mm
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 University of 
 
 California 
 
 Irvine
 
 HEBBEL'S NIBELUNGEN
 
 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY GERMANIC STUDIES 
 VOL. III. No. I. 
 
 HEBBEL'S NIBELUNGEN 
 
 ITS SOURCES, METHOD, AND STYLE 
 
 BY 
 
 ANNINA PERIAM, PH.D., T)an"toVX 
 
 SOMETIME FELLOW IN GERMANIC LANGUAGES AND 
 LITERATURES, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 
 
 THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, AGENTS 
 
 LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD. 
 
 1906 
 
 All rights reserved
 
 N7 
 
 D5 
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1906, 
 BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. 
 
 St up and electrotyped. Published June, 1906. 
 
 Nortaooti 
 
 J. B. Cashing & Co. Berwick & Smith Co. 
 Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
 
 TO 
 
 THE MEMORY OF 
 MY MOTHER
 
 NOTE 
 
 OF the many writers who have attempted to make use in 
 modern literature of the motives and action of the old story 
 of the Nibelungs, which is to the Germanic people, as 
 William Morris long ago pointed out, their true 'Tale of 
 Troy,' none has been more successful in its actual rejuvenes- 
 cence than has Hebbel, in his dramatic trilogy " Die Nibe- 
 lungen." On this account, and because of the place which it 
 relatively occupies among Hebbel's works, the drama undoubt- 
 edly offers an interesting field for investigation. The question 
 of the genesis and growth of the trilogy has elsewhere been 
 considered, but nobody until now has exhaustively examined 
 the sources of the material and the attitude of the author in 
 his use of it. The present monograph has been undertaken 
 at a time when increased attention is being directed to 
 Hebbel and his work, and is, in my opinion, a distinctly 
 valuable contribution to the rapidly growing amount of 
 
 Hebbel literature. 
 
 WILLIAM H. CARPENTER. 
 
 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, May, 1906.
 
 PREFACE 
 
 THE following study was undertaken at the suggestion of 
 Professor Calvin Thomas. Since its inception many valuable 
 additions have been made to Hebbel literature, notable 
 beyond all others the editions of Hebbel's works, journals, 
 and letters by Professor R. M. Werner, which have opened 
 the way for further investigations. Even a few years ago, 
 Hebbel had but a small circle of admirers, of critics, who 
 appreciated the significance of his genius. Now he is begin- 
 ning to come into his own as one of the three greatest Ger- 
 man dramatists of the nineteenth century. And, as the ripest 
 product of his genius and one of the few dramatic versions 
 of the Nibelungen saga which has found favor on the stage, 1 
 Hebbel's " Nibelungen " offers an interesting field for investi- 
 gation into its sources and workmanship. 2 
 
 It is a pleasure to express my gratitude to all of my 
 instructors, and particularly to thank Professors W. H. Car- 
 penter and Calvin Thomas of Columbia University for assist- 
 ance and encouragement in this work. I desire, also, to 
 express my thanks to Professor Richard M. Werner of the 
 University of Lemberg, Austria, and to Professor William 
 Addison Hervey of Columbia University for valuable advice 
 and suggestions. 
 
 NEW YORK, March 30, 1906. 
 
 1 From October 1902, to October 1903, the first two parts of the trilogy were 
 played in Germany thirty times, the third part twenty times ; from 1863 to 1895, 
 the first two parts were played at the Burgtheater, Vienna, forty-five times, the 
 third part seventeen times. 
 
 8 The only works on Hebbel which have thus far been written in English are 
 the doctor's dissertation of Henrietta Becker on Kleist and Hebbel and the text 
 edition of " Herodes und Mariamne " by Edward Stockton Meyer, in which the 
 editor gives a brief biography of Hebbel and a survey of his works. 
 
 be
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 PACE 
 
 GENESIS OF HEBBEL'S " NIBELUNGEN " i 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 HEBBEL'S CONCEPTION OF HIS DRAMATIC PROBLEM 16 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 THE SOURCES AND HEBBEL'S USE OF THEM 
 
 1. The Nibelungenlied . 24 
 
 2. Norse Myth and Saga 55 
 
 3. Minor Sources 8l 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 RELATION TO PREDECESSORS AND CRITICS 
 
 1. Raupach 98 
 
 2. Fouque 129 
 
 3. Geibel 142 
 
 4. Wagner 148 
 
 5. Vischer 164 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 SOME SPECIAL ASPECTS OF HEBBEL'S WORK 
 
 1. Inventions . . . . 176 
 
 2. Treatment of Woman 185 
 
 3. Treatment of Religion . . 193 
 
 4. The Mythical and Mystical ........ 206 
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 213 
 
 xi
 
 ABBREVIATIONS 
 
 Akv. .... Atlakvi)>a. 
 
 Alv Alvissmyl. 
 
 Am Atlamgl. 
 
 Bdr Baldrsdraumar. 
 
 Braunfels . . . Braunfels, Nibelungenlied (translation). 
 
 Brs Brot af SigurJ>arkvijx>. 
 
 Bugge .... Bugge, Edda (edition). 
 
 Busch .... Busch, Deutscher Volksglaube. 
 
 Bw. (I. II.) . . Friedrich Hebbels Briefwechsel, Bamberg. 
 
 C Nibelunglied, manuscript C, Zarncke edition. 
 
 Dr Drap Niflunga. 
 
 Fouque . . . Fouque, Der Held des Nordens. 
 
 Fj FjolsvinsmQl. 
 
 Fm Fafnesm<Jl. 
 
 Frankl . . . Frankl, Zur Biographic Friedrich Hebbels. 
 
 Geibel .... Geibel, Brunhild. 
 
 Gering .... Gering, Edda (translation). 
 
 Gl Gylfaginning. 
 
 Golther . . . Golther, Die sagengeschichtlichen Grundlagen der Ringdich- 
 
 tung Richard Wagners. 
 
 Grimm . . . Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie. 
 
 Grm GrimnesmQl. 
 
 Grp GrfpesspQ. 
 
 G\T. (I. II. III.) Go>rdnarkvi>a. 
 
 Hdl Hyndloljo)>. 
 
 H. H. (I. II.) . Helgakvi^a Hundingsbana. 
 
 HHv Helgakvi^a Hjo.rvar}>ssonar. 
 
 Hlr Helreft Brynhildar. 
 
 HQV HQvamQl. 
 
 Hrbl HarbarfcljoK 
 
 Hym Hymeskvi^a. 
 
 J Jonsson, Edda (edition). 
 
 K. R Hebbel, Kriemhilds Rache. 
 
 Kuh .... Kuh, Biographic Friedrich Hebbels. 
 
 Kulke .... Kulke, Erinnerungen an Friedrich Hebbel. 
 
 Ls Lokasenna. 
 
 Meyer .... Meyer, Deutsche Volkskunde. 
 
 Nachl. (I. II.) . Friedrich Hebbels Briefe. Nachlese, Werner. 
 
 xiii
 
 XIV 
 
 Nl Nibelungenlied, Lachmann edition. 
 
 Nn Hebbel, Die Nibelungen. 
 
 Norn NornagestsJ>attr. 
 
 Od Oddrfinargratr. 
 
 Raupach . . . Raupach, Der Nibelungen-Hort. 
 
 Rm Regensmgl. 
 
 Rb Rigslmla. 
 
 Sd SigrdrifomQl. 
 
 Sf. Fra dau|>a SinfJQtla. 
 
 Sfl Siegfriedslied. 
 
 Sg Sigur)>arkviba en skamma. 
 
 Simrock . . . Simrock, Nibelungenlied (translation). 
 
 Sk Skaldskaparmal. 
 
 Skm SkirnesmQl. 
 
 S. T Hebbel, Siegfrieds Tod. 
 
 Tgb Hebbels Tagebiicher, Werner. 
 
 Thidr Thidrekssaga. 
 
 Vischer . . . Vischer, Kritische Gange. 
 
 Vkv Vojundarkvi>a. 
 
 Vs Volsungasaga. 
 
 Vors Vorspiel. 
 
 Vsp VoJospQ. 
 
 W. (I.-XII.) . Hebbels Werke, Werner. 
 
 Wagner . . . Wagner, Der Ring des Nibelungen. 
 
 Weinhold . . Weinhold, Altnordisches Leben. 
 
 Wuttke . . . Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube der Gegenwart. 
 
 The references to the various manuscripts of Hebbel's " Nibelungen " are the 
 same as those used by Werner, W. IV. 341-344.
 
 HEBBEL'S NIBELUNGEN
 
 CHAPTER I 
 GENESIS OF HEBBEL'S "NIBELUNGEN" 
 
 JUST two centuries before the publication of the first, incom- 
 plete text of the Nibelungenlied, Hans Sachs, the great cobbler- 
 bard of the sixteenth century, who sought themes for his two 
 hundred and eight dramas in every field of fact and fancy, pub- 
 lished his play, "Der hiirnen Seufrid." The drama drew its 
 material from the two versions of the Nibelungen saga which 
 he knew ; the first five acts are based upon the " Lied vom hiirnen 
 Seyfrid," * the sixth act is based upon the Rosengarten, with 
 probably a third source for the seventh act which contains an 
 account of Siegfried's death by Hagen's hand, while he is asleep 
 beside a spring. 2 Here the dramatic impulse toward the old 
 saga-world of the Nibelungen begins, and here the use of the 
 Siegfriedslied and Rosengarten as the basis for an entire drama 
 ends. But this work is only an isolated production, and does 
 not show a general interest in the old material. 
 
 Foreign rule, foreign taste and influence, deadened the national 
 self-consciousness, and it required an awakened spirit of inde- 
 pendence to arouse interest in the great national saga. Not 
 until the Norse songs and sagas were being edited, and the 
 Middle High German version of the Nibelungen story had been 
 published in complete form, did the material again attract a 
 dramatic poet to the work of re-creation. But since Fouque", 
 in 1803, published in Friedrich Schlegel's Europa, the dramatic 
 scene, "Der gehornte Siegfried in der Schmiede," 3 not a decade 
 of the nineteenth century has been without its versions of the 
 saga. Most of these attempts at rejuvenation have been in the 
 
 1 Printed in Nuremberg about 1530. 
 
 2 " Der hurnen Seufrid," Halle, 1880, pp. iii. f. 
 8 From the " Lied vom hurnen Seyfrid." 
 
 1
 
 form of dramas ; among the epic versions are the two noteworthy 
 ones by Jordan and Morris; while at least four attempts have 
 been made in opera, exclusive of Wagner's music-drama. 
 
 No other story has so widely attracted and enlisted the creative 
 efforts of German poets as that of the Nibelungs, no other poem 
 has aroused so greatly the interest of scholars, writers, and public, 
 as the Nibelungenlied. The cause for the tremendous and last- 
 ing impulse towards this half-buried saga treasure is not far to 
 seek. The reawakened national consciousness sought national 
 material; the Nibelungenlied is a poem with but few positive 
 historical features, yet absolutely belonging to the race, with 
 setting and characters truly German; a poem which invited 
 the research of students and which aroused the creative interest 
 of poets with the desire to remould the old saga into a form that 
 should appeal to a modern audience. And since most of the 
 adapters recognized the dramatic spirit of the old epic, and, in- 
 deed, of the old saga as a whole, and since the stage offers the 
 most direct form of appeal to the public, nearly all the attempts 
 to recast and arrange the material have been in dramatic 
 form. Even after the northern versions of the saga had become 
 available through translation, the majority of the dramatic 
 poets based their work upon the southern version as more direct 
 in its appeal to people of the nineteenth century. 
 
 A list of the various attempts to raise the buried Nibelungen 
 hoard to modern view is remarkable rather for its length than 
 for the number of important names which are included among 
 the authors. Poetasters as well as poets, and unskilled more 
 than skilled hands, have tried their powers to lift the alluring 
 treasure. Even now, scarcely more than a half-dozen of the 
 various attempts are known as worthy poetical productions; 
 a century from now the numerous other versions will at most 
 arouse an historical interest on the part of the investigator. The 
 names of Fouque", Wagner, Geibel, Hebbel, Jordan, and Morris 
 will always be connected with the part that they played in re- 
 juvenating the old saga, but of these real literary and human 
 interest will probably continue to attach alone to the music- 
 drama of Richard Wagner, "Der Ring des Nibelungen," to the 
 trilogy of Friedrich Hebbel, "Die Nibelungen," and to the epic
 
 3 
 
 of William Morris, "The Story of Sigurd the Volsung and the 
 Fall of the Niblungs." 
 
 Each of these three poets had a frankly different attitude 
 toward his material, and a different ideal and purpose in crea- 
 tion. Wagner, always with the thought of music uppermost, 
 wished to go back to Germanic origins for his saga material, to 
 express simple man in his relation to Gods and nature ; and he 
 aimed to make the whole story evolve from his favorite theme, 
 redemption through love. Morris was solely inspired by the 
 Norse sources, which he knew so thoroughly. He was imbued 
 with the spirit of Norse poetry and saga-lore, and he attempted 
 to interpret and enlarge its greatest story for modern readers, 
 basing his work almost exclusively on the Volsunga-saga. Heb- 
 bel's undertaking took for its basis the South German saga form. 
 For the pure drama, he felt that the figures of the Middle High 
 German epic were nearest to a modern audience in human in- 
 terest, and his sole desire was to interpret them. 
 
 The purpose of the investigation, the results of which are set 
 down in the following pages, has been to trace Hebbel's sources 
 in the composition of the "Nibelungen," and to point out the 
 nature and extent of his indebtedness, his attitude toward his 
 material, and the use which he made of it. Hebbel's own 
 careful letters and his exact record of details in his journal 
 must always be of first importance in studying the origin of his 
 works and the time and manner of their composition. Pro- 
 fessor Werner, in his excellent introduction to the critical edition 
 of the "Nibelungen," has carefully given the account of Hebbel's 
 progress in the composition of the work, so that it is necessary 
 here only to summarize the genesis and growth of the trilogy, 
 and to add a few details concerning its development from a 
 youthful dream to a lasting monument of Hebbel's creative 
 genius. 
 
 Not until a goodly number of dramas owned Hebbel as their 
 author, not until he had seen Christine Enghaus' representation 
 of Chriemhild in Raupach's "Nibelungen-Hort," did he seri- 
 ously think of the work of production, and more than six years 
 elapsed between the time when Hebbel wrote the first words of 
 the "Nibelungen," and the date of its publication. Although
 
 the period of composition lasted from October 1855 to March 22d, 
 1860, the actual work of production covered a space of but a 
 few months. As in the case of most of Hebbel's creative work, 
 the composition of the "Nibelungen" was done at fever heat; 
 periods of rapid and enthusiastic achievement were followed by 
 intervals of lassitude and inertia, or by periods of equally in- 
 tense work on other material, when the "Nibelungen" would be 
 neglected and almost forgotten. 
 
 In the course of his progress on the work, his plans changed 
 as to the nature and length of his composition, and it was only 
 after he had been forced to see the lack of feasibility of doing 
 justice to his material in a shorter space, after he had completed 
 "Siegfrieds Tod," that he felt himself compelled to decide on 
 a trilogy. By the i8th of February, 1857, he had completed 
 what is now the Prologue and "Siegfrieds Tod." He regarded 
 the work with artistic satisfaction, and was content with the 
 clean manuscript, with scarcely a word erased. In his journal 
 for that date he recorded that he looked with an absolutely 
 quiet aesthetic conscience at the whole, as well as at the detail, 
 and he recalled that moment when he first drank in the glories 
 of the old epic, a moment which he later so beautifully recorded 
 in his dedication to the trilogy. 1 
 
 Not until the fall of 1859, did a sojourn in Dresden and a con- 
 versation with Hettner lead him to return to the work of which 
 he had not thought for two years. Suddenly "Kriemhilds 
 Rache" opened before him in startling clearness, and he hastened 
 home to begin the work with such a storm of dramatic impulse 
 as he had not experienced since the writing of "Genoveva," 2 
 and which made the work of production his greatest happiness 
 on earth. 3 The first three acts were composed at this fever 
 heat, and were finished on the iyth of December. 4 
 
 On the last day of the year, Hebbel wrote to Hettner in 
 appreciative acknowledgment of his inspiration to further 
 work, "rfow should I excuse the fact that I left your good 
 letter so long without an answer, except by work on the Nibel- 
 ungen, of which you yourself think so kindly ? It did not loose 
 
 1 Tgb. IV. 5555; cf. Bw. I. 345, 57. *39- * Bw. II. 484- 
 
 J Bw. II. 387, 57; Nachl. II. 117. 4 Tgb. IV. 5774; Bw. II. 183.
 
 its grasp of me until a few days ago, or rather I tore myself loose 
 from it, now that Volcker and Hagen have mounted the night 
 guard, at the end of the third act." l 
 
 Sorrow and illness interrupted his work at this point, yet the 
 fourth act was ready by the yth of March, i86o, 2 and with work 
 once renewed, the excitement of creative activity laid hold upon 
 him again, and on the 22d of March he wrote the last verses of 
 the trilogy. 8 
 
 The Prologue and "Siegfrieds Tod" were already well 
 known among Hebbel's friends ; he had sent the manuscript to 
 Laube, the theatre director at Vienna, in 1858, though without 
 the desired results, 4 and Hebbel felt that this work, like all his 
 other dramas, was excluded from the stage there on account of 
 hostile personal relations, rather than from reasons growing out 
 of the works themselves. 5 Now he hastened to herald his com- 
 pleted trilogy. On the icth of April, he sent it to the Princess 
 Hohenlohe, whose judgment he awaited with a real anxiety born 
 of his respect for her critical insight, 8 and on the ist of May he 
 despatched it with a letter to Franz von Dingelstedt, who had 
 long looked forward to the presentation of the play in Weimar. 
 Until then Hebbel's wife and the princess were the only persons 
 who knew this third part, "Kriemhilds Rache." 7 
 
 In sending the manuscript to Stern, Hebbel wrote, "In this 
 work are the best hours of the last five years of my life, and the 
 studies of a decade and a half. Since now, besides this, I have 
 the most advantageous material, I should even look toward 
 immediate success with some confidence, if the literary criticism 
 of the day were not governed by principles which stand in the 
 most decided opposition to all poetry." 8 
 
 But Vienna, as usual, offered a serious obstacle in the way of 
 the desired success through the stage, and at first the poet had to 
 rely entirely upon the resources of the Weimar theatre to bring 
 
 1 Cited by Dr. H. H. Houben, Vossische Zeitung, Jan. 8, 1905. 
 
 2 Tgb. IV. 5789. 
 
 Ibid. 5798, 5846; cf. Bw. II. 61 f., 272, 473, 554. 
 
 4 Nachl. II. 106; cf. Bw. II. 47, wrongly dated Oct. 5, 1857, instead of 1859. 
 
 Ibid. 119, cf. 141. 7 Bw. II. 61. 
 
 Bw. II. 488. 8 Ibid. 508.
 
 6 
 
 his trilogy before the public, for Franz Dingelstedt was the first 
 director to stage the " Nibelungen." Hebbel regarded the un- 
 dertaking with distrust, on account of the meagre forces of the 
 Weimar theatre, and he at first refused to come from Vienna 
 for the performance. 1 Dingelstedt, too, feared the ten men's 
 r61es, but was determined to venture the undertaking. At the 
 Grand Duke's command, Hebbel was present to see the per- 
 formance of "Der Gehornte Siegfried" and "Siegfrieds Tod" 
 on January 3ist, 1861. His journal tells nothing of the pres- 
 entation, until the closing entry for the year, when he recorded 
 the pronounced success of the first two pieces, "the greatest 
 marks of honor on the part of the court, about which the letters 
 to my wife contain details." 2 
 
 On the 2d of February, he wrote to his wife of the prosperous 
 issue of the performance. He had arrived in time to attend the 
 last rehearsal, and to correct certain mistakes of his copyist, 
 Lettfass. "The success of the production was indubitable; 
 attention, and gravelike stillness, as though it dealt with the 
 future instead of the past, and a pitch of feeling so firmly sus- 
 tained that not even the dwarfs with their horrible humps and 
 long noses aroused the slightest laughter. After the finale, I 
 was summoned by the Grand Duke to his box, and he thanked 
 me heartily, as did the Grand Duchess." 3 On the evening of the 
 2d, he read the first and last acts of "Kriemhilds Rache" to the 
 court and the elite of Weimar, joining the two acts by a con- 
 necting scene and oral comment. The effect was extraordinary ; 
 the Grand Duke was a most attentive listener and enthusiastic 
 in his praise. 4 
 
 In May, Hebbel made a second journey to Weimar, this time 
 with his wife, who impersonated Brunhild on the first evening, 
 May 1 6th, and Kriemhild on the second evening, May i8th, 
 when "Kriemhilds Rache" was played for the first time. Again, 
 the closing entry in his journal for 1861 tells us of this perform- 
 ance. The Grand Duke had directly appealed to the Emperor, 
 at Liszt's suggestion, and had obtained by this means leave of 
 absence for Christine Hebbel to play in Weimar. The effect of 
 
 1 Bw. II. 69, 458. s Nachl. II. 140 f. 
 
 2 Tgb. IV. 5947. * Ibid. II. 142.
 
 the "Nibelungen" was extraordinary and Christine's perform- 
 ance powerful. 1 
 
 Berlin and Schwerin followed the example of the Weimar 
 theatre, but not until the ipth of February, 1863, did the Burg- 
 theater in Vienna finally produce the Prologue and "Siegfrieds 
 Tod." On the 3ist of December, 1862, Hebbel noted with 
 delight in his journal the sure appearance of the " Nibelungen" 
 hi Vienna in the near future. 2 He attended the rehearsals, and 
 aided them with his careful suggestions. At the first, he felt 
 that he was not yet in the kitchen, but only in the courtyard 
 where the vegetables are cleaned ; and he had a "feeling of look- 
 ing over a proof-sheet that teems with printer's errors, which 
 for the most part have no sense, but sometimes, too, an ex- 
 tremely ludicrous sense, at which the author himself has to 
 laugh." 3 The fourth rehearsal, he attended on the i4th of 
 February; 4 on the lyth, next to the last rehearsal. "For the 
 first evening," he recorded, "no one is especially anxious, the 
 question is merely whether a fifth, a tenth, a fifteenth will 
 follow. That depends upon whether the piece is given time to 
 justify itself, and I could almost believe in the good will of the 
 directorate." 5 
 
 On the i Qth, the Prologue and "Siegfrieds Tod" were 
 really produced on the Vienna stage to which Hebbel had looked 
 with such longing, and with the feeling that Vienna must give 
 the decision. 6 Hebbel did not attend the performance. He felt 
 that he would have been a second Saint Sebastian, for he was 
 as sensitive to looks as to darts, and he could not be on the stage 
 without wearing evening clothes and kid gloves. This appealed 
 to him the less, since it would show too great confidence and 
 assurance, and since the coat would turn into a veritable shirt of 
 Nessus if it was not wanted by the third or fourth act. So he 
 took his usual walk, and waited at home until his wife and 
 daughter, with Glaser, came and announced a complete success. 
 On the 2oth, he saw the piece himself, and joyfully reported in 
 his journal a crowded house, "great attention, not even laughter 
 
 1 Tgb. IV. 5947. Tgb. IV. 6080. 
 
 1 Ibid. 6052. 8 Ibid. 6083. 
 
 8 Ibid. 6078. Cf. Bw. II. 281; Nachl. II. 219.
 
 8 
 
 over the imitation of the birds' voices." * At the third pres- 
 entation, on the 23d, the house was again full, the audience as 
 attentive as during mass, and all seats already sold for the 
 fourth performance. 2 On the 28th, he recorded the fourth 
 performance, with a house fuller than ever before. But Hebbel 
 was again suspicious of the good will of the management, and 
 angry at Laube for declaring that the "Nibelungen" was no 
 drama, and was only retained on the stage on account of the 
 portrayer of Kriemhild. Hebbel recorded no further perform- 
 ance than the tenth on the i8th of June, although the first two 
 parts were produced again, once in September, and twice in 
 November, i863- 3 But the poet did not live to see a perform- 
 ance of the entire trilogy upon the Vienna stage. 
 
 Hebbel's delight and surprise at the stage success of his latest 
 work found expression in a letter to a critic friend in which he 
 wrote of its reception in Weimar, Schwerin, Berlin, and Vienna, 
 and added: "These are the facts, . . . what is their reason? Is 
 it the fresh, healthy atmosphere which still streams from the old 
 epic into my rendering? Is the national sense at last awaken- 
 ing in the German nation, and making it love to tarry with the 
 struggles and combats of its ancestors ? " 4 
 
 At first, the printing of the "Nibelungen" was delayed be- 
 cause Hebbel had no suitable publisher in view. The Jahrbuch 
 Deutscher Belletristik, edited by Siegfried Kapper, in Prague, 
 had published "Die Nibelungen. Eine Tragodie von Friedrich 
 Hebbel. Erster Act. Erste Scene," in 1856; that is, lines 
 52-265 of the present drama, and Westermann's Jahrbuch der 
 illustrierten Deutschen Monatshe]te for the year 1861 had 
 printed "Die Werbung. Fragment aus Friedrich Hebbels 
 Nibelungen," which includes verses 797-940^ but except for 
 these small portions of the text, the trilogy remained for some 
 time in manuscript form. In October 1861, Hebbel made a 
 trip to Hamburg and there, after considerable delay, sold the 
 "Nibelungen" to Campe with the condition that Hebbel re- 
 tained the right to include the drama in the complete edition of 
 
 1 Tgb. IV. 6084. 2 Ibid. 6087. Ibid. 6163, and note. 
 
 4 March 30, 1863, Vossische Zeitung, Jan. 8, 1905. * Cf. W. IV. 345.
 
 9 
 
 his works. 1 The printing began in January 1862, in Vienna, 
 under Campe's nephew, A. Holzhausen, to whom Hebbel gave 
 the manuscript in December 1861. 
 
 On the 2Qth of January, he wrote to Campe that he had just 
 corrected the first sheets of "Kriemhilds Rache." "This much 
 is certain, I have never spent so much work on a production as 
 on this ; I cannot have done with it, it hangs fast to me like a 
 polyp with a thousand arms, and so at least I do not let industry 
 and toil be wanting, but test every verse as the money changer 
 does a ducat." 3 
 
 On the 3ist of January, 1862, Hebbel could write to Adolf 
 Stern, that the last proof of the volume lay before him. On the 
 29th of February, he sent to Campe the " prologue or epilogue," 
 which the latter had demanded, but which was left unprinted. 
 This is presumably the foreword, "An den geneigten Leser," 
 which appears in all collected editions of Hebbel's works. The 
 printing was at this time entirely finished, and Hebbel wrote to 
 Campe with mock delight his joy in being at last author of a 
 two-volume work. 3 On the loth of November, 1863, one month 
 before his death, Hebbel experienced the happiness of being 
 the first poet to receive the Schiller prize for the best drama in 
 three years. 
 
 The "Nibelungen" called forth a storm of criticism, par- 
 ticularly after the work appeared hi book form, but it won 
 over to Hebbel some of the critics who had formerly been most 
 severe in their attitude toward him. In Weimar sounded the 
 first praise, since in Weimar the piece first became public. The 
 Grand Duke was enthusiastic in his expressions of admiration 
 to Hebbel: "I consider the Nibelungen the highest literary pro- 
 duction in Germany since Goethe and Schiller; as a German 
 prince I am proud that such a work could appear in my time, 
 and rejoice with all my heart that I was permitted to hear it 
 first " ; and, to Hebbel's deprecating remark that he was only 
 the interpreter of one higher, he replied, "You interpret your- 
 self," and Councillor Scholl, previously an opponent of Hebbel, 
 added, "At least, there is no other interpreter like you in the 
 
 1 Tgb. IV. 5947. 75; cf. Nachl. II. 168. 
 
 2 Nachl. II. 204. " 3 Ibid. 207.
 
 10 
 
 world." l And Privy Councillor Vogel, Goethe's physician, 
 extravagantly exclaimed to him at the court ball, "Here is more 
 than Goethe ; he himself would have said : I say, Vogel, that is 
 a fellow, he could crush your ribs to pieces." 2 Scholl later 
 wrote an article on the "Nibelungen" for the Augsburger Allge- 
 meine Zeitung which, however, was refused and its place taken, 
 as Hebbel wrathfully declared, by "two lines of praise, in order 
 to give an opportunity to add, in a note, a half page of perfidious 
 misrepresentations," 3 and he recorded in his journal that Baron 
 von Cotta had excused himself for not publishing Scholl's criti- 
 cism on the grounds that he did not want to arouse Geibel 
 further, and antagonize him, for he was already so dissatisfied 
 and scarcely respected decorum. 4 
 
 Dingelstedt had written his approval of the first parts of the 
 trilogy in 1859, two months after Hebbel had sent the manu- 
 script to Weimar, and he had urged him to hasten the comple- 
 tion of "Kriemhilds Rache." "You have sent me, dear friend, 
 a most excellent work, in which poet and material so completely 
 supplement each other that a really wonderful total impression 
 is produced. Not enough that you pick out of the broad epic 
 shell the dramatic kernel clean and round, you assimilate so 
 forcefully the subject which still lies far from us that it ceases to 
 be alien to us; we can live with these knights, we understand 
 them, they are even stageworthy. Thus even the theatrical 
 effect is beyond all doubt; a few unimportant omissions and 
 the piece can be staged. Yes, you have treated the question- 
 able incident of the bridal-night mystery, a terror for all modest 
 muses, with infinitely greater tenderness, discretion, and purity 
 than all your pious and 'temperate' predecessors." 5 The last 
 part of the trilogy pleased him less. He feared that Kriemhild, 
 from the standpoint of the theatre public, would lose in interest 
 on the second evening, while she stood in the foreground on the 
 first. Then, too, the lack of progressive action, of movement, 
 of tension, would be pointed out. But he recognized that a con- 
 clusion could be nothing but a conclusion, and he hoped much 
 
 1 Nachl. II. 143. 2 Tgb. IV. 5947. 
 
 3 Nachl. II. 250 f. * Tgb. IV. 6037. 5 Bw. II. 58.
 
 11 
 
 from the scenic picture which the fifth act would make, with 
 its grandeur and its somewhat epic breadth. 1 
 
 Eduard Kulke, who, to a certain extent, replaced Emil Kuh 
 as a disciple of Hebbel during the last years of the poet's life, 
 and who had heard Hebbel read "Kriemhilds Rache," though 
 without knowing the first two parts of the trilogy, was so over- 
 powered by the impression that he could not give utterance to a 
 sound. " In reality, the effect was so mighty, so overwhelming, 
 that I should have seemed to myself small and ridiculous, had I 
 wanted then to attempt to give words to the impression." 2 
 
 Hettner, too, was hearty in his praise. "It would be pre- 
 sumptuous," he wrote, " were I to pronounce a fixed judgment 
 now, after the first impression. For to-day, I confine myself 
 simply to an expression of my heartiest thanks to you for the 
 great pleasure which you have given me. What poet can imitate 
 the great forms of Hagen and Kriemhild, this fierce energy and 
 this ungovernable passion ! Then, too, I find the laconic nig- 
 gardliness which you have retained in the Nibelungen characters 
 excellent; Siegfried is especially masterly in this respect. The 
 historic background, the way in which these heroes are healthy 
 heathen and only unwillingly adjust themselves to the customs 
 of Christianity, has something of the original power of things ; 
 you have succeeded here in gaining powerful motives. Only 
 occasionally you will permit an old friend this question it 
 seemed to me in the last piece that the epic had not entirely gone 
 over into the dramatic. But I will first await renewed reading in 
 book form, which I hope will soon appear, before I consider this 
 opinion as grounded or repudiated." 3 Hebbel replied in frank 
 acceptation of this criticism, "You are very right that in Kriem- 
 hilds Rache the epic has not everywhere gone over into the 
 dramatic, especially not, I think, in the second act. But it does 
 not disturb on the stage, if one only cuts vigorously." 4 
 
 Friedrich von Uechtritz, like Dingelstedt, had known the 
 Prologue and " Siegfrieds Tod " before the third part of the 
 trilogy was written. Hebbel had sent him the first scene when 
 it appeared in the Jahrbuch Deutscher Belletristik, and with it 
 the scenes from Geibel's " Brunhild," which appeared in the 
 1 Bw. II. 62. 2 Ibid. 541. 3 Ibid. 391 f. 4 Ibid. 393.
 
 12 
 
 same volume. Uechtritz found Volker's account of Brunhild 
 especially beautiful, but at Siegfried's entrance he felt the diffi- 
 culty of dramatizing the old poem in the naive grandeur and yet 
 elastic indefiniteness of its outlines. He feared that Siegfried's 
 challenge to Gunther to fight with him for his kingdom had 
 attained a different and a less naively heroic character through 
 the more definite, motivated expression which the drama gave 
 it, and that it had lost in heroic naturalness. But his chief 
 objection was to Hebbel's representation of Hagen as a character 
 utterly out of sympathy with all Christian observances. 1 This 
 criticism of Uechtritz convinced Hebbel that he had made a mis- 
 take in printing a fragment, and he sent his friend at once a part 
 of the concluding scene in the cathedral, after Siegfried's death, 
 which satisfied Uechtritz that Hebbel was not incorporating too 
 strong a hatred of Christianity in the characters of his drama. 2 
 When the trilogy was printed, Hebbel sent a copy to this old 
 friend, and Uechtritz replied with a long letter of criticism in 
 which he questioned certain lines that were not clear to him, or 
 that he thought needed explanation. " But these little diffi- 
 culties," he wrote, " (especially at the second reading, where 
 their number was notably decreased with penetrating compre- 
 hension) can come into but minor consideration before the 
 powerful total impression of your poem. To note at once, 
 cursorily, what I most admire, I mention, before all else, the 
 form of Hagen, so largely conceived and carried out, then the 
 masterly manner in which you have succeeded in solving the 
 extremely difficult task of the dramatic grouping of the long 
 battle in the second part (which in itself is so much the rather 
 epic and undramatic) ; further, the tragic impression of fidelity 
 with which the Nibelungen especially the very engaging 
 figure of Giselher flock about the sinister Hagen. You have 
 also succeeded most admirably in the entire fantastic and 
 romantic part of the poem, the conception and delineation of 
 Brunhild, that of the dwarfs, the Huns, and so forth." He 
 praised Hebbel's inventions and additions, and the manner in 
 which he had overcome many difficulties presented by the poem. 
 And he assured him that every objection which could be made 
 
 1 Bw. II. 240 f. 2 Ibid. 247 f.
 
 13 
 
 in the matter of details disappeared in the deeply tragic effect 
 of the whole. 1 
 
 Ludwig August Frankl, the editor of the Vienna Sonntags- 
 blatter, and a friend of Hebbel, was, according to his own account, 
 less enthusiastic in his praise of Hebbel's last drama. He told 
 the poet that he did not place it above his " Judith," his " Maria 
 Magdalena," and his "Herodes und Mariamne." He ex- 
 plained to him his point of view by imagining a sculptor who 
 took the figures of a relief and translated them into statuary. 
 That is, he considered the forms and the actions of the old epic 
 too definitely and skilfully given to allow a scope for real creative 
 art in bringing them into the realm of drama. Of " Kriemhilds 
 Rache," only the first act seemed to him carried out with a force 
 equal to that in "Siegfrieds Tod," a fault which he attributed to 
 the increasing dramatic intractability of the material. 2 
 
 On his trip to England, in the summer of 1862, Hebbel passed 
 through Stuttgart, and there saw Eduard Morike, to whom he 
 had sent a copy of the " Nibelungen." Hebbel's journal 
 records Morike's expressed opinion: "With your Nibelungen 
 it seemed to me as though suddenly a piece of rock had fallen 
 through the roof. There is the sofa, there I lay, there I felt the 
 thrill which is only called forth by that which is great and at the 
 same time beautiful, there I felt the cobweb threads creeping 
 over my face and cried out time after time : and such a man 
 considers you worthy to send you such a work?" 3 
 
 Gervinus, the historian of literature, wrote in appreciative 
 praise of Hebbel, compared with other dramatists of his time: 
 "At the first glance into the Prologue," he declared, "it must 
 forcibly impress every one who has in mind the mass of dramatic 
 works of most recent time, what an almost surprising con- 
 trast this fulness of matter, of comprehensible features, of 
 tangible actions, forms to the wonted rhetorical delineation 
 which, in the principal work of the dramatist, his characteriza- 
 tion, usually does not go beyond the empty words." But 
 Gervinus was not convinced that the figures of the old epic 
 could be brought on the stage, and though he did not express 
 this opinion as final, we have no record of a more thorough 
 1 Bw. II. 286-288. * Frankl. 47 f. Tgb. IV. 6038.
 
 14 
 
 criticism of the trilogy after he had completed reading the 
 second part. 1 
 
 Klaus Groth, the Holstein poet, who stood in most friendly 
 relations with Hebbel, wrote: "I read your Nibelungen in 
 May. It has taken hold of me, and refreshed me. Serious 
 work in the field of art does one good in itself, not looking to the 
 right nor the left, not casting off a single particle for the passions 
 of the time, not stroking or scratching; where is it still to be 
 found? This joy of sinking oneself in the subject without 
 ever stretching out one's head and making a friendly face to the 
 public, it purifies the reader and banishes the unclean at the 
 outset. 'Leave all uncleanness behind, ye who enter here!' 
 You have again unravelled for me new secrets of the human 
 breast in this your work of art. The light of genius has flashed 
 for me in the dark depths of a lost age. The fixed Norse myth 
 has melted for me, its figures have become newly comprehensible 
 to me. Of the dramatic, I do not speak to you (that I would do 
 if I had written a drama myself) ; I only speak of that of which 
 I have proved my understanding." 2 
 
 These are some of the principal expressions of criticism which 
 Hebbel received from that literary circle which stood nearest 
 to him, but the press also received his work as no work of his 
 had ever been received before, and amidst much unintelligent and 
 overharsh criticism arose the appreciative analyses and just es- 
 timates of such men as Strodtmann and Kiihne, 3 so that Hebbel 
 could be well contented with the critical treatment of his work 
 and could write to Uechtritz, on the 25th of October, 1862: 
 "More than thirty criticisms are already before me, among 
 them some very long and detailed articles, and all, however 
 different in other respects, unite in taking the matter seriously; 
 praise which was formerly a matter of course, but for which 
 nowadays a critic but seldom strives. In general, the apprecia- 
 tive recognition greatly preponderates." 4 
 
 The drama which had cost Hebbel many hours of discourage- 
 ment and apprehension, as well as hours of confidence and joy, 
 the drama which he had declared would be either his greatest 
 
 1 Bw. I. 457. Cf. Bw. II. 289 f. 547; Nachl. II. 245. 
 
 1 Ibid. II. 461. 4 Bw. II. 289 f.
 
 15 
 
 deed, or his greatest folly, which he felt had brought him to the 
 turning point where would be decided whether Heine's words 
 condemning him to isolation would hold good for all time, 1 this 
 drama brought to the closing days of Hebbel's life the praise 
 and acclaim which had hitherto been granted him so sparingly. 
 The last of the yearly records in his journal, December 31, 1862, 
 shows the happiness in his family circle, the joy in recognition, 
 which were to brighten and cheer the months of suffering that 
 followed: "God be thanked, I can say of this year that it has 
 been passed in health except for slight disturbances, health for 
 wife and child, health for me. . . . The Nibelungen has greater 
 success than ever a work of mine before, in the press, as well as 
 in the theatre. Quite contrary to my expectations, so much so, 
 that not even in the farthest corner of my heart was hidden a 
 silent hope which divined it. To cease, to hang the bagpipe on 
 the nail, would now perhaps be best." 2 
 
 1 Nachl. II. 208. " Heine said in the fall of 1843 . . . ' I ought really to 
 be vexed with you ; I predicted the end of the artistic period, and you begin a 
 new one. But you are punished enough; Lessing was lonely, you will be much 
 more lonely.'" 
 
 2 Tgb. IV. 6052.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 HEBBEL'S CONCEPTION OF HIS DRAMATIC 
 PROBLEM 
 
 HEBBEL set down in his foreword, " To the Gentle Reader," his 
 own attitude toward the Nibelungenlied as a source. " To fol- 
 low him [the creator of the Nibelungenlied] at every step and 
 turn, with proper reverence for his intentions, so far as the dif- 
 ference between the epic and dramatic form at all permitted, 
 seemed to be at once the author's duty and glory, and only in 
 the case of the obvious gaps to which the historian of our national 
 literature [Gervinus] had already pointed with fine sense, and 
 strong emphasis, did he of necessity go back to the older sources, 
 and to the historical supplements. . . . Accordingly, all the 
 situations [Momente] of the tragedy are given by the epic itself, 
 even though often, (as could not fail to be the case, considering 
 the changeful history of the old poem), in confused and scattered 
 form or in utmost brevity. . . . The gentle reader is requested 
 also to seek nothing in the tragedy behind the ' Nibelungen Noth ' 
 except just 'the Nibelungen Noth' itself and to excuse this re- 
 quest most kindly by the circumstances." l Again, in a letter to 
 Campe, Hebbel wrote, "I keep absolutely to the Nibelungen- 
 lied, and supplement it only where it has gaps." 2 His purpose 
 was to "fuse the dramatic treasure of the Nibelungenlied for the 
 actual stage, not, however, to unravel the poetically mystical 
 content of the old Norse saga-cycle to which it belongs, or even 
 to illustrate some new problem of life"; his task was simply to 
 mould the events of the epic into a dramatic chain and to in- 
 spire them with new poetic life wherever necessary. 1 
 
 1 W. IV, 341 ff., and cf. Bw. II, 68: Ich wollte dem Publikum bloss das 
 grosse National-Epos ohne eigene Zuthat dramatisch naher riicken. 
 
 2 Nachl. II. 117. 
 
 16
 
 17 
 
 Thus Hebbel has himself clearly stated his indebtedness to his 
 principal source, and his intentions in so far as his own compo- 
 sition was concerned. He spoke of his work during its compo- 
 sition as a bold undertaking at which he shuddered in sober 
 hours, and of composing as "an intermediate thing between 
 dreamingand somnambulism, which one must take asit comes." 1 
 Again, he wrote of his "dramatic piece of daring" which he 
 sometimes compared to Siegfried's journey to Isenland. 2 The 
 Nibelungenlied seemed to him, the more he worked with it, 
 like a deaf and dumb poem which speaks only by means of 
 signs, 3 and this feeling he voiced in his apostrophe to the old 
 epic : 
 
 Taubstumm scheinst Du mir zwar, Du redest ofter durch Zeichen 
 Oder Geberden, als durch unser geschmeidiges Wort, 
 Ja, Du bedienst Dich auch dann noch des schlichtesten, das Du nur findest, 
 Aber ich nenne Dich doch unser unsterblichstes Lied. 4 
 
 Of his own share in the production of the drama, he usually 
 spoke with extreme modesty. He was the "interpreter of one 
 higher" and wished to be no more than that. "But this 
 higher one," he wrote to the Hesperus Society in Vienna, "the 
 poet of our immortal Nibelungen epic, for which all peoples of 
 the earth envy us, has a right to be heard, and perhaps I have 
 succeeded in concentrating and intensifying it in the narrower 
 and more compact form of the drama, as in a speaking-trum- 
 pet. ... It is not a question of myself, but of the great song 
 of the German nation, of the most powerful of all songs of Ger- 
 man strength and German fidelity. ... At all events, it cer- 
 tainly depends more on the bird than on the tree which offers 
 it a perch, and this thrush has been singing now for seven hun- 
 dred years." 5 
 
 Again, he repeatedly compared the Nibelungenlied to an 
 excellent old clock and himself to the clock-maker who had 
 cleaned it from cobwebs and dust and regulated it. "Now it 
 marks the time and strikes well again, but he is not on that 
 
 1 Bw. i. 339 . ' Ibid. ii. 474- * Tgb. IV. 5405. 
 
 4 W. VI. 450 f. published in Gutzkow's Unterhaltungen am hauslichen Herd, 
 Leipzig, 1858, and in Strodtmann's Orion, Hamburg, 1863. 
 1 Nachl. II. 148.
 
 18 
 
 account an artist, but only an artisan." * Friedrich von Uech- 
 tritz protested that the translation of an epic into a drama, even 
 with the most faithful retention of all the motives and characters, 
 is as independent a work of creative production as any other, 
 and demands a spirit absolutely equal to the poetic height of 
 the epic; and he declared that the difficulty of the work of 
 creation is increased rather than diminished by the fidelity 
 of transmission and transformation. 2 Hebbel agreed with his 
 friend that a real epic requires a poet as great as its creator to 
 transpose it into a drama, but he considered the Nibelurigenlied 
 not an epic but a drama in epic form, and its author a dramatist 
 in his conception, from crown to toe. Yet he admitted that it 
 required "a dramatic eye to bring to its foundation- walls the 
 great structure in which the children seem sometimes to have 
 played puss-in-the-corner." 8 
 
 "Goethe," he wrote in a letter to Baron von Schorn, in Wei- 
 mar, "had no reason to say of his Gotz that he had only suc- 
 ceeded in plucking the flowers of a great life, 4 but I have really 
 only brought together with a perhaps not unskilful hand, and 
 made comprehensible the great tragedy which was completely 
 existent but confusedly scattered. Of that I was always con- 
 vinced and am only the more so since the production." 5 Yet 
 he rejoiced in the poetic achievement which he felt that his 
 "Nibelungen" really represented: "In it I come nearer to 
 Shakespere by five thousand degrees, in each of the five acts 
 by one thousand." 8 
 
 As the work of composition progressed, he felt more and 
 more strongly the mistake made by his predecessors in choosing 
 portions of the poem, in deepening one psychological problem, 
 rather than representing the whole world-problem. It became 
 his fixed principle to leave out nothing that was really essential 
 to the narrative, or to the problems involved. "Here it is all 
 or nothing." 7 "Absolutely nothing can be omitted," he wrote 
 
 1 Bw. II. 280 f., 391. * Ibid. 283. s Ibid. 285; W. IV. 341. 
 
 4 Cf. "Dichtung und Wahrheit," III., 13. Buch, vol. 22. p. 120, Hempel 
 edition : " Man hatte, weil ich die Blumen eines grossen Daseins abzupflucken 
 verstand, mich fur einen sorgfaltigen Kunstgartner gehalten." 
 
 5 Nachl. II. 153. Frankl, 46. 7 Bw. II. 68; Tgb. IV. 5791.
 
 19 
 
 to Friedrich von Uechtritz; "in this the poem differs from the 
 Homeric epics; I must therefore allow myself Shakesperian 
 liberties with respect to place and time, which I have elsewhere 
 always regarded and avoided as the prerogatives of royalty." 1 
 
 The second mistake of his predecessors which he tried to avoid 
 was the lack of simplicity in the tone of their dramas. He 
 wished to find the mean between the bas-relief and free nature, 
 which seemed to him absolutely necessary with the mythical 
 figures of the saga. 2 With such material, he felt that the 
 author must "renounce nine-tenths of culture, and yet invest 
 the remainder with interest." "That is the whole art," he ex- 
 claimed, "but the gentleman would not subordinate their Ego, 
 and did not want to be born in the nineteenth century for 
 naught." 3 
 
 Another characteristic of the old poem which he tried to 
 retain was the absolute humanness that he felt existed in char- 
 acters and motivation. Again, in his foreword, he emphasizes 
 the masterly manner in which the epic poet has guarded him- 
 self from straying into the misty region where his figures would 
 have been transformed into allegories, and where magic agencies 
 would have taken the place of generally accepted motives : 
 
 "It cannot be sufficiently admired with what artistic wisdom 
 the great poet has succeeded in cutting off the mystical back- 
 ground of his poem from the human world, which yet upon a 
 casual observation seems quite enmeshed in it, and how he has 
 been able to preserve for the human action its full freedom, de- 
 spite the gay swarm of enticing giants and dwarfs, noms and 
 valkyries. He needs, to emphasize simply the two principal 
 points, on the one hand, for the epitasis, no double marriage 
 for his hero, and no secret draught by which it is brought about ; 
 sufficient for him as mainspring is Brunhild's unrequited love, 
 which is just as quickly suppressed as it is kindled, and is only 
 betrayed to the most penetrating judge of the heart by her 
 precipitate greeting; a love which flames up again in black 
 flames as envy of her happy rival, and rather gives its object 
 over to death at the risk of everything than relinquish him to her. 
 But neither does the poet on the other hand overstep the line 
 1 Bw. II. 235. * Ibid. 532 f. * Ibid. 68.
 
 20 
 
 where the human ceases and the tragic interest wanes at the 
 denouement, although he was often censured for this, and not 
 without apparent reason; indeed, he does not venture nearly 
 so far as .^Eschylus in his Clytemnestra, who, incited by new 
 desires, defends far more, or at least quite as much, the pos- 
 session of the second husband she has won, as she appeases the 
 shades of her slain daughter. For however Kriemhild's deed 
 may horrify us, the poet leads up to it slowly, step by step, not 
 disregarding a single one, and at each one laying bare her heart 
 with its endless, continually growing grief, until she reaches the 
 dizzy summit, where she must add the last most monstrous 
 sacrifice to the many which she has made with bitter pain and 
 which she can no longer recall, or else must renounce the whole 
 reward of her life, to the scorn of her demonic enemies ; and the 
 poet reconciles us absolutely with her, in that her own inner 
 suffering, even during the terrible act of revenge, is still much 
 greater than the physical suffering which she causes others." 
 
 Thus Hebbel conceived the altogether human atmosphere of 
 the old epic, and this he tried to instil into his own work. To 
 Franz von Dingelstedt, he wrote of the first two parts of the 
 trilogy, "Everything in my Nibelungen is quite human," 1 and 
 after he had begun work on the third part, he reiterated his feel- 
 ing of wonder that, in spite of the enormity of the material, every- 
 thing arises from the most human motives, if the great scale of 
 the whole is only not left out of account. 2 
 
 Hebbel's exposition to Hettner of the chief elements in the 
 tragic conflict again gives a clear statement of the lines which 
 he tried to follow in his drama. On the last day of the year 
 1859, he wrote: "That which gives me, even in hours of dis- 
 enchantment in my precarious undertaking, some confidence 
 in its success, is the circumstance that, despite the gigantic 
 measure of the characters, the motives from which they act are 
 so infinitely simple and follow so naturally in the course of the 
 story, the one from the other. Siegfried overleaps the bounds 
 of nature and scarcely knows what he does when he anoints 
 himself with the blood of the dragon and makes himself invul- 
 nerable; what can be simpler, since the opportunity which is 
 1 Bw. II. 51. 2 Tgb. IV. 5754.
 
 21 
 
 suddenly offered to him must be seized just as suddenly, if it 
 is not to slip by forever? But, indeed, it is also no less simple 
 that Hagen, the never-vanquished and never cast down, who 
 otherwise would certainly not have shrunk from an honorable 
 combat with him, believes himself justified in a dishonorable 
 course by his inaccessibility. Indeed, in reality, he does the 
 same thing that Siegfried has done, even though in another 
 sphere, and in another way. Here I see, namely, the true 
 kernel of the tragic conflict, and I trust rightly, since, on the 
 one hand, the whole poem is wonderfully illumined from this 
 point to the furthest radii, and on the other hand a girdle stolen 
 in a spirit of mischief which first of all brings about a reckless 
 confession and then a rude woman's quarrel, is certainly much 
 too closely related to the famous leather strap of a modern 
 tragedy * with which you so humorously thrash the back of the 
 author, to be connected with the downfall of a world. I am 
 much inclined to set as motto to my play the verses from Ajax : 
 
 Denn iibermass'ge Leiber und unmenschliche 
 Sind stets verhasst den Gottern (Solger) 
 
 and thereby to recall the primitive point of view of the Greeks 
 and its identity with the Germanic view set forth in our epic. 
 Just so it is with Kriemhild. From her absolute, planless, 
 even dreamless passivity, which goes so far that not even her 
 child, Siegfried's son, is anything to her, she is aroused by 
 Etzel's wooing, she grasps his hand because the mightiest 
 sword in the world gleams in it, and then seeks to bring Hagen 
 within her power, because she does not doubt that her 
 brother, who, through fear of his fury, did not prevent him 
 from murdering Siegfried, can also not prevent her from wreaking 
 vengeance on him through fear of Etzel. The brother-in-law, 
 the guest, was not safe with King Gunther, how should the 
 vassal be, and that to the degree that he would risk for him life 
 and limb, even his whole house? She is wrong and must needs 
 be wrong, for Hagen is no demigod as Siegfried was; but the 
 noblest sacrifices have already fallen during the attempt, how 
 could she stop before she had reached a goal from which she 
 
 1 Otto Ludwig's " Erbforster."
 
 22 
 
 herself would have drawn back in horror if she had seen it 
 clearly before her at the very beginning? But I shall cease, for 
 I have already given you proof to the point of exhaustion that 
 not merely the mouth, but the pen, too, overflows with the 
 ' abundance of the heart.' Forgive me ! " l 
 
 After the completion of the trilogy, Hebbel declared that he 
 was prepared to hear of "problems" which he had never thought 
 of, and to learn, besides, something about "romantic sympa- 
 thies," but he hoped that the unprejudiced person would find 
 that he had taken, now as always, the law of the production 
 from the subject itself, and that he had sought to construct a 
 tragedy which, despite the necessarily inseparable mystical 
 background, was yet purely human in all its motives. "For it 
 is really, even though only a few seem to comprehend it, some- 
 thing very different whether a work of art is dipped in a mythical 
 coloring, like Shakespere's Tempest, for example, or whether 
 it is given fantastic wheels and springs as Kleist partially does 
 in his Kathchen von Heilbronn." 2 
 
 In his journal he recorded his conviction that on the basis of 
 the necessary mythical element, a purely human tragedy could 
 be constructed, and that he had constructed it, in as far as his 
 powers allowed. "The mysticism of the background," he 
 wrote, "is to remind at most that in the poem not the clock 
 which marks the seconds and which measures off the existence 
 of gnats and ants is striking, but only the clock which marks 
 the hours. But let him who is disturbed by the mythical basis 
 ponder that he has to do with such even in man himself, if closely 
 observed, and even in the pure human being, in the representa- 
 tive of the species, and not merely in the still further particu- 
 larized offshoot of it, in the individual. Or can his principal 
 characteristics, whether the physical or the spiritual, be ex- 
 plained ; that is, from any other organic canon than that which 
 was given him once for all, and which is not to be carried back 
 to a last original reason of things, or critically explained ? Are 
 they not partly, as, for example, most of the passions, in oppo- 
 sition to reason and conscience ; that is, to those capabilities of 
 man which, as absolutely general and uninteresting ones, may 
 
 1 Vossische Zeitung, Jan. 8, 1905. 2 Bw. II. 509.
 
 23 
 
 most surely be termed those that join him immediately with the 
 universe, and has this opposition ever been checked? Why 
 then deny in art an act, upon which even the observation of 
 nature rests ? " l Hebbel felt, then, that in his tragedy he was, 
 to a certain extent, giving form and expression to the unseen, 
 unknown elements which govern human lives. 
 
 * Tgb. IV. 5933.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 THE SOURCES AND HEBBEL'S USE OF THEM 
 
 I. THE NIBELUNGENLEED 
 
 THERE is no reason for supposing that Hebbel ever attempted 
 to read any of the older forms of the Nibelungen saga in the 
 original tongues. Narrowed in his early development by the 
 most oppressive conditions of uninspiring environment and 
 grinding poverty, his thirst for knowledge and his eagerness for 
 attainment received little external help and impetus until, 
 already grown to manhood, he was enabled, through the assist- 
 ance of Amalie Schoppe, to prepare for university work. How 
 difficult it was for him, at this age, to begin with the schoolboy 
 rudiments of Latin is testified by many passages in his journal 
 and letters. With French, as well, it was a difficult matter, 
 although he gained a fair mastery of the language during his 
 stay in Paris. The study of Italian was then naturally easier, 
 and before the end of his sojourn in Rome and Naples he ven- 
 tured to become a party to any conversation. 1 But although 
 he speaks in his journal of the great beauty and plasticity of the 
 Greek, 2 and refers to the character of the English language, we 
 have no evidence that he ever tried to master any tongues but 
 Latin and the two Romance languages. 
 
 Hebbel's approach to the Nibelungen saga was, therefore, 
 through the medium of translation. It was a fortunate chance 
 which led him, one day in 1835, shortly after his arrival in 
 
 1 Cf. Tgb. II. 2445, 2751; Bw. I. 230; Kuh, I. 190; for other references to 
 learning languages, Tgb. I. 2, 1412, 1701. 45 f.; II. 3010. 36 f., 3165, 3172, 
 3252; III. 3352, 3822, 4401. 
 
 2 Tgb. I. 376. 
 
 24
 
 25 
 
 Hamburg, to open the book which lay before him on Amalie 
 Schoppe's table to that most wonderful and dramatic adventure 
 of the Nibelungenlied which sings of Siegfried's death among 
 the flowers. 1 
 
 For years the heroic figures of the old epic wavered in his 
 fancy, half impelling him to call to life their slumbering forms, 
 half repulsing him by the magnitude of their proportions, at 
 times doubtless lulled to forgetfulness in the stress of more 
 immediate endeavors and necessities. 
 
