States 
 Government could not help them. Why ? Because there was not 
 what there should be, there was no law of Congress protecting inter 
 state trade. I hope to see the day in my time here when w r e shall 
 have such a law. Therefore, the question whether our people should 
 travel through Pennsylvania, or whether their goods should go 
 through Pennsylvania, depended not upon the Government of the 
 United States but upon the government of the State of Pennsylvania, 
 and the Government of the United States in that regard could not 
 interfere until called upon by the Governor of the State of Pennsyl 
 vania to aid him in putting down the riot so as to let people again 
 travel through the State and traffic again be carried on. 
 
 But while that is true, it is also true on the other hand that there 
 were laws of the United States at that time that were obstructed and 
 resisted; laws providing for the transportation of the mails were upon 
 our statute-book. My belief is that just as soon as it became apparent 
 to the President of the United States that the local authorities were 
 insufficient to protect the mails of the United States in being carried 
 over those roads, it was not only his privilege but it was his duty to 
 see to it that the local authorities, the civil authorities of the Govern 
 ment being inefficient to protect the carrying of the mails of the 
 United States and the enforcement of the United States' laws for their 
 protection it was his business to see to it that the Army of the United 
 States was sent there, and that every man found resisting the trans 
 mission of the mails in accordance with law, obstructing their trans 
 mission, should be swept out of the way. 
 
 MR. MAXEY Will the Senator yield to me a moment ? 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD Certainly. 
 
 MR. MAXEY I want to understand the proposition of the Senator 
 from Iowa on this point. Does the Senator mean to say to the Senate 
 that the United States could have sent an army to Pittsburgh without 
 a legislative call if the Legislature of Penns3 r lvania were in session, or 
 an executive call in the absence of the Legislature, under the fourth 
 section of the fourth article of the Constitution, outside of that article, 
 independent of that article ? Does the Senator mean to say the Army 
 could have been sent there independent of that? 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD Certainly I do. 
 
 MR. MAXEY I merely wanted to understand the Senator. 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD If that is not true, then the question whether the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 355 
 
 laws of the United States shall be enforced depends not upon the 
 Government of the United States but upon the government of Penn 
 sylvania. 
 
 MR. MAXEY The point I wanted to make, I will state to the Sen 
 ator from Iowa, was this: That the Federal Government has no power 
 except that which is granted upon the face of the Constitution. The 
 mode and manner in which a riot can be stopped in a State is laid 
 down in the Constitution, and the point at which the power of the 
 Federal Government can be brought into exercise to suppress a riot or 
 an insurrection is laid down on the face of the Constitution in the 
 fourth section of the fourth article, aud nowhere else. That being the 
 case, and the only case, in which the Federal troops can be called out 
 upon a demand by the Legislature, if it be in session, or if it cannot be 
 convened, then by the State executive, can the United States Govern 
 ment, ex mero motu, send its troops there without a call from the 
 Legislature or the executive of the State when the Legislature is not 
 in session? 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD Clearly in my judgment it can, and I have been 
 trying to explain why I think so. I have said that if there had been 
 no law of the United States resisted there, no violent, forcible opposi 
 tion to the laws of the United States there, nothing but a breach of the 
 peace of the State of Pennsylvania there, of course the Army 
 could not be sent there until invited by the authorities of the State of 
 Pennsylvania; but whenever in the State of Pennsylvania or in any 
 other State (this is my theory, I do not pretend to speak for anybody 
 other than myself; I have no authority to do so) the laws of the United 
 States are resisted and overborne, then the Government of the United 
 States has power to use the whole force of this nation to enforce 
 them. 
 
 MR. MAXEY I want to understand the Senator. I do not inter 
 rupt him for any other purpose. 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD Of course not. 
 
 MR. MAXEY Does not the Constitution point out how the Govern 
 ment of the United States is to be advised of the fact that the sup 
 pression of an insurrection is beyond the power of a State to suppress 
 it? Can the United States bring its strong hand down upon the State 
 until the State calls for aid in the mode pointed out by the Constitu 
 tion ? That is the point upon which I want to understand the 
 Senator. 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD The provision to which the Senator from Texas 
 alludes is the provision for the protection of a State and the enforce 
 ment of the peace of the State. It has nothing to do with the laws of 
 the United States; it has nothing to do with their enforcement or their 
 execution. It is when the laws of the State of Pennsylvania cannot be 
 enforced by the authority of the State of Pennsylvania that the State 
 
356 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 of Pennsylvania has the right to call upon the President of the United 
 States to enforce her own laws in her own limits. It does not touch 
 the question of the execution of the laws of the United States. 
 
 MR. MAXEY Then, if the Senator will pardon me, I understand 
 his position to be, and I want to understand it, that the laws of the 
 United States are required to be exercised within the limits of the 
 State; that a law itself, in proprio vigore, goes along with it ; and if it 
 is necessary for the Arm} 7 to enforce that law, that too goes along 
 with it. 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD Certainly it does go with that law. 
 
 MR. MAXEY There I differ with the Senator, so far as that is con 
 cerned. 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD Take the case cited by the Senator from Vir 
 ginia a few days ago, of an election in his State that caused some 
 excitement and feeling in that State, I apprehend. It will illustrate 
 my idea. As I said before, it is only my idea ; it binds nobody but 
 myself; it may be totally wrong, but I believe it to be right. In the 
 spring of a certain year, I do not remember the year, an election was 
 held in Petersburgh, Virginia. What year was that ? 
 
 MR. ALLISON In 1876. 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD In the spring of that year an election was held for 
 local officers or State officers, I do not remember which. 
 
 MR. WITHERS For municipal officers merely. 
 
 MR. KIRKWOOD The United States had nothing to do with that. 
 It affected the State of Virginia only and solely. It was the business 
 of the State of Virginia to maintain peace at the polls on the day of 
 the election; but if the State of Virginia should be unable to main 
 tain the peace on that day, if not occurred, if the State laws were 
 resisted, then Virginia had the right to call upon the President of the 
 United States, to do what? To send troops there to aid Virginia in 
 enforcing her own laws in her own limits. But afterward, during the 
 same year, there was an election to occur there at which there was a 
 member of Congress to be elected, and then the law of the United 
 States prescribing rules for the election of members of Congress was 
 in force at that place in Virginia just as much as at the preceding 
 spring the laws of the State in regard to the election of municipal 
 officers had been in force there. When the President was informed, 
 upon information on which he relied, that there was danger that the 
 Federal laws were then to be resisted there, he did a wise and a pru 
 dent thing in sending troops, not to go to the polls, but in case a col 
 lision occurred for them to be there in case the State could not enforce 
 the law and keep the peace, to see to it that the United States power 
 was there to enforce the United States' law .there as well as every place 
 pise. 
 
 I wish to say a few words more on this subject, Mr. President. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD. 357 
 
 When I first read this bill before its passage in the other House, I said, 
 in consultation or rather in conversation with some of my colleagues 
 from my State in the House that I thought the section of the bill upon 
 which this debate proceeds was a mere excrescence on the bill itself, 
 an impertinence, so to speak, meaning no disrespect to those who 
 favor the section. It was just as senseless, in my judgment, as if it 
 had provided that no part of the appropriation should be used to pay 
 the Army if the Army were used as a professional base-ball club or a 
 traveling circus or a Pinafore company; because I had never heard 
 it claimed by any one, Democrat or Republican, that it was intended 
 by the Government of the United States to send men to the polls to 
 take the place of police officers, bailiffs, and constables there. 
 
 Let me illustrate again my meaning, sir. We have in the State in 
 which I live courts of the United States; we have doorkeepers and 
 bailiffs, and I do not know what other officers to execute the mandates 
 of the courts, marshals among others. I never understood anybody 
 to claim that we ought to turn these men out of office and place an 
 armed soldier carrying a musket with a bayonet at the door to act as 
 doorkeeper, and another beside the judges on the bench as their bailiff, 
 and other armed soldiers all through the building to do the duties 
 ordinarily performed by marshals and their deputies. I never under 
 stood that to be claimed by anyone, but I did understand it to be 
 claimed that if an armed force of rioters should go into the court house 
 in the State of Iowa, and imperil the execution of the laws of the 
 United States there so as to interfere with the orderly administration 
 of justice by the United States officers, and the civil authorities there 
 were not sufficient to put down that violence, then the President could 
 call from San Francisco or New York, or elsewhere, wherever there 
 may be a regiment or a company of troops, all the armed force neces 
 sary to see to it that peace and law and good order shall be maintained 
 about the buildings, and that the men who are charged there with the 
 enforcement and execution of the laws of the United States, just as 
 everywhere else where they are so charged, shall be allowed to pro 
 ceed in an orderly and a quiet way to do it, and that all the men who 
 are disposed to obstruct must get out of the way. 
 
 Mr. President, I come to the main cause of my troubling the Senate 
 upon this occasion, a thing that I very seldom do. I want to find out 
 what our Democratic friends mean by this bill. I have repeated here 
 what I said to my colleagues in the other House. I was bound to do so. 
 The respect of those gentlemen is of value to me, and my own respect 
 is of more value to me than their respect, and having said it to them 
 I was bound to let any man who chooses to inquire about it know that 
 I had done so. Now I want to know just precisely what is the mean 
 ing of this section. It was claimed by some gentlemen, it was believed 
 by myself, that the only meaning of it was, that when election day 
 
358 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 comes around the President shall not surround any of the polls in the 
 city of New York, for example, with armed soldiers, so that the men 
 who go there to exercise the right to vote shall not be compelled to 
 pass through files of armed soldiers. I supposed that to be the mean 
 ing of it, and aside from its impertinence I saw no harm in it, because 
 no man ever claimed that troops could be used for that purpose, so far 
 as my knowledge went, or that they should be used to make the arrests 
 ordinarily made by policemen there. No man ever claimed that. It 
 was only when disturbance and violence occurred and the peace offi 
 cers could not put it down that the United States with its armed 
 soldiers in aid of the civil officers should put down that disturbance 
 and violence on the da} 7 when members of Congress were being elected, 
 under the laws of the United States. 
 
 Now I say, in all kindness and all frankness, it is not for the Senate 
 of the United States to pass a law, the meaning of which is shown to 
 be doubtful. Am 1 right? Is it a becoming thing in this body, said to 
 be the most dignified, deliberative body in the world ah, well we will 
 continue to say so is it becoming in this body, when the fact is 
 brought to its attention, that upon the face of a bill pending before it 
 for action, uncertainty, doubt, dispute exists as to what is the true 
 meaning of that bill, that it shall not be made clear? Is it just to our 
 selves that we should allow that doubt to continue? Is it just to other 
 departments of the government that we should allow that doubt to 
 continue? Is it just to the people of this country that we should allow 
 that doubt to continue and perhaps cause further strife and confusion 
 and bitterness through the length and breadth of our land? Does it 
 not become us as honest men, as intelligent men, does it not become us 
 as Senators, to remove all doubt as to what the meaning of this thing 
 is, and say whether it means that the troops shall not go the polls on 
 election day to exercise the duties commonly performed by ordinary 
 policemen, or whether it is intended to say that the United States 
 troops shall not go there, when the ordinary civil power is insufficient 
 to protect the people at the polls, to furnish that protection? 
 
 That is one question to be determined by the Senate, Mr. President, 
 and if Senators will not inform us by speeches of what they under 
 stand this language to mean, we, on this side, have the privilege of 
 testing them in the way of amendments, and I apprehend that unless 
 they pursue the policy we did a night or two ago and fail to vote, we 
 shall get to know just what they mean before this bill is safely passed. 
 
 There is another matter I propose to notice, and I shall be very 
 brief. At various times, when political excitement ran somewhat high 
 during the session, I had made up my mind that I would make a political 
 speech. I was saved the necessity of doing so by having it done by 
 gentlemen much abler than myself to do it. But there is one thing to 
 which I wish to allude in a single remark. Much has been said here 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 359 
 
 about the desire of the Republican party to revive the bitter feelings 
 engendered by the war for political purposes in the North. It has 
 been said by gentlemen, not from the South perhaps as much as by 
 gentlemen from the North, upon the other side of the Chamber that 
 the people of the North, the Republicans of the North especially, hate 
 the people of the South. Mr. President, that is not true. They do not 
 either hate them or fear them. I speak the latter word in the worst 
 sense of the term. They wish the prosperity of the people of the South 
 as well as they do of any other section of our country. They wish 
 that prosperity because the people of the South are part of our great 
 family, and if you will not believe that we wish you prosperity for 
 that reason, then believe it for a worse, lower, more selfish reason. 
 We have common sense enough to know that your prosperity is the 
 prosperity of the country of which we are a part. Give us credit for 
 selfishness at least, if for nothing else but that. We do desire your 
 prosperity, and we know, we think we know, that that is to be obtained 
 on the sole condition of peace, quiet and good order among you. 
 
 There has been within the last three months considerable feeling, 
 and there is to-day in the North, more than there was six months ago. 
 In my judgment we on this side of the Chamber are more responsible 
 for it. The people of Iowa (and I can speak for them, I think, having 
 had a long acquaintance with them) love the union of these States. 
 They sacrificed much to perpetuate it. It is with us not merely a 
 matter of sentiment, but a matter of necessity. We raise a large sur 
 plus of produce that must go abroad, and I tell you we do not intend 
 to ask any man's leave to go abroad with it if we can help it. We 
 \vaut to go through New York. We are perfectly willing to go there 
 and shake hands with that people and deal with them, but we do not 
 ;isk their permission to go through New York to Liverpool with our 
 produce. The good city of New Orleans is at the mouth of the Missis 
 sippi river. We send some I wish we sent more of our products 
 abroad through that city; and I say to the Senators from the State of 
 Louisiana, we do not intend to ask anybody's permission to go down 
 the Mississippi river and out of the mouth of that river just where we 
 please. They foolishly attempted to obstruct the navigation of that 
 river a few years ago, and we wrestled with them about it for a long 
 time until we got it cleared out, and we intend to keep it open. We 
 want to go to China. We do not want to ask the permission of men 
 living on the Pacific slope whether we may go through their country 
 to go there. 
 
 We are bound, as I said, not only by sentiment but by necessity, to 
 the maintenance of this Union; but we have doubts and fears and dis 
 trust in regard to its perpetuity since we had the struggle for its 
 perpetuation. Senators say (and I am bound to take their statements 
 as true) that they are now as warmly attached to this Union as we are. 
 
360 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 I cannot dispute that question with them; but the preservation of this 
 Union depends somewhat upon the strength of this Government. The 
 complaint I have to make, and the complaint that is working its way 
 all through the northern country, is that there is a steady and persist 
 ent effort in every direction and in every way to weaken this Govern 
 ment, to tear off a power here, a power there, and a power elsewhere, 
 one by one, session after session, year after year, until you would 
 leave it incapable of its own preservation. 
 
 We passed a law, assented to by myself with much distrust, a year 
 ago containing the posse comitatus clause. I said nothing about it, 
 because gentlemen to whose judgment I am in the habit of deferring 
 here thought it best to let it go. I wish it were back again. Bills 
 have been laid upon our desks here that we shall have to act upon 
 some day, taking, as I understand, from the courts of the United 
 States the power to declare whether or not the officers of the United 
 States in the execution of their duties have violated the laws. An 
 effort is being made during this extra session to deprive the people of 
 the United States of the power of supervising the election of their Rep 
 resentatives at the other end of the Capitol. This bill is here to-day 
 either meaning nothing or meaning that in the conduct and manage- 
 ment of the election of officers of the United States the people of the 
 United States shall have nothing to do, traveling surely, slowly, sap 
 ping one by one as we think the powers necessary to enable this 
 government to maintain itself. 
 
 During the pendency of the yellow-fever bill, so called, I went to 
 the desk of the Senator from Tennessee (Mr. Harris) to look at a 
 decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, and in looking 
 through it I found what I wish to read to the Senate. It expresses 
 much better than I can, much more clearly than I can, my opinion, 
 and it comes from a source that carries with it infinitely more power 
 and authority than anything I can say. I will read the concluding 
 paragraph in the opinion of Chief Justice Marshall in the case of 
 Gibbons vs. Ogden. 
 
 Powerful and ingenious minds, taking, as postulates, that the pow 
 ers expressly granted to the government of the Union are to be con 
 tracted by construction into the narrowest possible compass and that 
 the original powers of the States are retained, if any possible con 
 struction will retain them, may, by a course of well-digested but 
 refined and metaphysical reasoning founded on these premises, explain 
 away the Constitution of our country and leave it a magnificent struc 
 ture, indeed, to look at, but totally unfit for use. They may so entangle 
 and perplex the understanding as to obscure principles which were 
 before thought quite plain and induce doubts where, if the mind were 
 to pursue its own course, none would be perceived. In such a case it 
 is peculiarly necessary to recur to safe and fundamental principles to 
 sustain those principles, and when sustained to make them the tests of 
 the arguments to be examined. 9 Wheaton^s Reports, 222. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 361 
 
 The people of our Northern States are afraid that that process is 
 going on to-day. They are afraid that the results of that process will 
 be precisely such as are herein written and that 1 have read. It is 
 because of that feeling, because they fear that in the future the time 
 may come that that which has cost them so much to maintain may be 
 lost. I tell you kindly and frankly they intend to see to it carefully, 
 earnestly, prudently, that that result shall not follow. And now when 
 our Democratic friends I hate to use the term in this Chamber when 
 our friends on the other side of the Chamber shall have explained by 
 their votes, if they will not explain otherwise, whether this section 6 
 that was, and section 5 that is now, is a mere excrescence, a mere 
 wart, so to speak, on this bill, a senseless impertinence meaning no 
 offense to anyone when they shall have explained to us by their votes 
 whether that is the case, or whether it means that much larger and 
 greater thing, that in no case shall the government of the United 
 States have power to enforce election laws anywhere and everywhere 
 in the limits of our country, I shall be prepared to cast my vote. 
 
 In following Mr. Kirkwood, Senator Hill, of Georgia, 
 said : 
 
 "Mr. President: I rise to say a few words only. First of all I 
 want to express to the Senator from Iowa, Mr. Kirkwood, the great 
 gratification I have felt in listening to his speech. He has made an>- 
 able, dignified and excellent speech, worthy of a Senator anywhere, 
 and in any age. If all the speeches made on this floor were made in 
 the same spirit, and with the same clearness and patriotic temper 
 which the Senator has exhibited, 1 think what he intimated as doubt 
 ful would never be doubtful again, and that is, whether this is a digni 
 fied body. But I do not agree to all the doctrines of the Senator, and 
 I want to call his attention, for he is an able lawyer my friend shakes 
 his head; yes, he is a good lawyer; I know from the way he talks; he 
 cannot deceive me on that subject. I want to call his attention to the 
 fact that he has made one mistake in the fundamental proposition on 
 which he set out. * * * 1 want my friend to know, and I want his 
 people to know, that the patriotic, the manly, the Catholic, the \ 
 national, the unsectional sentiments which fell from his lips, and ; 
 which I know animate his bosom, meet with a warm and hearty re' : 
 sponse in mine, and in the bosoms of my people. He, and such as he, / 
 whether Republicans or Democrats, we can take to our arms and our 
 hearts and call our fellow citizens." 
 
 A private letter from a prominent gentleman in Wash 
 ington to the Editor of the Republican contains the follow 
 ing: 
 
 "I am glad to see the Iowa papers speak so well of Senator Kirk- 
 
362 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KIRkWOOD. 
 
 wood's speech. It richly deserves all that has been said in its favor. 
 I was fortunate enough to hear most of it. When I entered the Sen 
 ate Mr. Kirkwood was on the floor just getting fairly under way in 
 his speech. He looked every inch a Senator, yet as modest as a child. 
 He had a full house, the galleries were crowded, and there were many 
 on the floor of the Senate, including a large number of members of 
 the House who had come in to hear the speech. Every one listened 
 with close attention. His manner was excellent, and the matter 
 speaks for itself. I think the speech displays great ability in more 
 respects than one. It is clear and logical, comprehensive and conclu 
 sive. It will give full satisfaction to his own party. It presents the 
 Republican side with ability and distinctness. * * * There is no 
 man in the Senate that could have done as well as Kirkwood did. You 
 have read Ben Hill's remarks immediately following Kirkwood. 
 Hill's manner showed that he meant what he said, and it was no idle 
 compliment. That evening Conklin referred to Kirkwood's speech, 
 in very complimentary terms, saying it was the most effective speech 
 made during the session. I heard a number of Senators speak of it 
 in private, and all spoke of it in the highest terms. Don Cameron 
 said, 'The Old Man always talks good sense.' " 
 
 The New York Tribune says : 
 
 "By universal consent, it is pronounced a gem of legal and polit 
 ical oratory. It is rarely the case that senatorial compliments mean 
 anything at all, but when at the end of Governor Kirkwood's speech 
 to-day, Senator Hill rose, and in unstinted terms of praise com 
 mended the matter and manner of the speech, every listener, and 
 there were many of them, mentally said, 'That is true,' He is one 
 of the most amiable men in Congress, and is universally respected for 
 his unswerving integrity of character. 1 ' 
 
 The Dubuque Herald, a Democratic paper, after the 
 delivery and publication of the speech, has this to say : 
 
 "Senator Kirkwood has been making an excellent record of him 
 self during the present session of Congress. He has figured conspic 
 uously on all important questions, his opinions have .invariably been 
 clear, vigorous and timely, and he is astonishing his constituents by 
 an unexpected display of statesmanship. We candidly confess that 
 the opinion hitherto expressed by the Telegraph, that the Senator's 
 age had impaired his usefulness, was premature. He is really one of 
 the most valuable members of the Senate always in his seat at the 
 proper time, always taking an active interest in whatever question 
 may be under consideration, and always cheerfully and faithfully 
 performing whatever committee work may be assigned him. Though 
 he has been in the Senate but little more than half a term, he has 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KlkkWOOb. 363 
 
 achieved a remarkable prominence, and is daily developing qualities 
 that promise ere long to place him in the first rank of legislators." 
 
 Senator Beck said of it : 
 
 "It was the best speech that had been made by a Republican 
 Senator."* 
 
 It even created a deep impression in the South. The 
 Rome, Georgia, Tribune said of it : 
 
 "We do not know when we have read a speech with more 
 pleasure than we did that delivered by Governor Kirkwood in the 
 Senate on the 20th ult. * * * It is characteristic of the man 
 and his conservatism. The speech was delivered in the interest of 
 the country, and not party, and hence it went to the people as apart of 
 the regular proceedings, and not in a supplement for campaign uses. 
 It was as modest as it was patriotic a standard which we can com 
 mend to all as the proper test of merit. * * * We would be glad 
 to lay the speech before our readers, not that we agree with the Sen 
 ator upon his propositions, but to show how manly he has treated the 
 subject. There is much in his arguments which we oppose, and much 
 from which we differ, but the difference is an honest one, and we feel 
 that such a difference can be tolerated by an honest mau." 
 
CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Death of Hon. Bush Clark Oov. Kirkwood' s Speech in the Senate on 
 the Occasion Kirkwood and Vance Speeches in Indiana in 1880 
 Plain Talk to the Business Men of Indianapolis Estimate of 
 Oov. K. as a Stump Speaker. 
 
 On the 28th of April the member of the House of .Repre 
 sentatives in Congress from Gov. Kirkwood's own district, 
 died very suddenly, and proceedings relating to his death 
 were held in both Houses. Among the addresses on that 
 occasion was the following by Senator Kirkwood: 
 
 Mr. President: Other senators have spoken fully of Rush Clark 
 in the ralations he bore to the public whom he had served as a lawyer 
 and a legislator. It becomes me by reason of my more intimate 
 personal acquaintance with him, to speak of him as he was known to 
 those who like my self, had the pleasure and the advantage of frequent, 
 close and friendly intercourse with him. 
 
 He represented in the Forty-fifth Congress, and until his death, in 
 the Forty-sixth Congress, the Congressional district in which I live. I 
 was one of his constituents; he was my fellow-townsman, my neighbor, 
 and I am glad to be able to say, my friend. He was by some two years 
 an older resident of our young State than myself. When I went to 
 reside in Iowa City in 1855, I found him there a young man and a 
 young lawyer, struggling for and gradually winning by his knowledge 
 of the law, his close attention to his business, his energy and his perse 
 verance, that high rank in his profession to which he afterwards 
 attained. When he came to Iowa his capital, or as we sometimes 
 express it in our quaint western way, his " outfit " was his head, his 
 heart, and his hands; a clear head, a stout heart, and willing hands. 
 
 After closing his collegiate life in Pennsylvania, he judged, as I 
 think wisely, that there was a better chance for him to win his way in 
 the battle of life in the new, broad, free west, than in the older, more 
 crowded, and I trust I may say without offense, less liberal older 
 States. He knew well that the journey of life for him was not to be 
 an easy, pleasant travel over a broad, smooth highway, but a tedious 
 and painful progress, over a rough and rugged path, every foot of 
 which was to be made by his own labor and perseverance. He did 
 not quail at the prospect, but went to work manfully and persistently. 
 
 3o4 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 365 
 
 He met as such men most always do meet many obstacles in his way; 
 but he met them boldly, overcame them, and left them behind him, 
 monuments of his energy and courage. 
 
 Before his death these qualities had brought him to where his path 
 way was broader and smoother, and the outlook for his future more 
 bright and cheering. And then he died; died in the prime of life, died 
 of overwork; died of the earnest and exhausting labor he gave to the 
 interests of his country and his constituents, which was greater than 
 his physical powers, never strong, could endure. 
 
 My colleague has told of the different honorable positions held by 
 Mr. Clark, by the favor of those among whom he lived and how he 
 performed the duties attached to them. He held at one time a posi 
 tion, not by election, but by my appointment; that brought us into 
 close and cordial relations. I had the honor to hold during the first 
 three years of our civil war, the war of the rebellion, as it is in my 
 judgment properly called, the office of Governor of the loyal State of 
 Iowa, aud thereby was charged with the duty of raising and organiz 
 ing the volunteers called for from that State for the preservation of 
 the Union. I needed, to aid me in that work the services of some 
 bright, earnest, energetic, active young men. Mr. Clark was one of 
 them; my colleague (W. B. Allison), (I trust he will pardon me,) was 
 another. Largely by their aid and the aid of others, associated with 
 them in giving form and direction to the patriotism of our young men, 
 the quota of Iowa's soldiers was always full; and I must be allowed to 
 say in this presence, where men who fought on the same side with 
 them, and men who fought against them, no better or braver soldiers 
 fought under either flag in that unhappy strife. 
 
 As a citizen, Rush Clark was orderly, law-abiding and public- 
 spirited; as a neighbor, kind, generous and helpful; as a friend, true 
 and trusty; as a husband and father, kind, loving and devoted. 
 
 The scene on the arrival of his remains at his home showed the 
 estimation in which he was held by his neighbors, those who knew 
 him best, and to whom his sudden death had given a great and pain 
 ful shock. It was late at night when the train carrying his corpse 
 reached our quiet town, and yet the depot and the street between that 
 and his home were filled by his friends and neighbors, who came to 
 testify by their presence, their respect for him and their sorrow for his 
 loss, and who on the next day followed him to our quiet cemetery, 
 where his mortal remains, " rest in peace." 
 
 When we look about us and see death choosing his victims, we 
 sometimes wonder why the idler is left, and the active, earnest worker 
 is called away; why those in the pride and vigor of their manhood are 
 taken, and those who are older and perhaps weary of life are permitted 
 to remain. We do not know why; we know that God who does all 
 things well, so wills it, and we bow in submission to His will, We 
 
366 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 only know that he to whose memory we do honor to-day, has gone 
 before us to learn the mysteries of that other life in which we all 
 believe, as to which many fear so much, and as to which all hope so 
 much and know so little. 
 
 If it be true, as many believe, that the best service we can render 
 here to the Great Father of all, is to give strength to the weak and 
 help to the helpless of His children, then niy friend has done his proper 
 work well. 
 
 If it be true, as many believe,that in the other life we shall be assigned 
 to do the work for which our mental and moral development here has 
 best fitted us, then my friend there will be given important work to do. 
 
 If it be true, as many believe, and it is becoming very pleasant for 
 me so to believe, that in the other life we shall know and eujoy the 
 society of those we knew and loved here, then my friend who has gone 
 before is enjoying pleasant communings in his new home, and waits 
 with patient longing the coming of those whom he loved and left 
 behind. 
 
 After the entrance of Gov. Kirkwood upon his duties as 
 Secretary of the Interior, when stories in regard to him were 
 in order, Gov. Vance, of North Carolina, made his contribu 
 tion to them as follows: 
 
 / * When two years since I made my maiden speech in the Senate, I was 
 particularly gratified by the respectful attention paid by all the Sen 
 ators, and made what I thought, and what my friends afterwards assured 
 me, was a good speech. The principal theme upon which I dwelt was 
 the acquisition of territory under Democratic administrations, and upon 
 this I laid great stress. At the conclusion Senators crowded about to 
 congratutate me, and among others came Kirkwood, of Iowa, who 
 shaking my hand heartily said: 'Well, Governor, you made a pretty 
 good speech; I used to be a Democrat myself, used to talk about the 
 acquisition of territory by the Democrats; but if it had not been your 
 maiden speech I should have taken the liberty to ask you a question.' 
 'Well why didn't you do it, Kirkwood, I have no doubt I should have 
 been glad to reply. What was it? 1 'Why,' replied Senator Kirk 
 wood, 'it was this: When you were talking about the great acquisition 
 of territory by the Democrats, I wanted to ask you, if it had not been 
 for us 'Black Republicans,' if you Democrats wouldn't have taken 
 out a great deal more territory than you brought in?' 'Kirkwood,' I 
 replied, 'if you had cut me off at the legs that way, I should have 
 wanted to shoot you on the spot.' 
 
 In the presidential canvass of 1880. Indiana was regarded 
 as a pivotal State, and the best speakers in the Republican 
 ranks were sent there to do some heavy work. Among them 
 
LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 367 
 
 Judge Nourse and Mr. Kirkwood, from Iowa, spent some 
 three weeks on the stump in that State. The following are 
 a couple of speeches delivered by Mr. K. in Indianapolis at 
 different times: 
 
 Being introduced by General Coburn as ex-Governor, and 
 present United States Senator, from Iowa, after loud and 
 continuous cheering, Mr. Kirkwood said: 
 
 I have been engaged for some five weeks past, three weeks in my 
 own State, and two weeks in this State, in speaking to audiences, and 
 desired to rest to day. But as you desire me to speak I will detain 
 you for a short time. I think I would not have spoken at all were it 
 not for an occurence that happened yesterday. I was at the neighbor 
 ing town of Green Castle addressing a very large audience, and there 
 was put into my hands a handbill relating to the question of the tariff. 
 It purported to be a letter, or a card published by Mr. Goldback, presi 
 dent of the Jeffersonville Glass Works. You may know him. I do 
 not. He is" a Democrat and a supporter of General Hancock. He 
 appears to have become aroused by the very apparent objection on the 
 part of a great many people to a further endorsement of the Demo 
 cratic party, because of its position on the tariff question. This hand 
 bill to which I refer has been circulated very extensively at Republi 
 can meetings in the southern part of the State, and the writer gives 
 his reasons for thinking that the manufacturing interests of the coun 
 try will be at least as safe in the hands of the Democratic party, as in 
 the hands of the Republican party. I will not read you all of it, but 
 he says that 
 
 GENERAL HANCOCK IS A PENNSYLVANIAN 
 
 and that he will not do anything that will injure the iron, glass and 
 other industrial interests of that great State. Now my friends, as I 
 have said, I have been spending five weeks in the campaign, and have 
 been during that time laboring to induce the American people not to 
 vote for General Hancock, [cheers] but I have not said one reproach 
 ful word of him. 1 have never said anything to blacken his character 
 or to degrade him in the eyes of the American people, and I do not 
 i itend to do so, although I do intend to speak all the time from now 
 i ill the second of November endeavoring to defeat his election. [Loud 
 cheers and cries of "So will all of us." ] But I want to say this: If I 
 ') lieve what is contained in this bill to be true, I would have to say 
 i i it he is an unfit man for an honorable man to vote for. [Cheers.] 
 i,i;t me explain why the representatives of the Democratic party met 
 . i convention at Cincinnati, and laid down the principles of the party. 
 hey nominated a president to carry out those principles. And what 
 .o they say upon the subject of the Tariff. They say they are in favor 
 
368 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 of "Tariff for revenue only." They are not in favor of protection at 
 all. Gen. Hancock accepted that nomination on the platform of that 
 convention. If what this gentleman says is true, then it must also be 
 true that Gen. Hancock accepted the nomination 
 
 INTENDING TO DECEIVE AND BETRAY 
 
 the very men upon whose votes he depends for election. [Loud 
 cheers.] If that be true he is seeking the presidency under false pre 
 tenses, [renewed cheers] and I am here to defend him from that gross 
 charge. It is not true; it can't be true, General Hancock is said to be 
 an honorable man, and I know not to the contrary. And if he be an 
 honorable man, he cannot mean to deceive and betray the very men 
 by whose votes he will get into the presidential chair, if he ever gets 
 there, [laughter] which I do not think will occur. [Cheers and voices 
 "That's what we all think."] If what this gentleman says be true, and 
 I am told that Hancock's friends through Indiana are saying the same 
 thing, he ought to receive the votes of no men but policy peddlers, 
 bunco dealers, and three card monte men. [Shouts of laughter and 
 loud cheers.] The American people love fair play; they love pluck, 
 they love courage, they love to have a man stand by his own colors, 
 say just what he is and just what he means and means all that he says. 
 [Cheers.] And I say again that I am here to defend General Hancock 
 against the infamous charge that he 
 
 M 
 INTENDS TO DECEIVE AND BETRAY 
 
 * 
 
 the Democratic party. Jf you men are attached to a tariff for protec 
 tion, and if you think that the declaration of the Democrats in conven 
 tion against that tariff is wrong, then I think you ought not to go with 
 him at all. [Cheers.] It is said the good Lord detests a liar and a 
 coward. I believe He ought to detest both, and I am here before this 
 audience, to defend before the American people, the fame and char 
 acter of General Hancock against the gross charge which his political 
 friends in Indiana make against him. 
 
