BANCROFT LIBRARY 
 
VOYAGES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN 
 
 TO 
 
 AMERICA. 
 
 THIRTEEN ORIGINAL NARRATIVES FROM THE COLLECTION OF 
 
 HAKLUYT,p,; 
 
 ~ - - ) 
 
 SELECTED AND EDITED, WITH HISTORICAL NOTICES, 
 BY 
 
 E. J. PAYNE, M.A., 
 
 AUTHOR OF "A HISTORY OF EUROPEAN COLONIES. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 THOS. DE LA RUE & CO 
 
 no, B U N H I L L ROW. 
 I880. 
 

 PRINTED BY 
 
 THOMAS DE LA RUE AND CO., BUNHILL ROW, 
 LONDON. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 No. BEGUN IN PAGE 
 
 1. HAWKINS' FIRST VOYAGE (1562) ... 7 
 
 2. ,, SECOND VOYAGE (1564) ... 9 
 
 3. THIRD VOYAGE (1567) ... 52 
 
 4. FROBISHER'S FIRST VOYAGE (1576) ... 64 
 
 5. SECOND VOYAGE (1577) 70 
 
 6. ,, THIRD VOYAGE (1578) ... 97 
 
 7. DRAKE'S FAMOUS VOYAGE (1577) ... 145 
 
 8. GILBERT'S VOYAGE (1583) ... 175 
 
 9. AMADAS AND BARLOW'S VOYAGE - (1584) ... 211 
 
 10. DRAKE'S SECOND GREAT VOYAGE (1585) ... 226 
 
 11. CAVENDISH'S FIRST VOYAGE (1586) ... 258 
 
 12. LAST VOYAGE ('590 33 
 
 13. RALEIGH'S VOYAGE TO GUIANA ( 1 S95) 33 2 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 IT was not until the great period of maritime discoveries 
 which lasts from the middle of the fourteenth century to the 
 middle of the seventeenth (1350-1650) was already well ad 
 vanced, and the chief problems of geography had been solved, 
 that Englishmen began to take part in the movement. The 
 map of the world, as we have it at this day, had been con 
 structed by adventurers of other nations. Until the thirteenth 
 century, no advance in geographical knowledge had been 
 made since the classical age. The philosophers of Oxford 
 and Paris, and the merchants of the Hanse Towns and 
 the Italian maritime republics, knew no more of geography 
 than had been known to the Alexandrian philosophers 
 and merchants a thousand years before. Even as late as 
 the time of Columbus, the standard authority on geography 
 continued to be Ptolemy ; and it is on record that the 
 two favourite authors of the discoverer of America were the 
 famous geographer of Alexandria and the mendacious English 
 traveller, Sir John Mandeville. 
 
 The chief seat of the arts and sciences, in the Middle Ages, 
 was Italy ; and to Italian energy and sagacity the vast exten 
 sion of man's knowledge of the globe which he inhabits is 
 mainly due. In the golden age of the Papacy and of the 
 Italian maritime republics, Italian monks and merchants pene 
 trated the heart of Asia. Italian seamen passed the Pillars of 
 
VI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Hercules, braved the unknown dangers of the stormy Atlantic, 
 explored the desolate shores of Barbary, rediscovered the 
 Fortunate Isles of the Ancients, and increased the Ptolemaic 
 map of the world by the addition of the Madeiras and the 
 Azores. The remote regions to which they thus penetrated 
 were beyond the scope of Italian political or mercantile inte 
 rests. They thus fell into the hands of the reigning powers of 
 the Spanish peninsula ; and the exploration of the Atlantic was 
 continued under the direction and at the expense of the 
 monarchs of Portugal and Castile. Until recently it was 
 believed that the gradual exploration of the coast of Africa, 
 which ultimately led to the passing of the Cape of Good 
 Hope and the establishment of a connection by sea between 
 Lisbon and India, was exclusively the work of Portuguese sea 
 men. But the researches of antiquaries have now made 
 it abundantly clear that the expeditions of the Spanish and 
 Portuguese monarchs were for the most part made under 
 Italian captains, with Italian crews, and in vessels built by 
 Italian shipwrights. Italian mathematicians constructed the 
 charts and instruments by which they sailed, and Italian 
 bankers furnished the funds with which they were equipped. It 
 was the same in England : the Italian merchants of London 
 and the Italian seamen of Bristol were the links between the 
 great movement of maritime exploration and an insular people 
 which at the eleventh hour began to take part in it. The 
 Genoese were well known in Bristol, though it was a Venetian 
 who first conducted English sailors to the shores of America. 
 The skill and science of Italy had penetrated everywhere ; 
 and, in union with the spirit of territorial conquest and com 
 mercial enterprise in other lands, they had wrought out the 
 exploration of the coasts of Africa, the crossing of the Atlantic 
 before the trade winds, and the discovery of the New World of 
 
INTRODUCTION. vii 
 
 America, long before the spirit of maritime enterprise was aroused 
 in England, France, and Holland. Columbus did but add the 
 finishing stroke to a work on which his countrymen had been 
 incessantly employed for two centuries ; and when this stroke 
 was made, the part of Italy was completed. Science had done 
 its work ; and then began the struggle of commercial enter- 
 prise^and political ambition for a share in its substantial results. 
 It is at this stage of the history of maritime exploration that 
 England steps in. 
 
 It needs no deep research to account for the forwardness of 
 Italy, and the backwardness of England, in the great maritime 
 movement of modern history. It is sufficient to observe that 
 England was far removed from the latitudes where the process 
 of discovery was being matured, and that English seamen had not 
 yet begun to make very long voyages. In the time of Columbus, 
 English seamen were familiar with all the shores of Western 
 Europe, from Spain to Norway. They traded to Iceland; but 
 they had scarcely penetrated the Mediterranean, nor had they 
 rounded the North Cape and reached the White Sea, as they did 
 a few years later. English commerce was chiefly carried on by 
 means of the English Channel and the German Ocean ; and 
 the maritime enterprise which English seamen naturally emu 
 lated was not that of the Italian republics, but of the Hanse 
 Towns. Hence, except in a few isolated instances, the great 
 discoveries to which the navigation of the southern latitudes of 
 the Atlantic had conducted had at first little effect on English 
 enterprise. It was not until the vast extent of the New World, 
 its enormous wealth in the precious metals, and its unlimited 
 capacity for further development had become universally no 
 torious, until the Spanish monarchy, from feeble and obscure 
 beginnings, had swollen by the possession of America into a 
 political monster that threatened to absorb Christendom, and 
 
Vlll INTRODUCTION. 
 
 until England was being forced into a struggle with it which 
 promised to be a struggle for life and death, that Englishmen 
 began seriously to consider the mighty changes in national 
 relations which the greatest geographical discoveries the world 
 ever saw had once for all effected. It was in the reign of 
 Elizabeth that this revolution in thought took place ; and the 
 reign of Elizabeth produced a race of men who were capable 
 of converting this revolution in thought into a revolution in 
 fact. The wicked and tyrannous power which English Pro 
 testants hated and dreaded was the spoilt child of the Papacy, 
 and the Papacy had endowed it with the New World. Catholic 
 England had acquiesced in the title thus acquired. Protestant 
 England prepared to dispute it ; and the narratives in the pre 
 sent volume show how the dispute was begun and carried on, 
 though the reader must travel beyond the present volume, and 
 turn to the history of American colonization in the succeeding 
 reigns, to see how it was terminated. 
 
 The narratives contained in this volume thus fill up a 
 remarkable gap in history. In tracing the continuous history 
 of the relations between the Old World and the New, the exact 
 connection which unites the history of Spanish America to the 
 history of English America is found to be extremely obscure. 
 The incidents of the Discovery of America, of the gradual 
 exploration of its coasts, and of the Spanish conquest of 
 Mexico and Peru, are well known ; and so are the incidents 
 of English colonization in New England, Virginia, and the 
 Windward Islands. But a gulf of half a century, more or 
 less, divides the period of English colonization from the 
 period of Spanish conquest. How is this gulf to be bridged 
 over, and where is the light which shall illuminate this dark 
 half-century, and explain the transition from the old America, 
 an America enslaved, mediaeval, Spanish, and Catholic, 
 
INTRODUCTION. IX 
 
 to the new America, an America free, modern, English, and 
 Protestant? Fixing narrower limits to the inquiry, we may 
 ask, How is it that in the beginning of its history we find 
 America wholly Spanish and Portuguese, and at the end of a 
 century find that it has become European ? How is it that in 
 the sixteenth century we find Europe tranquilly acquiescing in 
 the Spanish occupation of America, and entertaining no 
 suspicion whatever as to its ultimate destiny, while in the 
 seventeenth we find all the powers of Western Europe en 
 gaged in a struggle for its possession ? And how is it that 
 in this struggle we find England taking the lead from the 
 beginning, in course of time absorbing all foreign elements, 
 and ultimately bringing about the great change which has 
 made America, in all its length and breadth, a continent of 
 free states, framed more or less on an English model, and all 
 having their principal commercial and social connection with 
 England, and that connection an increasing one ? 
 
 Of these interesting historical questions the narratives of 
 the Elizabethan seamen furnish the solution. They tell the 
 story of a mighty reaction against the claim of a single 
 Catholic power, based on a title derived from the Pope, to the 
 exclusive possession of the New World; and this reaction 
 followed closely upon, and was intimately connected with, that 
 great reaction against the general claims of the Papacy in 
 Europe which goes by the name of the Reformation. In both 
 movements England took a leading part; and, in order to 
 understand the history of English America, it is necessary to 
 go back to the beginning of each. It is a mistake to regard 
 the Puritan emigrants of New England and the commercial 
 adventurers who cultivated the tobacco plant in Virginia, as 
 the founders of English America. These great enterprises 
 were the last of a long series. When Jamestown and Ply- 
 
X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 mouth were founded, English vessels had frequented the 
 Atlantic shores of the New World for half a century. In 
 early times, the trade of Spanish America had been free to 
 the English. When the false and selfish colonial policy of 
 Spain excluded them from it, the beginnings of the struggle 
 made their appearance. The English pursued their trade, in 
 spite of all the ordinances of the Spanish councils. The 
 force and determination of the English traders overbore the 
 official resistance which they encountered, and the cessation of 
 legitimate trade thus gave birth to smuggling. The profits of 
 smuggling necessarily exceed the profits of lawful commerce ; 
 and, as it became more and more lucrative, it was engaged in 
 more widely. From smuggling there is but one step to piracy, 
 and from piracy but one step to territorial conquest ; and it 
 was by these successive steps that English enterprise advanced, 
 in its slow encroachment on the inheritance the daring of a few 
 Spaniards had won for their Crown in the New World. 
 
 It has been truly said that all history rests on an economical 
 basis ; and the great extension of English enterprise which the 
 Atlantic voyages represent could certainly not have taken 
 place unless it had been supported by a corresponding increase 
 in the wealth of England. It is well known that such an in 
 crease took place in the reign of Elizabeth. The fertility of 
 England's soil, the comparatively large number, the thrift, and 
 the industry of the inhabitants of its towns, had always made 
 of England a capital-making country ; and the stoppage of the 
 continual drain of money to Rome, the dispersion of one-third 
 of the land, previously belonging to monasteries, among the 
 mass of the people, the cessation of wars, and the great 
 reduction in numbers of the unproductive classes which these 
 causes involved, had by this time increased its gross capital 
 yet more. All the trades of England increased, and many of 
 
INTRODUCTION. XI 
 
 them were connected with the shipping trade, and contributed 
 to the increase of that also. London and other towns in 
 creased vastly in extent, a movement which statesmen in vain 
 tried to check by Act of Parliament. Of the increase of 
 personal wealth at this period the face of the land still affords 
 ample evidence. The great country houses, the magnificent 
 tombs to be found in churches, the costly furniture and pic 
 tures with which Englishmen now began to surround them 
 selves, still remain to testify to it ; and this increase of 
 personal wealth accounts in some measure for the readiness of 
 Englishmen to engage in remote and romantic enterprises. 
 
 But other causes than increase of internal wealth and activity 
 contributed to the great change which was being wrought out. 
 Without some powerful external stimulus these steps would 
 not have been taken. Jealousy of Spanish wealth and power, 
 and resentment of Spanish religious tyranny, supplied such a 
 stimulus. The death of Mary, in 1558, set the match to the 
 train. Henceforth no respect was shown to the rights and 
 claims of the Spanish Crown, and the English seamen regarded 
 the New World as their own. The growth of English maritime 
 power had by this time reached a critical stage. It had fully 
 kept pace with the growing maritime power of the other 
 nations of Western Europe. From early times down to the 
 age of the Plantagenets, England had been little more than a 
 peninsula of France ; and the constant necessity of traversing 
 the English Channel or " Narrow Sea " had produced a 
 numerous race of hardy seamen in the south and west of 
 England. The addition of England to the dominions of 
 Anjou, the conquest of Ireland, and the growth of trade 
 with the Low Countries and the Baltic, led to a widening of 
 the scope of English seamanship ; and Chaucer represents his 
 shipman as knowing the coast from Gothland to Finisterre, 
 
xil INTRODUCTION. 
 
 and every creek in Brittany and Spain. . When the plan of 
 Columbus had been rejected by Genoa, Venice, and Portugal, 
 he sent his brother to London to propose that the westward 
 voyage should be undertaken by the English King; and the 
 age of the Tudors saw a great increase in the shipping of 
 England, as well as a great extension of the field over which it 
 sailed. English vessels now traded in great numbers to the 
 Levant; and in the reign of Mary they first reached the 
 northern ports of Russia. Following the track of the Italians, 
 Spaniards, and Portuguese, they coasted the shores of Africa 
 and reached Guinea. This coast was on the highway to the 
 New World; and English ships were now embarked on the 
 course which had led Columbus and his followers thither. 
 The zone of the trade-winds thus gained, the time was not far 
 distant when English vessels would ply to-and-fro between 
 America and Europe. 
 
 The beginning of the reign of Elizabeth thus saw several 
 powerful causes united to force English enterprise irresistibly 
 on the path of its destiny. To accomplish this end, an 
 economical cause, dependent on the increase of wealth, a 
 commercial cause, dependent on the steady widening of the 
 field of navigation, and a political cause, dependent on the 
 impending breach with Spain, blended their forces. But 
 another, of not less importance, was at work also ; and this 
 may be described as an intellectual cause. It is difficult to 
 over-estimate the change which half-a-century had wrought in 
 the habits and objects of English thought. In every direction 
 the area over which it ranged was widened ; and, as ever 
 happens, its strength and sagacity increased with the increase 
 in the field of its operations. To understand the change 
 which less than a century produced, Shakspere must be com 
 pared with Skelton, and Bacon with "The Golden Legend." 
 
INTRODUCTION. Xlll 
 
 This change was greatly assisted by the total transformation 
 which astronomy and geography had undergone. The old 
 theory of the physical sciences faded away like a dream, and 
 many other things began to fade with it. On the other hand, there 
 was a deepening of man's faith in himself, and in the physical 
 wonders which were yet to be revealed to him by the due use of 
 the intellectual instrument with which the Creator had equipped 
 him. Bacon did but express a general feeling when he augured 
 for his times the fulfilment of the prophecy that many should 
 pass to and fro, and that knowledge should be increased. 
 
 And yet, with the single exception of Raleigh, it cannot be 
 said that the Elizabethan seamen were affected in their own 
 persons by this intellectual movement. They were rather its 
 unconscious instruments; and their enterprises may all be 
 accounted for by the law that forces capital into remunerative 
 channels. With Raleigh it was otherwise. He had studied 
 the growing sciences at Oxford ; and it is possible that he had 
 there heard Hakluyt himself lecture on the new cosmography. 
 Raleigh had, to the best of his ability, mastered the history of 
 the New World. The story of the Spanish conquests stimu 
 lated his imagination, as the wondrous natural history of the 
 New World stimulated the imagination of Bacon. Raleigh's 
 dream was to make the New World the inheritance of the 
 Englishman. Bacon aspired more highly, and sought to make 
 man absolute master over that realm of nature which was now 
 being revealed in all its extent. Neither lived to see their 
 dream realized ; but time has done, and is still doing, much to 
 realize both. 
 
 Though the shore of the American continent had been 
 reached by an English crew before Columbus himself reached 
 it in 1498, the English had long abandoned it to the two 
 powers of the Peninsula ; and in the attempt to gain a footing 
 
XIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 on it, as in so many other things, they were following the 
 example of the French. When Hawkins undertook his first 
 voyage, in 1562, the voyages of the English to the American 
 coast which had been occasionally made in the time of the 
 Henries, were out of mind. Spain had found the New World 
 a great treasury of the precious metals. Leaving the Brazilian 
 shore to Portugal, as being within the meridian of demarcation 
 agreed on between the two Crowns by the treaty made in 
 1495, Spain had claimed to exclude the rest of Europe from 
 the whole of the trans-Atlantic continent ; and in this exclu 
 sion the rest of Europe had acquiesced. France alone had 
 hitherto set up an adverse claim. In 1521, Francis of France, 
 jealous of Charles V., his successful rival for the Imperial 
 Crown, had provoked war with him ; and one of his first 
 acts was to despatch the Genoese seaman Verazzano to take 
 possession of the coast of North America. In this war, in which 
 the Spanish pretensions were first disputed, Henry VIII. had 
 taken the side of Spain ; and it was brought to an end in 
 1525 by the defeat of Pavia, and the capture of the French 
 King. Of this episode no traces remained in the New World 
 beyond the empty name of New France, applied by the 
 enemies of Spain to the whole continent of North America. 
 But the hardy seamen of Brittany and Gascony had, in the 
 course of this war, already begun to infest the West Indian 
 shores for the double purpose of smuggling and piracy. The 
 way once discovered, it was never forgotten ; and it was from 
 their French neighbours that the English seamen learnt the 
 way to the West Indies, and the profit that the voyage thither 
 yielded. France thus became the pioneer of England in 
 smuggling and piracy, as she afterwards became the pioneer of 
 England in colonization. 
 
 The struggle of France against the rising power of Spain 
 
INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 continued until the accession of Elizabeth. Throughout this 
 struggle, save during the short reign of Edward VI., the 
 English Crown, swayed partly by a traditional enmity to its 
 near neighbour, and partly by sympathy with the old religion, 
 had sided with Spain ; and the loss of Calais to the French 
 was the last penalty it paid for this policy. The death of 
 Mary changed the face of affairs. It gave a presumptive 
 head to the growing Protestant faction throughout Europe, in 
 the person of the English sovereign. For the struggle in 
 Europe was no longer a mere struggle against the political 
 predominance, but against the intense religious bigotry of the 
 new power which overshadowed it; and it was the avowed 
 policy of Philip to re-establish the old religion throughout 
 Europe. Many years elapsed before the breach actually took 
 place. But it was long foreseen, and long before it happened 
 events were adapting themselves to it. When the fire had 
 once burst forth, it quickly spread to America and for two 
 centuries and more thenceforth, whenever the flame of war 
 was lighted in the Old World, it was destined similarly to 
 envelope the New. It was out of the question to attack Philip 
 in the Spanish peninsula. Its Italian possessions had been the 
 place where the Spanish Crown had usually been attacked by the 
 French ; but the policy of attacking Spain in Italy had proved 
 unfruitful. The exploits of the Protestant smugglers and pirates 
 of England and France pointed the way to one more effectual. 
 It was from the West Indies that Philip derived the wealth 
 that enabled him to pay armies and corrupt politicians ; and 
 these exploits proved that it was possible to cut short his 
 supplies. To harass him in America, to seize his huge ships 
 with their loads of gold and silver, was at once to cripple him 
 and supply his enemy with the sinews of war. The politicians 
 of England looked forward to the time when they could do 
 
XVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 this openly. The shifting policy of Elizabeth prevented this 
 during the earlier period of her reign. But from its very 
 beginning the English smugglers and pirates were busy in the 
 West Indies, and the politicians of England winked at their 
 deeds. The interlopers soon discovered that the Spaniards were 
 totally incapable of keeping them out of the American seas. 
 This fact had long been known to the French, and it now 
 became known to the English. The continued piracies of the 
 French on the treasure fleets had led to their being protected 
 by a small convoy of war ships. Spain was incapable of doing 
 more. To maintain the command of the huge American 
 shore was quite out of her power. She could barely hold the 
 ports ; and the ports were as yet unfortified. It needed 
 nothing but a small armed force for the English pirate to make 
 himself master of the capital towns of the New World. 
 
 The breach with England let loose upon Spanish America a 
 swarm of the most experienced pirates in the world, and the 
 greatest among them was the famous West-countryman who 
 was the first among Englishmen to " put a girdle round about 
 the earth." Shakspere is not more conspicuously the first of 
 English poets, and Bacon the first of English philosophers, 
 than Drake is the first of English pirates. His first attacks on 
 the Spaniards were made by way of lawful reprisal for his 
 private wrongs. He had a share in the last venture of Haw 
 kins ; and the perfidy of the Spanish Viceroy in the port of 
 St. John had caused him severe pecuniary loss. The claim 
 founded upon this was vigorously prosecuted by Drake 
 in the only way in which its prosecution was possible. 
 After some years of experience in his adopted calling of 
 plundering the Spaniards, Drake resolved on an expedition of 
 a novel and extremely daring character. He was by this time 
 too well known on the Atlantic coast. On this side of 
 
INTRODUCTION. XVH 
 
 America the Spanish ports and fleets were jealously guarded ; 
 on the Pacific side, the source of the supply of gold and 
 silver, it was quite otherwise. The Spaniards never dreamed 
 that the corsairs of England and France would dare to pass 
 the Straits of Magellan and attack them on the very shores of 
 Peru, and they had on this side neither soldiers, nor ships of 
 war, nor fortifications. The huge vessels which brought gold 
 from Valdivia, and silver from Arica, to the port of Panama, 
 to be then carried over the isthmus and shipped to Europe, 
 were merely manned by a small mixed crew, and the work of 
 navigation was even entrusted to negro slaves. The ports had 
 no garrisons. It was Drake's plan to pass the Straits of 
 Magellan secretly, appear suddenly on the coast of Peru, 
 plunder ships and ports, and sail before the trade-winds across 
 the Pacific, thus reaching home with his plunder by circum 
 navigating the globe. This feat had been rarely performed since 
 the squadron of Magellan, above half-a-century before, had 
 first proved its possibility ; and no English vessel had hitherto 
 navigated the Pacific Ocean. No English vessel had hitherto 
 been to the east of the Cape of Good Hope, or seen the rich 
 and wonderful East, which the Portuguese had reached three- 
 quarters of a century before, and of the trade of which they 
 were now in possession. 
 
 Drake's plan of plundering the Pacific coast, and navigating 
 the Pacific and the Indian seas, had been several years ripen 
 ing. When it was put into execution, another project had 
 been brought forward for putting England in communication 
 with the Pacific Ocean and India. This was Frobisher's pro 
 ject for making the North-West Passage. Frobisher's project 
 had passed the stage of mere discussion. An attempt had 
 been made to execute it. After fifteen years of fruitless en 
 deavour, its author had succeeded in procuring a couple of 
 
 b 
 
XVlii INTRODUCTION. 
 
 barques of twenty and twenty-five tons, with which he pro 
 posed to sail to the north, leaving Greenland on the right, to 
 pass round the continent of America, and then reach the 
 Indies by sailing to the south-west. The year before Drake 
 started on his " Famous Voyage," Frobisher had made the 
 ice-bound coasts which lay opposite to Greenland, on the 
 further side of the great straits which separate that dreary 
 region from the American shores. He had discovered, as he 
 thought, a strait leading thence to the Pacific. Along this strait 
 he had sailed for sixty leagues ; and he returned home with 
 the intelligence that he had undoubtedly discovered the 
 passage on the north corresponding to that which had been 
 discovered by Magellan in the south. As Magellan had done, 
 he called this passage by his own name, and denominated it 
 Frobisher's Strait. 
 
 This had taken place in 1576; and in 1577 Frobisher 
 started on his second voyage with one of the Queen's large 
 ships. He returned in the same year without having reached 
 the Pacific. But little doubt was felt as to his ultimate 
 success ; and if he were successful, he would have been the 
 first Englishman to navigate the Pacific and reach the Indies 
 by way of the west Drake was determined to secure this 
 distinction for himself; and accordingly, while Frobisher was 
 returning from this second voyage, Drake was making his 
 preparations for executing his cherished project of passing the 
 Straits of Magellan. Frobisher was for making the North- 
 West passage which, as was believed, had been discovered, but 
 not passed. Drake was for making the South-West passage, by 
 a route which was known to exist, but which was full of 
 dangers and difficulties, the extent of which was unknown. 
 One thing was common to both plans : this was the hope of 
 plunder. Frobisher had brought back, on his first voyage, 
 
INTRODUCTION. XIX 
 
 from the icy shores of Davis's Straits, some lumps of a black 
 stone, which was pronounced by certain goldsmiths to contain 
 gold. On his second voyage he brought back great quantities 
 of this worthless rubbish, which was immediately on his return 
 safely secured in Bristol Castle ; and in the ensuing year he 
 was to return and bring back yet more, lest other adventurers 
 should seek to avail themselves of his fortunate discovery. 
 The treasure of which Drake was in search was of a more 
 certain sort. It consisted of gold and silver, of no doubtful 
 quality ; and it lay ready to his hand in the ships and store 
 houses of the Spanish Government. 
 
 It was in November, 1577, that Drake sailed from Plymouth 
 on his " Famous Voyage," giving out that he was bound for 
 Alexandria; and in November, 1580, he reached England, 
 after making the circuit of the globe. From this date English 
 enterprise takes its widest scope ; for the " Famous Voyage " 
 first introduced English sailors to the Pacific and the Indian 
 Oceans. Drake merely circumnavigated the globe for the 
 purpose of carrying his booty home more securely. No part 
 of his voyage involved any difficult feat of seamanship. He 
 soon discovered the falsehood of the traditional description of 
 the Strait as a long and intricate passage, through dreary and 
 inhospitable shores, where the weather was always bleak and 
 tempestuous, and where the danger of shipwreck was con 
 tinual. The passage of the Strait is, in fact, perfectly safe and 
 easy for small vessels, and Drake effected it in fifteen days. 
 Nor was the westward voyage over the Pacific fraught with any 
 great difficulty. It was not like the return voyage from the 
 Moluccas to Acapulco, which it had taken the Spaniards half-a- 
 century to learn how to make. Like the celebrated voyage 
 of Columbus, it was in reality a very simple matter, demand 
 ing nothing but perseverance in a straight course, with a fair 
 
 b 2 
 
XX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 wind provided by an invariable natural law. The latitude of 
 the Moluccas, which Drake knew accurately, once reached, 
 he was back in the Old World, and had only to follow the 
 return course of the Portuguese pilots round the Cape of 
 Good Hope. 
 
 The successful piracies of Drake and his fellows suggested 
 the idea of territorial conquest. The English Crown had 
 always been possessed of territory beyond seas. It had once 
 held nearly the whole seaboard of France : it still held 
 Ireland and the Channel Islands, and Calais had only recently 
 been lost. The exploits of the last fifteen years amply proved 
 two things. They proved that the power of England at sea 
 had not diminished, but increased. They also proved that the 
 Crown of Spain was utterly unable to protect its vast acqui 
 sitions in the New World. The consequence was obvious. 
 So far as America was held by the fleets of Spain, it lay at the 
 mercy of the English ; for the English were supreme on the 
 Atlantic. But here the power of the enemies of Spain ceased. 
 The adventurers who plundered the Spanish ports were too wise 
 to attempt permanent occupation. Such an attempt would have 
 presented insurmountable difficulties. On land the Spaniards 
 were as formidable in America as in Europe ; and to displace 
 them in their colonial governments would have demanded 
 regular military armaments, such as England was incapable of 
 furnishing. No one who knows the story of the military help 
 lessness of England when Philip dispatched the Great Armada 
 to reduce it, can wonder that no attempt was ever made to 
 bring Spanish colonies under the permanent sway of England. 
 One thing remained. The English might seize those parts of 
 America which were yet unoccupied by the Spaniards. The 
 sturdy agricultural population of England was increasing be 
 yond the demand for agricultural labour. The desire for 
 
INTRODUCTION. XXI 
 
 territorial possessions was increasing among the poorer gentry. 
 The landless adventurers of Spain and Portugal had obtained 
 grants, formed colonies, reduced the natives to subjection and 
 Christianity. English adventurers, it was argued, might do the 
 like where Spain had left the ground unoccupied ; and the idea 
 of territorial conquest thus gave birth to the idea of colo 
 nization. 
 
 As English pirates had trodden in the footsteps of the French 
 pirates, so English colonists now trod in the footsteps of French 
 colonists. Piracy had suggested colonization to the French a few 
 years before ; and under the auspices of Coligny attempts had 
 been successively made to found French Protestant colonies 
 on the coasts of Brazil and Florida. When Elizabeth came to 
 the English Throne, the settlement of Fort Coligny at Rio de 
 Janeiro was yet in existence. Two years afterwards it was 
 destroyed by the Portuguese ; and the French statesman then 
 turned his attention to Florida. Fort Caroline was founded 
 by Laudonniere in the same year in which Hawkins made his 
 first voyage to the West Indies. But the French adventurers 
 who followed Laudonniere found their new occupation less 
 profitable than that in which they had been bred ; and their 
 leader had no sooner left them than they forsook the culti 
 vation of the soil and the conversion of the Indians for the 
 easier and more lucrative pursuit of piracy. The colony of 
 Fort Caroline was in great straits when Hawkins relieved it on 
 his return home from his second voyage ; and it was soon 
 afterwards destroyed by the Spaniards. 
 
 The failure of the French to occupy America had been due, 
 not to the energy of Spain, but to want of proper materials 
 and organization on their own part. The same thing hap 
 pened to the English ; and it took our ancestors thirty years to 
 learn the art of colonization. The success of the founders of 
 
XX11 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Virginia and New England is due to the experience which was> 
 gradually stored up by the failures of Gilbert and Raleigh. 
 Both Gilbert and Raleigh seem to have satisfied them 
 selves that the French had struck out the, right path. The 
 former intended to make the St. Lawrence the base of his 
 colonial undertakings, thus imitating the failure of Roberval. 
 The latter imitated N Coligny in placing his colony to the south 
 ward, selecting, however, a spot more remote than Fort 
 Caroline from the centre of the Spanish Indies, and with a 
 climate better adapted to English labourers. New England 
 was founded by pursuing the path of Gilbert, and Virginia by 
 pursuing that of Raleigh. But success was only made possible 
 " by repeated failures ; and in the midst of these failures another 
 path seemed to open itself for the planting of the English 
 power in America. Sir Walter Raleigh suddenly conceived 
 the plan of following in the footsteps of Cortes, and con 
 quering for England the fabled empire of Guiana. 
 
 Raleigh's attempt to discover and conquer the fabled empire 
 of Guiana may seem at first to stand alone in English colonial 
 history. It takes, however, a perfectly natural place in that 
 history. The false belief in a third great aboriginal empire, 
 rivalling in wealth and extent those famous empires which had 
 been won for Spain by Cortes and Pizarro, was exactly^adapted 
 to catch the imagination of the Elizabethan adventurer at the 
 moment when piracy was developing into conquest and colo 
 nization. Spain had left it untouched, and apparently left it 
 for that nation which had proved how incapable Spain was of 
 extending its conquests. Nor was Raleigh culpably imposed 
 upon by a gross fabrication, such as men of more sense and 
 less enthusiasm would have rejected. He was following up an 
 enterprise which had actively occupied the Spaniards during 
 half a century, and which had absorbed far more lives and 
 
INTRODUCTION. XX111 
 
 money than were involved in his own venture ; and the scanty 
 results of his expedition of 1595, the narrative of which con 
 cludes the present volume, abated not a whit of his hopes. 
 To the end of his life he believed in Guiana ; and the belief 
 was equally current among the adventurous spirits of England 
 after his death. 
 
 The enterprises of Raleigh, with which that of his half- 
 brother Gilbert must be classed, are the true beginnings of 
 Anglo-American history. Those who went before him had 
 merely prepared the way. Hawkins had led English seamen 
 across the Atlantic, and opened the American seas. Drake 
 had proved the inability of Spain to keep them off. Conquest 
 of the Spanish settlements being out of the question, Hakluyt 
 had urged the English, in imitation of French example, to 
 plant colonies in those parts of America which the Spaniards 
 had not occupied. Gilbert had attempted to make a begin 
 ning in this undertaking. But Raleigh was the first to put his 
 hand to the plough in right earnest, and to persevere un 
 daunted by failure. Uniformly unfortunate as were his 
 schemes for conquest and colonization, it was through his 
 failures that success at length became possible ; and his name 
 is better entitled than any other to rank in history as the 
 founder of the Anglo-American nation. 
 
 Such is the general historical outline which the narratives 
 contained in the present volume enable the reader to fill up. 
 Little needs to be said of the narratives themselves. They 
 reflect, with the closeness and fidelity which only belongs to 
 contemporary records, the aspect presented to English eyes by 
 the great field of new enterprise which was opened beyond the 
 sea to Englishmen of Elizabeth's reign : and they also show with 
 what patience and energy this field was explored. Those who 
 wrote them were, for the most part, men who had themselves 
 
XXIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 taken an active part in the work, and who were scholarly 
 enough to use the pure and expressive English of Shakspere's 
 day with ease and effect. Without claiming for them any high 
 literary rank, it may be said that they are, from a merely lite 
 rary point of view, good specimens of English narrative 
 written when the language was in its prime. Most of them 
 are here for the first time, it is believed, extracted from the 
 black-letter obscurity of Hakluyt's collection, and arranged in 
 chronological order. 
 
VOYAGES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 HAWKINS. 
 
 The history of English America begins with the three slave- 
 trading voyages of John Hawkins, made in the years 1562, 
 1564, and 1567. Nothing that Englishmen had done in con 
 nection with America, previously to those voyages, had any 
 result worth recording. England had known the New World 
 nearly seventy years, for John Cabot had reached it shortly 
 after its discovery by Columbus ; and, as the tidings of the 
 discovery spread, many English adventurers had crossed the 
 Atlantic to the American coast. But as years passed, and the 
 excitement of novelty subsided, the English voyages to 
 America had become fewer and fewer, and at length ceased 
 altogether. It is easy to account for this. There was no 
 opening for conquest or plunder, for the Tudors were at 
 peace with the Spanish sovereigns : and there could be no 
 territorial occupation, for the Papal title of Spain and Portugal 
 to the whole of the new continent could not be disputed by 
 Catholic England. No trade worth having existed with the 
 natives : and Spain and Portugal kept the trade with their 
 own settlers in their own hands. Meanwhile English com 
 merce found profitable openings elsewhere. 
 
 B 
 
2 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 In 1521, Francis I. began the great struggle against the 
 European domination of Spain : and the French began to 
 plunder and smuggle in Spanish America. The English in 
 time imitated them. But a legitimate connection also subsisted. 
 Emigrants of other nations had always been allowed to proceed 
 in Spanish and Portuguese vessels to the Spanish and Portu 
 guese settlements. Most of these were Italian or French. But 
 Englishmen and Scotchmen were found among them ; and long 
 before there was formed any definite idea of English coloniza 
 tion in the New World, there existed in more than one town of 
 importance a little colony of British, Catholics by religion, and 
 half Spaniards or Portuguese by manners. Letters passed 
 between them and their friends at home ; in time they 
 returned in person ; and through this channel a distinct idea 
 of the New World reached England long before the face of 
 England was changed by the accession of Elizabeth. Besides 
 this, the Portuguese had begun to avail themselves of the help 
 of English mariners, as in former times they had availed them 
 selves of the help of Italian mariners ; and early in the reign of 
 Henry the Eighth a connection existed between England and the 
 Portuguese plantations in Brazil, by way of the Guinea coast. 
 Hakluyt was assured that old William Hawkins, of Plymouth, 
 father of the more famous seaman whose voyages follow, had 
 made the Brazilian voyage, by way of Guinea, in 1530 and 
 1532. No mention is made of slaves in Hakluyt's account 
 of old William Hawkins ; but it is extremely probable that the 
 voyages of the father, if they ever took place, were slavery 
 ventures, like the voyages of the son. 
 
 As the plantations in America grew and multiplied, the 
 demand for negroes rapidly increased. The Spaniards had 
 no African settlements; but the Portuguese had many, and, 
 with the aid of French and English adventurers, they procured 
 
HAWKINS. 3 
 
 from these settlements slaves enough to supply both themselves 
 and the Spaniards. But the Brazilian plantations grew so fast, 
 about the middle of the century, that they absorbed the 
 entire supply, and the Spanish colonists knew not where to 
 look for negroes. This penury of slaves in the Spanish Indies 
 became known to the English and French captains who 
 frequented the Guinea coast ; and John Hawkins, who had 
 been engaged from boyhood in the trade with Spain and the 
 Canaries, resolved in 1562 to take a cargo of negro slaves to 
 Hispaniola. The little squadron with which he executed this 
 project was the first English squadron which navigated the West 
 Indian seas. This voyage opened those seas to the English. 
 
 England had not yet broken with Spain, and the law 
 excluding English vessels from trading with the Spanish 
 colonists was not strictly enforced. The trade was profitable, 
 and Hawkins found no difficulty in disposing of his cargo to 
 great advantage. A meagre note (pp. 7, 8) from the pen of 
 Hakluyt, contains all that is known of the first American 
 voyage of Hawkins. In its details it must have closely 
 resembled the second voyage. In the first voyage, however, 
 Hawkins had no occasion to carry his wares further than three 
 ports on the northern side of Hispaniola. These ports, 
 far away from San Domingo, the capital, were already well- 
 known to the French smugglers. He did not venture into the 
 Caribbean sea ; and, having loaded his ships with their return 
 cargo, he made the best of his way back. In his second 
 voyage, as will be seen, he entered the Caribbean Sea, still 
 keeping, however, at a safe distance from San Domingo, and 
 sold his slaves on the mainland. 
 
 This voyage was on a much larger scale, and the Earls of 
 Pembroke and Leicester swelled the number of the adven 
 turers who supported him. On the other hand new difficulties 
 
 B 2 
 
4 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 confronted him. The news of his previous expedition had 
 reached Philip, and had resulted in complaints to Elizabeth, 
 and in an order strictly prohibiting the Spanish colonists in the 
 New World from trading with him. The common statement 
 that Hawkins "forced the defenceless Spanish colonists to take 
 his negroes at prices fixed by him " (J. G. Kohl, History of the 
 Discovery of Maine, p. 443,) is incorrect. Hawkins, indeed, 
 broke down, by threats or force, the opposition of the Spanish 
 military officials; but the colonists, as the narrative shows, were 
 ready enough to buy when this had been done. 
 
 The second voyage of Hawkins differed from the first, in 
 that it was prolonged so as to become an important voyage of 
 discovery. Having sold his slaves in the continental ports, 
 and loaded his vessels with hides and other goods bought with 
 the produce, Hawkins determined to strike out a new path 
 and sail home with the Gulf-stream, which would carry him 
 northwards past the shores of Florida. Sparke's narrative, 
 which follows, proves that at every point in these expeditions 
 the Englishman was following in the track of the French. He 
 had French pilots and seamen on board, and there is little 
 doubt that one at least of these had already been with 
 Laudonniere in Florida, The French seamen guided him to 
 Laudonniere's settlement, where his arrival was most oppor 
 tune. They then pointed him the way by the coast of North 
 America, then universally known in the mass as New France, 
 to Newfoundland, and thence, with the prevailing westerly 
 winds, to Europe. This was the pioneer voyage made by 
 Englishmen along coasts afterwards famous in ^history through 
 English colonization. It corresponded to that of Verazzano, 
 forty years earlier, which had opened the way to French 
 colonization in Florida and Canada. 
 
 The extremely interesting narrative which is here given 
 
HAWKINS. 5 
 
 (p. 9), is from the pen of John Sparke, one of Hawkins' 
 gentlemen companions. It contains the first information con 
 cerning America and its natives, which was published in 
 England by an English eye-witness, and ranks in all respects 
 among the most interesting pieces in Hakluyt's collection. 
 The style is singularly free, simple, and graceful, and contrasts 
 markedly with the condensed narrative which follows it. 
 
 The second voyage of Hawkins won him wealth and reputa 
 tion. In 1565 he obtained his well-known grant of arms, with 
 the crest of " a demi-moor, bound and captive." The breach 
 was widening between England and Spain, and his successes 
 opened a tempting prospect to English adventurers. The 
 inferiority of Spain at sea was more than suspected; and the 
 fears of the Spaniards were by this time thoroughly aroused. 
 The Spanish Ambassador met Hawkins at Court, and invited 
 him to dinner. Hawkins accepted, and at dinner told the re 
 presentative of Philip that he proposed to repeat his voyage in 
 the next May (1566). Accidents delayed the equipment of the 
 fleet until October. Meanwhile the remonstrances of Philip 
 had their effect; and, just as Hawkins was on the point of 
 starting, a letter arrived at Plymouth from Cecil, forbidding 
 him, in the Queen's name, to traffic in breach of the laws of 
 Spain, and requiring from him a bond in ^500 to this effect 
 before his vessels started. Hawkins executed the bond, and 
 despatched the ships, himself remaining at home. No nar 
 rative of the expedition has survived; but it is certain that the 
 ships returned richly freighted, and that large profits were 
 made. In another year's time the aspect of things had 
 changed yet more. Elizabeth had given open countenance 
 to the insurrection in the Netherlands: and Hawkins was now 
 able to execute his plans without restraint. He founded a 
 permanent fortified factory on the Guinea coast, where negroes 
 
6 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 might be collected all the year round. Thence he sailed for 
 the West Indies a third time. Young Francis Drake sailed 
 with him in command of the Judith, a small vessel of fifty 
 tons. It is curious that in the narrative of Hawkins the name 
 of Drake is not mentioned. When the Minion and the Judith 
 escaped from the jaws of destruction in the port of San Juan, 
 Drake sailed straight for England. Possibly Hawkins regarded 
 this as an act of desertion; but it is difficult to see what better 
 course Drake could have taken. He could render Hawkins 
 no help, and might have been a cause of embarrassment. 
 
 Of the crushing blow which Hawkins in this expedition 
 received from the Spanish fleet, it- can only be said that his 
 own astounding audacity exposed him to it; and that the 
 only wonder is that either he or Drake escaped to tell the 
 tale. The maxim that no faith was to be kept with heretics 
 amply justified the Spanish commander. Unable to find food 
 for the crowded passengers on board the Minion, Hawkins put 
 half of them ashore. Two of the wretched survivors of this 
 party, named Job Hartop and Miles Philips, lived to write the 
 adventures which afterwards befell them. Both narratives are 
 in Hakluyt's collection. That of Philips is particularly worth 
 attention in connection with the brief narrative from the 
 pen of Hawkins, which is here printed. The misfortunes of 
 this last voyage naturally discouraged its projector; and it is 
 many years before he reappears in Anglo-American history. 
 His share in the reorganization of Elizabeth's navy, and in 
 repelling the Great Armada, has been too often described to 
 need here more than a passing allusion. 
 
1562] HAWKINS. 
 
 HAWKINS. FIRST VOYAGE. 
 
 The FIRST VOYAGE of the Right Worshipful and Valiant Knight 
 SIR JOHN HAWKINS, sometime Treasurer of Her Ma 
 jesty's Navy Royal, made to the WEST INDIES, 1562. 
 
 MASTER JOHN HAWKINS having made divers voyages to the 
 Isles of the Canaries, and there by his good and upright dealing 
 being grown in love and favour with the people, informed himself 
 amongst them, by diligent inquisition, of the state of the West 
 India, whereof he had received some knowledge by the instructions 
 of his father, but increased the same by the advertisements and 
 reports of that people. And being amongst other particulars 
 assured that negroes were very good merchandise in Hispaniola, 
 and that store of negroes might easily be had upon the coast of 
 Guinea, resolved with himself to make trial thereof, and communi 
 cated that device with his worshipful friends of London : namely, 
 with Sir Lionell Ducket, Sir Thomas Lodge, Mr. Gunson his 
 father-in-law, Sir William Winter, Mr. Bromfield, and others. All 
 which persons liked so well of his intention, that they became 
 liberal contributors and adventurers in the action. For which 
 purpose there were three good ships immediately provided : the 
 one called the Salomon, of the burden of 120 tons, wherein Mr. 
 Hawkins himself went as General : the second the Swallow, of 
 loo tons, wherein went for Captain Mr. Thomas Hampton : and 
 the third the Jonas, a barque of 40 tons, wherein the Master sup 
 plied the Captain's room : in which small fleet Mr. Hawkins took 
 with him not above 100 men, for fear of sickness and other 
 inconveniences, whereunto men in long voyages are commonly 
 subject. 
 
 With this company he put off and departed from the coast 
 of England in the month of October, 1562, and in his course 
 
8 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1562 
 
 touched first at Teneriffe, where he received friendly entertain 
 ment. From thence he passed to Sierra Leone, upon the coast 
 of Guinea, which place by the people of the country is called 
 Tagarin, where he stayed some good time, and got into his pos 
 session, partly by the sword and partly by other means, to the 
 number of 300 negroes at the least, besides other merchandise 
 which that country yieldeth. With this prey he sailed over the 
 ocean sea unto the island of Hispaniola, and arrived first at the 
 port of Isabella: and there he had reasonable utterance of his 
 English commodities, as also of some part of his negroes, trusting 
 the Spaniards no further than that by his own strength he was 
 able still to master them. From the port of Isabella he went to 
 Puerto de Plata, where he made like sales, standing always upon 
 his guard : from thence also he sailed to Monte Christi, another 
 port on the north side of Hispaniola, and the last place of his 
 touching, where he had peaceable traffic, and made vent of the 
 whole number of his negroes : for which he received in those three 
 places, by way of exchange, such a quantity of merchandise that 
 he did not only lade his own three ships with hides, ginger, sugars, 
 and some quantity of pearls, but he freighted also two other hulks 
 with hides and other like commodities, which he sent into Spain. 
 And thus, leaving the island, he returned and disembogued, passing 
 out by the islands of the Caicos, without further entering into the 
 Bay of Mexico, in this his first voyage to the West India. And 
 so, with prosperous success and much gain to himself and the 
 aforesaid adventurers, he came home, and arrived in the month of 
 September, 1563. 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 
 
 HAWKINS. SECOND VOYAGE. 
 
 NARRATIVE BY JOHN SPARKE. 
 
 The VOYAGE made by MR. JOHN HAWKINS, afterwards 
 Knight, Captain of the JESUS of Lubeck, one of Her Majesty's 
 ships, and General of the SALOMON, and other two barques 
 going in his company to the coast of GUINEA and the INDIES 
 OF NOVA HISPANIOLA, begun in A.D. 1564. 
 
 MASTER JOHN HAWKINS, with the Jesus of Lubeck, a ship of 
 700, and the Salomon, a ship of 140, the Tiger, a barque of 50, 
 and the Swallow, of 30 tons, being all well furnished with men to 
 the number of one hundred threescore and ten, as also with 
 ordnance and victuals requisite for such a voyage, departed out 
 of Plymouth on the i8th day of October, in the year of our Lord 
 1564, with a prosperous wind; at which departing, in cutting the 
 foresail, a marvellous misfortune happened to one of the officers 
 in the ship, who by the pulley of the sheet was slain out of hand, 
 being a sorrowful beginning to them all. And after their setting 
 out ten leagues to sea, he met the same day with the Minion, a 
 ship of the Queen's Majesty's, whereof was captain David Carlet, 
 and also her consort, the John Baptist, of London, being bound to 
 Guinea also, who hailed one another, after the custom of the sea, 
 with certain pieces of ordnance for joy of their meeting; which 
 done, the Minion departed from him to seek her other consort, the 
 Merlin, of London, which was astern out of sight, leaving in Mr. 
 Hawkins' company the John Baptist, her other consort. 
 
 Thus sailing forwards on their way with a prosperous wind until 
 the 2 ist of the same month; at that time a great storm arose, the 
 wind being at north-east about nine o'clock in the night, and 
 continued so twenty-three hours together, in which storm Mr. 
 
10 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 Hawkins lost the company of the John Baptist aforesaid, and of 
 his pinnace called the Swallow, his other three ships being sore 
 beaten with a storm. On the 23rd day, the Swallow, to his no 
 small rejoicing, came to him again in the night, ten leagues to the 
 northward of Cape Finisterre, he having put roomer, not being able 
 to double the Cape, in that there rose a contrary wind at south 
 west. On the 25th, the wind continuing contrary, he put into a 
 place in Galicia called Ferrol, where he remained five days, and 
 appointed all the masters of his ships an order for the keeping of 
 good company in this manner: The small ships to be always 
 ahead and aweather of the Jesus, and to speak twice a-day with 
 the Jesus at least. If in the day the ensign be over the poop of 
 the Jesus, or in the night two lights, then shall all the ships speak 
 with her. If there be three lights aboard the Jesus, then doth she 
 cast about. If the weather be extreme, that the small ships cannot 
 keep company with the Jesus, then all to keep company with the 
 Salomon, and forthwith to repair to the Island of Teneriffe, to the 
 northward of the road of Sirroes. If any happen to any misfor 
 tune, then to show two lights, and to shoot off a piece of ordnance. 
 If any lose company and come in sight again, to make three 
 yaws and strike the mizen three times. Serve God daily, love 
 one another, preserve your victuals, beware of fire, and keep good 
 company. 
 
 On the 26th day the Minion came in also where he was, for the 
 rejoicing whereof he gave them certain pieces of ordnance, after 
 the courtesy of the sea, for their welcome. But the Minion's men 
 had no mirth, because of their consort the Merlin, whom, at their 
 departure from Master Hawkins upon the coast of England, they 
 went to seek, and, having met with her, kept company two days 
 together ; and at last, by misfortune of fire (through the negligence 
 of one of their gunners), the powder in the gunner's room was set 
 on fire, which, with the first blast, struck out her poop, and there 
 withal lost three men, besides many sore burned (which escaped 
 by the brigantine being at her stern), and immediately, to the 
 great loss of the owners, and most horrible sight to the beholders, 
 she sank before their eyes. 
 
 On the 2oth day of the month Mr. Hawkins, with his consorts 
 and company of the Minion, having now both the brigantines at 
 her stern, weighed anchor, and set sail on their voyage, having a 
 prosperous wind thereunto. 
 
 On the 4th of November they had sight of the Island of 
 
1564] HAWKINS. II 
 
 Madeira, and, on the 6th, of Teneriffe, which they thought to 
 have been the Canary, in that they supposed themselves to have 
 been to the eastward of Teneriffe, and were not. But the Minion, 
 being three or four leagues ahead of us, kept on her course to 
 Teneriffe, having better sight thereof than the other had, and by 
 that means they parted company. For Mr. Hawkins and his 
 company went more to the west, upon which course having sailed 
 awhile, he espied another island, which he thought to be Teneriffe ; 
 and not being able, by means of the fog upon the hills, to discern 
 the same, nor yet to fetch it by night, went roomer until the 
 morning, being the 7th of November, which as yet he could not 
 discern, but sailed along the coast the space of two hours to 
 perceive some certain mark of Teneriffe, and found no likelihood 
 thereof at all, accounting that to be, as indeed it was, the Isle of 
 Palms: and so sailing forwards, espied another island called 
 Gomera, and also Teneriffe, to the which he made, and sailing 
 all night, came in the morning the next day to the port of Adecia, 
 where he found his pinnace which had departed from him on the 
 6th of the month, being in the weather of him ; and, espying the 
 pike of Teneriffe all a-high, bare thither. At his arrival, some 
 what before he came to anchor, he hoisted out his ship's pinnace, 
 rowing ashore, intending to have sent one with a letter to Peter 
 de Ponte, one of the Governors of the island, who dwelt a league 
 from the shore. But, as he pretended to have landed, suddenly 
 there appeared upon the two points of the road, men levelling of 
 bases and arquebuses at them, with divers others, to the number 
 of fourscore, with halberds, pikes, swords, and targets, which 
 happened so contrary to his expectation that it did greatly amaze 
 him; and the more because he was now in their danger, not 
 knowing well how to avoid it without some mischief. Wherefore 
 he determined to call to them for the better appeasing of the 
 matter, declaring his name, and professing himself to be an 
 especial friend to Peter de Ponte, and that he had sundry things 
 for him which he greatly desired. And in the meantime, while he 
 was thus talking with them, whereby he made them to hold their 
 hands, he willed the mariners to row away, so that at last he got 
 out of their danger. And then asking for Peter de Ponte, one of 
 his sons, being Senor Nicolas de Ponte, came forth, whom he 
 perceiving, desired to put his men aside, and he himself would 
 leap ashore and commune with him, which they did. So that 
 after communication had between them of sundry things, and of the 
 
12 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 fear they both had, Master Hawkins desired to have certain 
 necessaries provided for him. In the mean space, while these 
 things were providing, he trimmed the mainmast of the Jesus, 
 which in the storm aforesaid was sprung. Here he sojourned 
 seven days, refreshing himself and his men. In which time 
 Peter de Ponte, dwelling at Santa Cruz, a city twenty leagues 
 off, came to him, and gave him as gentle entertainment as if 
 he had been his own brother. To speak somewhat of these 
 islands, being called in old time Insulse Fortunatae, by means 
 of the flourishing thereof, the fruitfulness of them doth surely 
 far exceed all other that I have heard of; for they make wine 
 better than any in Spain, they have grapes of such bigness 
 that they may be compared to damsons, and in taste inferior 
 to none. For sugar, suckets, raisins of the sun, and many 
 other fruits, abundance. For rosin and raw silk there is great 
 store. They want neither corn, pullets, cattle, nor yet wild 
 fowl. They have many camels also, which, being young, are 
 eaten of the people for victuals, and, being old, they are 
 used for the carriage of necessaries ; whose property is that 
 he is taught to kneel at the taking of his load and unlading 
 again ; of understanding very good, but of shape very deformed, 
 with a little belly, long misshapen legs, and feet very broad of 
 flesh, without a hoof, all whole, saving the great toe, a back 
 bearing up like a molehill, a large and thin neck, with a little 
 head, with a bunch of hard flesh, which nature hath given him in 
 his breast, to lean upon. This beast liveth hardly, and is contented 
 with straw and stubble, but of force strong, being well able to 
 carry five hundred-weight. In one of these islands, called Fierro, 
 there is, by the report of the inhabitants, a certain tree that 
 raineth continually, by the dropping whereof the inhabitants and 
 cattle are satisfied with water, for other water have they none in 
 all the island. And it raineth in such abundance that it were 
 incredible unto a man to believe such a virtue to be in a tree; 
 but it is known to be a divine matter and a thing ordained of 
 God, at whose power therein we ought not to marvel, seeing He 
 did by His providence, as we read in the Scriptures, when the 
 children of Israel were going into the promised land, feed them 
 with manna from heaven for the space of forty years. Of the 
 trees aforesaid we saw in Guinea many, being of great height, 
 dropping continually ; but not so abundantly as the other, because 
 the leaves are narrower, and are like the leaves of a pear-tree. 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 13 
 
 About these islands are certain flitting islands, which have been 
 oftentimes seen, and when men approached near them, they 
 vanished. As the like hath been of these islands now known by 
 the report of the inhabitants, which were not found of long time 
 one after the other; and therefore it should seem he is not yet 
 born to whom God hath appointed the rinding of them. In this 
 island of Teneriffe there is a hill called The Pike, because it is 
 piked, which is in height, by their reports, twenty leagues, having, 
 both winter and summer, abundance of snow on the top of it. 
 This Pike may be seen on a clear day fifty leagues off; but it 
 showeth as though it were a black cloud a great height in the 
 element. I have heard of none to be compared with this in 
 height ; but in the Indies I have seen many, and in my judgment 
 not inferior to the Pike, and so the Spaniards write. 
 
 On the 1 5th of November, at night, we departed from Teneriffe, 
 and on the 2oth of the same we had sight of ten caravels that 
 were fishing at sea, with whom we would have spoken, but they, 
 fearing us, fled into a place of Barbary, called Cape de las 
 Barbas. 
 
 On the 2oth the ship's pinnace, with two men in her, sailing by 
 the ship, was overthrown by the oversight of them that went in 
 her, the wind being so great that, before they were espied, and 
 the ship had cast about for them, she was driven half a league to 
 leeward of the pinnace, and had lost sight of her, so that there 
 was small hope of recovery had not God's help and the captain s 
 diligence been, who, having well marked which way the pin 
 nace was by the sun, appointed twenty-four of the lustiest rowers 
 in the great boat to row to the windward, and so recovered, 
 contrary to all men's expectations, both the pinnace and the men 
 sitting upon the keel of her. 
 
 On the 2 $th he came to Cape Blanco, which is upon the 
 coast of Africa, and a place where the Portuguese do ride, that 
 fish there in the month of November especially, and is a very 
 good place of fishing for pargoes, mullet, and dog-fish. In this 
 place the Portuguese have no hold for their defence, but have 
 rescue of the barbarians, whom they entertain as their soldiers, 
 for the time of their being there and for their fishing upon that 
 coast of Africa, paying a certain tribute to the King of the 
 Moors. The people of that part of Africa are tawny, having 
 long hair, without any apparel. Their weapons in wars are 
 bows and arrows. 
 
14 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1564 
 
 On the 26th we departed from St. Avis Bay, within Cape 
 Blanco, where we refreshed ourselves with fish and other neces 
 saries; and on the 29th we came to Cape Verde, which lieth in 
 fourteen degrees and a-half. These people are all black, and are 
 called negroes, without any apparel, * * * 
 
 of stature goodly men, and well liking by reason of their food, 
 which passeth all other Guineans for kine, goats, pullen, rice, 
 fruits, and fish. Here we took fishes with heads like conies, and 
 teeth nothing varying, of a jolly thickness, but not past a foot long, 
 and is not to be eaten without flaying or cutting off his head. 
 To speak somewhat of the sundry sorts of these Guineans : the 
 people of Cape Verde are called Leophares, and counted the 
 goodliest men of all other, saving the Congoes, which do inhabit 
 on this side the Cape de Buena EsperanQa. These Leophares 
 have wars against the Jeloffes, which are borderers by them. 
 Their weapons are bows and arrows, targets, and short daggers, 
 darts also, but varying from other negroes' ; for whereas the others 
 use a long dart to fight with in their hands, they carry five or six 
 small ones apiece, which they cast with. These men also are 
 more civil than any other, because of their daily traffic with the 
 Frenchmen, and are of nature very gentle and loving ; for while 
 we were there we took in a Frenchman, who was one of the nine 
 teen that, going to Brazil, in a barque of Dieppe, of 60 tons, and 
 being a-seaboard of Cape Verde, 200 leagues, the planks of their 
 barque with a sea brake out upon them so suddenly, that much ado 
 they had to save themselves in their boats. But, by God's pro 
 vidence, the wind being westerly, which is rarely seen there, they 
 got to the shore, to the Isle Brava, and in great penury got to 
 Cape Verde, where they remained six weeks, and had meat and 
 drink of the same people. The said Frenchman having forsaken 
 his fellows, which were three leagues off from the shore, and, 
 wandering with the negroes to and fro, fortuned to come to the 
 water's side; and, communing with certain of his countrymen 
 which were in our ship, by their persuasions came away with us. 
 But his entertainment amongst them was such that he desired it 
 not ; but, through the importunate request of his countrymen, con 
 sented at last. Here we stayed but one night and part of the day ; 
 for on the 7th of December we came away, in that pretending to 
 have taken negroes there perforce, the Minion's men gave them 
 there to understand of our coming, and our pretence, wherefore 
 they did avoid the snares we had laid for them. 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 15 
 
 On the 8th of December we anchored by a small island called 
 Alcatrarsa,* wherein at our going ashore we found nothing but sea- 
 birds, as we call them gannets, but by the ' Portugals called 
 alcatrarses, who for that cause gave the said island the same 
 name. Herein half of our boats were laden with young and old 
 fowl, who, not being used to the sight of men, flew so about us 
 that we struck them down with poles. In this place the two ships 
 riding, the two barques, with their boats, went into an island of 
 the Sapies called La Formio, to see if they could take any of 
 them, and there landed to the number of eighty in armour, and, 
 espying certain, made to them ; but they fled in such order into 
 the woods, that it booted them not to follow. So, going on their 
 way forward till they came to a river which they could not pass 
 over, they espied on the other side two men, who with their bows and 
 arrows shot terribly at them. Whereupon we discharged certain 
 arquebuses at them again ; but the ignorant people weighed it not, 
 because they knew not the danger thereof; but used a marvellous 
 crying in their fight, with leaping and turning their tails that it was 
 most strange to see, and gave us great pleasure to behold them. At 
 the last, one being hurt with an arquebus upon the thigh, looked 
 upon his wound and wist not how it came, because he could not see 
 the pellet. Here Master Hawkins perceiving no good to be done 
 amongst them, because we could not find their towns, and also 
 not knowing how to go into Rio Grande for want of a pilot, 
 which was the very occasion of our coming thither; and finding 
 so many shoals, feared with our great ships to go in, and there 
 fore departed on our pretended way to the Idols. 
 
 On the loth of December we had a north-east wind, with rain 
 and storm, which weather continuing two days together, was the 
 occasion that the Salomon and Tiger lost our company. For 
 whereas the Jesus and pinnace anchored at one of the islands 
 called Sambulat on the I2th day, the Salomon and Tiger came 
 not thither till the I4th. In this island we stayed certain days, 
 going every day on shore to take the inhabitants, with burning 
 and spoiling their towns, who before were Sapies, and were con 
 quered by the Samboses, inhabitants beyond Sierra Leone. These 
 Samboses had inhabited there three years before our coming 
 
 * The Alcatraz is the Man-of-war Bird, a species of cormorant, 
 t Probably the island now called Sherborough Island. 
 
1 6 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 thither, and in so short space have so planted the ground that 
 they had great plenty of mill, rice, roots, pompions, pullen, goats, of 
 small fry dried ; every house full of the country fruit planted by 
 God's providence, as palm-trees, fruits like dates, and sundry 
 other, in no place in all that country so abundantly, whereby they 
 lived more deliciously than others. These inhabitants have divers 
 of the Sapies which they took in the wars as their slaves, whom 
 only they kept to till the ground, in that they neither have the 
 knowledge thereof, nor yet will work themselves, of whom we took 
 many in that place, but of the Samboses none at all, for they fled 
 into the main. All the Samboses have white teeth as we have, 
 far unlike to the Sapies which do inhabit about Rio Grande ; for 
 their teeth are all filed, which they do for a bravery, to set out 
 themselves, and do jag their flesh, both legs, arms, and bodies, as 
 workmanlike as a jerkinmaker with us pinketh a jerkin. These 
 Sapies are more civil than the Samboses ; for whereas the Sam 
 boses live most by the spoil of their enemies, both in taking their 
 victuals and eating them also, the Sapies do not eat man's flesh, 
 unless in the war they be driven by necessity thereunto, which 
 they have not used, but by the example of the Samboses, but 
 live only on fruits and cattle, whereof they have great store. This 
 plenty is the occasion that the Sapies desire not war, except they 
 be thereunto provoked by the invasions of the Samboses, whereas 
 the Samboses for want of food are enforced thereunto, and there 
 fore are not wont only to take them that they kill, but also keep 
 those that they take until such time as they want meat, and then 
 they kill them. There is also another occasion that provoketh the 
 Samboses to war against the Sapies, which is for covetousness of 
 their riches. For whereas the Sapies have an order to bury their 
 dead in certain places appointed for that purpose with their gold 
 about them, the Samboses dig up the ground to have the same 
 treasure. For the Samboses have not the like store of gold that 
 the Sapies have. In this island of Sambula we found about fifty 
 boats called almadies, or canoes, which are made of one piece of 
 wood, digged out like a trough, but of a good proportion, being 
 about eight yards long and one in breadth, having a beakhead 
 and stern very proportionably made, and on the outside artificially 
 carved, and painted red and blue. They are able to carry twenty 
 or thirty men ; but about the coast they are able to carry three 
 score and upward. In these canoes they row standing upright, 
 with an oar somewhat longer than a man, the end whereof is 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 17 
 
 made about the breadth and length of a man's hand of the largest 
 sort. They row very swift, and in some of them four rowers and 
 one to steer make as much way as a pair of oars in the Thames 
 of London. 
 
 Their towns are prettily divided with a main street at the 
 entering in, that goeth through their town, and another overthwart 
 street, which maketh their towns crossways. Their houses are 
 built in a rank very orderly in the face of the street, and they are 
 made round, like a dove-cot, with stakes set full of palmito* leaves, 
 instead of a wall. They are not much more than a fathom large, 
 and two of height, and thatched with palmito leaves very close, and 
 some with reeds, and over the roof thereof, for the better garnishing 
 of the same, there is a round bundle of reeds, prettily contrived 
 like a louver. In the inner part they make a loft of sticks, where 
 upon they lay all their provision of victuals. A place they reserve 
 at the entrance for the kitchen, and the place they lie in is divided 
 with certain mats artificially made with the rind of palmito 
 trees. Their bedsteads are of small staves laid along, and raised 
 a foot from the ground, upon which is laid a mat, and another 
 upon them when they list; for other covering they have none. 
 In the middle of the town there is a house larger and higher than 
 the others, but in form alike, adjoining unto the which there is a 
 place made of four good stanchions of wood, and a round roof 
 over it, the ground also raised round with clay a foot high, upon 
 the which floor were strawed many fine mats. This is the 
 Consultation-house, the like whereof is in all towns, as the Portu 
 gals affirm: in which place, when they sit in council, the king 
 or captain sitteth in the midst, and the elders upon the floor by 
 him (for they give reverence to their elders), and the common 
 sort sit round about them. There they sit to examine matters of 
 theft, which if a man be taken with, to steal but a Portugal's 
 cloth from another, he is sold to the Portugals for a slave. 
 They consult, also, and take order what time they shall go to 
 war; and, as it is certainly reported by the Portugals, they take 
 order in gathering of the fruits in the season of the year, and also 
 of palmito wine, which is gathered by a hole cut in the top of a 
 tree, and a gourd set for the receiving thereof, which falleth in by 
 drops, and yieldeth fresh wine again within a month, and this 
 
 The Areca or Cabbage Palm, a native both of Africa and America. 
 C 
 
l8 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1564 
 
 divided part and portion-like to every man by the judgment of 
 the captain and elders, every man holdeth himself contented. 
 And this surely I judge to be a very good order; for otherwise, 
 whereas scarcity of palmito is, every man would have the same, 
 which might breed great strife. But of such things as every man 
 doth plant for himself, the sower thereof reapeth it to his own 
 use, so that nothing is common but that which is unset by man's 
 hands. In their houses there is more common passage of lizards 
 like evats, and others greater, of black and blue colour, of near a 
 foot long, besides their tails, than there is with us of mice in great 
 houses. The Sapies and Samboses also use in their wars bows, 
 and arrows made of reeds, with heads of iron poisoned with the 
 juice of a cucumber, whereof I had many in my hands. In their 
 battles they have target-men, with broad wicker targets, and darts 
 with heads of iron at both ends, the one in form of a two-edged 
 sword, a foot and a-half long, and at the other end, the iron long of 
 the same length made to counterpoise it, that in casting it might 
 fly level, rather than for any other purpose as I can judge. And 
 when they espy the enemy, the captain, to cheer his men, crieth 
 " Hungry," and they answer " Heygre," and with that every man 
 placeth himself in order. For about every target-man three bow 
 men will cover themselves, and shoot as they see advantage. 
 And when they give the onset, they make such terrible cries that 
 they may be heard two miles off. For their belief, I can hear of 
 none that they have, but in such as they themselves imagine to 
 see in their dreams, and so worship the pictures, whereof we saw 
 some like unto devils. In this island aforesaid we sojourned until 
 the 2ist of December, where, having taken certain negroes and as 
 much of their fruits, rice, and mill as we could well carry away 
 (whereof there was such store that we might have laden one of 
 our barques therewith), we departed. And at our departure, divers 
 of our men being desirous to go on shore to fetch pompions, which, 
 having proved, they found to be very good, certain of the Tiger's men 
 went also. Amongst the which there was a carpenter, a young man, 
 who, with his fellows, having fetched many and carried them down to 
 their boats, as they were ready to depart, desired his fellow to 
 tarry while he might go up to fetch a few which he had laid by 
 for himself. Who, being more licorous than circumspect, went up 
 without weapon, and, as he went up alone, possibly being marked 
 of the negroes that were upon the trees, espying him what he did, 
 perceiving him to be alone, and without weapon, dogged him. And 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 19 
 
 finding him occupied in binding his pompions together, came 
 behind him, overthrowing him, and straight cut his throat, as he 
 afterwards was found by his fellows, who came to the place for 
 him, and there found him naked. 
 
 On the 22nd the Captain went into the river called Callowsa, 
 with the two barques, and the John's pinnace, and the Salomon's 
 boat, leaving at anchor in the river's mouth the two ships, the 
 river being twenty leagues in, where the Portuguese rode. He 
 came thither on the 25th, and dispatched his business, and so 
 returned with two caravels laden with negroes. 
 
 On the 2/th the Captain was advertised by the Portugals of a 
 town of the negroes called Bymba, being in the way as they 
 returned, where was not only a great quantity of gold, but also 
 that there were not above forty men and a hundred women and 
 children in the town, so that if he would give the adventure upon 
 the same, he might get a hundred slaves. With the which tidings 
 he being glad, because the Portugals should not think him to be 
 of so base a courage, but that he durst give them that, and greater 
 attempts; and being thereunto also the more provoked with the 
 prosperous success he had in other islands adjacent, where he had 
 put them all to flight and taken in one boat twenty together, 
 determined to stay before the town three or four hours, to see 
 what he could do; and thereupon prepared his men in armour 
 and weapon together, to the number of forty men well appointed, 
 having as their guides certain Portugals in a boat, who brought 
 some of them to their death. We landing boat after boat, and 
 divers of our men scattering themselves, contrary to the Captain's 
 will, by one or two in a company, for the hope that they had to 
 find gold in their houses, ransacking the same, in the meantime 
 the negroes came upon them, and hurt many (being thus scattered), 
 whereas if five or six had been together they had been able (as 
 their companions did) to give the overthrow to forty of them ; and, 
 being driven down to take their boats, were followed so hardly by 
 a rout of negroes, who by that took courage to pursue them to 
 their boats, that not only some of them, but others standing on 
 shore, not looking for any such matter, by means that the negroes 
 did flee at the first, and our company remained in the town, 
 were suddenly so set upon that some with great hurt recovered 
 their boats; othersome, not able to recover the same, took the 
 water, and perished by means of the ooze. While this was doing, 
 the Captain, who, with a dozen men, went through the town, 
 
 C 2 
 
20 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1564 
 
 returned, finding 200 negroes at the water's side, shooting at those 
 in the boats, and cutting them in pieces which were drowned in 
 the water, at whose coming they ran all away. So he entered his 
 boats, and, before he could put off from the shore, they returned 
 again, and shot very fiercely and hurt divers of them. Thus we 
 returned back somewhat discomforted, although the Captain in a sin 
 gular wise manner carried himself, with countenance very cheerful 
 outwardly, as though he did little weigh the death of his men, nor 
 yet the great hurt of the rest, although his heart inwardly was 
 broken in pieces for it; done to this end, that the Portugals, 
 being with him, should not presume to resist against him, nor take 
 occasion to put him to further displeasure or hindrance for the 
 death of our men : having gotten by our going ten negroes and 
 lost seven of our best men, whereof Mr. Field, Captain of the 
 Salomon, was one, and we had twenty-seven of our men hurt. In 
 the same hour while this was doing there happened at the same 
 instant a marvellous miracle to them in the ships, who rode ten 
 leagues to seaward, by many sharks, or tiburons, who came about 
 the ships ; among which one was taken by the Jesus and four by the 
 Salomon, and one, very sore hurt, escaped. And so it fell out ot 
 our men, whereof one of the Jesus' men and four of the Salomon's 
 were killed, and the fifth, having twenty wounds, was rescued, and 
 escaped with much ado. 
 
 On the 28th they came to their ships, the Jesus and the Salo 
 mon, and on the 3oth departed from thence to Taggarin. 
 
 On the ist of January the two barques and both the boats 
 forsook the ships and went into a river called the Casserroes, and on 
 the 6th having despatched their business, the two barques returned 
 and came to Taggarin, where the two ships were at anchor. Not 
 two days after the coming of the two ships thither, they put their 
 water-cask ashore, and filled it with water, to season the same, 
 thinking to have filled it with fresh water afterwards ; and while 
 their men were some on shore and some in their boats, the 
 negroes set upon them in the boats and hurt divers of them, and 
 came to the casks and cut off the hoops of twelve butts, which 
 lost us four or five days' time, besides great want we had of the 
 same. Sojourning at Taggarin, the Swallow went up the river 
 about her traffic, where they saw great towns of the negroes, and 
 canoes that had threescore men in apiece. There they understood 
 by the Portugals of a great battle between them of Sierra Leone 
 side and them of Taggarin. They of Sierra Leone had had pre- 
 
1565] HAWKINS. 21 
 
 pared three hundred canoes to invade the other. The time was 
 appointed not past six days after our departure from thence, 
 which we would have seen, to the intent we might have taken 
 some of them, had it not been for the death and sickness of our 
 men, which came by the contagiousness of the place, which made 
 us to make haste away. 
 
 On the 1 8th of January, at night, we departed from Taggarin, 
 being bound for the West Indies, before which departure certain 
 of the Salomon's men went on shore to fill water in the night. 
 And as they came on shore with their boat, being ready to leap on 
 land, one of them espied a negro in a white coat, standing upon a 
 roek, being ready to have received them when they came on shore, 
 having in sight also eight or nine of his fellows, some in one place 
 leaping out and some in another, but they hid themselves straight 
 again. Whereupon our men, doubting they had been a great 
 company, and sought to have taken them at more advantage, as 
 God would, departed to their ships, not thinking there had been 
 such a mischief pretended toward them as then was indeed. 
 Which the next day we understood of a Portugal that came 
 down to us, who had trafficked with the negroes, by whom he 
 understood that the King of Sierra Leone had made all the power 
 he could to take some of us, partly from the desire he had to see 
 what kind of people we were that had spoiled his people at the 
 Idols, whereof he had news before our coming, and, as I judge 
 also, upon other occasions provoked by the Tangomangos; but 
 sure we were that the army was come down, by means that in 
 the evening we saw such a monstrous fire, made by the watering 
 place, that before was not seen, which fire is the only mark for 
 the Tangomangos to know where their army is always. If these 
 men had come down in the evening, they had done us great dis 
 pleasure, for that we were on shore filling water ; but God, who 
 worketh all things for the best, would not have it so, and by Him 
 we escaped without danger. His name be praised for it. 
 
 On the 2Qth of this same month we departed with all our ships 
 from Sierra Leone towards the West Indies, and for the space of 
 eighteen days we were becalmed, having now and then contrary 
 winds and some tornados amongst the same calm, which happened 
 to us very ill, being but reasonably watered for so great a company 
 of negroes and ourselves, which pinched us all, and that which 
 was worst, put us in such fear that many never thought to have 
 reached to the Indies without great death of negroes and of them- 
 
22 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [156 5 
 
 selves; but the Almighty God, who never suffereth His elect to 
 perish, sent us, on the i6th of February, the ordinary Breeze,* 
 which is the north-east wind, which never left us till we came to 
 an island of the cannibals called Dominica, where we arrived on the 
 9th of March, upon a Saturday. And because it was the most 
 desolate place in all the island we could see no cannibals, but 
 some of their houses where they dwelled, and, as it should seem, 
 forsook the place for want of fresh water ; for we could find none 
 there but rain-water and such as fell from the hills and remained 
 as a puddle in the dale, whereof we filled for our negroes. The 
 cannibals of that island, and also others adjacent, are the most 
 desperate warriors that are in the Indies by the Spaniards' report, 
 who are never able to conquer them ; and they are molested by 
 them not a little when they are driven to water there in any of 
 those islands. Of very late, not two months past, in the said 
 island, a caravel, being driven to water, was in the night set upon 
 by the inhabitants, who cut their cable in the halser, whereby 
 they were driven ashore, and so taken by them and eaten. The 
 Green Dragon of Newhaven, whereof was captain one Bontemps, 
 in March also, came to one of those islands called Granada, and, 
 being driven to water, could not do the same for the cannibals, 
 who fought with him very desperately two days. For our part 
 also, if we had not lighted upon the desertest place in all that 
 island, we could not have missed, but should have been greatly 
 troubled by them, by all the Spaniards' reports, who make them 
 devils in respect of men. 
 
 On the loth day at night we departed from thence, and on the 
 1 5th had sight of nine islands called the Testigos; and on the 
 1 6th of an island called Margarita, where we were entertained by 
 the Alcalde, and had both beeves and sheep given to us for the 
 refreshing of our men. But the Governor of the island would 
 neither come to speak with our Captain, neither yet give him any 
 licence to traffic ; and, to displease us the more, whereas we had 
 hired a pilot to have gone with us, they would not only not suffer 
 him to go with us, but also sent word by a caravel out of hand to 
 Santo Domingo to the Viceroy, who doth represent the King's 
 person, of our arrival in those parts, which had like to have 
 turned us to great displeasure by the means that the same Viceroy 
 
 * Spanish " Brisa," the ordinary name for the Trade -Winds. 
 
1565] HAWKINS. 
 
 2 3 
 
 did send word to Cape De la Vela, and to other places along the 
 coast, commanding them that, by virtue of his authority and by 
 the obedience that they owe to their Prince, no man should traffic 
 with us, but should resist us with all the force they could. In 
 this island, notwithstanding that we were not within four leagues 
 of the town, yet were they so afraid, that not only the Governor 
 himself, but also all the inhabitants, forsook their town, assembling 
 all the Indians to them, and fled into the mountains, as we were 
 partly certified, and also saw the experience ourselves, by some 
 of the Indians coming to see us, who, by three Spaniards on 
 horseback passing hard by us, went unto the Indians, having every 
 one of them their bows and arrows, procuring them away who 
 before were conversant with us. 
 
 Here, perceiving no traffic to be had with them, nor yet water 
 for the refreshing of our men, we were driven to depart on the 
 2oth day, and on the 22nd we came to a place in the main called 
 Cumana, whither the Captain going in his pinnace, spake with 
 certain Spaniards, of whom he demanded traffic; but they made 
 him answer they were but soldiers newly come thither, and were 
 not able to buy one negro. Whereupon he asked for a watering place, 
 and they pointed him a place two leagues off called Santa Fd, 
 where we found marvellously goodly watering, and commodious 
 for the taking in thereof; for that the fresh water came into the 
 sea, and so our ships had aboard the shore twenty fathom water. 
 Near about this place inhabited certain Indians, who the next day 
 after we came thither came down to us, presenting mill and cakes 
 of bread, which they had made of a kind of corn called maize, 
 in bigness of a pease, the ear whereof is much like to a teasel, 
 but a span in length, having thereon a number of grains. Also 
 they brought down to us hens, potatoes, and pines, which we 
 bought for beads, pewter whistles, glasses, knives, and other 
 trifles. 
 
 These potatoes be the most delicate roots that may be eaten, 
 and do far exceed our parsnips or carrots. Their pines be of the 
 bigness of two fists, the outside whereof is of the making of a 
 pine-apple, but it is soft like the rind of a cucumber, and the 
 inside eateth like an apple ; but it is more delicious than any sweet 
 apple sugared. These Indians being of colour tawny like an olive, 
 having every one of them, both men and women, hair all black, 
 and no other colour, the women wearing the same hanging down to 
 their shoulders, and the men rounded, and without beards, neither 
 
24 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 men nor women suffering any hair to grow on any part of their 
 body, but daily pull it off as it groweth. 
 
 These people be very small feeders ; for travelling they carry 
 but two small bottles of gourds, wherein they put in one the 
 juice of sorrel, whereof they have great store, and in the other 
 flour of their maize, which, being moist, they eat, taking some 
 times of the other. These men carry every man his bow and 
 arrows, whereof some arrows are poisoned for wars, which they 
 keep in a cane together, which cane is of the bigness of a 
 man's arm, other some with broad heads of iron, wherewith 
 they strike fish in the water ; the experience whereof we saw 
 not once or twice, but daily for the time we tarried there ; for 
 they are so good archers that the Spaniards for fear thereof 
 arm themselves and their horses with quilted canvas of two 
 inches thick, and leave no place of their body open to their 
 enemies, saving their eyes, which they may not hide, and yet 
 oftentimes are they hit in that so small a scantling. Their 
 poison is of such force that a man being stricken therewith 
 dieth within four-and-twenty hours, as the Spaniards do affirm; 
 and, in my judgment, it is like there can be no stronger poison 
 as they make it, using thereunto apples which are very fair and 
 red of colour, but are a strong poison, with the which, together 
 with venomous bats, vipers, adders, and other serpents, they 
 make a medley, and therewith anoint the same. 
 
 The beds which they have are made of Gossopine cotton } 
 and wrought artificially of divers colours, which they carry 
 about with them when they travel, and making the same fast 
 to two trees, lie therein, they and their women. The people 
 be surely gentle and tractable, and such as desire to live 
 peaceably, or else had it been impossible for the Spaniards 
 
1565] HAWKINS. 25 
 
 to have conquered them as they did, and the more to live now 
 peaceably, they being so many in number and the Spaniards 
 so few. 
 
 From hence we departed on the 28th, and the next day we 
 passed between the mainland and the island called Tortuga, a 
 very low island, in the year of our Lord God one thousand five 
 hundred and sixty-five aforesaid, and sailed along the coast until 
 the ist of April, at which time the Captain sailed along in the 
 Jesus' pinnace to discern the coast, and saw many Caribs on 
 shore, and some, also, in their canoes, which made tokens unto 
 him of friendship, and shewed him gold, meaning thereby that 
 they would traffic for wares. Whereupon he stayed to see the 
 manners of them ; and so for two or three trifles they gave such 
 things as they had about them, and departed. But the Caribs 
 were very importunate to have them come on shore, which, if it 
 had not been for want of wares to traffic with them, he would not 
 have denied them, because the Indians which we saw before were 
 very gentle people, and such as do no man hurt. But, as God 
 would have it, he wanted that thing, which if he had had would 
 have been his confusion. For these were no such kind of people 
 as we took them to be, but more devilish a thousand parts, and 
 are eaters and devourers of any man they can catch, as it was 
 afterwards declared unto us at Burboroata, by a caravel coming 
 out of Spain with certain soldiers, and a captain-general sent by 
 the King for those eastward parts of the Indians, who, sailing 
 along in his pinnace, as our Captain did to descry the coast, was 
 by the Caribs called ashore with sundry tokens made to him of 
 friendship, and gold shewed as though they desired traffic, with 
 the which the Spaniard being moved, suspecting no deceit at all, 
 went ashore amongst them. Who was no sooner ashore but, with four 
 or five more, was taken ; the rest of his company being invaded 
 by them, saved themselves by flight; but they that were taken paid 
 their ransom with their lives, and were presently eaten. And this 
 is their practice, to toll with their gold the ignorant to their snares. 
 They are bloodsuckers both of Spaniards, Indians, and all that 
 light in their laps, not sparing their own countrymen if they can 
 conveniently come by them. Their policy in fight with the 
 Spaniards is marvellous; for they choose for their refuge the 
 mountains and woods, where the Spaniards with their horses 
 cannot follow them. And if they fortune to be met in the plain, 
 where one horseman may overrun 100 of them, they have a device 
 
26 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1565 
 
 of late practised by them to pitch stakes of wood in the ground 
 and also small iron pikes to mischief their horses, wherein they 
 show themselves politic warriors. They have more abundance 
 of gold than all the Spaniards have, and live upon the mountains ; 
 where the mines are in such number, that the Spaniards have 
 much ado to get any of them from them ; and yet sometimes by 
 assembling a great number of them, which happeneth once in 
 two years, they get a piece from them, which afterwards they keep 
 sure enough. 
 
 Thus having escaped the danger of them, we kept our course 
 along the coast, and we came the 3rd of April to a town called 
 Burboroata,* where his ships came to an anchor, and he himself 
 went ashore to speak with the Spaniards, to whom he declared 
 himself to be an Englishman, and come thither to trade with them 
 by way of merchandise, and therefore required licence for the same. 
 Unto whom they made answer, that they were forbidden by the 
 king to traffic with any foreign nation, upon penalty to forfeit their 
 goods ; therefore they desired him not to molest them any further, 
 but to depart as he came, for other comfort he might not look for 
 at their hands, because they were subjects and might not go beyond 
 the law. But he replied that his necessity was such, as he might 
 not do so ; for being in one of the Queen's Armadas of England, 
 and having many soldiers in them, he had need both of some re 
 freshing for them, and of victuals, and of money also, without which 
 he could not depart ; and with much other talk persuaded them not 
 to fear any dishonest part on his behalf towards them, for neither 
 would he commit any such thing to the dishonour of his prince, nor 
 yet for his honest reputation and estimation, unless he were too 
 rigorously dealt with, which he hoped not to find at their hands, in that 
 it should as well redound to their profit as his own ; and also he 
 thought they might do it without danger, because their princes 
 were in amity one with another ; and for our parts we had free 
 traffic in Spain and Flanders, which are his dominions ; and, 
 therefore, he knew no reason why he should not have the like in all 
 his dominions. To the which the Spaniards made answer that it 
 lay not in them to give any licence, for that they had a governor to 
 whom the government of those parts was committed, but if they 
 
 * Burburata, or Barbarotta, now in the territory of Venezuela. 
 
1565] HAWKINS. 27 
 
 would stay ten days, they would send to their governor, who was 
 threescore leagues off, and would return answer, within the space 
 appointed of his mind. 
 
 In the meantime they were content he should bring his ships into 
 harbour, and there they would deliver him any victuals he would, 
 require. Whereupon the fourth day we went in, where being one 
 day, and receiving all things according to promise, the captain 
 advised himself that to remain there ten days idle, spending vic 
 tuals and men's wages, and perhaps in the end receive no good 
 answer from the governor, it were mere folly ; and therefore deter 
 mined to make request to have licence for the sale of certain lean 
 and sick negroes which he had in his ship like to die upon his 
 hands if he kept them ten days, having little or no refreshing for 
 them, whereas other men having them they would be recovered 
 well enough. And this request he was forced to make, because he 
 had not otherwise wherewith to pay for victuals and for necessaries 
 which he should take. Which request being put in writing and pre 
 sented, the officers and town-dwellers assembled together, and find 
 ing his request so reasonable, granted him licence for thirty negroes, 
 which afterwards they caused the officers to view, to the intent 
 that they should grant to nothing but that were very reasonable, 
 for fear of answering thereunto afterwards. This being passed, our 
 captain, according to their licence, thought to have made, sale, but 
 the day passed and none came to buy, who before made show that 
 they had great need of them, and therefore wist not what to surmise 
 of them ; whether they went about to prolong the time of the 
 governor's answer, because they would keep themselves blameless, 
 or for any other policy, he knew not, and for that purpose sent 
 them word, marvelling what the matter was, that none came to buy 
 them. They answered because they had granted licence only to 
 the poor to buy those negroes of small price, and their money was 
 not so ready as other men's of more wealth. More than that, as 
 soon as ever they saw the ships, they conveyed away their money 
 by their wives, that went into the mountains for fear, and were 
 not yet returned, and yet asked two days to seek their wives and 
 fetch their money. Notwithstanding, the next day divers of them 
 came to cheapen, but could not agree of price, because they 
 thought the price too high. Whereupon the captain, perceiving 
 they went about to bring down the price, and meant to buy, and 
 would not confess if he had licence, that he might sell at any 
 reasonable rate, as they were worth in other places, did send for the 
 
28 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1565 
 
 principals of the town, and made a show he would depart, declaring 
 himself to be very sorry that he had so much troubled them, and also 
 that he had sent for the governor to come down, seeing now that his 
 pretence was to depart ; whereat they marvelled much, and asked 
 him what cause moved him thereunto, seeing by their working it 
 was in possibility to have his licence. 
 
 To the which he replied that it was not only a licence that he sought, 
 but profit, which he perceived was not there to be had, and therefore 
 would seek further ; and withal showed them his writings what 
 he paid for his negroes, declaring also the great charge he was at 
 in his shipping and men's wages, and, therefore, to countervail his 
 charges, he must sell his negroes for a greater price than they 
 offered. So they, doubting his departure, put him in comfort to 
 sell better there than in any other place. And if it fell out that he 
 had no licence, that he should not lose his labour in tarrying, for 
 they would buy without licence. Whereupon, the captain being 
 put in comfort, promised them to stay, so that he might make sale 
 of his lean negroes, which they granted unto. And the next 
 day he did sell to some of them. Who having bought and paid 
 for them, thinking to have had a discharge of the Customer for the 
 custom of the negroes, being the king's duty, they gave it away to 
 to the poor for God's sake, and did refuse to give the discharge in 
 writing ; and the poor, not trusting their words, for fear lest here 
 after it might be demanded of them, did refrain from buying any 
 more ; so that nothing else was ,done until the governor's coming 
 down, which was the fourteenth day, and then the captain made 
 petition, declaring that he was come thither in a ship of the Queen's 
 Majesty's of England, being bound to Guinea, and thither driven 
 by wind and weather, so that being come thither, he had need of 
 sundry necessaries for the reparation of the said navy, and also 
 great need of money for the payment of his soldiers, unto whom he 
 had promised payment ; and therefore, although he would, yet 
 would not they depart without it, and for that purpose he requested 
 licence for the sale of certain of his negroes, declaring that although 
 they were forbidden to traffic with strangers, yet as there was a 
 great amity between their princes, and that the thing pertained to 
 our queen's highness, he thought he might do their prince great 
 service, and that it would be well taken at his hands to do it in this 
 cause. The which allegations, with divers others put in request, 
 were presented to the governor, who, sitting in council for that 
 matter, granted his request for licence. But yet there fell out 
 
1565] HAWKINS. 29 
 
 another thing, which was the abating of the king's customs, being 
 upon every slave thirty ducats, which would not be granted unto. 
 
 Whereupon the captain perceiving that they would neither come 
 near his price he looked for by a great deal, nor yet would abate 
 the king's custom of that they offered, so that either he must be 
 a great loser by his wares, or else compel the officers to abate the 
 same king's custom, which was too unreasonable, for to a higher 
 price he could not bring the buyers, therefore, on the i6th of 
 April, he prepared one hundred men well armed with bows, 
 arrows, arquebuses, and pikes, with which he marched to the town- 
 wards : and being perceived by the governor, he straight 
 with all expedition sent messengers to know his request, 
 desiring him to march no further forward until he had answer 
 again, which incontinent he should have. So our captain, de 
 claring how unreasonable a thing the king's custom was, requested 
 to have the same abated, and to pay seven and a half per cent., 
 which is the ordinary custom for wares through his dominions 
 there, and unto this if they would not grant he would displease them. 
 And this word being carried to the governor, answer was returned 
 that all things should be to his content ; and thereupon he deter 
 mined to depart, but the soldiers and mariners, finding so little 
 credit in their promises, demanded gages for the performance of 
 the premisses or else they would not depart. And thus they being 
 constrained to send gages, we departed, beginning our traffic, and 
 ending the same without disturbance. 
 
 Thus having made traffic in the harborough until the 28th, our 
 captain with his ships intended to go out of the road, and pur 
 posed to make show of his departure ; because now the common 
 sort having employed their money, the rich men were come to town, 
 who made no show that they were come to buy, so that they went 
 about to bring down the price, and by this policy the captain knew 
 they would be made the more eager, for fear lest we departed, and 
 they should go without any at all. 
 
 On the 29th, we being at anchor without the road, a French 
 ship called the Green Dragon, of Newhaven, whereof one Bon- 
 temps was captain, came in, who saluted us after the manner of 
 the sea, with certain pieces of ordnance, and we re-saluted him with 
 the like again. With whom having communication, he declared that 
 he had been at the Mine in Guinea, and was beaten off by the 
 Portugals' galleys, and enforced to come thither to make sale of such 
 wares as he had ; and further, that the like was happened unto the 
 
30 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [^5^5 
 
 Minion ; besides the Captain Davie Carlet and a merchant with a 
 dozen mariners betrayed by the negroes at their first arrival thither, 
 and remaining prisoners with the Portugals ; and besides other 
 misadventures of the loss of their men, happened through the 
 great lack of fresh water, with great doubts of bringing home the 
 ships ; which was most sorrowful for us to understand. 
 
 Thus having ended our traffic here, on the 4th of May we 
 departed, leaving the Frenchman behind us ; the night before which 
 the Caribs, whereof I have made mention before, being to the num 
 ber of two hundred, came in their canoes to Burboroata, intending 
 by night to have burned the town, and taken the Spaniards, who 
 being more vigilant because of our being there, than was their 
 custom, perceiving them coming, raised the town, who in a moment 
 were on horseback (by means their custom is for all doubts to keep 
 their horses ready saddled), in the night set upon them and took 
 one; but the rest making shift for themselves, escaped away. But this 
 one, because he was their guide, and was the occasion that divers 
 times they had made invasion upon them, had for his travail a 
 stake thrust through his fundament, and so out at his neck. 
 
 On the ist of May aforesaid, we came to an island called 
 Curagao, where we had thought to have anchored, but could not 
 find ground, and having let fall an anchor with two cables, were 
 fain to weigh it again ; and on the 7th, sailing along the coast to 
 seek a harbour, and finding none, we came to an anchor where we 
 rode open in the sea. In this place we had traffic for hides, and 
 found great refreshing, both of beef, mutton, and lambs, whereof 
 there was such plenty, that saving the skins, we had the flesh given 
 us for nothing ; the plenty thereof was so abundant, that the 
 worst in the ship thought scorn not only of mutton, but also of 
 sodden lamb, which they disdained to eat unroasted. 
 
 The increase of cattle in this island is marvellous, which from ' a 
 dozen of each sort brought thither by the governor, in twenty- 
 five years, he had a hundred thousand at the least, and of other 
 cattle was able to kill, without spoil of the increase, fifteen hundred 
 yearly, which he killeth for the skins, and of the flesh saveth 
 only the tongues, the rest he leaveth to the fowl to devour. And 
 this I am able to affirm, not only upon the governor's own report, 
 who was the first that brought the increase thither, which so re- 
 maineth unto this day, but also by that I saw myself in one field, 
 where a hundred oxen lay one by another all whole, saving the skin 
 and tongue taken away. And it is not so marvellous a thing why they 
 
1565] HAWKINS. 31 
 
 do thus cast away the flesh in all the islands of the West Indies, 
 seeing the land is great and more than they are able to inhabit, the 
 people few, and having delicate fruits and meats enough besides to 
 feed upon, which they rather desire, and the increase which passeth 
 man's reason to believe, when they come to a great number : for in 
 Santo Domingo, an island called by the finders thereof Hispaniola, 
 there is so great a quantity of cattle, and such increase thereof, 
 that notwithstanding the daily killing of them for their hides, it is 
 not possible to assuage the number of them ; but they are devoured 
 by wild dogs, whose number is such by suffering them first to range 
 the woods and mountains, that they eat and destroy 60,000 a year, 
 and yet small lack found of them. And no marvel, for the said 
 island is almost as big as all England, and being the first place that 
 was found of all the Indies, and long time inhabited before the 
 rest, it ought, therefore, of reason to be most populous : and to 
 this hour, the Viceroy and Council Royal abideth there, as the chief 
 place in all the Indies, to prescribe orders to the rest for the King's 
 behalf ; yet have they but one city and thirteen villages in all the 
 same island, whereby the spoil of them in respect of the increase is 
 nothing. 
 
 On the i $th of the foresaid month, we departed from Curasao, 
 being not a little to the rejoicing of our Captain and us that we had 
 there ended our traffic ; but notwithstanding our sweet meat, we 
 had sour sauce, for by reason of our riding so open at sea, what 
 with blasts, whereby, our anchors being aground, three at once 
 came home, and also with contrary winds blowing, whereby, for 
 fear of the shore, we were fain to haul off to have anchor-hold, 
 sometimes a whole day and a night we turned up and down ; and 
 this happened not once, but half a dozen times in the space of our 
 being there. 
 
 On the 1 6th we passed by an island called Aruba, and on the 
 1 7th, at night, we anchored six hours at the west end of Cabo de 
 la Vela, and in the morning, being the i8th, weighed again, keeping 
 our course, in the which time the captain, sailing by the shore in 
 the pinnace, came to the Rancheria, a place where the Spaniards use 
 to fish for pearls, and there spoke with a Spaniard, who told him how 
 far off he was from Rio de la Hacha, which because he would not over 
 shoot, he anchored that night again, and on the igth came thither ; 
 where having talk with the king's treasurer of the Indies resident 
 there, he declared his quiet traffic in Burboroata, and showed a 
 certificate of the same, made by the governor thereof, and therefore 
 
32 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 he desired to have the like there also ; but the treasurer made 
 answer that they were forbidden by the viceroy and council of 
 Saint Domingo, who having intelligence of our being on the coast, 
 did send express commission to resist us, with all the force they 
 could, insomuch that they durst not traffic with us in no case, 
 alleging that if they did, they should lose all that they did traffic 
 for, besides their bodies at the magistrate's commandment. Our 
 captain replied that he was in an armada of the Queen's Majesty's 
 of England, and sent about other her affairs, but driven besides his 
 pretended voyage, was enforced by contrary winds to come into 
 those parts, where he hoped to find such friendship as he should do 
 in Spain; to the contrary whereof he knew no reason, in that there 
 was amity betwixt their princes. But seeing they would, con 
 trary to all reason, go about to withstand his traffic, he would it should 
 not be said by him, that, having the force he hath, to be driven 
 from his traffic perforce ; but he would rather put it in adventure to 
 try whether he or they should have the better, and therefore willed 
 them to determine, either to give him licence to trade, or else to 
 stand to their own harms. So upon this it was determined he should 
 have licence to trade, but they would give him such a price as was 
 the one half less than he had sold for before ; and thus they sent 
 word they would do, and none otherwise, and if it liked him 
 not, he might do what he would, for they were determined not to 
 deal otherwise with him. Whereupon the captain, weighing their 
 unconscionable request, wrote to them a letter, that they dealt too 
 rigorously with him, to go about to cut his throat in the price of his 
 commodities, which were so reasonably rated as they could not 
 by a great deal have the like at any other man's hands. But 
 seeing they had sent him this to his supper, he would in the morn 
 ing bring them as good a breakfast. And therefore in the morning, 
 being the 2ist of May, he shot off a whole culverin to summon the 
 town, and preparing one hundred men in armour, went ashore, 
 having in his great boat two falcons of brass, and in the other 
 boats double bases in their noses, which being perceived by the 
 townsmen, they incontinent in battle array, with their drum and 
 ensign displayed, marched from the town to the sands, with foot 
 men to the number of a hundred and fifty, making great brags with 
 their cries, and waving us ashore, whereby they made a semblance 
 to have fought with us indeed. But our captain, perceiving them 
 to brag, commanded the two falcons to be discharged at them, 
 which put them in no small fear to see (as they afterward declared) 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 33 
 
 such great pieces in a boat. At every shot they fell flat to the 
 ground ; and as we approached near unto them, they broke their 
 array, and dispersed themselves so much for fear of the ordnance, 
 that at last they all went away with their ensign. The horsemen, 
 also, being about thirty, made as brave a show as might be, 
 coursing up and down with their horses, their brave white leather 
 targets in the one hand, and their javelins in the other, as though 
 they would have received us at our landing. But when we landed, 
 they gave ground, and consulted what they should do. For little they 
 thought we should have landed so boldly ; and, therefore, as the 
 captain was putting his men in array, and marched forward to 
 have encountered with them, they sent a messenger on horseback, 
 with a flag of truce to the captain, who declared that the treasurer 
 marvelled what he meant to do, to come ashore in that order, in 
 consideration that they had granted to every reasonable request 
 that he did demand. But the captain, not well contented with this 
 messenger, marched forwards. The messenger prayed him to stay 
 his men, and said if he would come apart from his men, the trea 
 surer would come and speak with him, whereunto he did agree to 
 commune together. The captain only with his armour, without 
 weapon, and the treasurer on horseback with his javelin, was 
 afraid to come near him for fear of his armour, which he said was 
 worse than his weapon, and so keeping aloof communing together, 
 granted in fine to all his requests. Which being declared by the 
 captain to the company, they desired to have pledges for the per 
 formance of all things, doubting that otherwise, when they had 
 made themselves stronger, they would have been at defiance with 
 us ; and seeing that now they might have what they would request, 
 they judged it to be more wisdom to be in assurance, than to be forced 
 to make any more labours about it. So upon this, gages were 
 sent, and we made our traffic quietly with them. In the meantime 
 while we stayed here, we watered a good breadth off from the shore, 
 where, by the strength of the fresh water running into the sea, the 
 salt water was made fresh. In this river we saw many crocodiles 
 of various sizes, but some as large as a boat, with four feet, a long 
 broad mouth, and a long tail, and whose skin is so hard that a sword 
 will not pierce it. His nature is to live out of the water, as a frog 
 doth, but he is a great devourer, and spareth neither fish, which is 
 his common food, nor beasts, nor men, if he take them, as proof 
 thereof was known by a Negro, who, as he was filling water in the 
 river, was by one of them carried clean away and never seen after. 
 
 D 
 
34 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1564 
 
 His nature is ever when he would have his prey, to cry and sob like 
 a Christian body, to provoke them to come to him, and then he 
 snatcheth at them, and thereupon came this proverb, that is applied 
 unto women when they weep, lachrymce crocodili, the meaning 
 whereof is, that as the crocodile when he crieth goeth then about 
 most to deceive, so doth a woman most commonly when she weeps. 
 Of these the master of the Jesus watched one, and by the bank's 
 side struck him with the pike of a bill in the side, and after three or 
 four times turning in sight, he sunk down, and was not afterwards 
 seen. In the time of our being in the rivers of Guinea, we saw many 
 of a monstrous bigness, amongst which the captain, being in one of 
 the barks coming down the same, shot a falcon at one, which very 
 narrowly he missed, and with affear he plunged into the water, 
 making a stream like the way of a boat. 
 