 When he began to study the Nibelungenlied seriously, with a 
 view to dramatic production, he read and reread the newly pub- 
 lished translation of Ludwig Braunfels. Nowhere in journal 
 or correspondence, does he mention this work, but Professor 
 Werner possesses the copy which Hebbel used, marked with his 
 pencil notes, 2 and in many instances direct borrowing of phrase- 
 ology from this translation is traceable. It is probable, too, 
 that Hebbel knew Simrock's translation, for he was well ac- 
 quainted with Simrock's publications, 3 and there is occasionally 
 in the "Nibclungen" a linguistic similarity closer than that with 
 the translation of Braunfels ; but there is no reason for believing 
 that he knew the earlier translations of the philologists, von der 
 Hagen and Biisching, which make no attempt at an artistic 
 rendering of the Lied. That of von der Hagen follows the 
 original too slavishly for a ready understanding, and that of 
 Busching is scarcely more than a prose translation with the 
 retention of end rimes. The only translation which is men- 
 tioned in Hebbel's writings is one that appeared in the same 
 year in which he completed his trilogy, and therefore could not 
 have had an influence upon his composition. In a letter to 
 Julius Campe, December 19, 1862, he told of having received 
 from Berlin, a few days before the performance of the "Nibe- 
 lungen" there, a telegraphic despatch requesting detailed in- 
 formation as to the costume that the Nibelungen should wear. 
 "I had almost answered, 'Ask the tailor,' since I have only to 
 concern myself with the inner workings of individuals, and not 
 with externalities, but I contented myself with a vide Johannes 
 
 1 Tgb. IV. 5555; Nachl. I. n; Kuh, I. 185; and Nn. i ff. 
 W. IV. 346. Tgb. III. 3893; IV. 6065.
 
 26 
 
 Scherr, Nibelungen in Prose, Leipzig, published by Wigand, to 
 which we conformed in Weimar." 1 
 
 The writer has made a careful collation of all passages in the 
 " Nibelungen " which could be regarded as either direct or in- 
 direct borrowings from the epic. An exhaustive citation of all 
 such lines from the trilogy with the corresponding verses from 
 the Nibelungenlied would, however, lead far beyond the scope 
 of the present work, and would prove little more than can be 
 deduced from a limited number of quotations which will show 
 Hebbel's method of procedure in drawing from his principal 
 source. A collection of all such passages shows that 1213 of the 
 5456 lines in Hebbel's trilogy, besides five lines from other manu- 
 scripts than the one printed, and forty-five notes and stage 
 directions, may be regarded as embodying a suggestion of idea 
 or word from the Nibelungenlied. It would, however, be an 
 exaggeration to say that all these 1213 lines are direct borrowings 
 from the epic, yet it would equally be an underestimation of 
 Hebbel's use of the poem to limit the suggestions which he 
 adopted from it to these lines, for frequently an idea or an 
 incident is expanded far beyond the scope of the actual passage 
 drawn from the epic. 
 
 The question of chief interest here is concerning the method 
 and nature of Hebbel's borrowings from the Nibelungenlied. 
 Did he read and reread his copy of Braunfels' translation with 
 the purpose of later reference in the form of direct verbal bor- 
 rowing, or did he fill himself with a knowledge of the poem, to 
 work it over in a new mould without immediate concern for the 
 source during composition ? The answer to both of these ques- 
 tions can be correctly given as yes and no, for Hebbel was un- 
 concerned with literalness of transmission, and yet, in certain 
 specific cases, his marking of passages in Braunfels and his use 
 of the phraseology in them and in other passages show that he 
 directly referred to the translation in the course of his writing. 
 
 Professor Werner, in his notes to the critical edition, gives 
 fifteen passages which Hebbel had thus marked. The marked 
 passages are lines or stanzas which Hebbel made use of in con- 
 tent or word, or they are a collection of stanzas, the incidents and 
 
 1 Nachl. II. 282.
 
 27 
 
 speeches of which he employed in whole scenes. With but four 
 exceptions they are brought into requisition in the third part of 
 the trilogy, and these four exceptions are all passages used in 
 the scene where Siegfried is slain. This seems natural, for Heb- 
 bel was familiar with the first part of the Nibelungenlied, which 
 Braunfels calls "Siegfrieds Tod," long before his creative work 
 began, while he evidently knew less intimately the second 
 division which, in the Braunfels translation, is called "Kriem- 
 hildens Rache," and which he had not finished reading by 
 the 26th of January, I852. 1 Besides, the dramatization of the 
 second part was a matter of greater difficulty than that of the 
 first part, and required more careful choosing of details, and 
 omission of gruesome and lengthy incidents. 2 
 
 For use in "Kriemhilds Rache," Hebbel marked one passage 
 each concerning Eckewart's fidelity 3 and Dietrich's greeting and 
 warning, 4 a long and a short passage dealing with Kriemhild's 
 reception of the Nibelungen, 5 a longer passage at the beginning 
 of Canto XXXIII., dealing with Dankwart's entrance in bloody 
 armor into Etzel's banquet hall, 6 a stanza which tells how the 
 Burgundians sat on the dead and drank blood, 7 a passage for 
 the scene between Kriemhild and Rudeger, 8 one for the last 
 pathetic scene between Giselher and Kriemhild, 9 one for Riide- 
 ger's appeal to Etzel to care for his wife, child, and people, 10 
 and two for scene xii., of "Kriemhilds Rache," where Giselher 
 rejoices at Riideger's approach, thinking that it signifies peace, 
 and Hagen replies : 
 
 1 Bw. II. 23. 
 
 2 In citing Hebbel's principal source, the Nibelungenlied, references are given 
 by canto, page, strophe, and line to the translation of Braunfels. In the few 
 instances where Simrock's text is obviously nearer, his translation has also been 
 quoted. The pages of Braunfels' translation are wrongly numbered after 
 page 336, the numbers being 325 to 380 instead of 337 to 392. In the citations, 
 the correct numbers are given. The numbers in parentheses refer to the cor- 
 responding strophes in the Lachmann text which both Braunfels and Simrock 
 used as a basis for their translations; where Braunfels has drawn from other 
 texts, this is indicated in the parentheses. 
 
 1330 (1223), Nn. 3308 ff. * 1779 (1662), Nn. 3758. 
 
 1792-1795 (1675-1678), Nn. 4011-4032. 1803 (1685), Nn. 4065 ff. 
 2020 ff. (1888 ff.), Nn. 4950 ff. 
 
 2156 (2019), Nn. 4983, 5269 f. * 2176 ff. (2038 ff.), K. R. V. x. 
 
 2214 ff. (2075 ff.), K. R. V. ix. 10 2241 (2101), Nn. 5353 ff.
 
 28 
 
 "Es gilt den letzten und den schwersten Kampf, 
 Jetzt soil sich wiirgen, was sich liebt." l 
 
 But these are evidently not the only passages to which Heb- 
 bel referred during his work on the " Nibelungen," although his 
 accurate memory quite probably served him in some cases 
 where there are actual verbal similarities between his drama and 
 the translation which he used. Some of the more striking in- 
 stances of this word likeness are given below: 
 
 244-246. Gunther. 
 
 Du bist willkommen, Held aus Niederland, 
 
 Und was Dir hier gefallt, Du magst Dir's nehmen, 
 
 Nur trink mit uns, eh' Du's von dannen tragst. 
 III. 24. 130. i. (125) Gernot. 
 
 "Ihr sollt uns sein willkommen," sprach Frau Utens Kind. 
 
 131. 1-3. (126) 
 
 Da sprach der Wirth des Landes: "Alles was wir haben, 
 
 Begehrt Ihr es nach Ehren, das sei Euch unterthan, 
 
 Und sei mit Euch getheilet Alles, Leib und Gut." 
 268-270. Kriemhild. 
 
 Ich horte stets, dass Liebe kurze Lust 
 
 Und langes Leid zu bringen pflegt, ich seh's 
 
 Ja auch an Dir und werde nimmer lieben. 
 I. 5. 15. 2-4. (15) 
 
 "Ohne Ritters Minne, so will ich immer sein; 
 
 So schone will ich bleiben bis an meinen Tod, 
 
 Dass ich von einem Manne nimmer mag gewinnen Noth." 
 17. 2-4. (17) 
 "Es lehrt' an manchen Weiben schon oft der Augenschein, 
 
 Wie Liebe noch mit Leide am Ende lohnen kann. 
 
 Ich will sie meiden beide, so wird mir nimmer missgethan." 
 544 f. Siegfried. 
 
 Ganze Haufen 
 
 Von Edelsteinen lagen aufgethiirmt. 
 548 f. Siegfried. 
 
 aus der Hohle blitzte 
 
 Das rothe Gold hervor. 
 III. 19. 95. 1-3. (93) 
 
 Er sah so viel Gesteines, wie wir horen sagen, 
 
 Hundert Lastwagen hatten's nicht getragen; 
 
 Noch mehr des rothen Goldes von Nibelungenland. 
 XIX. 186. 1159. i. (1063) 
 
 Es war auch da nichts Andres, als Gold und Edelstein. 
 
 1 2248 ff. (2108 ff.), K. R. V. xii; 2277 (2137), Nn. 5359.
 
 29 
 
 953- Rumolt. 
 
 Der nimmt's wohl auch mit Teufelsweibem auf. 
 1087. Siegfried. 
 
 Ein Teufelsweib. 
 VII. 74. 45i- 4- (417) Hagen. 
 
 "Die Ihr begehrt zu minnen, traun, die ist des Teufels Weib." 
 
 1466 f. Siegfried. 
 
 Sie suchte mir die Ha'nde 
 
 Zu binden. 
 1484 f. Siegfried. 
 
 Ich wurde 
 
 Damit gebunden. 
 X. 105. 654. 2. (587) 
 
 Da griff nach einem Giirtel die herrliche Maid. 
 
 655- I- (538) 
 
 Die FUss' und auch die Ha'nde sie ihm zusammenband. 
 no. 690. 2. (619) 
 
 Und wollt' ihn bin gebunden, so wie den Konig, legen. 
 112. 700. 1-2. (625) 
 
 Da griff sie an die Seite, wo sie die Borte fand, 
 
 Und wollt' ihn damit binden ; da wehrt' es seine Hand. 
 
 1467 f. Siegfried. 
 
 Da ward ich wiithend 
 Und brauchte meine Kraft. 
 X. in. 693. 2-3. (622) 
 
 Da schamte sich Siegfried; zu ziirnen er begann. 
 Mit ungeheuren Kraften setzt' er sich ihr entgegen. 
 1668-1670. Brunhild. 
 
 Das fand ich auch 
 
 Natiirlich als ich ihn er nannte sich 
 Ja selber so fur einen Dienstmann hielt. 
 
 XIV. 137. 847- 3- (764) 
 
 "Drum diinkt er mich ein Dienstmann; ich hort' es ihn gestehn." 
 1734. Gunther. 
 
 Hast Du Dich je geriihmt? 
 XIV. 140. 871. 4. (788) Brunhild. 
 
 "Hat er sich's geriihmet, es geht ihm wahrlich an den Leib." 
 142. 881. 2. (798) Gunther. 
 "Hat er sich's geriihmet, horen lass' er's hier." 
 
 883. 3-4. (800) 
 "Du habest dich geriihmet, du warst ihr erster Mann; 
 
 So sagt dein Weib Kriemhilde. Hast du, Degen, das gethan?" 
 2445. Siegfried. 
 
 Doch wisst, Ihr habt in ihm Euch selbst erschlagen. 
 XVI. 163. (1028. 4. (C 1008) 
 
 "Glaubt in rechten Treuen, dass Ihr Euch selber habt erschlagen."
 
 30 
 
 2572 f. Ute. 
 
 Es waren Schacher. 
 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Ich kenne sie. 
 XVII. 173. 1077. 4-1078. i. (986 f.) Gunther. 
 
 "Ihn erschlugen Schacher; fiirwahr, Hagen that es nicht." 
 "Mir sind diese Schacher," sprach sie, "gar wohl bekannt." 
 3311. f. Werbel. 
 
 Nun gieb uns endlich Urlaub, hoher Konig, 
 
 Sie brauchen uns zu Hause. 
 
 XXIV. 246. 1529. i. 3. (1419) 
 
 Die Boten Kriemhildens der Aufenthalt verdross; 
 Sie begehrten taglich, mit Urlaub heimzugehn. 
 3389 f. Hagen. 
 
 Sie schwebten iiber einem alten Brunnen 
 Und glichen Vogeln, die im Nebel hiipfen. 
 
 XXV. 255. 1586. i. (1476) 
 
 "Sie schwebten wie die Vogel vor ihm auf der Fluth. 
 3392. Hagen. 
 
 Ich schlich heran, da floh'n sie scheu von dannen. 
 XXV. 255. 1584. 1-2. ^(1474) 
 
 Hagen ward ihrer inne; er schlich ihnen heimlich nah. 
 
 Da sie sich dess versannen, wie enteilten sie da ! 
 3410 f. Hagen. 
 
 Ich warf die Kleider 
 
 Mit Freuden wieder hin und sturzte fort. 
 XXV. 256. 1588. 1-2. (1478) 
 
 Der Rede war da Hagen im Herzen froh und hehr; 
 
 Er gab ihnen ihre Kleider, und sa'umte sich nicht mehr. 
 3739. Gudrun. 
 
 Ich schamte mich ja nur. 
 
 XXVII. 279. 1738. 4. (1622) 
 
 Sie schamte sich der Frage ; so hat ja manche Maid gethan. 
 3763. Dietrich. 
 
 Seid auf der Hut, Ihr stolzen Nibelungen. 
 
 XXVIII. 286. 1781. 4. (1664) 
 
 "Du Trost der Nibelungen, davor behiite du dich!" 
 4345. Volker. 
 
 Komm, steh'n wir auf. 
 
 XXIX. 295. 1836. i. (1718) 
 
 "Nun stehn wir auf vom Sitze," sprach der Fiedelmann. 
 4518 f. Hagen. 
 
 Nun werft Euch in die Kleider, aber nehmt 
 
 Die Waffen, statt der Rosen, in die Hand. 
 XXXI. 307. 1912. 4. (1790) 
 
 Er sprach: "Ihr Helden sollten hier tragen anderes Kleid."
 
 31 
 
 3o8. 1913. 2. (1791) 
 
 "Nun traget, statt der Rosen, die Waffen in der Hand." 
 5061. Hildebrand. 
 
 Unhold! 
 5445. Hagen. 
 
 Unhold! 
 XXVIH. 289. 1804. 4. (1686) Dietrich. 
 
 "Nur zu, du falscher Unhold." 
 5105-5107. Etzel. 
 
 Heir Riideger, 
 
 Ihr helft dem Feind? Wir haben der Erschlag'nen 
 
 Auch ohne Euch genug. 
 
 XXXVII. 356. 2221. 1-3. (2082) 
 
 Da sprach zum Markgrafen Etzel, der Konig hehr: 
 
 "Wie habt Ihr uns geholfen, vieledler Riideger! 
 
 Da wir so viel der Todten in diesem Lande ha'n." 
 5261-5264. Riideger. 
 
 So schwer wie ich, ward noch kein Mensch gepriift, 
 
 Denn was ich thun und was ich lassen mag, 
 
 So thu' ich bos und werde d'rob gescholten, 
 
 Und lass' ich Alles, schilt mich Jedermann. 
 XXXVH. 358. 2230. 1-3. (2091) 
 
 "Und welches ich nun lasse, und welches ich begeh', 
 
 So thu' ich immer boslich und mir zu Leid und Weh; 
 
 Lass' ich aber Beides, so schilt mich Jedermann." 
 
 5394. Hildebrand. 
 
 Man schlagt die Nibelungen ohne mich! 
 XXXI. 315. 1963. 1-2. (1837) 
 
 Da gab die Antwort Hildebrand, ein Held gar ritterlich: 
 "Wer schlagt die Nibelungen, der thut es ohne mich." 
 
 5395. Hildebrand. 
 
 Dankwart, Du lehnst Dich miissig in die Ecke. 
 XXXVII. 368. 2305. 1-2. (2164) 
 
 Den sitzen, den sich lehnen, sah man da manchen Degen. 
 
 Sie waren wieder miissig. 
 5445-5447- Hagen. 
 
 ich hab' Dich wieder uberlistet, 
 
 Nun ist der Ort nur Gott und mir bekannt, 
 
 Und Einer von uns Beiden sagt's Dir nicht. 
 XXXIX. 391. 2451. 3-4. (2308) 
 
 "Den Schatz, den weiss nun Keiner, als ich und Gott allein: 
 
 Er soil dir bosem Unhold immer ganz verhohlen sein." 
 
 In a very few instances there is a greater verbal similarity 
 with Simrock's translation, which seems to show that the poet
 
 32 
 
 either compared the two versions, or that some of Simrock's 
 phraseology remained in his memory from an earlier reading. 
 
 510 f. Siegfried. 
 
 Ich bin bereit mit Dir hinab zu zieh'n, 
 Wenn Du die Schwester mir als Lohn versprichst. 
 VI. 58. 343. 2-4. (332) 1 
 
 "Gibst du mir deine Schwester, so thu' ich es gem, 
 Die schone Kriemhilde, die Konigstochter hehr; 
 So gehr' ich keines Lohnes nach meinen Arbeiten mehr." 
 Simrock. 
 
 "Ich will es thun, versprichst du die Schwester mir zum Lohn." 7 
 1690. Kriemhild. 
 
 Das Kebsweib meines Gatten mich verachten ! 
 XIV. 140. 865. 4. (782) 
 
 "Wie mocht' eines Mannes Buhle je werden eines Konigs Weib?" 
 Simrock. 
 
 "Wie mocht eines Mannes Kebse je werden Konigsweib." * 
 1727. Brunhild. 
 
 Bin ich ein Kebsweib, Konig? 
 
 XIV. 141. 872. 3. (789) 
 
 "Ihr hiesst mich eine Buhle; das lasst mich besser sehn." 
 142. 879. 3. (796) 
 
 "Sie sagt, gebuhlet habe mich Siegfried, ihr Mann." 
 Simrock. 
 
 "Ihr wollet mich verkebsen." 
 
 "Sie sagt ich sei die Kebse von Siegfried ihrem Mann." 
 2200. Hagen. 
 
 D'rum rath' ich heut' zur Jagd. 
 
 XV. 151. 938. 2-4. (854) Gunther. 
 
 "So will ich hinreiten, und Schwein' und Baren jagen 
 In dem Wasgauwalde, wie ich oft gethan." 
 Das hatte gerathen Hagen, der gar ungetreue Mann. 
 Simrock. 
 
 "So rath' ich, dass wir Baren und Schweine jagen gehn 
 Nach dem Wasgauwalde wie ich oft gethan." 
 Das hatte Hagen gerathen, der ungetreue Mann. 
 
 The tenth edition has " Nach dem Odenwalde," the name which 
 Hebbel uses in his scene direction, "Siegfreids Tod," V. i., and in 
 Hagen's mocking words : 
 
 1 The first quotation from the Nibelungenlied is in each instance from 
 Braunfels' translation. 
 
 3 The first edition, 1827, is quoted, and, unless otherwise stated, the 2d, 3d 
 and loth editions (1829, 1843, 1850) have like phrasing. 
 
 s Tenth and later editions omit Wie.
 
 33 
 
 Im Odenwald, da springt ein munt'rer Quell. 
 Cf. 453- Hagen. 
 
 "Seit wir zuriick sind aus dem Odenwald." 
 3421-3423. 
 
 Ihr Alle seht, wenn Ihr in's Heunenland 
 
 Hinunter zieht, den griinen Rhein nicht wieder. 
 XXV. 256. 1592. 2. (1482) 
 
 Von Euch wird Keiner lebend verbleiben. 
 Simrock. 
 
 Keiner von Euch Degen wird die Heimath wieder sehn. 
 
 Often, where there is not actual verbal likeness, there is a 
 parallelism of expression which indicates that the form of the 
 thought in the epic was in the poet's mind. The following 
 passages show this type of borrowing: 
 
 184-186. Siegfried. 
 
 Ich hab' ein Reich, 
 
 So gross, wie Dein's, und wenn Du mich besiegst, 
 So bist Du Herr darin. Was willst Du mehr? 
 
 215-216. 
 
 Ich brenne, mich zu messen mit dem Recken, 
 Der mir mein Gut verdoppelt oder nimmt. 
 
 III. 22. 117. 2-118. 3. (112 f.) 
 
 "Wenn nicht dein Land den Frieden durch deine Kraft gewinnt, 
 Will ich dessen walten; und auch das Erbe mein, 
 Erwirbst du es mit Starke, das soil dir unterthanig sein. 
 
 "Dein Erb' und meines sollen in gleicher Wage liegen, 
 
 Vermag es unser Einer, dem Andem obzusiegen, 
 
 Dem soil es alles dienen, die Leut' und auch das Land." 
 187-189. Siegfried. 
 
 Ich horte 
 
 Ja doch, dass hier die Tapfersten der Recken 
 
 Versammelt seien. 
 218-220. 
 
 Wenn ich auch nur auf Deine Diener blicke: 
 
 So stolze Manner wiirden Dir nicht folgen, 
 
 Empfandest Du nicht ganz so, wie ich selbst. 
 
 III. 21. III. I-II2. 2. (106 f.) 
 
 "Mir ward gesaget Mare in meines Vaters Land, 
 Dass hier bei Euch waren, (das hatt' ich gern erkannt,) 
 Wohl die kiihnsten Recken (dess hab' ich viel vernommen,) 
 Die je gewann ein Konig; darum bin ich hieher gekommen. 
 
 "Auch hor 5 ich Rittertugend Euch selber zugestehn,
 
 34 
 
 Dass man noch keinen Konig kiihner hab' gesehn." 
 22. 114. i. (109) 
 
 "Nun da Ihr seid so kiihne, wie's heisset weit und breit." 
 522-524. Hagen. 
 
 Er soil den Anlauf nehmen, Du willst werfen 
 
 Und springen? 
 
 Siegfried. 
 
 Ja! so mein ich's! Und dabei 
 
 Ihn selbst noch tragen ! 
 VII. 78. 479. 3-4. (437) 
 
 Durch seine schonen Kiinste hatt' er Kraft genug 
 
 Dass er in dem Sprunge noch den Konig Gunther trug. 
 560 f. Siegfried. 
 
 in toller Wuth 
 
 Mit rasch gezog'nen Degen auf mich ein. 
 HI. 19. (97. 2. (C 94) 
 
 Der zweien Kon'ge Mannen gingen mit Streit ihn an. 
 638-640. Siegfried. 
 
 Nun wird's lebendig in der Burg, Gestalten 
 
 Erscheinen auf der Zinne, Schleier flattern 
 
 Und eine stolze Jungfrau spaht herab. 
 1711. Brunhild. 
 
 Ich war auf der Zinne. 
 
 VII. 67. 402. 3. (377) 
 
 Oben in den Fenstern manche schone Maid. 
 
 405. 1-2. (380) 
 
 "Ich sehe ihrer Eine in schneeweissem Kleid. 
 
 In einem Fenster stehen, so herrlich ist die Maid." 
 
 VIII. 85. 525- I- (477) 
 
 Da stund in den Zinnen manch liebliches Kind. 
 653. Volker. 
 
 Nein, Konig, bleib daheim. 
 VI. 64. 384. i. (361) 
 
 Sie sprach: "Viellieber B ruder, bleibt hier. 
 663. Gunther. 
 
 Wohlan ! Fur Brunhild gebe ich Dir Kriemhild. 
 
 VI. 58. 344. 2-3. (333) 
 
 "Und kommt uns die schone Briinhild in dieses Land, 
 
 So will ich dir zum Weibe meine Schwester geben." 
 799 f. Siegfried. 
 
 Auch thust Du mir zu viel der Ehre an, 
 Mich vor dem Konig Gunther zu begriissen. 
 
 VII. 71. 433. 1-3. (399) 
 
 "Gar grossen Dank," so sprach er, "edle Frau Brunhild, 
 Dass Ihr mich Grusses wiirdigt, Fiirstentochter mild, 
 Vor diesem edlen Recken, der vor mir geht einher."
 
 35 
 
 72. 435- i- (401) 
 
 "Er ist geheissen Gunther, ein Konig reich und hehr." 
 80 r. Siegfried. 
 
 Ich bin hier nur sein Fiihrer. 
 
 VII. 71. 433- 4- (399) 
 
 "Denn der ist mein Herre. Gern entbehrt' ich solcher EhrV' 
 VI. 66. 399. 3. (375) Siegfried advises them to say: 
 
 "Gunther sei mein Herre, und ich sein Lehensmann." 
 1188. Kriemhild. 
 
 Mein Herr und B ruder, fug' es, wie Du magst. 
 X. 102. 631. 2-4. (567) 
 
 "Ihr sollt mich nimmer flehen. So will ich immer sein, 
 Wie Ihr mir gebietet; das werde stets gethan. 
 Ich will mich gern verloben ; wen Ihr mir, Herre, gebt zum Mann/ 
 1219-1222. Brunhild. 
 
 Wie darfst Du's es wagen, 
 Die Hand nach ihr, nach einer Konigstochter, 
 Nur auszustrecken, da Du doch Vasall 
 Und Dienstmann bist! 
 1499 f. Ich kann's nicht seh'n, 
 
 Dass Deine edle Schwester sich erniedrigt. 
 X. 103. 638. 2-4. (574) 
 
 "Es ist um deine Schwester mir von Herzen leid. 
 Die seh' ich sitzen nahe dem Dienstmanne dein. 
 Das muss ich stets beweinen, soil sie so verderbet sein." 
 1227. Gunther. 
 
 Er ist an Schatzen reicher als ich selbst. 
 X. 103. 641. 2. (577) 
 
 "Er hat, wie ich, wohl Burgen und weites Land." 
 1231. Gunther. 
 
 Er ist ein Konig, wie ich selbst. 
 X. 103. 641. 3. (577) 
 
 "Er ist ein reicher Konig: dess sollt Ihr sicher sein." 
 1704. Brunhild. 
 
 Wo sind die Herren von Burgund? 
 XIV. 141. 877. 1-2. (794) 
 
 Da sprach die Frau Briinhilde: "Berufet mir zur Stund' 
 Hierher den Herrn vom Rheine; dem thu' ich Solches kund." 
 1754. Hagen. 
 
 Der Mann muss sterben, der Dir das gethan ! 
 XIV. 143. 890. 2-4. (807) 
 
 Sie sagte ihm die Mare. Er gelobt' ihr gleich zur Hand, 
 Dass dafiir ernten miisste den Lohn Kriemhilden's Mann, 
 Oder er wollte nimmer frohlich leben fortan. 
 144. 893. 4. (810) 
 "Daruber will ich sterben, oder es geht ihm an den Leib."
 
 36 
 
 1762-1764. Giselher. 
 
 So wird das Ernst? Um einen kleinen Fehl 
 Wollt Ihr den treu'sten Mann der Erde morden? 
 Mein Konig und mein Bruder, sage Nein ! 
 
 XIV. 143- 891. 3-892. 4. (808 f.) 
 
 Dazu kam auch Giselher, der.schonen Ute Kind; 
 Da er ihr Reden horte, sprach er alsbalde treugesinnt: 
 "Ihr viel guten Recken, warum thut ihr das? 
 Traun, es verdiente Siegfried niemals solchen Hass, 
 Dass er darum verlieren sollte Leben und Leib. 
 Es ist ja gar geringe, um was da ziirnet ein Weib." 
 1872. Siegfried. 
 
 Ich zieh' allein mit meinen Nibelungen. 
 
 XV. 147. 912. 1-2. (829) 
 
 "Ihr und Eure Recken sollt das Haus bewahren; 
 
 Mit denen, die ich habe, lasst mich zu ihnen fahren." 
 2056 f. Kriemhild. 
 
 Ohm, Ihr werdet doch 
 An ihm nicht rachen, was nur ich verbrach? 
 XV. 148. 919- 4- (836) 
 
 "Er soil es nicht entgelten, hab' ich Briinhild was gethan." 
 2064. Hagen. 
 
 Nun, nun, sie wird's vergessen. 
 Mss. H Th. 2061 f. 
 
 Vielleicht 
 Ist sie schon ausgesohnt. 
 
 XV. 149. 921. i. (838) 
 
 Er sprach : "Ihr werdet versohnet wohl bald nach diesen Tagen." 
 2417-2419. Siegfried. 
 
 Mord ! Mord ! Ihr selbst? Bei'm Trinken ! Gunther, Gunther, 
 Verdient' ich das um Dich? Ich stand Dir bei 
 In Noth und Tod. 
 
 XVI. 154. 95i- 4- (866) 
 
 "Auch hab' ich wohl Andres nicht verdient um die Degen." 
 
 164. 1018. 2-3. (930) 
 
 "Was helfen meine Dienste, da ihr mich habt erschlagen? 
 Ich war euch stets getreue; dess entgelt' ich nun." 
 
 165. (1025. 3. (C 1006) 
 
 "Ich schirmt' Euch Leib und Ehre in furchtbarer Noth." 
 256if. Gunther. 
 
 Ein Eid ! 
 
 Ihr thut kein Mensch mehr weh. 
 XIX. 188. 1168. 1-2. (1071) 
 
 Da sprach Konig Gunther: "Ich schwur ihr einen Eid, 
 Dass ich ihr nimmer wieder thate welches Leid."
 
 37 
 
 3074. Ute. 
 
 Sie bieten's Dir. 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Znm Hohn. 
 XX. 204. 1264. 1-3. (1158) 
 
 Da sprach die Jammersreiche : "Euch verbiet' es Gott 
 
 Und alien meinen Freunden, dass sie irgend Spott 
 
 An mir Armen iiben. 
 3751 f. Hagen. 
 
 Die Hochzeit 
 
 Erst bei der Wiederkehr ! 
 
 XXVII. 279. 1740. 2-3. (1624) 
 
 "So ihr wieder heim warts nach Burgunden kehrt, 
 (Denn also ist es brauchlich), dann geb' ich euch mein Kind." 
 
 4066. Kriemhild. 
 
 So hat Euch ein Verrather auch gewarnt. 
 
 4069. Dietrich. 
 
 Ich bin der Mann, ich, Dietrich, Vogt von Bern ! 
 
 XXVIII. 289. 1804. 2. (1686) 
 
 "Ich bin's, der hat gewarnet die Fiirsten reich und gut." 
 4366. Hagen. 
 
 Nun freilich, diesen schlug ich todt. 
 
 XXIX. 297. 1846. 2. (1728) 
 
 "Ich bin's nun einmal, Hagen, der Siegfrieden schlug." 
 4370 f. Kriemhild. 
 
 Nun thut, was Euch gefallt. Ich frag* nicht mehr, 
 Ob Ihr's zu Ende bringt. 
 
 XXIX. 297. 1848. 2-3. (1730) 
 
 " Was ihm darob geschicht, 
 
 Soil mich nun nicht kiimmern, ihr Etzel's gute Degen." 
 4376. Hagen. 
 
 So gilt's hier wirklich Mord und Ueberfall? 
 
 XXX. 306. 1906. 3. (1784). Volker. 
 
 "Wollt ihr auf's Morden ziehen, Kriemhilden's Hofgeleit?" 
 4381. Hagen. 
 
 Der Helme Glanz verrieth Euch langst. 
 XXX. 305. 1896. 2-3. (1775) 
 
 "Dass Volker der kiihne Helme glanzen sah 
 
 Fernher aus dem Finstern." 
 5124. Riideger. 
 
 Hab' ich sie nicht selbst in's Land gebracht? 
 
 5132- 
 
 Doch hab' ich sie auf Treue hergefiihrt. 
 5164. 
 
 Und sie geleitet bis zu Eurer Schwelle.
 
 38 
 xxxvn. 356. 2220. 3. (2081) 
 
 Ich war ja ihr Geleite in meines Herren Land. 
 Cf. XXVII. 282, 1762. 2. (1646) 
 
 "Will ich euch selbst geleiten; da seid ihr wohl bewahrt." 
 5133 f. Rudeger. 
 
 Und darf ich sie nicht schutzen gegen Dich, 
 
 So leih' ich Dir doch auch nicht meinen Arm. 
 
 5165 f. 
 
 Kann ich das Schwert wohl gegen sie erheben, 
 
 Nun sie in ihren grossten Nothen sind? 
 XXXVII. 359. 2236. 4. (2096) 
 
 "Und gab' ihnen meine Gabe: wie hiilf ich nun zu ihrem Tod?" 
 5142. Rudeger. 
 
 Ich kann nicht sagen, das Du liigst. 
 XXXVII. 357. 2226. i. (2087) 
 
 "Das ist nicht zu laugnen." 
 5162 f. Rudeger. 
 
 Ich habe sie mit Wein und Brot begriisst, 
 
 Als sie die Donaugranze iiberschritten. 
 XXXVII. 359- 2236. 2-3. (2096) 
 
 "Ich habe sie geladen heim zu meinem Haus; 
 
 Trinken so wie Speise ich ihnen giitlich bot." 
 5280-5282. Rudeger. 
 
 Kriemhild, ich habe Dir den Eid geschworen 
 
 Und muss ihn halten, das erklar' ich laut 
 
 Fur meine Pflicht und makle nicht daran. 
 XXXVII. 360. 2243. 3. (2103) 
 
 Er sprach: "Wohl muss ich leisten Euch nach meinem Eid." 
 
 But by far the most numerous borrowings from the epic are 
 of suggestions, not words. Generally these suggestions are of 
 incident, or scene, or character delineation, which Hebbel adapted 
 to his own uses, sometimes referring to an entire adventure 
 with a line or two, sometimes materially enlarging upon a dra- 
 matic detail which the Nibelungenlied passes over lightly, or 
 in other instances making a slight change that explains or 
 ennobles the motivation. Most of these changes are mentioned 
 in the general discussion of HebbePs use of the Nibelungenlied 
 which follows, and do not require citation here. It will only 
 be necessary to give a few examples of HebbePs adaptation of 
 minor incidents to the purposes of his drama. 
 
 1958-1960. Hagen. 
 
 Ist der Friede
 
 39 
 
 Noch zwischen Euch nicht wieder hergestellt? 
 
 Will er vielleicht sein Mannesrecht missbrauchen ? 
 XV. 148. 920. 2-4. (837) 
 
 "Auch hat er so zerblauet deswegen meinen Leib ! 
 
 Dass ich es je geredet, beschwerte ihm den Muth; 
 
 Das hat wohl gar gerochen der Degen tapfer und gut." 
 2200 f. Giselher. 
 
 Ich zieh' nicht mit. 
 Gerenot. 
 
 Ich wahrlich auch nicht. 
 2298. Hagen. 
 
 Hatten sie 
 
 Zugleich den Muth, zu warnen und zu hindern? 
 4446. Kriemhild. 
 
 In den Wald seit Ihr nicht mitgeritten. 
 
 4468. Und wer nicht half der schwieg doch, statt zu warnen. 
 XV. 152. (943. 2-4. (C 923) 
 
 Giselher und Gerenot 
 
 Wollten nicht jagen reiten. Ich weiss nicht, welcher Neid 
 
 Sie abhielt, ihn zu warnen. 
 154. 954. 4. (869) 
 
 Gernot hatt' und Giselher daheirn zu bleiben begehrt. 
 2775-2777. Hagen. 
 
 Ei, wenn sie mir die Hand 
 
 Seit uns'rer Jagd nicht einmal wieder reichte, 
 
 So hat sie Dich ja auch wohl nicht gekusst. 
 2872 f. 
 
 Ja, ja, sie bot die Wange endlich dar, 
 
 Weil (Er deutet auf Giselher und Ute.) 
 
 Dieser taglich bat und Diese weinte. 
 
 XVIII. 179. 1115. 2. (1021) 
 
 Begannen sie zu flehen Ute und Gerenot. 
 
 XIX. 184. 1140. (1046) 
 
 Sie sass nach ihrem Leide, das ist vollig wahr, 
 Nach ihres Mannes Tode wohl an vierthalb Jahr, 
 Dass nie ein Wort zu Gunthern aus ihrem Mund geschah, 
 Und ihren Feind Hagen sie in der Zeit nimmer sah. 
 
 1146. 4. (1052) 
 
 Zu flehen begann da Giselher, der sehr weidliche Mann. 
 185. (1147. i. (C 1124) 
 
 Sie sprach: "Ich muss ihn griissen, da ihr mir's nicht erlasst." 
 
 1149. i. (1053) 
 
 Ich will den Konig griissen. 
 
 1150. 1-2. (1054) 
 
 Da sie verschmerzen wollte auf Gunther den Hass, 
 Dass er sie kiissen sollte, das ziemt' ihm desto bass.
 
 40 
 
 2912 f. Hagen. 
 
 sie hatte 
 
 Ein Heer damit geworben. 
 2918 f. Das war das Mittel, Freunde zu erwerben 
 
 Und zu erhalten. 
 
 XIX. 187. 1165. 2-4. (1068) 
 
 So dass Hagen sagte, sollte sie noch leben 
 
 Nur kleine Zeit, so wiirde man sie gewinnen sehn 
 
 Zu Dienst so manchen Recken, dass ihnen schlimm es musst' ergehn . 
 
 1167. 3-4. (1070) 
 
 "Sie bringt mit ihrer Gabe noch soldi ein VVerk zu Tag, 
 Dass es wohl die kiihnen Burgunden gereuen mag." 
 
 XX. 212. 1319. 4. (1212) 
 
 "Ich weiss gar wohl, was Kriemhild bald mit diesem Schatze thut." 
 3323 f. Rumolt. 
 
 Vergesst Ihr die Geschenke? Wartet doch, 
 Bis sie heruber kommen. 
 
 33 2 S-33 2 7- Volker. 
 
 Das find' ich wunderlich, 
 Erst schlagen sie die reichen Gaben aus, 
 Dann lassen sie sie liegen ! 
 
 XXIV. 247- 1537- (1427) 
 
 Da liess der reiche Konig, (er war den Boten hold,) 
 Aus tugendlicher Sitte hertragen sein Gold 
 Auf den breiten Schilden; er war reich daran. 
 Auch ward reiche Gabe von Freunden ihnen gethan. 
 
 1538. 3-248. 1539. 4. (1428 f) 
 Da ward so reiche Gabe den Boten dar getragen, 
 Aus Furcht vor Etzel konnten sie's nimmer zu empfangen wagen. 
 
 Da sprach der Bote Swemmel, zum Konige gewandt: 
 
 "Herr Konig, Eure Gabe lasst bleiben hier zu Land; 
 
 Wir diirfen's nicht fiihren. Der Konig uns verbot, 
 
 Dass wir irgend Gabe nahmen ; auch ist uns gar wenig noth." 
 3232-3234. Kriemhild. 
 
 Mag die Welt 
 
 Mich Anfangs schmah'n, sie soil mich wieder loben, 
 
 Wenn sie das Ende dieser Dinge sieht ! 
 XX. 210. 1305. 1-3. (1199) 
 
 Da dachte die Getreue: "Da ich nun gewann 
 
 Also viel der Freunde, lass' ich die Welt fortan 
 
 Reden, was sie wolle." 
 3337 f- Volker. 
 
 Hagen kommt 
 
 Mit seiner letzten Fracht.
 
 41 
 
 XXV. 261. 1623. 3. (1512) 
 
 Schiffmeister war Hagen. 
 3352-3354. Volker. wir kommen. . . . 
 
 .... mit unserm ganzen Staat. 
 
 Werbel. 
 
 Mit einem Heer, ja wohl. 
 4009 f. Kriemhild. 
 
 Wir glaubten schon, es kam' ein Feind gezogen, 
 
 So gross ist Euer Tross. 
 4035. Ihr kommt mit einem Heer. 
 
 XXIV. 246. 1525. 2. (1415) 
 
 Achtzig ihrer Recken herfiihren an den Rhein. 
 
 1528. i. (1418) 
 Hagen wahlte tausend, die ihm wohlbekannt. 
 
 XXV. 251. 1557. 2-3. (1447) 
 
 Sechzig iiber tausend, so hort' ich diese Mar', 
 Dazu neun tausend Knechte, zu der Festlichkeit. 
 
 XXVI. 273. 1701. 3-4. (1587) 
 
 Sechszig schneller Recken und tausend Ritter gut, 
 Dazu neuntausend Knechte. 
 3584. f. Gudrun. 
 
 Welche muss ich kiissen, Mutter? 
 Gotelinde. 
 
 Die Kon'ge und den Tronjer! 
 
 XXVII. 274. 1705. 2-1706. 3. (1591 f). Rudeger. 
 
 "Ihr sollt gar wohl empfangen die edlen Konige hehr, 
 Wenn sie mit ihrem Gesinde hierher zu Hofe nah'n; 
 Auch Hagen, Gunther's Dienstmann, sollt Ihr mit schonern Gruss 
 empfah'n. 
 
 " Noch Einer, der heisst Dankwart, kommt mit ihrer Fahrt; 
 
 Der Andre heisset Volker, an Ziichten wohlbewahrt. 
 
 Die Sechse sollt Ihr kiissen; so auch die Tochter mem." 
 276. 1719. 1-3. (1604) 
 
 Die Markgrafinn kiisste die Konige alle drei; 
 
 So that auch ihre Tochter. Auch Hagen stund dabei; 
 
 Ihr Vater hiess sie ihn kussen. 
 4992. Hildebrand. 
 
 Da ist der Todtenberg ! 
 5035. Hildebrand. 
 
 Sie werfen wieder Todte aus den Fenstern. 
 5054. Dietrich. 
 
 An sieben tausend Heunen liegen dort. 
 XXXIV. 334- 2082. 3. (1947) 
 
 Ihr miisst die todten Leute aus dem Hause tragen. 
 
 335. 2085. 1-3. (1950) 
 
 Da folgten sie dem Rathe, und trugen vor die Thur*
 
 42 
 
 Siebentausend Todte; die warfen sie herfiir. 
 
 Vor des Saales Stiege sah man sie niederfallen. 
 5292-5294. Riidegej. 
 
 Das Alles fahre bin, ich fleh' zu Euch 
 
 Um meine Seele, die verloren ist, 
 
 Wenn Ihr mich nicht von diesem Eide los't. 
 5312. Kriemhild. 
 
 Glaubst Du, dass ich die Seele rettete. 
 XXXVII. 357. 2226. 3. (2087) 
 
 "Dass ich die Seel' verliere, das hab' ich nicht geschworen." 
 5371. Hagen. 
 
 Hatt' ich nur einen Schild. 
 XXXVII. 364. 2271. 2-3. (2131) 
 
 "Den Schild, den Frau Gotlinde gegeben mir zu tragen, 
 
 Den haben mir die Heunen zerhauen an der Hand." 
 
 A further discussion of Hebbel's methods in dealing with 
 the Nibelungenlied as source may be grouped under the heads 
 of omissions, contractions, and expansions of material. Will- 
 iam Morris, in his epic treatment of the Volsungasaga, had 
 before him the task of expanding the Norse story of forty- 
 three short chapters into a poem of four or five times its length. 
 Hebbel, with his desire to retain every essential feature of the 
 Nibelungenlied, had to solve the problem of contracting the 
 poem, which, in the Braunfels translation, contained 2459 
 strophes, or 9836 lines, into a trilogy of 5456 lines. The solv- 
 ing of the problem necessitated great pruning and paring, es- 
 pecially as the gaps of the epic required numerous additions, 
 while Hebbel's deepening of character and enlargement and 
 invention of incident and motivation called for entire new 
 speeches and even scenes. The question is how Hebbel went 
 about his work of selection, in order to reach the mean between 
 the too much and the too little, and what was the nature of his 
 omissions and his contractions. 
 
 The nature of Hebbel's omissions can best be understood 
 from his own sharply critical distinction between the charac- 
 ter and function of the epic and the drama. "The lyric, and 
 still more the dramatic poet, must keep all his portrayals 
 between the conscious-unconscious (Bewusst-Unbeiuussteri), 
 therefore the style of this art is much more difficult than the
 
 43 
 
 epic style, which reproduces life as in a mirror, while the former 
 is to represent it as a process of development, and yet at the 
 same time as a complete whole." l "Life is a fearful necessity, 
 which must be accepted with faith and belief, but which no one 
 comprehends; and tragic art which, in annihilating the indi- 
 vidual life as opposed to the idea, rises at the same time above 
 it, is the most penetrating flash of human consciousness, that, 
 to be sure, can illumine nothing which it does not at the same 
 time consume. Tragic art arises from such conceptions alone, 
 like a strange, mysterious flower out of the night-shadows, 
 for even though epic and lyric poetry now and then may play 
 with the variegated bubbles of appearance, dramatic poetry 
 has absolutely to grasp the inner relations, within which all 
 isolated existence arises and passes away, and these are fright- 
 ful in view of the limited vision of man." 2 
 
 "The epic has, as our aestheticians assure us, an incontes- 
 table right to useless comparisons ; it lingers where it lists, and 
 depicts what it pleases. ... As far as the drama is concerned, 
 it is still to be considered that though epic and lyric show us 
 narrators and singers, thus, in a certain sense, characteristic 
 masks with definite qualities, the drama is to depict for us 
 naked man as he acts and speaks out of his nature. . . . The 
 place where the dramatic poet ventures to employ a simile 
 must be a place especially suited, and the comparison itself 
 must be so rich a one that it not merely makes us forget the 
 doubly perceptible pause, but raises us also above the unusual 
 part of seeing the people in the pictures spin metaphors which 
 do not occur to them in real life." 3 Parallel with a portion of 
 his work on the "Nibelungen" came the composition of "Mut- 
 ter und Kind," so that Hebbel had occasion to observe in his 
 own writing the necessary differences between the two forms 
 of poetic art, the narrative poem and the drama. To Fried- 
 rich von Uechtritz he wrote at this time: "In the drama, I 
 feel as though I were going barefoot over glowing iron, in 
 heaven's name, only no pauses ; what does not go along with 
 the first impulse does not belong to the thing. In the epic, 
 on the other hand, one might, and one must take every- 
 
 1 Tgb. II. 2365. 2 Bw. I. 155; Tgb. II. 2721. 3 Tgb. III. 3669.
 
 44 
 
 thing along, the object, as well as the shadow which it 
 casts." * 
 
 With these ideas as to the essential nature of epic and drama, 
 Hebbel set to work to find the dramatic kernel in each scene 
 and situation, and to avoid the purely episodical, to omit what- 
 ever of detail or of unnecessary description were non-essentials 
 to the main action, and belonged purely to the epic mass of 
 the material; while he contracted or combined such incidents 
 as were too deeply imbedded in the epic whole to be capable 
 of dramatic treatment singly, or such as could be brought 
 together within the compass of one scene, and thus contribute 
 toward dramatic conciseness. 
 
 Hebbel omits the incidents of Siegfried's education which 
 are set forth in such detail in the second Canto, and his 
 decision upon the journey to Worms and the preparations for 
 it, since all that we need to know regarding these points may 
 be indicated after Siegfried's entrance into Worms. Thus, 
 the scenes with Siegfried's father and mother are entirely 
 omitted as unessential, and we hear of them only incidentally. 
 The fourth Canto, with its lengthy description of Siegfried's 
 war with the Danes and Saxons, and the events immediately 
 resulting from it, are merely referred to in the words of praise 
 which are bestowed on Siegfried. The war itself was an epi- 
 sode which had no place in the drama, except to form a basis 
 for Hagen's treacherous conduct. So, too, the preparations 
 for the trip to Iceland, and the reception there after a twelve 
 days' journey, as well as the games by which Siegfried won 
 Brunhild, 2 are omitted save for the few words of greeting be- 
 tween Brunhild and Siegfried in "Siegfrieds Tod," Act II.; 
 and Siegfried's journey to the Nibelungs, which forms the 
 subject of the eighth Canto, is barely mentioned in the scene 
 where the dwarfs carry in the Nibelungen treasure. The 
 omission of the long description of the preparations for Brun- 
 hild's reception a finds its only compensation in the first short 
 scene of the second act of "Siegfrieds Tod," and the tourney 
 in honor of her coming is merely hinted at by Rumolt and Dank- 
 wart in the first scene of Act III. Hebbel consistently omits 
 1 Bw. II. 238. > VL XI.
 
 45 
 
 the details of tourney, of pageantry, and of apparel which are 
 so characteristic a part of the mediaeval version of the saga, 
 but which, far from being an essential part of the story, often 
 form for the modern reader tiresome descriptions and repe- 
 titions, and are pure excrescences on the saga material for the 
 audience of a particular age. 
 
 Cantos XI., XII., and XIII., are taken up with an account of 
 the return home of Siegfried with his wife, and of the events 
 which took place in the ten years before their visit to Worms 
 with Siegmund, at Gunther's invitation. All this causes a 
 protraction of time and incident which are both undramatic 
 and unnatural from a modern literary standpoint, and Hebbel 
 has omitted these events without depriving us of any essential 
 details. He omits Kriemhild's first dream of the swine and 
 simply mentions the second, which is introduced with great 
 naturalness in answer to a jest from Siegfried. The part which 
 Siegmund and his men take in the mourning and burial of 
 Siegfried is, of course, also omitted, as well as their return home, 
 and Kriemhild's decision to remain at Worms. 1 
 
 Practically all of Canto XIX., "How the Nibelungen hoard 
 came to Worms," and the first part of XX., "How King Etzel 
 sent to the land of the Burgundians for Kriemhild," are 
 omitted, between the closing scene of "Siegfrieds Tod" and 
 the opening scene of "Kriemhilds Rache." Between the close 
 of the first act of "Kriemhilds Rache," where Kriemhild con- 
 sents to wed Etzel, and the beginning of the second act, where 
 Etzel's messengers are departing after having brought an in- 
 vitation to the feast of the solstice, occur a series of events in 
 the Nibelungenlied which can well be replaced by suggestion 
 and reference only. They are in Canto XXI., "How Kriem- 
 hild journeyed to the Huns," Canto XXII., "How Kriemhild 
 was received by the Huns," and Canto XXIII., "How Kriem- 
 hild thought to avenge her sorrows." Of the journey to the 
 Huns and the wedding in Vienna, we have the merest mention 
 later, on the occasion of the reception of the Burgundians at 
 Bechlarn, 2 but we have constant hints that the messengers 
 have been sent by Kriemhild. Canto XXIV., "How Werbel 
 1 xvii. f. 1 3596 f., 3600.
 
 46 
 
 and Schwemmel brought the message," is thus also omitted up 
 to the arrival of the messengers at Worms. The actual events 
 in the journey of the Burgundians to the land of the Huns 
 are practically omitted, save for the important scenes at Bech- 
 larn l which complete the second act. From the sixth scene 
 of the third act, the events follow with some degree of close- 
 ness, though with great omission of detail, the last Cantos of 
 the Nibelungenlied : XXXII., "How Blodelein was slain," 
 and XXXV., 2 "How Iring was slain," are simply referred to, 
 the one in Dankwart's words announcing the slaughter of the 
 servants and in Dietrich's words: 
 
 Irnfred und Blodel und die Volker mit;' 
 the other, in the lines : 
 
 Der tapf re Iring flog der Schaar voran, 4 
 and 
 
 Der stolze Iring fiel. 6 
 
 Several of the omissions were necessary for reasons of stage 
 economy as well as for dramatic concentration ; such are events 
 which bear epic description but cannot well be represented on 
 the stage. In this category are the contests between Siegfried 
 and Brunhild, 9 the incident on the chase with the bear which 
 Siegfried brings in to frighten the huntsmen, the race to the 
 spring, Hagen's attempted flight after the murder, and Sieg- 
 fried's revenge through the blow with his shield, 7 Hagen's en- 
 counter with the mermaids, and his slaying of the boatman. 8 
 
 As too repulsive to a modern audience, Hebbel omits Sieg- 
 fried's corporal punishment of Kriemhild for her unruly tongue, 9 
 while he passes over as lightly as possible Siegfried's assistance 
 on the wedding night, and substitutes for the first night's com- 
 bat the Amazon defiance of Brunhild on the ship. 
 
 There are, as well, a number of minor omissions such as 
 that of the ring, which the epic makes Siegfried take from 
 Brunhild besides the girdle; and that of the formalities of an 
 oath on Siegfried's part to substantiate his innocence. Not 
 
 1 XXVII., XXVIII., ist part. C. XXXIV. * 5057. 
 
 4 5047- S 505S- 'VII. T XVI. "XXV. "XIV.
 
 47 
 
 one of these omissions interferes in the slightest degree with 
 the general trend of the action, or obscures the connection of 
 events and their motivation. 
 
 Hebbel has retained all the characters that are essential to 
 the action, but numerous minor persons of the Nibelungenlied 
 are omitted. Siegmund and Sieglinde are merely mentioned, 
 and we have no Ortwin of Metz, High Steward to the Burgun- 
 dian Kings. We only hear the names of Liidegast and Ltide- 
 ger, of Blodel and Irnfried, while Gere, Hawart, Hunolt, Pil- 
 grim Bischof von Passau, and the numerous characters who 
 have a name rather than a place in the whole are omitted. 
 
 Not only in radical omissions of narrative descriptions and 
 episodic details does Hebbel strive for dramatic concentration, 
 but also in his scene grouping, which calls for numerous con- 
 tractions and combinations in the material. Many of the 
 chief contractions have already been indicated under the head 
 of omissions. Notable and, of course, necessary for dramatic 
 treatment is the material shortening of time. The Prologue 
 and ''Siegfrieds Tod" cover a space of a few months at most, 
 while the compass of events which they include extends over 
 a period of more than twelve years in the Nibelungenlied. 
 The lapse of time between Brunhild's entrance into Worms and 
 Siegfried's death is but a few days, and the only case hi which 
 Hebbel follows the epic is hi having the space of three days 
 elapse between the quarrel of the queens and the coming of 
 the false messengers. 1 The war with the Danes and Saxons 
 occurs on the way to Brunhild, the quarrel scene takes place 
 the morning after the double wedding, and no return to Xan- 
 ten prolongs the rapid course of the action. Between Sieg- 
 fried's death and the final downfall of the Burgundians, the 
 Nibelungenlied has a space of twenty-six years, and Hebbel 
 approximates this by indicating that seven years had elapsed 
 after Kriemhild's marriage before the coming of the Burgun- 
 dians, and twenty in all since her marriage to Siegfried. 2 In 
 the Nibelungenlied her marriage to Etzel extends over a period 
 of seven years before a child is born to them, but they are 
 
 1 Nn. 2068. Nl. XV. 820. References are here given simply to Lachmann's 
 text. 2 3709 f.
 
 48 
 
 married another six years before the visit of the Burgundians. 
 Why Hebbel chose to retain the long interval of time after 
 Siegfried's death would not be apparent if we did not realize 
 how he strove in every way to account for the changes, or rather 
 the course of development, in Kriemhild's nature. The very 
 characteristic in his wife's interpretation of Raupach's Chriem- 
 hild which so filled him with admiration was the marvellous 
 delineation of this evolution in Chriemhild's own breast, and 
 Hebbel wished to depict the possibility, still more, the necessity 
 for her awful vengeance. And so he gives her this long period 
 in which to attempt to gain redress in every straightforward 
 way, a period which, instead of granting her satisfaction and 
 consolation, brings her only added injury and with it an ever 
 growing sense of wrong, and the sacred duty of revenge. A 
 slight inconsistency in Hebbel's treatment of time is seen in 
 Giselher's plea in the last act of "Kriemhild's Rache": 
 
 Habe doch Erbarmen 
 Mit meinem jungen Leib. 1 
 
 For since he was but ten years younger than Siegfried at the 
 latter's entrance, he cannot be a stripling now. 2 
 
 A contraction brought about by a combination of events to 
 bring them into one scenic picture is found in the Prologue, 
 where, at Siegfried's first appearance in Worms, occur the 
 games, Ute's interpretation of Kriemhild's dream, and Sieg- 
 fried's first sight of her. This is one of the most admirable 
 instances of contraction in the whole play, for scene iii. is a 
 charming and absolutely natural picture, and gives the spec- 
 tator an opportunity to hear of Siegfried's prowess from an 
 immediate onlooker, while it indicates the rapid workings of 
 love in the heart of the inexperienced Kriemhild. Gunther, 
 too, has learned of Brunhild before Siegfried's entrance, so 
 that he is prepared to make the proposition at once to win Sieg- 
 fried's help by giving him his sister. The fourth scene of the 
 Prologue excellently connects the accounts of the dragon and 
 hoard, with additions from Norse sources, so that, with the 
 opening scene of "Siegfrieds Tod," we are fully acquainted 
 
 1 5217 * * Cf. 433-
 
 49 
 
 with the course of past events and prepared for coming devel- 
 opments. 
 
 Concentrated into one scene are Brunhild's arrival and wel- 
 come, and Siegfried's betrothal to Kriemhild, which hi the 
 Nibelungenlied occurs later, at the wedding feast of Gunther 
 and Brunhild. The quarrel scene takes place directly after 
 Kriemhild obtains the proud knowledge of Siegfried's supe- 
 riority over Gunther, as shown in his contest with Brunhild. 
 The epic has the strife begun earlier, and renewed at the cathe- 
 dral, both before and after mass ; Hebbel concentrates it into a 
 single scene. In the Lied, Hagen goes to Brunhild later to 
 learn her trouble; here, he is on hand with the king at once, 
 and ready to plan the vengeance which Brunhild demands. 
 The incident with the first false messengers is omitted in its 
 detail, and only receives mention by Hagen to arouse Siegfried 
 against Liidegast and Liideger. 
 
 All the events in Act IV., preparatory to Siegfried's murder, 
 are well grouped together hi a hall at Worms, and the events 
 of the chase are materially shortened in Act V., both by the 
 omissions already indicated, and by the mere indication of 
 Siegfried's marvellous deeds. 
 
 Act I., scene i. of "Kriemhilds Rache" shows another simple 
 and necessary contraction, in giving to Riideger only one au- 
 dience with the Burgundians, instead of a second on the third 
 day, as in the Nibelungenlied, and only one with Kriemhild, 
 instead of two on successive days. Act II. , scene i., brings 
 together the departure of Kriemhild's messengers, which here 
 takes place at the Danube after the crossing, the account of 
 Hagen's experiences with the boatmen and the mermaids, 
 and the incident with the chaplain. Hebbel could do no more 
 than indicate much in these events, but he wished to retain 
 the mythical background, in order to presage the gloom and 
 downfall awaiting the Burgundians. 
 
 The concentration of all the events connected with Kriem- 
 hild's messengers and with the journey to Etzel's court into 
 Act II. has been partially pointed out. Thus the main inter- 
 est in this expedition is centred upon Kriemhild's attitude, 
 Hagen's suspicions, and the part which he, Rudeger, and Die-
 
 50 
 
 trich play during the journey ; it is not diffused over the details 
 concerning the reception of the messengers, the planning for 
 the departure, the separate episodes on the way, and the later 
 addition of the visit to Bishop Pilgrim of Passau. The entire 
 scene at Bechlarn occurs in the reception hall, while the epic 
 has the betrothal of Giselher and Gudrun take place later at 
 the feast. 
 
 Ute's dream is merely mentioned in Act II., 1 and is introduced 
 later in passing, to give opportunity for new light on Kriem- 
 hild's character and motives. 2 
 
 From the eighth scene of Act III., the contractions are nu- 
 merous, but are, almost without exception, those of the details 
 in which the last terrible stages of the Nibelungenlied so richly 
 abound, and which would have lent an excessive gruesomeness 
 of incident and an altogether epic breadth to the drama. Chief 
 among the changes resulting from these contractions is the 
 minor part which Hildebrant plays in the last combat, where 
 he is simply in charge of the Amelungen archers, and where 
 his importance lies principally in his connection with Dietrich. 
 
 Hebbel's absolute additions to the material in the Nibe- 
 lungenlied will be treated later; they are more numerous than 
 his enlargements. Under the latter head may be classed the 
 games of the Prologue which find only a general mention in 
 the epic; so, too, though not to so great an extent, did he en- 
 large upon the scene preceding the double wedding, when 
 Brunhild asserts her disapproval of Kriemhild's marriage to 
 Siegfried. 
 