 Now turning to another subject let me call your attention to the 
 three ideas held in this country in regard to the constitutional powers 
 of our government. One was that we are not a Nation, but a league 
 of States, and that any State might go when it pleased; that was the 
 southern Democratic doctrine. The northern wing of the Democratic 
 church are not quite so well grounded in the faith. [Laughter.] They 
 held that a State had no right to go, but that if it pleased to go the 
 other States had no power to stop it from going. [Laughter and 
 cheers.] The Republican party believed and still believes that this is 
 a Nation, one Nation, one Nation and not thirty-eight Nations. 
 [Cheers ] That this people is one people, not thirty-eight peoples. 
 [Renewed cheers.] They believe that this government has the power 
 should Jjave the power of preserving its life whenever that life is 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL .1, KIRKWOOD. 369 
 
 threatened. They believe it should have the power to enforce its own 
 laws throughout the length and breadth of our land. [Cheers.] These 
 are the three theories: Now if the Republican party had held to the 
 faith of either southern or northern Democracy you would not have 
 any government to-day. If Lincoln and his advisers had been of the 
 same opinion that Buchanan and his advisers were, and that there 
 was no power in the government to save its own life and to save the 
 Union, which was its life, then our southern friends would have gone 
 unchecked and our Union would have been destroyed. [Cheers.] If 
 there is a Democratic soldier here (a voice "There's not many of them 
 around") I want to say to him when you went to the south, you fought 
 for the Republican idea that this government had the power to save 
 its own life. You announced your belief in that idea by 
 
 GOING DOWN SOUTH TO SHOOT MEN 
 
 who entertained the contrary belief. [Loud cheers.] How comes it 
 you don't entertain the same belief now. You were fighting then for 
 Republican principles. You believed them to be right, and just, and 
 necessary. How comes it, I ask, that you now vote for the very 
 reverse of the principles you then fought for? [Loud cheers.] It is 
 not for me to say what the reason is. But, I tell you, I don't under 
 stand it. I live in the State of Iowa, where they have a Republican 
 majority of 50,000, and 
 
 WE CAN'T UNDERSTAND 
 
 what is the matter with you Indiana people. [Laughter.] You have 
 had the same advantages we have had. You have always had a free 
 press, and free schools, and free speech. You have had all the advan 
 tages that we seemed to, all the people of this great Northwest and 
 the Upper Mississippi River have had. Why should you be the only 
 one of all these States: Illinois, Ohio, Michigan, Minnesota, Iowa, 
 Kansas, Nebraska the very center of this great empire. Why is it 
 that there is any doubt how you stand ? Why is it that you will 
 allow yourselves to be the tassel on the end of the tail of the Southern 
 kite, to be laughed at by all of your neighbors around ? [A number 
 of voices "It is because we are too near Kentucky. They send us too 
 many votes. "] Well, now gentlemen it is time we were breaking up 
 this meeting, and you were going away. [Voices, "No, no! go ahead! 
 give'em thunder.] Well, as you want me to, I will consume a little 
 more of your time. It is said of us Republicans that when we address 
 audiences in the Northern States, we endeavor to excite their prejudice 
 and keep alive the old feelings engendered by the war. In short, that 
 we flaunt the bloody shirt. Now my friends I have a profound respect 
 for the bloody shirt. [Loud cheers.] I sent to the field from my own 
 State of Iowa, 50,000 as brave men as ever marched. Many of them 
 wore the bloody shirt before they returned home. [Cheers.] Many 
 
370 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 of them were buried in their bloody shirts, and never came home. I 
 say that the bloody shirt to me symbolizes patriotism as pure, and 
 devotion to duty as earnest, and courage as splendid as this world has 
 ever seen. [Enthusiastic cheers.] I say to you I have seen men living 
 and dead 
 
 WEARING THE BLOODY SHIRT, 
 
 the latchet of whose shoes no Northern man who sneers at it is worthy 
 to unloose. [Renewed cheering.] I have a profound respect for it 
 and I have a profound contempt for the spirit that will urge any 
 Northern man to sneer at it. [Great applause.] If you want to know 
 what it means, go around to every township in your county and you 
 will find wives whose husbands and children and fathers wore the 
 bloody shirt, and they will tell you that it means the highest service 
 to the country by which the life of every citizen has been protected. 
 They say we are endeavoring to keep alive the ill will and passions 
 engendered by the rebellion. They say these men are as much 
 attached to the Union and to the principles that hold it together as 
 we are. I wish I could beleive that. [Cheers.] Let me tell you 
 something now, and you can test it for yourselves. It has happened 
 that I have during the last few years traveled through a number of 
 the Southern States, Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, 
 Alabama and Louisana. I will tell you what I saw there; you can say 
 whether I am right in my opinion. I saw in those States monuments 
 built by the citizens in memory of men who died in the rebel army. 
 In the city of Augusta, Georgia, there is a monument the most beau 
 tiful I ever saw, in honor of Stonewall Jackson and Lee, and other 
 confederate captains. It is covered over with inscriptions reciting 
 the sacrifices and patriotism of the men in whose honor it was erected. 
 During last year, while Congress was in session, a monument was 
 dedicated in one of the counties of Virginia I forget now what 
 county it was, but it was not much more than gun shot from the city 
 of Washington, in memory of men of Virginia from that county, who 
 died in the rebel army, and upon it was inscribed that these men had 
 died in defense of constitutional liberty. If that be true I \vant to 
 know what you boys who went down there fought for. Again before 
 the war, there was in the State of Virginia a university called by the 
 name of Washington. Since the war they have changed that name. 
 Now it is the University of Washington and not Lincoln, oh no, but 
 
 WASHINGTON AND LEE, 
 
 Robert E. Lee, the great rebel captain, and he was a great captain. 
 The name of Robert E. Lee, who did all he could to destroy this 
 country is associated on terms of equality with that of George Wash 
 ington. I am a native of the State of Maryland, I was born and 
 brought up in that State. When I arrived at years of maturity and 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 371 
 
 good sense, I made up my mind that the best thing I could do was to 
 go West and grow up with the country. But in Baltimore the leading 
 city of my native State, the Common Council during the present year 
 passed an ordinanc > appropriating out of the public treasury from the 
 taxes collected from Republicans and Democrats, money to build a 
 monument in one of their most public streets, in memory of the young 
 men who went from Maryland, and in violation of their own prin 
 ciples that a man must stand by the State in which he lived, joined 
 the rebel army, and died in the war, and nothing but the good sense 
 of Mayor Latrobe prevented the scheme from being carried out, 
 and the monument erected. Now 1 want to make one or two obser 
 vations. The men who build these monuments and who associate 
 Lee on terms of equality with Washington, believe in what they are 
 doing, or else they are acting the most infamous lie ever imposed upon 
 this country. They do believe those principles to be true and sacred 
 and holy, and that these men died in that cause, and they teach their 
 children and their children's children the same lesson that they leaf ned, 
 and they are handing down those teachings just as we are handing 
 down the contrary. And if their young men are the legitimate sons 
 of their fathers and not bastards; if they should be as brave as their 
 fathers were and are; if they are men with red blood in their veins and 
 not cowards, then it must be that when we, the men of this day. 
 have passed away and the time is short with some of us when their 
 children and our children become the men of action, then these men 
 will strike for that holy cause for which their fathers died. I wish I 
 could believe that these men are as truly attached to the Union as we 
 are. I tell you it is my firm belief, I believe it in every fibre of my 
 being, that the only true and safe course, the only manly course is to 
 see to it that in our day, that for which our boys fought and died 
 shall not be put to any unnecessary risk. [Loud and continued cheer 
 ing-] 
 
 The following is the speech made at another time in the 
 same place. Being introduced as a United States Senator 
 from Iowa, Mr. Kirkwood said : 
 
 Your chairman has informed you rightly that I had no expectation 
 of addressing an audience in Indianapolis to-night. At the request 
 of some of your people I came into your State with a friend of mine, 
 Judge Nourse, on Monday last, and we have been engaged chiefly in 
 the rural districts in preaching the gospel of Republicanism as we 
 Iowa people understand it. [Cheers.] I had no expectation of being 
 here, or being here, of being called upon to address the Republicans 
 of Indianapolis. But as I am here and have been called upon I must 
 follow the Iowa rule of never shirking a duty, [cheers] and therefore 
 will detain you briefly. This is stated to be a meeting of the business 
 
372 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 men, and the working men of Indianapolis. In Iowa we consider 
 the business men and the working men all one. They are all business 
 men. Every man who earns a dollar by honest labor is a business 
 man with us, and we think that the interests of the men who manage 
 our mercantile institutions, and those who serve as mechanics should 
 be and are alike. It is because we do this that we get along without 
 much trouble in Iowa, as some of you perhaps know. [Laughter and 
 cheers.] I will say a few words in regard to the present political con 
 test and its relation to the business interests as I understand them. 
 Whatever financial legislation we have had for the last twenty years, 
 either during the war or since the war, has grown out of the war. 
 The legislation we had during the war was mainly directed to raising 
 money to carry it on; and what financial legislation we have had 
 since the war, has been mainly directed to securing the payment of 
 the debt contracted in carrying it on. [Cheers.] When we emerged 
 from civil war, our debt was enormous; it was so large that I have 
 ofteft thought that if we northern people had known when we 
 entered upon the enterprise of putting down the rebellion, that it would 
 have cost so much in money, and so much in what was more valuable 
 than money I mean the lives of the people we would have been 
 afraid to have undertaken it. And then I have thought we ought to 
 thank God we did not know. [Applause.] When we footed up the 
 books after the war was over we owed $3,000,000,000. Many men 
 believed we could not pay it ; many believed that this nation must 
 necessarily become bankrupt. The Republican party at that time was 
 charged with the administration of public affairs, and they felt that 
 it was the duty of the people of this country to pay that debt, if it 
 could be done. And they felt so for these reasons : Because there 
 are always simple reasons underlying all great actions. We felt that 
 we owed it to those who came to our relief in the hour of peril, that 
 we should pay that debt. It seems to be a part of God's dealings with 
 nations, that war should come to them, and those who have read 
 history know that a large part of it is made up of the wars that differ 
 ent nations have been engaged in. To carry on a war, a protracted 
 and exhausted war, money must be borrowed. To borrow money, 
 
 A NATION MUST HA.VE CREDIT, 
 
 a good name. The men who were men of action before we became 
 such, our fathers, boasted that our nation had a good name, and we 
 were regarded the world over as an honest nation, as an honest 
 people, because they had been so careful of us and for us. When our 
 time of action came, we were enabled to go before the world as the 
 honest sons of honest fathers. We said, "we are honest people, and if 
 you will lend us money in this time of our great peril, we will pay, 
 if it is possible for us to do so." We felt, the Republican Party felt, 
 that the men of this day ought to do for their children and those who 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 373 
 
 come after them, what had been done, by our fathers for us, so that we 
 might hand down to them the honor and the good name of this nation 
 untouched and untarnished, as we received it from our fathers 
 [Loud cheers.] This was one reason why we thought we ought to pay 
 the debt. Another reason was because common honesty demanded it 
 should be paid. We have gone upon this idea and have undertaken 
 to pay it, and I think we have been moderately successful. [Cheers.] 
 Already nearly one third of that debt is wiped out and gone -nearly 
 one-third of the load of principal has been taken off our shoulders. 
 [Cheers.] And the interest that in 1865 was nearly $150, 000, 000, is now 
 less than $80,000,000. [Continued cheering.] I must not go over all 
 that, because your patience would not allow it. But I have one or 
 two remarks to make in regard to this debt, that should be impressed 
 upon every audience to whom the subject is named. It is alleged 
 against those who loaned us money when we needed it so badly that 
 they 
 
 SPECULATED ON THE WANTS AND PERILS OF THE NATION. 
 
 In other words, that when they bought bonds, they did not pay for 
 them their face value in coin. That is true. They sold at times as 
 low as thirty-eight and forty cents, although the average price was a 
 little over seventy cents. The price of the bonds went up and went 
 down, just as the flag went up and went down. [Cheers.] When it 
 looked as if the war must be a failure, our bonds were of a less 
 value, and whenever we had a victory our bonds rose. Why did they 
 not sell at their full value ? Just because men had to take the risk 
 that they never might be paid. If our government had gone down, 
 I don't think these bonds would have been worth much more than 
 our Democratic friends prophesied they would be, when they said that 
 the bonds which the government was trying to sell would be only val 
 uable to put on the walls of barber shops as ornaments. In talking 
 with the people I have earned the right and used the right before I 
 earned it, to say what I think, although it may not be altogether 
 agreeable to those who hear me, I have a theory about public speak 
 ing. A speaker who is afraid or ashamed to say what he honestly 
 thinks is true, provided he speaks in respectful language, is not 
 worthy to be listened to. [Cheers.] An audience that cannot listen 
 with patience to opinions that do not agree with their pre-conceived 
 ideas, when those opinions are expressed in respectful language, is not 
 worthy to be talked to. [Laughter and cheers.] Now I hear some 
 men say that these men speculated upon the interests of the nation, 
 and they call them a great many pet names, such as Shylocks, sharks 
 and I don't know what else. [Laughter.] 
 
 What were you men doing during that same time, you farmers, 
 merchants and mechanics of Indiana? Just what we people of Iowa 
 we loyal people of Iowa were doing. You were selling your produc- 
 
374 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 tions in prices ba ed upon the currency, which were far above their 
 intrinsic value in coin. How much was pork here in Indiana? Ten 
 dollars a hundred? It was in Iowa. I know wheat sold at $2.50 to $3.00 
 per bushel. I know of one sound Democrat in my State who held his 
 wheat for three years, and declared he would never sell it for those 
 worthless bits of paper. It did the pulsations of my heart good when 
 he had to sell it for $1.50. [Loud laughter.] But were you speculating 
 upon the interests of your country when that country was in peril? 
 Why, no. You were simply doing an honest, fair, square thing when 
 you took pa : for your commodities in a circulating medium that might 
 have become as worthless as the bonds; because if the Government 
 bonds went do vn, the greenbacks would have gone down also. The 
 men who took the bonds and who took the greenbacks, took with 
 them the risk that they would get nothing for their money or their pro 
 ductions. [Cheers.] I never owned Government bonds in my life, and 
 I never expect to, if I were able I would like to. [Laughter.] But it is 
 one of the strangest phases in the strange panorama of American poli 
 tics, that so many of the American people spend their strength in 
 denouncing the men who sold your bonds and bought your bonds 
 during the war, but who have no denunciation for the men, who by 
 bringing on the rebellion, made it necessary to sell and hold the bonds. 
 [Loud cheers.] But this is a business men's meeting, and not a politi 
 cal meeting, and I am afraid I am talking politics. [Laughter.] I want 
 to go on with this matter a little further. 
 
 CERTAIN FINANCIAL MEASURES, 
 
 have produced certain results, and they are before the country. The 
 leading measures were the puWic credit act of 1869, the refunding act 
 of 1870, and the resumption act of 1875. All of these acts were passed 
 by Congress, when the Republicans had control of both houses, and 
 they were resisted by the Democratic party in Congress. Two years 
 and four years ago the Democratic orators who traveled over our State, 
 and 1 have no doubt it was the same in your State, foretold to the 
 people of the country the enormous disasters that would come if these 
 financial measures of the Republican party should be continued, and 
 urging that some new management should be substituted for it. But 
 the Republican party diu not yield. It stood firmly, patiently, cour 
 ageously against the storm of misrepresentation and abuse that was 
 poured upon it. It stood there grandly, bravely and patiently, as dur 
 ing the war, believing it was right, and because it was right God 
 would see that the right should triumph. [Cheers.] The American 
 people love two things dearly 
 
 FAIR PLAY AND PLUCK. 
 
 The financial policy was based upon fair play, which means honesty, 
 and they showed a pluck and courage during that financial struggle 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 375 
 
 which entitles them to the confidence of the American people, instead 
 of the prophesies of these political Jeremiahs being fulfilled; that 
 which was prophesied and predicted by the Republican part}" has come 
 true, and good times and prosperity have been brought back. Now 
 that a good business period has come, what are you going to do about 
 it? The question submitted to the American people is, if the Repub 
 lican policy has produced these results, what have you to say about it? 
 You business men, are you satisfied with things as they are? [Loud 
 cries of "Yes, we are."] Then you should see to it that you give it 
 your careful, earnest endorsement, and say that there should not be 
 any change. I am told some of our Democratic friends say that there 
 will be no change in the financial policy if they are allowed to control 
 it. But I should like to know when they became converted to that 
 theory. I have been told it often and often, and I think it is sound 
 common sense, that it is not wise or prudent to put out a child to be 
 nursed in the hands of those who think for some reason, it never ought 
 to have baen born [Laughter and applause], and who have always been 
 prophesying while it lived that it would die soon. [Renewed laughter.] 
 It is better to trust the nursing to those who think it had a right to be 
 born, and being born, it has a right to live. [Loud cheers.] Now if this 
 financial policy is to continue, leave it in the hands of 
 
 THE MEN WHO HAVE DEFENDED AND STOOD BY IT. 
 
 Is not this a common sense thing to do? If it is a good policy why 
 take the power away from the men who have carried it out, and put in 
 the hands of men who said it would bring disaster if it was established. 
 Is there any common sense in that? It is for you business men to say. 
 Some of you think you know more about business than other men. 
 Perhaps you do and perhaps you don't. [Laughter.] But if you think it 
 is safe, wise and prudent to entrust the carrying out of this policy to 
 the hands of those who have always denounced it, until they wanted to 
 get into office, then I think you do not exhibit that degree of common 
 sense which business men ought to have. [Laughter and cheers.] If 
 this policy is to be changed, what are you to have in the place of it? 
 Does any man know? Has any man told you what will be substituted 
 for it if it is to be changed? Then I again repeat the question, is it 
 wise or prudent to abandon that which has brought you the present 
 prosperity? I put this to the sharp, keen, shrewd judgment of the 
 business men of Indianapolis. If this is not your view then I'm glad I 
 don't live here. [Laughter and cheers.] Now I want to talk to you busi 
 ness men, to every man who is willing to earn an honest dollar by an 
 honest day's work, and who is carrying on any business necessary to 
 the well being of the vast society in which we live. Our Democratic 
 friends say we talk too much about the financial policy having brought 
 prosperity. They say it was not the financial management that did it, 
 but it is because Providence chose to bring us good crops. That is so, 
 
376 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL 3. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 but they ought to argue fair. Two years ago and four years ago they 
 told you that the hard times were the result of the financial misman 
 agement of the Republican party, and now when the nation has become 
 prosperous, they say the financial policy had nothing to do with it. Is 
 that fair? 
 
 THEY SAY PROVIDENCE DID IT. 
 
 Well, I have been in difficult circumstances several times in my 
 life, and whenever I have felt that Providence was on my side, I had 
 an abounding conviction that I should come out right. If it be true 
 that Providence has interfered on our side, then the Democratic party 
 might just as well give up the contest [laughter and loud cheers], 
 because when the Republicans and Providence both fight against them, 
 they will stand no chance. But take a hard, common sense view of 
 this thing. Of course Republican legislation did not bring the country 
 bad crops or good crops, but yet it had much to do with the present 
 prosperity. No mechanic or farmer can work with bad tools. So the 
 business of this great country cannot be done without a sound dollar, 
 and a sound dollar has come because you have got honest money, and 
 it is because we have given the people of this country that kind of 
 money that the workshops have been re-opened, and the fires have 
 been re-lighted, and everything has gone on well. If you are sensible 
 men, you will let things alone and will run no risk about it. A few 
 words more and I will relieve you. It is said with a great deal of con 
 fidence, and many men believe it, that this country is about to be 
 turned over to the party that is controlled to-day, and will be by the 
 men who tried to destroy the government. I don't believe that, but 
 we don't know what is in the future. We Republicans, however, will 
 have this consolation, if we do turn it over, our successors will find it 
 in far better condition than it was when we received it twenty years 
 ago. [Cheers.] 
 
 Then, the temple of our Union "was shattered," to use the lan 
 guage ot a member of Congress from Virginia before the war, ' ' from 
 turret to foundation stone." We have since cemented it with the blood 
 of our best men, and it stands to-day as strong as ever, glorious and 
 exceedingly beautiful. When we received it we had two flags in it 
 the stars and stripes, "old glory," you know, and another that they 
 called the stars and bars. To-day thank God we have but 
 
 ONE FLAG ALL OVER OUR LAND. 
 
 [Applause.] A flag dishonored and disrespected by too large a portion 
 of our people, but honored, loved and respected and adored by all the 
 rest. We have done another thing during the time we have had pos 
 session of the government. We have worked a miracle, and the only 
 modern miracle that I know anything about. We have converted four 
 millions of chattels into four millions of people, and that flag that 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD. 377 
 
 waves so proudly to-day does not wave over a slave. The credit of our 
 nation that was, as you were told by Mr. Smith, so poor during the 
 last Democratic administration that we had to submit to a shave of 
 eleven cents on the dollar when selling our sixes of 1861; the credit of 
 that government, that fifteen years ago was thought to be bankrupt, 
 is to-day higher and brighter and stronger than that of any govern 
 ment on God's earth. [Applause.] Its four per cent, bonds to-day 
 bear in the money market of the world a premium of from nine to ten 
 per cent. That difference exists between the government as it will be, 
 if we have to turn it over, and as it was when we received it. And there 
 is another difference. When we got it, the liberty-loving men through 
 out the world looked upon it with pity and sorrow, because they 
 thought the Great Republic was going down, and that the experiment 
 being tried here, whether men were capable of self-goverment or not, 
 was to be decided against their ability to maintain self-government. 
 Men in the Old World, and all through the world, who believed that 
 men were not capable of self-government, men who believed in mon 
 archical government and not in free government, gloated over the idea 
 that the Republic was going down and the experiment being made 
 Avhether men are capable of self-government, was a failure. If we 
 shall have to hand this government over to-day, we shall hand it over 
 when liberty- loving people throughout the whole length and breadth 
 of this land, and all the liberty-loving people of the world are looking 
 up to it again as a beacon light and exemplar, when it is teaching 
 every nation of the world that free governments among men are a 
 realty [applause], and when all liberty-loving people in all liberty- 
 loving lands are learning from us the lesson that governments "of the 
 people, by the people and for the people" still exists, and may exist in 
 all the nations of the earth. [Applause]. We will have the consolation 
 of knowing, if we have to turn it over, that it is in a better condition 
 than when we got it. 
 
 I must make another remark. Mr. Smith has said to you that if 
 the Republican party is turned out of the control of the administration 
 of your affairs, and the Democratic party succeeded, 
 
 THE SOUTHERN WING OF THAT PARTY WILL CONTROL 
 
 the policy of that party. Does any man doubt that? I think that no 
 man of my age can doubt it. It has been so continuously. They have 
 always dictated the policy and the candidates of the party, and the 
 northern wing of the party have submitted, sometimes cheerfully, and 
 sometimes not so cheerfully, but they have always submitted. When 
 the southern wing of the party took snuff, the northern wing always 
 duly sneezed. [Applause]. When the southern wing whistled the 
 northern wing came and barked at whatever and whoever they were 
 told to bark at. Has not that been so? Why is it so? It is because 
 the men of those States are men of stronger, of sterner determination 
 
378 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 than our northern Democratic politicians are. They control the policy 
 of their party to-day in both houses of Congress. If Gen. Hancock 
 should become President of the United States he will have to go 
 with them, wubmit to them, and be guided by their policy. He will 
 have to submit to the fate of John Tyler and Andy Johnson, and make 
 his administration a failure, by being compelled to rely upon the men 
 who refused to vote for him after abandoning the men that did vote 
 for him. I was talking on this subject not long ago in my own State 
 with a hard-headed, sharp-witted Scotchman a great many Scotch 
 men are that kind of men, hard-headed and keen-witted who w r as an 
 ardent Republican, and in talking of this unfortunate subserviency of 
 the northern Democracy to the southern Democracy, he said to me, 
 "Governor," they call me that in Iowa "President Lincoln made one 
 grand mistake." I reflected a moment and could not think what he 
 meant and asked him. "Why," said he, "President Lincoln, when he 
 issued his emancipation proclamation freeing the blacks from their 
 southern masters, ought to have included the northern Democracy as 
 well." [Laughter and applause]. 
 
 Now look here, you business men proper, you who attend to 
 stores, banks and law offices and affairs of that kind, let me say a word 
 to you. I have been a lawyer and have been vexed in the State in 
 which I live by hearing such men say, 
 
 " I DON'T CARE ANYTHING ABOUT POLITICS," 
 
 "We have no time to attend to politics," and all that sort of thing. It 
 is because having a good deal to do with them, that I have the opinion 
 that I am now about to express, and that is that a man who has no 
 time to attend to political affairs and who does not attend to them, is 
 not a good citizen, and does not do his duty, and don't deserve to have 
 a good government, if he cannot take time to take some part in 
 administering it. And now, you business men excuse me for talking 
 so freely, it's a habit I have see to it that between this and election 
 day something is done that you can do, each man of you. Not any 
 thing unfair, not anything dishonest, but all that is fair, all that is 
 honest in effecting that which you believe to be and know to be essen 
 tial to the welfare of your country, and therefore essential to your 
 own welfare. And now, good night. [Long and continued applause]. 
 
 A correspondent of the New York Herald, writing from 
 Indiana during this canvass, describing the different orators 
 imported there by the two parties, the list containing most of 
 the noted stump speakers of the country, says, of the 
 "homely, old pet and pride of Iowa:" 
 
 " One of the choicest products of the American school of oratory is 
 Gov. Kirkwood of Iowa. Quaint in appearance, unique in thought, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 379 
 
 and abundant in droll stories, he carries a crowd with him inevitably. 
 I don't know how much he costs, but he is worth every cent of it." 
 
 During the senatorial contest in 1882 that resulted in the 
 election of Mr. J. F. Wilson, and in which Gov. Kirkwood 
 was urged as a candidate by his friends, but which he refused 
 to become, an Indiana correspondent of the State Register, 
 writes: 
 
 "If the Iowa Republicans will send Senator Kirkwood over to 
 Hoosierdom, they will continue him in his senatorial career without a 
 skip, in recognition of his signal service in the last campaign, he being 
 the most effective foreign stumper that spoke in that memorable cam 
 paign making the most conversions." 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Speech on Decoration Day, 1884 Address at the State Fair, 1882 
 At the Linn County Fair in 1884 His Estimate of Iowa Political 
 Speech at Cedar Eapids in the Evening. 
 
 WHAT MIGHT HAVE BEEN, HAD THE SOUTH SUCCEEDED. 
 
 On Decoration Day, in 1884, Gov. Kirkwood being one 
 of the speakers, said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: We are here to-day in 
 accordance with an honored custom, to express our reverenae for the 
 memory of the dead, and our gratitude to the living; to those who, in 
 the fierce struggle our nation had a few years ago for its existence, 
 saved it. It sometimes seems to me that we do not realize the value 
 of what they did; that we do not realize what in all human possibility 
 would have followed, if instead of triumphing in that contest, we had 
 been defeated. Hoping that it may, and if anything can add to our 
 feeling of honor for our dead and living soldiers, let me ask you to do 
 this: Take a map of our broad country and trace in imagination a line 
 across where would have been our southern line to-day, if the rebellion 
 had succeeded. Have you ever tried it? Commence on the Atlantic 
 coast. The most that we could have asked in the case of our defeat 
 would have been to commence at the mouth of the Potomac River or 
 Chesapeake Bay, across to the Ohio River and so down to the Missis 
 sippi. When we get there I don't know whether we would have gone 
 up stream or down stream, we might have stopped there, or gone over 
 to the southern border of Kansas, or on to the Pacific, but we could not 
 dictate if we had been unsuccessful. It would have been for the suc 
 cessful to dictate, and for us to accept, and they might not have been 
 willing to have accorded so much of what is now our common country. 
 Take it at what I apprehend would have been the very best, and what 
 would have been the consequence? Beyond this dividing line would 
 have been an embittered, hostile and angry population. Our southern 
 brethren with all of their friends, and they are many, have their faults 
 and we have ours. They are somewhat arrogant and over-bearing, and 
 they would have had no kindly feelings towards those who had come 
 to wrest from them their every right. We on our side would have felt 
 deeply grieved that our country was dismembered, and our nation 
 destroyed, our government perhaps lost. Again, our northern brethren 
 did not and do not yet entertain the same views in regard to our reve- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 381 
 
 nue system that the northern people do. They are more free traders 
 than we are here. We would have had to establish custom houses to 
 prevent smuggling from one side to the other side. What more? If 
 we had failed and they had won, then slavery would have existed in 
 all their portion of our country, and men whom God made as He made 
 us, would have been sold as cattle in the market to-day. Naturally 
 these enslaved men would have sought to escape and cross the upper 
 Potomac or the Ohio River, and in the summer season the water is 
 low and in winter often bridged with icp, and the escape easy. There 
 would have been no fugitive slave law. Strangely perhaps but 
 naturally, notwithstanding, the slave would have sought to escape and 
 go to our side to what they thought to be, and what the soldiers during 
 the war thought to be God's country. What would have been the 
 result? Border warfare, resulting in general warfare, and a struggle 
 begun after a time by either side to conquer wholly the other. From 
 all that, and the miseries and loss of life, the Joss of property that 
 would have resulted from a war of that kind, we are saved, and to-day 
 thank God we are one people, our country is an undivided whole, and 
 our southern brethren are becoming reconciled to what they now see 
 was for their best interest, although they did not so then believe. Now 
 these consequences of failure have been saved to us by the dead who 
 died to save them. Should we not then reverence the memories of 
 those who are dead, and be grateful to those who are living? Let me 
 say a word to the soldiers who hear me. You carry with you a great 
 deal of the unwritten history of the war. We have a history of the 
 movements of the army, and the history even of the regiments, but 
 the great unwritten history of how the soldiers lived in camp, how 
 they endured hardships and many anecdotes of the war of the life of 
 the soldier you have with you, and you will carry them with you to the 
 grave. Why not save them? There are thousands of anecdotes in the 
 minds and memories of Iowa soldiers, which if saved in durable form, 
 would tend to show the lads of to-day, and those yet unborn, what 
 the life of a soldier is. Let me relate to you a single anecdote brought 
 to my mind of Col. John Scott. He was in command on the west bank 
 of the Mississippi river, and the east bank was in command of another 
 officer whom I do not remember. News came to the officer in command 
 on the east side of the river, that an extensive raid was to be made upon 
 him, and that he intended to abandon his post, and advised Scott to 
 do the same. There was no raid, and the result was that Scott was 
 court martialed and of course was in trouble. At that time I hap 
 pened to be Governor of your State, and he hacr written me two or 
 three times, and he now wrote me a letter in this way: 'Dear Gov 
 ernor: If you know any man in Iowa who is sure to be damned, who 
 has no possible chance for salvation, I wish you would send him 
 down to me, for I have more chances to swear here than any man 
 
382 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 ought to have, who has any chances in the hereafter." I thought 
 over the matter and I could not think of a man in Iowa who was 
 in that unhappy condition. The only men I could think of who 
 were in that condition, were the men who were engaged in the gold 
 room in New York. Now here you men know hundreds of these 
 anecdotes, and if you would only write out, preserve and send them to 
 your Historical Rooms here, they would be worth a great deal more 
 than many that are written. They would teach what the life of a sol 
 dier is, and that is what we ought to know. A word more and I will 
 relieve you. In these days much is being done to reconcile the some 
 what embittered feelings between the northern and southern people, 
 and it is being done successfully; I am glad of it. We are to-day the 
 same people, our future must go together, and the sooner that the 
 feelings engendered by the war can be laid aside and more kindly feel 
 ings prevail instead, the better. But there is one thing I want to say 
 to you. I want you yourselves never to forget, whether citizens or 
 soldiers. I want you to teach your children and teach them to teach 
 their children and their children's children to the end of time, that in 
 that fierce struggle that cost you so much, that you were right and 
 they were wrong. Never forget it! Never! They believed they were 
 right, they were earnest and sincere in believing that they were right, 
 but they were wrong. And now, good bye. 
 
 At the annual fair of the Iowa State Agricultural Society 
 in 1882, Gov. Kirkwood was selected to deliver the annual 
 address which he did as follows: 
 
 Fellow Citizens : I shall not attempt to teach the farmers of Iowa 
 who hear me, how to raise crops and cattle; they probably think they 
 know more on these subjects than I do, and perhaps they are right in 
 so thinking. I propose instead to call their attention to some matters 
 connected with their pursuits, which in my judgment touch their 
 interests and the interests of all our people as well. It goes, or should 
 go without saying, that agriculture is the leading interest of Iowa, 
 is that interest on which all others depend. 
 
 I have procured from the Executive Department of our State a 
 statement showing the portion of our population living in towns and 
 cities, and the portion living in the country on farms; also the assessed 
 valuation for the purposes of taxation of real and personal property 
 in town and country. 
 
 Our population in 1880 was 1,624,615; of this number there lived on 
 farms 1,126,577; and in cities and towns 498,028; the valuation of real 
 estate outside of cities and towns was $247,156,682, and in cities and 
 towns $66,714,222. 
 
 Our system of assessing personal property does not distinguish 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 383 
 
 between country and town property, and therefore the separate valua 
 tion of each cannot be correctly given. 
 
 The gentleman by whom the statement was prepared, Mr. Fleming, 
 for several years private secretary in the governor's office, gives as an 
 approximation to correctness the value of live stock at $83,832,914 and 
 credits the whole amount to the country, and the value of other per 
 sonal property at $40,994,486 and credits the whole amount to the 
 cities and towns, which is sufficiently accurate for the present purpose. 
 The assessed value of railroad property in the State is $25,904,423. 
 
 It thus appears that more than two-thirds of our people are directly 
 engaged in farming and that more than two-thirds of the property of 
 the State, counting farming lands and personal property thereon, is 
 in the hands of farmers. Nor is this all that shows the greater impor 
 tance of agriculture to our State. It is beyond dispute that a large 
 portion of the residents of our cities and towns 'derive their employ 
 ments and profits from the farmer, and mainly upon him and his labor 
 their prosperity depends. 
 
 Is evidence needed to show that? If so it is not far to be sought. 
 If a farmer, however large his farm or his family, however much he 
 may diversify his industry and his products, shall year by year fall 
 behind, that is year by year buy more than he sells, the inevitable 
 result will be debt, and after awhile either a change in his mode of 
 doing business or visits from the sheriff. 
 
 Now our nation is a large family; has a magnificent domain and is 
 subject to the same conditions and the same results from the same 
 conduct as a single farmer. During the war for the suppression of 
 the rebellion we necessarily incurred an enormous debt. Specie dis 
 appeared, depreciated paper money became abundant; speculation, or 
 more correctly gambling, became the order of the day in all our busi 
 ness affairs. When the war was over this condition continued and if 
 possible became worse. Speculation ran riot. Even the farmer 
 became infected; farms were mortgaged at ten per cent, interest "to 
 bring capital into the State," and "all went, merry as a marriage 
 bell," until 1873 when the bell rang out a different peal and pay-day 
 was upon us. 
 
 During all these long years we had been buying more than we sold, 
 and it seemed to many who did not understand the resources of our 
 country, and the pluck and energy of our people, that immediate bank 
 ruptcy was before us. Frantic appeals were made to the govern 
 ment for aid, but the government could do but little. One thing it 
 did, a very good thing. It gave us a currency based upon specie, a 
 thing as necessary to the proper transaction of business as is a steel 
 plow to the cultivation of our prairie soil. 
 
 Our farmers recovered their courage and went to work again. 
 When I speak oi farmers, I mean all who are engaged in the cultiva- 
 
384 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 tion of our soil, and who win thereby the rewards that God gives to that 
 honest industry. Our southern brethren prefer to call their farms 
 plantations, and themselves "planters," so be it. I care nothing for 
 names and am concerned only with things. 
 
 We raised great surplus crops of cotton, tobacco, wheat, corn and 
 other grain and produced an immense surplus of provisions, all of 
 which found a ready market abroad. In a few years things began to 
 look better. We were selling more than we were buying. Gold began 
 to flow into onr country. Our silver was retained at home, and both 
 metals were largely in circulation, neither of them preferred to our 
 paper money and all again became prosperous and happy. 
 
 But last year our grain crop was a partial failure, and during the 
 winter of 1880- '81, our cattle men lost heavily by its terrible severity. 
 
 During every year from 1863 to 1873, we had imported more than 
 we exported, the excess of imports during the ten years being over 
 one thousand millions of dollars, an average of more than one hun 
 dred millions of dollars per year. But, beginning with 1876, the tide 
 turned. For that year the excess of exports was over $79,000,000; for 
 1877, over $151,000,000; for 1878, over $257,000,000; for 1879, over $264,- 
 000,000; for 1880, over $176,000,000; for 1881, over $257,000,000; an 
 average of over $195,000,000 per annum. But for the first nine months 
 of the fiscal year ending June 30th, 1882, the excess of exports was 
 only a little over $65,000,000 a considerable portion of which if I mis 
 take not was wiped out during the last quarter of that fiscal year. 
 The value of the exports of the products of agriculture during the 
 fiscal year ending June 30th, 1881, amounted to over $720,000,000, and 
 was larger than during any previous year in the history of the country. 
 The value of such exports constituted 82 per cent, of the value of the 
 exports of domestic merchandise from the United States for that year. 
 
 I have been sometimes amused and sometime vexed at the almost 
 total want of apprehension on the part of many intelligent men of the 
 relative importance of agriculture and others of our home industries. 
 I was conversing in Washington a year or two ago with one of our 
 prominent public men about the business interests of the country. He 
 spoke of an investment in some business enterprise, perhaps the 
 amount of capital engaged in national banking in one of our large 
 cities, and said the investment amounted to $50,000,000. The words 
 fell from his lips as if each word weighed a ton, and he spoke of the 
 men or the associations that controlled the enterprise with the degree 
 of deference equal to that of a London cockney, when speaking of a 
 live lord. 
 