 Now while we were here, whether it were of a fear that the 
 Spaniards doubted we would have done them some harm before 
 we departed, or for any treason that they intended towards us, I 
 am not able to say ; but then came thither a captain from some of 
 the other towns, with a dozen soldiers upon a time when our captain 
 and the treasurer cleared all things between them, and were in a 
 communication of a debt of the governor of Burboroata, which 
 was to be paid by the said treasurer, who would not answer the 
 same by any means. Whereupon certain words of displeasure 
 passed betwixt the captain and him, and parting the one from the 
 other, the treasurer possibly doubting that our captain would per 
 force have sought the same, did immediately command his men to 
 arms, both horsemen and footmen : but because the captain was 
 in the river on the back-side of the town with his other boats, and 
 all his men unarmed and without weapons, it was to be judged he 
 meant him little good, having that advantage of him, that coming 
 upon the sudden, he might have mischiefed many of his men : but 
 the captain, having understanding thereof, not trusting to their 
 gentleness, if they might have the advantage, departed aboard his 
 ships, and at night returned again, and demanded amongst other 
 talk, what they meant by assembling their men in that order, and 
 they answered, that their captain being come to town did muster 
 his men according to his accustomed manner. But it is to be 
 judged to be a cloak, in that coming for that purpose he might 
 have done it sooner, but the truth is, they were not of force until 
 then, whereby to enterprise any matter against us, by means of 
 pikes and arquebuses, whereof they have want, and were now 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 35 
 
 furnished by our captain, and also three falcons, which having got 
 in other places, they had secretly conveyed thither, which made 
 them the bolder, and also for that they saw now a convenient place 
 to do such a feat, and time also serving thereunto, by the means 
 that our men were not only unarmed and unprovided, as at no time 
 before the like, but also were occupied in hewing of wood, and least 
 thinking of any harm : these were occasions to provoke them 
 thereunto. And I suppose they went about to bring it to effect, 
 in that I with another gentleman being in the town, thinking of no 
 harm towards us, and seeing men assembling in armour to the 
 treasurer's house, whereof I marvelled, and revoking to mind the 
 former talk between the captain and him, and the unreadiness of 
 our men, of whom advantage might have been taken, departed out 
 of the town immediately to give knowledge thereof, but before we 
 came to our men by a flight-shot, two horsemen riding a-gallop 
 were come near us, being sent, as we did guess, to stay us lest we 
 should carry news to our captain. But seeing us so near our men 
 they stayed their horses, coming together, and suffering us to 
 pass, belike because we were so near, that if they had gone about 
 the same, they would have been espied by some of our men which 
 then immediately would have departed, whereby they should have 
 been frustrate of their pretence : and so the two horsemen rode 
 about the bushes to espy what we did, and seeing us gone, to the 
 intent they might shadow their coming down in post, whereof 
 suspicion might be had, feigned a simple excuse in asking whether 
 he could sell any wine, but that seemed so simple to the captain, 
 that standing in doubt of their courtesy, he returned in the morning 
 with his three boats, appointed with bases in their noses, and his 
 men with weapons accordingly, whereas before he carried none : 
 and thus dissembling all injuries conceived of both parts, the 
 captain went ashore, leaving pledges in the boats for himself, and 
 cleared all things between the treasurer and him, saving for the 
 governor's debt, which the one by no means would answer, and 
 the other, because it was not his due debt, would not molest him 
 for it, but was content to remit it until another time, and therefore 
 departed, causing the two barques which rode near the shore 
 to weigh and go under sail, which was done because that our 
 captain demanding a testimonial of his good behavour there, could 
 not have the same until he were under sail ready to depart : and 
 therefore at night he went for the same again, and received it at 
 the treasurer's hand, of whom very courteously he took his leave 
 
 D 2 
 
36 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1564 
 
 and departed, shooting off the bases of his boat for his farewell, and 
 the townsmen also shot off four falcons and thirty arquebuses, 
 and this was the first time that he knew of the conveyance of their 
 falcons. 
 
 On the 3 ist of May we departed, keeping our course to Hispaniola, 
 and on the 4th of June we had sight of an island, which we made 
 to be Jamaica, marvelling that by the vehement course of the seas 
 we should be driven so far to leeward ; for setting our course to the 
 west end of Hispaniola, we fell in with the middle of Jamaica, not 
 withstanding that to all men's sight it shewed a headland, but they 
 were all deceived by the clouds that lay upon the land two days 
 together, in such sort that we thought it to be the headland of the 
 said island. And a Spaniard being in the ship, who was a mer 
 chant, and inhabitant in Jamaica, having occasion to go to Guinea, 
 and being by treason taken by the negroes, and afterwards bought 
 by the Tangomangos, was by our captain brought from thence, 
 and had his passage to go into his country 7 , who perceiving the 
 land, made as though he knew every place thereof, and pointed to 
 certain places which he named to be such a place, and such a 
 man's ground, and that behind such a point was the harbour, but 
 in the end he pointed so from one point to another that we were a 
 lee-board of all places, and found ourselves at the west end of 
 Jamaica before we were aware of it, and being once to leeward, 
 there was no getting up again, so that by trusting of the Spaniard's 
 knowledge, our captain sought not to speak with any of the inhabi 
 tants, which if he had not made himself sure of, he would have 
 done as his custom was in other places : but this man was a plague 
 not only to our captain, who made him lose by overshooting the 
 place ^2,000 by hides, which he might have got, but also to himself, 
 who being three years out of his country, and in great misery in 
 Guinea, both among the negroes and Tangomangos, and in hope fo 
 come to his wife and friends, as he made sure account, in that at 
 his going into the pinnace, when he went to shore he put on his 
 new clothes, and for joy flung away his old, could not afterwards 
 find any habitation, neither there nor in all Cuba, which we sailed all 
 along, but it fell out ever by one occasion or other that we were put 
 beside the same, so that he was fain to be brought into England, and 
 it happened to him as it did to a duke of Samaria, when the 
 Israelites were besieged, and were in great misery with hunger, 
 and being told by the Prophet Elizasus, that a bushel of flour 
 should be sold for a shekel, would not believe him, but thought it 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 
 
 37 
 
 impossible ; and for that cause Elizaeus prophesied he should see 
 the same done, but he should not eat thereof : so this man being 
 absent three years, and not ever thinking to have seen his own country, 
 did see the same, went upon it, and yet was it not his fortune to 
 come to it, or to any habitation, whereby to remain with his friends 
 according to his desire. 
 
 Thus having sailed along the coast two days, we departed on the 
 7th of June, being made to believe by the Spaniard that it was not 
 Jamaica, but rather Hispaniola. Of which opinion the captain also 
 was, because that which he made Jamaica seemed to be but a piece of 
 the land, and thereby took it rather to be Hispaniola, by the lying 
 of the coast ; and also for that being ignorant of the force of the 
 current, he could not believe he was so far driven to leeward, and 
 therefore setting his course to Jamaica, and after certain days not 
 finding the same, perceived then certainly that the island which he 
 was at before was Jamaica, and that the clouds did deceive him, 
 whereof he marvelled not a little. And this mistaking of the place 
 came to as ill a pass as the overshooting of Jamaica : for by this 
 did he also overpass a place in Cuba, called Santa Cruz, where, as he 
 was informed, was great store of hides to be had. And thus being 
 disappointed of two of his ports, where he thought to have raised great 
 profit by his traffic, and also to have found great refreshing of 
 victuals and water for his men, he was now disappointed greatly. 
 And such want he had of fresh water, that he was forced to seek 
 the shore to obtain the same, which he had sight of after certain 
 days overpassed with storms and contrary winds, but yet not of the 
 main of Cuba, but of certain islands in number two hundred, 
 whereof the most part were desolate of inhabitants. By the which 
 islands the captain passing in his pinnace, could find no fresh 
 water until he came to an island bigger than all the rest, called the 
 Isle of Pinas, where we anchored with our ships on the i6th of 
 June, and found water, which although it were neither so tooth 
 some as running water, by the means it is standing, and but the 
 water of rain, and also being near the sea, was brackish, yet did we 
 not refuse it, but were more glad thereof, as the time then required, 
 than we should have been another time with fine conduit water. 
 Thus being reasonably watered we were desirous to depart, because 
 the place was not very convenient for such ships of charge as they 
 were, because there were many shoals to leeward, which also lay 
 open to the sea for any wind that should blow : and therefore the 
 captain made the more haste away, which was not unneedful : for 
 
38 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1564 
 
 little sooner were their anchors weighed and foresail set, but there 
 arose such a storm, that they had not much to spare for doubling 
 out of the shoals : for one of the barques not being fully ready as 
 the rest, was fain for haste to cut the cable in the hawse, and lose 
 both anchor and cable to save herself. 
 
 Thus on the I7th of June we departed, and on the 2oth we fell 
 with the west end of Cuba, called Cape St. Antony, where for the 
 space of three days we doubled along, till we came beyond the shoals, 
 which are twenty leagues beyond St. Antony. And the ordinary 
 breeze taking us, which is the north-east wind, put us on the 24th 
 from the shore, and therefore we went to the north-west to fetch 
 wind, and also to the coast of Florida to have the help of the 
 current, which was judged to have set to the eastward : so on the 
 29th we found ourselves in twenty-seven degrees, and in the 
 soundings of Florida, where we kept ourselves the space of four 
 days, sailing along the coast as near as we could, in ten or twelve 
 fathom water, having all the while no sight of land. 
 
 On the 5th of July we had sight of certain islands of sand, called 
 the Tortugas (which is low land) where the captain went in with his 
 pinnace, and found such a number of birds, that in half-an-hour he 
 laded her with them ; and if they had been ten boats more they 
 might have done the like. These islands bear the name of 
 Tortoises, because of the number of them which there do breed, 
 whose nature is to live both in the water and upon land also, but 
 breed only upon the shore, in making a great pit wherein they lay 
 eggs, to the number of three or four hundred, and covering them 
 with sand, they are hatched by the heat of the sun ; and by this 
 means cometh the great increase. Of these we took very great 
 ones, which have both back and belly all of bone, of the thickness 
 of an inch : the fish whereof we proved, eating much like veal ; and 
 finding a number of eggs in them, tasted also of them, but they did 
 eat very sweetly. Here we anchored six hours, and then a fair 
 gale of wind springing, we weighed anchor, and made sail towards 
 Cuba, whither we came on the sixth day, and weathered as far as 
 the Table, being a hill so called, because of the form thereof ; here 
 we lay off and on all night, to keep that we had gotten to windward, 
 intending to have watered in the morning, if we could have done 
 it, or else if the wind had come larger, to have plied to windward 
 to Havana, which is a harbour whereunto all the fleet of the Spaniards, 
 come, and do there tarry to have one the company of another. 
 This hill we thinking to have been the Table, made account (as it 
 
I5 6 4] HAWKINS. 
 
 39 
 
 was indeed) that Havana was but eight leagues to windward, but 
 by the persuasion of a Frenchman, who made the captain believe 
 helcnew the Table very well, ancT had been at Havana, said that 
 it was not the Table, and that the Table was much higher, and 
 nearer to the sea-side, and that there was no plain ground to the 
 eastward, nor hills to the westward, but all was contrary, and that 
 behind the hills to the westward was Havana. To which persuasion 
 credit being given by some, and they not of the worst, the captain 
 was persuaded to go to leeward, and so sailed along on the 
 seventh and eighth days, finding no habitation, nor no other Table ; 
 and then perceiving his folly to give ear to such praters, was not 
 a little sorry, both because he did consider what time he should 
 spend ere he could get so far to windward again, which would have 
 been, with the weathering which we had, ten or twelve days' work, 
 and what it would have been longer he knew not, and (that which 
 was worst) he had not above a day's water, and therefore knew 
 not what shift to make : but in fine, because the want was such, 
 that his men could not live with it, he determined to seek water, 
 and to go farther to leeward, to a place (as it is set in the card) 
 called Rio de los Puercos, which he was in doubt of, both whether 
 it were inhabited, and whether there were water or not, and 
 whether for the shoals he might have such access with his ships, 
 that he might conveniently take in the same. And while we were 
 in these troubles, and kept our way to the place aforesaid, Almighty 
 God our guide (who would not suffer us to run into any further 
 danger, which we had been like to have incurred, if we had 
 ranged the coast of Florida along as we did before, which is so 
 dangerous, by reports, that no ship escapeth which cometh 
 thither, as the Spaniards have very well proved the same) sent us 
 on the eighth day at night a fair westerly wind, whereupon the 
 captain and company consulted, determining not to refuse God's 
 gift, but every man was contented to pinch his own belly, whatso 
 ever had happened ; and taking the said wind, on the Qth day of 
 July got to the Table, and sailing the same night, unawares over 
 shot Havana ; at which place we thought to have watered : but 
 the next day, not knowing that we had overshot the same, sailed 
 along the coast seeking it, and the eleventh day in the morning, 
 by certain known marks, we understood that we had overshot it 
 twenty leagues ; in which coast ranging we found no convenient 
 watering place, whereby there was no remedy but to disembogue, 
 and to water upon the coast of Florida ; for, to go further to 
 
40 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 the eastward we could not for the shoals, which are very dangerous ; 
 and because the current shooteth to the north-east, we doubted by 
 the force thereof to be set upon them, and therefore durst not 
 approach them ; so making but reasonable way the day aforesaid 
 and all the night, the twelfth day in the morning we fell in with 
 the islands upon the cape of Florida, which we could scant double, 
 by the means that fearing the shoals to the eastwards, and doubt 
 ing the current coming out of the west, which was not of that 
 force that we made account of, for we felt little or none till we fell 
 with the cape, and then felt such a current that, bearing all sails 
 against the same, yet were driven back again a great pace ; the 
 experience whereof we had by the Jesus pinnace, and the Salo 
 mon's boat, which were sent the same day in the afternoon, whiles 
 the ships were becalmed, to see if they could find any water upon 
 the islands aforesaid, who spent a great part of the day in rowing 
 thither, being further off than they deemed it to be ; and in the 
 meantime a fair gale of wind springing at sea, the ships departed, 
 making a sign to them to come away, who, although they saw 
 them depart, because they were so near the shore, would not lose 
 all the labour they had taken, but determined to keep their way, 
 and see if there were any water to be had, making no account but 
 to find the ships well enough ; but they spent so much time in 
 filling the water which they had found, that the night was come 
 before they could make an end. And having lost the sight of the 
 ships, they rowed what they could, but were wholly ignorant which 
 way they should seek them again ; as indeed there was a more 
 doubt than they knew of ; for when they departed the ships were 
 in no current, and sailing but a mile further, they found one so 
 strong, that bearing all sails it could not prevail against the same, 
 but were driven back ; whereupon the captain sent the Salomon 
 with the other two barques to bear near the shore all night, because 
 the current was less there a great deal, and to bear light, with 
 shooting off a piece now and then, to the intent the boats might 
 better know how to come to them. 
 
 The Jesus also bare a light in her top-gallant, and shot off a 
 piece also now and then, but the night passed, and the morning 
 was come, being the thirteenth day, and no news could be heard of 
 them ; but the ships and barques ceased not to look still for them, 
 yet they thought it was all in vain, by the means they heard not of 
 them all the night past ; and therefore determined to tarry no 
 longer, seeking for them till noon, and if they heard no news, then 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 41 
 
 they would depart to the Jesus, who perforce (by the vehemency of 
 the current) was carried almost out of sight ; but as God would have 
 it, now time being come, and they having tacked about in the 
 pinnace's top, had sight of them and took them up : they in the 
 boats, being to the number of one-and-twenty, having sight of the 
 ships, and seeing them tacking about, whereas before at the first 
 sight of them they did greatly rejoice, were now in a greater 
 perplexity than ever they were ; for by this they thought them 
 selves utterly forsaken, whereas before they were in some hope to 
 have found them. Truly God wrought marvellously for them, for 
 they themselves having no victuals but water, and being sore 
 oppressed with hunger, were not of opinion to bestow any further 
 time in seeking the ships than that present noon-time ; so that if 
 they had not at that instant espied them, they had gone to the 
 shore to have made provision for victuals, and with such things as 
 they could have gotten, either to have gone for that part of Florida 
 where the Frenchmen were planted (which would have been very 
 hard for them to have done, because they wanted victuals to bring 
 them thither, being a hundred and twenty leagues off), or else to 
 have remained among the Floridians, at whose hands they were put 
 in comfort by a Frenchman, who was with them, that had remained 
 in Florida at the first finding thereof, a whole year together, to 
 receive victuals sufficient and gentle entertainment, if need were 
 for a year or two, until which time God might have provided for 
 them. But how contrary this would have fallen out to their ex 
 pectations, it is hard to judge, seeing those people of the coast of 
 Florida are of more savage and fierce nature, and more valiant 
 than any of the rest ; which the Spaniards well proved, who being 
 five hundred men who intended there to land, returned few or 
 none of them, but were enforced to forsake the same ; and of their 
 cruelty mention is made in the book of Decades, of a friar, who, 
 taking upon him to persuade the people to subjection, was by 
 them taken, and his skin cruelly pulled over his ears, and his flesh 
 eaten. 
 
 In these Islands they being ashore found a dead man, dried 
 in a manner whole, with other heads and bodies of men ; so that 
 these sorts of men are eaters of the flesh of men, as well as the 
 cannibals. But to return to our purpose. 
 
 The fourteenth day the ship and barques came to the Jesus, bring 
 ing them news of the recovery of the men, which was not a little 
 to the rejoicing of the captain and the whole company ; and so 
 
42 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [^565 
 
 then altogether they kept on their way along the coast of Florida, 
 and the fifteenth day came to an anchor, and so from six-and- 
 twenty degrees to thirty degrees and a-half, where the French 
 men abode, ranging all the coast along, seeking for fresh water, 
 anchoring every night because we would overshoot no place of 
 fresh water, and in the day time the captain in the ship's pin 
 nace sailed along the shore, went into every creek, speaking with 
 divers of the Floridians, because he would understand where 
 the Frenchmen inhabited ; and not finding them in eight-and- 
 twenty degrees, as it was declared unto him, marvelled thereat, 
 and never left sailing along the coast till he found them, who 
 inhabited in a river, by them called the river of May, and 
 standing in thirty degrees and better. In ranging this coast 
 along, the captain found it to be all an island, and therefore it 
 is all low land, and very scant of fresh water; but the country 
 was marvellously sweet, with both marish and meadow ground, 
 and goodly woods among. There they found sorrel to grow 
 as abundantly as grass, and where their houses were, great 
 store of maize and mill, and grapes of great bigness, but of 
 taste much like our English grapes. Also deer great plenty^ 
 which came upon the sands before them. Their houses are not 
 many together, for in one house a hundred of them do lodge; 
 they being made much like a great barn, and in strength not 
 inferior to ours, for they have stanchions and rafters of whole 
 trees, and are covered with palmetto leaves, having no place 
 divided, but one small room for their king and queen. In the 
 midst of this house is a hearth, where they make great fires 
 all night, and they sleep upon certain pieces of wood hewn in 
 for the bowing of their backs, and another place made high for 
 their heads, which they put one by another all along the walls 
 on both sides. In their houses they remain only in the nights, 
 and in the day they desire the fields, where they dress their 
 meat and make provision for victuals, which they provide only 
 for a meal from hand to mouth. There is one thing to be 
 marvelled at, for the making of their fire, and not only they, 
 but also the negroes do the same, which is made only by two 
 sticks, rubbing them one against another; and this they may 
 do in any place they come, where they find sticks sufficient for 
 the purpose. In their apparel the men only use deer skins, 
 which skins are painted, some yellow and red, some black 
 and russet, and every man according to his own fancy. They 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 43 
 
 do not omit to paint their bodies also with curious knots, or an 
 tique work, as every man in his own fancy deviseth, which paint 
 ing, to make it continue the better, they use with a thorn to prick 
 their flesh, and dent in the same, whereby the painting may have 
 better hold. In their wars they use a slighter colour of painting 
 their faces, thereby to make themselves show the more fierce ; 
 which after their war is ended they wash away again. In 
 their wars they use bows and arrows, whereof their bows are 
 made of a kind of yew, but blacker than ours, and for the most 
 part passing the strength of the negroes or Indians, for it is not 
 greatly inferior to ours. Their arrows are also of a great length, 
 but yet of reeds, like other Indians, but varying in two points, 
 both in length and also for nocks and feathers, which the others 
 lack, whereby they shoot very steady ; the heads of the same are 
 vipers' teeth, bones of fishes, flint stones, piked points of knives, 
 which they having gotten of the Frenchmen, broke the same, and 
 put the points of them in their arrow-heads ; some of them have their 
 heads of silver ; other some that have want of these put in a kind of 
 hard wood, notched, which pierceth as far as any of the rest. In 
 their fight, being in the woods, they use a marvellous policy for 
 their own safeguard, which is by clasping a tree in their arms, and 
 yet shooting notwithstanding. This policy they used with the 
 Frenchmen in their fight, whereby it appeareth that they are people 
 of some policy ; and although they are called by the Spaniards 
 Gente triste, that is to say " Bad people," meaning thereby that 
 they are not men of capacity ; yet have the Frenchmen found 
 them so witty in their answers that, by the captain's own report, 
 a counsellor with us could not give a more profound reason. 
 
 The women also for their apparel use painted skins, but most of 
 them gowns of moss, somewhat longer than our moss, which they 
 sew together artificially, and make the same surplice-wise, wearing 
 their hair down to their shoulders, like the Indians. In this river 
 of May aforesaid the Captain, entering with his pinnace, found a 
 French ship of fourscore ton, and two pinnaces of fifteen ton 
 apiece by her, and speaking with the keepers thereof, they told 
 him of a fort two leagues up, which they had built, in which their 
 captain Monsieur Laudonniere was, with certain soldiers therein. 
 To whom our Captain sending to understand of a watering place, 
 where he might conveniently take it in, and to have licence for 
 the same, he straight, because there was no convenient place but 
 up the river five leagues, where the water was fresh, did send him 
 
44 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 a pilot for the more expedition thereof, to bring in one of his 
 barques, which, going in with other boats provided for the same 
 purpose, anchored before the fort, into the which our Captain 
 went, where he was by the General, with other captains and 
 soldiers, very gently entertained, who declared unto him the time 
 of their being there, which was fourteen months, with the ex 
 tremity they were driven to for want of victuals, having brought 
 very little with them; in which place they, being two hundred 
 men at their first coming, had in short space eaten all the maize 
 they could buy of the inhabitants about them, and therefore were 
 driven certain of them to serve a king of the Floridians against 
 other his enemies for mill and other victuals, which having gotten, 
 could not serve them, being so many, so long a time ; but want 
 came upon them in such sort that they were fain to gather acorns, 
 which, being stamped small and often washed to take away the 
 bitterness of them, they did use for bread, eating withal at sundry 
 times roots, whereof they found many good and wholesome, and 
 such as serve rather for medicines than for meats alone. But 
 this hardness not contenting some of them, who would not take 
 the pains so much as to fish in the river before their doors, but 
 would have all things put in their mouths, they did rebel against 
 the captain, taking away first his armour, and afterwards im 
 prisoning him: and so, to the number of fourscore of them, 
 departed with a barque and a pinnace, spoiling their store of 
 victuals, and taking away a great part thereof with them, and so 
 went to the islands of Hispaniola and Jamaica a-roving, where 
 they spoiled and pilled the Spaniards; and having taken two 
 caravels laden with wine and cassava, which is a bread made of 
 roots, and much other victuals and 'treasure, had not the grace to 
 depart therewith, but were of such haughty stomachs that they 
 thought their force to be such that no man durst meddle with 
 them, and so kept harbour in Jamaica, going daily ashore at their 
 pleasure. But God, who would not suffer such evil-doers un^. 
 punished, did indurate their hearts in such sort that they lingered 
 the time so long that a ship and galliasse being made out of St. 
 Domingo, came thither into the harbour and took twenty of them, 
 whereof the most part were hanged and the rest carried into 
 Spain, and some (to the number of five-and-twenty) escaped in the 
 pinnace and came to Florida, where, at their landing, they were 
 put into prison; and incontinent four of the chiefest being con 
 demned, at the request of the soldiers did pass the arquebusers, 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 45 
 
 and then were hanged upon a gibbet. This lack of threescore 
 men was a great discourage and weakening to the rest, for they 
 were the best soldiers that they had ; for they had now made the 
 inhabitants weary of them by their daily craving of maize, having 
 no wares left to content them withal, and therefore were enforced 
 to rob them, and to take away their victual perforce, which was 
 the occasion that the Floridians (not well contented therewith) 
 did take certain of their company in the woods, and slew them ; 
 whereby there grew great wars betwixt them and the French 
 men : and therefore they, being but a few in number, durst not 
 venture abroad, but at such time as they were enforced thereunto 
 for want of food to do the same ; and going, twenty arquebusers 
 in a company, were set upon by eighteen kings, having seven or 
 eight hundred men, which with one of their bows slew one of 
 their men, and hurt a dozen, and drove them all down to their 
 boats ; whose policy in fight was to be marvelled at ; for having 
 shot at divers of their bodies which were armed, and perceiving 
 that their arrows did not prevail against the same, they shot at 
 their faces and legs, which were the places that the Frenchmen 
 were hurt in. Thus the Frenchmen returned, being in ill case by 
 the hurt of their men, having not above forty soldiers left unhurt, 
 whereby they might ill make any more invasions upon the Flo 
 ridians, and keep their fort withal, which they must have been 
 driven unto had not God sent us thither for their succour; for 
 they had not above ten days' victuals left before we came. In 
 which perplexity our Captain seeing them, spared them out of his 
 ship twenty barrels of meal and four pipes of beans, with divers 
 other victuals and necessaries which he might conveniently spare ; 
 and to help them the better homewards, whither they were bound 
 before our coming, at their request we spared them one of our 
 barques of fifty ton. Notwithstanding the great want that the 
 Frenchman had, the ground doth yield victuals sufficient if they 
 would have taken pains to get the same ; but they, being soldiers, 
 desired to live by the sweat of other men's brows ; for while they 
 had peace with the Floridians they had fish sufficient by weirs 
 which they made to catch the same ; but when they grew to wars 
 the Floridians took away the same again, and then would not the 
 Frenchmen take the pains to make any more. The ground 
 yieldeth naturally grapes in great store, for in the time that the 
 Frenchmen were there they made twenty hogsheads of wine. 
 Also it yieldeth roots passing good, deer marvellous store, with 
 
46 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1564 
 
 divers other beasts and fowl serviceable to the use of man. 
 These be things wherewith a man may live, having corn or maize 
 wherewith to make bread ; for maize maketh good savoury bread 
 and cakes as fine as flour. Also it maketh good meal, beaten and 
 sodden with water, and eateth like pap wherewith we feed chil 
 dren. It maketh also good beverage, sodden in water, and 
 nourishable, which the Frenchmen did use to drink of in the 
 morning, and it assuaged their thirst so that they had no need to 
 drink all the day after. And this maize was the greatest lack 
 they had, because they had no labourers to sow the same, and 
 therefore to them that should inhabit the land it were requisite to 
 have labourers to till and sow the ground; for they, having 
 victuals of their own, whereby they neither rob nor spoil the 
 inhabitants, may live not only quietly with them, who naturally 
 are more desirous of peace than of wars, but also shall have 
 abundance of victuals proffered to them for nothing ; for it is with 
 them as it is with one of us, when we see another man ever 
 taking away from us, although we have enough besides, yet then 
 we think all too little for ourselves. For surely we have heard 
 the Frenchmen report, and I know it by the Indians, that a very 
 little contenteth them ; for the Indians, with the head of maize 
 roasted, will travel a whole day ; and when they are at the 
 Spaniards' finding, they give them nothing but sodden herbs and 
 maize : and in this order I saw threescore of them feed, who were 
 laden with wares, and came fifty leagues off. The Floridians 
 when they travel have a kind of herb dried, who, with a cane and 
 an earthen cup in the end, with fire, and the dried herbs put 
 together, do suck through the cane the smoke thereof, which 
 smoke satisfieth their hunger, and therewith they live four or five 
 days without meat or drink, and this all the Frenchmen used for 
 this purpose; yet do they hold opinion withal that it causeth 
 water and steam to void from their stomachs. The commodities 
 of this land are more than are yet known to any man ; for besides 
 the land itself, whereof there is more than any king Christian is 
 able to inhabit, it flourisheth with meadow, pasture-ground, with 
 woods of cedar and cypress, and other sorts, as better cannot be 
 in the world. They have for apothecary herbs, trees, roots, and 
 gums great store, as storax liquida, turpentine, gum, myrrh, and 
 frankincense, with many others whereof I know not the names. 
 Colours, both red, black, yellow, and russet, very perfect, where 
 with they so paint their bodies and deer-skins which they wear 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 47 
 
 about them, that with water it neither fadeth away nor altereth 
 colour. Gold and silver they want not; for at the Frenchmen's 
 first coming thither they had the same offered them for little or 
 nothing; for they received for a hatchet two pound weight of 
 gold, because they knew not the estimation thereof. But the 
 soldiers being greedy of the same, did take it from them, giving 
 them nothing for it, the which they perceiving, that both the 
 Frenchmen did greatly esteem it, and also did rigorously deal 
 with them, at last would not have it be known they had any more, 
 neither durst they wear the same for fear of being taken away. 
 So that, saving at their first coming, they could get none of them. 
 And how they came by this gold and silver the Frenchmen know 
 not as yet, but by guess, who, having travelled to the south-west 
 of the cape, having found the same dangerous by means of sundry 
 banks, as we also have found the same, and there finding masts 
 which were wrecks of Spaniards coming from Mexico, judged that 
 they had gotten treasure by them. For it is most true that divers 
 wrecks have been made of Spaniards having much treasure. 
 For the Frenchmen having travelled to the capeward a hundred 
 and fifty miles, did find two Spaniards with the Floridians, whom 
 they brought afterward to their fort, whereof one was in a caravel 
 coming from the Indies, which was cast away fourteen years ago, 
 and the other twelve years, of whose fellows some escaped, 
 othersome were slain by the inhabitants. It seemeth they had esti 
 mation of their gold and silver, for it is wrought flat and graven, 
 which they wear about their necks ; and others made round like a 
 pancake, with a hole in the midst, to bolster up their breasts 
 withal, because they think it a deformity to have great breasts. 
 As for mines, either of gold or silver, the Frenchmen can hear of 
 none they have upon the island, but of copper, whereof as yet also 
 they have not made the proof, because they were but few men. 
 But it it is not unlike but that in the main, where are high hills, 
 may be gold and silver as well as in Mexico, because it is all one 
 main. The Frenchmen obtained pearls of them of great bigness, 
 but they were black, by means of roasting of them ; for they do 
 not fish for them as the Spaniards do, but for their meat. For 
 the Spaniards use to keep daily a-fishing some two or three 
 hundred Indians, some of them that be of choice a thousand. 
 And their order is to go in canoes, or rather great pinnaces, with 
 thirty men in a-piece, whereof the one-half or most part be divers, 
 the rest do open the same for the pearls. For it is not suffered 
 
48 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1564 
 
 that they should use dragging ; for that would bring them out of 
 estimation, and mar the beds of them. The oysters which have 
 the smallest sorts of pearls are found in seven or eight fathom 
 water ; but the greatest, in eleven or twelve fathom. 
 
 The Floridians have pieces of unicorns' horns, which they wear 
 about their necks, whereof the Frenchmen obtained many pieces. 
 Of those unicorns they have many ; for that they do affirm it to 
 be a beast with one horn, which, coming to the river to drink, 
 putteth the same into the water before he drinketh. Of this uni 
 corn's horn there are of our company that, having gotten the same 
 of the Frenchmen, brought home thereof to show. It is therefore 
 to be presupposed that there are more commodities as well as 
 that, which, for want of time and people sufficient to inhabit the 
 same, cannot yet come to light; but I trust God will reveal the 
 same before it be long, to the great profit of them that shall take 
 it in hand. Of beasts in this country besides deer, foxes, hares, 
 polecats, coneys, ounces, and leopards, I am not able certainly to 
 say ; but it is thought that there are lions, and tigers as well as 
 unicorns lions especially, if it be true that is said of the enmity 
 between them and the unicorns ; for there is no beast but hath his 
 enemy, as the coney the polecat, a sheep the wolf, the elephant 
 the rhinoceros, and so of other beasts the like, insomuch that 
 whereas the one is the other cannot be missing. And seeing I 
 have made mention of the beasts of this country, it shall not be 
 from my purpose to speak also of the venomous beasts, as croco 
 diles, whereof there is great abundance, adders of great bigness, 
 whereof our men killed some of a yard and a half long. Also I heard 
 a miracle of one of these adders, upon the which a falcon seizing, 
 the said adder did clasp her tail about her, which the French 
 captain seeing, came to the rescue of the falcon, and took her, 
 slaying the adder ; and this falcon being wild, he did reclaim her, 
 and kept her for the space of two months, at which time for very 
 want of meat he was fain to cast her off. On these adders the 
 Frenchmen did feed, to no little admiration of us, and affirmed 
 the same to be a delicate meat. And the captain of the French 
 men saw also a serpent with three heads and four feet, of the 
 bigness of a great spaniel, which for want of an arquebus he 
 durst not attempt to slay. Of fish, also, they have in the river 
 pike, roach, salmon, trout, and divers other small fishes, and of 
 great fish, some of the length of a man and longer, being of 
 bigness accordingly, having a snout much like a sword of a yard 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 
 
 49 
 
 long. There be also of sea-fishes, which we saw coming along 
 the coast, flying, which are of the bigness of a smelt, the biggest 
 sort whereof have four wings, but the others have but two. Of 
 these we saw coming out of Guinea a hundred in a company, 
 which, being chased by the gilt-heads, otherwise called the bonitos, 
 do, to avoid them the better, take their flight out of the water ; 
 but yet are they not able to fly far, because of the drying of their 
 wings, which serve them not to fly but when they are moist, and 
 therefore when they can fly no further, they fall into the water, 
 and having wet their wings, take a new flight again. These 
 bonitos be of bigness like a carp, and in colour like a mackerel ; 
 but it is the swiftest fish in swimming that is, and followeth her 
 prey very fiercely, not only in the water, but also out of the 
 water ; for as the flying-fish taketh her flight, so doth this bonito 
 leap after them, and taketh them sometimes above the water. 
 There were some of those bonitos which, being galled by a fizgig,* 
 did follow our ship coming out of Guinea 500 leagues. There is 
 a sea-fowl, also, that chaseth this flying-fish as well as the bonito ; 
 for as the flying-fish taketh her flight, so doth this fowl pursue to 
 take her, which to behold is a greater pleasure than hawking; 
 for both the flights are as pleasant, and also more often than a 
 hundred times; for the fowl can fly no way but one or other 
 lighteth in her paws, the number of them are so abundant. 
 There is an innumerable young fry of these flying fishes, which 
 commonly keep about the ship, and are not so big as butterflies, 
 and yet by flying do avoid the unsatiableness of the bonito. Of 
 the bigger sort of these fishes we took many, which both night and 
 day flew into the sails of our ship, and there was not one of them 
 which was not worth a bonito ; for being put upon a hook drabbling 
 in the water, the bonito would leap thereat, and so was taken. 
 Also we took many with a white cloth made fast to a hook, 
 which being tied so short in the water that it might leap out and 
 in, the greedy bonito, thinking it to be a flying fish, leapeth 
 thereat, and so is deceived. We took also dolphins, which are of 
 very goodly colour and proportion to behold, and no less delicate 
 in taste. Fowls also there be many, both upon land and upon 
 sea; but concerning them on the land I am not able to name 
 
 * Spanish, Fisga, a small trident with barbed points, fixed on a staff ten or twelve feet 
 long, attached by a long cord to the ship's side. It is still in use for catching the dolphin 
 and bonito. 
 
50 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1564 
 
 them, because my abode was there so short. But for the fowl of 
 the fresh rivers these two I noted to be the chief whereof the 
 flamingo is one, having all red feathers and long red legs like a 
 heron, a neck according to the bill, red, whereof the upper neb 
 hangeth an inch over the nether ; and an egript, which is all 
 white as the swan, with legs like to a heronshaw, and of bigness 
 accordingly ; but it hath in her tail feathers of so fine a plume, 
 that it passeth the ostrich's feather. Of the sea-fowl above all 
 other not common in England, I noted the pelican, which is 
 feigned to be the lovingest bird that is, which, rather than her 
 young should want, will spare her heart's blood out of her 
 belly ; but for all this lovingness she is very deformed to behold, 
 for she is of colour russet. Notwithstanding, in Guinea I have 
 seen them as white as a swan, having legs like the same and a 
 body like a heron, with a long neck and a thick long beak, from 
 the nether jaw whereof down to the breast passeth a skin of such 
 a bigness as is able to receive a fish as big as one's thigh, and 
 this her big throat and long bill doth make her seem so ugly. 
 
 Here I have declared the estate of Florida and the commo 
 dities therein to this day known, which although it may seem unto 
 some, by the means that the plenty of gold and silver is not so 
 abundant as in other places, that the cost bestowed upon the same 
 will not be able to quit the charges, yet am I of the opinion that, by 
 that which I have seen in other islands of the Indians, where 
 such increase of cattle hath been, that of twelve head of beasts 
 in five-and-twenty years did in the hides of them raise a thousand 
 pounds profit yearly, that the increase of cattle only would raise 
 profit sufficient for the same. For we may consider, if so small 
 a portion did raise so much gains in such short time, what would 
 a greater do in many years ? And surely I may this affirm, that 
 the ground of the Indians for the breed of catttle is not in any 
 point to be compared to this of Florida, which all the year long 
 is so green as any time in the summer with us ; which surely is not 
 to be marvelled at, seeing the country standeth in so watery a 
 climate ; for once a day, without fail, they have a shower of rain, 
 which, by means of the country itself, which is dry and more 
 fervent hot than ours, doth make all things to flourish therein. 
 And because there is not the thing we all seek for, being rather 
 desirous of present gains, I do therefore affirm the attempt 
 thereof to be more requisite for a prince, who is of power able 
 to go through with the same, rather than for any subject. 
 
1564] HAWKINS. 51 
 
 From thence we departed on the 28th of July upon our voyage 
 homewards, having there all things as might be most convenient 
 for our purpose ; and took leave of the Frenchmen that there still 
 remained, who with diligence determined to make as great speed 
 after as they could. Thus, by means of contrary winds often 
 times, we prolonged our voyage in such manner that victuals 
 scanted with us, so that we were divers times (or rather the most 
 part) in despair of ever coming home, had not God of His good 
 ness better provided for us than our deserving. In which state of 
 great misery we were provoked to call upon Him by fervent 
 prayer, which moved Him to hear us, so that we had a prosperous 
 wind, which did set us so far shot as to be upon the bank of 
 Newfoundland on St. Bartholomew's Eve, and we sounded there 
 upon, finding ground at a hundred-and-thirty fathoms, being that 
 day somewhat becalmed, and took a great number of fresh cod 
 fish, which greatly relieved us ; and being very glad thereof the 
 next day we departed, and had lingering little gales for the space 
 of four or five days, at the end of which we saw a couple of 
 French ships, and had of them so much fish as would serve us 
 plentifully for all the rest of the way, the Captain paying for the 
 same both gold and silver, to the just value thereof, unto the chief 
 owners of the said ships ; but they, not looking for anything at all, 
 were glad in themselves to meet with such good entertainment at 
 sea as they had at our hands. After which departure from them 
 with a good large wind on the 2oth of September we came to 
 Padstow, in Cornwall, God be thanked, in safety, with the loss of 
 twenty persons in all the voyage, and with great profit to the 
 venturers of the said voyage, as also to the whole realm, in 
 bringing home both gold, silver, pearls, and other jewels great 
 store. His name, therefore, be praised for evermore. Amen. 
 
 E 2 
 
52 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1567 
 
 HAWKINS. THIRD VOYAGE. 
 
 NARRATIVE BY HAWKINS HIMSELF. 
 
 The THIRD troublesome VOYAGE made with the JESUS of Lubeck, 
 the MINION, and four other ships, to the parts of GUINEA and 
 the WEST INDIES, in the years 1567 and 1568, ^MASTER 
 JOHN HAWKINS. 
 
 The ships departed from Plymouth, the 2nd day of October, 
 Anno 1 567, and had reasonable weather until the seventh day. At 
 which time, forty leagues north from Cape Finisterre, there arose 
 an extreme storm, which continued four days, in such sort, that the 
 fleet was dispersed, and all our great boats lost ; and the Jesus, our 
 chief ship, in such case as not thought able to serve the voyage. 
 Whereupon in the same storm we set our course homeward, 
 determining to give over the voyage. But the eleventh day of 
 the same month, the wind changed with fair weather, whereby 
 we were animated to follow our enterprise, and so did, direct 
 ing our course with the islands of the Canaries, where, accord 
 ing to an order before prescribed, all our ships before dispersed, 
 met at one of those islands, called Gomera, where we took 
 water, and departed from thence on the 4th day of November, 
 towards the coast of Guinea, and arrived at Cape Verde, on 
 the 1 8th of November: where we landed 150 men, hoping to 
 obtain some negroes, where we got but few, and those with 
 great hurt and damage to our men, which chiefly proceeded 
 of their envenomed arrows. And although in the beginning 
 they seemed to be but small hurts, yet there hardly escaped 
 any that had blood drawn of them, but died in strange sort, with 
 their mouths shut some ten days before they died, and after their 
 wounds were whole ; where I myself had one of the greatest 
 wounds, yet, thanks be to God, escaped. From thence we passed 
 
1568] HAWKINS. 53 
 
 the time upon the coast of Guinea, searching with all diligence the 
 rivers from Rio Grande unto Sierra Leone, till the I2th of January, 
 in which time we had not gotten together a hundred and fifty 
 negroes. Yet notwithstanding, the sickness of our men and the late 
 time of the year commanded us away : and thus having nothing 
 wherewith to seek the coast of the West Indies, I was with the 
 rest of our company in consultation to go to the coast of the Mine, 
 hoping there to have obtained some gold for our wares, and thereby 
 to have defrayed our charge. But even in that present instant, 
 there came to us a negro, sent from a king, oppressed by other 
 kings his neighbours, desiring our aid, with promise that as many 
 negroes as by these wars might be obtained, as well of his part as 
 of ours, should be at our pleasure. Whereupon we concluded to 
 give aid, and sent 120 of our men, which on the I5th of January 
 assaulted a town of the negroes of our ally's adversaries, which had 
 in it 8,000 inhabitants, being very strongly impaled and fenced 
 after their manner. But it was so well defended, that our men 
 prevailed not, but lost six men and forty hurt : so that our men 
 sent forthwith to me for more help. Whereupon, considering that 
 the good success of this enterprise might highly further the 
 commodity of our voyage, I went myself, and with the help of the 
 king of our side, assaulted the town, both by land and sea, and 
 very hardly with fire (their houses being covered with dry palm 
 leaves) obtained the town, and put the inhabitants to flight, where 
 we took 250 persons, men, women, and children, and by our friend 
 the king of our side, there were taken 600 prisoners, whereof we 
 hoped to have had our choice. But the negro (in which nation is 
 seldom or never found truth) meant nothing less : for that night he 
 removed his camp and prisoners, so that we were fain to content 
 us with those few which we had gotten ourselves. 
 
 Now had we obtained between four and five hundred negroes, 
 wherewith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seek the coast of 
 the West Indies ; and there, for our negroes, and other our mer 
 chandise, we hoped to obtain whereof to countervail our charges 
 with some gains. Whereunto we proceeded with all diligence, 
 furnished our watering, took fuel, and departed the coast of Guinea 
 on the 3rd of February, continuing at the sea with a passage more 
 hard than before hath been accustomed till the 27th day of 
 March, which day we had sight of an island, called Dominica, upon 
 the coast of the West Indies, in fourteen degrees. From thence we 
 coasted from place to place, making our traffic with the Spaniards 
 
54 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1568 
 
 as we might, somewhat hardly, because the king had straitly 
 commanded all his governors in those parts by no means to suffer 
 any trade to be made with us. Notwithstanding, we had reasonable 
 trade, and courteous entertainment, from the Isle of Margarita unto 
 Cartagena, without anything greatly worth the noting, saving at 
 Capo de la Vela, in a town called Rio de la Hacha, from whence 
 come all the pearls. The treasurer, who had the charge there, would 
 by no means agree to any trade, or suffer us to take water. He had 
 fortified his town with divers bulwarks in all places where it might 
 be entered, and furnished himself with an hundred arquebusiers, so 
 that he thought by famine to have inforced us to have put on land 
 our negroes. Of which purpose he had not greatly failed, unless we 
 had by force entered the town ; which (after we could by no means 
 obtain his favour) we were enforced to do, and so with two hundred 
 men brake in upon their bulwarks, and entered the town with 
 the loss only of two men of our part, and no hurt done to the 
 Spaniards, because after their volley of shot discharged, they all 
 fled. Thus having the town with some circumstance, as partly by the 
 Spaniards' desire of negroes, and partly by friendship of the treasurer, 
 we obtained a secret trade : whereupon the Spaniards resorted to 
 us by night, and bought of us to the number of 200 negroes. In all 
 other places where we traded the Spanish inhabitants were glad 
 of us and traded willingly. 
 
 At Cartagena, the last town we thought to have seen on the coast, 
 we could by no means obtain to deal with any Spaniard, the gover 
 nor was so strait. And because our trade was so near finished, we 
 thought not good either to adventure any landing, or to detract 
 further time, but in peace departed from thence on the 24th of 
 July, hoping to have escaped the time of their storms which then 
 soon after began to reign, the which they call Furicanos. But 
 passing by the west end of Cuba, towards the coast of Florida 
 there happened to us on the I2th day of August an extreme storm 
 which continued by the space of four days, which so beat the Jesus, 
 that we cut down all her higher buildings. Her rudder also was sore 
 shaken, and withal was in so extreme a leak that we were rather 
 upon the point to leave her then to keep her any longer ; yet, hoping 
 to bring all to good pass, we sought the coast of Florida, where 
 we found no place nor haven for our ships, because of the shallow- 
 ness of the coast. Thus, being in greater despair, and taken with a new 
 storm which continued other three days, we were enforced to take 
 for our succour the port which serveth the city of Mexico, called 
 
1568] HAWKINS. 55 
 
 Saint John de Ullua, which standeth in nineteen degrees. In seeking 
 of which port we took in our way three ships which carried passengers 
 to the number of an hundred, which passengers we hoped should 
 be a means to us the better to obtain victuals for our money, and 
 a quiet place for the repairing of our fleet. Shortly after this on 
 the 1 6th of September we entered the port of Saint John de Ullua. 
 And in our entry the Spaniards thinking us to be the fleet of Spain, 
 the chief officers of the country came aboard us. Which being 
 deceived of their expectation were greatly dismayed : but immediately 
 when they saw our demand was nothing but victuals, were recom- 
 forted. I found also in the same port twelve ships which had in 
 them by the report two hundred thousand pound in gold and 
 silver, all which (being in my possession, with the king's island as 
 also the passengers before in my way thitherward stayed) I set at 
 liberty, without the taking from them the weight of a groat. Only, 
 because I would not be delayed of my dispatch, I stayed two men 
 of estimation and sent post immediately to Mexico, which was two 
 hundred miles from us, to the Presidents and Council there, 
 shewing them of our arrival there by the force of weather, and the 
 necessity of the repair of our ships and victuals, which wants we 
 required as friends to king Philip to be furnished of for our money : 
 and that the Presidents and Council there should with all convenient 
 speed take order, that at the arrival of the Spanish fleet, which was 
 daily looked for, there might no cause of quarrel rise between us 
 and them, but for the better maintenance of amity, their command 
 ment might be had in that behalf. This message being sent away 
 on the 1 6th day of September at night, being the very day of our 
 arrival, in the next morning, which was on the seventeeth day of 
 the same month, we saw open of the haven thirteen great 
 ships. And understanding them to be the fleet of Spain, I sent 
 immediately to advertise the general of the fleet of my being there, 
 doing him to understand, that before I would suffer them to enter 
 the port, there should some order of conditions pass between us for 
 our safe being there, and maintenance of peace. Now it is to be 
 understood that this port is made by a little island of stones not three 
 feet above the water in the highest place, and but a bow-shoot of 
 length any way. This island standeth from the main land two bow- 
 shoots or more. Also it is to be understood that there is not in all 
 this coast any other place for ships to arrive in safety, because the 
 north wind hath there such violence, that unless the ships be very 
 safely moored with their anchors fastened upon this island, there is 
 
56 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1568 
 
 no remedy for these north winds but death. Also the place of the 
 haven was so little, that of necessity the ships must ride one aboard 
 the other, so that we could not give place to them, nor they to us. 
 And here I began to bewail that which after followed, for now, said I, 
 I am in two dangers, and forced to receive the one of them. That 
 was, either I must have kept out the fleet from entering the port, 
 the which with God's help I was very well able to do, or else suffer 
 them to enter in with their accustomed treason, which they never 
 failed to execute, where they may have opportunity to compass it 
 by any means. If I had kept them out, then had there been present 
 shipwreck of all the fleet, which amounted in value to six millions, 
 which was in value of our money ,1,800,000, which I considered I 
 was not able to answer, fearing the Queen's Majesty's indignation in 
 so weighty a matter. Thus with myself revolving the doubts, I 
 thought rather better to abide the jut of the uncertainty than the 
 certainty. The uncertain doubt I account was their treason which 
 by good policy I hoped might be prevented, and therefore, as 
 choosing the least mischief, I proceeded to conditions. Now was 
 our first messenger come and returned from the fleet with report 
 of the arrival of a Viceroy, so that he had authority, both in all this 
 province of Mexico (otherwise called Nueva Espana) and in the 
 sea, who sent us word that we should send our conditions, which 
 of his part should (for the better maintenance of amity between 
 the princes) be both favourably granted and faithfully performed ; 
 with many fair words how passing the coast of the Indies he had 
 understood of our honest behaviour towards the inhabitants where 
 we had to do, as well elsewhere as in the same port, the which I 
 let pass. Thus, following our demand, we required victuals for our 
 money, and licence to sell as much ware as might furnish our wants, 
 and that there might be of either part twelve gentlemen as hostages 
 for the maintenance of peace : and that the island, for our better' 
 safety, might be in our own possession, during our abode there, 
 and such ordnance as was planted in the same island, which were 
 eleven pieces of brass : and that no Spaniard might land in the 
 island with any kind of weapon. These conditions at the first he 
 somewhat misliked, chiefly the guard of the island to be in our own 
 keeping. Which if they had had, wehad soon known ourfare : for with 
 the first north wind they had cut our cables and our ships had gone 
 ashore. But in the end he concluded to our request, bringing the 
 twelve hostages to ten, which with all speed of either part were 
 received, with a writing from the Viceroy signed with his hand and 
 
1568] HAWKINS. 57 
 
 sealed with his seal of all the conditions concluded, and forthwith 
 a trumpet blown with commandment that none of either part should 
 be mean to violate the peace upon pain of death : and, further, it 
 was concluded that the two generals of the fleets should meet, and 
 give faith each to other for the performance of the premises, which, 
 was so done. Thus at the end of three days all was concluded 
 and the fleet entered the port, saluting one another as the manner 
 of the sea doth require. Thus, as I said before, Thursday we entered 
 the port, Friday we saw the fleet, and on Monday at night they 
 entered the port. Then we laboured two days placing the English 
 ships by themselves and the Spanish by themselves, the captains 
 of each part and inferior men of their parts promising great amity 
 of all sides : which, even as with all fidelity it was meant on our 
 part, so the Spaniards meant nothing less on their parts, but from 
 the main land had furnished themselves with a supply of men to 
 the number of one thousand, and meant the next Thursday, being 
 the 23rd of September, at dinner-time to set upon us on all sides. 
 The same Thursday, in the morning, the treason being at hand, 
 some appearance shewed, as shifting of weapon from ship to ship, 
 planting and bending of ordnance from the ships to the island 
 where our men warded, passing to and fro of companies of men 
 more than required for their necessary business, and many other 
 ill likelihoods, which caused us to have a vehement suspicion. 
 And therewithal we sent to the Viceroy to enquire what was meant 
 by it, which sent immediately strait commandment to unplant all 
 things suspicious, and also sent word that he in the faith of a 
 Viceroy would be our defence from all villanies. Yet we being not 
 satisfied with this answer, because we suspected a great number of 
 men to be hid in a great ship of 900 tons which was moored 
 near unto the Minion, sent again to the Viceroy the master of the 
 Jesus, which had the Spanish tongue, and required to be satisfied 
 if any such thing were or not. The Viceroy now seeing that the 
 treason must be discovered, forthwith stayed our master, blew the 
 trumpet, and of all sides set upon us. Our men which warded a- 
 shore being stricken with sudden fear, gave place, fled, and sought 
 to recover succour of the ships. The Spaniards, beingbefore provided 
 for the purpose, landed in all places in multitudes from their ships, 
 which they might easily do without boats, and slew all our men 
 on shore without mercy ; a few of them escaped aboard the Jesus. 
 The great ship which had by the estimation three hundred men 
 placed in her secretly, immediately fell aboard the Minion. But by 
 
58 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1568 
 
 God's appointment, in the time of the suspicion we had, which was 
 only one half-hour, the Minion was made ready to avoid, and so 
 loosing her headfasts, and hauling away by the sternfasts, she was 
 gotten out : thus with God's help she defended the violence of the 
 first brunt of these three hundred men. The Minion being passed 
 out, they came aboard the Jesus, which also with very much ado 
 and the loss of many of our men were defended and kept out. 
 Then were there also two other ships that assaulted the Jesus at 
 the same instant, so that she had hard getting loose, but yet with 
 some time we had cut our headfasts and gotten out by the stern- 
 fasts. Now when the Jesus and the Minion were gotten about two 
 ships' length from the Spanish fleet, the fight began so hot on all 
 sides that within one hour the admiral of the Spaniards was 
 supposed to be sunk, their vice-admiral burned, and one other of 
 their principal ships supposed to be sunk, so that the ships were 
 little able to annoy us. 
 
 Then is it to be understood, that all the ordnance upon the island 
 was in the Spaniards' hands, which did us so great annoyance, 
 that it cut all the masts and yards of the Jesus, in such sort that 
 there was no hope to carry her away. Also it sunk our small ships, 
 whereupon we determined to place the Jesus on that side of the 
 Minion, that she might abide all the battery from the land, and so 
 be a defence for the Minion till night, and then to take such relief 
 of victuals and other necessaries from the Jesus, as the time would 
 suffer us, and to leave her. As we were thus determining, and had 
 placed the Minion from the shot of the land, suddenly the 
 Spaniards had fired two great ships which were coming directly 
 with us. And having no means to avoid the fire, it bred among our 
 men a marvellous fear, so that some said, Let us depart with the 
 Minion. Other said, Let us see whether the wind will carry the fire 
 from us. But to be short, the Minion's men which had always their 
 sails in a readiness, thought to make sure work, and so without either 
 the consent of the captain or master cut their sail, so that very 
 hardly I was received into the Minion. 
 
 The most part of the men that were left aljve in the Jesus, made 
 shift and followed the Minion in a small boat. The rest which the 
 little boat was not able to receive, were enforced to abide the mercy 
 of the Spaniards, which I doubt was very little. So with the Minion 
 only and the Judith, a small barque of fifty ton, we escaped. Which 
 barque the same night forsook us in our great misery. We were now 
 removed with the Minion from the Spanish ships two bow-shoots, 
 
1568] HAWKINS. 59 
 
 and there rode all that night. The next morning we recovered an 
 island a mile from the Spaniards, where there took us a north wind, 
 and being left only with two anchors and two cables (for in this 
 conflict we lost three cables and two anchors) we thought always 
 upon death which ever was present, but God preserved us to a 
 longer time. 
 
 The weather waxed reasonable ; and on the Saturday we set sail, 
 and having a great number of men and little victuals, our hope of 
 life waxed less and less. Some desired to yield to the Spaniards ; 
 some rather desired to obtain a place where they might give them 
 selves to the infidels: and some had rather abide with a little 
 pittance the mercy of God at sea. So thus, with many sorrowful 
 hearts, we wandered in an unknown sea by the space of fourteen 
 days, till hunger enforced us to seek the land: for hides were 
 thought very good meat, rats, cats, mice, and dogs, none escaped 
 that might be gotten, parrots and monkeys, that were had in great 
 price, were thought there very profitable if they served the turn 
 one dinner. Thus in the end, on the 8th day of October, we came 
 to the land in the bottom of the same bay of Mexico in twenty- 
 three degrees and a half, where we hoped to have found inhabitants 
 of the Spaniards, relief of victuals, and place for the repair of our 
 ship, which was so sore beaten with shot from our enemies and 
 bruised with shooting off our own ordnance, that our weary 
 and weak arms were scarce able to defend and keep our water. 
 But all things happened to the contrary ; for we found neither 
 people, victual, nor haven of relief, but a place where having fair 
 weather with some peril we might land a boat. Our people 
 being forced with hunger desired to be set on land, whereunto I 
 consented. 
 
 And such as were willing to land, I put them apart ; and such as 
 were desirous to go homewards, I put apart; so that they were 
 indifferently parted a hundred of one side and a hundred of the 
 other side. These hundred men we set on land with all diligence 
 in this little place beforesaid ; which being landed, we determined 
 there to take in fresh water, and so with our little remain of victuals 
 to take the sea. 
 
 The next day having a-land with me fifty of our hundred men 
 that remained for the speedier preparing of our water aboard, there 
 arose an extreme storm, so that in three days we could by no 
 means repair aboard our ship : the ship also was in such peril that 
 every hour we looked for shipwreck. 
 
60 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1568 
 
 But yet God again had mercy on us, and sent fair weather ; we had 
 aboard our water, and departed on the i6th day of October, after 
 which day we had fair and prosperous weather till on the :6th day of 
 November, which day God be praised we were clear from the 
 coast of the Indies, and out of the channel and gulf of Bahama, 
 which is between the Cape of Florida, and the islands of Jucayo. 
 After this growing near to the cold country, our men being oppressed 
 with famine, died continually, and they that were left, grew into 
 such weakness that we were scantly able to manage our ship, and the 
 wind being always ill for us to recover England, we determined to 
 go with Galicia in Spain, with intent there to relieve our company 
 and other extreme wants. And being arrived on the last day of 
 December in a place near unto Vigo called Ponte Vedra, our men 
 with excess of fresh meat grew into miserable diseases, and died a 
 great part of them. This matter was borne out as long as it might 
 be, but in the end although there were none of our men suffered to 
 get a-land, yet by access of the Spaniards, our feebleness was 
 known to them. Whereupon they ceased not to seek by all means 
 to betray us, but with all speed possible we departed to Vigo, where 
 we had some help of certain English ships and twelve fresh men, 
 wherewith we repaired our wants as we might, and departing on 
 the 2oth day of January, 1 569, arrived in Mount's Bay, in Cornwall, 
 on the 25th of the same month, praised be God therefore. 
 
 If all the miseries and troublesome affairs of this sorrowful 
 voyage should be perfectly and thoroughly written, there should 
 need a painful man with his pen, and as great a time as he had that 
 wrote the lives and deaths of the martyrs. 
 
 JOHN HAWKINS. 
 
FROBISHER. 6 1 
 
 FROBISHER. 
 
 HAWKINS was the pioneer of the Slave Trade, and of the old 
 Virginian and West Indian colonization which rested upon it. 
 Frobisher was the pioneer of Arctic exploration, and of the 
 long and fruitless quest of a North-West Passage to the eastern 
 shores of Asia. 
 
 The object of the expedition of Columbus was a Western 
 Passage to China. It resulted in the discovery of the vast 
 continent of America, which bars the way. This barrier, how 
 ever, might, perhaps, be turned, either at the south end or at 
 the north, or at both ; and the search for a Western Passage 
 was thus transformed, and became a search for a South- West 
 and a North-West Passage. The former was discovered by 
 Magellan, a Portuguese in the Spanish service, in 1520. The 
 North-West Passage remained neglected for half a century 
 longer, and was first sought by the English. 
 
 The wealth and power derived by Spain and Portugal from 
 their distant enterprises had by this time excited a strong 
 emulation in England. The enormous extent of the North- 
 West coasts of America was unknown. It was believed that 
 the continent tapered to the north, and that a North-West 
 Passage existed leading directly from the Atlantic to the 
 Pacific, round Labrador, corresponding on the map to the 
 South-West Passage already proved to exist round Patagonia. 
 If such a passage were practicable, it would shorten the sea 
 
62 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 route to China by at least one half. It was peculiarly adapted 
 for the use and advantage of England, and its exploration was 
 discussed in that country, just as the exploration of a Western 
 Passage had been discussed in Italy and Spain eighty years 
 before. The tractates of Gilbert, Willes, and Best, all printed 
 in Hakluyt, prove how strongly public attention was concen 
 trated on the scheme. 
 
 Martin Frobisher, a Yorkshireman resident in London, be 
 came the Columbus of this project For fifteen years he 
 fruitlessly endeavoured to procure the means of testing it. At 
 length he succeeded, through the patronage of the Earl of 
 Warwick, and in 1576 he started for the north-west, in a 
 little barque of twenty-five tons burden, his master being one 
 Christopher Hall, intending to turn the most northerly point 
 of Labrador. In about a month's time Hall made the coast 
 of Greenland, and sailed north-west with the Greenland 
 current This course brought the Gabriel to land on the ice 
 bound shores to the north of Hudson's Straits, which lead into 
 Hudson's Bay. These straits Frobisher never saw ; but find 
 ing an inlet somewhat further to the north, up which he sailed 
 for sixty leagues, he conceived this to be the passage of which 
 he was in search America lying, as he supposed, on his left, 
 and Asia on his right (p. 66). Frobisher at once hastened 
 home with the news, intending to return next year suitably 
 provided for a long exploration. A narrative of this first 
 voyage, gathered from his own lips, was prefixed to Best's 
 narratives of the subsequent voyages. On the second and 
 third voyages Best accompanied him as Lieutenant, or 
 second in command. Hakluyt's collection contains narratives 
 of all the voyages by other hands; but they are less lively 
 and picturesque than those of Best, who seems to have enjoyed 
 the confidence of his " General " in a high degree. 
 
FROBISHER. 63 
 
 One of the sailors in the first voyage had brought back from 
 Frobisher's Straits a bit of black stone, which an Italian 
 alchymist, in defiance of the London goldsmiths, pronounced 
 to contain gold. This falsehood proved the ruin of Frobisher's 
 subsequent expeditions. He was ordered to abandon his 
 explorations, and load his ships with this ore, which proved 
 to be worthless pyrites. When the truth became known, 
 Frobisher and his schemes fell into utter discredit His third 
 and most costly expedition was ruined by severe weather, 
 against which, as the narrative abundantly shows, Frobisher's 
 crews struggled with true English pluck and endurance. The 
 further prosecution of the project was deferred, and the very 
 site of Frobisher's Strait was soon forgotten. Davis, a few 
 years afterwards, renamed it Lumley's Inlet ; but the name of 
 the first discoverer has been recently restored. Frobisher was 
 the pioneer of Arctic exploration, though he did nothing to 
 develope it. It was sufficient for him to have made known 
 the difficulties which beset it : and these difficulties were first 
 grappled with by Davis and Hudson. 
 
64 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 FROBISHER. FIRST VOYAGE. 
 
 NARRATIVE BY GEORGE BEST.* 
 
 WHICH thing being well considered, and familiarly known to 
 our general Captain Frobisher, as well for that he is thoroughly 
 furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skills ap 
 pertaining to the art of navigation ; as also for the confirmation he 
 hath of the same by many years' experience both by sea and land, 
 and being persuaded of a new and nearer passage to Cathay than 
 by Capo de Buona Speranga, which the Portuguese yearly use : he 
 began first with himself to devise, and then with his friends to 
 confer, and laid a plain plot unto them that that voyage was not 
 only possible by the north-west, but also, he could prove, easy to be 
 performed. And further, he determined and resolved with him 
 self to go make full proof thereof, and to accomplish or bring true 
 certificate of the truth, or else never to return again, knowing this 
 to be the only thing of the world that was left yet undone, whereby 
 a notable mind might be made famous and fortunate. But 
 although his will were great to perform this notable voyage, 
 whereof he had conceived in his mind a great hope by sundry 
 sure reasons and secret intelligence, which here, for sundry causes, 
 I leave untouched ; yet he wanted altogether means and ability to 
 set forward and perform the same. Long time he conferred with 
 his private friends of these secrets, and made also many offers for 
 the performing of the same in effect unto sundry merchants of our 
 country, about fifteen years before he attempted the same, as by 
 good witness shall well appear (albeit some evil willers, which 
 challenge to themselves the fruits of other men's labours, have 
 
 * A more accurate idea of this voyage may be gathered from the dry narrative of Chris 
 topher Hall, master of the Gabriel, printed in Hakluyt. The present narrative was 
 preceded by a treatise intended to prove all parts of the earth, even the poles, equally 
 habitable. 
 
1576] FROBISHER. 65 
 
 greatly injured him in the reports of the same, saying that they 
 have been the first authors of that action, and that they have 
 learned him the way, which themselves as yet have never gone) ; 
 but perceiving that hardly he was hearkened unto of the mer 
 chants which never regard virtue without sure, certain, and 
 present gains, he repaired to the Court (from whence, as from the 
 fountain of our common wealth, all good causes have their chief 
 increase and maintenance), and there laid open to many great 
 estates and learned men the plot and sum of his device. And 
 amongst many honourable minds which favoured his honest and 
 commendable enterprise, he was specially bound and beholding to 
 the Right Honourable Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Wanvick, whose 
 favourable mind and good disposition hath always been ready to 
 countenance and advance all honest actions with the authors and 
 executers of the same ; and so by means of my lord his honour 
 able countenance he received some comfort of his cause, and by 
 little and little, with no small expense and pain, brought his cause 
 to some perfection, and had drawn together so many adventurers 
 and such sums of money as might well defray a reasonable charge 
 to furnish himself to sea withal. 
 
 He prepared two small barques of twenty and five-and-twenty tons 
 a-piece, wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage. 
 Wherefore, being furnished with the foresaid two barques, and one 
 small pinnace of ten tons burden, having therein victuals and 
 other necessaries for twelve months' provision, he departed upon 
 the said voyage from Blackwall, on the i$th of June,* anno domini 
 1576. 
 
 One of the barques wherein he went was named the Gabriel, 
 and the other the Michael ; and, sailing north-west from England, 
 upon the nth of July he had sight of an high and ragged land, 
 which he judged to be Frieslandt (whereof some authors have 
 made mention), but durst not approach the same by reason of 
 the great store of ice that lay along the coast, and the great 
 
 * Best is wrong. Hall quitted his moorings at Ratcliffe on the 7th, and left Deptford 
 on the 8th. In passing the Royal Palace of Greenwich, says Hall, "we shot off an 
 ordinance, and made the best show we could. Her Majesty, beholding the same, 
 commended it, and bade us farewell, with shaking her hand at us out of the window." 
 
 t The land was. Greenland. Friesland was the name given to the Faroe Islands in the 
 voyage of the brothers Zeni. Hall saw the rocky spires of the coast "rising like 
 pinnacles of steeples" in the afternoon sun. 
 
 F 
 
66 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1576 
 
 mists that troubled them not a little. Not far from thence he 
 lost company of his small pinnace, which, by means of the 
 great storm, he supposed to be swallowed up of the sea, wherein 
 he lost only four men. 
 
 Also the other barque, named the Michael, mistrusting the matter, 
 conveyed themselves privily away from him, and returned home, 
 with great report that he was cast away. 
 
 The worthy captain, notwithstanding these discomforts, although 
 his mast was sprung, and his topmast blown overboard with ex 
 treme foul weather, continued his course towards the north-west, 
 knowing that the sea at length must needs have an ending, and that 
 some land should have a beginning that way ; and determined, there 
 fore, at the least to bring true proof what land and sea the same 
 might be so far to the north-westwards, beyond any that man hath 
 heretofore discovered. And on the 2oth of July he had sight of an 
 high land, which he called Queen Elizabeth's Foreland,* after her 
 Majesty's name. And sailing more northerly along that coast, he 
 descried another foreland, with a great gut, bay, or passage, dividing 
 as it were two main lands or continents asunder. There he met 
 with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along, and coveting 
 still to continue his course to the northwards, was always by con 
 trary winds detained overthwart these straits, and could not get 
 beyond. Within a few days after, he perceived the ice to be well 
 consumed and gone, either there engulfed in by some swift currents 
 or indrafts, carried more to the southwards of the same straits, or 
 else conveyed some other way ; wherefore he determined to make 
 proof of this place, to see how far that gut had continuance, and 
 whether he might carry himself through the same into some open 
 sea on the back-side, whereof he conceived no small hope ; and so 
 entered the same on the 2ist day of July, and passed above fifty 
 leagues therein, as he reported, having upon either hand a great 
 main or continent. And that land upon his right hand as he sailed 
 westward he judged to be the continent of Asia, and there to be 
 divided from the firm of America, which lieth upon the left hand 
 over against the same. 
 
 This place he named after his name, Frobisher's Straits, like as 
 Magellanus at the south-west end of the world, having discovered 
 the passage to the South Sea (where America is divided from the 
 
 * The island to the N.W. of Resolution Island. 
 
FROBISHER. 67 
 
 continent of that land, which lieth under the South Pole), and 
 called the same straits, Magellan's Straits. 
 
 After he had passed sixty leagues into this aforesaid strait, he 
 went ashore, and found signs where fire had been made. 
 
 He saw mighty deer that seemed to be mankind, which ran at 
 him, and hardly he escaped with his life in a narrow way, where 
 he was fain to use defence and policy to save his life. 
 
 In this place he saw and perceived sundry tokens of the peoples 
 resorting thither ; * and, being ashore upon the top of a hill, he per 
 ceived a number of small things floating in the sea afar off, which 
 he supposed to be porpoises, or seals, or some kind of strange 
 fish ; but coming nearer, he discovered them to be men in small 
 boats made of leather ; and before he could descend down from 
 the hill, certain of those people had almost cut off his boat from 
 him, having stolen secretly behind the rocks for that purpose ; 
 where he speedily hasted to his boat, and bent himself to his 
 halberd, and narrowly escaped the danger, and saved his boat. 
 Afterwards he had sundry conferences with them, and they came 
 aboard his ship, and brought him salmon and raw flesh and fish, 
 and greedily devoured the same before our men's faces ; and, to 
 show their agility, they tried many masteries upon the ropes of the 
 ship after our mariners' fashion, and appeared to be very strong of 
 their arms, and nimble of their bodies. They exchanged coats of 
 seals and bears' skins, and such like, with our men ; and received 
 bells, looking-glasses, and other toys, in recompense thereof again. 
 After great courtesy, and many meetings, our mariners, contrary 
 to their captain's direction, began more easily to trust them ; and 
 five of our men going ashore were by them intercepted with their 
 boat, and were never since heard of to this day again ; so that the 
 captain being destitute of boat, barque, and all company, had 
 scarcely sufficient number to conduct back his barque again. He 
 could now neither convey himself ashore to rescue his men (if he 
 had been able) for want of a boat ; and again the subtle traitors 
 were so wary, as they would after that never come within our 
 men's danger. The captain, notwithstanding, desirous of bringing 
 some token from thence of his being there, was greatly discon 
 tented that he had not before apprehended some of them ; and, 
 therefore, to deceive the deceivers he wrought a pretty policy ; for 
 
 The natives were first seen on the igth of August. 
 F 2 
 
68 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 knowing well how they greatly delighted in our toys, and specially 
 in bells, he rang a pretty lowbell, making signs that he would give 
 him the same who would come and fetch it ; and because they 
 would not come within his danger for fear, he flung one bell unto 
 them, which of purpose he threw short, that it might fall into the 
 sea and be lost ; and to make them more greedy of the matter he 
 rang a louder bell, so that in the end one of them came near the 
 ship's side to receive the bell, which, when he thought to take at 
 the captain's hand, he was thereby taken himself; for the captain, 
 being readily provided, let the bell fall, and caught the man fast, 
 and plucked him with main force boat and all into his barque out 
 of the sea. Whereupon, when he found himself in captivity, for 
 very choler and disdain he bit his tongue in twain within his mouth ; 
 notwithstanding, he died not thereof, but lived until he came in 
 England, and then he died of cold which he had taken at sea. 
 
 Now with this new prey (which was a sufficient witness of the 
 captain's far and tedious travel towards the unknown parts of the 
 world, as did well appear by this strange infidel, whose like was 
 never seen, read, nor heard of before, and whose language was 
 neither known nor understood of any), the said Captain Frobisher 
 returned homewards, and arrived in England in Harwich the 2nd 
 of October following, and thence came to London, 1576, where he 
 was highly commended of all men for his great and notable 
 attempt, but specially famous for the great hope he brought of the 
 passage to Cathay. 
 
 And it is especially to be remembered that at their first arrival 
 in those parts there lay so great store of ice all the coast along, so 
 thick together, that hardly his boat could pass unto the shore. At 
 length, after divers attempts, he commanded his company, if by 
 any possible means they could get ashore, to bring him whatsoever 
 thing they could first find, whether it were living or dead, stock or 
 stone, in token of Christian possession, which thereby he took in 
 behalf of the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, thinking that 
 thereby he might justify the having and enjoying of the same 
 things that grew in these unknown parts. 
 
 Some of his company brought flowers, some green grass, and 
 one brought a piece of black stone, much like to a sea-coal in 
 colour, which by the weight seemed to be some kind of metal or 
 mineral. This was a thing of no account in the judgment of the 
 captain at first sight ; and yet for novelty it was kept in respect 
 of the place from whence it came. 
 
FROBISHER. 69 
 
 After his arrival in London, being demanded of sundry his 
 friends what thing he had brought them home out of that country, 
 he had nothing left to present them withal but a piece of this 
 black stone. And it fortuned a gentlewoman, one of the adven 
 turers' wives, to have a piece thereof, which by chance she threw 
 and burned in the fire, so long, that at the length being taken 
 forth, and quenched in a little vinegar, it glistered with a bright 
 marquesite of gold. Whereupon the matter being called in some 
 question, it was brought to certain gold-finers in London to make 
 assay thereof, who gave out that it held gold, and that very richly 
 for the quantity.* Afterwards the same gold-finers promised great 
 matters thereof if there were any store to be found, and offered 
 themselves to adventure for the searching of those parts from 
 whence the same was brought. Some that had great hope of the 
 matter sought secretly to have a lease at Her Majesty's hands of 
 those places, whereby to enjoy the mass of so great a public profit 
 unto their own private gains. 
 
 In conclusion, the hope of more of the same gold ore to be 
 found kindled a greater opinion in the hearts of many to advance 
 the voyage again. Whereupon preparation was made for a new 
 voyage against the year following, and the captain more specially 
 directed by commission for the searching more of this gold ore 
 than for the searching any further discovery of the passage. And 
 being well accompanied with divers resolute and forward gentle 
 men, Her Majesty then lying at the Right Honourable the Lord of 
 Warwick's house, in Essex, he came to take his leave ; and kissing 
 Her Highness's hands, with gracious countenance and comfortable 
 words departed toward his charge. 
 
 * Best is here not quite accurate. The London goldsmiths pronounced the ore worth 
 less. An Italian, Agnello, reported it to contain gold. 
 
70 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [157 7 
 
 FROBISHER. SECOND VOYAGE. 
 
 NARRATIVE BY GEORGE BEST.* 
 
 A true report of such things as happened in the SECOND 
 VOYAGE of CAPTAIN FROBISHER, pretended for the 
 discovery of a new passage to CATHAY, CHINA, and the 
 WEST INDIES. Anno Domini 1577. 
 
 Being furnished with one tall ship of Her Majesty's, named 
 The Aid, of 200 tons, and two other small barques, the one 
 named The Gabriel, the other The Michael, about 30 tons 
 apiece, being fitly appointed with men, munitions, victuals, and 
 all things necessary for the voyage, the said Captain Frobisher, 
 with the rest of his company, came aboard his ships riding at 
 Blackwall, intending (with God's help) to take the first wind and 
 tide serving him, the 25th day of May, in the year of Our Lord 
 God 1577. 
 
 On Whit Sunday, being the 26th of May, Anno Domini 1577, 
 early in the morning we weighed anchor at Blackwall, and fell 
 that tide down to Gravesend, where we remained until Monday at 
 night. 
 
 On Monday morning, the 27th of May, aboard the Aid, we 
 received all the communion by the minister of Gravesend, and 
 prepared us as good Christians towards God, and resolute men for 
 all fortunes ; and towards night we departed to Tilbury Hope. 
 
 Tuesday, the 28th of May, about nine of the clock at night, we 
 arrived at Harwich, in Essex, and there stayed for the taking in of 
 
 * The narrative of Dionis Settle, also given by Hakluyt, adds nothing to Best's 
 information. The same may be said of the Third Voyage by Thomas Ellis. 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 71 
 
 certain victuals until Friday, being the 3oth of May ; during which 
 time came letters from the Lords of the Council, straightly com 
 manding our general not to exceed his complement and number 
 appointed him, which was 120 persons. Whereupon he discharged 
 many proper men, which with unwilling minds departed. 
 
 He also dismissed all his condemned men, which he thought for 
 some purposes very needful for the voyage ; and towards night, 
 upon Friday, the 3ist of May, we set sail and put to the seas 
 again ; and sailing northward, along the east coasts of England 
 and Scotland, the 7th day of June we arrived in Saint Magnus' 
 Sound, in Orkney Island, called in Latin Orcades, and came to 
 anchor on the south side of the bay ; and this place is reckoned 
 from Blackwall, where we set sail first, leagues.* 
 
 Here, our company going on land, the inhabitants of these 
 islands began to flee as from the enemy. Whereupon the lieu 
 tenant willed every man to stay together, and went himself into 
 their houses to declare what we were, and the cause of our coming 
 thither, which being understood, after their poor manner they 
 friendly entreated us, and brought us for our money such things as 
 they had. And here our gold-finers found a mine of silver. 
 
 Orkney is the principal of the Isles of the Orcades, and standeth 
 in the latitude of fifty-nine degrees and a half. The country is 
 much subject to cold, answerable for such a climate, and yet 
 yieldeth some fruits, and sufficient maintenance for the people 
 contented so poorly to live. There is plenty enough of poultry, 
 store of eggs, fish, and fowl. For their bread they have oaten 
 cakes, and their drink is ewes' milk, and in some parts ale. Their 
 houses are but poor without and sluttish enough within, and the 
 people in nature thereunto agreeable. For their fire they burn 
 heath and turf, the country in most parts being void of wood. 
 They have great want of leather, and desire our old shoes, apparel, 
 and old ropes, before money, for their victuals, and yet are they 
 not ignorant of the value of our coin. The chief town is called 
 Kyrway. In this island hath been sometime an abbey or a 
 religious house, called Saint Magnus, being on the west side of 
 the isle, whereof this sound beareth name through which we passed. 
 Their governor or chief lord is called the Lord Robert Steward, 
 
 * The distances and latitudes were expressed in cypher in the original MS., so as to 
 keep the course secret. 
 
72 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l577 
 
 who at our being there, as we understood, was in durance at 
 Edinburgh, by the Regent's commandment of Scotland. 
 
 After we had provided us here of matter sufficient for our 
 voyage, the 8th of June we set sail again, and, passing through 
 Saint Magnus' Sound, having a merry wind by night, came clear 
 and lost sight of all the land ; and keeping our course west-north 
 west by the space of two days, the wind shifted upon us, so that 
 we lay in traverse on the seas, with contrary winds, making good, 
 as near as we could, our course to the westward, and sometimes to 
 the northward, as the wind shifted. And hereabouts we met with 
 three sail of English fishermen from Iceland, bound homeward, 
 by whom we wrote our letters unto our friends in England. We 
 traversed these seas by the space of twenty-six days without sight 
 of any land, and met with much drift-wood and whole bodies of 
 trees. We saw many monstrous fishes and strange fowls which 
 seemed to live only by the sea, being there so far distant from 
 any land. At length God favoured us with more prosperous 
 winds : and after we had sailed four days with good wind in the 
 poop, the 4th of July, the Michael, being foremost ahead, shot off 
 a piece of ordnance, and struck all her sails, supposing that they 
 descried land, which, by reason of the thick mists, they could not 
 make perfect. Howbeit, as well our account as also the great altera 
 tion of the water, which became more black and smooth, did 
 plainly declare we were not far off the coast. Our general sent 
 his master aboard the Michael who had been with him the year 
 before to bear in with the place to make proof thereof, who 
 descried not the land perfect, but saw sundry huge islands of ice, 
 which we deemed to be not past twelve leagues from the shore. 
 About ten o'clock at night, being the 4th of July, the weather being 
 more clear, we made the land perfect, and knew it to be Friesland. 
 And the height being taken here, we found ourselves to be in the^ 
 latitude of sixty degrees and a half, and were fallen with the 
 southernmost part of this land. Between Orkney and Friesland 
 are reckoned leagues. 
 
 This Friesland showeth a ragged and high land, having the 
 mountains almost covered over with snow along the coast full of 
 drift-ice and seemeth almost inaccessible, and is thought to be an 
 island in bigness not inferior to England, and is called by 1 some 
 authors West Friesland, I think because it lieth more west than 
 any part of Europe. It extendeth in latitude to the northward 
 very far, as seemed to us ; and appeareth by a description set out 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 73 
 
 by two brethren Venetians Nicholaus and Antonius Zeni, who, 
 being driven off from Ireland by a violent tempest, made ship 
 wreck here, and were the first known Christians that discovered 
 this land, about 200 years since ; and they have in their sea-cards 
 set out every part thereof, and described the condition of the 
 inhabitants, declaring them to be as civil and religious people as 
 we. And for so much of this land as we have sailed along, com 
 paring their card with the coast, we find it very agreeable. . 
 
 This coast seemeth to have good fishing : for we, lying becalmed, 
 let fall a hook without any bait, and presently caught a great fish 
 called a halibut, which served the whole company for a day's meat, 
 ana is dangerous meat for surfeiting. And sounding about five 
 leagues off from the shore, our lead brought up in the tallow a 
 kind of coral, almost white, and small stones as bright as crystal ; 
 and it is not to be doubted that this land may be found very rich 
 and beneficial if it were thoroughly discovered, although we saw 
 no creature there but little birds. It is a marvellous thing to 
 behold of what great bigness and depth some islands of ice be here 
 some seventy, some eighty fathoms under water, besides that 
 which is above, seeming islands more than half a mile in circuit. 
 All these ice are in taste fresh, and seem to be bred in the sounds 
 thereabouts, or in some land near the Pole, and with the wind and 
 tides are driven along the coasts. We found none of these islands 
 of ice salt in taste, whereby it appeareth that they were not con 
 gealed of the ocean sea-water, which is always salt, but of some 
 standing or little moving lakes, or great fresh waters near the 
 shore, caused either by melted snow from tops of mountains, or 
 by continual access of fresh rivers from the land, and inter 
 mingling with the sea-water, bearing yet the dominion, by the 
 force of extreme frost, may cause some part of salt water to freeze 
 so with it, and so seem a little brackish ; but otherwise the main 
 sea freezeth not, and therefore there is no Mare Glaciate, or Frozen 
 Sea, as the opinion hitherto hath been. Our General proved 
 landing here twice, but by the sudden fall of mists, whereunto 
 this coast is much subject, he was like to lose sight of his ships ; 
 and being greatly endangered with the driving ice along the coast, 
 was forced aboard, and fain to surcease his pretence till a better 
 opportunity might serve ; and having spent four days and nights sail 
 ing along this land, finding the coast subject to such bitter cold and 
 continual mists, he determined to spend no more time therein, but 
 to bear out his course towards the straits called Frobisher's Straits, 
 
74 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*577 
 
 after the General's name; who being the first that ever passed 
 beyond fifty-eight degrees to the northwards, for anything that 
 hath been yet known of certainty, of Newfoundland, otherwise 
 called the continent or firm land of America, discovered the said 
 straits this last year, 1576. 
 
 Between Friesland and the straits we had one great storm, wherein 
 the Michael was somewhat in danger, having her steerage broken 
 and her topmasts blown overboard ; and being not past fifty leagues 
 short of the straits by our account, we struck sail and lay a hull, 
 fearing the continuance of the storm, the wind being at the north 
 east ; and having lost company of the barques in that flaw of wind, 
 we happily met again the I7th day of July, having the evening 
 before seen divers islands of fleeting ice, which gave an argument 
 that we were not far from land. Our General, in the morning, 
 from the maintop, the weather being reasonably clear, descried 
 land ; but to be better assured, he sent the two barques two con 
 trary courses, whereby they might descry either the South or North 
 Foreland, the Aid lying off and on at sea, with a small sail, by an 
 island of ice, which was the mark for us to meet together again. 
 And about noon, the weather being more clear, we made the North 
 Foreland perfect, which otherwise is called Hall's Island,* and also 
 the small island bearing the name of the said Hall, whence the 
 ore was taken up which was brought into England this last year 
 (1576), the said Hall being present at the finding and taking up 
 thereof, who was then Master in the Gabriel, with Captain 
 Frobisher. At our arrival here, all the seas about this coast were 
 so covered over with huge quantity of great ice, that we thought 
 these places might only deserve the name of Mare Glaciale, and be 
 called the Icy Sea. 
 
 This North Foreland is thought to be divided from the continent 
 of the Northerland by a little sound called Hall's Sound, which 
 maketh it an island, and is thought little less than the Isle of 
 Wight, and is the first entrance of the Straits upon the north 
 side, and standeth in the latitude of sixty-two degrees and fifty 
 minutes, and is reckoned from Friesland leagues. God having 
 blessed us with so happy a land-fall, we bare into the Straits which 
 run in next hand, and somewhat further up to the northward, and 
 came as near the shore as we might for the ice; and upon the 
 
 * Now Cape Enderby. 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 75 
 
 1 8th of July our General, taking the gold-finers with him, at 
 tempted to go on shore with a small rowing pinnace, upon the 
 small island where the ore was taken up, to prove whether there 
 were any store thereof to be found : but he could not get in all 
 that island a piece so big as a walnut, where the first was found. 
 But our men which sought the other islands thereabouts found 
 them all to have good store of the ore : whereupon our General 
 with these good tidings returned aboard about ten o'clock at night, 
 and was joyfully welcomed of the company with a volley of shot. 
 He brought eggs, fowls, and 'a young seal aboard, which the com 
 pany had killed ashore ; and having found upon those islands gins 
 set to catch fowl, and sticks new cut, with other things, he well 
 perceived that not long before some of the country people had 
 resorted thither. 
 
 Having therefore found those tokens of the people's access in 
 those parts, and being in his first voyage well acquainted with 
 their subtle and cruel disposition, he provided well for his better 
 safety; and on Friday, the igih of July, in the morning early, with 
 his best company of gentlemen and soldiers, to the number of 
 forty persons, went on shore, as well to discover the inland and 
 habitation of the people, as also to find out some fit harbour for 
 our ships. And passing towards the shore with no small difficulty 
 by reason of the abundance of ice which lay along the coast so 
 thick together that hardly any passage through them might be 
 discovered, we arrived at length upon the main of Hall's greater 
 island, and found there also, as well as in the other small islands, 
 good store of the ore. And leaving his boats here with sufficient 
 guard, we passed up into the country about two English miles, 
 and recovered the top of a high hill, on the top whereof our men 
 made a column or cross of stones heaped up of a good height 
 together in good sort, and solemnly sounded a trumpet, and said 
 certain prayers kneeling about the ensign, and honoured the 
 place by the name of Mount Warwick, in remembrance of the 
 Right Honourable the Lord Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick, 
 whose noble mind and good countenance in this, as in all other 
 good actions, gave great encouragement and good furtherance. 
 This done, we retired our companies, not seeing anything here 
 worth further discovery, the country seeming barren and full of 
 ragged mountains, and in most parts covered with snow. 
 
 And thus marching towards our boats, we espied certain of the 
 country people on the top of Mount Warwick with a flag, wafting 
 
76 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l577 
 
 us back again and making great noise, with cries like the mowing 
 of bulls, seeming greatly desirous of conference with us. Where 
 upon the General, being therewith better acquainted, answered 
 them again with the like cries ; whereat, and with the noise of our 
 trumpets, they seemed greatly to rejoice, skipping, laughing, and 
 dancing for joy. And hereupon we made signs unto them, hold 
 ing up two fingers, commanding two of our men to go apart from 
 our companies, whereby they might do the like. So that forth 
 with two of our men and two of theirs met together a good 
 space from company, neither party having their weapons about 
 them. Our men gave them pins and points and such trifles as 
 they had. And they likewise bestowed on our men two bow- 
 cases and such things as they had. They earnestly desired our 
 men to go up into their country, and our men offered them like 
 kindness aboard our ships; but neither part (as it seemed) ad 
 mitted or trusted the other's courtesy. Their manner of traffic is 
 thus, they do use to lay down of their merchandise upon the 
 ground, so much as they mean to part withal, and so looking that 
 the other party with whom they make trade should do the like, 
 they themselves do depart, and then if they do like of their mart 
 they come again, and take in exchange the other's merchandise ; 
 otherwise, if they like not, they take their own and depart. The 
 day being thus well near spent, in haste we retired our companies 
 into our boats again, minding forthwith to search along the coast 
 for some harbour fit for our ships; for the present necessity 
 thereof was much, considering that all this while they lay off and 
 on between the two lands, being continually subject as well to 
 great danger of floating ice, which environed them, as to the 
 sudden flaws which the coast seemeth much subject unto. But 
 when the people perceived our departure, with great tokens of 
 affection they earnestly called us back again, following us almost 
 to our boats. Whereupon our General, taking his Master with 
 him, who was best acquainted with their manners, went apart 
 unto two of them, meaning, if they could lay sure hold upon 
 them, forcibly to bring them aboard, with intent to bestow certain 
 toys and apparel upon the one, and so to dismiss him with all 
 arguments of courtesy, and retain the other for an interpreter. 
 The General and his Master being met with their two companions 
 together, after they had exchanged certain things the one with 
 the other, one of the savages, for lack of better merchandise, cut 
 off the tail of his coat (which is a chief ornament among them) 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 77 
 
 and gave it unto our General for a present. But he presently, 
 upon a watchword given with his Master, suddenly laid hold upon 
 the two savages. But the ground under foot being slippery with 
 the snow on the side of the hill, their handfast failed, and their 
 prey escaping ran away and lightly recovered their bow and 
 arrows, which they had hid not far from them behind the rocks. 
 And being only two savages in sight, they so fiercely, desperately, 
 and with such fury assaulted and pursued our General and his 
 Master, being altogether unarmed, and not mistrusting their 
 subtilty, that they chased them to their boats, and hurt the 
 General in the buttock with an arrow, who the rather speedily 
 fled back, because they suspected a greater number behind the 
 rocks. Our soldiers (which were commanded before to keep their 
 boats) perceiving the danger, and hearing our men calling for 
 shot, came speedily to rescue, thinking there had been a greater 
 number. But when the savages heard the shot of one of our 
 calivers (and yet having first bestowed their arrows) they ran 
 away, our men speedily following them. But a servant of my 
 Lord of Warwick, called Nicholas Conger, a good footman, and 
 uncumbered with any furniture, having only a dagger at his back, 
 overtook one of them; and being a Cornish man and a good 
 wrestler, shewed his companion such a Cornish trick, that he 
 made his sides ache against the ground for a month after. And 
 so being stayed, he was taken alive and brought away, but the 
 other escaped. Thus with their strange and new prey our men 
 repaired to their boats, and passed from the main to a small 
 island of a mile in compass, where they resolved to tarry all 
 night ; for even now a sudden storm was grown so great at sea, 
 that by no means they could recover their ships. And here every 
 man refreshed himself with a small portion of victuals, which was 
 laid into the boats for their dinners, having neither eat nor drunk 
 all the day before. But because they knew not how long the 
 storm might last, nor how far off the ships might be put to sea, 
 nor whether they should ever recover them again or not, they 
 made great spare of their victuals, as it greatly behoved them. 
 For they knew full well that the best cheer the country could 
 yield them was rocks and stones, a hard food to live withal, and 
 the people more ready to eat them than to give them where 
 withal to eat. And thus, keeping very good watch and ward, they 
 lay there all night upon hard cliffs of snow and ice, both wet, 
 cold, and comfortless. 
 
78 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*577 
 
 These things thus happening with the company on land, the 
 danger of the ships at sea was no less perilous. For within one 
 hour after the General's departing in the morning, by negligence 
 of the cook in over-heating, and the workman in making the 
 chimney, the Aid was set on fire, and had been the confusion of 
 the whole if, by chance a boy espying it, it had not been speedily 
 with great labour and God's help well extinguished. 
 
 This day also were divers storms and flaws, and by nine o'clock 
 at night the storm was grown so great, and continued such until 
 the morning, that it put our ships at sea in no small peril; for 
 having mountains of fleeting ice on every side, we went roomer 
 for one, and loosed for another, some scraped us, and some 
 happily escaped us, that the least of a thousand were as dangerous 
 to strike as any rock, and able to have split asunder the strongest 
 ship of the world. We had a scope of clear without ice (as God 
 would), wherein we turned, being otherwise compassed on every 
 side about. But so much was the wind and so little was our sea- 
 room, that being able to bear only our forecourse we cast so oft 
 about, that we made fourteen boards in eight glasses running, 
 being but four hours. But God being our best steersman, and 
 by the industry of Charles Jackman and Andrew Dyer, the 
 master's mates, both very expert mariners, and Richard Cox, the 
 master gunner, with other very careful sailors, then within board, 
 and also by the help of the clear nights, which are without dark 
 ness, we did happily avoid those present dangers, whereat since 
 we have more marvelled than in the present danger feared, for 
 that every man within board, both better and worse, had enough 
 to do with his hands to haul ropes, and with his eyes to look out 
 for danger. But the next morning, being the 2Oth of July, as 
 God would, the storm ceased, and the General, espying the ships 
 with his new captive and whole company, came happily aboard', 
 and reported what had passed ashore, whereupon altogether upon 
 our knees we gave God humble and hearty thanks for that it had 
 pleased Him from so speedy peril to send us such speedy de 
 liverance ; and so from this northern shore we struck over towards 
 the southerland. 
 
 On the 2 ist of July, we discovered a bay which ran into the 
 land, that seemed a likely harbour for our ships ; wherefore our 
 General rowed thither with his boats, to make proof thereof, 
 and with his gold-finers to search for ore, having never assayed 
 anything on the south shore as yet, and the first small island, 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 79 
 
 which we landed upon. Here all the sands and cliffs did so 
 glitter and had so bright a marquesite, that it seemed all to be 
 gold ; but upon trial made, it proved no better than black-lead, 
 and verified the proverb, " All is not gold that glistereth." 
 
 Upon the 22nd of July we bare into the said sound, and came 
 to anchor a reasonable breadth off the shore; where, thinking 
 ourselves in good security, we were greatly endangered with a 
 piece of drift ice, which the ebb brought forth of the sounds 
 and came thwart us ere we were aware. But the gentlemen and 
 soldiers within board taking great pains at this pinch at the 
 capstan, overcame the most danger thereof, and yet for all 
 that might be done, it struck on our stern such a blow, that 
 we feared lest it had stricken away our rudder, and being forced 
 to cut our cable in the hawse, we were fain to set our foresail 
 to run further up within, and if our steerage had not been stronger 
 than in the present time we feared, we had run the ship upon 
 the rocks, having a very narrow channel to turn in ; but, as God 
 would, all came well to pass. And this was named Jackman's 
 Sound, after the name of the Master's mate, who had first liking 
 unto the place. 
 
 Upon a small island within this sound, called Smith's Island 
 (because he first set up his forge there), was found a mine of 
 silver, but was not won out of the rocks without great labour. 
 Here our gold-finers made assay of such ore as they found upon 
 the northerland, and found four sorts thereof to hold gold in 
 good quantity. Upon another small island here was also found 
 a great dead fish, which as it should seem, had been embayed 
 with ice, and was in proportion round like to a porpoise, being 
 about twelve foot long, and in bigness answerable, having a horn 
 of two yards long growing out of the snout or nostrils. This 
 horn is wreathed and straight, like in fashion to a taper made 
 of wax, and may truly be thought to be the sea unicorn. This 
 horn is to be seen and reserved as a jewel by the queen's majesty's 
 commandment, in her wardrobe of robes. 
 
 On Tuesday, the 23rd of July, our general with his best company 
 of gentlemen, soldiers and sailors, to the number of seventy 
 persons in all, marched with ensign displayed, upon the continent 
 of the southerland (the supposed continent of America) where, 
 commanding a trumpet to sound a call for every man to repair 
 to the ensign, he declared to the whole company how much the 
 cause imported for the service of her majesty, our country, our 
 
80 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*577 
 
 credits, and the safety of our own lives, and therefore required 
 every man to be conformable to order, and to be directed by 
 those he should assign. And he appointed for leaders Captain 
 Fenton, Captain Yorke, and his Lieutenant George Best : which 
 done, we cast ourselves into a ring, and altogether upon our 
 knees, gave God humble thanks for that it had pleased him of 
 his great goodness to preserve us from such imminent dangers, 
 beseeching likewise the assistance of his holy spirit, so to deliver 
 us in safety into our country, whereby the light and truth of these 
 secrets being known, it might redound to the more honour of his 
 holy name, and consequently to the advancement of our common 
 wealth. And so, in as good sort as the place suffered, we 
 marched towards the lops of the mountains, which were no less 
 painful in climbing than dangerous in descending, by reason of their 
 steepness and ice. And having passed about five miles, by such 
 unwieldy ways, we returned unto our ships without sight of any 
 people, or likelihood of habitation. Here divers of the gentle 
 men desired our General to suffer them, to the number of twenty 
 or thirty persons, to march up thirty or forty leagues in the 
 country, to the end they might discover the inland, and do some 
 acceptable service for their country. But he, not contented 
 with the matter he sought for, and well considering the short 
 time he had in hand, and the greedy desire our country hath 
 to a present savour and return of gain, bent his whole endeavour 
 only to find a mine to freight his ships, and to leave the rest 
 (by God's help) hereafter to be well accomplished. And therefore 
 on the 26th of July he departed over to the northland, with the 
 two barques, leaving the Aid riding in Jackman's Sound, and 
 meant (after he had found convenient harbour, and freight there 
 for his ships) to discover further for the passage. The barques 
 came the same night to anchor in a sound upon the north- 
 land, where the tides did run so swift, and the place was so 
 subject to indrafts of ice, that by reason thereof they were 
 greatly endangered ; and having found a very rich mine, as they 
 supposed, and got almost twenty tons of ore together, upon the 
 28th of July the ice came driving into the sound where the 
 barques rode, in such sort, that they were therewith greatly 
 distressed. And the Gabriel, riding astern the Michael, had her 
 cable galled asunder in the hawse with a piece of driving ice, 
 and lost another anchor ; and having but one cable and anchor 
 left, for she had lost two before, and the ice still driving upon 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 8 1 
 
 her, she was (by God's help) well fenced from the danger of the 
 rest, by one great island of ice, which came aground hard ahead 
 of her ; which, if it had not so chanced, I think surely she had 
 been cast upon the rocks with the ice. The Michael moored 
 anchor upon this great ice, and rode under the lee thereof : but 
 about midnight, by the weight of itself, and the setting of the 
 tides, the ice broke within half of the barque's length, and made 
 unto the company within board a sudden and fearful noise. 
 The next flood toward the morning we weighed anchor, and 
 went further up the straits, and leaving our ore behind us which 
 we had digged, for haste left the place by the name of B care's 
 Sound, after the Master's name of the Michael, and named the 
 island Leicester's Island. In one of the small islands here we 
 found a tomb, wherein the bones of a dead man lay together, 
 and our savage captive being with us, and being demanded by 
 signs whether his countrymen had not slain this man and eat 
 his flesh so from the bones, he made signs to the contrary, and 
 that he was slain with wolves and wild beasts. Here also was 
 found hid under stones good store of fish, and sundry other 
 things of the inhabitants ; as sledges, bridles, kettles of fish- 
 skins, knives of bone, and such other like. And our savage 
 declared unto us the use of all those things. And taking in his 
 hand one of those country bridles, he caught one of our dogs 
 and hampered him handsomely therein, as we do our horses, 
 and with a whip in his hand, he taught the dog to draw in a 
 sledge as we do horses in a coach, sitting himself thereupon 
 like a guide : so that we might see they use dogs for that 
 purpose that we do our horses. And we found since by 
 experience, that the lesser sort of dogs they feed fat, and keep 
 them as domestic cattle in their tents for their eating, and the 
 greater sort serve for the use of their sledges. 
 
 On the 2Qth of July, about five leagues from Beare's Sound, we 
 discovered a bay which, being fenced on each side with small 
 islands lying off the main, which break the force of the tides, 
 and make the place free from any indrafts of ice, did prove a 
 fit harbour for our ships, where we came to anchor under a small 
 island, which now together with the sound is called by the name 
 of that right honourable and virtuous lady, Anne Countess of War 
 wick. And this is the furtherest place that this year we have 
 entered up within the straits, and is reckoned from the Cape of the 
 Queen's Foreland, which is the entrance of the straits, not above 
 
 G 
 
82 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*577 
 
 thirty leagues. Upon this island was found good store of the 
 ore, which in the washing held gold to our thinking plainly to 
 be seen : whereupon it was thought best rather to load here, 
 where there was store and indifferent good, than to seek further 
 for better, and spend time with jeopardy. And therefore our 
 General setting the miners to work, and shewing first a good 
 precedent of a painful labourer and a good captain in himself, 
 gave good examples for others to follow him : whereupon every 
 man, both better and worse, with their best endeavours willingly 
 laid to their helping hands. And the next day, being the 3oth of 
 July, the Michael was sent over to Jackman's Sound, for the Aid 
 and the whole company to come thither. Upon the main-land, 
 over against the Countess's Island, we discovered and beheld 
 to our great marvel the poor caves and houses of those country 
 people, which serve them (as it should seem) for their winter 
 dwellings, and are made two fathoms underground, in compass 
 round, like to an oven, being joined fast one by another, having 
 holes like to a fox or coney burrow, to keep and come together. 
 They undertrenched these places with gutters, so that the water, 
 falling from the hills above them, may slide away without their 
 annoyance : and are seated commonly in the foot of a hill, to 
 shield them better from the cold winds, having their door and 
 entrance ever open towards the south. From the ground upwards 
 they build with whale's bones, for lack of timber, which bending 
 one over another, are handsomely compacted in the top together, 
 and are covered over with sealskins, which, instead of tiles, fence 
 them from the rain. In which house they have only one room, 
 having the one half of the floor raised with broad stones a foot 
 higher than the other, whereon strewing moss, they make their 
 nests to sleep in. They defile these dens most filthily with their 
 beastly feeding, and dwell so long in a place (as we think) until 
 their sluttishness loathing them, they are forced to seek a sweeter 
 air, and a new seat, and are (no doubt) a dispersed and wandering 
 nation, as the Tartarians, and live in hordes and troops, without 
 any certain abode, as may appear by sundry circumstances of 
 our experience. 
 