 The incident regarding Siegfried's attitude towards the 
 false messengers is excellently enlarged upon in a scene which 
 shows his own clean, straightforward nature to the best ad- 
 vantage, and his righteous indignation at the perfidy which 
 he thinks the Danes and the Saxons have exercised against 
 the Burgundians. 3 He gives expression to his own character 
 in the lines: 
 
 Ich kann 
 
 Nichts hassen, als den Treubruch, den Verrath, 
 Die Gleissnerei und all' die feigen Laster, 
 
 1 3380 f. 3833 ff., cf. 4261 f. 3 S. T. IV. ii.
 
 51 
 
 Auf denen er herankriecht, wie die Spinne 
 Auf ihren hohlen Beinen. 1 
 
 Hebbel also skilfully enlarges upon the part which Hagen 
 plays in bringing the Burgundians to the point of consenting 
 to Siegfried's murder, and of his deliberate and cunning plan 
 to learn from Kriemhild the nature of Siegfried's vulnera- 
 bility. Excellently drawn is the scene in which Hagen, while 
 apparently trying to calm Kriemhild's fears, arouses within 
 her those very feelings of anxiety and apprehension which 
 produce the mood conducive to her confidence; character- 
 istic, too, is the scene where Siegfried learns of the second 
 company of messengers, and in his rage is the more ready for 
 the chase which Hagen offers as a substitute. Hebbel enlarges 
 materially upon the farewell scene between Siegfried and Kriem- 
 hild. Here she vainly attempts to keep him at home, and 
 when she fails in this, she tries without avail to disclose to him 
 her incautious betrayal of his secret ; 2 he enlarges upon the 
 fears which fill her mind and send her to Gerenot and Giselher 
 for help, which cause her appeal to Frigga, and which furnish 
 an excellent insight into Kriemhild's feelings of sorrow for 
 wrong-doing, anxiety for her beloved, and distrust of the Bur- 
 gundians. 3 She is aroused to the state of nervous tension that 
 makes all her emotions and actions on the morning after the 
 chase natural and inevitable. 
 
 Dietrich's warning as long planned and carried out with 
 definite purpose is an enlargement which tends to elevate his 
 character to that of an important personage in the crisis of the 
 action, while his journey with Hildebrant to Bechlarn, for the 
 purpose of delivering the message in time to allow the Bur- 
 gundians to turn back, brings into play, at the earliest possible 
 moment, his share in the action. A pretty incident in passing 
 centres about Nudung's shield, the gift which Hagen carried 
 from Bechlarn, while the hall, which manuscript C briefly 
 mentions, is given full description hi "Kriemhilds Rache," 
 Act III., scene vi. Hebbel also emphasizes the Hunnish 
 cowardice which the epic intimates; he enlarges upon Etzel's 
 
 1 1814-1818. 2 S. T. IV. xi.-3di. S. T. IV. xiii.-xvi.
 
 52 
 
 excuses for Volker's slaying of a Hun, and adds, as reason, 
 the fact that the Burgundians believed themselves betrayed, 
 and that their confidence as guests must therefore be restored. 
 
 The scenes in which Riideger begs to be released from his 
 vow, receive here their first true expression and fully show 
 Riideger's innocence, as well as impress upon us the deeds of 
 kindness and charity which had characterized Kriemhild at 
 Worms, and had prevented Riideger from suspecting the depth 
 of her insatiable hatred. 
 
 There are, in the " Nibelungen," a number of changes in 
 the material which come under none of the heads just consid- 
 ered, and which yet belong to a discussion of the epic as a 
 source. Many of them are of minor importance, and without 
 apparent reason; others are for purposes of motivation and 
 character portrayal. Various minor touches bring out Volker's 
 minstrel knowledge of people and things and perhaps for this 
 reason make him tell the tale of Brunhild and Siegfried, and 
 warn against the fatal wooing, 1 while, as the more important 
 character, he, instead of Dankwart, is the fourth member of 
 the expedition to Isenland. As ennobling Siegfried's char- 
 acter, we have the fear of Kriemhild replaced by Ute's confi- 
 dent feeling that Siegfried is not the knight to live when all 
 others fall; 2 his indifference to the presents of Kriemhild 
 changed to joy at the smallest token ; 3 his motive for drinking 
 last to honor Gunther changed to a penance for his slight 
 harshness to Kriemhild at parting. 4 The Nibelungenlied 
 has Kriemhild greet Brunhild first, Hebbel more naturally 
 gives Ute the initiative; 8 in the epic Kriemhild demands 
 the right of entering the cathedral first, here she is driven to 
 take precedence by Brunhild's taunts and demands ; 6 in the 
 epic she shows absolute lack of thought for her child, here her 
 feelings are explained, as well as Giselher's brotherly aid in 
 sending him to Siegmund's court. 7 
 
 Hagen's defiance and hatred are emphasized by his brutal 
 cry even before Siegfried is dead: 
 
 1 653 f. 4 Nl. XVI. 919; Nn. 2400-2404. 
 
 8 Nl. IX. 517; Nn. 1005 ff. Nl. X. 545; Nn. 1093 ff. 
 
 1 Nl. IX. 522; Nn. 1048 S. Nl. XIV. 770; Nn. 1659 ff. 7 3024 f.
 
 53 
 
 Haut Zweige von den Baumen, 
 Wir brauchen eine Bahre. 1 
 
 It is he who proposes saying that robbers have slain Siegfried; 
 it is he who drags Siegfried's body to Kriemhild's door, instead 
 of having it done ; and his defiance at the coffin is emphasized 
 by his taking of Balmung at the very time when Siegfried's 
 open wounds testify against him. The incident of the shield 
 filled with darts, which Hagen is obliged to let fall, and which 
 is later replaced by Riideger, is an added example of Hebbel's 
 indifference to details. In the Nibelungenlied, Dankwart's 
 shield is so filled with spears that he is forced to drop it, while 
 Hagen's shield is hewn into pieces. 2 Yet Hebbel writes to 
 Dingelstedt of his desire to retain " that feature in the old epic, 
 that Hagen's shield becomes too heavy on account of the darts 
 which have been shot into it, and that Riideger offers him his 
 own before the beginning of the fight," a feature which he had 
 found very beautiful, and had sought to rescue. 3 
 
 The ennobling of Riideger's character has already been 
 indicated ; his nobility is enhanced by the fact that here Kriem- 
 hild proposes the vow to which Riideger, unconscious of its 
 real significance, submits, while in the Nibelungenlied he se- 
 cretly agrees to avenge her wrongs. Etzel here sets fire to the 
 hall, instead of Kriemhild, 4 for the Burgundians have refused 
 to give up the Hunnish dead ; 5 the fight within the hall has been 
 granted at the Huns' entreaties. The dumbly warning figure 
 of Eckewart supplants the messenger whom the Burgundians 
 find sleeping at the boundary. 
 
 Other minor changes are in making Gunther alone king of 
 the Burgundians; in making Balmung an accidental acquisi- 
 tion, 6 instead of a gift from Niblung's sons ; in making Kriem- 
 hild question the Danish and Saxon kings themselves, instead 
 of their messengers ; 7 in making Hagen, instead of Gunther, pro- 
 pose the chase ; 8 in showing to Siegfried the whole perfidy of the 
 Burgundians before his death ; " in ascribing to Siegfried the 
 proposal to separate on the hunt ; 10 in having Rumolt one of 
 
 1 2419 f. Nl. XXXII. 1881, XXXVII. 2131; Nn. 5007 ff. 5371 ff. 
 
 Bw. II. 73. * 5086 ff. 7 994. 2445 
 
 4 5249 f., Cf. 4968 ff. 563 f. ' 2200. 10 2574.
 
 64 
 
 the Burgundian guests at EtzePs court; 1 in having Hagen, in- 
 stead of Riideger, postpone the wedding of Giselher and Gudrun 
 until the return ; 2 in placing the burying of the hoard the night 
 before the departure; 3 in not mentioning definitely the slayers 
 of Volker, 4 Dankwart, 5 Gerenot, and Riideger; 6 in bringing 
 Hagen and Gunther bound together, instead of Hagen first. 
 
 Certain changes in names which Hebbel made have fre- 
 quently no apparent reason, and simply show his regal indif- 
 ference to wholly subordinate details. . Hebbel was not at all 
 concerned that every reader should understand each smallest 
 item in his plays, as he showed in response to the Princess 
 Witgenstein's question about Siegfried's reference to Roland, 7 
 and in his reply to Uechtritz's doubts concerning a number of 
 details, when he emphasized his opinion that a certain Rem- 
 brandtian "Helldunkel" belongs primarily to the nature of 
 the drama. 8 Thus Hebbel had doubtless no definite reason 
 for giving the name of the Margrave of Bavaria to the ferry- 
 man whom Hagen slays. In the Nibelungenlied, the Mar- 
 grave attempts to avenge the murder of the boatman, and is 
 slain by Dankwart. Rather confusing than otherwise is his 
 giving to Rudeger's daughter the name Gudrun, by which 
 Kriemhild is known in the Norse sources. Only in the Klage 
 is her name mentioned, and here it is Dietelint. 8 Hebbel calls 
 the child of Kriemhild and Etzel Otnit, while in the epic his 
 name is Ortlieb. In the Nibelungenlied, Iring is Hawart's 
 vassal from Denmark, Irnfried is Landgrave of Thuringia, 
 and both live at Etzel's court. In the last struggle, Iring is 
 slain by Hagen, Irnfried by Volker. Hebbel introduces Iring 
 and Thiiring as northern kings, as noble lords of Denmark 
 and Thuringia, 10 while Thuring and Irnfried are later mentioned 
 as two separate persons." 
 
 It will be seen from this cursory classification of the changes 
 which Hebbel made on the basis of the South- German version 
 
 1 K. R. II. i., note; V. iii. 7 Bw. II. 474 f., cf. 59. 
 
 2 Nl. XXVII. 1624; Nn. 3751 f. 8 Ibid. 290. 
 
 * 4562 ff. * Nl. Hildebrant. * i349 2111, 2126. 
 
 1 Nl. Helprich. 10 K. R. Personen, 14 f., 3510 f., 4700. 
 
 Nl. each by the other's hand. " 5056 f.
 
 55 
 
 of the saga, that the noted deviations from the transmitted 
 material are for the most part of three kinds. First, those 
 modifications which conduce to dramatic concentration and 
 grouping; second, those which explain and motivate the rela- 
 tionship and the sequence of the action ; and third, those which 
 ennoble certain characters. 
 
 2. NORSE MYTH AND SAGA 
 
 Hebbel's use of the Norse sources is here grouped together 
 for two reasons: in many instances, more than one source 
 contains the material which Hebbel used, so that it cannot be 
 said with certainty from which he directly drew; again, a clas- 
 sification of Norse borrowings under separate headings would 
 cause unnecessary repetition. Hebbel never specifically men- 
 tions the Norse literature, though he refers indirectly to the 
 mythology of the Edda. 1 We have Kulke's authority for the 
 statement that he knew the Edda as well as he knew Shake- 
 spere and Sophocles, 2 and in the majority of instances where a 
 direct Norse borrowing can be traced, the material can be 
 found in the Eddie songs or in the Snorra Edda. 
 
 Particularly in the character of Brunhild, Hebbel found it 
 necessary to amplify the fragmentary account contained in 
 the Nibelungenlied. Yet the Norse versions did not fully 
 meet his requirements, and he acknowledges that his Brunhild 
 is a more independent creation than the other principal char- 
 acters of his " Nibelungen." In a letter to Friedrich von 
 Uechtritz, November 21, 1856, he writes, "The most difficult 
 problem was Brunhild, who stands out in the whole like an 
 only half- written hieroglyphic; here I had to reckon on a 
 creation, and in reward for my courage it came, too, at the 
 right time." 3 This is a hint which the investigator must not 
 overlook in tracing sources, for the temptation frequently arises 
 to find too much rather than too little. In the same letter, 
 Hebbel gives a further hint as to sources which is valuable here : 
 "With this I experienced a little triumph. In my picture, 
 
 1 Nachl. II. 205; Bw. I. 130; Tgb. II. 3265. 
 1 Kulke, 63. Bw. II. 235; Tgb. IV. 6065.
 
 56 
 
 valkyrie and norn flowed inseparably together, and this 
 caused me anxiety when, after the intoxication, reflection set 
 in again; then I found to my consolation in Grimm's German 
 Mythology, that in the oldest times the people really regarded 
 norns and valkyries as united." In several instances, Hebbel 
 has evidently referred to Grimm in questions of mythology, 
 where the deficiencies of the Nibelungenlied made Norse bor- 
 rowings desirable. 1 
 
 106-108. Giselher. 
 
 Schon hort' ich tausend Zungen von ihm plappern, 
 
 Doch wie die Vogel durch einander zwitschern, 
 
 Es gab kein Lied. 
 2009. Kriemhild. 
 
 Was doch in Liedern schon gesungen wird. 
 3258 f. Und hatt'st Du nur das Ammenlied gehorcht, 
 
 Womit man jetzt am Rhein die Kinder schreckt. 
 
 Gripir prophesies that Sigurd's name shall live as long as 
 the world stands. 2 
 
 no. Volker. 
 
 Im tiefen Norden, wo die Nacht nicht endet. 
 
 Hebbel, in common with the other modern poets who have 
 rejuvenated the figures of the Nibelungen saga, has regarded 
 and described Brunhild's home as Iceland, and has connected 
 her with Norse mythology. Aside from the fact that this local- 
 
 1 In giving the citations, the following works have been used: for both 
 Eddas, Simrock, "Die Edda die altere und jiingere nebst den mythischen 
 Erzahlungen der Skalda ubersetzt und mit Erlauterungen begleitet," 1851, 
 which was the first complete translation of the Poetic Edda together with the 
 mythical portions of the Prose Edda; the numbers in parenthesis refer to the 
 text edition of Finnur J6nsson for the Eddie songs, and to the edition of Wilken 
 for the prose Edda. For the Volsungasaga, references are by chapter to the 
 edition of Ranisch, for the Nornageststhattr to the text edition of Wilken, for 
 the Thidrekssaga to Unger's edition, and the translations of von der Hagen and 
 Rassmann. The abbreviations are, as far as possible, those used by Gering 
 in his " Vollstandiges WSrterbuch zu den Liedern der Edda." In several 
 instances, the titles of songs in Simrock's translation differ from those in Gering 
 and the later editions. Thus, Bdr., Baldrs draumar, corresponds to Simrock, 
 Vegtamskvidha; Rm., Reginsmcll, to Sigurdharkvidha Fafnisbana onnur; Sg., 
 Sigur^arkviba en skamma, to Sigurdharkvidha Fafnisbana thridhja; Brs., Brot 
 af Sigur^arkvibo or SigurJ>arkvi|>a en meire, to Brot af Brynhildarkvidhu; 
 Ls., Lokasenna, to Oegisdrecka. l Grp.
 
 57 
 
 ization of Brunhild's kingdom had, in the early half of the 
 nineteenth century, more followers than now, this choice has 
 the distinct poetic value of a land geographically and histori- 
 cally well known, but rarely visited, and therefore shrouded 
 in a certain romantic mystery. Hebbel has interwoven his 
 description of the island with mention of Hekla and other 
 volcanoes, of the aurora borealis, and with references to the 
 animals and the pursuits of the far north. 1 
 
 120-127. Volker. 
 
 Du weisst von Runen, die geheimnissvoll 
 
 Bei dunkler Nacht, von unbekannten Handen 
 
 In manche Baume eingegraben sind; 
 
 Wer sie erblickt, der kann nicht wieder fort, 
 
 Er sinnt und sinnt, was sie bedeuten sollen, 
 
 Und sinnt's nicht aus, das Schwert entgleitet ihm, 
 
 Sein Haar wird grau, er stirbt und sinnt noch immer: 
 
 Solch eine Rune steht ihr im Gesicht ! 
 
 This is one of the many instances where Hebbel adds to or 
 fashions over well-known mythology. The magic of runes 
 was acknowledged throughout Norse territory. Odin, accord- 
 ing to the H^vam^l, invented them by sacrificing himself and 
 hanging wounded for nine nights on the world-ash Yggdrasil. 2 
 Brynhild has been pricked by the sleep-thorn of Odin, into 
 which he had scratched magic runes. 3 After her awakening, 
 she brings Sigurd a drink which has the magic of runes, 4 and 
 teaches him the uses and meanings of the various runic sym- 
 bols, 5 as Gripir had prophesied. 8 In the Edda, it is through 
 the magic of inscriptions within the cup that Grimhild suc- 
 ceeds in making Sigurd forget Brynhild and wed Gudrun. 7 
 Kostbera, Hggni's wife, possesses an understanding of runic 
 inscriptions, and on this account realizes the falseness of the 
 messenger, and endeavors to dissuade the Burgundians from 
 the journey to Atli. 8 
 
 Hebbel connects the runes with North Germanic heathen- 
 dom in its purest form. They play a part at the beginning 
 
 1 in ff., 131, 827 ff., 880 ff. Ibid. 6-19. 
 
 1 H$v. 139 f. (J V. i f.). Grp. 17. 
 
 8 Sd. 2 (J 3 ). ' GJ>r. II. 22 (J2 3 ). 
 
 * Ibid. 5 (Ju). Am. 9, n f.; Vs. 24.
 
 58 
 
 of Brunhild's earthly life, but she loses her direct relations 
 with them through her Christian baptism. Frigga is the 
 only absolute believer in their truth and power, and as the sole 
 representative of uncontaminated heathendom, she alone is 
 capable of deciphering the runic tablet which Odin brought 
 with the child. The tablet has told that the child's games and 
 sports would serve as a sign and hint for the actions of Frigga 
 and her people. If Frigga had but read earlier the contents 
 of the tablet, she would have refused to obey the priests who 
 commanded the child's baptism, and would thus have kept 
 her within the pale of absolute heathendom. The tablet had 
 revealed that the knight who possessed Balmung and the 
 Nibelungen hoard should ride through the sea of flame and 
 win her, but Frigga declares that she must have read wrong, 
 since the flame is extinguished without the wooer's making 
 his appearance. Frigga has also read that prophetic revela- 
 tions will be given to Brunhild "in der Stunde der Entschei- 
 dung," and this second sign she believes to be infallible. After 
 Siegfried's death, Brunhild's sole indication of life, with the 
 exception of her first awful curse, is to eat and drink and study 
 the runes. Thus Hebbel indicates that she re enters the pales 
 of heathendom after she has discovered the truth of the runic 
 inscriptions and the intrigue of those who have taken her from 
 her home and its old gods. 1 
 
 136-142. Volker. 
 
 Doch ist das ode Land, das sie gebar, 
 
 Auf seinen einz'gen Schatz auch eifersiichtig 
 
 Und hiitet sie mit solcher neid'schen Angst, 
 
 Als wiird' es in demselben Augenblick 
 
 Vom Meere, das es rings umbraust, verschlungen, 
 
 Wo sie dem Mann in's Brautbett folgt. Sie wohnt 
 
 In einer Flammenburg. 
 
 Hebbel does not make the difficulty of wooing Brunhild rest 
 upon a decree or vow, as do the Norse versions. The reason 
 given for the difficulty of the wooing is that the land is desirous 
 of retaining its one great treasure, its queen, and that she fights 
 to preserve her virginity. The poet combines here the Amazon 
 1 746 f., 768-780, 1247 f., 2800-2815.
 
 59 
 
 of the Nibelungenlied, with her contests, and the Valkyrie of the 
 north, with her protecting Waberlohe. In the Norse versions, 
 she is asleep on a rock, 1 and her slumber, which, according to 
 the decree of the Norns, cannot be broken, 2 is Odin's punish- 
 ment for disobedience. 3 According to Sigrdrifom^l and the 
 Volsungasaga, Brynhild had replied to his decree that she 
 should no longer act as Valkyrie by taking the vow that she 
 would wed no man who knew fear ; 4 in the Skdldskaparmdl, 
 she vows to wed only him who can ride through the flame. 5 In 
 the Helreip, it is Odin who has destined for her the man who 
 knows no fear. 6 
 
 It is possible that Hebbel at first did not intend to combine 
 the Norse sea of flame with the Middle High German contests. 
 Manuscript H has, ehrner Berg, above that Eisen-Burg, and over 
 this again Flammenburg, in the first description by Volker of 
 Brunhild and her land. In Siegfried's account of his first visit 
 to her, he says: 
 
 Bald spent ein Flammensee 
 Den Weg. 7 
 
 The Eddas, the Volsungasaga, and the Nornagestssaga, all men- 
 tion a rock upon which Brynhild's fortress lies, and give to it 
 the name of Hindarf jail ; 8 in the Helreip, it is called Skatalund. 9 
 It is described as surrounded by flame. Oddninagra'tr has a 
 combat take the place of the ride through the flames. 10 
 
 189-191. Siegfried. 
 
 kUhn genug, mit Thor 
 
 Zu kampfen um den Donner, wenn sie ihn 
 
 In irgend einem Eichenhaine trafen. 
 674-676. Brunhild. 
 
 Den alten Gottern ! 
 
 Jetzt herrscht das Kreuz und Thor und Odin sitzen 
 
 Als Teufel in der Holle. 
 3126-3130. Giselher. 
 
 Und wenn die alten Knechte uns im Stall 
 
 1 Fm. 43 (J8, Bugge 43). 5 Sk. chap. 41 (Wilken, p. 118). 
 
 * Fm. 44 (J 9 , Bugge 44)- * Hlr. 9 (Jio). 
 
 8 Fm. 43; Sd. 2 (J3). T 631 f., cf. also 772 f., 789-784. 
 
 4 Sd., prose between 4 and 5 (J3 and n). 
 
 8 Sg. introductory prose (J Fm. bet. 9 and 10). Sk. 41, Fm. 42 (J7, Bugge 
 42); Vs. 20; Norn. 5. Hlr. 9 (Jio). l Od. 19.
 
 60 
 
 Vom Donn'rer Thor erzahlten, dass wir glaubten, 
 Er draue selbst beim falben Schein der Blitze 
 Dutch's Bodenloch hinein, so sah er aus, 
 Wie Hagen, wenn er seine Lanze wirft. 
 Ms. Th. 3632. 
 
 Iring: Bei'm Hammer Thors. 
 
 Thor was probably next in importance to Odin among the 
 Norse gods. He was the god of thunder, his symbol the ham- 
 mer, and to him the oak tree was sacred. 1 It seems probable 
 that Hebbel carried over this last-named mythological fact to 
 Odin, for he speaks of Wodans-Eiche, and Wodan's Eichenhain? 
 Whether Hebbel attempted to be consistent in his use of the 
 Norse form, Odin, and the German form, Wodan, it is difficult 
 to say. Frigga consistently says Odin, 3 and Volker, in his 
 vision of the hoard, in which he reverts to the Norse account, 
 uses the same form; 4 the chaplain, on the other hand, says 
 Wodan, 5 while the northern king Iring says Wodan and Odin. 6 
 Loki is the only other Norse god whom Hebbel mentions, the 
 reason for his omission of Honir in Volker's vision may be that 
 Loki is well known in German literature, while Honir is little 
 cited. 7 
 
 489-491. Siegfried. 
 
 Einen Mann nur giebt's, 
 
 Der sie bewalt'gen und, wie's ihm gefallt, 
 
 Behalten oder auch verschenken kann ! 
 774-776. Brunhild. 
 
 Der Recke mit der Balmungklinge. . . . 
 
 Der hoch zu Rosse ihn durchreiten sollte, 
 
 Nachdem er Fafners blut'gen Hort erstritt. 
 2165-2168. Hagen. 
 
 Ein Zauber ist's, 
 
 Durch den sich ihr Geschlecht erhalten will, 
 
 Und der die letzte Riesin ohne Lust, 
 
 Wie ohne Wahl, zum letzten Riesen treibt. 8 
 
 The idea of fatalism in Siegfried's power over Brunhild, 
 which Hebbel uses to account for his ability to conquer her, is 
 suggested in the Edda : 
 
 1 Grimm, 147, Weinhold, 81. * 1063. 
 
 * 1063, 3566. 3566, Ms. Th. 3530. 
 
 * 675, 877. 7 Rm. intr. prose. 
 
 4 4337- 8 Cf. also Ms. H. 3540 ff.
 
 61 
 
 Brunhild. 
 
 Sein ware sie, 
 
 Wenn es das Schicksal wollte. 1 
 
 Verheissen hatt ich mich 
 Dem hehren Konig, 
 Der mit Golde sass 
 Auf Granis Rucken. 1 
 
 Dariiber reiten 
 Nur sollte der Recke, 
 Der das Gold mir brachte 
 Im Bette Fafnirs. 3 
 
 In the above quoted line 775, and very casually in lines 264 
 and 1351 f., we have the only references to Siegfried's horse, to 
 which the Norse accounts give so much importance. According 
 to the Volsungasaga, it was an offspring of Sleipnir, Odin's 
 horse, and was given to Sigurd by the god himself. In the 
 Regensmyl, Sigurd chooses his horse from the stud of Hjalprek ; 
 in the Thidrekssaga, it is a gift of Brynhild. 4 
 
 527 f. Hagen. 
 
 Du warst schon dort? 
 Siegfried. 
 
 Ich war's ! Doch warb ich nicht, 
 
 Auch sah ich nur, ich wurde nicht geseh'n ! 
 647-650. Siegfried. 
 
 Denn Brunhild riihrte, wie sie droben stand, 
 
 In aller ihrer Schonheit nicht mein Herz, 
 
 Und wer da fiihlt, dass er nicht werben kann, 
 
 Der griisst auch nicht. 
 
 The incidents of Siegfried's first visit to Brunhild are, of 
 course, inventions, but the account of an earlier visit and 
 betrothal is given in some of the Eddie songs, in the Skalds- 
 kaparmal, and in the Volsungasaga. 5 
 
 1 Sg. 3, Gering; ihm selbst war das Weib versagt vom Schicksal. 
 ' Sg. 36 (J4o). 
 
 3 Hlr. 10 (Jn), cf. Hlr. 9; Vs. 20, 27, 29. 
 
 4 Vs. 13; Rm. intr. prose; Thidr. 168; cf. Vkw. 15 (Ju); H. H. I. 41 (J44>J 
 Sd. 17. 
 
 s Grp. 15 ff. ; Sd. ; Sk. 41 ; Vs. 20 f. In Fm. 40 ff. ( Js ff., Bugge 40 ff.), Sg., 
 and Hlr. n ff. (Ji2 ff.), Sigurd sees Brynhild for the first time when he rides 
 through the flames in Gunnar's form.
 
 62 
 
 542 f. Siegfried. 
 
 Die ihren Vater. . . . 
 
 Erschlagen. 
 2884 f. Hagen. 
 
 Die Nibelungen haben ihren Vater 
 
 Um Gold erschlagen. 
 
 Hebbel makes use of the Nibelungenlied in his account of the 
 winning of the hoard, but in making King Niblung's sons the 
 murderers of their father, he follows the Norse versions. In the 
 Regensmgl and Volsungasaga, Fafnir alone kills Hreidmar. 1 
 In the Skaldskaparmal, both brothers murder their father : Da 
 kamen die Briider iiberein, ihren Vater des Goldes wegen zu 
 todten. 2 
 
 568 f. Siegfried. 
 
 und so ward ich Erbe 
 Des ganzen Hortes. 
 
 In the Famesm^l, the birds say : 
 
 "So soil er den Schatz besitzen allein, 
 Wie viel des unter Fafnir lag." 
 
 "So sind die Schatze, 
 Die Fafnir besass, 
 Ihm allein zu eigen." * 
 608. Siegfried. 
 
 Den Zauber der im Blut des Drachen steckte. 
 615-619. 
 
 Ja auch die Vogelsprache ! Als ein Tropfe 
 
 Des Zauberbluts mir auf die Lippen sprang, 
 
 Verstand ich gleich das Zwitchern iiber mir, 
 
 Und hatt' ich nicht zu rasch ihn abgewischt, 
 
 So wiird' ich auch, was hiipft und springt, versteh'n. 
 
 Here again Hebbel combines the Norse and German versions. 
 Alberich discloses to Siegfried the secret of the dragon's blood 
 to give invulnerability, and Siegfried discovers its power to 
 impart an understanding of the language of birds. In the 
 Fafnesm^l, Regin drinks Fafnir's blood, and bids Sigurd roast 
 the heart in order that he may eat it. Sigurd tests the meat to 
 see if it is done, and, burning himself, he puts his finger in his 
 
 1 Rm. prose 
 ' Sk- 4i. 
 
 d, burning himself, he puts his finger i 
 
 between 9 and 10 ( J A8 and Ap) ; Vs. 14. 
 
 * Fin. 34 (J 4 i), 38 (J 33 ).
 
 63 
 
 mouth, and thus understands at once the language of birds. 1 
 The Gupriinarkvipa endows Gudrun also with an understand- 
 ing of the voices of birds, by reason of eating Fafnir's heart. 3 
 Fafnesm^l and the Volsungasaga call the birds ig/>or, which 
 Simrock translates Adlerinnen; Gering, Spechtmeisen. Hebbel 
 changes to Krdhen, Dohlen und Eulen. 3 The Thidrekssaga 
 alone of the older sources combines the double virtue of the 
 dragon's blood to give an understanding of the language of 
 birds, and to make the skin invulnerable. 4 The possibility of 
 its imparting an understanding of what hops and springs is a 
 pure invention. 
 
 626-629. Siegfried. 
 
 Brunhild wird 
 
 Gennant, auch ich. Ein Knauel dunkler Reden 
 Hiniiber und hertiber. Ein's nur klar, 
 Dass noch ein Abentheuer meiner harrt. 
 
 Again, in the Fafnesm^l, the birds say: 
 
 "Auf dem Steine schlaft 
 Die Streiterfahrene, 
 Und lodernd umleckt sie 
 Der Linde Feind. 
 Mit dem Dorn stach Yggr 
 Sie einst in den Schleier, 
 Die Maid, die Manner 
 Morden wollte. 
 
 "Schaun magst du, Mann, 
 Die Maid unterm Helme, 
 Die aus dem Gewtthl trug 
 Wingskornir das Ross, 
 Nicht vermag Sigrdrifas 
 Schlaf zu brechen 
 Ein Fiirstensohn 
 Eh die Nornen es fiigen." s 
 632-634. Siegfried. 
 
 eine Burg, wie gliihendes 
 Metall in blaulich-griinem Schimmer leuchtend, 
 Taucht driiben auf. 
 
 1 Fm. 27 ff.; cf. Sf.; Sg.; Vs. 19. * GJr. intr. prose. 
 
 * 625 f. C. 166. Fm. 43 ' (J8 *-, Bugge 43 f.).
 
 64 
 
 The birds describe Brynhild's abode in the Fafnesm^l: 
 
 Ein Hof ist auf dem hohen Hindarfiall 
 Ganz von Glut umgeben aussen. 1 
 634-637- Siegfried. 
 
 Da ruft 
 
 Die Dohle : Zieh' den Balmung aus der Scheide 
 Und schwing' ihn dreimal um das Haupt ! Ich thu's 
 Und schneller wie ein Licht erlischt der See. 
 
 According to the songs of the Edda, the sea of flame seems to 
 disappear upon Sigurd's approach. 1 
 
 "Siegfrieds Tod," I. Frigga. For the name of the old nurse 
 and priestess, Frigga, Hebbel has used a combination of the 
 names Frigg, the wife of Odin, and Freyja, daughter of Njord 
 and sister of Freyr. The myths concerning Freyja are in many 
 cases mingled with those concerning Frigg. Grimm calls atten- 
 tion to the fact that the various forms and even meanings of the 
 two names very often approach each other, and cites examples 
 from Paulus Diaconus, Saxo Grammaticus, etc., which practi- 
 cally show interchangeability of the two names. 2 
 
 672-674. Frigga. 
 
 Ich habe 
 
 Den alten Gottern, eh der Mond zerbrach, 
 
 Ein Opfer dargebracht. 
 780. So opfre Kind. 
 
 With the old German!, the moon had decided influence upon 
 important undertakings, which were only begun when the 
 moon's light was favorable. Tacitus says that the Germani 
 held their assemblies at new or full moon, but does not say 
 whether the period was favorable for all enterprises. Weinhold 
 knows of three great sacrifices held yearly, in summer, in the 
 autumn, and in midwinter. 3 
 
 687. Frigga. 
 
 Ein Greis. 
 693-696. 
 
 Sein Haar war weiss wie Schnee, 
 
 Und langer, als ich's je bei einem Weibe 
 
 1 Fm. 42 (Jy, Bugge 42), cf. also Vs. 20; Sd. intr. prose (J Fm. prose 
 after 9). 
 
 2 Grimm, 278 f.; Gering, 18 f. s Grimm, 671 ff.; Weinhold, 77.
 
 65 
 
 Gesehen habe, wie ein weiter Mantel 
 Umwallt' es ihn, und hinten schleppt' es nach. 
 
 In Harbarj>slj6}>, Odin appears under the name of Harbar]>, 
 "grey-beard." The descriptions of Odin in the Norse sources 
 usually make him old and one-eyed, enveloped in a huge blue 
 mantle, with a broad hat pulled low over his brow. 1 
 
 713-715. Frigga. 
 
 Sie war 
 
 An der Geburt gestorben und mit ihr 
 Zugleich die Frucht. 
 718-721. 
 
 Viele Jahre hatte 
 
 Er sich umsonst dies holde Gliick gewiinscht, 
 Und einen Monat friiher, als es kam, 
 Ereilte ihn ein jaher Tod. 
 
 The Volsungasaga gives an account of the births of Volsung 
 and Sigurd. Reri and his wife desire for many years a child; 
 finally Frigg and Odin intervene and send a wish-maiden with 
 an apple. Reri becomes ill and dies while on a military ex- 
 pedition, and after six years the child Volsung is cut from his 
 mother, who thus dies in giving him birth. 2 Sigurd likewise is 
 born after his father's death on the field of battle. 3 
 
 Norns and Valkyries. 
 751 f. Frigga. 
 
 Und unter Nornen und Valkyrien 
 
 Such' Dir die Mutter, wenn Du eine hast. 
 
 Hebbel's use of the Norns and Valkyries is interesting as 
 typifying his attitude towards his Norse sources. It has been, 
 seen that his picture of Norn and Valkyrie involuntarily mingled, . 
 without any definite knowledge on his part of a justification for ' 
 such treatment. He was the creator, far more than the investi- 
 gator. In the above lines, Frigga voices the Norse conception of 
 Brunhild by declaring her probable descent fromNoms and Val- 
 kyries, and Hagen, urging upon Siegfried a second conquest, says : 
 
 1341-1344- 
 
 Die stolze Erbin der Valkyrien 
 
 1 Cf. Vs. 3, ii ; Grimm, 133. J Vs. i and 2. * Sf.; Vs. 11-13.
 
 66 
 
 Und Nornen Hegt im Sterben, todte sie ganz 
 Dann lacht ein munt'res Weib uns morgen an, 
 Das hochstens spricht: ich habe schwer getraumt! 
 
 Brunhild's references to her horse may also be a suggestion 
 of the Valkyrie : 
 
 884 f. 
 
 Muthig tummle 
 
 Ich meinen Rappen, frohlich tragt er mich. 
 887 f. 
 
 Schaudernd reiss ich 
 Das Ross herum. 
 
 The Edda makes frequent references to Brynhild, as a Val- 
 kyrie, and to the Valkyries as riding: 
 
 Sie sah Walkuren 
 Weither kommen, 
 Bereit zu reiten 
 Zum Rath der Cotter. 1 
 
 Fafnesmql calls Brynhild die Streiterfahrene (Norse, folk- 
 vitr, i.e., fight-maiden, Valkyrie). 2 Sigdrifomgl says: Sie 
 nannte sich Sigrdrifa und war Walkiire. 8 
 
 It is particularly in Brunhild's vision where Norn and Val- 
 kyrie join. Brunhild suddenly realizes her supernatural sig- 
 nificance, and pictures it in visionary form. 4 On this subject, 
 Grimm says, referring to the fact that Skuld occurs as a name 
 for a Norn and for a Valkyrie : "from this appears the community 
 between Norns and Valkyries, but also their dissimilarity. A 
 dis can be both, Norn and Valkyrie, the functions are separate, 
 generally the oersons as well." 5 
 
 897. Frigga. 
 
 Nun sieht sie selbst, was ihr die Nome spinnt ! 
 
 The Eddie songs picture the Norns as twisting and fastening 
 the cord, while they determine for each man his lot and the 
 length of his life. Often their decree is whimsical, depending 
 upon the state of their feelings. 6 Their occupation is orlog 
 drygja: 
 
 1 Vsp. 24 (Ji;). * 908 ff., 1715-1719; cf. Vsp. and Njals. c. 157. 
 
 2 Fm. 43 (J8, Bugge 43). 5 Grimm, 393. 
 
 3 Sd. prose between 4 and 5 (J3 and n). 8 Ibid. 379 ff.
 
 67 
 
 Durch Myrkwidr flogen 
 
 Madchen von Sttden, 
 
 Ahlwit die junge, 
 
 Urlog (Schicksal, Kampf) zu entscheiden 
 
 Sie sassen am Strande 
 
 Der See und ruhten, 
 
 Schones Linnen spannen, 
 
 Die sudlichen Frauen. 1 
 
 The visit of the Norns at Helgi's birth is thus described : 
 
 Sie schniirten mit Kraft 
 Die Schicksalsfaden 
 Dass die Burgen brachen 
 In Bralundr. 
 Goldene Fa'den 
 Fiigten sie weit. 
 Sie mitten festigend 
 Unterm Mondessaal. 2 
 
 Inmittelst giengen 
 
 Grimme Nornen. 
 Brynhild. 
 
 "Langes Leid 
 
 Schuf uns leide Nome ! " * 
 3575-3578. Dietrich. 
 
 Du siehst ein Bild und weisst es nicht zu deuten, 
 Und erst, wenn was geschieht, besinnst Du Dich, 
 Dass Dir's die Nome schon vor Jahr und Tag 
 In Schattenttanzen vorgegaukelt hat! 
 
 This reference to the shadow dances of the Norns is a pic- 
 turesque invention, or is a symbolic way of implying that early 
 warnings are only realized and heeded when it is too late. 
 Gunther, in his determination to face whatever awaits him, once 
 they have started on their way to the Huns, knows no stronger 
 expression for his firmness than to say : 
 
 3788-3790. 
 
 Ja, wenn die Nome selbst 
 Mit aufgehob'nem Finger mich bedraute, 
 Ich wiche keinen Schritt zuriick ! 
 
 1 Vkv. i. 
 
 ' H. H. I. 2 ff. (J 3 ). 
 
 3 Sg. 5, 7; cf. also Fm. 44, Ghr. II. 36 (J39); Fm. n, Simrock translates 
 wrongly; Gering has: Am Vorberg schon wird dich fallen die Nome.
 
 68 
 
 2027-2029. Kriemhild. 
 
 Ich fiirchte die Valkyrien ! Man sagt, 
 Dass sie sich stets die besten Helden wahlen, 
 Und zielen die, so trifft ein blinder Schutz. 
 
 This is a somewhat forced reference to Valkyries, but strictly 
 true to Norse mythology. The function of the Valkyrie in bat- 
 tle is not merely to receive the souls of dead heroes, and bear 
 them to Valhalla, but to determine the victory as well. They 
 ride to battle to carry out Odin's behests, and it was because of 
 particular disobedience in not granting the victory as Odin had 
 commanded, that Brynhild's long sleep was imposed upon her. 1 
 Odin warns Sigurd : 
 
 "Tmgdisen stehn dir 
 Zu beiden Seiten 
 Und wollen dich verwunden." * 
 776. Fafners. . . . Hort. 
 
 This is the only mention of the name of Fafnir, who, accord- 
 ing to Norse versions, was the sole possessor of the hoard. Heb- 
 bel attempts to reconcile the various accounts of the history of 
 the treasure by making Siegfried win from Niblung's sons the 
 hoard which is guarded by the dragon. 3 
 
 778-780. Frigga. 
 
 ich weiss es lange, 
 
 Dass Deiner in der Stunde der Entscheidung 
 Die Offenbarung harrt. 
 918-920. Brunhild. 
 
 denn mein Auge 
 
 Durchdringt die Zukunft, und in Handen halt' ich 
 Den Schliissel zu den Schatzen dieser Welt. 
 
 As Frigga had learned from the tablet, Brunhild is endowed 
 with prophetic powers at the hour of final decision, and Brun- 
 hild, in the course of her vision, speaks of fate as having conse- 
 crated her to be its high priestess. 
 
 In the Edda and Volsungasaga, Brynhild has the gift of 
 
 1 Cf. Grimm, 292 f. This office of the Valkyrie is seen Vsp. 24 (Ji?); Sd. 
 prose between 2 and 3 (J3 and n); Sg. 38; Od. 15; Gl. c. 36. 
 
 1 Rm. 24 (J Ai S ). 
 
 3 57~59 I > cf- Rm- prose between 9 and 10, 13 and 14 (J prose 4 and 7); 
 Vs. 19.
 
 69 
 
 prophecy. In SigurJ>arkviJ>a en Skamma, the revelation also 
 comes at a fateful time, just before her death. 1 Between stanzas 
 21 and 22, several strophes have doubtless been lost, in which 
 Brynhild tells Sigurd that evil will arise from their union. 
 
 880-883. Brunhild. 
 
 statt . . . 
 
 . . . die eingefror'ne 
 Seeschlange zu erlosen aus der Haft, 
 Damit sie den Planeten nicht zerpeitsche. 
 
 This is doubtless an obscure reference to the Midgard ser- 
 pent, which, according to the Edda, is the offspring of Loki and 
 Angurboda, a giantess, by whom he also begot the Fenriswolf 
 and Hel. Odin cast the serpent into the sea, where it surrounds 
 all lands, and lies with its tail in its mouth until the Ragnarok, 
 when Thor slays it. 2 
 
 944. Giselher. 
 
 Als kamen Mensch und Zwerg and Alf zugleich. 
 
 Hebbel has employed the Norse word Alf instead of the Ger- 
 man Elbe. Elves and dwarfs are, in Germanic mythology, 
 supernatural beings of lower rank. The poet has probably 
 used this phrase in much the same way as the Edda employs 
 the words aesir ok dljar, to express a concept of higher beings. 3 
 
 1275-1284. Truchs. 
 
 Auch fiihren diese Nibelungen-Recken 
 
 Gar wunderliche Reden. 
 Wulf. 
 
 Von dem Raben ! 
 
 Was war es doch? Ich hab's nur halb gehort. 
 Truchs. 
 
 Ein Rabe hat sich auf das Gold gesetzt, 
 
 Als man's zum Schiff hinunter trug, und so 
 
 Gekrachzt, dass Siegfried, weil er ihn verstand, 
 
 Sich erst die Ohren zugehalten und 
 
 > S iff. (Js 3 ff.);cf. Sd. 20 f. (J S ). 
 
 2 Cf. Vsp. 50, 56, 59 (J34, 39, 43); Hym. 22-24 (321-23); Gl. c. 34, 47 f., 
 51; and cf. Bw. I. i3o,"eine Midgardtschlange, die sich in den Schwanz beisst 
 und nicht mehr zu kauen, nur wiederzukauen braucht!" Referred to again, 
 Tgb. II. 3265. 
 
 3 Cf. Vsp. 53 (J unnumbered, Bugge 48).
 
 70 
 
 Gepfiffen, dann nach ihm mit Edelsteinen 
 
 Geworfen, und zuletzt, weil er nicht wich, 
 
 Sogar den Speer geschleudert haben soil ! 
 2326-2333. Siegfried. 
 
 Verfluchte Raben, 
 
 Auch hier? .... 
 
 Mit jeglichem Gethiere warf ich schon 
 
 Nach diesem Schwarm, zuletzt mit einem Fuchs, 
 
 Allein sie weichen nicht und dennoch ist 
 
 Mir Nichts im frischen Griin so widerwartig, 
 
 Als solch ein Schwarz, das an den Teufel mahnt. 
 
 Dass sich die Tauben nie so um mich sammeln ! 
 2945-2947. Hagen. 
 
 Die Raben kreisen warnend um ihn her, 
 
 Er aber denkt: Ich bin bei meinem Schwaher, 
 
 Und wirft sie mit dem Fuchs und jagt sie fort! 
 
 The ascription of prophetic gifts to birds is frequently found 
 in the Eddas. 1 In Brot af Sigurj>arkvi)>o, a raven foretells the 
 Burgundian downfall : 
 
 Gesunken war Sigurd 
 
 Siidlich am Rhein, 
 
 Von hoher Heister 
 
 Schrie heiser ein Rabe 
 
 "In Euch wird Atli 
 
 Die Schwertecken rothen 
 
 Eure Eide 
 
 tJberwinden Euch, Morder ! " 2 
 
 In Germanic folk-lore, the devil frequently assumes the form 
 of a raven, while the dove is often spoken of as its antithesis. 
 The connection of the raven with the devil may be due not 
 merely to its blackness, cunning, and swiftness, but also as in 
 the case of the wolf, to its connection with Odin. In the refer- 
 ences to Siegfried's understanding of the language of the birds, 
 Hebbel adds the popular superstition which makes ravens 
 birds of ill-omen and opposed to the dove who brings good 
 fortune. Probably Hebbel means to indicate the supernatural 
 qualities of Siegfried by having the birds of Odin accompany 
 him. Two ravens, Huginn and Muninn, are ascribed to 
 
 1 H. H. I. i, 5, 6; Fm. 32-38, 40-44 (Ji ff., Bugge 32 ff.); Brs. 5, and ac- 
 cording to 13, a stanza after 5 in which an eagle prophesied (]g). * Brs. 5.
 
 71 
 
 Odin, who sit upon his shoulder and tell him everything which 
 they see and hear. 1 
 
 2280-2282. Kriemhild. 
 
 Ihr Vogel, die ihr mich umkreist, 
 Ihr weissen Tauben, die ihr mich begleitet, 
 Erbarmt Euch meiner, warnt ihn, eilt ihm nach ! 
 
 At Brunhild's reception at Worms, Ute attributes the harsh- 
 ness of her nature to her life and environments, and typifies this 
 attitude by saying : 
 
 1176-1179. 
 
 Bei dem Geschrei der Krahen 
 Und Raben, das sie horte, konnte sich 
 Ihr Herz nicht offnen, doch es wird gescheh'n 
 Bei Lerchenruf und Nachtigallenschlag. 
 1833-1835. Siegfried. 
 
 Ein Rabe hatt' ihm dann 
 Die Augen ausgehackt und sie verachtlich 
 Vor seinen Herren wieder ausgespie'n. 
 
 This expression of anger, when Siegfried hears of the supposed 
 treachery of the Danes and Saxons, recalls the Eddie figure : 
 
 Das ga.be dir, Gudrun, 
 
 Erst Grund zu weinen, 
 
 Wenn Mir auch die Raben 
 
 Das Herz zerreissen. 2 
 1536-1545. Brunhild. 
 
 Wenn er dabei so hoch an Haupt und Gliedern 
 Hervorragt vor den Andern, dass man glaubt, 
 Er sammle sich von alien Konigen 
 Der Welt die Kronen ein, um eine einz'ge 
 Daraus zu schmieden und die Majestat 
 Zum ersten Mai im vollen Glanz zu zeigen, 
 Denn, das ist wahr, so lange auf der Erde 
 Noch mehr als eine glanzt, ist keine rund, 
 Und statt des Sonnenringes tragst auch Du 
 Nur einen blassen Halbmond auf der Stirn ! 
 1570 f. Brunhild. 
 
 Du bist 
 Der Starkste auf der Welt, d'rum peitsche ihn. 
 
 Brunhild's expressed motives for urging Gunther to humiliate 
 1 Grm. 20 (Tio); Gl. c. 38; Grimm, 134. 2 G>r. II. 10.
 
 72 
 
 Siegfried may have some connection with Brynhild's taunting 
 remarks after the murder, in the Edda, and to her speech in- 
 citing Gunnar to the deed: 
 
 "Nun werdet ihr walten 
 Des Landes und der Waffen : 
 Die hatte der Hunische (wrong for Sigurd) 
 Beherrscht allein, 
 Liesst ihr das Leben 
 Ihn langer behalten. 1 
 
 "Lang mogt ihr der Lande, 
 Der Leute geniessen, 
 Da ihr den Kiihnen 
 Konig falltet." 2 
 
 Sie mahnte die Manner 
 
 Zum Mord im Zorn 
 
 Ganz und gar 
 
 Sollst du, Gunnar, entsagen 
 
 Mir zumal 
 
 Und meinen Landen. 
 
 Nicht froh hinfort, 
 
 Werd ich, Fiirst, bei dir. 
 
 So du nicht sterben 
 Lassest den Sigurd 
 Und vielen Fiirsten 
 Furchtbar gebietest. 3 
 2571. Kriemhild. 
 
 Geh' nur hinuber zu Brunhild 
 Sie isst und trinkt und lacht. 
 
 This is a direct borrowing from the Edda : 
 
 Da lachte Brynhfld 
 Die Burg erscholl. 2 
 
 Da lachte Brynhild, 
 Budlis Tochter, 
 Heute noch einrnal 
 Aus ganzem Herzen 
 Da bis an ihr Bette 
 Durchbrach den Raum 
 
 1 Brs. 8 (Jia). Brs. 10 (Ji 4 ). 8 Sg> g f> Q IO f ),
 
 73 
 
 Der gellende Schrei 
 Der Giukis Tochter. 1 
 2800-2807. Gunther (of Brunhild after Siegfried's death) 
 
 sie fluchte uns 
 
 Noch grauenvoller, als Kriemhild uns fluchte, 
 Und loderte in Flammen auf, wie nie, 
 Seit sie im Kampf erlag. 
 Hagen. 
 
 Sie brauchte Zeit, 
 Um sich hinein zu finden. 
 Gunther. 
 
 Als ich sie 
 
 Nun mahnte, dass sie selbst es ja geboten, 
 Goss sie den Wein mir in's Gesicht und lachte, 
 Wie ich die Menschheit noch nicht lachen horte. 
 
 The Edda has: 
 
 Wie sie mit Weinen 
 Nun sprach von dem Werk 
 Zu dem sie lachend 
 Die Helden hid. 2 
 
 Anhub da Gunnar, 
 
 Der Habichte Fiirst: 
 
 "Schlag kein Gelachter aus, 
 
 Schadenfrohe, 
 
 Heiter, in der Halle 
 
 Als bracht es dir Heil. 
 
 Wie hast du die lautere 
 
 Farbe verloren, 
 
 Verderbenstifterin, 
 
 Die selbst wohl verdirbt." * 
 
 3162-3168. Kriemhild. 
 
 Der Rabe, der im Wald 
 Den oden Platz umflattert, wo's geschah, 
 Hort nimmer auf zu kreisen und zu krachzen, 
 Bis er den Racher aus dem Schlaf geweckt. 
 Wenn er das Blut der Unschuld fliessen sah, 
 So findet er die Ruh' nicht eher wieder, 
 Bis das des Morders auch geflossen ist. 
 
 This is possibly a reminder of Hagen's words in the Edda 
 
 Siehe den Sigurd, 
 Dort gegen Siiden, 
 
 1 Sg. 30. 2 Brs. 19. 8 Sg. 31; cf. also Vs. 30, 31.
 
 74 
 
 Hore die Krahen, 
 Und Raben krachzen, 
 Falken froh 
 Die Fliigel schlagen 
 Und Wolfe heulen 
 Um deinen Helden. 1 
 
 Lines 3164-3166 are doubtless an invented enlargement upon 
 mythology and popular superstition. 
 
 3356. Volker (of Werbel and Swemmel) 
 
 Die reden falsch ! Das ist gewiss ! 
 4221. Volker (of Werbel) 
 
 O, der ist falsch, wie's erste Eis ! 
 
 The entire first part of "Kriemhilds Rache," Act I., scene i., 
 teems with hints that the Hunnish messengers are treacherous. 2 
 
 In the Nibelungenlied, no guilt attaches to them; in the 
 Edda and Volsungasaga, on the other hand, Vingi or Knefrqd 
 falsifies the message. 
 
 Das Gesinde trank, 
 
 Noch schwiegen die Listigen, 
 
 In der Halle den Wein 
 
 In Furcht vor den Hunnen. 
 
 Da kundete Knefrod 
 
 Mit kalter Stimme, 
 
 Der siidliche Gesandte, 
 
 Vom hohen Sitze. 3 
 
 Er sandte schnelle Boten, 
 Dass seine Schwager kamen. 
 
 Da ritzte sie Runen; 
 Doch vor der Reise 
 Verfalschte sie Wingi, 
 Der Bringer der Fahr. 
 
 Nicht Einem ahnte Trug 
 Ob ihrer Ankunft. 
 
 Hognis Hausfrau 
 Kostbera hort es, 
 Da gieng die kluge 
 Und grusste die Boten. 4 
 
 1 G)>r. II. 8. ' Cf. 3311-3355. * Akv. 2. 4 Am. 2-6.
 
 75 
 
 3571-3573- Dietrich. 
 
 Ich sass einst eine Nacht am Nixenbrunnen 
 
 Und wusste selbst nicht, wo ich war. Da hab' ich 
 
 Gar viel erlauscht. 
 3768. Volker. 
 
 Und weise Nixen, die dem Zauberborn 
 
 Entstiegen 
 4810. Dietrich. 
 
 Ich sitze wieder 
 
 Am Nixenbrunnen. 
 4827 f. 
 
 Vom Schopfungsborn, und wie er kocht und quillt 
 
 Und uberschaumt in Miilionen Blasen. 
 
 The H^vam^l says : 
 
 Zeit ist's zu reden 
 
 Vom Rednerstuhl 
 
 An Urdas Brunnen 
 
 Sass ich und schwieg, 
 
 Sass ich und dachte 
 
 Und merkte der Manner Reden. 1 
 
 Urdas Brunnen is the spring of Urd, the chief of the Norns, 
 at the foot of the ash Yggdrasil, where the gods assemble for 
 their councils. 
 
 Gylfaginning 15 : Da fragte Gangleri : Wo ist der Gotter vor- 
 nehmster und heiligster Aufenthalt ? Har antwortete : Das ist 
 bei der Esche Yggdrasills : da sollen die Gotter taglich Gericht 
 halten. . . . Bei der andern Wurzel ... ist Mimirs Brunnen, 
 worin Weisheit und Verstand verborgen sind. Der Eigner des 
 Brunnens heisst Mimir und ist voller Weisheit, weil er taglich 
 von dem Brunnen aus dem Giallarhom trinkt. 
 
 3827 f. Kriemhild. 
 
 Und meine Mutter schickt mir diese Locke 
 Und fugte nicht ein einz'ges Wort hinzu? 
 
 In the Norse versions, Gudrun attempts to warn her brothers 
 through the messenger in a similar manner : 
 
 Gunnar to Hogni. 
 
 "Was rieth uns die Sch wester, 
 Die den Ring uns sandte, 
 In Wolfskleid gewickelt? 
 
 1 H<jv. in (JIV. i).
 
 76 
 
 Mich diinkt sie warnt uns. 
 Mit Wolfshaar gewahrt ich 
 Den rothen Ring umwunden: 
 Gefahrlich ist die Fahrt, 
 Die wir fahren sollen." l 
 
 In the Drap Niflunga, Gudrun sends warnings in runic words 
 and to Hqgni the ring Andvaranaut to which she attaches a 
 wolfs hair. In Atlamql, the warning is simply through a 
 message. 2 The Volsungasaga combines the warning of the 
 runes and the wolf's hair. 3 
 
 4139-4150. Rumolt. 
 
 Ich guckt' einmal in eine finst're Hohle 
 Durch einen Felsenspalt hinein. Da gliihten 
 Wohl dreissig Augenrader mir entgegen, 
 Griin, blau und feuergelb, aus alien Ecken 
 Und Winkeln, wo die Thiere kauerten, 
 Die Katzen und die Schlangen, die sie zwinkernd 
 In ihren Kreisen drehten. Schauerlich 
 Sah's aus, es kam mir vor, als ha'tt' sich eine 
 Gestirnte Holle tief im Mittelpunkt 
 Der Erde aufgethan, wie all die Funken 
 So durch einander tanzten, und ich fuhr 
 Ziiruck, weil ich nicht wusste, was es war. 
 
 4153-4164. Dankwart. 
 
 An Schlangen 
 
 Und Katzen fehlt's gewiss nicht. Ob auch Lowen 
 Darunter sind? 
 Rumolt. 
 
 Die Probe muss es lehren, 
 In meiner Hohle fehlten sie. Ich suchte 
 Den Eingang auf, sobald ich mich besann, 
 Denn draussen war es hell, und schoss hinein. 
 Auch traf gar mancher Pfeil, wie das Geachz 
 Mir meldete, doch hort' ich kein Gebriill 
 Und kein Gebrumm, es war die Brut der Nacht, 
 Die dort beisammen sass, die feige Schaar, 
 Die kratzt und sticht, anstatt zu off nem Kampf 
 Mit Tatze, Klau' und Horn hervor zu springen. 
 
 This is possibly a reference to the Norse accounts of Gunnar's 
 end: 
 
 1 Akv. 8. J 9 ff. (Jnf.). "Vs. 33.
 
 77 
 
 Den lebenden Fiirsten 
 Legte der Wachter Schaar 
 In den tiefen Kerker 
 Da krochen wimmelnd 
 Scheusliche Schlangen. 1 
 4237-4240. Hagen. 
 
 Mein Freund, wir sind auf deinem Todtenschiff, 
 Von alien zwei und dreissig Winden dient 
 Uns keiner mehr, ringsum die wilde See, 
 Und iiber uns die rothe Wetterwolke. 
 4284-4286. 
 
 Nein, das vom Todtenschiff ! 
 Das Letzte, wie der Freund den Freund ersticht, 
 Und dann die Fackel Das geht morgen los. 
 
 Hebbel probably thought here of the Norse death-ship, 
 Naglfar, which the giants use in their last expedition against the 
 gods. It is the largest of all ships, is made from the nails of 
 dead men, and is owned by MuspelPs sons ; in the great Fimbul- 
 winter, it is cast loose, with the giant Hrym as helmsman. After 
 the gods have been vanquished, Surt casts fire over the earth 
 which consumes the whole world. 2 
 
 4S75-45 8 S- Dietrich. 
 