 I laughed and said to him, $50,000,000 was quite a respectable sum 
 of money, but that the poultry yards of the country produced every 
 year a greater value. He appeared almost shocked, and asked what I 
 meant ; I replied that our population was as much as fifty millions of 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 385 
 
 people ; that I felt sure that we consumed per capita more than a 
 dollar's worth of eggs and poultry each year ; and if so I was right in 
 saying that the poultry yards of the country produced every year the 
 value of fifty millions of dollars, of which he spoke with such profound 
 deference. He was forced to admit that my calculation was a reason 
 able one, but I have always since thought that he regarded me with a 
 sort of suspicion, as a dangerous kind of person that had not a 
 proper regard for " dignities." 
 
 In looking at many other industries we see money in large amounts 
 controlled by a few individuals. In looking at the farming interests 
 we see a great number of people each having a comparatively small 
 amount of money, and hence we unconsciously attach greater import 
 ance to the former than to the latter. 
 
 But let us look at the matter rightly. I have shown that the 
 assessed value of farming lands in Iowa, is $247,156,683. Treble that 
 amount and you have probably a fair valuation of farming lands. 
 $741,470,049. Add to this double the assessed value of live stock 
 $96,645,828, and you have a total value of $838,135,877, as the farming 
 capital of our State ; and behind it as owners you have a farming 
 population of 1,126,587, represented by 235,313 farmers living on their 
 own lands; asking no man for leave to labor,depending upon their own 
 industry and enterprise, and asking nothing, but that the good God 
 will give them sunshine and rain in their season, that they may reap 
 the fair reward of their labor. 
 
 Let me make this matter clearer still. As already stated the value 
 of agricultural products exported in the year ending June 30th, 1881, 
 was over $729,000,000. Of this amount $270,000,000, was for bread and 
 bread stuffs; but mark, this was the amount of excess for exportation, 
 after feeding our own 50,000,000 of people. Of the total exports for 
 that year nearly $175,000,000 was for provisions, tallow and living 
 animals ; but again this was the excess for exportation after supplying 
 the wants of our own people. And these enormous amounts are not 
 "capital" so-called, but are the earnings for a single year of that 
 great capital invested in farming lands and owned by the true capital 
 ists, the farmers. 
 
 Six months ago the outlook was decidedly squally. At one time 
 last spring there were strong symptoms of a panic in Wall street. 
 Gold was shipped abroad in considerable amounts. Our imports 
 were enormous, our exports small. The men in Wall street who 
 employ their time in .selling stocks long or short, the men in Chi 
 cago who employ their time in selling grain long or short, the rail 
 road men, the bankers, merchants, everybody was anxiously waiting, 
 watching, enquiring about what ? The crops. Why ? Because 
 they knew upon the goodness of the crops depended the prosperity of 
 the country. Happily for our country it is now probable that we will 
 
386 THE LIFE AND 'TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 have a fair crop of all kinds of breadstuffs, except corn, and as that 
 probability has increased, our people, in whatever calling, have 
 breathed deeper and freer because they knew that the great master 
 wheel of our business machine is sound and in its place. 
 
 Need I go further to show that agriculture is the sure basis of our 
 prosperity that as the farmer prospers all other honest industries 
 prosper? Some persons, basing their action on these facts endeavor to 
 convince the farmer that there is necessarily a conflict of interest 
 between the town and the country. I do not so believe. I do believe 
 that all legitimate callings and employments that 6f the mechanic, 
 the merchant, the banker, the lawyer, the teacher, the preacher, the 
 railroad man, the miner, the day laborer, and all who honestly labor 
 with head and hands, are essential to the welfare of our State; and 
 that the interests of all, rightly considered, will work harmoniously 
 together for the common benefit of all. All are parts of the great 
 machine that is developing the wealth and urging on the growth of 
 our State, and all the parts are necessary to its successful working. 
 It is true that the farmer is the great master wheel that sets in motion 
 all the other wheels ; but if any one of the number is left out, the 
 machine is incomplete and will not perform its proper functions. 
 If this be correct, it follows that all persons engaged in callings other 
 than farming should not only act fairly with each other, but especially 
 with the farmer, because upon him all depend for their prosperity. 
 
 But are there not grounds to fear that this is not done? Let us 
 look at this matter calmly and dispassionately. Formerly it was 
 accepted as an axiom that competition was the life of trade; and we 
 had competition sharp and active in all the channels of trade. How 
 is it now? I read recently in a Chicago paper that the lumbermen 
 there held a meeting near the close of August, to fix the price on 
 lumber for September, and that such has been and is to be their 
 custom. I do not know whether our Iowa lumbermen were repre 
 sented at that meeting, but if so where is the competition in the sale 
 of lumber in this State? 
 
 I am informed that in ne irly every branch of productive industry, 
 except farming, combinations exist to control the price of products, 
 and in some cases the amount of production, and that combinations 
 under various names exist among the workmen in our manufacturing 
 establishments to fix the prices of labor. 
 
 We know something, perhaps not all of the extent to which this is 
 carried on by railroad companies. Now I am not prepared to say, 
 and will not say that nothing but evil can result from such combina 
 tions. 
 
 I know, or think I know, that as the risk of loss in any enterprise 
 is lessened, such enterprise can be carried on more cheaply; but I 
 know also, or think I know, that one of the most powerful motives by 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 387 
 
 which men are governed is that of self interest not that enlightened 
 self interest that looks to the future as well as to the present, and 
 regards the rights of others as well as its own, but that self interest 
 which, feeling that it has power, will use that power for its present 
 advancement and let the future take care of itself. The result of all 
 this is that while the yield of your crops is uncertain, and the prices 
 you receive for them are beyond your control, the prices of what you 
 buy are fixed arbitrarily by those who produce what you need, and 
 may be so fixed by them with reference merely to their own interests. 
 
 There is another subject on which I wish to direct your attention. 
 A commission was organized during the last session of Congress to 
 examine and report upon a revision of our present tariff, and is now 
 in session. You are largely interested in the doings of that commis 
 sion. I do not believe that any tariff law that can be devised can afford 
 what is called protection to any agricultural or other industry that 
 produces a large excess of products beyond what is needed for home 
 consumption. Sugar can be protected for the reason that we produce 
 much less than our home demand requires. But in framing a tariff 
 bill you should see to it that you get fair play as far as possible. 
 
 You are entirely willing, I take it, to give our people engaged in 
 manufacturing a reasonable advantage over foreign manufacturers in 
 our home market. The difficulty is to determine the extent of that 
 advantage. It should be so great as to enable our manufacturers to 
 pay their employes a fair day's wages for a fair day's work, and to 
 make for themselves a reasonable profit, but not so great as to enable 
 them to dispense with the closest economy and strictest business 
 methods, or to enable them to extort from the consumers unreason 
 able prices, or to take from them all inducements to do what you do 
 and must continue to do to compete with their foreign rivals in for 
 eign markets. It was originally a war measure, hurriedly passed to 
 meet a great emergency. It has been patched and tinkered till it is 
 difficult to understand, and in many particulars operates unjustly on 
 the great body of the people. I think in its adjustment something can 
 be done and should be done for your benefit. I will give two or three 
 instances: Under the present law a duty is levied on foreign salt. I 
 have been informed by gentlemen engaged in curing meats for foreign 
 exportation, that meats cured with foreign salt find better sale in for 
 eign ma-kcts than meats cured with domestic salt. It may be that 
 meats cured with domestic salt, are just as well cured as if cured with 
 foreign salt. But we are seeking a foreign market for the surplus of 
 our cured meats, and should consult, so far as we may, the tastes or 
 prejudices, if you will, of those whom we seek to make our customers. 
 Already, under present law, foreign salt used in curing fish is duty free, 
 and I cannot understand why the men who raise cattle and hogs should 
 not be placed, so far as may be, on equal footing with the men who 
 
388 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 catch fish. Again, we slaughter in this country a great many beef cat- 
 tie; enough to supply our home demand and an excess to export, 
 bssides what we export alive. Each of these slaughtered animals fur 
 nishes a hide which brings to the seller a price. But we do not pro- 
 d.ice hides enough at home. In the fiscal year ending June 30, 1881, 
 we imported hides and skins and other t'urs to the value of $27,000,000, 
 and these foreign hides brought into direct competition with those 
 produced at home, came duty free. Would not a moderate duty on 
 foreign hides afford a little protection to the cattle raisers of the coun 
 try, and enable the Government to dispense with or lessen some other 
 duty that now bears hardly on our people. It may be said hides are 
 a raw material to the tanner. That is true, and it is just as true that 
 the leather ma le by the tanner is the raw material to the shoemaker, 
 yet the tanner who makes the leather, and the shoemaker who uses it, 
 are both protected. I insist that it requires as much care and skill to 
 raise a good, fat steer, as it does to convert the hide into leather, or that 
 leather into shoes, and the farmer who raises him is as much entitled 
 lo protection as the tanner who converts the hide into leather, or the 
 shoemaker who converts the leather into shoes. 
 
 Again, some years ago at the close of the war, there was for a time 
 in this State a market for flax straw. Then and since then flax has 
 been raised in this State to a considerable extent, and the farmer could 
 sell both the flax seed and the flax straw There were two establish 
 ments in the county in which I live, and others in other localities, 
 engaged in converting straw into tow, for which a ready market was 
 found. But after a while, as I am informed, some change was made 
 in the tariff, the effect of which was to destroy the market for the flax 
 tow, and there has been, that since then, thousands of tons of flax straw 
 rotted in the fields of our farmers because the market was destroyed. I 
 do not know whether the former conditions can be restored consistently 
 with justice to other industries, but if it can be done it should be done. 
 
 1 might go on citing instances in which your interests are in my 
 opinion injuriously affected by the present tariff; but I have done 
 enough, if I have directed your attention to this subject; this and the 
 subject before mentioned of the prevalence of combination, instead of 
 competition, deserves I think, your careful study. It is for you to 
 determine what if anything you will do about them. You may ask me 
 what you can do; you can discuss these questions among yourselves, 
 until you have reached, carefully considered, just and fair conclusions 
 and then make them known to the law making powers of the Nation 
 and State. When it shall become known in Congress and in your 
 State Legislature, that the men who speak for you in those bodies, 
 represent your views and express your wishes, and that you are in 
 earnest to have those wishes realized they will be heard with respect 
 ful attention. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. klRKWOOD. 389 
 
 You have, I am told an organization called I believe, the Farmer's 
 Alliance. 1 do not know the extent of that organization or its purposes 
 if any beyond its purpose to fight the barbed wire fence monopoly. 
 The benefit of o ganized effort has been shown in that fight, and can 
 be shown in other directions. If the present organization is broad 
 enough for the purpose, let it take up these questions and others 
 directly affecting you as a class, and consider them carefully, and hav 
 ing reached conclusions, give the weight of your organization to carry 
 them out. Those engaged in other industries and enterprises do so 
 with telling effect. 
 
 Especially I desire to call your attention to another matter which 
 I perceive to be of paramount importance. I believe that persons are 
 of more importance to the State than property. If this be so, it fol 
 lows, that it is of the highest importance to the State to improve as far 
 as may be its citizens. We recognize this truth by the careful pro 
 vision we make for the education of all the children of the State, thus 
 showing our belief, that other things being equal, the intelligent man 
 will necessarity be a more useful citizen than the ignorant man; better 
 fitted to perform the duties of his calling, whatever that calling may 
 be and a better worker whatever his work may be. 
 
 But are we not in danger of falling into the error of believing that 
 education consists merely in book learning, and the still greater error 
 of believing that it is below the supposed dignity of one who has 
 received what we call an education, to engage in any calling requiring 
 manual labor? 
 
 Are not our young men who attend colleges and high schools, learn 
 ing the lesson, that it is beneath their dignity and a mere waste of the 
 education they are acquiring for them to engage in the calling of the 
 farmer or the mechanic? Are not we older men consciously or uncon 
 sciously teaching them that lesson? If so we are not only teaching 
 them false doctrine, but we are doing a cruel wrong to the young men 
 who ieed our teaching and to our country as well. Stick to the farm 
 young men ; get what book learning you can, and then go to the farm 
 and there apply your learning with your labor to that business, which 
 if properly followed may not bring great wealth, but will surely bring 
 self respect, competence and comfort, and will enable you to maintain 
 your manly independence. 
 
 This is not only best for you, but best for the country. The ten 
 dency in our large cities and in most manufacturing industries is to 
 concentrate great wealth in the hands of the few, and leave large 
 masses of people dependent for food on their daily labor, and dependent 
 on others for the privilege of laboring. In those cities and these 
 industries, "capital," so-called, and "labor," so-called, are not only 
 separate and distinct, but largely antagonistic and hostile. 
 
 Witness the many strikes of the last few years, some of them accom- 
 
390 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 panied by violence, loss of life and destruction of property. Even 
 to-day thousands of workmen are idle beca ise they and their employers 
 cannot agree upon "a fair day's wages for a fair day's work." 
 
 Each party, the employer on the one hand, and the employe on the 
 other, is becoming better organized for the contest and the feeling of 
 antagonism and hostility is becoming stronger and more bitter. 
 
 The condition of things in this direction is approacmng slowly but 
 steadily to that in the old world, where standing armies are main 
 tained to preserve the peace. 
 
 Between these hostile forces friendly to each, hostile to neither, 
 stands the farmer. He is at once capitalist and laborer. His capital 
 consists of his farm, his stock and his tools. He cannot afford to hire 
 labor except for short periods in the busy season of the year. 
 
 The products of his labor must compete in the markets of the world, 
 with the products of the poorest paid labor; of what is called pauper 
 labor in the old world, that of agricultural labor, and so happily for 
 himself and the country he does a large share of his own work. He is 
 from his situation a true conservative. As a property holder and tax 
 payer he is directly interested in maintaining peace and good order 
 among our people, and the honest and economical administration of 
 the government; while as a working man he must sympathize with all 
 who must and are willing to gain their living by their labor. 
 
 Viewed in this light his position is a most important one; it is he who 
 in the near or distant future must stand between the capitalist and the 
 laborer, and adjust fairly and honestly the differences between them. 
 Can any education be too good for men who are to occupy this posi 
 tion? They should be men of broad and liberal views; of extensive 
 and accurate information, honest, industrious, economical, enterprising 
 se?f- reliant, independent, God fearing and liberty loving, firm to hold for 
 themselves what is theirs, and willing and prompt to give to all others 
 that to which they are fairly entitled. 
 
 I have intended in my remarks rather to indicate subjects for your 
 consideration than to discuss them ; to furnish a text, rather than 
 preach a sermon. 
 
 Let me impress upon you the importance of doing your own think 
 ing. I do not intend by this to advise against the consideration of the 
 views of others ; but I do intend to advise you not to accept such 
 views and opinions without careful examination and consideration. 
 
 The future of our country is largely in your hands to-day, and 
 will be in the future in the hands of those who may succeed you. 
 
 MAY THEY PROVE WORTHY OF THE GREAT TRUST. 
 
 At the annual fair held in Linn County, in 1884, Gover 
 nor Kirkwood delivered the annual address from which the 
 following are a few extracts: 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KlRKWOOD. 39l 
 
 " There is no class of people in all our land to whom for their own 
 sake and the sake of the country a thorough and complete education 
 is more needful than to our farmers, 
 
 But it is said, and I am sorry to say truly said that the sons of our 
 farmers who are educated in our high schools and colleges refuse to 
 engage in work on the farm and prefer the professions and other 
 employments in our towns and cities. This is to me one of the most 
 discouraging features of our present social condition. It results from 
 various causes. The farmer's son going to our towns and cities sees 
 there a mode of life that seems to him better than his own, and he 
 longs to enjoy it. He sees the town residences surrounded by well 
 kept lawns, shaded by beautiful trees, and surrounded with handsome 
 flowers. When he returns to his home he contrasts what he has seen 
 in town, with what he sees at home, and in many cases the contrast is 
 far from agreeable. He sees or thinks he sees in towns, opportunities 
 for social and intellectual enjoyments superior to those he enjoys at 
 home, and he longs to enjoy those opportunities. He sees, or thinks 
 he sees that wealth for which so many of us are eager, and beyond 
 that, 
 
 POLITICAL DISTINCTION 
 
 for which so many of us are eager, and more easily reached from 
 town than from the farm, and he longs to go where these privileges 
 that to him are so alluring can be more easily won. 
 
 If these be the causes of complaint, how may they be removed ? 
 Beautify your own homes. Make them, too, attractive. It can be 
 easily and cheaply done, and having done it you will find that not only 
 will your children be better contented, but that your own comfort and 
 pleasure will be greatly increased. 
 
 So arrange your intercourse with your neighbors, that your child 
 ren may find abundant social enjoyment at their own houses, and in 
 their own neighborhood. What is there to prevent any half dozen 
 families from having a little social gathering of their young folks every 
 week, each family holding the " sociable " in turn. Do not make it a 
 burden upon the family where it is held by requiring the preparation 
 of a supper or anything of that kind, merely get the young folks and 
 the old folks too, so far as may be done, together for social enjoyment 
 and let them all have a good time. In short, make your own homes 
 and their surroundings the pleasantest place in the world for your 
 children, and they will not be disposed to go elsewhere. If any of 
 you who hear me are town folks, permit me to commend the same 
 course to you, and you may find it more effectual than laws to guard 
 your children against the temptations to evil practices, that exist 
 in towns to a much greater extent than they do in the country. Show 
 to your children that although great wealth seldom comes to the 
 farm, a sure competence and a manly independence are far better 
 
392 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 than great wealth and more easily and surely attained on the farm, 
 than in the city. 
 
 It is a common, but in my judgment not a true saying, that farm 
 ing does not pay. I have frequently heard farmers say, "If I could 
 sell my farm and go to town to live, I could live easier and make more 
 money by lending my money than by farming." Let us figure a little 
 on that. Say that an average farm in Iowa of 160 acres is with the 
 stock and tools on it worth ten thousand dollars. * * * Now, take 
 your ten thousand and go to town to live. Your ten thousand in 
 money unless you beat the assessor will be assessed at five thousand 
 dollars for taxation, and on that you will pay from two to three per 
 cent, taxes, from one hundred to one hundred and fifty dollars. Your 
 house rent if you should rent a house as good as the one on the farm, 
 will cost you at least one hundred and fifty more. Your fuel will cost 
 you fifty dollars, and you must buy everything you use for food and 
 clothing. You will be fortunate if you can realize eight per cent, on 
 your money year by year, allowing for the time required to lend it in 
 the first place, and the time it remains on hand between loans. This 
 will give you eig'..t hundred dollars per year to live on, and you will 
 wish to live as well as you now do on the farm. If you should happen 
 to make a bad loan, and a consequent loss, your capital is diminished 
 by so much and your income proportionally lessened. I tell you my 
 friends the farm will pay better than that, and is all the time increas 
 ing in value. The land that was entered thirty years ago at $1.25 per 
 acre, is now worth $40 to $50 per acre, and thirty years hence will be 
 worth $100 per acre. 
 
 Test the matter in another way. Give the farm a fair chance. 
 Open an account with the farm on the first day of January next, and 
 credit it with all you take from it for a year at current prices, your 
 rent, your taxes, your fuel, your bread stuffs, your provisions, every 
 chicken and every egg you eat, the milk and butter and the fruit you 
 use, all that you raise and consume in the family, and that you must 
 buy and pay for if you leave the farm, and add to that what you sell 
 and use for outside purposes, and you will find the farm pays well. 
 I say again as I have often said before, "stick to the farm young 
 men." 
 
 THE STATE WE LIVE IN. 
 
 A reporter says "The Governor closed by paying a high compli 
 ment to Iowa, and when he finished, we are sure all his Iowa auditors 
 were glad that they live in the splendid State so admirably described 
 by him. He was confident that Iowa was the best State, in the best 
 country of the globe. He had traveled in almost every state and ter 
 ritory of the United States, and had invariably returned with a full 
 belief that Iowa excelled them all in material wealth, and in its prom 
 ising possibilities. " * * * As a closing remark the Governor said : 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 393 
 
 "If some day when we are done building railroads here, some one 
 may suggest the idea of building a railroad from this world to the 
 great beyond. If it is done I am quite confident that the earthly 
 terminus will be located in Iowa." 
 
 It was arranged that the Governor should make a 
 political speech in the evening, and he gave his audience one 
 of his accustomed plain, straight-forward, clear, logical and 
 convincing discourses. One of the papers of the times said 
 of the occasion: 
 
 "It was an interesting sight at the Board of Trade rooms last 
 night to behold the veteran War Governor of Iowa, the friend and 
 co-worker of Lincoln, Seward, Stanton and others, 'the great ones 
 long gone by,' the co-temporary of Andrew and Morton and Morgan, 
 at a time when Governors of States were tried as never before or 
 since; to see this vigorous representative of the heroic period of our 
 country's history, standing in. the presence of a younger generation 
 of men;-eamestly consulting with and advising them as to a choice of 
 parties. Running through Governor Kirkwood's informal address 
 was the great fundamental truth which the young are wise if they 
 learn from the lips of age, and not by bitter experience, that a party 
 should be judged not so much by this, that or the other phase of party 
 doctrine prominent at any one era of its history, as by the record of 
 its tendencies and the evidence it gives of its capabilities for good or 
 ill." 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Striking the Word "White" from the Constitution The Governor Advo 
 cates It Reunion of Crocker's Brigade in 1885 Letter to Belknapp 
 Address of Welcome Banquet Speech to the Toast, "Ulysses S. 
 Grant" His Estimate of Him Reunion in 1887 Response to the 
 Toast, "The Old War Governors" Reunion of the 22nd Regiment. 
 
 During the canvass preceding the election at which a 
 vote was to be taken on the proposition to strike the word 
 "white" from the Constitution, and admit the colored man 
 to all the rights enjoyed by his white brother, the Governor 
 made speeches in favor of the proposition in several of the 
 pro-slavery counties along the southern border of the State. 
 In a speech made at Chariton, in Lucas Co. , he treated his 
 hearers to the following : 
 
 "As I came from Corydon here, 1 passed through some very rough, 
 brushy country . As I was passing through a lonely section in that 
 brush, a man stepped out by the side of the road, stopped my team, 
 and demanded my money or my life. Of course I did not want to 
 lose my life, and none of us you know want to give up our money. So, 
 looking at the man, I concluded that if we entered into a hand to 
 hand contest, I might, as I am not a very small man, be able to beat 
 him off, and at it we went, rough and tumble, sometimes one on top, 
 and sometimes the other, with doubts as to which would become the 
 victor. At this juncture, up came a negro, and for some reason he 
 took sides with me, and against the other party. True, he was not 
 very skillful, but he did the best he could, and fought for me, and 
 between us two we beat the robber off, and he took to the brush. I 
 then gathered up my lines and got into my buggy preparatory to 
 coming on to Chariton. The negro looked at me and said, 'Massa, 
 Is'e gwine to Chariton; I'd like to ride with you.' I looked at him 
 and said, 'You're a nigger.' He replied, 'Massa, that man I helped 
 you beat off has just gone into the brush, and if you drive off and 
 leave me he will come back and fall on me, because I helped you. 
 I 'se gwine to Chariton; I'd like to ride with you.' I looked at him 
 again and said, 'You are a nigger,' and drove on up to Chariton. 
 Now suppose as I am talking to you, that negro, having escaped and 
 got to Chariton, should come into this court room, and should repeat 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD. 395 
 
 the story, how long would you remain to hear me? In less than five 
 minutes the house would be clear. You would not remain to listen to 
 such a man! Now," said the Governor, "the negro aided us to the best 
 of his ability, and with his aid we defeated the enemy. Now are we 
 going to leave him in the hands of those whonj. he aided us to defeat, 
 or shall we take him aloDgwith us?' 1 
 
 As a father illustration of his subject the Governor said: 
 
 "I am a farmer and keep a good many cattle, often buying consider 
 able numbers, and sometimes in buying a lot get some quite runty 
 ones. Now, it is not my rule to put those runty ones into my poorest 
 pasture lot. I give them the best feed I have, and take the best care 
 of them in order that they may catch up with the others if possible. 
 Now, the negro is behind us. Let us give him a chance, school him, 
 and if after we have had more than three hundred years the start of 
 him he gets ahead of us, in the name of God let him go.' 
 
 This speech produced a telling effect, and after its deliv 
 ery arguments against negro suffrage in counties where it 
 was delivered were completely silenced. 
 
 Now with "the cruel war long over," there is nothing 
 more gratifying to the old soldiers than to meet the "Old 
 War Governor" at their regimental and brigade reunions, 
 and it is equally gratifying to him to meet them on these 
 occasions and grasp them warmly by the hand, and greet 
 them with his kindly, cheerful smiles. 
 
 At a reunion of the Crocker Brigade, held at Iowa City 
 in September, 1885, Gen. W. W. Belknapp being its presi 
 dent, said: 
 
 "It happened, ladies and gentlemen, that at the close of the war, 
 some of us, myself included, had an insane desire to enter the regular 
 army. In order that I might accomplish that purpose, I wrote a letter 
 to Gov. Kirkwood asking him to help me. Here is the response I 
 received. It is very good, and it shows so thoroughly his friendship 
 for Gen. Crocker although he may not now know what he said then, 
 and probably has forgotten this letter that I propose to read it." 
 
 It was read as follows, interspersed with some jovial 
 remarks by the General: 
 
 IOWA CITY, Iowa, August 1, 1865. 
 Brig. -Gen. W. W. Belknapp. 
 
 DEAR GENERAL: Enclosed find note to Secretary Stan ton. My 
 reason for not writing sooner is this: Some time since I had written 
 
896 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 to Gen. Crocker, that I would do anything I could to procure him the 
 position of Colonel in the regular army (having ascertained that he 
 desired such position). When I received your letter, I thought it right 
 to inform him of that fact, and enquire whether my letter for you 
 would interfere with him. I have seen so much of this thing of recom 
 mending everybody, that I have become heartily sick of it. Crocker 
 answered that I ought to recommend you, and that he did not think my 
 so doing would prejudice him, and I now very gladly enclose you 
 letter to Stanton, hoping very sincerely it may be of service. Jtisbut 
 fair to say, however, that if but one of you could get the appointment* 
 my preference would be for Crocker. 
 
 Very truly, 
 
 S. J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 THE PRESIDENT I have the honor to introduce to you Hon. Samuel 
 J. Kirkwood (who was greeted with continued applause an 1 cheers). 
 
 After quiet had been restored, he delivered the following 
 address, which was at intervals roundly applauded: 
 
 Mr. President, Gentlemen of the Crocker Iowa Brigade: I am taken 
 by surprise; I didn't know there was such a letter in existence, but I 
 stand by every word of it. 
 
 Our worthy Mayor has extended to you a hearty welcome to our 
 beautiful University City. The good people of our county generally, 
 have honored me by assigning me the very pleasant duty of greeting 
 you in their name, and on their behalf, bidding you a hearty welcome 
 to their midst. They bid me to say to you that they feel highly hon 
 ored by your presence, and deeply grateful to you for the great service 
 you and your gallant comrades have rendered to them and our country 
 and the world at large, by showing to all men that a Government " of 
 the people, by the people, and for the people," is not only the best 
 Government for all its citizens that the wit of man has yet devised, but 
 that it has the power, the will, and the courage to maintain itself 
 against all enemies, foreign and domestic. 
 
 These periodical reunions of the soldiers of the Union army have 
 an importance and a use beyond the pleasures derived by the soldiers 
 themselves from their joyous meetings with their old comrades, in 
 which they recall the incidents of the camp, the march and the battle, 
 and they ''fight their battles o'er again." 
 
 It is now over twenty years since the war of the rebellion closed, 
 and during that time there have grown up to the years of manhood 
 and the duties and responsibilities of citizenship, very many young 
 men, who, when the war broke out, were mere lads or babes unborn, 
 and to whom necessarily the war, its causes, its vicissitudes, its days 
 of defeat and gloom, and its days of victory and rejoicing are matters 
 of history and not of experience; and these reunions bring before 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 397 
 
 these young men and others still younger more vividly than can be 
 done in any other way, the dangers, the hardships, the labors and suffer 
 ings of yourselves and your comrades, living and dead, in our and their 
 behalf, and impress upon us and upon them more fully than can be done 
 in any other way, the deep debt of gratitude we and they owe to you. 
 
 But time is telling upon you and upon all of us. "The boys," as 
 we in times past were so fond of calling you, and as you were so fond 
 of being called, are daily becoming older and less in number. Year 
 by year the roll call on this side of the dai'k river shows fewer "pres 
 ent for duty, 1 ' and year by year the roll call beyond that river shows 
 the rapid increase of those who are there to greet each other and the 
 "old commander" who has left you and joined them. 
 
 During your time of fiery trials circumstances brought me in some 
 what close connection with you, and I trust that you will believe that 
 within the time of my duty, I did the best I could for you and for the 
 cause for which you did so much. Will you permit me to suggest that 
 in my judgment there is something you can yet do towards teaching 
 the young men of whom I have spoken, how much they owe you and 
 your comrades, by showing them more fully and more clearly what 
 you did and what you suffered and how you did, and how you suffered 
 for them. 
 
 The histories of the war written and to be written will tell of 
 troops furnished by each State for the war, the numbers of volunteers, 
 the numbers of drafted men, the numbers of re-enlisted veterans, the 
 numbers of killed and wounded, the numbers who died of disease, the 
 baitles that were fought, lost and won, and the names of the leaders 
 who achieved honor and fame; but how shall those who come after 
 you learn the life of the soldier in the camp and on the march, his 
 labors, his sufferings, his trials, his sports and his pleasures? In short, 
 how shall they learn what it is to be a soldier in war time? Ihis is a 
 knowledge that only you have, and that knowledge if not in some way 
 preserved will die with you. If at the reunions and camp fires held 
 every year the stories you tell to each other and enjoy so much, of 
 incidents that never appear in written history, could be preserved, they 
 would in years to come when you shall have passed away, be intensely 
 interesting and instructive to the young men who in the future may 
 be called upon to do what you have done, to dare what you have dared, 
 to suffer what you have suffered, to enjoy what you have enjoyed. 
 Why cannot these stories be preserved? Why cannot you write out 
 these stories you so love to tell and to hear, and place them in our 
 State Historical Society for preservation. A sheet or two of legal cap 
 paper will preserve a tale that in the distant future will excite the 
 smiles of those now unborn, and will stir them in their day to emulate 
 for themselves and their successors the deeds that in our day you have 
 done for us and them. 
 
398 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Time has done and is doing much to soften the bitter and angry 
 feelings engendered by the war and that in some degree still live. It 
 is the duty of every well wisher of his country to do what he properly 
 may to advance this desirable end. But there is one thing in connec 
 tion with our civil war that must not be forgotten. It was not a tour 
 nament in which the knights of the different sections of our country 
 met to do battle in the lists for their own honor and for their ladies' 
 favor, nor was it a prize fight in which brutal sluggers pounded each 
 other for the applause of others as brutal as themselves, and for the 
 money that went to the winner. It was a conflict of political ideas, 
 that reached to the very foundations of our system of government, and 
 we must never forget that in that conflict we were right and those 
 against whom we fought were wrong. All of us citizens and soldiers 
 should see to it that the children growing up amongst us shall learn 
 that lesson, shall learn to teach it to their children, and they to their 
 children, until the time shall come as it surely will come, when all our 
 people shall believe that this broad and magnificant domain of ours is 
 one country and only one, that our whole people are citizens of one 
 great nation and only one, and when the only strife among them 
 shall be as to how each shall do the most and the best to protect 
 the rights and secure the happiness of all. May God speed the day! 
 
 Again, in behalf of our citizens, I greet you; again bid you cordial 
 welcome, and heartily pray you may live long and prosper. 
 
 At a banquet given to the Brigade, Gov. Kirkwood was 
 on the program to respond to the following toast: 
 
 "To the illustrious and beloved memory of the first commander of 
 the Army of the Tennessee, who at forty-one years of age was the com 
 mander of all the armies of the United States, the largest army ever 
 commanded by one man, Ulysses S. Grant." 
 
 Gov. Kirk wood's response: 
 
 Mr. President: As the world grows older and as we think wiser 
 and better, we are disposed to change some what the standard by which 
 men claimed by their admirers to be entitled to be called "great, "shall 
 be measured. The time has been when with most men the only stan 
 dard of merit was success, and that remains the only standard with 
 too many to-day; but the number of those who demand a higher 
 standard of greatness is continually growing larger; wow to entitle any 
 one to be called truly great, something more and better than mere 
 success in his endeavors is demanded. We demand of the soldier 
 whom his admirers claim to distinguish as a great captain, not merely 
 that he shall have fought and won great battles, but that he shall have 
 fought and won them in a good cause; not merely that he has fought 
 and won, but we must know why he fought, and for what he won. We 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 399 
 
 insist on knowing whether the successful statesman has been controlled 
 in his actions by selfish ambition only, or by the higher motive of pro 
 moting the public welfare. We demand to know not merely how 
 many millions the successful financier has made, but how he made 
 them and how he used them; in short we demand to know what has 
 been the moving cause in actions called great, and if we find it to be 
 merely the gratification of a selfish ambition, not controlled by the 
 desire to be of service to his fellowmen, we may be willing to say in 
 each case the man has been successful, but we cannot call him great. 
 
 Let us try by this standard Ulysses S. Grant. What manner of man 
 was he? He was a plain, quiet, unpretending man, honest and truth 
 ful, manly and generous, self-reliant, of unyielding tenacity of pur 
 pose when his purpose has been deliberately formed; not cast down by 
 failure nor unduly elated by success; but making both failure and 
 success starting points for further effort. He was an ardent lover of 
 his country and its institutions, and brought to its service in its hour 
 of peril the personal qualities I have mentioned, and the militai y skill 
 acquired by his professional education and training. He was a true 
 and trusty friend, a loving and faithful husband, a kind and affection 
 ate father. I do not remember anything in the history of any man 
 more touching or more heroic than his struggle during his painful ill 
 ness, to complete his history of the war, his personal memoirs and thus 
 make some provision for his family, whose means had been squand 
 ered by the unfaithful management of one whom he had unwisely 
 trusted. Incited by his love for his wife and children, and sustained 
 by his indomitable courage and will, he fought this, his last fight, 
 until his work was accomplished and then died; conquered by death, 
 but victor still. 
 
 It would be worse than idle for me to attempt a review of Grant's 
 military operations in the presence of so many who fought under him, 
 and by their valor and good conduct won his battles; but some things 
 in connection therewith even a civilian may properly say. 
 
 He seemed to comprehend fully from the first, that the war on 
 our part must be an offensive one; that two things were necessary to 
 ultimate success. The dismemberment of the vast territory held by 
 the so called confederacy, and the utter destruction of its military 
 power. The capture of Ft. Donelson was important in breaking the 
 rebel line from the Mississippi river to the Alleghanies, but was rend 
 ered more valuable by the capture of some ten thousand rebel troops. 
 The fight on the right to prevent the escape of the garrison was as 
 hard and as bloody, as that on the left to gain the entrenchments. 
 Again, the capture of Vicksburg was important not only in dismem 
 bering the i ebel territory, but as weakening the rebel army by the loss 
 of thirty thousand veteran troops. 
 
 The seige of Vicksburg illustrates largely some of the character- 
 
400 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 istics of Grant as a soldier. The place was strongly garrisoned and so 
 strongly fortified as to be considered impregnable, but its capture was 
 a necessity. It could not be carried from the front; months of effort 
 to reach it * rear from the north had failed, and many despaired of 
 success. But Grant did not despair; his courage, his self-reliance, his 
 tenacity of purpose, his unrelenting perseverance, what some consid 
 ered his dogged obstinacy, remained unshaken, and at last the daring 
 plan of running the blockade of the rebel batteries with some of our 
 boats, and of thus transferring his army to the rear of Vicksburg from 
 the south was determined on. It was a daring adventure; its failure 
 would probably have caused the capture of our army; and that, added 
 to our misfortunes in Virginia might have proved ruinous. But high 
 daring was needed, and never was higher daring shown. The blockade 
 was run. Our army crossed the river and marched and fought con 
 tinually till Pemberton was shut up in Vicksburg, and his and Vicks- 
 burg's capture made sure. 
 