 Here our captive, being ashore with us to declare the use of 
 such things as we saw, stayed himself alone behind the company, 
 and did set up five small sticks round in a circle one by another, 
 with one small bone placed just in the midst of all : which 
 thing when one of our men perceived, he called us back to behold 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 83 
 
 the matter, thinking that he had meant some charm or witch 
 craft therein. But the best conjecture we could make thereof was, 
 that he would thereby his countrymen should understand, that for 
 our five men which they betrayed the last year (whom he signified 
 by the five sticks) he was taken and kept prisoner, which he sig 
 nified by the bone in the midst. For afterwards when we showed 
 him the picture of his countryman, which the last year was 
 brought into England (whose counterfeit we had drawn, with 
 boat and other furniture, both as he was in his own and also in 
 English apparel) he was upon the sudden much amazed thereat : 
 and beholding advisedly the same with silence a good while, as 
 though he would strain courtesy whether should begin the speech 
 (for he thought him no doubt a lively creature) at length began to 
 question with him, as with his companion, and finding him dumb 
 and mute, seemed to suspect him, as one disdainful, and would 
 with a little help have grown into choler at the matter ; until at 
 last, by feeling and handling, he found him but a deceiving picture. 
 And then with great noise and cries, ceased not wondering, think 
 ing that we could make men live or die at our pleasure. 
 
 And thereupon calling the matter to his remembrance, he gave 
 us plainly to understand by signs, that he had knowledge of the 
 taking of our five men the last year, and confessing the manner of 
 each thing, numbered the five men upon his five fingers, and pointed 
 unto a boat in our ship, which was like unto that wherein our men 
 were betrayed. And when we made him signs that they were 
 slain and eaten, he earnestly denied, and made signs to the 
 contrary. 
 
 The last of July the Michael returned with the Aid to us from 
 the southerland, and came to anchor by us in the Countess of 
 Warwick's Sound, and reported that since we departed from Jack- 
 man's Sound there happened nothing among them there greatly 
 worth the remembrance, until the 3oth of July, when certain of our 
 company being ashore upon a small island within the said Jack- 
 man's Sound, near the place where the Aid rode, did espy a long 
 boat with divers of the country people therein, to the number of 
 eighteen or twenty persons, whom so soon as our men perceived, 
 they returned speedily aboard, to give notice thereof unto our 
 company. They might perceive these people climbing up to the 
 top of a hill, where, with a flag, they wafted unto our ship, and 
 made great outcries and noises, like so many bulls. Hereupon 
 our men did presently man forth a small skiff, having not above 
 
 G 2 
 
84 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 six or seven persons therein, which rowed near the place where 
 those people were, to prove if they could have any conference with 
 them ; but after this small boat was sent a greater, being well 
 appointed for their rescue, if need required. 
 
 As soon as they espied our company coming near them, they 
 took their boats and hasted away, either for fear, or else for 
 policy, to draw our men from rescue further within their danger ; 
 wherefore our men construing that their coming thither was but 
 to seek advantage, followed speedily after them ; but they rowed 
 so swiftly away that our men could come nothing near them. 
 Howbeit they failed not of their best endeavour in rowing ; and 
 having chased them above two miles into the sea, returned into 
 their ships again. 
 
 The morning following, being the ist of August, Captain Yorke, 
 with the Michael, came into Jackman's Sound, and declared unto 
 the company there that the last night past he came to anchor in a 
 certain bay (which since was named Yorke's Sound) about four 
 leagues distant from Jackman's Sound, being put to leeward of 
 that place for lack of wind, where he discovered certain tents of 
 the country people ; where going with his company ashore he 
 entered into them, but found the people departed, as it should 
 seem, for fear of their coming. But amongst sundry strange 
 things which in these tents they found, there was raw and new- 
 killed flesh of unknown sorts, with dead carcases and bones of 
 dogs, and I know not what. They also beheld (to their greatest 
 marvel) a doublet of canvas made after the English fashion, a 
 shirt, a girdle, three shoes for contrary feet, and of unequal bigness, 
 which they well conjectured to be the apparel of our five poor 
 countrymen, which were intercepted the last year by these country 
 people, about fifty leagues from this place, further within the 
 straits. Whereupon our men being in good hope that some of them 
 might be here, and yet living : the captain, devising for the best, 
 left his mind behind him in writing, with pen, ink, and paper also, 
 whereby our poor captive countrymen, if it might come to their 
 hands, might know their friends' minds, and of their arrival, and 
 likewise return their answer. And so, without taking anything away 
 in their tents, leaving there also looking-glasses, points, and other 
 of our toys (the better to allure them by such friendly means) 
 departed aboard his barque, with intent to make haste to the 
 Aid, to give notice unto the company of all such things as he had 
 there discovered; and so meant to return to these tents again, 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 85 
 
 hoping that he might by force or policy entrap or entice the 
 people to some friendly conference. Which things when he had 
 delivered to the whole company there, they determined forthwith 
 to go in hand with the matter. Hereupon Captain Yorke with the 
 Master of the Aid and his mate (who the night before had been 
 at the tents, and came over from the other side in the Michael, 
 with him) being accompanied with the gentlemen and soldiers to 
 the number of thirty or forty persons, in two small rowing pinnaces 
 made towards the place, where the night before they discovered 
 the tents of those people, and setting Charles Jackman, being the 
 Master's mate, ashore with a convenient number, for that he could 
 best guide them to the place, they marched overland, meaning to 
 compass them on the one side, whilst the captain with his boats 
 might entrap them on the other side ; but landing at last at the 
 place where the night before they left them they found them with 
 their tents removed. Notwithstanding, our men which marched 
 up into the country, passing over two or three mountains, by 
 chance espied certain tents in a valley underneath them near unto 
 a creek by the sea side, which because it was not the place where 
 the guide had been the night before, they judged them to be 
 another company, and besetting them about, determined to take 
 them if they could. But they having quickly descried our com 
 pany, launched one great and another small boat, being about 
 sixteen or eighteen persons, and, very narrowly escaping, put them 
 selves to sea. Whereupon our soldiers discharged their calivers, 
 and followed them, thinking the noise thereof being heard to 
 our boats at sea, our men there would make what speed they 
 might to that place ; and thereupon indeed our men which were in 
 the boats (crossing upon them in the mouth of the sound whereby 
 their passage was let from getting sea room, wherein it had been 
 impossible for us to overtake them by rowing), forced them to put 
 themselves ashore upon a point of land within the said sound 
 (which upon the occasion of the slaughter there, was since named 
 " the bloody point,") whereunto our men so speedily followed, that 
 they had little leisure left them to make any escape. But so soon 
 as they landed, each of them brake his oar, thinking by that means 
 to prevent us in carrying away their boats for want of oars, and 
 desperately returning upon our men, resisted them manfully in 
 their landing, so long as their arrows and darts lasted, and after 
 gathering up those arrows which our men shot at them, yea, and 
 plucking our arrows out of their bodies, encountered afresh again, 
 
86 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*577 
 
 and maintained their cause until both weapons and life failed them. 
 And when they found they were mortally wounded, being ignorant 
 what mercy meaneth, with deadly fury they cast themselves head 
 long from off the rocks into the sea, least perhaps their enemies 
 should receive glory or prey of their dead carcases, for they sup 
 posed us belike to be cannibals or eaters of man's flesh. In this 
 conflict one of our men was dangerously hurt in the belly with 
 one of their arrows, and of them were slain five or six, the rest by 
 flight escaping among the rocks ; saving two women, whereof the 
 one being old and ugly, our men thought she had been a devil or 
 some witch, and therefore let her go ; the other, being young and 
 cumbered with a sucking child at her back, hiding herself behind 
 the rocks, was espied by one of our men, who supposing she had 
 been a man, shot through the hair of her head, and pierced 
 through the child's arm, whereupon she cried out, and our 
 surgeon meaning to heal her child's arm, applied salves there 
 unto. But she, not acquainted with such kind of surgery, plucked 
 those salves away, and by continual licking with her own tongue, 
 not much unlike our dogs, healed up the child's arm. And 
 because the day was well near spent our men made haste unto 
 the rest of our company which on the other side of the water 
 remained at the tents, where they found by the apparel, letter, and 
 other English furniture, that they were the same company which 
 Captain Yorke discovered the night before, having removed them 
 selves from the place where he left them. 
 
 And now, considering their sudden flying from our men, and 
 their desperate manner of fighting, we began to suspect that we 
 had heard the last news of our men which the last year were 
 betrayed of these people ; and considering also their ravenous and 
 Iploody disposition in eating any kind of raw flesh or carrion how 
 soever stinking, it is to be thought that they had slain and de 
 voured our men ; for the doublet which was found in their tents 
 had many holes therein, being made with their arrows and darts. 
 
 But now the night being at hand, our men, with their captives 
 and such poor stuff as they found in their tents, returned towards 
 their ships, when, being at sea, there arose a sudden flaw of wind, 
 which was not a little dangerous for their small boats ; but as God 
 would, they came all safely aboard. And with these good news 
 they returned, as before mentioned, into the Countess of Warwick's 
 Sound, unto us. And between Jackman's Sound from whence 
 they came and the Countess of Warwick's Sound, between land 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 87 
 
 and land, being thought the narrowest place of the straits, were 
 judged nine leagues over at the least, and Jackman's Sound being 
 upon the southerland, lieth directly almost over against the 
 Countess's Sound, as is reckoned scarce thirty leagues within the 
 straits from the Queen's Cape, which is the entrance of the Straits 
 of the Southerland. This cape being named Queen Elizabeth's 
 Cape, standeth in the latitude of sixty-two degrees and a half 
 to the northwards of Newfoundland, and upon the same con 
 tinent for anything that is yet known to the contrary. 
 
 Having now got a woman captive for the comfort of our man, 
 we brought them both together, and every man with silence 
 desired to behold the manner of their meeting and entertainment, 
 the which was more worth the beholding than can be well ex 
 pressed by writing. At their first encountering they beheld each the 
 other very wistfully a good space, without speech or word uttered, 
 with great change of colour and countenance, as though it seemed 
 the grief and disdain of their captivity had taken away the use of 
 their tongues and utterance. The woman at the first very suddenly, 
 as though she disdained or regarded not the man, turned away and 
 began to sing, as though she minded another matter ; but being 
 again brought together, the man broke up the silence first, and 
 with stern and staid countenance, began to tell a long solemn tale 
 to the woman, whereunto she gave good hearing, and interrupted 
 him nothing till he had finished ; and afterwards, being grown into 
 more familiar acquaintance by speech, they were turned together, 
 so that I think the one would hardly have lived without the com 
 fort of the other. And for so much as we could perceive, albeit 
 they lived continually together, yet they did never use as man and 
 wife, though the woman spared not to do all necessary things that 
 appertained to a good housewife indifferently for them both, as in 
 making clean their cabin, and every other thing that appertained 
 to his ease ; for when he was sea-sick she would make him clean, 
 she would kill and flay the dogs for their eating, and dress his 
 meat. 
 
 On Monday, the 6th of August, the Lieutenant, with all the 
 soldiers, for the better guard of the miners and the other things on 
 shore, pitched their tents in the Countess's Island, and fortified the 
 
88 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. ['577 
 
 place for their better defence as well as they could, and were to 
 the number of forty persons, when, being all at labour, they might 
 perceive upon the top of a hill over against them, a number of the 
 country people, wafting with a flag, and making great outcries unto 
 them, and were of the same company which had encountered lately 
 our men upon the other shore, being come to complain of their 
 late losses, and to entreat, as it seemed, for the restitution of the 
 woman and child, which our men in the late conflict had taken and 
 brought away. Whereupon the General, taking the savage captive 
 with him, and setting the woman where they might best perceive 
 her in the highest place of the island, went over to talk with 
 them. This captive, at his first encounter of his friends, fell so 
 out into tears that he could not speak a word in a great space ; but 
 after a while, overcoming his kindness, he talked at full with his 
 companions, and bestowed friendly upon them such toys and trifles 
 as we had given him : whereby we noted that they are very kind 
 one to another, and greatly sorrowful for the loss of their friends. 
 Our General, by signs, required his five men, which they took 
 captive the last year, and promised them not only to release those 
 which he had taken, but also to reward them with great gifts and 
 friendship. Our savage made signs in answer from them that our 
 men should be delivered us, and were yet living, and made signs 
 likewise unto us that we should write our letters unto them, for 
 they knew very well the use we have of writing, and received 
 knowledge thereof, either of our poor captive countrymen which 
 they betrayed, or else by this our new captive, who hath seen us 
 daily write and repeat again such words of his language as we 
 desired to learn ; but they for this night, because it was late, 
 departed without any letter, although they called earnestly in haste 
 for the same. And the next morning early, being the 7th of 
 August, they called again for the letter ; which being delivered unto 
 them, they speedily departed, making signs with three fingers, and 
 pointing to the sun, that they meant to return within three days, 
 until which time we heard no more of them ; and about the time 
 appointed they returned, in such sort as you shall afterwards hear. 
 This night, because the people were very near unto us, the 
 Lieutenant caused the trumpet to sound a call, and every man 
 in the island repairing to the Ensign, he put them in mind of the 
 place, so far from their country, wherein they lived, and the danger 
 of a great multitude, which they were subject unto, if good watch 
 and ward were not kept for at every low water the enemy might 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 89 
 
 come almost dry-foot from the main unto us ; wherefore he willed 
 every man to prepare him in good readiness upon all sudden 
 occasions ; and so, giving the watch their charge, the company 
 departed to rest. 
 
 I thought the Captain's letter well worth the remembering, not 
 for the circumstance of curious inditing, but for the substance and 
 good meaning therein contained, and therefore have repeated here 
 the same as by himself it was hastily written. 
 
 The Form of MR. MARTIN FROBISHER'S Letter to the English 
 Captives. 
 
 "In the name of God, in whom we all believe, who, I trust, hath 
 preserved your bodies and souls amongst these infidels, I com 
 mend me unto you. I will be glad to seek by all means you can 
 devise for your deliverance, either with force or with any com 
 modities within my ships, which I will not spare for your sakes, or 
 anything else I can do for you. I have aboard, of theirs, a man, 
 a woman, and a child, which I am contented to deliver for you, 
 but the man which I carried away from hence the last year is dead 
 in England. Moreover, you may declare unto them that if they 
 deliver you not, I will not leave a man alive in their country. And 
 thus, if one of you can come to speak with me, they shall have 
 either the man, woman, or child in pawn for you. And thus unto 
 God, whom I trust you do serve, in haste I leave you, and to Him 
 we will daily pray for you. This Tuesday morning, the 7th of 
 August, anno 1577. 
 
 " Yours to the uttermost of my power, 
 
 " MARTIN FROBISHER. 
 
 " I have sent you by these bearers, pen, ink, and paper, to write 
 back unto me again, if personally you cannot come to certify me 
 of your estate." 
 
 Now had the General altered his determination for going any 
 further into the straits at this time, for any further discovery of the 
 passage, having taken a man and a woman of that country, which 
 he thought sufficient for the use of language, and having also met 
 with these people here which intercepted his men the last year (as 
 the apparel and English furniture which was found in their tents 
 very well declared), he knew it was but a labour lost to seek them 
 further off, when he had found them there at hand. And consider 
 ing also the short time he had in hand, he thought it best to bend 
 his whole endeavour for the getting of mine, and to leave the 
 passage further to be discovered hereafter; for his commission 
 
90 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [^577 
 
 directed him in this voyage only for the searching of the ore, and 
 to defer the further discovery of the passage until another time. 
 
 On Thursday, the 9th of August, we began to make a small fort, 
 for our defence in the Countess's Island, and entrenched a corner 
 of a cliff, which on three parts, like a wall of good height, was 
 compassed and well fenced with the sea, and we finished the rest 
 with casks of the earth to good purpose : and this was called 
 Best's Bulwark, after the Lieutenant's name who first devised the 
 same. This was done for that we suspected more lest the desperate 
 men might oppress us with multitude, than any fear we had of 
 their force, weapons, or policy of battle, but as wisdom would us 
 in such place, so far from home, not to be of ourselves altogether 
 careless. So the signs which our captive made unto us of the 
 coming down of his Governor or Prince, which he called Catchoe, 
 gave us occasion to foresee what might ensue thereof, for he 
 showed by signs that this Catchoe was a man of higher stature 
 far than any of our nation is, and he is accustomed to be carried 
 upon men's shoulders. 
 
 About midnight, the Lieutenant caused a false alarm to be given 
 in the island, to prove as well the readiness of the company there 
 ashore, as also what help might be hoped for upon the sudden 
 from the ships, if need so required ; and every part was found in 
 good readiness upon such a sudden. 
 
 On Saturday, the nth of August, the people showed themselves 
 again, and called unto us from the side of a hill over against us. 
 The General, with good hope to hear of his men, and to have 
 answer of his letter, went over unto them, where they presented 
 themselves not above three in sight, but were hidden indeed in 
 greater numbers behind the rocks, and making signs of delay with 
 us, to entrap some of us to redeem their own, did only seek advan 
 tage to train our boat about a point of land from sight of our 
 company ; whereupon our men, justly suspecting them, kept aloof 
 without their danger, and yet set one of our company ashore, which 
 took up a great bladder which one of them offered us, and leaving 
 a looking-glass in the place, came into the boat again. In the 
 meanwhile, our men which stood in the Countess's Island to 
 behold, who might better discern them than those of the boat, by 
 reason they were on higher ground, made a great outcry unto our 
 men in the boat, for that they saw divers of the savages creeping 
 behind the rocks towards our men ; whereupon the General 
 presently returned without tidings of his men. 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 91 
 
 Concerning this bladder which we received, our captive made 
 signs that it was given him to keep water and drink in, but we 
 suspected rather it was given him to swim and shift away withal, 
 for he and the woman sought divers times to escape, having 
 loosed our boats from astern our ships, and we never a boat left 
 to pursue them withal, and had prevailed very far, had they not 
 been very timely espied and prevented therein. 
 
 After our General's coming away from them they mustered 
 themselves in our sight, upon the top of a hill, to the number 
 of twenty in a rank, all holding hands over their heads, and 
 dancing with great noise and songs together : we supposed they 
 made this dance and show for us to understand, that we might 
 take view of their whole companies and force, meaning belike 
 that we should do the same. And thus they continued upon the 
 hill-tops until night, when hearing a piece of our great ordnance, 
 which thundered in the hollowness of the high hills, it made 
 unto them so fearful a noise, that they had no great will to tarry 
 long after. And this was done more to make them know our force 
 than to do them any hurt at all. 
 
 On Sunday, the I2th of August, Captain Fenton trained the 
 company, and made the soldiers maintain skirmish among 
 themselves, as well for their exercise, as for the country people 
 to behold in what readiness our men were always to be found, 
 for it was to be thought, that they lay hid in the hills thereabout, 
 and observed all the manner of our proceedings. 
 
 On Wednesday, the I4th of August, our General with two small 
 boats well appointed, for that he suspected the country people to lie 
 lurking thereabout, went up a certain bay within the Countess's 
 Sound to search for ore, and met again with the country people, 
 who so soon as they saw our men made great outcries, and with 
 a white flag made of bladders sewed together with the guts 
 and sinews of beasts, wafted us amain unto them, but showed 
 not above three of their company. But when we came near 
 them, we might perceive a great multitude creeping behind the 
 rocks, which gave us good cause to suspect their traitorous 
 meaning : whereupon we made them signs, that if they would 
 lay their weapons aside, and come forth, we would deal friendly 
 with them, although their intent was manifested unto us : but 
 for all the signs of friendship we could make them they came 
 still creeping towards us behind the rocks to get more advantage 
 of us, as though we had no eyes to see them, thinking belike 
 
92 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*577 
 
 that our single wits could not discover so bare devises and simple 
 drifts of theirs. Their spokesman earnestly persuaded us with 
 many enticing shows, to come eat and sleep ashore, with great 
 arguments of courtesy, and clapping his bare hands over his 
 head in token of peace and innocency, willed us to do the like. 
 But the better to allure our hungry stomachs, he brought us a 
 trim bait of raw flesh, which for fashion sake with a boat-hook 
 we caught into our boat : but when the cunning cater perceived 
 his first cold morsel could nothing sharpen our stomachs, he 
 cast about for a new train of warm flesh to procure our appetites. 
 Wherefore he caused one of his fellows in halting manner, to 
 come forth as a lame man from behind the rocks, and the better 
 to declare his kindness in carving, he hoisted him upon his 
 shoulders, and bringing him hard to the water-side where we 
 were, left him there limping as an easy prey to be taken of us. 
 His hope was that we would bite at his bait, and speedily leap 
 ashore within their danger, whereby they might have apprehended 
 some of us, to ransom their friends home again, which before 
 we had taken. The gentlemen and soldiers had great will to 
 encounter them ashore, but the General more careful by process 
 of time to win them, than wilfully at the first to spoil them, 
 would in no wise admit that any man should put himself in 
 hazard ashore, considering the matter he now intended was for the 
 ore, and not for the conquest: notwithstanding, to prove this cripple's 
 footmanship, he gave liberty for one to shoot : whereupon the 
 cripple, having a parting blow, lightly recovered a rock, and went 
 away a true and no fained cripple, and hath learned his lesson 
 for ever halting afore such cripples again. But his fellows which 
 lay hid before, full quickly then appeared in their likeness, and 
 maintained the skirmish with their slings, bows and arrows very 
 fiercely, and came as near as the water suffered them : and with 
 as desperate mind as hath been seen in any men, without fear 
 of shot or [anything, followed us all along the coast ; but all their 
 shot fell short of us, and are of little danger. They had belayed 
 all the coast along for us, and being dispersed so, were not well 
 to be numbered, but we might discern of them above an hundred 
 persons, and had cause to suspect a greater number. And thus 
 without loss or hurt we returned to our ships again. 
 
 Now our work growing to an end, and having, only with five 
 poor miners, and the help of a few gentlemen and soldiers, brought 
 aboard almost two hundred tons of ore in the space of twenty 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 93 
 
 days, every man therewithal well comforted, determined lustily 
 to work afresh for a bon voyage, to bring our labour to a speedy 
 and happy end. 
 
 And upon Wednesday at night, being the 2ist of August, we 
 fully finished the whole work. And it was now good time to 
 leave, for as the men were well wearied, so their shoes and clothes 
 were well worn, their baskets' bottoms torn out, their tools broken, 
 and the ships reasonably well filled. Some with over-straining 
 themselves received hurts not a little dangerous, some having 
 their bellies broken, and others their legs made lame. And about 
 this time the ice began to congeal and freeze about our ships- 
 sides at night, which gave us a good argument of the sun's 
 declining southward, and put us in mind to make more haste 
 homeward. 
 
 It is not a little worth the memory, to the commendation of 
 the gentlemen and soldiers herein, who, leaving all reputation 
 apart, with so great willingness and with courageous stomachs, 
 have themselves almost overcome in so short a time the difficulty 
 of this so great a labour. And this to be true, the matter, if it 
 be well weighed without further proof, now brought home doth 
 well witness. 
 
 On Thursday, the 22nd of August, we plucked down our tents, 
 and every man hasted homeward, and making bonfires upon 
 the top of the highest mount of the island, and marching with 
 ensign displayed round about the island, we gave a volley of shot 
 for a farewell, in honour of the Right Honourable Lady Anne, 
 Countess of Warwick, whose name it beareth : and so departed 
 aboard. 
 
 On the 23rd of August, having the wind large at west, we set 
 sail from out of the Countess's Sound homeward; but the wind 
 calming we came to anchor within the point of the same sound 
 again. 
 
 On the 24th of August, about three o'clock in the morning, 
 having the wind large at west, we set sail again, and by nine 
 o'clock at night, we left the Queen's Foreland astern of us, and 
 being cleared of the straits, we bare further into the main ocean, 
 keeping our course more southerly, to bring ourselves the sooner 
 under the latitude of our own climate. 
 
 The wind was very great at sea, so that we lay a hull all night, 
 and had snow half a foot deep on the hatches. 
 
 From the 24th until the 28th we had very much wind, but 
 
94 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l577 
 
 large, keeping our course south-south-east, and had like to have 
 lost the barques, but by good hap we met again. The height 
 being taken, we were in degrees and a half. 
 
 On the 29th of August the wind blew much at north-east, so 
 that we could bear but only a bunt of our foresail, and the barques 
 were not able to carry any sail at all. 
 
 The Michael lost company of us and shaped her course towards 
 Orkney, because that way was better known unto them, and 
 arrived at Yarmouth. 
 
 On the 3oth of August, with the force of the wind, and a surge 
 of the sea, the master of the Gabriel and the boatswain were 
 stricken both overboard, and hardly was the boatswain recovered, 
 having hold on a rope hanging overboard in the sea, and yet the 
 barque was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within 
 board. 
 
 This Master was called William Smith, being but a young man 
 and a very sufficient mariner, who being all the morning before 
 exceeding pleasant, told his Captain he dreamt that he was 
 cast overboard, and that the boatswain had him by the hand, and 
 could not save him, and so immediately upon the end of his tale, 
 his dream came right evilly to. pass, and indeed the boatswain in 
 like sort held him by one hand, having hold on a rope with the 
 other, until his force failed, and the Master drowned. The height 
 being taken we found ourselves to be in the latitude of degrees 
 and a half, and reckoned ourselves from the Queen's Cape home 
 ward about two hundred leagues. 
 
 On the last of August, about midnight, we had two or three 
 great and sudden flaws or storms. 
 
 On the ist of September the storm was growing very great, 
 and continued almost the whole day and night, and lying a hull 
 to tarry for the barques our ship was much beaten with the seas, 
 every sea almost overtaking our poop, so that we were constrained 
 with a bunt of our sail to try it out, and ease the rolling of our 
 ship. And so the Gabriel not able to bear any sail to keep 
 company with us, and our ship being higher in the poop, and a 
 tall ship, whereon the wind had more force to drive, went so 
 fast away that we lost sight of them, and left them to God and 
 their good fortune of sea. On the 2nd of September in the 
 morning, it pleased God in his goodness to send us a calm, 
 whereby we perceived the rudder of our ship torn in twain, 
 and almost ready to fall away. Wherefore, taking the benefit of 
 
1577] FROBISHER. 95 
 
 the time, we flung half-a-dozen couple of our best men over 
 board, who taking great pains under water, driving planks, and 
 binding with ropes, did well strengthen and mend the matter, 
 who returned the most part more than half-dead out of the 
 water, and, as God's pleasure was, the sea was calm until the 
 work was finished. On the 5th of September, the height of the 
 sun being taken, we found ourselves to be in the latitude of 
 degrees and a-half. In this voyage commonly we took the 
 latitude of the place by the height of the sun, because the long 
 day taketh away the light not only of the polar, but also of 
 all other fixed stars. And here the north star is so much 
 elevated above the horizon, that with the staff it is hardly to be 
 well observed, and the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to 
 observe minutes. Therefore we always used the staff and the sun 
 as fittest instruments for this use. 
 
 Having spent four or five days in traverse of the seas with 
 contrary wind, making our souther way good as near as we could, 
 to raise our degrees to bring ourselves with the latitude of Scilly, 
 we took the height the loth of September, and found ourselves 
 in the latitude of degrees and ten minutes. On the nth 
 
 of September, about six o'clock at night, the wind came good 
 south-west, we veered sheet and set our course south-east. 
 
 And upon Thursday, the I2th of September, taking the height, 
 we were in the latitude of and a-half, and reckoned ourselves 
 
 not past one hundred and fifty leagues short of Scilly, the weather 
 fair, the wind large at west-south-west, we kept our course south 
 east. 
 
 On the thirteenth day, the height being taken, we found our 
 selves to be in the latitude of degrees, the wind west-south-west, 
 then being in the height of Scilly, and we kept our course east, to 
 run in with the sleeve or channel so called, being our narrow seas, 
 and reckoned us short of Scilly twelve leagues. 
 
 On Sunday, the I5th of September, about four o'clock, we began 
 to sound with our lead, and had ground at sixty-one fathom depth, 
 white small sandy ground, and reckoned us upon the back of 
 Scilly, and set our course east and by north, east-north-east, and 
 north-east among. 
 
 On the i6th of September, about eight o'clock in the morning, 
 sounding, we had sixty-five fathom, oozy sand, and thought our 
 selves athwart of St. George's Channel, a little within the banks, 
 and bearing a small sail all night, we made many soundings, 
 
96 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*577 
 
 which were about forty fathom, and so shallow that we could 
 not well tell where we were. 
 
 On the 1 7th of September, we sounded, and had forty fathom, 
 and were not far off the Land's-End, rinding branded sand with 
 small worms and cockle-shells, and were shot between Scilly and 
 the Land's-End ; and being within the bay, we were not able to 
 double the point with a south-and-by-east way, but were fain to 
 make another board, the wind being at south-west and by west, 
 and yet could not double the point to come clear of the Lands-End, 
 to bear along the Channel ; and the weather cleared up when we 
 were hard aboard the shore, and we made the Land's-End perfect, 
 and so put up along St. George's Channel. And the weather being 
 very foul at sea, we coveted some harbour, because our steerage 
 was broken, and so came to anchor in Padstow Road, in Cornwall. 
 But riding there a very dangerous road, we were advised by the 
 country to put to sea again, and of the two evils, to choose the 
 less, for there was nothing but present peril where we rode ; where 
 upon we plied along the Channel to get to Lundy, from whence 
 we were again driven, (being but an open road, where our anchor 
 came home), and with force of weather put to sea again, and about 
 the 23rd of September arrived at Milford Haven, in Wales, 
 which being a very good harbour, made us happy men, that we 
 had received such long-desired safety. 
 
 About one month after our arrival here, by order from the Lords 
 of the Council, the ship came up to Bristol, where the ore was com 
 mitted to keeping in the castle there. Here we found the Gabriel, 
 one of the barques, arrived in good safety, who having never a 
 man within board very sufficient to bring home the ship, after the 
 master was lost, by good fortune, when she came upon the coast, 
 met with a ship of Bristol at sea, who conducted her in safety 
 thither. 
 
 Here we heard good tidings also of the arrival of the other 
 barque called the Michael, in the north parts, which was not a little 
 joyful unto us, that it pleased God so to bring us to a safe meeting 
 again ; and we lost in all the voyage only one man, besides one that 
 died at sea, which was sick before he came aboard, and was so 
 desirous to follow his enterprise that he rather chose to die therein, 
 than not to be one to attempt so notable a voyage. 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 97 
 
 FROBISHER THIRD VOYAGE. 
 
 NARRATIVE BY GEORGE BEST. 
 
 The THIRD VOYAGE of CAPTAIN FROBISHER, pretended 
 for the discovery of CATHAY, by META INCOGNITA, Anno 
 Domini 1578. 
 
 THE General being returned from the second voyage, imme 
 diately after his arrival in England repaired with all haste to the 
 Court, being then at Windsor, to advertise her Majesty of his 
 prosperous proceeding and good success in this last voyage, and 
 of the plenty of gold ore, with other matters of importance which 
 he had in these septentrional parts discovered. He was cour 
 teously entertained, and heartily welcomed of many noblemen, but 
 especially for his great adventure commended of her Majesty, at 
 whose hands he received great thanks, and most gracious counte 
 nance, according to his deserts. Her Highness also greatly 
 commended the rest of the gentlemen in this service, for their 
 great forwardness in this so dangerous an attempt ; but especially 
 she rejoiced very much that among them there was so good order 
 of government, so good agreement, every man so ready in his 
 calling, to do whatsoever the General should command, which due 
 commendation graciously of her Majesty remembered, gave so 
 great encouragement to all the captains and gentlemen, that they, 
 to continue Her Highness's so good and honourable opinion of 
 them, have since neither spared labour, limb, nor life, to bring this 
 matter (so well begun) to a happy and prosperous end. And 
 finding that the matter of the gold ore had appearance and made 
 show of great riches and profit, and the hope of the passage to 
 Cathay by this last voyage greatly increased, her Majesty ap 
 pointed special Commissioners chosen for this purpose, gentlemen 
 of great judgment, art, and skill, to look thoroughly into the cause, 
 for the true trial and due examination thereof, and for the full 
 handling of all matters thereunto appertaining. And because that 
 place and country hath never heretofore been discovered, and 
 
 H 
 
98 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 therefore had no special name by which it might be called and 
 known, her Majesty named it very properly Meta Incognita, as a 
 mark and bound utterly hitherto unknown. The commissioners, 
 after sufficient trial and proof made of the ore, and having under 
 stood by sundry reasons and substantial grounds, the possibility 
 and likelihood of the passage, advertised Her Highness that the 
 cause was of importance, and the voyage greatly worthy to be 
 advanced again.. Whereupon preparation was made of ships and 
 all other things necessary, with such expedition, as the time of the 
 year then required. And because it was assuredly made account 
 of, that the commodity of mines, there already discovered, would 
 at the least countervail in all respects the adventurers' charge, 
 and give further hope and likelihood of greater matters to follow : 
 it was thought needful, both for the better guard of those parts 
 already found, and for further discovery of the inland and secrets 
 of those countries, and also for further search of the passage of 
 Cathay (whereof the hope continually more and more increaseth) 
 that certain numbers of chosen soldiers and discreet men for those 
 purposes should be assigned to inhabit there. Whereupon there 
 was a strong fort or house of timber, artificially framed, and cun 
 ningly devised by a notable learned man here at home, in ships to 
 be carried thither, whereby those men that were appointed to 
 winter and stay there the whole year, might as well be defended 
 from the danger of the snow and cold air, as also fortified from 
 the force or offence of those country people, which perhaps other 
 wise with too great multitudes might oppress them. And to this 
 great adventure and notable exploit many well-minded and 
 forward young gentlemen of our country willingly have offered 
 themselves. And first Captain Fenton, Lieutenant-General for 
 Captain Frobisher, and in charge of the company with him there, 
 Captain Best, and Captain Filpot, unto whose good discretions the 
 government of that service was chiefly commended, who, as men 
 not regarding peril in respect of the profit and common wealth of 
 their country, were willing to abide the first brunt and adventure of 
 those dangers among a savage and brutish kind of people, in a 
 place hitherto ever thought for extreme cold not habitable. The 
 whole number of men which had offered, and were appointed to 
 inhabit Meta Incognita all the year, were one hundred persons, 
 whereof forty should be mariners for the use of ships, thirty miners 
 for gathering the gold ore together for the next year, and thirty 
 soldiers for the better guard of the rest, within which last number 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 99 
 
 are included the gentlemen, gold-finers, bakers, carpenters, and 
 all necessary persons. To each of the captains was assigned one 
 ship, as well for the further searching of the coast and country 
 there, as for to return and bring back their companies again, if the 
 necessity of the place so urged, or by miscarrying of the fleet the 
 next year, they might be disappointed of their further provision. 
 Being therefore thus furnished with all necessaries, there were 
 ready to depart upon the said voyage fifteen sail of good ships, 
 whereof the whole number was to return again with their loading 
 of gold ore in the end of the summer, except those three ships 
 which should be left for the use of those Captains which should 
 inhabit there the whole year. And being in so good readiness 
 the General with all the Captains came to the Court, then lying at 
 Greenwich, to take their leave of her Majesty, at whose hands 
 they all received great encouragement, and gracious countenance. 
 Her Highness, besides other good gifts, and greater promises, 
 bestowed on the General a fair chain of gold, and the rest of the 
 Captains kissed her hand, took their leave, and departed every 
 man towards their charge. 
 
 The said fifteen sail of ships arrived and met together at Har 
 wich on the 27th of May, 1578, where the General and the other 
 Captains made view, and mustered their companies. And every 
 several Captain received from the General certain Articles of Direc 
 tion for the better keeping of order and company together in the 
 way, which Articles are as folio we th : 
 
 Articles and Orders to be observed for the Fleet, set down by 
 CAPTAIN FROBISHER, GENERAL, and delivered in 
 writing to every Captain, as well for keeping company, 
 as for the course, the jist of May. 
 
 1. IMPRIMIS, to banish swearing, dice, and card-playing, and 
 filthy communication, and to serve God twice a-day, with the 
 ordinary service usual in Churches of England, and to clear the 
 glass, according to the old order of England. 
 
 2. The Admiral shall carry the light, and after his light be once 
 put out no man to go ahead of him, but every man to fit his sails to 
 follow as near as they may without endangering one another. 
 
 3. That no man shall by day or by night depart further from 
 the Admiral than the distance of one English mile, and as near 
 as they may without danger one of another. 
 
 H 2 
 
IOO VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. l5?8 
 
 4. If it chance to grow thick, and the wind contrary, either by 
 day or by night, that the Admiral be forced to cast about, before 
 her casting about she shall give warning by shooting off a piece : 
 and to her shall answer the Vice-Admiral and the Rear-Admiral, 
 each of them with a piece if it be by night or in a fog ; and that 
 the Vice-Admiral shall answer first and the Rear-Admiral last. 
 
 5. That no man in the Fleet, descrying any sail or sails, give upon 
 any occasion any chase before he have spoken with the Admiral. 
 
 6. That every evening all the Fleet come up and speak with the 
 Admiral, at seven o'clock, or between that and eight ; and if the 
 weather will not serve them all to speak with the Admiral, then 
 some shall come to the Vice-Admiral, and receive the order of 
 their course of Master Hall, Chief Pilot of the Fleet, as he shall 
 direct them. 
 
 7. If to any man in the Fleet there happen any mischance, 
 they shall presently shoot off two pieces by day, and if it be by 
 night, two pieces, and shew two lights. 
 
 8. If any man in the Fleet come up in the night, and hail his 
 fellow, knowing him not, he shall give him this watchword, 
 " Before the world was God." The other shall answer him (if he be 
 one of our Fleet), "After God came Christ his Son." So that if any 
 be found amongst us, not of our own company, he that first des- 
 crieth any such sail or sails, shall give warning to the Admiral 
 by himself or any other that he can speak to, that sails better than 
 he, being nearest unto him. 
 
 9. That every ship in the Fleet in the time of fogs, which con 
 tinually happen with little winds, and most part calms, shall keep 
 a reasonable noise with trumpet, drum, or otherwise, to keep 
 themselves clear one of another. 
 
 10. If it fall out so thick or misty that we lay it to hull, the 
 Admiral shall give warning with a piece, and putting out three 
 lights one over another, to the end that every man may take in his 
 sails, and at his setting of sails again do the like, if it be not clear. 
 
 11. If any man discover land by night, that he give the like 
 warning that he doth for mischances, two lights and two pieces, 
 if it be by day one piece, and put out his flag, and strike all his 
 sails he hath aboard. 
 
 12. If any ship shall happen to lose company by force of 
 weather, then any such ship or ships shall get her into the 
 latitude of , and so keep that latitude until they get to Friesland. 
 And after they be past the west parts of Friesland, they shall get 
 
1578] FROBISHER. IOI 
 
 them into the latitude of , and , and not to the northward 
 of ; and being once entered within the Straits, all such ships 
 shall every watch shoot off a good piece, and look out well for 
 smoke and fire which those that get in first shall make every 
 night, until all the Fleet be come together. 
 
 13. That upon the sight of an ensign in the mast of the Admiral 
 (a piece being shot off) the whole Fleet shall repair to the Admiral, 
 to understand such conference as the General is to have with them. 
 
 14. If we chance to meet with any enemies, that four ships shall 
 attend upon the Admiral viz., the Francis of Foy, the Moon, the 
 barque Dennis, and the Gabriel ; and four upon my Lieutenant- 
 General in the Judith viz., the Hope well, the Armenal, the Bear, 
 and the Salomon ; and the other four upon the Vice- Admiral the 
 Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich, the Emmanuel, and the 
 Michael. 
 
 15. If there happen any disordered person in the Fleet, that he 
 be taken and kept in safe custody until he may conveniently be 
 brought aboard the Admiral, and there to receive such punish 
 ment as his or their offences shall deserve. 
 
 By me, MARTIN FROBISHER. 
 
 Having received these Articles of Direction, we departed from 
 Harwich on the 3ist of May; and sailing along the south part of 
 England westward, we at length came by the coast of Ireland at 
 Cape Clear on the 6th of June, and gave chase there to a small 
 barque which was supposed to be a pirate or rover on the seas ; 
 but it fell out indeed that they were poor men of Bristol, who 
 had met with such company of Frenchmen as had spoiled and 
 slain many of them, and left the rest so sore wounded that they 
 were like to perish in the sea, having neither hand nor foot whole 
 to help themselves with, nor victuals to sustain their hungry 
 bodies. Our General, who well understood the office of a soldier 
 and an Englishman, and knew well what the necessity of the sea 
 meaneth, pitying much the misery of the poor men, relieved them 
 with surgery and salves to heal their hurts, and with meat and 
 drink to comfort their pining hearts ; some of them having neither 
 eaten nor drunk more than olives and stinking water in many days 
 before, as they reported. And after this good deed done, having 
 a large wind, we kept our course upon our said voyage without 
 staying for the taking in of fresh water, or any other provision, 
 whereof many of the fleet were not throughly furnished. And 
 
102 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1578 
 
 sailing towards the north-west parts from Ireland, we met with a 
 great current from out of the south-west, which carried us (by our 
 reckoning) one point to the north-eastwards of our said course, 
 which current seemed to us to continue itself towards Norway, 
 and other the north-east parts of the world, whereby we may be 
 induced to believe that this is the same which the Portugals meet 
 at the Cape of Good Hope, where striking over from thence to 
 the Straits of Magellan, and finding no passage there for the 
 narrowness of the said Straits, runneth along into the great Bay of 
 Mexico, where also having a let of land, it is forced to strike back 
 again towards the north-east, as we not only here, but in another 
 place also, further to the northwards, by good experience this year 
 have found, as shall be hereafter in this place more at large declared. 
 
 Now had we sailed about fourteen days without sight of land 
 or any other living thing, except certain fowls, as willmots, noddies, 
 gulls, &c., which there seem only to live by sea. 
 
 On the 20th of June, at two o'clock in the morning, the General 
 descried land, and found it to be West Friesland, now named West 
 England. Here the General and other gentlemen went ashore, 
 being the first known Christians that we have true notice of that 
 ever set foot upon that ground. And therefore the General took 
 possession thereof to the use of our Sovereign Lady the Queen's 
 Majesty, and discovered here a goodly harbour for the ships, 
 where were also certain little boats of that country. And being 
 there landed they espied certain tents and people of that country, 
 which were (as they judge) in all sorts, very like those of Meta 
 Incognita, as by their apparel, and other things which we found 
 in their tents, appeared. 
 
 The savage and simple people so soon as they perceived our 
 men coming towards them, (supposing there had been no other 
 world but theirs) fled fearfully away, as men much amazed at so 
 strange a sight, and creatures of human shape, so far in apparel, 
 complexion, and other things different from themselves. They left 
 in their tents all their furniture for haste behind them, where 
 amongst other things were found a box of small nails, and certain 
 red herrings, boards of fir-tree well cut, with divers other things 
 artificially wrought : whereby it appeareth, that they have trade 
 with some civil people, or else are indeed themselves artificial 
 workmen. Our men brought away with them only two of their 
 dogs, leaving in recompense bells, looking-glasses, and divers 
 of our country toys behind them. This country, no doubt, pro- 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 103 
 
 miseth good hope of great commodity and riches, if it may be 
 well discovered. The description whereof you shall find more 
 at large in the second voyage. Some are of opinion that this 
 West England is firm land with the north-east parts of Meta 
 Incognita, or else with Greenland. And their reason is, because 
 the people, apparel, boats, and other things are so like to theirs ; 
 and another reason is, the multitude of islands of ice, which lay 
 between it and Meta Incognita, doth argue, that on the north 
 side there is a bay, which cannot be but by conjoining of the two 
 lands together. 
 
 And having a fair and large wind we departed from thence 
 towards Frobisher's Straits on the 23rd of June. But first we 
 gave name to a high cliff in West England, the last that was in 
 our sight, and for a certain similitude we called it Charing Cross. 
 Then we bore southerly towards the sea, because to the north 
 wards of this coast we met with much driving ice, which by reason 
 of the thick mists and weather might have been some trouble 
 unto us. On Monday, the last of June, we met with many 
 great whales, as they had been porpoises. This same day the 
 Salamander, being under both her corses and bonnets, happened 
 to strike a great whale with her full stem, with such a blow that 
 the ship stood still, and stirred neither forward nor backward. 
 The whale thereat made a great and ugly noise, and cast up 
 his body and tail, and so went under water, and within two 
 days after there was found a great whale dead, swimming above 
 water, which we supposed was that which the Salamander struck. 
 
 On the 2nd of July, early in the morning, we had sight of the 
 Queen's Foreland, and bare in with the land all the day, and 
 passing through a great quantity of ice, by night were entered 
 somewhat within the Straits, perceiving no way to pass further in, 
 the whole place being frozen over from the one side to the other, 
 and as it were with many walls, mountains, and bulwarks of ice, 
 choked up the passage, and denied us entrance. And yet do I not 
 think that this passage or sea hereabouts is frozen over at any time 
 of the year : albeit it seemed so unto us by the abundance of ice 
 gathered together, which occupied the whole place. But I do 
 rather suppose these ice to be bred in the hollow sounds and freshets 
 thereabouts ; which, by the heat of the summer's sun, being 
 loosed, do empty themselves with the ebbs into the sea, and so 
 gather in great abundance there together. 
 
 And to speak somewhat here of the ancient opinion of the 
 
104 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1578 
 
 frozen sea in these parts : I do think it to be rather a bare conjec 
 ture of men, than that ever any man hath made experience of any 
 such sea. And that which they speak of Mare glaciale, may be 
 truly thought to be spoken of these parts ; for this may well be 
 called indeed the icy sea, but not the frozen sea, for no sea con 
 sisting of salt water can be frozen, as I have more at large herein 
 shewed my opinion in my second voyage, for it seemeth impossible 
 for any sea to be frozen which hath his course of ebbing and 
 flowing, especially in those places where the tides do ebb and flow 
 above ten fathoms. And also all these aforesaid ice, which we 
 sometimes met a hundred miles from land, being gathered out of 
 the salt sea, are in taste fresh, and being dissolved become sweet 
 and wholesome water. 
 
 And the cause why this year we have been more cumbered with 
 ice than at other times before, may be by reason of the easterly 
 and southerly winds, which brought us more timely thither now 
 than we looked for, which blowing from the sea directly upon the 
 place of our Straits, hath kept in the ice, and not suffered them to 
 be carried out by the ebb to the main sea, where they would in 
 more short time have been dissolved. And all these fleeting ice 
 are not only so dangerous in that they wind and gather so near to 
 gether, that a man may pass sometimes ten or twelve miles as it were 
 upon one firm island of ice ; but also for that they open and shut to 
 gether again in such sort with the tides and sea-gate, that whilst 
 one ship followeth the other with full sails, the ice which was open 
 unto the foremost will join and close together before the latter can 
 come to follow the first, whereby many times our ships were 
 brought into great danger, as being not able so suddenly to take 
 in our sails, or stay the swift way of our ships. 
 
 r r e were forced many times to stem and strike great rocks of 
 ice, and so as it were make way through mighty mountains. By 
 which means some of the fleet, where they found the ice to open, 
 entered in, and passed so far within the danger thereof, with con 
 tinual desire to recover their port, that it was the greatest wonder 
 of the world that they ever escaped safe, or were ever heard of 
 again. For even at this present we missed two of the fleet, that is, 
 the Judith, wherein was the Lieutenant-General Captain Fenton ; 
 and the Michael, whom both we supposed had been utterly lost, 
 having not heard any tidings of them in more than twenty days 
 before. And one of our fleet named the barque Dennis, being of an 
 loo tons burden, seeking way in amongst the ice, received such a 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 105 
 
 blow with a rock of ice that she sunk down therewith in the sight 
 of the whole fleet. Howbeit, having signified her danger by shoot 
 ing off a piece of great ordnance, new succour of other ships 
 came so readily unto them, that the men were all saved with boats. 
 Within this ship that was drowned there was parcel of our house 
 which was to be erected for them that should stay all the winter in 
 Meta Incognita. 
 
 This was a more fearful spectacle for the fleet to behold, for that 
 the outrageous storm which presently followed, threatened them 
 the like fortune and danger ; for the fleet being thus compassed (as 
 aforesaid) on every side with ice, having left much behind them, 
 through which they passed, and finding more before them, through 
 which it was not possible to pass, there arose a sudden terrible 
 tempest at the south-east, which blowing from the main sea 
 directly upon the place of the Straits, brought together all the ice 
 a sea-board of us upon our backs, and thereby debarred us of 
 turning back to recover sea-room again ; so that being thus com 
 passed with danger on every side, sundry men with sundry devices 
 sought the best way to save themselves. Some of the ships, 
 where they could find a place more clear of ice, and get a little 
 berth of sea-room, did take in their sails, and there lay adrift. 
 Other some fastened and moored anchor upon a great island of 
 ice, and rode under the lee thereof, supposing to be better guarded 
 thereby from the outrageous winds, and the danger of the lesser 
 fleeting ice. And again some were so fast shut up, and compassed 
 in amongst an infinite number of great countries and islands of ice, 
 that they were fain to submit themselves and their ships to the 
 mercy of the unmerciful ice, and strengthened the sides of their 
 ships with junks of cables, beds, masts, planks, and such like, 
 which being hanged overboard on the sides of their ships, might 
 the better defend them from the outrageous sway and strokes of 
 the said ice. But as in greatest distress men of best valour are 
 best to be discerned, so it is greatly worthy commendation and 
 noting with what invincible mind every Captain encouraged his 
 company, and with what incredible labour the painful mariners 
 and poor miners (unacquainted with such extremities) to the ever 
 lasting renown of our nation, did overcome the brunt of these so 
 great and extreme dangers ; for some, even without board upon 
 the ice, and some within board upon the sides of their ships, 
 having poles, pikes, pieces of timber, and oars in their hands, 
 stood almost day and night without any rest, bearing off the force, 
 
IO6 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [157$ 
 
 and breaking the sway of the ice with such incredible pain and 
 peril, that it was wonderful to behold, which otherwise no doubt 
 had stricken quite through and through the sides of their ships, 
 notwithstanding our former provision ; for planks of timber of 
 more than three inches thick, and other things of greater force 
 and bigness, by the surging of the sea and billows, with the ice 
 were shivered and cut in sunder, at the sides of our ships, so that 
 it will seem more than credible to be reported of. And yet (that 
 which is more) it is faithfully and plainly to be proved, and that by 
 many substantial witnesses, that our ships, even those of greatest 
 burdens, with the meeting of contrary waves of the sea, were 
 heaved up between islands of ice, a foot well near out of the sea, 
 above their watermark, having their knees and timbers within 
 board both bowed and broken therewith. 
 
 And amidst these extremes, whilst some laboured for defence of 
 the ships, and sought to save their bodies, other some of more 
 milder spirit sought to save the soul by devout prayer and medita 
 tion to the Almighty, thinking indeed by no other means possible 
 than by a Divine miracle to have their deliverance ; so that there 
 was none that were either idle, or not well occupied ; and he that 
 held himself in best security had (God knoweth) but only bare 
 hope remaining for his best safety. Thus all the gallant fleet and 
 miserable men, without hope of ever getting forth again, distressed 
 with these extremities, remained here all the whole night and 
 part of the next day, excepting four ships that is, the Anne 
 Francis, the Moon, the Francis of Foy, and the Gabriel, which 
 being somewhat a-seaboard of the fleet, and being fast ships by 
 a wind, having a more scope of clear, tried it out all the time of 
 the storm under sail, being hardly able to bear a coast of each. 
 
 And albeit, by reason of the fleeting ice, which were dispersed 
 here almost the whole sea over, they were brought many times to 
 the extremest point of peril, mountains of ice ten thousand times 
 escaping them scarce one inch, which to have stricken had 
 been their present destruction, considering the swift course and 
 way of the ships, and the unwieldiness of them to stay and turn as 
 a man would wish, yet they esteemed it their better safety, with 
 such peril, to seek sea-room, than, without hope of ever getting 
 liberty, to lie striving against the stream and beating amongst the 
 icy mountains, whose hugeness and monstrous greatness was such 
 that no man could credit but such as, to their pains, saw and felt 
 it. And these four ships by the next day at noon got out to sea, 
 
FROBISHER. 107 
 
 and were first clear of the ice ; who now, enjoying their own liberty, 
 began anew to sorrow and fear for their fellows' safeties ; and, 
 devoutly kneeling about their mainmast, they gave unto God 
 humble thanks, not only for themselves, but besought Him like 
 wise highly for their friends' deliverance. And even now whilst 
 amidst these extremities this gallant fleet and valiant men were 
 altogether over-laboured and fore-watched with the long and 
 fearful continuance of the aforesaid dangers, it pleased God with 
 His eyes of mercy to look down from heaven to send them help in 
 good time, giving them the next day a more favourable wind at the 
 west-north-west, which did not only disperse and drive forth the 
 ice before them, but also gave them liberty of more scope and sea- 
 room ; and they were by night of the same day following perceived 
 of the other four ships, where, to their greatest comfort, they enjoyed 
 again the fellowship one of another. Some in mending the sides 
 of their ships, some in setting up their topmasts, and mending 
 their sails and tacklings ; again, some complaining of their false 
 stem borne away, some in stopping their leaks, some in recounting 
 their dangers past, spent no small time and labour. So that I dare 
 well avouch there were never men more dangerously distressed, 
 nor more mercifully by God's providence delivered. And hereof 
 both the torn ships and the forwearied bodies of the men arrived 
 do bear most evident mark and witness. And now the whole fleet 
 plied off to seaward, resolving there to abide until the sun might 
 consume, or the force of wind disperse, these ice from the place of 
 their passage. And being a good berth off the shore, they took in 
 their sails and lay adrift. 
 
 On the 7th of July, as men nothing yet dismayed, we cast about 
 towards the inward, and had sight of land, which rose in form like 
 the Northerland of the Straits, which some of the fleet, and those 
 not the worst mariners, judged to be the North Foreland ; howbeit, 
 other some were of contrary opinion. But the matter was not well 
 to be discerned by reason of the thick fog which a long time hung 
 upon the coast, and the new-falling snow, which yearly altereth the 
 shape of the land, and taketh away sometimes the mariner's marks. 
 And by reason of the dark mists, which continued by the space of 
 twenty days together, this doubt grew the greater and the longer 
 perilous. For whereas indeed we thought ourselves to be upon the 
 north-east side of Frobisher's Straits, we were now carried to the 
 south-westwards of the Queen's Foreland, and, being deceived by 
 a swift current coming from the north-east, were brought to the 
 
108 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [iST^ 
 
 south-westwards of our said course many miles more than we did 
 think possible could come to pass. The cause whereof we have 
 since found, and it shall be at large hereafter declared. 
 
 Here we made a point of land which some mistook for a place 
 in the Straits called Mount Warwick. But how we should be so far 
 shot up so suddenly within the said Straits the expertest mariners 
 began to marvel, thinking it a thing impossible that they could be 
 so far overtaken in their accounts, or that any current could 
 deceive them here which they had not by former experience proved 
 and found out. Howbeit, many confessed that they found a swifter 
 course of flood than before time they had observed. And truly it 
 was wonderful to hear and see the rushing and noise that the 
 tides do make in this place, with so violent a force that our ships 
 lying a-hull were turned sometimes round about even in a moment, 
 after the manner of a whirlpool, and the noise of the stream no 
 less to be heard afar off than the waterfall of London Bridge. 
 
 But whilst the fleet lay thus doubtful amongst great store of ice, 
 in a place they knew not, without sight of sun, whereby to take the 
 height, and so to know the true elevation of the pole, and without 
 any clear of light to make perfect the coast, the General, with the 
 captains and masters of his ships, began doubtfully to question of 
 the matter, and sent his pinnace aboard to hear each man's opinion, 
 and specially of James Beare, Master of the Anne Francis, who 
 was known to be a sufficient and skilful mariner, and, having been 
 there the year before, had well observed the place, and drawn out 
 charts of the coast. But the rather this matter grew the more 
 doubtful, for that Christopher Hall, chief pilot of the voyage, de 
 livered a plain and public opinion, in the hearing of the whole 
 fleet, that he had never seen the foresaid coast before, and that he 
 could not make it for any place of Frobisher's Straits, as some of 
 the fleet supposed ; and yet the lands do lie and trend so like, that 
 the best mariners therein may be deceived. 
 
 On the loth of July, the weather still continuing thick and dark, 
 some of the ships in the fog lost sight of the Admiral and the rest 
 of the fleet, and, wandering to and fro, with doubtful opinion whe 
 ther it were best to seek back again to seaward through great store 
 of ice, or to follow on a doubtful course in a sea, bay, or straits 
 they knew not, or along a coast whereof, by reason of the dark 
 mists, they could not discern the dangers, if by chance any rock or 
 broken ground should lie off the place, as commonly in these parts 
 it doth. The Vice-Admiral Captain Yorke, considering the 
 
FROBISHER. 109 
 
 aforesaid opinion of the pilot Hall, who was with him in the 
 Thomas Allen, having lost sight of the fleet, turned back to sea 
 again, having two other ships in company with him. Also the 
 Captain of the Anne Francis, having likewise lost company of 
 the fleet, and being all alone, held it for best to turn it out to 
 sea again until they might have clear weather to take the sun's 
 altitude, and with incredible pain and peril got out of the doubtful 
 place into the open sea again, being so narrowly distressed by the 
 way by means of continual fog and ice, that they were many times 
 ready to leap upon an island of ice to avoid the present danger, and 
 so hoping to prolong life awhile meant rather to die a pining death. 
 Some hoped to save themselves on chests, and some determined 
 to tie the hatches of the ships together, and to bind themselves 
 with their furniture fast thereunto, and so to be towed with the 
 shipboat ashore, which otherwise could not receive half of the 
 company, by which means, if happily they had arrived, they should 
 either have perished for lack of food to eat, or else should them 
 selves have been eaten of those ravenous, bloody, and men- 
 eating people. The rest of the fleet following the course of the 
 General, which led them the way, passed up above sixty leagues 
 within the said doubtful and supposed straits, having always a 
 fair continent upon their starboard side, and a continuance still of 
 an open sea before them. 
 
 The General albeit with the first perchance he found out the 
 error, and that this was not the old straits, yet he persuaded the 
 fleet always that they were in their right course and known straits. 
 Howbeit, I suppose he rather dissembled his opinion therein than 
 otherwise, meaning by that policy (being himself led with an 
 honourable desire of further discovery) to induce the fleet to follow 
 him, to see a further proof of that place. And, as some of the 
 company reported, he hath since confessed that if it had not been 
 for the charge and care he had of the fleet and fraughted ships, he 
 both would and could have gone through to the South Sea called 
 Mar del Sur, and dissolved the long doubt of the passage which 
 we seek to find to the rich country of Cathay. 
 
 i. Of which mistaken straits, considering the circumstance, we 
 have great cause to confirm our opinion, to like and hope well of 
 the passage in this place. For the foresaid bay or sea, the further 
 we sailed therein the wider we found it, with great likelihood of 
 endless continuance. And where in other places we were much 
 troubled with ice, as in the entrance of the same, so after we had 
 
110 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 sailed fifty or sixty leagues therein we had no let of ice, or other 
 thing at all, as in other places we found. 
 
 2. Also this place seemeth to have a marvellous great indraft, 
 and draweth into it most of the drift ice and other things which do 
 float in the sea, either to the north or eastwards of the same, as by 
 good experience we have found. 
 
 3. For here also we met with boards, laths, and divers other 
 things driving in the sea, which was of the wreck of the ship 
 called the barque Dennis, which perished amongst the ice as 
 beforesaid, being lost at the first attempt of the entrance over- 
 thwart the Queen's Foreland in the mouth of Frobisher's Straits, 
 which could by no means have been so brought thither, neither by 
 wind nor tide, being lost so many leagues off, if by force of the 
 said current the same had not been violently brought. For if the 
 same had been brought thither by tide of flood, look how far the 
 said flood had carried it, the ebb would have re-carried it as 
 far back again, and by the wind it could not so come to pass, 
 because it was then sometimes calm, and most times contrary. 
 And some mariners do affirm that they have diligently observed, 
 that there runneth in this place nine hours' flood to three ebb, 
 which may thus come to pass by force of the said current : for 
 whereas the sea in most places of the world doth more or less 
 ordinarily ebb and flow once every twelve hours, with six hours' ebb 
 and six hours' flood, so also would it do there, were it not for 
 the violence of this hastening current, which forceth the flood to 
 make appearance to begin before his ordinary time one hour and a 
 half, and also to continue longer than his natural course by another 
 hour and a half, until the force of the ebb be so great that it will 
 no longer be resisted : according to the saying, " Naturam expellas 
 
 furca licet ) usque recurret" "Although nature and natural courses 
 be forced and resisted never so much, yet at last they will have 
 their own sway again." 
 
 4. Moreover it is not possible that so great course of floods and 
 current, so high swelling tides with continuance of so deep waters, 
 can be digested here without unburdening themselves into some 
 open sea beyond this place, which argueth the more likelihood of 
 the passage to be hereabouts. Also we suppose these great 
 indrafts do grow and are made by the reverberation and reflection 
 of that same current, which at our coming by Ireland, met and 
 crossed us, of which in the first part of this discourse I spoke, 
 which coming from the bay of Mexico, passing by and washing 
 
1578] FROBISHER. Ill 
 
 the south-west parts of Ireland, reboundeth over to the north-east 
 parts of the world, as Norway, Iceland, &c., where not finding any 
 passage to an open sea, but rather being there increased by a new 
 access, and another current meeting with it from the Scythian sea, 
 passing the bay of Saint Nicholas westwards, it doth once again 
 rebound back, by the coasts of Greenland, and from thence upon 
 Frobisher's Straits, being to the south-westwards of the same. 
 
 5. And if that principle of philosophy be true, that " Inferiora 
 corpora reguntur d superioribus" that is, "if inferior bodies be 
 governed, ruled, and carried after the manner and course of the 
 superiors," then the water being an inferior element, must needs 
 be governed after the superior heaven, and so follow the course of 
 Primum mobile from east to west. 
 
 6. But every man that hath written or considered anything of 
 this passage, hath more doubted the return by the same way by 
 reason of a great downfall of water, which they imagine to be 
 thereabouts (which we also by experience partly find) than any 
 mistrust they have of the same passage at all. For we find (as 
 it were) a great downfall in this place, but yet not such but that 
 we may return, although with much ado. For we were easier 
 carried in one hour than we could get forth again in three. 
 Also by another experience at another time, we found this current 
 to deceive us in this sort : That whereas we supposed it to be 
 fifteen leagues off, and lying a-hull, we were brought within two 
 leagues of the shore contrary to all expectation. 
 
 Our men that sailed furthest in the same mistaken Straits 
 (having the mainland upon their starboard side) affirm that they 
 met with the outlet or passage of water which cometh through 
 Frobisher's Straits, and followeth as all one into this passage. 
 Some of our company also affirm that they had sight of a 
 continent upon their larboard side, being sixty leagues within 
 the supposed Straits : howbeit, except certain islands in the 
 entrance hereof we could make no part perfect thereof. All 
 the foresaid tract of land seemeth to be more fruitful and better 
 stored of grass, deer, wild fowl, as partridges, larks, sea-mews, 
 gulls, willmots, falcons, and tassel gentils, ravens, bears, hares, 
 foxes, and other things, than any other part we have yet discovered, 
 and is more populous. And here Luke Ward, a gentleman of the 
 company, traded merchandise, and did exchange knives, bells, 
 looking-glasses, &c., with those country people, who brought 
 him fowl, fish, bear's-skins, and such like, as their country yieldeth, 
 
112 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 for the same. Here also they saw of those greater boats of the 
 country, with twenty persons in a-piece. 
 
 Now after the General had bestowed these many days here, not 
 without many dangers, he returned back again. And by the way 
 sailing along this coast (being the backside of the supposed 
 continent of America) and the Queen's Foreland, he perceived 
 a great sound to go through into Frobisher's Straits. Whereupon 
 he sent the Gabriel, on the 2ist of July, to prove whether they 
 might go through and meet again with him in the Straits, which 
 they did : and, as we imagined before, so the Queen's Foreland 
 proved an island, as I think most of these supposed continents 
 will. And so he departed towards the Straits, thinking it were 
 high time now to recover his port, and to provide the fleet of their 
 lading, whereof he was not a little careful, as shall by the process 
 and his resolute attempts appear. And in his return with the 
 rest of the fleet he was so intangled by reason of the dark fog 
 amongst a number of islands and broken ground that lie off this 
 coast, that many of the ships came over the top of rocks, which 
 presently after they might perceive to lie dry, having not half-a-foot 
 of water more than some of their ships did draw. And by reason 
 they could not with a small gale of wind stem the force of the 
 flood, whereby to get clear off the rocks, they were fain to let 
 an anchor fall with two bent of cable together, at an hundred and 
 odd fathoms deep, where otherwise they had been by the force 
 of the tides carried upon the rocks again, and perished : so that if 
 God in these fortunes (as a merciful guide, beyond the expectation 
 of man) had not carried us through, we had surely perished 
 amidst these dangers. For being many times driven hard aboard 
 the shore without any sight of land, until we were ready to make 
 shipwreck thereon, being forced commonly with our boats to sound 
 before our ships, least we might light thereon before we could 
 discern the same ; it pleased God to give us a clear of sun and 
 light for a short time to see and avoid thereby the danger, having 
 been continually dark before, and presently after. Many times 
 also by means of fog and currents being driven near upon the 
 coast, God lent us even at the very pinch one prosperous breath of 
 wind or other, whereby to double the land and avoid the peril, and 
 when that we were all without hope of help, every man recom 
 mending himself to death, and crying out, " Lord, now help or 
 never, now Lord look down from heaven and save us sinners, or 
 else our safety cometh too late : " even then the mighty maker 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 113 
 
 of heaven, and our merciful God, did deliver us : so that they who 
 have been partakers of these dangers do even in their souls 
 confess, that God even by miracle hath sought to save them, whose 
 name be praised evermore. 
 
 Long time now the Anne Francis had lain beating off and on all 
 alone before the Queen's Foreland, not being able to recover their 
 port for ice, albeit many times they dangerously attempted it, 
 for yet the ice choked up the passage, and would not suffer them 
 to enter. And having never seen any of the fleet since twenty 
 days past, when by reason of the thick mists they were severed 
 in the mistaken Straits, they did now this present 23rd of July 
 overthwart a place in the Straits called Hatton's Headland, where 
 they met with seven ships of the fleet again, which good hap did 
 not only rejoice them for themselves, in respect of the comfort 
 which they received by such good company, but especially that 
 by this means they were put out of doubt of their dear friends, 
 whose safeties long time they did not a little suspect and fear. 
 At their meeting they hailed the Admiral after the manner of the 
 sea, and with great joy welcomed one another with a thundering 
 volley of shot. And now every man declared at large the fortunes 
 and dangers which they had passed. 
 
 On the 24th of July we met with the Francis of Foy, who with 
 much ado fought way back again through the ice from out of the 
 mistaken Straits, where (to their great peril) they proved to 
 recover their port. They brought the first news of the Vice- 
 Admiral Captain York, who many days with themselves, and the 
 Buss of Bridgewater was missing. They reported that they left 
 the Vice-Admiral reasonably clear of the ice, but the other ship 
 they greatly feared, whom they could not come to help, being 
 themselves so hardly distressed as never men more. Also they 
 told us of the Gabriel, who having got through from the backside 
 and western point of the Queen's Foreland into Frobisher's Straits, 
 fell into their company about the Cape of Good Hope. 
 
 And upon the 27th day of July, the ship of Bridgewater got 
 out of the ice and met with the fleet which lay off and on under 
 Hatton's Headland. They reported of their marvellous accidents 
 and dangers, declaring their ship to be so leak that they must of 
 necessity seek harbour, having their stem so beaten within their 
 huddings, that they had much ado to keep themselves above 
 water. They had (as they say) five hundred strokes at the pump 
 in less than half a watch, being scarce two hours ; their men being 
 
 I 
 
114 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 so over-wearied therewith, and with the former dangers, that they 
 desired help of men from the other ships. Moreover they 
 declared that there was nothing but ice and danger where they 
 had been, and that the Straits within were frozen up, and that 
 it was the most impossible thing of the world, to pass up into 
 the Countess of Warwick's Sound, which was the place of our 
 port. 
 
 The report of these dangers by these ships thus published 
 amongst the fleet, with the remembrance of the perils past, and 
 those present before their face, brought no small fear and terror 
 into the hearts of many considerate men, so that some began 
 privily to murmur against the General for this wilful manner of 
 proceeding. Some desired to discover some harbour thereabouts 
 to refresh themselves and reform their broken vessels for awhile, 
 until the north and north-west winds might disperse the ice, and 
 make the place more free to pass. Other some forgetting them 
 selves, spake more undutifully in this behalf, saying, that they had 
 as lief be hanged when they came home, as without hope of 
 safety to seek to pass, and so to perish amongst the ice. 
 
 The General, not opening his ears to the peevish passion of any 
 private person, but chiefly respecting the accomplishment of the 
 cause he had undertaken (wherein the chief reputation and fame 
 of a General and Captain consisteth), and calling to his remem 
 brance the short time he had in hand to provide so great number 
 of ships their loading, determined with this resolution to pass and 
 recover his port, or else there to bury himself with his attempt. 
 Notwithstanding, somewhat to appease the feeble passions of 
 the fearful sort, and the better to entertain time for a season, 
 whilst the ice might the better be dissolved, he hailed on the fleet 
 with belief that he would put them into harbour ; thereupon whilst 
 the ships lay off and on under Hatton's Headland, he sought to' go 
 in with his pinnaces amongst the islands there, as though he 
 meant to search for harbour, where indeed he meant nothing less, 
 but rather sought if any ore might be found in that place, as by 
 the sequel appeared. 
 
 In the meantime whilst the fleet lay thus doubtful without any 
 certain resolution what to do, being hard aboard the lee-shore, 
 there arose a sudden and terrible tempest at the south-south 
 east, whereby the ice began marvellously to gather about us. 
 Whereupon every man, as in such case of extremity he thought 
 best, sought the wisest way for his own safety. The most part of 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 115 
 
 the fleet which were further shot up within the Straits, and so far 
 to the leeward, as that they could not double the land, following 
 the course of the General, who led them the way, took in their 
 sails, and laid it a-hull amongst the ice, and so passed over the 
 storm, and had no extremity at all, but for a short time in the same 
 place. Howbeit the other ships which plied out to seaward, had 
 an extreme storm for a longer season. And the nature of the place 
 is such, that it is subject diversely to divers winds, according to the 
 sundry situation of the great Alps and mountains there, every 
 mountain causing a general blast and piny after the manner of a 
 Levant. 
 
 In this storm, being the 26th of July, there fell so much snow, 
 with such bitter cold air, that we could not scarce see one another 
 for the same, nor open our eyes to handle our ropes and sails, the 
 snow being above half-a-foot deep upon the hatches of our ship, 
 which did so wet through our poor mariners' clothes, that he that 
 had five or six shifts of apparel had scarce one dry thread to his 
 back, which kind of wet and coldness, together with the over 
 labouring of the poor men amongst the ice, bred no small sickness 
 amongst the fleet, which somewhat discouraged some of the poor 
 men, who had not experience of the like before, eveiy man per 
 suading himself that the winter there must needs be extreme, 
 where they found so unseasonable a summer. And yet, not 
 withstanding this cold air, the sun many times hath a mar 
 vellous force of heat amongst those mountains, insomuch that 
 when there is no breath of wind to bring the cold air from the 
 dispersed ice upon us, we shall be weary of the blooming heat, 
 and then suddenly with a piny of wind which cometh down from 
 the hollowness of the hills, we shall have such a breath of heat 
 brought upon our faces as though we were entered within some 
 bath-stove or hot-house, and when the first of the pirry and blast 
 is past, we shall have the wind suddenly anew blow cold again. 
 
 In this storm the Anne Francis, the Moon, and the Thomas 
 of Ipswich, who found themselves able to hold it up with a sail, 
 and could double about the Cape of the Queen's Foreland, plied out 
 to the seaward, holding it for better policy and safety to seek sea- 
 room, than to hazard the continuance of the storm, the danger of 
 the ice, and the lee-shore. And being uncertain at this time of the 
 General's private determination, the weather being so dark that 
 they could not discern one another, nor perceive which may be 
 wrought, betook themselves to this course for best and safest. 
 
 I 2 
 
Il6 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 The General, notwithstanding the great storm, following his 
 own former resolution, sought by all means possible, by a shorter 
 way, to recover his port, and where he saw the ice ever so little 
 open, he got in at one gap and out at another, and so himself 
 valiantly led the way through before to induce the fleet to follow 
 after, and with incredible pain and peril at length got through the 
 ice, and upon the 3ist of July recovered his long-wished port after 
 many attempts and sundry times being put back, and came to 
 anchor in the Countess of Warwick's Sound, in the entrance 
 whereof, when he thought all peril past, he encountered a great 
 island of ice, which gave the Aid such a blow, having a little 
 before weighed her anchor a-cock-bill, that it struck the anchor- 
 fluke through the ship's bows under the water, which caused so 
 great a leak, that with much ado they preserved the ship from 
 sinking. 
 
 At their arrival here they perceived two ships at anchor within the 
 harbour, whereat they began much to marvel and greatly to rejoice, 
 for those they knew to be the Michael, wherein was the Lieutenant- 
 General, Captain Fenton, and the small bark called the Gabriel, 
 who so long time were missing, and never heard of before, whom 
 every man made the last reckoning never to hear of again. 
 Here every man greatly rejoiced of their happy meeting, and 
 welcomed one another after the sea manner with their great 
 ordnance, and when each party had ripped up their sundry for 
 tunes and perils past, they highly praised God, and altogether 
 upon their knees gave Him due humble and hearty thanks, and 
 Master Wolfall, a learned man, appointed by Her Majesty's 
 Council to be their minister and preacher, made unto them a 
 godly sermon, exhorting them especially to be thankful to God 
 for their strange and miraculous deliverance in those so dan 
 gerous places, and putting them in mind of the uncertainty 'of 
 man's life, willed them to make themselves always ready as 
 resolute men to enjoy and accept thankfully whatsoever adven 
 ture his divine providence should appoint. This Master Wolfall, 
 being well seated and settled at home in his own country, with 
 a good and large living, having a good honest woman to wife, 
 and very towardly children, being of good reputation among the 
 best, refused not to take in hand this painful voyage, for the 
 only care he had to save souls, and to reform those infidels, if it 
 were possible, to Christianity ; and also partly for the great desire 
 he had that this notable voyage, so well begun, might be brought 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 1 17 
 
 to perfection ; and therefore he was contented to stay there the 
 whole year if occasion had served, being in every necessary action 
 as forward as the resolutest men of all. Wherefore in this behalf 
 he may rightly be called a true pastor and minister of God's 
 word, which for the profit of his flock spared not to venture his 
 own life. 
 
 But to return again to Captain Fenton's company, and to speak 
 somewhat of their dangers (albeit they be more than by writing 
 can be expressed) : they reported that from the night of the first 
 storm which was about the ist of July until seven days before the 
 General's arrival, which was the 26th of the same, they never saw 
 one day or hour wherein they were not troubled with continual 
 danger and fear of death, and were twenty days almost together 
 fast amongst the ice. They had their ship stricken through and 
 through on both sides, their false stem borne quite away, and 
 could go from their ship in some places upon the ice very many 
 miles, and might easily have passed from one island of ice to 
 another even to the shore ; and if God had not wonderfully pro 
 vided for them and their necessity, and time had not made them 
 more cunning and wise to seek strange remedies for strange kinds 
 of dangers, it had been impossible for them ever to have 
 escaped ; for among other devices, wheresoever they found any 
 island of ice of greater bigness than the rest (as there be some 
 of more than half a mile compass about, and almost forty fathom 
 high) they commonly coveted to recover the same, and thereof to 
 make a bulwark for their defence, whereon having moored anchor, 
 they rode under the lee thereof for a time, being thereby guarded 
 from the danger of the lesser driving ice. But when they must needs 
 forego this new found fort by means of other ice, which at length 
 would undermine and compass them round about, and when 
 that by heaving of the billow they were therewith liked to be 
 bruised in pieces, they used to make fast the ship unto the most 
 firm and broad piece of ice they could find, and binding her 
 nose fast thereunto, would fill all their sails, whereon the wind 
 having great power, would force forward the ship, and so the 
 ship bearing before her the ice, and so one ice driving forward 
 another, should at length get scope and sea-room ; and having 
 by this means at length put their enemies to flight, they occu 
 pied the clear place for a pretty season among sundry mountains 
 and alps of ice. One there was found by measure to be sixty- 
 five fathom above water, which, for a kind of similitude, was 
 
Il8 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [ X 578 
 
 called Solomon's Porch. Some think those islands eight times 
 so much under water as they are above, because of their mon 
 strous weight. But now I remember I saw very strange wonders : 
 men walking, running, leaping and shooting upon the main seas, 
 forty miles from any land, without any ship or other vessel under 
 them. Also I saw fresh rivers running amidst the salt sea a 
 hundred miles from land ; which if any man will not believe, let 
 him know that many of our company leaped out of their ships 
 upon islands of ice, and running there up and down, did shoot at 
 butts upon the ice, and with their calivers did kill great seals, 
 which use to lie and sleep upon the ice ; and this ice melting above 
 at the top by reflection of the sun, came down in sundry streams, 
 which, uniting together, made a pretty brook able to drive a mill. 
 The said Captain Fenton recovered his port ten days before any 
 man, and spent good time in searching for mines, and he found 
 good store thereof. He also discovered about ten miles up into 
 the country, where he perceived neither town, village, nor likeli 
 hood of habitation, but it seemeth (as he saith) barren as the 
 other parts which as yet we have entered upon ; but their victuals 
 and provisions went so scant with them, that they had determined 
 to return homeward within seven days after if the fleet had not 
 then arrived. 
 
 The General, after his arrival in the Countess's Sound, spent no 
 time in vain, but immediately at his first landing called the chief 
 captains of his council together, and consulted with them for the 
 speedier execution of such things as then they had in hand. As, 
 first, for searching and finding out good mineral for the miners to 
 be occupied on. Then to give good orders to be observed of the 
 whole company on shore. And lastly, to consider for the erecting 
 up of the fort and house for the use of them which were to abide 
 there the whole year. For the better handling of these, and all 
 other like important causes in this service, it was ordained from 
 Her Majesty and the council that the General should call unto him 
 certain of the chief captains and gentlemen in council to confer, 
 consult, and determine of all occurrences in this service, whose 
 names are as here they follow : Captain Fenton, Captain Yorke, 
 Captain Best, Captain Carew, and Captain Philpot. And in sea 
 causes to have as assistants Christopher Hall and Charles 
 Jackman, being both very good pilots and sufficient mari 
 ners, whereof the one was chief pilot of the voyage and the 
 other for the discovery. From the place of our habitation west- 
 
I57 8 ] FROBISHER. 1 19 
 
 ward Master Selman was appointed notary, to register the whole 
 manner of proceeding in these affairs, that true relation thereof 
 might be made if it pleased Her Majesty to require it. 
 
 On the ist of August every captain, by order from the General 
 and his council, was commanded to bring ashore unto the 
 Countess's Island all such gentlemen, soldiers, and miners as 
 were under their charge, with such provision as they had of 
 victuals, tents, and things necessary for the speedy getting together 
 of mines and freight for the ships. The muster of the men 
 being taken, and the victuals, with all other things viewed and 
 considered, every man was set to his charge as his place and 
 office required. The miners were appointed where to work and 
 the mariners discharged their ships. On the 2nd of August were 
 published and proclaimed upon the Countess of Warwick's Island, 
 with sound of trumpet, certain orders of the General and his 
 council, appointed to be observed of the company during the time 
 of their abiding there. In the meantime, while the mariners plied 
 their work, the captains sought out new mines, the gold-finers 
 made trial of the ore, the mariners discharged their ships, the 
 gentlemen for example's sake laboured heartily and honestly 
 encouraged the inferior sort to work. So that the small time of 
 that little leisure that was left to tarry was spent in vain. 
 
 On the 2nd of August the Gabriel arrived, who came from the 
 Vice-Admiral, and being distressed sore with ice, put into harbour 
 near unto Mount Oxford. And now was the whole fleet arrived 
 safely at their port excepting four, besides the ship that was lost 
 that is, the Thomas Allen, the Anne Francis, the Thomas of 
 Ipswich, and the Moon, whose absence was some let unto the 
 works and other proceedings, as well for that these ships were 
 furnished with the better sort of miners as with other provision for 
 the habitation. 
 
 On the 9th of August the General with the captains of his 
 council assembled together, and began to consider and take order 
 for the erecting up of the house or fort for them that were to 
 inhabit there the whole year, and that presently the masons and 
 carpenters might go in hand therewith. First, therefore, they 
 perused the bills of lading, what every man received into his ship, 
 and found that there was arrived only the east side and the south 
 side of the house, and yet not that perfect and entire ; for many 
 pieces thereof were used for fenders in many ships, and so broken 
 in pieces whilst they were distressed in the ice. Also after due 
 
120 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 examination had, and true account taken, there was found want of 
 drink and fuel to serve one hundred men, which was the number 
 appointed first to inhabit there, because their greatest store was in 
 the ships which were not yet arrived. Then Captain Fenton, seeing 
 the scarcity of the necessary things aforesaid, was contented, and 
 offered himself to inhabit there with sixty men. Whereupon 
 they caused the carpenters and masons to come before them, 
 and demanded in what time they would take upon them to 
 erect up a less house for sixty men. They required eight or 
 nine weeks, if there were timber sufficient, whereas now they 
 had but six-and-twenty days in all to remain in that country. 
 Wherefore it was fully agreed upon and resolved by the General 
 and his council that no habitation should be there this year. 
 And therefore they willed Master Selman the registrar to set 
 down this decree with all their contents, for the better satisfy 
 ing of Her Majesty, the Lords of the Council, and the adven 
 turers. 
 
 The Anne Francis, since she was parted from the fleet in the 
 last storm before spoken of, could never recover above five leagues 
 within the Straits, the wind being sometime contrary, and most 
 times the ice compassing them round about. And from that time, 
 being about the 27th of July, they could neither hear nor have 
 sight of any of the fleet until the 3rd of August, when they descried 
 a sail near unto Mount Oxford, with whom when they had spoken 
 they could understand no news of any of the fleet at all. And this 
 was the Thomas of Ipswich, who had lain beating off and on at 
 sea with very foul weather and contrary winds ever since that 
 aforesaid storm without sight of any man. They kept company 
 not long together, but were forced to lose one another again, the 
 Moon being consort always with the Anne Francis, and keeping 
 very good company, plied up together into the Straits, with great 
 desire to recover their long wished-for port. And they attempted 
 as often, and passed as far as possible the wind, weather, and ice 
 gave them leave, which commonly they found very contrary. For 
 when the weather was clear and without fog then commonly the 
 wind was contrary. And when it was either easterly or southerly, 
 which would serve their turns, then had they so great a fog and 
 dark mist therewith that either they could not discern way through 
 the ice, or else the ice lay so thick together that it was impossible 
 for them to pass. And on the other side, when it was calm, the 
 tides had force to bring the ice so suddenly about them, that com- 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 121 
 
 monly then they were most therewith distressed, having no wind to 
 carry them from the danger thereof. 
 
 And by the 6th of August, being with much ado got up as high 
 as Leicester Point they had good hope to find the southern shore 
 clear, and so to pass up towards their port. But being there becalmed, 
 and lying a-hull openly upon the great bay which cometh out of 
 the mistaken straits before spoken of, they were so suddenly com 
 passed with ice round about by means of the swift tides which run 
 in that place, that they were never afore so hardly beset as now. 
 And, in seeking to avoid these dangers in the dark weather, the 
 Anne Francis lost sight of the other two ships, who, being likewise 
 hardly distressed, signified their danger, as they since reported, by 
 shooting off their ordnance, which the other could not hear, nor, if 
 they had heard, could have given them any remedy, being so busily 
 occupied to wind themselves out of their own troubles. 
 
 The flee-boat called the Moon was here heaved above the water 
 with the force of the ice, and received a great leak thereby. Like 
 wise the Thomas of Ipswich and the Anne Francis were sore 
 bruised at that instant, having their false stems borne away and 
 their ship-sides strucken quite through. 
 
 Now, considering the continual dangers and contraries and the 
 little leisure that they had left to tarry in these parts, besides that 
 every night the ropes of their ships were so frozen that a man 
 could not handle them without cutting his hands, together with the 
 great doubt they had of the fleet's safety, thinking it an impossi 
 bility for them to pass unto their port, as well for that they saw 
 themselves as for that they heard by the former report of the ships 
 which had proved before, who affirmed that the Straits were all frozen 
 over within, they thought it now very high time to consider of their 
 estates and safeties that were yet left together. And hereupon 
 the captains and masters of these ships desired the Captain of the 
 Anne Francis to enter into consideration with them of these 
 matters. Wherefore Captain Tanfield, of the Thomas of Ipswich^ 
 with his pilot Richard Cox, and Captain Upcote, of the Moon, 
 with his master, John Lakes, came aboard the Anne Francis on the 
 8th of August to consult of these causes. And being assembled 
 together in the Captain's cabin, sundry doubts were there alleged. 
 For the fearfuller sort of mariners, being over-tired with the con 
 tinued labour of the former dangers, coveted to return homeward, 
 saying that they would not again tempt God so much, who had 
 given them so many warnings and delivered them from so wonder- 
 
122 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 ful dangers, that they rather desired to lose wages, freight and all, 
 than to continue and follow such desperate fortunes. Again, their 
 ships were so leaky and the men so weary, that, to amend the one 
 and refresh the other, they must of necessity seek into harbour. 
 
 But on the other side it was argued again to the contrary that to 
 seek into harbour thereabouts was but to subject themselves to 
 double dangers. If happily they escaped the dangers of the rocks 
 in their entering, yet, being in, they were nevertheless subject there 
 to the danger of the ice which with the swift tides and currents is 
 carried in and out in most harbours thereabouts, and may thereby 
 gall their cables asunder, drive them upon the shore, and bring 
 them to much trouble. Also the coast is so much subject to broken 
 ground and rocks, especially in the mouth and entrance of every 
 harbour, that albeit the Channel be sounded over and over again, 
 yet are you never the nearer to discern the dangers. For the 
 bottom of the sea holding like shape and form as the land, being 
 full of hills, dales, and ragged rocks, suffereth you not by your 
 soundings to know and keep a true guess of the depth. For you 
 shall sound upon the side or hollowness of one hill or rock under 
 water and have a hundred, fifty, or forty fathom deep ; and before 
 the next cast, re you shall be able to heave your lead again, you 
 shall be upon the top thereof, and come aground to your utter con 
 fusion. 
 
 Another reason against going to harbour was that the cold air 
 did threaten a sudden freezing up of the sounds, seeing that every 
 night there was new congealed ice, even of that water which re 
 mained within the ships. And therefore it should seem to be more 
 safe to lie off and on at sea than for lack of wind to bring them 
 forth of harbour, to hazard by sudden frosts to be shut up the 
 whole year. 
 
 After many such dangers and reasons alleged, and large debat 
 ing of these causes on both sides, the Captain of the Anne Francis 
 delivered his opinion unto the company to this effect : First, con 
 cerning the question of returning home, he thought it so much 
 dishonourable as not to grow in any farther question ; and again, to 
 return home at length (as at length they must needs) and not to be 
 able to bring a certain report of the fleet, whether they were living 
 or lost, or whether any of them had recovered their port or not in 
 the Countess's Sound (as it was to be thought the most part would 
 if they were living), he said that it would be so great an argument 
 either of want of courage or discretion in them, as he resolved 
 
1 5 78] FROBISHER. 12$ 
 
 rather to fall into any danger than so shamefully consent to return 
 home, protesting that it should never be spoken of him that he 
 would ever return without doing his endeavour to find the fleet and 
 know the certainty of the General's safety. He put his company 
 in remembrance of a pinnace of five tons burden which he had 
 within his ship, which was carried in pieces and unmade up, for the 
 use of those which should inhabit there the whole year, the which, 
 if they could find means to join together, he offered himself to 
 prove before therewith, whether it were possible for any boat to 
 pass for ice, whereby the ship might be brought in after, and might 
 also thereby give true notice if any of the fleet were arrived at 
 their port or not. 
 
 But notwithstanding, for that he well perceived that the most 
 part of his company were addicted to put into harbour, he was 
 willing the rather for these causes somewhat to incline thereunto. 
 As first, to search along the same coast and the Sounds there 
 abouts, he thought it to be to good purpose, for that it was likely 
 to find some of the fleet there, which, being leaky and sore 
 bruised with the ice, were the rather thought likely to be put into an 
 ill harbour, being distressed with foul weather in the last storm, 
 than to hazard their uncertain safeties amongst the ice ; for about 
 this place they lost them, and left the fleet then doubtfully ques 
 tioning of harbour. 
 
 It was likely, also, that they might find some fit harbour there 
 abouts, which might be behoveful for them against another time. 
 It was not likewise impossible to find some ore or mines there 
 abouts wherewithal to freight their ships, which would be more 
 commodious in this place for the nearness to seaward and for a 
 better outlet than further within the Straits, being likely here 
 always to load in a shorter time, howsoever the Strait should be 
 pestered with ice within, so that if it might come to pass that thereby 
 they might either find the fleet, mine, or convenient harbour, any 
 of these three would serve their present turns, and give some hope 
 and comfort unto their companies, which now were altogether 
 comfortless. But if that all fortune should fall out so contrary 
 that they could neither recover their port nor any of these afore 
 said helps, that yet they would not depart the coast as long as it was 
 possible for them to tarry there, but would lie off and on at sea 
 athwart the place. Therefore his final conclusion was set down thus 
 First, that the Thomas of Ipswich and the Moon should consort 
 and keep company together carefully with the Anne Francis, as 
 
124 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 near as they could, and, as true Englishmen and faithful friends, 
 should supply one another's want in all fortunes and dangers. In 
 the morning following, every ship to send off his boat with a suffi 
 cient pilot to search out and sound the harbours for the safe bringing 
 in of their ships. And being arrived in harbour, where they might 
 find convenient place for the purpose, they resolved forthwith to 
 join and set together the pinnace, wherewithal the Captain of the 
 Anne Francis might, according to his former determination, dis 
 cover up into the Straits. 
 
 After these determinations thus set down, the Thomas of Ipswich 
 the night following lost company of the other ships, and afterward 
 shaped a contrary course homeward, which fell out, as it mani 
 festly appeared, very much against their Captain Master Tanfield's 
 mind, as by due examination before the Lords of Her Majesty's 
 Most Honourable Privy Council it hath since been proved, to the 
 great discredit of the Pilot Cox, who specially persuaded his com 
 pany, against the opinion of the said Captain, to return home. 
 
 And, as the Captain of the Anne Francis doth witness, even at 
 their conference together Captain Tanfield told him that he did 
 not a little suspect the said Pilot Cox, saying that he had opinion 
 in the man neither of honest duty, manhood, nor constancy. Not 
 withstanding the said ship's departure, the Captain of the Anne 
 Francis, being desirous to put in execution his former resolutions, 
 went with the ship's boat (being accompanied also with the Moon's 
 skiff) to prove amongst the islands which lie under Hatton's Head 
 land if any convenient harbour, or any knowledge of the fleet, or 
 any good ore were there to be found. The ships lying off and on 
 at sea the while under sail, searching through many sounds, they 
 saw them all full of many dangers and broken ground ; yet one 
 there was, which seemed an indifferent place to harbour in, and 
 which they did very diligently sound over, and searched again. 
 
 Here the said Captain found a great black island, whereunto he 
 had good liking ; and certifying the company thereof, they were 
 somewhat comforted, and with the good hope of his words, rowed 
 cheerfully unto the place, where, when they arrived, they found such 
 plenty of black ore of the same sort which was brought into Eng 
 land this last year, that if the goodness might answer the great 
 plenty thereof, it was to be thought that it might reasonably suffice 
 all the gold-gluttons of the world. This island the Captain, for 
 cause of his good hap, called after his own name Best's Blessing, 
 and with these good tidings returned aboard his ship on the 9th of 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 125 
 
 August, about ten o'clock at night. He was joyfully welcomed of 
 his company, who before were discomforted, and greatly expected 
 some better fortune at his hands. 
 
 The next day, being the loth of August, the weather reasonably 
 fair, they put into the foresaid harbour, having their boat for their 
 better security sounding before their ship. But, for all the care and 
 diligence that could be taken in sounding the Channel over and 
 again, the Anne Francis came aground upon a sunken rock within 
 the harbour, and lay thereon more than half dry until the next 
 flood, when, by God's almighty providence, contrary almost to all 
 expectation, they came afloat again, being forced all that time to 
 underset their ship with their main-yard, which otherwise was 
 likely to overset and put thereby in danger the whole company. 
 They had above two thousand strokes together at the pump before 
 they could make their ship free of the water again, so sore she was 
 bruised by lying upon the rocks. The Moon came safely, and rode 
 at anchor by the Anne Francis, whose help in their necessity they 
 could not well have missed. 
 
 Now whilst the mariners were rummaging their ships and mend 
 ing that which was amiss, the miners followed their labour for 
 getting together of sufficient quantity of ore, and the carpenters 
 endeavoured to do their best for the making up of the boat or 
 pinnace, which to bring to pass, they wanted two special and most 
 necessary things that is, certain principal timbers that are called 
 knees, which are the chief strength of any boat, and also nails 
 wherewithal to join the planks together. Whereupon, having by 
 chance a smith amongst them (and yet unfurnished of his neces 
 sary tools to work and make nails withal), they were fain of a gun- 
 chamber to make an anvil to work upon, and to use a pickaxe 
 instead of a sledge to bear withal, and also to occupy two small 
 bellows instead of one pair of greater smith's bellows. And for 
 lack of small iron for the easier making of the nails, they were 
 forced to break their tongs, gridiron, and fire-shovel in pieces. 
 
 On the nth of August the Captain of the Anne Francis, taking 
 the master of his ship with him, went up to the top of Hatton's 
 Headland, which is the highest land of all the Straits, to the end 
 to descry the situation of the country underneath, and to take a 
 true plot of the place, whereby also to see what store of ice was 
 yet left in the Straits, as also to search what mineral matter or 
 fruit that soil might yield. And the rather for the honour the 
 said Captain doth owe to that honourable name which himself 
 
126 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l5?S 
 
 gave thereunto the last year, in the highest part of this headland 
 he caused his company to make a column or cross of stone in 
 token of Christian possession. In this place there is plenty of 
 black ore and divers pretty stones. 
 
 On the 1 7th of August the captains with their companies chased 
 and killed a great white bear, which adventured and gave a fierce 
 assault upon twenty men being weaponed. And he served them 
 for good meat many days. On the i8th of August, the pinnace 
 with much ado being set together, the said Captain Best deter 
 mined to depart up the Straits, to prove and make trial, as before 
 was pretended, some of his company greatly persuading him to the 
 contrary, and specially the carpenter that set the same together, 
 who said he would not adventure himself therein for five hundred 
 pounds, for that the boat hung together but only by the strength 
 of the nails, and lacked some of the principal knees and timbers. 
 These words somewhat discouraged some of the company which 
 should have gone therein. Whereupon the Captain, as one not 
 altogether addicted to his own self-will, but somewhat foreseeing 
 how it might be afterwards spoken if contrary fortune should 
 happen him (" Lo, he hath followed his own opinion and desperate 
 resolutions, and so thereafter it is befallen him"), calling the 
 master and mariners of best judgment together, declared unto 
 them how much the cause imported him in his credit to seek out 
 the General, as well to confer with him of some causes of weight 
 as otherwise to make due examination and trial of the goodness of 
 the ore, whereof they had no assurance but by guess of the eye, 
 and it was well like the other ; which so to carry home, not know 
 ing the goodness thereof, might be as much as if they should bring 
 so many stones. And therefore he desired them to deliver their 
 plain and honest opinion, whether the pinnace were sufficient for 
 him so to adventure in or no. It was answered that by careful heed- 
 taking thereunto among the ice and the foul weather, the pinnace 
 might suffice. And hereupon the master's mate of the Anne 
 Francis, called John Gray, manfully and honestly offering himself 
 unto his Captain in this adventure and service, gave cause to others 
 of his mariners to follow the attempt. 
 
 And upon the igth of August the said Captain, being accom 
 panied with Captain Upcote, of the Moon, and eighteen persons in 
 the small pinnace, having convenient portion of victuals and things 
 necessary, departed upon the said pretended voyage, leaving their 
 ship at anchor in a good readiness for the taking in of their freight. 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 127 
 
 And having little wind to sail withal, they plied along the southern 
 shore, and passed above thirty leagues, having the only help of 
 man's labour with oars, and so intending to keep that shore aboard 
 until they were got up to the farthest and narrowest of the Straits, 
 minded there to cross over, and to search likewise along the 
 northerland unto the Countess's Sound, and from thence to pass 
 all that coast along, whereby if any of the fleet had been distressed 
 by wreck of rock or ice by that means they might be perceived of 
 them, and so they thereby to give them such help and relief as they 
 could. They did greatly fear and ever suspect that some of the 
 fleet were surely cast away and driven to seek sour sallets amongst 
 the cold cliffs. 
 
 And being shot up about forty leagues within the Straits, they 
 put over towards the northern shore, which was not a little dan 
 gerous for their small boats; and by means of a sudden flaw 
 were driven and fain to seek harbour in the night amongst all the 
 rocks and broken ground of Gabriel's Islands, a place so named 
 within the Straits above the Countess of Warwick's Sound. And 
 by the way where they landed they did find certain great stones 
 set up by the country people, as it seemed, for marks, where they 
 also made many crosses of stone, in token that Christians had been 
 there. On the 22nd of August they had sight of the Countess's 
 Sound, and made the place perfect from the top of a hill, and, 
 keeping along the northern shore, perceived the smoke of a fire 
 under a hill's side, whereof they diversely deemed. When they 
 came nearer the place they perceived people which wafted unto 
 them, as it seemed, with a flag or ensign. And because the country 
 people had used to do the like when they perceived any of our 
 boats to pass by, they suspected them to be the same. And coming 
 somewhat nearer, they might perceive certain tents, and discern 
 this ensign to be of mingled colours, black and white, after the 
 English fashion. But because they could see no ship, nor likeli 
 hood of harbour within five or six leagues about, and knew that 
 none of our men were wont to frequent those parts, they could not 
 tell what to judge thereof; but imagined that some of the ships, 
 being carried so high with the storm and mists, had made ship 
 wreck amongst the ice or the broken islands there, and were 
 spoiled by the country people, who might use the sundry-coloured 
 flag for a policy, to bring them likewise within their danger. 
 Whereupon the said Captain with his companies resolved to re 
 cover the same ensign, if it were so, from those base people, or else 
 
128 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l5?8 
 
 to lose their lives and all together. In the end they discerned 
 them to be their countrymen, and then they deemed them to have 
 lost their ships, and so to be gathered together for their better 
 strength. On the other side, the company ashore feared that the 
 Captain, having lost his ship, came to seek forth the fleet for his 
 relief in his poor pinnace : so that their extremities caused each 
 part to suspect the worst. 
 
 The Captain, now with his pinnace being come near the shore, 
 commanded his boat carefully to be kept afloat, lest in their neces 
 sity they might win the same from him, and seek first to save 
 themselves. For every man in that case is next himself. They 
 hailed one another according to the manner of the sea, and de 
 manded what cheer. And either party answered the other that all 
 was well. Whereupon there was a sudden and joyful outshout, 
 with great flinging up of caps, and a brave volley of shot to wel 
 come one another. And truly it was a most strange case to see 
 how joyful and glad every party was to see themselves meet in 
 safety again after so strange and incredible dangers. Yet, to be 
 short, as their dangers was great so their God was greater. 
 And here the company were working upon new mines, which 
 Captain York, being here arrived not long before, had found out 
 in this place, and it is named the Countess of Sussex Mine. 
 
 After some conference with our friends here, the Captain of 
 the Anne Francis departed towards the Countess of Warwick's 
 Sound, to speak with the General, and to have trial made 
 of such metal as he had brought thither by the gold-finers. 
 And so he determined to dispatch again towards his ship. And 
 having spoken with the General, he received orders for all causes 
 and direction as well for the bringing up of his ship to the 
 Countess's Sound, as also to freight his ship with the same ore 
 which he had himself found, which, upon trial made, was supposed 
 to be very good. 
 
 On the 23rd of August the said Captain met together with the 
 other captains (Commissioners in Council with the General) aboard 
 the Aid, where they considered and consulted of sundry causes, 
 which being particularly registered by the notary, were appointed 
 where and how to be done against another year. 
 