 Wie ihre wilden Vater sich 
 Mit eig'ner Hand nach einem lust' gen Mahl 
 Bei Sang und Klang im Kreise ihrer Caste 
 Durchbohrten, wenn des Lebens beste Zeit 
 Voriiber schien, ja wie sie trunk'nen Muths 
 Wohl gar ein Schiff bestiegen und sich schwuren, 
 Nicht mehr zuruckzukehren, sondern draussen 
 Auf hoher See im Brudermorderkampf, 
 Der Eine durch den Anderen, zu fallen, 
 Und so das letzte Leiden der Natur 
 Zu ihrer letzten hochsten That zu stempeln. 
 
 4829 f. 
 
 Von einem letzten Herbst, 
 Der alle Formen der Natur zerbricht. 
 
 These are probably references to the Fimbulwinter which the 
 describes thus : 
 
 1 Akv. 31 (J unnumbered, Bugge 31); cf. Vs. 37. 2 Vsp. 50; Gl. 43, 51.
 
 78 
 
 B ruder befehden sich, 
 
 Fallen einanders 
 
 Geschwisterte sieht man 
 
 Die Sippe brechen, 
 
 Unerhortes eraugnet sich, 
 
 Grosses Unrecht. 
 
 Der Eine schont 
 
 Des Andern nicht mehr. 1 
 4320-4322. Volker. 
 
 Die gier'gen Zwerge haben's gleich gehascht 
 Und hiiten's in der Teufe. Lasst es dort, 
 So habt Ihr ew'gen Frieden ! 
 4324-4326. 
 
 Und zu dem Fluch, der in ihm selber liegt, 
 
 Hat noch ein neuer sich hinzugesellt : 
 
 Wer's je besitzt, muss sterben, eh's ihn freut. 
 
 4334-4336. 
 
 So haben es die Zwerge 
 In ihrer Wuth verhangt, als sie den Hort 
 Verloren. 
 
 The original curse which was connected with the hoard is 
 never mentioned in the Nibelungenlied, but only exemplified by 
 the death of its possessors. Throughout Volker's vision, Heb- 
 bel resorts to the Norse sources to give, in shadowy outlines, a 
 history of the hoard and the calamity attaching to its possession. 
 " Da sagte der Zwerg, der Ring solle Jedem, der ihn besasse, 
 das Leben kosten. 2 
 
 " Loki sah all das Gold, das Andwari besass. Aber als dieser 
 das Gold entrichtet hatte, hielt er einen Ring zuriick. Loki 
 nahm ihm auch den hinweg. Da gieng der Zwerg in den Stein 
 und sprach : 
 
 'Nun sollen das Gold 
 
 Das Gustr hatte, 
 
 Zweien Briidern 
 
 Und der Edelinge 
 
 Acht verderben: 
 
 Mein Gold soil Keinem 
 
 Zu Gute kommen.' " s 
 
 1 Vsp. 46 (J 30), cf. also Gl. 51. J Sk. 39. 
 
 3 Rm. 5 and preceding prose (JB. I.). Similarly Vs. 14, 18; cf. Nachl. II. 
 301, " Auf dem 'Theilen' liegt ein Fluch seit den Nibelungen; Konig Niflungs 
 S6hne schlugen sich todt dabei und in der Bibel geht es nicht besser her."
 
 79 
 
 4333- Volker. 
 
 Weil es die ganze Welt in Flammen setzen 
 Und Ragnaroke liberdauern soil. 
 
 Ragnarqkr is the word used in the Edda to signify the down- 
 fall of the gods ; rqkr means darkness, gloom, ragna being the 
 genitive plural of regin, in the sense of divinity, godhead. 
 
 idjge. . . . 
 
 es i byndom skal 
 
 the wolf which shall be in bonds until the Ragnarok. 1 
 
 4336-4341. Hagen. 
 
 Wie geschah's? 
 Volker. 
 
 Durch Gotter-Raub! 
 Odin und Loke batten aus Verseh'n 
 Ein Riesenkind erschlagen, und sie mussten 
 Sich losen. 
 Hagen. 
 
 Gab's denn einen Zwang fiir sie? 
 Volker. 
 
 Sie trugen menschliche Gestalt und batten 
 Im Menschenleibe auch nur Menschenkraft. 
 
 The introductory prose of the Reginsm^l gives this account of 
 the hoard: " Regin . . . tells Sigurd ... of the adventure, 
 how Odin, Honir, and Loki had come to Andwarafors. In this 
 waterfall was a multitude of fish. Otr, said Regin, was the 
 name of our brother, who often swam in the fall in the form of 
 an otter. He had taken a salmon and sat on the bank, and ate 
 blinking. Loki threw a stone and killed him. The gods 
 thought they had been very lucky, and took off the otter's skin. 
 That same evening they sought shelter with Hreidmar and 
 showed their booty. Then we seized them and laid upon them 
 as a ransom to fill the otter's skin with gold and to cover it with- 
 out with red gold." 
 
 The Atlakvipa also shows its knowledge of the history of the 
 hoard : " The Rhine shall ever rule over the heritage of the 
 Niblungs, sprung from the gods." 2 
 
 1 Ls. 39; cf. Gl. 26, 34, 51; Sk. 50; cf. Haupt's Zs. 16, 146 ff. 
 
 2 Akv. 27 (J 2S ); cf. Sk. 39; Vs. 14.
 
 80 
 
 4399-4401- Hagen. 
 
 Ja, er vermehrt sich selbst, es 1st ein Ring 
 Dabei, der immer neues Gold erzeugt, 
 Wenn man Doch nein ! Noch nicht ! 
 
 Skdldskaparmdl 39. " Der Zwerg bat, ihm den Ring nicht 
 abzunehmen, well er mit dem Ringe, wenn er ihn behielte, sein 
 Gold wieder vermehren konne." 1 
 
 4404 f. Hagen. 
 
 Es mangelt nur 
 
 Der Zauberstab, der Todte wecken kann ! 
 Cf. also Ms. Th. 3532, Iring: Bei . . . Odin's Zauberstab. 
 
 Odin's power to wake the dead in order to demand from them 
 knowledge of secret things is attested in the Eddie song, Baldrs- 
 draumar, where Odin rides to the kingdom of Hel to discover 
 why evils dreams disturb Baldr : 
 
 Das Wecklied zu singen, 
 Begann er der Weisen, 
 Schiittelte Stabe, 
 Nach Norden schauend, 
 Sprach die Beschworung 
 Und heischte Bescheid 
 Bis gezwungen sie aufstand 
 Unheil verkiindend. 2 
 
 Thor makes it a reproach to Odin that he has learned his 
 scathing insults from the dead : 
 
 Thor 
 
 Woher hast du nur 
 Die Hohnreden all? 
 Ich horte niemals 
 So hohnische. 
 
 Harbald 
 Ich lernte sie 
 Von den alten Leuten, 
 Die in den Waldern wohnen. 
 
 Thor 
 
 Zu guten Nam en 
 Giebst du den Grabern, 
 Wenn du sie Walder- 
 Wohnungen nennst. 3 
 
 1 Cf. Vs. 14. 2 Bdr. 9 (J 4 ). Hrbl. 4 i~43 (J 26).
 
 81 
 
 4943-4945- Hagen. 
 
 Ihr wisst, ich bin em Elfenkind und habe 
 Davon die Todtenaugen, die so schrecken, 
 Doch auch das doppelte Gesicht. 
 
 In the Nibelungenlied, Hagen is represented as the son of 
 Aldrian, but the conception of him as the son of an elf is so 
 widespread that it is not certain whence Hebbel drew his knowl- 
 edge. Of the older sources, the Thidrekssaga embodies this idea 
 by making Hagen the son of the queen, Aldrian's wife, and an 
 elf who overcame her while she was dazed with wine. Upon his 
 second visit, he tells her of his act and bids her confide to her 
 son his origin and tell him to call upon his father whenever he is 
 in danger. Hogni is described as being strong and sturdy and 
 evil to deal with, in countenance like a ghost, and in face like 
 unto his nature. 1 Hebbel describes him as pale, with hollow, 
 deathlike, wolfish eyes, and possessed of a wisdom which sees 
 pending evil. 2 The Nibelungenlied has reminiscences of this 
 early conception of Hagen in his frightful appearance, whcih 
 terrifies Gudrun. 3 
 
 3. MINOR SOURCES 
 THE BIBLE 
 
 In a letter to Pastor L. W. Luck, in Wolfskehlen, January 21, 
 1861, Hebbel writes, "I have known the Bible which you exhort 
 me to read, half by heart from my youth." * An early passage 
 in his journal bears testimony to the vivid impression made upon 
 him as a child by the story of Christ's passion. "When I was 
 a boy of nine or ten years, I read, for the first time, in an old, 
 dilapidated New Testament (I believe that the dilapidated con- 
 dition of the book had something to do with the impression) the 
 story of the passion of Jesus Christ. I was most deeply moved, 
 and my tears flowed freely. After that it was one of my stolen 
 
 1 c. 169. 
 
 * 2675, 3594, 3458; cf. Z. /. vgl. Lit. Neue Folge XII. 193 ff.; Grimm, 
 "Deutsche Heldensage," 180. 
 
 1 XXVII. 1604, XXVIII. 1672. 4 Nachl. II. 136; Tgb. IV. 5847.
 
 82 
 
 pleasures to repeat this reading in the same book, at the same 
 hour (towards twilight), and for a long time the impression re- 
 mained similar to that first one. But one time, I noticed, to 
 my horror, that my feelings remained comparatively calm, that 
 my eyes did not fill with tears. This oppressed me like the 
 greatest sin; it seemed to me as though my hard-heartedness 
 were little less than the offence of that soldier who pierced the 
 Saviour's side with his spear, so that water and blood flowed. 
 I could not be comforted, I wept, but I wept over myself. But 
 now, just as healthy nature always knows how to help itself, I 
 ascribed my heart's hardness to the hour, I gave myself up to 
 the hope that the old feelings would, at another hour, recur with 
 their old force. I was, however, unconsciously wise enough not 
 to put another of my hours to the test; I read the story no 
 more." l 
 
 On the basis of these assertions, and in the light of the early 
 influences which surrounded the poet, it is quite probable that 
 Hebbel's use of the Bible as a source is often not conscious 
 or studied, but rather a natural appropriation of Biblical figure 
 and phraseology where the scene or the setting renders such 
 language appropriate. Naturally, too, the instances in the 
 "Nibelungen" where we can trace a Biblical analogy occur 
 principally in the speeches of the Kaplan. 
 
 326. Ute. 
 
 Wir sehen oft im Traum den Finger Gottes. 
 2660. Kaplan. 
 
 Es ist der Finger Gottes. 
 
 2. Mos. 8. 19. Da sprachen die Zauberer zu Pharao: Das ist Gottes 
 Finger. 
 
 5. Mos. 9. 10. Und mir der Herr die zwo steinernen Tafeln gab, mit dem 
 Finger Gottes geschrieben. 
 
 Dan. 5. 5. Eben zu derselben Stunde gingen hervor Finger, als einer 
 Menschenhand, die schrieben gegen dem Leuchter iiber, auf 
 die getiinchte Wand, in dem koniglichen Saal. 
 
 1002 f. Giselher. 
 
 So mag man sehen 
 Wie dieses Kind den Lowen fiihrt ! 
 
 1 Tgb. I. 983; cf. S. T. IV viii., and V. ix.
 
 83 
 
 Jes. n. 6. Ein kleiner Knabe wird Kalber und junge Lowen und 
 
 Mastvieh mit einander treiben. 
 1395 f. Kriemhild. 
 
 Du lobst den Herrn 
 
 In seiner Magd ! 
 
 Luc. i. 38. Maria aber sprach: Siehe ich bin des Herrn Magd. 
 1552 f. Brunhild (to Gunther). 
 
 zeige mir, wie herrlich Du erscheinst, 
 
 Wenn er der Schemel Deiner Fiisse ist. 
 
 Ps. no. i. "Setze dich zu meiner Rechten, bis ich deine Feinde zum 
 
 Schemel deiner Fiisse lege." 
 
 Cf. also Matth. 22. 44; Marc. 12. 36; Luc. 20. 42 f.; Apost. 2. 34 f.; 
 Ebr. 10, 13. 
 
 2090-2097. Kaplan. 
 
 Der heil'ge Stephanus 
 
 Sah, als das grimmentbrannte Volk der Juden 
 Ihn steinigte, des Paradieses Thore 
 Schon offen steh'n und jubelte und sang. 
 Sie warfen ihm den armen Leib zusammen, 
 Ihm aber war's, als rissen all' die Morder, 
 Die ihn in blinder Wuth zu treffen dachten, 
 Nur Locher in sein abgeworf nes Kleid. 
 
 Apost. 7. 55-59. 
 
 55. Als er aber voll heiligen Geistes war, sahe er auf gen 
 Himmel, und sahe die Herrlichkeit Gottes, und Jesum stehen 
 zur Rechten Gottes, und sprach : Siehe, ich sehe den Himmel 
 offen, und des Menschen Sohn zur Rechten Gottes stehen. 
 
 56. Sie schrieen aber laut, und hielten ihre Ohren zu, und 
 stiirmeten einmiithiglich zu ihm ein, stiessen ihm zur Stadt 
 hinaus, und steinigten ihn. 
 
 57. Und die Zeugen legten ab ihre Kleider zu den Fiissen eines 
 Jiinglings, der hiess Saulus. 
 
 58. Und steinigten Stephanum, der anrief und sprach: Herr 
 Jesu, nimm meinen Geist auf ! 
 
 59. Er knieete aber nieder, und schrie laut: Herr, behalte 
 ihnen diese Siinde nicht ! Und als er das gesagt, entschlief er. 
 
 2107-2109. Kaplan. 
 
 Auf uns'res Heilands ersten Wink das Schiff 
 Verliess, und festen Schritts die See betrat, 
 Die ihn bedrohte mit dem sich'ren Tod. 
 
 Matt. 14. 28, 29 (30, 31). 
 
 28. Petrus aber antwortete ihm, und sprach: Herr, bist Du 
 es, so heiss mich zu dir kommen auf dem Wasser!
 
 84 
 
 29- Und er sprach : Komm her ! Und Petrus trat aus dem 
 
 Schiff, und ging auf dem Wasser, dass er zu Jesu kame. 
 2122 f. Kaplan. 
 
 Herr, das Reich ist Dein ! 
 Ute. 
 
 In Ewigkeit ! 
 
 Chron. 30. n. David. Dein ist das Reich. 
 Matth. 6. 13. dein ist das Reich ... in Ewigkeit. 
 2135 f. Kaplan (speaking of the first messenger of God in his country). 
 Er ward verhohnt, verspottet und zuletzt 
 Getodtet. 
 Matth. 20. 19. Christ (of himself). 
 
 Und werden ihn uberantworten den Heiden zu verspotten 
 und zu geisseln und zu kreuzigen. 
 Cf. also Marc. 10. 34; Luc. 18. 32. 
 2140-2142. Kaplan. 
 
 Da hort ich sein Gebet. 
 Er betete fur mich, und mit dem Amen 
 Verhaucht' er seinen Geist. 
 
 This calls to mind the accounts of Christ's death given in the 
 Gospels. 
 
 Luc. 23. 34. Jesus aber sprach: Vater, vergib ihnen, denn Sie wissen 
 
 nicht, was sie thun. 
 Cf. also 2704. Kaplan. 
 
 Gedenke dessen, der am Kreuz vergab. 
 2145. Kaplan. 
 
 Und zog hinaus und predigte das Kreuz. 
 i. Cor. i. 23. Wir aber predigen den gekreuzigten Christum, den Juden 
 
 ein Argerniss und den Griechen eine Thorheit. 
 2192 f. Siegfried (of the Danes and Saxons). 
 Nun, die saen nicht 
 
 Und wollen dennoch ernten. 
 Luc. 19. 21 (in the parable of the talents). 
 
 du . . . erntest, das du nicht gesaet hast. 
 Cf. also Matth. 25. 24. 
 2613-2615. Kaplan. 
 
 Du suchst die Rache, doch die Rache hat 
 
 Der Herr sich vorbehalten, er allein 
 
 Schaut in's Verborg'ne, er allein vergilt! 
 5. Mos. 32. 35. Die Rache ist mein, ich will vergelten. 
 Rom. 12. 19. "Die Rache ist mein, Ich will vergelten, spricht der Herr." 
 Ps. 94. i. Herr Gott, dess die Rache ist, Gott, dess die Rache ist, 
 
 erscheine !
 
 85 
 
 Matth. 6. 6. dein Vater, der in das Verborgene siehet, wird dir*s rer- 
 
 gelten offentlich. 
 
 Cf. also Jes. 34. 8; 35. 4; Jerem. 51. 6, 56. 
 2621-2623. Kaplan. 
 
 Ist's nicht genug, dass ihn sein Richter kennt? 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Ich mogte dem Unschuldigen nicht fluchen. 
 Kaplan. 
 
 So fluche Keinem, und Du thust es nicht ! 
 
 References to God as judge occur frequently. 
 
 Ps. 58. 12. Der Gerechte wird seiner ja geniessen; Es ist ja noch Gott 
 
 Richter auf Erden. 
 
 Rom. 12. 14. Segnet, die euch verfolgen; segnet und fluchet nicht. 
 2624 f. Kaplan. 
 
 Du armes Menschenkind, aus Staub und Asche 
 
 Geschaffen und vom nachsten Wind zerblasen. 
 i. Mos. 18. 27. Abraham antwortete und sprach: Ach siehe, ich habe 
 
 mich unterwunden zu reden mit dem Herrn, wiewohl ich 
 
 Erde und Asche bin. 
 Hiob. 30. 19. Man hat mich in Dreck getreten, und gleich geachtet dem 
 
 Staub und Asche. 
 34. 15. Alles Fleisch wiirde mit einander vergehen, und der Mensch 
 
 wiirde wieder zu Asche werden. 
 Pred. 3. 20. Es fahret Alles an Einen Ort; es ist Alles von Staub 
 
 gemacht, und wird wieder zu Staub. 
 Cf. also i. Mos. 2. 7, 3. 19; Pred. 12. 7. 
 
 Menschenkind as an appellation for man is a frequent 
 Biblical term. 
 
 2 Chron. 6. 30; Hiob. 25. 6; Ps. n. 4., etc. 
 
 Hiob. 7. 7. Gedenke, dass mein Leben ein Wind ist. 
 
 Cf. Ps. 78. 39. 
 
 2626. Kaplan. 
 
 Wohl tragst Du schwer und magst zum Himmel schrei'n. 
 
 References to crying out to God are found. 
 
 Hab. i. 2; Jer. u. 14; Ps. 30. 3; 2. Sam. 22. 7., etc. 
 
 2627-2630. Kaplan. 
 
 Doch schau' auf Den, der noch viel schwerer trug! 
 In Knechts-Gestalt zu uns herabgestiegen, 
 Hat er die Schuld der Welt auf sich genommen, 
 Und biissend alle Schmerzen durchempfunden.
 
 86 
 
 Jes. 53. 4. Furwahr, Er trug unsere Krankheit, und lud auf sich unsere 
 
 Schmerzen. 
 Cf. Matth. 8. 17. 
 Job. i. 29. Siehe, das ist Gottes Lamm, welches der Welt Siinde 
 
 tragt. . 
 i. Pet. 2. 24. Welcher unsere Sun den selbst geopfert hat an seinem 
 
 Leibe auf dem Holz. 
 Phil. 2. 7. Sondern ausserte sich selbst, und nahm Knechtsgestalt an, 
 
 ward gleich wie ein anderer Mensch und an Geberden als ein 
 
 Mensch erf un den. 
 Cf. Jes. 42. i. 
 2634. Kaplan. 
 
 Die Kraft des Himmels sass auf seinen Lippen. 
 
 Die Krajt Gottes is mentioned Rom. i. 16; Cor. i. 18, etc. 
 
 2636 f. Kaplan. 
 
 Er aber war gehorsam bis zum Tode, 
 
 Er war gehorsam bis zum Tod am Kreuz. 
 5456. Dietrich. 
 
 Im Namen dessen, der am Kreuz erblich ! 
 
 Cf. Tgb. IV. 5540. Wien, den i. Januar 1857. Schellings Vorlesung 
 iiber das Wort : Er war gehorsam bis zum Tode am Kreuz. Der Philosoph 
 deducirte, dass Christus auch vom Vater hatte abfallen konnen und verlegte 
 damit den Teufel unmittelbar in Gott hinein. Seine Eroffnungsrede : 
 "Ich hoffe, dass kein Schurk unter uns ist." 
 Cf. "Genoveva," III. v. 1197 f. 
 
 Die Seele kreuziget sich selbst, 
 
 Wenn sie der Kreuzigung des Herrn gedenkt. 
 Phil. 2. 8. Er niedrigte sich selbst, und ward gehorsam bis zum Tode, 
 
 ja zum Tode am Kreuz. 
 Cf. also Ebr. 12. 2. 
 2662. Kaplan. 
 
 ein Kainszeichen. 
 Cf. i. Mos. 4. 15. Und der Heir machte ein Zeichen an Kain, dass ihn 
 
 Niemand erschliige, wer ihn fande. 
 Ms. M. 2704. Kaplan. 
 
 Gedenk' der ewigen Barmherzigkeit ! 
 Klagl. 3. 22. seine Barmherzigkeit hat noch kein Ende. 
 2835 f. Gunther. 
 
 doch heute hast 
 
 Du selbst das Licht ja auf den Tisch gestellt. 
 
 This is possibly an obscure reference to Matth. 5. 15. 
 
 Man ziindet auch nicht ein Licht an, und setzt es unter
 
 87 
 
 einen Scheffel; sondern auf einen Leuchter, so leuchtet es 
 
 denen alien, die im Hause sind. 
 Marc. 4. 21. Ziindet man auch ein Licht an, dass man es unter einen 
 
 Scheffel oder unter einen Tisch setzte ? Mil nichten, sondern 
 
 dass man es auf einen Leuchter setzte. 
 2990-2992. Kriemhild. 
 
 Auch kann sie mit der Zunge, die sie braucht, 
 
 Um ihren Feind zu todten, ihm nicht schworen, 
 
 Dass sie ihn kiissen will. 
 4490. Hagen. 
 
 Dann kiisse Deinen Feind, wenn Du's vermagst. 
 
 4551-4553- Etzel. 
 
 Ich horte ja von Dir, 
 
 Dass Eure Weise sei, den Feind zu lieben 
 
 Und mit dem Kuss zu danken fur den Schlag. 
 Matth. 5. 39. Ich aber sage Euch, dass ihr nicht widerstreben sollt dem 
 
 Uebel ; sondern so dir Jemand einen Streich gibt auf deinen 
 
 rechten Backen, dem biete den andern auch dar. 
 5. 44. Ich aber sage Euch: Liebet cure Feinde, segnet, die Euch 
 
 fluchen, thut wohl denen, die Euch hassen, bittet fiir die, so 
 
 euch beleidigen und verfolgen. 
 Cf. also Luc. 6. 27 f. and 35. 
 Luc. 6. 29. Und wer dich schlagt auf einen Backen, den biete dem 
 
 Andern auch da. 
 3166. Kriemhild. 
 
 Blut der Unschuld. 
 
 The Bible has various references to Unschuldig Blut. Cf. 
 5. Mos. 19. 13, 21. 8, 9, 27. 25; i. Sam. 19. 5; Ps. 94. 21; 
 Matth. 27. 4. 
 
 3753. Riideger, referring to his courtship, says: 
 Ich harrte sieben Jahr. 
 
 This may be an obscure reference to Jacob's wooing of 
 Rachel. Cf. i. Mos. 29. 18-28. 
 
 i. Mos. 29. 20. Also dienete Jakob um Rahel sieben Jahre. 
 
 Cf. "Maria Magdalena," I. v. Leonhard. 
 
 Jacob liebte die Rahel und warb sieben Jahre um sie. 
 "Herodes und Mariamne," II. vi. Salome. 
 
 Dein armes Weib 
 
 Um das Du warbst, wie Jacob warb um Rahel. 
 3898 f. Etzel. 
 
 Wenn Du mein halbes Reich verschwenden willst, 
 
 So steht's Dir frei.
 
 88 
 
 Marc. 6. 23. Und schwur ihr einen Eid: was du wirst von mir bitten, 
 will ich dir geben, bis an die Ha'lfte meines Konigreichs. 
 
 3965-3967- Etzel. 
 
 Kriecht doch Mancher 
 Von Euch in Hohlen und verhungert da, 
 Wenn ihm kein Rabe Speise bringt. 
 
 This is a reference to the account of Elijah given in i. Kings 
 17. Verse 6 contains the words: 
 
 Und die Raben brachten ihm Brod und Fleisch des Morgans und des 
 Abends. 
 5412. Hildebrand. 
 
 Dem Herrn sei Preis und Dank ! 
 Ps. 118. 28. Du bist mein Gott, und ich danke dir; mein Gott, ich will 
 
 dich preisen. 
 
 HISTORY AND FOLK-LORE 
 
 It is chiefly in connection with Etzel and his Huns that Heb- 
 bel makes the appeal to historical sources which he mentions 
 in his Foreword. In the case of folk-lore it is sometimes diffi- 
 cult to tell just where his source ceases and his invention be- 
 gins, for Hebbel frequently lets his ready fancy lead him into 
 somewhat bizarre inventions, to supplement or enlarge upon 
 the mystical element offered by his subject. 1 In giving to 
 Etzel and his people a deeper significance than they are ac- 
 corded in the epic, Hebbel materially expands his accounts 
 of them from historical and popular sources. 
 
 3279-3286. Kriemhild. 
 
 Herr Etzel ist auch in Burgund bekannt, 
 
 Wer seinen Namen hort, der denkt zuerst 
 
 An Blut und Feuer, dann an einen Menschen ! 
 
 Ja wohl, Du hast mein Wort! Man sagt: die Krone 
 
 Muss ihm urn's Angesicht zusammen schmelzen, 
 
 Der gluh'nde Degen aus den Ha'nden tropfeln, 
 
 1 The very few minor historical incidents which Hebbel employed are the 
 ones which Professor Werner mentions in his notes, and which Hebbel set down 
 in his journal. Cf. 1877-1879, Tgb. IV. 5485; 4000 f., Tgb. IV. 5516; 4880- 
 4889, 4894-4900, Tgb. IV. 5438. The only one of any importance is the inci- 
 dent in Siegfried's burial which is fashioned after Dr. Frankl's narrative of the 
 burial of the old Austrian emperors. Cf. 2602-2607, Tgb. IV. 5367.
 
 89 
 
 Eh' er im StUrmen inne halt. Das 1st 
 
 Der Mann dafiir, dem wird es Wollust sein ! 
 
 3556-3559- Riideger. 
 
 denn er ist 
 
 Uns gleich an Adel, doch wir batten's leicht, 
 Wir erbten's mit dem Blut von unsern Miittern, 
 Er aber nahm es aus der eig'nen Brust ! 
 
 4727-4758. Kriemhild. 
 
 Man halt Dich fur den Brecher und Verachter 
 Von Brauch und Sitte, fiir den Hitter nicht, 
 Uns wundert sich noch immer, wenn ein Bote 
 Von Dir erscheint, dass er mit Dir gesprochen 
 Und doch nicht Arm und Bein verloren hat. 
 Etzel. 
 
 Man sieht mich, wie ich war, nicht wie ich bin ! 
 Ich ritt einmal das Ross, von dem Dir Nachts 
 In dem gekriimmten, funkelnden Kometen 
 Am Himmel jetzt der Schweif entgegen blitzt. 
 Im Sturme trug es mich dahin, ich blies 
 Die Throne um, zerschlug die Konigreiche 
 Und nahm die Konige an Stricken mit. 
 So kam ich, Alles vor mir niederwerfend, 
 Und mit der Asche einer Welt bedeckt, 
 Nach Rom, wo Euer Hoherpriester thront. 
 Den hatt' ich bis zuletzt mir aufgespart, 
 Ich wollt ihn sammt der Schaar von Konigen 
 In seinem eig'nen Tempel niederhauen, 
 Und durch dies Zorngericht, an alien Hauptern 
 Der Volker durch dieselbe Hand vollstreckt, 
 Zu zeigen, das ich Herr der Herren sei, 
 Und mit dem Blute mir die Stirn zu salben, 
 Wozu ein Jeder seinen Tropfen gab. 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 So hab' ich mir den Etzel stets gedacht, 
 Sonst hatt' Herr Riideger mich nicht geworben : 
 Was hat ihn denn verwandelt? 
 Etzel. 
 
 Ein Gesicht 
 
 Furchtbarer Art, das mich von Rom vertrieb. 
 Ich darf es Keinem sagen, doch es hat 
 Mich so getroffen, dass ich um den Segen 
 Des Greises flehte, welchem ich den Tod 
 Geschworen hatte, und mich gliicklich pries, 
 Den Fuss zu kiissen, der den Heil'gen trug. 
 
 4968-4972, cf. page 124.
 
 90 
 
 History combines with tradition to make Attila one of the 
 most feared and powerful figures of the early Christian era 
 (b. ca. 406, d. 453). In 451 he crushingly defeated the Bur- 
 gundians; in 452 he devastated northern Italy and was push- 
 ing toward Rome when Leo I., at the head of an embassy, 
 arrested his march. One story tells that Peter and Paul ap- 
 peared before Leo; another, that Peter stood at Leo's side 
 with a threatening sword. 
 
 Tgb. IV. 5884. Wien, i. Marz, 1861 : (Aus August Ludwig von Schlozers 
 Leben, von s. Sohn:) Schlozer bezeichnet Attila irgendwo als Ungeheuer, 
 wilder Kalmyk. Sein Gottinger College Gatterer nimmt davon Gelegen- 
 heit, diesen Hunnen in einem seiner Handbiicher als das Muster eines 
 weisen, tapfern und edelen Regenten anzupreisen (p. 209). 
 4390-4395. Hagen (zu den Heunen). 
 
 Kriecht auf dem Bauch 
 
 Heran und klammert Euch an uns're Beine, 
 
 Wie Ihr's in Euren Schlachten machen sollt. 
 
 Wenn wir in's Stolpern und in's Straucheln kommen 
 
 Und durch den Purzelbaum zu Grunde geh'n, 
 
 Um Hiilfe schrei'n wir nicht, das schwor' ich Euch. 
 4671. Volker. 
 
 Man sagt bei uns, der Heune wascht sich nicht. 
 4868-4875. Hagen. 
 
 Ich horte oft, 
 
 Der Heune haue vom lebend'gen Ochsen 
 
 Sich eine Keule ab und reite sich 
 
 Sie miirbe unter'm Sattel. 
 Etzel. 
 
 Das geschieht, 
 
 Wenn er zu Pferde sitzt, und wenn's an Zeit 
 
 Gebricht, ein lust'ges Feuer anzumachen. 
 
 Im Frieden sorgt auch er fur seinen Gaumen 
 
 Und nicht bloss fur den undankbaren Bauch. 
 
 Hebbel enlarges upon the historical accounts of the Huns, 
 and the popular superstitions concerning them. The Roman 
 historian, Ammianus Marcellinus, Book XXXI., tells of them 
 that they live on roots of herbs, or on the half -raw flesh of any 
 animal, which they merely warm rapidly by placing it between 
 their own thighs and the backs of their horses ; * that they never 
 
 1 Ut neque igni neque saporatis indigeant cibis sed radicibus herbarum 
 agrestium et semicruda cuiusvis pecoris carne vescantur, quam inter femora 
 sua equorum terga subsertam fotu calefaciunt brevi.
 
 91 
 
 shelter themselves under roofed houses; and that they wear 
 linen clothes or garments made from field-mice which they 
 wear until they fall off of them; that they fight with javelins 
 tipped with sharpened bones, but at close range with a sword; 
 that often while their antagonists are warding off their blows 
 they entangle them with twisted cords so that, with their hands 
 thus fettered, they lose all power of riding or walking. In 
 person, they are ugly, with round shoulders and scarred, beard- 
 less faces. They have no religion and lack all sense of moral 
 obligation. 
 
 What Hebbel added from popular superstition is gathered 
 from various sources and indeed is probably a reminiscence 
 of the beliefs and stories imbibed in childhood. The use of 
 folk-lore as a source has been partially indicated under the 
 consideration of Norse borrowings, where it was shown that 
 Hebbel in certain cases fashioned over or added to Norse 
 mythology. 
 
 143 f- 
 
 das tiickische Geschlecht der Zwerge, 
 Der rasch umklammernd quetschend Wiirgenden. 
 
 This is doubtless a reference to the Alp as causing night- 
 mare, Alpdruck. These beings are variously represented, 
 and especially torment people who are asleep on their backs, 
 by casting themselves upon their bodies in such a way as to 
 press chest and throat together, to that the victims can neither 
 breathe nor cry out. 1 
 
 625 f., cf. page 63. In making the birds which circle about 
 Siegfried crows, daws, and owls, Hebbel doubtless had in mind 
 the popular superstitions which attach evil significance to these 
 birds, especially in regions where the raven is not common. 
 The hoot of the owl prophesies approaching death. 2 
 
 689-691. Brunhild. 
 
 Manches hast Du schon im Schlaf 
 Verrathen, denn Du sprichst, wenn Dir der Mond 
 In's Antlitz scheint. 
 
 This is probably an enlargement upon the popular belief 
 
 1 Meyer, 343; Wuttke, 272 ff. J Wuttke, 123, 201 f.
 
 92 
 
 that somnambulists walk at the time of the full moon. Cf. 
 h in Ms. Th. 2823-2825, written on the margin: 
 
 Gunther (referring to Brunhild since Siegfried's death). 
 
 Wie Eine, die der Mond vom Schlafen weckt 
 Und auf die Dacher schickt. 
 896-899. Brunhild. 
 
 Der Erdball wurde zum Kristall fur mich, 
 Und was Gewolk mir schien, war das Geflecht 
 Der Gold- und Silberadern, die ihn leuchtend 
 Durchkreuzen bis zum Grund. 
 
 Tgb. I. 370. Somnambiilen haben Sinn fur den Geist der Steine und 
 Metalle . . . (nach den Alten). 
 
 Tgb. IV. p. 430, Werner quotes from " Die Seherin von Prevost " 
 from which Hebbel drew this material," Del Rio erzahlt, dass es in Spanien 
 Menschen gebe, die man Zahuris nennt, welche unter der Erde verborgene 
 Dinge, Wasser Erzadern und Leichname sehen." l 
 
 923-929. Brunhild. 
 
 Es rollen 
 
 Jahrhunderte dahin, Jahrtausende, 
 Ich spiir' es nicht ! Doch endlich frag' ich mich : 
 Wo bleibt der Tod ? Da geben meine Locken 
 Mir Antwort durch den Spiegel, sie sind schwarz 
 Und ungebleicht geblieben, und ich rufe: 
 Diess ist das Dritte, dass der Tod nicht kommt ! 
 
 Bw. II. 14 f. to Franz von Dingelstedt, Sept. 2, 1857, speaking of his 
 " Genoveva " : " was nun die Margaretha anlangt, so habe ich auch sie, 
 so gut es ging, auf's menschliche zuriick gefiihrt ... sie ... kann 
 . . . sehr gut von einer jiingeren Schauspielerin gespielt werden, da sie 
 eine Art von Damon ist und alles Damonische, wie das Feuer, verjiingt." 
 
 A striking characteristic of tales which are the outgrowth 
 of folk-lore is the unheeded and unnoticed passing of lone; 
 lapses of time. 
 
 1264-1270. Wulf. 
 
 Unholde, diese Zwerge ! Hohl im Rttcken ! 
 Kehr* einen urn, so liegt ein Backtrog da. 
 
 1 Cf. also W. X. 205.
 
 93 
 
 Truchs. 
 
 Sie hausen auch ja mit dem Wurmgeschlecht 
 Im Bauch der Erde und in Bergeshohlen, 
 Und sind des Maulwurfs Vettern. 
 
 Wulf. 
 
 Aber Stark ! 
 
 Truchs. 
 
 Und klug ! Der braucht nach der Alraunenwurzel 
 Nicht mehr zu spah'n, der die zu Freunden hat. 
 
 This is probably an invented enlargement upon the mythol- 
 ogy connected with dwarfs and the popular beliefs concerning 
 them. They are ugly and hunchbacked; their smithy is in 
 holes and mountains, and their home is in caverns and moun- 
 tain caves ; they have knowledge of the hidden means of healing 
 in stones and plants, and the power of prophecy is sometimes 
 ascribed to them. In the Alvissmgl, Alviss tells of his own 
 learning : 
 
 Alle neun Himmel 
 
 Hab ich durchmessen 
 
 Und weiss von alien Wesen. 1 
 
 Alraunenwurzel is a very old name for a root to which magic 
 powers were ascribed. The name is doubtless connected with 
 Old High German runa, and was perhaps once an appella- 
 tion for mythical beings. It grows only under the gallows of 
 an innocent man, and must be taken from the ground in a 
 particular manner. If properly cared for, the root brings money 
 and good fortune, answers questions, and by its changing color 
 prophesies coming events. Its possessor will have no enemies, 
 cannot be poor, and will be blessed with children. 2 
 
 " Agnes Bernauer " I. xii. Caspar. " Wie gern war' ich als Geselle 
 in die weite Welt gegangen, ob ich das Einhornthier, den Vogel Phonix, 
 die Menschen, die auf Baumen wachsen, irgendwo zu sehen bekame, oder 
 gar in der Tiirkei, wo sie doch gewiss Viele unschuldig hangen, ein 
 Alraunchen erwischte." 3 
 
 2238 f. Hagen. 
 
 Warte doch auf Deinen Flachs ! 
 Du sollst im Mondschein mit den Druden spinnen. 
 
 1 Alv. 9; cf. Grimm 416 ff. 
 
 2 Grimm 1153 ff.; Simrock, "Deutsche Mythologie," 460. s W. III. 148.
 
 94 
 
 Drude is doubtless used here in the sense of a witch or sor- 
 ceress. Her vocation of spinning is seen in " Domroschen." 
 
 2 733 f- Gunther. 
 
 Und die Johannis-Feuer vor der Zeit 
 
 Auf alien Bergen weit und breit entziinden. 
 
 3047. Gerenot. 
 
 Man spart ja schon auf das Johannis-Feuer. 
 
 These lines are embellishments which Hebbel added to his 
 various references to the Sonnenwende. The frequent allu- 
 sions to the Sonnenwendejeste in the Nibelungenlied show the 
 heathen origin of the poem, for the summer and winter festi- 
 vals of the solstice were the principal festivals of Germanic 
 heathendom. From these celebrations, Christianity took 
 Christmas (December 25), and Johanni (June 24), and cele- 
 brated them with other or the same forms. Thus, in southern 
 Germany and the Tyrol, the original sacrificial fires in celebra- 
 tion of the summer solstice are retained as a part of the festivi- 
 ties, and are called Johannisjeuer. 1 
 
 3044-3046. Kriemhild. 
 
 Was ist denn fur ein Tag, 
 Dass alle meine Sippen sich so sammeln? 
 Treibt Ihr den Tod aus? 
 
 Cf. Tgb. I. 921, Miinchen, 22. October, 1837: Die alten Stadte treiben 
 im Mai den Tod (d. h. das Bild des Todes) aus der Stadt. (Jean 
 Paul, Vorsch. d. Aesth. 3 Thl.) 
 
 In eastern Germany, the driving out of death is accom- 
 plished by burning or casting into the water a dummy. This 
 custom is similar to the old Germanic festivities connected 
 with the driving out of winter. 2 
 
 3249-3253. Kriemhild. 
 
 Wie, Riideger, Du wirbst um eine Wittwe 
 Und suchst sie in der Mordergrube auf? 
 Rudeger. 
 
 Was sagst Du, Konigin? 
 
 1 Grimm, 582 ff., 683; Simrock, "Deutsche Mythologie," 588; cf.Tgb. III. 
 4948. 
 
 2 For a description of the ceremonies, cf. Grimm, 722 ff.; Simrock, " Deutsche 
 Mythologie," 32 ; Wuttke, 36.
 
 95 
 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Die Schwalben fliehen 
 
 Von dannen, und die frommen Storche kehrea 
 In's hundertjahr'ge Nest nicht mehr zuriick. 
 
 Hebbel here embellishes the popular superstitions regarding 
 swallows and storks. Swallows are everywhere sacred birds 
 and mean good fortune. The belief is widespread that the 
 house in which they nest is blessed and protected from dis- 
 aster, and in the Valley of the Upper Inn the legend is current 
 that where swallows build their nests there is no discontent. 
 The stork is also a sacred bird which must not be harmed; 
 if well treated, it returns year after year to the same nest. As 
 it was earlier a worshipped bird, it has become here and there, 
 in childish belief, a worshipping bird, and the stretching of 
 its long neck is regarded as an attitude of prayer; hence 
 the appellation, jromner Storch. Both birds have prophetic 
 qualities. 1 
 
 3405-3409. Volker. 
 
 So haben sie vom Schicksal Witterung, 
 Nur reden sie nicht gern, denn jedes Wort 
 Bezahlen sie mit einem Lebensjahr, 
 Und uralt werden sie, wie Sonn' und Mond 
 Am Himmel, doch unsterblich sind sie nicht. 
 
 3416-3420. Hagen. 
 
 Die Weiber abermals doch nun 
 In scheusslicher Gestalt. Sie schnitten mir 
 Gesichter, und in seltsam-schnalz'gem Ton, 
 Als sprache, statt des Vogels, jetzt der Fisch, 
 In dem ihr schlanker Leib sich end'gen soil. 
 
 Meerweiber are mentioned in the Nibelungenlied and in the 
 Thidrekssaga, where Hagen kills them. Wittich's ancestress, 
 Wachild, is a mermaid, and to her in every case is ascribed 
 longer life than that of ordinary people, if she is not entirely 
 immortal. To mermaids is regularly attributed the gift of 
 prophecy. The conception in the Nibelungenlied and with 
 Hebbel is that of swan-maidens, although Hebbel inclines to 
 the popular idea of the mermaid in making them seem like 
 fish when they give their evil prophecies. The idea of making 
 
 1 Busch, 195 ff.; Wuttke, 119 ff.
 
 96 
 
 them pay for each word with a year of life is undoubtedly 
 an invention. 1 
 
 3471. Hagen. 
 
 Wer mich hinunter stosst, den reiss' ich nach. 
 4426-4429. Gleich auf das erste Meisterstiick des Hirsches, 
 
 Dem Jager zu entrinnen, folgt das zweite, 
 
 Ihn in's Verderben mit hinab zu zieh'n, 
 
 Und eins von Beidem gliickt uns sicherlich ! 
 5284-5288. Rudeger. 
 
 So denkt des Hirsches, der in hochster Noth 
 
 Sich auch noch gegen seinen Jager wendet, 
 
 Und ihm die einz'ge blut'ge Thrane zeigt, 
 
 Die er auf dieser Erde weinen darf, 
 
 Ob er vielleicht Erbarmen in ihm weckt. 
 Cf. Wilhelm Tell. I. iv. Melchthal. 
 
 Jedem Wesen ward 
 
 Ein Nothgewehr in der Verzweiflungsangst. 
 
 Es stellt sich der erschopfte Hirsch und zeigt 
 
 Der Meute sein gefiirchtetes Geweih, 
 
 Die Gemse reisst den Jager in den Abgrund. 
 
 Popular superstition attributes to the stag the power of 
 showing a tear to the hunter, as a last plea for mercy. 2 
 
 4319. Volker. 
 
 Und suchen Wiinschelruthen. 
 
 Wishing-rods are a relic of the oldest heathendom. They 
 were usually cut in a peculiar manner from a hazel bush, and 
 when the forked end was held in both hands, the rod showed, 
 by a quick lowering of its other end, the place where treasures, 
 precious metals, veins of ore, or spring- water were to be found. 
 Hebbel calls woman the wishing-rod that shows to man the 
 treasure of the earth ; 3 and faith the union of the wishing-rod 
 which points out, and the magnet which attracts. 4 In his 
 journal for November 27th, 1838, Hebbel writes, "Whoever 
 lacks the wishing-rod can very undisturbedly dream of treas- 
 
 1 Cf. Grimm, " Deutsche Heldensage," 387 f. ; Simrock, " Deutsche Mytho- 
 logie," 212. 
 
 1 Cf. Washington Irving's " Tour on the Prairies," and the poem of H. 
 Tollens, " De Noord-Amerikaansche Jager " : Hy zag een traan haar oog 
 ontrollen. * Nachl. I. 44. 4 Tgb. I. 515.
 
 97 
 
 ures." * In the Nibelungenlied, the wishing-rod is only cas- 
 ually mentioned as belonging to the hoard: 
 
 XIX. 186. 1160. 1-3. (1064) 
 
 Der Wunsch lag darunter, von Gold ein Riithelein ; 
 
 Wer das erkundet hatte, der mochte Meister sein 
 
 Wohl auf der ganzen Erde iiber jeden Mann. 
 5069-5072. Kriemhild. 
 
 O, zeigt mir nur mein Bild ! Ich schaud're nicht 
 
 Davor zuriick, denn jeder Zug verklagt 
 
 Die Basilisken dort nicht mich. Sie haben 
 
 Mir die Gedanken umgefarbt. 
 Demetrius IV. ii. 2541 f. 
 
 so hiitet mich vor Spiegeln, 
 
 Sonst wird's mir, wie dem Basilisk, ergeh'n. 
 
 Tgb. I. 1209. Der Mensch ist der Basilisk, der stirbt wenn er sich 
 selbst sieht. 
 
 The lines in Demetrius are more in accord with the popular 
 belief regarding the basilisk. In Holstein, it comes from an 
 egg laid by a twenty-year-old cock, and from its poisonous 
 glance everything dies, and even stones burst apart. If a mirror 
 is held before it, it dies. 2 Hebbel merely mentions two other 
 fabulous animals, the Einhorn and the Vogel Grei}. 3 
 
 1 Tgb. I. 1358. * Busch, 245 f. 8 3119-3121.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 RELATION TO PREDECESSORS AND CRITICS 
 
 I. RAUPACH 
 
 HEBBEL'S letters and journals, as well as his critical essays 
 for various newspapers and magazines, prove that he knew 
 well three of the modern versions of the Nibelungen saga, 
 and their influence is shown more or less clearly in his trilogy. 
 A fourth version, mentioned only after his manuscript of the 
 "Nibelungen" was in the printer's hands, he yet doubtless 
 knew prior to its completion. The three are Fouque's "Der 
 Held des Nordens," Raupach's "Der Nibelungen-Hort," 
 and Geibel's "Brunhild;" the fourth is Wagner's "Der Ring 
 des Nibelungen." 
 
 In order of importance as an actual source, as well as being 
 probably the first modern version which came to his attention, 
 Raupach's work has the principal place. It was a successful 
 stage piece and is one of the few dramatic versions of the saga 
 which have ever seen the footlights; but as a work of art it 
 deserves the harsh criticism which Hebbel uttered against it. 
 Yet with all its poverty of true dramatic feeling and wealth 
 of theatrical makeshifts, it is not to be underestimated as an 
 actual source of HebbePs work. 
 
 Hebbel's final impulse to dramatic composition usually 
 came from the outside; for example, he was inspired to write 
 "Judith" by a picture in the Munich gallery, 1 and his inspira- 
 tion for "Gyges" came through the suggestion of Braun von 
 Braunthal that this story of Herodotus, which Hebbel had not 
 hitherto known, would be suitable to his talents. 2 So, too, 
 in the case of the "Nibelungen," the sight of Christine Eng- 
 haus, who afterward became his wife, as Chriemhild in Rau- 
 
 1 Bw. II. 189. * ibid. 187; Tgb. III. 5213. 
 
 98
 
 99 
 
 pach's "Nibelungen-Hort," awakened the forms slumbering 
 in his mind and kindled anew the desire to give them flesh 
 and blood. 
 
 On the fourth of November, 1845, Hebbel arrived in Vienna 
 poor and discouraged, after his sojourn in Italy ; 1 his travelling 
 stipend from the king of Denmark was spent, debt stared him 
 in the face, and anxiety for the immediate future hung over 
 him. After a fortnight of neglect, and a failure to gain a foot- 
 hold, Hebbel was on the point of leaving Vienna when he was 
 stopped by Zerboni di Sposetti, a young nobleman and an 
 enthusiastic admirer of his "Judith," who insisted that he 
 should remain, took him to his own hotel, and provided for 
 his material wants. 2 A tide in Hebbel's affairs, a change in 
 his whole outlook, date from this time. Through the Con- 
 cordia, a literary club into which he was introduced, he met a 
 Viennese poet, Otto Prechtler, and through him learned that 
 Fraulein Enghaus, first actress at the Court Theatre, had long 
 tried to bring his "Judith" on the stage. Prechtler presented 
 Hebbel to the beautiful actress, and at the fourth meeting they 
 became engaged. 3 
 
 On the nth of April, 1846, the poet wrote to Charlotte Rous- 
 seau, the sister of his student friend, of his engagement to 
 Christine, and of her impersonation of Chriemhild in Rau- 
 pach's play: "I myself have never experienced a more power- 
 ful impression in the theatre than from her Chriemhild in Rau- 
 pach's Nibelungen-Hort, however miserable beyond compare 
 the product is in itself." 4 A week later, he wrote to Gurlitt, 
 his artist friend in Rome, a similar expression of admiration 
 for her wonderful performance. 5 And in his journal for August 
 29th, 1847, evidently after his wife's impersonation of Chriem- 
 hild on that date, he wrote: "Tine as Chriemhild, a black 
 flame ! Great ! Powerful ! 
 
 "Black flame, flame of judgment! the red flame, to be sure, 
 consumes too, but still it has the color of life, for blood is red, 
 and from blood comes all life." 6 
 
 1 Tgb. III. 3746. Nachl. I. 187. 
 
 2 Nachl. I. 186; Kuh II. 221 ff. 5 Ibid. 191. 
 
 Nachl. I. 187, 419; Tgb. III. 3874. Tgb. III. 4244 f.
 
 100 
 
 In the autobiographical sketch which he sent to F. A. Brock- 
 haus in Leipzig, September 15, 1852, Hebbel recalls the first 
 performance with great vividness. "One evening, namely, 
 when I went into the Court Theatre or rather, considering 
 my aversion to the real stage with its repertoire, was dragged in, 
 I saw Fraulein Christine Enghaus, as Chriemhilde in Ernst 
 Raupach's Nibelungen-Hort. Never did I experience a similar 
 impression, and yet I had seen much, and among others, very 
 often the actress Rachel. This growing of the demon in the 
 maiden, who is at the beginning so tender, so lily-like, so timid, 
 this gradual rise to sudden action (Aufzuckeri), this final fear- 
 ful bursting forth of a whole hell in the oath of vengeance: 
 it was one of the highest conceivable pictures of the actor's 
 art, and was received by the public with the greatest applause, 
 which often lasted five minutes." 1 
 
 In 1853, in his article on the week in the theatre, which was 
 published anonymously in Der Wanderer, Vienna, January 
 26th, he referred to his wife's performance in the "Nibelungen- 
 Hort" as follows: "Chriemhilde is the most famous role of 
 Frau Hebbel, nor is it indeed possible to depict with more 
 agitating truthfulness, and yet without overstepping the boun- 
 dary of the beautiful, the transition from the timid, modest 
 maiden, who hides shamefaced from the secretly beloved one, 
 to that fearful demon of vengeance who cuts off the head of 
 her own brother like a thistle-top. What a contrast between 
 the wheedling speech, 'Du wirst mir sagen, wess der Giirtel 
 ist?' with which she entices from Siegfried his secret, and the 
 horrible oath of vengeance which penetrates marrow and bone, 
 in the fourth act, and how is it depicted ! " 2 When, in March 
 1 86 1, he was arranging with Dingelstedt for the performance 
 of the third part of his trilogy, with his wife as Chriemhild, 
 Hebbel wrote, "In the tragic-demonic she has not her equal, 
 and her Chriemhild in Raupach's Nibelungen-Hort was the 
 very bolt that struck me fifteen years ago, and held me fast in 
 Vienna." 3 In his dedication to the trilogy, Hebbel sets the 
 
 1 Nachl. I. 418 f. W. XII. 20 f. 
 
 * Bw. II. 71. For further references to Chriemhild as a leading r81e in his 
 wife's repertoire, cf. Bw. II. 298 and Nachl. I. 133, II. 10.
 
 101 
 
 final seal upon his acknowledgment of indebtedness to Chris- 
 tine's impersonation of Chriemhild. 
 
 From the time of Hebbel's arrival in Vienna to March 28th, 
 1857, the last time that it appeared in the Vienna repertoire, 
 the " Nibelungen-Hort " was played thirteen times. All the 
 references just given, as well as Hebbel's criticisms of the 
 play, show that he was perfectly familiar w r ith it, and that he 
 saw it repeatedly both before and during his own long and 
 interrupted period of composition. 
 
 When Hebbel came to Vienna, the popularity of Raupach's 
 numerous dramas was still great enough to yield large profits 
 to the prolific verse-maker and to cause Hebbel much anger 
 and vexation. An autobiographical sketch which Hebbel doubt- 
 less wrote for Siegmund Englander, and which the latter used 
 in his anonymous characterization, says, "As yet, Genoveva 
 has nowhere been presented because Raupach's play which 
 just now is in the theatrical repertoire was in its way." 1 
 
 The "Nibelungen-Hort" appeared as manuscript for the 
 stage in 1828, but was not published until 1834. It is a five- 
 act drama with a prologue, including, with surprising brevity, 
 the Nibelungen saga, as it is contained in the Nibelungenlied, 
 and going beyond it for incidental inventions and for bor- 
 rowings from the northern versions and from the Siegfriedslied. 
 
 The prologue is based chiefly on the Siegfriedslied. Chriem- 
 hild has already been carried off by the dragon who is soon to 
 become a man and she his wife. King Eugel is given a more 
 important role than in the Siegfriedslied, in that his prophecy 
 is transformed into a warning against the evil which lies in 
 the treasure. Siegfried's encounter with the dragon, Chriem- 
 hild's vow to serve him, her swooning through fear at his peril, 
 all are features taken from the Siegfriedslied, while the story 
 of the- treasure, with its account of Hreidmar, Fafner, and Rei- 
 gen, the curse which rests upon the hoard, and the prophecy 
 of short life for Siegfried, are taken from the Norse sources. 
 For the first and only time in his play,Raupach has a glimmering 
 
 1 Sonntagsblatter V., Vienna, Jan. 18, 1846. W. XII. 396. For further 
 references to Raupach's "Genoveva," cf. Tgb. II. 2381; Bw. II. 60; NachL 
 I. 422.
 
 102 
 
 of the true significance of things in the account of how the 
 dwarfs have first collected the treasure, and been robbed of 
 it by the giants. 
 
 With the exception of Eugel, the names and the persons are 
 from the Nibelungenlied. One of Raupach's methods for 
 attaining dramatic brevity is to eliminate certain characters 
 without transferring their roles. Thus Ute is dead, and Gun- 
 ther is Chriemhild's only brother. This elimination of char- 
 acters prepares us for an equally whimsical disposition of 
 material. The five acts of the play itself are based almost 
 entirely on the Nibelungenlied. Raupach retains Chriem- 
 hild's dream of the falcon, as well as her two later dreams, 
 Siegfried's invulnerability, the expedition to Iceland, the 
 contests in the tarn-cap which here take place before Brun- 
 hild has seen Siegfried, the night struggle, the taking of the 
 girdle, and the resulting quarrel. All of these contests Raupach 
 explains as conditions laid down by Brunhild's mother so that 
 the defiant maiden might not die childless. The war with the 
 Danes is referred to, and, as in the Nibelungenlied, Hagen learns 
 from Chriemhild the secret of Siegfried's vulnerable spot, and 
 kills him at the spring. Hagen takes and sinks the treasure 
 during Gunther's absence, Etzel woos and wins Chriemhild, 
 and the immediate result is the downfall of the Burgundians, 
 with Blodel, Dietrich, Riideger, Hawart, and Iring as new 
 characters in the final catastrophe. These, and the facts that 
 Brunhild and Chriemhild each have a son, are the principal 
 features which Raupach has taken from the Nibelungenlied. 
 
 In humanizing Siegfried, Raupach has absolutely vulgarized 
 him, and made of him a roisterous youth, who has found life 
 too dull at home, who goes about seeking pastime, and who 
 praises Chriemhild's lips as the prettiest he has ever kissed. 
 He is asked to pilot the wooing expedition because they of 
 the Netherlands know the sea. He joyfully proposes the sec- 
 ond conquest of Brunhild: 
 
 Haha ! nun giebt es einen lust'gen Kampf 
 Mit einer schonen Maid bei dunkler Nacht. 
 ****** 
 Wohl trag' ich gross Verlangen nach dem Lohn, 
 Allein ich that es auch der Kurzweil halben.
 
 103 
 
 The quarrel scene is trivialized by basing its motivation in 
 petty jealousies. Brunhild is less rich, for Chriemhild has 
 the hoard, and therefore three hundred knights fought in the 
 tourney in her colors and not one in Brunhild's; Brunhild is 
 also the older and less beautiful of the two, and the feelings 
 which induce her taunting words to Chriemhild are those of 
 wounded personal vanity. 
 
 Yet although Raupach has maimed and dismembered the 
 events of the Nibelungenlied to bring them into the compass 
 of five acts which cover a period of only two years, he has found 
 room for various inventions. In the prologue, we have Eugel's 
 mysteriously foreboding admonitions, and Chriemhild's terror 
 of the magic heathen gold. In the first act, we have Siegfried's 
 long apostrophe to the Wunderkappe, Hagen's opposition to 
 Siegfried's second offer of assistance, and Siegfried's break- 
 ing of his vow of silence; we have the girdle regarded and 
 explained both by Brunhild and her women as an object for a 
 fourth and final contest; and we have Brunhild's attempts to 
 frighten Gunther from further wooing by declaring her lack of 
 womanly qualities and her delight in mannish pursuits. The 
 second act brings Brunhild's angry account of the tourney, 
 and Gunther's wrath at her foolish feelings, as well as a scene 
 in which Chriemhild forces from Siegfried the knowledge of 
 the girdle. In the third act, Brunhild is a member of the 
 chase, though Hagen is alone with Siegfried when he murders 
 him. Gunther then leaves immediately for war, and Volker 
 ends the act with a long eulogistic speech over Siegfried's 
 body. 
 