 The final campaign commenced in 1864; it involved the march of 
 Grant from near Washington to Richmond, the march of Sherman 
 from Chattanooga to Atlanta, then to Savannah, and thence through 
 South Carolina to the point in North Carolina where Johnson surren 
 dered; Hood had been left in Tennessee to be cared for by Thomas, who 
 did that duty, as he did all his duties thoroughly; and the two great 
 armies of Grant and Sherman, acting on different lines, but in full 
 concert moved on until at Appomattax the shell of the confederacy 
 was broken, and the hearts of all loyal men leaped for joy, that at last 
 the great agony was over and our Union was saved. Even the gold 
 gamblers of New York suspended their dirty work long enough to 
 listen to the singing of the doxology in Wall street. 
 
 An incident connected with the surrender of Johnson's army to 
 Sherman, illustrates Grant's manliness and greatness. Johnson pro 
 posed the surrender of his army on conditions outside of military jur 
 isdiction, and which Sherman of course submitted to the Government 
 for approval or rejection. In the excitement following the assassina 
 tion of Lincoln, the terms proposed were not only rejected, but rejected 
 in such a way as to be extremely offensive to Sherman, and Grant was 
 ordered to Sherman's army to conduct the surrender. Now, Sherman 
 was the only one of our generals who was regarded as Grant's rival as 
 a soldier. His previous great services in the West, his great marches 
 to Atlanta, to Savannah, and North Carolina, had given him a pres 
 tige and created an enthusiasm for him almost if not quite equal to 
 that for Grant. If, under these circumstances, Grant had been a weak 
 man, he might have so arranged as to have himself received Johnson's 
 surrender, and thus taken to himself the honor of being the only one 
 of our generals who had received the surrender of a hostile army; but, 
 thank God, Grant was not a weak man. He was a strong man, a just 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 401 
 
 man, a manly man. His presence in Sherman's army was scarcely 
 known, and Sherman had what he had fairly earned the honor of 
 Johnson's surrender. 
 
 And so it seems to me, measuring the old commander by the better 
 standard of greatness, we find him to have been an honest, truthful, 
 brave man, a just, manly and generous man, whose services were more 
 valuable to none than to those whom you aided him to conquer; earn 
 estly loving and faithfully serving his country, a soldier who fairly won 
 every step in his splendid career, by faithful and valuable service, and 
 for these reasons entitled to a high place among the truly great. May 
 he rest in peace. 
 
 At the fourth reunion of the Crocker Brigade, held at 
 Davenport in 1887, one of the toasts at the banquet held in 
 the evening, was ' ' The Old War Governors, ' ' to this Gov. 
 Kirkwood responded: 
 
 I am inclined to think there is some peculiar appropriateness in 
 selecting me to respond to this toast, because I think I know more 
 about what the war governors did than almost any of you. It is a 
 very easy thing to be a "war governor" in these "piping times of 
 peace," very pleasant to be cheered as you sometimes cheer me. It 
 makes me almost fancy that I was a soldier, and I want to shake hands 
 with you and tell you stories of long ago. But it was a very different 
 thing to be a war governor in war times. One of the speakers to-night 
 mentioned some of the difficulties the war governor of Iowa had to 
 combat, when he entered upon the discharge of his duty. But there is 
 one thing he did not have to fight against, as did the war governor of 
 Indiana "a powerful influence against war at home." Almost all 
 Iowa was loyal. But you older men will remember what I am about 
 to tell you. As you have been told by Major Wright, we had no mil 
 itary system. When I got word by mail from Davenport we had no 
 telegraphs or telephones in Iowa at that time that a call had been 
 made upon Iowa for one regiment, I did not know, and I could not 
 find a man who could tell me, what composed a regiment. I came 
 down here to Davenport and consulted John F. Dillon, one of the 
 lawyers of the day, who afterward became a judge of the Supreme 
 Court, and he took the statutes and read them, but they shed no light 
 upon the vexed question of what composed a regiment. He did not 
 know how many companies there were in a regiment or what officers 
 were necessary, or how many men to a company. Suffice to say we 
 conquered the difficulty after awhile, and sent forth the first regiment 
 which covered Iowa all over with glory, and set an example to the 
 Crocker men that was of service to them and all others who followed 
 the first regiment in the field. But let me tell you we had no money 
 in Iowa then, but were suffering in the throes of the financial revolu- 
 
402 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 tion of 1857; nothing but paper money, and the only money of this kind 
 we had was the money of the State bank. It was the best time for 
 paying debts that I ever knew of, for after three o'clock, when the 
 bank closed, if a man had any of this money and was in debt he would 
 travel ten miles to pay it to the man he might happen to owe, for fear 
 it might depreciate in value or become worthless before morning. It 
 was six months from the firing upon Fort Sumter before we received 
 from the United States a dollar toward carrying on the operations of 
 the war.- There was no money in the State treasury. Our bonds were 
 selling at ten per cent, discount before the war commenced, and if 
 there had been millions there I could not have touched it without a 
 law authorizing me to draw it. But there was not. So the legislative 
 and executive authorities provided for the issuance of bonds to raise 
 the money, and if the question of the constitutionality of this proceed 
 ing had been raised at this time, I could not have proved it to be con. 
 stitutional, as I had no right to do any such thing. 
 
 A clothing house in New York very generously offered to take our 
 bonds at seventy-five cents on the dollar, and pay in clothing at one 
 hundred per cent, prices. I remember in the fall of 1861 with troops 
 at Camp McClellan here, we had no covering for the soldiers, and had 
 to beg either for the gift or loan of comforts, blankets or quilts to keep 
 them warm There were some curious things done in those days. I 
 had no more right to borrow money for the State of Iowa and give its 
 note for it, than I have to give your note, but I did what seemed to be 
 the best and only thing to be done, I gave them to the amount of 
 thousands of dollars. There was not one of these notes that was legally 
 worth the paper it was written on, or that could have been collected 
 in a court of law, but the people had faith that the State would honor 
 and pay these notes, and it did honor and pay them. And if it had 
 not been so, our men at Camp McClellan would have had to go home 
 and I could not have raised and turned out your regiments. As it was 
 it took such a time that the people who did not go to war were won 
 dering why the governor did not do something. The clothing for the 
 soldiers was made in the towns where the companies were raised- 
 The cloth was contributed, and the women, God bless them, made 
 the blouses and pantaloons for the men to wear away. 
 
 Some time since I was riding on the cars to Iowa City and fell into 
 conversation with a gentleman. I found out who he was and that he 
 had lived in Iowa during these times, and he told me that he was pre 
 serving as a memento of the war times a premit for him to leave the 
 State of Iowa and go over into the State of Illinois. I had ordered 
 that no man should leave the State of Iowa to avoid the draft. Of 
 course I need not state that I had no authority to prohibit anybody 
 from coming in'. o or going out of Iowa, but it was a "war measure," 
 and spared me the ordering of a draft. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 403 
 
 We had a great deal of trouble in many directions. I am speaking 
 to soldiers now there was a very curious and almost insane desire 
 among the officers of the regiment for promotion. Each regiment 
 had a Colonel, Lieutenant Colonel, Major, Quarter Master and some 
 times a Chaplain. Well the Captains and Lieutenants were given the 
 command of the companies they raised, but the number of men who 
 thought themselves capable of and qualified to fill these offices I have 
 spoken of, was astonishing, and the reason I made so many good 
 selections was because I had so many good men to choose from. But 
 that was not all, there were a great many promotions to be made after 
 the regiments were in the field. A great many of the officers thought 
 they were qualified to command armies, and I do not know but that I 
 would rather undertake to rule Brigham Young's harem, than to 
 appoint and profnote officers for Iowa regiments again. 
 
 There was a degree of impatience among our people to have this 
 war brought to a happy termination, and they blamed almost every 
 body, and especially the poor war Governors, because it was not done. 
 And so as I said in the beginning, although it is very pleasant to be a 
 war Governor now, I would not want to undertake to be one again. 
 
 On the 22nd of September, 1886, at Iowa City an asso 
 ciation of the 22nd Iowa Infantry was formed and a reunion 
 held. 
 
 At a camp fire President J. C. Shrader said : ' 'Comrades? 
 1 now have the pleasure of introducing to you our Old 
 War Governor, who sent us out into the field and looked 
 after us while we were there." 
 
 As Governor Kirkwood advanced to the front of the 
 stage he was greeted with cheers and long continued 
 applause, when he said : 
 
 Some people say there is no use of these reunions, I don't care 
 anything about them, etc. Let me say you will all feel better for this 
 reunion in years to come, and I think you will not allow such a long 
 time to elapse without a reunion again. 
 
 Now 1 propose to address you a very short time. I want to hear 
 short stories, and I want you to take part in telling them. If you only 
 could tell publicly, the stories you tell each other it would make a 
 very interesting meeting. 
 
 I do not think man was made for himself alone. A man who does 
 nothing for anybody but himself ; who works only for himself; looks 
 after himself only, and cares nothing for those about him is a very 
 small man. It comes to almost all of us to do something for each 
 other at times, and it comes to some men that they can do much for 
 
404 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 other people and for the world. That was your high privilege. You 
 had the chance of doing what our fathers over a hundred years ago 
 did. You endured labor, fatigue and suffering, not for yourselves 
 alone but for your country and for the world ; and because you did it 
 and did it bravely and well, you are honored as you are honored 
 to-day, and will be as long as you live. It was a high privilege that 
 did not come to all, but it came to you ; and your children and your 
 children's children will feel proud in telling what you did. What 
 was it you did? You showed to the world that men are capable of self- 
 government. You maintained order in our land, and you showed to 
 those in other lands who are struggling for what we here enjoy 
 through your noble deeds, that man is capable of self-government. 
 
 This is what you did. A portion of the people in 1860 and 1861, 
 forgot that they had the right of self-government. They were dissat 
 isfied with an election held in 1860; when one of the purest, strongest 
 and most unselfish men that I have ever seen was elected President 
 of the United States. Instead of waiting four years they said no, we 
 will rebel and destroy our government; and you men said they should 
 not and they did not. All over the world eager eyes were looking to 
 our country as evidence of the great truth, that man is capable of self- 
 government. I do not mean to say that people sometimes do not err 
 in their judgment. They make mistakes at times; but our theory is 
 that if the same men who make mistakes, have the intelligence to see 
 the errors that have been made and correct them, that is self-govern 
 ment. In a Government of that kind force and violence have no 
 place. 
 
 Now, is not that the whole of it ? Is not that what you men fought 
 for? Was it not that which you have to hand down to your children? 
 There is one thing our young men do not realize, and that is the 
 importance of the thing which you have given them. 
 
 I do not desire, and I think no good man would desire to per 
 petuate hostile feeling between the people of different parts of the 
 country. But there is one thing you ought to do, and that is to teach 
 your children and have them teach their children, that you were right 
 and that the men who fought against you were wrong. [Applause.] 
 
 Now, if I were to talk to you an hour to-night, I could not tell you 
 any more. That is all there is of it in my judgment, the truth in a 
 nutshell, and now with a little story I will leave you. 
 
 When I was down attending the reunion of the First Iowa at 
 Davenport, we were having a jolly good time as I hope you are hav 
 ing here. In the afternoon I was present at a business meeting. A 
 comrade proposed that 1 be elected an honorary member, and a very 
 enthusiastic one on the stage arose and seconded the motion and in 
 doing so he called me the "father of the regiment." I was elected. 
 During the evening of that day I was called upon to do what I am 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 405 
 
 doing here this evening. In doing so I thanked the regiment for the 
 honor, and said that I was highly flattered in having such a good 
 looking family, so many promising boys. I also said there was one 
 drawback to it, and that was I did not know how my wife would feel 
 about it when I went home and she learned I had so many out-lying 
 children. [Laughter and applause.] But she is a good natured woman 
 and took it very kindly. Now thanking you and wishing you health, 
 happiness and comfort, all of which you have richly earned and so 
 well deserve, 1 bid you good night. [Loud cheers and a round of 
 applause.] 
 
 One of the shortest letters Gov. Kirkwood ever wrote 
 was in answer to an invitation to attend the Sixth Bi-ennial 
 Reunion of Crocker's Brigade. Here it is: 
 
 IOWA CITY, Aug. 10, 1891. 
 
 Col. E. H. Rood: I will attend if my health will permit. 
 
 Very truly, 
 
 SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Meets Qarfield and others in New York Makes Speeches from there to 
 Cleveland Secretary of the Interior The Indian Question Con 
 sults Senator Edmunds Honesty vs. Trickery Favors the poor 
 Chickasaws Kindness to Employees in the Office Mrs. Kirkwood 
 as a Cabinet Lady As a Lady in the House The Governor Retires 
 from the Cabinet Is made Bank President Visits the Pacific Coast 
 Banquet at Tacoma Makes a Speech Mr. Dutcher also Speaks. 
 
 During the Presidential canvass of 1880 a conference 
 with General Garfield, of several of the leading Republican 
 politicians of the country was held in the month of August 
 in the city of New York. Among them were Benj. Harri 
 son, Schuyler Coif ax and S. J. Kirkwood. General Gar- 
 field went from Cleveland one route, by Buffalo, and 
 returned the other by way of Binghampton, and the con 
 ferees, some fifteen in number, all returned to Cleveland 
 with him on a special train, stopping at Chatauqua over Sun 
 day. They had a perfect ovation at every railroad station, 
 a carpeted flat car being often the rostrum from which 
 speeches were made. Governor Kirkwood spoke at Port 
 Jervis, Hornelsville, Chatauqua, Cambridge and other places. 
 General Garfield was so taken with the style, apt illustra 
 tions, manner and matter of Governor Kirkwood's first 
 speech, that at Garfield' s request it was several times 
 repeated on the way. 
 
 He probably thought as James G. Blaine once said, 
 "Governor Kirkwood, with his peculiar style of oratory, 
 can do us more good than any man in this country." 
 
 As Indiana was considered a doubtful state in this can 
 vass, at Mr. Garfield' s suggestion Gov. Kirkwood was sent 
 into that state to do some public speaking before the elec 
 tion. 
 
 406 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 407 
 
 It is quite probable that this first favorable acquaintance 
 paved the way for the appointment of Gov. Kirkwood to a 
 place in the Garfield cabinet, of which he became a member. 
 
 The universal verdict seemed to be that as Secretary of 
 the Interior, he would prove to be "the right man in the 
 right place." Senator Voorhees, a Democrat, declared that 
 the appointment was the best that could possibly be made, 
 that he had served on committees with Mr. Kirkwood and 
 knew well the value of his solid judgment and the possi 
 bilities of his rare good sense, as well as the certainties of 
 his strict integrity and his indomitable industry. Senator 
 Cameron of Wisconsin said: "I was a member of the Teller 
 Committee with him; outside of Iowa and a circle in Wash 
 ington, the people had no idea how strong a man Kirkwood 
 was, and what fitness there was in his appointment." The 
 press and people of Iowa were gratified by his appoint 
 ment, although it deprived them of their ablest representa 
 tive in the Senate. 
 
 The Department of the Interior embraces a greater 
 number of Bureaus, and has charge of a greater variety of 
 public interests than any other, embracing Indian Affairs, 
 Public Lands, Railroads, Census, Pensions, Patents, Educa 
 tion, Public Buildings and Charitable Institutions. 
 
 It requires a small army of subordinates and clerks to 
 carry on these branches of the Department, and the best of 
 executive ability at its head to keep the work of them all in 
 proper order. 
 
 It had so often been said of our western aboriginal neigh 
 bors, that the only good Indians were dead ones; that it had 
 almost become the general belief that it was, and still is true. 
 The new Secretary thought that this could be reversed. He 
 was, if not the first, at least one of the first to advocate the 
 breaking up of the tribal relations, the allotment to them of 
 their lands in severalty, and the bestowing upon them the rights 
 of citizenship and requiring of them its corresponding duties. 
 
408 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 In discussing this subject Nov. 1, 1881, in his first 
 report as Secretary of the Interior, he says: 
 
 The Indian question, as it is called, has lost nothing of its inter 
 est or importance, and the methods by which it shall be finally settled 
 are not yet fully recognized. All who have studied the question, 
 unite in the opinion that the end to be attained is the civilization of 
 the Indians and their final adoption into the mass of our citizens, 
 clothed with all the rights, and instructed in and performing all the 
 duties of citizenship. The difficulty lies in devising means by which 
 this end shall be accomplished. 
 
 The difficulties to be overcome are mainly these: The Indians do 
 not speak, and do not wish to learn to speak our language; hence all 
 business with them by the government and by individuals has been, and 
 must be transacted through the medium of interpreters. Misunder 
 standings must continue to arise in the future as they have arisen in 
 the past, between the government and the Indians under this condi 
 tion of affairs, and so long as it shall continue, the Indians, unable to 
 carry on in person ordinary business transactions with our citizens 
 generally or even with their agents, are completely isolated and are 
 compelled to adhere to that tribal relation which so greatly stands in 
 the way of their advancement. It is not probable that much can be 
 done in the way of teaching our language to adult Indians, but much 
 may be done and is being done in the direction of so teaching those of 
 school age, and our efforts to extend and maintain Indian schools 
 should be earnest and constant. * * * Schools should be cherished 
 and strengthened. It is idle to expect any material advancement by 
 the Indians in civilization until they have learned to speak and write 
 our language, and to labor for their living, and these things to a great 
 extent go hand in hand. Those of middle age and over are, I fear, 
 beyond our reach. We must depend mainly upon the proper training 
 of the youth. To do this we must teach them, and to teach them will 
 cost money. If we really mean to civilize them, we must incur the 
 expense necessary to that end. Our whole Indian policy has in my 
 judgment been characterized by a parsimony which has borne the 
 more respectable, but undeserved name of economy. We have acted 
 very much as does the man who, burdened with a heavy debt, con 
 tents himself with paying the interest without diminishing the princi 
 pal. I am satisfied that in the management of our Indian affairs we 
 have found, as many have in the management of their private affairs, 
 that the policy which for the time being seemed the cheapest, in the 
 end has proved the most expensive. When the Indian shall have 
 learned to speak and write our language, to earn his own living by 
 his own labor, to obey the law and aid in making and administering 
 it, the Indian problem will be solved, and not till then. Money wisely 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 409 
 
 applied to these ends will be well spent; money withheld from these 
 ends will be extravagance. 
 
 Again, all the traditions of our Indians teach them that the only 
 occupation for a brave is the war or the chase, and hence they regard 
 labor, manual labor as degrading. We should not be impatient with 
 them on that account, for while it may be curious that it should be so, 
 it is, I fear, true that this opinion of this people, standing on the con 
 fines of savagery, is held by many who have reached the very topmost 
 heights of civilization and refinement. Be that as it may, the fact 
 remains that the Indian does not willingly engage in manual labor. 
 But if he is to make upward progress to become civilized he must 
 labor. The game on which he lived is gone or so nearly gone that he 
 cannot rely on it as food, and yet he must have food. The government 
 recognizing this situation has undertaken to, and does furnish a large 
 portion of our Indians food and clothing, and at the same time has 
 been endeavoring to teach them to be self-supporting by assigning 
 them land for cultivation, furnishing them with farming tools, horses 
 and harness and encouraging them to work. But two difficulties have 
 attended this system, although it has met with considerable success. 
 The first is, that adult Indians thoroughly grounded in the faith that 
 labor is degrading, prefer pauperism to independence; that is, prefer 
 to live upon food furnished by the labor of others to earning their food 
 by their own labor; a preference which is perhaps shared with them 
 by some white men. This is not true, however, with all Indians. 
 Many individuals of some of the tribes are willing to work and are 
 working under difficulties, but still it remains true that others are 
 content to be and will remain mere paupers. 
 
 The other difficulty in the way of making the Indians self-support 
 ing is that we have not given them a fair chance to become so. The 
 titles of the Indians to most of the reservations, perhaps to all of 
 them, except to those in the Indian Territory, are not such as the 
 courts are bound to protect. They are compelled to rely largely, if 
 not entirely upon the executive and legislative departments of the 
 government. The reservations set apart by law, by treaty or execu 
 tive order have been usually many times larger than necessary (if 
 cultivated) for the support of the tribes placed thereon. Our people 
 in their march westward have surrounded these reservations, and 
 seeing in them large tracts of fertile land withheld from the purpose 
 which they believed it was intended cultivation have called upon 
 the executive and legislative departments to make new treaties, new 
 laws, and new orders, and these calls have generally been heeded. 
 Now it is clear that no Indian will, with good heart, engage in making 
 and improving a farm, with the knowledge or the prospect that after 
 he has so done he may at any time be required to leave it and "move 
 on." In the case of the Indian he may have the privilege of keeping 
 
410 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 his home, if he will sever the ties of kinship and remain behind his 
 tribe; but few do this. I wish to emphasize the point that we are 
 asking too much of the Indian, when we ask him to build up a farm 
 in the timber or on the prairie, with the belief that at some future 
 time he will be compelled to choose between abandoning the fruits of 
 his labor, or his kindred and tribe. White men would not do so, and 
 we should not ask Indians to do so. 
 
 I therefore earnestly recommend two things in case that the pres 
 ent number of reservations shall be maintained: First, that existing 
 reservations, where entirely out of proportion to the number of 
 Indians thereon, be, with the consent of the Indians, and upon just 
 and fair terms, reduced to proper size; and, Second, that the titles to 
 these diminished reserves be placed by patent, as fully under the pro 
 tection of the courts as are the titles of all other of our people to their 
 land. I would not, in reducing the reservations, so reduce them as to 
 leave to the Indians only an area that would suffice for an equal num 
 ber of whites. Their attachment to kin and tribe is stronger than 
 among civilized men, and I would so arrange that the Indian father of 
 to-day might have assurance that his children as well as himself could 
 have a home. I would also provide in the patent for the reservations, 
 that so long as the title to any portion of the reservation remained in 
 the tribe, adult Indians of the tribe who would locate upon and 
 improve particular portions of the reservation, should have absolute 
 title to the parcels so improved by them; and I would provide against 
 alienation either by the tribe of the tribal title, or by individuals of 
 their personal title for a limited time. As an additional inducement 
 for heads of families to take laud in severalty and engage in farming, 
 provision should be made to aid such of them as do so, in building 
 houses thereon. The sum of $50, carefully expended by a judicious 
 agent, will enable the Indian on many of the reservations with his 
 own labor to build a house as comfortable as those occupied by man} 
 of our frontier settlers, and much more comfortable than the lodges 
 in which they have been accustomed to live; and when so situated in 
 his own house, on his own land, with a beginning made in the way of 
 farming, a feeling of personal ownership and self-reliance will be 
 developed and produce good results. And in building houses, prefer 
 ence should be given to those who have selected land in severalty and 
 made a certain improvement thereon, and the offer of such aid should 
 be held out as an inducement so to do. If a liberal sum was placed 
 in the control of the Indian Office every year, to be expended for this 
 purpose exclusively, the effect would be excellent. A wise liberality 
 in this direction would, in my judgment, be true economy. * * * 
 
 The tribal relation is a hindrance to individual progress. It means 
 communism so far at least as land is concerned. It interferes with 
 the administration of both civil and criminal law among the members 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 411 
 
 of the tribe, and among the members of the tribe and non-members. 
 The Indians should learn both to know the law and to administer it. 
 They will not become law-abiding citizens until they shall so learn. . 
 In my judgment it would be well to select some tribe, or tribes among 
 those most advanced in civilization, and establish therein a form of 
 local government as nearly like as may be to the system of county 
 government prevailing in the State or Territory in which the reserva 
 tions are situated, allowing the Indians to elect corresponding county 
 officers, having corresponding power and authority to enforce such 
 laws of the State or Territory as Congress may deem proper to declare 
 in force on each reservation for local purposes. Should the experi 
 ment prove successful it would, I think, be a long step forward in 
 the path the Indian must travel, if he ever shall reach full and intelli 
 gent citizenship. The ballot and trial by jury are tools to which 
 Indian hands are not accustomed, and would doubtless be used by 
 them awkwardly for a time, but if the Indian is to become in truth a 
 citizen he must learn to use them, and he cannot learn to use them 
 till they are placed within his reach. It is better to move in the right 
 direction, however slowly and awkwardly, than not to move at all. 
 
 At the suggestion of the Secretary, Hiram Price was 
 made Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and it was a most 
 excellent appointment. Having been one of his aids, and a 
 most helpful one, some twenty years before in assisting to 
 raise, subsist, equip and send to the front Iowa's volunteer 
 soldiers, he demonstrated hisabilities and worth, which were 
 fully appreciated by Governor Kirk wood. 
 
 Many were the hours these two faithful officers spent 
 together, at times long into the night, advancing the work 
 pertaining to their offices, after all the other officers and 
 clerks had worked their allotted hours. 
 
 To solve a vexed question in the mind of the Secretary of 
 the Interior, during President Garfield's sickness, the follow 
 ing correspondence was had: 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, ) 
 WASHINGTON, September 1, 1881. f 
 
 My Dear Sir : Thank you for your letter of 22nd ult. I have 
 quietly enquired of different members of the Cabinet concerning Mr. 
 Hale, and all of them who know him or know of him, speak of him in 
 the highest terms. Your own opinion would satisfy me. As you say 
 the President knowing him personally, of course his opinion must be 
 final. 
 
412 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 By the way, what can be done touching the President's present con 
 dition? Should he recover, as I think he will, it will probably be some 
 weeks before he can attend to any business. The appointment of a 
 Commissioner of Rail Roads, and other appointments in this office, 
 should be made, but cannot as matters now stand. 
 
 Will you kindly favor me with your opinion on the following points: 
 
 1. Does the President's condition constitute "inability." If yea, 
 
 2. Can the President being mentally sound, declare himself unable, 
 physically, to discharge his duties, and call on the V. P. to perform 
 them until his recovery? If yea, 
 
 3. Can he upon his recovery declare the same, and resume his 
 duties. 
 
 I would answer the 1st question in the affirmative. I think an Act 
 of Congress the more regular way as to 2nd and 3rd. 
 
 It looks to me as if the matter must be met in some way, and I 
 would much like your opinion on the whole question. 
 
 Very truly, 
 
 Hon. Geo. F. Edmunds, S. J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Burlington, Vermont. 
 
 BURLINGTON, Vermont. \ 
 September 3, 1881. J 
 
 My Dear Sir : I have yours of the 1st. I was sure that no one 
 who knew him would say anything but good of Judge Hale. 
 
 As to the President, I still very much fear he cannot cret through, 
 unless indeed, he can be got into new and more stimulating air. In 
 that case I should have strong hope. I would lay a temporary track 
 right up to the south door of the White House, and run the car right 
 up to it, and so have only one move. 
 
 In regard to your three questions, I have no doubt whatever, and 
 if the office were president of a corporation or general of the army, I 
 do not think anyone would have any. The words of the constitution 
 are as clear as the English language can make such a matter. The 
 people who made the constitution had common sense, and they 
 expected that those who were to carry on the government would also 
 have it. Of course Congress can make rules of evidence of any fact 
 named in the constitution; it clearly cannot make decisions conclusive 
 of such a fact, other than as political recognition of one man or another 
 as President, even if it can do that. But when it has made rules of 
 evidence, somebody must apply them, which would leave the case 
 practically where it is now. That the President is unable to perform 
 his official duties I suppose all agree; if he is able he is guilty of a 
 grave offence in not performing them; but every civilized being on 
 the face of the whole earth knows that he is not guilty of any offense 
 whatever, and that the executive duties go unperformed because he is 
 physically unable to attend to any of them. The right and duty of the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 413 
 
 Vice-President to do the needful things pending this inability is to my 
 mind absolutely clear. He does [not?] thereby become President for a 
 moment. He, as Vice-President, is to perform the duties when the 
 President is in a state of inability; but the President is still President, 
 and would remain so if he were insane for the whole four years, and 
 surely there cannot be two Presidents at once! But the only way for a 
 living President to leave office is to resign or be removed on impeach 
 ment. It is absurd, therefore, to suppose that General Garfield is 
 deposed when General Arthur performs an executive duty in such 
 cases, or that the Vice-President can continue to perform a moment 
 longer than the inability of the President lasts. When the inability 
 exists, the Vice-President may do what the President cannot. Timid 
 patriots at once say then, how do we know there is an inability? How 
 do we know there is death? I answer. No tribunal decides it. It is 
 merely a notorious fact, less open to dispute usually in mere degree 
 tban is a case of inability. In this case the common sense of responsi 
 ble men must decide it for the time being, and bear whatever of peril 
 there may be in it. If the President, being conscious of his present 
 inability to do his official duties, were to say so to the Vice-President, 
 and request him to act in the meantime, as a matter of delicacy, every 
 thing would be smooth, and the public would not get excited. In case 
 the Vice-President is to act he should not take the oath prescribed for 
 the President in the constitution, for he is not President, and his oath 
 as Vice-President covers it all, for one of his duties and functions as 
 Vice-President is to perform the President's duties in this case. Of 
 course if he did take that oath it would not change his legal status a 
 hair. I therefore answer all your three questions emphatically in the 
 affirmative. 
 
 In the first days of the republic congress did all it thought it well 
 could in such matters by providing that the only evidence of "resigna 
 tion" should be a writing to that effect, filed in the office, I think, of 
 the Secretary of State, (I have not the statute before me.) Congress 
 no doubt thought that formal proof of death need not be made, for 
 that might leave a space of time before the Vice-President could act; 
 and the same as to inability, and further consideration that it is well 
 nigh impossible to lay down a rule of evidence that would be safe, or 
 create a tribunal of decision. The Constitution evidently (except in 
 impeachment) did not intend to give any particular body of men the 
 power to suspend the President, etc. But a resignation implies a Pres 
 ident capable of exercising judgment and will, and so it could say he 
 must do it by a particular form of evidence. He might not be able to 
 do it in a case of inability, and even he might be unwilling to do it in 
 an instance absolutely plain and urgent. So our wise forefathers left 
 it as a great public fact, to be acted upon easily and smoothly in cases 
 of patriotic harmony; and if other cases should unhappily arise, to be 
 
414 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 acted upon by the Vice-President at the peril of the guilt of usurpa 
 tion, etc., if an inability did not exist, and to be acted on (in suppos- 
 able cases,) by the President at the peril of the guilt of misconduct in 
 office, when he would neither do the duties himself nor allow the Vice- 
 President to do them. Very truly yours, 
 Hon. S. J. Kirkwood, GEO. F. EDMUNDS. 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 The death of President Garfield and the reorganization of 
 the cabinet by President Arthur sent Mr. Kirkwood out of 
 the cabinet, after being there but thirteen months. When 
 he left his seat in the Senate to take that position, he assured 
 Mr. Wilson, his prospective successor, that at no time 
 would he be in his way in obtaining that place. This assur 
 ance was given upon the supposition that he would remain 
 four years in the Garfield cabinet. As the election for 
 Senator was not to take place till after it was known, or at 
 least supposed that Governor Kirkwood would retire from 
 the cabinet a strong desire manifested itself among his friends 
 in Iowa, that he should be sent back to the Senate, and at 
 his request he was retained in the cabinet till the Senatorial 
 question was settled in Mr. Wilson's favor. This retention 
 was for the purpose of avoiding complications in the Sena 
 torial election making his assurance good to Mr. Wilson, 
 and promoting his election. 
 
 Upon his retirement, a newspaper correspondent relates 
 this incident : 
 
 ''Within a week one of the law clerks in his office prepared for 
 the Secretary's signature a decision in a land case deciding in 
 accordance with the strict letter of the law. The Secretary went into 
 the clerk's room and inquired into the particulars of the matter in 
 question. 'That's the law' said the clerk, turning to the statutes cov 
 ering the case. 'That may be 1 said the Secretary, 'but I tell you this 
 man meant trickery, and the man who in his ignorance failed to live 
 up to the letter of the law, meant honestly, and I don't propose to he p 
 trickery get the better of honesty, we must find some other sort of 
 law.' And they did and gave honesty its just dues, and trickery its 
 deserved punishment. But Kirkwood was more than an honest man, 
 he was a kind hearted man. His heart was large enough to synapa. 
 thize with all humanity. A delegation of Chocktaws had been in 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRK WOOD. 415 
 
 Washington for some time, trying to get certain favors and gra nts 
 which would give them an advantage over the Chickasaws, their 
 nearest neighbors and co-occupants of the same reservation in the 
 Indian Territory. After listening to their application the Secretary 
 said: 'Are any of you gentlemen engaged in raising cattle?' Oh! yes, 
 several of them were. 'Well, how do you treat your cattle ? Do you 
 feed and shelter and care for the fat and strong fellows, and leave the 
 weak, poor and scrawny ones to take care of themselves, .exposed to 
 the weather to starve and be run over and trampled to death?' Of 
 course there could be but one answer. Thereupon, the Secretary 
 replied: 'These Chickasaws, you say, are few in number; they are 
 poor; they haven't the money even to send a delegation here to watch 
 and take care of their own interests, so we must do it for them.' Of 
 all the employees in the department, none received any but kindly and 
 appreciative words from its head. Young Ryan, the Irish boy in the 
 Secretary's office, who puts the Secretary's letters into final shape 
 through the 'typewriter' summed up the case in a nutshell, when he 
 remarked to me with tears in his eyes: 'I worked faithfully for 
 Schurz for four years, and he never said a kindly word to me, but dur 
 ing the year I have worked for Kirkwood he has never given me a 
 harsh word, and never a day without a pleasant one.' All through 
 the department his loss is felt like a personal bereavement. " 
 
 The New York Tribune has this to say in regard to the 
 retirement : 
 
 " Expressions of good- will are heard on all sides in Washington, 
 regarding the retiring Secretary of the Interior, Mr. Kirkwood. After 
 a quarter of a century of public service, either for his State or the 
 nation, he carries into retirement the universal respect of those who 
 have known him, or have had official dealings with him whether 
 political opponents or associates. If he has made mistakes they are 
 forgotten. If he leaves enemies, they are unknown as such. Obsti 
 nate to a fault when his mind is made up, he possesses that spirit of 
 fairness which forbids rash or unjust decisions, and a keen power of 
 analysis which enables him to master quickly and with rare accuracy 
 subjects brought before him. This obstinacy with him has been 
 accounted a virtue. * * * During his year of incumbency of the 
 Secretaryship, there has not been a whisper of irregularity in any 
 branch of the department. At first he was overwhelmed by the 
 pressure of appointment to office, a large number of newly created 
 vacancies then existing in the department. These matters disposed of, 
 he turned his attention to more important affairs and having no hob 
 bies to ride or pet theories to carry out, very soon mastered the work 
 before him. There have been stories to the effect that the work of the 
 department has been getting behindhand, but these were unfounded- 
 
416 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Assistant Attorney-General McCammon, through whose office the 
 important appeal cases and law questions come to the Secretary, says 
 that never before in the same time have so many decisions been 
 reached and so many vexed questions put to rest. His successor, Mr. 
 Teller, is himself one of Governor Kirkwood's personal admirers, and 
 said to the correspondent of the Tribune to-day, that his predecessor's 
 popularity and efficiency rendered the assumption of the duties of 
 Secretary by himself a formidable task." 
 
 A correspondent over the signature ' 'Bessie Beech" in 
 making some pen and ink etchings of the ladies of the 
 cabinet has this to say of Mrs. Secretary Kirk wood : 
 
 " Her face makes one feel kindly and happy every time it is looked 
 upon. Her sweet, motherly ways, low toned, pleasant voice, mild, 
 brown colored eyes and dark hair combed smoothly over her serene 
 brow and countenance^ is full of matronly grace and goodness. We 
 are sure her husband was never crossed in his blessed life. Even his 
 pet cigar is respected by his wife. It rests one to meet these women 
 who are strong in the highest essentials of patience, prudence and the 
 rich experience of a happy and complete home life." 
 