 On the 24th of August the General, with two pinnaces and 
 good numbers of men, went to Beare's Sound, commanding 
 the said Captain with his pinnace to attend the service, to see 
 if he could encounter or apprehend any of the people ; for sundry 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 129 
 
 times they shewed themselves busy thereabouts, sometimes 
 with seven or eight boats in one company, as though they 
 minded to encounter with our company, which were working 
 there at the mines in no great numbers. But when they 
 perceived any of our ships to ride in that road (being belike 
 more amazed at the countenance of a ship, and a more number 
 of men) they did never shew themselves there again at all. 
 Wherefore our men sought with their pinnaces to compass 
 about the island where they did use, supposing there suddenly 
 to intercept some of them. But before our men could come 
 near, having belike some watch in the top of the mountains, they 
 conveyed themselves privily away, and left (as it should seem) one 
 of their great darts behind them for haste, which we found near to 
 a place of their caves and housing. Therefore, though our Gene 
 ral were very desirous to have taken some of them to have brought 
 into England, they, being now grown more wary by their former 
 losses, would not at any time come within our dangers. About 
 midnight of the same day the Captain of the Anne Francis de 
 parted thence and set his course over the Straits towards Hatton's 
 Headland, being about fifteen leagues over, and returned aboard 
 his ship on the 2 5th of August, to the great comfort of his com 
 pany, who long expected his coming, where he found his ships 
 ready rigged and laden. Wherefore he departed from thence 
 again the next morning towards the Countess's Sound, where he 
 arrived on the 28th of the same. By the way he set his miners 
 ashore at Beare's Sound for the better despatch and gathering the 
 ore together, for that some of the ships were behindhand with 
 their freight, the time of the year passing suddenly away. 
 
 On the 3oth of August the Anne Francis was brought aground, 
 and had eight great leaks mended which she had received by 
 means of the rocks and ice. On this day the masons finished 
 a house which Captain Fenton caused to be made of lime and 
 stone upon the Countess of Warwick's Island, to the end we might 
 prove against the next year, whether the snow could overwhelm it, 
 the frost break it up, or the people dismember the same. And the 
 better to allure those brutish and uncivil people to courtesy 
 against other times of our coming, we left therein divers of our 
 country toys, as bells and knives, wherein they specially delight, 
 one for the necessary use, and the other for the great pleasure 
 thereof. Also pictures of men and women in lead, men on horse 
 back, looking-glasses, whistles, and pipes. Also in the house 
 
 K 
 
130 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 was made an oven, and bread left baked therein for them to 
 see and taste. We buried the timber of our pretended fort. 
 Also here we sowed peas, corn, and other grain, to prove the 
 fruitfulness of the soil against the next year. 
 
 Master Wolfall on Winter's Furnace preached a goodly sermon, 
 which being ended, he celebrated also a communion upon the 
 land, at the partaking whereof was the Captain of the Anne 
 Francis, and many other gentlemen and soldiers, mariners, and 
 miners with him. The celebration of the divine mystery was 
 the first sign, seal, and confirmation of Christ's name, death, and 
 passion ever known in these quarters. The said Master Wolfall 
 made sermons, and celebrated the communion at sundry other 
 times, in several and sundry ships, because the whole company 
 could never meet together in any one place. The fleet now being 
 in some good readiness for their lading, the General calling 
 together the gentlemen and captains to consult, told them that 
 he was very desirous that some further discovery should be 
 attempted, and that he would not only by God's help bring home 
 his ships laden with ore, but also meant to bring some certificate 
 of a further discovery of the country, which thing to bring to pass 
 (having sometime therein consulted) they found very hard and 
 almost invincible. And considering that already they had spent 
 some time in searching out the trending and fashion of the mis 
 taken Straits, therefore it could not be said, but that by this 
 voyage they have notice of a further discovery, and that the 
 hope of the passage thereby is much furthered and increased, 
 as appeared before in the discourse thereof. Yet notwithstanding 
 if any means might be further devised, the captains were con 
 tented and willing, as the General should appoint and command, 
 to take any enterprise in hand. Which, after long debating, was 
 found a thing very impossible, and that rather consultation was to 
 be had of returning homeward, especially for these causes following : 
 First, the dark foggy mists, the continual falling snow and stormy 
 weather which they commonly were vexed with, and now daily 
 ever more and more increased, have no small argument of the 
 winter drawing near. And also the frost every night was so hard 
 congealed within the Sound, that if by evil hap they should be 
 long kept in with contrary winds, it was greatly to be feared, that 
 they should be shut up there fast the whole year, which being 
 utterly unprovided, would be their utter destruction. Again, drink 
 was so scant throughout all the fleet by means of the great leakage, 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 131 
 
 that not only the provision which was laid in for the habitation 
 was wanting and wasted, but also each ship's several provisions 
 spent and lost, which many of our company to their great grief 
 found in their return, since, for all the way homewards, they drank 
 nothing but water. And the great cause of this leakage and 
 wasting was, for that the great timber and sea-coal, which lay so 
 weighty upon the barrels, brake, bruised, and rotted the hoops 
 asunder. Yet notwithstanding these reasons alleged the General 
 himself (willing the rest of the gentlemen and captains every man 
 to look to his several charge and lading, that against a day 
 appointed, they should be all in readiness to set homeward) 
 went in a pinnace, and discovered further northward in the Straits, 
 and found that by Beare's Sound and Hall's Island the land was 
 not firm, as it was first supposed, but all broken islands in manner 
 of an Archipelago, and so with other secret intelligence to himself, 
 he returned to the fleet. Where, presently upon his arrival at the 
 Countess's Sound, he began to take order for their returning 
 homeward, and first caused certain Articles to be proclaimed, for 
 the better keeping of orders and courses in their return, which 
 Articles were delivered to every captain. 
 
 Having now received Articles and directions for our return 
 homewards, all other things being in forwardness and in good 
 order, on the last day of August the whole fleet departed from 
 the Countess's Sound, excepting the Judith, and the Anne Francis, 
 who stayed for the taking in of fresh water, and came the next day 
 and met the fleet lying off and on, athwart Beare's Sound, who stayed 
 for the General, which then was gone ashore to despatch the two 
 barques and the Buss of Bridgewater, for their loading, whereby to 
 get the companies and other things aboard. The Captain of the 
 Anne Francis, having most part of his company ashore, on the ist 
 of September, went also to Beare's Sound in his pinnace to fetch his 
 men aboard ; but the wind grew so great immediately upon their 
 landing, that the ships at sea were in great danger, and some of 
 them forcibly put from their anchors, and greatly feared to be 
 utterly lost, as the Hope well, wherein was Captain Carew, and 
 others, who could not tell on which side their danger was most : 
 for having mighty rocks threatening on the one side, and driving 
 islands of cutting ice on the other side, they greatly feared to 
 make shipwreck, the ice driving so near them that it touched their 
 bowsprit. And by means of the sea that was grown so high, they 
 were not able to put to sea with their small pinnaces to recover 
 
 K 2 
 
132 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l5?8 
 
 their ships. And again, the ships were not able to tarry or lie 
 athwart for them, by means of the outrageous winds and swelling 
 seas. The General willed the Captain of the Anne Francis, with 
 his company, for that night to lodge aboard the Buss of Bridge- 
 water, and went himself with the rest of his men aboard the 
 barques. But their numbers were so great, and the provision of the 
 barques so scant, that they pestered one another exceedingly. 
 They had great hope that the next morning the weather would 
 be fair, whereby they might recover their ships. But in the 
 morning following it was much worse, for the storm continued 
 greater, the sea being more swollen, and the fleet gone quite out of 
 sight. So that now their doubts began to grow great : for the ship 
 of Bridgewater which was of greatest receipt, and whereof they 
 had best hope and made most account, rode so far to leeward of 
 the harbour's mouth, that they were not able for the rocks (that 
 lay between the wind and them) to lead it out to sea with a sail. 
 And the barques were already so pestered with men, and so 
 slenderly furnished with provision, that they had scarce meat for 
 six days for such numbers. 
 
 The General in the morning departed to sea in the Gabriel to 
 seek the fleet, leaving the Buss of Bridgewater and the Michael 
 behind in Beare's Sound. The Buss set sail, and thought by 
 turning in the narrow channel within the harbour to get to wind 
 ward : but being put to leeward more, by that means was fain to 
 come to anchor for her better safety, amongst a number of rocks, and 
 there left in great danger of ever getting forth again. The Michael 
 set sail to follow the General, and could give the Buss no relief, 
 although they earnestly desired the same. And the Captain of 
 the Anne Francis was left in hard election of two evils : either 
 to abide his fortune with the Buss of Bridgewater, which was 
 doubtful of ever getting forth, or else to be towed in his small 
 pinnace at the stern of the Michael through the raging seas, for 
 that the barque was not able to receive or relieve half his company, 
 wherein his danger was not a little perilous. 
 
 So after he resolved to commit himself with all his company 
 unto that fortune of God and sea, and was dangerously towed at 
 the stern of the barque for many miles, until at length they espied 
 the Anne Francis under sail, hard under their lee, which was no 
 small comfort unto them. For no doubt, both those and a great 
 number more had perished for lack of victuals, and convenient 
 room in the barques without the help of the said ship. But the 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 133 
 
 honest care that the Master of the Anne Francis had of his 
 captain, and the good regard of duty towards his General, suffered 
 him not to depart, but honestly abode to hazard a dangerous road 
 all the night long, notwithstanding all the stormy weather, when 
 all the fleet besides departed. And the pinnace came no sooner 
 aboard the ship, and the men entered, but she presently shivered 
 and fell in pieces and sunk at the ship's stern, with all the poor 
 mens' furniture : so weak was the boat with towing, and so forcible 
 was the sea to bruise her in pieces. But (as God would) the men 
 were all saved. 
 
 At this present in this storm many of the fleet were dangerously 
 distressed, and were severed almost all asunder. Yet, thanks be 
 to God, all the fleet arrived safely in England about the ist of 
 October, some in one place and some in another. But amongst 
 other, it was most marvellous how the Buss of Bridgewater got 
 away, who being left behind the fleet in great danger of never 
 getting forth, was forced to seek a way northward through an 
 unknown channel full of rocks, upon the backside of Beare's Sound, 
 and there by good hap found out a way into the North sea, a very 
 dangerous attempt : save that necessity, which hath no law, forced 
 them to try masteries. This aforesaid North Sea, is the same 
 which lieth upon the backside of Frobisher's Straits, where first 
 the General himself in his pinnaces, and after some other of our 
 company have discovered (as they affirm) a great foreland, where 
 they would have also a great likelihood of the greatest passage 
 towards the South Sea, or Mar del Sur. 
 
 The Buss of Bridgewater, as she came homeward, to the south 
 eastward of Frieslarid, discovered a great island in the latitude of 
 fifty-seven degrees and a half, which was never yet found before, 
 and sailed three days along the coast, the land seeming to be 
 fruitful, full of woods, and a champaign country. 
 
 There died in the whole fleet in all this voyage not above forty 
 persons, which number is not great, considering how many ships 
 were in the fleet, and how strange fortunes we passed. 
 
 A general and brief description of the country ', and condition of the 
 people which are found in Meta Incognita. 
 
 Having now sufficiently and truly set forth the whole circum 
 stance, and particular handling of every occurrence in the three 
 voyages of our worthy general Captain Frobisher, it shall not be 
 
134 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. l57& 
 
 from the purpose to speak somewhat in general of the nature of 
 this country called Meta Incognita, and the condition of the 
 savages there inhabiting. 
 
 First, therefore, touching the topographical description of the 
 place. It is now found in the last voyage, that Queen Elizabeth's 
 Cape being situate in latitude at sixty-one degrees and a-half, 
 which before was supposed to be part of the firm land of America, 
 and also all the rest of the south side of Frobisher's Straits, are 
 all several islands and broken land, and likewise so will all the 
 north side of the said Straits fall out to be, as I think. And 
 some of our company being entered above sixty leagues within 
 the mistaken straits in the third voyage mentioned, thought cer 
 tainly that they had descried the firm land of America towards 
 the south, which I think will fall out so to be. 
 
 These broken lands and islands being very many in number, 
 do seem to make there an archipelago, which, as they all differ in 
 greatness, form, and fashion one from another, so are they in 
 goodness, colour, and soil, much unlike. They are all very high 
 lands, mountains, and in most parts covered with snow even all 
 the summer long. The northern lands have less store of snow, 
 more grass, and are more plain countries ; the cause whereof may 
 be, for that the southern islands receive all the snow, that the 
 cold winds and piercing air bring out of the north. And contrarily 
 the north parts receive more warm blasts of milder air from the 
 south, whereupon may grow the cause why the people covet to 
 inhabit more upon the northwards than the south, as far as we can 
 yet by our experience perceive they do. These people I judge to 
 be a kind of Tartar, or rather a kind of Samoed, of the same sort 
 and condition of life that the Samoeds be to the north-eastwards 
 beyond Muscovy, who are called Samoeds, which is as much to 
 say, in the Muscovy tongue, as " eaters of themselves," and so the 
 Russians, their borderers, do name them. And by late conference 
 with a friend of mine (with whom I did sometime travel in the 
 parts of Muscovy) who hath great experience of those Samoeds 
 and people of the north-east, I find that in all their manner of 
 living, those people of the north-east and these of the north-west 
 are like. They are of the colour of a ripe olive, which how it 
 may come to pass, being born in so cold a climate, I refer to the 
 judgment of others, for they are naturally born children of the 
 same colour and complexion that all the Americans are, which 
 dwell under the equinoctial line. 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 135 
 
 They are men very active and nimble. They are a strong 
 people and very warlike, for in our sight upon the tops of the hills 
 they would often muster themselves, and, after the manner of a 
 skirmish, trace their ground very nimbly, and manage their bows 
 and darts with great dexterity. They go clad in coats made of 
 the skins of beasts, as of seals, deer, bears, foxes, and hares. 
 They have also some garments of feathers, being made of the 
 cases of fowls, finely sewed and compact together, of all which 
 sorts we brought home with us into England which we found in 
 their tents. In summer they use to wear the hairy side of their 
 coats outward, and sometimes go naked for too much heat ; and 
 in winter (as by signs they have declared) they wear four or five 
 fold upon their bodies with the hair, for warmth, turned inwards. 
 Hereby it appeareth, that the air there is not indifferent, but 
 either it is fervent hot or else extreme cold, and far more ex 
 cessive in both qualities than the reason of the climate should 
 yield, for there it is colder, being under sixty-two degrees in 
 latitude, than it is at Wardhouse, in the voyage to St. Nicholas 
 in Muscovy, being at about seventy-two degrees in latitude. 
 The reason hereof perhaps may be, that this Meta Incognita is 
 much frequented and vexed with eastern and north - eastern 
 winds, which from the sea and ice bringeth often an intolerable 
 cold air, which was also the cause that this year our Straits were 
 so long shut up with so great store of ice. But there is great 
 hope and likelihood, that further within the Straits it will be more 
 constant and temperate weather. 
 
 These people are in nature very subtle and sharp witted, ready 
 to conceive our meaning by signs, and to make answer well to 
 be understood again. And if they have not seen the thing 
 whereof you ask them, they will wink, or cover their eyes with 
 their hands, as who would say, it hath been hid from their sight. 
 If they understand you not whereof you ask them, they will stop 
 their ears. They will teach us the names of each thing in their 
 language which we desire to learn, and are apt to learn anything 
 of us. They delight in music above measure, and will keep time 
 and stroke to any tune which you shall sing, both with their voice, 
 head, hand, and feet, and will sing the same tune aptly after you. 
 They will row with our oars in our boats, and keep a true stroke 
 with our mariners, and seem to take great delight therein. They 
 live in caves of the earth, and hunt for their dinners or prey, even 
 as the bear or other wild beasts do. They eat raw flesh and fish, 
 
136 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1578 
 
 and refuse no meat howsoever it be stinking. They are despe 
 rate in their fight, sullen of nature, and ravenous in their manner 
 of feeding. 
 
 Their sullen and desperate nature doth herein manifestly appear, 
 that a company of them being environed by our men on the top 
 of a high cliff, so that they could by no means escape our hands, 
 finding themselves in this case distressed, chose rather to cast 
 themselves headlong down the rocks into the sea, and so be 
 bruised and drowned, rather than to yield themselves to our men's 
 mercies. 
 
 For their weapons to offend their enemies or kill their prey 
 withal, they have darts, slings, bows, and arrows headed with 
 sharp stones, bones, and some with iron. They are exceeding 
 friendly and kind-hearted one to the other, and mourn greatly 
 at the loss or harm of their fellows, and express their grief of 
 mind, when they part one from another, with a mournful song 
 and dirges. 
 
 And in all the space of two or three months, while the man 
 lived in company of the woman, there was never anything 
 seen or perceived between them, more than might have passed 
 between brother and sister; but the woman was in all things 
 very serviceable for the man, attending him carefully when he 
 was sick, and he likewise in all the meats which they did eat 
 together, would carve unto her of the sweetest, fattest, and best 
 morsels they had. They wondered much at all our things, and 
 were afraid of our horses and other beasts out of measure. 
 They began to grow more civil, familiar, pleasant, and docile 
 amongst us in very short time. 
 
 They have boats made of leather, and covered clean over, saving 
 one place in the middle to sit in, planked within with timber, 
 and they use to row therein with one oar, more swiftly a great 
 deal than we in our boats can do with twenty. They have one 
 sort of greater boats wherein they can carry about twenty persons, 
 and have a mast with a sail thereon, which sail is made of thin 
 skins or bladders sewed together with the sinews of fishes. They 
 are good fishermen, and in their small boats, being disguised 
 with their coats of seal skins, they deceive the fish, who take 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 137 
 
 them rather for their fellow seals than for deceiving men. 
 They are good marksmen. With their dart or arrow they will 
 commonly kill a duck, or any other fowl in the head, and com 
 monly in the eye. When they shoot at a great fish with any of 
 their darts, they use to tie a bladder thereunto, whereby they 
 may the better find them again, and the fish not able to carry 
 it so easily away (for that the bladder doth buoy the dart) will 
 at length be weary, and die therewith. They use to traffic and 
 exchange their commodities with some other people, of whom 
 they have such things as their miserable country, and ignorance 
 of art to make, denieth them to have, as bars of iron, heads of 
 iron for their darts, needles made four square, certain buttons 
 of copper, which they use to wear upon their foreheads for 
 ornament, as our ladies in the Court of England do use great 
 pearls. Also they have made signs unto us, that they have seen 
 gold, and such bright plates of metals, which are used for orna 
 ments amongst some people with whom they have conference. We 
 found also in their tents a Guinea-bean of red colour, the which 
 doth usually grow in the hot countries, whereby it appeareth 
 they trade with other nations which dwell far off, or else them 
 selves are great travellers. They have nothing in use among them 
 to make fire withal, saving a kind of heath and moss which 
 groweth there. 
 
 And they kindle their fire with continual rubbing and fretting 
 one stick against another, as we do with flints. They draw with 
 dogs in sleds upon the ice, and remove their tents therewithal 
 wherein they dwell in summer, when they go hunting for their prey 
 and provision against winter. They do sometimes parboil their 
 meat a little and seethe the same in kettles made of beasts' skins ; 
 they have also pans cut and made of stone very artificially ; they 
 use pretty gins wherewith they take fowl. The women carry their 
 sucking children at their backs, and do feed them with raw flesh, 
 which first they do a little chew in their own mouths. The 
 women have their faces marked or painted over with small blue 
 spots, they have black and long hair on their heads, and trim the 
 same in a decent order. The men have but little hair on their 
 faces, and very thin beards. For their common drink they eat ice 
 to quench their thirst withal. Their earth yieldeth no grain or 
 fruit of sustenance for man, or almost for beast, to live upon ; and 
 the people will eat grass and shrubs of the ground, even as our 
 kine do. They have no wood growing in their country there- 
 
138 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1578 
 
 abouts, and yet we find they have some timber among them, which 
 we think doth grow far off to the southwards of this place, about 
 Canada, or some other part of Newfoundland; for there belike, 
 the trees standing on the cliffs of the sea-side, by the weight of 
 ice and snow in winter overcharging them with weight, when the 
 summer's thaw cometh above, and also the sea underfretting them 
 beneath, which winneth daily of the land, they are undermined and 
 fall down from those cliffs into the sea, and with the tides and 
 currents are driven to and fro upon the coasts further off, and by 
 conjecture are taken up here by these country people to serve 
 them to plank and strengthen their boats withal, and to make 
 darts, bows, and arrows, and such other things necessary for their 
 use. And of this kind of drift wood we find all the seas over 
 great store, which being cut or sawed asunder, by reason of long 
 driving in the sea is eaten of worms, and full of holes, of which 
 sort theirs is found to be. 
 
 We have not yet found any venomous serpent or other hurtful 
 thing in these parts, but there is a kind of small fly or gnat that 
 stingeth and offendeth sorely, leaving many red spots in the face, 
 and other places where she stingeth. They have snow and hail in 
 the best time of their summer, and the ground frozen three fathoms 
 deep. 
 
 These people are great enchanters, and use many charms of 
 witchcraft ; for when their heads do ache they tie a great stone 
 with a string unto a stick, and with certain prayers and words done 
 to the stick, they lift up the stone from ground, which sometimes 
 with all a man's force they cannot stir, and sometimes again they 
 lift as easily as a feather, and hope thereby with certain cere 
 monious words to have ease and help. And they made us by 
 signs to understand, lying grovelling with their faces upon the 
 ground, and making a noise downward, that they worship the devil 
 under them. 
 
 They have great store of deer, bears, hares, foxes, and in 
 numerable numbers of sundry sorts of wild fowl, as sea-mews, 
 gulls, willmots, ducks, &c., whereof our men killed in one day 
 fifteen hundred. They have also store of hawks, as falcons, 
 tassels, &c., whereof two alighted upon one of our ships at 
 their return, and were brought into England, which some think 
 will prove very good. There are also great store of ravens, 
 larks, and partridges, whereof the country people feed. All these 
 fowls are far thicker clothed with down and feathers and have 
 
1578] FROBISHER. 139 
 
 thicker skins than any in England have; for as that country 
 is colder, so nature hath provided a remedy thereunto. Our men 
 have eaten of their bears, hares, partridges, larks, and of their 
 wild fowl, and find them reasonable good meat, but not so delec 
 table as ours. Their wild fowl must be all flam, their skins are 
 so thick ; and they taste best fried in pans. The country seemeth 
 to be much subject to earthquakes. The air is very subtle, 
 piercing and searching, so that if any corrupted or infected body, 
 especially with the disease called Morbus Gallicus come there, 
 it will presently break forth and shew itself, and cannot there by 
 any kind of salve or medicine be cured. Their longest summer's 
 day is of great length, without any dark night, so that in July all 
 the night long we might perfectly and easily write and read whatso 
 ever had pleased us, which lightsome nights were very beneficial 
 unto us, being so distressed with abundance of ice as we were. 
 The sun setteth to them in the evening at a quarter of an hour 
 after ten of the clock, and riseth again in the morning at three- 
 quarters of an hour after one of the clock, so that in summer their 
 sun shineth to them twenty hours and a-half, and in the night is 
 absent three hours and a-half. And although the sun be absent 
 these three hours and a half, yet it is not dark that time, for that 
 the sun is never above three or four degrees under the edge of 
 their horizon ; the cause is, that the tropic of Cancer doth cut their 
 horizon at very uneven and oblique angles. But the moon at any 
 time of the year being in Cancer, having north latitude, doth make 
 a full revolution above their horizon, so that sometimes they see 
 the moon above twenty-four hours together. Some of our com 
 pany, of the more ignorant sort, thought we might continually have 
 seen the sun and the moon, had it not have been for two or three 
 high mountains. 
 
 The people are now become so wary, and so circumspect by 
 reason of their former losses, that by no means we can apprehend 
 any of them, although we attempted often in this last voyage. But 
 to say truth, we could not bestow any great time in pursuing them, 
 because of our great business in lading and other things. 
 
DRAKE. 141 
 
 DRAKE. 
 
 FRANCIS DRAKE, the first of the English Buccaneers, was 
 one of the twelve children of Edward Drake, of Tavistock, in 
 Devonshire, a staunch Protestant who had fled his native 
 place to avoid persecution, and had then become a ship's 
 chaplain. Drake, like Columbus, had been a seaman by pro 
 fession from boyhood ; and, as the reader is aware (p. 6), he 
 had served as a young man, in command of the Judith, under 
 Hawkins. During the ten years which elapsed between the 
 disastrous third voyage of the latter and the date of the pre 
 sent famous voyage (1567-1577) young Drake steadily gained 
 experience as a seaman, and pursued his adopted calling of 
 plundering the Spaniards. Hawkins had confined himself to 
 smuggling : Drake advanced from this to piracy. This practice 
 was authorized by law in the middle ages for the purpose of 
 recovering debts or damages from the subjects of another nation. 
 The English, especially those of the west country, were the 
 most formidable pirates in the world ; and the whole nation 
 was by this time roused against Spain in consequence of the 
 ruthless war waged against Protestantism in the Netherlands 
 by Philip the Second. Drake had accounts of his own to 
 settle with the Spaniards. Though Elizabeth had not de 
 clared for the revolted States, and pursued a shifting policy, 
 her interests and theirs were identical; and it was with the 
 view of cutting off those supplies of gold and silver from 
 America which enabled Philip to bribe politicians and 
 
142 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 pay soldiers, in pursuit of his policy of aggression, that 
 the Famous Voyage was authorized by English statesmen. 
 Drake had recently made more than one successful voyage 
 of plunder to the American coast; and on the nth of Feb 
 ruary, 1573, the Indians of Panama had conducted him to 
 the top of a lofty hill, on the top of which was a tree of 
 giant growth, in which steps were hewn for ascent. Drake 
 ascended the tree, and from a stage constructed near the top 
 he beheld, for the first time, the great Pacific Ocean, in which 
 no English vessel had ever yet sailed. Drake then and there 
 resolved to be the pioneer of England in the Pacific ; and on 
 this resolution he solemnly besought the blessing of God. 
 Nearly four years elapsed before it was executed ; for it was 
 not until November, 1577, that Drake embarked on his 
 Famous Voyage, in the course of which he proposed to plunder 
 Peru itself. The Peruvian ports were unfortified. The 
 Spaniards knew them to be by nature absolutely secured from 
 attack on the north ; and they never dreamed that the English 
 pirates would be daring enough to pass the terrible Straits of 
 Magellan and attack them from the south. Such was the plan 
 of Drake ; and it was executed with complete success. Laden 
 with a rich booty of Peruvian treasure, he deemed it unsafe 
 to return by the way that he came. He therefore resolved to 
 strike across the Pacific, and for this purpose made the latitude 
 in which this voyage was usually performed by the Spanish 
 Government vessels which sailed annually from Acapulco to 
 the Philippines. Drake thus reached the coast of California, 
 ' where the Indians, delighted beyond measure by presents of 
 clothing and trinkets, invited him to remain and rule over 
 them. Drake took possession of the country in the name of 
 the Queen, and refitted his vessel in preparation for the 
 unknown perils of the Pacific. The place where he landed 
 
DRAKE. 143 
 
 must have been either the great bay of San Francisco or the 
 small bay of Bodega, which lies a few leagues farther north. 
 The great seaman had already coasted five degrees more to 
 the northward before finding a suitable harbour.* He believed 
 himself to be the first European who had coasted these shores ; 
 but it is now well known that Spanish explorers had preceded 
 him. 
 
 Drake's circumnavigation of the globe was thus no de 
 liberate feat of seamanship, but the necessary result of circum 
 stances. The voyage made in more than one way a great 
 epoch in English nautical history. It encouraged Englishmen 
 to extend their enterprises in defiance of the attitude of Spain, 
 and thus contributed to the occupation of North America; 
 and it also proved the possibility of opening a trade round the 
 Cape of Good Hope to India and the Malay Archipelago. 
 Drake had not only defied the Spaniards in America ; he had 
 been the first Englishman to visit the rich Oriental islands 
 which the Portuguese had first reached, and which had now 
 fallen, together with Portugal, into the avaricious grasp of 
 Spain. 
 
 The account which follows was written by Francis Pretty, 
 one of the crew of Drake's vessel, at the request of Hakluyt. 
 It is a plain and even meagre narrative, but no additional 
 facts of any importance are contained in the more diffuse rela 
 tion of Francis Fletcher, the chaplain. The trial and execu 
 tion of Doughty in Port St. Julian form a characteristic 
 episode. When the Pelican lay off Java, it would seem that 
 Fletcher was near meeting the same fate. Drake found him 
 
 * Davis and Sir William Monson erroneously state that Drake went as far north as 
 forty-eight degrees. The true reading is forty-three. Drake never reached the mouth of 
 the Columbia river. 
 
144 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 guilty of mutiny ; but, instead of beheading him, he contented 
 himself with excommunication. Calling the ship's comp.-my 
 together, he caused the rebellious chaplain to be chained by 
 the leg to the hatches, and then " sitting cross-legged on a 
 chest, and a pair of pantofles in his hand," he said, " Francis 
 Fletcher, I do here excommunicate thee out of the Church of 
 God, and from all the benefits and graces thereof; and I 
 renounce thee to the devil and all his angels." A "posy" 
 was then bound round Fletcher's arm, which read thus : 
 "Francis Fletcher, the falsest knave that liveth." Drake 
 swore that the chaplain should hang if he took it off, or ever 
 appeared before the mast. 
 
 Drake's old ship, the Pelican, named, after the Famous 
 Voyage, the Golden Hind, was long an object of veneration to 
 the seamen of Deptford. When she was broken up, John 
 Davis caused a chair to be made out of her, and presented it 
 to the University of Oxford. This interesting relic is still 
 preserved over the Bodleian Library. Cowley's fine lines, 
 written while sitting and drinking in it, are well-known : 
 
 Great Relic ! thou, too, in this port of ease, 
 Hast still one way of making voyages : 
 The breath of fame, like an auspicious gale, 
 (The greater trade-wind, which does never fail) 
 Shall drive thee round the world, and thou shalt run 
 As long around it as the sun. 
 The straits of time too narrow are for thee 
 Launch forth into an undiscovered sea, 
 And steer the endless course of vast eternity : 
 Take for thy sail, this verse, and for thy pilot, me. 
 
I 5 77] DRAKE. 145 
 
 DRAKE'S FAMOUS VOYAGE. 
 
 NARRATIVE BY FRANCIS PRETTY. 
 
 The FAMOUS VOYAGE of SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, into the 
 South Sea, and therehence about the whole globe of the 
 earth) begun in the year of our Lord, IS77- 
 
 ON the 1 5th day of November, in the year of Our Lord 1577, 
 Mr. Francis Drake, with a fleet of five ships and barques, and to 
 the number of 164 men, gentlemen and sailors, departed from 
 Plymouth, giving out his pretended voyage for Alexandria; but 
 the wind falling contrary, he was forced the next morning to put 
 into Falmouth Haven, in Cornwall, where such and so terrible a 
 tempest took us, as few men have seefi the like, and was indeed so 
 vehement that all our ships were like to have gone to wreck ; but 
 it pleased God to preserve us from that extremity, and to afflict us 
 only for that present with these two particulars : The mast of our 
 Admiral, which was the Pelican, was cut overboard for the safe 
 guard of the ship, and the Marigold was driven ashore, and some 
 what bruised : for the repairing of which damages we returned 
 again to Plymouth, and having recovered those harms, and brought 
 the ships again to good state, we set forth the second time from 
 Plymouth, and set sail on the I3th day of December following. 
 
 On the 25th day of the same month we fell with the Cape 
 Cantin, upon the coast of Barbary, and coasting along, the 27th 
 day we found an island called Mogador, lying one mile distant 
 from the main, between which island and the main we found a 
 very good and safe harbour for our ships to ride in, as also very 
 good entrance, and void of any danger. On this island our 
 General erected a pinnace, whereof he brought out of England 
 with him four already framed. While these things were in doing, 
 there came to the water's side some of the inhabitants of the 
 
146 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 country, shewing forth their flags of truce, which being seen of 
 our General, he sent his ship's boat to the shore to know what 
 they would: they being willing to come aboard, our men left 
 there one man of our company for a pledge, and brought two of 
 theirs aboard our ship, which by signs shewed our General 
 that the next day they would bring some provision, as sheep, 
 capons, and hens, and such like : whereupon our General bestowed 
 amongst them some linen cloth and shoes, and a javelin, 
 which they very joyfully received, and departed for that time. 
 The next morning they failed not to come again to the water's 
 side, and our General again setting out our boat, one of our men 
 leaping over-rashly ashore, and offering friendly to embrace them, 
 they set violent hands on him, offering a dagger to his throat if he 
 had made any resistance, and so laying him on a horse carried him 
 away ; so that a man cannot be too circumspect and wary of him 
 self among such miscreants. Our pinnace being finished, we 
 departed from this place on the 3oth and last day of December, 
 and coasting along the shore we did descry, not contrary to 
 our expectation, certain canters, which were Spanish fisher 
 men, to whom we gave chase and took three of them, and pro 
 ceeding further we met with three caravels, and took them also. 
 
 On the I yth day of January we arrived at Cape Blanco, where 
 we found a ship riding at anchor, within the Cape, and but two 
 simple mariners in her, which ship we took and carried her further 
 into the harbour, where we remained four days, and in that space 
 our General mustered and trained his men on land in warlike 
 manner, to make them fit for all occasions. In this place we 
 took of the fishermen such necessaries as we wanted, and they 
 could yield us, and leaving here one of our little barques, 
 called the Benedict, we took with us one of theirs which they 
 called canters, being of the burden of 40 tons or thereabouts. 
 All these things being finished we departed this harbour on the 
 22nd of January, carrying along with us one of the Portugal 
 caravels, which was bound to the islands of Cape de Verde 
 for salt, whereof good store is made in one of those islands. 
 The master or pilot of that caravel did advertise our General 
 that upon one of those islands called Mayo, there was great store 
 of dried cabritos,* which a few inhabitants there dwelling did 
 
 * Goats. 
 
1578] DRAKE. 147 
 
 yearly make ready for such of the king's ships as did there touch, 
 being bound for his country of Brazil or elsewhere. We fell with 
 this island on the 27th of January, but the inhabitants would in no 
 case traffic with us, being thereof forbidden by the king's edict ; 
 yet the next day our General sent to view the island, and the like 
 lihoods that might be there of provision of victuals, about three 
 score and two men under the conduct and government of Master 
 Winter and Master Doughty, and marching towards the chief 
 place of habitation in this island (as by the Portugal we were 
 informed) having travelled to the mountains the space of three 
 miles, and arriving there somewhat before the daybreak, but 
 arrested ourselves to see day before us, which appearing, we found 
 the inhabitants to be fled ; but the place, by reason that it was 
 manured, we found to be more fruitful than the other part, 
 especially the valleys among the hills. 
 
 Here we gave ourselves a little refreshing, as by very ripe and 
 sweet grapes, which the fruitfulness of the earth at that season of 
 the year yielded us ; and that season being with us the depth .of 
 winter, it may seem strange that those fruits were then there grow 
 ing ; but the reason thereof is this, because they being between 
 the tropic and the equinoctial, the sun passeth twice in the year 
 through their zenith over their heads, by means whereof they have 
 two summers, and being so near the heat of the line they never 
 lose the heat of the sun so much, but the fruits have their increase 
 and continuance in the midst of winter. The island is wonderfully 
 stored with goats and wild hens, and it hath salt also without 
 labour, save only that the people gather it into heaps, which con 
 tinually in great quantity is increased upon the sands by the flow 
 ing of the sea, and the receiving heat of the sun kerning the same, 
 so that of the increase thereof they keep a continual traffic with 
 their neighbours. 
 
 Amongst other things we found here a kind of fruit called cocoas, 
 which because it is not commonly known with us in England, I 
 thought good to make some description of it. The tree beareth 
 no leaves nor branches, but at the very top the fruit groweth 
 in clusters, hard at the top of the stem of the tree, as big 
 every several fruit as a man's head; but having taken off the 
 outermost bark, which you shall find to be very full of strings 
 or sinews, as I may term them, you shall come to a hard shell, 
 which may hold in quantity of liquor a pint commonly, or some a 
 quart, and some less; within that shell of the thickness of 
 
 L 2 
 
148 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 half-an-inch good, you shall have a kind of hard substance 
 and very white, no less good and sweet than almonds; within 
 that again a certain clear liquor, which being drunk, you shall 
 not only find it very delicate and sweet, but most comfortable 
 and cordial. 
 
 After we had satisfied ourselves with some of these fruits, we 
 marched further into the island, and saw great store of cabritos 
 alive, which were so chased by the inhabitants that we could do 
 no good towards our provision, but they had laid out, as it 
 were, to stop our mouths withal, certain old dried cabritos, 
 which being but ill, and small and few, we made no account of. 
 Being returned to our ships, our General departed hence the 
 3 ist of this month, and sailed by the island of Santiago, but far 
 enough from the danger of the inhabitants, who shot and dis 
 charged at us three pieces, but they all fell short of us, and did us 
 no harm. The island is fair and large, and, as it seemeth, rich and 
 fruitful, and inhabited by the Portugals, but the mountains and 
 high places of the island are said to be possessed by the Moors, 
 who having been slaves to the Portugals, to ease themselves, 
 made escape to the desert places of the island, where they abide 
 with great strength. Being before this island, we espied two 
 ships under sail, to the one of which we gave chase, and in 
 the end boarded her with a ship-boat without resistance, which 
 we found to be a good prize, and she yielded unto us good 
 store of wine ; which prize our General committed to the custody 
 of Master Doughty, and retaining the pilot, sent the rest away 
 with his pinnace, giving them a butt of wine and some victuals, 
 and their wearing clothes, and so they departed. The same 
 night we came with the island called by the Portuguese Ilha 
 del Fogo, that is, the burning island ; in the north side whereof 
 is a consuming fire. The matter is said to be of sulphur, 
 but, notwithstanding, it is like to be a commodious island, 
 because the Portugals have built, and do inhabit there. Upon 
 the south-side thereof lieth a most pleasant and sweet island, 
 the trees whereof are always green and fair to look upon, in 
 respect whereof they call it Ilha Brava, that is, the brave 
 island. From the banks thereof into the sea do run in many 
 places reasonable streams of fresh water easy to be come by, but 
 there was no convenient road for our ships; for such was the 
 depth that no ground could be had for anchoring, and it is re 
 ported, that ground was never found in that place, so that the tops 
 
I57 8 ] DRAKE. 149 
 
 of Fogo burn not so high in the air, but the roots of Brava are 
 quenched as low in the sea. 
 
 Being departed from these islands, we drew towards the line, 
 where we were becalmed the space of three weeks, but yet subject 
 to divers great storms, terrible lightnings and much thunder ; but 
 with this misery we had the commodity of great store of fish, as 
 dolphins, bonitos, and flying-fishes, whereof some fell into our 
 ships, wherehence they could not rise again for want of moisture, 
 for when their wings are dry they cannot fly. 
 
 From the first day of our departure from the islands of Cape de 
 Verde, we sailed fifty-four days without sight of land, and the first 
 land that we fell with was the coast of Brazil, which we saw on 
 the 5th of April, in the height of 33 degrees towards the Pole 
 Antarctic, and being discovered at sea by the inhabitants of the 
 country, they made upon the coast great fires for a sacrifice (as we 
 learned) to the devils, about which they use conjurations, making 
 heaps of sand, and other ceremonies, that when any ship shall go 
 about to stay upon their coast, not only sands may be gathered 
 together in shoals in every place, but also that storms and tem 
 pests may arise, to the casting away of ships and men, whereof (as 
 it is reported) there have been divers experiments. 
 
 On the 7th day in a mighty great storm, both of lightning, rain, and 
 thunder, we lost the canter which we called the Christopher; but 
 the eleventh day after, by our General's great care in dispersing 
 his ships, we found her again, and the place where we met our 
 General called the Cape of Joy, where every ship took in some 
 water. Here we found a good temperature and sweet air, a very 
 fair and pleasant country with an exceeding fruitful soil, where 
 were great store of large and mighty deer, but we came not to the 
 sight of any people ; but travelling further into the country we 
 perceived the footing of people in the clay-ground, shewing that 
 they were men of great stature. Being returned to our ships we 
 weighed anchor, and ran somewhat further, and harboured our 
 selves between the rock and the main, where by means of the rock 
 that broke the force of the sea, we rode very safe, and upon this 
 rock we killed for our provision certain sea-wolves, commonly 
 called with us seals. From hence we went our course to 36 
 degrees, and entered the great river of Plate, and ran into 54 
 and 53^ fathoms of fresh water, where we filled our water by 
 the ship's side ; but our General finding here no good harbour, 
 as he thought he should, bore out again to sea on the 2/th of April, 
 
150 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l57 
 
 and in bearing out we lost sight of our fly-boat, wherein Master 
 Doughty was. But we sailing along, found a fair and reasonable 
 good bay, wherein were many and the same profitable islands, 
 one whereof had so many seals as would at the least have laden 
 all our ships, and the rest of the islands are, as it were, laden with 
 fowls, which is wonderful to see, and they of divers sorts. It is a 
 place very plentiful of victuals, and hath in it no want of fresh water. 
 Our General, after certain days of his abode in this place, being 
 on shore in an island, the people of the country shewed themselves 
 unto him, leaping and dancing, and entered into traffic with him, 
 but they would not receive anything at any man's hands, but the 
 same must be cast upon the ground. They are of clean, comely, 
 and strong bodies, swift on foot, and seem to be very active. 
 
 On the 1 8th day of May, our General thought it needful to have 
 a care of such ships as were absent, and therefore endeavouring 
 to seek the fly-boat wherein Master Doughty was, we espied her 
 again the next day ; and whereas certain of our ships were sent to 
 discover the coast and to search an harbour, the Marigold and the 
 canter being employed in that business, came unto us and gave us 
 understanding of a safe harbour that they had found, wherewith 
 all our ships bare, and entered it, where we watered and made 
 new provision of victuals, as by seals, whereof we slew to the 
 number of two or three hundred in the space of an hour. , 
 Here our General in the Admiral rode close aboard the fly- 
 boat, and took out of her all the provision of victuals and what 
 else was in her, and hauling her to the land, set fire to her, and so 
 burnt her to save the iron work ; which being a-doing, there came 
 down of the country certain of the people naked, saving only 
 about their waist the skin of some beast, with the fur or hair on, 
 and something also wreathed on their heads. Their faces were 
 painted with divers colours, and some of them had on their 
 heads the similitude of horns, every man his bow, which was an 
 ell in length, and a couple of arrows. They were very agile 
 people and quick to deliver, and seemed not to be ignorant in 
 the feats of war, as by their order of ranging a few men might 
 appear. These people would not of a long time receive any 
 thing at our hands ; yet at length our General being ashore, and 
 they dancing after their accustomed manner about him, and he 
 once turning his back towards them, one leaped suddenly to 
 him, and took his cap with his gold band off his head, and ran 
 a little distance from him, and shared it with his fellow, the cap 
 
I57 8 ] DRAKE. 151 
 
 to the one, and the band to the other. Having despatched all our 
 business in this place, we departed and set sail, and immediately 
 upon our setting forth we lost our canter, which was absent three 
 or four days ; but when our General had her again, he took out the 
 necessaries, and so gave her over, near to the Cape of Good Hope. 
 The next day after, being the 2oth of June, we harboured our 
 selves again in a very good harbour, called by Magellan, Port 
 St. Julian, where we found a gibbet standing upon the main, 
 which we supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution 
 upon some of his disobedient and rebellious company. 
 
 On the 22nd of June our General went ashore to the main, and 
 in his company John Thomas, and Robert Winterhie, Oliver the 
 Master-Gunner, John Brewer, Thomas Hood, and Thomas Drake. 
 And entering on land, they presently met with two or three of the 
 country people. And Robert Winterhie having in his hands a bow 
 and arrows, went about to make a shoot of pleasure, and, in his 
 draught, his bowstring brake, which the rude savages taking as a 
 token of war, began to bend the force of their bows against our 
 company, and drove them to their shifts very narrowly. 
 
 In this port our General began to enquire diligently of the 
 actions of Master Thomas Doughty, and found them not to be 
 such as he looked for, but tending rather to contention or mutiny, 
 or some other disorder, whereby (without redress) the success of 
 the voyage might greatly have been hazarded. Whereupon the com 
 pany was called together and made acquainted with the particulars 
 of the cause, which were found partly by Master Dough ty's own 
 confession, and partly by the evidence of the fact, to be true ; 
 which, when our General saw, although his private affection 
 for Master Doughty (as he then in the presence of us all sacredly 
 protested) was great, yet the care he had of the state of the voyage, 
 of the expectation of Her Majesty, and of the honour of his 
 country did more touch him (as indeed it ought) than the private 
 respect of one man. So that the cause being thoroughly heard, 
 and all things done in good order as near as might be to the 
 course of our laws in England, it was concluded that Master 
 Doughty should receive punishment according to the quality of 
 the offence. And he, seeing no remedy but patience for himself, 
 desired before his death to receive the communion, which he did 
 at the hands of Master Fletcher, our Minister, and our General 
 himself accompanied him in that holy action. Which being done, 
 and the place of execution made ready, he having embraced our 
 
152 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 General, and taken his leave of all the company, with prayers for 
 the Queen's Majesty and our realm, in quiet sort laid his head to 
 the block, where he ended his life. This being done, our General 
 made divers speeches to the whole company, persuading us to 
 unity, obedience, love, and regard of our voyage, and for the 
 better confirmation thereof, willed every man the next Sunday 
 following to prepare himself to receive the communion, as 
 Christian brethren and friends ought to do, which was done in 
 very reverent sort. And so with good contentment every man went 
 about his business. 
 
 On the 1 7th of August we departed the port of St. Julian, and 
 on the 20th we fell in with the Straits of Magellan, going into the 
 South Sea, at the cape or headland whereof we found the body of 
 a dead man, whose flesh was clean consumed. On the 2ist day 
 we entered the Straits, which we found to have many turnings, and 
 as it were shuttings-up, as if there were no passage at all, by means 
 whereof we had the wind often against us, so that some of the 
 fleet recovering a cape or point of land, others should be forced 
 to turn back again, and to come to an anchor where they could. 
 In this Strait there be many fair harbours, with store of fresh 
 water, but yet they lack their best commodity, for the water there 
 is of such depth, that no man shall find ground to anchor in, 
 except it be in some narrow river or corner, or between some 
 rocks, so that if any extreme blasts or contrary winds do come 
 (whereunto the place is much subject) it carrieth with it no small 
 danger. The land on both sides is very huge and mountainous, the 
 lower mountains whereof, although they be monstrous and wonder 
 ful to look upon for their height, yet there are others which in 
 height exceed them in a strange manner, reaching themselves 
 above their fellows so high, that between them did appear three 
 regions of clouds. These mountains are covered with snow. At 
 both the southerly and easterly parts of the Straits there are 
 islands, among which the sea hath his indraught into the Straits, 
 even as it hath in the main entrance of the Strait. This Strait is 
 extreme cold, with frost and snow continually ; the trees seem to 
 stoop with the burden of the weather, and yet are green con 
 tinually, and many good and sweet herbs do very plentifully grow 
 and increase under them. The breadth of the Straits is in some 
 places a league, in some other places two leagues and three 
 leagues, and in some other four leagues, but the narrowest place 
 hath a league over. 
 
1578] DRAKE. 153 
 
 On the 24th of August we arrived at an island in the Straits, 
 where we found great store of fowl which could not fly, of the 
 bigness of geese, whereof we killed in less than one day three 
 thousand, and victualled ourselves thoroughly therewith. On the 6th 
 of September we entered the South Sea at the cape or head shore. 
 On the 7th we were driven by a great storm from the entering 
 into the South Sea, 200 leagues and odd in longitude, and one 
 degree to the southward of the Straits, in which height, and so 
 many leagues to the westward, the i$th of September, fell out 
 the eclipse of the moon at the hour of six of the clock at night ; 
 but neither did the ecliptical conflict of the moon impair our 
 state, nor her clearing again amend us a whit, but the accus 
 tomed eclipse of the sea continued in his force, we being darkened 
 more than the moon sevenfold. 
 
 From the Bay (which we called the Bay of the Severing of 
 Friends) we were driven back to the southward of the Straits in 
 57 degrees and a terce ; in which height we came to an anchor 
 among the islands, having there fresh and very good water, with 
 herbs of singular virtue. Not far from hence we entered another 
 bay, where we found people (both men and women) in their canoes 
 naked, and ranging from one island to another to seek their meat, 
 who entered traffic with us for such things as they had. We return 
 ing hence northward again, found on the 3rd of October three islands, 
 in one of which was such plenty of birds as is scant credible to re 
 port. On the 8th of October we lost sight of one of our consorts, 
 wherein Master Winter was, who as then we supposed, was put by 
 a storm into the Straits again, which at our return home we found 
 to be true, and he not perished, as some of our company feared. 
 Thus being come into the height of the Straits again, we ran, 
 supposing the coast of Chili to lie as the general maps have 
 described it, namely north-west, which we found to lie and trend 
 to the north-east and eastwards, whereby it appeareth that this 
 part of Chili hath not been truly hitherto discovered, or at the 
 least not truly reported for the space of twelve degrees at the 
 least, being set down either of purpose to deceive, or of ignorant 
 conjecture. 
 
 We continuing our course, fell the 29th of November with an 
 island called La Mocha, where we cast anchor, and our General 
 hoisting out our boat, went with ten of our company to shore, 
 where we found people, whom the cruel and extreme dealings of 
 the Spaniards have forced, for their own safety and liberty, to flee 
 
154 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 from the main, and to fortify themselves in the island. We being 
 on land, the people came down to us to the water side with show 
 of great courtesy, bringing to us potatoes, roots, and two very fat 
 sheep, which our General received, and gave them other things for 
 them, and had promise to have water there. But the next day 
 repairing again to the shore, and sending two men to land with 
 barrels to fill water, the people taking them for Spaniards (to 
 whom they use to show no favour if they take them) laid violent 
 hands on them, and, as we think, slew them. 
 
 Our General seeing this, stayed here no longer, but weighed 
 anchor, and set sail towards the coast of Chili, and drawing 
 towards it, we met near to the shore an Indian in a canoe, who 
 thinking us to have been Spaniards, came to us and told us, that 
 at a place called Santiago, there was a great Spanish ship laden 
 from the kingdom of Peru, for which good news our General gave 
 him divers trifles. Whereof he was glad, and went along with us 
 and brought us to the place, which is called the port of Valparaiso. 
 When we came thither we found, indeed, the ship riding at 
 anchor, having in her eight Spaniards and three negroes, who, 
 thinking us to have been Spaniards, and their friends, welcomed 
 us with a drum, and made ready a Bottija of wine of Chili to 
 drink to us. But as soon as we were entered, one of our company 
 called Thomas Moon began to lay about him, and struck one of 
 the Spaniards, and said unto him, " Abaxo perro ! " that is in 
 English, " Go down, dog ! " One of these Spaniards, seeing 
 persons of that quality in these seas, all to crossed and blessed 
 himself. But, to be short, we stowed them under hatches, all 
 save one Spaniard, who suddenly and desperately leapt over 
 board into the sea, and swam ashore to the the town of Santiago, 
 to give them warning of our arrival. 
 
 They of the town being not above nine households, presently 
 fled away and abandoned the town. Our General manned his 
 boat and the Spanish ship's boat and went to the town, and, being 
 come to it, we rifled it, and came to a small chapel, which we 
 entered, and found therein a silver chalice, two cruets, and one 
 altar-cloth, the spoil whereof our General gave to Mr. Fletcher, his 
 minister. We found, also in this town a warehouse stored with wine 
 of Chili and many boards of cedar-wood, all which wine we brought 
 away with us, and certain of the boards to burn for firewood. And 
 so, being come aboard, we departed the haven, having first set all 
 the Spaniards on land, saving one John Griego, a Greek born, 
 
1579] DRAKE. 155 
 
 whom our General carried with him as pilot to bring him into the 
 haven of Lima. 
 
 When we were at sea our General rifled the ship, and found in 
 her good store of the wine of Chili, and 25,000 pesos of very pure 
 and fine gold of Valdivia, amounting in value to 37,000 ducats of 
 Spanish money, and above. So, going on our course, we arrived 
 next at a place called Coquimbo, where our General sent fourteen 
 of his men on land to fetch water. But they were espied by the 
 Spaniards, who came with 300 horsemen and 200 footmen, and 
 slew one of our men with a piece. The rest came aboard in safety, 
 and the Spaniards departed. We went on shore again and buried 
 our man, and the Spaniards came down again with a flag of truce ; 
 but we set sail, and would not trust them. From hence we 
 went to a certain port called Tarapaca, where, being landed, we 
 found by the sea side a Spaniard lying asleep, who had lying 
 by him thirteen bars of silver, which weighed 4,000 ducats 
 Spanish. We took the silver and left the man. Not far 
 from hence, going on land for fresh water, we met with 
 a Spaniard and an Indian boy driving eight llamas or sheep of 
 Peru, which are as big as asses ; everyone of which sheep had on 
 his back two bags of leather, each bag containing 50 Ibs. weight of 
 fine silver. So that, bringing both the sheep and their burthen to 
 the ship, we found in all the bags 800 weight of silver. 
 
 Herehence we sailed to a place called Arica, and, being entered 
 the haven, we found there three small barques, which we rifled, and 
 found in one of them fifty-seven wedges of silver, each of them 
 weighing about 20 Ibs. weight, and every of these wedges 
 were of the fashion and bigness of a brickbat. In all these 
 three barques we found not one person. For they, mistrusting no 
 strangers, were all gone on land to the town, which consisteth of 
 about twenty houses, which we would have ransacked if our com 
 pany had been better and more in number. But our General, 
 contented with the spoil of the ships, left the town and put oft 
 again to sea, and set sail for Lima, and, by the way, met with a 
 small barque, which he boarded, and found in her good store of 
 linen cloth. Whereof taking some quantity, he let her go. 
 
 To Lima we came on the I3th of February, and, being entered 
 the haven, we found there about twelve sail of ships lying fast 
 moored at anchor, having all their sails carried on shore ; for the 
 masters and merchants were here most secure, having never been 
 assaulted by enemies, and at this time feared the approach of none 
 
156 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l579 
 
 such as we were. Our General rifled these ships, and found in one 
 of them a chest full of reals of plate, and good store of silks and 
 linen cloth, and took the chest into his own ship, and good store of 
 the silks and linen. In which ship he had news of another ship called 
 the Cacafuego, which was gone towards Payta,and that the same ship 
 was laden with treasure. Whereupon we stayed no longer here, 
 but, cutting all the cables of the ships in the haven, we let them 
 drive whither they would, either to sea or to the shore, and with 
 all speed we followed the Cacafuego toward Payta, thinking there 
 to have found her ; but before we arrived there she was gone from 
 thence towards Panama, whom our General still pursued, and by 
 the way met with a barque laden with ropes and tackle for ships^ 
 which he boarded and searched, and found in her 80 Ibs. weight of 
 gold, and a crucifix of gold with goodly great emeralds set in it, 
 which he took, and some of the cordage also for his own ship. 
 
 From hence we departed, still following the Cacafuego ; and our 
 General promised our company that whosoever should first descry 
 her should have his chain of gold for his good news. It fortuned 
 that John Drake, going up into the top, descried her at about 
 three o'clock, and at about six o'clock we came to her and boarded 
 her, and shot at her three pieces of ordnance, and struck down 
 her mizen, and, being entered, we found in her great riches, as 
 jewels and precious stones, thirteen chests full of reals of plate, 
 fourscore pounds weight of gold, and six-and-twenty tons of silver. 
 The place where we took this prize was called Cape de San 
 Francisco, about 150 leagues from Panama. The pilot's name 
 of this ship was Francisco, and amongst other plate that 
 our General found in this ship he found two very fair gilt 
 bowls of silver, which were the pilot's, to whom our General 
 said, " Sefior Pilot, you have here two silver cups ; but I must 
 needs have one of them," which the pilot, because he could not 
 otherwise choose, yielded unto, and gave the other to the 
 steward of our General's ships. When this pilot departed from 
 us, his boy said thus unto our General, " Captain, our ship shall 
 be called no more the Cacafuego, but the Cacaplata, and your ship 
 shall be called the Cacafuego," which pretty speech of the pilot's 
 boy ministered matter of laughter to us, both then and long after. 
 When our General had done what he would with this Cacafuego, 
 he cast her off, and we went on our course still towards the west, 
 and not long after met with a ship laden with linen cloth and 
 fine China dishes of white earth, and great store of China silks, 
 
1579] DRAKE. 157 
 
 of all which things we took as we listed. The owner himself of 
 this ship was in her, who was a Spanish gentleman, from whom 
 our General took a faulcon of gold, with a great emerald in the 
 breast thereof; and the pilot of the ship he took also with him, 
 and so cast the ship off. 
 
 This pilot brought us to the haven of Aguatulco, the town 
 whereof, as he told us, had but seventeen Spaniards in it. As soon 
 as we were entered this haven, we landed, and went presently to 
 the town and to the Town-house, where we found a judge sitting 
 in judgment, being associated with three other officers, upon three 
 negroes that had conspired the burning of the town. Both which 
 judges and prisoners we took, and brought them a-shipboard, and 
 caused the chief judge to write his letter to the town to command 
 all the townsmen to avoid, that we might safely water there, which 
 being done, and they departed, we ransacked the town, and in one 
 house we found a pot, of the quantity of a bushel, full of reals of 
 plate, which we brought to our ship. And here one Thomas Moon, 
 one of our company, took a Spanish gentleman as he was flying 
 out of the town, and, searching him, he found a chain of gold 
 about him, and other jewels, which he took, and so let him go. 
 At this place our General, among other Spaniards, set ashore his 
 Portuguese pilot which he took at the Islands of Cape Verde out of 
 a ship of St. Mary Port, of Portugal ; and having set them ashore 
 we departed hence, and sailed to the Island of Canno, where our 
 General landed, and brought to shore his own ship, and discharged 
 her, mended and graved her, and furnished our ship with water 
 and wood sufficiently. 
 
 And while we were here we espied a ship and set sail after her, 
 and took her, and found in her two pilots and a Spanish Governor, 
 going for the Islands of the Philippines. We searched the ship, 
 and took some of her merchandise, and so let her go. Our 
 General at this place and time, thinking himself, both in respect 
 of his private injuries received from the Spaniards, as also of their 
 contempts and indignities offered to our country and Prince in 
 general, sufficiently satisfied and revenged; and supposing that 
 her Majesty at his return would rest contented with this service, 
 purposed to continue no longer upon the Spanish coast, but began 
 to consider and to consult of the best way for his country. 
 
 He thought it not good to return by the Straits, for two special 
 causes the one, lest the Spaniards should there wait and attend 
 for him in great number and strength, whose hands, he, being left 
 
158 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*579 
 
 but one ship, could not possibly escape. The other cause was the 
 dangerous situation of the mouth of the Straits in the South Sea, 
 where continual storms reigning and blustering, as he found by 
 experience, besides the shoals and sands upon the coast, he 
 thought it not a good course to adventure that way. He resolved, 
 therefore, to avoid these hazards, to go forward to the Islands of 
 the Moluccas, and there hence to sail the course of the Portuguese 
 by the Cape of Buena Esperanza. Upon this resolution he began 
 to think of his best way to the Moluccas, and finding himself, 
 where he now was, becalmed, he saw that of necessity he must 
 be forced to take a Spanish course namely to sail somewhat 
 northerly to get a wind. We therefore set sail, and sailed 600 
 leagues at the least for a good wind; and thus much we sailed 
 from the i6th of April till the 3rd of June. 
 
 On the 5th of June, being in forty-three degrees towards the 
 Arctic Pole, we found the air so cold, that our men being grievously 
 pinched with the same, complained of the extremity thereof, and 
 the further we went, the more the cold increased upon us. Where 
 upon we thought it best for that time to seek the land, and did so, 
 finding it not mountainous, but low plain land, till we came within 
 thirty-eight degrees towards the line. In which height it pleased 
 God to send us into a fair and good bay, with a good wind to enter 
 the same. In this bay we anchored, and the people of the 
 country having their houses close by the waterside, shewed them 
 selves unto us, and sent a present to our General. When they 
 came unto us, they greatly wondered at the things that we 
 brought, but our General (according to his natural and ac 
 customed humanity) courteously entreated them, and liberally 
 bestowed on them necessary things to cover their nakedness, 
 whereupon they supposed us to be gods, and would not be 
 persuaded to the contrary: the presents which they sent to our 
 General, were feathers, and cauls of net-work. Their houses are 
 digged round about with earth, and have from the uttermost brims 
 of the circle, clifts of wood set upon them, joined. close together 
 at the top like a spire steeple, which by reason of that close 
 ness are very warm. Their bed is the ground with rushes strewed 
 on it, and lying about the house, they have the fire in the midst. 
 The men go naked, the women take bulrushes, and comb them 
 after the manner of hemp, and thereof make their loose gar 
 ments, which being knit about their middles, hang down about 
 their hips, having also about their shoulders a skin of deer, with 
 
1579] DRAKE. 159 
 
 the hair upon it. These women are very obedient and serviceable 
 to their husbands. 
 
 After they were departed from us, they came and visited us the 
 second time, and brought with them feathers and bags of tobacco 
 for presents ; and when they came to the top of the hill (at the 
 bottom whereof we had pitched our tents) they stayed themselves, 
 where one appointed for speaker wearied himself by making a 
 long oration, which done, they left their bows upon the hill, and 
 came down with their presents. In the meantime the women re 
 maining upon the hill, tormented themselves lamentably, tearing 
 their flesh from their cheeks, whereby we perceived that they 
 were about a sacrifice. In the meantime our General with his 
 company went to prayer, and to reading of the Scriptures, at 
 which exercise they were attentive, and seemed greatly to be. 
 affected with it ; but when they were come unto us, they restored 
 again unto us those things which before we bestowed upon them. 
 The news of our being there spread through the country, the 
 people that inhabited round about came down, and amongst them 
 the King himself, a man of goodly stature, and comely personage, 
 with many other tall and warlike men ; before whose coming were 
 sent two Ambassadors to our General, to signify that their King 
 was coming, in doing of which message, their speech was con 
 tinued about half-an-hour. This ended, they by signs requested 
 our General to send something by their hand to their King, as 
 a token that his coming might be in peace ; wherein our General 
 having satisfied them, they returned with glad tidings to their King, 
 who marched to us with a princely majesty, the people crying con 
 tinually after their manner, and as they drew near unto us, so did 
 they strive to behave themselves in their actions with comeliness. 
 In the fore-front was a man of goodly personage, who bore the 
 sceptre or mace before the King, whereupon hanged two crowns, 
 a less and a bigger, with three chains of a marvellous length ; the 
 crowns were made of knit- work wrought artificially with feathers of 
 divers colours ; the chains were made of a bony substance, and 
 few be the persons among them that are admitted to wear them, 
 and of that number also the persons are stinted, as some ten, some 
 twelve, &c. Next unto him which bore the sceptre, was the King 
 himself, with his guard about his person, clad with coney skins, 
 and other skins ; after them followed the naked common sort 
 of people, every one having his face painted, some with white, 
 some with black, and other colours, and having in their hands one 
 
l6o VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l579 
 
 thing or Another for a present, not so much as their children, but 
 they also brought their presents. 
 
 In the meantime our General gathered his men together, and 
 marched within his fenced place, making against their approach 
 ing, a very warlike show. They being trooped together in their 
 order, and a general salutation being made, there was presently a 
 general silence. Then he that bore the sceptre before the King, 
 being informed by another, whom they assigned to that office, with 
 a manly and lofty voice proclaimed that which the other spake to 
 him in secret, continuing half-an-hour ; which ended, and a 
 general amen as it were given, the King with the whole number 
 of men and women (the children excepted) came down without 
 any weapon, who descending to the foot of the hill, set themselves 
 in order. In coming towards our bulwarks and tents, the sceptre- 
 bearer began a song, observing his measures in a dance, and that 
 with a stately countenance, whom the King with his guard, and 
 every degree of persons following, did in like manner sing and dance, 
 saving only the women, which danced and kept silence. The 
 General permitted them to enter within our bulwarks, where they 
 continued their song and dance a reasonable time. When they 
 had satisfied themselves, they made signs to our General to sit 
 down, to whom the King and divers others made several orations, 
 or rather supplications, that he would take their province and 
 kingdom into his hand, and become their King, making signs that 
 they would resign unto him their right and title of the whole land, 
 and become his subjects. In which, to persuade us the better, 
 the King and the rest, with one consent, and with great reverence, 
 joyfully singing a song, did set the crown upon his head, enriched 
 his neck with all their chains, and offered him many other things, 
 honouring him by the name of Hioh, adding thereunto as it 
 seemed, a sign of triumph ; which thing our General thought not 
 meet to reject, because he knew not what honour and profit it 
 might be to our country. Wherefore in the name, and to the use 
 of her majesty, he took the sceptre, crown, and dignity of the said 
 country into his hands, wishing that the riches and treasure thereof 
 might so conveniently be transported to the enriching of her king 
 dom at home, as it abounded in the same. 
 
 The common sort of people leaving the King and his guard with 
 our General, scattered themselves together with their sacrifices 
 among our people, taking a diligent view of every person : and 
 such as pleased their fancy (which were the youngest), they 
 
1579] DRAKE. l6l 
 
 enclosing them about offered their sacrifices unto them with 
 lamentable weeping, scratching, and tearing their flesh from their 
 faces with their nails, whereof issued abundance of blood. But 
 we used signs to them of disliking this, and stayed their hands 
 from force, and directed them upwards to the living God, whom only 
 they ought to worship. They shewed unto us their wounds, and 
 craved help of them at our hands, whereupon we gave them 
 lotions, plaisters, and ointments agreeing to the state of their 
 griefs, beseeching God to cure their diseases. Every third day they 
 brought their sacrifices unto us, until they understood our meaning, 
 that we had no pleasure in them; yet they could not be long 
 absent from us, but daily frequented our company to the hour 
 of our departure, which departure seemed so grievous unto them, 
 that their joy was turned into sorrow. They entreated us, that 
 being absent we would remember them, and by stealth provided 
 a sacrifice, which we misliked. 
 
 Our necessary business being ended, our General with his 
 company travelled up into the country to their villages, where 
 we found herds of deer by thousands in a company, being most 
 large, and fat of body. We found the whole country to be 
 a warren of a strange kind of coneys, their bodies in bigness 
 as be the Barbary coneys, their heads as the heads of ours, 
 the feet of a want, and the tail of a rat, being of great 
 length. Under her chin is on either side a bag, into the 
 which she gathereth her meat, when she hath filled her belly 
 abroad. The people eat their bodies, and make great account 
 of their skins, for their King's coat was made of them. 
 
 Our General called this country New Albion, and that for two 
 causes, the one in respect of the white banks and cliffs, which lie 
 towards the sea, and the other, because it might have some 
 affinity with our country in name, which sometimes was so 
 called. There is no part of earth here to be taken up, wherein 
 there is not some probable show of gold or silver. 
 
 At our departure hence our General set up a monument of our 
 being there, as also of her majesty's right and title to the same, 
 namely a plate, nailed upon a fair great post, whereupon was 
 engraved her majesty's name, the day and year of our arrival 
 there, with the free giving up of the province and people into her 
 majesty's hands, together with her highness's picture and arms, in a 
 piece of six-pence of current English money, under the plate, 
 whereunder was also written the name of our General. 
 
 M 
 
1 62 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*579 
 
 It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had never been in this 
 part of the country, neither did ever discover the land by many 
 degrees to the southwards of this place. 
 
 After we had set sail from hence, we continued without sight of 
 land till the I3th of October following, which day in the morn 
 ing we fell with certain islands eight degrees to the north 
 ward of the line, from which islands came a great number of 
 canoes, having in some of them four, in some six, and in some 
 also fourteen men, bringing with them cocoas and other fruits. 
 Their canoes were hollow within, and cut with great art and 
 cunning, being very smooth within and without, and bearing a 
 glass as if it were a horn daintily burnished, having a prow and a 
 stern of one sort, yielding inwards circle-wise, being of a great 
 height, and full of certain white shells for a bravery, and on each 
 side of them lie out two pieces of timber about a yard and a-half 
 long, more or less, according to the smallness or bigness of the boat. 
 These people have the nether part of their ears cut into a round 
 circle, hanging down very low upon their cheeks, whereon they 
 hang things of a reasonable weight. The nails of their hands 
 are an inch long, their teeth are as black as pitch, and they 
 renew them often, by eating of an herb with a kind of powder, 
 which they always carry about them in a cane for the same 
 purpose. 
 
 Leaving this island the night after we fell in with it, on the i8th of 
 October we lighted upon divers others, some whereof made a 
 great show of inhabitants. We continued our course by the islands 
 of Tagulanda,* Zelon, and Zewarra, being friends to the Portu- 
 gals, the first whereof hath growing in it great. store of cinnamon. 
 On the I4th of November we fell in with the islands of Molucca. 
 Which day at night (having directed our course to run with 
 Tidore) in coasting along the island of Mutyr,t belonging to the 
 King of Ternate, his Deputy or Vice-King seeing us at sea, came 
 with his canoe to us without all fear, and came aboard, and 
 after some conference with our General, willed him in any wise 
 to run in with Ternate, and not with Tidore, assuring him that 
 the King would be glad of his coming, and would be ready to do 
 what he would require, for which purpose he himself would that 
 
 * Tagulandang, to the north-east of Celebes, 
 t Now Motir, one of the Ternate Moluccas. 
 
1579] DRAKE. 163 
 
 night be with the King, and tell him the news, with whom if 
 he once dealt, we should find that as he was a King, so his 
 word should stand; adding further, that if he went to Tidore 
 before he came to Ternate, the King would have nothing to do 
 with us, because he held the Portugals as his enemy; where 
 upon our General resolved to run with Ternate, where the next 
 morning early we came to anchor, at which time our General 
 sent a messenger to the King, with a velvet cloak for a present and 
 token of his coming to be in peace, and that he required nothing 
 but traffic and exchange of merchandise, whereof he had good 
 store, in such things as he wanted. 
 
 In the meantime the Vice-King had been with the King 
 according to his promise, signifying unto him what good things he 
 might receive from us by traffic ; whereby the King was moved 
 with great liking towards us, and sent to our General, with special 
 message, that he should have what things he needed and would 
 require, with peace and friendship, and moreover that he would 
 yield himself and the right of his island to be at the pleasure and 
 commandment of so famous a prince as we served. In token 
 whereof he sent to our General a signet, and within short time 
 after came in his own person, with boats and canoes, to our ship, 
 to bring her into a better and safer road than she was in at that pre 
 sent. In the meantime, our General's messenger being come to the 
 Court, was met by certain noble personages with great solemnity, 
 and brought to the King, at whose hands he was most friendly and 
 graciously entertained. 
 
 The King purposing to come to our ship, sent before four great 
 and large canoes, in every one whereof were certain of his greatest 
 statesmen that were about him, attired in white lawn of cloth of 
 Calicut, having over their heads, from the one end of the canoe to 
 the other, a covering of thin perfumed mats, borne up with a 
 frame made of reeds for the same use, under which everyone did 
 sit in his order according to his dignity, to keep him from the heat 
 of the sun, divers of whom being of good age and gravity, did 
 make an ancient and fatherly show. There were also divers young 
 and comely men attired in white, as were the others ; the rest were 
 soldiers, which stood in comely order round about on both sides, 
 without whom sat the rowers in certain galleries, which being 
 three on a side all along the canoes, did lie off from the side 
 thereof three or four yards, one being orderly built lower than 
 another, in every of which galleries were the number of fourscore 
 
 M 2 
 
164 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*579 
 
 rowers. These canoes were furnished with warlike munition, 
 every man for the most part having his sword and target, with 
 his dagger, besides other weapons, as lances, calivers, darts, bows 
 and arrows ; also every canoe had a small cast base mounted at 
 the least one full yard upon a stock set upright. Thus coming 
 near our ship, in order, they rowed about us one after another, 
 and passing by, did their homage with great solemnity, the great 
 personages beginning with great gravity and fatherly counte 
 nance signifying that the King had sent them to conduct our ship 
 into a better road. Soon after the King himself repaired, accom 
 panied with six grave and ancient persons, who did their obeisance 
 with marvellous humility. The King was a man of tall stature, 
 and seemed to be much delighted with the sound of our music, 
 to whom as also to his nobility, our General gave presents, where 
 with they were passing well contented. 
 
 At length the King craved leave of our General to depart, pro 
 mising the next day to come' aboard, and in the meantime to send 
 us such victuals as were necessary for our provision ; so that the 
 same night we received of them meal, which they call sago, made 
 of the tops of certain trees, tasting in the mouth like sour curds, 
 but melteth like sugar, whereof they make certain cakes, which 
 may be kept the space of ten years and yet then good to be eaten. 
 We had of them store of rice, hens, unperfect and liquid sugar, 
 sugar-canes, and a fruit which they call figo, with store of 
 cloves. 
 
 The King having promised to come aboard, broke his promise, 
 but sent his brother to make his excuse, and to entreat our General 
 to come on shore, offering himself pawn aboard for his safe return. 
 Whereunto our General consented not, upon mislike conceived of 
 the breach of his promise, the whole company also utterly refusing 
 it. But to satisfy him, our General sent certain of his gentlemen 
 to the Court, to accompany the King's brother, reserving the Vice- 
 King for their safe return. They were received of another brother 
 of the King and other statesmen, and were conducted with great 
 honour to the castle. The place that they were brought unto was 
 a large and fair house, where were at the least one thousand 
 persons assembled. 
 
 The King being yet absent, there sat in their places sixty grave 
 personages, all which were said to be of the King's Council. 
 There were besides four grave persons, apparelled all in red, 
 down to the ground, and attired on their heads like the Turks, 
 
1579] DRAKE. 165 
 
 and these were said to be Romans, and Ligiers* there to keep con 
 tinual traffic with the people of Ternate. There were also two 
 Turks Ligiers in this place, and one Italian. The King at last 
 came in guarded with twelve lances, covered over with a rich 
 canopy with embossed gold. Our men, accompanied with one of 
 their captains called Moro, rising to meet him, he graciously did 
 welcome and entertain them. He was attired after the manner of 
 the country, but more sumptuously than the rest. From his waist 
 down to the ground was all cloth of gold, and the same very rich ; 
 his legs were bare, but on his feet were a pair of shoes, made of 
 Cordovan skin. In the attire of his head were finely wreathed 
 hooped rings of gold, and about his neck he had a chain of 
 perfect gold, the links whereof were great and one fold double. 
 On his fingers he had six very fair jewels, and sitting in his chair 
 of state, at his right hand stood a page with a fan in his hand, 
 breathing and gathering the air to the King. The same was in 
 length two feet, and in breadth one foot, set with eight sapphires, 
 richly embroidered, and knit to a staff three feet in length, by the 
 which the page did hold and move it. Our gentlemen having de 
 livered their message and received order accordingly, were licenced 
 to depart, being safely conducted back again by one of the king's 
 council. This island is the chief of all the islands of Molucca, and 
 the king hereof is king of seventy islands besides. The king with 
 his people are Moors in religion, observing certain new moons, 
 with fastings ; during which fasts they neither eat nor drink in the 
 day, but in the night. 
 
 After that our gentlemen were returned, and that we had here by 
 the favour of the king received all necessary things that the place 
 could yield us ; our General considering the great distance, and 
 how far he was yet off from his country, thought it not best here 
 to linger the time any longer, but weighing his anchors, set out of 
 the island, and sailed to a certain little island to the southwards of 
 Celebes, where we graved our ship, and continued there in that 
 and other business, twenty-six days. This island is thoroughly 
 grown with wood of a large and high growth, very straight, and 
 without boughs, save only in the head or top, whose leaves are not 
 much differing from our broom in England. Amongst these trees 
 night by night, through the whole land, did shew themselves an 
 
 Agents or factors 
 
1 66 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1580 
 
 infinite swarm of fiery worms flying in the air, whose bodies being 
 no bigger than our common English flies, make such a show and 
 light as if every twig or tree had been a burning candle. In this 
 place breedeth also wonderful store of bats, as big as large hens ; 
 of cray-fishes also here wanted no plenty, and they of exceeding 
 bigness, one whereof was sufficient for four hungry stomachs at a 
 dinner, being also very good and restoring meat, whereof we had 
 experience; and they dig themselves holes in the earth like 
 coneys. 
 
 When we had ended our business here we weighed, and set sail 
 to run for the Moluccas ; but having at that time a bad wind, and 
 being amongst the islands, with much difficulty we recovered to 
 the northward of the island of Celebes, where by reason of con 
 trary winds, not able to continue our course to run westwards, 
 we were enforced to alter the same to the southward again, 
 finding that course also to be very hard and dangerous for us, by 
 reason of infinite shoals which lie off and among the islands ; 
 whereof we had too much trial to the hazard and danger of our 
 ship and lives. For, of all other days, upon the gth of January, in 
 the year 1580, we ran suddenly upon a rock, where we stuck fast 
 from eight o'clock at night till four o'clock in the afternoon the 
 next day, being indeed out of all hope to escape the danger ; but 
 our General as he had always hitherto shewed himself courageous, 
 and of a good confidence in the mercy and protection of God; so 
 now he continued in the same, and lest he should seem to perish 
 wilfully, both he and we did our best endeavour to save ourselves, 
 which it pleased God so to bless, that in the end we cleared our 
 selves most happily of the danger. 
 
 We lightened our ship upon the rocks of three tons of cloves, 
 eight pieces of ordnance, and certain meal and beans ; and then 
 the wind (as" it were in a moment by the special grace of God) 
 changing from the starboard to the larboard of the ship, we 
 hoisted our sails, and the happy gale drove our ship off the rock, 
 into the sea again, to the no little comfort of all our hearts, for 
 which we gave God such praise and thanks, as so great a benefit 
 required. 
 
 On the 8th of February following, we fell in with the fruitful island 
 of Barateue,* having in the mean time suffered many dangers by 
 
 Borneo. 
 
1580] DRAKE. 167 
 
 winds and shoals. The people of this island are comely in body 
 and stature, and of a civil behaviour, just in dealing, and courteous 
 to strangers, whereof we had the experience sundry ways, they 
 being most glad of our presence, and very ready to relieve our 
 wants in those things which their country did yield. The men 
 go naked, saving their heads and privities, every man having 
 something or other hanging at their ears. Their women are 
 covered from the middle down to the foot, wearing a great 
 number of bracelets upon their arms, for some had eight upon 
 each arm, being made some of bone, some of horn, and some 
 of brass, the lightest whereof, by our estimation, weighed two 
 ounces apiece. With this people linen-cloth is good merchan 
 dise, and of good request, whereof they make rolls for their heads, 
 and girdles to wear about them. Their island is both rich and 
 fruitful rich in gold, silver, copper, and sulphur, wherein they 
 seem skilful and expert, not only to try the same, but in working 
 it also artificially into any form and fashion that pleaseth them. 
 Their fruits be divers and plentiful, as nutmegs, ginger, long 
 pepper, lemons, cucumbers, cocoas, figs, sago, with divers other 
 sorts ; and among all the rest we had one fruit, in bigness, form 
 and husk, like a bay berry, hard of substance and pleasant of 
 taste, which being sodden becometh soft, and is a most good 
 and wholesome victual, whereof we took reasonable store, as we 
 did also of the other fruits and spices, so that to confess the 
 truth, since the time that we first set out of our own country of 
 England, we happened upon no place (Ternate only excepted) 
 wherein we found more comforts and better means of re 
 freshing. 
 
 At our departure from Barateue, we set our course for Java 
 Major,* where arriving, we found great courtesy, and honourable 
 entertainment. This island is governed by five kings, whom they 
 call Rajas ; as Raja Donaw, and Raja Mang Bange, and Raja 
 Cabuccapollo, which live as having one spirit and one mind. Of 
 these five we had four a-shipboard at once, and two or three 
 often. They are wonderfully delighted in coloured clothes, as red 
 and green; the upper part of their bodies are naked, save their 
 heads, whereupon they wear a Turkish roll as do the Moluccians. 
 From the middle downwards they wear a pintado of silk, trailing 
 
 * Java. 
 
1 68 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 upon the ground, in colour as they best like. The Moluccians 
 hate that their women should be seen of strangers; but these 
 offer them of high courtesy, yea, the kings themselves. The 
 people are of goodly stature and warlike, well provided of swords 
 and targets, with daggers, all being of their own work, and most 
 artificially done, both in tempering their metal, as also in the 
 form, whereof we bought reasonable store. They have a house 
 in every village for their common assembly ; eveiy day they meet 
 twice, men, women, and children, bringing with them such victuals 
 as they they think good, some fruits, some rice boiled, some hens 
 roasted, some sago, having a table made three feet from the 
 ground, whereon they set their meat, that every person sitting 
 at the table may eat, one rejoicing in the company of another. 
 They boil their rice in an earthen pot, made in the form of a 
 sugar loaf, being full of holes, as our pots which we water our 
 gardens withal, and it is open at the great end, wherein they put 
 their rice dry, without any moisture. In the mean time they have 
 ready another great earthen pot, set fast in a furnace, boiling full of 
 water, whereinto they put their pot with rice, by such measure, 
 that they swelling become soft at the first, and by their swelling 
 stopping the holes of the pot, admit no more water to enter, but 
 the more they are boiled, the harder and more firm substance they 
 become, so that in the end they are a firm and good bread, of the 
 which with oil, butter, sugar, and other spices, they make divers 
 sorts of meats very pleasant of taste, and nourishing to nature. 
 
 Not long before our departure, they told us that not far off 
 there were such great ships as ours, wishing us to beware ; 
 upon this our captain would stay no longer. From Java Major 
 we sailed for the Cape of Good Hope, which was the first land 
 we fell in withal; neither did we touch with it, or any other 
 land, until we came to Sierra Leone, upon the coast of Guinea ; 
 notwithstanding we ran hard aboard the Cape, finding the report 
 of the Portuguese to be most false, who affirm that it is the 
 most dangerous Cape of the world, never without intolerable 
 storms and present danger to travellers which come near the 
 same. This Cape is a most stately thing, and the fairest Cape 
 we saw in the whole circumference of the earth, and we passed 
 by it on the i8th of June. From thence we continued our 
 course to Sierra Leone, on the coast of Guinea, where we arrived 
 
1580] DRAKE. 169 
 
 on the 22nd of July, and found necessary provisions, great store 
 of elephants, oysters upon trees of one kind, spawning and in 
 creasing infinitely, the oyster suffering no bud to grow. We de 
 parted thence on the 24th day. 
 
 We arrived in England on the 3rd of November, 1580, being 
 the third year of our departure. 
 
GILBERT. 171 
 
 GILBERT. 
 
 WHILE Frobisher was wrestling with the elements in Davis's 
 Straits, a west-country gentleman named Humphrey Gilbert 
 was meditating the execution of a scheme no less daring than 
 the permanent occupation of the North American coasts by 
 the English. It was fifty years and more since the Italian 
 navigator Verazzano, in the service of Francis of France, 
 had explored these coasts and ascertained them to be con 
 tinuous to the south with the great land which had been 
 named after Amerigo Vespucci, and in the north with the 
 " New-land " or Newfoundland of the Northmen, which had 
 been revisited by Cabot in the time of Columbus, and whither 
 the fishermen of Spain, Portugal, France, and England, now 
 resorted every year. But this immense line of coast, unlike 
 that of South America, was as yet unoccupied by Europeans. 
 The Spaniards had destroyed the French settlements in Florida, 
 but they failed to gain any footing there for themselves ; and 
 from Florida to Nova Scotia a fruitful virgin soil, in a tem 
 perate clime, invited the enterprising colonist. The French 
 occupation had procured this land the name of New France. 
 But the French occupation had failed ; and in a few years this 
 name was destined to be replaced, by the English name of 
 Virginia. 
 
 Sir Humphrey Gilbert's mother had married as her second 
 husband a sea-captain named Raleigh. Her youngest son, 
 
172 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 Walter Raleigh, had been at Oxford, studying cosmography, 
 reading in the Spanish historians the wondrous narrative of 
 the discovery and conquest of the New World, and drinking 
 in the opinions of some who believed that the destinies of the 
 New World were not unalterably fixed by the Papal grant to 
 Spain. That grant, however, had been so long acquiesced in 
 that it was not easy to dispute it, unless upon some new 
 ground ; and accordingly an old story was now revived with a 
 new meaning. John Cabot, a British seaman, had notoriously 
 reached the mainland of America before Columbus himself. 
 How far he had explored its coasts is unknown ; but the 
 probability is that he returned very shortly after making the 
 land. But when the vast extent of North America became 
 known, and its enormous value in the future became obvious, 
 it was confidently alleged that Cabot had visited the whole 
 coast from Florida to Labrador, and had thus acquired for 
 England a title which superseded that of Spain and France. 
 After Hawkins' survey of the coast in 1564 the attention of 
 Englishmen was more and more strongly directed to these 
 coasts. Tracts were written urging their occupation; the 
 exploits of Hawkins and Drake had proved how powerless the 
 Spaniards were to prevent it ; and funds were raised for exe 
 cuting it. " The nakedness of the Spaniards, and their long- 
 hidden secrets, whereby they went about to delude the world," 
 wrote Hakluyt, in 1582, "are now espied." England was 
 overflowing with poor, who might be advantageously planted 
 in this new soil. " If we would behold," Hakluyt goes on, 
 " with the eye of pity how all our prisons are pestered and 
 filled with able men to serve their country, which for small 
 robberies are daily hanged up in great numbers, even twenty at 
 a clap out of one jail (as was seen at the last assizes at 
 Rochester), we would hasten and further, every man to his 
 
GILBERT. 173 
 
 power, the deducting of some colonies of our superfluous 
 people into those temperate and fertile parts of America, 
 which, being within six weeks' sailing of England, are yet 
 unpossessed by any Christians, and seem to offer themselves 
 unto us, stretching nearer unto Her Majesty's dominions than 
 to any other part of Europe."* Following the line then usual 
 in pulpit argument, the enthusiastic divine supported this view 
 by the analogy of nature and of antiquity. Bees send forth 
 swarmings from the old hive; colonies were "deducted" in 
 antiquity by the Greeks and the Carthaginians. Hakluyt 
 pointed to the successful colonization of Portuguese America, 
 which was due to the suggestion of De Barros, a mere man of 
 learning, like himself. Brazil was no longer a deserted coast. 
 It had its nine baronies or lordships, its thirty ingenios or 
 sugar-mills, each mill with its two or three hundred slaves, its 
 judge and other civil officers, and its church and clergy. Why 
 should not these little commonwealths be reproduced else 
 where? "An excellent learned man" of Portugal had 
 protested to Hakluyt that, were he but younger, he would 
 sell all that he had to furnish a convenient number of ships 
 for the colonization of these northern parts of America. 
 
 When Hakluyt was writing thus, Raleigh's half-brother had 
 already procured a grant, in the usual form, of such lands in 
 these parts as he should discover and occupy. It was to last 
 only six years, unless it took effect by actual occupation ; and 
 three of these years were expired. The time for action was 
 come, and accordingly, in June, 1583, Gilbert sailed from 
 Cawsand Bay with five vessels, with the general intention of 
 discovering and colonizing the northern parts of America. It 
 
 * Hakluyt, Dedication to " Divers Voyages," pp. i, 2. 
 
174 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 was the first colonizing expedition which left the shores of 
 Great Britain ; and the narrative of the expedition by Hayes, 
 who commanded one of Gilbert's vessels, forms the first page 
 in the history of English colonization. Gilbert did no more 
 than go through the empty form of taking possession of the 
 island of Newfoundland, to which the English name formerly 
 applied to the continent in general (see page 74) was now 
 restricted ; and the description of this island is the most 
 interesting portion of Hayes' narrative. Gilbert dallied here 
 too long. When he set sail to cross the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
 and take possession of Cape Breton and Nova Scotia the 
 season was too far advanced ; one of his largest ships went 
 down with all on board, including the Hungarian scholar 
 Parmenius, who had come out as the historian of the expedi 
 tion ; the stores were exhausted and the crews dispirited ; and 
 Gilbert resolved on sailing home, intending to return and 
 prosecute his discoveries the next spring. On the home 
 voyage the little vessel in which he was sailing foundered; 
 and the pioneer of English colonization found a watery grave. 
 Few passages in English story are better known than that part of 
 the present narrative which describes Gilbert as sitting abaft 
 on the deck of the Squirrel, with a book in his hand, cheering 
 those in the Hind by reiterating the old seaman's proverb, 
 "We are as near to heaven by sea as by land" (p. 206). 
 Gilbert was a man of courage, piety, and learning. He was, 
 however, an indifferent seaman, and quite incompetent for 
 the task of colonization to which he had set his hand. The 
 misfortunes of his expedition induced Amadas and Barlow, 
 who followed in his steps, to abandon the northward voyage 
 and sail to the shores intended to be occupied by the easier 
 but more circuitous route of the Canaries and the West 
 Indies. 
 
1583] GILBERT. 175 
 
 GILBERT'S VOYAGE. 
 
 A report of the VOYAGE and success thereof, attempted in the 
 year of Our Lord 1583, by SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT, 
 KNIGHT, with other Gentlemen assisting htm in that action, 
 intended to discover and to plant Christian inhabitants in 
 place convenient, upon those large and ample countries ex 
 tended northward from the Cape of FLORIDA, lying under 
 very temperate climes, esteemed fertile and rich in minerals, 
 yet not in the actual possession of any Christian prince. 
 Written by MR. EDWARD HAYES, gentleman, and principal 
 actor in the same voyage, who alone continued unto the end, 
 and, by Gods special assistance, returned home with his 
 retinue, safe and entire. 
 
 MANY voyages have been pretended, yet hitherto -never any 
 thoroughly accomplished by our nation, of exact discovery into 
 the bowels of those main, ample, and vast countries extended 
 infinitely into the north from thirty degrees, or rather from twenty- 
 five degrees of septentrional latitude, neither hath a right way been 
 taken of planting a Christian habitation and regiment upon the 
 same, as well may appear both by the little we yet do actually 
 possess therein, and by our ignorance of the riches and secrets 
 within those lands, which unto this day we know chiefly by the 
 travel and report of other nations, and most of the French, who 
 albeit they cannot challenge such right and interest unto the said 
 countries as we, neither these many years have had opportunity 
 nor means so great to discover and to plant (being vexed with the 
 calamities of intestine wars) as we have had by the inestimable 
 
176 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 benefit of our long and happy peace. Yet have they both ways 
 performed more, and had long since attained a sure possession 
 and settled government of many provinces in those northerly parts 
 of America, if their many attempts into those foreign and remote 
 lands had not been impeached by their garboils at home. 
 
 The first discovery of these coasts (never heard of before) was 
 well begun by John Cabot the father and Sebastian his son, an 
 Englishman born, who were the first finders out of all that great 
 tract of land stretching from the Cape of Florida unto those 
 islands which we now call the Newfoundland; all which they 
 brought and annexed unto the cr'own of England. Since when, 
 if with like diligence the search of inland countries had been fol 
 lowed, as the discovery upon the coast and outparts thereof was 
 performed by those two men, no doubt Her Majesty's territories 
 and revenue had been mightily enlarged and advanced by this 
 day. And, which is more, the seed of Christian religion had been 
 sown amongst those pagans, which by this time might have 
 brought forth a most plentiful harvest and copious congregation 
 of Christians, which must be the chief intent of such as shall make 
 any attempt that way. Or else whatsoever is builded upon other 
 foundation shall never obtain happy success nor continuance. 
 
 And although we cannot precisely judge (which only belongeth 
 to God) what have been the humours of men stirred up to great 
 attempts of discovering and planting in those remote countries, 
 yet the events do shew that either God's cause hath not been 
 chiefly preferred by them, or else God hath not permitted so 
 abundant grace as the light of His Word and knowledge of Him 
 to be yet revealed unto those infidels before the appointed time. 
 But most assuredly, the only cause of religion hitherto hath kept 
 back, and will also bring forward at the time assigned by God, an 
 effectual and complete discovery and possession by Christians 
 both of those ample countries and the riches within them hitherto 
 concealed; whereof notwithstanding God in His wisdom hath 
 permitted to be revealed from time to time a certain obscure and 
 misty knowledge, by little and little to allure the minds of men 
 that way (which else will be dull enough in the zeal of His cause), 
 and thereby to prepare us unto a readiness for the execution of His 
 will against the due time ordained of calling those Pagans unto 
 Christianity. 
 
 In the meanwhile it behoveth every man of great calling, in 
 whom is any instinct of inclination unto this attempt, to examine 
 
1583] GILBERT. 177 
 
 his own motions, which, if the same proceed of ambition or ava 
 rice, he may assure himself it cometh not of God, and therefore 
 cannot have confidence of God's protection and assistance against 
 the violence (else irresistible) both of sea and infinite perils upon 
 the land, whom God yet may use as an instrument to further His 
 cause and glory some way, but not to build upon so bad a foun 
 dation. Otherwise, if his motives be derived from a virtuous and 
 heroical mind, preferring chiefly the honour of God, compassion 
 of poor infidels captived by the devil, tyrannising in most wonder 
 ful and dreadful manner over their bodies and souls ; advancement 
 of his honest and well-disposed countrymen, willing to accompany 
 him in such honourable actions; relief of sundry people within 
 this realm distressed ; all these be honourable purposes, imitating 
 the nature of the munificent God, wherewith He is well pleased, 
 who will assist such an actor beyond expectation of man. And 
 the same, who feeleth this inclination in himself, by all likelihood 
 may hope, or rather confidently repose in the preordinance of God, 
 that in this last age of the world (or likely never) the time is com 
 plete of receiving also these Gentiles into His mercy, and that 
 God will raise him an instrument to effect the same. It seeming 
 probable by event of precedent attempts made by the Spaniards 
 and French sundry times, that the countries lying north of Florida 
 God hath reserved the same to be reduced unto Christian civility 
 by the English nation. For not long after that Christopher 
 Columbus had discovered the islands and continent of the West 
 Indies for Spain, John and Sebastian Cabot made discovery also of 
 the rest from Florida northwards to the behoof of England. 
 
 And whensoever afterwards the Spaniards (very prosperous in 
 all their southern discoveries) did attempt anything into Florida 
 and those regions inclining towards the north, they proved most 
 unhappy, and were at length discouraged utterly by the hard and 
 lamentable success of many both religious and valiant in arms, 
 endeavouring to bring those northerly regions also under the 
 Spanish jurisdiction; as if God had prescribed limits unto the 
 Spanish nation which they might not exceed; as by their own 
 gests recorded may be aptly gathered. 
 
 The French, as they can pretend less title unto these northern 
 parts than the Spaniard, by how much the Spaniard made the first 
 discovery of the same continent so far northward as unto Florida, 
 and the French did but review that before discovered by the 
 English nation, usurping upon our right, and imposing names upon 
 
 N 
 
178 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 countries, rivers, bays, capes, or headlands as if they had been the 
 first finders of those coasts ; which injury we offered not unto the 
 Spaniards, but left off to discover when we approached the 
 Spanish limits. Even so God hath not hitherto permitted them 
 to establish a possession permanent upon another's right, notwith 
 standing their manifold attempts, in which the issue hath been no 
 less tragical than that of the Spaniards, as by their own reports is 
 extant. 
 
 Then, seeing the English nation only hath right unto these 
 countries of America from the Cape of Florida northwards by the 
 privilege of first discovery, unto which Cabot was authorised by 
 regal authority, and set forth by the expense of our late famous 
 King Henry VII., which right also seemeth strongly defended on 
 our behalf by the powerful hand of Almighty God withstanding 
 the enterprises of other nations, it may greatly encourage us 
 upon so just ground, as is our right, and upon so sacred an intent, 
 as to plant religion (our right and intent being meet foundations 
 for the same) to prosecute effectually the full possession of those so 
 ample and pleasant countries appertaining unto the Crown of 
 England ; the same (as is to be conjectured by infallible arguments 
 of the world's end approaching) being now arrived unto the time 
 by God prescribed of their vocation, if ever their calling unto the 
 knowledge of God may be expected. Which also is very probable 
 by the revolution and course of God's Word and religion, which 
 from the beginning hath moved from the east towards, and at last 
 unto, the west, where it is like to end, unless the same begin again 
 where it did in the east, which were to expect a like world again. 
 But we are assured of the contrary by the prophecy of Christ, 
 whereby we gather that after His Word preached throughout the 
 world shall be the end. And as the Gospel when it descended 
 westward began in the south, and afterward spread into the north 
 of Europe, even so, as the same hath begun in the south countries 
 of America, no less hope may be gathered that it will also spread 
 into the north. 
 
 These considerations may help to suppress all dreads rising of 
 hard events in attempts made this way by other nations, as also of 
 the heavy success and issue in the late enterprise made by a 
 worthy gentleman our countryman, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Knight, 
 who was the first of our nation that carried people to erect an 
 habitation and government in those northerly countries of America. 
 About which, albeit he had consumed much substance, and lost 
 
1583] GILBERT. 179 
 
 his life at last, his people also perishing for the most part: yet the 
 mystery thereof we must leave unto God, and judge charitably 
 both of the cause (which was just in all pretence) and of the 
 person, who was very zealous in prosecuting the same, deserving 
 honourable remembrance for his good mind and expense of life in 
 so virtuous an enterprise. Whereby nevertheless, lest any man 
 should be dismayed by example of other folks' calamity, and mis 
 deem that God doth resist all attempts intended that way, I 
 thought good, so far as myself was an eye-witness, to deliver the 
 circumstance and manner of our proceedings in that action, in 
 which the gentleman was so unfortunately encumbered with wants, 
 and worse matched with many ill-disposed people, that his rare 
 judgment and wisdom premeditated for those affairs, was subjected 
 to tolerate abuses, and in sundry extremities to hold on a course 
 more to uphold credit than likely in his own conceit happily to 
 succeed. 
 
 The issue of such actions, being always miserable, not guided by 
 God, who abhorreth confusion and disorder, hath left this for 
 admonition (being the first attempt by our nation to plant) unto 
 such as shall take the same cause in hand hereafter not to be dis 
 couraged from it ; but to make men well advised how they handle 
 His so high and excellent matters, as the carriage is of His Word 
 into those very mighty and vast countries. An action doubtless 
 not to be intermeddled with base purposes ; as many have made 
 the same but a colour to shadow actions otherwise scarce justifi 
 able, which doth excite God's heavy judgments in the end, to the 
 terrifying of weak minds from the cause, without pondering His 
 just proceedings; and doth also incense foreign princes against 
 our attempts, how just soever, who cannot but deem the sequel 
 very dangerous unto the State (if in those parts we should 
 grow to strength), seeing the very beginnings are entered with 
 spoil. 
 
 And with this admonition denounced upon zeal towards God's 
 cause, also towards those in whom appeareth disposition honour 
 able unto this action of planting Christian people and religion in 
 those remote and barbarous nations of America (unto whom I 
 wish all happiness), I will now proceed to make relation briefly, 
 yet particularly, of our voyage undertaken with Sir Humphrey 
 Gilbert, begun, continued, and ended adversely. 
 
 When first Sir Humphrey Gilbert undertook the western dis 
 covery of America, and had procured from Her Majesty a very 
 
 N 2 
 
l8o VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 large commission to inhabit and possess at his choice all remote 
 and heathen lands not in the actual possession of any Christian 
 prince, the same commission exemplified with many privileges, 
 such as in his discretion he might demand, very many gentlemen 
 of good estimation drew unto him, to associate him in so com 
 mendable an enterprise, so that the preparation was expected to 
 grow unto a puissant fleet, able to encounter a king's power by 
 sea. Nevertheless, amongst a multitude of voluntary men, their 
 dispositions were diverse, which bred a jar, and made a division in 
 the end, to the confusion of that attempt even before the same was 
 begun. And when the shipping was in a manner prepared, and 
 men ready upon the coast to go aboard, at that time some brake 
 consort, and followed courses degenerating from the voyage before 
 pretended. Others failed of their promises contracted, and the 
 greater number were dispersed, leaving the General with few of 
 his assured friends, with whom he adventured to sea, where, 
 having tasted of no less misfortune, he was shortly driven to retire 
 home with the loss of a tall ship and (more to his grief) of a 
 valiant gentleman, Miles Morgan. 
 
 Having buried, only in a preparation, a great mass of substance, 
 whereby his estate was impaired, his mind yet not dismayed, he 
 continued his former designment and purpose to revive this enter 
 prise, good occasion serving. Upon which determination standing 
 long, without means to satisfy his desire, at last he granted certain 
 assignments out of his commission to sundry persons of mean 
 ability, desiring the privilege of his grant, to plant and fortify in 
 the north parts of America about the river of Canada, to whom, if 
 God gave good success in the north parts (where then no matter of 
 moment was expected), the same (he thought) would greatly ad 
 vance the hope of the south, and be a furtherance unto his 
 determination that way. And the worst that might happen in 
 that course might be excused without prejudice unto him by the 
 former supposition, that those north regions were of no regard, 
 but chiefly a possession taken in any parcel of those heathen 
 countries, by virtue of his grant, did invest him of territories ex 
 tending every way two hundred leagues, which induced Sir 
 Humphrey Gilbert to make those assignments, desiring greatly 
 their expedition, because his commission did expire after six years, 
 if in that space he had not gotten actual possession. 
 
 Time went away without anything done by his assignees, inso 
 much that at last he must resolve himself to take a voyage in 
 
1583] GILBERT. iSl 
 
 person, for more assurance to keep his patent in force, which then 
 almost was expired or within two years. 
 
 In furtherance of his determination, amongst others, Sir George 
 Peckham, Knight, shewed himself very zealous to the action, 
 greatly aiding him both by his advice and in the charge. Other 
 gentlemen to their ability joined unto him, resolving to adventure 
 their substance and lives in the same cause. Who beginning their 
 preparation from that time, both of shipping, munition, victual, men, 
 and things requisite, some of them continued the charge two years 
 complete without intermission. Such were the difficulties and 
 cross accidents opposing these proceedings, which took not end 
 in less than two years, many of which circumstances I will 
 omit. 
 