 A further invention of Raupach is the family wrangling 
 which occurs in the fourth act. Hagen has sent Chriemhild's 
 son to Siegmund, but Brunhild's demands are that Chriem- 
 hild be sent, too, and that the stolen hoard be given to her. 
 Each member of the Burgundian household has a quarrel 
 with every other member. When Chriemhild learns of Etzel's 
 wooing, she makes a direct appeal to Brunhild's womanhood 
 and motherhood, and the scornful taunt with which Brunhild 
 repulses her gives her the first idea of vengeance. 
 
 Etzel himself comes to Worms, prepared either for war or
 
 104 
 
 for wedding, and he willingly accedes to Chriemhild's demands 
 for retribution. Her condition is that she shall not be his 
 wife until vengeance is wreaked on the Burgundians. In con- 
 sequence, the wedding feast takes place on the banks of the 
 Rhine, and here Raupach introduces the speeches over the 
 wine and Volker's song of gloomy prophecy. Chriemhild's 
 demands are vengeance on Hagen, the restoration of the hoard, 
 and Brunhild in the dust at her feet. When the slaughter is 
 complete, after Brunhild, rather than intrust her child's fate 
 to such a fiend, jumps with him into the Rhine, Chriemhild 
 wishes herself back with the dragon where she was good and 
 pious: 
 
 Jetzt bin ich bose wie die gift'ge Schlange, 
 Schwarz wie die Nacht, blutfarbig wie der Brand 
 Und hoffnungslos wie die Verdammniss. 
 
 But her remorse at her evil ways does not prevent her last 
 deed of violence in stabbing Etzel to death. At this, the in- 
 furiated Huns cut her down, and the curtain falls with Die- 
 trich's unexpected rise to supremacy, and his declaration of the 
 meaning of the combat in freeing the world from heathendom, 
 and from the scourge of Etzel's rule. 
 
 The added figures of Sirith and Hildiko, confidantes of Brun- 
 hild and Chriemhild, are doubtless concessions to the French 
 drama. 
 
 Before giving in detail analogies between the two plays, it 
 will be well to see Hebbel's attitude towards Raupach's work. 
 Hebbel held Raupach worthy of consideration as a writer of 
 successful plays, and above all of a successful Nibelungen 
 tragedy, though he found the means which he used for his 
 effects degraded and of the lowest theatrical type. 
 
 As early as July, 1835, Hebbel was thinking of Raupach 
 and his methods, for he calls him a "Jew who deals in poetry 
 and does not give too much for the money"; * and in 1839, he 
 referred to a discussion, with a friend, of Gutzkow's dramas, 
 which he held in very low esteem. The friend at first defended 
 them, "later, he declared that Gutzkow's dramas stood at 
 
 1 Tgh. I. 60.
 
 105 
 
 least distinctly higher than Raupach's poetic refuse. This I 
 had never disputed." l 
 
 Hebbel frequently expresses his general opinion of Raupach's 
 method of composition and his real dramatic merit, and al- 
 ways with a degree of scorn. The highest praise that he ever 
 has for him is that he is adroit and skilful in calculating upon 
 theatrical effects, and capable in his treatment of minor sub- 
 jects. 
 
 Hebbel's knowledge of Raupach's " Nibelungen-Hort " prob- 
 ably dates from the first time he saw Christine Enghaus in 
 the play, and his first criticism of it appears when the pos- 
 sibility of his own use of the Nibelungen material becomes a 
 probability in his mind, and again during the actual work of 
 production. The anonymous article for the Wanderer, already 
 referred to, is entirely devoted to a detailed account of the per- 
 formance, on January 23d, 1853, of the "Nibelungen-Hort," 
 the first in several years: 
 
 "Considered in itself, this play to be sure falls below even 
 the most modest requirements, and shows only the one thing, 
 that there are materials which are absolutely not to be sub- 
 verted. As it stands fo.rth before us, it is like a many-colored 
 painting which is put together in part from a mutilated Nurem- 
 berg picture-book, in part from the remains and left-over tat- 
 ters of a Michel Angelo. The old, mighty epic which lies at 
 the basis of the piece could not be destroyed entirely, here and 
 there one or the other of the original gigantic outlines still 
 looms up in the new beggarly medley, now and then one of the 
 primitive knights still shows his iron hand. But the old only 
 appears to slay the new, and then again to disappear. . . . 
 How did he (Raupach) of necessity fare when he ventured the 
 wild Hagen, the false Gunther, the enigmatic Brunhild, and 
 the supefhumanly terrible Chriemhild ! . . . Now he draws 
 on seven-league boots, now goes at a snail's pace, both usually 
 at the wrong time. For like all those who do not understand 
 the myth, he tries to motivate the fabulous which must count 
 on belief, because it oversteps all bounds, and on the other 
 hand he leaves unused the points where the heroes return to 
 1 Tgb. I. 1865. 91 ff.
 
 106 
 
 the human, and where the poet can bring them nearer to our 
 feelings. In the case of such a colossal misunderstanding in 
 the whole, we may spare ourselves the pointing out of details; 
 most amusing seemed to us Siegfried's touching account of his 
 adventure with the bear; namely, the knight omits to kill 
 a bear because it occurs to him that Isegrim perhaps has a 
 family just as well as himself. 1 But the evening was none the 
 less most enjoyable for us, in the first place, because it once 
 more vividly called to mind the mighty lay; second, because 
 it showed us again the art of acting in its full power and maj- 
 esty. For what was accomplished by the interpretation with 
 such a piece ! . . . 
 
 "We cannot omit to express a wish on this occasion which 
 we have long had in our hearts. What a gain would it be for 
 the nation if the 'dramatic Nibelungen-hoard ' were one day 
 really raised ! We know well what we are asking, and that a 
 Shakesperean power is required to answer our demands in 
 full ! But in the first place we should like only to be freed 
 from Raupach, we should like the original outlines of the won- 
 drous poem shown forth once more, even if it were only in a 
 sharp, unamplified sketch, and for that certainly the talent 
 might be found. The drama requires support from the oldest 
 transmitted accounts of a people, whether these be in saga or 
 in history, if it is not to flutter about without a hold ; let it point 
 itself as subjectively as it will in its further development, only 
 let not the general fundament be lacking. The Greeks based 
 their dramas on their mythology, Shakespere transfused all 
 English history into his drama, and our poets should hold to 
 the Nibelungenlied, which in part carries us back to that time 
 when Germani and Hindoos still lived unseparated in Asia. 
 And our challenge can concern but a few; might no one be 
 found to accept it ? Failure would indeed be no disgrace." 2 
 
 In his review of Geibel's "Brunhild," which appeared in 
 the Illustrierte Zeitung, Leipzig, May i5th, 1858, Hebbel devotes 
 nearly half the space to another searching criticism of the 
 Raupach play, in which he partially quotes his previous article, 
 and adds, "The reason for the failure lies in the motivation." 
 
 1 III. iv. 2 W. XII. 19-21. * Ibid. 164-167.
 
 107 
 
 Thus we see that Hebbel recognized exactly the principal 
 defects of Raupach's work, and that he naturally avoided those 
 faults himself. He felt that the Nibelungenlied should not be 
 tampered with at will, the motives should indeed be kept hu- 
 man, but not be reduced to the trivial, nor should unnecessary 
 inventions and impossible situations be allowed; each impor- 
 tant person should be given his full meaning and value, and 
 not be treated as a lay figure only to be dragged into the action 
 to fill a gap, or eliminated as a nonentity. Yet while Hebbel 
 strove consciously in the opposite direction, there are certain 
 hints which he deliberately took from the " Nibelungen-Hort," 
 and numerous suggestions and verbal likenesses which he may 
 simply have imbibed from his accurate knowledge of Raupach's 
 drama, but which certainly show too deep an impress upon 
 his own work not to be of importance in a study of Hebbel's 
 sources. 
 
 Aside from linguistic similarities and the borrowing of 
 minor incidents, Hebbel seems to have adopted several impor- 
 tant suggestions for the arrangement of scenes and the treat- 
 ment of material from Raupach. Thus Hebbel has Ute and 
 Kriemhild watch the games in a manner similar to that in which 
 Raupach has Sirith and Brunhild's women witness and dis- 
 cuss the contests in Iceland. 1 Probably also the introduction 
 of the dwarfs bearing the Nibelungen treasure to Worms, and 
 Siegfried's mention of the dwarfs guarding the way to Brun- 
 hild, were suggested by Raupach's Prologue with Eugel and 
 his company. 2 In both plays the hoard is brought to Worms 
 at once by Siegfried's command. 3 Hebbel connects a runic 
 tablet with Brunhild, Raupach a runic girdle. 4 Raupach's 
 description of Isenland may have given Hebbel the idea for 
 his much more poetic picture. 5 Hebbel also seems to follow 
 Raupach in omitting the ring, and in introducing a scene in 
 which Kriemhild, who has found the girdle, inveigles Siegfried 
 into telling her its story. The Nibelungenlied dismisses this 
 incident with the simple statement that Siegfried "gab ihn 
 
 1 Nn. Vors. iii. ; Raupach I. v. * Nn. 688 ff. ; Raupach I. vi. 46. 
 
 1 S. T. II. vii. ; Raupach Vors. i. 142-145. 
 
 1 S. T. II. vii.; Raupach Vors. 5 Nn. 827 ff.; Raupach I. i. 33 ff.
 
 108 
 
 seinem Weibe." 1 Volker knows of Siegfried in both plays ; 2 
 in the " Nibelungen," his reputation as an epic singer for be- 
 ing familiar with strange tales brings to mind Volker's own 
 speech in the "Nibelungen-Hort," in which he tells the func- 
 tions and privileges of the poet, 3 and in both plays he is at 
 times a prophetic visionary. 4 Both poets place the quarrel 
 scene entirely in front of the cathedral, instead of having it 
 renewed there, 5 both enlarge upon Hagen's wily endeavors to 
 learn the secret of Siegfried's vulnerable spot, 6 both have 
 Etzel, not Kriemhild, set fire to the hall, 7 and in both plays 
 the final scene reaches its close with Dietrich emphatically 
 before us as the Christian hero. 8 
 
 Further similarities between Hebbel's "Nibelungen" and 
 Raupach's "Nibelungen-Hort" are indicated in the following 
 quotations : 
 
 409-411. As Kriemhild and Ute are watching the games. 
 Ute. 
 
 Bricht iiber unser'm Haupt die Burg zusammen ? 
 Das drohnt! 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Bis in den Thurm hinauf. Die Dohlen 
 Und Fledermause fahren aus den Nestern. 
 
 Raupach V. iv. 162. Eckart (calling the Burgundians to battle). 
 
 Es braust ein Sturm durchs Lager, 
 Und weckt die Dohlen und die Raben auf; 
 Sie kommen krachzend her zu diesem Thurme, 
 Als batten sie von Beute Witterung. 
 537 f. Siegfried. 
 
 Mich trieb die Lust 
 Am Kampf so weit hinunter. 
 Raupach Vors. iv. 24. Siegfried. 
 
 Arbeit suchend zieh' ich 
 
 S. T. III. iii. ; Raupach II. iii. ; Nl. 628. 
 
 Nn. Vors. i. 88 ff. ; Raupach Vors. iv. 25. 
 
 Nn. Vors. i. 81 ff. ; Raupach V. i. 154. 
 
 S. T. II. vi. 1 1 80; K. R. IV. i.; Raupach V. i. 
 
 S. T. III. vi. ; Raupach II. v. ; Nl. XIV. 758 ff., 776 ff. 
 
 S. T. IV. iii. v. vi. ; Raupach III. i. 
 
 K. R. IV. xxiii. ; 4975-4977, V. i., viii., 5068-5091. 
 
 K. R. V. xiv. ; Raupach V. rii.
 
 109 
 
 Von Land zu Land; zu Haus' ist alles still, 
 Und jungem Blut wird Zeit und Weile lang. 
 541-543, cf. page 62. 
 Raupach I. iii. 19. Eugel. 
 
 Denn seine Sohne Fafner hiess der eine, 
 Der and're Reigen nach dem Reichthum geizend, 
 Erschlugen ihren Vater, da er schlief. 
 665. Hagen. 
 
 (Legt den Finger auj den Mund, sieht Siegfried an uni 
 
 schlagt an's Schwert.) 
 Siegfried. 
 
 Bin ich ein Weib? In Ewigkeit kein Wort! 
 
 *37*-i373- Hagen. 
 
 Wir steh'n allhier zu Dreien 
 Und haben, hoff' ich, keine einz'ge Zunge, 
 Der Vierte in uns'rem Bunde sei der Tod ! 
 
 Mss. H Th. 1382 f., afterwards crossed out: 
 
 Hagen. 
 
 Nur hievon nie ein Wort, 
 
 Selbst unter uns nicht mehr ! 
 Raupach I. viii. 52. 
 Gunther. 
 
 Vergiss nicht, dass Du schweigen mir gelobt. 
 Siegfried. 
 
 Ich hab's gelobt, gelob' es abermals. 
 Gunther. 
 
 Doch hast Du jetzt gebrochen Dein Geliibde. 
 55. Hagen. 
 
 O Herr! auf die Bestandigkeit des Windes 
 
 Und auf des Meeres Stille magst Du rechnen, 
 
 Auf die Verschwiegenheit des Menschen nicht. 
 750. Frigga. 
 
 Im Hekla. 
 Raupach Vors. i. 3. 
 
 Matter schimmert die Feuersaule, 
 
 'Die aus dem Rachen des Ungethiimes, 
 
 Wie aus der Esse des Hekla's stieg. 
 803 f. Siegfried (to Brunhild). 
 
 Der Ruf von Deiner Schonheit drang gar weit, 
 
 Doch weiter noch der Ruf von Deiner Strenge 
 Raupach I. iv. 40. Gunther (to Sirith). 
 
 Der Ruf von ihrer Schonheit, ihrer Macht 
 
 Und ihrem Heldenmuth ist iibers Meer 
 
 Zu uns gedrungen.
 
 110 
 
 8o8 f. Brunhild. 
 
 Wer hier nicht siegt, der stirbt sogleich, 
 
 Und seine Diener mit. 
 Raupach I. iv. 40 f. Sirith. 
 
 Und wenn sie Dich besiegt? 
 Gunther. 
 
 So fallt mein Haupt. 
 Sirith. 
 
 Du redest wahr, so lautet das Gesetz, 
 
 Von ihren Eltern Uber sie verhangt. 
 816 f. Brunhild. 
 
 Lass Dir von meinen Magden doch die Recken 
 
 Erst nennen, die von meiner Hand schon fielen. 
 153 f. Volker. 
 
 Bald kommt auf jedes Glied an ihrem Leibe 
 
 Ein Freier, den die kalte Erde deckt. 
 Raupach I. iv. 41. Sirith. 
 
 Lass Dir erst die bleichen Haupter zeigen, 
 
 Die der Walkuhr' in gleichem Kampf verfallen. 
 843 f. Brunhild. 
 
 Was weisst denn Du von meiner Einsamkeit? 
 
 Noch hab' ich nichts aus Eurer Welt vermisst. 
 Raupach I. v. 43. Sirith. 
 
 Und ist das fremde Land auch zehnmal schoner, 
 
 Zur Heimath wird's doch nie, das sagen alle. 
 Ms. H before 930. Hagen. 
 
 Mir daucht, die ist zum Weibe nicht bestimmt 
 
 Und war' ich Du, so kehrt' ich (urn !) jetzt noch um ! 
 Raupach I. viii. 54. Hagen. 
 
 Mir ahnet, nicht zum Heile der Burgunden 
 
 Fiihrst Du dies Heidenweib in Deine Burg. 
 ***** 
 
 Und ware 
 
 Auch zehnmal machtiger dies Konigreich, 
 Ich nahm' es nicht mit dieser Konigin. 
 
 1105. Brunhild. 
 
 Das Zeichen das zu seiner Magd mich stempelt. 
 
 Raupach I. vii. 48. Brunhild. 
 
 Die Liebe kenn'ich so nur, dass ich weiss, 
 Sie macht das Weib zu eines Herren Magd. 
 II. i. 59- 
 
 Darum vertauscht des reinen Magdthums Freiheit 
 Mit eines Eheweibes schnoder Knechtschaft. 
 
 1250 ff. Wulf and Truchs discuss the rival claims of Kriem-
 
 Ill 
 
 hild and Brunhild, while watching the dwarfs who bear the 
 Nibelungen treasure : 
 
 Truchs. 
 
 Ich steh' zu Kriemhild. 
 Wulf. 
 
 So? Zu Brunhild ich. 
 Truchs. 
 
 Warum, wenn's Dir beliebt? 
 Wulf. 
 
 Wie brachtest Du 
 
 Dein Lanzenspiel zusammen, wenn wir Alle 
 
 Dieselbe Farbe hielten? 
 
 Raupach II. i. 58. Brunhild's first anger is aroused at the 
 tourney: 
 
 Nicht hundert Kampfer stritten 
 In meiner Farbe; wohl dreihundert prangten 
 In Deiner Schwester Chriemhild Kleid und Schmuck. 
 1257 f. Truchs. 
 
 Es ist ein Unterscheid, wie Tag und Nacht. 
 Wulf. 
 
 Wer laugnet das ? Doch Mancher liebt die Nacht ! 
 
 This comparison of Kriemhild with Brunhild recalls Brun- 
 hild's speech : 
 
 Raupach II. i. 59. Brunhild. 
 
 Ich habe stets 
 
 Den Mond gehasst, weil er sein schwarzes Antlitz 
 Mit dem erborgten Sonnenlichte schminkt, 
 Und soil nun selbst ein Mond seyn, nur gesehn, 
 Wann eine Kon'gin-Sonne ihn beleuchtet? 
 
 I3S4-I3S9- Hagen. 
 
 doch die Ehre, 
 
 Einmal erkrankt, und dann nicht rasch geheilt, 
 Steht niemals wieder von den Todten auf. 
 Und eines Konigs Ehre ist der Stern, 
 Der alle seine Recken mitbeleuchtet 
 Und mit verdunkelt ! 
 
 Raupach II. vii. 89. Hagen. 
 
 Es ist mein Konig, meiner Treue Herr, 
 Dess Ehre man so schwer gekrankt, verletzt, 
 Nein, auf den Tod verwundet, denn im Glauben 
 Des Volks, nicht in der Wahrheit liegt die Ehre.
 
 112 
 
 QI. 
 
 Mehr als Du selber bist, 
 1st Deine Ehre, die noch nach Dir lebt. 
 
 In both plays Kriemhild finds the girdle. 
 
 1448. Kriemhild. 
 
 unter'm Tisch. 
 
 i45i- 
 
 Ich fand ihn in der Kammer. 
 
 Raupach II. iii. 66. Chriemhild. 
 
 Geschmeide noch in Deinem Schreine suchend 
 
 Fand ich ihn wohl verwahrt, ja tief versteckt. 
 1453 f- Kriemhild. Ich dachte, 
 
 Er stamme aus dem Nibelungenhort. 
 Raupach II. iii. 67. Siegfried. 
 
 Zum Nibelungen-Hort mag er gehoren. 
 1469. Kriemhild. 
 
 Bald werd's ich's glauben. 
 1487-1490, cf. page 178. 
 Raupach II. iii. 68. Chriemhild. 
 
 Wie Du gelogen hast, so liigst Du wieder. 
 * * * * # 
 
 Nein, Heuchler! die den Giirtel hat getragen, 
 Die hat empfangen, was Du mir geraubt. 
 1475. Kriemhild. 
 
 Wie kam er denn in deine Hand? 
 Raupach II. iii. 66. Siegfried. 
 
 Hei ! wie kommt das 
 In Deine Hand? 
 Chriemhild. 
 
 Wo hast Du ihn dann her? 
 1477 f. Kriemhild. 
 
 Du hast 
 
 Mir doch ein gross'res anvertraut. 
 Raupach II. iii. 70. Chriemhild. 
 
 Du willst mir sagen, wess der Giirtel ist? 
 
 In both plays, Brunhild shows the same wild desire to have 
 Siegfried leave Worms: 
 
 1495 f. Brunhild. 
 
 War das nicht Kriemhild ? 
 Gunther. 
 
 Ja.
 
 113 
 
 Brunhild. 
 
 Wie lange bleibt 
 Sie noch am Rhein? 
 1497-1499. Brunhild. 
 
 Ich geb' ihm Urlaub 
 
 Und schenke ihm den Abschied obend'rein. 
 Gunther. 
 
 1st er Dir so verhasst? 
 Raupach II. ii. 61. Brunhild. 
 
 Doch Siegfried ziehe fort: lass heim ihn kehren 
 An seines Vaters Hof. 
 
 62. 
 
 Lass heim ihn ziehen, dass von Deiner Schwester 
 Ich nichts mehr wisse, hore, nichts mehr sehe. 
 
 63- 
 
 Und wenn 
 
 Du ihm die Welt verdanktest, lass ihn zieh'n ! 
 1514 f. Brunhild (the morning after the final contest, to Gunther). 
 
 ich mogte 
 
 Jetzt lieber lauschen, wie die Spinnen weben. 
 
 Raupach I. vii. 48. Brunhild (warning Gunther from trying to win her 
 love). 
 
 Ich will 
 
 Nicht weben gleich der missgeschaff'nen Spinne. 
 1535-1545, cf. page 71. 
 Raupach II. i. 58 f. Brunhild. 
 
 Weil sie dies kann, ist sie die Konigin. 
 
 Mein Hauptschmuck zeigt nur die Gestalt der Krone, 
 
 Ihr Stirnband hat der Krone Werth und Glanz. 
 
 Wie prangte sie ! Ihr Haupt war sonnenhell, 
 
 Und ihr Gewand dem Winterhimmel gleich, 
 
 Wenn er sich schmiickt mit alien tausend Sternen. 
 
 Wie Bienen hangen an der Konigin, 
 
 So hingen alle Blick an ihr, und ich 
 
 Ward nur gesehen, weil ich neben ihr, 
 
 In ihrem Glanze sass. 
 1563-1568. Brunhild. 
 
 Ob er den Lindwurm schlug 
 
 Und Alberich bezwang: das alles reicht 
 
 Noch nicht von fern' an Dich. In Dir und mir 
 
 Hat Mann und Weib fiir alle Ewigkeit 
 
 Den letzten Kampf urn's Vorrecht ausgekampft. 
 
 Du bist der Sieger. 
 1653 f. Brunhild. 
 
 Eh' ich geboren wurde, war's bestimmt, 
 
 Dass nur der Starkste mich besiegen solle
 
 114 
 
 Raupach II. v. 78. Brunhild. 
 
 Macht's Dich so stolz, dass er im Kampf um Dich 
 
 Ein unbehiilflich Ungeheuer schlug? 
 
 Ich war gefiirchtet auf dem weiten Meere, 
 
 Ich war der Lande Schrecken nah und fern; 
 
 Mein Leib war Riesenkraft und meine Seele 
 
 War Gottermuth; ich schlug die kiihnsten Recken, 
 
 Und mich besiegte Konig Gunther's Arm : 
 
 Ein Held nur konnte diesen Sieg erringen. 
 1592-1594. Kriemhild. 
 
 Nun, ist's nicht besser, Kampfe anzusehen, 
 
 Als selbst zu kampfen? 
 Brunhild. 
 
 Hast Du Beides schon 
 
 Versucht, dass Du vergleichen kannst? 
 1624 f. Brunhild. 
 
 Ich will dafur geduldig auf Dich horen, 
 
 Wenn Du mir zeigst, wie man die Nadel braucht. 
 Raupach II. v. 78. Brunhild. 
 
 der Nadel nur, 
 
 Der Spindel kundig schwatzest Du von Kampf? 
 
 1662. Kriemhild (referring to the question of precedence in entering the 
 cathedral). 
 
 Ich hatte Dir ihn wahrlich nicht versagt. 
 Raupach II. v. 76. Chriemhild. 
 
 Ich wiirde Dich 
 
 Erwartet haben an des Munsters Pforte, 
 
 Dass Du den Vortritt nahmest. 
 1681-1688. Kriemhild. 
 
 Ich liebe Dich auch jetzt 
 
 Noch viel zu sehr und kann Dich nie so hassen, 
 
 Um Dir den Grund zu nennen. Ware Mir's 
 
 Gescheh'n, ich griibe mir mit eig'nen Handen 
 
 In dieser Stunde noch das Grab ! Nein, nein J 
 
 Nicht ich will das elendeste Geschopf, 
 
 Das auf der ganze Erde athmet, machen, 
 
 Sei stolz und frech, ich bin aus Mitleid stumm ! 
 Raupach II. iii. 73. Chriemhild. 
 
 wenn ich sie 
 
 Auch nicht kann lieben, heg* ich Mitleid doch; 
 
 Sie konnt's nicht iiberleben, wtird' ihr kund, 
 
 Wie arg man sie beleidigt und betrogen. 
 1720 f. Frigga. 
 
 Du kannst es Dir 
 
 Zwar nicht zuriick erobern.
 
 115 
 
 Raupach II. ii. 61. Brunhild. 
 
 Was Du geraubt, Du kannst's nicht wiedergeben. 
 
 1732 f. Kriemhild. 
 
 Vergieb mir, mein Gemahl ! Ich that nicht recht 
 Doch wenn Du wiisstest, wie Sie Dich geschmaht 
 
 J743 * 
 
 Wenn Du bedenkst, wie schwer Du mich gereizt. 
 
 Raupach II. vi. 82 f. Chriemhild. 
 
 Vergieb mir, Lieber ! 
 
 Sie hat mich sehr gereizt, hat Dich gescholten, 
 Dich feig genannt und einen schlechten Mann. 
 
 85- 
 
 Ihr Stolz entriss mir mit Gewalt das Wort. 
 
 Hagen's warning to Gunther in the " Nibelungen-Hort " 
 to separate women who hate each other finds its echo in the 
 "Nibelungen," though here after the quarrel : 
 
 1738-1741. Hagen. 
 
 Jetzt bringe nur 
 
 Die Weiber aus einander, die noch immer 
 Die Schlangenkamme wieder strauben konnen, 
 Wenn sie zu friih' sich in die Augen seh'n. 
 
 Raupach II. ii. 62. Hagen. 
 
 Zwischen Frauen, die sich hassen, 
 Leg 5 ein Gebirg und noch ein Meer dazu. 
 
 64. 
 
 Wo sich die Frauen hassen, 
 
 Kann auch der Manner Freundschaft nicht bestehn. 
 vi. 84. Siegfried. 
 
 Halt man die Weiber nicht in guter Zucht, 
 So jagen sie den Frieden aus der Welt. 
 
 In both pkys the necessity for the deed of murder is empha- 
 sized : 
 
 1761. Hagen. 
 
 Dir blieb die Wahl ja zwischen ihm und ihr. 
 1937. Volker. 
 
 Und darum bleibt's dabei: Er oder Sie! 
 
 1945 * 
 
 jetzt 
 
 1st diess das Ziel.
 
 116 
 
 Raupach III. iii. 108. Hagen. 
 
 Freiheit hort nun auf, 
 Nothwendigkeit ist da fur Dich und mich. 
 
 Hebbel seems to have followed Raupach in emphasizing the 
 idea of bastard children being made a reproach to the Bur- 
 gundians : 
 
 1765-1769. Hagen. 
 
 Wollt Ihr Bastarde zieh'n an Eurem Hof ? 
 Ich zweifle, ob die trotzigen Burgunden 
 Sie kronen werden ! Doch Du bist der Herr ! 
 Gerenot. 
 
 Der tapf're Siegfried wird sie schon bezwingen, 
 Sobald sie murren, wenn's uns selbst nicht gliickt. 
 Raupach II. vii. 91. Hagen. 
 
 wann Dein Sohn einst Deine Mannen ruft 
 Zum Fest der Kronung und zum Eid der Treue, 
 So steigt das Blut der Scham in ihre Wangen 
 Wohl mir ! Ich werde diesen Tag nicht sehn 
 Sie rufen laut: Fort mit dem kecken Buben, 
 Der Konig seyn will, und ein Bastard ist. 
 IV. iii. 138. Brunhild. 
 
 Was redest Du von meines Sohnes Ehre, 
 Den Du zum Bastard liigen wolltest? 
 IV. ix. 176. Chriemhild. 
 
 Lass sie's gesteh'n, dass er ein Bastard ist. 1 
 1912-1914. Hagen. 
 
 Man forscht 
 
 Ein Land doch aus mit alien seinen Passen, 
 Warum nicht einen Helden? 
 Raupach III. i. 96. Hagen. 
 
 Wer aber eine Burg bewahren soil, 
 Der muss des Werkes schwache Seite kennen. 
 2149 f. Gunther. 
 
 Sie rechnet auf die That, wie wir auf Aepfel, 
 Wenn's Herbst geworden ist. 
 Raupach II. vii. 87. Brunhild. 
 
 Nun rathet, 
 
 Nicht, ob, nein wie mir Rache werden soil. 
 ***** 
 
 Die Rach' ist mir gewiss. 
 Es sollen nicht zwei Manner seyn auf Erden, 
 Die meinen Leib beriihrt, und werden nicht. 
 
 1 Cf. Nl. 810.
 
 117 
 
 2236. Hagen. 
 
 Nun, hast Du Deine Spindel schon? 
 Gunther (scorning to turn back from his journey to the Huns because of 
 
 the warning and evil portents, exclaims) 
 3786-3788. 
 
 Ich will 
 
 Nicht warten, bis der Heunenkonig mir 
 
 Ein Spinnrad schickt. 
 
 Raupach V. vii. 171. Chriemhild (inciting Etzel to the slaughter of the 
 Burgundians, scorns him with the words) 
 
 Nehmt Spindeln in die Hand, 
 
 Und giirtet Euch mit einem Weibergurtel, 
 
 Den Rocken d'rein zu stecken. 
 2243. Kriemhild. 
 
 Wie kann man thun, was man sogleich bereut ! 
 Raupach III. i. 97. 
 
 Ach ! hab ich wohl gethan, dass ich's gesagt? * 
 2253. Kriemhild. 
 
 Wenn ich Euch theuer bin, wenn ihr es nicht 
 
 Vergessen habt, dass Eine Milch uns nahrte. 
 Raupach IV. ii. 133. Chriemhild. 
 
 Du rede, Bruder, Du ! Du hast mit mir 
 
 Gelegen unter einem Mutterherzen, 
 
 Mit mir getrunken einer Mutter Milch. 
 
 2283. Hagen, at the chosen spring, exclaims: 
 
 Diess ist der Ort. 
 Raupach III. iii. 107. Hagen. 
 
 Diess, Konig, ist der Ort. 
 2295 f. Hagen. 
 
 doch ich halte 
 
 Die That darum nicht minder fur gerecht. 
 
 Raupach III. iii. 109. Hagen. 
 
 Ich thue Recht. 
 
 2616-2618. Kriemhild. 
 
 Ich bin ein armes, halb zertret'nes Weib, 
 Und kann mit meinen Locken keinen Recken 
 Erdrosseln: welche Rache bliebe mir? 
 
 Raupach IV. i. 126. Gunther. 
 
 O Riesenfurcht ! Was konnte sie beginnen, 
 Beraubt des Gatten und beraubt des Schatzes? 
 
 1 Cf. Nl. 863.
 
 118 
 
 Throughout " Kriemhild's Rache" we have hints of the 
 family discord at Worms : 
 
 2838. Gunther. 
 
 Im Hause Groll und Zwiespalt, draussen Schmach. 
 
 3849. Kriemhild. 
 
 Doch nein, sie hassen sich ! 
 
 4529 f. Hagen (of Giselher). 
 
 Er hat kein mildes Wort mit mir gesprochen, 
 Seit wir zuriick sind aus dem Odenwald. 
 
 5236-5242. Kriemhild. 
 
 Das konnt ich auch nicht ahnen, als ich sie 
 
 So mit einander hadern sah. Mein Grab 
 
 Im Kloster war nicht still genug, dass ich 
 
 Den ew'gen Zank nicht horte: konnt' ich denken, 
 
 Dass sie, die sich das Brot vergifteten, 
 
 Sich hier so dicht zusammen knaueln wiirden, 
 
 Als hingen sie an Einer Nabelschnur? 
 
 Mss. H Th. 5242 ff., afterwards crossed out: 
 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Wenn sie die Rolle der Zusammen 
 
 Gewachsnen Drillinge, die sich zerkratzten 
 
 Und doch vertheidigten, zu Ende (bringen) spielen, 
 
 So andert's Nichts. 
 
 Raupach also insists upon unceasing quarrelling and wran- 
 gling among the Burgundians after Siegfried's death, and makes 
 it a prominent feature in Acts IV. and V. 
 
 2863-2868. Hagen. 
 
 Wenn ich Dein Mann, Dein treu'ster Mann nicht ware, 
 
 Wenn jeder Tropfen meines Blutes nicht 
 
 So fur Dich pochte, wie das ganze Herz 
 
 Der Uebrigen, wenn ich, was Du erst ftthlst, 
 
 Wenn es Dich trifft, nicht immer vorempfande, 
 
 Und tiefer oft, wie Du in Wirklichkeit. 
 Raupach I. viii. 55. Hagen. 
 
 Ich, Herr, bin Dein: die Treue gegen Dich 
 
 1st meine einz'ge Lieb' auf dieser Welt, 
 
 Und Ehre, sonst des Mannes Konigin, 
 
 1st doch bei mir die Dienerin der Treue. 
 
 2885-2888. Hagen (referring to the murder of King Niblung for the 
 sake of the treasure). 
 
 urn dasselbe Gold, 
 
 Das Siegfried an den Rhein gebracht. Wer hatte
 
 119 
 
 Sich's wohl gedacht, bevor sie's wirklich thaten? 
 Doch ist's gescheh'n und wird noch oft gescheh'n. 
 
 Raupach Vors. iii. 19. Chriemhild. 
 
 Lass Gold und Edelstein und kiinstlich Werk ! 
 Sie haben einmal Blutschuld schon gezeugt, 
 Und konnten Blutschuld abermals erzeugen. 
 
 2895 f. Hagen. 
 
 Nur gebt ihr keine Waffen, muss ich rathen, 
 Wenn sie Euch selbst damit erreichen kann. 
 
 Raupach IV. i. 128. Hagen. 
 
 Du scharfst das Eisen selbst fiir Deine Brust. 
 Die gift'ge Schlange nahrest Du mit Gift, 
 Damit sie todtlicher Dich einst verwunde. 
 Der Schwergekrankten willst Du Macht verleihen. 
 
 2922. Ute. 
 
 in ihrem schwarzen Trauerkleide. 
 
 2929-2938. Hagen. 
 
 Ja, es war ein Bild, 
 
 Den Stein zu rtihren ! Und da Wohlthat driickt, 
 Und Jeder, um die Last sich zu erleichtern, 
 Auf irgend eine Art zu danken wiinscht, 
 So hatte von den vielen Tausenden, 
 Die sich allmalig um sie sammehi mussten, 
 Zuletzt wohl Einer sie gefragt: Was weinst Du? 
 Um auf den kleinsten Wink das Schwert zu zieh'n 
 Und den zu rachen, der den Wurm erschlagen 
 Und auch den reichen Hort in's Land gebracht. 
 
 Raupach IV. i. 122. Hagen. 
 
 Und spater nahm sie jeden Anlass wahr 
 An Edle Gold zu spenden, und an's Volk, 
 Und diese Spenden, machtig unterstiitzt 
 Von ihrer Schonheit, ihrem tiefen Leid, 
 Gewannen ihr die Herzen, und man sprach 
 Von Siegfrids Ungliick nur und ihrem Gram, 
 Und eine Mordthat schalt man uns're Rache. 1 
 
 125. Brunhild. 
 
 Denn wann sie in den langen schwarzen Schleiern, 
 Mit Trauer prahlend, auf dem Altan stand, 
 Den Knaben in dem Arm, so gaff ten sie 
 Und sprachen : Seht doch Siegfrids lieben Knaben ! 
 Das arme Kind ? Wie gleicht er schon dem Vater ! 
 Gott schtitz' ihn nur vor seiner Feinde Hass 1 
 
 2967-2969. Kriemhild. 
 
 1st von Menschen 
 
 1 Cf. Nl. 994, 1000 ff., 1067 f.
 
 120 
 
 Dem edlen Siegfried Einer nachgestorben ? 
 
 Nicht einmal ich, doch wohl sein treuer Hund. 
 Raupach III. iv. in f. Siegfried. 
 
 Derm Thiere lieben auch. 
 Hagen. 
 
 Und ihre Lieb' 
 
 1st ohne Wechsel, ohne Grenzen treu. 
 Siegfried. 
 
 Du redest wahr: die treue Dogge legt 
 
 Sich auf das Grab des Herrn, und alle Nahrung 
 
 Verschmahend stirbt sie dem Geliebten nach. 
 
 Was konnte mehr der Mensch? 
 Hagen. 
 
 Nicht mehr, doch diess. 
 2974-2977. Kriemhild. 
 
 unter Menschen 
 
 Erging's mir wohl zu schlecht, als dass ich nicht 
 
 Versuchen sollte, ob der wilde Wald 
 
 Nicht bess're Arten birgt. 
 2990-2992. 
 
 Auch kann sie l mit der Zunge, die sie braucht, 
 
 Um ihren Feind zu todten, ihm nicht schworen, 
 
 Dass sie ihn kiissen will. 
 2996 f. 
 
 Zu ihnen hatt' ich, meinen Sohn im Arm, 
 
 Mich fliichten sollen. 
 Raupach II. vii. 91. Gunther. 
 
 Wer baute nicht beim wilden Thier sich an, 
 
 War solch ein Mann nicht sicher mehr bei Menschen ? 
 3011 f. Ute. 
 
 Man wird ihm auch am Rhein das Fluchen lehren, 
 
 Denn Siegfrieds Vater hat das Recht dazu. 
 Raupach IV. i. 125. Hagen. 
 
 Sie sollt' an Siegmunds Hofe 
 
 Nicht Feindschaft spinnen gegen meinen Konig; 
 
 Das Mitleid nicht durch Klagen und durch Thranen 
 
 Zum Bundsgenossen ihres Hasses werben ; 
 
 Den Knaben nicht mit seinem Abendsegen 
 
 Auch Rachgedanken lehren wider uns. 
 3087-3091. Kriemhild. 
 
 Denn man misst 
 
 Die Todten nach dem Schmerz der Lebenden, 
 
 Und wenn die Wittwe freit, so denkt die Welt: 
 
 Sie ist das letzte unter alien Weibern, 
 
 1 die Schlange.
 
 121 
 
 Oder sie hat den letzten Mann gehabt. 
 Raupach III. ii. 104. Siegfried. 
 
 Und Du, das weiss ich und das nehm' ich mit, 
 Dass Du nicht mein Gedachtniss schmahen wirst, 
 Nicht Schande laden auf des Kindes Haupt, 
 Und, wenn auch Jung, dem Zweiten Dich vermahlen. 
 Chriemhild. 
 
 Verwerfe Gott mich, wenn ich's jemals thue ! 
 3151-3155. Kriemhild. 
 
 Wenn Du die Krone und den Purpur nicht 
 Zum blossen Staat mehr tragst und Schwert und Scepter 
 Zum Spott 
 Gunther. 
 
 Du redest scharf. 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Das wollt' ich nicht! 
 
 Doch wenn's so ist, und wenn auf Deine Kronung 
 Die Thronbesteigung endlich folgen soil 
 Raupach II. vii. 89. Brunhild. 
 
 O edler Degen ! Gunther tragt die Krone, 
 Doch Du fiir ihn das konigliche Herz. 
 
 III. iii. 108. Brunhild. 
 
 Reut's dich, feiger Konig, 
 Dass einmal Du gedacht hast wie ein Mann? 
 3238-3240. Riideger. 
 
 der kein einz'ges Scepter 
 In Konigs-Handen unzerbrochen liess, 
 Als das der Nibelungen. 
 
 This is perhaps suggested by the fear of Etzel expressed in 
 the "Nibelungen-Hort " : 
 
 Raupach II. ii. 63. Gunther. 
 
 In dieser Zeit, 
 ***** 
 
 Wo taglich drohender fiir uns im Osten 
 
 Die Macht des wilden Hunnenkonigs wachst? 
 
 IV. i. 126. Gunther. 
 
 Der allgewalt'ge Hunnenkonig Etzel 
 Hagen. 
 
 Er steht am Donaustrom mit macht'gem Heer. 
 
 128. Gunther. 
 
 Wie thoricht war's, aus Furcht vor Ungewissem 
 Den sichem Zorn des Macht' gen zu erregen, 
 Dess Waffen alles Land von Sonnenaufgang 
 Bis an die Grenzen unsers Reichs bezwungen?
 
 122 
 
 3257- Kriemhild. 
 
 Verstell' Dich nicht ! Du weisst, wie Siegfried starb. 
 3260. Rudeger. 
 
 Und wenn ich's weiss? 
 Raupach IV. vi. 147. Chriemhild. 
 
 Hast Du vernommen, welch unsaglich Weh 
 
 Die eig'nen Blutsverwandten mir bereitet? 
 Etzel. 
 
 Ja, alles hat man wahrhaft mir berichtet. 
 3798. Werbel. 
 
 Dem Hornissschwarm erlag schon mancher Leu ! 
 
 4iS3-4iS5 cf- Page 7 6 - 
 Raupach II. iii. 64. Brunhild. 
 
 Doch leichter ist es, Lowen auszuweichen, 
 
 Als Scorpionen, die im Dunkel schleichen. 
 3800 f. Werbel. 
 
 Auch in der Wiiste ehren 
 
 Wir einen Gast. 
 4725. Etzel. 
 
 Was soil noch heilig sein, wenn nicht der Gast? 
 
 4775 * 
 
 nur mussen sie 
 
 In vollem Frieden erst geschieden sein. 
 4786. 
 
 Wie ich die Pflichten eines Wirthes kenne. 
 Raupach V. ii. 156 f. Dietrich. 
 
 Hier sind sie Gaste, 
 
 Und ein geheiligt Recht beschiitzt den Gast. 
 Etzel. 
 
 Sie waren meine Gaste hier im Zelt, 
 Und ungefahrdet haben sie's verlassen. 
 Das Lager aber ist nicht meine Burg; 
 Der Boden, der es tragt, ist Gunther's Reich, 
 Der allgemeine Himmel ist die Decke. 
 iii. 161. Volker. 
 
 Lasst sie zuerst das heil'ge Gastrecht schanden. 
 3803-3805. Kriemhild. 
 
 Hier wird Konig Gunther frei, 
 Und wenn sich in Burgund der Henker finder, 
 So brauche ich die Heun'schen Racher nicht. 
 Raupach V. ii. 157. Blodel. 
 
 Hier wird der Konig 
 
 Aus Furcht bewill'gen, was Frau Chriemhild fordert 
 4477 * Hagen. 
 
 Vergiss Dich selbst und Deinen Theil nicht ganz! 
 Du tragst die grosste Schuld.
 
 123 
 
 4501-4504- Hagen. 
 
 Doch Deine Hand hat mir ihn 1 dargereicht, 
 D'rum biisse selbst, wenn hier zu biissen ist. 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Und buss' ich nicht? Was konnte Dir gescheh'n, 
 Das auch nur halb an meine Qualen reichte? 
 
 Raupach IV. ii. 131 f. Giinther. 
 
 Nicht mich, nicht And're, Dich allein verklage. 
 Dein frech erfinderischer Geist, die Zunge, 
 Die frecher noch laut zu verkiinden wagte, 
 Was still zu denken schon Verbrechen war. 
 
 4653-4655. Kriemhild. 
 
 Die blutigen Kometen sind am Himmel 
 Anstatt der frommen Sterne aufgezogen 
 Und blitzen dunkel in die Welt hinein. 
 
 Raupach IV. iv. 141. Chriemhild. 
 
 Feuerzeichen O ! gewohn' Dich d'ran 
 
 Du wirst den Himmel ganz in Flammen seh'n. 
 
 " Kriemhild's Rache," IV. xiv., Etzel's description of his 
 terror-bringing campaigns and of his furious war steed recalls : 
 
 Raupach IV. vi. 146. Etzel. 
 
 Ha ! zu des Aufgangs Volkern 
 
 Hab' ich gesagt, beugt Euch vor meinen Knechten! 
 
 Sie haben sich gebeugt; befohlen hab' ich 
 
 Des Westens Landen: nahrt mein Lieblingsross 
 
 Mit Eurem Mark; sie haben es genahrt. 
 4792 f. Etzel. 
 
 Ich bringe Dir fiir jeden Becher Wein, 
 
 Den sie hier trinken, eine Kanne Blut. 
 Raupach IV. vi. 148. Etzel. 
 
 Fiir jede Thrane, die dem Aug' entrann, 
 
 Zahlt Dir ein Blutstrom aus der Feinde Herzen. 
 Raupach V. xi. 182. Chriemhild. 
 
 Fiir blut'ge Thranen Blut das ist gerecht. 
 4794. Etzel. 
 
 Wenn ich auch jetzt die Mticken fiir sie klatsche. 
 Raupach II. vi. 83. Siegfrid. 
 
 Bist Du bezahlt, die Miicken mir zu wehren ? 
 4929-4931. Kriemhild. 
 
 Es ist ja Einer da, 
 
 Der alle Andern zum Verstummen bringt. 
 
 So spielt denn auf, Herr Volker! 
 
 1 den Todesspeer.
 
 124 
 
 Raupach V. i. 153. Blodel. 
 
 Ja, sing' ein Lied, 
 Mein wackrer Spielmann ! Sing' ein frohlich Lied ! 
 
 4966-4977. Etzel. 
 
 Jetzt seid Ihr aus dem Frieden 
 Der Welt gesetzt und habt zugleich die Rechte 
 Des Kriegs verwirkt ! Wie ich aus meiner Wiiste 
 Hervorbrach, unbekannt mit Brauch und Sitte, 
 Wie Feuer und Wasser, die vor weissen Fahnen 
 Nicht stehen bleiben und gefalt'ne Hande 
 Nicht achten, rach' ich meinen Sohn an Euch 
 Und auch mein Weib. Ihr werdet diesen Saal 
 Nicht mehr verlassen, Ihr, Herr Dieterich, 
 Biirgt mir dafiir, doch was den Heunenkonig 
 Auf dieser Erde einst so furchtbar machte, 
 Das sollt Ihr seh'n in seinem engen Raum ! 
 
 Raupach V. viii. 172 f. Etzel (of Blodel) 
 
 Der Du mir theurer, als die Konigreiche 
 
 Zu meinen Fiissen warst, Du bist dahin, 
 
 Doch rachen will ich Dich, mit Schwert und Flammen 
 
 Ein Grabmal Dir erbau'n, wie keines noch 
 
 Gesehen worden zwischen Meer und Meer. 
 
 (Zu seinem Gefolge.) 
 Geht, saget Iring, die Burgundenritter 
 Soil er zu Boden schlagen keiner lebe ! 
 Ihr, Dietrich, Rudeger, ersturmt den Thurm, 
 Und wiirget d'rin, so lang* ein Odem rauscht. 
 Blut ist der Zins, den heut ich von Euch fordre. 
 
 5075 f. Kriemhild. 
 
 Und bin ich fiir des Mitleids Stimme taub? 
 Sie waren's, als sogar der Stein zerschmolz. 
 
 Raupach IV. i. 121. Brunhild. 
 
 Ja, eher findest Du im rauhen Felsen 
 Ein fiihlend Herz, als in der Eisenbrust. 
 
 5101-5103. Etzel. 
 
 Stamm um Stamm! 
 
 Sie haben meinen ausgeloscht, sie sollen 
 Auch selbst nicht fortbesteh'n. 
 
 Raupach V. xii. 184. Dietrich. O schreckenvolle Nacht! 
 
 Zwei glanz- und machtbegabte Konigshauser 
 Hast Du verschlungen in die Finsterniss. 
 
 5323 f. Kriemhild. 
 
 statt den Dolch zu rauben und zu todten, 
 Gleichviel, ob mich, ob ihn, sein Bett beschritt. 
 
 Raupach IV vi. 146. Chriemhild. 
 
 Was schiitzt Dich vor der Tischgenossin Gifte ? 
 Was schiitzt Dich vor der Bettgenossin Dolch?
 
 125 
 
 538~53 10 - Riideger (begging to be released from his oath, urges his 
 willingness to relinquish all his possessions). 
 
 Und, wie ein Greis, den die gewalt'ge Zeit 
 Von seinem Schwerte schied, in roller Kraft 
 An einem Bettelstab die Welt durchzieh'n. 
 
 Raupach IV. ii. 134. Chriemhild (begging to be spared a second mar- 
 riage). 
 
 Ich will Euch alles lassen, 
 Was mir geblieben ist ; ich will verschwinden, 
 Bei fremden Menschen mich als Magd verdingen, 
 Und wenn's dem koniglich gewohnten Leibe 
 An Kraft zum harten Tagewerk gebricht, 
 Mein Brot erbetteln an den Kirchenpforten. 1 
 
 5442. Kriemhild. 
 
 Das war' ein Hohn auf dieses Weltgericht ! 
 
 Raupach V. xii. 184. Dietrich. 
 
 ein irdisch Weltgericht. 
 
 5456. Dietrich. 
 
 Im Namen dessen, der am Kreuz erblich ! 
 
 Raupach V. xii. 184. Dietrich. 
 
 Er, der des Lebens ew'ge Kette flicht, 
 Hat hier gehegt ein irdisch Weltgericht. 
 Riidiger. 
 
 Und hat ein schweres Joch von uns genommen, 
 Und eine bess're Zeit wird leuchtend kommen, 
 Wie dort der Morgen durch die Wolken bricht. 
 Dietrich. 
 
 Der Erde langes Ungliick ist gerochen : 
 Die Volkergeissel hat der Herr zerbrochen; 
 Erbarmend hat er unser Volk befreit 
 Von wilder Horden schnoder Dienstbarkeit, 
 Erlost vom finstern Heidenthum die Erde: 
 Nun lasst uns handeln, dass es besser werde. 
 
 These are the principal places where a similarity of idea, 
 motive, or language seems worthy of mention. But it is no- 
 ticeable throughout Raupach's play that he emphasizes the 
 contrast between Christianity and heathendom, however 
 superficially. The veneer of Christianity which we find ap- 
 plied in the Nibelungenlied is more thickly distributed in the 
 "Nibelungen-Hort," but is quite as apparently a separate and 
 
 1 Cf. Nl. C. 2216.
 
 126 
 
 distinct addition. With Raupach, it is a purely surface antag- 
 onism, without real influence upon the characters. There 
 is no attempt at depicting the struggle between dying heathen- 
 dom and conquering Christianity, no attempt at a deep psy- 
 chological study of the two beliefs in their effect upon their 
 representatives; simply a cheap use of the words Gott, 
 Himmel, heilige Jungfrau, an artificial reference to church and 
 creed, an affected horror of the "Christian Burgundian" 
 for the heathen Gods, and of the heathen Amazon for the 
 Christian beliefs and customs. 
 
 Chriemhild makes a vow to the heilige Jungfrau to serve 
 Siegfried should he conquer the dragon, 1 and in begging him 
 not to accept the treasure, she warns him : 
 
 dieser Hort 
 1st eitel Heiden-, eitel Zaubergrau'l; 
 
 and anxiously adds: 
 
 Du bist doch auch ein Christ? 
 to which Siegfried satisfactorily replies: 
 
 Ich bin ein Christ. 2 
 Gunther, upon landing at Isenland, piously exclaims: 
 
 Der Himmel schenk' uns ferner Gluck und Htilfe, 
 Wie er bis jetzt vor Unfall uns bewahrt. 
 
 and Hagen replies: 
 
 Das ist ein gut Gebet : der Himmel helfe ! s 
 
 Brunhild's women, on the other hand, appeal to the 
 heathen Gods for protection and help: 
 
 Die grossen Gotter mb'gen so es wenden ! 4 
 
 Hagen, as he joins Brunhild in warning Gunther not to at- 
 tempt to win her love, is made to say : 
 
 Das Herz der Konigin; das ist kein Boden 
 Fur unsers Glaubens milde Saat. 5 
 
 1 Vors. ii. 14. 2 Ibid. iii. 20. * I. i. 32. * I. v. 43. ' I. viii. 54.
 
 127 
 
 % 
 
 In her anger against Chriemhild for her greater display and 
 popularity, Brunhild angrily answers Gunther's question: 
 
 Wie kann Dich das erzurnen? 
 
 Was denn soil, 
 Was bei den grossen Asen! mich erzurnen? 
 
 to which Gunther exclaims: 
 
 Du wagst die Heidengotter noch zu nennen? 
 and admonishes her: 
 
 Du solltest fleissiger zur Messe gehen. 1 
 
 After the quarrel scene, Gunther tries to restore peace by 
 the words: 
 
 Lasst ab vom Hader! kommt zum heil'gen Amte, 
 Und betet drinnen um ein friedlich Herz. 
 
 to which Brunhild makes angry reply: 
 
 Ich will nicht mehr zu Euern Gottern beten. 2 
 Dankwart advises Gunther to believe Siegfried's oath: 
 
 Wenn ihn Herr Siegfrid an geweihtem Orte 
 Noch einmal schworet auf das Sacrament. 3 
 
 Chriemhild, after intrusting to Hagen the secret of Siegfried's 
 vulnerability, bids him a pious farewell with the words: 
 
 Der gute Fiihrer Gott, geleite Dich ! 4 
 
 Siegfried, with equal piety, in answer to Chriemhild's fears 
 for his safety when he takes leave of her, expresses his readiness 
 for death : 
 
 Wenn aber Gott nach Hause ruft und spricht: 
 
 Du hast genug gespielt in meinem Garten; 
 
 Soil ich dann greinen wie ein bb'ser Bube? 
 
 Du bist ein christlich Weib, sprich ! soil ich das ? 5 
 
 His dying regret is expressed in the words: 
 
 O hatt' ich nie den bosen Hort gewonnen, 
 Die Zauberkappe nie ! so hatt' ich nicht 
 
 1 II. i. 59. 2 II. vi. 84. 3 II. vii. 88. III. i. 97. 5 III. ii. 103.
 
 128 
 
 Den Giftschwamm Deines heidnisch bosen Herzens 
 Getragen in ein christlich reines Haus. 1 
 
 Etzel's oath of vengeance to Chriemhild is: 
 
 Beim weissen Gott, dem Geber alles Guten ! 
 Beim schwarzen Gott, dem Stifter alles Unheils, 
 Und bei des Himmels Geissel, meinem Schwerte! 2 
 
 At the wedding feast of Etzel and Chriemhild, Brunhild scorn- 
 fully hopes that Chriemhild's future sons will reconcile her 
 with heathendom. 3 
 
 Gunther calls upon God in his submission to the inevitable; 
 to Etzel he says: 
 
 Der droben, der ein grossrer Konig ist, 
 Als ich und Du, hat zwischen uns gerichtet; 
 Und wer darf murren wider seinen Spruch ? 
 
 and to his sister: 
 
 Du schienst so gut, die Holle schlief in Dir. 4 
 
 The final scene closes with Dietrich's expression of belief in 
 the working of a higher might, and of thankfulness that the 
 earth is released from heathendom. 
 
 In a letter to Franz von Dingelstedt, March 31, 1860, Hebbel 
 speaks of the great mistake "of representing the mighty Die- 
 trich as a dummy for whom a few pencil-strokes suffice, and 
 yet intrusting him at the end with the sword of fate." 5 Rau- 
 pach has raised him only at the very end above his fellows, 
 without giving any reason for so doing ; Hebbel insists through- 
 out "Kriemhilds Rache" upon Dietrich's superiority and 
 supremacy. However much Hebbel excelled his predeces- 
 sor in depicting the opposed forces of Christianity and hea- 
 thendom, it is not at all unlikely that the idea of representing 
 the contrast came from a knowledge of Raupach's method, 
 which suggested to him a mode of treatment fully in accord 
 with his own pronounced tendency to psychological specu- 
 lation. 
 
 1 III. v. 115. 2 IV. vi. 149. * V. i. 152. V. x. 178. 5 Bw. II. 60.
 
 129 
 
 2. FOUQUE 
 
 Friedrich Baron de la Motte Fouque* was the first modern 
 poet to make use of the Norse sources of the Nibelungensaga. 
 "Sigurd der Schlangentodter, Ein Heldenspiel in sechs Aben- 
 teuem," the first part of his trilogy, "Der Held des Nordens," 
 appeared in 1808; while the two additional portions, "Sigurd's 
 Rache, Ein Heldenspiel in sechs Abenteuern," and "Aslauga, 
 Ein Heldenspiel in drei Abenteuern," appeared, together with 
 the first part, in 1810, and the first three volumes of the 
 selected edition of his works, published in 1841, are devoted 
 to the trilogy. 
 
 In his twelfth year, Fouque* first felt the charm of the Norse 
 saga- world through Denis's translations, and from that time he 
 dreamed of the work which he at last composed in the form of 
 a trilogy. Meantime, he had written a dramatic scene, "Sieg- 
 fried in der Schmiede," 1 for which he drew his material from 
 the copy of the "gehornter Siegfried im Heldenbuchsreime in 
 8 sine anno, " owned by von der Hagen. The Nibelungenlied 
 was not without influence upon the young poet, but it was the 
 Norse literature which finally impelled him to serious creative 
 activity. 
 
 At the instigation of August Wilhelm Schlegel he began to> 
 study Icelandic, Danish, and Swedish, and as the concluding 
 word to his collected works, Fouqu6 describes the effect pro- 
 duced upon him by the study of the Icelandic literature, and 
 tells his own intentions in his work of production, as well as 
 the sources which he employed. "From the contemplation 
 of those majestic northern lights, such as the study of the Ice- 
 landic language disclosed to me, and at the same time from, 
 the acquaintance with the Danish and Swedish idiom, one 
 might compare both to the magic gold-maidens who, according 
 to Homer, accompany Hephestus, the magic artist rich in old. 
 secrets, for in like manner do they introduce to us that primi- 
 tive, powerful Edda language which has only become clumsy 
 for moderns, from a contemplation which at the same time 
 
 1 Friedrich Schlegels Europa, 1803.
 
 130 
 
 offers and solves enigmas, there arose within me such a deep 
 reverence that the fantastic jugglery of personal invention 
 was no longer to be thought of. To reproduce the portion of 
 the old, wondrous days which had fallen to my share, that 
 was, in respect to Siegfried Norse Sigurd my principal, 
 indeed I may say, my whole, my only endeavor. It may be 
 that as yet scarcely a poet of modern times has felt so keenly 
 from his own experience what the old Greeks had in mind 
 with the 'even-civ,' the ' Hereinsingen ' of the apostrophized 
 muse ; more keenly, certainly not one ! If at that time I had 
 seen the second part of Saemund's Edda, containing the old, 
 old song dialogues between Sigurd and Brynhildur and simi- 
 lar material, I should probably scarcely have dared to con- 
 struct my version in the transmitted portions otherwise than 
 as pure translation. But it may even be just as well now as it 
 has turned out. Not until years after the completion of his 
 three Sigurd poems, could their singer gain a knowledge of 
 those primitive songs. Earlier than this, he could only glean 
 from the Edda of Snorri Sturleson, the Nornagest-Saga, the 
 Volsunga-Saga, and some information from friendly anti- 
 quarians." * 
 
 The object of Fouque^s trilogy, or heroic plays, as he chose 
 to call them, was to represent Sigurd's "life, death, revenge, 
 and race" in alliterative metrical forms as nearly like those 
 of the old Norse poetry as would suit his age and language. 
 