 A correspondent of the Chicago Times, writing from 
 Iowa City some six years ago says : 
 
 "Mrs. Kirk wood is a gray-haired woman, with a matronly face and 
 an expression of great amiability lighting up her regular features. 
 She is quiet, domestic in her tastes, keenly sensitive in all that relates 
 to her husband, and a devoted believer in his splendid abilities. The 
 two seem to enjoy a perfect harmony in their lives, through a union 
 of which he supplies strength, firmness, active energy, and she sym 
 pathetic appreciation, implicit confidence and an unswerving sup 
 port." 
 
 Within a few months after Governor Kirkwood left 
 President Arthur's Cabinet, he was made President of the 
 Iowa City National Bank, which position he held for six 
 years, dividing the labors and salary of the office with the 
 vice-President, Mr. Geo. W. Lewis, when his absence or 
 health did not permit him to perform them himself. 
 
 In the summer of 1883, Governor Kirkwood and Messrs. 
 Dutcher and Gilkerson of New York were appointed Com 
 missioners on the part of the Government, to examine and 
 report upon the construction of an additional 45 miles of the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 417 
 
 California and Oregon R. R., then being constructed between 
 San Francisco and Portland, Oregon, by a corporation who 
 had a grant of Government land for that purpose. The 
 Governor added pleasure to business, taking his wife with 
 him on his extended trip, going out by the Northern Pacific 
 from St. Paul to Tacoma, thence to Portland, returning by 
 way of San Francisco over the Central and Union Pacific 
 roads. 
 
 Being met after his return home by a newspaper corre 
 spondent he said : 
 
 "I want you to say this through the Tribune, that I very heartily 
 wish that the young men of the East who are rushing to Europe for 
 their summer recreation, would instead turn their direction westward 
 and take the trip I have just taken. I met some young men from 
 New York who were making the trip, and they found it preferable to 
 transatlantic travel, not only for sight seeing in the real grandeur 
 of nature and a delightful climate, but for observation of localities 
 which present tine opportunities for the application of muscle, and 
 brains, and capital, in the development of the grandest and richest 
 country on the globe, and the accumulation of wealth as well." 
 
 When at Tacoma on the 3d of August a reception was 
 tendered by the citizens of the town to Mr. C. B. Wright, 
 a member of the party, an eastern capitalist who had by his 
 energy and means during the last decade, done much for the 
 development of the country and the building up of the town, 
 in the expenditure of his money. 
 
 After the address of welcome and the response, Mr. 
 Dutcher and Gov. Kirkwood were called upon for speeches. 
 Gen. Sprague, the master of ceremonies, in introducing Gov. 
 Kirkwood, said: u Gov. Kirkwood was the War Governor 
 of his State, and as I know there are several Iowa soldiers 
 here to-night, I am sure that their hearts will warm at the 
 sight of their old leader and protector." 
 
 GOVERNOR KIRKWOOD 'S SPEECH. 
 
 Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I am at a loss to know what 
 to say to you en this occasion, seeing that I come among you a total 
 Stranger. When I met my good friend Mr. Dutcher at St. Paul, I 
 
418 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 remarked to him that his education had been sadly neglected, as he 
 had never been west of the Mississippi river. [Laughter.] I look upou 
 this Great West as the great center of the education of the people of 
 this country. Not, of course, in the matter of mere book learning, but 
 in that which makes book learning practically available. Let me make 
 myself understood. East of the Alleghany mountains we have a large 
 population and much wealth. The two extremes, the northeast and 
 the southeast, are somewhat divided in habits, manners and customs. 
 Boston, the center of the northeast portion, pretends to a higher 
 degree of culture, and its people claim to be possessed of a much 
 greater degree of polish than we western folks can pretend to. They 
 come, however, to us and get educated west of the Mississippi river. 
 You must know that the true Bostonian sun rises behind Plymouth 
 Rock, stops for a time over Faneuil Hall in Boston, and sets near the 
 mouth of Hoosic Tunnel. But when we get a Bostonian out here, 
 knock a little of the nonsense out of him and rub the varnish off, we 
 find him to be made of true, tough, solid fibre underneath and to be 
 by no means a man of veneer. He turns out a pushing, energetic and 
 useful citizen. 
 
 Let us look at the other side for a moment I mean the Virginian. 
 He believes the sun rises at the head of Chesapeake Bay, pauses and 
 takes off its hat as it passes Mt. Vernon where Washington died, and 
 sets somewhere on the Kanawha river. He is troubled with the idea 
 that all the Virginians are of the very first families. After he comes out 
 here among us western people and gets his hair cut, we soon succeed 
 in convincing him that we here are all of the best families. By and 
 by he, too, gets the nonsense knocked out of him and he develops into 
 an honest, earnest, hospitable man. 5Tou are all aware that some time 
 ago they were a little off color. But now they have come back again 
 and are behaving themselves very decently indeed. 
 
 This Great West I regard as the grand college, the university where 
 the great subject taught is common sense. But this is not all we do 
 here. Let us look for a moment at what else is being done. In the 
 country where I live, which I wish to remark is the finest State in the 
 whole Union, [laughter] though I am free to own that Washington 
 Territory when it has become a State may equal it, we have represen 
 tatives of all the master nations in the world. We have Norwegians, 
 we have Danes, we have Swedes, we have Scotch, Welsh, Irish, Eng 
 lish, French, Hollanders, (of whom my friend Mr. Dutcher is a speci 
 men), Germans in all their various families, and Bohemians; and yet 
 we live in peace, order and quietness. When they come to us in 
 middle age we cannot make much impression upon them. But their 
 children grow up with ours, go to school with them, fall in love with 
 them and marry them, and the result is we are building up a new race 
 which I hope will have all the good qualities of their mixed ancestry, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIBKWOOD. 419 
 
 and we hope to be able to strike out all their bad qualities. We are 
 rearing the typical American, the Western Yankee if you choose to 
 call him so, the man of grit, the man of nerve, the man of broad and 
 liberal views, the man of tolerance of opinion, the man of energy, the 
 man who some day will dominate this empire of ours, which will in 
 the coming years embrace the whole of this North American Conti 
 nent. [Applause.] 
 
 This is what I mean by calling it the great educational center of 
 the country, and to-night I see before me, unless I greatly mistake, 
 good material to begin with. You must have had energy, courage and 
 enterprise to have left your homes in other countries and States to 
 have come here to face the trials and difficulties attendant upon settle 
 ment in a comparatively new country. 
 
 Man is possessed of physical, mental and moral qualities. By 
 exercise and use we develop our physical strength, and the same is 
 true of our mental and moral powers. The use of them makes us 
 robust and strong, whereas non-use weakens and dwarfs us. There is, 
 of course, no fear of the weakening of the mental powers of you here 
 present. 
 
 I suppose you all came out here after the almighty dollar, [laugh 
 ter] a pursuit which tends greatly to mental acuteness and power. 
 But does it develop the best part of man's nature? I do not believe it 
 does. It is not difficult to develop our moral qualities, with special 
 reference to ourselves; only those must be developed which look to 
 the interests of our neighbors. If they are not, that part of our moral 
 nature of which they are a portion will be infallibly dwarfed. 
 
 You have before you to-night a commendable example of the equal 
 and well regulated development of both the mental and moral quali 
 ties of his nature, in the man whom te honor you have assembled here. 
 He has passed an active business lile and amassed great wealth, but he 
 has not been forgetful of the fact that this wealth imposes duties upon 
 him, and those duties he has performed. Thus he is tilling out a well- 
 rounded life. 
 
 East of the Alleghany mountains the only idea of a well-balanced 
 man which the people have is one who parts his hair in the middle. 
 [Laughter.] I need hardly say that this is an erroneous opinion. The 
 well-balanced man is developed all over, is not lop-sided. By care 
 fully developing your mental, moral and physical qualities, not 
 neglecting or doing injustice to one or the other of them, you will 
 attain not only success in life but happiness as well; in short, you will 
 come very near being Wright. [Laughter and loud applause.] 
 
 Mr. Dutcher was then introduced and spoke as follows: 
 Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: I thank you heartily for 
 this opportunity of mingling with you on the occasion, when you are 
 gathered together to show your feelings of respect, love and honor to 
 
420 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Mr. C. B. Wright. I must acknowledge it is somewhat embarrassing 
 for a plain Dutchman like myself, [laughter] to be called upon so sud 
 denly to speak upon matters of vital importance. My friend, Gov 
 ernor Kirkwood, the man of large and varied experience, has given 
 you such an amount of good advice, that I think 1 will hardly venture 
 anything in that line. I have to admit that I come under the class of 
 Eastern well balanced men, so facetiously mentioned by him, for 
 (stroking his bald head) my hair is very much parted in the middle. 
 [Laughter.] I would like, however, to make one slight correction in 
 the description which the President gave of me. I am not a lawyer, 
 nor the son of a lawyer, but only a plain Dutchman, whose education 
 has been neglected, for I was never until now west of the Mississippi 
 river. I thought Governor Kirkwood had an idea that the sun rose 
 out of the Mississippi river, passed over the Capital city, and set on 
 the western border of Iowa, and that his education had been neglected, 
 but when he mentioned his belief that Washington Territory might 
 yet equal Iowa, I was satisfied that I might be mistaken. I shall carry 
 home with me most pleasing recollections. Our journey over the 
 Rockies, down the Columbia to Portland, from there to the neighbor 
 hood of the California boundary and then back to reach this point, 
 has given me memories which I cannot, and would not if I could, 
 forget. I have seen considerable of the country, and my impressions 
 have been in every instance of the most pleasing description. Not 
 only have we been all pleased with the coast, but we have formed the 
 highest possible opinion of the energy, perseverance and thrift of the 
 men, and of the beauty, health and grace of the women. [Applause.] 
 The Governor and myself being as you see, boys, have come to the 
 conclusion that we cannot do better than settle down here and grow 
 up with the country, and I doubt not Mr. Gilkerson will soon make up 
 his mind to follow us. [Laughter and applause.] The great work 
 now carried to completion in this grand inter-oceanic highway, con 
 sidered in connection with the difficulties that had to be surmounted, 
 few of us here can appreciate. In times of war we hear of great 
 generals who snatch victory from the very grasp of defeat; who rally 
 the shattered and fugitive forces, and by the example of their own 
 personal courage and bravery turn into conquest, what threatened to 
 be an utter and irretrievable rout. We have heard of gallant soldiers 
 who did not know when they were whipped, and it is well that poets 
 should sing their praises, and historians hand down the record of their 
 noble deeds as an example to future generations. We can measure 
 the courage and nerve needed to perform such deeds as these, and we 
 can appreciate at its true value the individual bravery of the soldier 
 and his leader, who braves and overcomes what wears all the appear 
 ance of certain defeat. We can admire the heroism of the officer, 
 who, at the head of his column, dashed forward with the shout, 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMtJEL J. KIRKWOOD. 421 
 
 "Coine on, brave boys, let us retake the lost positions." But let me 
 tell you it is far harder to estimate the courage needed to seize on a 
 financial wreck, and by consummate energy, judgment and determi 
 nation make it again seaworthy. There is nothing harder to restore 
 than the confidence of a capitalist when once it is shaken. In the 
 words of one who is thoroughly acquainted with the subject by long 
 experience, "There is nothing more cowardly in the world than a 
 million of dollars, unless it be two millions of dollars." There is 
 nothing so timid as capital, and when a man has achieved such a 
 triumph as to restore forfeited confidence in such a gigantic enterprise 
 as the Northern Pacific Railroad, and by dint of energy and mature 
 judgment carries that enterprise to a triumphant completion, there is 
 no material too enduring, and no monument too costly to serve as a 
 memorial of his merits. Mr. Wright, when capitalists had lost all 
 hope, put his shoulder to the wheel, laid broad and deep the founda 
 tions of this grand work, and then a gleam of the light of hope 
 shone upon it, the enterprise prospered as if by magic, and now that 
 its completion is virtually an accomplished fact, it is pleasant for us 
 to meet him on such an occasion as the present, when such a large 
 and representative audience is met here to do him honor. * * * * 
 A man has no conception of this country, of its vast area, its glorious 
 diversified scenery, or the practically boundlessness of its resources 
 until he leaves the Atlantic Coast, crosses the Alleghany mountains, 
 passes through Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Iowa, over the Rockies into 
 this very Garden of Eden on the Pacific Coast. I entirely agree with 
 Governor Kirkwood in his opinion, that until a man has made this 
 journey his education is not complete. * * * This grand country 
 of mountains, rivers, highways and harbors this land of colleges, 
 churches and common schools the strength of our great Republic 
 [applause] is ours. We have a people full of charity, benevolence and 
 liberality, and in speaking of their greatness, the vastness of their 
 wealth which finds a channel through their charity and liberality, we 
 are to remember that to the working man we owe much, very much 
 of it all. The hardy son of toil is the very backbone and strength of 
 the country. But in saying this we are not to forget to do justice to 
 the capitalist, who by industry and sagacity, has amassed wealth, and 
 who, at the critical moment, throws it all into the balance, risking it 
 all to save a great enterprise, and thus enabling labor to accomplish 
 conjointly with capital what it never could have attempted without it. 
 The results of all this great work are ours, for they have become 
 identified with this glorious country which is our inheritance. 
 
 Ours by the patriot's holy love, 
 
 Ours by his deathly throe; 
 Ours by the starry flag above, 
 
 Ours by the blood below. 
 
422 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Ours by the freeman's titled deed 
 
 To the land of liberty; 
 Ours for the freeman's sacred creed, 
 
 Ours for humanity. . 
 
 Ours from the placid Western sea, 
 
 To the Emerald Eastern slopes; 
 Ours by our fathers' history, 
 
 Ours for our children's hopes. 
 
 Ours from the North lakes crystal waves 
 
 To the silvery Southern foam; 
 Ours by the changeless right of graves, 
 
 Ours for the lives to come. 
 
 Ours by the homes that deck the land, 
 
 Ours by the pathways trod, 
 Ours by the ages 1 stern demand, 
 
 Ours by the gift of God. 
 
 [Prolonged applause.] 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Interviewed in San Francisco The Indian Question Again Favors 
 Elaine for President Takes the Stump for Him Is Nominated for 
 Congress Accepts Bis Letter of Acceptance Hiram Price for Him 
 
 Speech at Muscatine. 
 
 When in San Francisco, Gov. Kirkwood was met by a 
 representative of the Chronicle, who drew this pen picture of 
 him, and to whom was accorded an interview: 
 
 "S. J. Kirkwood, Secretary of the Interior under President Gartield, 
 who arrived in the city from the North on last Thursday, is a com 
 fortable Tooking man of apparently 60 years of age, though in reality 
 he is almost 70. He wears plain clothes, constructed on liberal allow 
 ances for a figure but little under six feet, weighing about 180 and 
 which tends but slightly to corpulency; the face is full, benevolent, 
 intelligent with rugged, expressive features and framed by gray gal- 
 ways. The forehead is high and square, and does not extend to the 
 back of the neck, as the ex-Secretary has still a good growth of iron 
 gray hair. The gentleman seems to have an aversion to all kinds of 
 ornament, for on his portly person the only thing that approaches 
 jewelry, is a steel watch chain. Unassuming as his clothes, so are also 
 his manners, and when a Chronicle reporter called upon him he 
 accorded an interview most readily. 'Don't ask for news, for I have 
 none,' he said, 'I came through a country where such a thing is not 
 known, and have not had a chance to read the papers in order to see 
 how the world is getting on.' 
 
 'Have you read the account of Sheridan's new Indian policy in con 
 nection with the President's visit to the Shoshone Reservation, in 
 to-day's paper?' 
 
 'No I have not/ 
 
 'But you have opinions concerning the oft-mooted plan of transfer 
 ring the Indians to the War Department?' 
 
 'Well yes, I have had something to do with the Indian policy of the 
 country, and can't very well deny that I have formed certain ideas. 
 One of these is that the army ought not to be charged with the guard 
 ianship of the Indians. You see the end and aim of every Indian 
 policy must be to make civilized people out of the savages. Now that 
 can be clone only by teaching them to work. But the Indian is not a 
 born worker, and it is difficult to make him do that. He is a hunter, 
 and a warrior. He knows nothing of personal property rights, except 
 
 423 
 
424 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 in connection with his arms and his ponies. The avowed policy of the 
 Interior Department has been to train him and teach him by confid 
 ing his management to people from whom he can take an example.' 
 
 'Has not the example been a failure?' 
 
 'Pretty generally I admit. We have succeeded in making paupers 
 out of the Indians, by trying to help them, and paupers are the most 
 difficult class of all to reform. The worst thing you can do is to help 
 a man who can, and won't help himself. The Interior Department is 
 supposed to have furnished examples and opportunities to initiate 
 them only, but in reality it has gone much further. If the change to 
 the War Department is made, the endeavors to make workers out of 
 the red men will cease of themselves. The army officers will tell the 
 Indian that he must work, and the Indian will ask in return, 'Why 
 don't you work?' 'Oh! we are soldiers and warriors,' our noble men 
 of the army will reply, 'And so are we,' the red men will say and that 
 will end it. The army can make targets out of the Indians, but it can't 
 turn them into agriculturists. ' 
 
 'Then do you think that the Interior Department has been success 
 ful in its policy and management.' 
 
 'No, I won't say that. As I have already said, a great many of the 
 Indian tribes have been effectually pauperized. Some tribes however 
 have been reclaimed and have becomed fairly good citizens. The 
 success of the policy depends a great deal upon the agents, some of 
 whom are good and some are very bad. But I am satisfied that the 
 War Department will never solve the Indian question, unless it solves 
 it with powder and ball, which would be more of a dissolution than a 
 solution.'" * * * 
 
 The interview covered the Land Grant question and the 
 question of corporations in politics which were fully dis 
 cussed and concluded with: 
 
 " 'Do you think the monopoly issue will enter largely into the next 
 Presidential canvass?' 
 
 'Well no. Both parties are committed to the doctrine of corporate^ 
 control. I think the tariff issue will be far more important. People 
 feel pretty strongly on that question in the east. The anti-monopoly 
 question has not yet developed far enough, to come to the front, though 
 I think it would come fast enough if the railroads were as arrogant, 
 grasping and unjust in the east as they are said to be here. ' ' ' 
 
 The nomination of James G. Elaine as a candidate for 
 President on the Republican ticket in 1884 was most gratify 
 ing to Gov. Kirkwood, as he believed him to be the best 
 selection that could have been made, and he took the stump 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 425 
 
 in the advocacy of his election, making speeches to large 
 audiences at Muscatine, Washington and various other places 
 in the State. 
 
 The following is a partial report by the Muscatine Journal 
 of the speech made at Muscatine: 
 
 "Mr. Mahin introduced Gov. Kirkwood as our esteemed and dis 
 tinguished War Governor, the personal friend of the lamented Gartield 
 and the Senatorial and Cabinet associate of James G. Elaine. 
 
 "Gov. Kirkwood began his address with the statement that the United 
 States will in November next elect a President, and he was here to 
 give one of his 'plain talks.' During the day he had visited the 
 extensive saw mills and lumber yards of the city, and this thought 
 occurred to him. Suppose this whole great lumber interest of the city 
 was to be placed in the hands of a single superintendent and two can 
 didates for the position appeared, W. J. Young, and a smart young 
 lawyer or doctor of the town. Would anyone hesitate as to the one 
 which should be appointed? No matter how intelligent or active the 
 latter might be, he certainly could possess no qualification equaling 
 those of Mr. Young, whose years have been devoted closely, consecu 
 tively and successfully to this business. His superior fitness and train 
 ing over his younger and inexperienced rival would be readily appar 
 ent to all. 
 
 "The choice between Cleveland and Elaine is a parallel one. This is 
 a great country, with fifty-five millions of people, vast resources and 
 boundless possibilities. It collects and disburses annually a revenue 
 of four hundred millions of dollars. It requires years of study and 
 effort and a great mind to comprehend the duties of Chief Executive. 
 Compare Cleveland and Elaine in this respect. Scarcely six months 
 ago Cleveland was comparatively unknown. He had been sheriff of a 
 county, and in tilling those duties he insisted on personally performing 
 a disagreeable duty, that would bring on the country, if he were elec 
 ted, the reproach of having a hangman for a President. He had been 
 promoted to Mayor of a city, then to Governor of a State in time of 
 peace, and that is all. It is said of him that he has never been in the 
 city of Washington, nor west of the city of Cleveland, O. [Laughter ] 
 * Why bless my soul, ' continued the speaker, in a burst of pleasant 
 zeal, 'he has no complete education. [Continued laughter.] No man 
 has who has not traveled the length and breadth of this land and 
 grasped an idea of its tremendous extent. Cleveland never served in 
 any legislative body.' 
 
 "If you want a watch repaired do you go to a blacksmith? no mat 
 ter how much more brains he may have than the jeweler who makes 
 that his trade. If you want a horse shod, do you go to a jeweler? no 
 
426 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. * 
 
 matter how much more learned he may be than the blacksmith? You 
 apply to that man who has made that work his business and has 
 knowledge and capacity therefor. Elaine is a statesman by long prac 
 tice and experience. You cannot read the history of this country for 
 the past twenty years twenty years of our greatest National pros 
 perity, without reading the history of James G. Blaine. He began 
 political life in his own State, and was Speaker of the popular branch 
 of the General Assembly, and afterwards sent to Congress as repre 
 sentative to the United States Senate, and finally appointed to the 
 cabinet of President Garfield. He has twenty years of training in the 
 very direction necessary to make an able President. Even his bitter 
 est enemies concede his great ability. 
 
 "The speaker served with Blaine in the Senate four years, and 
 became with him a member of GartiekTs Cabinet, and he therefore 
 spoke from experience. He alluded feelingly for a few moments to 
 the close friendship and daily intercourse of the cabinet during the 
 President's long illness. He personally knew Blaine to be an honest 
 man, and he defied anyone to successfully controvert the assertion. 
 The speaker citing his own record and confidence always placed in 
 him by the people of Iowa, solemnly assured his hearers of his great 
 admiration for and perfect trust in Blaine, who was eminently fitted 
 to take charge of the affairs of the nation. 
 
 " 'Mr. Blaine,' he said, 'was not a saint, and the man who smites 
 him on the one cheek is quite likely to get his response ' straight from 
 the shoulder.' He has brains enough to have convictions, and cour 
 age enough to announce those convictions and to stand by and defend 
 them. He has also that higher and better courage that enables him to 
 see and admit the fact, when in error. He does not seek controversy, 
 neither does he shun duty. In every fibre of his being he is an Ameri 
 can, [prolonged applause] and he believes in making this country the 
 greatest, strongest, richest and best nation in the world.' 
 
 "It is charged that Blaine is a reckless man and may drive this 
 country into ruin. This charge is entirely unfounded. 
 
 "The speaker here read extracts from British newspapers to show 
 that the chief fear across the ocean is that Elaine's policy would build 
 up American commerce to the detriment of that of Great Britain, and 
 that what Americans most want foreign countries least desire. He 
 showed how the trade of .this country with South America passes 
 through English channels, when it should be carried on direct. 'We 
 should do nothing to uphold British trade, when they do nothing to 
 advance our commercial interests. ' 
 
 "The speaker then took up the Democratic platform and showed that 
 the clause favoring American continental interests was a bold larceny 
 from the Republicans. 
 
 "Just after Elaine's nomination the Democracy began abusing him 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 427 
 
 for his South American policy, until they saw the effect on the masses 
 and then they suddenly dropped their opposition and cunningly stole 
 that very plank and put it in their own platform in order to catch 
 votes! 
 
 "The Democratic platform also favors 'free ballot and a free count.' 
 This, also, is the very heighth of impudence, in view of the notorious 
 perversions of the ballot box by that party in the South. We know, 
 and they know we know, that South Carolina, Mississippi and Louis 
 iana would be Republican to-day with 'a free ballot and a fair 
 count.' The speaker was a member of the Teller Investigating Com 
 mittee four years ago, and spoke from actual knowledge. He spent 
 weeks in New Orleans and Charleston personally and officially inves 
 tigating the frauds, and found that the elections had been a perfect 
 farce. Voters were prevented by all sorts of means, including mur 
 der, from expressing their preferences at the polls. He related how 
 the colored minister Fairfax had to be smuggled to Washington by 
 this thus humiliated National Committee in time of peace, in order to 
 give him personal safety while giving important testimony. The 
 Democratic platform simply lies! 
 
 "The method of voting by tissue ballots was next explained, the 
 speaker folding a slip of paper and illustrating minutely just how it 
 was done, and how judges avoid abstracting the tissue ballots when 
 more votes are found in the box than there are names on the list and the 
 excess is reduced by drawing. In one precinct the committee found 
 six hundred more votes had been returned than there were voters! 
 
 "But for these Southern outrages and tissue ballots, the Republicans 
 could not only carry the three States named but would have a fighting 
 chance in Alabama, Florida, North Carolina and West Virginia. 
 
 'The tariff plank of the Democratic platform was referred to, but 
 the speaker confessed his inability to tell what it meant. The plank 
 just suits all classes of Democrats, Protectionists and Free Traders 
 alike. <4t was made by a committee embracing such Free Traders as 
 Watterson of Kentucky, Morrison of Illinois, and Frank Hurd of 
 Ohio; and such ardent Protectionists as Randall of Pennsylvania, and 
 Converse of Onio. The plank is ridiculously insincere and unreliable, 
 and honest voters should not allow themselves to be caught with such 
 chaff. 
 
 "The Republican platform speaks squarely against polygamy in 
 Utah, that foul blot on our country's honor, but on this vital point the 
 Democratic platform is silent. 
 
 "Young men were advised to study the history of the two great 
 political parties; to remember the war and the iacrifices of thousands 
 of brave lives in defence of our country; to note that every single 
 measure for putting down the rebellion and reconstructing the 
 affairs and finances of the country was violently opposed by the 
 
428 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Democracy; that the latter had been tireless in their attempts to 
 secure amnesty to rebel leaders and the traitors of the war, and fhat 
 the only two great measures they had ardently favored since they 
 obtained control of Congress in 1874, were to restore Jeff Davis and 
 Fitz John Porter to the full favor of their countrymen. [Continued 
 applause.] 
 
 After devoting a few moments more to the tariff by request, in 
 which he argued logically the right and the duty of the government to 
 impose taxes on imports, to discriminate as to what articles should be 
 admitted free or taxed, and -to take other proper measures to protect 
 American labor and American industries, the Governor thanked his 
 large audience, which dispersed amid music by the band and a preva 
 lence of satisfaction over the address." 
 
 During the political canvass of 1886, Judge Hayes having 
 been nominated for Congress in the Second Congressional 
 District, T. J. O'Meara, who had been a Democrat was put 
 in nomination for the same office by a convention of the 
 Knights of Labor, and as the district was overwhelmingly 
 Democratic, many Republicans thought it best not to make 
 any nomination, but to endorse the nomination of Mr. 
 O'Meara. The Republicans of the district in their Congress 
 ional Convention divided upon this question, those in favor 
 of making a Republican nomination issued an address to the 
 Republican voters of the district, and placed in nomination 
 Samuel J. Kirkwood. That nomination was accepted by 
 him in the following letter: 
 
 IOWA CITY, Aug. 30, J886. 
 Eon. J. C. Shrader, 
 
 Chairman Republican Congressional Committee, 
 
 Second District of Iowa: 
 
 I have read with much interest and care the address of the commit 
 tee appointed by the convention of which you were chairman, explain 
 ing the unfortunate division of opinion that arose in the full convention 
 and results in its divided action. 
 
 The address does not seek to excuse or apologize for the action of 
 that portion of the convention over which you presided, but boldly, 
 but temperately justifies it. I fully concur in the reasoning and the 
 conclusion of the address that those over whom you presided consti 
 tuted the Republican convention, and therefore I address you as its 
 chairman. The failure of the full convention to nominate some 
 Republican as its candidate, was, in my judgment, a failure to execute 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. K1RKWOOD. 429 
 
 a highly important trust, a failure to perform a plain or imperative 
 duty, a failure, the effect of which would have been to taint the good 
 name of the Republican party with the bad odor of bargaining and 
 trickery. I squarely deny the right and the power of a political dele 
 gate convention to compel its constituents either to lose their votes or 
 to cast them for one not of their political faith. What would be 
 thought of a Presbyterian synod that should elect as its representative 
 in a Presbyterian General Assembly a Methodist presiding elder or 
 bishop? I regret only that the necessity of the situation seemed 
 finally to require my nomination. But some Republican was required 
 to take up the burden, and as the choice fell upon me, I accept it 
 cheerfully with whatever of responsibility may attach to the act, and 
 shall do the best I can to justify the choice. 
 
 There are three candidates in the field, the Republican, the Demo 
 cratic and the Knights of Labor candidates. But when we look 
 beneath the surface are we not justified in saying that there are but 
 two policies involved, the Republican and the Democratic? 
 
 What has been for the last quarter of a century the unpardonable, 
 because the unrepented political sin of the Democratic party north and 
 south? In the South it took form in the substitution of force and 
 violence, of war and bloodshed in the place of argument, discussion 
 and the ballot to rectify a supposed wrong in the election of Abraham 
 Lincoln. In the North it took form in labored apologies for, and half 
 hearted justification of the course of the South, in efforts in some way 
 to compromise a condition of affairs that did not admit of compromise. 
 The vital principle of our form of government was involved, and that 
 is, that men are capable of self-government; that where as in this 
 country all male citizens are allowed to vote, they have intelligence 
 enough to know how their welfare may be best promoted, and honesty 
 enough to do what their intelligence dictates should be done. All 
 admit, that at times grave errors may be committed, even great 
 wrongs done, because men are human and fallible; but the earnest 
 believer in man's capacity for self-government insists that the same 
 honesty and intelligence, and honesty of purpose which may at times 
 be misled, will eventually, after argument and discussion, discover 
 where errors have been committed or wrongs have been done, and 
 will gladly rectify and correct them. 
 
 If this is not true then our system of government must prove a 
 failure, and he who in whatever interest or for whatever cause seeks 
 to accomplish political ends by force and violence instead of argument 
 and discussion and a free and fair ballot box, whether he so intends or 
 not, strikes a direct blow not only at our system of government, but 
 at the very foundation on which it rests. As 1 have said this fatal 
 mistake of substituting force and violence for argument and discus 
 sion, has so saturated the Democratic party north and south, that it is 
 
430 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 practiced by that party in some of the States, and is justified or excused 
 in others, and heuce Republicans oppose and must oppose them. The 
 truth is that the Democratic party has been utterly unable to compre 
 hend the great question growing out of the election of Mr. Lincoln, 
 the war that followed, the reconstruction of the rebel States and the 
 financial questions resulting from all these. It has contented itself with 
 opposing and obstructing all the Republicans have endeavored to do, 
 and have, in a measure, happily accomplished; and when something 
 has been done they declared could not be done, or ought not to be done, 
 they have generally when the thing was done, with more or less grace 
 "accepted the situation 1 ' and sometimes claimed the credit of the act. 
 But what, say the friends of the candidate of the Knights of Labor, 
 has all this to do with us? Let us see. I have not the pleasure of a 
 personal acquaintance with Mr. O'Meara. He is said to be a reputable 
 gentleman, whom any of his supporters would be willing to acknowl 
 edge as a fair representative of their character and respectability; 
 without this they ought not to support him. But what does he stand 
 for politically? What do the Knights of Labor stand for politically? 
 And much more important yet, and by what method does he and the 
 great organization of Knights propose to accomplish what they stand 
 for? They are endeavoring to absorb various other labor organiza 
 tions that have hitherto been independent of, and to some degree 
 hostile to them. Before that can be accomplished it will be necessary 
 for them to reconcile the wide difference existing in their own organ 
 ization, and between them and those they seek to absorb, and until 
 that shall have been done, no one can know what he endorses when 
 he affiliates with them. Their professions of political faith have thus 
 far come from small sections of the order, and these have beeu on 
 many points vague and indefinite, until this year, as I understand, 
 they have discountenanced political organization and action. Now 
 they are organizing for political ends, entering the political field but 
 with divided counsels and discordant action. In this district they con 
 sent to affiliate with us if we consent to abandon our organization and 
 endorse their candidate. In the seventh district they march bodily 
 into the Democratic camp. They have a perfect right to do these 
 things, but they must not be surprised if thoughtful men hesitate to 
 act with them, until they know more of their purposes and especially 
 of their intended methods of accomplishing their purposes. As to 
 their methods, so far as publicly shown, they are very unsatisfactory. 
 Mr. Powderly and his adherents in the order advise orderly and 
 peaceful methods in general, but claim somewhat vaguely that in case 
 of "emergency" other methods may be necessary. What emergency? 
 Mr. Irons and his adherents inaugurated and carried on a strike at 
 and southwest of St. Louis during the current year, and we all know 
 the methods then pursued. All admit their right to strike, but not 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 431 
 
 content with that they resorted to force, violence, riot and bloodshed, 
 and for weeks the entire business of a large section of country was 
 completely paralyzed by their action. A recent strike in Chicago has 
 shown the same methods, but to a less extent. The Republican party 
 cannot either directly or indirectly endorse such methods, and until 
 the Knights have agreed among themselves as to what they want and 
 how they propose to get it, it is not only prudent but imperative that 
 we abstain from endorsement of or affiliation with the order. 
 
 One of the strangest features of the contest in this district is the 
 eagerness with which certain members of our party endorse Mr. 
 O'Meara. They have an intense dislike amounting to hate of Mr. 
 Hayes, and they seem to think there is nothing important in the con 
 test except to defeat him. They have been for the last two years past 
 shouting themselves hoarse with denunciations of force and violence, 
 rioting and murdering in our own State, but all of that has occurred 
 in Iowa in two years is but a moderate gale compared to the tornado 
 that swept over St. Louis during the recent strike there, and yet they 
 appear not only willing to endorse the latter while continuing to 
 denounce the former, but to denounce as not good Republicans all 
 who do not join in with them. 
 
 I cannot and will not join with them. Republicanism, in my judg 
 ment, is not a mere temporary thing, but is to stand so long as our 
 system of government shall stand, and in my judgment they will go 
 down together, if go down they must. Republicanism stands for equal 
 and exact justice to all men, for "the equality of all men before the 
 law," for argument, discussion, open public discussion and the ballot, 
 as opposed to force, violence, rioting, murder and rebellion, and so 
 believing I am for Republicanism. The Republican party has done 
 more during the thirty years of its existence for labor and the labor 
 ing man than any other political organization here or elsewhere has 
 done in a century. It has done more for the cause of good order and 
 the general welfare of our country, and for government of the people, 
 by the people, and for the people, in this and other lands, than was 
 done by any other party in a century, and it is continuing its good 
 work slowly but steadily. It must move slowly because it moves on 
 sixty millions of people, and sixty millions of people move slowly in 
 time of peace. It has made mistakes because it is composed of fallible 
 men, and has not always been able to correct its mistakes. But it is 
 at times discouraging to find men who seem to think that whatever 
 shall not be accomplished while they live will never be accomplished, 
 blaming it for not having done more although it has already done so 
 much, and deliberately planning in some of the States its destruction in 
 the vain hope that they will build up a better and stronger organization. 
 
 But I must bring this letter to a close. I intended a text, I fear I 
 am giving a sermon. 
 
432 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 I think all who know me intimately, know that I not only did not 
 seek your nomination, but consented reluctantly to accept it, if offered. 
 It has been offered and I accept it, and I shall do my best to make the 
 canvass a not wholly defensive one. But I must have help, and I call 
 upon every man in the district and out of it, who believes as I believe, 
 to be up and doing. Especially I call upon you young men who were 
 unborn or babes or mere lads when Republicanism had its birth, to 
 examine these matters carefully. I am making the fight not for myself 
 but for you. I am fighting for that which your fathers fought for, 
 and for that which you should see to it that your children shall enjoy. 
 With your help ihe battle may be won, but be the result what it may, 
 I shall feel I have done my duty. If your fathers had fought only 
 when they were sure of victory, our late war might have ended 
 otherwise than it did. There are worse things in this world than defeat 
 in a good cause, and one of them is the knowledge that defeat might 
 have been victory, if each man who desired victory had done his best 
 to win it. 
 