 The last place of our assembly, before we left the coast of Eng- 
 land, was in Cawsand Bay, near unto Plymouth, then resolved to put 
 unto the sea with shipping and provision, such as we had, before 
 our store yet remaining, but chiefly the time and season of the 
 year, were too far spent. Nevertheless, it seemed first very doubt 
 ful by what way to shape our course, and to begin our intended 
 discovery, either from the south northward or from the north 
 southward. The first that is, beginning south without all con 
 troversy was the likeliest, wherein we were assured to have 
 commodity of the current, which from the Cape of Florida setteth 
 northward, and would have furthered greatly our navigation, 
 discovering from the foresaid Cape along towards Cape Breton, 
 and all those lands lying to the north. Also, the year being far 
 spent, and arrived to the month of June, we were not to spend 
 time in northerly courses, where we should be surprised with 
 timely winter, but to covet the south, which we had space 
 enough then to have attained, and there might with less detriment 
 have wintered that season, being more mild and short in the 
 south than in the north, where winter is both long and rigorous. 
 These and other like reasons alleged in favour of the southern 
 course first to be taken to the contrary was inferred, that foras 
 much as both our victuals and many other needful provisions were 
 diminished and left insufficient for so long a voyage and for the 
 wintering of so many men, we ought to shape a course most likely 
 to minister supply ; and that was to take the Newfoundland in our 
 way, which was but seven hundred leagues from our English coast. 
 Where, being usually at that time of the year and until the fine of 
 August, a multitude of ships repairing thither for fish, we should 
 
1 82 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 be relieved abundantly with many necessaries, which, after the 
 fishing ended, they might well spare and freely impart unto us. 
 Not staying long upon that Newland coast, we might proceed 
 southward, and follow still the sun, until we arrived at places more 
 temperate to our content. 
 
 By which reasons we were the rather induced to follow this 
 northerly course, obeying unto necessity, which must be supplied. 
 Otherwise, we doubted that sudden approach of winter, bringing 
 with it continual fog, and thick mists, tempest and rage of weather, 
 also contrariety of currents descending from the Cape of Florida 
 unto Cape Breton and Cape Race, would fall out to be great 
 and irresistible impediments unto our further proceeding for 
 that year, and compel us to winter in those north and cold 
 regions. 
 
 Wherefore suppressing all objections to the contrary, we re 
 solved to begin our course northward, and to follow directly as we 
 might, the trade way unto Newfoundland ; from whence after our 
 refreshing and reparation of wants, we intended without delay (by 
 God's permission) to proceed into the south, not omitting any river 
 or bay which in all that large tract of land appeared to our view 
 worthy of search. Immediately we agreed upon the manner of our 
 course and orders to be observed in our voyage; which were 
 delivered in writing unto the captains and masters of every ship a 
 copy in manner following : 
 
 Every ship had delivered two bullets or scrolls, the one sealed 
 up in wax, the other left open ; in both which were included 
 several watchwords. That open, serving upon our own coast or 
 the coast of Ireland ; the other sealed, was promised on all hands 
 not to be broken up until we should be clear of the Irish coast ; 
 which from thenceforth did serve until we arrived and met all. 
 together in such harbours of the Newfoundland as were agreed for 
 our rendezvous. The said watchwords being requisite to know 
 our consorts whensoever by night, either by fortune of weather, 
 our fleet dispersed should come together again ; or one should hail 
 another ; or if by ill watch and steerage one ship should chance to 
 fall aboard of another in the dark. 
 
 The reason of the bullet sealed was to keep secret that watch 
 word while we were upon our own coast, lest any of the company 
 stealing from the fleet might betray the same ; which known to an 
 enemy he might board us by night without mistrust, having our 
 own watchword. 
 
1583] GILBERT. 183 
 
 Orders agreed upon by the Captains and Masters to be observed 
 by the Fleet of Sir Humphrey Gilbert. 
 
 1. The Admiral to carry his flag by day, and his light by 
 night. 
 
 2. Item, if the Admiral shall shorten his sail by night, then to 
 shew two lights until he be answered again by every ship shewing 
 one light for a short time. 
 
 3. Item, if the Admiral after his shortening of sail, as aforesaid, 
 shall make more sail again; then he to shew three lights one 
 above another. 
 
 4. Item, if the Admiral shall happen to hull in the night, then to 
 make a wavering light over his other light, wavering the light upon 
 a pole. 
 
 5. Item, if the fleet should happen to be scattered by weather, 
 or other mishap, then so soon as one shall descry another, to hoist 
 both topsails twice, if the weather will serve, and to strike them 
 twice again ; but if the weather serve not, then to hoist the main- 
 topsail twice, and forthwith to strike it twice again. 
 
 6. Item, if it shall happen a great fog to fall, then presently 
 every ship to bear up with the Admiral, if there be wind ; but if it 
 be a calm, then every ship to hull, and so to lie at hull till it 
 clear. And if the fog do continue long, then the Admiral to shoot 
 off two pieces every evening, and every ship to answer it with one 
 shot ; and every man bearing to the ship that is to leeward so near 
 as he may. 
 
 7. Item, every master to give charge unto the watch to look out 
 well, for laying aboard one of another in the night, and in fogs. 
 
 8. Item, every evening every ship to hail the Admiral, and so to 
 fall astern him, sailing through the ocean ; and being on the coast, 
 every ship to hail him both morning and evening. 
 
 9. Item, if any ship be in danger in any way, by leak or other 
 wise, then she to shoot off a piece, and presently to hang out one 
 light, whereupon every man to bear towards her, answering her 
 with one light for a short time, and so to put it out again ; thereby 
 to give knowledge that they have seen her token. 
 
 10. Item, whensoever the Admiral shall hang out her ensign in 
 the main shrouds, then every man to come aboard her as a token of 
 counsel. 
 
 n. Item, if there happen any storm or contrary wind to the fleet 
 after the discovery, whereby they are separated ; then every ship 
 to repair unto their last good port, there to meet again. 
 
 The course. 
 
 The course first to be taken for the discovery is to bear directly 
 to Cape Race, the most southerly Cape of Newfoundland; and 
 
184 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 there to harbour ourselves either in Rogneux or Fermous, being 
 the first places appointed for our rendezvous, and the next 
 harbours unto the northward of Cape Race : and therefore every 
 ship separated from the fleet to repair to that place so fast as God 
 shall permit, whether you shall fall to the southward or to the 
 northward of it, and there to stay for the meeting of the whole 
 fleet the space of ten days, and when you shall depart to leave marks. 
 Beginning our course from Scilly, the nearest is by west-south 
 west (if the wind serve) until such time as we have brought our 
 selves in the latitude of 43 or 44 degrees, because the ocean is 
 subject much to southerly winds in June and July. Then to take 
 traverse from 45 to 47 degrees of latitude, if we be enforced by 
 contrary winds ; and not to go to the northward of the height of 
 47 degrees of septentrional latitude by no means, if God shall not 
 enforce the contrary; but to do your endeavour to keep in the 
 height of 46 degrees, so near as you can possibly, because Cape 
 Race lieth about that height. 
 
 Notes. 
 
 If by contrary winds we be driven back upon the coast of Eng 
 land, then to repair unto Scilly for a place of our assembly or 
 meeting. 
 
 If we be driven back by contrary winds that we cannot pass the 
 coast of Ireland, then the place of our assembly to be at Beare 
 Haven or Baltimore Haven. 
 
 If we shall not happen to meet at Cape Race, then the place of 
 rendezvous to be at Cape Breton, or the nearest harbour unto the 
 westward of Cape Breton. 
 
 If by means of other shipping we may not safely stay there, 
 then to rest at the very next safe port to the westward ; every ship 
 leaving their marks behind them for the more certainty of the 
 after comers to know where to find them. 
 
 The marks that every man ought to leave in such a case, were 
 of the General's private device written by himself, sealed also in 
 close wax, and delivered unto every ship one scroll, which was no.t 
 to be opened until occasion required, whereby every man was 
 certified what to leave for instruction of after comers ; that every 
 of us coming into any harbour or river might know who had been 
 there, or whether any were still there up higher into the river, or 
 departed, and which way. 
 
 Orders thus determined, and promises mutually given to be 
 observed, eveiy man withdrew himself unto his charge, the 
 anchors being already weighed, and our ships under sail, having 
 a soft gale of wind, we began our voyage upon Tuesday, the nth 
 
1583] GILBERT. 185 
 
 day of June, in the year of our Lord 1583, having in our fleet (at 
 our departure from Cawsand Bay) these ships, whose names 
 and burthens, with the names of the captains and masters of 
 them, I have also inserted, as followeth : i. The Delight, alias 
 the George, of burthen 120 tons, was Admiral; in which went 
 the General, and William Winter, captain in her and p.art 
 owner, and Richard Clarke, master. 2. The barque Raleigh, 
 set forth by Mr. Walter Raleigh, of the burthen of 200 tons, 
 was then Vice-Admiral ; in which went Mr. Butler, captain, and 
 Robert Davis, of Bristol, master. 3. The Golden Hind, of burthen 
 40 tons, was then Rear-Admiral ; in which went Edward Hayes, 
 captain and owner, and William Cox, of Limehouse, master. 
 4. The Swallow, of burthen 40 tons; in her was Captain 
 Maurice Browne. 5. The Squirrel, of burthen 10 tons; in 
 which went Captain William Andrews, and one Cade, master. 
 We were in number in all about 260 men, among whom we had 
 of every faculty good choice, as shipwrights, masons, carpenters, 
 smiths, and such like, requisite to such an action ; also mineral 
 men and refiners. Besides, for solace of our people, and allure 
 ment of the savages, we were provided of music in good variety ; 
 not omitting the least toys, as Morris dancers, hobby-horse, and 
 Maylike conceits to delight the savage people, whom we intended 
 to win by all fair means possible. And to that end we were in 
 differently furnished of all petty haberdashery wares to barter with 
 those simple people. 
 
 In this manner we set forward, departing (as hath been said) 
 out of Cawsand Bay the nth of June, being Tuesday, the weather 
 and wind fair and good all day, but a great storm of thunder 
 and wind fell the same night. 
 
 On the Thursday following, when we hailed one another in N 
 the evening (according to the order before specified) they signified 
 unto us out of the Vice-Admiral, that both the Captain, and very 
 many of the men were fallen sick ; and about midnight the Vice- 
 Admiral forsook us, notwithstanding we had the wind east, fair 
 and good. But it was after credibly reported that they were in 
 fected with a contagious sickness, and arrived greatly distressed 
 at Plymouth ; the reason I could never understand. Sure I am, 
 no cost was spared by their owner, Master Raleigh, in setting 
 them forth ; therefore I leave it unto God. 
 
 By this time we were in forty-eight degrees of latitude, not a 
 little grieved with the loss of the most puissant ship in our fleet, 
 
1 86 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 after whose departure the Golden Hind succeeded in the place of 
 Vice-Admiral, and removed her flag from the mizen into the fore- 
 top. From Saturday, the I5th of June, until the 28th, which was 
 upon a Friday, we never had fair day without fog or rain, and 
 winds bad, much to the west-north-west, whereby we were driven 
 southward unto forty-one degrees scarce. 
 
 About this time of the year the winds are commonly west to 
 wards the Newfoundland, keeping ordinarily within two points of 
 west to the south or to the north, whereby the course thither 
 falleth out to be long and tedious after June, which in March 
 April, and May, hath been performed out of England in twenty- 
 two days and less. We had wind always so scant from west- 
 north-west, and from west-south-west again, that our traverse was 
 great, running south unto forty-one degrees almost, and afterwards 
 north into fifty-one degrees. Also we were encumbered with 
 much fog and mists in manner palpable, in which we could not 
 keep so well together, but were dissevered, losing the company 
 of the Swallow and the Squirrel upon the 2oth day of July, whom 
 we met again at several places upon the Newfoundland coast 
 the 3rd of August, as shall be declared in place convenient. 
 On Saturday, the 27th July, we might descry, not far from us, as 
 it were mountains of ice driven upon the sea, being then in fifty 
 degrees, which were carried southward to the weather of us? 
 whereby may be conjectured that some current doth set that way 
 from the north. 
 
 Before we come to Newfoundland, about fifty leagues on this 
 side, we pass the bank, which are high grounds rising within 
 the sea and under water, yet deep enough and without danger, 
 being commonly not less than twenty-five and thirty fathom 
 water upon them ; the same (as it were some vein of mountains 
 within the sea) do run along, and from the Newfoundland, 
 beginning northward about fifty-two or fifty-three degrees of lati 
 tude, and do extend into the south infinitely. The breadth of 
 this bank is somewhere more, and somewhere less ; but we found 
 the same about ten leagues over, having sounded both on this side 
 thereof, and the other towards Newfoundland, but found no 
 ground with almost two hundred fathom of line, both before and 
 after we had passed the bank. The Portugals, and French 
 chiefly, have a notable trade of fishing upon this bank, where 
 are sometimes an hundred or more sail of ships, who commonly 
 begin the fishing in April, and have ended by July. That fish is 
 
1583] GILBERT. 187 
 
 large, always wet, having no land near to dry, and is called 
 cod-fish. 
 
 During the time of fishing, a man shall know without sounding 
 when he is upon the bank, by the incredible multitude of sea-fowl 
 hovering over the same, to prey upon the offal and garbage of 
 fish thrown out by fishermen, and floating upon the sea. 
 
 On Tuesday, the nth of June, we forsook the coast of England, 
 so again on Tuesday, the 3oth of July (seven weeks after) we got 
 sight of land, being immediately embayed in the Grand Bay, or 
 some other great bay, the certainty whereof we could not judge, so 
 great haze and fog did hang upon the coast, as neither we might 
 discern the land well, nor take the sun's height ; but by our best 
 computation we were then in the fifty-one degrees of latitude. 
 
 Forsaking this bay and uncomfortable coast (nothing appearing 
 unto us but hideous rocks and mountains, bare of trees, and void 
 of any green herb) we followed the coast to the south, with weather 
 fair and clear. We had sight of an island named Penguin, of a 
 fowl there breeding in abundance, almost incredible, which cannot 
 fly, their wings not able to carry their body, being very large (not 
 much less than a goose) and exceeding fat, which the Frenchmen 
 use to take without difficulty upon that island, and to barrel them 
 up with salt. But for lingering of time, we had made us there 
 the like provision. 
 
 Trending this coast, we came to the island called Baccalaos, 
 being not past two leagues from the main ; to the south thereof 
 lieth Cape St. Francis, five leagues distant from Baccalaos, between 
 which goeth in a great bay, by the vulgar sort called the Bay of 
 Conception. Here we met with the Swallow again, whom we 
 had lost in the fog, and all her men altered into other apparel. 
 Whereof it seemed their store was so amended, that for joy and 
 congratulation of our meeting, they spared not to cast up into the 
 air and overboard their caps and hats in good plenty. The 
 Captain, albeit himself was very honest and religious, yet was he 
 not appointed of men to his humour and desert ; who for the 
 most part were such as had been by us surprised upon the narrow 
 seas of England, being pirates, and had taken at that instant 
 certain Frenchmen laden, one barque with wines, and another with 
 salt, both which we rescued, and took the man-of-war with all her 
 men, which was the same ship now called the Swallow, following 
 still their kind so oft, as (being separated from the General) 
 they found opportunity to rob and spoil. And because God's 
 
1 88 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 justice did follow the same company, even to destruction, and to 
 the overthrow also of the captain (though not consenting to their 
 misdemeanour) I will not conceal anything that maketh to the 
 manifestation and approbation of his judgments, for examples of 
 others, persuaded that God more sharply took revenge upon them, 
 and hath tolerated longer as great outrage in others, by how 
 much these went under protection of his cause and religion, 
 which was then pretended. 
 
 Therefore upon further enquiry it was known how this company 
 met with a barque returning home after the fishing with his freight, 
 and because the men in the Swallow were very near scanted of 
 victuals, and chiefly of apparel, doubtful withal where or when 
 to find and meet with their Admiral, they besought the Captain 
 that they might go aboard this Newlander, only to borrow what 
 might be spared, the rather because the same was bound home 
 ward. Leave given, not without charge to deal favourably, they 
 came aboard the fisherman, whom they rifled of tackle, sails, cables, 
 victuals, and the men of their apparel, not sparing by torture 
 (winding cords about their heads) to draw out else what they 
 thought good. This done with expedition (like men skilful in 
 such mischief) as they took their cock-boat to go aboard their 
 own ship, it was overwhelmed in the sea, and certain of these 
 men there drowned; the rest were preserved even by those 
 silly souls whom they had before spoiled, who saved and de 
 livered them aboard the Swallow. What became afterwards of 
 the poor Newlander, perhaps destitute of sails and furniture suffi 
 cient to carry them home (whither they had not less to run than 
 700 leagues) God alone knoweth, who took vengeance not long 
 after of the rest that escaped at this instant, to reveal the fact, 
 and justify to the world God's judgments inflicted upon them, 
 as shall be declared in place convenient. 
 
 Thus after we had met with the Swallow, we held on our 
 course southward, until we came against the harbour called St. John, 
 about five leagues from the former Cape of St. Francis, where 
 before the entrance into the harbour, we found also the Frigate 
 or Squirrel lying at anchor, whom the English merchants (that 
 were and always be Admirals by turns interchangeably over 
 the fleets of fishermen within the same harbour) would not permit 
 to enter into the harbour. Glad of so happy meeting, both of 
 the Swallow and Frigate in one day (being Saturday, the 3rd 
 of August), we made ready our fights, and prepared to enter the 
 
1583] GILBERT. 189 
 
 harbour, any resistance to the contrary notwithstanding, there 
 being within of all nations, to the number of thirty-six sail. 
 But first the General despatched a boat to give them knowledge 
 of his coming for no ill intent, having commission from Her 
 Majesty for his voyage we had in hand; and immediately we 
 followed with a slack gale, and in the very entrance (which is but 
 narrow, not above two boats' length) the Admiral fell upon a rock 
 on the larboard side by great oversight, in that the weather was 
 fair, the rock much above water fast by the shore, where neither 
 went any sea-gate. But we found such readiness in the English 
 merchants to help us in that danger, that without delay there 
 were brought a number of boats, which towed off the ship, and 
 cleared her of danger. 
 
 Having taken place convenient in the road, we let fall anchors, 
 the Captains and Masters repairing aboard our Admiral, whither 
 also came immediately the Masters and owners of the fishing 
 fleet of Englishmen, to understand the General's intent and cause 
 of our arrival there. They were all satisfied when the General 
 had showed his commission and purpose, to take possession of 
 those lands to the behalf of the crown of England, and the ad 
 vancement of the Christian religion in those paganish regions, 
 requiring but their lawful aid for repairing of his fleet, and supply 
 of some necessaries, so far as conveniently might be afforded 
 him, both out of that and other harbours adjoining. In lieu 
 whereof he made offer to gratify them with any favour and pri 
 vilege, which upon their better advice they should demand, the 
 like being not to be obtained hereafter for greater price. So 
 craving expedition of his demand, minding to proceed further 
 south without long detention in those parts, he dismissed them, 
 after promise given of their best endeavour to satisfy speedily his 
 so reasonable request. The merchants with their masters departed, 
 they caused forthwith to be discharged all the great ordnance of 
 their fleet in token of our welcome. 
 
 It was further determined that every ship of our fleet should 
 deliver unto the merchants and masters of that harbour a note of 
 all their wants : which done, the ships as well English as strangers, 
 were taxed at an easy rate to make supply. And besides, commis 
 sioners were appointed, part of our own company and part of 
 theirs, to go into other harbours adjoining (for our English mer 
 chants command all there) to levy our provision : whereunto the 
 Portugals (above other nations) did most willingly and liberally 
 
190 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 contribute. In so much as we were presented (above our allow 
 ance) with wines, marmalades, most fine rusk or biscuit, sweet oils, 
 and sundry delicacies. Also we wanted not of fresh salmons, 
 trouts, lobsters, and other fresh fish brought daily unto us. More 
 over as the manner is in fishing, every week to choose their 
 Admiral anew, or rather they succeed in orderly course, and have 
 weekly their Admiral's feast solemnized: even so the General, 
 captains, and masters of our fleet were continually invited and 
 feasted. To grow short, in our abundance at home, the entertain 
 ment had been delightful, but after our wants and tedious passage 
 through the ocean, it seemed more acceptable and of greater 
 contentation, by how much the same was unexpected in that 
 desolate corner of the world: where at other times of the year, 
 wild beasts and birds have only the fruition of all those countries, 
 which now seemed a place very populous and much frequented. 
 
 The next morning being Sunday, and the 4th of August, the 
 General and his company were brought on land by English 
 merchants, who shewed unto us their accustomed walks unto a 
 place they call the garden. But nothing appeared more than 
 nature itself without art : who confusedly hath brought forth roses 
 abundantly, wild, but odoriferous, and to sense very comfortable. 
 Also the like plenty of raspberries, which do grow in every place. 
 
 Monday following, the General had his tent set up, who being 
 accompanied with his own followers, summoned the merchants and 
 masters, both English and strangers, to be present at his taking 
 possession of those countries. Before whom openly was read and 
 interpreted unto the strangers his commission : by virtue whereof 
 he took possession in the same harbour of St. John, and 200 leagues 
 every way, invested the Queen's Majesty with the title and dignity 
 thereof, and delivered unto him (after the custom of England) 
 a rod and a turf of the same soil, entering possession also for 
 him, his heirs and assigns for ever : And signified unto all men, 
 that from that time forward, they should take the same land 
 as a territory appertaining to the Queen of England, and himself 
 authorised under Her Majesty to possess and enjoy it. And to 
 ordain laws for the government thereof, agreeable (so near as 
 conveniently might be) unto the laws of England : under which all 
 people coming thither hereafter, either to inhabit, or by way of 
 traffic, should be subjected and governed. And especially at the 
 same time for a beginning, he proposed and delivered three laws 
 to be in force immediately. That is to say : the first for religion, 
 
1583] GILBERT. IQI 
 
 which in public exercise should be according to the Church of 
 England. The second for maintenance of Her Majesty's right and 
 possession of those territories, against which if any thing were 
 attempted prejudicial, the party or parties offending should be 
 adjudged and executed as in case of high treason, according to 
 the laws of England. The third, if any person should utter words 
 sounding to the dishonour of Her Majesty, he should lose his ears, 
 and have his ship and goods confiscate. 
 
 These contents published, obedience was promised by general 
 voice and consent of the multitude, as well of Englishmen as 
 strangers, praying for continuance of this possession and govern 
 ment begun. After this, the assembly was dismissed. And after 
 wards were erected not far from that place the arms of England 
 engraved in lead, and infixed upon a pillar of wood. Yet further 
 and actually to establish this possession taken in the right of Her 
 Majesty, and to the behoof of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, knight, his 
 heirs and assigns for ever : the General granted in fee farm divers 
 parcels of land lying by the water side, both in this harbour of 
 St. John, and elsewhere, which was to the owners a great 
 commodity, being thereby assured (by their proper inheritance) of 
 grounds convenient to dress and to dry their fish, whereof many 
 times before they did fail, being prevented by them that came first 
 into the harbour. For which grounds they did covenant to pay a 
 certain rent and service unto Sir Humphrey Gilbert, his heirs or 
 assigns for ever, and yearly to maintain possession of the same, by 
 themselves or their assigns. 
 
 Now remained only to take in provision granted, according as 
 every ship was taxed, which did fish upon the coast adjoining. In 
 the meanwhile, the General appointed men unto their charge : some 
 to repair and trim the ships, others to attend in gathering together 
 our supply and provisions : others to search the commodities and 
 singularities of the country, to be found by sea or land, and to 
 make relation unto the General what either themselves could know 
 by their own travail and experience, or by good intelligence of 
 Englishmen or strangers, who had longest frequented the same 
 coast. Also some observed the elevation of the pole, and drew 
 plates of the country exactly graded. And by that I could gather 
 by each man's several relation, I have drawn a brief description of 
 the Newfoundland, with the commodities by sea or land already 
 made, and such also as are in possibility and great likelihood to be 
 made : Nevertheless the cards and plates that were drawing, with 
 
192 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 the due gradation of the harbours, bays, and capes, did perish 
 with the Admiral : wherefore in the description following, I must 
 omit the particulars of such things. 
 
 That which we do call the Newfoundland, and the Frenchmen 
 Baccalaos, is an island, or rather (after the opinion of some) it 
 consisteth of sundry islands and broken lands, situate in the north 
 regions of America, upon the gulf and entrance of a great river 
 called St. Lawrence in Canada. Into the which, navigation may 
 be made both on the south and north side of this island. The 
 land lieth south and north, containing in length between 300 and 
 400 miles, accounting from Cape Race (which is in forty-six degrees 
 twenty-five minutes) unto the Grand Bay in fifty-two degrees of 
 septentrional latitude. The land round about hath very many 
 goodly bays and harbours, safe roads for ships, the like not to be 
 found in any part of the known world. 
 
 The common opinion that is had of intemperature and 
 extreme cold that should be in this country, as of some part it may 
 be verified, namely the north, where I grant it is more cold than in 
 countries of Europe, which are under the same elevation: even 
 so it cannot stand with reason and nature of the clime, that the 
 south parts should be so intemperate as the bruit hath gone. For 
 as the same do lie under the climes of Breton, Anjou, Poictou in 
 France, between forty-six and forty-nine degrees, so can they not 
 so much differ from the temperature of those countries : unless 
 upon the outcoast lying open unto the ocean and sharp winds, it 
 must indeed be subject to more cold, than further within the land, 
 where the mountains are interposed, as walls and bulwarks, to 
 defend and to resist the asperity and rigour of the sea and weather. 
 Some hold opinion, that the Newfoundland might be the more 
 subject to cold, by how much it lieth high and near unto the 
 middle region. I grant that not in Newfoundland alone, but in 
 Germany, Italy and Africa, even under the equinoctial line, the 
 mountains are extreme cold, and seldom uncovered of snow, in 
 their culm and highest tops, which cometh to pass by the same 
 reason that they are extended towards the middle region : yet in 
 the countries lying beneath them, it is found quite contrary. Even 
 so all hills having their descents, the valleys also and low grounds 
 must be likewise hot or temperate, as the clime doth give in 
 Newfoundland : though I am of opinion that the sun's reflection 
 is much cooled, and cannot be so forcible in Newfoundland, nor 
 generally throughout America, as in Europe or Africa: by how 
 
1583] GILBERT. 193 
 
 much the sun in his diurnal course from east to west, passeth over 
 (for the most part) dry land and sandy countries, before he arriveth 
 at the west of Europe or Africa, whereby his motion increaseth 
 heat, with little or no qualification by moist vapours. Where, on 
 the contrary he passeth from Europe and Africa unto America over 
 the ocean, from whence it draweth and carrieth with him abun 
 dance of moist vapours, which do qualify and enfeeble greatly the 
 sun's reverberation upon this country chiefly of Newfoundland, 
 being so much to the northward. Nevertheless (as I said before) 
 the cold cannot be so intolerable under the latitude of forty-six, 
 forty-seven, and forty-eight (especially within land) that it should 
 be unhabitable, as some do suppose, seeing also there are very 
 many people more to the north by a great deal. And in these 
 south parts there be certain beasts, ounces or leopards, and birds 
 in like manner which in the summer we have seen, not heard of in 
 countries of extreme and vehement coldness. Besides, as in the 
 months of June, July, August and September, the heat is some 
 what more than in England at those seasons : so men remaining 
 upon the south parts near unto Cape Race, until after Hollandtide,* 
 have not found the cold so extreme, nor much differing from the 
 temperature of England. Those which have arrived there after 
 November and December, have found the snow exceeding deep, 
 whereat no marvel, considering the ground upon the coast is 
 rough and uneven, and the snow is driven into the places most 
 declining, as the like is to be seen with us. The like depth of 
 snow happily shall not be found within land upon the plainer 
 countries, which also are defended by the mountains, breaking off 
 the violence of winds and weather. But admitting extraordinary 
 cold in those south parts, above that with us here : it cannot be so 
 great as in Swedeland, much less in Moscovia or Russia : yet are 
 the same countries very populous, and the rigour of cold is dis 
 pensed with by the commodity of stoves, warm clothing, meats and 
 drinks : all of which need not to be wanting in the Newfoundland, 
 if we had intent there to inhabit. 
 
 In the south parts we found no inhabitants, which by all like 
 lihood have abandoned those coasts, the same being so much 
 frequented by Christians. But in the north are savages altogether 
 
 All-hallow-tide. 
 O 
 
194 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 harmless. Touching the commodities of this country, serving 
 either for sustentation of inhabitants or for maintenance of traffic, 
 there are and may be made divers ; so that it seemeth that nature 
 hath recompensed that only defect and incommodity of some 
 sharp cold, by many benefits ; viz., with incredible quantity, and 
 no less variety of kinds of fish in the sea and fresh waters, as 
 trout, salmon, and other fish to us unknown; also cod, which 
 alone draweth many nations thither, and is become the most 
 famous fishing of the world. Abundance of whales, for which 
 also is a very great trade in the bays of Placentia and the Grand 
 Bay, where is made train oil of the whale ; herring, the largest 
 that have been heard of, and exceeding the Malstrond herring 
 of Norway ; but hitherto was never benefit taken of the herring 
 fishing. There are sundry other fish very delicate, namely the 
 bonitos, lobsters, turbot, with others infinite not sought after; 
 oysters having pearl but not orient in colour ; I took it, by reason 
 they were not gathered in season. 
 
 Concerning the inland commodities, as well to be drawn from 
 this land, as from the exceeding large countries adjoining, there 
 is nothing which our east and northerly countries of Europe do 
 yield, but the like also may be made in them as plentifully by time 
 and industry ; namely, rosin, pitch, tar, soap-ashes, deal-board, 
 masts for ships, hides, furs, flax, hemp, corn, cables, cordage, 
 linen cloth, metals, and many more. All which the countries will 
 afford, and the soil is apt to yield. The trees for the most in those 
 south parts, are fir-trees, pine, and cypress, all yielding gum and 
 turpentine. Cherry trees bearing fruit no bigger than a small pea. 
 Also 'pear-trees, but fruitless. Other trees of some sorts to us un 
 known. The soil along the coast is not deep of earth, bringing 
 forth abundantly peason small, yet good feeding for cattle. Roses 
 passing sweet, like unto our musk roses in form, raspases, a berry 
 which we call hurts, good and wholesome to eat. The grass and 
 herb doth fat sheep in very short space, proved by English 
 merchants which have carried sheep thither for fresh victual and 
 had them raised exceeding fat in less than three weeks. Peason 
 which our countrymen have sown in the time of May, have come 
 up fair, and been gathered in the beginning of August, of which 
 our General had a present acceptable for the rareness, being the 
 first fruits coming up by art and industry in that desolate and dis- 
 habited land. Lakes or pools of fresh water, both on the tops* 
 of mountains and in the valleys, in which are said to be muscles 
 
1583] GILBERT. 195 
 
 not unlike to have pearl, which I had put in trial, if by mischance 
 falling unto me I had not been let from that and other good 
 experiments I was minded to make. Fowl both of water and land 
 in great plenty and diversity. All kinds of green fowl ; others as 
 big as bustards, yet not the same. A great white fowl called of 
 some a gaunt. Upon the land divers sorts of hawks, as falcons, 
 and others by report. Partridges most plentiful, larger than ours, 
 grey and white of colour, and rough-footed like doves, which our 
 men after one flight did kill with cudgels, they were so fat and 
 unable to fly. Birds some like blackbirds, linnets, canary birds, 
 and other very small. Beasts of sundry kinds, red deer, buffaloes, 
 or a beast as it seemeth by the tract and foot very large, in 
 manner of an ox. Bears, ounces or leopards, some greater and 
 some lesser, wolves, foxes, which to the northward a little further 
 are black, whose fur is esteemed in some countries of Europe very 
 rich. Otters, beavers, martins. And in the opinion of most men 
 that saw it, the General had brought unto him a sable alive, which 
 he sent unto his brother, Sir John Gilbert, Knight, of Devonshire, 
 but it was never delivered, as after I understood. We could not 
 observe the hundredth part of creatures in those unhabited lands ; 
 but these mentioned may induce us to glorify the magnificent God, 
 who hath superabundantly replenished the earth with creatures 
 serving for the use of man, though man hath not used the fifth 
 part of the same, which the more doth aggravate the fault and 
 foolish sloth in many of our nation, choosing rather to live in 
 directly, and very miserably to live and die within this realm 
 pestered with inhabitants, than to adventure as becometh men, to 
 obtain an habitation in those remote lands, in which nature very 
 prodigally doth minister unto men's endeavours, and for art to work 
 upon. For besides these already recounted and infinite more, the 
 mountains generally make shew of mineral substance ; iron very 
 common, lead, and somewhere copper. I will not aver of richer 
 metals; albeit by the circumstances following, more than hope 
 may be conceived thereof. 
 
 For amongst other charges given to inquire out the singularities 
 of this country, the General was most curious in the search of 
 metals, commanding the mineral-man and refiner especially to be 
 diligent. The same was a Saxon born, honest, and religious, 
 named Daniel, who after search brought at first some sort of ore, 
 seeming rather to be iron than other metal. The next time he 
 found ore, which with no small show of contentment he delivered 
 
 O 2 
 
196 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 unto the General, using protestation that if silver were the thing 
 which might satisfy the General and his followers, there it was, ad 
 vising him to seek no further ; the peril whereof he undertook upon 
 his life (as dear unto him as the crown of England unto her Majesty, 
 that I may use his own words) if it fell not out accordingly. 
 
 Myself at this instant likelier to die than to live, by a mis 
 chance, could not follow this confident opinion of our refiner to 
 my own satisfaction; but afterward demanding our General's 
 opinion therein, and to have some part of the ore, he replied, " Con 
 tent yourself, I have seen enough, and were it but to satisfy my 
 private humour, I would proceed no further. The promise unto 
 my friends, and necessity to bring also the south countries within 
 compass of my patent near expired, as we have already done these 
 north parts, do only persuade me further. And touching the ore, 
 I have sent it aboard, whereof I would have no speech to be made 
 so long as we remain within harbour ; here being both Portugals, 
 Biscayans, and Frenchmen, not far off, from whom must be kept 
 any bruit or muttering of such matter. When we are at sea proof 
 shall be made ; if it be our desire, we may return the sooner hither 
 again." Whose answer I judged reasonable, and contenting me 
 well ; wherewith I will conclude this narration and description of 
 the Newfoundland, and proceed to the rest of our voyage, which 
 ended tragically. 
 
 While the better sort of us were seriously occupied in repairing 
 our wants, and contriving of matters for the commodity of our 
 voyage, others of another sort and disposition were plotting of 
 mischief. Some casting to steal away our shipping by night, 
 watching opportunity by the Generals and Captains lying on the 
 shore; whose conspiracies discovered, they were prevented. 
 Others drew together in company, and carried away out of the 
 harbours adjoining a ship laden with fish, setting the poor men on 
 shore. A great many more of our people stole into the woods to 
 hide themselves, attending time and means to return home by 
 such shipping as daily departed from the coast. Some were sick 
 of fluxes, and many dead ; and in brief, by one means or other 
 our company was diminished, and many by the General licensed 
 to return home. Insomuch as after we had reviewed our people 
 resolved to see an end of our voyage, we grew scant of men to 
 furnish all our shipping ; it seemed good therefore unto the 
 General to leave the Swallow with such provision as might be 
 spared for transporting home the sick people. 
 
1583] GILBERT. 197 
 
 The Captain of the Delight or Admiral returned into England, 
 in whose stead was appointed Captain Maurice Browne, before 
 Captain of the Swallow ; who also brought with him into the 
 Delight all his men of the Swallow, which before have been noted 
 of outrage perpetrated and committed upon fishermen there met 
 at sea. 
 
 The General made choice to go in his frigate the Squirrel 
 (whereof the captain also was amongst them that returned into 
 England) the same frigate being most convenient to discover upon 
 the coast, and to search into every harbour or creek, which a 
 great ship could not do. Therefore the frigate was prepared with 
 her nettings and fights, and overcharged with bases and such 
 small ordnance, more to give a show, than with judgment to fore 
 see unto the safety of her and the men, which afterward was an 
 occasion also of their overthrow. 
 
 Now having made ready our shipping, that is to say, the Delight, 
 the Golden Hind, and the Squirrel, and put aboard our provision, 
 which was wines, bread or rusk, fish wet and dry, sweet oil, 
 besides many other, as marmalades, figs, lemons barrelled, and 
 such like. Also we had other necessary provisions for trimming 
 our ships, nets and lines to fish withal, boats or pinnaces fit for 
 discovery. In brief, we were supplied of our wants commodiously, 
 as if we had been in a country or some city populous and plentiful 
 of all things. 
 
 We departed from this harbour of St. John's upon Tuesday, the 
 20th of August, which we found by exact observation to be in 
 47 degrees 40 minutes. And the next day by night we were at 
 Cape Race, 25 leagues from the same harbour. This Cape lieth 
 south-south-west from St. John's ; it is a low land, being off from 
 the Cape about half a league ; within the sea riseth up a rock 
 against the point of the Cape, which thereby is easily known. It 
 is in latitude 46 degrees 25 minutes. Under this Cape we were 
 becalmed a small time, during which we laid out hooks and lines 
 to take cod, and drew in less than two hours fish so large and in 
 such abundance, that many days after we fed upon no other pro 
 vision. From hence we shaped our course unto the island of 
 Sablon, if conveniently it would so fall out, also directly to Cape 
 Breton. 
 
 Sablon lieth to the seaward of Cape Breton about twenty-five 
 leagues, whither we were determined to go upon intelligence we had 
 of a Portugal (during our abode in St. John's) who was himself pre- 
 
198 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 sent when the Portugals above thirty years past did put into the same 
 island both neat and swine to breed, which were since exceedingly 
 multiplied. This seemed unto us very happy tidings, to have in an 
 island lying so near unto the main, which we intended to plant 
 upon, such store of cattle, whereby we might at all times 
 conveniently be relieved of victual, and served of store to 
 breed. 
 
 In this course we trended along the coast, which from Cape 
 Race stretcheth into the north-west, making a bay which some 
 called Trepassa. Then it goeth out again towards the west, and 
 maketh a point, which with Cape Race lieth in manner east and 
 west. But this point inclineth to the north, to the west of which 
 goeth in the Bay of Placentia. We sent men on land to take 
 view of the soil along this coast, whereof they made good report, 
 and some of them had will to be planted there. They saw peas 
 growing in great abundance everywhere. 
 
 The distance between Cape Race and Cape Breton is eighty- 
 seven leagues ; in which navigation we spent eight days, having 
 many times the wind indifferent good, yet could we never attain 
 sight of any land all that time, seeing we were hindered by the 
 current. At last we fell into such flats and dangers, that hardly 
 any of us escaped ; where nevertheless we lost our Admiral with 
 all the men and provisions, not knowing certainly the place. 
 Yet for inducing men of skill to make conjecture, by our course 
 and way we held from Cape Race thither (that thereby the flats 
 and dangers may be inserted in sea cards, for warning to others 
 that may follow the same course hereafter), I have set down 
 the best reckonings that were kept by expert men, William 
 Cox, Master of the Hind, and John Paul, his mate, both of 
 Limehouse. Our course held in clearing us of these flats was 
 east-south-east, and south-east, and south, fourteen leagues, with a 
 marvellous scant wind. 
 
 Upon Tuesday, the 27th of August, toward the evening, our 
 General caused them in his frigate to sound, who found white 
 sand at thirty-five fathom, being then in latitude about forty-four 
 degrees. On Wednesday, towards night, the wind came south, and 
 we bare with the land all that night, west-north-west, contrary to the 
 mind of Master Cox; nevertheless we followed the Admiral, de 
 prived of power to prevent a mischief, which by no contradiction 
 could be brought to hold another course, alleging they could not 
 make the ship to work better, nor to lie otherways. The evening 
 
I5 8 3] GILBERT. 199 
 
 was fair and pleasant, yet not without token of storm to 
 ensue, and most part of this Wednesday night, like the swan 
 that singeth before her death, they in the Admiral, or Delight, 
 continued in sounding of trumpets, with drums and fifes; also 
 winding the cornets and hautboys, and in the end of their 
 jollity, left with the battle and ringing of doleful knells. To 
 wards the evening also we caught in the Golden Hind a very 
 mighty porpoise, with a harping iron, having first stricken divers 
 of them, and brought away part of their flesh sticking upon the 
 iron, but could recover only that one. These also passing through 
 the ocean in herds, did portend storm. I omit to recite frivolous 
 reports by them in the frigate, of strange voices, the same night, 
 which scared some from the helm. 
 
 On Thursday, the 29th of August, the wind rose, and blew 
 vehemently at south and by east, bringing withal rain and thick 
 mist, so that we could not see a cable's length before us; and 
 betimes in the morning we were altogether run and folded in 
 amongst flats and sands, amongst which we found shoal and deep 
 in every three or four ships' length, after we began to sound : but 
 first we were upon them unawares, until Master Cox looking out, 
 discerned, in his judgment, white cliffs, crying " Land," withal, 
 though we could not afterward descry any land, it being very 
 likely the breaking of the sea white, which seemed to be white 
 cliffs, through the haze and thick weather. 
 
 Immediately tokens were given unto the Delight, to cast about 
 to seaward, which, being the greater ship, and of burthen 120 
 tons, was yet foremost upon the breach, keeping so ill watch, 
 that they knew not the danger, before they felt the same, too 
 late to recover it ; for presently the Admiral struck aground, and 
 had soon after her stern and hinder parts beaten in pieces ; 
 whereupon the rest (that is to say the frigate, in which was the 
 General, and the Golden Hind) cast about east-south-east, bearing 
 to the south, even for our lives, into the wind's eye, because that 
 way carried us to the seaward. Making out from this danger, we 
 sounded one while seven fathoms, then five fathoms, then four 
 fathoms and less, again deeper, immediately four fathoms, then 
 but three fathoms, the sea going mightily and high. At last we 
 recovered (God be thanked) in some despair, to sea room 
 enough. 
 
 In this distress, we had vigilant eye unto the Admiral, whom 
 we saw cast away, without power to give the men succour, neither 
 
200 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 could we espy any of the men that leaped overboard to save 
 themselves, either in the same pinnace, or cock, or upon rafters, 
 and such like means, presenting themselves to men in those ex 
 tremities, for we desired to save the men by every possible means. 
 But all in vain, since God had determined their ruin ; yet all that 
 day, and part of the next, we beat up and down as near unto the 
 wreck as was possible for us, looking out if by good hap we might 
 espy any of them. 
 
 This was a heavy and grievous event, to lose at one blow our 
 chief ship freighted with great provision, gathered together with 
 much travail, care, long time, and difficulty. But more was 
 the loss of our men, which perished to the number almost of a 
 hundred souls. Amongst whom was drowned a learned man, a 
 Hungarian,* born in the city of Buda, called thereof Budaeus, who 
 of piety and zeal to good attempts, adventured in this action, 
 minding to record in the Latin tongue, the gests and things 
 worthy of remembrance, happening in this discovery, to the 
 honour of our nation, the same being adorned with the eloquent 
 style of this orator and rare poet of our time. 
 
 Here also perished our Saxon refiner and discoverer of ines 
 timable riches, as it was left amongst some of us in undoubted hope. 
 No less heavy was the loss of the Captain, Maurice Browne, a 
 virtuous, honest, and discreet gentleman, overseen only in liberty 
 given late before to men that ought to have been restrained, 
 who shewed himself a man resolved, and never unprepared for 
 death, as by his last act of this tragedy appeared, by report of 
 them that escaped this wreck miraculously, as shall be hereafter 
 declared. For when all hope was passed of recovering the ship, 
 and that men began to give over, and to save themselves, the 
 Captain was advised before to shift also for his life, by the pinnace 
 at the stern of the ship ; but refusing that counsel, he would not 
 give example with the first to leave the ship, but used all means 
 to exhort his people not to despair, nor so to leave off their labour, 
 choosing rather to die than to incur infamy by forsaking his charge, 
 which then might be thought to have perished through his default, 
 shewing an ill precedent unto his men, by leaving the ship first 
 himself. With this mind he mounted upon the highest deck, 
 where he attended imminent death, and unavoidable ; how long, 
 
 * Stephen Parmenius. 
 
1583] GILBERT. 201 
 
 I leave it to God, who withdraweth not his comfort from his 
 servants at such times. 
 
 In the mean season, certain, to the number of fourteen persons, 
 leaped into a small pinnace (the bigness of a Thames barge, 
 which was made in Newfoundland) cut off the rope wherewith 
 it was towed, and committed themselves to God's mercy, amidst 
 the storm, and rage of sea and winds, destitute of food, not so much 
 as a drop of fresh water. The boat seeming overcharged in foul 
 weather with company, Edward Headly, a valiant soldier, and well 
 reputed of his company, preferring the greater to the lesser, 
 thought better that some of them perished than all, made this 
 motion to cast lots, and them to be thrown overboard upon whom 
 the lots fell, thereby to lighten the boat, which otherways seemed 
 impossible to live, offered himself with the first, content to take 
 his adventure gladly : which nevertheless Richard Clarke, that was 
 master of the Admiral, and one of this number, refused, advising 
 to abide God's pleasure, who was able to save all, as well as 
 a few. 
 
 The boat was carried before the wind, continuing six days 
 and nights in the ocean, and arrived at last with the men (alive, 
 but weak) upon the Newfoundland, saving that the foresaid 
 Headly, (who had been late sick) and another called of us Brasile, 
 of his travel into those countries, died by the way, famished, and 
 less able to hold out than those of better health. For such 
 was these poor men's extremity, in cold and wet, to have no 
 better sustenance than their own urine, for six days together. 
 
 Thus whom God delivered from drowning, he appointed to be 
 famished, who doth give limits to man's times, and ordaineth 
 the manner and circumstance of dying: whom again he will 
 preserve, neither sea nor famine can confound. For those that 
 arrived upon the Newfoundland, were brought into France by 
 certain Frenchmen, then being upon the coast. 
 
 After this heavy chance, we continued in beating the sea up 
 and down, expecting when the weather would clear up that we 
 might yet bear in with the land, which we judged not far off 
 either the continent or some island. For we many times, and in 
 sundry places found ground at fifty, forty-five, forty fathoms, and 
 less. The ground coming upon our lead, being sometime oozy 
 sand and other while a broad shell, with a little sand about it. 
 
 Our people lost courage daily after this ill success, the weather 
 continuing thick and blustering, with increase of cold, winter 
 
202 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 drawing on, which took from them all hope of amendment, settling 
 an assurance of worse weather to grow upon us every day. The 
 leeside of us lay full of flats and dangers inevitable, if the wind 
 blew hard at south. Some again doubted we were ingulfed in 
 the Bay of St. Lawrence, the coast full of dangers, and unto 
 us unknown. But above all, provision waxed scant, and hope 
 of supply was gone with loss of our Admiral. 
 
 Those in the frigate were already pinched with spare allowance, 
 and want of clothes chiefly: Whereupon they besought the 
 General to return to England, before they all perished. And 
 to them of the Golden Hind, they made signs of their distress, 
 pointing to their mouths, and to their clothes thin and ragged: 
 then immediately they also of the Golden Hind grew to be of 
 the same opinion and desire to return home. 
 
 The former reasons having also moved the General to have 
 compassion of his poor men, in whom he saw no want of good 
 will, but of means fit to perform the action they came for, resolved 
 upon retiring: and calling the captain and master of the Hind, 
 he yielded them many reasons, enforcing this unexpected return, 
 withal protesting himself greatly satisfied with that he had seen 
 and knew already. Reiterating these words, " Be content, we have 
 seen enough, and take no care of expense past: I will set you 
 forth royally the next spring, if God send us safe home. Therefore 
 I pray you let us no longer strive here, where we fight against the 
 elements." 
 
 Omitting circumstance, how unwillingly the captain and master 
 of the Hind condescended to this motion, his own company can 
 testify : yet comforted with the General's promise of a speedy 
 return at spring, and induced by other apparent reasons, proving 
 an impossibility to accomplish the action at that time, it was 
 concluded on all hands to retire. 
 
 So upon Saturday in the afternoon of the 3ist of August, we 
 changed our course, and returned back for England, at which very- 
 instant, even in winding about, there passed along between us 
 and towards the land which we now forsook a very lion to our 
 seeming, in shape, hair, and colour, not swimming after the manner 
 of a beast by moving of his feet, but rather sliding upon the 
 water with his whole body (excepting the legs) in sight, neither 
 yet diving under, and again rising above the water, as the manner 
 is of whales, dolphins, tunnies, porpoises, and all other fish : but 
 confidently showing himself above water without hiding: not- 
 
1583] GILBERT. 203 
 
 withstanding, we presented ourselves in open view and gesture 
 to amaze him, as all creatures will be commonly at a sudden gaze 
 and sight of men. Thus he passed along turning his head to and 
 fro, yawning and gaping wide, with ugly demonstration of long 
 teeth, and glaring eyes, and to bid us a farewell (coming right 
 against the Hind) he sent forth a horrible voice, roaring or 
 bellowing as doth a lion, which spectacle we all beheld so far 
 as we were able to discern the same, as men prone to wonder 
 at every strange thing, as this doubtless was, to see a lion in the 
 ocean sea, or fish in shape of a lion. What opinion others had 
 thereof, and chiefly the General himself, I forbear to deliver: 
 But he took it for Bonum Omen, rejoicing that he was to war 
 against such an enemy, if it were the devil. The wind was large 
 for England at our return, but very high, and the sea rough, 
 insomuch as the frigate wherein the General went was almost 
 swallowed up. 
 
 Monday in the afternoon we passed in the sight of Cape Race, 
 having made as much way in little more than two days and nights 
 back again, as before we had done in eight days from Cape Race 
 unto the place where our ship perished. Which hindrance thither 
 ward, and speed back again, is to be imputed unto the swift 
 current, as well as to the winds, which we had more large in our 
 return. This Monday the General came aboard the Hind, to have 
 the surgeon of the Hind to dress his foot, which he hurt by treading 
 upon a nail : At what time we comforted each other with hope 
 of hard success to be all past, and of the good to come. So 
 agreeing to carry out lights always by night, that we might keep 
 together, he departed into his frigate, being by no means to be 
 entreated to tarry in the Hind, which had been more for his 
 security. Immediately after followed a sharp storm, which we 
 overpassed for that time, praised be God. 
 
 The weather fair, the General came aboard the Hind again, to 
 make merry together with the captain, master, and company, which 
 was the last meeting, and continued there from morning until night. 
 During which time there passed sundry discourses, touching affairs 
 past, and to come, lamenting greatly the loss of his great ship, 
 more of the men, but most of all his books and notes, and what 
 else I know not, for which he was out of measure grieved, the 
 same doubtless being some matter of more importance than his 
 books, which I could not draw from him : yet by circumstances I 
 gathered the same to be the ore which Daniel the Saxon had 
 
204 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 brought unto him in the Newfoundland. Whatsoever it was, 
 the remembrance touched him so deep as, not able to contain 
 himself, he beat his boy in great rage, even at the same time, 
 so long after the miscarrying of the great ship, because upon a 
 fair bay, when we were becalmed upon the coast of the New 
 foundland, near unto Cape Race, he sent his boy aboard the 
 Admiral, to fetch certain things : amongst which, this being chief, 
 was yet forgotten and left behind. After which time he could never 
 conveniently send again aboard the great ship, much less he 
 doubted her ruin so near at hand. 
 
 Herein my opinion was better confirmed diversely, and by sundry 
 conjectures, which maketh me have the greater hope of this rich 
 mine. For whereas the General had never before good conceit of 
 these north parts of the world : now his mind was wholly fixed 
 upon the Newfoundland. And as before he refused not to grant 
 assignments liberally to them that required the same into these 
 north parts, now he became contrarily affected, refusing to make 
 any so large grants, especially of St. John's, which certain English 
 merchants made suit for, offering to employ their money and 
 travel upon the same : yet neither by their own suit, nor of others 
 of his own company, whom he seemed willing to pleasure, it could 
 be obtained. Also laying down his determination in the spring 
 following for disposing of his voyage then to be re-attempted : 
 he assigned the captain and master of the Golden Hind unto 
 the south discovery, and reserved unto himself the north, affirming 
 that this voyage had won his heart from the south, and that he was 
 now become a northern man altogether. 
 
 Last, being demanded what means he had at his arrival in 
 England to compass the charges of so great preparation as he in 
 tended to make the next spring, having determined upon two 
 fleets, one for the south, another for the north, "Leave that to 
 me," he replied, " I will ask a penny of no man. I will bring 
 good tidings unto Her Majesty, who will be so gracious to lend me 
 10,000 pounds," willing us therefore to be of good cheer; for he 
 did thank God, he said, with all his heart for that he had seen, the 
 same being enough for us all, and that we needed not to seek any 
 further. And these last words he would often repeat, with demon 
 stration of great fervency of mind, being himself very confident 
 and settled in belief of inestimable good by this voyage, which the 
 greater number of his followers nevertheless mistrusted altogether, 
 not being made partakers of those secrets, which the General kept 
 
1583] GILBERT. 205 
 
 unto himself. Yet all of them that are living may be witnesses of 
 his words and protestations, which sparingly I have delivered. 
 
 Leaving the issue of this good hope unto God, who knoweth the 
 truth only, and can at His good pleasure bring the same to light, 
 I will hasten to the end of this tragedy, which must be knit up in 
 the person of our General. And as it was God's ordinance upon 
 him, even so the vehement persuasion and entreaty of his friends 
 could nothing avail to divert him of a wilful resolution of going 
 through in his frigate, which was overcharged upon their decks 
 with fights, nettings, and small artillery, too cumbersome for so 
 small a boat, that was to pass through the ocean sea at that season 
 of the year, when by course we might expect much storm of foul 
 weather, whereof, indeed, we had enough. 
 
 But when he was entreated by the captain, master, and other 
 his well-willers of the Hind not to venture in the frigate, this was 
 his answer : " I will not forsake my little company going home 
 ward, with whom I have passed so many storms and perils." And 
 in very truth he was urged to be so over hard by hard reports 
 given of him that he was afraid of the sea, albeit this was rather 
 rashness than advised resolution, to prefer the wind of a vain 
 report to the weight of his own life. Seeing he would not bend 
 to reason, he had provision out of the Hind, such as was wanting 
 aboard his frigate. And so we committed him to God's protection, 
 and set him aboard his pinnace, we being more than 300 leagues 
 onward of our way home. 
 
 By that time we had brought the Islands of Azores south of us; 
 yet we then keeping much to the north, until we had got into the 
 height and elevation of England, we met with very foul weather 
 and terrible seas, breaking short and high, pyramid-wise. The 
 reason whereof seemed to proceed either of hilly grounds high 
 and low within the sea (as we see hills and vales upon the land), 
 upon which the seas do mount and fall, or else the cause pro- 
 ceedeth of diversity of winds, shifting often in sundry points, all 
 which having power to move the great ocean, which again is not 
 presently settled, so many seas do encounter together, as there had 
 been diversity of winds. Howsoever it cometh to pass, men which 
 all their lifetime had occupied the sea never saw more outrageous 
 seas. We had also upon our mainyard an apparition of a little fire 
 by night, which seamen do call Castor and Pollux. But we had 
 only one, which they take an evil sign of more tempest. The 
 same is usual in storms. 
 
206 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1583 
 
 On Monday, the Qth of September, in the afternoon, the frigate 
 was near cast away, oppressed by waves, yet at that time re 
 covered ; and giving forth signs of joy, the General sitting abaft 
 with a book in his hand, cried out to us in the Hind (so oft as we 
 did approach within hearing), " We are as near to heaven by sea 
 as by land," reiterating the same speech, well beseeming a soldier 
 resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can testify he was. 
 
 On the same Monday night, about twelve o'clock, or not long 
 after, the frigate being ahead of us in the Golden Hind, suddenly 
 her lights were out, whereof as it were in a moment we lost the 
 sight, and withal our watch cried the General was cast away, 
 which was too true ; for in that moment the frigate was devoured 
 and swallowed up of the sea. Yet still we looked out all that night 
 and ever after, until we arrived upon the coast of England, 
 omitting no small sail at sea, unto which we gave not the tokens 
 between us agreed upon to have perfect knowledge of each other, 
 if we should at any time be separated. 
 
 In great torment of weather and peril of drowning it pleased 
 God to send safe home the Golden Hind, which arrived in Fal- 
 mouth on the 22nd of September, being Sunday, not without as 
 great danger escaped in a flaw, coming from the south-east, with 
 such thick mist that we could not discern land to put in right with 
 the haven. 
 
 From Falmouth we went to Dartmouth, and lay there at anchor 
 before the Range, while the Captain went aland to enquire if there 
 had been any news of the frigate, which, sailing well, might 
 happily have been before us. Also to certify Sir John Gilbert, 
 brother unto the . General, of our hard success, whom the Captain 
 desired (while his men were yet aboard him, and were witnesses 
 of all occurrences in that voyage) it might please him to take the 
 examination of every person particularly, in discharge of his and 
 their faithful endeavour. Sir John Gilbert refused so to do, hold 
 ing himself satisfied with report made by the Captain, and not 
 altogether despairing of his brother's safety, offered friendship and 
 courtesy to the Captain and his company, requiring to have his 
 barque brought into the harbour; in furtherance whereof a boat 
 was sent to help to tow her in. 
 
 Nevertheless, when the Captain returned aboard his ship, he 
 found his men bent to depart every man to his home ; and then 
 the wind serving to proceed higher upon the coast, they demanded 
 money to cany them home, some to London, others to Harwich, 
 
1583] GILBERT. 207 
 
 and elsewhere (if the barque should be carried into Dartmouth 
 and they discharged so far from home), or else to take benefit of 
 the wind, then serving to draw nearer home, which should be a 
 less charge unto the Captain, and great ease unto the men, having 
 else far to go. 
 
 Reason accompanied with necessity persuaded the Captain, who 
 sent his lawful excuse and cause of this sudden departure unto Sir 
 John Gilbert, by the boat of Dartmouth, and from thence the 
 Golden Hind departed and took harbour at Weymouth. All the 
 men tired with the tediousness of so unprofitable a voyage to their 
 seeming, in which their long expense of time, much toil and 
 labour, hard diet, and continual hazard of life was unrecompensed ; 
 their Captain nevertheless by his great charges impaired greatly 
 thereby, yet comforted in the goodness of God, and His undoubted 
 providence following him in all that voyage, as it doth always those 
 at other times whosoever have confidence in Him alone. Yet have 
 we more near feeling and perseverance of His powerful hand and 
 protection when God doth bring us together with others into one 
 same peril, in which He leaveth them and delivereth us, making us 
 thereby the beholders, but not partakers of their ruin. 
 
 Even so, amongst very many difficulties, discontentments, 
 mutinies, conspiracies, sicknesses, mortality, spoilings, and wrecks 
 by sea, which were afflictions, more than in so small a fleet or 
 so short a time may be supposed, howbeit true in every particu 
 larity, as partly by the former relation may be collected, and some 
 I suppressed with silence for their sakes living, it pleased God to 
 support this company, of which only one man died of a malady 
 inveterate, and long infested, the rest kept together in reasonable 
 contentment and concord, beginning, continuing, and ending the 
 voyage, which none else did accomplish, either not pleased with 
 the action, or impatient of wants, or prevented by death. 
 
 Thus have I delivered the contents of the enterprise and last 
 action of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Knight, faithfully, for so much as 
 I thought meet to be published, wherein may always appear 
 (though he be extinguished) some sparks of his virtues, he re 
 maining firm and resolute in a purpose by all pretence honest and 
 godly, as was this, to discover, possess, and to reduce unto the 
 service of God and Christian piety those remote and heathen 
 countries of America not actually possessed by Christians, and 
 most rightly appertaining unto the Crown of England : unto the 
 which, as his zeal deserveth high commendation, even so he may 
 
208 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 justly be taxed of temerity and presumption (rather) in two 
 respects. 
 
 First, when yet there was only probability, not a certain and 
 determinate place of habitation selected, neither any demonstra 
 tion of commodity there in esse, to induce his followers, neverthe 
 less, he both was too prodigal of his own patrimony and too 
 careless of other men's expenses to employ both his and their 
 substance upon a ground imagined good. The which falling, very 
 like his associates were promised, and made it their best reckon 
 ing to be salved some other way, which pleased not God to 
 prosper in his first and great preparation. 
 
 Secondly, when by his former preparation he was enfeebled of 
 ability and credit to perform his designments, as it were impatient 
 to abide in expectation better opportunity and means, which God 
 might raise, he thrust himself again into the action, for which he 
 was not fit, presuming the cause pretended on God's behalf would 
 carry him to the desired end. Into which, having thus made re 
 entry, he could not yield again to withdraw, though he saw no 
 encouragement to proceed, lest his credit, foiled in his first 
 attempt, in a second should utterly be disgraced. Between ex 
 tremities he made a right adventure, putting all to God and good 
 fortune, and, which was worst, refused not to entertain every 
 person and means whatsoever, to furnish out this expedition, the 
 success whereof hath been declared. 
 
 But such is the infinite bounty of God, who from every evil 
 deriveth good. For besides that fruit may grow in time of our 
 travelling into those north-west lands, the crosses, turmoils, and 
 afflictions, both in the preparation and execution of this voyage, 
 did correct the intemperate humours which before we noted to be 
 in this gentleman, and made unsavory and less delightful his other 
 manifold virtues. Then as he was refined, and made nearer- 
 drawing unto the image of God, so it pleased the Divine will to 
 resume him unto Himself, whither both his and every other high 
 and noble mind have always aspired. 
 
AMADAS AND BARLOW. 209 
 
 AM ADAS AND BARLOW. 
 
 TAKING advantage of the death of his half-brother, Raleigh 
 obtained in March, 1584, a new lease, for six years, of North 
 American enterprise. He resolved that there should be little 
 delay in giving it effect. Before April was over, two barques had 
 quitted Plymouth for the purpose of taking possession of some 
 fitting spot for a colony between Florida and Newfoundland. 
 Raleigh directed that the northern route of Gilbert should 
 be abandoned. American enterprise had thus early divided 
 itself, in accordance with the physical condition of the Atlantic 
 Ocean, into northern and southern. Gilbert, as we have seen, 
 had declared himself in favour of the former: and his choice 
 was justified, in the next generation, by the success which 
 attended the French colonists on the St. Lawrence, and the 
 English in New England. But Raleigh had derived from his 
 reading of the Spanish histories a strong predilection for the 
 richer and more romantic south: and accordingly his two 
 skippers, Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlow, took the old 
 route by the Canaries, and made the continent of North 
 America in the latitude of North Carolina. They touched 
 successively at the island of Wocokon (Ocracoke) at the 
 entrance of Pamlico Sound, and at that of Roanoke, farther 
 northward, near the mouth of Albemarle Sound, spent some 
 weeks in viewing the country and trafficking with the natives, 
 and then returned to England, with the report embodied in 
 
 p 
 
210 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 the narrative of Barlow which is here printed. The Queen 
 was delighted with the prospect of an English settlement in 
 this desirable land, and gave it the name of Virginia. In the 
 next year (1585) Grenville, Lane, and Hariot, sailed for 
 Roanoke, with a hundred and eighty persons, and there 
 established the first English colony in America. It proved 
 to be only temporary. Instead of cultivating the soil, the 
 emigrants spent their time in the fruitless quest of the precious 
 metals; their stores failed, and no provisions reached them from 
 home; and, finally, the remnant of the colony was brought 
 back to England by Drake in 1586, in the circumstances which 
 appear in the next narrative. This original settlement of 
 " Virginia" was made within the limits of what afterwards 
 became the State of North Carolina. The shores of the 
 James River and of Chesapeake Bay, afterwards so famous 
 under the name bestowed by Elizabeth on her American 
 colony, remained unvisited for twenty years longer. 
 
1584] AMADAS AND BARLOW. 211 
 
 AMADAS AND BARLOW'S VOYAGE. 
 
 The First Voyage made to the coasts of AMERICA, with two 
 barques, wherein were Captains MR. PHILIP AMADAS, 
 and MR. ARTHUR BARLOW, who discovered part of 
 the country now called VIRGINIA, Anno Domini 1584. 
 Written by one of the said captains, and sent to SIR WALTER 
 RALEIGH, knight, at whose charge and direction the said 
 voyage was set forth. 
 
 ON the 27th day of April, in the year of our redemption 1584, 
 we departed the west of England, with two barques well furnished 
 with men and victuals, having received our last and perfect direc 
 tions by your letters, confirming the former instructions and com 
 mandments delivered by yourself at our leaving the river of 
 Thames. And I think it a matter both unnecessary for the 
 manifest discovery of the country, as also for tediousness sake, 
 to remember unto you the diurnal of our course, sailing thither 
 and returning; only I have presumed to present unto you this 
 brief discourse, by which you may judge how profitable this land 
 is likely to succeed, as well to yourself (by whose direction and 
 charge, and by whose servants this our discovery hath been per 
 formed), as also to Her Highness and the Commonwealth, in 
 which we hope your wisdom will be satisfied, considering that as 
 much by us hath been brought to light as by those small means 
 and number of men we had could any way have been expected, or 
 hoped for. 
 
 On the loth of May we arrived at the Canaries, and the loth 
 of June in this present year, we were fallen with the islands of 
 the West Indies, keeping a more south-easterly course than was 
 
 P 2 
 
212 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1584 
 
 needful, because we doubted that the current of the Bay of 
 Mexico, disboguing between the Cape of Florida and Havana, 
 had been of greater force than afterwards we found it to be. At 
 which islands we found the air very unwholesome, and our men 
 grew for the most part ill-disposed: so that having refreshed 
 ourselves with sweet water and fresh victual, we departed the 
 twelfth day of our arrival here. These islands, with the rest 
 adjoining, are so well known to yourself, and to many others, as I 
 will not trouble you with the remembrance of them. 
 
 On the 2nd of July we found shoal water, where we smelt so 
 sweet and so strong a smell, as if we had been in the midst of 
 some delicate garden, abounding with all kind of odoriferous 
 flowers, by which we were assured that the land could not be 
 far distant. And keeping good watch and bearing but slack sail, 
 the 4th of the same month we arrived upon the coast, which we 
 supposed to be a continent and firm land, and we sailed along 
 the same 120 English miles before we could find any entrance, 
 or river issuing into the sea. The first that appeared unto us 
 we entered, though not without some difficulty, and cast anchor 
 about three arquebuse : shot within the haven's mouth, on the left 
 hand of the same; and after thanks given to God for our safe 
 arrival thither, we manned our boats, and went to view the land 
 next adjoining, and to take possession of the same in the right 
 of the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty, as rightful Queen and 
 Princess of the same, and after delivered the same over to your 
 use, according to Her Majesty's grant and letters patent, under 
 Her Highness's great Seal. Which being performed, according 
 to the ceremonies used in such enterprises, we viewed the land 
 about us, being, whereas we first landed, very sandy and low 
 towards the water's side, but so full of grapes as the very beating 
 and surge of the sea overflowed them ; of which we found such 
 plenty, as well there as in all places else, both on the sand and 
 on the green soil on the hills, as in the plains, as well on every 
 little shrub, as also climbing towards the tops of high cedars, 
 that I think in all the world the like abundance is not to be 
 found : and myself having seen those parts of Europe that most 
 abound, find such difference as were incredible to be written. 
 
 We passed from the sea side towards the tops of those hills 
 next adjoining, being but of mean height; and from thence we 
 beheld the sea on both sides to the north and to the south, 
 finding no end of any both ways. This land lay stretching itself 
 
1854] AMADAS AND BARLOW. 213 
 
 to the west, which after we found to be but an island of twenty 
 miles long, and not above six miles broad. Under the bank or 
 hill whereon we stood, we beheld the valleys replenished with 
 goodly cedar trees, and having discharged our arquebuse-shot, 
 such a flock of cranes (the most part white) arose under us, with 
 such a cry redoubled by many echoes, as if an army of men had 
 shouted altogether. 
 
 This island had many goodly woods full of deer, coneys, hares 
 and fowl, even in the midst of summer, in incredible abundance. 
 The woods are not such as you find in Bohemia, Muscovy, or 
 Hercynia, barren and fruitless, but the highest and reddest cedars 
 of the world, far bettering the cedars of the Azores, of the Indies, 
 or Libanus, pines, cypress, sassafras, the lentisk, or the tree that 
 beareth the mastic, the tree that beareth the rind of black cinna 
 mon, of which Master Winter brought from the Straits of 
 Magellan, and many other of excellent smell and quality. We 
 remained by the side of this island two whole days before we 
 saw any people of the country. The third day we espied one 
 small boat rowing towards us, having in it three persons. This 
 boat came to the island side, four arquebuse-shot from our ships ; 
 and there two of the people remaining, the third came along the 
 shore side towards us, and we being then all within board, he 
 walked up and down upon the point of the land next unto us. 
 Then the Master and the Pilot of the Admiral, Simon Ferdinando, 
 and the Captain, Philip Amadas, myself, and others, rowed to the 
 land, whose coming this fellow attended, never making any show 
 of fear or doubt. And after he had spoken of many things not 
 understood by us, we brought him, with his own good liking, 
 aboard the ships, and gave him a shirt, a hat, and some other 
 things, and made him taste of our wine, and our meat, which he 
 liked very well; and, after having viewed both barques, he de 
 parted, and went to his own boat again, which he had left in a 
 little cove or creek adjoining. As soon as he was two bow-shot 
 into the water he fell to fishing, and in less than half-an-hour he 
 had laden his boat as deep as it could swim, with which he 
 came again to the point of the land, and there he divided his 
 fish into two parts, pointing one part to the ship and the other 
 to the pinnace ; which, after he had (as much he might) requited 
 the former benefits received, departed out of our sight. 
 
 The next day there came unto us divers boats, and in one of 
 them the King's brother accompanied with forty or fifty men, very 
 
214 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1584 
 
 handsome and goodly people, and in their behaviour as mannerly 
 and civil as any of Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the 
 King is called Wingina ; the country, Wingandacoa ; and now by 
 Her Majesty, Virginia. The manner of his coming was in this 
 sort : He left his boats altogether, as the first man did, a little from 
 the ships by the shore, and came along to the place over against 
 the ships, followed with forty men. When he came to the place, 
 his servants spread a long mat upon the ground, on which he sat 
 down, and at the other end of the mat four others of his company 
 did the like ; the rest of his men stood round about him somewhat 
 afar off. When we came to the shore to him, with our weapons, he 
 never moved from his place, nor any of the other four, nor never 
 mistrusted any harm to be offered from us; but, sitting still, he 
 beckoned us to come and sit by him, which we performed ; and, 
 being set, he made all signs of joy and welcome, striking on his 
 head and his breast and afterwards on ours, to shew we were all 
 one, smiling and making shew the best he could of all love and fa 
 miliarity. After he had made a long speech unto us we presented 
 him with divers things, which he received very joyfully and thank 
 fully. None of the company durst speak one word all the time ; 
 only the four which were at the other end spake one in the other's 
 ear very softly. 
 
 The King is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children reve 
 renced. The King himself in person was at our being there sore 
 wounded in a fight which he had with the King of the next country, 
 called Piemacum, and was shot in two places through the body, 
 and once clean through the thigh, but yet he recovered ; by reason 
 whereof, and for that he lay at the chief town of the country, being 
 six day's journey off, we saw him not at all. 
 
 After we had presented this his brother with such things as we 
 thought he liked, we likewise gave somewhat to the other that sat. 
 with him on the mat. But presently he arose and took all from them 
 and put it into his own basket, making signs and tokens that all 
 things ought to be delivered unto him, and the rest were but his 
 servants and followers. A day or two after this we fell to trading 
 with them, exchanging some things that we had for chamois, buff, 
 and deer skins. When we shewed him all our packet of merchan 
 dise, of all things that he saw a bright tin dish most pleased him, 
 which he presently took up and clapt it before his breast, and after 
 made a hole in the brim thereof and hung it about his neck, making 
 signs that it would defend him against his enemies' arrows. For 
 
1584] AMADAS AND BARLOW. 21$ 
 
 those people maintain a deadly and terrible war with the people 
 and King adjoining. We exchanged our tin dish for twenty skins, 
 worth twenty crowns or twenty nobles ; and a copper kettle for 
 fifty skins, worth fifty crowns. They offered us good exchange for 
 our hatchets and axes and for knives, and would have given any 
 thing for swords ; but we would not depart with any. After two or 
 three days the King's brother came aboard the ships and drank 
 wine, and eat of our meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly 
 thereof. And after a few days overpassed, he brought his wife with 
 him to the ships, his daughter, and two or three children. His 
 wife was very well-favoured, of mean stature, and very bashful. 
 She had on her back a long cloak of leather, with the fur side next 
 to her body, and before her a piece of the same. About her fore 
 head she had a band of white coral, and so had her husband many 
 times. In her ears she had bracelets of pearls hanging down to her 
 middle (whereof we delivered your worship a little bracelet), and 
 those were of the bigness of good peas. The rest of her women 
 of the better sort had pendants of copper hanging in either ear, 
 and some of the children of the King's brother and other noble 
 men have five or six in either ear ; he himself had upon his head a 
 broad plate of gold or copper ; for, being unpolished, we knew not 
 what metal it should be, neither would he by any means suffer us 
 to take it off his head, but feeling it, it would bow very easily. His 
 apparel was as his wife's, only the women wear their hair long on 
 both sides, and the men but on one. They are of colour yellowish, 
 and their hair black for the most part ; and yet we saw children 
 that had very fine auburn and chestnut-coloured hair. 
 
 After that these women had been there, there came down from 
 all parts great store of people, bringing with them leather, coral, 
 divers kinds of dyes very excellent, and exchanged with us. But 
 when Granganimeo, the King's brother, was present, none durst 
 trade but himself, except such as wear red pieces of copper on 
 their heads like himself; for that is the difference between the 
 noblemen and the governors of countries, and the meaner sort. 
 And we both noted there, and you have understood since by these 
 men which we brought home, that no people in the world carry 
 more respect to their King, nobility, and governors than these do. 
 The King's brother's wife, when she came to us (as she did many 
 times), was followed with forty or fifty women always. And when 
 she came into the ship she left them all on land, saving her two 
 daughters, her nurse, and one or two more. The King's brother 
 
2l6 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1584 
 
 always kept this order : as many boats as he would come withal to 
 the ships, so many fires would he make on the shore afar off, to the 
 end we might understand with what strength and company he 
 approached. Their boats are made of one tree, either of pine or 
 pitch-trees, a wood not commonly known to our people, nor found 
 growing in England. They have no edge-tools to make them 
 withal ; if they have any they are very few, and those, it seems, 
 they had twenty years since, which, as those two men declared, 
 was out of a wreck which happened upon their coast of some 
 Christian ship, being beaten that way by some storm and outrage 
 ous weather, whereof none of the people were saved, but only the 
 ship, or some part of her, being cast upon the sand, out of whose 
 sides they drew the nails and the spikes, and with those they 
 made their best instruments. The manner of making their boats 
 is thus : they burn down some great tree, or take such as are wind- 
 fallen, and, putting gum and rozin upon one side thereof, they set 
 fire into it, and when it hath burnt it hollow they cut out the coal 
 with their shells, and ever where they would burn it deeper or 
 wider they lay on gums, which burn away the timber, and by this 
 means they fashion very fine boats, and such as will transport 
 twenty men. Their oars are like scoops, and many times they set 
 with long poles, as the depth serveth. 
 
 The King's brother had great liking of our armour, a sword, and 
 divers other things which we had ; and offered to lay a great box 
 of pearl in gage for them ; but we refused it for this time, because 
 we would not make them know that we esteemed thereof, until we 
 had understood in what places of the country the pearl grew, which 
 now your worship doth very well understand. 
 
 He was very just of his promise : for many times we delivered 
 him merchandise upon his word, but ever he came within the day 
 and performed his promise. He sent us every day a brace or two 
 of fat bucks, coneys, hares, fish the best of the world. He sent us 
 divers kinds of fruits, melons, walnuts, cucumbers, gourds, peas, 
 and divers roots, and fruits very excellent good, and of their 
 country corn, which is very white, fair, and well tasted, and 
 groweth three times in five months : in May they sow, in July they 
 reap ; in June they sow, in August they reap ; in July they sow, in 
 September they reap. Only they cast the corn into the ground, 
 breaking a little of the soft turf with a wooden mattock or pickaxe. 
 Ourselves proved the soil, and put some of our peas in the ground, 
 and in ten days they were of fourteen inches high. They have also 
 
1584] AMADAS AND BARLOW. 2iy 
 
 beans very fair, of divers colours, and wonderful plenty, some 
 growing naturally and some in their gardens; and so have they 
 both wheat and oats. 
 
 The soil is the most plentiful, sweet, fruitful, and wholesome of 
 all the world. There are above fourteen several sweet-smelling 
 timber-trees, and the most part of their underwoods are bays and 
 suchlike. They have those oaks that we have, but far greater and 
 better. After they had been divers times aboard our ships, myself 
 with seven more went twenty mile into the river that runneth to 
 ward the city of Skicoak, which river they call Occam ; and the 
 evening following we came to an island which they call Roanoke, 
 distant from the harbour by which we entered seven leagues ; and 
 at the north end thereof was a village of nine houses built of 
 cedar and fortified round about with sharp trees to keep out their 
 enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turnpike very arti 
 ficially. When we came towards it, standing near unto the water's 
 side, the wife of Granganimeo, the King's brother, came running 
 out to meet us very cheerfully and friendly. Her husband was not 
 then in the village. Some of her people she commanded to draw 
 our boat on shore, for the beating of the billow. Others she ap 
 pointed to carry us on their backs to the dry ground, and others to 
 bring our oars into the house for fear of stealing. When we were 
 come into the outer room (having five rooms in her house) she 
 caused us to sit down by a great fire, and after took off our clothes 
 and washed them and dried them again. Some of the women 
 plucked off our stockings and washed them, some washed our feet 
 in warm water, and she herself took great pains to see all things 
 ordered in the best manner she could, making great haste to dress 
 some meat for us to eat. 
 
 After we had thus dried ourselves, she brought us into the 
 inner room, where she set on the board standing along the house 
 some wheat-like fermenty, sodden venison, and roasted, fish 
 sodden, boiled, and roasted, melons raw and sodden, roots of 
 divers kinds, and divers fruits. Their drink is commonly water, 
 but while the grape lasteth they drink wine, and for want of 
 casks to keep it all the year after they drink water; but it is 
 sodden with ginger in it, and black cinnamon, and sometimes 
 sassafras, and divers other wholesome and medicinal herbs and 
 trees. We were entertained with all love and kindness, and with 
 as much bounty (after their manner) as they could possibly 
 devise. We found the people most gentle, loving, and faithful, 
 
2l8 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1584 
 
 void of all guile and treason, and such as live after the manner 
 of the golden age. The people only care how to defend them 
 selves from the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves 
 with such meat as the soil affordeth; their meat is very well 
 sodden, and they make broth very sweet and savory. Their 
 vessels are earthen pots, very large, white, and sweet ; their 
 dishes are wooden platters of sweet timber. Within the place 
 where they feed was their lodging, and within that their idol, 
 which they worship, of whom they speak incredible things. While 
 we were at meat, there came in at the gates two or three men 
 with their bows and arrows from hunting, whom when we espied 
 we began to look one towards the other, and offered to reach our 
 weapons : but as soon as she espied our mistrust, she was very 
 much moved, and caused some of her men to run out, and take 
 away their bows and arrows and brake them, and withal beat the 
 poor fellows out of the gate again. When we departed in the 
 evening and would not tarry all night, she was very sorry, and gave 
 us into our boat our supper half-dressed, pots and all, and brought 
 us to our boat's-side, in which we lay all night, removing the same a 
 pretty distance from the shore ; she perceiving our jealousy, was 
 much grieved, and sent divers men and thirty women to sit all 
 night on the bank-side by us, and sent us into our boats fine 
 mats to cover us from the rain, using very many words to entreat 
 us to rest in their houses ; but because we were few men, and if 
 we had miscarried the voyage had been in very great danger, 
 we durst not adventure anything, although there was no cause 
 of doubt ; for a more kind and loving people there cannot be found 
 in the world, as far as we have hitherto had trial. 
 
 Beyond this island there is the mainland, and over against this 
 island falleth into this spacious water the great river called 
 Occam by the inhabitants, on which standeth a town called 
 Pomeiock, and six days journey from the same is situate their 
 greatest city called Skicoak, which this people affirm to be very 
 great ; but the savages were never at it, only they speak of it by 
 the report of their fathers and other men, whom they have heard 
 affirm it to be above one hour's journey about. 
 
 Into this river falleth another great river called Cipo, in which 
 there is found great store of muscles, in which there are pearls ; 
 likewise there descendeth into this Occam another river called 
 Nomopana, on the one side whereof standeth a great town called 
 Chawanook, and the Lord of that town and country is called 
 
1584] AMADAS AND BARLOW. 2 19 
 
 Pooneno. This Pooneno is not subject to the king of Win- 
 gandacoa, but is a free Lord. Beyond this country is there 
 another king, whom they call Menatonon, and these three kings 
 are in league with each other. Towards the south-west, four 
 days' journey, is situate a town called Secotan, which is the 
 southernmost town of Wingandacoa, near unto which six-and- 
 twenty years past there was a ship cast away, whereof some of 
 the people were saved, and those were white people, whom the 
 country people preserved. 
 
 And after ten days remaining in an out island unhabited, called 
 Wocokon, they, with the help of some of the dwellers of Secotan, 
 fastened two boats of the country together, and made masts unto 
 them, and sails of their shirts, and having taken into them such 
 victuals as the country yielded, they departed after they had 
 remained in this out island three weeks ; but shortly after it 
 seemed they were cast away, for the boats were found upon the 
 coast, cast a-land in another island adjoining. Other than these, 
 there was never any people appareled, or white of colour, either 
 seen or heard of amongst these people, and these aforesaid were 
 seen only of the inhabitants of Secotan, which appeared to be 
 very true, for they wondered marvellously when we were amongst 
 them at the whiteness of our skins, ever coveting to touch our 
 breasts, and to view the same. Besides they had our ships in 
 marvellous admiration, and all things else were so strange unto them, 
 as it appeared that none of them had ever seen the like. When 
 we discharged any piece, were it but an arquebuse, they would 
 tremble thereat for very fear, and for the strangeness of the same, 
 for the weapons which themselves use are bows and arrows. The 
 arrows are but of small canes, headed with a sharp shell or tooth 
 of a fish sufficient enough to kill a naked man. Their swords be 
 of wood hardened ; likewise they use wooden breastplates for 
 their defence. They have beside a kind of club, in the end 
 whereof they fasten the sharp horns of a stag, or other beast. 
 When they go to wars they carry about with them their idol, of 
 whom they ask counsel, as the Romans were wont of the oracle 
 of Apollo. They sing songs as they march towards the battle, 
 instead of drums and trumpets. Their wars are very cruel and 
 bloody, by reason whereof, and of their civil dissensions which 
 have happened of late years amongst them, the people are mar 
 vellously wasted, and in same places the country left desolate. 
 Adjoining to this country aforesaid, called Secotan, beginneth 
 
220 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1584 
 
 a country called Pomovik, belonging to another king, whom they 
 call Piemacum, and this king is in league with the next king 
 adjoining towards the setting of the sun, and the country Newsiok, 
 situate upon a goodly river called Neus. These kings have 
 mortal war with Wingina, king of Wingandacoa ; but about 
 two years past there was a peace made between the king 
 Piemacum and the Lord of Secotan, as these men which we 
 have brought with us to England have given us to understand ; 
 but there remaineth a mortal malice in the Secotans, for many 
 injuries and slaughters done upon them by this Piemacum. They 
 invited divers men, and thirty women of the best of his country, 
 to their town to a feast, and when they were altogether merry, 
 and praying for their idol (which is nothing else but a mere 
 delusion of the devil) the Captain or Lord of the town came 
 suddenly upon them, and slew them every one, reserving the 
 women and children ; and these two have oftentimes since per 
 suaded us to surprise Piemacum's town, having promised and 
 assured us that there will be found in it great store of com 
 modities. But whether their persuasion be to the end they may 
 be revenged of their enemies, or for the love they bear to us, we 
 leave that to the trial hereafter. 
 
 Beyond this island called Roanoke, are many islands very 
 plentiful of fruits and other natural increases, together with many 
 towns and villages along the side of the continent, some 
 bounding upon the islands, and some stretching up further into 
 the land. 
 
 When we first had sight of this country, some thought the first 
 land we saw to be the continent; but after we entered into the 
 haven, we saw before us another mighty long sea, for there lieth 
 along the coast a tract of islands 200 miles in length, adjoining 
 to the ocean sea, and between the islands _two or three entrances. 
 When you are entered between them (these islands being very 
 narrow for the most part, as in some places six miles broad, in 
 some places less, in few more),then there appeareth another great 
 sea, containing in breadth in some places forty, in some fifty, in 
 some twenty miles over, before you come unto the continent ; and 
 in this enclosed sea there are above a hundred islands of divers 
 bignesses, whereof one is sixteen miles long, at which we were, 
 finding it a most pleasant and fertile ground, replenished with 
 goodly cedars, and divers other sweet woods, full of currants, of 
 flax, and many other notable commodities, which we at that time 
 
1584] AMADAS AND BARLOW. 221 
 
 had no leisure to view. Besides this island there are many, as I 
 have said, some of two, of three, of four, of five miles, some 
 more, some less, most beautiful and pleasant to behold, re 
 plenished with deer, coneys, hares, and divers beasts, and about 
 them the goodliest and best fish in the world, and in greatest 
 abundance. 
 
 Thus, Sir, we have acquainted you with the particulars of our 
 discovery made this present voyage, as far forth as the short 
 ness of the time we there continued would afford us to take 
 view of; and so contenting ourselves with this service at this time, 
 which we hope hereafter to enlarge, as occasion and assistance 
 shall be given, we resolved to leave the country, and to apply 
 ourselves to return for England, which we did accordingly, and 
 arrived safely in the west of England about the midst of 
 September. 
 
 And whereas we have above certified you of the country taken 
 in possession by us to Her Majesty's use, and so to yours by 
 Her Majesty's grant, we thought good for the better assurance 
 thereof, to record some of the particular gentlemen, and men of 
 account, who then were present, as witnesses of the same, that 
 thereby all occasion of cavil to the title of the country, in Her 
 Majesty's behalf, may be prevented, which otherwise, such as like 
 not the action may use and pretend, whose names are : 
 
 Master Philip Amadas, Master Arthur Barlow, Captains. 
 
 William Greenville, John Wood, James Bromewich, Henry 
 Greene, Benjamin Wood, Simon Ferdinando, Nicholas Petman, 
 John Hughes, of the company. 
 
 We brought home also two of the savages, being lusty men, 
 whose names were Wanchese and Manteo. 
 
DRAKE. 223 
 
 DRAKE. 
 
 WHILE Raleigh, after his half-brother's death, was busy with 
 his projected colonization of " Virginia," (that is, the first con 
 venient site to the north of Florida, in the future State of North 
 Carolina), the American question suddenly entered on a new 
 phase. In 1585 Philip of Spain laid an embargo on all 
 British subjects, their ships and goods, that might be found 
 in his dominions. Elizabeth at once authorized general re 
 prisals on the goods of Spaniards, and active hostilities were 
 planned on a scale commensurate with the national resources. 
 She equipped an armada of twenty-five vessels, manned by 
 2,300 men, and despatched it under the command of Drake 
 to plunder Spanish America. Spain drew from the New 
 World the means of supporting her cruel and arrogant domi 
 nation in Europe ; and practical reasoners like Raleigh were 
 continually forcing this fact on the attention of English 
 statesmen. The superiority of the Englishman to the Spaniard 
 at sea had, by this time, been abundantly demonstrated. The 
 two nations were now at open war, and it was necessary to 
 deal a blow where a blow would be most effectual. To strike 
 at Spain in America was to compel her to withdraw her ships 
 and soldiers from Europe, to relieve the pressure on the 
 Netherlands, and to secure England from the peril of direct 
 invasion; for, unless this were done, Spanish America must 
 
224 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 fall an easy prey to the buccaneering admirals of England. 
 Designs for colonization were thus thrown into the back 
 ground. The difficulties of planting colonies were great, and 
 the success uncertain, whereas the old Spanish settlements 
 offered an easy and seducing booty. It was better to win 
 25,000 dollars, as Drake did, by the ransom of St. Domingo 
 city, than to throw away the same sum in futile attempts at 
 colonizing the wilds of Virginia. During eighteen years the 
 wise plans of Hakluyt were for the most part neglected, and 
 the English mind was dazzled with Drake's profitable piracies 
 and Raleigh's golden dream of a Third American Empire, 
 yet undiscovered, and equal in riches to Mexico and Peru. 
 
 Drake's armament of 1585 was the greatest that had ever 
 crossed the Atlantic. After plundering the vessels in the 
 Vigo river, he sailed for the West Indies by way of the 
 Canaries and Cape Verde Islands, crossed the Atlantic in 
 eighteen days, and arrived at Dominica. At daybreak, on 
 New Year's Day, 1586, Drake's soldiers landed in Espafiola, a 
 few miles to the west of the capital, and before evening 
 Carlisle and Powell had entered the town, which the colonists 
 only saved from total destruction by the payment of a heavy 
 ransom. Drake's plan was to do exactly the same at 
 Carthagena and Nombre de Dios, and thence to strike across 
 the peninsula and secure Panama, the key of the wealth of 
 Peru. But the sojourn at Carthagena, after its capture, was' 
 fatal to the progress of the enterprise. The troops and seamen 
 died of yellow fever in great numbers ; and after consultation 
 with the military commander, Drake resolved on sailing home 
 at once by way of Florida, not omitting to plunder its petty 
 settlements by the way. The spoils of the campaign, though 
 short of the original expectation, were ample in themselves ; 
 and Drake's armada accordingly returned to England, carrying 
 
DRAKE. 225 
 
 with them the remnant of the colony which had been left by 
 Sir Richard Grenville in "Virginia." 
 
 In after years, Drake was severely blamed by English 
 politicians for not securing all the Spanish settlements in 
 America while their defenceless state made them an easy prey. 
 Had Nombre de Dios and Panama been taken and per 
 manently garrisoned, Spanish America, it was argued, with all 
 its wealth and promise, must have been won for England. 
 The Spaniards profited by the experience of 1586. Nine 
 years afterwards, when the art of carrying on a great war on 
 the ocean was better understood, Drake and Hawkins sailed 
 with the intention of accomplishing the conquest of the 
 isthmus. But the Spanish harbours had now been rendered 
 impregnable. The campaign not only failed, but cost England 
 the lives of her two greatest admirals, in the persons of Drake 
 and Hawkins. The latter had died off Porto Rico early in 
 the campaign. Drake died of dysentery off Porto Bello. 
 Frobisher had died of his wounds, at Plymouth, in the pre 
 vious year. 
 
226 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 DRAKE. SECOND VOYAGE. 
 
 A summary and true discourse of SIR FRANCIS DRAKE'S 
 West Indian Voyage, begun in the year 1585. Wherein 
 were taken the cities of SANTIAGO, SANTO DOMINGO, CAR- 
 THAGENA, and the town of ST. AUGUSTINE, in FLORIDA. 
 Published by MR. THOMAS GATES. 
 
 THIS worthy knight, for the service of his prince and country, 
 having prepared his whole fleet, and gotten them down to 
 Plymouth, in Devonshire, to the number of twenty-five sail of 
 ships and pinnaces, and having assembled of soldiers and 
 mariners to the number of 2,300 in the whole, embarked them and 
 himself at Plymouth aforesaid, the I2th day of September, 1585, 
 being accompanied with these men of name and charge which 
 hereafter follow : 
 
 Master Christopher Carleil, Lieutenant-General, a man of long 
 experience in the wars as well by sea as land, who had formerly 
 carried high offices in both kinds in many fights, which he dis 
 charged always very happily, and with great good reputation ; 
 Anthony Powell, Sergeant-Major ; Captain Matthew Morgan, and 
 Captain John Sampson, Corporals of the Field." 
 
 These officers had commandment over the rest of the Land- 
 Captains, whose names hereafter follow : 
 
 Captain Anthony Platt, Captain Edward Winter, Captain John 
 Goring, Captain Robert Pew, Captain George Barton, Captain 
 John Merchant, Captain William Cecil, Captain Walter Biggs, 
 Captain John Hannam, Captain Richard Stanton. 
 
 Captain Martin Frobisher, Vice-Admiral, a man of great ex 
 perience in seafaring actions, who had carried the chief charge of 
 many ships himself, in sundry voyages before, being now shipped 
 in the Primrose; Captain Francis Knolles, Rear- Admiral in the 
 
1585] DRAKE. 227 
 
 galleon Leicester; Master Thomas Venner, Captain in the 
 Elizabeth Bonadventure, under the General; Master Edward 
 Winter, Captain in the Aid ; Master Christopher Carleil, the 
 Lieutenant-General, Captain of the Tiger ; Henry White, 
 Captain of the Sea-Dragon ; Thomas Drake, Captain of the 
 Thomas ; Thomas Seeley, Captain of the Minion ; Baily, Captain 
 of the barque Talbot ; Robert Cross, Captain of the barque Bond ; 
 George Fortescue, Captain of the barque Bonner ; Edward Care 
 less, Captain of the Hope ; James Erizo, Captain of the White Lion ; 
 Thomas Moon, Captain of the Francis; John Rivers, Captain 
 of the Vantage; John Vaughan, Captain of the Drake; John 
 Varney, Captain of the George ; John Martin, Captain of the 
 Benjamin ; Edward Gilman, Captain of the Scout ; Richard 
 Hawkins, Captain of the galliot called the Duck; Bitfield, Cap 
 tain of the Swallow. 
 
 After our going hence, which was the I4th of September, in the 
 year of Our Lord 1585, and taking our course towards Spain, we 
 had the wind for a few days somewhat scant, and sometimes calm. 
 And being arrived near that part of Spain which is called the 
 Moors, we happened to espy divers sails, which kept their course 
 close by the shore, the weather being fair and calm. The General 
 caused the Vice-Admiral to go with the pinnaces well manned to 
 see what they were, who upon sight of the said pinnaces ap 
 proaching near unto them, abandoned for the most part all their 
 ships (being Frenchmen) laden all with salt, and bound homewards 
 into France, amongst which ships (being all of small burthen) 
 there was one so well liked, which also had no man in her, as 
 being brought unto the General, he thought good to make stay of 
 her for the service, meaning to pay for her, as also accordingly he 
 performed at our return, which barque was called the Drake. The 
 rest of these ships (being eight or nine) were dismissed without 
 anything at all taken from them. Who being afterwards put 
 somewhat further off from the shore, by the contrariety of the 
 wind, we happened to meet with some other French ships, full 
 laden with Newland fish, being upon their return homeward from 
 the said Newfoundland ; whom the General after some speech had 
 with them (and seeing plainly that they were Frenchmen) dis 
 missed, without once suffering any man to go aboard of them. 
 
 The day following standing in with the shore again, we descried 
 another tall ship of twelve score tons or thereabouts, upon whom 
 .Master Carleil, the Lieutenant-General, being in the Tiger, under- 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [ r S85 
 
 took the chase, whom also anon after the Admiral followed, and 
 the Tiger having caused the said strange ship to strike her sails, 
 kept her there without suffering anybody to go aboard until the 
 Admiral was come up ; who forthwith sending for the Master, and 
 divers others of their principal men, and causing them to be 
 severally examined, found the ship and goods to be belonging to 
 the inhabitants of St. Sebastian, in Spain, but the mariners to be 
 for the most part belonging to St. John de Luz, and the Passage. 
 In this ship was great store of dry Newland fish, commonly called 
 with us Poor John, whereof afterwards (being thus found a lawful 
 prize) there was distribution made into all the ships of the fleet, 
 the same being so new and good, as it did very greatly bestead us 
 in the whole course of our voyage. A day or two after the taking 
 of this ship we put in within the Isles of Bayona,* for lack of 
 favourable wind; where we had no sooner anchored some part of 
 the fleet, but the General commanded all the pinnaces with the 
 shipboats to be manned, and every man to be furnished with such 
 arms as were needful for that present service ; which being done, 
 the General put himself into his galley, which was also well 
 furnished, and rowing towards the city of Bayona, with intent, and 
 the favour of the Almighty, to surprise it. Before we had advanced 
 one half-league of our way there came a messenger, being an 
 English merchant, from the Governor, to see what strange fleet we 
 were, who came to our General, conferred a while with him, and 
 after a small time spent, our General called for Captain Sampson, 
 and willed him to go to the Governor of the city, to resolve him of 
 two points. The first, to know if there were any wars between 
 Spain and England ; the second, why our merchants with their 
 goods were embargoed or arrested? Thus departed Captain 
 Sampson with the said messenger to the city, where he found 
 the Governor and people much amazed of such a sudden accident. 
 The General, with the advice and counsel of Mr. Carleil, his 
 Lieutenant-General, who was in the galley with him, thought not 
 good to make any stand, till such time as they were within the 
 shot of the city, where they might be ready upon the return of 
 Captain Sampson, to make a sudden attempt if cause did require 
 before it were dark. 
 
 * The Cies Islets, at the mouth of the Vigo River. 
 
1585] DRAKE. 229 
 
 Captain Sampson returned with his message in this sort : First, 
 touching peace or wars, the Governor said he knew of no wars, and 
 that it lay not in him to make any, he being so mean a subject as 
 he was. And as for the stay of the merchants with their goods, 
 it was the king's pleasure, but not with intent to endamage any 
 man. And that the king's counter-commandment was (which had 
 been received in that place some seven-night before) that English 
 merchants with their goods should be discharged ; for the more 
 verifying whereof, he sent such merchants as were in the town of 
 our nation, who trafficked those parts, which being at large declared 
 to our General by them, counsel was taken what might best be 
 done. And for that the night approached, it was thought needful 
 to land our forces, which was done in the shutting up of the day ; 
 and having quartered ourselves to our most advantage, with suffi 
 cient guard upon every strait, we thought to rest ourselves for that 
 night there. The Governor sent us some refreshing, as bread, 
 wine, oil, apples, grapes, marmalade, and such like. About mid 
 night the weather began to overcast, insomuch that it was thought 
 meeter to repair aboard, than to make any longer abode on land, 
 and before we could recover the fleet a great tempest arose, which 
 caused many of our ships to drive from their anchor-hold, and some 
 were forced to sea in great peril, as the barque Talbot, the barque 
 Hawkins, and the Speedwell, which Speedwell only was driven 
 into England, the others recovered us again. The extremity of 
 the storm lasted three days, which no sooner began to assuage, 
 but Mr. Carleil, our Lieutenant-General, was sent with his own ship 
 and three others, as also with the galley and with divers pinnaces, 
 to see what he might do above Vigo, where he took many boats 
 and some caravels, diversely laden with things of small value, but 
 chiefly with household stuff, running into the high country, and 
 amongst the rest he found one boat laden with the principal 
 church stuff of the High Church of Vigo, where also was their 
 great cross of silver, of very fair embossed work, and double-gilt 
 all over, having cost them a great mass of money. They com 
 plained to have lost in all kind of goods above thirty thousand 
 ducats in this place. 
 
 The next day the General with his whole fleet went from up the 
 Isles of Bayona to a very good harbour above Vigo, where Mr. 
 Carleil stayed his coming, as well for the more quiet riding of his 
 ships, as also for the good commodity of fresh watering which the 
 place there did afford full well. In the meantime the Governor of 
 
230 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1585 
 
 Galicia had reared such forces as he might ; his numbers by 
 estimate were some two thousand foot and three hundred horse, 
 and marched from Bayona to this part of the country, which lay in 
 sight of our fleet ; where, making a stand, he sent to parley with 
 our General, which was granted by our General, so it might be in 
 boats upon the water; and for safety of their persons there were 
 pledges delivered on both sides; which done, the Governor of 
 Galicia put himself with two others into our Vice-Admiral's skiff, 
 the same having been sent to the shore for him, and in like sort 
 our General went in his own skiff; where by them it was agreed 
 we should furnish ourselves with fresh water, to be taken by our 
 own people quietly on the land, and have all other such neces 
 saries, paying for the same, as the place would afford. 
 
 When all our business was ended we departed, and took our 
 way by the Islands of Canary, which are esteemed some three 
 hundred leagues from this part of Spain, and falling purposely 
 with Palma, with intention to have taken our pleasure of that 
 place, for the full digesting of many things into order, and the 
 better furnishing our store with such several good things as it 
 affordeth very abundantly, we were forced by the vile sea-gate, 
 which at that present fell out, and by the naughtiness of the 
 landing-place, being but one, and that under the favour of many 
 platforms well furnished with great ordnance, to depart with the 
 receipt of many their cannon-shot, some into our ships and some 
 besides, some of them being in very deed full cannon high. But 
 the only or chief mischief was the dangerous sea-surge, which at 
 shore all along plainly threatened the overthrow of as many pin 
 naces and boats as for that time should have attempted any land 
 ing at all. 
 
 Now seeing the expectation of this attempt frustrated by the 
 causes aforesaid, we thought it meeter to fall with the Isle Hierro, to 
 see if we could find any better fortune, and coming to the island 
 we landed a thousand men in a valley under a high mountain, 
 where we stayed some two or three hours, in which time the in 
 habitants, accompanied with a young fellow born in England, who 
 dwelt there with them, came unto us, shewing their state to be so 
 poor that they were all ready to starve, which was not untrue ; 
 and therefore without anything gotten, we were all commanded 
 presently to embark, so as that night we put off to sea south-south 
 east along towards the coast of Barbary. 
 