 The first play begins with the forging of Sigurd's sword from 
 the shards of his father Siegmund's weapon, 2 and ends with 
 the burning of the bodies of Brynhildur and Sigurd upon the 
 same funeral pyre. 3 In the main, Fouque follows the account 
 in the Volsungasaga with far too great fidelity for dramatic 
 strength, and where his own hand is visible it is in enlargement 
 or character delineation which neither enlightens nor helps 
 to motivate. As past occurrences, he refers to the saga account 
 of Siegmund's sword- winning, 4 to Sigurd's choosing of a horse, 5 
 and as an event which has occurred after the smithying of the 
 sword, to Sigurd's vengeance upon his father's slayers.' He 
 
 1 XII. 122 ff. * Ibid. 31. 5 Ibid. 13. 
 
 2 Vs. 15. Ibid. 3. " Ibid. 17.
 
 131 
 
 combines the two accounts of Brynhildur's homes with little 
 less confusion than occurs in the Volsungasaga, making Sigurd 
 first visit her in her flame-surrounded fortress, and later in 
 the castle of her brother-in-law Heimer. 1 The Volsungasaga 
 also furnishes the material for the magic drink and the mar- 
 riage of Sigurd with Gudruna, 2 for Sigurd's winning of Bryn- 
 hildur in Gunnar's form, 3 as well as for the quarrel at the 
 river, 4 Sigurd's death at Gutthorm's hand, 5 and Brynhildur's 
 lament, prophecy, death by her own hand, and burning upon 
 Sigurd's pyre. 8 
 
 The second part of the trilogy carries the story from Gu- 
 druna's castle in the woods, 7 to Atli's vengeance on the Giuk- 
 ings, and his death at the hands of Niflung and Gudruna. 8 
 Gunnar, Hogne, and Grimhildur find Gudruna in her lonely 
 castle, and by means of the drink of forgetfulness persuade 
 her to marry Atli. 9 Fouque* motivates Gunnar's desire to 
 wed Gudruna to Atli by the fear that Atli will wreak vengeance 
 upon them for his sister Brynhildur's early death. 
 
 The first "Adventure" contains an incident not found in 
 the Volsungasaga, the accusation against Dietrich and Gu- 
 druna by Herke, Atli's mistress, and Gudruna's justification 
 through the test of boiling water. 10 The poet ascribes to the 
 ensuing reconciliation between Atli and Gudruna the immediate 
 cause of his invitation to Gudruna's brothers. The sending 
 of the messengers, Gudruna's attempt to warn her brothers, 
 the evil dreams of the wives of Gunnar and Hogne, the hostile 
 appearance of Atli's fortress, and the slaying of the false mes- 
 senger, all follow the saga." 
 
 Fouque* materially enlarges upon the details of the combat 
 and Gudruna's part hi it, as well as upon the incident with 
 the children of Atli and Gudruna, to whom he gives the names 
 Ortlieb 12 and Asmund. 13 Fouque* also gives to Hogne's son, 
 Niflung, a large part in the battle; from the saga he adapts 
 
 1 Vs. 20, 23. 2 Ibid. 26. 3 Ibid. 27. * Ibid. 28. * Ibid. 30. Ibid. 31. 
 
 7 Cf. Vs. 32, where Gudrun wanders through the woods, but finally goes to 
 Denmark, where she remains for three and a half years with Thora, Hakon's 
 daughter. 
 
 8 Vs. 38. 10 GJr. III. Nl. XXIII. 1328. 
 
 9 Cf. Ibid. 32. u Ibid. 33-35. 1S Vs. 38.
 
 132 
 
 Niflung's share in the murder of Atli * and Gudruna's attempt 
 to kill herself by drowning. 2 
 
 The third play of the trilogy contains the story of Aslauga, 
 the daughter of Brynhildur and Sigurd, whom the author of 
 the Volsungasaga probably invented to glorify the house of 
 King Ragnar Lodbrok. 3 Fouqu follows closely the Rag- 
 narssaga through its first eight chapters, and omits the con- 
 tents of the remaining thirteen. 4 From the very nature of its 
 material, it bears no relation to Hebbel's play, unless in the 
 one possible case of Aslauga's connection with the ravens. 
 
 Hebbel's only critical mention of Fouque"'s work is in his 
 review of GeibePs " Brunhild." 5 In discussing the possi- 
 bility of a dramatization of the Nibelungen saga, he compares 
 Fouque"'s real poetical talent with Raupach's undeniable theat- 
 rical genius, and points out in a few words Fouque"'s chief 
 faults. While the trilogy is not lacking in single character- 
 istic features, it suffers from " that studied dignity which is 
 quite as unvarying as it is unbearable, and impedes the cir- 
 culation of the blood, so that the people fall dead as on the 
 high Alps; he depicts creatures who are no longer akin to us, 
 because they, like the dwellers on the moon, if it had any, 
 can live without air or water. . . . Fouque does not moti- 
 vate at all, he presents his heroes like mathematical quanti- 
 ties, and when they regard death as the chief joke of existence, 
 and sing battle songs while hi the serpent's den, and already 
 attacked by the reptiles, we are as little surprised as by a new 
 assertion of the familiar proposition that twice two are four, 
 but we are also quite as little touched and moved." Fouque"'s 
 poem has certain lyric features of the best romantic poetry, 
 but it lacks all the qualities which are constituent parts of 
 every true drama: life, conciseness, motivation, and a sym- 
 
 1 Vs. 38. * Vs. 39. 8 Cf. Vs. 27; Sk. 7. 
 
 4 The earlier editors published the Volsungasaga and Ragnarssaga together 
 so that Fouque undoubtedly read this continuation of the story, although he 
 does not distinctly mention it. The first edition was by Bjorner, " Nordiska 
 Kampadater," Stockholm, 1737, XI. and XII.; von der Hagen's edition, which 
 is based on Bjorner's text, was not published until Fouque had completed 
 his trilogy. 
 
 6 W. XII. 164 f.
 
 133 
 
 pathetic nearness to the reading and hearing public. To the 
 modern reader, Fouque*'s trilogy, with its slavish adaptation 
 of material and metre, and its extensive compass, is much more 
 tiresome than Raupach's once successful piece of theatrical 
 machinery. 
 
 In citing Hebbel's possible borrowings from Fouque*'s play, 
 several passages are referred to which have already been quoted 
 under his use of Norse material. Occasionally, it is difficult 
 to tell from which source Hebbel directly took the suggestion, 
 but where the material is not contained in the Eddas, it seems 
 probable that he drew from Fouque, since we find no reference 
 to his knowledge of the Volsungasaga. 
 
 Vorspiel iii. describes the throwing contest between Sieg- 
 fried and the Burgundians at his first appearance among them. 
 Fouque' likewise depicts a contest between Sigurd, Gunnar, and 
 Hogne immediately following Sigurd's arrival at Giuke's court. 
 
 355-359. Ute (watching the contest). 
 
 Nicht weiter? 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 (ndhcrt sich). 
 
 Hast Du ihn zu friih gelobt? 
 Ute. 
 
 Das ist ja nur Ein Schuh ! 
 Kriemhild (tritt hinter Ute). 
 
 Noch immer mehr, 
 Als war' es nur Ein Zoll. . . . 
 Ute. 
 
 Um Einen Schuh 
 Dies Kind zu iiberwerfen 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Ist nicht viel ! 
 
 Besonders, wenn man sich dabei noch spreizt. 
 379-381. Ute. 
 
 Gerenot ist auch 
 Besiegt, wie Giselher. 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Es macht zwar wieder 
 Nur Einen Schuh ! 
 391-396. Kriemhild. 
 
 Konig Gunther drangt 
 Herrn Dankwart ungestiim zuriick, er will 
 Sich selbst versuchen.
 
 134 
 
 Ute. 
 
 Und er thut's mit Gliick. 
 Zweimal so weit, als Gerenot. 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Und dennoch 
 
 Nicht weit genug. Du siehst, der Recke folgte 
 Sogleich, und wieder fehlt der Eine Schuh. 
 Fouqud I. 99- 1 Gunnar. 
 
 Ein Fechtmeister? 
 Sigurd. 
 
 Ja, des Fechtens Meister. 
 Gunnar. 
 
 Ich mogt's versuchen. 
 Hogne. 
 
 Lass mir Junger'm heut 
 Den Vortritt, weil's ein blosses Scherzen gilt. 
 Gunnar. 
 
 Mein'twegen. 
 Hogne (einen Stein werjend). 
 
 Thu' mir's nach, du fremder Held. 
 Sigurd (lachend). 
 
 Das ? (wirjt einen Stein.) 
 Hogne. 
 
 Weiter ! Wahrlich, weiter viel, als ich ! 
 Sigurd (zum Gejolge). 
 
 Mess' Einer nach, wie viel. 
 Hogne. 
 
 Der ist verhext. 
 
 Im Steinwurf that' ein Mensch es mir zuvor? 
 Gunnar. 
 
 Will ihn demiith'gen, Bruder. Gram' dich nicht. 
 Ein Diener (zuruckkommend). 
 
 Des Fremden Stein liegt um zwei Drittel weiter, 
 Als der, so meines Konigs Sohn versandt. 
 360. Kriemhild. 
 
 Fiir einen solchen Riesen. 
 1536 f., cf. page 71. 
 Cf. also 2165 ff., 3581 ff. 
 
 Fouque* follows the Volsungasaga in emphasizing the greatness 
 of Sigurd's stature : 
 
 I. 93. Bote. 
 
 Mehr hohen Gottern, als den Menschen gleich. 
 
 1 References are by page to Fouque's Ausgewahlte Werke, I.-III.
 
 135 
 
 Gross ist er, kopfshoch grosser, edler Fiirst, 
 Als deine So'hne. 
 I. 94. 
 
 Von seiner Hiifte klirrt ein macht'ges Schwerdt, 
 Wohl sieben Spannen lang, doch scheint's an ihm 
 Nicht eben langer als 'ne andre Wehr. 1 
 
 489 ff., cf. page 60. 
 
 1653 f., cf. page 113. 
 
 Fouque' I. 141. Brynhildur (to Sigurd). 
 
 du sei'st 
 
 Gesprengt durch Hindarfiall's hochgliih'nde Flamme, 
 Die Wafurloga heisst bei Zaubers-Kund'gen, 
 Und nur, (es lebt ein bannend Wort darin) 
 Nur einem einz'gen Helden Durchzug gonnt. 
 
 541-543. 2884 f., cf. page 62. 
 
 Fouque", like Raupach, departs from the Volsungasaga in mak- 
 ing both brothers their father's murderers : 
 
 1.58- 
 
 Hreidmar nahm Ring und Schatz, 
 Hreidmar'n schlugen die schlimmen Kinder todt. 
 615 ff., cf. page 62. 
 
 Fouque' also emphasizes Sigurd's understanding of the language 
 of birds: 
 
 1.52. 
 
 Ja, aber hier ist auch das Schwalbenpaar, 
 Vor alien recht vernehmlich zu mir singend 
 Ein wunderliches Lied. Es handelte 
 Von mir. 
 
 Hebbel seems to have followed Fouque* in making the birds 
 prophesy evil to him: 
 
 1275 ff., 2326 ff., 2945 ff., cf. page 69 f. 
 
 Fouque' I. 168. 
 
 Mir sagt es mein Gemiith, und was die Vogel 
 Hell aus den Luften sangen in mein Ohr: 
 Bald ihres Lebens Band zerbricht der Schmerz. 
 
 Fouque* connects two ravens with Aslauga, Sigurd's daughter, 
 just as Hebbel connects the ravens with Siegfried: 
 
 III. 112 f. Ragnar. 
 
 sagt doch, was woll'n die beiden Vogel, 
 
 1 Vs. 22, 26; cf. Thidr. 162, 164, 166.
 
 136 
 
 Die wunderlichen, lauschenden Geschopfe, 
 Dort auf des Thurmes altem Sims? 
 Harald. 
 
 Die lass 
 
 Und knupf ein All'n erfreulich Eheband. 
 Ragnar. 
 
 Sie blicken so gar hasslich klug herab, 
 Und lauern auf jedwedes Wort von mir. 
 Jagt die erst fort. 
 
 (man wirft mit Steinen nach den beiden Vogeln. Sie fiiegen etwas koher 
 auf, und bleiben ivieder sitzen.) 
 Ragnar. 
 
 Zudringliches Geschmeiss ! 
 Was so ein Thier sich zu verwundern hat, 
 Und d'rein zu schau'n in Alles, was man thut. 
 Cf. Fouqud III. 115. 
 
 124. Aslauga. 
 
 Kein Mensch hat mir den Vorgang angesagt. 
 Sah'st Du nicht meine Vogel ? Nah' bei Euch 
 Auf eines Thurm's Gesimse lau'rten sie; 
 Die kundeten den ganzen Handel mir. 
 755-766. Frigga. 
 
 Wie ging es zu, 
 
 Das wir uns diesen Morgen, statt im Bett, 
 Unausgekleidet auf den Stuhlen fanden, 
 Die Za'hne klappernd und die Lippen blau? 
 Brunhild. 
 
 Wir mtissen plotzlich eingeschlafen sein. 
 Frigga. 
 
 1st das uns schon begegnet? 
 Brunhild. 
 
 Nie zuvor. 
 Frigga. 
 
 Nun denn ! Der Greis war hier und wollte reden ! 
 Mir ist sogar, als hatt' ich ihn geseh'n, 
 Wie er Dich riittelte und mich bedrohte, 
 Dir aber ward durch einen dicken Schlaf 
 Das Ohr verstopft, wiel Du nicht horen solltest, 
 Was dir beschieden ist, wenn Du beharrst. 
 781 f. Frigga. 
 
 Vielleicht steh'n alle Gotter unsichtbar 
 Um Dich herum. 
 
 Fouque* I. 61-63. The three Noras, Wurdur, Werdandi, and 
 Skuld, walk about the sleeping Brynhyldur in prophecy before 
 Sigurd appears and awakens her.
 
 137 
 
 918-920, cf. page 68. 
 
 Fouque* I. 66 f. Brynhildur knows Sigurd's name, origin, and 
 deeds at his first appearance, and in reply to his expressed 
 astonishment, says: 
 
 Du wiisstest nicht, dass die erhabne Kunst 
 Der Weissagung, und sonst die Heimlichkeit 
 In Erd' und Himmel, sie die stille Bliithe 
 Der ganzen Welt, den schonsten Wohnort sich 
 Auf dieser ganzen Welt zu suchen pflegt? 
 Ich meine, schoner Frauen klaren Geist. 
 
 I. 206 ff. As in the Edda and Volsungasaga, Bryn- 
 hildur prophesies before she dies. 
 
 1563-1568, cf. page 113. 
 Fouque' I. 157. Gudruna. 
 
 Den Faffner und den Reigen traf sein Schwerdt, 
 
 Ihr wunderreiches Erb' gewann er sich. 
 Brynhildur. 
 
 Prahl' nicht mit seinem diistern Haidezug; 
 
 Denn hoher war, ich schwor's bei alien Gottern ! 
 
 Viel hoher war des kiihnen Gunnar That 
 
 Als er durch Wafurloga zu mir ritt. 
 1757. Brunhild. 
 
 Ich ess' nicht mehr, bis Ihr den Spruch vollzieht. 
 1931-1935. Volker. 
 
 Ich horte, dass die Konigin 
 
 In Trauerkleidera geht und Trank und Speise 
 
 Verschmaht, sogar das Wasser. 
 2064-2066. Kriemhild. 1st es wahr, 
 
 Dass sie nicht isst und trinkt? 
 Hagen. 
 
 Sie fastet immer 
 
 Um diese Zeit. Es ist die Nornenwoche. 
 2068. Kriemhild. 
 
 Es sind drei Tage schon ! 
 Fouque* I. 168. Gudruna. 
 
 Seit dreien Tagen liegt sie stumm und Starr 
 
 Im Todesschlaf. 1 
 
 Cf. Vs. 29: "This do I not bring to pass, to waken her, nor 
 to speak with her, and many days did she drink neither mead 
 nor wine." Gudrun spake: " She has now slept seven days." 
 
 1 Cf. also 162 ff.
 
 138 
 
 1761, ip37 cf- page 115- 
 1772 f. Brunhild. 
 
 Frigga, mein Leben oder auch das seine 1 
 Frigga. 
 
 Das seine, Kind! 
 Fouque" I. 175. Brynhildur. 
 
 Einer von uns Drei'n 
 Muss sterben : du, ich oder Sigurd ! 
 182. Gunnar. 
 
 Nun so sterb' ich selbst. 
 Hast zwischen Sigurd oder mir die Wahl. 
 
 Vs. 29. Brynhild. "And this shall be the death of Sigurd or 
 of thee or of me." 
 
 2800-2814, cf. page 73. 
 2818-2822. Gunther. 
 
 Das mild'ste Wort entlockt ihr nie ein Lacheln, 
 Und hatt' ich's Volkers frischem Liedermund 
 In einer gold'nen Stunde abgefangen, 
 Das harteste noch minder eine Thrane, 
 Sie kennt den Schmerz und auch die Lust nicht mehr. 
 2824-2826. 
 
 Stumpf blickt sie d'rein, als war' ihr Blut vergraben 
 Und warme eines Wurmes kalt Gedarm, 
 Wie man's in alten Mahren hort. 
 3814-3819. Werbel. 
 
 Nun, es wird gefliistert, 
 Dass sie in einem Grabe haus't. 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 Und doch 
 Nicht todt? 
 Werbel. 
 
 Sie hat es gleich nach Dir bezogen, 
 Fort in der Nacht, nach Wochen erst entdeckt, 
 Und nicht mehr weg zu bringen. 
 
 Sie Brunhild 
 Kriemhild. 
 
 In Siegfrieds heil'ger Ruhestatt? 
 Werbel. 
 
 So ist's. 
 3814-3819. Ms. H. Werbel (to Kriemhild). 
 
 Man erzahlt sich so. 
 Die Konigin ist plotzlich ohne Sinne, 
 Sie hort und sieht nicht mehr und setzt den Becher, 
 Aus dem sie eben trinkt, nicht wieder ab,
 
 139 
 
 Als war* er ihr am Munde festgewachsen, 
 So dass die Gaste es mit Grausen seh'n. 
 Fouque' I. 158. Gudruna. 
 
 Brynhildur ! Auf ein Wort ! Sie achtet's nicht 
 O Schwag'rin, hor* doch ! Mich gereut mein Trotz I 
 Umsonst. Mit langsam grossen Schritten fort 
 Geht sie zur Burg, bleich, wie ein zurnendes, 
 Nicht athmendes, blutleeres Nachtgespenst. 
 162 f. Gunnar. 
 
 Festen, starren Schlafs 
 Liegt sie noch immer fort. 
 
 ***** 
 
 Hogne. 
 
 Erst, als sie tobte, schrie, selbst wider dich 
 Die Morderhand erhob, wie war dir da ? 
 Gunnar. 
 
 Besser, als jetzt. Sie lebte. Nun wie todt 
 Liegt vor mir das geliebte Bildniss 
 173. Brynhildur (to Sigurd, as he tries to pacify her anger, 
 
 and declares his unchanging love for her). 
 Glaubst Du, man hort dergleichen Wort' und bleibt 
 Ein steinern kaltes Bild auf alten Grabern? 
 202. 
 
 (Brynhildur erhebt ein wUdes Geldchter.) 
 Gunnar. 
 
 Was lachst du? Lache nicht ! Bitt' dich, halt' ein; 
 Von draussen jener unheilschwang're Laut, 
 Und hier im Zimmer dein verzerrtes Antlitz ! 
 Denn Freude nicht, auch Sieg nicht lacht aus dir; 
 Nichts weiss von deiner tollen Lustigkeit 
 Das Herz in deinem Busen. 
 206. Gunnar. 
 
 Was? Bricht das grause hohnische Geton 
 Durch deine bleichen Lippen wieder vor? 1 
 4139 ff., cf. page 76. 
 Fouque* II. 116. Ortlieb. Den warfen sie alsbald 
 
 In die grau'nvolle SchlangenhohP hinab. 
 117. Ja, in die Schlangenhohle. 
 
 Da halt' mal das Gewiirm ein gutes Mahl. 
 Sonst, heisst es, war* es noch verschmachtet gar. 
 Gudruna. 
 
 Da, wo die Molch', und Nattern lauern Er 1 
 
 1 Cf. Vs. 29, 30.
 
 140 
 
 Asmund. 
 
 Glaub's nur; ich sah, wie man hinab ihn stiess, 
 Vernahm tiefher des Drachenvolk's Gezisch. 
 
 Cf. 120. 
 
 124 f. Gunnar. 
 
 Wie klirrt die Angel dumpf im Wiederhall! 
 
 Eins-Zweimal ! Weithin drohnt die alte Gruft. 
 
 Horch ! Und die alten Schlangen wachen auf. 
 
 Mit tausendfacher Regung wirrt sich's los, 
 
 In Klumpen scheuslich erst, nun scheuslicher 
 
 In vielgelenk'ger, windender Entwick'lung ! 
 
 Der Eine dort hebt seinen rothen Kamm 
 
 Lang uber's andre Drachenvolk hervor 
 
 Hu, wie im Rachen rasch die Zung' ihm spielt 
 
 Er will auf mich ihn hungert sehr nach mir 
 
 Nur sitzt er mit dem schuppig langen Schweif 
 
 Noch zwischen and'ren Ungeheuern fest. 
 
 Er ist sehr graulich graulicher noch der, 
 
 Der unbeholfen in der Mitte liegt. 
 
 Ich glaub', man heisst solch Unthier einen Molch. 
 
 'S hat noch nicht ausgeschlafen blinzt die Augen 
 
 Was? Traum' ich, oder ist es gar ein Mensch? 
 
 Nein, nur den Spott des Menschenangesichts 
 
 Tragt er auf seiner Larve. Wie er gahnt ! 
 
 Nun walzt er seinen dicken Leib hervor. 
 
 Der Lange krauselt sich ihm nach O, mir ! 
 
 Tod ist nur Spiel, doch Holle dies Entzetzen ! 
 
 4309-4316. Volker. 
 
 In Stromen rinnt das Blut, und wie's erstarrt, 
 Verdunkelt sich das Gold, um das es floss, 
 Und strahlt in hellerm Schein. 
 Hagen. 
 
 Ho, ho ! Das Gold ! 
 Volker. 
 
 Schon ist es roth und immer rother wird's 
 Mit jedem Mord. Auf, auf, was schont ihr Euch? 
 Erst, wenn kein Einz'ger mehr am Leben ist, 
 Erhalt's den rechten Glanz, der letzte Tropfen 
 Ist nothig, wie der erste. 
 
 Fouque' I. 210. Brynhildur. 
 
 Denn Blut auf Gold erschafft gar kecken Schein. 
 Blut ist ja lebend Gold, und Gold Ihr Kinder 
 Ist ja hellglanzend, schongelautert Blut. 
 
 4320-4322, 4324-4326, 4334~433 6 cf - page 78- 
 
 Fouque" I. 58. 
 
 Andwar verflucht' ihn, den Ring;
 
 m 
 
 Fort reiss' deinen Herrn, 
 
 Reiss', Ring, deinen Herrn, wer er sei auch, 
 
 Rasch fort in Verderb ! 
 213. Brynhildur. 
 
 Du siehst vor all' der Goldesblendung nicht 
 
 Den schwarzen Fluch, der grau'nvoll d'riiber hin 
 
 Die nacht'gen Flugel dehnt. Es reisst euch abwarts 
 
 In thoriger Betaubung. 
 4399 f., cf. page 80. 
 Fouque' I. 58. 
 
 Klang Andwar's des Klugen, 
 
 Bitten gar klaglich: 
 
 Lass mir den einen, feinen Ring! 
 
 Der schafft mir neuen Schatz. 
 4562-4565. Dietrich. 
 
 Die Andern aber haben 
 
 Den Hort, urn den sie doch soviel gewagt, 
 
 Die Nacht vor ihrer Fahrt bei Fackelschein 
 
 Auf Nimmerwiederseh'n im Rhein versenkt. 
 Fouqud II. 84-88. Am Rheinufer. 
 85. Gunnar. 
 
 Mach' mich doch nicht betriibter, als ich bin. 
 
 Mir kommt ohn'hin schon Alles traurig vor. 
 
 Zum Beispiel als bewahrten wir den Schatz 
 
 Hier in des Rheines dunkeltiefer Fluth, 
 
 Um nimmermehr ihn wieder anzuschau'n. 
 
 Both poets place the burying of the hoard immediately before 
 the departure of the Burgundians for Etzel's court. 
 
 457S-458S, cf. page 77. 
 
 Fouque II. 178. Niflung, Hogne's son, describes the death of 
 
 the Huns : 
 
 Ich sah vom nahen Pels 
 Durch die vielfach gewolbten Bogenfenster. 
 Erst merkten sie der Flamme Wachsen nicht, 
 Die Zechenden, und sangen kecken Muth's 
 Von Atli's Thaten manch ein preisend Lied, 
 So dass es fast beweglich war, zu schau'n 
 In solcher Lust so htilfelose Opfer, 
 Dann, als der Rauch durch ihre Sale drang, 
 In dem Geleit hellspruh'nder Feuerfunken, 
 Da fuhr'n sie auf, und nach den Thoren hin, 
 Zu spat. Hell brannten schon die ficht'nen Pforten, 
 Die Briicken viber tiefe Graben hell, 
 Und mehr und mehr zusammen brach der Bau.
 
 142 
 
 Am Fenster, angstverzerrten Angesichts, 
 
 Schon von der Gluth versengt, drangten sich Viele 
 
 Umsonst. Es bot die schroffe Tiefe nicht 
 
 Des Ausweg's dar. In der Verzweiflung d'rauf 
 
 Stellten sie in der Halle Mitten sich, 
 
 In einen furchbar'n Kreis allsammt vereint, 
 
 Und Einer warf sich in des Andern Schwerdt. 
 
 So fielen sie, der Angst des Flammentod's 
 
 Entrissen. 
 
 4653-4655, cf. page 123. 
 
 Fouque' I. 191. Guttorm. 
 
 wenn gleich darnach 
 
 Der Mond aufgeht roth iiber'n Bergwald her, 
 Und Nachtgespenster auf Gewitterwolken 
 
 Durchreiten das schweflichte Himmelszelt. 
 * * * * * 
 
 Blutig und gulden scheint der Mond ! Gut Zeichen 
 Fur mich ! 
 
 3. GEIBEL 
 
 Emanuel Geibel and Hebbel were at work upon their 
 Nibelungenen dramas at the same time, although Geibel's 
 "Brunhild" appeared five years earlier, in 1857. We have the 
 authority of Kulke for the following anecdote: Hebbel, in the 
 course of a conversation with Hanslick, said that he was con- 
 templating a dramatic rendering of the Nibelungen. Upon 
 hearing this, Hanslick exclaimed: "So the ill-luck has come," 
 and, in explanation, added that he had recently visited Geibel 
 in Munich, and that the latter had told him that he was writ- 
 ing a dramatic work on the Nibelungen, but had enjoined upon 
 him the greatest secrecy lest Hebbel should learn of it, for 
 Hebbel was capable and would take the matter in hand him- 
 self. "Well," added Hanslick, "I have not abused Geibel's 
 confidence, but if ill luck is to come, it cannot be prevented." l 
 
 In 1852, while in Munich, Hebbel had made Geibel's ac- 
 quaintance, though the relations between them never grew to 
 be cordial. At this time Hebbel expressed to his wife his sur- 
 prise at Geibel's modesty, in declaring him Germany's only 
 dramatic poet. 2 But his usual tone in speaking of Geibel as a 
 
 1 Kulke, 56 f. 8 Nachl. I. 387; cf. II. 126 f.
 
 143 
 
 lyric poet was one of contempt. He calls him a poet of many 
 editions and describes at length the methods by which he ar- 
 ranged to give the impression of great popularity. 1 
 
 Geibel's play only aims to deal with that part of the saga 
 which contains the love problem of Brunhild and Siegfried. 
 He omits Dankwart, Rumolt, Gernot (who is away), Ute 
 (who has died during the previous year), and all of the new 
 characters in the second part of the Nibelungenlied ; he adds 
 Hunold, a warrior, who is mentioned in the Nibelungenlied 
 as chamberlain to the Burgundian kings, and, as inventions of 
 his own, Sigrun, a priestess in Brunhild's following, and 
 Gerda, Chriemhild's playfellow. The drama deals with the 
 events from the morning following the double wedding to the 
 death of Siegfried, and covers a space of six days. In scope 
 it thus includes less than ten cantos of the Nibelungenlied. 
 The entire action is based upon purely human motives, with 
 a background of heathen beliefs and customs. The deceit in 
 the wooing was accomplished by the exchange of armor while 
 Siegfried was supposed to be away on a bear-hunt. Siegfried's 
 second assistance is given with great readiness, although it is 
 first proposed by Gunther : 
 
 Fur mich der Kampf, fur Dich des Kampfes Frucht; 
 
 and Gunther agrees to lead him when the moon is low. 
 
 After the second combat, Brunhild chafes against the shame 
 and woe of loving one man and belonging to the other. Chance 
 had cast the dragon-slayer on her coast, and after his departure 
 Sigrun had told that he alone should conquer her. With such 
 thoughts of anger and despair in her heart, Brunhild finds Sieg- 
 fried and Chriemhild, when the latter is in tears because Sieg- 
 fried will not explain his absence the night before. Incensed 
 at Brunhild's scornful attitude towards Chriemhild, Siegfried 
 is ready to tell the secret of the wooing, but Brunhild has noted 
 the tears which seem to her to betoken unhappiness, and she 
 becomes more and more convinced that Siegfried really loves 
 her, in spite of the fact that he is married to Chriemhild : 
 
 1 Cf. Kulke 56; Tgb. IV. 5491; Bw. II. 115; Nachl. II. 29; W. VI. 353: 
 Auf einen viel gedruckten Lyricus; VII. 344.
 
 144 
 
 Sie haben ihm mit Trank und Spruch den Sinn 
 Verwirrt. 
 
 The feast of the solstice, with its attendant heathen rites, 
 furnishes the occasion for the quarrel before the temple. As 
 Chriemhild moves forward, Brunhild bids her retreat and 
 opens a veritable fishwife's quarrel, in which Chriemhild is 
 practically forced to disclose the fatal secret. Brunhild broods 
 over her plans of vengeance and announces to Gunther and 
 Hagen, "Siegfried muss sterben." Gunther's opposition is 
 firm until Brunhild shows her love for Siegfried and her scorn 
 for her husband. The scene of Siegfried's death is unpor- 
 trayed, except for Sigrun's prophetic cloud-reading, which 
 reaches the time of the murder just as Giselher breathlessly 
 announces the deed, though ignorant of the hand that com- 
 mitted it. Brunhild's vehement scorn soon gives way to pas- 
 sionate lament : 
 
 ich wusste, was ich that, und musst' 
 
 Es dennoch thun. . . . 
 
 diesen Mann hab' ich 
 
 Geliebt ! Von Anfang ihn, und keinen sonst ! 
 
 As she stabs herself, Sigrun darkly pictures the working out 
 of Chriemhild's revenge in a prophetic warning of future de- 
 struction, which she closes with an adaption from the final 
 words of the Nibelungennot : 
 
 Weh iiber Euch! 
 Das ist der Nibelungen Not und Untergang ! 
 
 Hebbel took an early opportunity to criticise Geibel's play. 
 Act IV., scenes ii. and iii., which lead up to Siegfried's death, 
 had appeared in 1856, in the Jahrbuch Deutscher Belletristik, 
 with the first scene from Hebbel's Prologue, and Hebbel had 
 found only ridicule for them as the bungling product of a 
 phrase-monger. 1 In a letter to Gutzkow, February n, 1858, 
 he expresses his contemptuous disapproval of Geibel's lyrical 
 drama, and declares that he will concern himself as little with 
 him as one does with flies in serious warfare. He is thinking 
 only of the "nest in which he represents his chief cock." 2 
 1 Bw. II. 247. 2 Ibid. 166.
 
 145 
 
 In the same year, Hebbel wrote to Kuh his indecision as to 
 whether he should finish his "Nibelungen" or "Demetrius," 
 and he declared that Geibel had not shattered him with his 
 "Brunhild," although he could not but admire the magnifi- 
 cent manner hi which he had exercised his rights as poet, and 
 marvel at seeing that the old poem, with its grim heroes, only 
 existed for him as a thousand-year-old oak for a maker 
 of fancy articles, who has secured it for himself at a bar- 
 gain. 1 
 
 In the Leipziger Illustrierte Zeitung, May 15, 1858, appeared 
 his first published word on the work. 2 He notes that Geibel 
 broke absolutely with the myth, and threw overboard every- 
 thing reminding of it. But he finds the manoeuvre unsuc- 
 cessful, for, though the magic cap and the dragon are put aside, 
 Brunhild is left behind with her gigantic strength, and she 
 conducts herself like a whale that is among flowers and but- 
 terflies, while it should be playing with the seals and the sharks. 
 This manner of dealing with the old saga is directly opposed 
 to Hebbel's point of view. For him the peculiarity of its charm 
 lies in the mingling of the marvellous and the purely human. 
 And if one wants to lower this bloody fable to the court history 
 from which it may readily have been developed, why use the 
 names at all? Thus one cannot think of Hagen complaining 
 that he has been deposed and comparing himself to an old 
 dog, although one would sympathize with a dismissed court 
 marshal who had a similar grievance. Hebbel concludes his 
 criticism with the following words: "The piece is therefore 
 to be designated as an absolute failure, so long as it is regarded 
 as the third noteworthy attempt to raise the magic gold of the 
 Nibelungen hoard; but otherwise it is in no way inferior to 
 the poet's Konig Roderich, and is just as rich in graceful 
 thoughts, tender fancies, and charmingly finished pictures. 
 The statement is not necessary that with such a blunder in the 
 material as a whole, absolutely no conclusion is reached for the 
 literary question." 
 
 In February, 1858, Hebbel sent to Gutzkow the epigram, 
 "Einsprache aus Miinchen," but recalled it two days latei 
 
 1 Bw. II. 126. * W. XII. 164-167.
 
 146 
 
 in order not to appear as though he had written it in spite. 
 It was not published until 1863.* 
 
 As an actual source of Hebbel's work, Geibel's "Brunhild" 
 is of no real importance. In the first place, Hebbel had com- 
 pleted "Der gehornte Siegfried" and "Siegfrieds Tod" early 
 in the year in which "Brunhild" was published, and there is 
 no reason to suppose that he knew more than the two scenes 
 of Act IV. before that time. Then, too, Geibel, like Raupach, 
 had dealt too harshly with his 'material, and unlike Raupach, 
 he had not written a stage play, though Geibel's popularity 
 caused the piece to have a certain theatrical success which, 
 at least in Dresden and Munich, seems to have temporarily 
 prevented the success of Hebbel's trilogy. 2 The very few pas- 
 sages which might indicate a borrowing are the following: 
 
 2795 f. Gunther. 
 
 Mein Weib ! Ja wohl ! Sie ist so weit mein Weib, 
 
 Als sie mir wehrt, ein anderes zu nehmen. 
 2831 f. 
 
 Du magst Dich freuen, Gerenot, Dir ist 
 
 Die Krone der Burgunden schon gewiss. 
 Geibel IV. i. 69.' 
 
 Ein heiter Gliick erwart' ich nie von ihr. 
 2800-2803, c f- P a g e 73- 
 Geibel IV. ii. 72. Hagen. 
 
 Erst heut aus dieser Starrheit fuhr sie auf 
 
 Und rief nach Wein, und sog aus tiefem Becher 
 
 Den Trunk mit bleichen Lippen durstig ein. 
 3119-3121. Ute. 
 
 Wenn Dich als Kind im Traum 
 
 Das wilde Einhorn jagte, oder auch 
 
 Der Vogel Greif erschreckte. 
 Geibel II. i. 21 f. Brunhild. 
 
 Stoltz und unantastbar 
 
 In meines Wesens Bliite fuhlt' ich mich, 
 
 Dem Einhorn gleich, das kiihn den Jager hohnt. 
 4480-4490. Hagen. 
 
 Er halt' mich auch wohl nicht geliebt, wenn ich 
 
 Erschienen ware in den Niederlanden, 
 
 1 Orion I. 6, 463; W. VI. 452; cf. Bw. II. 126 f. 
 1 Cf. Bw. I. 444, 457; II. 514, 524, 597; Nachl. II. 275. 
 3 References are by act, scene, and page to Geibel's Gesammelte Wcrkc, 
 Dritte Auflage.
 
 147 
 
 Wie er in Worms bei uns, mit einer Hand, 
 Die alle uns're Ehren spielend pfliickte, 
 Und einem Blick, der sprach : Ich mag sie nicht ! 
 Trag einen Strauss, in dem das kleinste Blatt 
 An Todeswunden mahnt, und der Dich mehr 
 Des Blutes kostet, als Dein ganzer Leib 
 Auf einmal in sich fasst, und lass ihn Dir 
 Nicht bloss entreissen, nein, mit Fiissen treten, 
 Dann kiisse Deinen Feind, wenn Du's vermagst. 
 Geibel II. iv. 34. Giselher. 
 
 Der Ruf des Volks verkiindet's dir: dein Siegfried. 
 Er zwang sie alle nieder in den Sand, 
 Zuletzt auch Hagen, den ich kaum im Leben 
 So furchtbar sah, so wuterfiillt wie heut. 
 Das war ein Schauspiel, wie die beiden rangen ! 
 Der eine grimmig keuchend, blutigrot 
 Das Aug' umlaufen, doch der andre selbst 
 Im hochsten Kampfsturm heiter noch. und schon. 
 Da ward mir's klar erst, was jttngst Siegfried meinte, 
 Als er im Scherz mit Hagen sich verglich, 
 Ihm hilft der Erdgeist, sprach er, mir die Sonne. 
 v. 37 f. Siegfried. 
 
 Nun, diesmal ward mir's schwer genug gemacht. 
 Der Hagen ist ein Sturm gewalt'ger Fechter; 
 Das Schwert gehorcht ihm wie ein Glied des Leibs. 
 Und wie er ficht, so ringt er; seine Sehnen 
 Sind biegsam Erz. Fast thut mir's leid urn ihn; 
 Er ging ergrimmt und ohne Gruss davon. 
 Giselher. 
 
 Man sah's ihm an, er hatt' auf Sieg gehofft. 
 
 ***** 
 Siegfried. 
 
 Geh, Schwager, nimm den Speer und bring ihn Hagen 
 Und sag, ich bat', er mocht ihn nicht verschmahn; 
 Die starke Waffe zieme ganz dem Arm, 
 Der mir's so schwer gemacht, sie zu gewinnen. 
 
 4545 f. Dietrich. 
 
 Mir schien sie immer eine Kohle, 
 
 Die frischen Windes in der Asche harrt. 1 
 
 Geibel IV. i. 70. Gunther. 
 
 Wahrlich, sehn die Weiber 
 Uns so verbunden, sie besinnen sich 
 Und wie ein Funk' in Aschen stirbt der Zwist 
 
 5069-5072, cf. page 97. 
 
 1 This, however, is a favorite figure with Hebbel; cf. Nn. 1034 f., 4080 i 
 Bw. II. 306.
 
 148 
 
 Geibel III. vii. 62. Chriemhild. 
 
 Einen Spiegel zeig* ich dir, 
 Dass du die eignen Konigsehren drin beschau'n 
 Und dann, dem Basilisken gleich, zerbersten magst. 
 
 5284-5288, cf. page 96. 
 
 Geibel III. vii. 62. Brunhild. 
 
 Und stohnst du wie ein blutend Reh um Gnade nun? 
 
 Scarcely even in minor suggestions can Hebbel be shown to 
 have borrowed from Geibel's play, which sacrifices the whole 
 for a small part, a mode of procedure in direct opposition to 
 Hebbel's attitude. Hebbel alone of these three playwrights 
 was concerned for a truthful rendering of the whole saga, as 
 it is contained in the Nibelungenlied. Raupach sacrificed to 
 the footlights, to startling effects; Geibel to beauty, to an in- 
 tensifying and deepening of one psychological problem, rather 
 than to a representation and motivation of the whole problem. 
 Both Raupach and Geibel trivialize in their efforts to humanize ; 
 they take away the grandeur of the old heroic figures and leave 
 us substitutes unworthy the names they bear. 
 
 4. WAGNER 
 
 Richard Wagner was drawn to the Nibelungen saga as a 
 subject for his musical drama through studies which centred 
 about the person of Frederick Barbarossa. These studies 
 led him to cast aside the possibility of making the German 
 emperor the hero of a great opera, but caused him to see the 
 significance and importance of the story of the hoard, and to 
 believe in its historical relation to the great Frankish kingdom. 
 In 1848, he set down the results of these studies in his essay, 
 " Die Wibelungen. Weltgeschichte aus der Sage," 1 and in 
 the same year he wrote his plan for a drama from the Nibe- 
 lungen myth. 2 
 
 Wagner was arriving at an attitude of conscious critical 
 
 1 Ges. Schriften, II. 151-199. 
 
 2 " Der Nibelungen-Mythus, als Entwurf zu einem Drama," Ges. Schriften, 
 II. 201-214; cf. " Eine Mittheilung an meine Freunde," 1851, Ges. Schriften, 
 IV. 285-418.
 
 149 
 
 clarity towards his art, and Siegfried appealed to him as the 
 purely human hero who was a fitting subject for the musical 
 drama, while he cast aside Frederick as the historically formal 
 hero unsuitable to be an exponent of the new theory which he 
 had formed. Between the first plan of 1848, and the actual 
 writing of the text for his great tetralogy, Wagner reached final 
 certainty as to the theory and philosophy of his dramatic com- 
 position; and he expressed his views on the subjects of "Art 
 and Revolution," "The Art Work of the Future," and "Opera 
 and Drama," l before he gave to the world his second concep- 
 tion of the dramatic possibilities of the Nibelungen saga. "He 
 had consciously discovered the fundamental law of the word- 
 tone-drama." A comparison of his two conceptions shows the 
 change brought about by his advancing clearness of ideals 
 and of purpose. Music he felt to be the mother of the drama, 
 which is to join and unify all other arts ; only through a com- 
 plete union of music and drama can the action gain freedom; 
 that is, release from all necessity of appealing to abstract 
 reflection. 
 
 The problem which Wagner had set himself to solve was: 
 What is the suitable material for the tone-drama, and how is 
 it to be embodied in the language of speech and of music? A 
 few thoughts from his own writings on these subjects serve 
 best to show his critical conclusions in regard to his art. "A 
 subject which is only comprehensible to the intellect, can also 
 only be communicated by the language of words ; but the more 
 it grows into a moment of feeling the more decidedly does it 
 need a form of expression which only the language of tone can 
 reach in necessary fulness. According to this, the contents 
 of that which the word-tone poet has to express is determined 
 entirely of itself: It is the Purely Human, freed from all con- 
 vention." "The highest conceivable effort of the poet is to 
 take the myth, the product of the clearest perceptions of the 
 human race, adapt it to the circumstances of our present lives, 
 and place it intelligently before us in the drama." 
 
 The motives, the action, in the ideal tone-drama of Wagner's 
 conscious purposes were to be within, were to be an outgrowth 
 1 Written respectively in 1849, 1851, 1851; Ges. Schriften, III.
 
 150 
 
 of the feeling ; and so the second plan, while retaining the gen- 
 eral course of events of the earlier sketch, entirely changes the 
 whole causality and the motivation of the drama. Wagner 
 no longer simply attempts to dramatize the Nibelungen saga 
 as the Norse sources relate it ; he places the conflict in Wotan's 
 soul, and the external signs of the conflict are brought out by 
 the curse of love which Wagner himself calls the formative 
 motive up to Siegfried's death. The conflict is between the 
 striving for power, and the longing for love in Wotan. "All 
 combats among men are only reflexes of his own soul struggles, 
 as is also the participation of superhuman beings in these 
 combats." 
 
 Although Wagner insisted upon his right to consideration 
 as a poet, yet from the very nature of the complex structure of 
 his music-drama, from the character of his aims and purposes 
 in his conscious composition, the work cannot be judged from 
 the same standpoint as any other modern treatment of the 
 saga, and no discussion of Wagner purely with reference to the 
 text, or solely from the point of view of the music, can be any 
 more adequate or satisfying than would be a stage production 
 of the alliterative dialogue as a play, or an orchestral rendering 
 of the entire musical score without the accompanying words 
 and action. 
 
 The object of this short discussion of Wagner's text is to 
 show the difference in the attitude of Wagner and Hebbel 
 towards the saga, and in their treatment of it as dramatic 
 material, and to point out the few hints and suggestions which 
 Hebbel may have taken from Wagner's version. For although 
 the "Ring of the Nibelung" was not published until 1863, 
 the year of HebbeFs death, it was printed by Wagner, in a 
 small edition for friends, in 1853, and became known to the 
 literary and musical world. Hebbel's intimate relations with 
 Liszt and the Princess Wittgenstein, which date from June 
 1858, when Hebbel had laid aside the composition of the 
 "Nibelungen" after completing "Siegfrieds Tod," would, in 
 any case, bear out the supposition that Hebbel knew the play. 
 But Hebbel himself gives evidence of knowing Wagner's work. 
 The overharsh criticism which he utters against it in a letter
 
 151 
 
 to Julius Campe, must be largely attributed to the entirely 
 different point of view with which Wagner and Hebbel began 
 their undertakings, and to the fact that Hebbel never knew in 
 its entirety the music which was to glorify, and intensify, and 
 expound the lines and the characters. This letter, written 
 while Hebbel was correcting the proof-sheets of his own Nibe- 
 lungen trilogy, contains his only criticism of Wagner's version : 
 "And with all the modesty which the greatness of the task 
 engenders, we will look down with a smile on Geibel's march- 
 pane and Richard Wagner's crippled piece, however much the 
 factions will bestir themselves for them, for these people have 
 not an idea of the subject, and treat the gods' swine, Sarimner, 
 that fills the gods in Walhalla without dying from it, like a 
 quite ordinary sow." l Another letter to Campe, written Au- 
 gust 10, 1862, relates an incident which occurred at the home of 
 Frau von Billow, in Berlin, when he met a certain Herr Klein, 
 who at once greeted him with the words: "Do you know the 
 Nibelungen of Richard Wagner? That you must admire, I 
 say you must; that brings one to the point of falling on one's 
 knees and kissing his feet." Whereupon Hebbel answered: 
 " You are not the man to prescribe to me what I shall admire," 
 and turned his back on him. 2 
 
 But Hebbel found much to interest him in Wagner's theories 
 regarding opera and drama, although he did not accept his 
 principles as a whole. Hebbel himself had considered the 
 possibility of a union of opera and drama in special instances, 
 and always when at work at his "Moloch" he had thought of 
 it in connection with music. 3 He agrees absolutely with Wagner 
 in regarding mythological subjects as most suitable for the 
 opera, 4 and feels that Schumann would have done better in 
 his opera, " Genoveva," if he had used the popular tradition 
 as source rather than the dramas of himself and Tieck. 5 Heb- 
 bel claims, however, that music can only express the general, 
 not the particular, and supports his idea by supposing an imagi- 
 
 1 Nachl. II. 205 ; cf. Tgb. IV. 6236. 
 
 2 Nachl. II. 249; cf. also 309, and W. X. 317 f., Aus Wien und Oesterreich, 
 Orion, February, 1863, " On the Valkyrie Ride." 
 
 3 Bw. I. 412. * Tgb. IV. 6099. Bw. II. 476-
 
 152 
 
 nary performance of a Beethoven symphony, the audience for 
 which should consist entirely of musicians; each hearer, he 
 declares, would carry away a different impression of the course 
 of ideas in the music. 1 He objects to a comparison of himself 
 with Wagner, in that he, Hebbel, had no intention of preaching 
 a new gospel, but only wanted to restore to its right the old 
 gospel drawn from Sophocles and Shakespere. Wagner, on 
 the other hand, had hatched out an art theory in absolute oppo- 
 sition to the great past, a theory which annihilated the very 
 being of art itself, and without question was only to hide its 
 own deficiency, its lack of melody. 2 
 
 Yet after hearing "Lohengrin," in Vienna, Hebbel readily 
 agreed that its success was doubtless a lasting one, and called 
 the text one of the most excellent, if one regarded it from the 
 standpoint of the music, but declared that the problem of the 
 drama begins where the text stops, in the details, in every verse, 
 as well as in the whole, in the composite organism. 3 Hebbel 
 thus distinctly disagreed with Lizst, who regarded Wagner's 
 texts as capable of vying with the drama. They are related 
 to the drama, in HebbePs opinion, as the general to the partic- 
 ular, and if it were otherwise, they would not admit of music. 4 
 The poetically dramatic climax coincides with the musical 
 < climax only in the rarest cases, and the object of the poet writ- 
 ing for music must be to let all the moments of feeling have 
 their full value. 5 For the rest, Hebbel strongly believes in the 
 close relation of the arts, all are only different offshoots of one 
 and the same primal force; he himself always hears music 
 from some unfathomable poetical source, whenever he is at 
 work on an important scene. 
 
 Wagner expressed himself as anxious to see Hebbel' s "Nibe- 
 lungen," 7 but when he became acquainted with the work, 
 he passed it over with few and slighting words of criticism. 
 In his article, "liber Schauspieler und Sanger," he calls the 
 trilogy a "composite piece" which "immediately gives us the 
 
 1 Tgb. III. 5163. 
 
 * Nachl. II. 248; cf. Bremer Sonntagsblatt, 1862, article on Hebbel by Adolph 
 Strodtmann. 
 
 3 Bw. II. 529 f., 532. 
 
 4 Ibid. 470. Ibid. 476. Ibid. 470. 1 Ibid. 541.
 
 153 
 
 impression of a parody on the Nibelimgenlied, about in the 
 manner of Blumauer's travesty of the JEneid. Here the modern 
 man of letters seems manifestly mocking what he considers the 
 grotesqueness of the mediaeval poem by ridiculous exagger- 
 ations: his heroes go behind the wings, there perform some 
 monstrous deed of heroism, and return to the stage to tell us 
 all about it in much the same depreciatory tone as Baron von 
 Miinchhausen upon his exploits. As all his dramatis personae 
 adopt a similar tone, and thus are really mocking one another, 
 it is obvious that these speeches and narratives are merely 
 directed to the audience, as if each hero wished to let it know 
 that the whole thing was after all a mere paltry thing, thereby 
 meaning not only the Nibelungen, but the German theatre 
 itself. And in reality, the whole method of procedure of our 
 'moderns' in regard to the heroic saga and the theatre as well, 
 should, according to this, be regarded as a farcical attempt, 
 an attempt which neither the well-bred poet nor the actor he 
 has in mind could satirize pronouncedly enough in the exer- 
 cise of their respective arts. . . . Never does the poet cease 
 to strut as world-saga and get himself displayed as such by his 
 comedians, into whose mouth he drops the deepest-going 
 comments in the very midst of the action." l Thus Wagner 
 was as little in sympathy with Hebbel's attempt to place the 
 story of the Nibelungenlied before the public as a dramatic 
 unit as was Hebbel with Wagner's endeavors to join the Norse 
 sagas of the gods with that of the gold and its winners, and 
 to give to them a philosophical basis of modern thought. 
 
 In selecting and dealing with his sources, Wagner sought 
 to bring the saga elements back to their original mythical basis, 
 and unite them into a dramatic whole; yet his creative fancy 
 often adds absolutely new features and forms scenes and char- 
 acters which are entirely Wagner's inventions on the basis of 
 the saga material. In certain cases, his text sets forth the origi- 
 nal, true significance of a person or a belief. Thus, Hagen is 
 the son of an elf ; thus, the gold is originally from the Rhine. 2 
 
 1 Ges. Schriften, IX. 189-274, Ellis translation, V. 
 
 2 For a discussion of the two concsptions and a detailed comparison, cf. 
 Nietszche, Werke I., and Chamberlain, "Das Drama Richard Wagners."
 
 154 
 
 Wagner saw the drama in the Nibelungenlied, and regarded 
 the epic as composed of a series of fragments of lost Nibelungen 
 songs which were pieced together in Hohenstaufen times. 
 "Song existed among the people," he says, "as a bodily enacted 
 art work, aided by voice and gesture. These epic-lyrical 
 performances form an unmistakable middle stage between the 
 genuine older lyric and tragedy, and are the normal point of 
 transition from the one to the other." 1 But the story as con- 
 tained in the Nibelungenlied was too imbued with the pomp and 
 pageantry of the Middle Ages, too surrounded by modern no- 
 tions and sentiments, too modified by the surface influence of 
 Christianity, to offer the simplicity of material which Wagner 
 felt was necessary for the pure music-drama. In his "Mit- 
 theilung an meine Freunde," 2 he tells of his attraction for the 
 Sigurd of the Norse versions. Since his return to Germany 
 from Paris, his favorite study had been ancient German lore, 
 which took him back step by step into deeper regions of antiq- 
 uity, "where at last to my delight, and truly in the utmost 
 reaches of all time, I was to light upon the fair young form of 
 Man in all the freshness of his force." The splendid type of 
 Siegfried had long attracted him when he had come to see it 
 in the purest human shape, set free from every later wrapping. 
 And now he first saw the possibility which had not occurred 
 to him when he only knew him from the Nibelungenlied. In 
 Siegfried he saw the Human Being in the most natural, and 
 the blithest fulness of his physical life, and this elemental hero, 
 this "man become God," the hero whose soul is "free from 
 every guile and glad with love," who is "without flaw and 
 covetousness, " he sought to incorporate in his music-drama. 
 
 No one source offered the necessary material for Wagner's 
 project, and he borrowed and pieced at will, though always 
 with the view to a composite, unified whole, and to the work- 
 ing out of the fundamental principle which he had invented as 
 a basis. He studied the material from all available sources 
 before he attempted to write, and there is not one of the older 
 versions of the saga which he did not make use of to some extent. 
 
 1 " Das Kunstwerk der Zukunft," Ges. Schriften III. 
 J Ges. Schriften IV., Ellis I.
 
 155 
 
 Wagner knew Ettmiiller's translation of the songs of the 
 Edda concerning the Nibelungen, which appeared in 1837, 
 and Simrock's translation of both the Eddas which was pub- 
 lished two years before Wagner printed his drama. From the 
 Eddas he drew the material which led him to combine the sagas 
 of the gods and the heroes, and make the fate of Siegfried a 
 causal part of the great world-fate. "Rheingold" is based 
 upon a combination of the saga concerning the ring and hoard 
 which is told in the SkdldskaparmaV the saga concerning the 
 building of the gods' stronghold contained in the Gylfagin- 
 ning and Regensm^l, and the saga of Loki and the golden 
 apples of Idun, which is hinted at in the Gylfaginning and 
 told in the BragaroetSur. The Norse gods are given German 
 names. Thus we have Wotan, Dormer, and Loge; Wotan as 
 the All- Father, Donner as the storm-god, and Loge as the fire- 
 god. Froh is the Norse Freyr; Fricka the Norse Frigg; 
 Freia, a combination of Freyja and Idun; and Erda a combi- 
 nation of the earth-goddess J<jrd (of whom no saga is extant), 
 and the Norse Wala of the Vglosp^. 2 The names of Gutrune, 
 and of Grimhild, who is only mentioned, are from the Norse 
 versions. 
 
 "Die Walkiire," while mainly free poetic invention, based 
 upon the Volsungasaga, has several suggestions from the 
 Edda. The names of the Valkyries are invented, except that 
 of Siegrune, who is mentioned in Helgkavijm Hundingsbana I., 
 as protecting Helgi in battle. The SigrdrifomQl, in connection 
 with the Volsungasaga, furnishes material for Brunhild's magic 
 sleep, the surrounding flames, and the motive that only the 
 fearless hero shall make his way through them. In the Edda, 
 too, Frigg and Odin contend about their favorites, as in the 
 old saga of the naming of the Langobardians. Fricka's span 
 of rams is a combination and confusion of the attributes of other 
 gods and goddesses. Thor rides with goats, Freyja in a car 
 drawn by cats. 
 
 The third opera, "Siegfried," is based more largely upon the 
 songs of the Edda, particularly Fdmesm^l. Sigrdrifom^l, Vaf- 
 J>rujmesm<2l, Vglospg, and Baldrsdraumar. In the first three of 
 1 C. 39-42. * Vsp. 28, Ls.
 
 156 
 
 these songs are told the narratives of the slaying of Fafnir and 
 Regin (Mimi), the winning of the hoard, the warning and ad- 
 vice of the birds, the waking of Brunhild, and her betrothal 
 with Sigurd, which form the main outline of the story in " Sieg- 
 fried." The contest of knowledge in Act I., between Wotan 
 and Mimi, where each pledges his head as a wager, is sug- 
 gested by the incident about which the song Vafyrujmesm^l 
 centres. Odin, under the name of Gangrdjjr (Wanderer), 
 enters into a similar contest with the giant Vafyrujmer. 1 In 
 V^lospQ, we have the wise Wala who foretells future events 
 and the fate of gods and men; in Baldrsdraumar, as in "Sieg- 
 fried," Oden wakens the Wala, in order to question her. 
 Wagner makes an absolute distinction between Norn and Wala, 
 which is not to be found in the Edda. The Ragnarok, which 
 Wotan fears, and to avoid which he questions Erda, is de- 
 scribed in the VQlospQ and in Gylfaginning. 
 