 Very truly, 
 
 S. J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Hon. Hiram Price who had previously represented this 
 district or a part of it in Congress was written to in regard 
 to his support of the "Old War Governor" for Congress, and 
 in reply, after discussing fully the condition of affairs in the 
 district, says in conclusion : 
 
 "The Republican party has not only saved the nation politically 
 and financially, but has been during all the years of its existence the 
 firm and unswerving friend of the laboring classes, as a proof of which 
 I point with pride to the tens of thousands of poor men throughout our 
 country, who now own their own homes and farms, through the opera 
 tion of the homestead law, given them through the action of the Repub 
 lican part}* and which the Democratic party, though in power for fifty 
 years, failed and refused to do. 
 
 "And now what of the standard bearer chosen by the Republicans to 
 lead in the fore front of their advancing columns? Is it possible that you 
 gentlemen who addressed to me those letters, could have any doubt as 
 to my position? Don't you know that Gov. Kirkwood and I have been 
 fast friends for more than a quarter of a century? Don't you know 
 that I know he is one of the most clear-headed and honest-hearted 
 men that Iowa can boast of? Don't you know that I know, that no 
 man can serve the Second Congressional District better, and few as 
 well as he can? Why, of course you know all these things, and must 
 know that I am for him; he being the standard bearer of the Repub 
 lican party. I know him better than you do, and thus knowing him I 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 433 
 
 am for him. I don't pretend that we always agreed upon all questions 
 but we came as near it as any two men you can find who do their own 
 thinking. I only wish that all the anti-Hayes men could be united on 
 him, and thus send a man to Congress who would be a credit to the 
 Second Congressional District." 
 
 The Illinois Peoria Transcript under the caption, "What 
 kind of a man he is, and what kind of a campaign he makes," 
 says: 
 
 "Sam Kirkwood has gone about his canvass for Congress in the 
 Second Iowa District with that sound common sense that is his great 
 est trait. He says that there are grave doubts about his being elected. 
 This shows his shrewdness as politician, as well as his rugged honesty. 
 He was chosen to lead a forlorn hope, and he doesn't disguise from 
 himself or his friends the prospect of defeat. He indulges in no loud 
 mouthed assurances that he knows he cannot be sustained by a -calm 
 recount of the possibilities. Shrewd, Honest Old Sam! There is more 
 hard meat underneath the skull of his exterior, than there is in a dozen 
 of your soft shells, who mistake noise for argument, and self-confi 
 dence for ability. Blaine once said of him he would rather have Sam 
 Kirkwood on his side before a Maine audience, than any public speaker 
 he knew, because of his knack of pleasing and instructing the common 
 people." 
 
 On the 24th of September Gov. Kirkwood opened the 
 canvass in a speech made at Davenport, of which the follow 
 ing is a report. Hon. Jas. T. Lane introduced the speaker, 
 who was greeted with round after round of applause, which 
 assured him that he was a most welcome guest. When 
 silence was restored he said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman and My Fellow Citizens : In my letter accepting 
 the nomination of the Republican Congressional Convention, I tried 
 to show, and think I did show, that voters in this district who profess 
 the Republican faith cannot consistently with that faith support either 
 the Democratic or Knight of Labor candidate. 
 
 The reason assigned for this opinion was, that both these parties 
 had shown by their acts, which speak louder than words, that they are 
 willing when discussion and the ballot fail to accomplish their ends, 
 to resort to force and violence instead; that force and violence to 
 accomplish political ends have no proper place in our system of gov 
 ernment, and that any party using or advocating or permitting the 
 use of such means, should not be trusted. 
 
 | understand as such acts of the pemQpritlp party the great civil 
 
434 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 war through which we passed at such enormous cost of life and treas 
 ure, and the present denial of the right of suffrage to a large body of 
 qualified voters in some of the States that were on the wrong side in 
 the civil war. The rebellion against the verdict of the ballot was 
 inaugurated and fought to the bitter end, by what was then the dom 
 inating element of the Democratic party; and the right of suffrage is 
 to-day refused in some of the States to persons as lawfully entitled to 
 its exercise, as we are, by the same element that again dominates that 
 party. But it is now said that it is wrong to allude to these things at 
 this day; that the war is over; that allusions to it only tend to per 
 petuate sectional strife; that all such allusions are in the cant phrase 
 of the day, "Waving the bloody shirt." 
 
 Let us try to understand this matter. There was a right side and 
 a wrong side in that bloody contest, was there not? Was not our side 
 the right side, and if so, why is it wrong to say so? 
 
 If we were not in the right, then you soldiers instead of fighting 
 that c 'Government of the people, and by the people, and for the people 
 should not perish from the earth, "were the willing tools of a base 
 tyrant, and were trampling in the bloody mire of many a well fought 
 battle field the aspirations of brave men, struggling to be free; which 
 was you doing? But it is again said all this is past and gone, and all 
 north and south are now agreed that we were right and they were 
 wrong. Let us see; why do we erect statues and monuments in honor 
 of the men who fought so bravely for the Union? Why do we go 
 yearly to our cemeteries to decorate the graves of those of them who 
 died so bravely for the Union? Why do the survivors hold the fre 
 quent reunions which they enjoy so much? Are not these things intended 
 to, and do they not successfully teach to our young people that the 
 cause for which their fathers fought was a just and holy cause? Now 
 our southern brethren are erecting statues and monuments in honor 
 of the men who fought so bravely to destroy the Union; they go yearly 
 to the cemeteries to decorate the graves of their dead, who died to 
 destroy it; they have reunions of the survivors of their soldiers who 
 doubtless enjoy themselves as you enjoy yourselves. Now if these 
 things, done among us have the effect of keeping alive the fire of 
 patriotism that burnt so brightly twenty years ago, what must be the 
 effects of similar acts done in the States lately in rebellion? I do not 
 say that these things done there are intended to teach their young peo 
 ple that the cause for which their fathers fought was a just and holy 
 one, but must it not, and does it not produce that effect? 
 
 May we not learn something on this point by considering the 
 enthusiastic ovation given to Jefferson Davis in his recent triumphant 
 journey from Alabama to South Carolina? I submit whether it is 
 wise and safe to trust with the control of our government, a party 
 whose dominating element now is the same that it was twenty-five 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 435 
 
 years ago, and that to-day deprives our and their fellow citizens of the 
 ballot, to keep themselves in power. Will the Union soldiers who are 
 Democrats permit a suggestion? Your voice if unitedly raised should 
 be and would be potential in Democratic councils; why can you not 
 send as delegates to the next Democratic National Convention, a num 
 ber of yourselves, representative men to say to that body, this in sub 
 stance: "We insist for the welfare of our country and our party that 
 our platform shall declare that the citizens occupying all our States 
 and Territories are citizens of one nation, and not merely citizens of as 
 many independent sovereign nations, as there are or may be States in 
 the Union; that the paramount allegiance of each citizen is due to the 
 national government, and not to the State in which he may live; that 
 the attempt of citizens of one or more States hereafter to dissolve the 
 Union by force is treason." Is not this what you fought for? If so 
 should you not stand bravely for it with the ballot, as you did with the 
 bayonet? Concede to them freely that they believed they were right, 
 and fought for their belief as bravely as men could tight; but having 
 appealed their cause to the final great court of battle, over which God 
 himself presides, and the judgment having gone against them, they are 
 in honor bound to submit to that judgment and admit their error, and 
 to say for themselves and their children and their children's children; 
 that the case is closed forever. Have you not the right to ask this, 
 and is it not your duty to ask it? And when this shall have been 
 done, and what you strove so bravely for has been made sure, will it 
 not be time for us to forget what we have so long since forgiven? 
 
 But why don't you talk to us of the present and not of the past, 
 you say? I reply I know of no better way of determining what shall 
 be done at the present, or in the future, then by a careful study of the 
 past. But taking your narrow view of the present my Democratic 
 friends, what is there to say? For eighteen months past you have 
 had full possession of the Executive Department of our national gov 
 ernment, and have had such power in the legislative department that 
 nothing could be done without your consent; how do you like the 
 result so far? 
 
 What were the party cries upon which you won the election in 1884? 
 
 You were told of the large amount of money held uselessly in t..e 
 treasury, to the injury of the public, and told if you were placed in 
 power, the Democratic administration would have it paid out on the 
 public debt, and the financial pressure on the people relieved. Months 
 passed during which time the amount of money in the treasury kept 
 steadily increasing, and none of it was so paid out. About the time 
 Congress met the mutterings of discontent became so ominous, that 
 the Secretary of the Treasury felt compelled, very reluctantly, to yield 
 and commenced payment of the public debt. But so suspicions had 
 his party friends become of his earnestness in the matter, that a bill 
 
436 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 was passed in the Democratic house taking from the Treasury Depart 
 ment the discretionary power under which Republican administra 
 tions had paid more than half our great debt, and making the con 
 tinued payment of the debt compulsory. They were unwilling to 
 trust their own administration with the discretion conferred upon 
 Republican administrations. The Republican Senate concurred with 
 the opinion of the House in the policy of continued payment of the 
 debt, but willing to trust the administration further than its own 
 friends in the House were, amended the bill giving large discretion to 
 the Secretary of the Treasury, the bill went back to the House, the 
 amendments were agreed to, and the bill went to the President for his 
 consideration. What did he do? He did not veto the bill: had that 
 been done it is almost certain it would have passed both Houses over 
 his veto, but availing himself of his constitutional right to hold a bill 
 for consideration for ten days, he held it until Congress adjourned 
 before the ten days expired, and thus killed it by what is known as 
 the pocket veto; and then as soon as Congress adjourned, the Treasury 
 Department began to call bonds for payment with almost prodigal 
 haste. The almost contemptous treatment of Congress by the Presi 
 dent would be amusing if it were not startling. 
 
 Until the President was inaugurated, a little over eighteen months 
 ago, he had literally no experience or training in national public 
 affairs. There are in both houses of Congress gentlemen of both 
 political parties, who have had such experience and training for many 
 years, and yet in some of his very numerous veto messages he lectures 
 Congress for its carelessness and inattention to its business, with 
 greater freedom than I felt at liberty to use towards my scholars when 
 teaching in my young days in the country school houses. 
 
 You will remember my Democratic friends other cries used to 
 induce you to vote for "reform;" you were told and retold and told 
 again, that every department of the government was corrupt. This 
 was told, and told, and told, until you heard and read it, got to believe 
 it, and perhaps some of those who printed it and told it, got to believe 
 it. You were told that it was absolutely necessary that the Democrats 
 should "have access to the books," so as to lay bare the enormous 
 stealings that had been going on under Republican rule. We told you 
 truthfully that for eight of the then preceding ten years the House of 
 Representatives had been Democratic; that it had at each session a 
 standing committee for each of the seven departments, whose special 
 duty it was to examine the expenditures of the department for which it 
 was appointed, and that such committees had either failed to perfoim 
 their duties, or had not been able to discover any important wrong. 
 But you paid no heed, and the cry rang loudly through the land, "Let 
 us see the books. " 
 
 Well you have k$4 fte books for eighteen months, and ftave couj*te4 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD. 43f 
 
 the money and what have you found? You have found the money all 
 in its place, and the books all right. Do you really like to be hum 
 bugged? And the more you are humbugged, do you the more trust 
 those who humbug you? What is the condition of your party to-day? 
 On what great question of public policy do you agree among your 
 selves? You are widely and hopelessly at variance on the tariff ques 
 tion. Mr. Randall, leading one section of your party, and Mr. Morri 
 son leading the other, have so antagonized each other in a strongly 
 Democratic House, that this great question during a long session of 
 eight months has not been acted upon. 
 
 You are as hopelessly divided as to the money we shall have to 
 carry on the vast business of the country. The President and the 
 Treasury Department are fully committed to the Wall street idea that 
 we shall have no legal tender money but gold; while a large portion, 
 if not a majority of your members of Congress are in favor of an 
 unlimited coinage of silver; what good can be hoped for from a party 
 so hopelessly divided against itself? 
 
 When the election was over, and you found to your surprise you 
 had elected your President, you did agree on one thing, "To the victors 
 belong the spoils," you turned your back upon pledges given before 
 election, that if successful you would carry out in good faith the 
 law of civil service reform. Your President was disposed to keep his 
 word, and your pledges on that subject, and you remember the cry of 
 surprise and anger that went up all over the land in consequence, and 
 the curses both loud and deep that accompanied that cry. 
 
 Your party are bargaining and dickering with every faction in the 
 land; greenbackers, labor organizations, prohibition, anything and 
 everything to catch votes and gudgeons; some of whom seem quite 
 willing to be caught for a consideration. I do not say these things to 
 make you angry; it is very hard work to convince an angry man, and 
 iny wish is to convince you that the Democratic party has outlived its 
 usefulness, that it has become a mere aggregation of discordant and 
 conflicting factious, and further, that the proper thing to do is to leave 
 it and join us. 1 ask you this in all frankness and with all kindness. 
 Think it over in the same spirit. 
 
 In my letter of acceptance I tried to show7 and I think I did show, 
 good reasons why the Republican party could not endorse the Knights 
 of Labor party. We do not know yet just what it wants to do, or how 
 it proposes to do it. If its methods of how to do it are fairly shown by 
 die methods employed in the street car strikes and railroad strikes at 
 St. Louis, the street car strikes in New York, and the strike against 
 the Lake Shore Railroad, and the McCormick Reaper works recently 
 in Chicago; then its methods are methods of lawlessness, violence and 
 rioting, and these the Republican party cannot wisely endorse in my 
 judgment, and I think it is not only your right, but your duty to ask 
 
438 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Judge Hayes and Mr. O'Meara whether they will do so, and that it is 
 your right and duty to have answers to your questions. 
 
 The Republican party is for peace and good order, because peace 
 and good order are essential to the well being of the country; it pro 
 poses to accomplish its ends by argument and open discussion and the 
 ballot. It invites the closest and sharpest discussion of all proposed 
 laws and all existing laws; to the end that new laws may be wisely 
 made if made at all; and existing laws wisely amended if amendment 
 be needed. 
 
 I like to say what I think, and I do not like to see a man who is 
 afraid to express his convictions. A man should have the courage to 
 say just what his opinions are. This district especially and the State 
 in general is interested in the building of the Hennepin Canal. I have 
 for years favored the work, and should do aL I could to accom 
 plish that end. Two interests would be affected by the building of 
 this canal; one the railroads. Now I am a friend of the railroads; they 
 have their rights and should be protected, but should not be upheld 
 when they ask for more than their rights. We should remember that 
 railroads are run for the country, and not the country for the rail 
 roads. When this canal is built it will interfere somewhat with the 
 railroad companies, but they will have the vast Territories of the west 
 and northwest, beyond us to and from which to transport grain and 
 passengers, and never need fear but that the money invested will give 
 a fair return. But when the progress of the country requires new 
 works to be built, they will be carried out and existing corporations 
 and establishments must content themselves and succumb to the 
 requirements of a country's progress. What attention was paid to the 
 stage coach when the railroads were built? Millions of dollars were 
 invested in coaches and horses, but they had to look out for themselves 
 the progress of the age required railroads. 
 
 And now I wish to say a little on the labor question. You com 
 plain that no one does anything for you, that you do not have a fair 
 show. Now I ask if the Republican party has not done more for labor 
 than any other political party or parties have done for it in the entire 
 preceding years of the existence of this nation? When was there a 
 time in the history of our government when the laboring man was as 
 well situated as he is to-day? Further west you will find thousands of 
 laboring men, owners of fine farms that they never would have owned 
 in the world, if it had not been for the homestead law, passed by the 
 Republican party. [Loud cheers.] The Republican party has worked 
 the only miracle that I have known of in my life, by elevating four 
 millions of human beings from a condition of being mere chattels, to 
 the position of being men and women, whose rights were recognized 
 by the laws of the land. Why did the labor organizations strike? 
 Was it because the fare was too high, and the freight rates too heavy? 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KtRKWooD. 439 
 
 Did they strike because the railroads charged too much? No, they 
 struck to get shorter hours, and higher wages. Did they strike to 
 build railroads or to reduce the price of raw materials to manufactur 
 ers, or to reduce the price of goods to consumers? No, but in their 
 strikes they forgot to consider where the consumers and merchants 
 and farmers come in. They are certainly wrong when they assume 
 to legislate for themselves, and do not consider the effect on all people 
 in branches of business different from their own as one portion can 
 not prosper at the expense of others without wrong. 
 
 Not long ago my friends came to me and inquired whether or not 
 I wanted to go to Congress. I asked inyself, do you not want that 
 honor; but I thought I had had honor enough. I have been three 
 times Governor of this great State of Iowa, and do not want addi 
 tional honor. My friends said in times gone by, you wanted us to 
 vote for you, and now we want to use you and want you to let your 
 self be voted for. [Cheers.] I felt it my duty and accepted the nom 
 ination. I don't like a mean man, and one who will not be accommo 
 dating, as there is nothing in my judgment more contemptible than 
 ingratitude. But don't misunderstand me; I want to be elected. * * 
 
 In this district you want to hire a man to go to Congress. [Cheers.] 
 Well, that is about the size of it. There are three gentlemen from 
 whom you can choose. Of Mr. Hayes and O'Meara I shall say nothing 
 and modesty prevents my speaking at length about the third . You want 
 a man who will represent the intelligence and character of the people of 
 this district. That fact I think you know. You may choose between the 
 three men, but I wish to say modestly, to the contrary notwithstanding, 
 that I think I fill that part of the bill. [Tremendous applause.] Some 
 gentlemen inform me that I am too old to go to Congress, and deli 
 cately hint that I am in my second childhood. I have an opinion on 
 that subject that I do not intend to express, while others tell me that 
 the experiences I have had in the Congress of the United States, and a 
 brief experience as a cabinet officer would give me an advantage over 
 my competitors. I have an opinion on that subject also which I intend 
 to .withhold. [Cheers.] You must make up your minds to this fact 
 however an election is not like a base ball game or a regatta. It is 
 business. It is a matter that affects the welfare of every man in the 
 country. That is what an election is. How many of us go the polls 
 asking nothing but "which is my party ticket? " No matter who he is 
 or what, you ought to go a little deeper than that. If it should be 
 your good pleasure to send me I will go, and I will do for this district 
 and State and country the best I can with what knowledge and ability 
 God has given me. Men may promise to do more, but they will cheat 
 you in the end. With many thanks for your kind attention I will bid 
 you good night. 
 
440 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 The district was very thoroughly canvassed, the Governor 
 addressing good-sized audiences in nearly every large town 
 in it. 
 
 The election resulted in the choice of Judge Hayes, he 
 having received 15,279 votes, Mr. O'Meara, 8,602, and 
 Gov. Kirkwood 8,009. 
 
 *This was the last political canvass in which Gov. Kirk- 
 wood took an active part. He would undoubtedly have 
 engaged in the Presidential one two years later, as his inter 
 est in public affairs had not abated, but his health would not 
 permit of his engaging in public speaking. 
 
 *lf all the anti Hayes votei had been cast for Governor Kirkwood, he would have 
 been elected by 1,832 majority. 
 
CHAPTEK XXII. 
 
 Did More Public Speaking Than Anyone Else in Iowa Character as a 
 Speaker As a Man Elaine's Estimate of Him Birthday Anni 
 versaries Observi a Always a Friend and Promoter of Education 
 An Epitome of the Exploits of Iowa Soldiers Kirkwood and Pusey 
 in the Senate in 1858 Visit of Old Friends, September, 1892 
 Those Present Those Who Wrote They Wanted to be Speech by 
 Judge Oeo. O, Wright Letters Bead from Hiram Price, Samuel 
 Murdoch, Jacob Bich, B. D. Kellogg, Judge Woolson and B. F. Oue 
 Speeches on the Lawn Gov. Kirkwood as a Poet. 
 
 For a period of thirty years from 1856 to 1886 almost 
 the life time of a generation of men, no man in the State had 
 done more public political speaking, or discussed more 
 elaborately the great questions of the times than Gov. Kirk- 
 wood, and crowds always gathered to listen to him, and he 
 never wearied an audience, no matter how long was his dis 
 course. He always secured the attention of his hearers from 
 the first and held it to the last; he seemed to have almost a 
 magic power over them. 
 
 As a speaker he was never what is termed "florid or 
 eloquent." Flights of fancy, figures of rhetoric, or highly- 
 colored pictures of the imagination he never indulged in; but 
 cogency of statement, purity of diction, perspicacity of style, 
 directness of purpose, clearness of comprehension, perfection 
 of analysis and aptness of illustration, were qualities he pos 
 sessed in an eminent degree. He always labored to enlighten 
 the understanding and convince the judgment of his hearers, 
 rather than to arouse their passions or appeal to their pre 
 judices. 
 
 The ceaseless, tireless, roaring "loom of time" never 
 sent from the workings of its treadles and shuttle, or 
 unrolled from its beam a stronger, finer or firmer web than 
 when it ushered into official life Samuel J. Kirkwood. With 
 
 441 
 
442 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 a masculine understanding, an abundant stock of hard com 
 mon sense, the courage of his convictions, a stout and reso 
 lute heart, an honest and an intense regard for the public 
 welfare, an ardent lover of justice, uprightness and truth in 
 all its relations and applications, he resolutely and fearlessly 
 met every responsibility, and performed with fidelity every 
 public duty imposed upon him. 
 
 Jas. G. Elaine recounting the merits of the kt War Gov 
 ernors" of 1861 in his "Twenty Years of Congress," says: 
 
 "The Governor of Iowa was Samuel J. Kirkwood, a man of truth, 
 courage and devoted love of country. Distinguished for comprehen 
 sive intelligence, for clear foresight, for persuasive speech, for spotless 
 integrity, for thorough acquaintance with the people, he was a model 
 of executive efficiency." 
 
 
 
 The Iowa City National Bank was organized in 1882, 
 when Gov. Kirkwood was chosen President of the Board of 
 Directors, which office he continued to hold by repeated 
 re-election untilJanuary, 1889; and since that time retaining 
 the directorship until the re-organization of the bank, he has 
 been living in retirement on his place of some twenty acres 
 adjoining Iowa City, where for a long series of years his 
 oldest brother, now deceased, and two of his wife's sisters. 
 Mrs. Col. E. W. Lucas and Mrs. J. E. Jewett, have been 
 his three nearest neighbors. During some portion of the time 
 while president of the bank he was unable from sickness and 
 other causes to perform all the duties of the office, when he 
 shared with Geo. W. Lewis, the vice-president, the honors 
 and labors and the salary attached to it. 
 
 During the last few years, on the anniversary of his 
 birth, December 20, it has been the custom here to raise the 
 National flag on the City Hall, the State University and the 
 Court House, and his immediate friends on these occasions, 
 often with a band of music, have called upon him in a body, 
 and presented him their congratulations; and those of his 
 friends that were greeted by him the most heartily were, not 
 
THE; LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. K1RKWOOD. 443 
 
 the politicians, but the old soldiers, "his boys," as he used 
 to and still does delight to call them. 
 
 No citizen of the State has more deeply interested him 
 self in the cause of education than he. For several years in 
 succession he was sub-director in his school district, and has 
 been a member of the Board of Regents of the State Uni 
 versity, and one of the Trustees of the State Agricultural 
 College. He has always taken a lively interest in the State 
 Historical Society; been several times a member and Presi 
 dent of the Board of Curators of that institution, and he has 
 been a generous donor of books and pamphlets to its library, 
 contributing at one time 419 bound books and 524 pam 
 phlets. While being an active participant in making history, 
 he has been equally active in securing means for its preser 
 vation. 
 
 He at one time during the war endeavored to secure a 
 photograph of every Iowa colonel for the society, but after 
 obtaining some fifteen he abandoned the work as a hopeless 
 task. It was at his suggestion and on his solicitation that 
 many relics of the war have been sent to the Historical 
 Society for preservation. Writing to Surgeon Cochran, then 
 in the service, he says, "Remember the Historical Society 
 and myself in the way of trophies." 
 
 During his gubernatorial term and on his recommendation 
 as a Governor, the first money ($500) was appropriated from 
 the State treasury to the State Historical Society, to be used 
 in the collection and preservation of historical material. 
 
 At no time in his life has the Governor been desirous of 
 accumulating a fortune. To become rich above his fellows 
 was never one of his aims. In all his relations of life as a 
 business man, whether in private or official station, "the 
 Eternal Right" was his preference to i 'the Almighty Dollar. " 
 A competence he always had and that to him was satis 
 factory. 
 
 He seemed to have lived and acted upon the maxim that, 
 
444 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. IttRKWOOD 
 
 ' 'He that holds fast the golden mean, 
 And lives contentedly between 
 The little and the great, 
 Feels not the wants that pinch the poor, 
 Or plagues that haunt the rich man's door." 
 
 When the State voted to issue $800,000 in bonds during 
 his term of office to carry on the war, and only $300,000 
 was expended, here was a margin of $500,000 left from 
 which large profits could have been made in its expenditure, 
 if we had not then. had a faithful watch dog of the treasury 
 in the person of the Executive, aided by the vigilant officers 
 associated with him to carry out his plans and practice his 
 and their honesty and economy. 
 
 If there is a branch of the Federal Government that has 
 more than any other been tainted with peculation and job 
 bery, it is the Department of the Interior, of which he was 
 for a time the head. While he was there not a breath of 
 suspicion was raised that any irregularity attached to his 
 administration of it. 
 
 As he sits by his quiet fireside with his life work nearly 
 done, calmly and patiently spending the evening of a well- 
 spent life, there is no portion of it that he reviews with 
 greater pleasure than that in which he was raising troops, 
 sending them to the front and watching the part they took 
 in the great contest wherein they gave Iowa and Iowa 
 soldiers a name and a feputation, of which he and they and 
 all of us were and still are justly proud. Their deeds pre 
 sent themselves to him && painted in a panorama before the 
 veterans at a reunion in Story county by Hon. Henry L. 
 Wilcox in these glowing colors: 
 
 In that awful baptism of tire at Blue Mills 500 of the Third Iowa 
 held the ground for an hour against 4,000 rebels, exhibiting wonderful 
 valor. 
 
 At Wilson's Creek the First Regiment stood a wall of adamant, 
 against a flood of fire. 
 
 In the charge on Donelson, four Iowa regiments forced the rebel 
 fortifications, and the gallant Second was the diamond point of the 
 mighty spear that entered the rebel breast. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 445 
 
 At Pea Ridge the Fourth and Ninth were the strong arm of the 
 Union forces, and gave the hardest blows. 
 
 At Shiloh, where forests of bayonets bristled from every hill top, 
 and torrents of flame rolled down the valleys, eleven of her regiments 
 stemmed the tide of battle and stood the bravest of the brave'. 
 
 Thirteen Iowa regiments were at Corinth, and when the battle 
 raged like a sea of fire lashed into fury by the winds, that mighty 
 surge that swept over the forts and rifle pits and filled the trenches 
 with rebel dead, was made of Iowa men. 
 
 In the battle of Prairie Grove a small army of Union troops, com 
 manded by an Iowa general and fronted by the Nineteenth and Twen 
 tieth Iowa, completely routed a vast army of rebels. 
 
 In the charge of Lawler's Brigade at Black River Bridge, the 
 Twenty-first and Twenty-third Iowa filled the world with their fame. 
 
 Thirty of her regiments were in that wall of fire that surrounded 
 Vicksburg, and thirteen brave men from the Twenty-second captured 
 and silenced Fort Beauregard during the remarkable seige. 
 
 There were three regiments and a battery from Iowa among the 
 4,000 soldiers in Fort Helena when 10,000 rebels undertook its capture. 
 
 Like a bridal party at a prince's marriage, the rebels marched to 
 meet the Iowa boys; like a herd of wild asses before a prairie fire the 
 remnants of the rebel army fled. 
 
 It was the Fifth Iowa that sustained the charge and won the battle 
 at luka. 
 
 Nine Iowa regiments were at Chattanooga. Some fought on Look 
 out Mountain like hosts of heaven among the clouds. Some slew the 
 hosts of hell ou Mission Ridge. 
 
 Four Iowa regiments made Pleasant Hill very unpleasant for the 
 rebel army. In fact the story of the Red River campaign, a sad tale of 
 mad mismanagement and misfortune, from Fort De Russy to Jenkins 1 
 Ferry, is brightened by the brilliant exploits and brave deeds of Iowa 
 soldiers. 
 
 Three of her regiments were in that awful tide of war that rolled 
 down the valley of the Shenandoah, destroyed the rebels at Fisher's 
 Hill and Cedar Creek and scattered the remnants of Early 's army. 
 
 Fifteen of her regiments were in that fierce host that swept like a 
 cyclone through the mountains of Georgia, filled the gullies with dead 
 rebels and fed Johnson and Hood's army to the buzzards. Seventeen 
 Iowa regiments were in that triumphant army that tore its way like a 
 besom of destruction through the very heart of secession from Atlanta 
 to the sea. 
 
 At Nashville, Jackson, Tupelo, Memphis, Mobile, Champion Hills, 
 Milliken's Bend, Stone River and a score of other battles known to 
 history, Iowa troops fought in the front rank and distinguished them 
 selves for valor among men as brave as ever went to battle, 
 
446 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 In no bayonet charges or hand to Land encounter did thej' ever 
 falter or fail to rout the enemy. The story of their sacrifices cannot 
 fail to stir the dullest heart with love and pride. 
 
 By his political opponents he has been rated as a shrewd 
 politician. As the term is used in its lower sense, he has 
 never been a politician. The terms "wire puller," "pipe 
 layer," "intriguer," or "plotter," were never applicable to 
 him. He never personally abused an opponent, never 
 betrayed a friend or made political trades to advance his 
 own personal ends. He has always occupied the higher 
 plane of a statesman, rather than the lower one of the poli 
 tician. What he thought was for the public good he has 
 always supported and advocated: 
 
 At a meeting of the Pioneer Law Makers of Iowa, held 
 at Des Moines in the winter of 1892, Hon. W. H. M. Fusey, 
 in 1858 a young Democratic Senator in the 8th General 
 Assembly from Pottawatamie Co. , gave an account of the 
 tilt he had with Senator Kirkwood then a member of the 
 same General Assembly, in the following style: 
 
 " An amusing and prolonged debate, arose after the standing com 
 mittees of the Senate had been named, on a resolution offered by the 
 Senator from Johnson Co., (S. J. Kirkwood) instructing the committee 
 on banks and banking, to bring in bills to create banks of issue, (as 
 provided by the new constitution) the one to be known as the free 
 banking system, the other providing for a State bank and branches. I 
 was a new member and knew but very few of my colleagues, I asked 
 a gentleman sitting near me, (Senator Henry H. Trimble) 'who that 
 Senator was, who proposed to instruct the committee on banks in 
 their duty before the committee had even met for organization and 
 conference.' His reply was, 'Oh, he is an old farmer from the east 
 ]):irt of the State and don't know anything about banks, pitch into 
 him.' Well the young man from Pottawattamie, thought he saw an 
 opening and made his maiden effort in the Iowa Senate. Before he 
 was through with the Johnson county farmer, he learned there was 
 one amusement, more exciting than hunting lions It is when the 
 lion turns in the pursuit of you. I found the farmer's garb covered u 
 man with a big brain, with a clear and incisive way of presenting his 
 views, that was hard to combat, and that the farmer, was the great 
 leader of as great a senate as was ever convened in Iowa. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 447 
 
 "When the morning session closed, and the Senator walked over to 
 my desk, and requested Senator Trimble to present his young friend 
 from Pottawattamie county. I first learned that it was Samuel J. 
 Kirkwood. 
 
 "From that day to the present, a life-long friendship has continued 
 and strengthened between us, uninterrupted by the excitement of 
 political and partisan strife. It is proper to state that his resolution 
 was adopted, and he was unanimously added to the committee on 
 banks, and from whom the committee and State derived great benefit 
 from his wise counsels in framing those two laws. 
 
 ' 'When the gavel fell, that beautiful May morning in tke old Capitol 
 building, announcing that the labors of the Eighth General Assembly 
 had passed into history, the old farmer Senator, then filling the Gover 
 nor's chair, it was with the benediction of our people, upon our citizen 
 soldiers, hurrying to the front, where they so soon placed Iowa as one 
 of the Trinity of Western States. 
 
 Indiana Morton. Illinois Yates. Iowa Kirkwood. 
 
 "Gentlemen, no more pleasing privilege is granted us, on this 
 'Reunion Day' than the greeting we send our 'War Governor,' who in 
 his happy home on the banks of the Iowa, honored by the State and 
 Nation, in the eventide of a full rounded and honest life, is confidently, 
 peacefully, waiting for the Master's call." 
 
 In the summer of 1892, ex-Go v. Buren R. Sherman 
 conceived the idea of having a large number of the old-time 
 friends of Gov. Kirkwood make him a social visit in a body 
 and after consulting with Judge Wright and a few other of 
 the Governor's mutual friends, the 28th of September was 
 fixed upon as the time, and invitations to the number of fifty 
 or more were sent out inviting that number of the friends to 
 respond. All responded by attending in person, or by letter 
 sending regrets, and giving reasons why they could not be 
 present. When the time arrived, which was one of those 
 balmy autumnal Iowa days, when sunshine and shade are 
 equally agreeable, about thirty, including those who had 
 arrived in the city the day previous, and a few others resid 
 ing in the city took carriages at 1:30 o'clock at the St. James 
 Hotel and drove to the Governor's suburban residence on 
 Kirkwood avenue, in the southeast part of the city. 
 
 The following account of the interview was given by the 
 
448 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Editor of the Press, Hon. John Springer, who formed one of 
 the party: 
 
 Now almost at his eightieth year, and by reason of failing health 
 debared from long journeys and greetings with old friends, whom he 
 would thus meet, it was a happy thought to bear him their tribute of 
 a visit from men his daily associates in the period when he and they 
 Were leaders and guides of the State, and who supported his and its 
 honor and sustained its credit in trying periods and difficulties. How 
 strong this tie, is shown by the presence here on Wednesday of men 
 who laid aside business affairs and crossed the State to again meet him, 
 to clasp his hand and recall the memories of thirty years and more . 
 
 Gov. Kirk wood has lived in almost retirement for ten years past, 
 but the event of Wednesday shows that he is by no means forgotten, 
 and the interest evinced in every part of Iowa proves that history has 
 made his name as familiar to the newer generation as association 
 made it familiar to his companions. It can not but be a pleasant reflec 
 tion, and one full of comfort and cheer, that the people of Iowa honor 
 and revere him, that his life and history are the emulation of their 
 sons. All the honors of office and titles of distinction he has attained 
 by meritorious service, are dim in comparison with the love and honor 
 bestowed upon him by the people of the State. 
 
 It was at first intended that this visit of old friends to the Governor 
 should be a surprise, but after counsel with his close associates, and 
 particularly with Hon. H. W. Lathrop, who has been engaged for 
 some months in preparing a biography, it was decided to inform him. 
 that a number of old associates and towns people would call, and Mr. 
 Lathrop was selected to receive them at the house. 
 
 Dr. J. C. Shrader, who had kindly and thoughtfully looked after the 
 local arrangements, took charge of the party. Messrs. Foster & Leuz, 
 sent their finest carriages, and it was a most interesting ride for the 
 visitors through the city to the Governor's home. 
 
 The Governor's pretty cottage home never showed to better advant 
 age than on that afternoon ; lawn and tree, flower and vines, forming 
 an almost pastoral setting to the scene, and bringing to some who 
 came from busy city life a scene of peace and rest that told of the days 
 of quiet enjoyment and care-free repose they would gladly secure. 
 