 Upon Saturday in the morning, being the I3th of November, we 
 
1585] DRAKE. 231 
 
 fell with Cape Blank, which is a low land and shallow water, 
 where we catched store of fish, and doubling the Cape, we put into 
 the bay, where we found certain French ships of war, whom we 
 entertained with great courtesy, and there left them. This after 
 noon the whole fleet assembled, which was a little scattered about 
 their fishing, and put from thence to the Isles of Cape de Verde, sail 
 ing till the 1 6th of the same month in the morning, on which day 
 we descried the Island of Santiago, and in the evening we anchored 
 the fleet between the town called the Playa or Praya and Santiago, 
 where we put on shore one thousand men or more, under the lead 
 ing of Mr. Christopher Carleil, Lieutenant-General, who directed 
 the service most like a wise commander. The place where we had 
 first to march did afford no good order, for the ground was 
 mountainous and full of dales, being a very stony and troublesome 
 passage; but such was his industrious disposition, as he would 
 never leave, until we had gotten up to a fair plain, where we made 
 stand for the assembling of the army. And when we were all 
 gathered together upon the plain, some two miles from the town, 
 the Lieutenant-General thought good not to make attempt till day 
 light, because there was not one that could serve for guide or 
 giving knowledge at all of the place. And therefore after having 
 well rested, even half an hour before day, he commanded the army 
 to be divided into three special parts, such as he appointed, 
 whereas before we had marched by several companies, being 
 thereunto forced by the badness of the way as is aforesaid. 
 
 Now by the time we were thus ranged into a very brave order, 
 daylight began to appear, and being advanced hard to the wall, 
 we saw no enemy to resist ; whereupon the Lieutenant-General 
 appointed Captain Sampson with thirty shot, and Captain Barton 
 with other thirty, to go down into the town which stood in 
 the valley under us, and might very plainly be viewed all over 
 from that place where the whole army was now arrived ; and 
 presently after these Captains were sent the great ensign, which 
 had nothing in it but the plain English cross, to be placed towards 
 the sea, that our fleet might see Saint George's Cross flourish in 
 the enemy's fortress. Order was given that all the ordnance 
 throughout the town and upon all the platforms, which were about 
 fifty pieces already charged, should be shot off in honour of the 
 Queen's Majesty's Coronation Day, being the iyth of November, 
 after the yearly custom of England, which was so answered again 
 by the ordnance out of all the ships in the fleet which now was 
 
232 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1585 
 
 come near, as it was strange to hear such a thundering noise last 
 so long together. In this meanwhile the Lieutenant-General held 
 still the most part of his force on the hill-top, till such time as the 
 town was quartered out for the lodging of the whole army, which 
 being done every Captain took his own quarter, and in the evening 
 was placed such a sufficient guard upon every part of the town 
 that we had no cause to fear any present enemy. 
 
 Thus we continued in the city the space of fourteen days, taking 
 such spoils as the place yielded, which were, for the most part, 
 wine, oil, meal, and some such like things for victuals, as vinegar, 
 olives, and some such other trash, as merchandise for their Indian 
 trades. But there was not found any treasure at all, or anything 
 else of worth besides. 
 
 The situation of Santiago is somewhat strange, in form like a 
 triangle, having on the east and west sides two mountains of rock 
 and cliff, as it were hanging over it, upon the top of which two 
 mountains were builded certain fortifications to preserve the town 
 from any harm that might be offered, as in a plot is plainly shewn. 
 From thence on the south side of the town is the main sea, and 
 on the north side, the valley lying between the foresaid mountains, 
 wherein the town standeth ; the said valley and town both do 
 grow very narrow, insomuch that the space between the two cliffs 
 of this end of the town is estimated not to be above ten or twelve 
 score over. 
 
 In the midst of the valley cometh down a rivulet, rill, or brook 
 of fresh water, which hard by the seaside maketh a pond or pool, 
 whereout our ships were watered with very great ease and plea 
 sure. Somewhat above the town on the north side between the 
 two mountains, the valley waxeth somewhat larger than at the 
 town's end, which valley is wholly converted into gardens and 
 orchards, well replenished with divers sorts of fruits, herbs, and 
 trees, as lemons, oranges, sugar-canes, cocoa or cocoa-nuts, plan 
 tains, potato-roots, cucumbers, small and round onions, garlic, and 
 some other things not now remembered, amongst which the cocoa- 
 nuts and plantains are very pleasant fruits ; the said cocoa hath a 
 hard shell and a green husk over it, as hath our walnut, but it far 
 exceedeth in greatness, for this cocoa in his green husk is bigger 
 than any man's two fists. Of the hard shell many drinking cups 
 are made here in England, and set in silver as I have often seen. 
 Next within this hard shell is a white rind resembling in show 
 very much even as any thing may do, to the white of an egg when 
 
1585] DRAKE. 233 
 
 it is hard boiled ; and within this white of the nut lieth a water, 
 which is whitish and very clear, to the quantity of half a pint or 
 thereabouts, which water and white rind before spoken of are both 
 of a very cool fresh taste, and as pleasing as anything may be. I 
 have heard some hold opinion that it is very restorative. 
 
 The plantain groweth in pods, somewhat like to beans, but is 
 bigger and longer, and much more thick together on the stalk, and 
 when it waxeth ripe, the meat which filleth the rind of the cod 
 becometh yellow, and is exceeding sweet and pleasant. 
 
 In this time of our being there happened to come a Portugal 
 to the western fort, with a flag of truce, to whom Captain Sampson 
 was sent with Captain Goring ; who coming to the said messenger, 
 he first asked them what nation they were : they answered English 
 men. He then required to know if wars were between England 
 and Spain, to which they answered that they knew not, but if he 
 would go to their General he could best resolve him of such 
 particulars, and for his assurance of passage and repassage these 
 Captains made offer to engage their credits, which he refused for 
 that he was not sent from his Governor. Then they told him 
 if his Governor did desire to take a course for the common 
 benefit of the people and country his best way were to come and 
 present himself unto our noble and merciful Governor, Sir Francis 
 Drake, whereby he might be assured to find favour, both for 
 himself and the inhabitants ; otherwise within three days we should 
 march over the land, and consume with fire all inhabited places, 
 and put to the sword all such living souls as we should chance 
 upon; so thus much he took for the conclusion of his answer, 
 and departing, he promised to return the next day, but we never 
 heard more of him. 
 
 On the 24th of November, the General accompanied with the 
 Lieutenant-General and six hundred men, marched forth to a 
 village twelve miles within the land, called Saint Domingo, where 
 the Governor and the Bishop with all the better sort were lodged, 
 and by eight of the clock we came to it, finding the place 
 abandoned, and the people fled into the mountains. So we made 
 stand a while to ease ourselves, and partly to see if any would 
 come to speak to us. 
 
 After we had well rested ourselves, the General commanded 
 the troops to march away homewards, in which retreat the 
 enemy shewed themselves, both horse and foot, though not such 
 force as durst encounter us; and so in passing sometime at the 
 
234 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [f-5^5 
 
 gaze with them, it waxed late and towards night before we could 
 recover home to Santiago. 
 
 On Monday, the 26th of November, the General commanded 
 all the pinnaces with the boats to use all diligence to embark 
 the army into such ships as every man belonged. The Lieu 
 tenant -General in like sort commanded Captain Goring and 
 Lieutenant Tucker, with one hundred shot to make a stand in 
 the market-place, until our forces were wholly embarked, the 
 Vice-Admiral making stay with his pinnace (and certain boats 
 in the harbour) to bring the said last company aboard the ships. 
 Also the General willed forthwith the galley with two pinnaces to 
 take into them the company of Captain Barton, and the company 
 of Captain Biggs, under the leading of Captain Sampson, to seek 
 out such munition as was hidden in the ground, at the town of 
 Praya, or Playa, having been promised to be shewed it by a 
 prisoner, which was taken the day before. 
 
 The Captains aforesaid coming to the Playa, landed their men, 
 and having placed the troop in their best v strength, Captain 
 Sampson took the prisoner, and willed him to show that he had 
 promised, the which he could not, or at least would not ; but they 
 searching all suspected places, found two pieces of ordnance, one 
 of iron, another of brass. In the afternoon the General anchored 
 with the rest of the fleet before the Playa, coming himself ashore, 
 willing us to burn the town and make all haste aboard, the which 
 was done by six o'clock the same day, and ourselves embarked 
 again the same night, and so we put off to sea south-west. 
 
 But before our departure from the town of Santiago, we estab 
 lished orders for the better government of the army, every man 
 mustered to his Captain, and oaths were ministered to acknow 
 ledge Her Majesty supreme Governor, as also every man to do 
 his uttermost endeavour to advance the service of the action, and 
 to yield due obedience unto the directions of the General and his 
 officers. By this provident counsel, and laying down this good 
 foundation beforehand, all things went forward in a due course, to 
 the achieving of our happy enterprise. 
 
 In all the time of our being here, neither the Governor for the 
 said King of Spain (which is a Portugal), neither the Bishop, whose 
 authority is great, neither the inhabitants of the town, or island, 
 ever came at us (which we expected they should have done), to 
 entreat us to leave them some part of their needful provisions, or 
 at the least to spare the ruining of their town at our going away. 
 
1585] DRAKE. 235 
 
 The cause of this their unreasonable distrust (as I do take it) was 
 the fresh remembrance of the great wrongs that they had done to 
 old Mr. William Hawkins, of Plymouth, in the voyage he made 
 four or five years before, when as they did both break their 
 promise, and murdered many of his men, whereof I judge you 
 have understood, and therefore it is needless to be repeated. But 
 since they came not at us, we left written in sundry places, as also 
 in the Spital House (which building only was appointed to be 
 spared) the great discontentment and scorn we took at this their 
 refraining to come unto us, as also at the rude manner of killing, 
 and savage kind of handling the dead body of one of our boys 
 found by them straggling all alone, from whom they had taken his 
 head and heart, and had straggled the other bowels about the place, 
 in a most brutish and beastly manner. 
 
 In revenge whereof at our departing we consumed with fire all 
 the houses, as well in the country which we saw, as in the town of 
 Santiago. 
 
 From hence putting off to the West Indies, we were not many 
 days at sea but there began among our people such mortality as 
 in a few days there were dead above two or three hundred men. 
 And until some seven or eight days after our coming from 
 Santiago, there had not died any one man of sickness in all the 
 fleet. The sickness showed not his infection wherewith so many 
 were stricken until we were departed thence, and then seized our 
 people with extreme hot burning and continual agues, whereof 
 very few escaped with life, and yet those for the most part not 
 without great alteration and decay of their wits and strength for a 
 long time after. In some that died were plainly shown the small 
 spots, which are often found upon those that be infected with 
 the plague. We were not above eighteen days in passage between 
 the sight of Santiago aforesaid, and the island of Dominica, 
 being the first island of the West Indies that we fell withal, the 
 same being inhabited with savage people, which go all naked, 
 their skin coloured with some painting of a reddish tawny, very 
 personable and handsome strong men, who do admit little con 
 versation with the Spaniards; for as some of our people might 
 understand them, they had a Spaniard or two prisoners with 
 them, neither do I think that there is any safety for any of our 
 nation or any other to be within the limits of their command 
 ment, albeit they used us very kindly for those few hours of time 
 which we spent with them, helping our folks to fill and carry on 
 
236 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1585 
 
 their bare shoulders fresh water from the river to our ships' 
 boats, and fetching from their houses great store of tobacco, as 
 also a kind of bread which they fed on, called cassavi, very 
 white and savoury, made of the roots of cassavi. In recompense 
 whereof we bestowed liberal rewards of glass, coloured beads, 
 and other things, which we had found at Santiago, wherewith (as 
 it seemed) they rested very greatly satisfied, and shewed some 
 sorrowful countenance when they perceived that we would 
 depart. 
 
 From hence we went to another island westward of it, called 
 Saint Christopher's Island, wherein we spent some days of 
 Christmas, to refresh our sick people, and to cleanse and air our 
 ships. In which island were not any people at all that we could 
 hear of. 
 
 In which time by the General it was advised and resolved, with 
 the consent of the Lieutenant-General, the Vice-Admiral, and all 
 the rest of the Captains, to proceed to the great island of His- 
 paniola, as well for that we knew ourselves then to be in our 
 best strength, as also the rather allured thereunto, by the glorious 
 fame of the city of St. Domingo, being the ancientest and chief 
 inhabited place in all the tract of country thereabouts. And so 
 proceeding in this determination, by the way we met a small 
 frigate, bound for the same place, the which the Vice-Admiral 
 took, and having duly examined the men that were in her, there 
 was one found by whom we were advertized, the haven to be a 
 barred haven, and the shore or land thereof to be well fortified, 
 having a castle thereupon furnished with great store of artillery, 
 without the danger whereof was no convenient landing-place 
 within ten English miles of the city, to which the said pilot took 
 upon him to conduct us. 
 
 All things being thus considered on, the whole forces were com 
 manded in the evening to embark themselves in pinnaces, boats, 
 and other small barques appointed for this service. Our soldiers 
 being thus embarked, the General put himself into the barque 
 Francis as Admiral, and all this night we lay on the sea, bearing 
 small sail until our arrival to the landing place, which was about 
 the breaking of the day, and so we landed, being New Year's Day, 
 nine or ten miles to the westward of that brave city of St. 
 Domingo ; for at that time nor yet is known to us any landing- 
 place, where the sea-surge doth not threaten to overset a pin 
 nace or boat. Our General having seen us all landed in safety, 
 
1586] DRAKE. 237 
 
 returned to his fleet, bequeathing us to God, and the good con 
 duct of Master Carleil, our Lieutenant-General ; at which time, 
 being about eight o'clock, we began to march, and about noon 
 time, or towards one o'clock, we approached the town, where the 
 gentlemen and those of the better sort, being some hundred and 
 fifty brave horses, or rather more, began to present themselves ; 
 but our small shot played upon them, which were so sustained with 
 good proportion of pikes in all parts, as they finding no part of our 
 troops unprepared to receive them (for you must understand 
 they viewed all round about) they were thus driven to give us 
 leave to proceed towards the two gates of the town, which were 
 the next to the seaward. They had manned them both, and 
 planted their ordnance for that present and sudden alarm without 
 the gate, and also some troops of small shot in ambuscade upon 
 the highway side. We divided our whole force, being some 
 thousand or twelve hundred men, into two parts, to enterprise 
 both the gates at one instant, the Lieutenant-General having openly 
 vowed to Captain Powell (who led the troop that entered the other 
 gate) that with God's good favour he would not rest until our 
 meeting in the market-place. 
 
 Their ordnance had no sooner discharged upon our near 
 approach, and made some execution amongst us, though not 
 much, but the Lieutenant-General began forthwith to advance 
 both his voice of encouragement and pace of marching ; the 
 first man that was slain with the ordnance being very near unto 
 himself; and thereupon hasted all that he might, to keep them 
 from the recharging of the ordnance. And notwithstanding their 
 ambuscades, we marched or rather ran so roundly into them, as 
 pell-mell we entered the gates, and gave them more care every 
 man to save himself by flight, than reason to stand any longer to 
 their broken fight. We forthwith repaired to the market-place ; 
 but to be more truly understood, a place of very fair spacious square 
 ground, whither also came as had been agreed Captain Powell 
 with the other troop ; which place with some part next unto it, 
 we strengthened with barricades, and there as the most convenient 
 place assured ourselves, the city being far too spacious for so small 
 and weary a troop to undertake to guard. Somewhat after mid 
 night, they who had the guard of the castle, hearing us busy about 
 the gates of the said castle, abandoned the same ; some being 
 taken prisoners, and some fleeing away by the help of boats to the 
 other side of the haven, and so into the country. 
 
238 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1586 
 
 The next day we quartered a little more at large, but not into 
 the half part of the town, and so making substantial trenches, and 
 planting all the ordnance, that each part was correspondent to 
 other, we held this town the space of one month. 
 
 In the which time happened some accidents, more than are well 
 remembered for the present, but amongst other things, it chanced 
 that the General sent on his message to the Spaniards a negro 
 boy with a flag of white, signifying truce, as is the Spanish ordi 
 nary manner to do there, when they approach to speak to us ; 
 which boy unhappily was first met withal by some of those who 
 had been belonging as officers for the king in the Spanish galley, 
 which with the town was lately fallen into our hands, who without 
 all order or reason, and contrary to that good usage wherewith we 
 had entertained their messengers, furiously struck the poor boy 
 through the body with one of their horseman's staves ; with which 
 wound the boy returned to the General ; and after he had declared 
 the manner of this wrongful cruelty, died forthwith in his presence. 
 Wherewith the General being greatly passioned, commanded the 
 Provost Martial to cause a couple of friars, then prisoners, to be 
 carried to the same place where the boy was struck, accompanied 
 with sufficient guard of our soldiers, and there presently to be 
 hanged, despatching at the same instant another poor prisoner, with 
 this reason wherefore this execution was done, and with this 
 message further, that until the party who had thus murdered 
 the General's messenger were delivered into our hands to receive 
 condign punishment, there should no day pass wherein there 
 should not two prisoners be hanged, until they were all consumed 
 which were in our hands. Whereupon the day following, he that 
 had been Captain of the King's Galley,, brought the offender to 
 the town's end, offering to deliver him into our hands ; but it 
 was thought to be a more honourable revenge to make them 
 there, in our sight, to perform the execution themselves, which was 
 done accordingly. 
 
 During our being in this town, as formerly also at Santiago, 
 there had passed justice upon the life of one of our own company 
 for an odious matter, so here likewise was there an Irishman 
 hanged for the murdering of his corporal. 
 
 In this time also passed many treaties between their Commis 
 sioners and us, for ransom of their city ; but upon disagreements 
 we still spent the early mornings in firing the outmost houses ; 
 but they being built very magnificently of stone, with high lofts 
 
1586] DRAKE. 239 
 
 gave us no small travail to ruin them. And albeit for divers days 
 together we ordained each morning by daybreak, until the heat 
 began at nine o'clock, that two hundred mariners did naught else 
 but labour to fire and burn the said houses without our trenches, 
 whilst the soldiers in a like proportion stood forth for their guard ; 
 yet did we not, or could not in this time consume so much as one- 
 third part of the town, which town is plainly described and set 
 forth in a certain map. And so in the end, what wearied with 
 firing, and what hastened by some other respects, we were con 
 tented to accept of twenty-five thousand ducats of five shillings 
 and six-pence the piece, for the ransom of the rest of the town. 
 
 Amongst other things which happened and were found at 
 St. Domingo, I may not omit to let the world know one very 
 notable mark and token of the insatiable ambition of . the 
 Spanish king and his nation, which was found in the king's 
 house, wherein the chief governor of that city and country is 
 appointed always to lodge, which was this : In the coming to 
 the hall or other rooms of this house, you must first ascend up 
 by a fair large pair of stairs, at the head of which stairs is a 
 handsome spacious place to walk in, somewhat like unto a 
 gallery, wherein upon one of the walls, right over against you as 
 you enter the said place, so as your eye cannot escape the sight 
 of it, there is described and painted in a very large escutcheon 
 the arms of the King of Spain, and in the lower part of the said 
 escutcheon, there is likewise described a globe, containing in it 
 the whole circuit of the sea and the earth, whereupon is a horse 
 standing on his hinder part within the globe, and the other fore-part 
 without the globe, lifted up as it were to leap, with a scroll painted 
 in his mouth, wherein was written these words in Latin, " Non 
 sufficit orbis," which is as much to say, as the world sufficeth not. 
 Whereof the meaning was required to be known of some of those 
 of the better sort, that came in commission to treat upon the 
 ransom of the town, who would shake their heads, and turn aside 
 their countenance, in some smiling sort, without answering 
 anything, as greatly ashamed thereof. For by some of our com 
 pany it was told them, that if the Queen of England would 
 resolutely prosecute the wars against the King of Spain, he should 
 be forced to lay aside that proud and unreasonable reaching vein 
 of his ; for he should find more than enough to do to keep that 
 which he had already, as by the present example of their lost 
 town they might for a beginning perceive well enough. 
 
240 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1586 
 
 Now to the satisfying of some men, who marvel greatly that 
 such a famous and goodly -builded city, so well inhabited of gallant 
 people, very brave in their apparel (whereof our soldiers found 
 good store for their relief), should afford no greater riches than 
 was found there. Herein it is to be understood that the Indian 
 people, which were the natives of this whole island of Hispaniola 
 (the same being near hand as great as England), were many years 
 since clean consumed by the tyranny of the Spaniards, which was 
 the cause that, for lack of people to work in the mines, the gold 
 and silver mines of this island are wholly given over, and thereby 
 they are fain in this island to use copper money, whereof was 
 found very great quantity. The chief trade of this place con- 
 sisteth of sugar and ginger, which groweth in the island, and of 
 hides of oxen and kine, which in this waste country of the island 
 are bred in infinite numbers, the soil being very fertile. And the 
 said beasts are fed up to a very large growth, and so killed for 
 nothing so much as for the hides aforesaid. We found here great 
 store of strong wine, sweet oil, vinegar, olives, and other such-like 
 provisions, as excellent wheat-meal packed up in wine-pipes and 
 other casks, and other commodities likewise, as woollen and linen 
 cloth and some silks, all which provisions are brought out of 
 Spain, and served us for great relief. There was but a little 
 plate or vessel of silver, in comparison of the great pride in other 
 things of this town, because in these hot countries they use much 
 of those earthen dishes finely painted or varnished, which they 
 call porcelain, which is had out of the East Indies ; and for their 
 drinking they use glasses altogether, whereof they make excellent 
 good and fair in the same place. But yet some plate we found, 
 and many other good things, as their household garniture, very 
 gallant and rich, which had cost them dear, although unto us they 
 were of small importance. 
 
 From St. Domingo we put over to the main or firm land, and, 
 going all along the coast, we came at last in sight of Carthagena, 
 standing upon the seaside, so near as some of our barques in 
 passing along approached within the reach of their culverin shot, 
 which they had planted upon certain platforms. The harbour- 
 mouth lay some three miles toward the westward of the town, 
 whereinto we entered at about three or four o'clock in the after 
 noon without any resistance of ordnance or other impeachment 
 planted upon the same. In the evening we put ourselves on land 
 towards the harbour-mouth, under the leading of Master Carleil, 
 
1586] DRAKE. 241 
 
 our Lieutenant-General, who, after he had digested us to march 
 forward about midnight, as easily as foot might fall, expressly 
 commanded us to keep close by the sea-wash of the shore for our 
 best and surest way, whereby we were like to go through, and not 
 to miss any more of the way, which once we had lost within an 
 hour after our first beginning to march, through the slender know 
 ledge of him that took upon him to be our guide, whereby the night 
 spent on, which otherwise must have been done by resting. But 
 as we came within some two miles of the town, their horsemen, 
 which were some hundred, met us, and, taking the alarm, retired 
 to their townward again upon the first volley of our shot that was 
 given them ; for the place where we encountered being woody and 
 bushy, even to the water-side, was unmeet for their service. 
 
 At this instant we might hear some pieces of artillery dis 
 charged, with divers small shot, towards the harbour, which gave 
 us to understand, according to the order set down in the evening 
 before by our General, that the Vice-Admiral, accompanied with 
 Captain Venner, Captain White, and Captain Crosse, with other 
 sea captains, and with divers pinnaces and boats, should give 
 some attempt unto the little fort standing on the entry of the inner 
 haven, near adjoining to the town, though to small purpose, for 
 that the place was strong, and the entry (very narrow) was chained 
 over ; so as there could be nothing gotten by the attempt more 
 than the giving of them an alarm on that other side of the 
 haven, being a mile and a-half from the place we now were at. 
 In which attempt the Vice-Admiral had the rudder of his skiff 
 stricken through with a saker shot, and a little or no harm re 
 ceived elsewhere. 
 
 The troops being now in their march, half-a-mile behither the 
 town or less, the ground we were on grew to be straight, and not 
 above fifty paces over, having the main sea on the one side of it 
 and the harbour water or inner sea (as you may term it) on the 
 other side, which in the plot is plainly shewed. This strait was 
 fortified clean over with a stone wall and a ditch without it, the 
 said wall being as orderly built with flanking in every part as can 
 be set down. There was only so much of this strait unwalled as 
 might serve for the issuing of the horsemen or the passing of 
 carriage in time of need. But this unwalled part was not without 
 a very good barricade of wine-butts or pipes, filled with earth, full 
 and thick as they might stand on end one by another, some part of 
 them standing even within the main sea. 
 
 R 
 
242 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1586 
 
 This place of strength was furnished with six great pieces, demi- 
 culverins and sakers, which shot directly in front upon us as we 
 approached. Now within this wall upon the inner side of the 
 strait they had brought likewise two great galleys with their prows 
 to the shore, having planted in them eleven pieces of ordnance, 
 which did beat all cross the strait, and flanked our coming on. 
 In these two galleys were planted three or four hundred small shot, 
 and on the land, in the guard only of this place, three hundred 
 shot and pikes. 
 
 They, in this their full readiness to receive us, spared not their 
 shot both great and small. But our Lieutenant-General, taking 
 the advantage of the dark (the daylight as yet not broken out) 
 approached by the lowest ground, according to the express direc 
 tion which himself had formerly given, the same being the sea- 
 wash shore, where the water was somewhat fallen, so as most of 
 all their shot was in vain. Our Lieutenant-General commanded 
 our shot to forbear shooting until we were come to the wall-side, 
 and so with pikes roundly together we approached the place, 
 where we soon found out the barricades of pipes or butts to be the 
 meetest place for our assault, which, notwithstanding it was well 
 furnished with pikes and shots, was without staying attempted by 
 us. Down went the butts of earth, and pell-mell came our swords 
 and pikes together, after our shots had first given their volley, 
 even at the enemy's nose. Our pikes were somewhat longer than 
 theirs, and our bodies better armed ; for very few of them were 
 armed. With which advantage our swords and pikes grew too 
 hard for them, and they driven to give place. In this furious 
 entry the Lieutenant-General slew with his own hands the chief 
 ensign-bearer of the Spaniards, who fought very manfully to his 
 life's end. 
 
 We followed into the town with them, and, giving them no 
 leisure to breathe, we won the market-place, albeit they made 
 head and fought awhile before we got it, and so we being once 
 seized and assured of that, they were content to suffer us to lodge 
 within the town, and themselves to go to their wives, whom they had 
 carried into other places of the country before our coming thither. 
 At every street's end they had raised very fine barricades of earth 
 works, with trenches without them, as well made as ever we saw 
 any work done ; at the entering whereof was some little resist 
 ance, but soon overcome it was, with few slain or hurt. They had 
 joined with them many Indians, whom they had placed in corners 
 
1586] DRAKE. 243 
 
 of advantage, all bowmen, with their arrows most villainously em 
 poisoned, so as if they did but break the skin, the party so 
 touched died without great marvel. Some they slew of our people 
 with their arrows ; some they likewise mischiefed to death with 
 certain pricks of small sticks sharply pointed, of a foot and a-half 
 long, the one end put into the ground, the. other empoisoned, 
 sticking fast up, right against our coming in the way as we 
 should approach from our landing towards the town, whereof 
 they had planted a wonderful number in the ordinary way; but 
 our keeping the sea-wash shore, missed the greatest part of them 
 very happily. 
 
 I overpass many particular matters, as the hurting of Captain 
 Sampson at sword blows in the first entering, unto whom was 
 committed the charge of the pikes of the vanguard by his lot and 
 turn, as also of the taking of Alonzo Bravo, the chief commander 
 of that place, by Captain Goring, after the said Captain had first 
 hurt him with his sword ; unto which Captain was committed the 
 charge of the shot of the said vanguard. Captain Winter was 
 likewise by his turn of the vanguard in this attempt, where also 
 the Lieutenant-General marched himself ; the said Captain Winter, 
 through a great desire to serve by land, having now exchanged 
 his charge at sea with Captain Cecil for his band of footmen. 
 Captain Powell, the Serjeant-Major, had by his turn the charge 
 of the four companies which made the battle. Captain Morgan, 
 who at St. Domingo was of the vanguard, had now by turn his 
 charge upon the companies of the rearward. Every man, as well 
 of one part as of another, came so willingly on to the service, as 
 the enemy was not able to endure the fury of such hot assault. 
 
 We stayed here six weeks, and the sickness with mortality 
 before spoken of still continued among us, though not with the 
 same fury as at the first ; and such as were touched with the said 
 sickness, escaping death, very few or almost none could recover 
 their strength; yea, many -of them were much decayed in their 
 memory, insomuch that it was grown an ordinary judgment, when 
 one was heard to speak foolishly, to say he had been sick of the 
 Calentura, which is the Spanish name of their burning ague ; for, 
 as I told you before, it is a very burning and pestilent ague. The 
 original cause thereof is imputed to the evening or first night 
 air, which they term La serena, wherein they say and hold very 
 firm opinion that whoso is then abroad in the open air shall cer 
 tainly be infected to the death, not being of the Indian or native 
 
 R 2 
 
244 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1586 
 
 race of those country people. By holding their watch our men 
 were thus subjected to the infectious air, which at Santiago was 
 most dangerous and deadly of all other places. 
 
 With the inconvenience of continual mortality we were forced 
 to give over our intended enterprise, to go with Nombre de Dios, 
 and so overland to Panama, where we should have struck the 
 stroke for the treasure, and full recompense of our tedious travails. 
 And thus at Carthagena we took our first resolution to return 
 homewards, the form of which Resolution I thought good here to 
 put down under the principal captain's hands as followeth : 
 
 A Resolution of the Land-Captains ', what course they think most 
 expedient to be taken. Given at CARTHAGENA, the 2jth day of 
 February ', 1586. 
 
 Whereas it hath pleased the General to demand the opinions 
 of his Captains what course they think most expedient to be now 
 undertaken, the land Captains being assembled by themselves to 
 gether, and having advised hereupon do in three points deliver the 
 same. 
 
 The first, touching the keeping of the town against the force of 
 the enemy, either that which is present, or that which may come 
 out of Spain, is answered thus : 
 
 " We hold opinion, that with this troop of men which we have 
 presently with us in land service, being victualled and munitioned, 
 we may well keep the town, albeit that of men able to answer pre 
 sent service, we have not above 700. The residue being some 150 
 men, by reason of their hurts and sickness, are altogether unable 
 to stand us in any stead : wherefore hereupon the sea captains are 
 likewise to give their resolution, how they will undertake the 
 safety and service of the ships upon the arrival of any Spanish 
 fleet." 
 
 The second point we make to be this, whether it be mete to go 
 presently homeward, or else to continue further trial of our fortune 
 in undertaking such like enterprises as we have done already, and 
 thereby to seek after that bountiful mass of treasure for recom 
 pense of our travels, which was generally expected at our coming 
 forth of England : wherein we answer : 
 
 " That it is well known how both we arid the soldiers are entered 
 
1586] DRAKE. 245 
 
 into this action as voluntary men, without any impress or gage 
 from Her Majesty or anybody else : and forasmuch as we have 
 hitherto discharged the parts of honest men, so that now by the 
 great blessing and favour of our good God there have been taken 
 three such notable towns, wherein by the estimation of all men 
 would have been found some very great treasures, knowing that 
 Santiago was the chief city of all the islands and traffics there 
 abouts, St. Domingo the chief city of Espafiola, and the head 
 government not only of that island, but also of Cuba, and of all 
 the islands about it, as also of such inhabitations of the firm land, 
 as were next unto it, and a place that is both magnificently built and 
 entertaineth great trades of merchandise ; and now lastly the city 
 of Carthagena, which cannot be denied to be one of the chief places 
 of most especial importance to the Spaniard of all the cities which 
 be on this side of the West Indies : we do therefore consider, that 
 since all these cities, with their goods and prisoners taken in them, 
 and the ransoms of the said cities being all put together, are found 
 far short to satisfy that expectation which by the generality of the 
 enterprisers was first conceived ; and being further advised of the 
 slenderness of our strength, whereunto we be now reduced, as well 
 in respect of the small number of able bodies, as also not a little 
 in regard of the slack disposition of the greater part of those which 
 remain, very many of the better minds and men being either con 
 sumed by death or weakened by sickness and hurts ; and lastly, 
 since that as yet there is not laid down to our knowledge any such 
 enterprise as may seem convenient to be undertaken with such few 
 as we are presently able to make, and withal of such certain likeli 
 hood, as with God's good success which it may please him to 
 bestow upon us, the same may promise to yield us any sufficient 
 contentment : we do therefore conclude hereupon, that it is better 
 to hold sure as we may the honour already gotten, and with the 
 same to return towards our gracious sovereign and country, from 
 whence it shall please Her Majesty to set us forth again with her 
 orderly means and entertainment, we are most ready and willing 
 to go through with anything that the uttermost of our strength and 
 endeavour shall be able to reach unto; but therewithal we do 
 advise and protest that it is far from our thoughts, either to refuse, 
 or so much as to seem to be weary of anything, which for the pre 
 sent shall be further required or directed to be done by us from 
 our General." 
 The third and last point is concerning the ransom of this city of 
 
246 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1586 
 
 Carthagena, for the which, before it was touched with any fire, there 
 was made an offer of some 27,000 or 28,000 pounds sterling : 
 
 " Thus much we utter herein as our opinions agreeing (so it be 
 done in good sort) to accept this offer aforesaid, rather than to 
 break off by standing still upon our demands of ; 100,000, 
 which seems a matter impossible to be performed for the present 
 by them, and to say truth, we may now with much honour and 
 reputation better be satisfied with that sum offered by them at the 
 first (if they will now be contented to give it) than we might at that 
 time with a great deal more, inasmuch as we have taken our full 
 pleasure both in the uttermost sacking and spoiling of all their 
 household goods and merchandise, as also in that we have con 
 sumed and ruined a great part of their town with fire. And thus 
 much further is considered herein by us, that as there be in the 
 voyage a great many poor men, who have willingly adventured 
 their lives and travels, and divers amongst them having spent their 
 apparel and such other little provisions as their small means might 
 have given them leave to prepare, which being done upon such 
 good and allowable intention as this action hath always carried 
 with it, meaning, against the Spaniard, our greatest and most 
 dangerous enemy : so surely we cannot but have an inward regard 
 so far as may lie in us, to help either in all good sort towards the 
 satisfaction of this their expectation, and by procuring them some 
 little benefit to encourage them and to nourish this ready and 
 willing disposition of theirs both in them and in others by their 
 example against any other time of like occasion. But because it 
 may be supposed that herein we forget not the private benefit of 
 ourselves, and are thereby the rather moved to incline ourselves to 
 this composition, we do therefore think good for the clearing of 
 ourselves of all such suspicion, to declare hereby, that what part or 
 portion soever it be of this ransom or composition for Carthagena 
 which should come unto us, we do freely give and bestow the same 
 wholly upon the poor men, who have remained with us in the 
 voyage, meaning as well the sailor as the soldier, wishing with all 
 our hearts it were such or so much as might seem a sufficient 
 reward for their painful endeavour. And for the firm confirmation 
 thereof, we have thought meet to subsign those presents with our 
 own hands in the place and time aforesaid. 
 
 "Captain Christopher Carleil, Lieutenant-General ; Captain 
 Goring, Captain Sampson, Captain Powell, &c." 
 
 But while we were yet there it happened one day, that our watch 
 
1586] DRAKE. 247 
 
 called the sentinel, upon the church-steeple, had discovered in the 
 sea a couple of small barques or boats, making in with the harbour 
 of Carthagena, whereupon Captain Moon and Captain Varney, 
 with John Grant, the master of the Tiger, and some other seamen, 
 embarked themselves in a couple of small pinnaces, to take them 
 before they should come nigh the shore, at the mouth of the 
 harbour, lest by some straggling Spaniards from the land, they 
 might be warned by signs from coming in, which fell out accord 
 ingly, notwithstanding all the diligence that our men could use : 
 for the Spanish boats, upon the sight of our pinnaces coming 
 towards them, ran themselves ashore, and so their men presently 
 hid themselves in bushes hard by the sea-side, amongst some 
 others that had called them by signs thither. Our men presently 
 without any due regard had to the quality of the place, and seeing 
 no man of the Spaniards to shew themselves, boarded the Spanish 
 barques or boats, and so standing all open in them, were suddenly 
 shot at by a troop of Spaniards out of the bushes ; by which volley of 
 shot there were slain Captain Varney, which died presently, and 
 Captain Moon, who died some few days after, besides some four 
 or five others that were hurt : and so our folks returned without 
 their purpose, not having any sufficient number of soldiers with 
 them to fight on shore. For those men they carried were all 
 mariners to row, few of them armed, because they made account 
 with their ordnance to have taken the barques well enough at sea 
 which they might full easily have done, without any loss at all, if 
 they had come in time to the harbour mouth, before the Spaniards' 
 boats had gotten so near the shore. 
 
 During our abode in this place, as also at St. Domingo, there 
 passed divers courtesies between us and the Spaniards, as feasting, 
 and using them with all kindness and favour; so as amongst 
 others there came to see the General the Governor of Carthagena, 
 with the Bishop of the same, and divers other gentlemen of the better 
 sort. This town of Carthagena we touched in the outparts, and con 
 sumed much with fire, as we had done St. Domingo upon discon 
 tentments, and for want of agreeing with us in their first treaties 
 touching their ransom, which at the last was concluded between 
 us, should be 1 10,000 ducats for that which was yet standing, the 
 ducat valued at five shillings and sixpence sterling. 
 
 This town, though not half so big as St. Domingo, gives, as you 
 see, a far greater ransom, being in very deed of far more import 
 ance, by reason of the excellency of the harbour and the situation 
 
248 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [ T 586 
 
 thereof, to serve the trade of N ombre de Dios and other places, . 
 and is inhabited with far more richer merchants. The other is 
 chiefly inhabited with lawyers and brave gentlemen, being the 
 chief or highest appeal of their suits in law of all the islands 
 about it and of the mainland coast next unto it. And it is of no 
 such account as Carthagena, for these and some other like reasons 
 which I could give you over long to be now written. 
 
 The warning which this town received of our coming towards 
 them from St. Domingo, by the space of twenty days before our 
 arrival here, was cause that they had both fortified and every way 
 prepared for their best defence. As also that they had carried and 
 conveyed away all their treasure and principal substance. 
 
 The ransom of an hundred and ten thousand ducats thus con 
 cluded on, as is aforesaid, the same being written, and expressing 
 for nothing more than the town of Carthagena, upon the payment 
 of the said ransom we left the said town and drew some part of 
 our soldiers into the priory or abbey, standing a quarter of an 
 English mile below the town upon the harbour water-side, the 
 same being walled with a wall of stone, which we told the 
 Spaniards was yet ours, and not redeemed by their composition ; 
 whereupon they, finding the defect of their contract, were con 
 tented to enter into another ransom for all places, but specially for 
 the said house, as also the blockhouse or castle, which is upon the 
 mouth of the inner harbour. And when we asked as much for the 
 one as for the other, they yielded to give a thousand crowns for the 
 abbey, leaving us to take our pleasure upon the blockhouse, which 
 they said they were not able to ransom, having stretched them 
 selves to the uttermost of their powers ; and therefore the said 
 blockhouse was by us undermined, and so with gunpowder blown 
 up in pieces. While this latter contract was in making, our whole 
 fleet of ships fell down towards the harbour-mouth, where they 
 anchored the third time and employed their men in fetching of 
 fresh water aboard the ships for our voyage homewards, which 
 water was had in a great well that is in the island by the harbour- 
 mouth ; which island is a very pleasant place as hath been seen, 
 having in it many sorts of goodly and very pleasant fruits, as the 
 orange-trees and others, being set orderly in walks of great length 
 together. Insomuch as the whole island being some two or three 
 miles about, is cast into grounds of gardening and orchards. 
 
 After six weeks' abode in this place, we put to sea the last of 
 March, where, after two or three days, a great ship which we had 
 
1586] DRAKE. 249 
 
 taken at St. Domingo, and thereupon was called the New Year's 
 Gift, fell into a great leak, being laden with ordnance, hides, and 
 other spoils, and in the night she lost the company of our fleet, 
 which, being missed the next morning by the General, he cast 
 about with the whole fleet, fearing some great mischance to be 
 happened unto her, as in very deed it so fell out ; for her leak was 
 so great that her men were all tired with pumping. But at the last, 
 having found her and the barque Talbot in her company, which 
 stayed by great hap with her, they were ready to take their men 
 out of her for the saving of them. And so the General, being fully 
 advertised of their great extremity, made sail directly back again to 
 Carthagena with the whole fleet, where, having staid eight or ten 
 days more about the unlading of this ship and the bestowing 
 thereof and her men into other ships, we departed once again to 
 sea, directing our course toward the Cape St. Anthony, being the 
 westermost part of Cuba, where we arrived on the 27th of April. 
 But because fresh water could not presently be found, we weighed 
 anchor and departed, thinking in few days to recover the Ma- 
 tanzas, a place to the eastward of Havana. 
 
 After we had sailed some fourteen days we were brought to 
 Cape St. Anthony again through lack of favourable wind; but 
 then our scarcity was grown such as need made us look a little 
 better for water, which being found in sufficient quantity, being 
 indeed, as I judge, none other than rain-water newly fallen and 
 gathered up by making pits in a plot of marsh ground some three 
 hundred paces from the seaside. 
 
 I do wrong if I should forget the good example of the General 
 at this place, who, to encourage others, and to hasten the 
 getting of fresh water aboard the ships, took no less pain 
 himself than the meanest; as also at St. Domingo, Cartha 
 gena, and all other places, having always so vigilant a care 
 and foresight in the good ordering of his fleet, accompanying 
 them, as it is said, with such wonderful travail of body, as 
 doubtless had he been the meanest person, as he was the 
 chiefest, he had yet deserved the first place of honour ; and no less 
 happy do we account him for being associated with Mr. Carleil, his 
 Lieutenant-General, by whose experience, prudent counsel, and 
 gallant performance he achieved so many and happy enterprises 
 of the war, by whom also he was very greatly assisted in setting 
 down the needful orders, laws, and course of justice, and the due 
 administration of the same upon all occasions. 
 
250 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1586 
 
 After three days spent in watering our ships, we departed now 
 the second time from this Cape of St. Anthony on the I3th of May, 
 and, proceeding about the Cape of Florida, we never touched any 
 where ; but, coasting along Florida, and keeping the shore still in 
 sight, on the 28th of May, early in the morning, we descried on the 
 shore a place built like a beacon, which was indeed a scaffold upon 
 four long masts raised on end for men to discover to the seaward, 
 being in the latitude of thirty degrees, or very near thereunto. Our 
 pinnaces manned and coming to the shore, we marched up along 
 the river-side to see what place the enemy held there ; for none 
 amongst us had any knowledge thereof at all. 
 
 Here the General took occasion to march with the companies 
 himself in person, the Lieutenant-General having the vanguard ; 
 and, going a mile up, or somewhat more, by the river-side, we 
 might discern on the other side of the river over against us a fort 
 which newly had been built by the Spaniards ; and some mile, or 
 thereabout, above the fort was a little town or village without walls, 
 built of wooden houses, as the plot doth plainly shew. We forth 
 with prepared to have ordnance for the battery; and one piece 
 was a little before the evening planted, and the first shot being 
 made by the Lieutenant-General himself at their ensign, struck 
 through the ensign, as we afterwards understood by a Frenchman 
 which came unto us from them. One shot more was then made, 
 which struck the foot of the fort wall, which was all massive timber 
 of great trees like masts. The Lieutenant-General was determined 
 to pass the river this night with four companies, and there to lodge 
 himself entrenched as near to the fort as that he might play with 
 his muskets and smallest shot upon any that should appear, and so 
 afterwards to bring and plant the battery with him ; but the help of 
 mariners for that sudden to make trenches could not be had, which 
 was the cause that this determination was remitted until the next 
 night. 
 
 In the night the Lieutenant-General took a little rowing skiff 
 and a half-a-dozen well armed, as Captain Morgan, and Captain 
 Sampson, with some others besides the rowers, and went to view 
 what guard the enemy kept, as also to take knowledge of the 
 ground. And albeit he went as covertly as might be, yet the 
 enemy, taking the alarm, grew fearful that the whole force was 
 approaching to the assault, and therefore with all speed abandoned 
 the place after the shooting of some of their pieces. They thus 
 gone, and he being returned unto us again, but nothing knowing of 
 
1586] DRAKE. 251 
 
 their flight from their fort, forthwith came a Frenchman, being a 
 piper (who has been prisoner with them) in a little boat, playing on 
 his pipe the tune of the Prince of Orange's song; and being called 
 unto by the guard, he told them before he put foot out of the boat 
 what he was himself, and how the Spaniards had gone from the 
 fort, offering either to remain in hands there, or else to return to the 
 place with them that would go. 
 
 Upon this intelligence the General, the Lieutenant-General, 
 with some of the captains in one skiff and the Vice- Admiral with 
 some others in his skiff, and two or three pinnaces furnished of 
 soldiers with them, put presently over towards the fort, giving 
 order for the rest of the pinnaces to follow. And in our approach 
 some of the enemy, bolder than the rest, having stayed behind 
 their company, shot off two pieces of ordnance at us ; but on 
 shore we went, and entered the place without finding any man 
 there. 
 
 When the day appeared, we found it built all of timber, the 
 walls being none other than whole masts or bodies of trees set 
 upright and close together in manner of a pale, without any ditch 
 as yet made, but wholly intended with some more time ; for they 
 had not as yet finished all their work, having begun the same some 
 three or four months before ; so as, to say the truth, they had no 
 reason to keep it, being subject both to fire and easy assault. 
 
 The platform whereon the ordnance lay was whole bodies of 
 long pine-trees, whereof there is great plenty, laid across one on 
 another and some little earth amongst. There were in it thirteen 
 or fourteen great pieces of brass ordnance and a chest unbroken up, 
 having in it the value of some two thousand pounds sterling by 
 estimation of the King's treasure to pay the soldiers of that place, 
 who were a hundred and fifty men. 
 
 The Fort thus won, which they called St. John's Fort, and the day 
 opened, we assayed to go to the town, but could not by reason 
 of some rivers and broken ground which was between the two 
 places ; and therefore being enforced to embark again into our 
 pinnaces, we went thither upon the great main river, which is called 
 as also the town, by the name of St. Augustine. 
 
 At our approaching to land, there were some that began to 
 shew themselves, and to bestow some few shot upon us, but 
 presently withdrew themselves. And in their running thus away, 
 the Sergeant-Major finding one of their horses ready saddled and 
 bridled, took the same to follow the chase; and so overgoing 
 
252 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1586 
 
 all his company, was (by one laid behind a bush) shot through 
 the head ; and falling down therewith, was by the same and two 
 or three more, stabbed in three or four places of his body with 
 swords and daggers, before any could come near to his rescue. 
 His death was much lamented, being in very deed an honest, 
 wise gentleman, and soldier of good experience, and of as great 
 courage as any man might be. 
 
 In this place called St. Augustine, we understood the king did 
 keep, as is before said, one hundred and fifty soldiers, and at an 
 other place some dozen leagues beyond to the northwards, called 
 St. Helena, he did there likewise keep an hundred and fifty 
 more, serving there for no other purpose than to keep all other 
 nations from inhabiting any part of all that coast ; the government 
 whereof was committed to one Pedro Melendez, marquis, nephew 
 to that Melendez the Admiral, who had overthrown Mr. John 
 Hawkins in the Bay of Mexico some seventeen or eighteen years 
 ago. This Governor had charge of both places, but was at this 
 time in this place, and one of the first that left the same. 
 
 Here it was resolved in full assembly of captains, to undertake 
 the enterprise of St. Helena, and from thence to seek out the 
 inhabitation of our English countrymen in Virginia, distant from 
 thence some six degrees northward. When we came thwart of 
 St. Helena, the shoals appearing dangerous, and we having no 
 pilot to undertake the entry, it was thought meetest to go hence 
 alongst. For the Admiral had been the same night in four fathom 
 and a half, three leagues from the shore ; and yet we understood 
 by the help of a known pilot, there may and do go in ships of 
 greater burden and draught than any we had in our fleet. We 
 passed thus along the coast hard aboard the shore, which is 
 shallow for a league or two from the shore, and the same is low 
 and broken land for the most part. On the Qth of June upon sight 
 of one special great fire (which are very ordinary all along this 
 coast, even from the Cape of Florida hither) the General sent his 
 skiff to the shore, where they found some of our English country 
 men (that had been sent thither the year before by Sir Walter 
 Raleigh) and brought them aboard: by whose direction we pro 
 ceeded along to the place which they make their port. But some 
 of our ships being of great draught, unable to enter, anchored with 
 out the harbour in a wild road at sea, about two miles from shore. 
 From whence the General wrote letters to Mr. Ralfe Lane, being 
 governor of those English in Virginia, and then at his fort about 
 
1586] DRAKE. 253 
 
 six leagues from the road in an Island which they called Roanoke 
 wherein especially he shewed how ready he was to supply his 
 necessities and wants, which he understood of, by those he had 
 first talked withal. 
 
 The morrow after, Mr. Lane himself and some of his company 
 coming unto him, with the consent of his captains he gave them 
 the choice of two offers, that is to say : Either he would leave a 
 ship, a pinnace, and certain boats with sufficient masters and 
 mariners, together furnished with a month's victuals, to stay and 
 make further discovery of the country and coasts, and so much 
 victual likewise as might be sufficient for the bringing of them 
 all (being an hundred and three persons) into England, if they 
 thought good after such time, with any other thing they would 
 desire, and that he might be able to spare. 
 
 Or else if they thought they had made sufficient discovery 
 already, and did desire to return into England, he would give 
 them passage. But they, as it seemed, being desirous to stay, 
 accepted very thankfully and with great gladness, that which was 
 offered first. Whereupon the ship being appointed and received 
 into charge by some of their own company sent into her by 
 Mr. Lane, before they had received from the rest of the fleet 
 the provision appointed them, there arose a great storm (which 
 they said was extraordinary and very strange) that lasted three 
 days together, and put all our fleet in great danger, to be driven 
 from their anchoring upon the coast ; for we broke many cables, 
 and lost many anchors ; and some of our fleet which had lost 
 all (of which number was the ship appointed for Mr. Lane 
 and his company) was driven to put to sea in great danger, in 
 avoiding the coast, and could never see us again until we met 
 in England. Many also of our small pinnaces and boats were 
 lost in this storm. 
 
 Notwithstanding, after all this, the General offered them (with 
 consent of his captains) another ship with some provisions, 
 although not such a one for their turns, as might have been spared 
 them before, this being unable to be brought into their harbour. 
 Or else if they would, to give them passage into England, 
 although he knew he should perform it with greater difficulty than 
 he might have done before. But Mr. Lane, with those of the 
 chiefest of his company which he had then with him, considering 
 what should be best for them to do, made request unto the General 
 under their hands, that they might have passage for England: 
 
254 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1586 
 
 the which being granted, and the rest sent for out of the country 
 and shipped, we departed from that coast on the i8th of June. 
 And so, God be thanked, both they and we in good safety 
 arrived at Portsmouth on the 28th of July, 1586, to the great glory 
 of God, and to no small honour to our Prince, our country, and 
 ourselves. The total value of that which was got in this voyage is 
 esteemed at three score thousand pounds, whereof the companies 
 which have travelled in the voyage were to have twenty thousand 
 pounds, the adventurers the other forty. Of which twenty thousand 
 pounds (as I can judge) will redound some six pounds to the 
 single share. We lost some seven hundred and fifty men in the 
 voyage ; above three parts of them only by sickness. The men of 
 name that died and were slain in this voyage, which I can presently 
 call to remembrance, are these : Captain Powell, Captain Varney, 
 Captain Moon, Captain Fortescue, Captain Biggs, Captain Cecil, 
 Captain Hannam, Captain Greenfield ; Thomas Tucker, a lieu 
 tenant ; Alexander Starkey, a lieutenant ; Mr. Escot, lieutenant ; 
 Mr. Waterhouse, a lieutenant; Mr. George Candish, Mr. Nicholas 
 Winter, Mr. Alexander Carleil, Mr. Robert Alexander, Mr. Scroope, 
 Mr. James Dier, Mr. Peter Duke. With some other, whom for 
 haste I cannot suddenly think on. 
 
 The ordnance gotten of all sorts, brass and iron, were about two 
 hundred and forty pieces, whereof the two hundred and some more 
 were brass, and were thus found and gotten : At Santiago some 
 two or three and fifty pieces. In St. Domingo about four score, 
 whereof was very much great ordnance, as whole cannon, derm- 
 cannon, culverins, and such like. In Carthagena some sixty and 
 three pieces, and good store likewise of the greater sort. In the 
 Fort of St. Augustin were fourteen pieces. The rest was iron 
 ordnance, of which the most part was gotten at St. Domingo, the 
 rest at Carthagena. 
 
CAVENDISH. 255 
 
 CAVENDISH. 
 
 THOMAS CAVENDISH, a young Suffolk gentleman of good 
 family, who had squandered the savings of a long minority, 
 and dissipated the substance of a large fortune in the extrava 
 gances of Elizabeth's Court, bethought him of repairing his 
 shattered wealth by an American voyage in imitation of that 
 which had immortalized Francis Drake. Accordingly, in July, 
 1586, he left Plymouth with three vessels, following Drake's 
 track by way of the Canaries and the Guinea Coast to the 
 shores of Brazil, which was reached in December. Early in 
 the New Year (1587) Cavendish made the Straits of Magellan, 
 which it took him over six weeks to traverse. He then coasted 
 along the western shore of South America in search of plun 
 der. His success was quite equal to his expectations. Before 
 he reached the coast of California he had sunk many Spanish 
 vessels, and collected a considerable cargo of silver and 
 American produce ; but Cavendish had resolved to strike a yet 
 more daring blow for fortune. He would await, on the 
 Californian coast, the arrival of the great galleon from the 
 Philippines, laden with the spoils of Asia ; and on the 4th of 
 November, 1587, while Cavendish was beating up and down 
 on the headland of California, the great flag-ship of the Pacific 
 hove in sight. It was the Santa Anna, with 120,000 dollars in 
 gold aboard, besides quantities of Oriental silks, satins, and 
 
256 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 damask, and rich spices and perfumes. Cavendish speedily 
 laid her aboard, and captured her after an obstinate fight of 
 several hours. Having put her crew on shore, emptied her of 
 all her treasures, and burnt her to the water's edge, Cavendish 
 sailed due west across the Pacific, and reached the Philippines 
 in the middle of January, 1588, or a year and a-half after 
 quitting Plymouth. Having touched at several islands of the 
 Malay archipelago, especially Java, where he took pains to 
 obtain exact information as to the condition and resources of 
 the island, and found the natives and the Portuguese equally 
 ready to welcome a deliverer from the despotism of Spain ; 
 and thence, after a run of nine weeks across the Indian Ocean, 
 he made the Cape of Good Hope. Cavendish did not land 
 until he reached the Island of St. Helena, of which the narra 
 tive gives an interesting description. Two months from St. 
 Helena brought him back to Plymouth, after a voyage which 
 had lasted over two years. 
 
 Three years elapsed before Cavendish sailed on his second 
 expedition. It was as disastrous as the first had been prosper 
 ous. He was late in the season, and unusually bad weather 
 prevented him from making the Straits until April, 1592. 
 Cavendish did not reach the Pacific. The Desire, commanded 
 by Davis, with whom sailed the writer of the narrative here 
 printed, was forced back up the Straits by stress of weather, 
 and followed the Admiral back to the coast of Brazil ; and, 
 after months of unexampled suffering and distress, her crew 
 reached the coast of Ireland. Cavendish himself was spared 
 the mortification of an inglorious return ; for he died at sea 
 shortly before his ship reached the shores of England. 
 Cavendish was the second English circumnavigator of the globe. 
 Beyond this circumstance his voyages have no special historical 
 significance. But the dramatic nature of their incidents fixed 
 
CAVENDISH. 257 
 
 them firmly in the public mind. They served to stimulate 
 and confirm the spirit of English enterprize in the American 
 and East Indian seas ; and the name of the bold and unfortu 
 nate Suffolk gentleman-adventurer will always occupy an 
 important place on the roll of English worthies. 
 
258 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 CAVENDISH. FIRST VOYAGE. 
 
 The admirable and prosperous Voyage of the Worshipful 
 MR. THOMAS CAVENDISH, </ TRIMLEY, in the County 
 of SUFFOLK, Esquire, into the South Sea, and from thence 
 round about the circumference of the whole earth ; begun in 
 the year of our Lord 1586, and finished 1588. Written by 
 MR. FRANCIS PRETTY, lately of EYE, in SUFFOLK, a gentle 
 man employed in the same action. 
 
 WE departed out of Plymouth on Thursday, the 2ist of July, 
 1586, with three sails, to wit, the Desire, a ship of 120 tons, 
 the Content, of 60 tons, and the Hugh Gallant, a barque of 40 
 tons, in which small fleet were 123 persons of all sorts, with all 
 kind of furniture and victuals sufficient for the space of two 
 years, at the charges of the Worshipful Mr. Thomas Cavendish. 
 of Trimley, in the county of Suffolk, Esquire, being our General. 
 On Tuesday, the 26th of the same month, we were forty-five 
 leagues from Cape Finisterre, where we met with five sails of 
 Biscayans, coming from the Grand Bay in Newfoundland, as we 
 supposed, which our Admiral shot at, and fought with them three 
 hours, but we took none of them by reason the night grew on. 
 On the ist of August we came in sight of Forteventura, one 
 of the Isles of the Canaries, about 10 o'clock in the morning. 
 
 On Sunday, being the 7th of August, we were gotten as high 
 as Rio del Oro, on the coast of Barbary. On Monday, the igth, 
 we fell with Cape Blanco ; but the wind blew so much at the 
 north, that we could not get up where the canters do use to ride 
 and fish ; therefore we lay off six hours west-south-west, because 
 of the sand which lieth off the Cape south-west and by south. 
 On the 1 5th of the same month we were in the height of Cape 
 
1586] CAVENDISH. 259 
 
 Verde, by estimation fifty leagues off the same. On the i8th, 
 Sierra Leone did bear east of us, being forty-five leagues from 
 us ; and the same day the wind shifted to the north-west, so 
 that by the 2oth day of the said month we were in six degrees 
 and a-half to the northward from the equinoctial line. 
 On the 2jrd we put room for Sierra Leone, and the 25th day 
 we fell with the point on the south side of Sierra Leone, which 
 Mr. Brewer knew very well, and went in before with the Content, 
 which was Vice-Admiral ; and we had no less than five fathoms 
 water when we had least, and had for fourteen leagues in south 
 west all the way running into the harbour of Sierra Leone, sixteen, 
 fourteen, twelve, ten, and eight fathoms of water. 
 
 On the 26th of the said month we put into the harbour, and in 
 going in we had (by the southernmost point, when we had least) five 
 fathoms water fair by the rock as it lieth at the said point ; and 
 after we came two or three cables' lengths within the said rock, we 
 never had less than ten fathoms, until we came up to the road, 
 which is about a league from the point, borrowing always on the 
 south side until you come up to the watering-place, in which bay is 
 the best road ; but you must ride far into the bay because there 
 run marvellous great tides in the offing, and it floweth into the 
 road next of anything at a south-east and by east moon. It is out 
 of England to this place 930 leagues, which we ran from the 
 2 ist of July to the 26th of this month of August. 
 
 On Saturday, being the 2/th day, there came two negroes 
 aboard our Admiral from the shore, and made signs unto our 
 General that there was a Portugal ship up within the harbour : 
 so the Hugh Gallant, being the Rear- Admiral, went up three 
 or four leagues, but for want of a pilot they sought no farther ; 
 for the harbour runneth three or four leagues up more, and is of a 
 marvellous breadth and very dangerous, as we learned afterwards 
 by a Portugal. 
 
 On Sunday, the 28th, the General sent some of his company 
 on shore, and there as they played and danced all the forenoon 
 among the negroes, to the end to have heard some good news of 
 the Portugal ship, toward their coming aboard they espied a 
 Portugal, which lay hid among the bushes, whom we took and 
 brought away with us the same night, and he told us it was very 
 dangerous going up with our boats for to seek the ship that was 
 at the town. Whereupon we went not to seek her, because we 
 knew he told us the truth ; for we bound him and made him 
 
 S 2 
 
260 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1586 
 
 fast, and so examined him. Also he told us that his ship was 
 there cast away, and that there were two more of his company 
 among the negroes. The Portugal's name was Emmanuel, and 
 was by his occupation a caulker, belonging to the Port of 
 Portugal.* 
 
 On Monday morning, being the 2Qth day, our General landed 
 with seventy men, or thereabouts, and went up to their town, 
 where we burnt two or three houses, and took what spoil we 
 would, which was but little ; but all the people fled, and in our 
 retiring aboard in a very little plain at their town's end they shot 
 their arrows at us out of the woods, and hurt three or four of 
 our men. Their arrows were poisoned, but yet none of our men 
 miscarried at that time, thanked be God. Their town is mar 
 vellous artificially builded with mud walls, and built round, with 
 their yards paled in and kept very clean as well in their streets 
 as in their houses. These negroes use good obedience to their 
 king, as one of our men said, which was with them in pawn for 
 the negroes which came first. There were in their town by estima 
 tion about one hundred houses. 
 
 On the ist of September there went many of our men on shore 
 at the watering-place, and did wash shirts very quietly all the day, 
 and the second day they went again, and the negroes were in 
 ambush round about the place ; and the carpenter of the Admiral 
 going into the wood to do some special business, espied them by 
 good fortune. But the negroes rushed out upon our men so sud 
 denly, that in retiring to our boats many of them were hurt ; 
 among whom one William Pickman, a soldier, was shot into the 
 thigh, who plucking the arrow out broke it, and left the head 
 behind, and he told the surgeons that he plucked out all the arrow, 
 because he would not have them lance his thigh ; whereupon the 
 poison wrought so that night, that he was marvellously swollen, 
 and the next morning he died, the piece of the arrow with the 
 poison being plucked out of his thigh. 
 
 On the 3rd day of the said month, divers of our fleet went up 
 four miles within the harbour with our boat, and caught great store 
 of fish, and went on shore and took lemons from the trees, and 
 coming aboard again saw two buffes. On the 6th day we departed 
 from Sierra Leone, and went out of the harbour, and stayed one 
 
 * Oporto. 
 
1586] CAVENDISH. 26l 
 
 tide three leagues from the point of the mouth of the harbour 
 in six fathoms, and it floweth south-south-west. On Wednesday, 
 being the 7th of the same month, we departed from one of the 
 islands of Cape Verde, alias the islands of Madrabumba, which is 
 ten leagues distant from the point of Sierra Leone, and about 
 five o'clock the same night we anchored two miles off the 
 island, in six fathoms water, and landed the same night, and 
 found plantains only upon the island. On the 8th day one of our 
 boats went out and sounded round about the island, and they 
 passed through a sound at the west end of the island, where 
 they found five fathoms round about the island, until they came 
 into the very gut of the sound, and then for a cast or two they 
 had but two fathoms, and presently after six fathoms, and so 
 deeper and deeper. And at the east end of the island there 
 was a town, where negroes do use at sometimes, as we perceived 
 by their provision. 
 
 There is no fresh water on all the south side, as we could per 
 ceive, but on the north side three or four very good places of fresh 
 water ; and all the whole island is a wood, save certain little 
 places where their houses stand, which are environed round about 
 with plantain trees, whereof the fruit is excellent meat. This 
 place is subject marvellous much to thunder, rain, and lightning 
 in this month. I think the reason is, because the sun is so near 
 the line equinoctial. On Saturday, the loth, we departed from 
 the said island, about three o'clock in the afternoon, the wind 
 being at the south-west. 
 
 The last of October, running west-south-west, about twenty-four 
 leagues from Cape Frio, in Brazil, we fell with a great mountain 
 which had a high round knob on the top of it, standing from it like 
 a town, with two little islands from it. 
 
 On the ist of November we went in between the island of St. 
 Sebastian and the main land, and had our things on shore, and set 
 up a forge, and had our cask on shore ; our coopers made hoops, 
 and so we remained there until the 23rd day of the same month, in 
 which time we fitted our things, built our pinnace, and filled our 
 fresh water ; and while our pinnace was in building, there came a 
 canoe from the River of Janeiro, meaning to go to St. Vincent, 
 wherein were six naked slaves of the country people, which did 
 row the canoe, and one Portugal. And the Portugal knew Chris 
 topher Hare, Master of the Admiral, for that Mr. Hare had been 
 at St. Vincent, in the Minion, of London, in the year 1581 ; and 
 
262 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1586 
 
 thinking to have John Whithall, the Englishman which dwelleth at 
 St. Vincent, come unto us, which is twenty leagues from this 
 harbour with some other, thereby to have had some fresh victuals, 
 we suffered the Portugal to go with a letter unto him, who pro 
 mised to return or send some answer within ten days, for that we 
 told him we were merchants, and would traffic with them ; but we 
 never received answer from him any more; and seeing that he 
 came not according to appointment, our business being des 
 patched, we weighed anchor, and set sail from St. Sebastian on 
 the 23rd of November. 
 
 On the 1 6th day of December we fell in with the coast of 
 America in 47 degrees and a third, the land bearing west from us 
 about six leagues off: from which place we ran along the shore 
 until we came into 48 degrees. It is a steep beach all along. 
 On the i yth day of December, in the afternoon, we entered into 
 an harbour, where our Admiral went in first (wherefore our 
 General named the said harbour Port Desire), in which harbour is 
 an island or two, where there is wonderful great store of seals, and 
 another island of birds, which are grey gulls. These seals are of a 
 wonderful great bigness, huge, and monstrous of shape, and for the 
 fore-part of their bodies cannot be compared to anything better 
 than to a lion : their head, and neck, and fore-parts of their bodies 
 are full of rough hair : their feet are in manner of a fin, and in 
 form like unto a man's hand ; they breed and cast every month, 
 giving their young milk, yet continually get they their living in the 
 sea, and live altogether upon fish: their young are marvellous 
 good meat, and being boiled or roasted, are hardly to be known 
 from lamb or mutton. The old ones be of such bigness and force, 
 that it is as much as four men are able to do to kill one of them 
 with great cowle-staves : and he must be beaten down with striking 
 on the head of him : for his body is of that bigness that four men 
 could never kill him, but only on the head. For being shot 
 through the body with an arquebuse or a musket, yet he will go his 
 way into the sea, and never care for it at the present. Also the 
 fowls that were there were very good meat, and great store of 
 them: they have burrows in the ground like coneys, for they 
 cannot fly. They have nothing but down upon their pinions : they 
 also fish and feed in the sea for their living, and breed on shore. 
 
 This harbour is a very good place to trim ships in, and to bring 
 them on ground, and grave them in : for there ebbeth and floweth 
 much water : therefore we graved and trimmed all our ships there. 
 
1586] CAVENDISH. 263 
 
 On the 24th of December, being Christmas Eve, a man and a 
 boy of the Rear-Admiral went some forty score from our ships 
 unto a very fair green valley at the foot of the mountains, where 
 was a little pit or well which our men had digged and made some 
 two or three days before to get fresh water, for there was none in 
 all the harbour ; and this was but brackish : therefore this man 
 and boy came thither to wash their linen : and being in washing at 
 the said well, there were great store of Indians which were come 
 down, and found the said man and boy in washing. These Indians 
 being divided on each side of the rocks, shot at them with their 
 arrows and hurt them both, but they fled presently, being about 
 fifty or threescore, though our General followed them with but 
 sixteen or twenty men. The man's name which was hurt was John 
 Garge, the boy's name was Lutch : the man was shot clean through 
 the knee, the boy into the shoulder : either of them having very 
 sore wounds. Their arrows are made of little canes, and their 
 heads are of a flint stone, set into the cane very artificially : they 
 seldom or never see any Christians : they are as wild as ever was 
 a buck or any other wild beast ; for we followed them, and they 
 ran from us as it had been the wildest thing in the world. We 
 took the measure of one of their feet, and it was 18 inches long. 
 Their use is when any of them die, to bring him or them to the 
 cliffs by the sea-side, and upon the top of them they bury them, 
 and in their graves are buried with them their bows and arrows, 
 and all their jewels which they have in their life-time, which are 
 fine shells which they find by the sea-side, which they cut and 
 square after an artificial manner ; and all is laid under their heads. 
 The grave is made all with great stones of great length and 
 bigness, being set all along full of the dead man's darts which he 
 used when he was living. And they colour both their darts and 
 their graves with a red colour which they use in colouring of them 
 selves. 
 
 On the 28th of December we departed out of the Port of Desire, 
 and went to an island which lieth three leagues to the southward 
 of it ; where we trimmed our saved penguins with salt for victual 
 all that and the next day, and departed along the coast south-west 
 and by south. On the 3Oth day we fell with a rock which 
 lieth about five leagues from the land, much like unto Eddystone, 
 which lieth off the sound of Plymouth, and we sounded, and had 
 8 fathoms rocky ground, within a mile thereof: the rock bearing 
 west-south-west. We went coasting along south-south-west, and 
 
264 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1587 
 
 found great store of seals all along the coast. This rock standeth 
 in 48 degrees and a-half to the southward of the line. 
 
 On the 2nd day of January we fell with a very fair white cape, 
 which standeth in 51 degrees, and had 7 fathoms water a league off 
 the land. On the 3rd day of the aforesaid month we fell with 
 another great white cape, which standeth in 52 degrees and 
 45 minutes ; from which cape there runneth a low beach about a 
 league to the southward, and this beach reacheth to the opening 
 of the dangerous Strait of Magellan, which is in divers places 
 five or six leagues wide, and in two several places more narrow. 
 Under this cape we anchored and lost an anchor, for it was a 
 great storm of foul weather, and lasted three days very dangerous. 
 On the 6th day we put in for the Straits. On the 7th day, 
 between the mouth of the Straits and the narrowest place 
 thereof, we took a Spaniard whose name was Hernando, who 
 was there with twenty-three Spaniards more, which were all 
 that remained of four hundred which were left there three years 
 before in these Straits of Magellan, all the rest being dead 
 with famine. And the same day we passed through the narrowest 
 of the Straits, where the aforesaid Spaniard shewed us the hull of 
 a small barque, which we judged to be a barque called the John 
 Thomas. It is from the mouth of the Straits unto the narrowest 
 of the Straits fourteen leagues, and the course lieth west and 
 by north. The mouth of the Straits standeth in 52 degrees. 
 From the narrowest of the Straits unto Penguin Island is ten 
 leagues, and lieth west-south-west somewhat to the southward, 
 where we anchored on the eighth day, and killed and salted great 
 store of penguins for victuals. 
 
 On the 9th day we departed from Penguin Island, and ran 
 south-south-west to King Philip's City, which the Spaniards had 
 built ; which town or city had four forts, and every fort had in it 
 one cast piece, which pieces were buried in the ground, the 
 carriages were standing in their places unburied: we digged for them 
 and had them all. They had contrived their city very well, and 
 seated it in the best place of the Straits for wood and water : they 
 had built up their churches by themselves : they had laws very 
 severe among themselves, for they had erected a gibbet, whereon 
 they had done execution upon some of their company. It seemed 
 unto us that the whole living for a great space was altogether upon 
 muscles and limpets, for there was not anything else to be had, 
 except some deer which came out of the mountains down to the 
 
1587] CAVENDISH. 265 
 
 fresh rivers to drink. These Spaniards which were there, were 
 only come to fortify the Straits, to the end that no other nation 
 should have passage through into the South Sea, saving only their 
 own ; but as it appeared, it was not God's will so to have it. For 
 during the time that they were there, which was two years at the 
 least, they could never have anything to grow or in anywise 
 prosper. And on the other side the Indians oftentimes preyed 
 upon them, until their victuals grew so short (their store being 
 spent which they had brought with them out of Spain, and having 
 no means to renew the same), that they died like dogs in their 
 houses, and in their clothes, wherein we found them still at our 
 coming, until that in the end the town being wonderfully tainted 
 with the smell and the savour of the dead people, the rest which 
 remained alive were driven to bury such things as they had there 
 in their town either for provision or for furniture, and so to forsake 
 the town, and to go along the sea-side, and seek their victuals to 
 preserve them from starving, taking nothing with them, but every 
 man his arquebuse and his furniture that was able to carry it (for 
 some were not able to carry them for weakness) and so lived for 
 the space of a year and more with roots, leaves, and sometimes a 
 fowl which they might kill with their piece. To conclude, they 
 were determined to have travelled towards the River of Plate, only 
 being left alive twenty-three persons, whereof two were women, 
 which were the remainder of four hundred. In this place we 
 watered and wooded well and quietly. Our General named this 
 town Port Famine : it standeth in 53 degrees by observation to the 
 southward. 
 
 On the 1 4th day we departed from this place, and ran south- 
 south-west, and from thence south-west unto Cape Froward, 
 5 leagues west-south-west, which cape is the southermost part of 
 all the straits, and standeth in the latitude of 54 degrees. From 
 which cape we ran west and by north five leagues, and put into a bay 
 or cove on the south side, which we called Muscle Cove, because 
 there were great store of them : we rode therein six days, the wind 
 being still westerly. 
 
 On the 2ist of January we departed from Muscle Cove, and went 
 north-west and by west ten leagues to a very fair sandy bay on the 
 north-side, which our General called Elizabeth Bay, and as we 
 rode there that night, one of our men died which went in the Hugh 
 Gallant, whose name was Grey, a carpenter by his occupation, and 
 was buried there in that bay. 
 
266 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1587 
 
 On the 22nd day we departed from Elizabeth Bay in the after 
 noon, and went about two leagues from that place, where there was a 
 fresh water river, where our General went up with the ship-boat 
 about three miles, which river hath very good and pleasant ground 
 about it, and it is low and champaign soil, and so we saw none 
 other ground else in all the straits but that was craggy rocks and 
 monstrous high hills and mountains. In this river are great store 
 of savages, which we saw and had conference with them. They 
 were men-eaters, and fed altogether upon raw flesh and other filthy 
 food ; which people had preyed upon some of the Spaniards before 
 spoken of. For they had got knives and pieces of rapiers to make 
 darts of. They used all the means they could possibly to have 
 allured us up farther into the river, of purpose to have betrayed us, 
 which being espied by our General, he caused us to shoot at them 
 with our arquebuses, whereby we killed many of them. So we 
 sailed from this river to the Channel of St. Jerome, which is 
 two leagues off. 
 
 From the river of Saint Jerome about three or four leagues we 
 ran west unto a cape which is on the north side ; and from that 
 cape into the mouth of the Straits the course lieth north-west and 
 by west and north-east. Between which place and the mouth of 
 the Straits to the southward we lay in harbour until the 23rd of 
 February, by reason of contrary winds and most vile and filthy foul 
 weather, with such rain and vehement stormy winds, which came 
 down from the mountains and high hills, that they hazarded the 
 best cables and anchors that we had for to hold, which if they had 
 failed we had been in great danger to have been cast away, or at 
 the least famished. For during this time, which was a full month, 
 we fed almost altogether upon muscles, and limpets, and birds, or 
 such as we could get on shore, seeking every day for them, as the 
 fowls of the air do, where they can find food, in continual rainy 
 weather. There is at every mile or two miles' end a harbour on 
 both sides of the land. And there are, between the river of Saint 
 Jerome and the mouth of the Straits going into the South Sea 
 about thirty-four leagues by estimation : so that the length of the 
 whole Straits is about ninety leagues. And the said mouth of the 
 Straits standeth in the same height that the entrance standeth 
 in when we pass out of the North Sea, which is about fifty-two 
 degrees and two-thirds to the southward of the line. 
 
 On the 24th of February we entered into the South Sea ; and on 
 the south side of the going out of the Straits is a fair high cape 
 
1587] CAVENDISH. 267 
 
 with alow point adjoining unto it; and on the north side are four 
 or five islands which lie six leagues off the main, and much broken 
 and sunken ground about them. By noon the same day we had 
 brought these islands east of us five leagues off, the wind being 
 southerly. On the ist of March a storm took us at north, which 
 night the ships lost the company of the Hugh Gallant, being in 
 forty-nine and a-half, and forty-five leagues from the land. This 
 storm continued three or four days, and for that time we in 
 the Hugh Gallant, being separated from the other two ships, 
 looked every hour to sink, our barque was so leak and ourselves 
 so dilvered and weakened with freeing it of water, that we slept 
 not in three days and three nights. 
 
 On the 1 5th of March, in the morning, the Hugh Gallant came 
 in between the Island of St. Mary and the main, where she met 
 with the Admiral and the Content, which had rid at the island 
 called La Mocha two days, which standeth in the southerly latitude 
 of 38 degrees ; at which place some of our men went on shore with 
 the Vice- Admiral's boat, where the Indians fought with them with 
 their bows and arrows, and were marvellous wary of their calivers. 
 These Indians were enemies to the Spaniards, and belonged to a 
 great place called Arauco, and took us for Spaniards, as afterward 
 we learned. This place which is called Arauco is wonderful rich 
 and full of gold-mines, and yet could it not be subdued at any 
 time by the Spaniards, but they always returned with the greatest 
 loss of men. For these Indians are marvellous desperate and 
 careless of their lives to live at their own liberty and freedom. 
 
 On the 1 5th day aforesaid, in the afternoon, we weighed 
 anchor and ran under the west side of St. Mary Island, where we 
 rid very well in six fathoms water and very fair ground all that 
 night. On the i6th day our General went on shore himself with 
 seventy or eighty men, everyone with his furniture. There came 
 down to us certain Indians with two which were the principals of 
 the island to welcome us on shore, thinking we had been Spaniards, 
 for it is subdued by them, who brought us up to a place where the 
 Spaniards had erected a church with crosses and altars in it. And 
 there were about this church* two or three storehouses, which ^ere 
 full of wheat and barley ready threshed and |^deupJ' l ln catfes of 
 straw to the quantity of a bushel of corn irrevHp cade. The 
 wheat and barley was as fair, as clean, and everyway, as good as 
 any we have in England. There were also the like cades full of 
 potato roots, which were very good to eat, ready made up in the 
 
268 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1587 
 
 storehouses for the Spaniards against they should come for their 
 tribute. This island also yieldeth many sorts of fruits, hogs, and 
 hens. These Indians are held in such slavery by them that they 
 dare not eat a hen or a hog themselves. But the Spaniards have 
 made them all in that island Christians. Thus we fitted ourselves 
 here with corn as much as we would have, and as many hogs as we 
 had salt to powder them withal, and great store of hens, with a 
 number of bags of potato roots, and about 500 dried dog-fishes, 
 and Guinea wheat, which is called maize. And, having taken as 
 much as we would have, yet we left marvellous great store behind 
 us. Our General had the two principals of the island aboard our 
 ship, and provided great cheer for them, and made them merry 
 with wine ; and they in the end perceiving us to be no Spaniards, 
 made signs, as near as our General could perceive, that if we 
 would go over unto the mainland unto Arauco,that there was much 
 gold, making us signs that we should have great store of riches. 
 But because we could not understand them our General made 
 some haste, and within two or three days we furnished ourselves. 
 
 On the 1 8th day, in the morning, we departed from this place, 
 and ran all that day north-north-east about ten leagues, and at 
 night lay with a short sail off and on the coast. On the I9th we 
 ran in east-north-east with the land, and bare in with a place 
 called The Conception, where we anchored under an island, and 
 departed the next morning without going on land. On the 2oth 
 we departed from The Conception, and went into a little bay 
 which was sandy, where we saw fresh water and cattle, but we 
 stayed not there. 
 
 On the 3oth day we came into the Bay of Quintero. which 
 standeth in 33 degrees and 50 minutes. On the said day, pre 
 sently after we were come to an anchor in the bay, there was 
 a neatherd, or one that kept cattle, which lay upon the point- 
 of the hill asleep, which, when he awaked and had espied three 
 ships which were come into the bay, before we could get on 
 shore, he had caught a horse which was feeding by and rode his 
 way as fast as ever he might ; and our General, with thirty shot 
 with him, went on shore. He had not been on land one hour but 
 there came three horsemen with bright swords towards us so hard 
 as they might ride, until they came within some twenty or thirty 
 score of us, and so stayed, and would come no nearer unto us. 
 So our General sent unto them a couple of our men with their 
 shot, and one Fernando, which was the Spaniard that we had 
 
1587] CAVENDISH. 269 
 
 taken up at the mouth of the Straits, which was one of the 400 that 
 were starved there. But the Spaniards would not suffer our men 
 to come near with their shot, but made signs that one of our men 
 should come alone unto them ; so the said Fernando, the Spaniard, 
 went unto them, and our two men stood not far from them. They 
 had great conference, and in the end Fernando came back from 
 them and told our General that he had parleyed with them for some 
 victuals, who had promised as much as we would have. Our 
 General sent him back again with another message and another 
 shot with him ; and, being come near unto them, they would not 
 suffer any more than one to approach them ; whereupon our men 
 let the Spaniard go unto them alone himself, who, being some good 
 distance from them, they stayed but a small time together but that 
 the said Fernando leaped up behind one of them and rid away 
 with them, for all his deep and damnable oaths which he had made 
 continually to our General and all his company never to forsake 
 him, but to die on his side before he would be false. Our General, 
 seeing how he was dealt withal, filled water all that day with good 
 watch and carried it aboard ; and, night being come, he determined 
 the next day to send into the country to find their town, and to 
 have taken the spoil of it, and to have fired it if they could have 
 found it. 
 
 On the last of March Captain Havers went up into the country 
 with fifty or sixty men with their shot and furniture with them, and 
 we travelled seven or eight miles into the land ; and as we were 
 marching along we espied a number of herds of cattle, of kine 
 and bullocks, which were wonderful wild. We saw, also, great 
 store of horses, mares, and colts, which were very wild and un- 
 handled. There is also great store of hares and coneys, and plenty 
 of partridges and other wild fowls. The country is very fruitful, 
 with fair, fresh rivers all along full of wild fowl of all sorts. Having 
 travelled so far that we could go no further for the monstrous high 
 mountains, we rested ourselves at a very fair, fresh river running 
 in and along fair low meadows at the foot of the mountains, where 
 every man drunk of the river and refreshed themselves. Having 
 so done, we returned to our ships the likest way that we thought 
 their town should be. So we travelled all the day long, not seeing 
 any man, but we met with many wild dogs. Yet there were two 
 hundred horsemen abroad that same day by means of the Spaniard 
 which they had taken the day before from us, who had told them 
 that our force was but small, and that we were wonderfully weak ; 
 
270 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1587 
 
 who, though they did espy us that day, yet durst they not give the 
 on-set upon us. For we marched along in array, and observed 
 good order, whereby we seemed a great number more than we 
 were, until we came unto our ships that night again. 
 
 The next day, being the ist of April, 1587, our men went on 
 shore to fill water at a pit which was a quarter of a mile from the 
 water's side ; and being early hard at their business were in no 
 readiness. In which meanwhile there came pouring down from 
 the hills almost 200 horsemen, and before our people could 
 return to the rocks from the watering-place, twelve of them were 
 cut off, part killed and part taken prisoners, the rest were rescued 
 by our soldiers, which came from the rocks to meet with them, 
 who being but fifteen of us that had any weapons on shore, yet 
 we made the enemy retire in the end with loss of some twenty- 
 four of their men, after we had skirmished with them an hour. 
 
 The names of our men that were slain were these : Thomas 
 Lucas, of London, soldier ; Richard Wheeler, of London ; Robert 
 Pitcher, of Norfolk, soldier; John Langston, of Gloucestershire; 
 William Kingman, of Dorsetshire, soldier ; William Hilles, of 
 Cornwall, out of the Admiral. William Byet of Weymouth ; 
 Laurence Gamesby, of Newcastle, killed out of the Vice-Admiral. 
 Henry Blackenals, of Weymouth ; William Stevens, of Plymouth, 
 gunner ; William Pitte, of Sherborne, in Dorsetshire ; Humphrey 
 Derricke, of London, killed out of the Hugh Gallant. After the 
 loss of these men we rid in the road, and watered in despite of 
 them with good watch and ward, until the fifth of the said month. 
 On the fifth day we departed out of this bay of Quintero, and 
 off from the bay there lieth a little island about a league distant, 
 whereon there are great store of penguins and other fowls ; 
 whereof we took to serve our turns, and sailed away north, and 
 north and by west : for so lieth the coast along in this place. 
 
 On the 1 5th we came thwart of a place which is called Moro 
 Moreno, which standeth in twenty-three degrees and a-half, and 
 is an excellent good harbour ; and there is an island which 
 maketh it an harbour, and a ship may go in at either end of the 
 island. Here we went with our General on shore to the number 
 of thirty men ; and at our going on shore upon our landing, the 
 Indians of the place came down from the rocks to meet with us, 
 with fresh water and wood on their backs. They are in mar- 
 vellous awe of the Spaniards, and very simple people, and live 
 marvellous savagely; for they brought us to their bidings about 
 
1587] CAVENDISH. 271 
 
 two miles from the harbour, where we saw their women and 
 lodging, which is nothing but the skin of some beast laid upon 
 the ground ; and over them instead of houses, is nothing but five 
 or six sticks laid across, which stand upon two forks with sticks 
 on the ground, and a few boughs laid on it. Their diet is raw 
 fish, which stinketh most vilely ; and when any of them die, they 
 bury their bows and arrows with them, with their canoe and all 
 that they have ; for we opened one of their graves, and saw the 
 order of them. Their canoes or boats are marvellous artificially 
 made of two skins like unto bladders, and are blown full at one 
 end with quills. They have two of these bladders blown full, 
 which are sewn together and made fast with a sinew of some 
 wild beast, which when they are in the water swell, so that they 
 are as tight as may be. They go to sea in these boats, and 
 catch very much fish with them, and pay much of it for tribute 
 unto the Spaniards ; but they use it marvellous beastly. 
 
 On the 23rd in the morning we took a small barque which came 
 out of Arica road, which we kept and called the George ; the men 
 forsook it, and went away with their boat. Our Admiral's pinnace 
 followed the boat, and the Hugh Gallant's boat took the barque. 
 Our Admiral's pinnace could not recover the boat before it got on 
 shore, but went along into the road of Arica, and laid aboard a 
 great ship of a hundred tons, riding in the road right afore the 
 town, but all the men and goods were gone out of it, only the bare 
 ship was left alone. They made three or four very fair shots at the 
 pinnace as she was coming in, but missed her very narrowly with 
 a minion shot which they had in the fort. Whereupon we came 
 into the road with the Admiral and the Hugh Gallant ; but the 
 Content, which was Vice-Admiral, was behind out of sight, by 
 means whereof, and for want of her boat to land men withal, we 
 landed not ; otherwise if we had been together our General with 
 the company would resolutely have landed to take the town, what 
 soever had come of it. The cause why the Content stayed behind 
 was, that she had found about fourteen leagues to the southward 
 of Arica, in a place where the Spaniards had landed, a whole 
 ship's lading of botijas of wine of Castile, whereof the said 
 Content took into her as many as she could conveniently carry, 
 and came after us into the road of Arica the same day. By this 
 time we perceived that the town had gathered all their power 
 together, and also had conveyed all their treasure away, and buried 
 it before we were come near the town, for they had heard of us. 
 
272 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 Now because it was very populous with the aid of one or two 
 places up in the land, our General saw there was no landing with 
 out the loss of many men, wherefore he gave over that enterprise. 
 While we rid in the road they shot at us, and our ships shot at 
 them again for every shot two. Moreover our pinnace went in 
 hard almost to the shore, and fetched out another barque which 
 rid there in despite of all their forts though they shot still at the 
 pinnace, which they could never hit. After these things our 
 General sent a boat on shore with a flag of truce to know if they 
 would redeem their great ship or no ; but they would not, for they 
 had received special commandment from the Viceroy from Lima, 
 not to buy any ship, nor to ransom any man upon pain of death. 
 Our General did this in hope to have redeemed some of our men, 
 which were taken prisoners on shore by the horsemen at Quintero, 
 otherwise he would have made them no offer of parley. 
 
 On the 25th, riding still in the said road, we espied a sail 
 coming from the southward, and our General sent out his pinnace 
 to meet her, with all our boats ; but the town made such signs 
 from the hill with fires and tokens out of the watch-house, that 
 before our pinnace could get to them, they ran the barque on 
 shore two miles to the southward of the town ; but they had 
 small leisure to carry anything with them, but all the men 
 escaped ; among whom were certain friars, for we saw them in 
 their friar's weeds as they ran on shore ; many horsemen came 
 from the town to rescue them, and to carry them away, other 
 wise we had landed and taken or killed them. So we went 
 aboard the barque as she lay sunk, and fetched out the pillage ; 
 but there was nothing in it of any value, and came aboard our 
 ships again the same night, and the next morning we set the 
 great ship on fire in the road, and sunk one of the barques, 
 and carried the other along with us, and so departed from thence 
 and went away north-west. 
 
 On the 27th day we took a small barque, which came from 
 Santiago, near unto Quintero, where we lost our men first. In 
 this barque was one George, a Greek, a reasonable pilot for all 
 the coast of Chili. They were sent to the city of Lima with 
 letters of advice of us, and of the loss of our men. There were 
 also in the said barque one Fleming and three Spaniards, and 
 they were all sworn and received the sacrament before they came 
 to sea by three or four friars, that if we should chance to meet 
 them, they should throw those letters overboard, which (as we 
 
1587] CAVENDISH. 273 
 
 were giving them chase with our pinnace) before we could fetch 
 them up, they had accordingly thrown away. Yet our General 
 wrought so with them that they did confess it ; but he was fain 
 to cause them to be tormented with their thumbs in a wrench, 
 and to continue them at several times with extreme pain. Also 
 he made the old Fleming believe that he would hang him, and 
 the rope being about his neck he was pulled up a little from 
 the hatches, and yet he would not confess, choosing rather to 
 die, than he would be perjured. In the end it was confessed by 
 one of the Spaniards, whereupon we burnt the barque, and car 
 ried the men with us. 
 
 On the 3rd of May we came into a bay where are three little 
 towns, which are called Paracca, Chincha, and Pisca, where some 
 of us landed and took certain houses, wherein was bread, wine, 
 figs, and hens ; but the sea went so high, that we could not land 
 at the best of the towns without sinking of our boats, and great 
 hazard of us all. This place standeth in thirteen degrees and 
 two-thirds to the southward of the line. On the 5th of May 
 we departed from this harbour, leaving the Content, our Vice- 
 Admiral, within at an island of seals, by which means at that 
 time we lost her company. On the 9th we gave chase to a sail, 
 namely, our Admiral, the Hugh Gallant, and the George, which 
 we had taken before coming out of the road of Arica : the 
 Content, which was our Vice- Admiral, being still lost ; but we 
 could not fetch it. The George made after it, but lost it that 
 night. On the loth day the Hugh Gallant (in which barque I 
 Francis Pretty was) left company of our Admiral. 
 
 On the nth we which were in the Hugh Gallant put into a bay 
 which standeth in twelve degrees and two-thirds, in which bay we 
 found a river of fresh water about eight o'clock at night, and 
 though we were but of small force, and no more but one barque 
 and eighteen men in it, yet we went on shore to fill water ; where, 
 having filled one boat's lading, while our boat was in going 
 aboard, two or three of our company which were on shore, as 
 they were going a little from the watering-place with their fur 
 niture about them, espied where there were 400 or 500 bags 
 of meal on a heap covered with a few reeds. So that night 
 we filled water and took as much meal as we thought good ; 
 which fell out well for us that were then lost and stood in need 
 of victuals, and by break of day in the morning we came 
 aboard, and there stayed and rode until the afternoon. In which 
 
 T 
 
274 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1587 
 
 mean time the town seeing us ride there still, brought down 
 much cattle to the sea-side to have enticed us to come on 
 shore, but we saw their intent, and weighed anchor and departed 
 the 1 2th day. 
 
 On the 1 3th day at night we put into a bay which standeth in nine 
 degrees and a third, where we saw horsemen ; and that night we 
 landed, namely, Mr. Brewer, captain, myself Francis Pretty, Arthur 
 Warford, John Way, Preacher, John Newman, Andrew White, 
 William Gargefield, and Henry Milliard. And we eight only, 
 having every man his arquebuse and his furniture about him, 
 marched three-quarters of a mile along the sea-side, where we 
 found a boat of five or six tons haled up dry on the shore about 
 a cable's length from the water; and with extreme labour we 
 launched the barque : when it was on float, Captain Brewer and I 
 went in, while the rest of our company were fetching their things ; 
 but suddenly it was ready to sink. And the captain and I stood up 
 to the knees lading out water with our targets : but it sunk down 
 faster than we were able to free it, insomuch as in the end we had 
 much ado to save ourselves from drowning. When we were out, 
 we stood in great fear that our own boat wherein we came on 
 shore was sunk; for we could nowhere see it. Howbeit the 
 captain commanded them to keep it off, for fear of the great surge 
 that went by the shore. Yet in the end we spied it, and went 
 aboard by two and two, and were driven to wade up to the arm- 
 holes sixty paces into the sea before we could get into the boat, by 
 reason of the shoalness ; and then departed the I4th day in the 
 morning. 
 
 On the 1 6th we took with the Hugh Gallant, being but six 
 teen men of us in it, a great ship which came from Guaiaquil, 
 which was called The Lewis, and was of the burthen of three 
 hundred tons, having four-and-twenty men in it, wherein was. 
 pilot one Gonsalvo de Ribas, whom 'we carried along with us, and a 
 negro called Emmanuel. The ship was laden with nothing but 
 timber and victuals ; wherefore we left her seven leagues from the 
 land very leak and ready to sink in seven degrees to the south 
 ward of the line; we sunk her boat and took away her foresail 
 and certain victuals. 
 
 On the 1 7th of May we met with our admiral again, and all the 
 rest of our fleet. They had taken two ships, the one laden with 
 sugar, molasses, maize, cordovan-skins, montego de Porco, many 
 packs of pintados, many Indian coats, and some marmalade, and 
 
1587] CAVENDISH. 275 
 
 one thousand hens ; and the other ship was laden with wheat-meal 
 and boxes of marmalade. One of these ships which had the chief 
 merchandise in it, was worth twenty thousand pounds, if it had 
 been in England or in any other place of Christendom where 
 we might have sold it. We filled all our ships with as much as we 
 could bestow of these goods ; the rest we burnt and the ships also ; 
 and set the men and women that were not killed on shore. 
 
 On the 2oth day in the morning we came into the road of 
 Paita, and being at an anchor, our General landed with sixty or 
 seventy men, skirmished with them of the town, and drove them 
 all to flight to the top of the hill which is over the town, except 
 a few slaves and some other which were of the meaner sort, 
 who were commanded by the governors to stay below in the town, 
 at a place which is in building for a fort, having with them a bloody 
 ensign, being in number about one hundred men. Now as we were 
 rowing between the ships and the shore, our gunner shot off a 
 great piece out of one of the barques, and the shot fell among 
 them, and drove them to fly from the fort as fast as they might 
 run, who got them up upon a hill, and from thence shot among us 
 with their small shot. After we were landed and had taken the 
 town, we ran upon them, and chased them so fiercely up the hills 
 for the space of an hour, that we drove them in the end away 
 perforce, and being got up the hills, we found where they had laid 
 all their stuff which they had brought out of the town, and had 
 hidden it there upon the mountains. We also found the quantity 
 of twenty-five pounds weight in silver in pieces of eight reals, and 
 abundance of household stuff and storehouses full of all kinds 
 of wares; but our General would not suffer any man to carry 
 much cloth or apparel away, because they should not cloy them 
 selves with burdens ; for he knew not whether our enemies were 
 provided with furniture according to the number of their men ; for 
 they were five men to one of us ; and we had an English mile and 
 a-half to our ships. Thus we came down in safety to the town, 
 which was very well builded, and marvellous clean kept in every 
 street, with a town-house or Guildhall in the midst, and had to the 
 number of two hundred houses at the least in it. We set it on 
 fire to the ground, and goods to the value of five or six thousand 
 pounds; there was also a barque riding in the road which 
 we set on fire, and departed, directing our course to the Island 
 of Puna. 
 
 On the 25th of May we arrived at the Island of Puna, where 
 
 T 2 
 
276 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 is a very good harbour, where we found a great ship of the burden 
 of 250 tons riding at an anchor with all her furniture, which 
 was ready to be hauled on ground ; for there is a special good 
 place for that purpose. We sunk it, and went on shore where the 
 lord of the island dwelt, which was by the waterside, who had a 
 sumptuous house, marvellous well contrived, with very many singular 
 good rooms and chambers in it ; and out of every chamber was 
 framed a gallery with a stately prospect into the sea on the one 
 side, and into the island on the other side, with a marvellous great 
 hall below, and a very great storehouse at the other end of the 
 hall, which was filled with botijas of pitch and bash, to make 
 cables withal; for the most part of the cables of the South 
 Sea are made upon that island. This great Cacique doth make 
 all the Indians upon the island to work and to drudge for him ; 
 and he himself is an Indian born, but is married to a marvellous 
 fair woman which is a Spaniard, by reason of his pleasant habita 
 tion and of his great wealth. 
 
 This Spanish woman his wife is honoured as a Queen in the 
 Island, and never goeth on the ground upon her feet ; but holdeth it 
 too base a thing for her. But when her pleasure is to take the 
 air, or to go abroad, she is always carried in a shadow like unto 
 a horse-litter upon four men's shoulders, with a veil or canopy over 
 her for the sun or the wind, having her gentlewomen still attending 
 about her, with a great troop of the best men of the island with 
 her. But both she and the lord of the island with all the Indians 
 in the town were newly fled out of the island before we could 
 get to an anchor, by reason we were becalmed before we could 
 get in, and were gone over unto the mainland, having carried 
 away with them to the sum of 100,000 crowns, which we knew 
 by a captain of the island, an Indian, which was left there with 
 some other upon the island under him, whom we had taken at 
 sea as we were coming into the road, being in a balsa or canoe for 
 a spy to see what we were. 
 
 On the 27th our General himself with certain shot and some 
 targeteers went over into the main into the place where this 
 aforesaid Indian captain which we had taken had told us that 
 the Cacique, which was the lord of the island, was gone unto, 
 and had carried all his treasure with him; but at our coming 
 to the place which we went to land at, we found newly arrived 
 there four or five great balsas, which were laden with plantains, 
 bags of meal, and many other kinds of victuals. Our General 
 
1587] CAVENDISH. 277 
 
 marvelled what they were and what they meant, asking the Indian 
 guide and commanding him to speak the truth upon his life ; being 
 then bound fast, he answered being very much abashed, as well 
 as our company were, that he neither knew from whence they 
 should come, nor who they should be ; for there was never a 
 man in any one of the balsas ; and because he had told our 
 General before, that it was an easy matter to take the said Cacique 
 and all his treasure, and that there were but three or four houses 
 standing in a desert place and no resistance, and that if he found 
 it not so he should hang him. Again, being demanded to speak 
 upon his life what he thought these balsas should be, he answered 
 that he could not say from whence they should come, except 
 it were to bring sixty soldiers, which he did hear were to go 
 to a place called Guaiaquil, which was about six leagues from 
 the said island, where two or three of the king's ships were on 
 the stocks in building, where are continually an hundred soldiers 
 in garrisons who had heard of us, and had sent for sixty more 
 for fear of burning of the ships and town. Our General not any 
 whit discouraged either at the sight of the balsas unlooked for, 
 or for hearing of the threescore soldiers not until then spoken 
 of, with a brave courage animating his company in the exploit, 
 went presently forward, being in the night in a most desert 
 path in the woods, until such time as he came to the place ; where, 
 as it seemed, they had kept watch either at the waterside, or 
 at the houses, or else at both, and were newly gone out of the 
 houses, having so short warning, that they left their meat both 
 boiling and roasting at the fire and were fled with their treasure 
 with them, or else buried it where it could not be found, being 
 also in the night. Our company took hens and such things as we 
 thought good, and came away. 
 
 On the 29th day of May our General went in the ship's-boat 
 into a little island thereby, whereas the said Cacique which was 
 the lord of Puna had caused all the hangings of his chambers, 
 which were of cordovan leather all gilded over, and painted very 
 fair and rich, with all his household stuff, and all the ship's tackling 
 which was riding in the road at our coming in, with great store of 
 nails, spikes of iron, and very many other things to be conveyed ; 
 all of which we found, and brought away what our General thought 
 requisite for the ship's business. 
 
 This island is very pleasant for all things requisite, and fruitful ; 
 but there are no mines of gold nor silver in it. There are at the 
 
278 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1587 
 
 least two hundred houses in the town about the Cacique's 
 palace, and as many in one or two towns more upon the island, 
 which is almost as big as the Isle of Wight, in England. There is 
 planted on the one side of the Cacique's house a fair garden, with 
 all herbs growing in it, and at the lower end a well of fresh water, 
 and round about it are trees set, whereon bombasin cotton groweth 
 after this manner. The tops of the trees grow full of cods, out of 
 which the cotton groweth, and in the cotton is a seed of the bigness 
 of a pea, and in every cod there are seven or eight of these seeds ; 
 and if the cotton be not gathered when it is ripe, then these seeds 
 fall from it, and spring again. There are also in this garden 
 fig-trees which bear continually, also pompions, melons, cucum 
 bers, radishes, rosemary, and thyme, with many other herbs and 
 fruits. At the other end of the house there is also another 
 orchard, where grow oranges sweet and sour, lemons, pome 
 granates and limes, with divers other fruits. 
 
 There is very good pasture ground in this island ; and withal 
 many horses, oxen, bullocks, sheep very fat and fair, great store of 
 goats, which be very tame, and are used continually to be milked. 
 They have moreover abundance of pigeons, turkeys, and ducks of 
 a marvellous bigness. There was also a very large and great 
 church hard by the Cacique's house, whither he caused all the 
 Indians in the island to come and hear mass; for he himself 
 was made a Christian when he was married to the Spanish 
 woman before spoken of, and upon his conversion he caused the 
 rest of his subjects to be christened. In this church was an 
 high altar with a crucifix, and five bells hanging in the nether 
 end thereof. We burnt the church and brought the bells away. 
 By this time we had hauled on ground our Admiral, and had 
 made her clean, burnt her keel, pitched and tarred her, and had 
 hauled her on float again ; and in the meanwhile continually kept 
 watch and ward in the great house both night and day. 
 