 For the title of the fourth opera, Wagner took Simrock's 
 translation of the Norse ragnarqkr, and for the material he 
 went to the Edda for the account of Brunhild's instruction of 
 Siegfried, 2 the references to the world-ash Yggdrasil, 8 to the 
 well of the Norns, 4 to the lost eye of Wotan, 5 and to his spear; 
 here, too, he found the suggestion for the spinning Norns 
 casting their cord to the different points of the compass. 6 The 
 spurious Eddie song Hrafnagaldr (Raven-magic), which Sim- 
 rock includes in his translation, tells how Odin, anticipating 
 the end of the gods, sends out his ravens, and with sorrow 
 awaits their return. Throughout the tetralogy, the idea is 
 conveyed that the race similarity between Siegmund and Sieg- 
 linde, Wotan and Siegfried, is shown in their eyes. 7 
 
 From Zurich Wagner wrote to Uhlig in November, 1851, 
 asking for von der Hagen's Volsungasaga, which he wanted, 
 not in order to mould his composition after it, but in order to 
 
 1 Cf. " Siegfried" I., Wotan: Wand'rer heisst mich die Welt. 
 
 J Sd. Vsp., Grm., Gl. 4 Vsp., Gl. B Vsp. H. H. I. 
 
 7 Cf. "Die Walkdre" I., Siegfried III., Wanderer: 
 
 Mit dem Auge, 
 
 das als and'res mir fehlt, 
 
 erblickt'st du selber das eine 
 
 das mir zum Sehen verblieb.
 
 157 
 
 recall again exactly what he had previously conceived in re- 
 gard to single features. 1 When the book arrived, he looked 
 through it, and found that it was no longer necessary, for 
 he had already clear in his own mind the principal features 
 which he had wished to use and adapt from this most complete 
 of the Norse accounts of the saga. The second opera, "Die 
 Walkure," is based upon a modification of features taken from 
 the Volsungasaga, the only account which gives details of 
 Sigurd's ancestry. Wagner makes Wotan not simply the 
 founder of the race from which Siegfried springs, but that 
 very Walse who is the father of Siegmund and Sieglinde. The 
 incident of the sword thrust into the ash tree and pulled forth 
 by Siegmund is entirely changed in setting, though not in sig- 
 nificance. The hints at the wolf-life of Siegmund and his 
 father in the foresfare references to the accounts of Siegmund and 
 his son SinfJQtli, who took on the skins and natures of wolves. 
 Siegmund and his sister meet as strangers after she is married 
 to Hunding, the enemy of Siegmund, who is later mentioned in 
 the Volsungasaga, where Siggeir is Signy's husband. Sieg- 
 fried, instead of Sinfjtli, is the direct offspring of the union 
 of the twin brother and sister, which is with Wagner not the 
 result of a preconceived purpose, but the outcome of fate. The 
 incidents surrounding Siegfried's birth and Briinnhilde's sleep 
 are partly taken from the Volsungasaga, where Siegfried's 
 birth is announced by Siegmund. The cause of Briinnhilde's 
 punishment is disobedience, but here again Wagner strengthens 
 and intensifies the relationship, by making the fight in which 
 Briinnhilde disobeys Wotan the combat between Siegmund and 
 Hunding, not, as in the Volsungasaga and Sigrdrifom^l, a fight 
 between the unknown heroes Hjalmgunnar and Agnar. 3 In 
 "Siegfried," the history of the broken sword, and the test of 
 the sword when it is welded anew, are taken from the Volsunga- 
 saga. In the saga, Odin appears to Sigurd with warning 
 counsel before the combat with Fafnir ; here, he appears after- 
 wards and only in a last futile attempt to prevent the course 
 of fate. 
 As in the Volsungasaga, the betrothal takes place by means 
 
 1 Briefe an Uhlig, 118. _* Vs. 20, Sd.
 
 158 
 
 of a ring, and Siegfried rides away in search of adventure. 
 He is made to forget Brunnhilde by means of the magic drink, 
 which, however, in " Gotterdammerung," is compounded by 
 Hagen, and offered by Gudrun. In the Volsungasaga, the 
 effect of the drink gradually diminishes; in the opera, Hagen 
 offers a second drink of remembrance. In the Volsungasaga, 
 Brynhild only recognizes the ring after Gudrun has shown 
 it to her; here, she sees it immediately upon her arrival at 
 Gunther's court. 
 
 Von der Hagen's "Nordische Heldenromane," which had 
 been Wagner's authority for the Volsungasaga, contained also 
 a translation of the Thidrekssaga. Chapter 168 relates how 
 Brunhild gave Siegfried the horse, Grani, an incident upon 
 which Wagner has enlarged in the "Walkiire." Sieglinde's 
 death in the woods, as well as the finding of Siegfried by Mimi 
 and his education with him, are also incidents based upon 
 this saga, chapters 159-164, where Siegfried's father and 
 mother are called Sigmund and Sisibe, and his foster-father, 
 Mimir. Here, as with Wagner, the scene of the fight with the 
 dragon is laid in the woods. 1 This, too, is the only source 
 which brings out clearly the story of Hagen's birth as the son 
 of an elf, 2 which Wagner so strongly emphasizes and upon 
 which he so materially enlarges. Once more, Wagner draws 
 in closer union the threads of his plot, by making Alberic the 
 elf who was Hagen's father. 
 
 The Nornagestssaga, which was also included in von der 
 Hagen's "Heldenromane," makes Sigurd's foster-father a 
 dwarf. 
 
 Golther suggests that Wagner may have used still another 
 Norse source, a Norwegian Skaldic song, written about 900, 
 from which he may have drawn the idea for making Brunnhilde 
 the herald of Siegmund's death. 3 
 
 Although Wagner based his entire production on the Norse 
 versions, he did not neglect to study the German sources, and 
 drew from them in various isolated instances. For his knowl- 
 edge of the Nibelungenlied, he again depended upon Simrock's 
 
 1 So also in the "Lied vom hurnen Seyfrid," and in Simrock's "Wieland der 
 Schmied." 2 C. 169. Golther, 56.
 
 159 
 
 translation. The names of persons are nearly all taken from 
 the German epic: Siegmund, Sieglinde, Siegfried, Briinnhilde, 
 Hagen, Alberic, Niblung. Wagner has the magic helmet, a 
 reminiscence of the Tarnkappe of the Nibelungenlied. Sieg- 
 fried's teasing of Mimi with a bear, on his return from the 
 chase, is a reminder of the incident in the hunt, just before 
 Siegfried's death. The two Niblungs, Alberic and Mimi, 
 watching, in greedy enmity, at Fafnir's hole, recall the con- 
 tention between the two sons of Niblung over the hoard. 
 Siegfried's invulnerability is here caused by Briinnhilde's bless- 
 ings, not by the bathing in the dragon's blood ; that is, the one 
 vulnerable spot is not the result of an accident provided by 
 nature, but of an intentional act of Briinnhilde. Siegfried's 
 defiant attitude upon his arrival at the court of Gunther, 1 his 
 winning of the ring from Briinnhilde, as the result of a struggle, 2 
 Hagen's night watch before the hall, 3 Siegfried as the advance 
 messenger from Gunther returning with Briinnhilde, 4 the 
 hunt on the Rhine, 5 Gutrune's troubled dreams, 6 are all bor- 
 rowings from the mediaeval epic. Reminders of the Nibe- 
 lungenlied are found throughout Hagen's attitude towards 
 Siegfried. It is Hagen who knows of him before his arrival, 
 it is he who thinks of obtaining power through Siegfried, it 
 is he who proposes asking Siegfried's assistance in wooing 
 Briinnhilde, it is he who arouses and incites to vengeance against 
 Siegfried, it is his hand that kills Siegfried while the latter is 
 bending over to drink, it is he who attempts to rob as well as 
 to murder. 
 
 The " Lied vom hiirnen Seyfrid " had been published in von 
 der Hagen's Heldenbuch, in 1825, and translated in Simrock's 
 Heldenbuch III., in 1844. The name Gibich, which Wagner 
 uses in reference to Gunther's father, occurs in the Lied as the 
 name of the king. The entire saga, with the exception of the 
 Nibelungenlied, the Klage, and Biterolf, calls the race Gibich- 
 ungen, Norse Giukunge, from the name of the father. The 
 name Dankrat seems a later invention. The test of the sword 
 occurs in this source, as well as in the Volsungasaga, Thi- 
 
 1 Nl. III. * Ibid. XXX. 6 Ibid. XVI. 
 
 Ibid. X. Ibid. IX. Ibid. XV.
 
 160 
 
 drekssaga, and Nornagestssaga, and the fight with the dragon 
 in which he first makes use of the weapon occurs, as with Wag- 
 ner, in the deep woods. The only important feature which 
 Wagner can be shown to have borrowed from this source is 
 his introduction of Siegfried as an unrestrained, violent strip- 
 ling who knows nothing of father or mother, though in the 
 Thidrekssaga he is also ignorant of his origin. 
 
 Of the modern versions of the Nibelungen saga, Wagner 
 knew Fouque"'s "Held des Nordens," Raupach's "Nibelungen- 
 Hort," Uhland's poem, "Siegfried's Schwertgewinnung," and 
 Simrock's play, "Wieland der Schmied." The only one of 
 these which had any marked influence upon him was Fouqu^'s 
 drama. 1 Of the works published after his "Ring," Wagner 
 later mentions in his writings Dorn's opera, Hebbel's trilogy, 
 and Jordan's " rhapsodies." From the prelude to Fouque*'s 
 "Sigurd," Wagner took several of the defiant speeches of Sieg- 
 fried, and the monologue of Mimi which is interrupted by 
 Siegfried's stormy entrance. The opening scene in "Gotter- 
 dammerung," with the three Norns, was certainly suggested 
 by the first part of the second Adventure of "Sigurd der 
 Schlangentodter," where the Norns sit about the sleeping 
 Brynhildur and prophesy; from Fouque", too, are taken Sieg- 
 fried's words about Grani upon his arrival at Gunther's court. 
 Wagner, like Uhland, opposes the sources in having Siegfried 
 forge his own sword. 
 
 Wagner also made use of Grimm's "Deutsche Mythologie," 
 particularly for the formation of names. The cry of the 
 Rhine-maidens, 
 
 Weia ! Waga ! 
 
 Wagalaweia ! 
 
 Wallala, weiala, weia! 
 
 he writes to Nietzsche, he got from the name Heilawac which 
 he found in Grimm; the three names of the Rhine daughters 
 are free formations on the basis of names that he found here. 
 Thus, Grimm cites Wachilt as a nixie's name. 
 
 Popular superstition also enters into the elements of the 
 
 1 Cf. A. Lindner, Deutsche Wochenschrijt, 1884, Nr. 52, and Golther.
 
 161 
 
 composition. Fricka mentions the allurements of the Rhine 
 daughters who entice men to their destruction : 
 
 Schon manchen Mann 
 
 mir zum Leid 
 verlockten sie buhlend ins Bad. 1 
 
 The magic helmet has the power to transport its wearer from 
 place to place, and to change him into various animals at will, 
 as in Puss in Boots; Mimi is forced to tell the truth, as the 
 magic cap in Hopp's farce, "Doctor Faust's Hauskappchen," 
 forces the person questioned to answer without falsehood. 2 
 Siegfried awakens his bride with a kiss, as in Domroschen; 
 he casts a piece of turf over his shoulder to signify his disre- 
 gard for life; and when Hagen attempts to take the ring from 
 Siegfried's hand, the arm is raised threateningly. Wagner gives 
 to the ring certain properties of the Wiinschrute of Germanic 
 folk-lore : 
 
 Durch des Ringes Gold 
 
 errat seine Gier, 
 
 wo neue Schimmer 
 
 in Schachten sich birgt. 3 
 
 All of this material Wagner moulded over with free addi- 
 tions and changes in relationship. Perhaps the chief charac- 
 teristic in his treatment of the saga material is his complete 
 change in the relationships of many of the characters to each 
 other, and in the relation of the gods to men, with the two mo- 
 tives running though the whole: the ruin-bringing curse on 
 the gold, and that theme which is so fundamental a part of all 
 of Wagner's works, the redeeming power of love. What Heb- 
 bel drew from Wagner must, of necessity, be small. Each had 
 an entirely different aim and ideal before him: Hebbel, to 
 rejuvenate the old saga as he found it in its youngest complete 
 form; Wagner, to go back to the mythical beginnings, and to 
 reconstruct the saga on the basis of the oldest known forms. 
 A few minor suggestions and an emphasis upon certain phases 
 of the saga material are at most all that Hebbel drew from 
 Wagner's music-drama. 
 
 1 "Rheingold" II. 2 Published Vienna, 1843. "Rheingold" III.
 
 162 
 
 Both Wagner and Hebbel make Alberich the ruler of the 
 
 dwarfs : 
 
 Die horen auf den wilden Alberich. 1 
 
 With Wagner, it is a power that he has won through the 
 treasure and the making of the ring. Hagen calls him: 
 
 Gefallener Furst! 
 Nacht-Huter! 
 Niblungen-Herr ! 2 
 
 Both poets make clear the fact that one man has Brunhild 
 in his power, to win either for himself or for another. Brunn- 
 hilde says: 
 
 In seiner Macht halt er die Magd; 
 
 in seinen Banden 
 
 halt er die Beute, 
 
 die, jammernd ob ihrer Schmach, 
 
 jauchzend der Reiche verschenkt ! 2 
 
 In both plays, Brunhild knows that only the strongest man 
 shall conquer her: 
 
 Wer ist der Mann, 
 der das vermochte, 
 was dem Starksten nur bestimmt ? s 
 
 Frigga feels helpless since the runes have not led her aright. 
 In "Gotterdammerung" Briinnhilde says : 
 
 Wo sind meine Runen 
 gegen dies Rathsel? 
 
 In both dramas, Siegfried arrives at Worms accompanied 
 by his steed ; with Hebbel, he at once recounts his deeds ; with 
 Wagner, he recites the history of his exploits just before his 
 death. In both dramas, he endeavors to cheer the gloomy 
 Gunther while they are resting on the chase, and in both dramas 
 the birds guide the way to Brunhild : 
 
 630 f. Siegfried. 
 
 Die Dohle fliegt voran, 
 Die Eule folgt. 
 "Siegfried" II. 
 
 (Der Vogd flattert auf, schwebt uber Siegfried und fliegl 
 
 davon.) 
 1 Nn. 143. * Gotterdammerung II. 8 Ibid. I., Nn. 1653 f.; cf. p. 113.
 
 163 
 
 Siegfried (jauchzend). 
 
 So wird mir der Weg gewiesen : 
 
 wohin du flatterst 
 
 folg 5 ich dem Plug! 
 
 (Er eilt dem Vogcl nach.) 
 "Siegfried" III. 
 
 Mein Voglein schwebte mir fort; 
 
 mit flatterndem Flug 
 
 und siissem Sang 
 
 wies es mir wonnig den Weg. 
 
 With Hebbel, Siegfried is connected with ravens who appear 
 at crucial times in his life : when the hoard is being brought to 
 Worms, when he is on the chase with Gunther and Hagen; 
 even after his death the raven circles about his grave. With 
 Wagner, two ravens appear in warning on the fatal chase, 
 and as Briinnhilde casts the burning torch upon the funeral 
 pyre, two ravens fly off at her behest to announce to Wotan 
 what has taken place. Neither poet calls the birds that guide 
 Siegfried to Brunhild ravens. In both dramas, the dying 
 Siegfried fails in his attempt to cast his shield at Hagen. 
 
 The scene between Ute and Kriemhild, in the early morning 
 after Siegfried's death, may have been suggested by the scene 
 in Act III. of " Gotterdammerung," where Gutrune, on the 
 morning after the chase, is disturbed in her slumbers by evil 
 dreams, and by the thought that she hears Siegfried's horse and 
 horn, while she dwells upon her fear of Briinnhilde. 
 
 In Act V., scene ix., Hagen takes Balmung from Siegfried's 
 dead body with the same defiance that Wagner's Hagen endeav- 
 ors to take the ring from his hand. 
 
 The continued references to Dietrich's knowledge acquired 
 at the Nixie's well may have their origin in the scenes of the 
 "Ring des Nibelungen" where Erda or the Norns appear. 
 Erda, coming from secret depths, instructs and warns Wotan, 
 and the Norns tell of the well of wisdom at the foot of the world- 
 oak. Dietrich's story of the birth of Siegfried recalls the em- 
 phasis which Wagner lays upon the fact that destiny has decreed 
 Siegfried and Briinnhilde for each other : 
 
 "Siegfried" III. Briinnhilde. 
 
 O wiisstest du, Lust der Welt,
 
 164 
 
 wie ich dich je geliebt! 
 
 Du warst mein Sinnen 
 
 mein Sorgen du. 
 
 Dich Zarten nahrt' ich 
 
 noch eh' du gezeugt; 
 
 noch eh' du geboren 
 
 barg dich mein Schild: 
 
 So lang' lieb ich dich, Siegfried! 
 
 Possibly we find a reminiscence of Alberich's winning of the 
 hoard from the Rhine daughters in Volker's vision. 1 
 In "Rheingold," Loge says: 
 
 Ein Tand ist's 
 in des Wassers Tiefe. 
 "Gotterdammerung" I. 
 
 Die erste Norn. 
 
 das Rheingold 
 raubte Alberich einst. 
 
 Volker's warning to leave the hoard in the water's depths 
 recalls the closing scene in "Gotterdammerung," where the 
 Rhine daughters regain the stolen treasure. Volker's story, 
 like Wagner's prelude, omits the third god, Hoenir, in the nar- 
 rative of how the gods secured the gold : Volker says, " Durch 
 Gotterraub;" Wagner has, "Durch Raub." 
 
 It is quite probable that Hebbel drew from Wagner his idea 
 for making Hagen an elf's son, a point which Wagner strongly 
 emphasizes, and with striking effect, for in the "Ring" Hagen 
 is the connecting link between the Niblungs and men, just as 
 Siegfried is the connecting link between gods and men. With 
 Hebbel, he is the uncle of Gunther, and only in the banquet 
 hall of Etzel does he call himself the son of an elf. 
 
 5. VISCHER 
 
 A decided influence upon Hebbel's attitude towards his 
 subject, and, in a few cases, a direct influence upon the compo- 
 sition of his drama, are traceable to Friedrich Theodor Vischer. 
 
 1 4320 f., cf. page 78.
 
 165 
 
 In 1844, appeared Vischer's "Kritische Gange," the second 
 volume of which contains the essay, " Vorschlag zu einer Oper." 
 Hebbel became acquainted with the work in the following 
 year, and discusses it in a letter to Felix Bamberg: "I read 
 with great interest Vischer's Kritische Gange, which a young 
 doctor brought me. A very able aesthetician who, to be sure, 
 now and then mistakes a purely external for an internal point, 
 as, for example, when he deduces from the impossibility of 
 seeing a political comedy represented at our court theatres, 
 the impossibility of such a comedy." * That Hebbel repeat- 
 edly read the "Kritische Gange " is shown in his first letter to 
 Vischer, June i, 1858, which he wrote upon reading his "JEs- 
 thetik," and in which he says: "Permit me to grasp the oppor- 
 tunity offered by the journey of my friend Kolatcek to approach 
 you also personally, after a union and intercourse of spirit, at 
 least on one side, has long existed. I feel myself all the more 
 impelled to do so, since I have recently been much occupied 
 with your Esthetics and have thereby discovered that the 
 science of art, even though not popular, can still be intelligible. 
 Do not be surprised by the fact that I, who have long since and 
 repeatedly read and studied your Kritische Gange and your 
 other essays, have not until now come to your principal work." * 
 
 On the first of June, 1862, he accompanied the manuscript 
 of his Nibelungen trilogy with a letter to Vischer, containing 
 the following acknowledgment of indebtedness : " Do not mar- 
 vel that I am sending you herewith my Nibelungen tragedy. 
 Conventionality, which perhaps would have an objection to 
 make, shall not prevent me from performing a sacred duty of 
 gratitude. 
 
 " However surprising it may seem to you in the first moment, 
 no one has had greater influence on this poem than you. For 
 years your Kritische Gange, with their splendid essay on the 
 Nibelungen, have not disappeared from my desk; for years, 
 this essay, which seemed to me irrefutable, stood between me 
 and my youthful wish, and even though in the end I did not 
 resist, because in such cases it is indeed impossible, still you 
 have had an important influence upon the execution; for if, 
 
 1 Bw. I. 258. 2 Bw. II. 490.
 
 166 
 
 as the judgments of Scholl, 1 Hettner, 2 and others give me cause 
 to hope, I should not entirely have failed in finding the right 
 mean in the principal point between the too much and the too 
 little, and in giving to the forms of our great national epic 
 human entrails, without taking from them their gigantic out- 
 lines, I must attribute that in great measure to the force of your 
 warnings and suggestions, which were at first terrifying but 
 later fructifying." 3 
 
 Vischer's essay begins with the recommendation of the Nibe- 
 lungen saga and an appeal for a composer worthy of the ma- 
 terial, "I should like to attract favor to the Nibelungen saga 
 as text for a great heroic opera." 
 
 Vischer's fundamental idea is that art must be based upon 
 history as the real stage of the ideal. Painting has left the 
 world of myth, and is to ascend from thence to the great tasks 
 of history. Poetry is to bring to perfection the political drama. 
 The opera has made sufficient use of the realm of subjective 
 feelings and should proceed to the great objective feelings. 
 The musical world lacks as yet its Shakespere and its Schiller, 
 who could bring the political, the historical drama to its height. 
 We have not yet had the music which such a material demands. 
 The material in the Nibelungen saga, while not really historical, 
 is national, that is the first thing which is to be extolled in it. 
 
 "The Nibelungen heroes are real German types of character, 
 such as a people in early times depicts as a mirror of its best 
 moral forces, on the basis of not further recognizable historic 
 features. German gentleness and the feared and lasting 
 German anger, German good nature and fidelity, which de- 
 clares itself most strongly in the cast-iron consequences of the 
 tragic punishment of infidelity, the spring fragrance of love and 
 the sword-clash of German bravery, tender shyness and stub- 
 born obstinacy, dark defiance, finally, the deep feeling of hu- 
 manity and fate in which all these definite strains exist as in 
 their element: this is the broad and full breast of our most 
 intimate folk-nature, which in this eternal poem breathes full 
 and sound. These features of our moral folk-world appear 
 
 1 Cf. Bw. II. 285, 392, 510 f., 524. 2 Cf. Ibid. 391 f. 
 
 s Ibid. 493; cf. Vischer, 406.
 
 167 
 
 here, however, in the simplest conditions, with the most 
 untainted moral concepts, in that unbroken and unmixed origi- 
 nality, whereby these forms appear to the eye of modern cul- 
 ture as roughly hewn giant-pictures. Here the question at 
 once arises whether such pictures are capable and worthy of 
 fixing the dramatic interest of an age which has now to produce 
 its effects through a deeper, more complex world, and which 
 is therefore no longer served by such simplicity. . . . Certain 
 it is that through the great alienation of time and custom, 
 the material has become quite unsuitable for the pure, non- 
 musical drama. ... It is not a question of the dramatic 
 action of the fable, but of the subjectivity of the characters. 
 Give to these men of iron, to these women of gigantic mould, 
 the power of oratorical expression which the drama requires, 
 the sophistry of passion and reflection, the capacity of explain- 
 ing, justifying, and doubting their intentions, which is abso- 
 lutely necessary for the dramatic character, and they are un- 
 done; their greatness is so inseparable from their laconism, 
 from their depth pressed back in silence into themselves, from 
 their crudeness, that they cease to be what they are, and yet do 
 not become something else which could please and move us." 
 
 That Hebbel felt the direct force of this warning is shown in 
 his own words to Vischer, and in a letter to Hettner, December 
 8, 1861 : "During the work I have had to cast nine-tenths of 
 my best thoughts overboard, and that is not particularly easy, 
 because the dramatic thought differs from every other, even 
 from the poetic thought in general in that, once cast aside, it 
 can never again be utilized, and the gleaming gold-fish, once 
 released from the net, returns to the depths forever. I am 
 really proud of much that is stiff and awkward, for example, 
 of Siegfried's wooden wooing, which would be unbearable and 
 mistaken, if it were not conditioned by the style of the whole; 
 but it was the very alpha and omega of the task to provide the 
 monstrous figures with human organs without depriving them 
 of their magnificent outlines, and if that were to be accomplished 
 everywhere, it could only succeed through severe and rigorous 
 treatment." l 
 
 1 Bw. II. 391.
 
 168 
 
 Vischer emphasizes the desirability, however, of making 
 this material appeal to modern feelings without sacrificing the 
 characters. "We need more than the Nibelungen; for the 
 problems of our times we can learn nothing from them immedi- 
 ately, they are not in the least political, a family and vassal 
 history on a grand plane, that is all, but in this simple history 
 the eternal fundamental feelings of the heart speak so strongly 
 that this draught of spring water cannot fail to be extremely 
 wholesome for us. ... Self-portraiture is the unavoidable 
 leprosy of a time of cultivated subjectivity ; it can be only bene- 
 ficial for us to see once again human beings without any." 
 
 The great advantages of the material for a musical drama 
 are its very simplicity and crudity, in that the music can 
 soften these elements and enrich and enlarge the simple world 
 of feeling of these silent, rude heroes and heroines, without 
 bringing them into the sphere of clear self-consciousness. 
 Again, the opera may have greater stage magnificence than 
 the drama, so that the opportunity could be taken for repre- 
 senting the pomp of the age of the tourney and the Minnesinger ; 
 a moderate mixture of the marvellous is the third advantage. 
 Vischer's suggestion is to confine this mythical element to the 
 prophecy of the mermaids, and he advises going back to the 
 original curse in the Edda. The treasure must only be made 
 use of as a motive of renewed injury, when Hagen buries it 
 in the Rhine, and the dwarfs and giants as guardians of the 
 hoard then naturally disappear also. Brunhilde must be a 
 human woman, as in the Nibelungenlied, but her virgin defiance 
 and the deadly contests may remain as a reminder of the older 
 Valkyrie-form of the saga. Sigfried may also have his Tarn- 
 kappe. Vischer thinks through this moderate mixture of the 
 wonderful to gain pure humanness of the motives, and yet to 
 retain the ominous element and the atmosphere of old German 
 heathendom. 
 
 After emphasizing these advantages of the material, Vischer 
 dwells upon the two great difficulties: the unclearness of 
 motives, and the epic massiveness of the material, the first of 
 which he considers by far the more important. The Nibe- 
 lungenlied leaves the real source of Brunhild's hatred for Sieg-
 
 169 
 
 fried untold. Yet the account in the Edda cannot be used, for 
 the magic potion would lead one too far and a mere narration 
 of the scene would be too unclear. Neither can the account 
 hi the Nibelungenlied be fully employed, for the night-struggle 
 cannot be made use of. Yet he thinks that a spirited recita- 
 tive might narrate how Sigfried with his Tarnkappe helped to 
 win Brunhilde; for the rest, the Nibelungenlied might be fol- 
 lowed, in that Brunhilde has a dark presentiment, and a deep, 
 hidden love for the man who, if her presentiment be right, 
 has so terribly deceived her. Hagen fosters her anger from 
 motives of loyalty to Gunther, whose majesty is overshadowed 
 by Sigfried's bright superiority. In the quarrel scene, Chriem- 
 hilde may show a ring which Sigfried had pulled from Brun- 
 hilde's hand in the struggle, and had later given to Chriemhilde, 
 and she may express the suspicion that Brunhilde had secretly 
 given the ring to Sigfried and only followed Gunther in order 
 to win Sigfried's love. Thus Brunhilde learns of the deceit, 
 Hagen fosters her passionate hate, and the two determine upon 
 his murder. Sigfried's guilt thus rests in not fulfilling the 
 sacred duty of silence. 
 
 The difficulty in the epic mass of the material might be over- 
 come quite as the Greeks could work over their epic into dra- 
 matic brevity. Shakespere compresses the wild masses of 
 confused Civil War, and Schiller the floods of the Thirty Years' 
 War, within dramatic confines. The chief difficulty arising 
 from the epic lies in the last bloody combat, in which such 
 large numbers of people take part according to the Lied. 
 Vischer's suggestion is to portray this struggle in a few prin- 
 cipal situations, and to force the great noise of combat into the 
 background. 
 
 Then follows a plan for the entire five acts of the opera, 
 the first two acts portraying Sigfried's fate and acting as an 
 exposition for the final bloody catastrophe. The first act 
 begins with Gunther's arrival from Iceland with his bride, 
 thus cutting out practically the first nine cantos of the Nibe- 
 lungenlied. Chriemhilde's secretly cherished love for Sigfried, 
 and Brunhilde's ominous suspicions of deceit and feelings of 
 love for him come to light at once, as do Hagen's hatred of
 
 170 
 
 Sigfried, and the union of Brunhilde and Hagcn in their feel- 
 ings towards him. The second scene brings the confession 
 of love between Sigfried and Chriemhilde. Sigfried, without 
 any hesitation, tells Chriemhilde of the combat and gives her 
 the ring. Chriemhilde recalls the war with the Saxons, depicts 
 her anxiety, and confesses how she secretly inquired of the 
 messengers who brought the first news of the victory. Sig- 
 fried tells her that Gunther has promised him his sister as 
 reward for his assistance. 
 
 Scene iii. brings the bridal procession; Sigfried reminds 
 Gunther of his promise, and the betrothal takes place. All 
 rejoice, except Brunhilde, with her hatred born of slighted love, 
 Hagen, with his jealous zeal for his sovereign's supremacy, 
 and Gunther, with his dissatisfaction at not having won Brun- 
 hilde himself, and his dim presentiment of her love for Sigfried. 
 
 In scene iv. immediate preparations are made for the double 
 wedding, without a change of scene being necessary. Brun- 
 hilde breaks forth in scornful speech to Chriemhilde, placing 
 Sigfried far below Gunther. Chriemhilde retorts in anger, 
 denies her the right of precedence in entering the church, and 
 after long quarrelling makes her awful accusation, and shows 
 the ring. Brunhilde is speechless, but for the time unpleasant- 
 nesses are laid aside and all enter the church except Hagen. 
 
 In scene v. the church music is heard during the pauses 
 of Hagen's reflections, in which he already harbors thoughts 
 of murder. The procession returns. Vischer omits entirely 
 Sigfried's denial of Brunhilde's angry charges. Brunhilde 
 hastily turns back, followed by Gunther, and all three deter- 
 mine upon Sigfried's murder, as in the poem. Vischer omits 
 the vacillating Gernot, as well as the pretended war with the 
 Saxons. Only the hunt and the run to the spring are planned. 
 Vischer also insists upon omitting the cross sewed by Chriem- 
 hilde to Sigfried's garment, because the mythical feature of 
 Sigfried's skin of horn, which is only vulnerable in one spot, 
 is not suitable for the opera. 
 
 Act II. , scene i., brings the parting before the chase, in which 
 Chriemhilde in vain seeks to dissuade Sigfried from the expe- 
 dition by relating her two dreams. This scene would practi-
 
 171 
 
 cally be a dramatization of stanzas 926 to 933 of Canto XVI. 
 Scene ii. shows a forest with a spring. The hunters arrive, 
 and Sigfried is greeted as the boldest and most fortunate of 
 all. Instead of introducing the motive of a lack of wine, 
 Vischer has Hagen anger Sigfried by the assertion that he must 
 show himself first in running, since he was so quick on horse- 
 back, and he thus motivates the contests to the spring. While 
 Sigfried, victorious and weaponless, drinks, Hagen stabs him. 
 As in the Lied, Sigfried fells Hagen with his shield, and then 
 sinks down among the flowers. The dead body is found at 
 Chriemhilde's door by her chamberlain, and the remainder of 
 the act shows Chriemhilde's mourning, and her certainty of 
 Hagen's part in the deed. 
 
 Act III. depicts the ceremony of the ordeal of the bier within 
 the cathedral. Gunther half confesses his share in the murder, 
 but refuses Chriemhilde's demand to punish Hagen, on the 
 ground that he cannot do without his best vassal. After the 
 funeral rites are over, Hagen persuades Gunther to gain pos- 
 session of the hoard and sinks it in the Rhine, in order to pre- 
 vent Chriemhilde from purchasing vengeance by generosity. 
 Immediately after Chriemhilde has learned of this robbery, 
 Riideger comes bringing news of Etzel's wooing, and wins her 
 hand by the promise of revenge. Hagen understands her 
 willingness, but is ready for whatever the future may have in 
 store for him. 
 
 The fourth act closely follows the Nibelungenlied from the 
 reception of Kriemhild's messengers, Canto XXIV., to her 
 final decision to spare neither friend nor foe, and her promise 
 of Nudung's widow to Blodelin as a reward for his pledged 
 assistance. The five scenes include the incidents with the 
 mermaids and the boatman, the reception at Bechlaren and 
 betrothal of Giselher, and the reception in the land of the 
 Huns, the oath of friendship between Hagen and Volker, their 
 holding of the watch through the night, and the scene between 
 the two and Chriemhilde: "How they did not arise before the 
 queen," 
 
 Act V. depicts the final catastrophe, beginning with the 
 banquet scene and Dankwart's entrance in his bloody armor,
 
 172 
 
 following the Nibelungenlied with respect to the part taken 
 in the combat by Riideger and Dietrich with his men, the sep- 
 aration of Gunther and Hagen as prisoners, Chriemhilde's final 
 demand for the hoard, her appearance with Gunther's head, and 
 her slaying of Hagen. Vischer departs from the Nibelungen- 
 lied in making Dietrich give the sign which causes Hildebrand 
 to kill her. Dietrich's closing words depict the bloody course 
 of fate which has taken its way through the whole action. 
 
 Hebbel accepted several of Vischer's suggestions, and it is 
 evident from his own statement that he carefully weighed every 
 difficulty set forth by the aesthetician. 
 
 Hebbel's conception of Brunhild is based upon Vischer's 
 suggestion to make her a human woman with reminders of her 
 early origin. The presentiment of Brunhild which Vischer 
 insists upon is in part transferred by Hebbel to the character 
 of Frigga, who both before and after the contests realizes that 
 all is not as it should be. 1 
 
 Vischer suggests omitting both giants and dwarfs. Heb- 
 bel introduces the dwarfs alone. 2 Hebbel omits the first night's 
 struggle entirely, and the second one, except in a few hints. 3 
 Hebbel has constantly emphasized Siegfried's guilt in not 
 maintaining silence, though the reason for his fault is placed 
 in the frank openness of his nature : 
 
 Auch dafiir konnt' er Nichts, 
 Dass ihm der Witz gebrach, sich auszureden, 
 Er ward gewiss schon beim Versuche roth. 4 
 
 Hebbel early introduces the hoard into the exposition of the 
 play, but he adapts Vischer's idea of letting it play an active 
 r6le only as it forms the cause of renewed injury to Kriemhild. 5 
 He retains the prophecy of the mermaids, though he does not 
 introduce them upon the scene, nor does he confine the mythi- 
 cal element to them. 8 
 
 3327 f. Volker. 
 
 1st Kriemhild 
 Noch immer traurig? 
 
 1 Cf. S. T. I. ii.; II. vi. 2 S. T. II. vii. * S. T. II. viii.; III. iii 
 
 4 1905-1907; cf. 2078-2081 (quoted p. 178), 2425 f., 2434-2439, 2464. 
 6 K. R. I. ii., III. vii., IV. vii. K. R. II. i.
 
 173 
 
 Vischer 426. IV. iv. At the reception of the Burgundians by 
 Dietrich, he answers : 
 
 "auf ihre fllisternde Frage, ob Chriemhilde noch immer 
 den Siegfried beweine, mit einem bedenklichen, waraenden 
 Winke." 
 
 K. R. IV. i., iii. Vischer suggests placing the scene, Av. 29, 
 " Wie er niht g6n ihr uf stuont," after the scene, Av. 30, " Wie si 
 der Schiltwaht pflagen." Hebbel combines the two scenes by 
 including the incident with Kriemhild within the compass of 
 the larger scene. He thus accepts Vischer's suggestion of 
 having Hagen's arrogant conversation with the queen form the 
 last stage before the final catastrophe. Hebbel has also ac- 
 cepted Vischer's suggestion to have Volker and Hagen repulse 
 the first band. 1 
 
 2161-2163. Hagen. 
 
 So sage ich Dir Eins: 
 Sie liegt in seinem Bann, und dieser Hass 
 Hat seinen Grund in Liebe ! 
 
 Vischer points out that the fragmentary account of the re- 
 lations between Sigfried and Brunhilde, as related in the Nibe- 
 lungenlied, cannot be used, and that the Eddie love potion is 
 also not to be thought of, yet Brunhilde's nature must be filled 
 with love for the man who deceived her. Hebbel says of his 
 Brunhild that her whole being is love for Siegfried, and though 
 this fact is only once brought to actual expression by Hagen, 
 it is none the less to be regarded as the actuating motive of the 
 Brunhild at Worms. 
 
 K. R. V. Volker. 
 
 (Vor dem Saal. ... Er ist rings mit Amelungen- 
 Schutzen umstellt. Zu dem Saale juhren von beiden Seiten 
 breite Stiegen hinauf, die in einem Balkan zusammenstossen.) 
 
 Vischer, 431, V. ii. "It is self-evident that the prolonged 
 and constantly renewed turmoil of physical combat does not 
 belong on the stage, and that it is to be reduced to a few prin- 
 cipal situations. Hence the opera presents only one portion 
 of the combat to immediate view in the previous scene" (that 
 
 1 4287 f., 4342 f.
 
 174 
 
 is, directly after Etzel's departure); "the remainder requires 
 another arrangement which is so constructed that only the 
 noise of the conflict is heard from afar. Hence Iring's fight 
 is omitted (Av. 36), and only the most important scenes are 
 emphasized, Riideger's fight, the fight with Dietrich's warriors, 
 Dietrich's victory over Hagen and Gunther. . . . The build- 
 ing in which the Nibelungcn lodge and fight is thus in the 
 background, a stairway in two arms leads to its entrance, into 
 it throng those who are to fight with the Nibelungen, and the 
 clashing and raging of the combat is heard as from a portico 
 which is imagined behind the entrance. The Nibelungen can- 
 not venture into the open, because they would otherwise be 
 surrounded and crushed by a superior force. 
 
 "Now they stand mocking and challenging on the steps and 
 under the windows." 
 
 It will be seen that the creative value of Vischer's sugges- 
 tions for Hebbel was chiefly in the advice for treating the ma- 
 terial as a whole, and not in his actual plan, which, written, as 
 it was, with a thought only of opera and planned by a critic 
 rather than by a poet, was unsuited to Hebbel's needs. It 
 is true that Hebbel in several instances divides his scenes and 
 groups his material according to Vischer's plan, but in most 
 cases such a division of scenes is so obvious when the entire 
 Nibelungenlied is to be brought into the compass of a dramatic 
 composition, that Hebbel can scarcely be thought of as bor- 
 rowing the idea from Vischer. 
 
 Besides Hebbel's expressed acknowledgment of indebtedness 
 to Vischer and Hettner, and to Franz Dingelstedt for his sug- 
 gestion of an added scene in "Kriemhilds Rache," we have 
 the assertion of Friedrich Uhl, editor-in-chief of the Kaiser- 
 liche Wiener Zeitung that it was he who spurred Hebbel to 
 actual work on the "Nibelungen." 1 But probably the most 
 important influence from among Hebbel's immediate circle 
 of critic-friends was that of Wilhelm Gartner, for Hebbel ac- 
 knowledges hints from him for his " Gyges," and from the very 
 nature of Gartner's interests and occupations, as well as from 
 the fact that they were much together during the summer of 
 
 1 Deutsche Dramaturgic, I.
 
 175 
 
 1855? at Gmunden, they must have discussed the subject. In 
 1853, Gartner lectured at the University of Pest on the Nibe- 
 lungenlied, and, in 1857, he published his work, "Chuonrad, 
 Pralat von Gottweih und das Nibelungenlied," in which he 
 contends for the unity of the epic and criticises it with an eye 
 of true scholarship that Hebbel knew how to appreciate, and 
 which doubtless affected HebbePs attitude towards the poem. 1 
 
 1 Cf. Werner, " Hebbel, Ein Lebensbild," 326 f., and Hebbel's criticism of 
 Gartner's book, June, 1863, W. X. 344-350. Hebbel first saw the work in 
 November, 1856; cf. Bw. II. 116.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 SOME SPECIAL ASPECTS OF HEBBEL'S WORK 
 
 I. INVENTIONS 
 
 CERTAIN of Hebbel's inventions have of necessity been re- 
 ferred to under his use of the Norse myth and saga and of 
 history and folk-lore. Occasionally these additions motivate 
 and explain, as in the details concerning Siegfried's first visit 
 to Brunhild; sometimes they are evidently intended to add 
 to the mystery and gloom of the atmosphere; in many cases 
 they are minor additions which are sometimes confusing and 
 seemingly capricious. Hebbel's longer inventions, however, 
 are almost entirely added for purposes of motivation, or of 
 character delineation, and particularly for the ennobling of 
 certain characters: those of Kriemhild, Siegfried, Giselher, 
 and even of Gunther and Hagen in the Burgundian group; 
 and of Dietrich, Etzel, and Rudeger in the Hunnish group. 
 
 Thus Hagen's character receives its exposition in the first 
 scene of the Prologue, and is continually expounded and 
 strengthened by minor inventions, as, for example, the compari- 
 son which Kriemhild makes between him and Siegfried. 
 
 Hebbel explains, also, Siegfried's power over Brunhild, 
 and invents the stories of her origin and Siegfried's to point 
 out their import and their relation to each other. The two 
 mystical visions in the play are pure inventions: Brunhild's, 
 to point out her supernatural gifts and significance; Volker's, 
 to shadow forth in hazy outline the early history of the destruc- 
 tion-bringing hoard, that "mystic, primitive basis of the whole." 
 Brunhild knows faintly of her destiny, while Frigga has a com- 
 plete though questioningly uncertain knowledge from the runes. 
 Hence, she realizes the deceit as soon as she hears that Siegfried 
 
 176
 
 177 
 
 possesses the hoard and Balmung. Hebbel invents, too, the 
 motivation for Brunhild's non-appearance after Siegfried's 
 murder in her actions following his death. 
 
 Practically all the necessary steps for the explanation of the 
 action beyond the relationship of Siegfried to Brunhild are 
 given in the epic, but Hebbel has added or changed a motive 
 here or there which ennobles the characters and makes them 
 more appealing and convincing. Thus Siegfried's brusk chal- 
 lenge to Gunther is explained by the lines : 
 
 Und hattest Du Dein Reich an mich verloren, 
 Du hatt'st es Dir zuriickgekauft mil ihr. 1 
 
 And he eagerly substitutes a challenge to a test of strength by 
 means of games for the proposed contest in arms. 
 
 Siegfried's knowledge of the way to Brunhild's castle is 
 explained by the former visit from which he departed unseen, 
 and which thus leaves him without guilt or perfidy towards 
 her; his slaying of Niblung's two sons is also made excusable 
 by the fact that he divided the hoard twice to satisfy their 
 demands, and that they, more angry at the second division 
 than before, rushed at him with drawn swords, while Siegfried 
 grasped in self-defence the sword Balmung which lay among 
 the treasure : 
 
 Und eh' ich's dachte, hatten alle Beide, 
 Wie Eber, welche blind auf's Eisen laufen, 
 Sich selbst gespiesst, obgleich ich liegen blieb 
 Und ihrer schonte. 3 
 
 Similarly, Siegfried's character is elevated by his unwilling- 
 ness to assist in the second conquest of Brunhild, and in his 
 yielding only after Hagen's long and urgent appeal. The 
 entire new scene with the girdle, in which Siegfried is forced to 
 tell its secret against his will, because of his former careless 
 haste, and because of his utter inability to be untruthful, ex- 
 plains Kriemhild's knowledge of the mysterious wooing, tells 
 of the knowledge of Siegfried's vulnerable spot, which the 
 Nibelungenlied leaves unexplained, and adds to the exposition 
 of Siegfried's character. Sieglinde, Kriemhild, and Hagen 
 '513*- '565-568.
 
 178 
 
 understand Siegfried best: Sieglinde and Kriemhild from their 
 love; Hagen from his hate, from the very likeness in absolute 
 unlikeness between their two natures. Together, they give 
 us in a few lines the typical features of his nature. Siegfried 
 repeats the words which Sieglinde has uttered in loving jest: 
 
 Sie sagt, ich sei zwar stark genug, die Welt 
 Mir zu erobern, aber viel zu dumm, 
 Den kleinsten Maulwurfshiigel zu behaupten, 
 Und wenn ich nicht die Augen selbst verlore, 
 So lag's allein an der Unmoglichkeit. 1 
 
 Kriemhild, angered at Siegfried's evasions of the truth, 
 exclaims : 
 
 Ein Mann, wie Du, kann keinen Fehler 
 Begeh'n, der ihn, wie schlimm er immer sei, 
 Nicht doch noch besser kleidet, als die Luge, 
 Womit er ihn bedecken will ! 2 
 
 while Hagen puts into words the honestly frank simplicity of 
 Siegfried's nature: 
 
 Wenn man durchsichtig ist, wie ein Insect, 
 Das roth und griin erscheint, wie seine Speise, 
 So muss man sich vor Heimlichkeiten hiiten, 
 Denn schon das Eingeweide schwatzt sie aus ! * 
 
 Siegfried's character is ennobled, too, by his gentleness after 
 the quarrel: 
 
 Wenn mich nichts And'res an den bosen Tag 
 Mehr mahnte, war' er schon ein Traum fur mich : 
 Mein Gatte hat mir jedes Wort erspart ! * 
 
 The scene between Brunhild and Gunther which follows 
 the girdle episode gives an excellent opportunity to depict the 
 ominous feelings of Brunhild and her desire to be rid of Sieg- 
 fried and Kriemhild; to see Siegfried humiliated; to have a 
 proof of Gunther's superiority before her eyes, which are al- 
 ready clouded with gloomy presentiments. After the quarrel 
 scene, Frigga is at hand to explain the deceit and prompt to 
 vengeance, the thought of which Brunhild eagerly seizes upon. 5 
 
 1 1204-1208. 3 2078-2081. 5 S. T. III. vii., xi. 
 
 2 1487-1490. * 1962-1964.
 
 179 
 
 A good and natural addition is Siegfried's eagerness for a hunt 
 before he learns of the pretended war with the Danes and 
 Saxons. He is desirous of the joy of the chase, and anxious, 
 moreover, to secure the safety of the tenants who are molested 
 by the devastations of the wild animals. 1 
 
 Act IV., scenes iii. and iv., expound still further the character 
 of Hagen, his cunning and determined planning for revenge, 
 and the vacillating, hesitating Gunther, who is given the fear- 
 ful choice between Siegfried and Brunhild, a fact which em- 
 phasizes the whole terrible situation, with its necessarily tragic 
 outcome. Giselher is raised to a real character in Hebbel's 
 play, a gracious expression of love and loyalty. The series 
 of occurrences at the end of Act IV., expressing Kriemhild's 
 fears and anxieties, and the attitudes of Giselher and Gerenot 
 and Frigga, have been touched upon. The splendid fifth 
 act of "Siegfrieds Tod" utilizes every opportunity for por- 
 traying the emotions which fill Kriemhild's soul both before 
 and after she learns of the murder. 
 
 Hebbel very naturally gives Ute the r61e of comforter, while 
 in the Nibelungenlied it is Siegmund who is Kriemhild's coun- 
 sellor and friend. 
 
 The family scene to which we are introduced in the first act 
 of " Kriemhilds Rache " offers us a picture of the discord 
 which has existed since Siegfried's death, and this discord is 
 reflected throughout the entire play, although the old Ger- 
 manic doctrine of fidelity and blood loyalty relegate it to the 
 background, so soon as danger threatens. 
 
 The following scenes, in which Ute, instead of Margrave 
 Gere, goes to tell the news of Etzel's wooing to Kriemhild, 
 are largely inventions: Kriemhild's devotion to her animal 
 pets, her conversation with Ute showing her attitude towards 
 them and towards her son, and whatever details of her life 
 since Siegfried's death were not told in the earlier scenes, but 
 which we need to know for the understanding of her sufferings 
 and emotions. Her discovery of the fact that Hagen is afraid 
 and has advised against the wooing, her renewed attempts 
 to obtain justice from Gunther, all are additions of the poet, 
 1 1789 ff., 2500 ff.
 
 180 
 
 which serve to bring out in ever clearer outlines the developing 
 Kriemhild in her sorrowing love and hatred. 
 
 There is much that is new, also, in the scenes at Bechlarn, 
 which present to us in charming detail the naively delightful 
 figure of Gudrun, who, for a moment, in her shamefacedness, 
 involuntarily plays the r61e of a deaf-and-dumb maiden, and 
 thus gives Riideger occasion to test Giselher's love. They 
 cast a new and lingering light on her betrothal with Giselher, 
 as well as upon the warning of Dietrich. Volker here delib- 
 erately plans to win Etzel's most honorable vassal for a friend, 
 and playfully arouses Giselher to the point of declaring the 
 love which has filled his breast since he first saw Gudrun. 
 Hagen, too, indicates his growing presentiments, and Riide- 
 ger his absolute innocence of intention to do wrong to any 
 Burgundian. 
 
 The third act brings Kriemhild's renewed promises of re- 
 ward to the two minstrel messengers, by which she has won 
 their services, and repeats the expression of her desire for ven- 
 geance, but on Hagen alone. The scene between Kriemhild 
 and Etzel, in which he bids her command as she will in regard 
 to reception and entertainment, motivates the non-appearance 
 of Etzel to greet his guests, which the epic leaves unex- 
 plained, and which causes Hagen and Volker to wonder, and 
 to agree that Etzel himself is true, and that he was simply 
 prevented from following his natural inclinations to receive the 
 Burgundians. 
 
 Many of the minor additions in "Kriemhilds Rache," as 
 well as such scenes as this between Kriemhild and Etzel, bring 
 out effectually the character of the latter, who nowhere receives 
 such justice as at Hebbel's hands. He is not an ineffectual 
 dummy, but a world-conqueror, whose spirit of fire and blood 
 has been cooled to that of a kind and generous ruler, but whose 
 savage instincts break forth when once he, too, is stung. Ab- 
 solutely innocent of all knowledge or intention of wrong against 
 the Burgundians, he is yet willing to avenge Kriemhild's suffer- 
 ings when he sees how matters stand. But even then he is 
 only willing to employ the fair means of open combat, after 
 they are no longer his guests, and he is not aroused from his
 
 181 
 
 endeavors to preserve peace until the slaying of his own son. 
 So in the case of Dietrich, the Christian hero, the entire play 
 teems with lines or scenes which elevate him to a plane where 
 he is worthy to be intrusted with the sword of Fate. 
 
 Act III., scene viii., is largely based upon the epic account of 
 Hagen's reception by Kriemhild, but certain significant fea- 
 tures belong to the dramatic poet. Upon Hagen's refusal to 
 lay aside his weapons, Kriemhild angrily exclaims: 
 
 Em Jeder wahlt sein Zeichen, wie er will, 
 
 Ihr tretet unter dem des Blutes ein, 
 
 Doch merkt Euch : wer da trotzt auf eig'nen Schutz, 
 
 Der ist des fremden quitt, und damit gut; l 
 
 at which Hagen defiantly asks Riideger to present himself to 
 Kriemhild as their " Blutsfreund," and adds: 
 
 Die Hochzeit erst, wenn Du gesegnet hast ! 
 
 Thus baffled in her first attempt to place Hagen at her mercy, 
 and stung by his mocking deference, she turns to Riideger 
 and bids him remember his vow: 
 
 Herr Riideger, gedenkt Ihr Eures Schwurs? 
 Die Stunde naht, wo Ihr ihn losen miisst. 2 
 
 Act IV., scene iv., again enlarges upon the character of the 
 chief actors in the tragedy: Kriemhild makes her last vain 
 appeal for justice, and is amazed to see Gerenot and Giselher 
 take their stand with Hagen for life or death, while Hagen and 
 Kriemhild expound their own characters: Hagen in describ- 
 ing his feelings for Siegfried, and in accusing Kriemhild of the 
 greater guilt; Kriemhild, in her description of the horrors of 
 the marriage without love, but with only a prompting thought 
 of vengeance. Here she first sees the necessity of a wider 
 range for her revenge, but she has passed the point of ability 
 to endure, and Hebbel makes her say in parting : 
 
 Und miisst' ich hundert Briider nieder hauen, 
 Um mir den Weg zu Deinem Haupt zu bahnen, 
 So wiird' ich's thun, damit die Welt erfahre, 
 Dass ich Die Treue nur um Treue brach. 3 
 
 1 4100-4103. 2 4123 f. 8 4514-4517.
 
 182 
 
 A new feature of beauty is the attempt to send Giselher out 
 of danger. Hagen at once advises him to set out for Bechlarn, 
 and Kriemhild, too, attempts to form a plan with Riideger 
 for keeping him away from Etzel's court, or at least from the 
 impending conflict. He who remained most faithful to her, 
 who aided her in sending her child to Siegmund, is at last her 
 one concern. Even at the end, she asks : 
 
 Was ist mit Giselher? 
 
 And to Hildebrant's answer, " Er liegt," she replies: 
 Er liegt? Nun wohl, so ist es aus. 
 
 Scene vii., between Etzel and Dietrich, which was added at 
 Dingelstedt's suggestion, brings Etzel to clearness as to the 
 situation, and shows the characters of the bold, defiant Bur- 
 gundians, while it determines Etzel to take a part in accom- 
 plishing Kriemhild's desires. Scene vii. brings Kriemhild's 
 demand of Hagen's head from Etzel. If only he had not 
 hindered, she could have achieved her purpose, but since he 
 overlooks Volker's misdeed, and refuses to allow the tourney, 
 where she had counted on strife, and since he now refuses to 
 comply with her ideas of vengeance, she deliberately lays 
 another and more terrible plan. Scene xviii., between Dietrich 
 and Riideger, brings out their hopes and their fears, and sym- 
 bolically shadows forth the significance of the coming combat 
 in the former's tale of the Nixies. 
 
 Act V., scene v., between Dietrich and Hildebrant, is a prepa- 
 ration for the finale, and explains Dietrich's position at Etzel's 
 court. Here we have the Christian hero's view of the right 
 and wrong of the combat: 
 
 Hier hat sich Schuld in Schuld zu tief verbissen, 
 Als dass man noch zu Einem sagen konnte: 
 Tritt Du zuriick ! Sie stehen gleich im Recht. 
 Wenn sich die Rache nicht von selbst erbricht 
 Und sich vom letzten Bracken schaudernd wendet, 
 So stopft ihr Keiner mehr den grausen Schlund. 1 
 
 The burning of the hall is partially motivated by the refusal 
 of the Burgundians to give up the dead Huns, even Etzel's 
 
 1 5038-5043-
 
 183 
 
 child, while Etzel explains the combat in the hall as taking 
 place at the request of the Huns. 
 
 The important place given to the struggle between heathen- 
 dom and Christianity is treated separately. Here may be indi- 
 cated the scenes which Hebbel has added to emphasize the role 
 of religion in the play: "Siegfrieds Tod," Act II., scene v., 
 between the chaplain and Siegfried, on the subject of Brun- 
 hild's baptism; Act IV., scene viii., between the chaplain, 
 Kriemhild, and Ute, in which he expounds the Christian faith; 
 and Act IV., scene ix., first half, where the chaplain further 
 elucidates the Christian precepts, and points to Him who has 
 said, "Vengeance is mine," and to Him who bore much greater 
 wrong and suffering than Kriemhild endures. "Kriemhilds 
 Rache" introduces the wandering penitent, whom Dietrich 
 explains to Hagen in scene xxi. 
 
 There is a group of minor additions which may be classed 
 under the head of modern touches; they scarcely add to the 
 motivation, but often lend a charm to the pictures of family 
 life, or an added grace and tenderness to the love scenes. Such 
 are the roguish teasing of Giselher before and during Siegfried's 
 wooing and Ute's motherly reproof, Ute's welcoming words 
 to Brunhild, Gunther's deference to his mother's opinion in 
 choosing a husband for Kriemhild, Siegfried's shy awkward- 
 ness before Kriemhild, the tender love-making of the girdle 
 scene, Ute's comparison of Kriemhild to a rose stalk that bears 
 both red and white flowers, Brunhild's change of heart towards 
 Gunther until she learns of the deception, as well as her request 
 to be taken for a child and taught as such. 
 
 Of the characters, the only important invention is Frigga, 
 whose part in the tragedy is to point out and explain the mys- 
 tery of Brunhild's birth and life, to represent the old gods, 
 and to protect as well as supplement her charge. Wulf and 
 Truchs are simply two of the Burgundian knights who are given 
 names to tell of the bringing of the hoard and to offer a sugges- 
 tion of coming discord. The Pilgrim is rather a symbolic 
 feature than a character, and was suggested by Tieck's account 
 of the legendary knight Guy of Warwick in his " Dichterleben." 1 
 
 1 Tgb. I. 431-
 
 184 
 
 Additions which throw a biographical light upon Hebbel 
 are rare, and centre chiefly about Kriemhild's words regarding 
 her squirrels, which form a memorial to Hebbel's pets. 1 Heb- 
 bel's love for dogs, next to squirrels his favorite animals, is 
 also testified to in Kriemhild's praise of the devotion of Sieg- 
 fried's faithful hound. 2 Hebbel pays tribute, as well, to his 
 great love for the violet above all other flowers, in the scene 
 welcoming Brunhild to Worms. But few critics have not con- 
 ceded the charm of the picture where Brunhild discovers for 
 herself the violet and its perfume. 3 "Mutter und Kind," 
 the writing of which was in part contemporaneous with the 
 composition of the " Nibelungen," arose to a large extent while 
 Hebbel was picking violets in the Prater. Whenever he had 
 finished a nosegay, he had thirty to sixty hexameters in his 
 mind. In the fourth song, he felt that some of the fragrance 
 of the violet had been distilled into his verses. He also re- 
 cords his joy in discovering these first harbingers of spring, 
 his delight in plucking the first three violets for his wife on her 
 birthday, just as in "Genoveva" Golo picks the first violet to 
 bring to the countess. 4 
 
 Next to violets, Hebbel loved roses, and he employs them 
 in figure and description. Kriemhild's mourning is so great 
 that she avoids every pleasure: 
 
 Und war's auch nur ein Blick in's Abendroth 
 Oder auf s Blumenbeet zur Zeit der Rosen. 5 
 
 Her commission to Giselher, to prevent him from being a 
 part of the general disaster, would be to pluck a rose from 
 each garden that he passes and to place the nosegay in her 
 name on the breast of his betrothed. 8 
 
 1 2959-2964; cf. Nachl. II. 203; Tgb. IV. 5743; for other references to his 
 squirrels, cf. Tgb. IV. 5726, 5736, 5922, 5928, 5937-5939, 5945, 5968, 6139, 
 6170,6214; XV. 18; Bw. I. 346; II. 64, 432, 507 ff. ; Nachl. II. 141, 143, 169, 174, 
 202 f.; W. VI. 434-437; Kulke, 26 f. 
 