 The company consisted of the following gentlemen: 
 
 Hon. Buren R. Sherman, of Waterloo, ex-State Auditor and ex- 
 Governor. 
 
 Hon. George G. Wright, of Des Moines, ex-Supreme Judge and ex- 
 U. S. Senator, now Lecturer in the law department of the University. 
 
 Ex-Congressman W. H. M. Pusey, of Council Bluffs, a Member of 
 the State Senate with Kirkwood. 
 
 Hon. George F. Wright, of Council Bluffs, former M ember * the 
 (State Senate. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 449 
 
 Hon. Chas. Aldrich, of Boone, several times Clerk of the House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 Hon. John Russell, of Onslow, ex-State Auditor, and a life-long 
 friend of the Governor. 
 
 Hon. S. S. Farwell, of Monticello, ex-Congressman of the old 
 Second District. 
 
 Hon. Jas. H. Rothrock, of Cedar Rapids, Chief Justice of the Iowa 
 Supreme Court. 
 
 Hon. Gifford S. Robinson, of Storm Lake, Justice of the Supreme 
 Court. 
 
 Hon. B. F. Gue, of Des Moines, ex-Lieutenant Governor and Mem 
 ber of the General Assembly. 
 
 Hon. Wm. T. Smith, of Des Moines, for many years President of 
 the State Agricultural Society. 
 
 Dr. J. M. Shaffer, of Keokuk, for many years an early Secretary of 
 the State Agricultural Society. 
 
 Hon. Wm. G. Thompson, of Marion, a Member of the Iowa House 
 of Representatives years ago, also of Congress. 
 
 Hon. R. S. Finkbine, of Des Moines, for many years a resident of 
 this city, and amongst the governor's closest friends; a Member of the 
 General Assembly, and Superintendent of the building of the State 
 Capitol. 
 
 Gen. James A. Williamson, of Washington, D. C., an Iowa soldier, 
 ex-Commissioner of the United States Land Office. 
 
 Hon. M. L. Elliott, of Marion. 
 
 Hon. E. Clark, of Iowa City, for many years Gov. Kirkwood's 
 business partner and associate, and State Senator. 
 
 Hon. Peter A. Dey, Railroad Commissioner. 
 
 Judge Samuel H. Fairall. 
 
 President Charles A. Schaeffer, of the State University. 
 
 Hon. M. Bloom, State Senator. 
 
 Mr. Thos. C. Carson. 
 
 Mr. N. H. Brainerd, Gov. Kirkwood's Military Secretary during 
 the War Period. 
 
 Hon. H. W. Lathrop. 
 
 Prof. J. C. Shrader, Senator in General Assembly. 
 
 Mr. Geo. W. Lewis. 
 
 Mr. Herbert S. Fairall. 
 
 Mi. John Springer. 
 
 The guests were ushered into the parlors by Hon. H. W. Lathrop, 
 Gov. Kirkwood being seated in his favorite easy chair at the further 
 end of the room. When all had been seated Judge Wright said: 
 
 " it is said there is a geyser in Yellowstone park that takes twenty- 
 four hours for preparation and spouts just three minutes. I have 
 known, as you have, oratorical spell-binders (not like you, however,) 
 
450 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 that took three minutes or less for preparation and kept spouting 
 twenty-four hours or more. I have scarcely taken three minutes for 
 preparation and do not expect to take more time in my talk. 
 
 "Gov. Kirkwood, we are here as your friends, to take you by the 
 hand and tell you how much we like you. We are not here to praise 
 you, as we know that you are not fond of eulogies. And then if we 
 praised you as you deserve, we feel you might possibly be like others 
 of whom it is said if complimented and eulogized while in life, as after 
 death, would become so conceited as to reject and spurn even a 
 heavenly grace. [Laughter.] We are not here because of your looks, 
 and especially not because of your good looks, but without reference 
 to looks. 
 
 "Some of your friends suggested that we come without giving you 
 notice and take you by surprise, but I objected for several reasons. I 
 knew you had been quite unaccustomed to making public speeches, 
 [laughter] and if we should come and take you by surprise you might 
 not be equal to the occasion. [Laughter.] Then again, we all know 
 how anxious you are about your attire, and if we should come without 
 notice you would not have time to put on your dress suit and diamond 
 pin, and especially that steel watch chain which was your inspiration 
 and the admiration in days gone by of those large crowds to whom 
 you spoke. [Laughter.] 
 
 "We are here as friends, and without regard to political distinction. 
 We are here Democrats and Republicans. There are some of our num 
 ber, like Colonel Pusey and Mr. Dey, that the omy thing bad about 
 them is their democracy; and some of whom, like Gov. Sherman and 
 Major Thompson, that the only good thing about them is their repub 
 licanism. [Laughter.] Of the latter, such men as Judge Fairall and 
 W. T. Smith, would say that if their politics were their only passport 
 to a heavenly home, the case is decided against them before submitted; 
 while of the former 'uncle' John Russell and Major Farwell would 
 declare that the stain political is so grave that the presence of all other 
 virtues, even in the greatest repletion, would shut St. Peter's gate 
 against them. But they are good fellows all. 
 
 "We come to greet you, to give you proof of our esteem and kindly 
 feeling, to congratulate you in your happy home, as also your devoted, 
 helpful wife; because we know how much you have done for Iowa, 
 and for the nation. Amid the din and clangor of arms, and with this 
 nation hanging, trembling in the balance, you, as the chief executive of 
 the State, were true to your high principles, and to your sense of duty, 
 to pure ideas and thoughts and principles. Because you were faithful, 
 for this we love you, we come to see you this day. 
 
 "Governor, we come to say we are glad to see you, also because it 
 does the hearts of these men good and the hearts of the people of Iowa 
 good to find a man that never departed from duty for any personal or 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 451 
 
 selfish cause. Without praise, I can say that you are an emphatic 
 exemplification of the fact that goodness is greatness, and whether one 
 rules or plows, or sows, doing duty is greatness. 
 
 ' 'And now, Governor Kirkwood, I take you by the hand, and in 
 behalf of the people of Iowa, for the friends here (for I know the kind 
 ness that prompts their coming), and they join with me in saying, 'May 
 God bless you, and your wife, and your home. May a kind Providence 
 that has been so kind to you, still longer bless. you, and preserve you 
 many years to Iowa and the nation. '" [Applause.] 
 
 Gov. Kirkwood was visibly affected by the concluding words of 
 Judge Wright's address, and rising, while his friends gently applauded, 
 he hesitated a moment, and speaking slowly and distinctly, he said: 
 
 "This is a very pleasant occasion, it could not be otherwise. Yet it 
 is embarrassing. My speaking days are over. I have done a great deal 
 of it in my time, as my friend Mr. Lathrop will testify some of these 
 days. Yes, I have done a great deal of that kind of work in my time. 
 Unless I mistake your purpose, aside from personal, kindly feeling 
 toward me, I think that the place I hold in public estimation, arises 
 from the fact that during the great war of the rebellion I was gov 
 ernor of this State, and I am called the ' Old War Governor ' now. I 
 I have a few words to say about that. It was a position involving a 
 great deal of intense interest. I speak to you of myself. It involved 
 a great deal of responsibility, a great deal of hard labor. How I dis 
 charged those duties which devolved upon me by reason of my posi 
 tion well you know about that as well as I do. I have this to say 
 that I did as well as I could, that I did as well as I knew how. Many 
 things were done in which I erred, and when I found I had erred if it 
 were possible to undo what had been done I undid it. If it could not 
 be undone I had to stand by it and did so, and it is a great consolation 
 to see from the personal feeling shown in your visit to me to-day, that 
 you believe that in doing as I did, I did what I believed to be for the 
 best interests of our State and our people. And now that all is over 
 I leave to the future the verdict of those who follow me and follow 
 you. I shall feel that whatever responsibility, labor and toil 1 gave 
 was well given and well rewarded," 
 
 The governor, though urged not to exert himself, insisted on shak 
 ing hands with the visitors, and to each gave hospitable welcome by 
 name. Then all who suffer themselves to smoke partook of his favor 
 ite brand of cigars, and a half hour was pleasantly passed in friendly 
 chat on the lawn. Many were the recollections of old times, many the 
 events briefly related, and the laugh went around as some scenes were 
 recalled, and the sigh rose as the name of some one absent forever was 
 mentioned. 
 
 Mr. Lee Coover had brought out for the occasion his biggest and 
 best camera, and it took him only a brief time to arrange the company 
 
452 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 for two photographs, the guests being grouped around Gov. and Mrs 
 Kirk wood, with their pretty curly-haired grand-daughter in the fore 
 ground. 
 
 Gov. Sherman read a few of the many letters of congratulation 
 received, in which the writers spoke their appreciation of the Gover 
 nor and his services. Time forbade that all should be read, those 
 selected being from Judge Seevers, Judge Murdock, Judge Woolson, 
 Hon. Hiram Price, R. D. Kellogg and Jacob Rich. Letters were 
 received from the following gentlemen: 
 
 Hon. James. Harlan, Mt. Pleasant; Hon. Hiram Price, Washington, 
 D. C.; Hon. Frank W. Palmer, Washington, D. C.; Hon. John A. 
 Kasson, Washington, D. C. ; Hon. George W. Bemis, Independence; 
 Judge W. H. Seevers, Oskaloosa; Judge John S. Woolson, Mt. Pleas 
 ant; Hon. John F. Buncombe, Ft. Dodge; Gen. F. M. Drake, New Yorkv 
 Col. C. A. Stanton, Centerville; Hon. Edwin Manning Keosauqua; 
 Hon. Jacob Rich, Dubuque; Hon. J. M. Brainerd, Boone; Hon. Samuel 
 Murdock, Elkader; Hon. A. B. Hildreth, Charles City; Hon. James M. 
 Beck, Ft. Madison; Col. John Scott, Nevada; Hon. J. G. Newbold, Mt. 
 Pleasant; Hon. John H. Gear, Burlington; Hon. Barlow Granger, Des 
 Moines; Hon. D. N. Richardson, Davenport; Hon. H. S. Winslow, 
 Newton; Prof. Theo. S. Parvin, Cedar Rapids; Hon. L. H. Smith, 
 Algona; Hon. R. Sears, Marshalltown; Hon. Hoyt Sherman, Des 
 Moines. 
 
 The following are the letters that were read: 
 
 WASHINGTON, Sept. 12, 1892. 
 Hon. B. R. Sherman. 
 
 DEAR SIB : Your note of the 6th inst. received this day. I am in 
 entire sympathy with the object named, and I assure you it would be 
 a great pleasure to me to be one of your party, to take by the hand 
 once more in friendly greeting the "Old War Governor." 
 
 You speak of his "advancing years." I think it possible that expres 
 sion means more to me than to you. Gov. Kirkwood was exactly 
 three weeks old when I opened my eyes on this busy, bustling world. 
 He will be 79 years old on the 20th of next December, and I will be 79 
 on the 10th day of next January. So you see when he dies of old age, 
 I ought to be squaring my accounts and putting my house in order. 1 
 am very glad that this movement, on the part of some of his "old-time 
 friends' 'is contemplated, and hope it may be a success in assuring him 
 that he is kindly remembered and has a warm place in the hearts of 
 those who knew him best amid the active scenes of life, in which he 
 occupied a prominent, honorable and responsible position. One of 
 the unpleasant features of life in these days of competitive struggle 
 for place and power, is the tendency to forget those more important 
 factors in the accomplishment of much of the good which we enjoy. 
 I have had opportunity for knowing Gov. Kirkwood better than most 
 
THE LIFE AND TiMES OIF SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD. 453 
 
 men. I was for several years intimately associated with him in the 
 State Board of Control of the Iowa banks, and also in the dark days 
 of the rebellion. He did not spread as much canvass to the breeze as 
 some men, nor ring as many bells, or sound as many fog horns, nor 
 parade as much "trimming and tiuselry" as many others, but he never 
 lacked for ballast to trim and steady the vessel he commanded. One 
 of the faults of this age is to wait till a man is dead before anything 
 good is said o/or about him. Death never did and never can improve 
 a man's mental or moral character. Common sense and common 
 honesty, both teach that when a man has used his time and his talents 
 for the benefit of his country, or his fellows, he ought to receive in 
 time, as he certainly will in eternity, the glad plaudit, "well done, good 
 and faithful servant," without waiting till the undertaker has put the 
 last screw in his coffin. 
 
 Sorry I can't be with you, but I have an engagement that will keep 
 me here all this month. Please shake hands with the Governor/or me 
 and tell him he is to blame for my absence. When I left Congress in 
 1881 and went back to Iowa, he ordered me to Washington to take 
 charge of the Indian Bureau, and when he resigned I tendered my 
 resignation, but its acceptance was refused; again when my wife was 
 seriously ill I resigned, but again it was refused, and I was never 
 able to get out of that office (without absolutely running away 
 from it) until the Democrats took control. In the meantime I had 
 incurred some real estate obligations which required my attention, and 
 so from one cause and another I've remained until I suppose Iowa no 
 longer claims me as a citizen. Very truly yours, 
 
 H. PRICE. 
 
 ELKADEE, Sept. 12th, 1892. ' 
 Hon. B. R. Sherman. 
 
 DEAR SIR-. Yours of the 5th inst. is received and in answer I 
 regret very much to say, that various circumstances will put it out of 
 my power to be with you on the occasion you refer to. 
 
 It is but just and in keeping with the history of that noble old man, 
 Samuel J. Kirkwood, that those of his contemporaries who have 
 known him best and have passed with him through all of his great and 
 heroic struggles, that have rendered his name immortal for all coming 
 time, should in his decline meet once more at his domestic fireside, and 
 while all still live, there congratulate him on the achievements of a 
 long and useful life, crowded full with the events of his country's 
 history, in which his name and his fame will be forever mingled. 
 
 In the days that tried men's souls more than any other in American 
 history, the name of Samuel J. Kirkwood will stand forth among the 
 foremost and the highest, and living or dead, Iowa will never forget 
 him, and the day is not far distant when her people in appreciation 
 of his services and in perpetuation of his deeds and actions, will 
 
454 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 commemorate them on marble and on brass, that they may nerer 
 die. 
 
 In our last great struggle when the union of the States was pre 
 served, it took more than one man alone to accomplish it, and the 
 blood and treasure of the conflict is as nothing compared to the bless 
 ings that are now continually flowing to us in consequence, and in 
 that great struggle it looks as if Providence had selected here and 
 there out of millions, certain wise heads and pure hearts, and assigned 
 them as the right men in the right places to act as one man for a given 
 object, and Samuel J. Kirkwood was one of them, and when the his 
 tory of these events shall be carefully written, the part that he played 
 in the great drama will have its due prominence on every page of that 
 history. 
 
 Not only has Samuel J. Kirkwood contributed to swell his own 
 name and fame in that history, but by his deeds and actions he has 
 made a history for Iowa in that great struggle, that stands among the 
 highest, and one that will never perish, and in which every soldier 
 that went forth to battle from her borders has an honorable place. As 
 one of his contemporaries in all his deeds and actions, and one who 
 has been an eye-witness of all the great events of American history for 
 the last three quarters of a century, I must place the name of Samuel 
 J. Kirkwood high up in the temple of fame, and assign him a niche in 
 its walls among the noblest of earth. 
 
 Regretting again that I cannot be with you to shake the "Old War 
 Governor" once more by the hand, I remain 
 
 Your friend, 
 
 SAMUEL MURDOCK. 
 
 DUBUQUE, Sept. 14th, 1892. 
 Hon. B. R. Sherman, 
 
 DesMoines, Iowa. 
 
 DEAR SIR-. Your letter of the 6th relative to a call of old friends of 
 Gov. Kirkwood is only just at hand. 
 
 I should be very glad to accept your invitation to be present on the 
 28th inst. if it is possible. No man in Iowa has a warmer place in my 
 affections than S J. Kirkwood, and any proposition to recognize fit 
 tingly his great services to the State meets my most cordial ap 
 proval. 
 
 My business at this season of the year is very exacting, and it may 
 be possible that I may not be able to meet with you at the time. But 
 I will do so if I can. 
 
 What is the proposed programme? Does it propose any testimonial 
 gift? If so I shall be glad to contribute my share. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 JACOB RICH. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES Otf SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD. 455 
 
 DUBUQUE, Sept. 26, 1892. 
 Hon. Buren R. Sherman. 
 
 DEAR GOVERNOR: I have waited until the lust moment before 
 writing you, in the hope that I would be able to be at Iowa City. But 
 I find I must give it up. I have not been feeling well for a couple of 
 days and do not think it wise for me to leave home. On top of that I 
 have important business matters that I cannot well lay aside. So I 
 regretfully have concluded to forego the pleasure I anticipated in 
 meeting with you, and participating in your delightful mission. 
 
 Will you be kind enough to convey to Gov. Kirkwood my great 
 regret at not being able to join his other friends in the visit of love and 
 affection proposed. I have for many years had for him a feeling of 
 profound respect, of deep veneration, of the warmest affection. The 
 rugged integrity of his character, the solidity of his judgment, the 
 fervidness of his patriotism, the great value of his services to the State, 
 the healthy influence of his whole personality, as exemplifying the 
 grandest type of self made American manhood, have evoked from me 
 my heartiest admiration; while his invariably kind appreciation and 
 friendly interest for myself have commanded my warmest affection. 
 To c.o anything to honor him is for me as it always has been a delight. 
 
 I join in the hearty congratulations that he is still spared to his 
 friends and to Iowa and I pray that his life may be extended for many 
 years, and his wise counsel and beneficent influence long retained to 
 bless the State. Very respectfully yours, 
 
 JACOB RICH. 
 
 Eon. Buren E. Sherman. 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: Your note of invitation to join a party of well-known 
 gentlemen to make a pilgrimage to the home of Iowa's political seer 
 and prophet, is received, and I am truly thankful for the invitation and 
 am in full sympathy with the movement. God bless the one whoever 
 he may be, that started this move, and may it be an example fre 
 quently followed. 
 
 'Tis well to decorate with flowers the graves of the loved and hon 
 ored dead; but better far that the fragrance of our deeds of love should 
 be inhaled by the living, especially by the aged, for it is not the young 
 alone who appreciate love tokens; friendships, like wine, are improved 
 by age. Words fail me to express my great disappointment in not 
 being able to be with you, and take the hand once more of that grand 
 old man, the Gladstone of Iowa, who without flourish or pomp dared 
 at all times to proclaim the rugged truth. 'Twas he who said on the 
 floor of the United States Senate to an ardent disciple of a false doc 
 trine, "We neither hate you nor fear you" Multum in Parvo. But I 
 will not attempt a recital of the grand words of the great Kirkwood. 
 His public life is a model for all, and no feeble words of mine can add 
 to his great name and national fame. 
 
456 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 Please present him my best wishes and kindest regards, and say to 
 himthat "I love him for the enemies he has made," but he has outlived 
 them or enrolled them as his friends. Say that I would have delivered 
 my handshake in person, but for the fact that my regiment, the old 
 34th, holds its reunion at Corydon on the 28th and 29th inst.. and as I 
 am president of our association, the "old boys 1 ' will expect to see me, 
 and I know the Governor, who loved the soldiers so well, would not 
 have me leave them, even to go and visit him. I bespeak for you all a 
 happy time, and know that you'll have one and ask that you say with 
 me Green in memory be the life and deeds of Iowa's "War Governor." 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 September 22, 1892. " R. D. KELLOGG, 
 
 11106 llth St., Des Moines. 
 
 CEDAR RAPIDS, Sept. 17th, 1892. 
 Eon. B. R. Sherman, 
 
 Des Moines, la. 
 
 MY DEAR GOVERNOR: Answering yours of the 6th with reference 
 to the call upon Gov. Kirkwood on the 28th, has been delayed a few 
 days, that I might obtain more definite information as to the demand 
 upon my time about that date. It would afford me the greatest pleas 
 ure to join in the proposed honor to our great "War Governor." Not, 
 only with reference to his excellence personally, but also to the great 
 service he rendered our beloved State and Nation as well, in those 
 critically perilous days, it is right thus to honor him. As a private 
 citizen and as a public official in all the varied and exalted stations to 
 which he has been called, to serve an affectionate and trusting people, 
 he has done well, and justly merits all the honor we can pay him. 
 
 But as at present advised my duties at the Council Bluffs term of 
 court will demand my personal attention, and will prevent my pres 
 ence with you. Will you do me the favor to present to the Governor 
 my high personal regard and assure him of my reluctant absence. 
 
 Sincerely yours, 
 
 JOHN S. WOOLSON. 
 
 The following letter from ex-Lieut. Gov. Gue was not read as he 
 was present in person and it is here inserted on account of its refer 
 ence to the first speech made by Gov. Kirkwood in Iowa. 
 
 DES MOINES, Sept, 13th, 1892. 
 
 Dear Governor: I heartily approve of the proposed visit of his old 
 time friends to Gov. Kirkwood. It is a happy thought and I shall be 
 glad to join the party. I first met the "Old War Governor" in the 
 convention at Iowa City that assembled there in the old capitol, on 
 the 22nd of February, 1856, and then and there originated the Republi 
 can party in Iowa. Samuel J. Kirkwood, then a plain, farmer looking 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMtTEL J. KlRkWOOD. 457 
 
 man, was called out and made one of the best speeches on that historic 
 occasion. I have been an admirer and supporter of him ever since. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 Gov. B. R. Sherman, City. B. F. GUE. 
 
 Judge Wright, when the last letter had been read, suggested there 
 was yet a little time left, and called upon Judge Reed, of Council 
 Bluffs, who said: 
 
 "Probably I have known Gov. Kirkwood as long as any of the 
 gentlemen present. My recollection goes back to 1846, when I saw 
 him under circumstances that left an impression that has remained 
 with me forty-six years. He was then a young lawyer at Mansfield, 
 Ohio. My father was a justice of the peace in an adjoining county, 
 and young Kirkwood came to his home for the purpose of trying a 
 lawsuit before him, the opposing counsel being James Stewart, then 
 well-known and later one of the most eminent lawyers of the State. 
 I took occasion to excuse myself from school that afternoon, and 
 returning home I looked in at the door of the room used by my father 
 as his office at the time Kirkwood was examining a witness. His 
 attitude, the gesture of his hand and pointing of his finger to the 
 witness so impressed me that when he had concluded I asked my 
 mother the name of the young lawyer and learned it was Kirkwood 
 of Mansfield. So deep was the impression upon me that I believe it 
 had some hingto do with the bent of my studies and choice of life 
 profession. (In answer to the question 'who won the case,' the 
 judge said: 'I think Kirkwood got beat, as was usual at that time 
 when Judge Stewart was on the other side.') It affords me infinite 
 pleasure to be here to-day and pay the mark of respect to the man who 
 was the friend of my father, and who in Iowa has been my friend." 
 
 Hon. W. H. M. Pusey, of Council Bluffs, was the next speaker, and 
 said: 
 
 "Coming nearly across the State to this meeting I think my pres 
 ence here is an indication of my regard and respect for Kirkwood. 
 When quite a young man I was a representative, in the seventh and 
 eighth general assemblies, of the great territory bordering on the 
 Missouri, and then but thinly settled. It was immediately after the 
 panic that made poor almost every man in Iowa, I was at Des Moines, 
 knowing no one, not even Gov. Grimes. I had never heard of Sam 
 Kirkwood, and I presume he had never heard of me. In the arrange 
 ment of committees I was brought into intimate relation with 'the 
 gentleman from Johnson and was attracted to Kirkwood, not by his 
 beauty but by his practical, sensible way of getting at things and meet 
 ing emergencies. A novice, I sat at the feet of a Gamaliel, the farmer 
 from Johnson, and learned wisdom. I have thought the old Governor 
 always liked me, I know I always liked him, and we have kept from 
 
458 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 that time our friendship. Politics never divided our intimacy, and 
 now that we have grown old together, it is a comforting thought that 
 in all the questions that interested the people of the State and con 
 cerned the honor and dignity of the State of Iowa we were hand in 
 hand together, without a moment's hesitation. I was in full sympa 
 thy with all his acts in maintaining the honor and efficiency of the 
 State during the war. I am proud to say to you here that I could not 
 resist the invitation to meet him at his home to-day." 
 
 Judge Wright called on Gen. John A. Williamson, long an intimate 
 friend of the Governor's who said: 
 
 "I feel gratified and complimented at being called on to say a word 
 for my old friend. I have heard with pleasure the letter of Hiram 
 Price, and like him I do not believe in waiting for death before speak 
 ing the true praise of a good man. Every recollection of Kirkwood 
 brings me pleasure in the thought of what he has done for, and been to, 
 the people of Iowa. To me the prominent idea here is what he did for 
 Iowa and was to her people in the day when she needed leaders, when 
 the people were in a measure unsettled in their opinions. I had the 
 honor of accompanying the Governor in a trip extending over six 
 weeks, mainly in the western part of the State, and there gained some 
 knowledge of his induence upon men and his power as a leader, and I 
 tell you that my first definite opinion of leadership was gained from 
 observing the effect of his speeches upon the multitudes. Viewed in 
 that light, I don't believe the equal of Kirkwood existed in Iowa at 
 that time. He moved and swayed his audience, as by the rising and 
 falling of his hand and brought them to tears or joyful acclamation. 
 When a man does such things he demonstrates that he is a leader and 
 is drawing the hearts of the people to him. He impressed me as the 
 most impressive man I had ever known. As an educator of the youth 
 of Iowa he stands unrivalled, for it was he who gave to them the true 
 gospel of patiiotism and liberty. Let me say, that like my friend 
 Pusey, I came 250 miles to take by the hand my old friend and com 
 panion, the 'War Governor of Iowa.'" 
 
 "Uncle" John Russell, of Onslow, a long time associate of Governor 
 Kirk wood's, far past his three score years and ten, said: 
 
 "It was with great pleasure I received the invitation to be here 
 to-day, and it was without a moment's hesitation that I availed myself 
 of the opportunity of again meeting Governor Kirkwood. Judge 
 Reed told you of his early recollections of the Governor. I was a citi 
 zen of Ohio with him, took an active interest in public affairs, and my 
 attention was directed to him as early as 1845, as one of the rising men 
 of public affairs. From reading his speeches I formed the estimate 
 that he was one of the men who was going to make his mark. I came 
 to Iowa in 1852, he a year or so later, and he soon appeared on the 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL ,T. KIRKWOOD. 459 
 
 surface of Iowa politics as a member of the senate. We are all famil 
 iar with his later history, and it is needless for me to refer in any 
 eulogistic strain to his action in important offices at a most important 
 time. He has done more for Iowa than any man th it has ever lived 
 in the State. He has become, in his old age, a most lustrous historical 
 character, and nothing can de:ract from his grand record. There is 
 not a single act of his but has turned out for the best that could have 
 been done at the time, I hope he may long be spared for the people 
 of the State he has so well served, and that his grand history will be 
 taught as an example to the young in our public schools.' 1 
 
 Major Wra. G. Thompson, of Marion, paid a glowing and most 
 eloquent tribute to the Governor, of which we can reproduce but a few 
 words: 
 
 "I have known you, Governor, for thirty-six years; in law-making 
 and law-expounding, you were my Mentor. Legislation under your 
 guidance, was directed to the future, not less than for the present, and 
 laws were made that stood the test of time and stand to-day. When a 
 member of the legislature, and absent during the reading or discussion 
 of a bill, my inquiry was 'how did Kirkwood vote?' and in voting with 
 him I was always right. Whatever the future may have in store, your 
 reputation and your fame are secure to the people and the coming 
 generations. 1 ' * * * 
 
 Judge Wright made the announcement that Mrs Kirkwood was 
 not willing the visitors should depart without having partaken of the 
 hospitality of the Governor's home. Coffee and sandwiches were 
 served on the lawn under her direction and with the assistance of 
 Mrs. Rachel Pritchard, Mrs. L. C. Jewett, Mrs. A. M. Greer, 
 Misses Etta and Annie Jewett, and Mrs. Pritchard's pretty little 
 daughter. Gen. Ed. Wright told in capital form two anecdotes how 
 he was appointed major of the Twenty-fourth Iowa, "the Methodist 
 temperance regiment," and of the dinner without a guard the "boys" 
 had in Washington. 
 
 The visitors from Council Bluffs and the west were to leave on the 
 five o'clock train, so there were hearty hand clasps, fervent prayers 
 of blessings to come yet to the "Old War Governor," and "good-byes 11 
 before they departed. One by one the guests shook hands with the 
 Governor and Mrs. Kirkwood and departed, the happier for this most 
 auspicious reunion. 
 
 From whatever stand point we view it, this was a most 
 remarkable gathering of men. They were or had been all 
 active politicians, high in official stations in both of the great 
 political parties of the country, had for the last thirty-five 
 years been Gov. Kirkwood's contemporaries as State archi- 
 
460 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOB. 
 
 tects, and active and strong workers in almost every depart 
 ment of that work. Many of them had been his, and each 
 others', political opponents. But now all political animosi 
 ties had been buried; all hard feeling if ever cherished had 
 vanished, and all hard things said and done had been, if not 
 forgotten, at least forgiven, and admiration and friendship 
 were the feelings predominant in the breasts of all. 
 
 This was an ovation to Gov. Kirkwood that a Bismark 
 and a Gladstone would esteem it the highest honor to receive 
 from a like group of admiring friends. 
 
 Among them were men who had served in every General 
 Assembly from the Sixth, when Gov. Kirkwood was first a 
 member, to the Twenty -first, and one who was a member of 
 the Second and one who is now a member of the Twenty- 
 fourth, an ex-judge of the Supreme Court, two judges now on 
 the bench, one ex-governor, one ex-lieutenant governor, four 
 ex-members of Congress, two ex-state auditors, three district 
 judges and one United States' court judge. 
 
 Among those who sent letters of regret are numbered an 
 ex-cabinet minister, two ex-governors, an ex-foreign minister, 
 two Supreme Court judges, a United States senator and 
 several who had served in both branches of the General 
 Assembly. 
 
 These men with the "boys in blue" who went to the 
 front in the dark and bloody days from '61 to '65, have been 
 the makers of Iowa history for the last thirty-five years, and 
 a brighter page has never been written in the historical 
 records of any state or country, covering a like period of 
 time, than will be written of them and their works by some 
 future historian, to be read with delight by all their posterity. 
 
 In his earlier years Gov. Kirkwood did not, as in later 
 times, confine himself wholly to the use of rugged prose, but 
 occasionally wooed and won the gentle muses. At the age 
 of nineteen, being called upon to make a contribution to a 
 young lady's album, he furnished the following: 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 461 
 
 Lines for an Album; let me see, 
 What the deuce shall the subject be? 
 Love? 'Tis hackneyed; Friendship too; 
 Moonlight, anything but new; 
 Pangs that despairing lovers feel, 
 Though they would rend a heart of steel, 
 Are common, common as the darts 
 With which sly Cupid strikes the hearts 
 Of blushing maidens; as the strain 
 In which fond lovers still complain 
 When they by fate or rival art 
 From those they love are forced to part. 
 Now, I hate all things common; so 
 I'll choose a subject bran, span new. 
 But what shall it be? What will suit? 
 I'll tell you what: My own old boot. 
 
 And lest you here exception take 
 
 And say that I a "bull" do make 
 
 In calling an old boot a subject new, 
 
 I say "at least in poetry 'tis true." 
 I like an old boot; so does every one 
 Who has upon his toe a tender corn. 
 It sits so easy, like a good old friend, 
 Knows all the tender points, and still will bend 
 With every motion of the foot, so that 
 It never presses on, or hurts the toe that 
 Occasions all your trouble; now a new one 
 Is harsh, unfeeling, cruel, nay inhuman; 
 It cramps and pinches you at every turn, 
 Makes corns to ache and tender joints to burn, 
 Cripples your step, confines your gait, and so it 
 Makes you sincerely wish them all in Tophet. 
 So with some friends; Oh Lord, how I do hate them, 
 Sans salt and pepper, almost could I eat them. 
 With lengthened phiz and brow severe they meet 
 Their hapless friend, and thus they do him greet, 
 (That is when he, by strong temptation rude, 
 Has swerved from the straight path of rectitude): 
 "I'm sorry you've not ceased full sway to give 
 "Unto your passions; you can never thrive 
 "In the opinion of good men (like me) 
 'Unless you shun these courses. I may say 
 "Your conduct is unworthy of your name, 
 "Covers yourself, your kin, your friends with shame; 
 "At least for them consideration have, 
 
462 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 "And all these vices and these follies leave." 
 
 And after having thus your feelings wrought 
 
 Into a state of frenzy, having brought 
 
 The healing wounds of conscience to their first 
 
 Fresh thrilling soreness, lest your heart should burst 
 
 With rage at outraged feelings, they apply 
 
 The ever ready, smiling, treacherous lie: 
 
 "Oh I'm your friend, I hope I'm understood; 
 
 "All I have said is only for your good; 
 
 " meant not to upbraid; forgive I pray, 
 
 "My bluctness; 'tis with friends my only way." 
 
 Such friends as these, if I my mind may tell 
 
 I wish were with new boots all safe in 
 
 WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., December 29th, 1834. 
 
 Another poem was written in the fervor of youth at New- 
 ville, Ohio, Christmas Day, 1839. 
 
 *ON READING THE PETITION OF THE CHARTISTS OF ENGLAND. 
 
 What sound comes over the mighty deep? 
 
 Do the fierce wild winds its bosom sweep? 
 
 Is the demon of death from its whirlwind car 
 
 Scattering woe and death afar? 
 
 Whence that deep sound? Does the earthquake's shock, 
 
 Shiver and scatter the mountain and rock, 
 
 The castle of noble and cottage of swain, 
 
 Alike undistinguished afar on the plain? 
 
 Louder and clearer it comes again. 
 Hark! 'tis the strong, deep shout of men, 
 Rising and pealing and swelling around, 
 Like the "deep toned thunder's bellowing sound." 
 What can it be? Can earth's tyrants dare, 
 Once more with their banners taint the air? 
 Have the masters again led the slaves forth 
 And is it the fearful battle cry? 
 
 Hark! Once more on the startled ear 
 It rises again distinct and clear; 
 But 'tis not the wild tumult of deadly strife, 
 Thrilling the hearts of maiden and wife. 
 What can it be? Do I hear aright 
 
 *Chartism was a political movement, in Great Britain, from 1885 to 1850. The people 
 through a "charter," in 8-16, demanded universal male suffrage, equal representation, 
 tote by ballot, annual parliaments, etc. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 463 
 
 "The slaves have arisen in Freedom's might." 
 
 Is it, Great God ! Oh can it be ! 
 
 Hark again to that shout, "We will be free." 
 
 It comes from the land whence sprang our sires, 
 Whose hands first kindled those beacon fires 
 Whose broad, bright light, by the blessing of Heaven, 
 Now reaches the land from which they were driven; 
 Has dispelled the deep darkness by tyranny cast 
 O'er the souls of men in times long past. 
 God grant that its beamings may brighten and spread, 
 'Till no slave stains the earth with his desolate tread. 
 
 They will aye, they must; for that fire from above, 
 
 While fed with the patriot's devotion and love, 
 
 Neither princes of earth nor the powers of Hell 
 
 Its light or its increase can darken or quell. 
 
 It will stream to the sky; 'twill encircle the earth, 
 
 'Twill blaze on the altar, 'twill cheer the rude hearth, 
 
 God's mockers, Earth's Kings, from their proud seats be hurl'd, 
 
 And Freedom's fair sunbeam will gladden the world. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Portrait of Oov. KirkwoodMr. Yewell Speeches by ex-Gov. Gear 
 Hon. Peter A. Dey Gov. Boies and Others Letter from ex-Gov. 
 Carpenter. 
 
 During the session of the General Assembly in the winter 
 of 1892, in a casual conversation between Hon. Peter A. 
 Dey and Hon. Chas. Aldrich, the remark was made by one 
 of those gentlemen that it would be a very handsome thing 
 for the Legislature then in session to make an appropriation 
 to have a first-class portrait of Gov. Kirkwood painted to 
 occupy a place on the wall of the executive office in the 
 Capitol. 
 