 On the 2nd day of June in the morning, by-and-by after break 
 of day, every one of the watch being gone abroad to seek to fetch 
 in victuals, some one way, some another, some for hens, some for 
 sheep, some for goats, upon the sudden there came down upon us 
 a hundred Spanish soldiers with muskets and an ensign, which 
 were landed on the other side of the island that night, and all the 
 Indians of the island with them, everyone with weapons and their 
 baggage after them ; which was by means of a negro, whose name 
 was Emmanuel, which fled from us at our first landing there. 
 
1587] CAVENDISH. 279 
 
 Thus being taken at advantage we had the worst ; for our company 
 was not past sixteen or twenty ; whereof they had slain one or two 
 before they were come to the houses ; yet we skirmished with them 
 an hour and a-half ; at the last being sore overcharged with multi 
 tudes, we were driven down from the hill to the water-side, and 
 there kept them play awhile, until in the end Zacharie Saxie, who 
 with his halberd had kept the way of the hill, and slain a couple of 
 them, as he breathed himself, being somewhat tired, had an 
 honourable death and a short ; for a shot struck him to the heart ; 
 who feeling himself mortally wounded, cried to God for mercy, and 
 fell down presently dead. But soon after the enemy was driven 
 somewhat to retire from the bank-side to the green ; and in the 
 end our boat came and carried as many of our men away as could 
 go in her, which was in hazard of sinking while they hastened into 
 it. And one of our men whose name was Robert Maddocke, was 
 shot through the head with his own piece, being a snap-hance, as 
 he was hastening into the boat. But four of us were left behind, 
 which the boat could not carry ; to wit, myself Francis Pretty, 
 Thomas Andrewes, Steven Gunner, and Richard Rose ; which had 
 our shot ready and retired ourselves unto a cliff, until the boat 
 came again, which was presently after they had carried the rest 
 aboard. There were forty-six of the enemy slain by us, whereof 
 they had dragged some into bushes, and some into old houses, 
 which we found afterwards. We lost twelve men in manner 
 following: Zacharie Saxie, Neales Johnson, William Gargefield, 
 Nicholas Hendy, Henry Cooper, slain by the enemy; Robert 
 Maddock, killed with his piece ; Henry Mawdley, burnt ; Edward, 
 the gunner's-man, Ambrose, the musician, drowned; Walter 
 Tilliard, Edward Smith, Henry Aselye, taken prisoners. 
 
 The self-same day, being the 2nd of June, we went on shore 
 again with seventy men, and had a fresh skirmish with the 
 enemies, and drove them to retire, being a hundred Spaniards 
 serving with muskets, and two hundred Indians with bows, arrows, 
 and darts. This done, we set fire on the town and burnt it to the 
 ground, having in it to the number of three hundred houses ; and 
 shortly after made havoc of their fields, orchards, and gardens, and 
 burnt four great ships more which were in building on the stocks. 
 On the 3rd of June, the Content, which was our Vice-Admiral, 
 was hauled on ground to grave at the same place in despite of the 
 Spaniards, and also our pinnace, which the Spaniards had burnt, 
 was new trimmed. On the 5th of June we departed out of the 
 
2 So VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1587 
 
 road of Puna, where we had remained eleven days, and turned 
 up for a place which is called Rio Dolce, where we watered ; at 
 which place also we sunk our Rear-Admiral called the Hugh 
 Gallant, for want of men, being a barque of 40 tons. On the loth 
 day of the same month we set the Indians on shore, which we had 
 taken before in Abalsa, as we were coming into the road of Puna. 
 On the nth day we departed with the said Rio Dolce. On the 
 1 2th of June we doubled the equinoctial line, and continued our 
 course northward all that month. 
 
 On the ist of July we had sight of the coast of Nueva Espafia, 
 being four leagues distant from land in the latitude of 10 degrees 
 to the northward of the line. On the 9th of July we took a 
 new ship of the burden of 120 tons, wherein was one Michael 
 Sancius, whom our General took to serve his turn to water along 
 the coast ; for he was one of the best coasters in the South sea. 
 This Michael Sancius was a Provencal, born in Marseilles, and 
 was the first man that told us news of the great ship called the 
 Santa Anna, which we afterwards took coming from the Philippines. 
 There were six men more in this new ship ; we took her sails, her 
 ropes, and fire-wood, to serve our turn, set her on fire, and kept the 
 men. On the loth day we took another barque which was going 
 with advice of us and our ships all along the coast, as Michael 
 Sancius told us ; but all the company that were in the barque were 
 fled on shore. None of both these ships had any goods in them. 
 For they came both from Sonsonate, in the province of Guati- 
 mala ; the new ship, for fear we should have taken her in the 
 road, and the barque, to carry news of us along the coast ; which 
 barque also we set on fire. 
 
 On the 26th of July we came to an anchor at 10 fathoms in the 
 river of Copalita, where we made account to water. And the 
 same night we departed with thirty men in the pinnace, and rowed 
 to Aguatulco, which is but two leagues from the aforesaid river ; 
 and standeth in 15 degrees 40 minutes to the northward of the 
 equinoctial line. 
 
 On the 2/th, in the morning by the break of day, we came into 
 the road of Aguatulco, where we found a barque of 50 tons, which 
 was come from Sonsonate laden with cocoas and anile, which they 
 had there landed ; and the men were all fled on shore. We landed 
 there and burnt their town, with the church and custom-house, 
 which was very fair and large ; in which house were 600 bags of 
 anile to dye cloth, every bag whereof was worth forty crowns ; and 
 
1587] CAVENDISH. 28l 
 
 400 bags of cocoas, every bag whereof is worth ten crowns. 
 These cocoas go among them for meat and money; for 150 of 
 them are in value one real of plate in ready payment. They are 
 very like unto an almond, but are nothing so pleasant in taste ; 
 they eat them and make drink of them. This the owner of the 
 ship told us. I found in this town before we burnt it, a flasket full 
 of boxes of balm. After we had spoilt and burnt the town, 
 wherein there were some hundred houses, the owner of the ship 
 came down out of the hills with a flag of truce unto us, which 
 before with the rest of all the townsmen was run away at our first 
 coming, and at length came aboard our pinnace upon Captain 
 Haver's word of safe return. We carried him to the river of 
 Copalita where our ships rode ; and when he came to our General 
 he caused him to be set on shore in safety the same night, because 
 he came upon the captain's word. On the 28th day we set sail 
 from Copalita, because the sea was so great there that we could 
 not fill water, and ran the same night into the road of Aguatulco. 
 On the 29th our General landed and went on shore with thirty 
 men two miles into the woods, where we took a Mestizo, whose 
 name was Michael de Truxillo, who was customer of that town, 
 and we found with him two chambers full of his stuff; we brought 
 him and his stuff aboard. And whereas I say he was a Mestizo, it 
 is to be understood that a Mestizo is one which hath a Spaniard to 
 his father and an Indian to his mother. 
 
 On the 2nd of August we had watered and examined the said 
 Mestizo, and set him on shore again, and departed from the port of 
 Aguatulco the same night, which standeth, as I said before, in 15 
 degrees and 40 minutes to the northward of the line. 
 
 Here we overslipped the haven of Acapulco, from whence the 
 ships are set forth for the Philippines. On the 24th of August 
 our General, with thirty of us, went with the pinnace unto an 
 haven called Puerto de Natividad, where we had intelligence 
 by Michael Sancius that there should be a pinnace; but before 
 we could get thither the said pinnace was gone to fish for pearls 
 twelve leagues further, as we were informed by certain Indians 
 which we found there. We took a mulatto in this place in his 
 bed, which was sent with letters of advice concerning us along 
 the coast of Nueva Galicia, whose horse we killed, took his letters, 
 left him behind, set fire on the houses, and burnt two new ships of 
 200 tons the piece which were in building there on the stocks, and 
 came aboard of our ships again. On the 26th of August we came 
 
282 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l 587 
 
 into the bay of Santiago, where we watered at a fresh river, along 
 which river many plantains are growing. Here is great abund 
 ance of fresh fish. Here, also, certain of our company dragged 
 for pearls and caught some quantity. 
 
 On the 2nd of September we departed from Santiago at four 
 o'clock in the evening. This bay of Santiago standeth in 19 de 
 grees and 1 8 minutes to the northward of the line. On the 3rd of 
 September we arrived in a little bay, a league to the westward 
 off Port de Navidad, called Malacca, which is a very good place 
 to ride in. And the same day, about twelve o'clock, our General 
 landed with thirty men or thereabout, and went up to a town 
 of Indians which was two leagues from the road, which town 
 is called Acatlan. There were in it about twenty or thirty houses 
 and a church, which we defaced, and came aboard again the same 
 night. All the people were fled out of the town at the sight of us. 
 On the 4th of September we departed from the road of Malacca 
 and sailed along the coast. 
 
 On the 8th we came to the road of Chaccalla, in which bay. 
 there are two little houses by the water's side. This bay is eighteen 
 leagues from the Cape de los Corrientes. On -the 9th, in the 
 morning, our General sent up Captain Havers with forty men 
 of us before day, and, Michael Sancius being our guide, we 
 went unto a place about two leagues up into the country in a 
 most villainous desert path through the woods and wilderness, 
 and in the end we came to a place where we took three house 
 holders with their wives and children and some Indians, one 
 carpenter, which was a Spaniard, and a Portugal ; we bound 
 them all and made them to come to the seaside with us. Our 
 General made their wives to fetch us plantains, lemons, and 
 oranges, pineapples, and other fruits, whereof they had abundance, 
 and so let their husbands depart, except Sembrano, the Spanish 
 carpenter, and Diego, the Portugal ; and the tenth day we de 
 parted the road. On the I2th day we arrived at a little island 
 called the Island of Saint Andrew, on which there is great store 
 of fowl and wood, where we dried and salted as many of the 
 fowls as we thought good. We also killed there abundance of 
 seals and iguanos, which are a kind of serpents, with four feet, and 
 a long, sharp tail, strange to them which have not seen them ; but 
 they are very good meat. We rode here until the I7th day, at 
 which time we departed. 
 
 On the 24th day we arrived in the road of Massatlan, which 
 
1587] CAVENDISH. 283 
 
 standeth in 23 Y Z degrees, just under the tropic of Cancer. It is a 
 very great river within, but is barred at the mouth ; and upon the 
 north side of the bar without is good fresh water ; but there is very 
 evil rilling of it, because at a low water it is shoaled half a mile off 
 the shore. There is great store of fresh fish in that bay, and good 
 fruits up into the country, whereof we had some, though not with 
 out danger. 
 
 On the 27th of September we departed from the road of 
 Massatlan, and ran to an island which is a league to the north 
 ward the said Massatlan, where we trimmed our ships and new 
 built our pinnace ; and there is a little island a quarter of a league 
 from it, on which are seals, where a Spanish prisoner, whose name 
 was Domingo, being sent to wash shirts with one of our men to 
 keep him, made a scape and swam to the main, which was an 
 English mile distant, at which place we had seen thirty or forty 
 Spaniards and Indians, which were horsemen and kept watch 
 there, which came from a town called Chiametla, which was eleven 
 leagues up into the country, as Michael Sancius told us. We found 
 upon the island where we trimmed our pinnace fresh water by the 
 assistance of God in that our great need by digging two or three 
 foot deep in the sand, where no water nor sign of water was before 
 to be perceived. Otherwise we had gone back twenty or thirty 
 leagues to water, which might have been occasion that we might 
 have missed our prey we had long waited for. But God raised one 
 Flores, a Spaniard, which was also a prisoner with us, to make a 
 motion to dig in the sands. Now our General, having had expe 
 rience once before of the like, commanded to put his motion in 
 practice, and in digging three foot deep we found very good and 
 fresh water. So we watered our ships, and might have filled a 
 thousand tuns more if we had would. We stayed in this island 
 until the 9th of October, at which time we departed at night for 
 the Cape of St. Lucar, which is on the west side of the point of 
 California. 
 
 On the I4th of October we fell with the Cape of St. Lucar, which 
 cape is very like the Needles at the Isle of Wight; and within the 
 said cape is a great bay, called by the Spaniards Aguada Segura, 
 into which bay falleth a fair fresh river, about which many Indians 
 use to keep. We watered in the river, and lay off and on from the 
 said Cape of St. Lucar until the 4th of November, and had the 
 winds hanging still westerly. 
 
 On the 4th of November the Desire and the Content, wherein 
 
284 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1587 
 
 were the number of Englishmen only living, beating up 
 
 and down upon the headland of California, which standeth in 23^ 
 degrees to the northward ; between seven and eight o'clock in the 
 morning one of the company of our admiral, which was the trum 
 peter of the ship, going up into the top, espied a sail bearing in 
 from the sea with the cape ; whereupon he cried out, with no small 
 joy to himself and the whole company, "A sail! a sail!" with 
 which cheerful word the master of the ship and divers others of 
 the company went also up into the maintop ; who, perceiving the 
 speech to be very true, gave information unto our General of these 
 happy news, who was no less glad than the cause required ; where 
 upon he gave in charge presently unto the whole company to put 
 all things in readiness, which being performed, he gave them chase 
 some three or four hours, standing with our best advantage and 
 working for the wind. In the afternoon we gat up unto them, giving 
 them the broadside with our great ordnance and a volley of small 
 shot, and presently laid the ship aboard, whereof the King of Spain 
 was owner, which was Admiral of the South Sea, called the Santa 
 Anna, and thought to be 700 tons in burthen. Now, as we were 
 ready on their ship's side to enter her, being not past fifty or sixty 
 men at the uttermost in our ship, we perceived that the Captain of 
 the said ship had made fights fore and aft, and laid their sails close 
 on their poop, their midship, with their forecastle, and having not 
 one man to be seen, stood close under their fights, with lances, 
 javelins, rapiers, and targets, and an innumerable sort of great 
 stones, which they threw overboard upon our heads and into our 
 ship so fast, and being so many of them, that they put us off the 
 ship again with the loss of two of our men, which were slain, and 
 with the hurting of four or five. But for all this we new trimmed 
 our sails, and fitted every man his furniture, and gave them a fresh 
 encounter with our great ordnance and also with our small shot, 
 raking them through and through, to the killing and maiming of 
 many of their men. Their Captain still, like a valiant man, with his 
 company, stood very stoutly unto his close fights, not yielding as 
 yet. Our General, encouraging his men afresh with the whole 
 noise of trumpets, gave them the third encounter with our great 
 ordnance and all our small shot, to the great discomforting of our 
 enemies, raking them through in divers places, killing and spoiling 
 many of their men. They being thus discomforted and spoiled, 
 and their ship being in hazard of sinking by reason of the great 
 shot which were made, whereof some were under water, within five 
 
1587] CAVENDISH. 285 
 
 or six hours' fight set out a flag of truce and parleyed for mercy, 
 desiring our General to save their lives and to take their goods, 
 and they would presently yield. Our General, of his goodness, 
 promised them mercy, and willed them to strike their sails, and to 
 hoise out their boat and to come aboard, which news they were full 
 glad to hear of, and presently struck their sails, hoised their boat 
 out, and one of their chief merchants came aboard unto our 
 General, and, falling down upon his knees, offered to have kissed 
 our General's feet, and craved mercy. Our General most graciously 
 pardoned both him and the rest upon promise of their true dealing 
 with him and his company concerning such riches as were in the 
 ship ; and sent for the Captain and their pilot, who, at their 
 coming, used the like duty and reverence as the former did. The 
 General, of his great mercy and humanity, promised their lives 
 and good usage. The said Captain and pilot presently certified 
 the General what goods they had within board to wit, an hundred 
 and twenty-two thousand pesos of gold ; and the rest of the riches 
 that the ship was laden with was in silks, satins, damasks, with 
 musk and divers other merchandise, and great store of all manner 
 of victuals, with the choice of many conserves of all sorts for to 
 eat, and sundry sorts of very good wines. These things being 
 made known to the General by the aforesaid captain and pilot, 
 they were commanded to stay aboard the Desire, and on the 6th 
 of November following we went into a harbour which is called by 
 the Spaniards Aguada Segura or Puerto Seguro. 
 
 Here the whole company of the Spaniards, both of men and 
 women to the number of 190 persons, were set on shore, where 
 they had a fair river of fresh water, with great store of fresh fish, 
 fowl, and wood, and also many hares and coneys upon the main 
 land. Our general also gave them great store of victuals, of 
 garvansas, peason, and some wine. Also they had all the sails of 
 their ship to make them tents on shore, with licence to take such 
 store of planks as should be sufficient to make them a 
 barque. Then we fell to hoising in of our goods, sharing of the 
 treasure, and allotting to every man his portion. In division 
 whereof, the eighth of this money, many of the company fell into 
 a mutiny against our General, especially those which were in the 
 Content, which nevertheless were after a sort pacified for the 
 time. 
 
 On the 17th day of November, which is the day of the happy 
 Coronation of Her Majesty, our General commanded all his 
 
286 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 ordnance to be shot off, with the small shot both in his own ship 
 where himself went, and also in the Content, which was our Vice- 
 Admiral. This being done, the same night we had many fire 
 works and more ordnance discharged, to the great admiration of 
 all the Spaniards which were there ; for the most part of them had 
 never seen the like before. 
 
 This ended, our General discharged the Captain, gave him a 
 royal reward, with provision for his defence against the Indians, 
 and his company, both of swords, targets, pieces, shot, and powder 
 to his great contentment ; but before his departure, he took out of 
 this great ship two young lads born in Japan, which could both 
 write and read their own language, the eldest being about twenty 
 years old was named Christopher, the other was called Cosmus, 
 about seventeen years of age, both of very good capacity. He 
 took also with him out of their ship, three boys born in the 
 islands of Manilla, the one about fifteen, the other, about thirteen, 
 and the youngest about nine years old. The name of the eldest 
 was Alphonso, the second Anthony de Dasi, the third remaineth 
 with the Right Honourable the Countess of Essex. He also took 
 from them one Nicholas Roderigo, a Portugal, who hath not only 
 been in Canton and other parts of China, but also in the islands of 
 Japan, being a country most rich in silver mines, and hath also 
 been in the Philippines. 
 
 He took also from them a Spaniard, whose name was Thomas 
 de Ersola, which was a very good pilot from Acapulco and the 
 coast of New Spain unto the islands of Ladrones, where the 
 Spaniards do put into water, sailing between Acapulco and the 
 Philippines ; in which islands of Ladrones, they find fresh water, 
 plantains, and potato roots ; howbeit the people be very rude and 
 heathens. On the iQth day of November aforesaid, about three 
 o'clock in the afternoon, our General caused the king's ship to be 
 set on fire, which having to the quantity of 500 tons of goods in 
 her, we saw burnt unto the water, and then gave them a piece of 
 ordnance and set sail joyfully homewards towards England with 
 a fair wind, which by this time was come about to east-north-east, 
 and night growing near we left the Content astern of us, which 
 was not as yet come out of the road. And here, thinking she 
 would have overtaken us, we lost her company and never saw her 
 after. We were sailing from this haven of Aguada Segura, in 
 California, unto the islands of Ladrones, the rest of November 
 and all December, and so forth until the 3rd of January, 1 588, 
 
1588] CAVENDISH. 287 
 
 with a fair wind for the space of forty-five days ; and we esteemed 
 it to be between 1700 and 1800 leagues. On the 3rd day of 
 January by six o'clock in the morning we had sight of one of the 
 islands of Ladrones called the island of Guana, standing in 
 thirteen degrees and two-thirds towards the north, and sailing 
 with a gentle gale before the wind, by one or two o'clock in the 
 afternoon we were come up within two leagues of the island, 
 where we met with sixty or seventy sail of canoes full of savages, 
 who came off to sea unto us, and brought with them in their boats 
 plantains, cocoas, potato-roots, and fresh fish, which they had 
 caught at sea, and held them up unto us for to truck or exchange 
 with us ; which when we perceived we made fast little pieces of old 
 iron upon small cords and fishing-lines, and so veered the iron 
 into their canoes, and they caught hold of them and took off the 
 iron, and in exchange of it they would make fast unto the same 
 line either a potato root or a bundle of plantains, which we hauled 
 in, and thus our company exchanged with them until they had 
 satisfied themselves with as much as did content them ; yet we 
 could not be rid of them. For afterward they were so thick 
 about the ship that it stemmed and brake one or two of their 
 canoes ; but the men saved themselves, being in every canoe 
 four, six, or eight persons all naked and excellent swimmers and 
 divers. They are of a tawny colour and marvellous fat, and bigger 
 ordinarily of stature than the most part of our men in England, 
 wearing their hair marvellous long ; yet some of them have it 
 made up and tied with a knot on the crown, and some with two 
 knots, much like unto their images which we saw them have 
 carved in wood, and standing in the head of their boats like 
 unto the images of the devil. Their canoes were as artificially 
 made as any that ever we had seen, considering they were made 
 and contrived without any edge-tool. They are not above half- 
 a-yard in breadth, and in length some seven or eight yards, and 
 their heads and sterns are both alike ; they are made out with 
 rafts of canes and reeds on the starboard side, with mast and 
 sail. Their sail is made of mats of sedges, square or triangle- 
 wise, and they sail as well right against the wind as before the 
 wind. These savages followed us so long, that we could not be 
 rid of them, until in the end our General commanded some half- 
 a-dozen arquebuses to be made ready, and himself struck one 
 of them and the rest shot at them ; but they were so yare and 
 nimble, that we could not discern whether they were killed or 
 
288 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 no, because they could fall backward into the sea, and prevent 
 us by diving. 
 
 On the I4th day of January lying at hull with our ship all the 
 middle watch, from twelve at night until four in the morning, 
 by the break of day we fell with an headland of the islands of 
 the Philippines, which is called Cabo del Spirito Santo, which is 
 of very great bigness and length, high land in the midst of it, 
 and very low land as the Cape lieth east and west, trending far 
 into the sea to the westward. This cape or island is distant 
 from the island of Guana, one of the Ladrones, 310 leagues. 
 We were in sailing of this course eleven days with scant winds 
 and some foul weather, bearing no sail two or three nights. 
 This island standeth in thirteen degrees, and is a place much 
 peopled with heathen people, and all woody through the whole 
 land ; and it is short of the chiefest island of the Philippines, 
 called Manilla, about sixty leagues. Manilla is well planted and 
 inhabited with Spaniards to the number of 600 or 700 persons ; 
 which dwell in a town unwalled, which hath three or four small 
 block-houses, part made of wood and part of stone, being indeed 
 of no great strength ; they have one or two small galleys belonging 
 to the town. It is a very rich place of gold and many other 
 commodities ; and they have yearly traffic from Acapulco in 
 Nueva Espafia, and also twenty or thirty ships from China and 
 from the Sanguelos, which bring them many sorts of merchan 
 dise. The merchants of China and the Sanguelos are part 
 Moors and part heathen people. They bring great store of gold 
 with them, which they traffic and exchange for silver, and give 
 weight for weight. These Sanguelos are men of marvellous 
 capacity in devising and making all manner of things, especially 
 in all handicrafts and sciences, and every one is so expert, perfect, 
 and skilful in his faculty, as few or no Christians are able to go 
 beyond them in that which they take in hand. For drawing and 
 embroidering upon satin, silk, or lawn, either beast, fowl, fish, 
 or worm, for liveliness and perfectness, both in silk, silver, gold 
 and pearl, they excel. Also the I4th day at night we entered the 
 straits between the island of Lugon and the island of Camlaia. 
 
 On the 1 5th of January we fell with an island called Capul, and 
 had betwixt the said island and another island but a narrow 
 passage, and a marvellous rippling of a very great tide with a 
 ledge of rocks lying off the point of the island of Capul ; and 
 no danger, but water enough a fair breadth off, and within the 
 
1588] CAVENDISH. 289 
 
 point a fair bay and a very good harbour in four fathoms water 
 hard aboard the shore within a cable's length. About ten o'clock 
 in the morning we came to an anchor. 
 
 Our ship was no sooner come to an anchor, but presently 
 there came a canoe rowing aboard us, wherein was one of the 
 chief Caciques of the island, whereof there be seven, who, sup 
 posing that we were Spaniards, brought us potato roots, which 
 they call camotas, and green cocoas, in exchange whereof we gave 
 his company pieces of linen, to the quantity of a yard, for four 
 cocoas, and as much linen for a basket of potato-roots of a quart 
 in quantity, which roots are very good meat, and excellent sweet 
 either roasted or boiled. 
 
 This Cacique's skin was carved and cut with sundry and many 
 streaks and devices all over his body. We kept him still aboard, 
 and caused him to send those men which brought him aboard 
 back to the island to cause the rest of the principals to come 
 aboard ; who were no sooner gone on shore, but presently the 
 people of the island came down with their cocoas and potato- 
 roots, and the rest of the principals likewise came aboard and 
 brought with them hens and hogs, and they used the same order 
 with us which they do with the Spaniards. For they took for 
 every hog (which they call Balboye), eight reals of plate, and for 
 every hen or cock one real of plate. Thus we rode at anchor 
 all that day, doing nothing but buying roots, cocoas, hens, hogs, 
 and such things as they brought, refreshing ourselves marvellously 
 well. 
 
 The same day at night, being the I5th of January, 1588, 
 Nicolas Roderigo, the Portugal, whom we took out of the great 
 Santa Anna, at the Cape of California, desired to speak with our 
 General in secret ; which when our General understood he sent 
 for him, and asked him what he had to say unto him. The 
 Portugal made him this answer, that although he had offended 
 his worship heretofore, yet now he had vowed his faith and true 
 service unto him, and in respect thereof he neither could nor 
 would conceal such treason as was in working against him and 
 his company, and that was this : That the Spaniard which was 
 taken out of the great Santa Anna for a pilot, whose name was 
 Thomas de Ersola, had written a letter, and secretly sealed it and 
 locked it up in his chest, meaning to convey it by the inhabitants 
 of this island to Manilla, the contents whereof were : That there 
 had been two English ships along the coast of Chili, Peru, Nueva 
 
 U 
 
2QO VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 Espana, and Nueva Galicia, and that they had taken many ships 
 and merchandise in them, and burnt divers towns, and spoiled all 
 that ever they could come unto, and that they had taken the king's 
 ship which came from Manilla and all his treasure, with all the 
 merchandise that was therein, and had set all the people on shore, 
 taking himself away perforce. Therefore he willed them that they 
 should make strong their bulwarks with their two galleys, and all 
 such provision as they could possibly make. He further signified, 
 that we were riding at an island called Capul, which was at the 
 end of the island of Manilla, being one ship with small force in 
 it, and that the other ship, as he supposed, was gone for the 
 North-west Passage, standing in fifty-five degrees ; and that if 
 they could use any means to surprise us, being there at an 
 anchor, they should despatch it ; for our force was but small, and 
 our men but weak, and that the place where we rode was but 
 fifty leagues from them. Otherwise if they let us escape, within 
 few years they must make account to have their town besieged 
 and sacked with an army of English. This information being 
 given, our General called for him, and charged him with these 
 things, which at the first he utterly denied ; but in the end, the 
 matter being made manifest, and known of certainty by especial 
 trial and proofs, the next morning our General willed that he should 
 be hanged ; which was accordingly performed on the i6th of Janu 
 ary. We rode for the space of nine days about this Island of Capul, 
 where we had divers kinds of fresh victuals, with excellent fresh 
 water in every bay, and great store of wood. The people of this 
 island go almost all naked, and are tawny of colour. The men 
 wear only a strap about their waists, of some kind of linen of 
 their own weaving, which is made of plantain leaves. These 
 people wholly worship the devil, and often times have con 
 ference with him, which appeareth unto them in most ugly and 
 monstrous shape. 
 
 On the 23rd day of January, our General, Mr. Thomas Candish, 
 caused all the principals of this island, and of an hundred islands 
 more which he had made to pay tribute unto him (which tribute 
 was in hogs, hens, potatoes, and cocoas) to appear before him, 
 and made himself and his company known unto them, that they 
 were Englishmen, and enemies to the Spaniards ; and thereupon 
 spread his ensign and sounded up the drums, which they much 
 marvelled at; to conclude, they promised both themselves and 
 all the islands thereabout to aid him, whensoever he should come 
 
1588] CAVENDISH. 291 
 
 again to overcome the Spaniards. Also our General gave them, in 
 token that we were enemies to the Spaniards, money back again 
 for all their tribute which they had paid; which they took 
 marvellous friendly, and rowed about our ships to show us pleasure 
 marvellous swiftly ; at the last our General caused a saker to be 
 shot off, whereat they wondered, and with great contentment took 
 their leave of us. 
 
 The next day being the 24th of January, we set sail about 
 six of the clock in the morning, and ran along the coast of the 
 Island of Manilla, shaping our course northwest between the Isle 
 of Manilla, and the Isle of Masbat. 
 
 On the 28th day in the morning about seven of the clock, 
 riding at an anchor betwixt two islands, we spied a frigate 
 under her two courses, running out between two other islands, 
 which as we imagined came from Manilla, sailing close aboard the 
 shore along the mainland of Panama ; we chased this frigate along 
 the shore, and got very fast upon it, until in the end we came 
 so near that it stood into the shore close by a wind, until she 
 was becalmed and was driven to strike her sail, and banked up 
 with her oars ; whereupon we came unto an anchor with our ship, 
 a league and a half from the place where the frigate rowed in ; 
 and manned our boat with half-a-dozen shot and as many men 
 with swords, which did row the boat ; thus we made after the 
 frigate which had hoisted sail and ran into a river, which we 
 could not find. But as we rowed along the shore, our boat came 
 into very shallow water, where many weirs and sticks were set up in 
 divers places in the sea, from whence two or three canoes came 
 forth, whereof one made somewhat near unto us, with three or four 
 Indians in it : we called unto them ; but they would not come nearer 
 unto us, but rowed from us ; whom we durst not follow too far for 
 fear of bringing ourselves too much to the leeward of our ship. 
 Here, as we looked about us, we espied another balsa or canoe 
 of a great bigness, which they which were in her did set along 
 as we do usually set a barge with long staves or poles, which 
 was builded up with great canes, and below hard by the water 
 made to row with oars; wherein were about five or six Indians 
 and one Spaniard; now as we were come almost at the balsa, 
 we ran aground with our boat ; but one or two of our men leaped 
 overboard and freed it again presently, and keeping thwart her 
 head, we laid her aboard and took into us the Spaniard, but the 
 Indians leaped into the sea and dived and rose far off again 
 
 U 2 
 
2Q2 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1588 
 
 from us. Presently upon the taking of this canoe, there showed 
 upon the sand a band of soldiers marching with an ensign having 
 a Red Cross like the flag of England, which were about fifty 
 or sixty Spaniards, which were lately come from Manilla to that 
 town which is called Ragaun in a barque to fetch a new ship 
 of the king's, which was building in a river within the bay, and 
 stayed there but for certain irons that did serve for the rudder 
 of the said ship, which they looked for every day. 
 
 This band of men shot at us from the shore with their muskets, 
 but hit none of us, and we shot at them again ; they also manned 
 a frigate and sent it out after our boat to have taken us, but 
 we with sail and oars went from them ; and when they perceived 
 that they could not fetch us, but that they must come within 
 danger of the ordnance of our ship, they stood in with the shore 
 again and landed their men, and presently sent their frigate about 
 the point, but whether we knew not. So we came aboard with 
 this one Spaniard, which was neither soldier nor sailor, but one 
 that was come among the rest from Manilla, and had been in 
 the hospital there a long time before, and was a very simple soul, 
 and such a one as could answer to very little that he was asked, 
 concerning the state of the country. Here we rode at anchor 
 all that night, and perceived that the Spaniards had dispersed 
 their band into two or three parts, and kept great watch in several 
 steads with fires and shooting off their pieces. This island hath 
 much plain ground in it in many places, and many fair and straight 
 trees do grow upon it, fit for to make excellent good masts for 
 all sorts of ships. There are also mines of very fine gold in 
 it which are in the custody of the Indians. And to the south 
 ward of this place there is another very great island, which is 
 not subdued by the Spaniards, nor any other nation. The people 
 which inhabit it are all Negroes ; and the island is called the Island 
 of Negroes ; and is almost as big as England, standing in nine 
 degrees ; the most part of it seemeth to be very low land, and by 
 all likelihood is very fruitful. 
 
 On the 29th day of January, about six of the clock in the morning, 
 we set sail, sending our boat before until it was two of the clock in 
 the afternoon, passing all this time as it were through a Strait 
 betwixt the said two Islands of Panama and the Island of Negroes, 
 and about sixteen leagues off we espied a fair opening, tending 
 south-west and by south, at which time our boat came aboard, and 
 our General sent commendations to the Spanish captain which 
 
1588] CAVENDISH. 293 
 
 we came from the evening before by the Spaniard which we took, 
 and willed him to provide good store of gold ; for he meant for 
 to see him with his company at Manilla within few years, and 
 that he did but want a bigger boat to have landed his men, 
 or else he would have seen him then ; and so caused him to be set 
 on shore. On the 8th day of February by eight of the clock in 
 the morning we espied an island near Gilolo, called Batochina, 
 which standeth in one degree from the equinoctial line northward. 
 On the 1 4th day of February we fell in with eleven or twelve 
 very small islands, lying very low and flat, full of trees, and passed 
 by some islands which be sunk and have the dry sands lying in the 
 main sea. These islands near the Moluccas stand in three degrees 
 and ten minutes to the southward of the line. 
 
 On the 1 7th day, one John Gameford, a cooper, died, 
 which had been sick of an old disease a long time. On the 
 2oth day we fell with certain other islands which had many 
 small islands among them, standing four degrees to the southward 
 of the line. On the 2ist day of February, being Ash Wednesday 
 Captain Havers died of a most severe and pestilent ague which 
 held him furiously some seven or eight days, to no small grief 
 of our General and of all the rest of the company, who caused 
 two falchions and one saker to be shot off, with all the small shot 
 in the ship ; who, after he was shrouded in a sheet and a prayer 
 said, was heaved overboard with great lamentation of us all. 
 Moreover, presently after his death myself with divers others 
 in the ship fell marvellously sick, and so continued in very great 
 pain for the space of three weeks or a month by reason of the 
 extreme heat and intemperateness of the climate. 
 
 On the ist of March, having passed through the straits of Java 
 Minor and Java Major, we came to an anchor under the south 
 west parts of Java Major; where we espied certain of the people 
 which were fishing by the sea-side in a bay which was under the 
 island. Then our General taking into the ship's-boat certain of 
 his company, and a negro which could speak the Morisco tongue, 
 which he had taken out of the great St. Anna, made towards 
 those fishers, which having espied our boat ran on shore into the 
 wood for fear of our men ; but our General caused his negro to call 
 unto them ; who no sooner heard him call, but presently one of 
 them came out to the shore-side and made answer. Our General 
 by the negro enquired of him for fresh water, which they found, 
 and caused the fisher to go to the king and to certify him of a 
 
2Q4 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1588 
 
 ship that was come to have traffic for victuals, and for diamonds, 
 pearls, or any other rich jewels that he had ; for which he should 
 have either gold or other merchandise in exchange. The fisher 
 man answered that we should have all manner of victuals that we 
 would request. Thus the boat came aboard again. Within awhile 
 after we went about to furnish our ship thoroughly with wood and 
 water. 
 
 About the 8th of March two or three canoes came from the town 
 unto us with eggs, hens, fresh fish, oranges and limes, and brought 
 word we should have had victuals more plentifully, but that they 
 were so far to be brought to us where we rode. Which when our 
 General heard he weighed anchor and stood in nearer for the 
 town ; and as we were under sail we met with one of the king's 
 canoes coming towards us ; whereupon we shook the ship in the 
 wind and stayed for the canoe until it came aboard of us, and 
 stood into the bay which was hard by and came to an anchor. In 
 this canoe was the king's secretary, who had on his head a piece 
 of dyed linen cloth folded up like unto a Turk's turban ; he was all 
 naked saving about his waist ; his breast was carved with the broad 
 arrow upon it; he went barefooted; he had an interpreter with 
 him, which was a Mestizo, that is, half an Indian and half a Por 
 tugal, who could speak very good Portuguese. This secretary 
 signified unto our General that he had brought him an hog, hens, 
 eggs, fresh fish, sugar-canes, and wine (which wine was as strong 
 as any aqua vitae, and as clear as any rock water) ; he told him 
 further that he would bring victuals so sufficiently for him, as he 
 and his company would request, and that within the space of four 
 days. Our General used him singularly well, banqueted him most 
 royally with the choice of many and sundry conserves, wines both 
 sweet and other, and caused his musicians to make him music. 
 This done our General told him that he and his company were 
 Englishmen, and that we had been at China and had had traffic 
 there with them, and that we were come thither to discover, and 
 purposed to go to Malacca. The people of Java told our General 
 that there were certain Portugals in the island which lay there as 
 factors continually to traffic with them, to buy negroes, cloves, 
 pepper, sugar, and many other commodities. This secretary of the 
 king with his interpreter lay one night aboard our ship. The same 
 night because they lay aboard in the evening at the setting of the 
 watch, our General commanded every man in the ship to provide 
 his arquebuse and his shot, and so with shooting off forty or fifty 
 
1588] CAVENDISH. 295 
 
 small shot and one saker, himself set the watch with them. This 
 was no small marvel unto these heathen people, who had not com 
 monly seen any ship so furnished with men and ordnance. The 
 next morning we dismissed the secretary and his interpreter with 
 all humanity. 
 
 On the fourth day after, which was the I2th of March, according to 
 thsir appointment came the king's canoes ; but the wind being 
 somewhat scant they could not get aboard that night, but put into 
 a bay under the island until the next day, and presently after the 
 break of day there came to the number of nine or ten of the king's 
 canoes so deeply laden with victuals as they could swim, with two 
 great live oxen, half a score of wonderful great and fat hogs, a 
 number of hens which were alive, drakes, geese, eggs, plantains, 
 sugar-canes, sugar in plates, cocoa, sweet oranges and sour, limes, 
 great store of wine and aqua vitas, salt to season victuals withal, and 
 almost all manner of victuals else, with divers of the king's officers 
 which were there. Among all the rest of the people, in one of these 
 canoes came two Portugals, which were of middle stature, and 
 men of marvellous proper personage ; they were each of them in a 
 loose jerkin, and hose, which came down from the waist to the 
 ancle, because of the use of the country, and partly because 
 it was Lent, and a time for doing of their penance (for they 
 account it as a thing of great dislike among these heathens to wear 
 either hose or shoes on their feet) : they had on each of them a 
 very fair and a white lawn shirt, with falling bands on the same, 
 very decently, only their bare legs excepted. These Portugals 
 were no small joy unto our General and all the rest of our com 
 pany, for we had not seen any Christian, that was our friend, of a 
 year and a-half before. Our General used and entreated them 
 singularly well, with banquets and music. They told us that they 
 were no less glad to see us than we to see them, and enquired of 
 the state of their country, and what was become of Don Antonio, 
 their king, and whether he were living or no ; for that they had not 
 of long time been in Portugal, and that the Spaniards had always 
 brought them word that he was dead. Then our General satisfied 
 them in every demand ; assuring them that their king was alive, 
 and in England, and had honourable allowance of our Queen, and 
 that there was war between Spain and England, and that we were 
 come under the King of Portugal into the South Sea, and had 
 warred upon the Spaniards there, and had fired, spoiled, and sunk 
 all the ships along the coast that we could meet withal, to the 
 
296 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1588 
 
 number of eighteen or twenty sail. With this report they were 
 sufficiently satisfied. 
 
 On the other side they declared unto us the state of the island of 
 Java. First the plentifulness and great choice and store of victuals 
 of all sorts, and of all manner of fruits as before is set down. 
 Then the great and rich merchandise which are there to be had. 
 Then they described the properties and nature of the people as 
 followeth : The name of the king of that part of the island was 
 Raja Bolamboam, who was a man had in great majesty and fear 
 among them. The common people may not bargain, sell, or 
 exchange anything with any other nation, without special licence 
 from their king; and if any so do, it is present death for hirr.. 
 The king himself is a man of great years, and hath a hundred 
 wives ; his son hath fifty. The custom of the country is, that 
 whensoever the king doth die they take the body so dead and burn 
 it, and preserve the ashes of him, and within five days next after, 
 the wives of the said king so dead, according to the custom and 
 use of their country, everyone of them go together to a place 
 appointed, and the chief of the women, which was nearest unto 
 him in account, hath a ball in her hand, and thro we th it from her, 
 and to the place where the ball resteth thither they go all, and turn 
 their faces to the eastward, and everyone with a dagger in their 
 hand, (which dagger they call a creese, and is as sharp as a razor) 
 stab themselves to the heart, and with their hands all to bebathe 
 themselves in their own blood, and falling grovelling on their faces 
 so end their days. This thing is as true as it seemeth to any 
 hearer to be strange. 
 
 The men of themselves be very politic and subtle, and singularly 
 valiant, being naked men, in any action they undertake, and 
 wonderfully at commandment and fear of their king. For 
 example, if their king command them to undertake any exploit, 
 be it never so dangerous or desperate, they dare not nor will not 
 refuse it, though they die every man in the execution of the same. 
 For he will cut off the heads of every one of them which return 
 alive without bringing of their purpose to pass ; which is such a 
 thing among them, as it maketh them the most valiant people in 
 all the south-east parts of the world; for they never fear any 
 death. For being in fight with any nation, if any of them feeleth 
 himself hurt with lance or sword, he will willingly run himself 
 upon the weapon quite through his body to procure his death the 
 more speedily, and in this desperate sort end his days, or over- 
 
1588] CAVENDISH. 297 
 
 come his enemy. Moreover, although the men be tawny of 
 colour and go continually naked, yet their women be fair of com 
 plexion and go more apparelled. 
 
 After they had thus described the state cf the island, and the 
 orders and fashions of the people, they told us further, that if their 
 King Don Antonio would come unto them they would warrant him 
 to have all the Moluccas at commandment, besides China, Sangles, 
 and the isles of the Philippines, and that he might be assured to 
 have all the Indians on his side that are in the country. After we 
 had fully contented these Portugals, and the people of Java 
 which brought us victuals in their canoes, they took their leave 
 of us with promise of all good entertainment at our returns, and 
 our General gave them three great pieces of ordnance at 
 their departing. Thus the next day, being the i6th of March, 
 we set sail towards the Cape of Good Hope, called by the 
 Portuguese Cabo de Buena Esperanga, on the southermost coast 
 of Africa. 
 
 The rest of March and all the month of April, we spent in 
 traversing that mighty and vast sea, between the Isle of Java and 
 the main of Africa, observing the heavens, the Crosiers or South- 
 pole, the other stars, the fowls, which are marks unto the seamen 
 of fair weather, foul weather, approaching of lands or islands, the 
 winds, the tempests, the rains and thunders, with the alteration of 
 tides and currents. 
 
 On the loth of May we had a storm at the west, and it blew so 
 hard that it was as much as the ship could stir close by under the 
 wind; and the storm continued all that day and all that night. 
 The next day, being the nth of May, in the morning one of the 
 company went into the top, and espied land bearing north and 
 north and by west of us, and about noon we espied land to bear 
 west of us, which, as we did imagine, was the Cape of Buena 
 Esperanga, whereof, indeed, we were short some forty or fifty 
 leagues. And by reason of the scantiness of the wind we stood 
 along to the south-east until midnight, at which time the wind 
 came fair, and we haled along westward. On the I2th and I3th 
 days we were becalmed, and the sky was very hazy and thick 
 until the I4th day at three o'clock in the afternoon, at which 
 time the sky cleared, and we espied the land again which was 
 the cape called Cabo Falso, which is short of the Cape de 
 Buena Esperanga forty or fifty leagues. This cape is very easy 
 to be known ; for there are right over it three very high hills 
 
298 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1588 
 
 standing but a small way one off another, and the highest standeth 
 in the midst, and the ground is much lower by the seaside. The 
 Cape of Good Hope beareth west and by south from the said Cabo 
 Falso. 
 
 On the 1 6th of May, about four o'clock in the afternoon, the 
 wind came up at east a very stiff gale, which held until it was 
 Saturday, with as much wind as ever the ship could go before, at 
 which time, by six o'clock in the morning, we espied the pro 
 montory or headland called the Cape de Buena Esperanga, which 
 is a reasonable high land, and at the westermost point, a little off 
 the main, do shew two hammocks, the one upon the other, and 
 three other hammocks lying further off into the sea, yet low land 
 between and adjoining unto the sea. This Cape of Buena 
 Esperanga is set down and accounted for two thousand leagues 
 from the island of Java in the Portuguese sea-charts ; but it is 
 not so much almost by a hundred and fifty leagues, as we found 
 by the running of our ship. We were in running of these 
 eighteen hundred and fifty leagues just nine weeks. 
 
 On the 8th of June, by break of day, we fell in sight of the 
 island of St. Helena, seven or eight leagues short of it, having but 
 a small gale of wind, or almost none at all, insomuch as we could 
 not get into it that day, but stood off and on all that night. 
 The next day, being the 9th of June, having a pretty easy gale 
 of wind, we stood in with the shore, our boat being sent away 
 before to make the harbour ; and about one o'clock in the after 
 noon we came unto an anchor in twelve fathoms water, two or 
 three cables' length from the shore, in a very fair and smooth bay 
 under the north-west side of the island. This island is very high 
 land, and lieth in the main sea, standing as it were in the midst 
 of the sea between the mainland of Africa and the main of 
 Brazil and the coast of Guinea, and is in 15 degrees and 
 48 minutes to the southward of the equinoctial line, and is 
 distant from the Cape of Buena Esperanga between five and six 
 hundred leagues. 
 
 On the same day, about two or three o'clock in the afternoon, 
 we went on shore, where we found a marvellous fair and pleasant 
 valley, wherein divers handsome buildings and houses were set up, 
 especially one which was a church, which was tiled and whited on 
 the outside very fair and made with a porch, and within the church 
 at the upper end was set an altar, whereon stood a very large table 
 set in a frame having in it the picture of our Saviour Christ upon 
 
1588] CAVENDISH. 299 
 
 the cross and the image of our Lady praying, with divers other 
 histories curiously painted in the same. The sides of the church 
 were all hanged with stained cloths having many devices drawn in 
 them. There are two houses adjoining to the church, on each side 
 one, which serve for kitchens to dress meat in, with necessary 
 rooms and houses of office. The coverings of the said houses are 
 made flat, whereon is planted a very fair vine, and through both the 
 said houses runneth a very good and wholesome stream of fresh 
 water. There is also, right over against the said church, a fair 
 causeway made up with stones reaching unto a valley by the sea 
 side, in which valley is planted a garden wherein grow great store 
 of pompions and melons. And upon the said causeway is a frame 
 erected whereon hang two bells wherewith they ring to Mass ; 
 and hard unto it is a cross set up, which is squared, framed, 
 and made very artificially of free stone, whereon is carved in 
 cyphers what time it was builded, which was in the year of our 
 Lord 1571. 
 
 This valley is the fairest and largest low plot in all the island, 
 and it is marvellous sweet and pleasant, and planted in every place 
 either with fruit-trees or with herbs. There are fig-trees, which 
 bear fruit continually and marvellous plentifully ; for on every tree 
 you shall have blossoms, green figs, and ripe figs all at once ; and 
 it is so all the year long. The reason is that the island standeth so 
 near the sun. There be also great store of lemon-trees, orange-trees, 
 pomegranate-trees, pomecitron-trees, date-trees, which bear fruit as 
 the fig-trees do, and are planted carefully and very artificially with 
 very pleasant walks under and between them, and the said walks 
 be overshadowed with the leaves of the trees ; and in every void 
 place is planted parsley, sorrel, basil, fennel, anise-seed, mustard- 
 seed, radishes, and many special good herbs; and the fresh 
 water brook runneth through divers places of this orchard, and 
 may with very small pains be made to water any one tree in the 
 valley. 
 
 This fresh water stream cometh from the tops of the mountains, 
 and falleth from the cliff into the valley the height of a cable, and 
 hath many arms out of it, which refresh the whole island and 
 almost every tree in it. The island is altogether high mountains 
 and steep valleys, except it be in the tops of some hills and down 
 below in some of the valleys, where marvellous store of all these 
 kinds of fruits before spoken of do grow. There is greater store 
 growing in the tops of the mountains than below in the valleys ; 
 
300 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1588 
 
 but it is wonderful laboursome and also dangerous travelling up unto 
 them and down again, by reason of the height and steepness of 
 the hills. 
 
 There is also upon this island great store of partridges, which are 
 very tame, not making any great haste to fly away though one 
 come very near them, but only to run away and get up into the 
 steep cliffs. We killed some of them with a fowling piece. They 
 differ very much from our partridges which are in England both in 
 bigness and also in colour; for they be within a little as big as a 
 hen, and are of an ash colour, and live in coveys twelve, sixteen, 
 and twenty together. You cannot go ten or twelve score but you 
 shall see or spring one or two coveys at the least. 
 
 There are likewise no less store of pheasants in the island, 
 which are also marvellous big and fat, surpassing those which are 
 in our country in bigness and in numbers of a company. They 
 differ not very much in colour from the partridges before 
 spoken of. 
 
 We found moreover in this place a great store of Guinea cocks, 
 which we call turkeys, of colour black and white, with red heads, 
 They are much about the same bigness which ours be of in 
 England. Their eggs be white, and as big as a turkey's egg. 
 
 There are in this island thousands of goats, which the Spaniards 
 call cabritos, which are very wild. You shall see one or two hun 
 dred of them together, and sometimes you may behold them going 
 in a flock almost a mile long. Some of them (whether it be the 
 nature of the breed of them or of the country I wot not) are as big 
 as an ass, with a mane like a horse and a beard hanging down to 
 the very ground. They will climb up the cliffs, which are so steep 
 that a man would think it a thing impossible for any living thing to 
 go there. We took and killed many of them, for all their swift 
 ness ; for there be thousands of them upon the mountains. 
 
 Here are in like manner great store of swine, which be very wild 
 and very fat, and of a marvellous bigness. They keep altogether 
 upon the mountains, and will very seldom abide any man to come 
 near them, except it be by mere chance when they be found 
 asleep ; or otherwise, according to their kind, be taken laid in the 
 mire. 
 
 We found in the houses at our coming three slaves which were 
 negroes and one which was born in the island of Java, which told 
 us that the East Indian fleet, which were in number five sails, the 
 least whereof were in burden 800 or 900 tons, all laden with spices 
 
1588] CAVENDISH. 301 
 
 and Calicut cloth, with store of treasure and very rich stones and 
 pearls, were gone from the said island of St. Helena but twenty 
 days before we came thither. 
 
 This island hath been found of long time by the Portugals, and 
 hath been altogether planted by them for their refreshing as they 
 come from the East Indies. And when they come they have all 
 things plentiful for their relief, by reason that they suffer none to 
 inhabit there that might spend up the fruit of the island, except 
 some very few sick persons in their company, which they stand in 
 doubt will not live until they come home, whom they leave there to 
 refresh themselves, and take away the year following with the 
 other fleet if they live so long. They touch here rather in their 
 coming home from the East Indies than at their going thither, 
 because they are thoroughly furnished with corn when they set out 
 of Portugal, but are but meanly victualled at their coming from 
 the Indies, where there groweth little corn. 
 
 On the 2Oth of June, having taken in wood and water, and re 
 freshed ourselves with such things as we found there, and made 
 clean our ship, we set sail about eight o'clock in the night toward 
 England. At our setting sail we had the wind at south-east, and 
 we haled away north-west and by west. The wind is commonly 
 off the shore at this island of St. Helena. On Wednesday, being 
 the 3rd of July, we went away north-west, the wind being still at 
 south-east ; at which time we were in I degree and 48 minutes to 
 the southward of the equinoctial line. On the I2th of July it was 
 very little wind, and toward night it was calm, and blew no wind at 
 all, and so continued until it was Monday, being the i$th of July. 
 On Wednesday, the I7th day of the abovesaid month, we had the 
 wind scant at west-north-west. We found the wind continually to 
 blow at east, and north-east, and east-north-east after we were in 
 3 or 4 degrees to the northward ; and it altered not until we came 
 between 30 and 40 degrees to the northward of the equinoctial 
 line. 
 
 On Wednesday, the 2ist of August, the wind came up at south 
 west a fair gale, by which day at noon we were in 38 degrees of 
 northerly latitude. On Friday, in the morning, being the 23rd 
 of August, at four o'clock, we haled east, and east and by south 
 for the northermost islands of the Azores. On Saturday, the 
 24th day of the said month, by five o'clock in the morning, we 
 fell in sight of the two islands of Flores and Corvo, standing 
 m 39/4 degrees, and sailed away north-east. On the 3rd of Sep- 
 
302 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1588 
 
 tember we met with a Flemish hulk, which came from Lisbon, 
 and declared unto us the overthrowing of the Spanish Fleet, to 
 the singular rejoicing and comfort of us all. On the 9th of Sep 
 tember, after a terrible tempest, which carried away most part of 
 our sails, by the merciful favour of the Almighty we recovered our 
 long-wished port of Plymouth in England, from whence we set 
 forth at the beginning of our voyage. 
 
CAVENDISH. 303 
 
 CAVENDISH. LAST VOYAGE. 
 
 The last Voyage of the Worshipful MR. THOS. CAVENDISH, 
 ESQUIRE, intended for the South Sea, the PHILIPPINES, 
 and the coast of CHINA, with three tall ships and two 
 barques. Written by MR. JOHN JANE, a man of good obser- 
 vation, employed in the same and many other voyages. 
 
 ON the 26th of August, 1591, we departed from Plymouth with 
 three tall ships and two barques, The Galeon, wherein Mr. Candish 
 went himself, being Admiral, The Roebuck, Vice-Admiral, whereof 
 Mr. Cocke was Captain, The Desire, Rear-Admiral, whereof was 
 Captain Mr. John Davis (with whom and for whose sake I went 
 this voyage), the Black Pinnace, and a barque of Mr. Adrian 
 Gilbert, whereof Mr. Randolph Cotton was Captain. 
 
 On the 29th of November we fell in with the Bay of Salvador, 
 upon the coast of Brazil, 12 leagues on this side Cabo Frio, where 
 we were becalmed until the 2nd of December, at which time we 
 took a small barque bound for the River of Plate with sugar, 
 haberdashery wares, and negroes. The master of this barque 
 brought us unto an isle called Placentia, 30 leagues west from 
 Cabo Frio, where we arrived the ist of December, and rifled six 
 or seven houses inhabited by Portugals. On the nth we de 
 parted from this place, and the I4th we arrived at the Isle of San 
 Sebastian, from whence Mr. Cocke and Captain Davis presently 
 departed with the Desire and the Black Pinnace, for the taking of 
 the town of Santos. On the i$th at evening we anchored at the 
 bar of Santos, from whence we departed with our boats to the 
 town ; and the next morning about nine o'clock we came to Santos, 
 where being discovered, we were enforced to land with twenty-four 
 gentlemen, our long boat being far astern, by which expedition we 
 took all the people of the town at mass, both men and women, 
 
304 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 whom we kept all that day in the church as prisoners. The cause 
 why Mr. Candish desired to take this town was to supply his great 
 wants ; for being in Santos, and having it in quiet possession, we 
 stood in assurance to supply all our needs in great abundance. 
 But such was the negligence of our Governor, Mr. Cocke, that the 
 Indians were suffered to carry out of the town whatsoever they 
 would in open view, and no man did control them ; and the next 
 day after we had won the town our prisoners were all set at liberty, 
 only four poor old men were kept as pawns to supply our wants. 
 Thus in three days the town that was able to furnish such another 
 fleet with all kind of necessaries, was left unto us nakedly bare, 
 without people and provision. 
 
 Eight or ten days after Mr. Candish himself came thither, where 
 he remained until the 22nd of January, seeking by entreaty to have 
 that whereof we were once possessed. But in conclusion we de 
 parted out of the town through extreme want of victuals, not being 
 able any longer to live there, and were glad to receive a few 
 canisters or baskets of cassavi meal ; so that in every condition we 
 went worse furnished from the town than when we came unto it. 
 On the 22nd of January we departed from Santos, and burnt St. 
 Vincent to the ground. On the 24th we set sail, shaping our 
 course for the Straits of Magellan. 
 
 On the yth of February we had a very great storm, and on the 
 8th our fleet was separated by the fury of the tempest. Then our 
 Captain called unto him the Master of our ship, whom he found to 
 be a very honest and sufficient man, and conferring with him he 
 concluded to go for Port Desire, which is in the southerly latitude 
 of 48 degrees; hoping that the General would come thither, 
 because that in his first voyage he had found great relief there. 
 For our Captain could never get any direction what course to take 
 in any such extremities, though many times he had intreated for 
 it, as often I have heard him with grief report. In sailing to this 
 port by good chance we met with the Roebuck, wherein Mr. Cocke 
 had endured great extremities, and had lost his boat, and therefore 
 desired our Captain to keep him company, for he was in very 
 desperate case. Our Captain hoisted out his boat and went aboard 
 him to know his estate, and returning told us the hardness thereof, 
 and desired the Master and all the company to be careful in all 
 their watches not to lose The Roebuck, and so we both arrived at 
 Port Desire on the 6th of March. 
 
 On the 1 6th of March the Black Pinnace came unto us, but 
 
I59 2 ] CAVENDISH. 305 
 
 Mr. Gilbert's barque came not, but returned home to England, 
 having their Captain aboard the Roebuck without any provision 
 more than the apparel that he wore, who came from thence aboard 
 our ship to remain with our Captain, by reason of the great friend 
 ship between them. On the i8th the Galeon came into the road, 
 and Mr. Candish came into the harbour in a boat which he had 
 made at sea ; for his long-boat and light-horseman were lost at sea, 
 as also a pinnace which he had built at Santos ; and being aboard 
 The Desire he told our Captain of all his extremities, and spake 
 most hardly of his company, and of divers gentlemen that were 
 with him, purposing no more to go aboard his own ship, but to stay 
 in The Desire. We all sorrowed to hear such hard speeches of 
 our good friends ; but having spoken with the gentlemen of the 
 Galeon we found them faithful, honest, and resolute in proceeding, 
 although it pleased our General otherwise to conceive of them. 
 
 On the 20th of March we departed from Port Desire, Mr. 
 Candish being in The Desire with us. On the 8th of April, 1592, 
 we fell with the Straits of Magellan, enduring many furious storms 
 between Port Desire and the Straits. On the I4th we passed 
 through the first strait. On the i6th we passed the second strait, 
 being 10 leagues distant from the first. On the i8th we doubled 
 Cape Fro ward, which cape lieth in 53 X degrees. On the 2ist we 
 were enforced by the fury of the weather to put into a small cove 
 with our ships, 4 leagues from the said cape, upon the south shore, 
 where we remained until the I5th of May. In the which time we 
 endured extreme storms, with perpetual snow, where many of our 
 men died with cursed famine and miserable cold, not having 
 wherewith to cover their bodies, nor to fill their bellies, but living 
 by muscles, water, and weeds of the sea, with a small relief of the 
 ship's store in meal sometimes. And all the sick men in the 
 Galeon were most uncharitably put ashore into the woods in the 
 snow, rain, and cold, when men of good health could scarcely 
 endure it, where they ended their lives in the highest degree of 
 misery, Mr. Candish all this while being aboard the Desire. In 
 these great extremities of snow and cold, doubting what the end 
 would be, he asked our Captain's opinion, because he was a man 
 that had good experience of the north-west parts, in his three 
 several discoveries that way, employed by the merchants of 
 London. Our Captain told him that this snow was a matter of no 
 long continuance, and gave him sufficient reason for it, and that 
 thereby he could not much be prejudiced or hindered in his pro- 
 
 x 
 
306 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [ r 59 2 
 
 ceeding. Notwithstanding, he called together all the company, and 
 told them that he purposed not to stay in the straits, but to depart 
 upon some other voyage, or else to return again for Brazil. But 
 his resolution was to go for the Cape of Buena Esperanga. The 
 company answered that if it pleased him, they did desire to stay 
 God's favour for a wind, and to endure all hardness whatsoever, 
 rather than to give over the voyage, considering they had been 
 here but a small time, and because they were within 40 leagues of 
 the South sea, it grieved them now to return ; notwithstanding 
 what he purposed that they would perform. So he concluded to go 
 for the Cape of Buena Esperanga, and to give over this voyage. 
 Then our Captain, after Mr. Candish was come aboard The Desire 
 from talking with the company, told him that if it pleased him to 
 consider the great extremity of his estate, the slenderness of his 
 provisions, with the weakness of his men, it was no course for him 
 to proceed in that new enterprise ; for if the rest of your ships 
 (said he) be furnished answerable to this, it is impossible to per 
 form your determination ; for we have no more sails than masts, no 
 victuals, no ground-tackling, no cordage more than is over head, 
 and among seventy and five persons there is but the Master alone 
 that can order the ship, and but fourteen sailors. The rest are 
 gentlemen, serving-men, and artificers. Therefore it will be a 
 desperate case to take so hard an enterprise in hand. These per 
 suasions did our Captain not only use to Mr. Candish, but also to 
 Mr. Cocke. In fine, upon a petition delivered in writing by the chief 
 of the whole company, the General determined to depart out of the 
 Straits of Magellan, and to return again for Santos, in Brazil. 
 
 So on the I5th of May we set sail, the General then being in the 
 Galeon. On the i8th we were free of the Straits, but at Cape 
 Froward it was our hard hap to have our boat sunk at our stern in 
 the night, and to be split and sore spoiled, and to lose all our 
 oars. 
 
 On the 2oth of May, being thwart of Port Desire, in the night 
 the General altered his course, as we suppose, by which occasion 
 we lost him ; for in the evening he stood close by a wind to sea 
 ward, having the wind at north-north-east, and we standing the 
 same way, the wind not altering, could not the next day see him ; 
 so that we then persuaded ourselves that he was gone for Port 
 Desire to relieve himself, or that he had sustained some mischance 
 at sea, and was gone thither to remedy it. Whereupon our 
 Captain called the General's men unto him, with the rest, and 
 
1592] CAVENDISH. 307 
 
 asked their opinion what was to be done. Everyone said that they 
 thought that the General was gone for Port Desire. Then the 
 Master, being the General's man, and careful of his master's 
 service, as also of good judgment in sea matters, told the company 
 how dangerous it was to go for Port Desire, if we should there 
 miss the General ; for (said he) we have no boat to land ourselves, 
 nor any cables nor anchors that I dare trust in so quick streams as 
 are there ; yet in all likelihood concluding that the General was 
 gone thither, we stayed our course for Port Desire, and by chance 
 met with the Black Pinnace, which had likewise lost the fleet, being 
 in very miserable case ; so we both concluded to seek the General 
 at Port Desire. 
 
 On the 26th of May we came to Port Desire, where not rinding 
 our General as we hoped, being most slenderly victualled, without 
 sails, boat, oars, nails, cordage, and all other necessaries for our 
 relief, we were stricken into a deadly sorrow. But referring all to 
 the providence and fatherly protection of the Almighty, we entered 
 the harbour, and by God's favour found a place of quiet road, 
 which before we knew not. Having moored our ship with the 
 pinnace's boat, we landed upon the south shore, where we found a 
 standing pool of fresh water, which by estimation might hold some 
 ten tuns, whereby we were greatly comforted. From this pool we 
 fetched more than forty tuns of water, and yet we left the pool as full 
 as we found it. And because at our first being in this harbour we 
 were at this place and found no water, we persuaded ourselves that 
 God had sent it for our relief. Also there were such extraordinary 
 low ebbs as we had never seen, whereby we got muscles in great 
 plenty. Likewise God sent about our ships great abundance of 
 smelts, so that with hooks made of pins every man caught as 
 many as he could eat ; by which means we preserved our ship's 
 victuals, and spent not any during the time of our abode here. 
 
 Our Captain and Master falling into the consideration of our 
 estate and dispatch to go to the General, found our wants so great, 
 as that in a month we could not fit our ship to set sail. For we 
 must needs set up a smith's forge, to make bolts, spikes, and nails, 
 besides the repairing of our other wants. Whereupon they con 
 cluded it to be their best course to take the pinnace, and to furnish 
 her with the best of the company, and to go to the General with 
 all expedition, leaving the ship and the rest of the company until 
 the General's return ; for he had vowed to our Captain that he 
 would return again for the Straits, as he had told us. The Captain 
 
 X 2 
 
308 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [ T 59 2 
 
 and Master of the pinnace being the General's men were well con 
 tented with the motion. 
 
 But the General having in our ship two most pestilent fellows, 
 when they heard of this determination they utterly misliked it, and 
 in secret dealt with the company of both ships, vehemently 
 persuading them that our Captain and Master would leave them 
 in the country to be devoured of the cannibals, and that they were 
 merciless and without charity ; whereupon the whole company 
 joined in secret with them in a night to murder our Captain and 
 Master, with myself, and all those which they thought were their 
 friends. There were marks taken in his cabin how to kill him 
 with muskets through the ship's side, and bullets made of silver for 
 the execution if their other purposes should fail. All agreed here 
 unto, except it were the boatswain of our ship, who when he knew 
 the matter and the slender ground thereof, revealed it unto our 
 Master, and so to the Captain. Then the matter being called in 
 question, those two most murderous fellows were found out, whose 
 names were" Charles Parker and Edward Smith. 
 
 The Captain being thus hardly beset, in peril of famine, and in 
 danger of murdering, was constrained to use lenity, and by 
 courteous means to pacify this fury; shewing, that to do the 
 General service, unto whom he had vowed faith in this action, was 
 the cause why he purposed to go unto him in the pinnace, con 
 sidering that the pinnace was so necessary a thing for him, as that 
 he could not be without her, because he was fearful of the shore in 
 so great ships. Whereupon all cried out, with cursing and swear 
 ing, that the pinnace should not go unless the ship went. Then 
 the Captain desired them to shew themselves Christians, and not 
 so blasphemously to behave themselves, without regard or thanks 
 giving to God for their great deliverance, and present sustenance 
 bestowed upon them, alleging many examples of God's sharp 
 punishment for such ingratitude ; and withal promised to do any 
 thing that might stand with their good liking. By which gentle 
 speeches the matter was pacified, and the Captain and Master, at 
 the request of the company, were content to forgive this great 
 treachery of Parker and Smith, who after many admonitions con 
 cluded in these words : " The Lord judge between you and me ;" 
 which after came to a most sharp revenge even by the punishment 
 of the Almighty. Thus by a general consent it was concluded not 
 to depart, but there to stay for the General's return. Then our 
 Captain and Master, seeing that they could not do the General 
 
1592] CAVENDISH. 309 
 
 that service which they desired, made a motion to the company 
 that they would lay down under their hands the losing of the 
 General, with the extremities wherein we then stood; whereunto 
 they consented, and wrote unto their hands as followeth : 
 
 The Testimonial of the Company of THE DESIRE, touching their 
 losing of their General, which appeareth to have been utterly 
 against their meanings: 
 
 On the 26th of August, 1591, we whose names be hereunder 
 written, with divers other departed from Plymouth under Mr. 
 Thomas Candish, our General, with four ships of his, to wit, the 
 Galeon, the Roebuck, the Desire, and the Black Pinnace, for the 
 performance of a voyage into the South Sea. On the I9th of 
 November we fell with the bay of Salvador, in Brazil. On the 
 1 6th of December we took the town of Santos, hoping there to 
 revictual ourselves, but it fell not out to our contentment. On the 
 24th of January we set sail from Santos, shaping our course for the 
 Straits of Magellan. On the 8th of February, by violent storms the 
 said fleet was parted ; the Roebuck and the Desire arrived in Port 
 Desire the 6th of March. On the i6th of March the Black Pinnace 
 arrived there also, and on the i8th of the same our Admiral came 
 into the road, with whom we departed the 2oth of March in poor 
 and weak estate. On the 8th of April, 1592, we entered the Straits 
 of Magellan. On the 2ist of April we anchored beyond Cape 
 Froward, within forty leagues of the South Sea, where we rode 
 until the I5th of May, in which time we had great store of snow, 
 with some gusty weather, the wind continuing still at west-north 
 west against us. In this time we were enforced, for the preserving 
 of our victuals, to live for the most part upon muscles, our pro 
 vision was so slender, so that many of our men died in this hard 
 extremity. Then our General returned for Brazil there to winter, 
 and to procure victuals for this voyage against the next year. 
 So we departed the Straits on the I5th of May. On the 2ist, 
 being thwart of Port Desire, thirty leagues off the shore, the wind 
 then at north-east and by north, at five o'clock at night, lying north 
 east, we suddenly cast about lying south-east and by south, and 
 sometimes south-east, the whole fleet following the Admiral, our 
 ship coming under his lee shot ahead him, and so framed sail fit to 
 
310 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 keep company. This night we were severed, by what occasion we 
 protest we know not, whether we lost them or they us. In the 
 morning we only saw the Black Pinnace ; then supposing that the 
 Admiral had overshot us, all this day we stood to the eastwards, 
 hoping to find him, because it was not likely that he would stand 
 to the shore again so suddenly. But missing him towards night, 
 we stood to the shoreward, hoping by that course to find him. 
 On the 22nd of May at night we had a violent storm, with the wind at 
 north-west, and we were in-forced to hull, not being able to bear sail, 
 and this night we perished our main trestletrees, so that we could 
 no more use our main-topsail, lying most dangerously in the sea. 
 The pinnace likewise received a great leak, so that we were forced 
 to seek the next shore for our relief. And because famine was 
 like to be the best end, we desired to go for Port Desire, hoping 
 with seals and penguins to relieve ourselves, and so to make 
 shift to follow the General, or there to stay his coming from 
 Brazil. On the 24th of May we had much wind at north. 
 The 25th was calm, and the sea very lofty, so that our ship had 
 dangerous foul weather. On the 26th our fore-shrouds brake, so 
 that if we had not been near the shore, it had been impossible 
 for us to get out of the sea. And now being here moored in 
 Port Desire, our shrouds are all rotten, not having a running- 
 rope whereto we may trust, and being provided only of one 
 shift of sails all worn ; our top-sails not able to abide any 
 stress of weather, neither have we any pitch, tar, or nails, nor 
 any store for the supplying of these wants, and we live only 
 upon seals and muscles, having but five hogsheads of pork within 
 board, and meal three ounces for a man a day, with water for 
 to drink. And forasmuch as it hath pleased God to separate 
 our fleet, and to bring us into such hard extremities, that only now 
 by his mere mercy we expect relief, though otherwise we are hope 
 less of comfort ; yet because the wonderful works of God in his 
 exceeding great favour towards us his creatures are far beyond 
 the scope of man's capacity, therefore by him we hope to have 
 deliverance in this our deep distress. Also forasmuch as those 
 upon whom God will bestow the favour of life, with return home 
 to their country, may not only themselves remain blameless, but 
 also manifest the truth of our actions, we have thought good in 
 Christian charity to lay down under our hands the truth of all 
 our proceedings, even till the time of this our distress. 
 
 Given in Port Desire the 2nd of June, 1592. Beseeching the 
 
I59 2 ] CAVENDISH. 311 
 
 Almighty God of his mercy to deliver us from this misery, how or 
 when it shall please His Divine Majesty. 
 
 John Davis (Captain), Randolph Cotton, John Pery, William 
 Maber (gunner), Charles Parker, Rowland Miller, Edward Smith, 
 Thomas Purpet, Matthew Stubbes, John Jenkinson, Thomas Ed 
 wards, Edward Granger, John Lewis, William Hay man, George 
 Straker, Thomas Walbie, William Wyeth, Richard Alard, Stephen 
 Popham, Alexander Cole, Thomas Watkins, George Cunington, 
 John Whiting, James Ling, the Boatswain, Francis Smith, John 
 Layes, the Boatswain's Mate, Fisher, John Austin, Francis Cop- 
 stone, Richard Caret, James Eversby, Nicolas Parker, Leonard, 
 John Pick, Benjamin, William Maber, James Not, Christopher 
 Hauser. 
 
 After they had delivered this relation unto our Captain under 
 their hands, then we began to travail for our lives, and we built up 
 a smith's forge, and made a coal-pit, and burnt coals, and there 
 we made nails, bolts, and spikes, others made ropes of a piece 
 of our cable, and the rest gathered muscles, and took smelts for 
 the whole company. Three leagues from this harbour there is an 
 island with four small islands about it, where there are great 
 abundance of seals, and at the time of the year the penguins come 
 thither in great plenty to breed. We concluded with the pinnace 
 that she should sometimes go thither to fetch seals for us ; upon 
 which condition we would share our victuals with her man for 
 man ; whereunto the whole company agreed. So we parted our 
 poor store, and she laboured to fetch us seals to eat, wherewith 
 we lived when smelts and muscles failed : for in the neap streams 
 we could get no muscles. Thus in most miserable calamity we 
 remained until the 6th of August, still keeping watch upon the 
 hills to look for our General, and so great was our vexation and 
 anguish of soul, as I think never flesh and blood endured more. 
 Thus our misery daily increasing, time passing, and our hope of 
 the General being very cold, our Captain and Master were fully 
 persuaded that the General might perhaps go directly for the 
 Straits, and not come to this harbour ; whereupon they thought 
 no course more convenient than to go presently for the Straits, 
 and there to stay his coming, for in that place he could not pass, 
 but of force we must see him ; whereunto the company most 
 willingly consented, as also the Captain and Master of the pin 
 nace ; so that upon this determination we made all possible speed 
 to depart. 
 
3T2 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*59 2 
 
 On the 6th of August we set sail, and went to Penguin Island, 
 and the next day we salted twenty hogsheads of seals, which was 
 as much as our salt could possibly do ; and so we departed for 
 the Straits the poorest wretches that ever were created. On the 
 7th of August toward night we departed from Penguin Island, 
 shaping our course for the Straits, where we had full confidence 
 to meet with our General. On the 9th we had a sore storm, so 
 that we were constrained to hull, for our sails were not to endure 
 any force. On the I4th we were driven in among certain islands 
 never before discovered by any known relation, lying fifty leagues 
 or better from the shore east and northerly from the Straits ; in 
 which place, unless it had pleased God of his wonderful mercy 
 to have ceased the wind, we must of necessity have perished. 
 But the wind shifting to the east, we directed our course for the 
 Straits, and on the i8th of August we fell with the Cape in a 
 very thick fog, and the same night we anchored ten leagues 
 within the Cape. On the iQth day we passed the first and 
 the second Straits. On the 2ist we doubled Cape Froward. On 
 the 22nd we anchored in Savage Cove, so named because we 
 found many savages there ; notwithstanding the extreme cold of 
 this place, yet do all these wild people go naked, and live in 
 the woods like satyrs, painted and disguised, and fly from you 
 like wild deer. They are very strong, and threw stones at 
 us of three or four pounds weight an incredible distance. 
 On the 24th in the morning we departed from this cove, and 
 the same day we came into the north-west reach, which is the 
 last reach of the Straits. On the 25th we anchored in a good 
 cove, within fourteen leagues of the South Sea: in this place 
 we purposed to stay for the General, for the Strait in this place 
 is scarce three miles broad, so that he could not pass but we 
 must see him. After we had stayed here a fortnight in the depth 
 of winter, our victuals consuming, (for our seals stunk most vilely, 
 and our men died pitifully through cold and famine, for the 
 greatest part of them had not clothes to defend the extremity 
 of the winter's cold) ; being in this heavy distress, our captain and 
 master thought it the best course to depart from the Straits into 
 the South Sea, and to go for the Isle of Santa Maria, which is 
 to the northward of Baldivia, in thirty-seven degrees and a quarter, 
 where we might have relief, and be in a temperate clime, and 
 there stay for the General, for of necessity he must come by 
 that Isle. So we departed on the isth of September, and came 
 
I59 2 ] CAVENDISH. 313 
 
 in sight of the South Sea. On the I4th we were forced back 
 again, and recovered a cove three leagues within the Straits from 
 the South Sea. Again we put forth, and being eight or ten leagues 
 free of the land, the wind rising furiously at west-north-west, we 
 were enforced again into the Straits only for want of sails ; for 
 we never durst bear sail in any stress of weather, they were so 
 weak ; so again we recovered the cove three leagues within the 
 Straits, where we endured most furious weather, so that one of 
 our two cables broke, whereby we were hopeless of life. Yet it 
 pleased God to calm the storm, and we unrived our sheets, tacks, 
 halliers, and other ropes, and moored our ship to the trees close 
 by the rocks. We laboured to recover our anchor again, but could 
 not by any means, it lay so deep in the water, and, as we think, 
 clean covered with ooze. Now had we but one anchor which 
 had but one whole fluke, a cable spliced in two places, and a 
 piece of an old cable. In the midst of these our troubles it 
 pleased God that the wind came fair on the ist of October; 
 whereupon with all expedition we loosed our moorings, and 
 weighed our anchor, and so towed off into the channel ; for we 
 had mended our boat in Port Desire, and had five oars of the 
 pinnace. When we had weighed our anchor, we found our cable 
 broken. Only one strand held : then we praised God ; for we saw 
 apparently His mercies in preserving us. Being in the channel, 
 we rived our ropes, and again rigged our ship ; no man's hand was 
 idle, but all laboured even for the last gasp of life. Here our 
 company was divided; some desired to go again to Port Desire, 
 and there to be set on shore, where they might travail for their 
 lives, and some stood with the captain and master to proceed. 
 Whereupon the captain said to the master: "Master, you see the 
 wonderful extremity of our estate, and the great doubts among our 
 company of the truth of your reports, as touching relief to be had 
 in the South Sea ; some say in secret, as I am informed, that we 
 undertake these desperate attempts through blind affection that we 
 bear to the General. For my own part I plainly make known unto 
 you, that the love which I bear to the General caused me first to 
 enter into this action, whereby I have not only heaped upon my head 
 this bitter calamity now present, but also have in some sort procured 
 the dislike of my best friends in England, as it is not unknown 
 to some in this company. But now being thus entangled by the 
 providence of God for my former offences (no doubt) I desire that 
 it may please his Divine Majesty to show us such merciful favour, 
 
314 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 that we may rather proceed, than otherwise ; or if it be his will, 
 that our mortal being shall now take an end, I rather desire 
 that it may be in proceeding than in returning. And because I see 
 in reason, that the limits of our time are now drawing to an end, I 
 do in Christian charity entreat you all, first to forgive me in what 
 soever I have been grievous unto you ; secondly, that you will 
 rather pray for our General, than use hard speeches of him ; and 
 let us be fully persuaded, that not for his cause or negligence, but 
 for our own offences against the Divine Majesty we are presently 
 punished; lastly, let us forgive one another and be reconciled 
 as children in love and charity, and not think upon the vanities of 
 this life ; so shall we in leaving this life live with our glorious 
 Redeemer, or abiding in this life, find favour with God. And now 
 (good master) forasmuch as you have been in this voyage once 
 before with your master the General, satisfy the company of such 
 truths as are to you best known ; and you, the rest of the General's 
 men, which likewise have been with him in his first voyage, if 
 you hear anything contrary to the truth, spare not to reprove 
 it, I pray you. And so I beseech the Lord to bestow his mercy 
 upon us." Then the master began in these speeches : " Captain, 
 your request is very reasonable, and I refer to your judgment 
 my honest care, and great pains taken in the General's service, my 
 love towards him, and in what sort I have discharged my duty, 
 from the first day to this hour. I was commanded by the General 
 to follow your directions, which hitherto I have performed. You 
 all know that when I was extremely sick, the General was lost 
 in my mate's watch, as you have well examined ; since which time 
 in what anguish and grief of mind I have lived God only knoweth, 
 and you are in some part a witness. And now if you think good 
 to return, I will not gainsay it ; but this I assure you, if life may 
 be preserved by any means, it is in proceeding. For at the Isle of 
 Santa Maria I do assure you of wheat, pork, and roots enough. 
 Also I will bring you to an isle where pelicans be in great abun 
 dance, and at Santos we shall have meal in great plenty, besides all 
 our possibility of intercepting some ships upon the coast of Chili and 
 Peru. But if we return there is nothing but death to be hoped for ; 
 therefore do as you like. I am ready, but my desire is to proceed." 
 These his speeches being confirmed by others that were in the 
 former voyage, there was a general consent of proceeding; and 
 so on the 2nd of October we put into the South Sea, and were 
 free of all land. This night the wind began to blow very much at 
 
I59 2 ] CAVENDISH. 315 
 
 west-north-west, and still increased in fury, so that we were in 
 great doubt what course to take ; to put into the Straits we durst 
 not for lack of ground-tackle ; to bear sail we doubted, the tempest 
 was so furious, and our sails so bad. The pinnace came room 
 with us, and told us that she had received many grievous seas, 
 and that her ropes did every hour fail her, so as they could not tell 
 what shift to make ; we being unable in any sort to help them, 
 stood under our courses in view of the lee-shore, still expecting 
 our ruinous end. 
 
 On the 4th of October the storm growing beyond all reason 
 furious, the pinnace being in the wind of us, struck suddenly ahull, 
 so that we thought she had received some grievous sea, or sprung 
 a leak, or that her sails failed her, because she came not with 
 us; but we durst not hull in that unmerciful storm, but some 
 times tried under our main course, sometimes with a haddock of 
 our sail, for our ship was very leeward, and most laboursome 
 in the sea. This night we lost the pinnace, and never saw her 
 again. 
 
 On the 5th, our foresail was split, and all to torn ; then our 
 master took the mizzen, and brought it to the foremast, to make our 
 ship work, and with our spritsail we mended our foresail, the 
 storm continuing without all reason in fury, with hail, snow, rain, 
 and wind, such and so mighty, as that in nature it could not 
 possibly be more, the seas such and so lofty, with continual 
 breach, that many times we were doubtful whether our ship did 
 sink or swim. 
 
 On the loth of October being by the account of our captain and 
 master very near the shore, the weather dark, the storm furious, and 
 most of our men having given over to travail, we yielded ourselves 
 to death, without further hope of succour. Our captain sitting 
 in the gallery very pensive, I came and brought him some Rosa 
 solis to comfort him ; for he was so cold that he was scarce able 
 to move a joint. After he had drunk, and was comforted in heart, 
 he began for the ease of his conscience to make a large repetition 
 of his forepassed time, and with many grievous sighs he concluded 
 in these words : "Oh, most glorious God, with whose power the 
 mightiest things among men are matters of no moment, I most 
 humbly beseech Thee, that the intolerable burden of my sins may, 
 through the blood of Jesus Christ, be taken from me; and end our 
 days with speed, or show us some merciful sign of Thy love and 
 our preservation." Having thus ended, he desired me not to make 
 
316 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*59 2 
 
 known to any of the company his intolerable grief and anguish of 
 mind, because they should not thereby be dismayed. And so 
 suddenly, before I went from him, the sun shined clear ; so that he 
 and the master both observed the true elevation of the Pole, 
 whereby they knew by what course to recover the Straits. Where 
 withal our captain and master were so revived, and gave such 
 comfortable speeches to the company, that every man rejoiced, as 
 though we had received a present deliverance. The next day, 
 being the nth of October, we saw Cabo Deseado, being the Cape 
 on the south shore (the north shore is nothing but a company of 
 dangerous rocks, isles, and shoals). This cape being within two 
 leagues to leeward of us, our master greatly doubted that we 
 could not double the same ; whereupon the captain told him : 
 "You see there is no remedy; either we must double it, or before 
 noon we must die ; therefore loose your sails, and let us put it to 
 God's mercy." The master, being a man of good spirit, resolutely 
 made quick despatch and set sail. Our sails had not been half an 
 hour aboard, but the footrope of our foresail broke, so that nothing 
 held but the eyelet holes. The seas continually broke over the 
 ship's poop, and flew into the sails with such violence, that we still 
 expected the tearing of our sails, or oversetting of the ship, and 
 withal to our utter discomfort, we perceived that we fell still 
 more and more to leeward, so that we could not double the cape; 
 we were now come within half a mile of the cape, and so near the 
 shore, that the counter-surf of the sea would rebound against the 
 ship's side, so that we were much dismayed with the horror of our 
 present end. Being thus at the very pinch of death, the wind and 
 seas raging beyond measure, our master veered some of the main 
 sheet ; and whither it was by that occasion, or by some current, or 
 by the wonderful power of God, as we verily think it was, the ship 
 quickened her way, and shot past that rock, where we thought 
 she would have shored. Then between the cape and the point 
 there was a little bay ; so that we were somewhat farther from the 
 shore ; and when we were come so far as the cape, we yielded 
 to death ; yet our good God, the Father of all mercies, delivered 
 us, and we doubled the cape about the length of our ship, or 
 very little more. Being shot past the cape, we presently took in 
 our sails, which only God had preserved unto us ; and when we 
 were shot in between the highlands, the wind blowing trade, 
 without any inch of sail, we spooned before the sea, three men 
 being not able to guide the helm, and in six hours we were put 
 
I59 2 ] CAVENDISH. 317 
 
 five-and-twenty leagues within the Straits, where we found a sea 
 answerable to the ocean. 
 
 In this time we freed our ship from water, and after we had 
 rested a little our men were not able to move ; their sinews were stiff 
 and their flesh dead, and many of them (which is most lamentable 
 to be reported) were so eaten with lice as that in their flesh did lie 
 clusters of lice as big as peas, yea, and some as big as beans. 
 Being in this misery, we were constrained to put into a cove for the 
 refreshing our men. Our Master, knowing the shore and every 
 cove very perfectly, put in with the shore and moored to the trees 
 as beforetime we had done, laying our anchor to the seaward. Here 
 we continued until the 2oth of October; but not being able any 
 longer to stay through extremity of famine, on the 2ist we put off 
 into the channel, the weather being reasonable calm; but before 
 night it blew most extremely at west-north-west. The storm grow 
 ing outrageous, our men could scarcely stand by their labour ; and, 
 the Straits being full of turning reaches, we were constrained by 
 discretion of the Captain and Master in their accounts to guide the 
 ship in the hell-dark night, when we could not see any shore, the 
 channel being in some places scarce three miles broad. But our 
 Captain, as we first passed through the Straits, drew such an 
 exquisite plot of the same as I am assured it cannot in any sort 
 be bettered, which plot he and the Master so often perused, and 
 so carefully regarded, as that in memory they had every turning 
 and creek ; and in the deep dark night, without any doubting, they 
 conveyed the ship through that crooked channel. So that I con 
 clude the world hath not any so skilful pilots for that place as they 
 are ; for otherwise we could never have passed in such sort as we 
 did. 
 
 On the 25th we came to an island in the Straits named Penguin 
 Isle, whither we sent our boat to seek relief; for there were great 
 abundance of birds, and the weather was very calm. So we came 
 to an anchor by the island in seven fathoms. While our boat was 
 at shore, and we had great store of penguins, there arose a sudden 
 storm, so that our ship did drive over a breach, and our boat sank 
 at the shore. Captain Cotton and the Lieutenant, being on shore, 
 leapt into the boat and freed the same, and threw away all the birds, 
 and with great difficulty recovered the ship. Myself also was in 
 the boat the same time, where for my life I laboured to the best of 
 my power. The ship all this while driving upon the lee-shore, 
 when we came aboard we helped to set sail and weighed the 
 
318 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [1592 
 
 anchor; for before our coming they could scarce hoist up their 
 yards, yet with much ado they set their fore-course. Thus, in a 
 mighty fret of weather, on the 27th of October, we were free of the 
 Straits, and on the 3oth of October we came to Penguin Isle, being 
 three leagues from Port Desire, the place which we purposed to 
 seek for our relief. 
 
 When we came to this isle we sent our boat on shore, which 
 returned laden with birds and eggs ; and our men said that the 
 penguins were so thick upon the isle that ships might be laden 
 with them ; for they could not go without treading upon the birds, 
 whereat we greatly rejoiced. Then the Captain appointed Charles 
 Parker and Edward Smith, with twenty others, to go on shore and 
 to stay upon the isle for the killing and drying of those penguins, 
 and promised after the ship was in harbour to send the rest, not 
 only for expedition, but also to save the small store of victuals in 
 the ship. But Parker, Smith, and the rest of their faction sus 
 pected that this was a device of the Captain to leave his men on 
 shore, that by these means there might be victuals for the rest to 
 recover their country. And when they remembered that this was 
 the place where they would have slain their Captain and Master, 
 surely (thought they) for revenge hereof will they leave us on 
 shore. Which, when our Captain understood, he used these 
 speeches unto them : " I understand that you are doubtful of 
 your security through the perverseness of your own guilty con 
 sciences. It is an extreme grief unto me that you should judge 
 me bloodthirsty, in whom you have seen nothing but kind con 
 versation. If you have found otherwise, speak boldly, and accuse 
 me of the wrongs that I have done ; if not, why do you then 
 measure me by your own uncharitable consciences ? All the 
 company knoweth, indeed, that in this place you practised to the 
 utmost of your powers to murder me and the master causeless, as 
 God knoweth, which evil in this place we did remit you. And now 
 I may conceive, without doing you wrong, that you again purpose 
 some evil in bringing these matters to repetition. But God hath 
 so shortened your confederacy as that I nothing doubt you. It is 
 for your Master's sake that I have forborne you in your unchristian 
 practices. And here I protest before God that for his sake alone I will 
 yet endure this injury, and you shall in no sort be prejudiced, or in any 
 thing be by me commanded. But when we come into England (if 
 God so favour us) your Master shall know your honesties. In the 
 mean space be void of your suspicions, for, God I call to witness, 
 
I59 2 ] CAVENDISH. 319 
 
 revenge is no part of my thought." They gave him thanks, desiring 
 to go into the harbour with the ship, which he granted. So there 
 were ten left upon the isle, and on the last of October we entered 
 the harbour. Our Master at our last being here, having taken careful 
 notice of every creek in the river, in a very convenient place, upon 
 sandy ooze, ran the ship on ground, laying our anchor to seaward, 
 and with our running ropes moored her to stakes upon the shore 
 which he had fastened for that purpose, where the ship remained 
 till our departure. 
 
 On the 3rd of November our boat, with water, wood, and as 
 many as she could carry, went for the Isle of Penguins ; but, being 
 deep, she durst not proceed, but returned again the same night. 
 Then Parker, Smith, Townesend, Purpet, with five others, desired 
 that they might go by land, and that the boat might fetch them 
 when they were against the isle, it being scarce a mile from the 
 shore. The Captain bade them do what they thought best, advis 
 ing them to take weapons with them ; " For," said he, " although 
 we have not at any time seen people in this place, yet in the 
 country there may be savages." They answered that here were 
 great store of deer and ostriches ; but if there were savages they 
 would devour them. Notwithstanding, the Captain caused them 
 to carry weapons, calivers, swords, and targets. So on the 6th of 
 November they departed by land, and the boat by sea ; but from 
 that day to this day we never heard of our men. On the nth, while 
 most of our men were at the isle, only the Captain and Master 
 with six others being left in the ship, there came a great multitude 
 of savages to the ship, throwing dust in the air, leaping and 
 running like brute beasts, having vizards on their faces like dog's 
 faces, or else their faces are dog's faces indeed. We greatly feared 
 lest they would set our ship on fire, for they would suddenly make 
 fire, whereat we much marvelled. They came to windward of our 
 ship and set the bushes on fire, so that we were in a very stinking 
 smoke. But as soon as they came within our shot, we shot at 
 them, and, striking one of them in the thigh, they all presently 
 fled, so that we never heard nor saw more of them. Hereby we 
 judged that these cannibals had slain our nine men. When we 
 considered what they were that thus were slain, and found that 
 they were the principal men that would have murdered our Cap 
 tain and Master, with the rest of their friends, we saw the just 
 judgment of God, and made supplication to His Divine Majesty to 
 be merciful unto us. While we were in this harbour our Captain 
 
320 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 and Master went with the boat to discover how far this river did 
 run, that, if need should enforce us to leave our ship, we might 
 know how far we might go by water. So they found that farther 
 than twenty miles they could not go with the boat. At their return 
 they sent the boat to the Isle of Penguins, whereby we understood 
 that the penguins dried to our heart's content, and that the multi 
 tude of them was infinite. This penguin hath the shape of a bird, 
 but hath no wings, only two stumps in the place of wings, by which 
 he swimmeth under water with as great swiftness as any fish. 
 They live upon smelts, whereof there is great abundance upon this 
 coast. In eating they be neither fish nor flesh. They lay great 
 eggs, and the bird is of a reasonable bigness, very near twice so 
 big as a duck. All the time that we were in this place we fared 
 passing well with eggs, penguins, young seals, young gulls, besides 
 other birds such as I know not ; of all which we had great 
 abundance. In this place we found a herb called scurvy-grass, which 
 we fried with eggs, using train oil instead of butter. This herb did 
 so purge the blood, that it took away all kind of swellings, of 
 which many died, and restored us to perfect health of body, so 
 that we were in as good case as when we came first out of Eng 
 land. We stayed in this harbour until the 22nd of December, in 
 which time we had dried 20,000 penguins ; and the Captain, the 
 Master, and myself had made some salt by laying salt water upon 
 the rocks in holes, which in six days would be kerned. Thus God 
 did feed us even as it were with manna from heaven. 
 
 On the 22nd of December we departed with our ship for the 
 isle, where with great difficulty, by the skilful industry of our 
 Master, we got 14,000 of bur birds, and had almost lost our 
 Captain in labouring to bring our birds aboard ; and had not our 
 Master been very expert in the set of those wicked tides, which 
 run after many fashions, we had also lost our ship in the same 
 place. But God of His goodness hath in all our extremities been 
 our protector. So on the 22nd, at night, we departed with 14,000 
 dried penguins, not being able to fetch the rest, and shaped our 
 course for Brazil. Now our Captain rated our victuals, and brought 
 us to such allowance as that our victuals might last six months ; 
 for our hope was that within six months we might re 
 cover our country, though our sails were very bad. So the 
 allowance was two ounces and a-half of meal for a man a-day, 
 and to have so twice a week, so that five ounces did serve for 
 a week. Three days a week we had oil, three spoonfuls for a 
 
1 593] CAVENDISH. 321 
 
 man a day; and two days in a week peas, a pint between four 
 men a day, and every day five penguins for four men, and six 
 quarts of water for four men a day. This was our allowance, 
 wherewith (we praise God) we lived, though weakly and very 
 feeble. On the 3oth of January we arrived at the island of 
 Placentia, in Brazil, the first place that outward bound we were 
 at ; and having made the shoal, our ship lying off 'at sea, the 
 Captain with twenty-four of the company went with the boat on 
 shore, being a whole night before they could recover it. On the 
 last of January at sun-rising they suddenly landed, hoping to take 
 the Portugals in their houses, and by that means to recover 
 some cassavi-meal, or other victuals for our relief ; but when they 
 came to the houses they were., all razed and burnt to the ground, 
 so that we thought no man had remained on the island. Then 
 the Captain went to the gardens, and brought from thence fruits 
 and roots for the company, and came aboard the ship, and 
 brought her into a fine creek which he had found out, where 
 we might moor her by the trees, and where there was water and 
 hoops to trim our casks. Our case being very desperate, we 
 presently laboured for despatch away ; some cut hoops, which 
 the coopers made, others laboured upon the sails and ship, every 
 man travailing for his life, and still a guard was kept on shore 
 to defend those that laboured, every man having his weapon 
 likewise by him. On the 3rd of February our men with twenty- 
 three shot went again to the gardens, being three miles from us 
 upon the north shore, and fetched cassavi-roots out of the ground, 
 to relieve our company instead of bread, for we spent not of our 
 meal whilst we staid here. On the 5th of February, being 
 Monday, our Captain and Master hasted the company to their 
 labour ; so some went with the coopers to gather hoops, and the 
 rest laboured aboard. This night many of our men in the ship 
 dreamed of murder and slaughter. In the morning they reported 
 their dreams, one saying to another, this night I dreamt that 
 thou wert slain ; another answered, and I dreamed that thou wert 
 slain ; and this was general through the ship. The Captain hear 
 ing this, who likewise had dreamed very strangely himself, gave 
 very strict charge that those which went on shore should take 
 weapons with them, and saw them himself delivered into the 
 boat, and sent some of purpose to guard the labourers. All the 
 forenoon they laboured in quietness, and when it was ten o'clock, 
 the heat being extreme, they came to a rock near the wood's 
 
 Y 
 
322 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*593 
 
 side (for all this country is nothing but thick woods), and there 
 they boiled cassavi-roots, and dined ; after dinner some slept, 
 some washed themselves in the sea, all being stripped to their 
 shirts, and no man keeping watch, no match lighted, not a piece 
 charged. Suddenly as they were thus sleeping and sporting, 
 having gotten themselves into a corner out of sight of the ship, 
 there came a multitude of Indians and Portugals upon them, 
 and slew them sleeping ; only two escaped, one very sore hurt, the 
 other not touched, by whom we understood of this miserable 
 massacre ; with all speed we manned our boat, and landed to 
 succour our men, but we found them slain, and laid naked on a 
 rank one by another, with their faces upward, and a cross set by 
 them ; and withal we saw two very great pinnaces come from 
 the river Janeiro very full of men; whom we mistrusted came 
 from thence to take us, because there came from Janeiro soldiers 
 to Santos, when the General had taken the town, and was strong 
 in it. Of seventy-six persons which departed in our ship out of 
 England, we were now left but twenty-seven, having lost thirteen 
 in this place, with their chief furniture, as muskets, calivers, 
 powder, and shot. Our cask was all in decay, so that we could 
 not take in more water than was in our ship for want of cask, 
 and that which we had was marvellous ill-conditioned ; and being 
 there moored by trees, for want of cables and anchors, we still 
 expected the cutting of our moorings, to be beaten from our decks 
 with our own furniture, and to be assailed by them of Janeiro; 
 what distress we were now driven into I am not able to express. 
 To depart with eight tons of water in such bad cask was to 
 starve at sea, and in staying our case was ruinous. These were 
 hard choices ; but being thus perplexed, we made choice rather 
 to fall into the hands of the Lord than into the hands of men ; 
 for his exceeding mercies we had tasted, and of the others' 
 cruelty we were not ignorant. So concluding to depart, on the 
 6th of February we were off in the channel, with our ordnance 
 and small shot in a readiness for any affair that should come, and 
 having a small gale of wind, we recovered the sea in most deep 
 distress. Then bemoaning our estate one to another, and re 
 counting over all our extremities, nothing grieved us more than 
 the loss of our men twice, first by the slaughter of the cannibals 
 at Port Desire, and at this isle of Placentia by the Indians and 
 Portugals. And considering what they were that were lost, we 
 found that all those that conspired the murdering of our Captain 
 
1593] CAVENDISH. 323 
 
 and Master were now slain by the savages, the gunner only ex- 
 cepted. Being thus at sea, when we came to Cape Frio the wind 
 was contrary ; so that for three weeks we were grievously vexed 
 with cross winds, and our water consuming, our hope of life was 
 very small. Some desired to go to Bahia, and to submit them 
 selves to the Portugals, rather than to die for thirst; but the 
 Captain with fair persuasions altered their purpose of yielding to 
 the Portugals. In this distress it pleased God to send us rain in 
 such plenty as that we were well watered, and in good comfort 
 to return. But after we came near unto the sun, our dried 
 penguins began to corrupt, and there bred in them a most 
 loathsome and ugly worm of an inch long. This worm did so 
 mightily increase, and devour our victuals, that there was in 
 reason no hope how we should avoid famine, but be devoured of 
 these wicked creatures ; there was nothing that they did not 
 devour, only iron excepted. Our clothes, boots, shoes, hats, 
 shirts, stockings ; and for the ship they did so eat the timbers, 
 as that we greatly feared they would undo us, by gnawing 
 through the ship's side. Great was the care and diligence of our 
 Captain, Master, and company to consume these vermin, but the 
 more we laboured to kill them the more they increased, so that 
 at the last we could not sleep for them, but they would eat our 
 flesh, and bite like mosquitos. In this woeful case, after we had 
 passed the equinoctial toward the north, our men began to fall 
 sick of such a monstrous disease, as I think the like was never 
 heard of; for in their ankles it began to swell, from thence in 
 two days it would be in their breasts, so that they could not 
 draw their breath. Whereupon our men grew mad with grief. 
 Our Captain with extreme anguish of his soul was in such 
 woeful case, that he desired only a speedy end, and though 
 he were scarce able to speak for sorrow, yet he persuaded 
 them to patience, and to give God thanks, and like dutiful 
 children to accept of his chastisement. For all this divers 
 grew raging mad, and some died in most loathsome and furious 
 pain. It were incredible to write our misery as it was; there was 
 no man in perfect health, but the Captain and one boy. The 
 Master being a man of good spirit, with extreme labour bore 
 out his grief, so that it grew not upon him. To be short, all our 
 men died except sixteen, of which there were but five able to 
 move. The Captain was in good health, the Master indifferent, 
 Captain Cotton and myself swollen and short-winded, yet better 
 
 Y 2 
 
324 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l593 
 
 than the rest that were sick, and one boy in health ; upon us 
 five only the labour of the ship did stand. The Captain and 
 Master, as occasion served, would take in and heave out the 
 top-sails, the master only attended on the sprit-sail, and all of us 
 at the capstan without sheets and tacks. In fine, our misery and 
 weakness was so great, that we could not take in nor heave out 
 a sail ; so our top-sail and sprit-sails were torn all in pieces by 
 the weather. The Master and Captain taking their turns at the 
 helm, were mightily distressed and monstrously grieved with the 
 most woeful lamentation of our sick men. Thus, as lost wan 
 derers upon the sea, the nth of June, 1593, it pleased God that 
 we arrived at Berehaven, in Ireland, and there ran the ship on 
 shore ; where the Irish men helped us to take in our sails, and 
 to moor our ship for floating ; which slender pains of theirs cost 
 the Captain some ten pounds before he could have the ship in 
 safety. Thus without victuals, sails, men, or any furniture, God 
 only guided us into Ireland, where the Captain left the Master 
 and three or four of the company to keep the ship, and within 
 five days after he and certain others had passage in an English 
 fisher-boat to Padstow, in Cornwall. In this manner our small 
 remnant by God's only mercy were preserved, and restored to our 
 country, to whom be all honour and glory, world without end. 
 
RALEIGH. 325 
 
 RALE I G H. 
 