 2 2967 ff.; cf. W. VI. 408-410; Bw. II. 432. 
 8 1133-1145. 
 
 4 Act II. 1120-1122; cf. Tgb. IV. 5428; Bw. II. 118, 233, 267. 
 1 2756 f. 
 
 '4631 ff., cf. 1423-1426, 2580-2582, 3332 f., 3619, 45*9; Bw - n - io s; 
 
 Nachl. I. 138; W. VI. 229, 259, 277.
 
 185 
 
 These biographical touches are, however, unimportant 
 minor additions, and do no more than lend a passing gleam 
 of color to the dramatic picture. It is in his treatment of the 
 great problems involved in the subject-matter, in his method 
 of dealing with these problems, that we must chiefly seek the 
 personality and genius of Hebbel. It is this treatment which 
 makes of the trilogy a product of creative literature and not 
 merely a reproduction of old tales in new phrasings. It is 
 true that we see Hebbel's genius in his manner of selection and 
 grouping of material, in his change and addition of motives, 
 but it is in his deepening and intensifying of certain psychologi- 
 cal problems, in the treatment of his material so as to make 
 its background a great world-problem, that we see Hebbel, 
 the dramatist of struggle and conflict ; the dramatist of woman, 
 passionate, wronged, suffering, atoning. And this treatment 
 must be regarded in the light of Hebbel's other writings, and 
 of his expressed views on certain vital problems. 
 
 2. TREATMENT OF WOMAN 
 
 In going back to the nebulous world of saga, Hebbel was 
 not, like Fouque', impelled by the "joy of the Romanticist in 
 his new-found material," he was rather attracted by the prob- 
 lems which he saw embosomed in the dark epic mass of his 
 half-historical, half-mythical, wholly human material; prob- 
 lems which he had dealt with in various forms from his " Ju- 
 dith" to his "Gyges," and which were for him the supreme 
 problems of dramatic as of human interest. In Kriemhild 
 was offered him the opportunity of depicting the supreme 
 struggle of a woman's soul; in the downfall of Burgundians 
 and Huns he saw the opportunity of depicting the supreme 
 religious struggle, a religious struggle that would be partly 
 symbolic, and that would be wholly unconscious in its inward 
 significance to the principal participants, but which would 
 raise the court and family history to a universal drama. 
 
 Here, too, he had in the heart of his material that use of the 
 mystical which he considered so important a part of dramatic
 
 186 
 
 production, and which was here so absolutely combined with 
 the human interest. And not only were the problems ready 
 for his moulding hand, but the characters were already drawn ; 
 so that his work was not to create characters or even to recon- 
 struct them, but rather to exalt them, while retaining their 
 simplicity, to intensity and to vivify the forms of the epic, to 
 deepen their psychological import, and to give to them dra- 
 matic outlines. 
 
 All of these tasks which Hebbel saw for his creative genius 
 in the dramatization of the Nibelungen epic appealed to his 
 peculiar powers of dramatic composition. Woman and the 
 problems evolving out of her relations to man had always 
 formed the centre of his great dramas. The very title of 
 the tragedies: "Judith," "Genoveva," "Maria Magdalena," 
 "Julia," and "Agnes Bernauer," show the position occupied 
 by the heroine almost as clearly as does his choice of material ; 
 while his "Herodes und Mariamne" and his "Gyges und sein 
 Ring" revolve equally about the principal woman character 
 as their centre, and " Die Schauspielerin," of which we possess 
 but a fragment, was to have the greatness and the life principle 
 of its heroine arise from the ruins of an unhappy passion. 
 Only his two-act drama, "Michel Angelo," and his unfinished 
 "Demetrius" have the hero as central figure. 
 
 Each one of these great women characters depicts in various 
 phases, and under various circumstances, the tragic side of 
 love : Judith, the maiden- widow of wondrous beauty who goes 
 out to avenge her country, and ends by avenging her sullied 
 womanhood; Genoveva, the woman of surpassing charm of 
 person and personality, whose very existence arouses the evil 
 passions of her protector and through him the suspicions of 
 her husband, which form the crown of thorns for her long suf- 
 fering; Klara, the girl of the people, who, in despair of win- 
 ning the love of the man who has her affections, yields to the 
 jealous persuasions of an absolutely unworthy suitor; Julia, 
 the girl who has surrendered herself through love to a passion- 
 ate, unknown lover, whom appearances declare to have de- 
 serted her; Agnes, who, by reason of her beauty, is exalted to 
 be the wife of the Duke's son, but who, by reason of her lowly
 
 187 
 
 birth, must atone for her exaltation with her life, offered up 
 for the welfare of the state; Mariamne, the beautiful queen 
 of Herod, whose tragic fate it is to be misunderstood and out- 
 raged in her most sacred feelings; Rhodope, the queen of 
 Lydia, whose husband, like Herod, has too great a joy in his 
 wife as a possession, and who must therefore cause his friend 
 to see her unveiled beauty in order that his love may feed on 
 another's knowledge and envy. Injured love, wronged woman- 
 hood, outraged beauty, suffering and avenged, these are the 
 themes about which the varied plots of HebbeFs tragedies 
 centre. 
 
 The frequently quoted criticism of Laube bears special 
 reference to the position and nature of Hebbel's heroines. "If 
 from the choice of your material," exclaimed the representative 
 of Young Germany, u you were not always obliged to put forth 
 two-thirds of your forces to make the subject palatable, you 
 would overthrow Gutzkow and all of us so that we could never 
 stand up again." When Hebbel, years afterwards, recalled 
 this outburst, in his journal, he added, "The words remained in 
 my memory exactly because I found something true in them." l 
 
 Bamberg, too, after commending "Gyges," and especially 
 Hebbel's treatment of the ring, added, "Another pious wish, 
 my dear friend ! Is it then not possible for you, in your later 
 dramas, to lay the main importance of the action no longer in 
 the woman ? I should think that you had exhausted the cycle ? 
 Make yourself smaller by half, I wager with you that your 
 piece will be played everywhere." 2 Hebbel was already far 
 advanced in the work on his last complete drama when this 
 suggestion from Bamberg came, and Kriemhild forms a fit- 
 ting climax in the list of his heroines, for it is in this character 
 alone that we see before our eyes the entire development of 
 love and of character through love, from young girlhood to 
 middle life, from innocent affection to bitterest revenge. In 
 Kriemhild we have the girl made a woman through love, and 
 developing into a demon through constant wrong and denial 
 of justice, a picture of the greatest possible love which is forced 
 to the point where it must wreak the greatest possible vengeance. 
 1 Tgb. IV. 6091. a Bw. I. 341.
 
 188 
 
 In Hebbel's other tragedies, excepting "Agnes Bernauer," 
 the woman is wronged by the man she loves, or to whom she 
 yields herself; in the " Nibelungen," the wrong is done against 
 the one she loves and by those who, because of natural ties, 
 are nearest and dearest to her. Like Hebbel's other heroines, 
 the terrible problems which she has to solve and which lead 
 her on to the abyss of destruction are problems laid before her 
 on the altar of love, problems which arise from the devotion 
 and loyalty in her heart, and to the solving of which she gives 
 her life and soul. All unconsciously and innocently, she is 
 that human woman, "decked with every charm," who enters 
 the lists against the heiress of the gods whom they have wakened 
 to be Siegfried's bride. Kriemhild is preeminently the heroine 
 of Hebbel's drama, as of the epic. As her nature unfolds, 
 as she is so rudely aroused out of the peaceful simplicity of her 
 girlhood, she more and more represents the centre of feeling 
 and action. Brunhild, with Frigga, disappears from the 
 scene after her terrible part has been played in instigating 
 Siegfried's death; Ute is a passive figure behind the scenes 
 from the time of Kriemhild' s second marriage ; Gotelinde and 
 Gudrun are secondary characters who serve, as in the epic, 
 to effect the close relationship between Rudeger and the Bur- 
 gundians, and who throw a still stronger light upon Kriemhild's 
 marriage with Etzel. 
 
 It is Kriemhild alone, of the women of the play, who stands 
 out through the entire trilogy in bold relief, and in continuing 
 evolution. From the moment when she has confidingly told 
 her dream to her mother, and when she draws back, red with 
 surprised love, from her first chance glimpse of Siegfried, to the 
 last moments of most terrible abandon of vengeance; from 
 the prologue to the las"t act, each scene in which we see Kriem- 
 hild shows a new step in her development, a new link in the 
 chain of necessity that leads her from the timid girl, with her 
 vow of virginity dying on her lips, from the joyous wife, irradi- 
 ated by the first happiness of young love, to the pitiless avenger 
 who spares neither friend nor foe. And each step, each stage 
 in the action, represents a new phase of the love which gave 
 itself so fully that only in a life absolutely given over to its claims
 
 189 
 
 and demands can it find adequate expression; a love which, 
 now that its object is dead, must seek satisfaction, must 
 resort even to the most terrible means to accomplish the retribu- 
 tion which such love requires. Her nature, in the beginning, 
 is just unfolded to the point of readiness for a first great passion, 
 she has a wealth of affection to bestow, and its overflowing 
 tenderness gladly and gently welcomes the new sister, Brun- 
 hild, who stands over against her in such sharp, northern con- 
 trast. 
 
 Out of her absolute confidence in Siegfried, Kriemhild is 
 for a time rudely shaken by the suspicions which the finding 
 of the girdle have aroused in her mind, but the disclosure of 
 the fatal secret fully restores her trust, and it is in the pride and 
 enthusiasm of her love, when it is stung to the utmost by Brun- 
 hild's taunts, that she betrays the mystery of the double wooing. 
 It is from the fear growing out of her love that she casts aside 
 all caution in her desire to protect Siegfried, and confides to 
 Hagen the secret of his vulnerability, when he, as she thinks, 
 is about to go to battle ; it is this same fear which arouses her 
 direct anxiety when the pretended war is turned into a chase, 
 and he insists upon going. Tormented by terrifying presen- 
 timents, she employs every means at her command to urge him 
 to remain, and it is this same fear in love that sends her to her 
 two younger brothers, and begs them to accompany Siegfried ; 
 this same fear which anxiously questions them as to Hagen's 
 feelings towards Siegfried, and which keeps her restless dur- 
 ing the night, which makes her apprehensively alive to all the 
 stealthy sounds of the return from the chase, and which causes 
 her to divine that the dead man before her door is Siegfried. It 
 is her love, wronged and wounded, that cries out for truth and 
 justice; it is her love which, through the years of her widow- 
 hood, makes her tarry at Siegfried's tomb, and avoid every 
 pleasure as though it were a sin; which makes her shun the 
 treachery of her own kind and fly to dumb animals for conso- 
 lation; which dries the springs of mother-love in her heart 
 until she thinks of her son as bora only to slay the murderer 
 of his father. 
 
 Hagen's defiance, in the presence of Siegfried's dead body,
 
 190 
 
 from which he takes the famous sword Balmimg, his robbery 
 of the hoard, the denial of justice, have only made her hate, 
 rooted so deeply in the wealth of her love, so much the hungrier. 
 But no way opens before her seeking eyes until she learns of 
 Hagen's strenuous opposition to Etzel's wooing ; a light breaks 
 upon her, as she exclaims, "He is afraid." Yet even now, 
 with the glimmering vision of the possibility of vengeance, she 
 attempts to bring her brother to perform his duty as judge of 
 the land ; as queen of all who have suffered wrong and endured 
 injustice, she once more brings her complaints against Hagen : 
 
 Ich rufe Klage uber Hagen Tronje, 
 Und Klage werd' ich rufen bis zum Tod. 1 
 
 And only when her last faint hope of justice is absolutely ex- 
 tinguished, does she take from Rudeger his oath in his own 
 and Etzel's name, to deny her no service, and give her hand to 
 him for his king. At first she hopes to have Gunther and his 
 following accompany her to the Huns, but since he refuses, 
 she exacts from him the promise of a later visit. Seven years 
 she waits in vain, and each year the hatred born of love is deep- 
 ened and strengthened by long tending, by the joylessness of 
 her second marriage. Finally she sees no other way than to 
 send for the Burgundians. Even now, she hopes that, sur- 
 rounded by Huns, the Burgundians may surrender Hagen, 
 and her sole idea is vengeance on him; here King Gunther is 
 free, and if a headsman be found among the Burgundians, she 
 will not need the Hunnish avengers. Even after they show 
 that they have been warned, and defy her by wearing their 
 armor, even then, when she has summoned an army of Huns 
 to accomplish her purpose, she cries to Gunther for the last 
 time for justice, and repeats her complaint against Hagen 
 Tronje. Not until this last refusal does she bid her men sur- 
 prise the Burgundian servants while their masters are at the 
 banquet; not until Etzel has overlooked Volker's slaying of a 
 Hun does she see him hindering her, and demand from him 
 the murderer's head ; not until he refuses to harm any guest, or 
 to allow treachery and duplicity, does she think of the child 
 
 1 3 1 ? 2 *
 
 191 
 
 whom she has borne him and whom she cannot love. The 
 dragon sits in its hole and if Etzel will not move until the 
 dragon has stung him, then she must offer the opportunity for 
 a wound. From this moment, absolute abandonment to the 
 thirst for revenge gives rise to the most horrible situations. 
 
 She hears of the fallen Hunnish heroes. " But Hagen lives," 
 she cries; "The whole world pays me not for him." Riideger 
 begs her for release from his oath which she calls upon him to 
 fulfil; her answer is, "And must I open the veins of the whole 
 world down to the youngest dove still in his nest, I'd shudder 
 not." Hildebrant witnesses and recounts the terrible combat 
 after Riideger has entered the hall; Kriemhild herself mounts 
 the steps to see the last appalling struggle: "What could there 
 still be that would terrify me?" she cries. Each horror makes 
 her ready for the next, greater one, each injury prepares her 
 to deal a still harder thrust, until she herself gives command to 
 slay the guiltiest of Ute's sons, until she herself is aroused to 
 the actual deed of slaying Siegfried's murderer with her own 
 hands. 
 
 Yet this terrible creature is the very same whose first entrance 
 showed only love and gentleness ; every step that she has taken 
 has been one of natural psychological development, and she 
 retains our sympathies to the end, not only through the neces- 
 sity for the most violent means which is forced upon her by 
 constant denial of justice and assistance, but, as Hebbel said 
 of the Kriemhild of the epic, by the fact that we are made to 
 realize that for each suffering that she imposes her inner suffer- 
 ing is infinitely greater than the physical pain which she in- 
 flicts. All of the steps in the development are indicated in the 
 epic, but Hebbel has known how to deepen each psychological 
 moment, to add the minor transition scenes and lines which 
 strengthen the motivation, so that each step is made necessary 
 by the one just preceding. 
 
 Brunhild, too, as Hebbel himself said, is all love for Sieg- 
 fried. Her whole valkyrie nature is consumed, first, by the 
 expectant waiting for the dragon-slayer who comes not, and 
 then by the revengeful love which casts aside all scruples, and 
 resolves on his death rather than his happiness with another.
 
 192 
 
 She is the bride destined for Siegfried by the declining world 
 of the gods. A mixture of norn and valkyrie in her life on 
 the ice-bound island, she is more an invention of Hebbel than 
 any other character given by the epic. Perhaps for this very 
 reason she stands out in less clear outlines than the other prin- 
 cipal characters of the play, for Hebbel's use of the mythical 
 in her delineation has sometimes the result of mystifying. She 
 is half-seer, half-Amazon, a step-child of the gods, consecrated 
 by them to the accomplishment of a purpose, to the restoration 
 of a sway which it is beyond her power to recover. It is not 
 such a love as joins man and wife, this love from which has 
 again sprung the deadliest hatred ; it is a magic through which 
 her race strives for self-preservation, and which impels her to 
 Siegfried without desire and without choice. Since Gunther 
 has conquered her, she can no longer understand the meaning 
 of things; Frigga declares that she has interpreted the runes 
 wrongly; and Brunhild's first defiant resistance becomes yield- 
 ing womanhood, when she is convinced that Gunther has really 
 won her. Yet her presentiment of Siegfried's superiority, 
 her natural impulse towards him, makes her demand of Gun- 
 ther still greater proof of his own supremacy in the slaying, 
 or at least in the humiliation of Siegfried. She cannot free 
 herself from the thought of the dragon-slayer, and it is the 
 same motive which caused her demands from Gunther that 
 inspires the taunting speeches opening the quarrel scene. She 
 feels the mystery concerning the relations between Gunther and 
 Siegfried, Kriemhild and herself. She is like an eagle beating 
 her wings in vain against bars which she cannot see, and when 
 the veil is once rudely torn from the secret, her only thought 
 is the one suggested by Frigga. She cannot regain her lost 
 sway, she cannot win for herself that supremacy over death 
 and the mystery of the stars, that earth-rule, which were to have 
 been hers ; but she can avenge herself, and this is her one, all- 
 consuming motive up to the time of Siegfried's death, after 
 which life holds nothing more for her. Robbed of the suprem- 
 acy and the love which were destined for her, her existence is 
 one of listless, lonely misery and hopelessness; she has no 
 further place among the acting characters for she is neither
 
 193 
 
 desirous nor capable of another act. The mission of her 
 existence was beyond her accomplishment, and she now has no 
 further purpose in life; after Kriemhild's second marriage she 
 has taken up her place at Siegfried's tomb, no man sees her 
 more, but stories are told of how she cowers at the coffin, tears 
 in her eyes, now scratching the wood, now her face, with her 
 nails. What Hebbel termed his most difficult task was the 
 least successful, for Brunhild is the least convincing of the 
 characters; she is too mystical and mysterious to be human, 
 too human, too Amazonian, to be the last heiress of the gods. 
 
 3. TREATMENT OF RELIGION 
 
 Beside Hebbel's interest in problems of woman and sex may 
 be put his intense interest in religious problems. In every 
 phase of Hebbel's literary activity, this keen and lifelong in- 
 terest is to be seen: in his letters and journals, as well as his 
 poems and dramas. His correspondence with Friedrich von 
 Uechtritz and with Pastor L. W. Luck in Wolfskehlen con- 
 tain the most definite and pronounced expression of his atti- 
 tude as man and poet towards religion. His discussions with 
 Uechtritz led to no more than a "truce" between the old friends 
 in which the latter, as the representative of positive Protestant- 
 ism, ceased to try to move Hebbel from his stand without the 
 pale of dogmatic teachings. 
 
 To Pastor Luck, Hebbel attempted in all honesty to explain 
 his position towards religion; it was not at all a hostile posi- 
 tion, as indeed he considered impossible for a poet, it was simply 
 a matter of the relative attitude towards poetry and religion. 
 Both have a common origin and a common purpose, and differ- 
 ences of opinion he believed came from regarding the one rather 
 than the other as the original source. Hebbel decided for 
 poetry. It was not that he thought more lightly of religion, 
 he declared, but more highly of poetry, as the "all-embracing." 
 He believed this to be the only attitude which a true poet could 
 hold, and he attributed the satisfying delineation of the views 
 and feelings of the most ardent believer which is often found in
 
 194 
 
 great poetical works to the same faculty by which the poet is 
 able to depict other feelings and relations of life. It is simply 
 because the secret of life is intrusted to the true poet, because 
 he "instinctively grasps every existence in its fundaments, and 
 every moment of an existence in its general and specific condi- 
 tions." The poet is " simply the Proteus who sucks in the honey 
 of all the forms of existence (to be sure, only to give it forth again), 
 but who is not forever held fast in any one form." * For him 
 everything is a mystery, and every attempt to solve the world- 
 enigma, a tragedy of thought. As has been seen, Hebbel told 
 Pastor Luck that he had known the Bible by heart from child- 
 hood, and he claimed that he knew all the more important 
 church legends, both Protestant and Catholic. "But your re- 
 ligious facts are and remain for me anthropomorphisms." 2 
 In the same spirit with these later expressions is the youthful 
 cry of the poet to Uhland: "Poetry is my religion, which leads 
 me to the truth." 3 
 
 Thus Hebbel, with all his fiery subjectivity as a dramatist, 
 when the construction of his characters was concerned, re- 
 garded the great religious problems which he made so control- 
 ling a part of many of his characters and plots purely from the 
 outside ; as one alive to the great forces set to work by religious 
 belief and dogma, but himself aloof from any positive faith. 
 As one of the great motivating problems of human life and 
 civilization, he set himself to solve it in its various phases, and 
 his earliest letters and entries in his journal show him deep in 
 religious queries and reasonings, while his university days at 
 Heidelberg find him already busy with the idea of embodying 
 religious ideas in his writings. "To write something about 
 religion," he set down in his journal, "how in a child the idea 
 of God, of Christ, of his own Ego, and of humanity have their 
 origin." 4 
 
 Though always personally in this attitude of defence and 
 defiance towards every positive form of religion, Hebbel thus 
 fully recognized the great influence of religion on history and 
 on character, and he loved to choose a religious struggle as a 
 
 1 Nachl. II. 120 f. * Bw I. 141. 
 
 2 Ibid. 136; Tgb. IV. 5847. 4 Tgb. I. 224.
 
 195 
 
 background for his dramas, to make the outcome a picture of 
 the old giving place to the new. 
 
 In his first play, "Judith," which called forth a succession 
 of Biblical dramas, the children of Jehovah are making their 
 desperate struggle against Holofernes, the general of the heathen 
 king, Nebuchadnezzar. The whole undertone of the drama 
 breathes the belief in the God of Judah, who must raise up an 
 instrument to deliver his followers from the hands of their 
 oppressors, a God who causes the dumb to speak forth prophe- 
 cies, and who only lets the weakest of his people doubt, in the 
 last hopelessness of their desperation. Holofernes thus ex- 
 presses his heathen idea of divinity: "die Menschheit hat nur 
 den Einen grossen Zweck, einen Gott aus sich zu gebaren ; und 
 der Gott, den sie gebiert, wie will er zeigen, dass er's ist, als 
 dadurch, dass er sich ihr zum ewigen Kampf gegeniiber stellt, 
 dass er all' die thorigten Regungen des Mitleids, des Schauderns 
 vor sich selbst, des Zuriickschwindelns vor seiner ungeheuren 
 Aufgabe unterdriickt, dass er zu Staub zermalmt, und ihr 
 noch in der Todesstunde den Jubelruf abzwingt?" 1 
 
 The Hebrews appear to the army of Holofernes a mad race 
 who "worship a God whom they can neither see nor hear, of 
 whom no man knoweth where he dwelleth, and to whom they 
 yet bring sacrifices. . . . This people is low and unworthy, 
 when it goes forth with spears and swords, the weapons are in 
 its hands mere playthings, which its own God breaks in pieces, 
 for he will not that it fight and stain itself with blood, he alone 
 will destroy its enemies. But terrible is this people when it 
 humbles itself before its God, as he commandeth, when it casts 
 itself on its knees and strews its head with ashes, when it cries 
 out lamentations and curses itself ; then it is as though the world 
 becomes another world, as though nature forgets its own laws, 
 the impossible is fact, the sea divides, so that the waters stand 
 firm on both sides like walls between which a street passes, 
 bread falls from heaven, and out of the desert sand springs 
 forth a cool drink." 1 This is the account of the Jews and their 
 religion which Achior, the captain of the Moabites, gives to 
 Holofernes; his advice is to inquire whether this people has 
 1 Act I., W. I. 10 ff.
 
 196 
 
 sinned against its God ; if so, that God will surely deliver them 
 into the hands of Holofernes; if not, then it were better for 
 Holofernes to turn from the city of Bethulien, for their God will 
 protect them, and Holofernes and his army will become a scorn 
 and a derision to the whole land. 
 
 In sackcloth and ashes, Judith awaits a message from God 
 to show her the way to deliver her people through the death 
 of Holofernes. Since no man has been found to dare his life 
 in Holofernes' camp, she must wait in prayer and humility 
 until the way is shown to her. She sees no way except through 
 sin, but suddenly even this way appears glorified to her by the will 
 of God, who can make the unclean clean ; she has cast herself 
 "into the eternal," and she believes in the truth of her answer. 
 It is just because she, as a woman, does not remain on this 
 height of spiritual inspiration, but later falls, as woman alone, 
 and avenges her insulted womanhood, it is for this reason that 
 she is at the end a representative of the tragic fate of woman 
 more than a tool in Jehovah's hands. Her people greet her 
 as their liberator, mingling her name with that of the great God 
 of Israel, while she only feels the shame of her dishonored 
 womanhood, and the stigma in her deed of personal vengeance. 
 But though it is her person and personality that interest us 
 almost absolutely in the play, still here, too, we have the ever 
 clear background of a religious struggle, the struggle of a devel- 
 oped monotheism against a heathen polytheism, which, through 
 the impious sin of Nebuchadnezzar and his general, becomes 
 the most degraded form of monotheism. 
 
 Of "Genoveva," Hebbel said that it was a second part of 
 "Judith," showing the passive sacrifice, the saint, as "Judith" 
 showed the active sacrifice, the heroine, and thus together they 
 close the circle of the Jewish- Christian view of life. In the 
 severe criticism to which he subjected the drama in his riper 
 years, he realizes the strange way in which heaven and hell 
 are intermingled, but he claims, too, that they are joined together 
 through inner relationship according to the fundamental con- 
 ditions of Christianity. 1 The whole play is imbued with the 
 military and religious ardor of the crusades, with a zealous 
 
 1 Bw. II. 50.
 
 197 
 
 hatred of heathens and Jews, of every enemy to Christianity. 
 An entire scene in the second act is devoted to a vivid presenta- 
 tion of the Jewish persecution, through the introduction of one 
 molested member of the race. Genoveva is the Christian 
 martyr, though persecuted by her own people; she has been 
 filled from childhood with the desire for the life of a religieuse, 
 and only her sister's horrible fate has warned and terrified her 
 away from the cloister. At heart as pure and chaste as a nun, 
 she marries Siegfried, and the spark of human love is kindled 
 within her. There is scarcely a page in the play that does not 
 contain a Biblical or other religious reference, that does not 
 help to make us intimate with the religious background against 
 which the characters are drawn. 
 
 Together with his "Moloch" and his "Christus," "Judith" 
 and "Genoveva" were to form a great drama of the past, 
 according to HebbePs youthful plan. 1 In "Moloch" was to 
 be represented, in grandly terrible and gloomy pictures, the 
 earliest beginnings of religion and culture, of a worship inspired 
 through fear, of a religion which should spring up among the 
 Germans out of the ruins of Carthage, and which, under the 
 guidance of Hamilcar's son, Hieram, should lead its followers 
 on to the vengeance of Carthage in the destruction of Rome. 
 In a letter to Kiihne, January 28, 1847, Hebbel writes of his plan : 
 "I want to depict the process of the beginnings of religious and 
 political relations, a process which continues to our very day, 
 even though it has been appreciably modified through the 
 centuries, and my hero is the one named in the title. Rome 
 and Carthage only form the background, like two crossing 
 swords, and even the primitive German conditions are only to 
 give the necessary color pigments to a representation which will 
 not fade into indistinctness." 2 Here, then, had Hebbel brought 
 his work to completion, we should have had a struggle of reli- 
 gion with dying heathendom, not simply as a background for 
 the action, but as the very action itself, and the god Moloch 
 as the hero. The cruel iron god, with his arms of fire, was 
 to represent the embodiment of a belief in higher forces, and to 
 lead the advance to the earliest material beginnings of culture, 
 
 1 Bw. I. 156. * Nachl. I. 209.
 
 198 
 
 but he was also to pave the way to the first inception of a deeper, 
 more inward form of worship, when the great iron mass should 
 stand merely for a symbol of the god who had brought them 
 prosperity, a god to whom human sacrifice would no longer 
 be made. 
 
 The few pages which contain all that Hebbel noted down 
 of his material for a drama with Christ as the hero give us 
 little definite idea of how the drama would have unfolded it- 
 self. But this we know, that Hebbel considered the "Chris- 
 tus" almost as a continuation of the "Moloch," in which he 
 would depict the beginning of a definite religion, as opposed 
 to the beginning of religion itself. Of this definite religion, 
 Christ was to be the purely human head, the Christ of whom 
 he had written to Elise in his Munich period: "Christ is for 
 me a high perhaps the highest moral presence in history ; 
 the one man who became great through suffering. Because 
 Judaism and heathendom had not gone far enough, I forgive 
 him for going too far." l In the two short scenes, and the few 
 suggestive sentences which he has left us, we see his intention 
 of surrounding Christ with various Biblical characters: Mary, 
 his mother, Anna, Mary of Magdala, John, and, in contrast 
 to the principal character, Satan. Hebbel seems to have taken 
 up his old plan to make Christ the centre of a drama most 
 energetically directly after the printing of the " Nibelungen," 
 and quite probably he intended here to develop the ideas 
 expressed by Dietrich von Bern, and to represent the kingdom 
 of him in whose name Dietrich took upon himself Etzel's 
 sceptre and rule. 
 
 In yet another drama, though in a less marked form, does 
 Hebbel represent the old giving place to the new. It is in the 
 last scene of "Herodes und Mariamne," with Herod a lonely, 
 loveless monarch, face to face with the actuality of his own 
 crime, that Hebbel introduces the symbolic feature of the three 
 wise men "kings" in their search for the new-born child, 
 before whom all knees shall bend ; the child of whom Sameas, 
 in his martyrdom, has just prophesied that his time has come, 
 that the virgin mother is even now laying in the manger; the 
 
 1 Bw. I. 64.
 
 199 , 
 
 child of the house of David who will overturn thrones, wake 
 the dead, tear the stars from the heavens, and rule the world 
 in all eternity. 
 
 These are the dramas in which religion appears most promi- 
 nently as background, or as formative motive, but we have 
 religious characters and Biblical reference and suggestion in 
 still other dramas by Hebbel. There is a breath of middle- 
 class Protestantism in "Maria Magdalena," and the hypo- 
 critical Leonhard shows a smirk of satisfaction in his glib 
 ability to refer to the innocence of the dove and the wisdom of 
 the serpent, and to Jacob's wooing of Rachel. In "Michel 
 Angelo" no religious problem presents itself, it is true, but it 
 is the pope, as representative of the Romish church, who recon- 
 ciles the arts, and who opens the path for the union of paint- 
 ing and sculpture with religion, to produce the greatest crea- 
 tions on canvas and in marble. In "Agnes Bernauer" there 
 is an undercurrent of catholic belief, of reference to the Bible 
 and to the almighty power of God ; and even in the unfinished 
 "Demetrius" we are shown the active power of the orthodox 
 church in the worldly side of life. 
 
 In closing his letter of January 21, 1861, to Pastor Luck, 
 Hebbel wrote of his " Nibelungen, " "It depicts the victory of 
 Christianity over heathendom." And this struggle between 
 the dying forms and customs of the old with the higher ideals 
 and beliefs of the new religion is, indeed, the background upon 
 which Hebbel has painted the whole picture of German love 
 and loyalty, the background which deepens the significance of 
 characters and events, and which offers reconciliation for the 
 horrors of the tragic outcome. The time is that of transition ; 
 the people are people of the transition from heathendom to 
 Christianity, not, on the one hand, obstinate heathens, nor, on 
 the other hand, steadfast Christians, but, for the most part, 
 not ideal representatives of either the Germanic heathen belief 
 or of Christianity, just as the time is not representative of one 
 belief or the other, but rather of the change from one to the 
 other. The chief characters are touched with the forms of 
 religion alone, while deep in their hearts they retain the old 
 Germanic standards of loyalty and blood vengeance.
 
 200 
 
 Uechtritz, upon reading the first scenes of the " Nibelungen," 
 took exception to the manner in which Hebbel had made Hagen 
 a mocker of Christ and the forms of Christian religion, and 
 this in the very scene where the epic has him swear "wizze 
 Krist." Apart from the offence to his religious feelings, he 
 thought that it opposed the "atmosphere" of the poem, and 
 since he did not see where else in the drama the subject of 
 Christianity could be brought in, he felt that such scorn had no 
 place there. 1 Hebbel's reply was that he would be contented 
 if only the whole tragedy were not regarded as too Christian, 
 and reminded Uechtritz of the chaplain in the first part of the 
 Nibelungen, and of Riideger in the second part, whom Uech- 
 tritz seemed to have forgotten when he looked in vain for an 
 offset for the mockery of Hagen, whose swearing by Christ, 
 Hebbel declared, could trouble him but little, since Hagen 
 later threw the chaplain overboard in an attempt to drown 
 him. 2 He enclosed a part of the last scene of "Siegfrieds 
 Tod," and Uechtritz's reply said that Hebbel was right, that 
 not a few critics would reproach him for a too pronounced 
 Christianity, and that he himself found the dogma of human 
 sin almost too accentuated in a specifically Protestant sense, 
 since the time of the Nibelungen, or the century in which the 
 epic arose, could scarcely have reached the point of thus seeing 
 the "shiner" in Siegfried. 3 
 
 But when he knew the entire trilogy, Uechtritz praised par- 
 ticularly the Christian notes which resound in the drama, 
 and which he found to be not merely of a sincerity, but also of 
 a genuineness and truth such as he would scarcely have regarded 
 possible from one who held the position that Hebbel claimed 
 to hold towards the Christian religion and who insisted upon 
 calling it a "mythology among other mythologies." 4 Hebbel, 
 however, declared that his position had not changed, that 
 Christianity was still what it had been for him, and that his 
 renewed studies had made him add "not even the deepest among 
 the mythologies," and if, as Uechtritz had said, he had succeeded 
 in portraying its innermost being, it was simply through the 
 same power that had enabled him to depict the valkyrie life 
 
 1 Bw. II. 241. 2 Ibid. 247. 3 Ibid. 248. 4 Ibid. 287.
 
 201 
 
 in Iceland. After the completion of his " Nibelungen," he 
 had begun to dream of his tragedy of Christ, and in his desire 
 to be able to master the material, he had recapitulated his 
 theological studies, but with even more negative results than 
 before. 1 
 
 Hebbel has but three characters in the "Nibelungen " who 
 can be regarded as absolute representatives of the beliefs 
 for which they stand. Frigga alone is the pure representative 
 of heathendom, untainted by an approach of Christian belief. 
 The chaplain is, for the first half, as Dietrich for the second 
 half, the absolute representative of the Christian faith. Yet 
 a remnant of heathen belief clings to Dietrich, for he has his 
 wisdom, his hints of future events, his presentiments, from 
 the mysterious conversation that he heard at the well of the 
 Nixies. Riideger, too, represents the Christian religion con- 
 sistently, but his r61e as Christian hero is scarcely more em- 
 phasized here than in the epic. The other characters are 
 hardly more than tinged with the new faith which the chaplain, 
 in long demonstrations and admonitions, earnestly tries to 
 inculcate ; they are under the surface influence of Christianity, 
 bound to an observance of its forms, but they chafe under any 
 restraint which it puts upon their freedom or their pleasure, 
 and at heart they are "healthy heathen," who, when their 
 emotions are stirred, when they are stung, or angered, or 
 wronged, show promptly the old, elemental desire for blood 
 and revenge. Frigga feels that the old world of her faith is 
 slipping away, though her allegiance remains steadfast to her 
 ancient gods. Brunhild cries out in surprise at her sacrificial 
 offerings to the old gods, who are now but as devils in hell, 
 and Frigga replies: 
 
 Furchtest Du 
 
 Sie darum weniger? Sie konnen uns 
 Noch immer fluchen, wenn auch nicht mehr segnen, 
 Und willig schlacht' ich ihnen ihren Bock. 
 O, thatest Du es auch ! 
 
 The chaplain, too, realizes that this is but a period of transi- 
 tion, that his religion has not yet reached the hearts and lives 
 
 1 Bw. II. 291.
 
 202 
 
 of the people. For when Siegfried announces the approach 
 of Brunhild as Gunther's bride, he asks : 
 
 Verzeiht mir, edler Recke, 
 1st Brunhild derm getauft? 
 
 And to Siegfried's reply that she is baptized he again asks : 
 So ist's ein christlich Land, aus dem sie kommt? 
 
 Siegfried answers : 
 
 Man ehrt das Kreuz, 
 
 and the chaplain, grieved at the lack of positiveness in Sieg- 
 fried's assertion, sorrowfully adds: 
 
 Man ehrt's wohl so, wie hier, 
 Wo man sich's neben einer Wodans-Eiche 
 Gefallen lasst, weil man nicht wissen kann, 
 Ob ihm kein Zauber inne wohnt, so wie 
 Der frommste Christ ein Gotzenbild noch immer 
 Nicht leicht zerschlagt, weil sich ein letzter Rest 
 Der alien Furcht noch leise in ihm regt, 
 Wenn er es glotzen sieht. 
 
 And Iring, from the heathen standpoint, tells of the recentness 
 of the change which has dethroned the old gods : 
 
 und wenn's mich auch einmal verdriesst 
 Dass dieser Reif nicht langer blitzt, wie sonst, 
 So tret' ich rasch in Wodans Eichenhain, 
 Und denk' an den, der mehr verloren hat ! 
 
 In lines which Hebbel later cut out for reasons of stage economy, 
 Dietrich symbolically expresses the meaning of the present 
 age and the events which it has brought forth: 
 
 Das Vergangene 
 
 Ringt aus dem Grabe und das Kiinftige 
 Drangt zur Geburt, das Gegenwart'ge aber 
 Setzt sich zur Wehre. 
 
 How well Hebbel understood the circumstances attendant 
 upon a change of religious belief is shown in his treatment of 
 the old gods. For it is a well-known fact of demonology that 
 the gods of the old religion are accepted as devils by the new, 
 either in their entirety or in some of their attributes. So in
 
 203 
 
 the " Nibelungen," the old gods sit in hell or in Hekla, the 
 volcano which northern superstition regarded as the entrance 
 to hell. 1 Hagen is the most frankly heathen of the Burgun- 
 dians. That first scene of the Prologue which Uechtritz criti- 
 cised shows in clear outline the brave, bold, defiant knight, 
 who resents the interference with a hunt which is caused by 
 the celebration of Easter, and who shows a scornful and wil- 
 ful ignorance of sacred festivals. 
 
 Ute and Kriemhild, in particular, show profound respect 
 for church observances, and had Kriemhild's lines fallen in 
 the pleasant ways of domestic happiness, where she confidently 
 expected to find them when she gave herself to Siegfried, she 
 would have gone through life a pious Christian, erecting altars 
 to saints in thanks for blessings received and in the hope of 
 blessings to come; following to the letter the teachings of the 
 chaplain and attending to every prescribed church duty. But 
 she finds that this new religion not only does not bring her the 
 peaceful life of love on which she has launched, but when this 
 happiness has been snatched from her, it denies her the truth 
 and right, the justice and judgment that she seeks, telling her 
 that what she desires is vengeance, and that vengeance is re- 
 served for the Lord. And so the years of brooding sorrow, of 
 clamors unheard, of injustice added to wrong, years in which 
 her religion, the religion of the chaplain, makes no sign of giv- 
 ing her the one thing for which she now lives, these years pre- 
 pare her to accept the relentless heathen, Etzel, as the man who 
 will bring her plans to fulfilment. 
 
 Throughout the play we find the distinction made in the 
 minds of the characters between heathen and Christian; there 
 is a constant reference to God, the Lord, the Creator, the Saviour, 
 and Christ, to the cross and heaven and paradise, to hell and 
 the devil and Satan, and to the day of judgment. We hear of 
 religious customs and the observance of them, of church and 
 cathedral and cloister, of the priest and his cowl and of the 
 pope, of mass and prayer and fasting, of holy water, and of 
 religious festivals. Yet there are but few scenes which are 
 imbued with the true spirit of Christianity, and they are chiefly 
 
 1 675 f., 686 f., 750; cf. Grimm, 953.
 
 204 
 
 those which contain the chaplain's earnest words. Riideger 
 fears to lose his soul by participating in the final combat ; and 
 Kriemhild realizes that she lost hers according to Christian 
 teachings by her second marriage, but the elemental passions 
 of her soul are not to be checked by a new religion that has 
 never entered into her inner life. Etzel best expresses the 
 Christian ideal, to "love your enemies, bless them that curse 
 you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them which 
 despitefully use you, and persecute you"; it admonishes, 
 "resist not evil, but whosoever shall smite thee on the right 
 cheek, turn to him the other also." Thus Etzel simply tells 
 his idea of the Christian teaching: 
 
 Ich horte ja von Dir, 
 Das Eure Weise sei, den Feind zu lieben 
 Und mit dem Kuss zu danken fiir den Schlag: 
 Ei nun, ich hab's geglaubt. 
 
 Dietrich acknowledges the truth of the ideal, but he knows 
 that every one is not strong enough to fulfil it. So Hebbel 
 has elsewhere said of himself, "I pledge myself to understand 
 all creatures; to love them is beyond my power, as also many 
 another Christian command." * Even Hagen has a faint con- 
 ception of the teaching, for, in admitting his envy of the strong, 
 beautiful hero who had playfully plucked all their honors with 
 a look that said, "I do not want them," who had wrung from 
 Hagen his hard- won prowess, he says: 
 
 Dann kiisse Deinen Feind, wenn Du's vermagst. 
 
 It is this very fact that Hebbel has taken such delicate care 
 to portray, the fact that these heathen, with their superficial 
 touch of Christianity, with their more or less willing acceptance 
 of its outward forms without any real conception of the accept- 
 ance of its ideals as life principles, these representatives of the 
 old ideas of revenge and bloodshed, must be overthrown for 
 the dawn of a new era. 
 
 It is remarkable, too, how those characters who have been 
 most strongly touched by the Christian teachings have been in- 
 fluenced to conversion, not by the gentle persistence of preach- 
 
 1 Bw. II. 29.
 
 205 
 
 ing, but by some extraordinary phenomenon. Thus the chap- 
 kin, a heathen, born of a race of heathen, had helped to kill 
 the first messenger of God who had come among them. His 
 arm dealt the last blow, and then he heard the martyr's prayer 
 as he prayed for him, and died with the Amen on his lips. 
 With that, the chaplain threw away his sword, and went forth 
 to preach the cross, and since that day he has never used the 
 arm that helped to slay the man of God. Even he, with his 
 gentle mildness, and his doctrine of love from the Gospels, had 
 been so good a heathen that it required a revolution of mind 
 and heart to bring him to cast away utterly his heathen impulses 
 and beliefs. 
 
 Etzel, too, as we first know him, is far more a Christian than 
 the form-observing Burgundians. Kriemhild had heard of his 
 wild, fierce deeds before her marriage; when she heard his 
 name, she thought first of fire and blood, and then of a man; 
 his reputation was that of a breaker and despiser of customs 
 and usage. She had thought of him as born to love such deeds 
 as the one of vengeance which she had planned on Hagen, 
 but she had thought of him as he was. Etzel himself tells her 
 of the fearful apparition which had drawn him from the Rome 
 he had come to conquer, and which had made him beg for the 
 blessings of the pope whom he had sworn to slay. All this 
 has sunk so deeply into his heart that no bloody project entices 
 him. Yet when his own, his only child and heir, is cruelly 
 murdered, the old passions come sweeping over him in a tidal 
 wave, his true nature, no longer subdued by the effects of the 
 terrible phenomenon, asserts itself, and now he is ready to 
 show them all the savage wildness and relentlessness which 
 characterized him when, unacquainted with civilization, he 
 broke forth from his desert. 
 
 Dietrich's connection with Etzel's realm and with the final 
 outcome of the struggle has an element of the symbolic. He 
 came of his own free will to serve at Etzel's court, just seven 
 years before the last events take place ; he, the mightiest of the 
 world, had come and laid his sword and crown before Etzel; 
 thus his entrance into Etzel's service coincides in time with 
 Kriemhild's second marriage, and from the fact of this
 
 206 
 
 mysterious coincidence, as well as from the part that Dietrich 
 plays in the development of the tragedy, we feel there is some- 
 thing symbolic, something beyond mere human ken, in his pres- 
 ence among the Huns. He tells Iring and Thuring that the 
 day draws nigh when they shall learn his reasons for coming. 
 Every one recognizes his physical prowess and moral greatness ; 
 they look to him as though he were there to set a dam to fire and 
 water, and to point the right way to sun and moon. Hildebrant 
 knows that Dietrich has vowed service for a definite period. 
 And the time is now over, so he begs him to interfere in the 
 struggle, and Dietrich, in a half-acknowledgment that he has 
 seen this final struggle from the first, declares that if the heroes 
 die he will remain what he is, for this he had placed as a sign 
 whether he should again bear the crown or remain a vassal 
 until his death. He chooses the part of onlooker at the struggle, 
 and voluntarily renews his vow of service until death. Only 
 when Etzel himself is about to take active part in the fight does 
 he feel forced to assume the r61e of combatant, and when Etzel, 
 in sorrow and the powerlessness of despair, begs Dietrich to 
 take the crown, his acceptance is in the name of Him who died 
 on the cross. 
 
 4. THE MYTHICAL AND MYSTICAL 
 
 As a wholly subordinate, though exceedingly important part 
 of the drama, Hebbel regarded an admixture of the mystical, 
 and this admixture lay preeminently in the material before 
 him. "How far does the marvellous, the mystical, belong in 
 modern poetic art?" he asks in his journal for March n, 1847 ; 
 and replies to his own question : " Only in so far as it remains 
 elementary. That is, the gloomy, ominous feelings and fan- 
 cies on which it rests, and which tremble before something 
 hidden and secret in nature, before an inherent capacity of 
 deviating from her course, may be aroused, but they must not 
 be moulded into concrete forms, such as apparitions of ghosts 
 and spirits ; for the world-consciousness has outgrown the belief 
 in the latter, while those feelings themselves are of everlasting 
 nature." * 
 
 Tgb. III. 4101.
 
 207 
 
 As early as his student days in Munich, he had thought over 
 the subject of the use of the mystical and with similar conclu- 
 sions: "We mortals are assuredly capable of fear and presenti- 
 ment; the poet, therefore, is certainly permitted to make use 
 also of such motives as he can obtain only from these dim re- 
 gions. But two things he must observe. In the first place, 
 he must here less than ever fall into the purely capricious, for 
 then he becomes absurd. This he avoids by listening to the 
 voices of the people and of the saga, and creating only from 
 those elements which they, who have long listened to every- 
 thing really awesome in nature, have hallowed. In the second 
 place, he must guard against creating such fantastic pictures 
 as only concern a single person, perhaps him whom he con- 
 nects with them in his poem, in order to make them everywhere 
 active; only that spectral circle do I fear before whose eddies 
 I am not safe." * 
 
 In 1845, while in Rome, he had read and criticised two of 
 Calderon's dramas, and, in doing so, had emphasized the neces- 
 sity for establishing and humanizing mystery if it be used in 
 poetry, and in avoiding the method of treating it like a magic 
 ring which is put on the finger and which then produces new 
 wonders. 2 
 
 A certain symbolism he felt, moreover, to be an effectual part 
 of the drama, not simply in its idea, but in every one of its ele- 
 ments, and it was his aim to raise the merely anecdotal to the 
 symbolical. 3 
 
 In nearly all of Hebbel's plays we see an element of mys- 
 ticism and symbolism, that "mystic breath," that "ominous 
 mixture of light and shade, which is most compatible with the 
 intrepidity of his thinking." * It is some unknown vision of 
 terror which has appeared to Judith's husband in the wedding 
 night, an equally mysterious apparition has maddened Klaus 
 in " Genoveva," and has turned Etzel from his deeds of savage 
 bloodshed. Symbolic, too, in " Judith," are the forms of Sam- 
 uel, who must go about crying out vengeance against himself, 
 and of Daniel, the dumb, whose tongue is loosened so long as 
 Jehovah requires his service. Symbolic is the defiance of 
 
 1 Tgb. I. 1055. 2 Tgb. III. 3297. * Tgb. II. 2414, 3158. * Kuh, I. 178.
 
 208 
 
 death by which Golo seeks a sign whether he shall perish un- 
 sullied or live a villain. Symbolic is the consecration of his 
 sword by Genoveva, and Golo's later breaking of it; myste- 
 rious is the witchcraft of old Margaretha and her deception of 
 Siegfried by means of the "glass of truth." In "Herodes und 
 Mariamne," we have the symbolic entrance of the three kings, 
 heralding a new era, and the vision of the new era which is 
 dawning. In "Gyges und sein Ring" prevails the deep sym- 
 bolism and mysticism which prepares us for the use of the 
 symbolic and the mysterious in the "Nibelungen." Werner, in 
 his introduction to the tragedy, points out how Hebbel has 
 refined the use of the veil, and symbolized its significance by 
 making it a part of Rhodope's very being, and how he has em- 
 ployed the diamond about her neck in his characteristic and 
 deeply mysterious manner; how he has made use of the ring 
 of invisibility as an expressed symbol of the sort that the poet 
 valued so highly, but as symbol only, for never does Hebbel 
 allow one of his symbols to act as formative motive, but only 
 as a human adjunct. 
 
 Friedrich von Uechtritz, in his splendid letter of criticism 
 on " Gyges," understood how to regard and to value this em- 
 ployment of mystic elements. "There is, of course, in the 
 material, something of that strange, remote, and unusual ele- 
 ment by which you are evidently wont to be especially attracted ; 
 not so much by far as this is the case, for example, in Kleist's 
 Penthesilea, but still touching slightly upon it. Only here 
 the welcome difference is especially set forth, that this time 
 everything has been done on your part, in order not to increase 
 what is strange and remote in the material through the execu- 
 tion, but rather to alleviate, to place it in a light, a coloring, 
 a significance, which acts as intermediary between it and our 
 feelings, and forms the poem over to an experience which is 
 close to us in spirit, which corresponds to our narrow circles 
 of civilization and of feeling." 1 
 
 Vischer, as we have seen, particularly emphasized the advan- 
 tages for operatic treatment which the Nibelungen offered in 
 its mythical elements, and Hebbel was not afraid to employ 
 
 1 Bw. II. 226.
 
 209 
 
 this mythical background as Geibel had been; he grasped 
 eagerly at the opportunity of portraying his human characters 
 with the old mythical setting, as giving the ancient atmosphere 
 to the whole which is necessary to cast the natural light and the 
 glow of belief on the gigantic outlines of the heroes. 
 
 Hebbel, then, did not shrink from explaining Brunhild's 
 mysterious origin and position in the transition-world and by 
 so doing adding new inventive touches to her history and 
 meaning as a changeling of divine origin. Dietrich, too, ex- 
 plains, in the lines which were later stricken out, the history of 
 Siegfried's birth, and their joint significance. The child which 
 is conceived in the one favorable moment of a thousand years, 
 draws into himself the strength of all animals, and while still 
 in the cradle breaks iron as the strongest man breaks wood. At 
 the moment of his conception, the bride is wakened for him who 
 shall bear him wonder-children, and threaten the world with 
 destruction. Then the threatened world rouses to defence, 
 and produces the human bride who is to fight with the super- 
 human creature, and who, if she gains the victory, will let the 
 world move on in peace another thousand years; but these 
 three must die in the struggle of the old with the new, the last 
 desperate fight of the dying age against the incoming belief 
 and culture of the dawning era. It is an assertion of the fact 
 that after great periods of time the world's opinions and beliefs 
 change, and that with each change occurs a struggle, a combat, 
 when the leaders in the struggle must be sacrificed for the 
 general progress. Dietrich's whole connection with the play 
 breathes a symbolical import, as though he were placed in the 
 world, a man of surpassing moral and physical greatness, to 
 await the crucial moment of decision, and to set his seal on the 
 final outcome, by standing as the representative of the new faith. 
 Mysterious is the knowledge which he had acquired at the Nixie's 
 well, when the world's great changes were recounted, and when he 
 heard a year named. Is this the year for which he is waiting at 
 the end of his seven years of service ? Is he a conscious regulator 
 of the world's woes, a reformer, with his inspiration for reforma- 
 tion imbibed at the Nixie's well? To all these questions we 
 are given no definite answer. It is intended as a part of the
 
 210 
 
 breath of mystery which casts its veil over the great forms in the 
 " Nibelungen," and makes us believe in their marvellous deeds, 
 and realize their true symbolic importance in the world- 
 drama. 
 
 Symbolic, too, is the figure of the Pilgrim, the representative of 
 the extreme phase of the modern belief ; in reality a proud duke 
 who wanders from house to house begging for a blow for his 
 misdeeds, and a piece of bread for his hunger. A man, who, 
 seized by the pangs of an over-sensitive conscience, thinks him- 
 self unworthy of the throne, and the wife and the children that 
 have fallen to his lot, and who, therefore, turns away from his 
 door-sill even after ten years of begging, and continues his life 
 of wandering poverty. Symbolic, also, is the use of the silent 
 figure of Eckewart, loyally devoted to his mistress, yet striving 
 to warn the Burgundians. 
 
 Nor does Hebbel shrink from the single mythical features 
 which are so much a part of the whole that one must simply 
 take them for granted as believed and not attempt to explain 
 them. So we have the dragon episode, with all its attendant 
 circumstances as a matter of past history, and Siegfried enters 
 as the possessor of hoard and Tarnkappe, protected by a skin 
 of horn, and understanding the speech of birds. Where Hebbel 
 perhaps overstepped the mark in giving to his heroes their 
 superhuman wrapping, was in ascribing to Siegfried the size of 
 a giant, and to Dietrich superhuman physical strength. Neither 
 feature was necessary for delineating the two characters, nor 
 for our understanding of them, and each one offers difficulties 
 for stage presentation. 
 
 The symbolic feature of the dwarfs, those dwellers in caverns 
 and in the bowels of the earth, as guardians of the wonderful 
 hoard, is emphasized in the scene in which they bear the treas- 
 ure to Worms; and the curse on the hoard which the writer 
 of the Nibelungenlied did not know of, is brought out in the 
 marvellous vision of Volker, where he sees the destruction- 
 bringing power of the gold, and sketches its history. Still 
 earlier, in " Kriemhilds Rache," Hagen, with his far-seeing eye 
 of gloom, had realized its evil power:
 
 211 
 
 Die Nibelungen haben ihren Vater 
 
 Um Gold erschlagen, um dasselbe Gold, 
 
 Das Siegfried an den Rhein gebracht. Wer hatte 
 
 Sich's wohl gedacht, bevor sie's wirklich thaten? 
 
 Doch ist's gescheh'n und wird noch oft gescheh'n. 1 
 
 And even when the gold was first brought, the knight Truchs 
 had recalled the old saying that magic gold is still more thirsty 
 for blood than a dried sponge for water. 
 
 Hebbel delights, too, in emphasizing the magic power of 
 the runes, and in retaining the significant dreams of the old 
 epic, and even adding new ones, such as that of Volker, where 
 he sees all the Burgundians bleeding from wounds, but each 
 with his wound in the back, as though it had been given by a 
 murderer, not by a warrior. The prophecy of the mermaids 
 is also given a place in the darkening picture of approaching 
 destruction, and Hebbel has, as we have seen, intended a some- 
 what similar, though far more symbolical and far-reaching 
 prophecy in the reported scene at the Nixie's well, where the 
 later events are shadowed forth in mysterious and interrupted 
 whisperings. The Norse god-world is introduced, not simply 
 to supply the deficiencies of the epic transmission, but also to 
 give the background of the old belief which is dying out slowly 
 but surely. 
 
 Hebbel's frequent fault, throughout his dramas, was in em- 
 phasizing and enlarging upon the mysterious and symbolical, 
 rather than keeping it in the background. So here Dietrich's 
 significance did not need heightening through the Nixie's 
 prophecies, nor did his meaning as Christian hero gain by this 
 touch of old Germanic mythology and magic. Neither is the 
 introduction of the Pilgrim a real addition to the play, for we 
 have heard of this extreme side of Christianity before, even of 
 saints and penitents who creep into caves and starve, if some 
 bird does not bring them food, or who climb steep cliffs and 
 cling there until the wind hurls them down. He, at most, 
 through Dietrich's explanation, and through Hagen's reply: 
 
 Ihr sprecht, wie unser 
 Kaplan am Rhein, 
 
 1 2884-2888.
 
 212 
 
 serves to emphasize the background of Christianity against 
 which the emotions of hatred and desire for vengeance are 
 playing their deadly r61e. 
 
 Certain minor touches of mystery and mysticism which have 
 already been mentioned under the head of inventions rather 
 detract from than add to the general effect: so the invented 
 mythological details and the features given to the Nibelungen 
 knights and to the Burgundian warriors. 
 
 Yet Hebbel was justified in defending the humanness of his 
 characters, for the mystical and mythical impress us in most 
 cases as a part of the atmospheric setting; and he was right 
 when he declared that he had never permitted himself to borrow 
 a motive from the dark region of indeterminate and indeter- 
 minable forces; that he had confined himself to catching up 
 the wonderful lights and colors which steep our actually exist- 
 ing world in a new splendor without changing it. "The 
 Gyges is possible without the ring, the Nibelungen is possible 
 without the horned skin and the Tarn-cap." * 
 
 Whatever Hebbel's faults in the dramatization of the Nibe- 
 lungenlied, they are those of detail rather than of ensemble, 
 for each character stands out clearly and humanly in the great 
 aggregate, and he has saved his structures from an epic reci- 
 tation of detail and episode which the nature of the material 
 made it difficult to avoid. 
 
 The merit of Hebbel is that he has succeeded in retaining 
 the marvellous mythical background without making his char- 
 acters either impossible monsters or demigods; that he has 
 humanized without trivializing them; that he has made them 
 step out of the epic mass of his material as real dramatic char- 
 acters, living, breathing, speaking, and acting before us; that 
 he has retained the outlines of the characters and the action as 
 no other dramatizer of the material has done ; and that he has 
 strengthened, and motivated, and deepened both characters 
 and plot, and raised the whole to a world-drama of universal 
 significance, while retaining in unblemished purity the picture 
 offered in the Nibelungenlied. 
 
 1 Bw. II. 189; Tgb. IV. 6085.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
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 214 
 
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 215 
 
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 1 At the present writing, two volumes have appeared.
 
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 217 
 
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 2. MODERN VERSIONS OF THE NIBELUNGEN SAGA 
 
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 1 Works which deal with the saga little more than in name are enclosed in 
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 218 
 
 i8io. The same. Der Held des Nordens. Drei Theile: Sigurd der 
 
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 Cf. Em. Uhland: L. Uhland, eine Gabe fur seine Freunde, 1863. 
 
 A. v. Keller, Uhland als Dramatiker, 1877. 
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 DATE DUE 
 
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