 To initiate and bring the plan to public notice, as well as 
 to the attention of the members of the Legislature, Mr. 
 Aldrich caused to be inserted in the Des Moines Register, an 
 article expressing the desirability of having such a work 
 done. A mere hint on the subject was enough to set the 
 ball in motion. As soon as the subject was brought to the 
 attention of the committee of appropriations in the Senate, a 
 bill was introduced making an appropriation for that purpose 
 and it passed both houses with but six of the hundred and 
 fifty members voting against it. 
 
 As the selection of the person to paint this portrait was 
 left with Governor Boies, he did a very proper thing in 
 selecting George H. Yewell. Mr. Yewell as an artist is one 
 of Iowa's spontaneous products. Commencing his self- 
 taught lessons in his very boyhood, the fly leaves, blank 
 spaces and the margins of the leaves of his early school 
 books were bedecked with the delineations of his pencil and 
 brush, and they betokened him then a promising genius in 
 that line of work. 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 4'65 
 
 In his early efforts he evinced the rare faculty of photo 
 graphing on his own mind the features of his subjects at a 
 casual glance, and of transfixing them upon his canvass with 
 out requiring from them a sitting for that purpose. 
 
 Some of his early productions which he called "charcoal 
 sketches, ' ' made several decades ago, are now treasured 
 among the collections of the State Historical Society as 
 marks of his early promise and as correct delineations of the 
 persons and events they represent. 
 
 Mr. Yewell spent considerable time during the summer 
 of 1892 in Iowa City, the home of his boyhood, and Gov. 
 Kirkwood sat for his picture in the little office at his own 
 home that contained his library and where he had prepared 
 many of his best State papers. The painting received its 
 finishing touches in Mr. Ye well's studio in New York City, 
 and when completed it was sent to Iowa City and was exhib 
 ited for a couple of weeks in the rooms of Close Hall, where 
 it was seen by Gov. Kirkwood's old friends and neighbors 
 who had known him for a third of a century and who pro 
 nounced it a perfect likeness of him whom they had known 
 so long and so well. 
 
 The presentation of the portrait to the Governor of the 
 State took place on the 20th of June. An account of the 
 ceremonies attending it is copied from the Des Moines 
 Register: 
 
 Upon the occasion of the unveiling there was a notable assemblage 
 of distinguished men of the State and the municipal officers of the city. 
 The unveiling occurred in the reception parlor of the Governor of the 
 State. 
 
 The scene presented in that large, spacious room, as Judge Wright 
 rose to call the meeting to order, was one of the most imposing ever 
 seen in Iowa's proud capitol. In a deep mahogany chair in the 
 center of the room, at one end of a large table, sat Horace Boies, 
 Governor of Iowa. At the opposite end sat the Hon. Peter A. Dey, 
 while to one side of the table was stationed Judge Wright, and to his 
 right was ex-Governor Gear. Around the room was an assemblage 
 which could not but fill a visitor's heart with veneration . 
 
 There were gathered men who have lived in Iowa for years; have 
 
466 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 watched its growth and development into one of the foremost States of 
 the Union and have grown gray in its service, and here were they met 
 on a beautiful afternoon to pronounce eulogies on a man who has done 
 for his State more than any other, a man with whom they were all 
 personally acquainted, who was at his home in Iowa City, too feeble 
 to be in attendance to hear the words of praise which his old associates 
 were about to bestow upon him. 
 
 In the assemblage sat men who had it in their power to unfold vol 
 umes of history never yet written. Nearly all had spent more or less 
 time in the service of the State, and Governor Kirkwood would truly 
 have felt honored had he been there to see and to hear the men who 
 had come to do him honor. 
 
 Promptly at 2:30 o'clock Judge Wright arose and announced the 
 purpose of the meeting. Peter A. Dey, of Iowa City, was introduced. 
 Mr. Dey rose from his chair and moved to the side of the room beneath 
 the picture of Governor Kirkwood, which hung on the wall, veiled 
 with the stars and stripes. Governor Boies stood while Mr. Dey spoke 
 the following: 
 
 Governor Boies: I have accepted with more than ordinary satisf ac. 
 tion the invitation of the committee in charge of the exercises of this 
 day, to represent the artist and present his work for your approval. 
 
 For nearly forty years I have known Mr. Yewell intimately, have 
 sympathized with him in his struggles for professional attainment and 
 rejoiced in his success. I have known Governor Kirkwood almost as 
 long, but of him it is not my purpose to speak, as others will tell you 
 that in the period of greatest danger to the nation, largely through his 
 efforts, every call upon the State of Iowa was honored and every 
 obligation discharged. On this occasion I may without impropriety 
 say something of the artist. 
 
 In 1841 there came to the newly selected capital of the Territory of 
 Iowa, a widow with her young son, brought to this new country in the 
 hope that in some way the struggle of life might be less arduous than 
 in the older States. Time passed on, the boy grew and entered cheer 
 fully the life of toil and labor that seemed to await him; in the inter 
 vals of leisure he developed a taste for sketching and found among the 
 incidents of pioneer life much to amuse and interest the early settler. 
 With charcoal, pencil and brush he delineated the peculiarities of the 
 men around him ; whatever interested them, whether of local charac 
 ter or matters of legislative interest, he treated with humor and skill 
 and struck a vein that gave him a local and even a state reputation. 
 
 His pictures were cri de but conceived in a spirit that made the 
 subject even of ridicule enjoy them and join in admiration of the boy 
 cartoonist. They finally attracted the attention of Charles Mason, one 
 of the judges of the Supreme Court, who furnished him the means to 
 procure instruction such as could be had in New York. Later he went 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 467 
 
 abroad, spent years in France, Italy and Germany. While in Europe 
 he devoted time to pictures in which were faces and figures, bringing 
 out to a great extent peculiarites, passions and emotions. He also 
 paid u great deal of attention to painting the interiors of churches 
 and other buildings; possibly in this line of art he had few. if any 
 superiors. A few years ago he returned to this country and since then 
 has devoted himself largely to portrait painting. In the maturity of 
 his powers and the ripeness of his genius he paid the debt of gratitude 
 in the portrait of Judge Mason, which, perhaps, next to this, is the 
 most characteristic of all his portraits. It is not merely a likeness, but 
 embodies the man who extended to the struggling boy the helping hand. 
 
 The portraits of Professor Parvin in the State library, of Judges 
 Wright and Dillon in the Supreme Court room, of Governors Chambers 
 and Lowe and of General Dodge in this room, are the work of his later 
 years. To the portrait before us, the head and face of which he 
 regards as artistically the great success of his life, he has devoted time 
 and study. From the intimate acquaintance of long years, profoundly 
 impressed with the massive strength of character and at the same time 
 warm hearted nature of Governor Kirkwood, this portrait has been a 
 labor of love. 
 
 It is said that the great value of Trumbull's paintings in the rotunda 
 of the Capitol at Washington, is that he knew intimately the men he 
 painted and transferred their characters to the canvas. Stuart's great 
 picture of Washington, that for nearly a century has been in every 
 home in the land, whether in the finest steel engraving that ornaments 
 the walls of the wealthy or the crude lithograph in the humblest home, 
 is always the same face, represents the same man, and why? Because 
 the artist has so thoroughly impressed the character of the man upon 
 the canvas that we never fail to recognize it, and feel that Washington 
 must have been as he was painted as no other head or face would fit 
 him. It may be that our children and our children's children will 
 recall the War Governor of Iowa from engravings that in the coming 
 years will hang on the walls of the homes of our people, copies of the 
 painting which we this day unveil, and will then say as we say now, it 
 must be perfect for no other head and face would fit our ideal of 
 the man. 
 
 I feel that I am committing no breach of confidence when I give 
 you the artist's own language in a letter never intended for the public: 
 "I regard the head and face purely as a work of art, in many respects 
 the best I have ever painted. I have endeavored to paint Governor 
 Kirkwood as I knew him, a strong man with a face of great power and 
 determined will, at the same time full of tenderness and sympathy." 
 How well he measured the man you who are his old arid tried friends 
 know as well as I. How well he has succeeded in impressing this 
 delineation of character upon the canvas, it is for you to judge. 
 
468 THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 In the name of the artist, George H. Yewell, I present to your 
 excellency this picture and ask you if the contract for painting the 
 portrait of Governor Kirkwood has been satisfactorily executed. 
 
 As Mr. Dey concluded, the stars and stripes, which concealed the 
 features of Samuel J. Kirkwood from view, were removed amidst 
 general applause, and the new painting stood forth with a wonderful 
 reality. It was seen at a glance to be a magnificent work of art. 
 There was a strength and dignity, yet an air of kindliness about the 
 face which impressed every person in the room at once. There was 
 an expression of character and individuality portrayed in the features 
 which impressed all at once that the picture was the work of a great 
 artist. It is truly a beautiful likeness of the character and the man it 
 attempts to reproduce. Governor Boies in accepting it spoke these 
 words: 
 
 Sir: In accepting for the State from your hands, as the agent of 
 the artist whose work it is, this portrait of one of Iowa's most distin 
 guished citizens, I am called upon to perform a duty gratefully im 
 posed by a generous people and most cheerfully assumed by myself. 
 
 The occasion makes appropriate a brief reference to certain histor 
 ical facts which in this connection will not fail to be of interest to the 
 general public. 
 
 Governor Kirkwood, whose likeness you present, was born in the 
 State of Maryland, December 20th, 1813, and although an old man 
 now is still blessed with mental and physical vigor becoming his 
 age, and lives in his old home in Johnson county, surrounded by 
 friends and neighbors to whom he is endeared by a long life of most 
 upright and manly dealing in all the affairs of men with which he has 
 been connected. 
 
 He was educated as a lawyer and for a time practiced his chosen 
 profession in his then adopted State of Ohio. 
 
 From there he removed to Iowa in 1855, and soon after becoming a 
 citizen of the State entered public life, being elected a member of the 
 state senate in 1856, Governor of the State in 1859 and again in 1861. 
 In 1863 he was tendered by President Lincoln the appointment of 
 Minister to Denmark, but declined the position. In 1866 he was 
 elected United States Senator from this State to fill the unexpired 
 term of Senator Harlan. In 1875 he was again elected Governor of 
 Iowa, and the year following resigned the ofiice to accept that of 
 United States Senator, to which place he had been again elected. In 
 1881 he resigned his seat in the Senate to accept a position in the 
 Cabinet of President Garfield, and from that position he voluntarily 
 retired in 1882 to resume his place as a private citizen and rest from 
 the toil of a long, laborious and most honorable public career. 
 
 Once elected to the Senate of his State, three times its Governor, 
 and twice its Representative in the Senate of the United States, it is, J 
 
\ ' 
 
 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 469 
 
 believe, no exaggeration of fact to say that Iowa has never honored 
 any other citizen with so many and such important places of public trust, 
 and it is certainly true that no servant of hers ever acquitted himself in 
 the discharge of his official duties with more perfect fidelity to all her 
 interests or with more marked intelligence in the work that fell to 
 his lot. 
 
 It was, therefore, a most fitting expression of the gratitude of the 
 State he had served so long and so well when our last legislature appro 
 priated a sum sufficient to secure and preserve this splendid likeness 
 of the man whose life work is so intimately interwoven in the most 
 important as well as the most honorable period in all its history. 
 
 Under the provisions of that act it was made my duty to select an 
 artist to perform the work proposed. 
 
 With the aid of friends of the Governor I was fortunate enough to 
 secure the services of Mr. Yewell, now of New York, but formerly a 
 citizen of Iowa and an old time friend of the honored subject whose 
 portrait he was to paint. 
 
 It is not too much for me to say that the artist has been faithful to 
 the most exacting degree in the performance of the trust confided to 
 him and has succeeded in producing a likeness that cannot fail to 
 please every citizen of Iowa who now, or in the long years to 
 come may be able to see and admire his work. 
 
 After Governor Boies had concluded, Judge Wright said he would 
 take the privilege of calling upon any one who was present to speak, 
 in view of the nature of the meeting for which they had come together. 
 He then called upon Governor Gear, who spoke as follows: 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen: I am glad that I am here 
 to join you in doing honor to one of the most distinguished men of our 
 State. I regret that my colleagues, the ex-Governors of the State, are 
 from various causes unable to be here to-day, and I much regret that 
 by the infirmities of his great age, that we are deprived of the pleasure 
 of Governor Kirkwood's presence. 
 
 We have assembled here to do honor to the man who during his 
 long residence in Iowa has impressed himself on the people of our 
 State as no other man has. 
 
 Mr. Yewell has done his work well, and the portrait just unveiled 
 is not only a great work of arc, but to us who know Governor Kirk- 
 wood well, it is a splendid picture not only in its physical likeness, but 
 the artist has also thoroughly portrayed his mental characteristics, 
 which is the highest evidence of art. 
 
 Coming to Iowa in the early fifties, he settled in Johnson County, 
 where he made his home. His friends, recognizing his ability, soon 
 called on him to serve them in the Legislature. He was elected to the 
 Senate as a member of the Seventh and Eighth General Assemblies. 
 He at once took high rank in that body which had in its membership 
 
470 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 many of the able men of the State. At that time the question of estab 
 lishing a State bank under the new constitution, which had recently 
 been adopted, was a prominent one. Governor Kirkwood drafted and 
 the Assembly enacted the law establishing the State Bank of Iowa, a 
 bank which through all the hard times of 1857-60 stood solid as a rock, 
 redeeming its issues in gold Called by the people of the State to be 
 its chief magistrate at a critical time in the nation's history, he met the 
 responsibilities of the hour. When President Lincoln issued the call 
 for the first 75,000 men, Governor Kirkwood at once called the .Legis 
 lature together in special session. His proclamation was a patriotic 
 document and struck the loyal chord of the hearts of the people of 
 Iowa. How Iowa responded illumines a bright ^age in the history of 
 our loved State. 
 
 At the outbreak of the war, the national government was bankrupt 
 and it fell on Governor Kirkwood, by his personal efforts, to raise 
 funds to equip the State's first regiments. To do this, he called on 
 the State banks of Iowa; he and a few of his friends became personally 
 responsible for more money than they were really able to pay in order 
 that Iowa's regiments might be equipped and sent to the front to bear 
 their part in defending the nation's honor. The State banks promptly 
 responded to his call. During the first three years of the war, he gave 
 his time, day and night, to the duty of raising the State's quota of 
 troops. He was wise and a rare judge of men, and his appointment 
 of the officers of the Iowa regiments gives proof of his high qualities 
 in these regards. He made constant trips to the field of war and gave 
 much of his time to the aid and comfort of the soldiers. Childless 
 himself, all Iowa soldiers were "his boys." He never was known to 
 turn a deaf ear to an Iowa soldier. I was in his office one morning at 
 Washington City when he filled the high office of Secretary of the 
 Interior. There were present senators, members of Congress and 
 governors of states, all awaiting their turn to transact their business. 
 The door opened and an Iowa soldier whom the Governor knew, came 
 in supporting himself on a crutch and cane. Kirkwood at once rose 
 and gave him a seat. Turning aside from those present he inquired, 
 "What can I do for you?" 
 
 A senator who was waiting, a gentleman of more than national 
 reputation, said to me, "Gear, what kind of a man is Kirkwood who 
 turns away from all of us to talk to that old soldier?" I replied, 
 "Senator, Governor Kirkwood considers all Iowa soldiers as his boys 
 and they in turn look to him as a father." 
 
 Again as a United States Senator he served the State and nation 
 with distinguished ability. He had a logical and legal mind, and was, 
 in fact, a great constitutional lawyer, and in this branch of Congress 
 he had ample opportunity to display his great abilities as a lawyer. 
 He was a member of the Judiciary Committee of which Roscoe Conk- 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 471 
 
 ling was chairman, and on one occasion an important question involv 
 ing constitutional law was under debate. Governor Kirkwood made 
 a speech in which he electrified the Senate. A Senator said to Roscoe 
 Corikliug, "Conkling, whoever knew that Kirkwood of Iowa was so 
 strong a lawyer? 1 ' Conkling replied, "When Kirkwood gets up and 
 shakes the wrinkles out of his clothes, he knows as much constitutional 
 law as any man on the floor of the Senate," well merited praise from 
 one who was himself one of the greatest lawyers of the nation. Gov 
 ernor Kirkwood's name will be handed down in history with John A. 
 Andrew, Andrew J. Curlin and Oliver P. Morton as one among the 
 trusted advisers of President Lincoln during the Civil War. 
 
 Kirkwood was able, wise aad sagacious, and, above all, he was 
 truthful and honest. On the stump he was a tower of strength to his 
 party, giving hard blows to the opposition, but never descending to 
 demagogism. As an orator he was powerful in the fact that his lang 
 uage was simple and his similes homely, and always struck the chords 
 of the hearts of his audience. 
 
 In his career as a public man he commanded the admiration, aye 
 more, the affection, of his party, and enjoyed in an eminent degree 
 the respect of the opposition. 
 
 It has been well said that "the affections of the people of Iowa, like 
 the rivers which form her borders, flow to a perpetual union' 1 of this 
 Iowa gave splendid proof under Kirkwood' s administration, and to-day 
 in his advanced age, infirm in body, but thank God, vigorous in mind, 
 it can be truly said that the affections of Iowa's people cluster around 
 him as around no other man, and we all join in the hearty wish that 
 "his days may be long in the land." 
 
 Sir, there are three gentlemen in this room besides myself, who are 
 pioneers of the State, all of whom have known all the Governors of 
 Iowa, and without disparagement either to my distinguished prede 
 cessors or successors, I do not hesitate to say that in the record he has 
 made he has impressed himself on the people as has no other Governor. 
 
 Sir, when the generations of the future people of Iowa shall visit 
 this noble edifice and shall witness the portraits of our distinguished 
 citizens hanging on these walls and shall point to this triumph of 
 artistic skill and ask whose likeness it is, the reply will be, "Samuel 
 J. Kirkwood." From the lips of every inquirer will come spontane 
 ously, "Yes, Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's 'great War Governor.'" 
 
 Hon. H. W. Lathrop being called upon, spoke as follows: 
 
 Mr. President and Friends of Gov. Kirkwood: It there is anything 
 of which lowans are proud, it is the financial standing of the State, 
 she being free from debt, and the fact that her per cent, of illiteracy is 
 the smallest of any state in the Union. 
 
 No man in the State has done more to bring about these conditions 
 than Governor Kirkwood. During the first eighteen years of her 
 
472 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD1 
 
 political existence, Iowa was without a banking system. At the 
 second session of Governor Kirkwood's service as State Senator, and 
 the first session of the General Assembly under the then New Consti 
 tution permitting banking, on account of his superior knowledge on 
 the subject he was added as a special member to the committee on 
 Banks, much of that knowledge having been obtained a few years 
 previously when a member of the Ohio Constitutional Convention, 
 where the subject of banking was ably and fully discussed. 
 
 At this session he was among the foremost in the advocacy of the 
 passage of the bill providing for a State Bank and its branches. It 
 proved to be one of the best systems ever established, and it furnished 
 the people a safe and sound currency. 
 
 As president of one of its branches he assisted in its administra 
 tion. 
 
 As Governor he afterwards vetoed a bill passed by the General 
 Assembly, providing for the establishment of a banking system that 
 would have opened wide a door for "wild cat" banking. 
 
 When at the special session of the General Assembly in 1861, bonds 
 to the amount of $800,000 were voted to carry ou the war, he took 
 special pains to see that those bonds should not be thrown upon the 
 market and sold at a depreciated price, sending Hon. Ezekiel Clark to 
 New York for that purpose, with instructions to buy at a good fair 
 price the first offered on the Stock Board, in order to fix their market 
 value. This purchase did fix their value, and at that rate they were 
 afterwards disposed of. By this plan, and his economical administra 
 tion of the Governor's office only three-eighths of the bonds voted 
 were ever used. 
 
 In our educational system he has filled the various offices of 
 Member of the Board of Regents of the State University, Member of 
 the Board of Trustees of the State Agricultural College, one of the 
 Curators of the State Historical Society, and a large contributor to its 
 collections, being also its President, Sub Director in his school district 
 and President of the Township Board, and all these offices received his 
 best, most earnest and intelligent labors in their administration. 
 
 When filling national offices he never got the credit his merit 
 entitled him to, for he was always handicapped with short terms, pre 
 venting him from getting that official momentum by long experience 
 in them, so essential to success in the performance of duties connected 
 with them. 
 
 Though filling the office of Secretary of the Interior in Garfield's 
 Cabinet less than fourteen months, he stamped upon the Indian 
 Bureau the policy of detribalizing the Indians, allotting to them their 
 lands in severally, with a title to them in fee, and recommending that 
 they be educated and brought into citizenship. 
 
 Though not permitted to hold the office long enough to give his 
 
THE LIFE AND TIMES OP SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD. 473 
 
 policy full force and effect, it has to a considerable extent been 
 endorsed by his successors. 
 
 Mr. Lathrop gave an epitome of the Art Life of Mr. Yewell detail 
 ing some of his early efforts as a juvenile artist. 
 
 Mr. Charles Aldrich next read the letter printed below, from 
 ex-Governor Carpenter: 
 
 FORT DODGE, IOWA, June 16, 1893. 
 
 Hon. Charles Aldrich, 
 
 Des Moines, Iowa. 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: I received the invitation to be present on the 20th 
 inst. to participate in the ceremony of unveiling the great historic 
 portrait of ex-Governor Kirkwood. I had delayed answering because 
 I had hoped to shape matters so as to be able to come, but within the 
 last day or two I have found that engagements which I can neither 
 avoid or postpone, will prevent me from being present. I deeply 
 regret this, as nothing would afford me greater pleasure than to join 
 with others in giving expression to the public estimate of Samuel J. 
 Kirkwood. I well remember in 1861, when it fully dawned upon me 
 that free government must be surrendered on this continent or the 
 inevitable alternative of civil war must be accepted, that I began to 
 consider whether the President would receive the loyal and undivided 
 support of the various Governors of the slates adhering to the Union. 
 1 know that under our form of government, accordingly as the Gov 
 ernors of the loyal states gave the President active, earnest and enthu 
 siastic support, or, on the other hand, as it might be possible for them 
 to quibble and hesitate with half-hearted sympathy, the cause of the 
 Union would be advanced or retarded. I had known Governor Kirk 
 wood whilst he was a senator in the Seventh General Assembly; I had 
 watched his career as Governor; had read with pride and satisfaction 
 his correspondence relative to the surrender of Coppoc upon the 
 requisition of the Governor of Virginia; and I was satisfied that in him 
 the government would find a brave, resolute and uncompromising 
 defender. It has been a source of pride in my State in its patriotism 
 and intelligence that his subsequent career was a fulfillment of my 
 prophecy respecting him. 
 
 What a group of historic characters the Governors of the loyal 
 states in these times which tried men's souls, would make. There was 
 Yates, of Illinois; and Ramsey, of Minnesota; and Harvey, of Wiscon 
 sin; and Blair, of Michigan; and Morton, of Indiana; and Denison, of 
 Ohio; and Curtin, of Pennsylvania; and Morgan, of New York; Buck 
 ingham, of Connecticut, and finally side by side stood Massachusetts 
 and Iowa in the advanced thought and unyielding purpose of their 
 populations, and in the sturdy patriotism and defiant resolution of 
 their Governors, John A. Andrew and Samuel J. Kirkwood. This 
 
474 THE LIFE AND TIMES OF SAMUEL j. KIRKWOOD. 
 
 galaxy of names brightens the luster of the heroic age in which they 
 lived. 
 
 Let the portrait of Governor Kirk wood be placed where it will receive 
 the kindliest light from the sun in the heavens, and where the first 
 glances of the eyes of his admiring countrymen will fall upon it as 
 they enter the executive chamber. 
 
 Yours, very sincerely, 
 
 C. C. CARPENTER. 
 
 Letters were also received from Judge G. S. Robinson, of Iowa 
 City, and Alvin Saunders, of Omaha. 
 
 Judge Cole made a brief and forcible address. "I met Samuel J. 
 Kirkwood thirty-six years ago and know him best in a political way. 
 The keynote to his greatness, and he is great, is that he always had a 
 flood of internal light to shed on any question. He was not full of 
 quotations. They were wonderful, original arguments of his own 
 construction. It was this wonderful readiness and great mental 
 power and capacity that enabled him to always respond. He was 
 great because God made him great." 
 
 Judge Nourse next said a few words, speaking of the value to 
 posterity of such a picture, of Governor Kirkwood's sincerity as a man 
 and ability as a statesman. Judge Wright brought the meeting to an 
 end with a few remarks, thanking Governor Boies on behalf of the 
 friends of Governor Kirkwood and the entire State for the way in 
 which he had carried out the instructions of the last legislature in 
 regard to purchasing such a portrait. 
 
 [THE END.] 
 
INDEX 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Ancestry 7 
 
 Assessor in the County 18 
 
 Assistant in Clerk's Office 20 
 
 Admitted to the Bar 21 
 
 Abolitionists 42 
 
 Agricultural College 100 
 
 Allison, Wm. B., Staff Officer 128 
 
 Letter 279 
 
 Aldrich, Charles 205-206, 464, 473 
 
 Administration, Kirkwood 279 
 
 Boys in the Home 12 
 
 Baker & Boland Murder Trial 23 
 
 Burns, Barnabas 24 
 
 Banquet 25 
 
 Byington & Kirkwood 101 
 
 Board Commissioners 129 
 
 Baker, James 129 
 
 Bonds Avertised Offered Sold 129 
 
 Destroyed 130 
 
 Amount 169 
 
 Baldwin, Caleb 135 
 
 Brainerd, N. H., Military Sec'y 140 
 
 Baker, N. B , Adjut. Geu 145, 162, 204, 207, 276 
 
 Brigadiers Dodge, Perczel, Crocker, Elliott 177, 180, 214 
 
 Breastpins, Butternut 240 
 
 Blaine & Finkbine 347 
 
 Belknapp Letter 395 
 
 Boies, Governor 464, 466 
 
 Clark, G. Kirkwood 284 
 
 Clerk in Drug Store 14-15 
 
 Clerk in Store and Hotel 19 
 
 Cases prepared 21 
 
 Cases tried 22 
 
 Constitutional Convention 26 
 
 Speeches 26 to 33 
 
 Clark, Ezekiel 37, 46, 119, 129 
 
 Cole, S. W 60 
 
 Coppoc, Barclay 8 
 
 Message 89 
 
 Clark, Rush, On Staff. 128 
 
 His Death 364 
 
 Commissioners to Issue Bonds .129 
 
 Clothing for Soldiers 131 
 
ii TNDEX. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Clark, Lincoln , 441 
 
 Coolbaugh, W. F 144 
 
 Crocker Col. M. M 214 
 
 "Cold Victuals," "Old Clothes" and "Votes" 328 
 
 Dred Scott Decision 63 
 
 Dodge, Augustus Caesar 68 
 
 Dodge, G. M 136, 166, 180, 281 
 
 Donelson, News ot Battle of 205 
 
 Banquet 205 
 
 Draft 230 
 
 Dubuque, Speech at 265 
 
 Dutcher, Speech 419 
 
 Dey, Peter A 464, 466 
 
 Early Education Kirkwood's 13 
 
 Edwards, Col. John ... .166 
 
 Edmunds, Geo. F., Letter of 413 
 
 Farm Tools 10 
 
 Farm of Clark & Kirkwood 39 
 
 Farmer and Miller 39 
 
 Fisher, Maturin L 142 
 
 Freemont, Gen'l 203 
 
 Finkbine & Elaine 347 
 
 Gear, Jno. H 364, 469 
 
 Gold Hunters 35 
 
 Grimes, Jas. W., for Governor 42, 47, 55, 57, 61 
 
 Goes to Washington 120 
 
 General Assembly. The Seventh 63 
 
 Its Make-up 64 
 
 Banquet 66 
 
 Governor of Virginia 96 
 
 Graves, J. K 127 
 
 Governor's Staff 128 
 
 Golden Circle, Knights of 240 
 
 Grant, Gen., Letter to 244 
 
 Toast to 398 
 
 Governor's Aids 280 
 
 Garfield, Jas. G., Meeting in New York 406 
 
 His Estimate of Kirkwood 406 
 
 Death of and Change in Cabinet 414 
 
 Harlan, Jas 53 
 
 Hard Times in 1857-8 84 
 
 Hall, J. C 137 
 
 Hubbard, A. W 163, 168, 170 
 
 Hill, Senator of Georgia 361 
 
 Immigration 35 
 
 Inaugural Address 73, 193, 331 
 
 Ingham, S. R 130,173, 174 
 
 Indians 169 
 
 Depredations of 170-171 
 
 In Minnesota 172 
 
 Indian Policy ...--,, 408, 424 
 
INDEX. Hi 
 
 Indiana, Speeches in 367 
 
 Iowa Soldiers, by H. L. Wilcox 444 
 
 Kirkwood, Mrs. S. J 416 
 
 Kirkwood, Clerk, Letters to ' ^284 
 
 Knights of Golden Circle 240 
 
 Kasson, John A 86 
 
 Kirkwoods, The 9 
 
 Profs. Daniel, Wm. R., Samuel J 9 
 
 Kirkwood, Robert 8-9 
 
 Kirkwood, Jabez, Farmer and Blacksmith 10 
 
 Kirkwood, Samuel Jordan, Teacher School 14 
 
 Finishes His Education 15 
 
 Farmer and Miller 39 
 
 Attends Republican Convention 46 
 
 Chosen Senator 47 
 
 Speeches in Senate , 50 
 
 Historical Society 54 
 
 Stumps the State with Grimes; They Speak in Borrowed 
 
 Clothes 59 
 
 Favors Grimes for Senator; Nominated for Governor 67 
 
 Canvasses the State with Dodge 71 
 
 "Rides in State " Behind Two Yoke of Oxen 72 
 
 Attends the National Convention; Supports Mr. Lincoln. ... 87 
 
 Kirkwood and Byington 101 
 
 [nvited to Speak at His Old in Ohio 103 
 
 Congratulates Mr Lincoln 104 
 
 Interviews Him at His Home 105 
 
 Attends His Inauguration 108 
 
 Letter to Grimes 108 
 
 To Governor of Maryland 109 
 
 To Harlan, Grimes, Curtis and Vandevere 109 
 
 Gets a Telegram from the Pi esident 114 
 
 Not a Mil tary Man 116 
 
 Letters Written 140 
 
 Goes to Washington 141 
 
 Gets Discouraged. 142 
 
 Renominated 142 
 
 Makes a Political Speech 146 
 
 Three Wars on His Hands 167 
 
 Writes the President 177, 267 
 
 Letter to Colonels After Battle of Corinth 238 
 
 Chosen Senator; His Competitors 287 
 
 Funeral Oration, Lincoln 293 
 
 Again Nominated for Governor 303 
 
 Reluctantly Accepts 305 
 
 Takes the Stump and Canvasses the State .306 
 
 Elected, 30,000 Majority 331 
 
 Again Chosen Senator 344 
 
 His Reception at Home 345 
 
 His Great Speech in the Senate 347 
 
 As a Stump Sp aker 378 
 
 Decoration Day Speech 380 
 
 Striking the W^ord "white " from the Constitution 394 
 
 Secretary of Interior; as a Cabinet Minister 414, 415 
 
 Bank President 41 6 
 
iv NDEX. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Kirkwood, Samuel Jordan, Visits California and Oregon 417 
 
 An After Dinner Speech 417 
 
 For Blaine in 1884 422 
 
 Nominated for Congress 428 
 
 Letter of Acceptance 428 
 
 Speech at Davenport 433 
 
 His Character as a Speaker 441 
 
 Elaine's Estimate of Him 442 
 
 Statesman Rather than Politician 446 
 
 A Surprise Party 447 
 
 As a Poet 461 
 
 Literary Society 14 
 
 Lowe, Gov. R. P 62 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham, at Council Bluffs 72 
 
 Funeral Oration 293 
 
 Letter to 215 
 
 Lyon, Gen 117 
 
 Legislature, Extra Sessions 120, 220 
 
 Loyal Governors 227 
 
 Logan, Gen. , Letter to 244 
 
 Lewis, Geo. W 416 
 
 McLeon, Kirkwood 's Teacher 13 
 
 Moves to Ohio 16 
 
 Marriage 22 
 
 Murder Trial 23 
 
 Mill 38 
 
 Meeting in Davenport 115 
 
 Messages 120, 131, 132, 182, 220, 224, 270 
 
 Mason Charles 129, 143, 144, 263 
 
 Merritt, Col 144 
 
 Minister to Denmark 276 
 
 Negus, Charles 249 
 
 Negro Soldiers 258 
 
 Practices Law 21 
 
 Partnership 21, 24 
 
 Prosecuting Attorney 22 
 
 Political Parties 41 
 
 Presidential Election 100 
 
 Proclamations 114, 161 , 176, 216, 218, 232, 238 
 
 Price, Hiram 119, 163, 411, 432 
 
 Platform, Republican 142 
 
 Democratic 143 
 
 Prisoner Pardoned 342 
 
 Poetry 461 
 
 Portrait 464-465 
 
 Republican Convention, Call for 43 
 
 Its Make-up 44 
 
 Kirkwood attends and speaks 46 
 
 Republicans successful in 1856, but Democrats in 1857 57 
 
 Railroad Prediction 84 
 
 Bonds by Counties 300 
 
 Regiment is called for, four offered 116 
 
INDEX. v 
 
 PAGE 
 
 School House on the Farm ' 13 
 
 Studies Law. . . .'.*!.' 20 
 
 Sells Flour on Credit 39 
 
 "Sara Kirkwood the Miller" 40 
 
 State, its growth '.63, 67 
 
 Spirit Lake Massacre 87 
 
 Sumpter Fired on 113 
 
 Soldiers, Their Pay ' 118 
 
 Smith, Win. T 127 
 
 Southern Border 165, 167, 128 
 
 Staff Officers 128 
 
 Sanders, Add H 215, 128 
 
 Smyth, Wm 129 
 
 Slagle, C. W 129 
 
 Sipple. W. C., Letter to 163 
 
 Second Iowa, Its Flag Disgraced 209 
 
 Disgrace wiped out 209 
 
 Sick Soldiers 235 
 
 Senator again 344 
 
 Speech in Senate, comments by N. Y. Tribune, Dubuque Herald 
 
 and Georgia Tribune 362 
 
 "Surprise Party" 447 
 
 Sherman, Gov. B. R 447 
 
 Teacher, School 14-18 
 
 Troops tendered early 112 
 
 Called for. 113 
 
 Telegram from President 114 
 
 "Twins," one Company too many 217 
 
 Tally War 244 
 
 Third Term Gevernor 304 
 
 Veto Message 98 
 
 Votes for President 104 
 
 Vicksburg, Fall of Letter to Soldiers To Gen. Grant 243 
 
 Vance & Kirkwood 366 
 
 Voorhees, Senator, on Kirkwood 407 
 
 Whigs and Abolitionists 43 
 
 "Wild Cat" Banks 62, 84 
 
 Wilson, Jonathan 72 
 
 War and Defense Fund 128-129, 143 
 
 Women make Soldiers Clothing 131 
 
 Washburne, Governor of Maine, Letter to 180 
 
 Wilcox, Hon. Henry L .444 
 
 Wright, Geo. G .305, 449, 466 
 
 Wright, Gen. Ed 305 
 
 Yewell, Geo. H. . 464-465-466 
 
VI INDEX, 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 Governor and Mrs. Kirkwood, Frontispiece. 
 
 Birth Place 10 
 
 A. C. Dodge 68 
 
 E. Clark 118 
 
 C. Baldwin 134 
 
 S. R. Ingham 173 
 
 N. B. Baker 207 
 
 S. Kirkwood Clark 284 
 
 G. M. Dodge 281 
 
 Hiram Price 411 
 
 Residence 447 
 
 Geo. H. Yewell. . 465 
 
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Lathrop, H.W. 
 
 The life and times 
 of Samuel J. Kirkwood.