 THE connection of Sir Walter Raleigh with American 
 history has been more than once illustrated in these pages. 
 We have already found him taking part in the enterprise of his 
 half-brother, Gilbert (p. 185), and "setting forth" the barque 
 Raleigh, at his own expense, in the first colonizing expedition 
 which left the shores of England. After Gilbert's failure, we 
 have found Raleigh himself taking in hand the task of colo 
 nization, and despatching Amadas and Barlow to survey, with a 
 view to settlement, that part of the American shore which lay 
 to the north of Florida (p. 211). The colony, which Raleigh 
 afterwards sent, proved a failure, and the emigrants were 
 brought back by Drake (p. 252). When the events recorded 
 in the present narrative happened, it was above eight years 
 since Drake had reconducted the first Virginian colonists to 
 England. During those eight years the ultimate fortunes of 
 the New World had been slowly unfolding. The attempt to 
 colonize the shores of "Virginia" had been repeated, and had 
 again ended in failure. But this failure had been outbalanced 
 by the continued success which had attended the English 
 navigators in their naval contests with the Spaniards. Raleigh 
 had himself equipped more than one great buccaneering expe 
 dition, and had been as successful as Drake and Cavendish 
 when fortune had most favoured them. These successes had 
 included one which was signally great and decisive. The 
 chief event of these eight years had been the failure of 
 
326 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 the great naval expedition sent by Philip against England in 
 1588. This great catastrophe seemed to prove abundantly, 
 and once for all, that Spaniards were no match for Englishmen 
 at sea, even in numerical disproportion which seemed over 
 whelming, and that wherever Spain had not already secured 
 her American possessions by fortification and settlement, those 
 possessions lay at the mercy of England. The way was thus 
 prepared for the English settlements in the West Indian islands, 
 in Chesapeake Bay, and on the coast of New England. 
 
 But before the history of America, as affected by English 
 enterprise, thus took its definitive shape, a singular historical 
 illusion had to be dissipated. Among the ignorant Spanish 
 adventurers who dwelt in America it was believed that there 
 existed yet a third great native empire, called Guiana, equal in 
 size and wealth to those two famous empires which had been 
 discovered and conquered in the days of their grandfathers. 
 
 While Raleigh was enjoying the fruits of his enterprise and 
 good fortune in the retirement of Sherborne, he seems to have 
 been laying his plans for the conquest of this rich empire, 
 which was intended to do for England what the conquest of 
 Mexico and Peru had done for Aragon and Castile two gene 
 rations before. Had the reports in question been founded in 
 fact, the career of Raleigh might have had a different end. 
 They were, in truth, mere fables : and a career of fame and 
 success thenceforth became one of disaster and disgrace. 
 
 The belief in this fabulous empire dates back to the con 
 quest of Peru by Pizarro, above half a century before the 
 expedition of Raleigh. When the Spanish conquerors inquired 
 for other populous districts, and more fenced cities, stored with 
 gold and silver, like Cuzco, they were generally directed to the 
 east, and to the region between the great rivers Maranon and 
 Orinoco. Ordaz, a Knight of the Order of Saint James of 
 
RALEIGH. 327 
 
 Compostella, undertook, by the direction of Gonzalez Pizarro, 
 to explore in this direction : and one Juan Martinez, who is 
 described by Raleigh as " Master of the Munition " to Ordaz, 
 was apparently the first of the series of lying travellers who 
 declared that they had seen the great city of Manoa, or 
 Eldorado, the capital of a descendant of the ancient Incas of 
 Peru, who ruled the vast and populous empire of Guiana. 
 The account attributed to Martinez, as Raleigh heard it from 
 his prisoner Berreo, the Governor of Trinidad, will be found 
 at p. 340 of the present narrative. More information was 
 contributed by Peter de Urra, a Spanish military adven 
 turer, who claimed to have visited Manoa in 1541. He 
 declared that, after a journey of many days, he had beheld 
 this vast city from the top of a mountain ; that he saw afar off 
 the palace of a governor, and a temple, in which he was told 
 there were golden idols representing a woman and children ; 
 that its population was apparently vast, and its order and polity 
 worthy of all admiration. Urra, according to his own account, 
 was only prevented from pushing on and entering the city by 
 an overwhelming force of armed Indians, which the news 
 of his advance had assembled to resist him. Humboldt in 
 clines to think that Urra's story may possibly be but an 
 exaggeration. Southey, with more judgment, pronounces it to 
 be a gross fabrication. Another lying traveller, called Santos, 
 praised the neatness and beauty of the streets, and added that 
 the roofs of the houses were covered with gold and silver, and 
 that the high priest who officiated in the great temple was 
 anointed with turtle-fat and covered with gold-dust, like the 
 Inca himself. 
 
 Such were the tales which had induced Spanish adventurers, 
 even down to the time of Raleigh's own " Discovery," to ex 
 plore the wooded shores of the Orinoco in fruitless search of 
 
328 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 "Guiana, the magazine of rich metals" (p. 332). The English 
 heard of these expeditions though the piratical voyages of 
 Drake and his followers. Men who had taken part in them were 
 among the prisoners made by the English buccaneer captains 
 on the South American coast (p. 344) ; and their captors 
 eagerly questioned them as to the exact locality in which the 
 city of Eldorado was to be sought. It was generally agreed 
 that this city was situated on a great salt-water lake two hun 
 dred leagues long, which might be likened to the Caspian Sea 
 (p. 338) ; and this lake was said to be reached from one of the 
 tributaries of either the Amazon or the Orinoco. The famous 
 city of Mexico had been found on a lake similarly situated, 
 and this fact lent probability to the current description. No 
 such lake did in fact exist ; but it will appear that one of the 
 tributaries of the Orinoco presented physical conditions which 
 in some degree accounted for this current description. 
 
 The search for Guiana passed on from one generation of 
 Spanish emigrants to another. Gonzalez Ximenes, one of the 
 conquerors of New Granada, had engaged in it, and Raleigh 
 found among his prisoners one who had been with him. From 
 Ximenes the enterprise was inherited by his son-in-law, Antonio 
 de Berreo, who, in Raleigh's time, was Governor of Trinidad. 
 Some sought the unknown land from the Pacific side, by way 
 of Peru ; others, as Raleigh did, from the Atlantic side, by 
 ascending the Orinoco ; others, from the side of the Caribbean ' 
 sea, by way of New Granada. Berreo chose the latter route. 
 Taking with him seven hundred Spanish horsemen, besides 
 Indians and slaves, he crossed the mountains and reached the 
 head waters of the Orinoco ; but he neither found this great 
 and populous city, nor could obtain tidings of it until he 
 reached the district of Amapaia, which was said to be eight 
 hundred miles from the mouth of the river. The Amapaians 
 
RALEIGH. 329 
 
 informed him that to the south of their land there was a 
 country very rich in gold ; and this, again, Berreo concluded 
 to be Guiana. It was separated from the valley of the Orinoco 
 by one of the great ridges of the Andes. Berreo found no 
 pass over this ridge. Even if he had found a pass, he had no 
 means of transport : the natives were openly hostile, and he 
 suspected them of having given warning of his approach to the 
 inhabitants of the rich and powerful empire which he was 
 purposing to invade ; and, lastly, his invading force had been 
 reduced by sickness to only 120 men. In these circumstances 
 he abandoned his attempt, and descended the Orinoco, 
 passing the mouths of a hundred of its tributaries. On his 
 way he again gathered tidings of Guiana from a cacique named 
 Carapana (p. 350). But it was now too late to return. Berreo 
 reached the mouth of the Orinoco, and returned to his home 
 in New Granada by way of Trinidad and the sea-coast. 
 
 The Spaniards afterwards partially occupied the territory of 
 Carapana. They never succeeded in reaching the city of 
 Manoa, and the search of it was practically abandoned: but 
 those who resided there collected large quantities of gold, 
 which served to keep alive the traditions of Eldorado. Such 
 was the condition of things when, in 1594, Raleigh directed 
 Jacob Whiddon, an English pirate captain, to procure in 
 formation as to the great empire of which so much had been 
 heard. 
 
 In the next year, following Whiddon's directions, Raleigh 
 sailed for Guiana with five vessels and a hundred men. , 
 
 The incidents of his exploration of the Orinoco are 
 minutely described in the present narrative. Confined as it 
 was to those parts of the Orinoco basin which were already well 
 known to the Spaniards, it added little or nothing to previous 
 information, and, in the strict sense of the word, was no 
 
330 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 "Discovery" at all. But the present narrative widely 
 popularised the information, true and false, which already 
 existed. In an age of adventure, a new and attractive field 
 appeared to be opened : and contemporary literature clearly 
 indicates in many places how profoundly the idea of rich 
 Guiana had sunk into the English mind. Bishop Hall thus 
 satirizes the adventurers who sought it : 
 
 " Vent'rous Fortunio his farm hath sold, 
 And gads to Guian land to fish for gold : 
 Meeting, perhaps, if Orenoque deny, 
 Some straggling pinnace of Polonian rye : 
 Then comes home, floating with a silken sail, 
 That Severn shaketh with his cannon peal." 
 
 BOOK iv., Sat. 3. 
 
 Among the wonders vouched for by Raleigh, none so much took 
 the English fancy as his account of the Ewaipanoma race, who 
 had their eyes in their shoulders, and their mouths in the 
 middle of their breasts. Shakspere clearly alludes to Raleigh's 
 account in the person of Othello, whose " travel's history " 
 told of 
 
 ". . . Antres vast, and deserts idle, 
 
 "Rough quarries, rocks, and hills whose heads touch heaven, 
 And of the Cannibals, that each other eat, 
 (The Anthropophagi,) and men whose heads 
 Do grow beneath their shoulders. . . ." 
 
 Donne compares " Guiana's rarities " with the fabled monsters 
 of Africa. In estimating the credulity of Raleigh with regard 
 to the former, it should not be forgotten that Bacon did 
 not disbelieve in the latter. 
 
 The belief in Guiana did not cease after the failures of 
 Raleigh. Drayton speaks of " Manoa's mighty seat : " and 
 Milton classes the great city, the riches of which still awaited 
 
RALEIGH. 331 
 
 the European spoiler, with those which had already met their 
 
 fate : 
 
 " Rich Mexico, the seat of Montezume, 
 And Cuzco in Peru, the richer seat 
 Of Atabalipa, and yet unspoil'd 
 Guiana, whose great city Geryon's sons 
 Call El Dorado." 
 
 PARADISE LOST, Book xi. 
 
 Even while Milton was writing his poem, the French Jesuits 
 were pursuing the fruitless search. But by this time, a dis 
 covery had been made which tended to dissipate this illusion. 
 The Jesuits had reached the Salt-lake on the shore of which 
 Manoa was said to stand. The valley at the head of the 
 Parima river is inundated to a vast extent during the rainy 
 season. The saltness of the soil is communicated to the 
 water: and the story of the great Salt- Lake was now explained. 
 No wealthy city had been found : but the Parima river 
 became henceforth the centre of exploration. The search in 
 its neighbourhood soon came to an end, and the rich empire 
 of Guiana passed into the region of fable. Dutch and Spanish 
 adventurers, however, were seeking for it as late as the middle 
 of the last century. 
 
332 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 RALEIGH. 
 
 The Discovery of GUIANA. 
 
 On Thursday, the 6th of February, in the year 1 595, we departed 
 England, and the Sunday following had sight of the North Cape 
 of Spain, the wind for the most part continuing prosperous; we 
 passed in sight of the Burlings, and the Rock, and so onwards for 
 the Canaries, and fell with Fuerteventura on the iyth of the same 
 month, where we spent two or three days, and relieved our 
 companies with some fresh meat. From thence we coasted by 
 the Grand Canary, and so to Teneriffe, and stayed there for the 
 Lion's Whelp, your Lordship's ship, and for Captain Amyas Preston 
 and the rest. But when after seven or eight days we found them 
 not, we departed and directed our course for Trinidad, with mine 
 own ship, and a small barque of Captain Cross's only (for we had 
 before lost sight of a small Galego on the coast of Spain, which 
 came with us from Plymouth). We arrived at Trinidad on the 22nd 
 of March, casting anchor at Point Curiapan, which the Spaniards 
 call Punta de Gallo, which is situate in eight degrees or there 
 abouts. We abode there four or five days, and in all that time we 
 came not to the speech of any Indian or Spaniard. On the coast 
 we saw a fire, as we sailed from the Point Carao towards Curiapan, 
 but for fear of the Spaniards none durst come to speak with us. 
 I myself coasted it in my barge close aboard the shore and landed 
 in every cove, the better to know the island, whilst the ships kept 
 the channel. From Curiapan after a few days we turned up north 
 east to recover that place which the Spaniards call Puerto de los 
 Espafioles, and the inhabitants Conquerabia, and as before 
 (revictualling my barge) I left the ships and kept by the shore, 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 333 
 
 the better to come to speech with some of the inhabitants, and 
 also to understand the rivers, watering-places, and ports of the 
 island, which (as it rs rudely done) my purpose is to send your 
 Lordship after a few days. From Curiapan I came to a port and 
 seat of Indians called Parico, where we found a fresh water river, 
 but saw no people. From thence I rowed to another port, called by 
 the naturals Piche, and by the Spaniards Tierra de Brea. In the 
 way between both were divers little brooks of fresh water and one 
 salt river that had store of oysters upon the branches of the trees, 
 and were very salt and well tasted. All their oysters grow upon 
 those boughs and sprays, and not on the ground; the like is 
 commonly seen in other places of the West Indies, and else 
 where. This tree is described by Andrew Thevet, in his France 
 Antarctique, and the form figured in the book as a plant very 
 strange, and by Pliny in his twelfth book of his Natural 
 History. But in this island, as also in Guiana, there are very 
 many of them. 
 
 At this point, called Tierra de Brea or Piche, there is that abun 
 dance of stone pitch that all the ships of the world may be 
 therewith laden from thence ; and we made trial of it in trimming 
 our ships to be most excellent good, and melteth not with the 
 sun as the pitch of Norway, and therefore for ships trading the 
 south parts very profitable. From thence we went to the moun 
 tain foot called Annaperima, and so passing the river Carone on 
 which the Spanish city was seated, we met with our ships at Puerto 
 de los Espanoles or Conquerabia. 
 
 This island of Trinidad hath the form of a sheephook, and 
 is but narrow ; the north part is very mountainous, the soil is very 
 excellent and will bear sugar, ginger, or any other commodity that 
 the Indies yield. It hath store of deer, wild porks, fruit, fish, and 
 fowl ; it hath also for bread sufficient maize, cassavi, and of those 
 roots and fruits which are common everywhere in the West Indies. 
 It hath divers beasts which the Indies have not; the Spaniards 
 confessed that they found grains of gold in some of the rivers ; 
 but they having a purpose to enter Guiana (the magazine of all 
 rich metals) cared not to spend time in the search thereof any 
 further. This island is called by the people thereof Cairi, and 
 in it are divers nations ; those about Parico are called Jajo, those 
 at Punta de Carao are of the Arwacas, and between Carao and 
 Curiapan they are called Salvajos, between Carao and Punta de 
 Galera are the Nepojos, and those about the Spanish city term 
 
334 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [ J 595 
 
 themselves Carinepagotes. Of the rest of the nations, and of 
 other ports and rivers I leave to speak here, being impertinent to my 
 purpose, and mean to describe them as they are situate in the 
 particular plot and description of the island, three parts whereof 
 I coasted with my barge, that I might the better describe it. 
 
 Meeting with the ships at Puerto de los Espanoles, we found 
 at the landing-place a company of Spaniards who kept a guard at 
 the descent ; and they offering a sign of peace, I sent Captain 
 Whiddon to speak with them, whom afterwards to my great grief 
 I left buried in the said island after my return from Guiana, being 
 a man most honest and valiant. The Spaniards seemed to be 
 desirous to trade with us, and to enter into terms of peace, more 
 for doubt of their own strength than for aught else, and in the 
 end, upon pledge, some of them came aboard ; the same evening 
 there stole also aboard us in a small canoe two Indians, the one 
 of them being a cacique or lord of the people called Cantyman, 
 who had the year before been with Captain Whiddon, and was 
 of his acquaintance. By this Cantyman we understood what 
 strength the Spaniards had, how far it was to their city, and 
 of Don Antonio de Berreo, the governor, who was said to be slain 
 in his second attempt of Guiana, but was not. 
 
 While we remained at Puerto de los Espanoles some Spaniards 
 came aboard us to buy linen of the company, and such other 
 things as they wanted, and also to view our ships and company, 
 all which I entertained kindly and feasted after our manner ; by 
 means whereof I learned of one and another as much of the estate 
 of Guiana as I could, or as they knew, for those poor soldiers 
 having been many years without wine, a few draughts made them 
 merry, in which mood they vaunted of Guiana and the riches 
 thereof, and all what they knew of the ways and passages, my 
 self seeming to purpose nothing less than the entrance or discovery 
 thereof, but bred in them an opinion that I was bound only for 
 the relief of those English which I had planted in Virginia, 
 whereof the bruit was come among them; which I had per 
 formed in my return, if extremity of weather had not forced me 
 from the said coast. 
 
 I found occasions of staying in this place for two causes. The 
 one was to be revenged of Berreo, who the year before, 1594, had 
 betrayed eight of Captain Whiddon's men, and took them while 
 he departed from them to seek the Edward Bonaventure, which 
 arrived at Trinidad the day before from the East Indies : in whose 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 335 
 
 absence Berreo sent a canoe aboard the pinnace only with Indians 
 and dogs inviting the company to go with them into the woods to 
 kill a deer. Who, like wise men, in the absence of their captain 
 followed the Indians, but were no sooner one arquebuse shot from 
 the shore, but Berreo's soldiers lying in ambush had them all 
 notwithstanding that he had given his word to Captain Whiddon 
 that they should take water and wood safely. The other cause of my 
 stay was, for that by discourse with the Spaniards I daily learned 
 more and more of Guiana, of the rivers and passages, and of the 
 enterprise of Berreo, by what means or fault he failed, and how he 
 meant to prosecute the same. 
 
 While we thus spent the time I was assured by another cacique 
 of the north side of the island, that Berreo had sent to Margarita 
 and Cumana for soldiers, meaning to have given me a cassado at 
 parting, if it had been possible. For although he had given order 
 through all the island that no Indian should come aboard to trade 
 with me upon pain of hanging and quartering, (having executed 
 two of them for the same, which I afterwards found) yet every night 
 there came some with most lamentable complaints of his cruelty : 
 how he had divided the island and given to every soldier a part ; 
 that he made the ancient caciques, which were lords of the country, 
 to be their slaves ; that he kept them in chains, and dropped their 
 naked bodies with burning bacon ; and such other torments, which 
 I found afterwards to be true. For in the city, after I entered the 
 same, there were five of the lords or little kings (which they call 
 caciques in the West Indies) in one chain almost dead of famine, 
 and wasted with torments. These are called in their own language 
 Acarewana, and now of late since English, French, and Spanish, 
 are come among them, they call themselves Captains, because 
 they perceive that the chiefest of every ship is called by that name. 
 Those five Captains in the chain were called Wannawanare, 
 Carroaori, Maquarima, Tarroopanama, and Aterima. So as both 
 to be revenged of the former wrong, as also considering that to 
 enter Guiana by small boats, to depart 400 or 500 miles from my 
 ships, and to leave a garrison in my back interested in the same 
 enterprise, who also daily expected supplies out of Spain, I should 
 have savoured very much of the ass ; and therefore taking a time 
 of most advantage, I set upon the Corps du garde in the evening, 
 and having put them to the sword, sent Captain Calfield onwards 
 with sixty soldiers, and myself followed with forty more, and so 
 took their new city, which they called St. Joseph, by break of day. 
 
VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 They abode not any fight after a few shot, and all being dismissed, 
 but only Berreo and his companion, I brought them with me 
 aboard, and at the instance of the Indians I set their new city of 
 St. Joseph on fire. 
 
 The same day arrived Captain George GifFord with your lord 
 ship's ship, and Captain Keymis, whom I lost on the coast of 
 Spain, with the Galego, and in them divers gentlemen and others, 
 which to our little army was a great comfort and supply. 
 
 We then hasted away towards our purposed discovery, and 
 first I called all the captains of the island together that were 
 enemies to the Spaniards ; for there were some which Berreo had 
 brought out of other countries, and planted there to eat out and 
 waste those that were natural of the place, and by my Indian inter 
 preter, which I carried out of England, I made them understand 
 that I was the servant of a Queen, who was the great cacique of 
 the north, and a virgin, and had more caciqui under her than there 
 were trees in that island ; that she was an enemy to the Castellani 
 in respect of their tyranny and oppression, and that she delivered 
 all such nations about her, as were by them oppressed, and having 
 freed all the coast of the northern world from their servitude, had 
 sent me to free them also, and withal to defend the country of 
 Guiana from their invasion and conquest. I shewed them Her 
 Majesty's picture, which they so admired and honoured, as it had 
 been easy to have brought them idolatrous thereof. 
 
 The like and a more large discourse I made to the rest of the 
 nations, both in my passing to Guiana and to those of the borders, 
 so as in that part of the world Her Majesty is very famous and 
 admirable, whom they now call Ezrabeta Cassipuna Aquerewana, 
 which is as much as " Elizabeth, the great princess or greatest com 
 mander." This done, we left Puerto de los Espanoles, and 
 returned to Curiapan, and having Berreo my prisoner, I gathered 
 from him as much of Guiana as he knew. 
 
 This Berreo is a gentleman well descended, and had long served 
 the Spanish king in Milan, Naples, the Low Countries, and else 
 where, very valiant and liberal, and a gentleman of great assured 
 ness, and of a great heart. I used him according to his estate and 
 worth in all things I could, according to the small means I had. 
 
 I sent Captain Whiddon the year before to get what knowledge 
 he could of Guiana : and the end of my journey at this time was to 
 discover and enter the same. But my intelligence was far from 
 truth, for the country is situate about six hundred English miles 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 337 
 
 further from the sea than I was made believe it had been. Which 
 afterwards understanding to be true by Berreo, I kept it from the 
 knowledge of my company, who else would never have been 
 brought to attempt the same. Of which six hundred miles I passed 
 four hundred, leaving my ship so far from me at anchor in the sea, 
 which was more of desire to perform that discovery than of reason, 
 especially having such poor and weak vessels to transport ourselves 
 in. For in the bottom of an old galego which I caused to be 
 fashioned like a galley, and in one barge, two wherries, and a ship- 
 boat of the Lion's Whelp, we carried one hundred persons and 
 their victuals for a month in the same, being all driven to lie in the 
 rain and weather in the open air, in the burning sun, and upon the 
 hard boards, and to dress our meat, and to carry all manner of 
 furniture in them. Wherewith they were so pestered and unsavory, 
 that what with victuals being most fish, with the wet clothes of so 
 many men thrust together, and the heat of the sun, I will under 
 take there was never any prison in England that could be found 
 more unsavoury and loathsome, especially to myself, who had for 
 many years before been dieted and cared for in a sort far more 
 differing. 
 
 If Captain Preston had not been persuaded that he should have 
 come too late to Trinidad to have found us there (for the month 
 was expired which I promised to tarry for him there ere he could 
 recover the coast of Spain) but that it had pleased God he might 
 have joined with us, and that we had entered the country but some 
 ten days sooner ere the rivers were overflown, we had adventured 
 either to have gone to the great city of Manoa, or at least taken so 
 many of the other cities and towns nearer at hand, as would have 
 made a royal return. But it pleased not God so much to favour me 
 at this time ; if it shall be my lot to prosecute the same, I shall 
 willingly spend my life therein, and if any else shall be enabled 
 thereunto, and conquer the same, I assure him thus much, he shall 
 perform more than ever was done in Mexico by Cortez, or in Peru 
 by Pizarro, whereof the one conquered the Empire of Mutezuma, 
 the other of Guascar, and Atabalipa. And whatsoever prince shall 
 possess it, that prince shall be lord of more gold, and of a more 
 beautiful Empire, and of more cities and people, than either the 
 King of Spain or the Great Turk. 
 
 But because there may arise many doubts how this Empire 
 of Guiana is become so populous, and adorned with so many great 
 cities, towns, temples, and treasures, I thought good to make it 
 
 z 
 
338 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l595 
 
 known, that the Emperor now reigning is descended from those 
 magnificent princes of Peru, of whose large territories, of whose 
 policies, conquests, edifices, and riches, Pedro de Cieza, Francisco 
 Lope/, and others have written large discourses ; for when Fran 
 cisco Pizarro, Diego Almagro and others conquered the said 
 Empire of Peru, and had put to death Atabalipa, son to Guayna- 
 capa, which Atabalipa had formerly caused his eldest brother 
 Guascar to be slain, one of the younger sons of Guaynacapa fled 
 out of Peru, and took with him many thousands of those soldiers 
 of the Empire called Orejones, and with those and many others 
 that followed him, he vanquished all that tract and valley of 
 America which is situate between the great river of Amazons and 
 Baraquan, otherwise called Orenoque and Marannon. 
 
 The Empire of Guiana is directly east from Peru towards the 
 sea, and lieth under the equinoctial line, and it hath more 
 abundance of gold than any part of Peru, and as many or more 
 great cities than ever Peru had when it flourished most; it is 
 governed by the same laws, and the Emperor and people observe 
 the same religion, and the same form and policies in government 
 as were used in Peru, not differing in any part ; and I have been 
 assured by such of the Spaniards as have seen Manoa, the Im 
 perial city of Guiana, which the Spaniards call El Dorado, that for 
 the greatness, for the riches, and for the excellent seat, it far 
 exceedeth any of the world, at least of so much of the world as is 
 known to the Spanish nation : it is founded upon a lake of salt 
 water of 200 leagues long, like unto Mare Caspium. And if we 
 compare it to that of Peru, and but read the report of Francisco 
 Lopez and others, it will seem more than credible ; and because 
 we may judge of the one by the other, I thought good to insert part 
 of the 1 20th chapter of Lopez in his general history of the Indies, 
 wherein he describeth the Court and magnificence of Guaynacapa, 
 ancestor to the Emperor of Guiana, whose very words are these : 
 "Todo el servicio de su casa, mesa y cocina era de oro y de 
 plata, y cuando menos de plata y cobre, por mas recio. Tenia en 
 su recamara estatuas huecas de oro, que parescian gigantes, y las 
 figuras al propio, y tamano de cuantos animales, aves, arboles, y 
 yerbas produce la tierra, y de cuantos peces cria la mar y agua de 
 sus reynos. Tenia asimesmo sogas, costales, cestas, y troxes de 
 oro y plata ; rimeros de palos de oro, que pareciesen lefia rajada 
 para quemar. En fin no avia cosa en su tierra, que no la tuviese 
 de oro contrahecha; y aun dizen, que tenian los Ingas un verjel 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 339 
 
 en una isla cerca de la Puna, donde se iban a holgar, quando 
 querian mar, que tenia la hortaliza, las floras, y arboles de oro y 
 plata, invencion y grandeza hasta entonces nunca vista. Allende 
 de todo esto tenia infinitisima cantidad de plata y oro por labrar 
 en el Cuzco, que se perdio por la muerte de Guascar ; ca los Indies 
 lo escondieron, viendo que los Espanoles se lo tomavan, y 
 embiavan a Espana." That is, "All the vessels of his house, table, 
 and kitchen, were of gold and silver, and the meanest of silver and 
 copper for strength and hardness of metal. He had in his ward 
 robe hollow statues of gold which seemed giants, and the figures 
 in proportion and bigness of all the beasts, birds, trees, and herbs, 
 that the earth bringeth forth ; and of all the fishes that the sea or 
 waters of his kingdom breedeth. He had also ropes, budgets, 
 chests, and troughs of gold and silver, heaps of billets of gold, 
 that seemed wood marked out to burn. Finally, there was nothing 
 in his country whereof he had not the counterfeit in gold. Yea, 
 and they say, the Ingas had a garden of pleasure in an island near 
 Puna, where they went to recreate themselves, when they would 
 take the air of the sea, which had all kinds of garden-herbs, 
 flowers, and trees of gold and silver, an invention and magni 
 ficence till then never seen. Besides all this, he had an infinite 
 quantity of silver and gold un wrought in Cuzco, which was lost by 
 the death of Guascar, for the Indians hid it, seeing that the 
 Spaniards took it, and sent it into Spain." 
 
 And in the iiyth chapter, Francisco Pizarro caused the gold and 
 silver of Atabalipa to be weighed after he had taken it, which 
 Lopez setteth down in these words following : " Hallaron cincuenta 
 y dos mil marcos de buena plata, y un millon y trecientos y veinte 
 y seis mil y quinientos pesos de oro." Which is, " They found fifty 
 and two thousand marks of good silver, and one million and 
 three hundred and twenty and six thousand and five hundred 
 pezos of gold." 
 
 Now, although these reports may seem strange, yet, if we con 
 sider the many millions which are daily brought out of Peru into 
 Spain, we may easily believe the same. For we find that by the 
 abundant treasure of that country the Spanish King vexes all the 
 princes of Europe, and is become, in a few years, from a poor 
 King of Castile, the greatest monarch of this part of the world, 
 and likely every day to increase if other princes forslow the good 
 occasions offered, and suffer him to add this empire to the rest, 
 which by far exceedeth all the rest. If his gold now endanger us, 
 
 z 2 
 
34 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 he will then be unresistible. Such of the Spaniards as afterwards 
 endeavoured the conquest thereof (whereof there have been many, 
 as shall be declared hereafter) thought that this Inga (of whom 
 this Emperor now living is descended) took his way by the river of 
 Amazons, by that branch which is called Papamene ; for by that 
 way followed Orellana (by the commandment of Gonzalo Pizarro, 
 in the year 1542), whose name the river also beareth this day, 
 which is also by others called Maranon, although Andrew Thevet 
 doth affirm that between Maranon and Amazons there are 120 
 leagues ; but sure it is that those rivers have one head and begin 
 ning, and the Maranon, which Thevet describeth, is but a branch 
 of Amazons or Orellana, of which I will speak more in another place. 
 It was attempted by Ordas ; but it is now little less than seventy 
 years since that Diego Ordas, a Knight of the Order of Santiago, 
 attempted the same; and it was in the year 1542 that Orellana 
 discovered the river of Amazons ; but the first that ever saw Manoa 
 was Juan Martinez, master of the munition to Ordas. At a port 
 called Morequito, in Guiana, there lieth at this day a great anchor 
 of Ordas's ship. And this port is some 300 miles within the 
 land, upon the great river of Orenoque. 
 
 I rested at this port four days : twenty days after I left the ships 
 at Curiapan. The relation of this Martinez (who was the first that 
 discovered Manoa), his success, and end, are to be seen in the Chan 
 cery of Saint Juan de Puerto Rico, whereof Berreo had a copy, 
 which appeared to be the greatest encouragement as well to Berreo 
 as to others that formerly attempted the discovery and conquest. 
 Orellana, after he failed of the discovery of Guiana by the said 
 river of Amazons, passed into Spain, and there obtained a patent 
 of the King for the invasion and conquest, but died by sea about 
 the islands, and his fleet severed by tempest, the action for that 
 time proceeded not. Diego Ordas followed the enterprise, and 
 departed Spain with 600 soldiers and thirty horse. Who, arriving on 
 the coast of Guiana, was slain in a mutiny, with the most part 
 of such as favoured him, as also of the rebellious part, insomuch 
 as his ships perished and few or none returned ; neither was it 
 certainly known what became of the said Ordas until Berreo found 
 the anchor of his ship in the river of Orenoque ; but it was sup 
 posed, and so it is written by Lopez, that he perished on the seas, 
 and of other writers diversely conceived and reported. And hereof 
 it came that Martinez entered so far within the land, and arrived 
 at that city of Inga the Emperor; for it chanced that while Ordas 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 341 
 
 with his army rested at the port of Morequito (who was either the 
 first or second that attempted Guiana), by some negligence the 
 whole store of powder provided for the service was set on fire, and 
 Martinez, having the chief charge, was condemned by the General 
 Ordas to be executed forthwith. Martinez, being much favoured by 
 the soldiers, had all the means possible procured for his life ; but it 
 could not be obtained in other sort than this : That he should be 
 set into a canoe alone, without any victual, only with his arms, and 
 so turned loose into the great river. But it pleased God that the 
 canoe was carried down the stream, and certain of the Guianians 
 met it the same evening, and, having not at any time seen any 
 Christian nor any man of that . colour, they carried Martinez into 
 the land to be wondered at, and so from town to town, until he 
 came to the great city of Manoa, the seat and residence of Inga 
 the Emperor. The Emperor, after he had beheld him, knew him 
 to be a Christian (for it was not long before that his brethren 
 Guascar and Atabalipa were vanquished by the Spaniards in Peru) 
 and caused him to be lodged in his palace and well entertained. 
 He lived seven months in Manoa, but was not suffered to wander 
 into the country anywhere. He was also brought thither all the 
 way blindfold, led by the Indians, until he came to the entrance of 
 Manoa itself, and was fourteen or fifteen days in the passage. He 
 avowed at his death that he entered the city at noon, and then 
 they uncovered his face, and that he travelled all that day till night 
 through the city, and the next day from sun rising to sun setting 
 ere he came to the palace of Inga. After that Martinez had lived 
 seven months in Manoa, and began to understand the language of 
 the country, Inga asked him whether he desired to return into his 
 own country, or would willingly abide with him. But Martinez, not 
 desirous to stay, obtained the favour of Inga to depart, with whom 
 he sent divers Guianians to conduct him to the river of Orenoque, 
 all laden with as much gold as they could carry, which he gave to 
 Martinez at his departure. But when he was arrived near the 
 river's side, the borderers, which are called the Orenoquepom\ 
 robbed him and his Guianians of all the treasure (the borderers 
 being at that time at wars, which Inga had not conquered) save 
 only of two great bottles of gourds, which were filled with beads of 
 gold curiously wrought, which those Orenoqueponi thought had 
 been no other thing than his drink or meat, or grain for food, with 
 which Martinez had liberty to pass. And so in canoes he fell 
 down from the river of Orenoque to Trinidad and from thence to 
 
342 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [ J 595 
 
 Margarita, and also to Saint Juan de Puerto Rico, where, remain 
 ing a long time for passage into Spain, he died. In the time of his 
 extreme sickness, and when he was without hope of life, receiving 
 the sacrament at the hands of his confessor, he delivered these 
 things, with the relation of his travels, and also called for his 
 calabazas or gourds of the gold beads, which he gave to the church 
 and friars to be prayed for. This Martinez was he that christened 
 the city of Manoa by the name of El Dorado, and, as Berreo in 
 formed me, upon this occasion, " Those Guianians, and also the 
 borderers, and all other in that tract which I have seen, are mar 
 vellous great drunkards; in which vice I think no nation can 
 compare with them. And at the times of their solemn feasts, 
 when the Emperor carouseth with his captains, tributaries, and 
 governors, the manner is thus. All those that pledge him are first 
 stripped naked and their bodies anointed all over with a kind of 
 white balsam (by them called cured), of which there is great 
 plenty, and yet very dear amongst them, and it is of all other the 
 most precious, whereof we have had good experience. When they 
 are anointed all over, certain servants of the Emperor, having 
 prepared gold made into fine powder, blow it through hollow canes 
 upon their naked bodies, until they be all shining from the foot to 
 the head ; and in this sort they sit drinking by twenties and hun 
 dreds, and continue in drunkenness sometimes six or seven days 
 together." The same is also confirmed by a letter written into 
 Spain which was intercepted, which Mr. Robert Dudley told me he 
 had seen. Upon this sight, and for the abundance of gold which 
 he saw in the city, the images of gold in their temples, the plates, 
 armours, and shields of gold which they use in the wars, he called 
 it El Dorado. After the death of Ordas and Martinez, and after 
 Orellana, who was employed by Gonzalo Pizarro, one Pedro de 
 Osua, a knight of Navarre, attempted Guiana, taking his way into 
 Peru, and built his brigantines upon a river called Oia, which 
 rises to the southward of Quito, and is very great. This river falleth 
 into Amazons, by which Osua with his companies descended, 
 and came out of that province which is called Mutylonez ; and it 
 seemeth to me that this empire is reserved for Her Majesty and 
 the English nation, by reason of the hard success which all these 
 and other Spaniards found in attempting the same, whereof I will 
 speak briefly, though impertinent in some sort to my purpose. This 
 Pedro de Osua had among his troops a Biscayan called Agiri, a man 
 meanly born, who bare no other office than a sergeant or alferez : 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 343 
 
 but after certain months, when the soldiers were grieved with 
 travels and consumed with famine, and that no entrance could be 
 found by the branches or body of Amazons, this Agiri raised a 
 mutiny, of which he made himself the head, and so prevailed as he 
 put Osua to the sword and all his followers, taking on him the 
 whole charge and commandment, with a purpose not only to make 
 himself Emperor of Guiana but also of Peru and of all that side of 
 the West Indies. He had of his party seven hundred soldiers, and 
 of those many promised to draw in other captains and companies, 
 to deliver up towns and forts in Peru ; but neither finding by the 
 said river any passage into Guiana, nor any possibility to return 
 towards Peru by the same Amazons, by reason that the descent of 
 the river made so great a current, he was enforced to disembogue at 
 the mouth of the said Amazons, which cannot be less than a thou 
 sand leagues from the place where they embarked. From thence 
 he coasted the land till he arrived at Margarita to the north of 
 Mompatar, which is at this day called Puerto de Tyranno for that 
 he there slew Don Juan de Villa Andreda, Governor of Margarita, 
 who was father to Don Juan Sarmiento, Governor of Margarita 
 when Sir John Burgh landed there and attempted the island. 
 Agiri put to the sword all other in the island that refused to be 
 of his party, and took with him certain Simerones and other 
 desperate companions. From thence he went to Cumana and 
 there slew the Governor, and dealt in all as at Margarita. He 
 spoiled all the coast of Caracas and the province of Venezuela and 
 of Rio de la Hacha ; and, as I remember, it was the same year 
 that Sir John Hawkins sailed to Saint Juan de Ullua in the Jesus 
 of Lubeck ; for himself told me that he met with such a one upon 
 the coast that rebelled, and had sailed down all the river of 
 Amazons. Agiri from thence landed about Santa Marta and 
 sacked it also, putting to death so many as refused to be his 
 followers, purposing to invade Nuevo Reyno de Granada and to 
 sack Pamplon, Merida, Lagrita, Tunxa, and the rest of the 
 cities of Nuevo Reyno, and from thence again to enter Peru; 
 but in a fight in the said Nuevo Reyno he was overthrown, and, 
 finding no way to escape, he first put to the sword his own chil 
 dren, foretelling them that they should not live to be defamed 
 or upbraided by the Spaniards after his death, who would have 
 termed them the children of a traitor or a tyrant ; and that, 
 since he could not make them princes, he would yet 
 deliver them from shame and reproach. These were the 
 
344 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [^595 
 
 ends and tragedies of Ordas, Martinez, Orellana, Osua, and 
 Agiri. 
 
 Also soon after Ordas followed Jeronimo Ortal de Saragosa 
 with one hundred and fifty soldiers, who failing his entrance by 
 sea, was cast with the current on the coast of Paria, and peopled 
 about S. Miguel de Neveri. It was then attempted by Don Pedro 
 de Silva, a Portuguese of the family of Ruy Gomes de Silva, and by 
 the favour which Ruy Gomes had with the king he was set out ; 
 but he also shot wide of the mark ; for being departed from 
 Spain with his fleet, he entered by Maranon and Amazons, 
 where by the nations of the river, and by the Amazons, he was 
 utterly overthrown, and himself and all his army defeated ; only 
 seven escaped, and of those but two returned. 
 
 After him came Pedro Hernandez de Serpa, and landed at 
 Cumana, in the West Indies, taking his journey by land towards 
 Orenoque, which may be some 120 leagues ; but ere he came to 
 the borders of the said river, he was set upon by a nation of the 
 the Indians, called Wikiri, and overthrown in such sort, that of 
 300 soldiers, horsemen, many Indians, and negroes, there returned 
 but eighteen. Others affirm that he was defeated in the very 
 entrance of Guiana, at the first civil town of the empire called 
 Macureguarai. Captain Preston, in taking Santiago de Leon 
 (which was by him and his companies very resolutely performed, 
 being a great town, and far within the land) held a gentleman 
 prisoner, who died in his ship, that was one of the company of 
 Hernandez de Serpa, and saved among those that escaped, who 
 witnessed what opinion is held among the Spaniards thereabouts 
 of the great riches of Guiana, and El Dorado, the city of Inga. 
 Another Spaniard was brought aboard me by Captain Preston, 
 who told me in the hearing of himself and divers other gentle 
 men, that he met with Berreo's camp-master at Caraccas, when 
 he came from the borders of Guiana, and that he saw with him 
 forty most pure plates of gold, curiously wrought, and swords 
 of Guiana, decked and inlaid with gold, feathers garnished with 
 gold, and divers rarities which he carried to the Spanish 
 king. 
 
 After Hernandez de Serpa, it was undertaken by the Ade- 
 lantado, Don Gonzales Ximenes de Casada, who was one of the 
 chiefest in the conquest of Nuevo Reino, whose daughter and 
 heir Don Antonio de Berreo married. Gonzales sought the 
 passage also by the river called Papamene, which riseth by 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 345 
 
 Quito, in Peru, and runneth south-east one hundred leagues, and 
 then falleth into Amazons, but he also failing the entrance, 
 returned with the loss of much labour and cost. I took one 
 Captain George, a Spaniard, that followed Gonzales in this 
 enterprise. Gonzales gave his daughter to Berreo, taking his 
 oath and honour to follow the enterprise to the last of his sub 
 stance and life ; who since, as he hath sworn to me, hath spent 
 300,000 ducats in the same, and yet never could enter so far 
 into the land as myself with that poor troop, or rather a handful 
 of men, being in all about one hundred gentlemen, soldiers, rowers, 
 boat-keepers, boys, and of all sorts ; neither could any of the 
 forepassed undertakers, nor Berreo himself, discover the country, 
 till now lately by conference with an ancient king, called Carapana, 
 he got the true light thereof; for Berreo came about 1,500 miles 
 ere he understood aught, or could find any passage or entrance 
 into any part thereof, yet he had experience of all these fore- 
 named, and divers others, and was persuaded of their errors and 
 mistakings. Borreo sought it by the river Cassamar, which 
 falleth into a great river called Pato : Pato falleth into Meta, and 
 Meta into Baraquan, which is also called Orenoque. 
 
 He took his journey from Nuevo Reyno de Granada, where he 
 dwelt, having the inheritance of Gonzales Ximenes in those parts ; 
 he was followed with 700 horse, he drove with him 1000 head of 
 cattle, he had also many women, Indians, and slaves. How all 
 these rivers cross and encounter ; how the country lieth and is 
 bordered, the passage of Ximenes and Berreo, mine own dis 
 covery, and the way that I entered, with all the rest of the nations 
 and rivers, your lordship shall receive in a large chart or map, 
 which I have not yet finished, and which I shall most humbly pray 
 your lordship to secrete, and not to suffer it to pass your own hands; 
 for by a draught thereof all may be prevented by other nations ; 
 for I know it is this very year sought by the French, although by 
 the way that they now take, I fear it not much. It was also told 
 me ere I departed England, that Villiers, the Admiral, was in pre 
 paration for the planting of Amazons, to which river the French 
 have made divers voyages, and returned with much gold and other 
 rarities. I spake with a captain of a French ship that came from 
 thence, his ship riding in Falmouth the same year that my ships 
 came first from Virginia. 
 
 There was another this year in Helford, that also came from 
 thence, and had been fourteen months at an anchor in Amazons, 
 
346 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 which were both very rich. Although, as I am persuaded, Guiana 
 cannot be entered that way, yet no doubt the trade of gold from 
 thence passeth by branches of rivers into the river of Amazons, 
 and so it doth on every hand far from the country itself ; for those 
 Indians of Trinidad have plates of gold from Guiana, and those 
 cannibals of Dominica which dwell in the islands by which our ships 
 pass yearly to the West Indies, also the Indians of Paria, those 
 Indians called Tucaris, Chochi, Apotomios, Cumanagotos, and all 
 those other nations inhabiting near about the mountains that run 
 from Paria through the province of Venezuela, and in Maracapana, 
 and the cannibals of Guanipa, the Indians called Assawa, Coaca, 
 Ajai, and the rest (all which shall be described in my description 
 as they are situate) have plates of gold of Guiana. And upon the 
 river of Amazons, Thevet writeth that the people wear croissants 
 of gold, for of that form the Guianians most commonly make 
 them; so as from Dominica to Amazons, which is above 250 
 leagues, all the chief Indians in all parts wear of those plates of 
 Guiana. Undoubtedly those that trade Amazons return much 
 gold, which (as is aforesaid) cometh by trade from Guiana, by some 
 branch of a river that falleth from the country into Amazons, and 
 either it is by the river which passeth by the nations called 
 Tinados, or by Caripuna. I made enquiry amongst the most 
 ancient and best travelled of the Orenoqueponi, and I had know 
 ledge of all the rivers between Orenoque and Amazons, and was 
 very desirous to understand the truth of those warlike women, 
 because of some it is believed, of others not. And though I 
 digress from my purpose, yet I will set down that which hath been 
 delivered me for truth of those women, and I spake with a cacique, 
 or lord of people, that told me he had been in the river, and 
 beyond it also. The nations of these women are on the south side 
 of the river in the provinces of Topago, and their chiefe'st strength 
 and retreats are in the islands situate on the south side of the 
 entrance some sixty leagues within the mouth of the said river. 
 The memories of the like women are very ancient as well in Africa 
 as in Asia. In Africa those that had Medusa for Queen ; others in 
 Scythia, near the rivers of Tanais and Thermodon. We find, also, 
 that Lampedo and Marthesia were Queens of the Amazons. In 
 many histories they are verified to have been, and in divers 
 ages and provinces; but they which are not from Guiana do 
 assemble but once in a year, and for the time of one month, 
 which I gather by their relation, to be in April ; and that time all 
 
1595] RALEIGtf. 347 
 
 kings of the borders assemble, and queens of the Amazons ; and 
 after the queens have chosen, the rest cast lots for their valentines. 
 This one month they feast, dance, and drink of their wines in 
 abundance ; and the moon being done they all depart to their own 
 provinces. 
 
 They are said to be very cruel and bloodthirsty, especially to such 
 as offer to invade their territories. These Amazons have likewise 
 great store of these plates of gold, which they recover by ex 
 change chiefly for a kind of green stones, which the Spaniards 
 call Piedras hijadas, and we use for spleen stones ; and for the 
 disease of the stone we also esteem them. Of these I saw divers 
 in Guiana, and commonly every king or cacique hath one, which 
 their wives for the most part wear, and they esteem them as great 
 jewels. 
 
 But to return to the enterprise of Berreo, who (as I have said) de 
 parted from Nuevo Reyno with 700 horse. Besides the provisions 
 above rehearsed, he descended by the river called Cassanar, which 
 riseth in Nuevo Reyno out of the mountains by the city of Tuvia; 
 from which mountain also springeth Pato ; both which fall into the 
 great river of Meta ; and Meta riseth from a mountain joining to 
 Pamplon, in the same Nuevo Reyno de Granada. These, as also 
 Guaiare, which issueth out of the mountains by Timana, fall all 
 into Baraquan, and are but of his heads ; for at their coming 
 together they lose their names, and Baraquan farther down is also 
 rebaptized by the name of Orenoque. On the other side of the 
 city and hills of Timana riseth Rio Grande, which falleth into the 
 sea by Santa Marta. By Cassonar first, and so into Meta, Berreo 
 passed, keeping his horsemen on the banks, where the country 
 served them for to march ; and where otherwise, he was driven to 
 embark them in boats which he builded for the purpose, and so come 
 with the current down the river of Meta, and so into Baraquan. 
 After he entered that great and mighty river, he began daily to 
 lose of his companies both men and horse; for it is in many 
 places violently swift, and hath forcible eddies, many sands, and 
 divers islands sharp pointed with rocks ; but after one whole year, 
 
348 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 journeying for the most part by river, and the rest by land, he grew 
 daily to fewer numbers ; for both by sickness, and by encountering 
 with the people of those regions through which he travelled, his 
 companies were much wasted, especially by divers encounters with 
 the Amapaians ; and in all this time he never could learn of any 
 passage into Guiana, nor any news or fame thereof, until he came 
 to a further border of the said Amapaia, eight days' journey from 
 the river Caroli, which was the furthest river that he entered. 
 Among those of Amapaia, Guiana was famous, but few of these 
 people accosted Berreo, or would trade with him the first three 
 months of the six which he sojourned there. This Amapaia is 
 also marvellous rich in gold (as both Berreo confessed and those 
 of Guiana, with whom I had most conference) and is situate upon 
 Orenoque also. In this country Berreo lost sixty of his best 
 soldiers, and most of all his horse that remained in his former 
 year's travel ; but in the end, after divers encounters with those 
 nations, they grew to peace, and they presented Berreo with ten 
 images of fine gold among divers other plates and croissants, 
 which, as he sware to me, and divers other gentlemen, were so 
 curiously wrought, as he had not seen the like either in Italy, 
 Spain, or the Low Countries ; and he was resolved, that when they 
 came to the hands of the Spanish king, to whom he had sent 
 them by his campmaster, they would appear very admirable, 
 especially being wrought by such a nation as had no iron instru 
 ments at all, nor any of those helps which our goldsmiths have to 
 work withal. The particular name of the people in Amapaia 
 which gave him these pieces, are called Anebas, and the river of 
 Orenoque at that place is about twelve English miles broad, 
 which may be from his outfall into the sea 700 or 800 miles. 
 
 This province of Amapaia is a very low and a marish ground 
 near the river ; and by reason of the red water which issueth out 
 in small branches through the fenny and boggy ground, there 
 breed divers poisonful worms and serpents ; and the Spaniards not 
 suspecting, nor in any sort foreknowing the danger, were infected 
 with a grievous kind of flux by drinking thereof; and even the 
 very horses poisoned therewith, insomuch as at the end of the 
 six months that they abode there, of all their troops there were 
 not left above 120 soldiers, and neither horse nor cattle; for Berreo 
 hoped to have found Guiana by 1,000 miles nearer than it fell out 
 to be in the end ; by means whereof they sustained much want, 
 and much hunger, oppressed with grievous diseases, and all the 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 349 
 
 miseries that could be imagined. I demanded of those in Guiana 
 that had travelled Amapaia, how they lived with that tawny 
 or red water when they travelled thither ; and they told me that 
 after the sun was near the middle of the sky, they used to fill their 
 pots and pitchers with that water, but either before that time or 
 towards the setting of the sun it was dangerous to drink of, and 
 in the night strong poison. I learned also of divers other rivers of 
 that nature among them, which were also (while the sun was in 
 the meridian) very safe to drink, and in the morning, evening, and 
 night, wonderful dangerous and infective. From this province 
 Berreo hasted away as soon as the spring and beginning of 
 summer appeared, and sought his entrance on the borders of 
 Orenoque on the south-side ; but there ran a ledge of so high and 
 impassable mountains, as he was not able by any means to march 
 over them, continuing from the east sea into which Orenoque 
 falleth, even to Quito in Peru ; neither had he means to carry 
 victual or munition over those craggy, high, and fast hills, being 
 all woody, and those so thick and spiny, and so full of prickles, 
 thorns, and briars, as it is impossible to creep through them ; he 
 had also neither friendship among the people, nor any interpreter 
 to persuade or treat with them ; and more, to his disadvantage, the 
 caciques and kings of Amapaia had given knowledge of his pur 
 pose to the Guianians, and that he sought to sack and conquer the 
 Empire, for the hope of their so great abundance and quantities of 
 gold. He passed by the mouths of many great rivers which fell into 
 Orenoque both from the north and south, which I forbear to name, 
 for tediousness, and because they are more pleasing in describing 
 than reading. 
 
 Berreo affirmed that there fell an hundred rivers into Orenoque 
 from the north and south, whereof the least was as big as Rio 
 Grande, that passed between Popayan and Nuevo Reyno de 
 Granada (Rio Grande being esteemed one of the renowned rivers 
 in all the West Indies, and numbered among the great rivers of 
 the world) ; but he knew not the names of any of these, but Caroli 
 only ; neither from what nations they descended, neither to what 
 provinces they led ; for he had no means to discourse with the 
 inhabitants at any time ; neither was he curious in these things, 
 being utterly unlearned, and not knowing the east from the west. 
 But of all these I got some knowledge, and of many more, partly 
 by my own travel, and the rest by conference ; of some one I 
 learned one, of others the rest, having with me an Indian that 
 
350 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l595 
 
 spake many languages, and that of Guiana naturally. I sought 
 out all the aged men, and such as were greatest travellers, and by 
 the one and the other I came to understand the situations, the 
 rivers, the kingdoms from the east sea to the borders of Peru, and 
 from Orenoque southward as far as Amazons or Marannon, and 
 the religions of Maria Tamball, and of all the kings of provinces, 
 and captains of towns and villages, how they stood in terms of 
 peace or war, and which were friends or enemies the one with the 
 other, without which there can be neither entrance nor conquest in 
 those parts, nor elsewhere ; for by the dissension between Guascar 
 and Atabalipa, Pizarro conquered Peru, and by the hatred that the 
 Tlaxcallians bare to Mutezuma, Cortez was victorious over Mexico ; 
 without which both the one and the other had failed of their enter 
 prise, and of the great honour and riches which they attained 
 unto. 
 
 Now Berreo began to grow into despair, and looked for no other 
 success than his predecessor in this enterprise, until such time as 
 he arrived at the province of Emeria towards the east sea and 
 mouth of the river, where he found a nation of people very 
 favourable, and the country full of all manner of victuals. The 
 king of this land is called Carapana, a man very wise, subtle, and 
 of great experience, being little less than an hundred years old. In 
 his youth he was sent by his father into the island of Trinidad, by 
 reason of civil war among themselves, and was bred at a village in 
 that island, called Parico. At that place in his youth he had seen 
 many Christians, both French and Spanish, and went divers times 
 with the Indians of Trinidad to Margarita and Cumand, in the 
 West Indies (for both those places have ever been relieved with 
 victuals from Trinidad) by reason whereof he grew of more under 
 standing, and noted the difference of the nations, comparing the 
 strength and arms of his country with those of the Christians, and 
 ever after temporised so as whosoever else did amiss, or was 
 wasted by contention, Carapana kept himself and his country in 
 quiet and plenty ; he also held peace with the Caribs or cannibals, 
 his neighbours, and had free trade with all nations, whosoever else 
 had war. 
 
 Berreo sojourned and rested his weak troop in the town of 
 Carapana six weeks, and from him learned the way and passage 
 to Guiana, and the riches and magnificence thereof; but being 
 then utterly unable to proceed, he determined to try his fortune 
 another year, when he had renewed his provisions, and regathered 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 351 
 
 more force, which he hoped for as well out of Spain as from Nuevo 
 Reyno, where he had left his son Don Antonio Ximenes to second 
 him upon the first notice given of his entrance, and so for the pre 
 sent embarked himself in canoes, and by the branches of Orenoque 
 arrived at Trinidad, having from Carapana sufficient pilots to con 
 duct him. From Trinidad he coasted Paria, and so recovered 
 Margarita; and having made relation to Don Juan Sarmiento, the 
 Governor, of his proceeding, and persuaded him of the riches of 
 Guiana, he obtained from thence fifty soldiers, promising presently 
 to return to Carapana, and so into Guiana. But Berreo meant 
 nothing less at that time ; for he wanted many provisions necessary 
 for such an enterprise, and therefore departed from Margarita, 
 seated himself in Trinidad, and from thence sent his camp-master 
 and his sergeant-major back to the borders to discover the nearest 
 passage into the Empire, as also to treat with the borderers, and to 
 draw them to his party and love ; without which, he knew he could 
 neither pass safely, nor in any sort be relieved with victuals or 
 aught else. Carapana directed his company to a king called 
 Morequito, assuring them that no man could deliver so much of 
 Guiana as Morequito could, and that his dwelling was but five days 
 journey from Macureguarai, the first civil town of Guiana. 
 
 Now your lordship shall understand that this Morequito, one of 
 the greatest lords or kings of the borders of Guiana, had two or 
 three years before been at Cumana" and at Margarita, in the West 
 Indies, with great store of plates of gold, which he carried to 
 exchange for such other things as he wanted in his own country, 
 and was daily feasted, and presented by the governors of those 
 places, and held amongst them some two months, in which time 
 one Vides, Governor of Cumana", won him to be his conductor into 
 Guiana, being allured by those croissants and images of gold 
 which he brought with him to trade, as also by the ancient fame 
 and magnificence of El Dorado; whereupon Vides sent into Spain 
 for a patent to discover and conquer Guiana, not knowing of the 
 precedence of Berreo's patent, which, as Berreo affirmeth, was 
 signed before that of Vides ; so as when Vides understood of 
 Berreo, and that he had made entrance into that territory, and 
 foregone his desire and hope, it was verily thought that Vides 
 practised with Morequito to hinder and disturb Berreo in all he 
 could, and not to suffer him to enter through his seignory, nor any 
 of his companies ; neither to victual, nor guide them in any sort ; 
 for Vides, Governor of Cumana", and Berreo, were become mortal 
 
352 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 enemies, as well for that Berreo had gotten Trinidad into his 
 patent with Guiana, as also in that he was by Berreo prevented in 
 the journey of Guiana itself; howsoever it was, I know not, but 
 Morequito for a time dissembled his disposition, suffered Spaniards 
 and a friar (which Berreo had sent to discover Manoa) to travel 
 through his country, gave them a guide for Macureguarai, the first 
 town of civil and appareled people, from whence they had other 
 guides to bring them to Manoa, the great city of Inga; and being 
 furnished with those things which they had learned of Carapana, 
 were of most price in Guiana, went onward, and in eleven days 
 arrived at Manoa, as Berreo affirmeth for certain; although I 
 could not be assured thereof by the lord which now governeth the 
 province of Morequito, for he told me that they got all the gold 
 they had in other towns on this side Manoa, there being many 
 very great and rich, and (as he said) built like the towns of 
 Christians, with many rooms. 
 
 When these ten Spaniards were returned, and ready to put out of 
 the border of Aromaia, the people of Morequito set upon them, 
 and slew them all but one that swam the river, and took from them 
 to the value of forty thousand pezos of gold ; and one of them 
 only lived to bring the news to Berreo, that both his nine soldiers 
 and holy father were benighted in the said province. I myself 
 spake with the captains of Morequito that slew them, and was 
 at the place where it was executed. Berreo enraged here withal, 
 sent all the strength he could make into Aromaia, to be revenged 
 of him, his people, and country. But Morequito suspecting the 
 same, fled over Orenoque, and through the territories of the Siama, 
 and Wikiri, recovered (Humana", where he thought himself very 
 safe, with Vides the governor. But Berreo sending for him in the 
 king's name, and his messengers finding him in the house of one 
 Fashardo, on the sudden, ere he was suspected, so as he could riot 
 then be conveyed away, Vides durst not deny him, as well to avoid 
 the suspicion of the practice, as also for that an holy father was 
 slain by him and his people. Morequito offered Fashardo the 
 weight of three quintals of gold, to let him escape ; but the poor 
 Guianian, betrayed on all sides, was delivered to the camp-master 
 of Berreo, and was presently executed. 
 
 After the death of this Morequito, the soldiers of Berreo spoiled 
 his territory and took divers prisoners ; among others they took the 
 uncle of Morequito, called Topiawari, who is now king of Aromaia 
 (whose son I brought with me into England) and is a man of great 
 
I595J RALEIGH. 353 
 
 understanding and policy ; he is above a hundred years old, and 
 yet is of a very able body. The Spaniards led him in a chain seven 
 teen days, and made him their guide from place to place between 
 his country and Emeria, the province of Carapana aforesaid, and he 
 was at last redeemed for an hundred plates of gold, and divers 
 stones called Piedras Hijadas, or spleen-stones. Now Berreo for 
 executing of Morequito, and other cruelties, spoils, and slaughters 
 done in Aromaia, hath lost the love of the Orenoqueponi, and of all 
 the borderers, and dare not send any of his soldiers any further 
 into the land than to Carapana, which he called the port of 
 Guiana ; but from thence by the help of Carapana he had trade 
 further into the country, and always appointed ten Spaniards 
 to reside in Carapana town, by whose favour, and by being 
 conducted by his people, those ten searched the country there 
 abouts, as well for mines as for other trades and commodities. 
 
 They also have gotten a nephew of Morequito, whom they have 
 christened and named Don Juan, of whom they have great hope, 
 endeavouring by all means to establish him in the said province. 
 Among many other trades, those Spaniards used canoes to pass to 
 the rivers of Barema, Pawroma, and Dissequebe, which are on the 
 south side of the mouth of Orenoque, and there buy women and 
 children from the cannibals, which are of that barbarous nature, 
 as they will for three or four hatchets sell the sons and daughters 
 of their own brethren and sisters, and for somewhat more, even 
 their own daughters. Hereof the Spaniards make great profit; 
 for buying a maid of twelve or thirteen years for three or four 
 hatchets, they sell them again at Margarita in the West Indies for 
 fifty and a hundred pezos, which is so many crowns. 
 
 The master of my ship, John Douglas, took one of the canoes 
 which came laden from thence with people to be sold, and the 
 most of them escaped ; yet of those he brought, there was one 
 as well favoured and as well shaped as ever I saw any in England ; 
 and afterwards I saw many of them, which but for their tawny 
 colour may be compared to any in Europe. They also trade in 
 those rivers for bread of cassavi, of which they buy an hundred 
 pound weight for a knife, and sell it at Margarita for ten pezos. 
 They also recover great store of cotton, Brazil wood, and those 
 beds which they call Hamacas or Brazil beds, wherein in hot 
 countries all the Spaniards use to lie commonly, and in no other, 
 neither did we ourselves while we were there. By means of which 
 trades, for ransom of divers of the Guianians, and for exchange 
 
 A A 
 
354 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 of hatchets and knives, Berreo recovered some store of gold 
 plates, eagles of gold, and images of men and divers birds, and 
 dispatched his camp-master for Spain, with all that he had gathered, 
 therewith to levy soldiers, and by the show thereof to draw others 
 to the love of the enterprise. And having sent divers images 
 as well of men as beasts, birds, and fishes, so curiously wrought 
 in gold, he doubted not but to persuade the king to yield to him 
 some further help, especially for that this land hath never been 
 sacked, the mines never wrought, and in the Indies their works 
 were well spent, and the gold drawn out with great labour and 
 charge. He also despatched messengers to his son in Nuevo 
 Reyno to levy all the forces he could, and to come down the river 
 Orenoque to Emeria, the province of Carapana, to meet him; 
 he had also sent to Santiago de Leon on the coast of the Caracas, 
 to buy horses and mules. 
 
 After I had thus learned of his proceedings past and purposed, 
 I told him that I had resolved to see Guiana, and that it was the 
 end of my journey, and the cause of my coming to Trinidad, as it 
 was indeed, and for that purpose I sent Jacob Whiddon the year 
 before to get intelligence : with whom Berreo himself had speech at 
 that time, and remembered how inquisitive Jacob Whiddon was of 
 his proceedings, and of the country of Guiana. Berreo was 
 stricken into a great melancholy and sadness, and used all the 
 arguments he could to dissuade me, and also assured the gentle 
 men of my company that it would be labour lost, and that they 
 should suffer many miseries if they proceeded. And first he 
 delivered that I could not enter any of the rivers with any barque 
 or pinnace, or hardly with any ship's boat, it was so low, sandy, 
 and full of flats, and that his companies were daily grounded in 
 their canoes, which drew but twelve inches water. He further 
 said, that none of the country would come to speak with us, but 
 would all fly; and if we followed them to their dwellings, they 
 would burn their own towns : and besides that, the way was long, 
 the winter at hand, and that the rivers beginning once to swell, it 
 was impossible to stem the current, and that we could not in those 
 small boats by any means carry victuals for half the time, and that 
 (which indeed most discouraged my company) the kings and lords 
 of all the borders of Guiana had decreed that none of them should 
 trade with any Christians for gold, because the same would be 
 their own overthrow, and that for the love of gold the Christians 
 meant to conquer and dispossess them of all together. 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 355 
 
 Many and the most of these I found to be true, but yet I 
 resolving to make trial of whatsoever happened, directed Captain 
 George Gifford, my Vice-Admiral, to take the Lion's Whelp, and 
 Captain Caulfield his barque, to turn to the eastward, against the 
 mouth of a river called Capuri, whose entrance I had before sent 
 Captain Whiddon and John Douglas the master to discover, who 
 found some nine feet of water or better upon the flood, and five at 
 low water, to whom I had given instructions that they should 
 anchor at the edge of the shoal, and upon the best of the flood to 
 thrust over, which shoal John Douglas buoyed and beckoned for 
 them before; but they laboured in vain; for neither could they 
 turn it up altogether so far to the east, neither did the flood 
 continue so long, but the water fell ere they could have passed the 
 sands ; as we after found by a second experience : so as now we 
 must either give over our enterprise, or leaving our ships at adventure 
 four hundred miles behind us, must run up in our ship's boats, one 
 barge, and two wherries. But being doubtful how to carry victuals 
 for so long a time in such baubles, or any strength of men, 
 especially for that Berreo assured us that his son must be by that 
 time come down with many soldiers, I sent away one King, master 
 of the Lion's Whelp, with his ship's boat, to try another branch 
 of the river in the bottom of the Bay of Guanipa, which was 
 called Amana, to prove if there were water to be found for either 
 of the small ships to enter. But when he came to the mouth of 
 Amana, he found it as the rest, but stayed not to discover it 
 thoroughly, because he was assured by an Indian, his guide, that 
 the cannibals of Guanipa would assail them with many canoes, and 
 that they shot poisoned arrows ; so as if he hasted not back, they 
 should all be lost. 
 
 In the meantime, fearing the worst, I caused all the carpenters 
 we had to cut down a galego boat, which we meant to cast off, and 
 to fit her with banks to row on, and in all things to prepare her the 
 best they could, so as she might be brought to draw but five feet : 
 for so much we had on the bar of Capuri at low water. And 
 doubting of King's return, I sent John Douglas again in my long 
 barge, as well to relieve him, as also to make a perfect search 
 in the bottom of the bay ; for it hath been held for infallible, that 
 whatsoever ship or boat shall fall therein can never disembogue 
 again, by reason of the violent current which setteth into the said 
 bay, as also for that the breeze and easterly wind bloweth directly 
 into the same. Of which opinion I have heard John Hampton, 
 
 A A 2 
 
35^ VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [ T 595 
 
 of Plymouth, one of the greatest experience of England, and 
 divers other besides that have traded to Trinidad. 
 
 I sent with John Douglas an old Cacique of Trinidad for a 
 pilot, who told us that we could not return again by the bay or 
 gulf, but that he knew a by-branch which ran within the land to 
 the eastward, and he thought by it we might fall into Capuri, and 
 so return in four days. John Douglas searched those rivers, and 
 found four goodly entrances, whereof the least was as big as the 
 Thames at Woolwich; but in the bay thitherward it was shoal 
 and but six feet water ; so as we were now without hope of any 
 ship or barque to pass over, and therefore resolved to go on with 
 the boats, and the bottom of the galego, in which we thrust sixty 
 men. In the Lion's Whelp's boat and wherry we carried twenty, 
 Captain Caulfield in his wherry carried ten more, and in my barge 
 other ten, which made up a hundred ; we had no other means but 
 to carry victuals for a month in the same, and also to lodge therein 
 as we could, and to boil and dress our meat. Captain Gifford had 
 with him Mr. Edward Porter, Captain Eynos, and eight more 
 in his wherry, with all their victual, weapons, and provisions. 
 Captain Caulfield had with him my cousin Butshead Gorges, and 
 eight more. In the galley, of gentlemen and officers myself had 
 Captain Thyn, my cousin John Greenvile, my nephew John Gilbert, 
 Captain Whiddon, Captain Keymis, Edward Hancock, Captain 
 Clarke, Lieutenant Hughes, Thomas Upton, Captain Facy, Jerome 
 Ferrar, Anthony Welles, William Connock, and above fifty more. 
 We could not learn of Berreo any other way to enter but in 
 branches, so far to windward, as it was impossible for us to 
 recover ; for we had as much sea to cross over in our wherries, as 
 between Dover and Calais, and in a great billow, the wind and 
 current being both very strong, so as we were driven to go in those 
 small boats directly before the wind into the bottom of the Bay of 
 Guanipa, and from thence to enter the mouth of some one of those 
 rivers which John Douglas had last discovered. We had with us 
 for pilot an Indian of Barema, a river to the south of Orenoque, 
 between that and Amazons, whose canoes we had formerly taken 
 as he was going from the said Barema, laden with cassavi bread 
 to sell at Margarita. This Arwacan promised to bring me into the 
 great river of Orenoque ; but indeed of that which he entered he 
 was utterly ignorant, for he had not seen it in twelve years before ; 
 at which time he was very young, and of no judgment : and if 
 God had not sent us another help, we might have wandered a 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 357 
 
 whole year in that labyrinth of rivers, ere we had found any way, 
 either out or in, especially after we were past ebbing and flowing 
 which was in four days. For I know all the earth doth not yield 
 the like confluence of streams and branches, the one crossing the 
 other so many times, and all so fair and large, and so like one to 
 another, as no man can tell which to take : and if we went by the 
 sun or compass, hoping thereby to go directly one way or other 
 yet that way we were also carried in a circle amongst multitudes of 
 islands, and every island so bordered with high trees as no man 
 could see any further than the breadth of the river, or length 
 of the breach. But this it chanced, that entering into a river 
 (which because it had no name, we called the river of the Red 
 Cross, ourselves being the first Christians that ever came therein) 
 on the 22nd of May, as we were rowing up the same, we espied 
 a small canoe with three Indians, which (by the swiftness of my 
 barge, rowing with eight oars) I overtook ere they could cross the 
 river. The rest of the people on the banks, shadowed under the 
 thick wood, gazed on with a doubtful conceit what might befall 
 those three which we had taken. But when they perceived that 
 we offered them no violence, neither entered their canoe with any 
 of ours, nor took out of the canoe any of theirs, they then began 
 to show themselves on the bank's side, and offered to traffic with 
 us for such things as they had. And as we drew near, they all 
 stayed, and we came with our barge to the mouth of a little creek 
 which came from their town into the great river. 
 
 As we abode here awhile, our Indian pilot, called Ferdinando, 
 would needs go ashore to their village to fetch some fruits and to 
 drink of their artificial wines, and also to see the place and know 
 the lord of it against another time, and took with him a brother of 
 his which he had with him in the journey. When they came to 
 the village of these people the lord of the island offered to lay 
 hands on them, purposing to have slain them both, yielding for 
 reason that this Indian of ours had brought a strange nation into 
 their territory to spoil and destroy them. But the pilot being 
 quick and of a disposed body, slipt their fingers and ran into the 
 woods, and his brother, being the better footman of the two, re 
 covered the creek's mouth, where we stayed in our barge, crying 
 out that his brother was slain. With that we set hands on one of 
 them that was next us, a very old man, and brought him into the 
 barge, assuring him that if we had not our pilot again we would 
 presently cut off his head. This old man, being resolved that he 
 
VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 should pay the loss of the other, cried out to those in the woods to 
 save Ferdinando, our pilot ; but they followed him notwithstanding, 
 and hunted after him upon foot with the deer-dogs, and with so 
 many a cry that all the woods echoed with the shout they made, 
 But at the last this poor, chased Indian recovered the river side 
 and got upon a tree, and, as we were coasting, leaped down and 
 swam to the barge half dead with fear. But our good hap 
 was that we kept the other old Indian, which we handfasted, to 
 redeem our pilot withal ; for, being natural of those rivers, we 
 assured ourselves that he knew the way better than any stranger 
 could. And, indeed, but for this chance, I think we had never 
 found the way either to Guiana or back to our ships ; for Ferdi 
 nando after a few days knew nothing at all, nor which way to turn ; 
 yea, and many times the old man himself was in great doubt which 
 river to take. Those people which dwell in these broken islands 
 and drowned lands are generally called Tivitivas. There are of 
 them two sorts the one called Ciawani, and the other Wara- 
 weete. 
 
 The great river of Orenoque or Baraquan hath nine branches 
 which fall out on the north side of his own main mouth. On the 
 south side it hath seven other fallings into the sea, so it disem- 
 bogueth by sixteen arms in all between islands and broken ground ; 
 but the islands are very great, many of them as big as the Isle of 
 Wight, and bigger, and many less. From the first branch on the 
 north to the last of the south it is at least 100 leagues, so as the 
 river's mouth is 300 miles wide at his entrance into the sea, which 
 I take to be far bigger than that of Amazons. All those that in 
 habit in the mouth of this river upon the several north branches 
 are these Tivitivas, of which there are two chief lords which have 
 continual wars one with the other. The islands which lie on the 
 right hand are called Pallamos ; and the land on the left, Horoto- 
 maka ; and the river by which John Douglas returned within the 
 land from Amana to Capuri they call Macuri. 
 
 These Tivitivas are a very goodly people and very valiant, and 
 have the most manly speech and most deliberate that I ever heard 
 of what nation soever. In the summer they have houses on the 
 ground as in other places ; in the winter they dwell upon the trees, 
 where they build very artificial towns and villages, as it is written 
 in the Spanish story of the West Indies that those people do in the 
 low lands near the gulf of Uraba ; for between May and Septem 
 ber the river of Orenoque riseth thirty foot upright, and then are 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 359 
 
 those islands overflowed twenty foot high above the level of the 
 ground, saving some few raised grounds in the middle of them. 
 And for this cause they are enforced to live in this manner. They 
 never eat of anything that is set or sown ; and as at home they 
 use neither planting nor other manurance, so when they come 
 abroard they refuse to feed of aught but of that which nature 
 without labour bringeth forth. They use the tops of palmitos for 
 bread, and kill deer, fish, and porks for the rest of their sustenance. 
 They have also many sorts of fruits that grow in the woods, and 
 great variety of birds and fowls. 
 
 And if to speak of them were not tedious and vulgar, surely we saw 
 in those passages fowls of very rare colours and forms not elsewhere 
 to be found, for as much as I have either seen or read. Of these 
 people those that dwell upon the branches of Orenoque, called 
 Capuri and Macureo, are for the most part carpenters of canoes, 
 for they make the most and fairest canoes, and sell them into 
 Guiana for gold and into Trinidad for tobacco, in the excessive 
 taking whereof they exceed all nations. And notwithstanding the 
 moistness of the air in which they live, the hardness of their diet, 
 and the great labours they suffer to hunt fish and fowl for their 
 in living, all my life, either in the Indies or in Europe, did I never 
 behold a more goodly or better-favoured people or a more manly. 
 They were wont to make war upon all nations, and especially on 
 the cannibals, so as none durst without a good strength trade by 
 those rivers ; but of late they are at peace with their neighbours, 
 all holding the Spaniards for a common enemy. When their com 
 manders die they use great lamentation, and when they think the 
 flesh of their bodies is putrified and fallen from their bones, then 
 they take up the carcase again and hang it in the Cacique's house 
 that died, and deck his skull with feathers of all colours, and hang 
 all his gold plates about his arms, thighs, and legs. Those nations 
 which are called Arwacas, which dwell on the south of Orenoque 
 (of which place and nation our Indian pilot was), are dispersed in 
 many other places, and do use to beat the bones of their lords into 
 powder, and their wives and friends drink it all in their several 
 sorts of drinks. 
 
 After we departed from the port of these Ciawani we passed up 
 the river with the flood and anchored the ebb, and in this sort we 
 went onward. The third day that we entered the river our galley 
 came on ground, and stuck so fast as we thought that even there 
 our discovery had ended, and that we must have left fourscore and 
 
360 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l595 
 
 ten of our men to have inhabited like rooks upon trees with those 
 nations ; but the next morning, after we had cast out all her ballast, 
 with tugging and hauling to and fro we got her afloat and went on. 
 At four days' end we fell into as goodly a river as ever I beheld, 
 which was called The Great Amana, which ran more directly 
 without windings and turnings than the other ; but soon after 
 the flood of the sea left us, and, being enforced either by main 
 strength to row against a violent current, or to return as wise as we 
 went out, we had then no shift but to persuade the companies that it 
 was but two or three days' work, and therefore desired them to 
 take pains, every gentleman and others taking their turns to row 
 and to spell one the other at the hour's end. Every day we passed 
 by goodly branches of rivers, some falling from the west, others 
 from the east, into Amana ; but those I leave to the description in 
 the chart of discovery, where every one shall be named with his 
 rising and descent. When three days more were overgone, our com 
 panies began to despair, the weather being extreme hot, the river 
 bordered with very high trees that kept away the air, and the 
 current against us every day stronger than other ; but we evermore 
 commanded our pilots to promise an end the next day, and used it 
 so long as we were driven to assure them from four reaches of the 
 river to three, and so to two, and so to the next reach. But so 
 long we laboured that many days were spent and we driven to 
 draw ourselves to harder allowance, our bread even at the last, and 
 no drink at all, and our men and ourselves so wearied and scorched, 
 and doubtful withal whether we should ever perform it or no, the 
 heat increasing as we drew towards the line ; for we were now in 
 five degrees. 
 
 The further we went on (our victuals decreasing and the air 
 breeding great faintness) we grew weaker and weaker, when we 
 had most need of strength and ability ; for hourly the river ran 
 more violently than other against us, and the barge, wherries, and 
 ship's-boat of Captain Gifford and Captain Caulfield, had spent all 
 their provisions ; so as we were brought into despair and discom 
 fort, had we not persuaded all the company that it was but only 
 one day's work more to attain the land where we should be 
 relieved of all we wanted, and if we returned, that we were sure to 
 starve by the way, and that the world would also laugh us to scorn. 
 On the banks of these rivers were divers sorts of fruits good to 
 eat, flowers and trees of such variety as were sufficient to make 
 ten volumes of herbals ; we relieved ourselves many times with the 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 361 
 
 fruits of the country, and sometimes with fowl and fish. We saw 
 birds of all colours, some carnation, some crimson, orange-tawny, 
 purple, watchet, and of all other sorts, both simple and mixed, and 
 it was unto us a great good passing of the time to behold them, 
 besides the relief we found by killing some store of them with. our 
 fowling pieces ; without which, having little or no bread, and less 
 drink, but only the thick and troubled water of the river, we had 
 been in a very hard case. 
 
 Our old pilot of the Ciawani (whom, as I said before, we took 
 to redeem Ferdinando) told us, that if we would enter a branch of 
 a river on the right hand with our barge and wherries, and leave 
 the galley at anchor the while in the great river, he would bring us 
 to a town of the Arwacas, where we should find store of bread, 
 hens, fish, and of the country wine ; and persuaded us, that depart 
 ing from the galley at noon we might return ere night. I was very 
 glad to hear this speech, and presently took my barque, with eight 
 musketeers, Captain Gifford's wherry, with himself and four 
 musketeers, and Captain Caulfield with his wherry, and as many ; 
 and so we entered the mouth of this river ; and because we were 
 persuaded that it was so near, we took no victuals with us at all. 
 When we had rowed three hours, we marvelled we saw no sign of 
 any dwelling, and asked the pilot where the town was ; he told us 
 a little further. After three hours more, the sun being almost set, 
 we began to suspect that he led us that way to betray us ; for he 
 confessed that those Spaniards which fled from Trinidad, and also 
 those that remained with Carapana in Emeria, were joined to 
 gether in some village upon that river. But when it grew towards 
 night, and we demanded where the place was, he told us but four 
 reaches more. When we had rowed four and four, we saw no 
 sign ; and our poor watermen, even heart-broken and tired, were 
 ready to give up the ghost ; for we had now come from the galley 
 near forty miles. 
 
 At the last we determined to hang the pilot ; and if we had well 
 known the way back again by night, he had surely gone ; but our 
 own necessities pleaded sufficiently for his safety; for it was as 
 dark as pitch, and the river began so to narrow itself, and the trees 
 to hang over from side to side, as we were driven with arming 
 swords to cut a passage through those branches that covered the 
 water. We were very desirous to find this town, hoping of a feast, 
 because we made but a short breakfast aboard the galley in the 
 morning, and it was now eight o'clock at night, and our stomachs 
 
362 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [ J 595 
 
 began to gnaw apace ; but whether it was best to return or go on, 
 we began to doubt, suspecting treason in the pilot more and more ; 
 but the poor old Indian ever assured us that it was but a little 
 further, but this one turning and that turning; and at the last 
 about one o'clock after midnight we saw a light, and rowing 
 towards it we heard the dogs of the village. When we landed we 
 found few people ; for the lord of that place was gone with divers 
 canoes above four hundred miles off, upon a journey towards the 
 head of Orenoque, to trade for gold, and to buy women of the 
 cannibals, who afterwards unfortunately passed by us as we rode 
 at an anchor in the port of Morequito in the dark of the night, and 
 yet came so near us as his canoes grated against our barges ; he 
 left one of his company at the port of Morequito, by whom we 
 understood that he had brought thirty young women, divers plates 
 of gold, and had great store of fine pieces of cotton cloth, and 
 cotton beds. In his house we had good store of bread, fish, hens, 
 and Indian drink, and so rested that night, and in the morning, 
 after we had traded with such of his people as came down, we re 
 turned towards our galley, and brought with us some quantity of 
 bread, fish, and hens. 
 
 On both sides of this river we passed the most beautiful country 
 that ever mine eyes beheld; and whereas all that we had seen 
 before was nothing but woods, prickles, bushes, and thorns, here 
 we beheld plains of twenty miles in length, the grass short and 
 gre'en, and in divers parts groves of trees by themselves, as if they 
 had been by all the art and labour in the world so made of purpose ; 
 and still as we rowed, the deer came down feeding by the water's 
 side as if they had been used to a keeper's call. Upon this river 
 there were great store of fowl, and of many sorts ; we saw in it 
 divers sorts of strange fishes, and of marvellous bigness ; but for 
 lagartos it exceeded, for there were thousands of those ugly 
 serpents ; and the people call it, for the abundance of them, the 
 river of Lagartos in their language. I had a negro, a very proper 
 young fellow, who leaping out of the galley to swim in the mouth 
 of this river, was in all our sights taken and devoured with one of 
 those lagartos. In the meanwhile our companies in the galley 
 thought we had been all lost, (for we promised to return before 
 night) and sent the Lion's Whelp's ship's-boat with Captain 
 Whiddon to follow us up the river ; but the next day, after we had 
 rowed up and down some fourscore miles, we returned, and went 
 on our way up the river ; and when we were even at the last cast 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 363 
 
 for want of victuals, Captain Gifford being before the galley and 
 the rest of the boats, seeking out some place to land upon the 
 banks to make fire, espied four canoes coming down the river ; and 
 with no small joy caused his men to try the uttermost of their 
 strengths, and after a while two of the four gave over and ran 
 themselves ashore, every man betaking himself to the fastness of 
 the woods, the two other lesser got away, while he landed to lay 
 hold on these; and so turned into some by-creek, we knew not 
 whither. Those canoes that were taken were loaded with bread, 
 and were bound for Margarita in the West Indies, which those 
 Indians (called Arwacas) proposed to carry thither for exchange ; 
 but in the lesser there were three Spaniards, who having heard of 
 the defeat of their Governor in Trinidad, and that we purposed to 
 enter Guiana, came away in those canoes ; one of them was a 
 cavallero, as the captain of the Arwacas after told us, another a 
 soldier, and the third a refiner. 
 
 In the meantime, nothing on the earth could have been more 
 welcome to us, next unto gold, than the great store of very ex 
 cellent bread which we found in these canoes ; for now our men 
 cried, " Let us go on, we care not how far." After that Captain 
 Gifford had brought the two canoes to the galley, I took my barge 
 and went to the bank-side with a dozen shot, where the canoes 
 first ran themselves ashore, and landed there, sending out Captain 
 Gifford and Captain Thyn on one hand, and Captain Caulfield on 
 the other, to follow those that were fled into the woods. And as I 
 was creeping through the bushes, I saw an Indian basket hidden, 
 which was the refiner's basket ; for I found in it his quicksilver, 
 saltpetre, and divers things for the trial of metals, and also the 
 dust of such ore as he had refined, but in those canoes which 
 escaped there was a good quantity of ore and gold. I then landed 
 more men, and offered five hundred pound to what soldier soever 
 could take one of those three Spaniards that we thought were 
 landed. But our labours were in vain in that behalf; for they put 
 themselves into one of the small canoes, and so while the greater 
 canoes were in taking, they escaped. But seeking after the 
 Spaniards we found the Arwacas hidden in the woods, which were 
 pilots for the Spaniards, and rowed their canoes ; of which I kept 
 the chiefest for a pilot, and carried him with me to Guiana, by 
 whom I understood where and in what countries the Spaniards 
 had laboured for gold, though I made not the same known to all ; 
 for when the springs began to break, and the rivers to raise them- 
 
364 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 selves so suddenly as by no means we could abide the digging of 
 any mine, especially for that the richest are defended with rocks 
 of hard stones, which we call the white spar, and that it required 
 both time, men, and instruments fit for such a work, I thought it 
 best not to hover thereabouts, lest if the same had been perceived 
 by the company, there would have been by this time many barques 
 and ships set out, and perchance other nations would also have 
 gotten of ours for pilots ; so as both ourselves might have been 
 prevented, and all our care taken for good usage of the people 
 been utterly lost, by those that only respect present profit, and such 
 violence or insolence offered as the nations which are borderers 
 would have changed the desire of our love and defence into hatred 
 and violence. And for any longer stay to have brought a more 
 quantity (which I heard had been often objected) whosoever had 
 seen or proved the fury of that river after it began to arise, and 
 had been a month and odd days, as we were, from hearing aught 
 from our ships, leaving them meanly manned 400 miles off, would 
 perchance have turned somewhat sooner than we did, if all the 
 mountains had been gold, or rich stones. And to say the truth, 
 all the branches and small rivers which fell into Orenoque were 
 raised with such speed, as if we waded them over the shoes in the 
 morning outward, we were covered to the shoulders homeward the 
 very same day ; and to stay to dig our gold with our nails, had 
 been Opus laboris but not Ingenii; such a quantity as would have 
 served our turns we could not have had, but a discovery of the 
 mines to our infinite disadvantage we had made, and that could 
 have been the best profit of farther search or stay ; for those mines 
 are not easily broken, nor opened in haste, and I could have re 
 turned a good quantity of gold ready cast if I had not shot at 
 another mark than present profit. 
 
 This Arwacan pilot with the rest, feared that we would have 
 eaten them, or otherwise have put them to some cruel death : for 
 the Spaniards, to the end that none of the people in the passage 
 towards Guiana, or in Guiana itself, might come to speech with 
 us, persuaded all the nations that we were men-eaters and can 
 nibals. But when the poor men and women had seen us, and 
 that we gave them meat, and to every one something or other, 
 which was rare and strange to them, they began to conceive the 
 deceit and purpose of the Spaniards, who indeed (as they con 
 fessed) took from them both their wives and daughters daily, 
 and especially such as they took in this manner by strength. 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 365 
 
 But I protest before the Majesty of the living God, that I 
 neither know nor believe, that any of our company one or 
 other, did offer insult to any of their women, and yet we saw 
 many hundreds, and had many in our power, and of those 
 very young and excellently favoured, which came among us 
 without deceit, stark naked. Nothing got us more love amongst 
 them than this usage ; for I suffered not any man to take from 
 any of the nations so much as a pine or a potato root with 
 out giving them contentment, nor any man so much as to 
 offer to touch any of their wives or daughters; which course, 
 so contrary to the Spaniards (who tyrannize over them in all 
 things), drew them to admire Her Majesty, whose command 
 ment I told them it was, and also wonderfully to honour our 
 nation. 
 
 But I confess it was a very impatient work to keep the meaner 
 sort from spoil and stealing when we came to their houses; 
 which, because in all I could not prevent, I caused my Indian 
 interpreter at every place when we departed, to know of the loss 
 or wrong done, and if aught were stolen or taken by violence, 
 either the same restored, and the party punished in their sight, or 
 else was paid for to their uttermost demand. 
 
 They also much wondered at us, after they heard that we had 
 slain the Spaniards at Trinidad, for they were before resolved 
 that no nation of Christians durst abide their presence, and they 
 wondered more when I had made them know of the great over 
 throw that Her Majesty's army and fleet had given them of late 
 years in their own countries. 
 
 After we had taken in this supply of bread, with divers baskets 
 of roots, which were excellent meat, I gave one of the canoes to 
 the Arwacas, which belonged to the Spaniards that were escaped, 
 and when I had dismissed all but the Captain (who by the 
 Spaniards was christened Martin) I sent back in the same canoe 
 the old Ciawani, and Ferdinando, my first pilot, and gave them 
 both such things as they desired, with sufficient victual to carry 
 them back, and by them wrote a letter to the ships, which they 
 promised to deliver, and performed it, and then I went on, with 
 my new hired pilot, Martin the Arwacan. But the next or second 
 day after, we came aground again with our galley, and were like 
 to cast her away, with all our victuals and provisions, and so lay 
 on the sand one whole night, and were far more in despair at 
 this time to free her than before, because we had no tide of 
 
366 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 flood to help us, and therefore feared that all our hopes would 
 have ended in mishaps. But we fastened an anchor upon the 
 land, and with main strength drew her off; and so the fifteenth 
 day we discovered afar off the mountains of Guiana, to our 
 great joy, and towards the evening had a slent of a northerly 
 wind that blew very strong, which brought us in sight of the 
 great river Orenoque; out of which this river descended wherein 
 we were. We descried afar off three other canoes as far as we 
 could discern them, after whom we hastened -with our barge 
 and wherries, but two of them passed out of sight, and the third 
 entered up the great river, on the right hand to the westward, 
 and there stayed out of sight, thinking that we meant to take the 
 way eastward towards the province of Carapana, for that way the 
 Spaniards keep, not daring to go upwards to Guiana, the people 
 in those parts being all their enemies, and those in the canoes 
 thought us to have been those Spaniards that were fled from 
 Trinidad, and escaped killing ; and when we came so far down 
 as the opening of that branch into which they slipped, being near 
 them with our barge and wherries, we made after them, and ere 
 they could land came within call, and by our interpreter told 
 them what we were, wherewith they came back willingly aboard 
 us ; and of such fish and tortoise eggs as they had gathered they 
 gave us, and promised in the morning to bring the Lord of that 
 part with them, and to do us all other services they could. 
 
 That night we came to an anchor at the parting of the three 
 goodly rivers (the one was the river of Amana, by which we came 
 from the north, and ran athwart towards the south, the other two 
 were of Orenoque, which crossed from the west and ran to the 
 sea towards the east) and landed upon a fair sand, where we found 
 thousands of tortoise eggs, which are very wholesome meat, and 
 greatly restoring, so as our men were now well filled and highly 
 contented both with the fare, and nearness of the land of Guiana, 
 which appeared in sight. 
 
 In the morning there came down, according to promise, the 
 Lord of that border, called Toparimaca, with some thirty or forty 
 followers, and brought us divers sorts of fruits, and of his wine, 
 bread, fish, and flesh, whom we also feasted as we could ; at least 
 we drank good Spanish wine (whereof we had a small quantity in 
 bottles), which above all things they love. I conferred with this 
 Toparimaca of the next way to Guiana, who conducted our galley 
 and boats to his own port, and carried us from thence some 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 367 
 
 mile and a-half to his town, where some of our captains caroused 
 of his wine till they were reasonable pleasant, for it is very strong 
 with pepper, and the juice of divers herbs and fruits digested and 
 purged. They keep it in great earthen pots of ten or twelve 
 gallons, very clean and sweet, and are themselves at their meetings 
 and feasts the greatest carousers and drunkards of the world. 
 When we came to his town we found two Caciques, whereof one 
 was a stranger that had been up the river in trade, and his boats, 
 people, and wife encamped at the port where we anchored, and 
 the other was of that country, a follower of Toparimaca. They 
 lay each of them in a cotton hamaca, which we call Brazil beds, 
 and two women attending them with six cups, and a little ladle to 
 fill them out of an earthen pitcher of wine; and so they drank 
 each of them three of those cups at a time one to the other, 
 and in this sort they drink drunk at their feasts and meetings. 
 
 That Cacique that was a stranger had his wife staying at the 
 port where we anchored, and in all my life I have seldom seen 
 a better favoured woman. She was of good stature, with black 
 eyes, fat of body, of an excellent countenance, her hair almost as 
 long as herself, tied up again in pretty knots, and it seemed she 
 stood not in that awe of her husband as the rest, for she spake 
 and discoursed, and drank among the gentlemen and captains, 
 and was very pleasant, knowing her own comeliness, and taking 
 great pride therein. I have seen a lady in England so like to 
 her, as but for the difference of colour, I would have sworn might 
 have been the same. 
 
 The seat of this town of Toparimaca was very pleasant, standing 
 on a little hill, in excellent prospect, with goodly gardens a mile 
 compass round about it, and two very fair and large ponds of ex 
 cellent fish adjoining. This town is called Arowocai ; the people 
 are of the nation called Nepoios, and are followers of Carapana. 
 In that place I saw very aged people, that we might perceive 
 all their sinews and veins without any flesh, and but even as a 
 case covered only with skin. The Lord of this place gave me 
 an old man for pilot, who was of great experience and travel, 
 and knew the river most perfectly both by day and night ; and 
 it shall be requisite for any man that passeth it to have such a 
 pilot, for it is four, five, and six miles over in many places, and 
 twenty miles in other places, with wonderful eddies and strong 
 currents, many great islands, and divers shoals, and many dan 
 gerous rocks, and besides upon any increase of wind so great a 
 
368 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 billow, as we were sometimes in great peril of drowning in the 
 galley, for the small boats durst not come from the shore but when 
 it was very fair. 
 
 The next day we hasted thence, and having an easterly wind to 
 help us, we spared our arms from rowing ; for after we entered 
 Orenoque, the river lieth for the most part east and west, even 
 from the sea unto Quito, in Peru. This river is navigable with 
 barques, little less than a thousand miles, and from the place 
 where we entered it may be sailed up in small pinnaces to many 
 of the best parts of Nuevo Reyna de Granada and of Popayan ; 
 and from no place may the cities of these parts of the Indies be 
 so easily taken and invaded as from hence. All that day we 
 sailed up a branch of that river, having on the left hand a great 
 island, which they call Assapana, which may contain some five- 
 and-twenty miles in length, and six miles in breadth, the great 
 body of the river running on the other side of this island. 
 Beyond that middle branch there is also another island, in the 
 river called Iwana, which is twice as big as the Isle of Wight, 
 and beyond it, and between it and the main of Guiana, runneth 
 a third branch of Orenoque, called Arraroopana ; all three are 
 goodly branches, and all navigable for great ships. I judge the 
 river in this place to be at least thirty miles broad, reckoning the 
 islands which divide the branches in it, for afterwards I sought 
 also both the other branches. 
 
 After we reached to the head of the island called Assapana, a 
 little to the westward on the right hand there opened a river which 
 came from the north, called Europa, and fell into the great river, 
 and beyond it on the same side we anchored for that night by 
 another island, six miles long and two miles broad, which they call 
 Ocaywita. From hence, in the morning, We landed two Guianians, 
 which we found in the town of Toparimaca, that came with us, who 
 went to give notice of our coming to the Lord of that country called 
 Putyma, a follower of Topiawari, chief Lord of Aromaia, who 
 succeeded Morequito, whom (as you have heard before) Berreo put 
 to death ; but his town being far within the land, he came not unto 
 us that day, so as we anchored again that night near the banks of 
 another land of bigness much like the other, which they call 
 Putapayma, over against which island, on the main land, was 
 a very high mountain called Oecope. We coveted to anchor rather 
 by these islands in the river than by the main, because of the 
 tortugas' eggs, which our people found on them in great abundance, 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 369 
 
 and also because the ground served better for us to cast our nets 
 for fish, the main banks being for the most part stony and high and 
 the rocks of a blue, metalline colour, like unto the best steel-ore, 
 which I assuredly take it to be. Of the same blue stone are also 
 divers great mountains which border this river in many places. 
 
 The next morning, towards nine o'clock, we weighed anchor, and 
 the breeze increasing, we sailed always west up the river, and, after 
 a while, opening the land on the right side, the country appeared 
 to be champaign and the banks shewed very perfect red. I there 
 fore sent two of the little barges with Captain Gifford, and with 
 him Captain Thyn, Captain Caulfield, my cousin Greenvile, my 
 nephew John Gilbert, Captain Eynos, Mr. Edward Porter, and my 
 cousin Butshead Gorges, with some few soldiers, to march over the 
 banks of that red land and to discover what manner of country it 
 was on the other side ; who at their return found it all a plain level 
 as far as they went or could discern from the highest tree they 
 could get upon. And my old pilot, a man of great travel, 
 brother to the Cacique Toparimaca, told me that those were called 
 the Plains of the Sayma, and that the same level reached to 
 Cumana and Caracas, in the West Indies, which are a hundred 
 and twenty leagues to the north, and that there inhabited four 
 principal nations. The first were the Sayma, the next Assawai, the 
 third and greatest the Wikiri, by whom Pedro Hernandez de 
 Serpa, before mentioned, was overthrown as he passed with three 
 hundred horse from Cumand. towards Orenoque in his enterprise of 
 Guiana ; the fourth are called Aroras, and are as black as negroes, 
 but have smooth hair, and these are very valiant (or rather despe 
 rate) people, and have the most strong poison on their arrows, and 
 most dangerous of all nations, of which I will speak somewhat, 
 being a digression not unnecessary. 
 
 There was nothing whereof I was more curious than to find out 
 the true remedies of these poisoned arrows ; for besides the mor 
 tality of the wound they make, the party shot endureth the most 
 insufferable torment in the world, and abideth a most ugly and 
 lamentable death, sometimes dying stark mad, sometimes their 
 bowels breaking out of their bellies, which are presently dis 
 coloured as black as pitch, and so unsavory as no man can 
 endure to cure or to attend them. And it is more strange to 
 know that in all this time there was never Spaniard, either by gift 
 or torment, that could attain to the true knowledge of the cure, 
 although they have martyred and put to invented torture I know 
 
 B B 
 
370 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 not how many of them. But everyone of these Indians knew 
 it not, no, not one among thousands, but their soothsayers and 
 priests, who do conceal it, and only teach it but from the father to 
 the son. 
 
 Those medicines which are vulgar and serve for the ordinary 
 poison are made of the juice of a root called tupara ; the same also 
 quencheth marvellously the heat of burning fevers, and healeth 
 inward wounds and broken veins that bleed within the body. But 
 I was more beholding to the Guianians than any other ; for An 
 tonio de Berreo told me that he could never attain to the know 
 ledge thereof, and yet they taught me the best way of healing as 
 well thereof as of all other poisons. Some of the Spaniards have 
 been cured in ordinary wounds of common poisoned arrows with 
 the juice of garlic. But this is a general rule for all men that 
 shall hereafter travel the Indies where poisoned arrows are used, 
 that they must abstain from drink ; for if they take any liquor into 
 their body, as they shall be marvellously provoked thereunto by 
 drought, I say, if they drink before the wound be dressed, or soon 
 upon it, there is no way with them but present death. 
 
 And so I will return again to our journey, which for this third 
 day we finished, and cast anchor again near the continent or the 
 left hand between two mountains, the one called Aroami and the 
 other Aio. I made no stay here but till midnight; for I feared 
 hourly lest any rain should fall, and then it had been impossible to 
 have gone any further up, notwithstanding that there is every day a 
 very strong breeze and easterly wind. I deferred the search of the 
 country on Guiana side till my return down the river. 
 
 The next day we sailed by a great island in the middle of the 
 river, called Manoripono, and, as we walked awhile on the island, 
 while the galley got ahead of us, there came for us from the main 
 a small canoe with seven or eight Guianians, to invite us to anchor 
 in their port, but I deferred till my return. It was that Cacique to 
 whom those Nepoios went, which came with us from the town of 
 Toparimaca. And so the fifth day we reached as high up as the 
 province of Aromaia, the country of Morequito, whom Berreo exe 
 cuted, and anchored to the west of an island called Murrecotima, 
 ten miles long and five broad. And that night the Cacique 
 Aramiary (to whose town we made our long and hungry voyage 
 out of the river of Amana) passed by us. 
 
 The next day we arrived at the port of Morequito, and anchored 
 there, sending away one of our pilots to seek the King of Aromaia, 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 371 
 
 uncle to Morequito, slain by Berreo as aforesaid. The next day 
 following, before noon, he came to us on foot from his house, 
 which was fourteen English miles (himself being a hundred and 
 ten years old), and returned on foot the same day, and with him 
 many of the borderers, with many women and children, that came 
 to wonder at our nation and to bring us down victual, which they 
 did in great plenty, as venison, pork, hens, chickens, fowl, fish, with 
 divers sorts of excellent fruits and roots, and great abundance of 
 pines, the princes of fruits that grow under the sun, especially those 
 of Guiana. They brought us, also, store of bread and of their 
 wine, and a sort of paraquitos no bigger than wrens, and of all 
 other sorts both small and great. One of them gave me a beast 
 called by the Spaniards armadillo, which they call cassacam, which 
 seemeth to be all barred over with small plates somewhat like to a 
 rhinoceros, with a white horn growing in his hinder parts as big as 
 a great hunting-horn, which they use to wind instead of a trumpet. 
 Monardus writeth that a little of the powder of that horn put into 
 the ear cureth deafness. 
 
 After this old King had rested awhile in a little tent that I 
 caused to be set up, I began by my interpreter to discourse with 
 him of the death of Morequito, his predecessor, and afterward 
 of the Spaniards ; and ere I went any farther I made him know 
 the cause of my coming thither, whose servant I was, and that the 
 Queen's pleasure was I should undertake the voyage for their de 
 fence and to deliver them from the tyranny of the Spaniards, 
 dilating at large (as I had done before to those of Trinidad) Her 
 Majesty's greatness, her justice, her charity to all oppressed na 
 tions, with as many of the rest of her beauties and virtues as either 
 I could express or they conceive. All which being with great 
 admiration attentively heard and marvellously admired, I began to 
 sound the old man as touching Guiana and the state thereof, what 
 sort of commonwealth it was, how governed, of what strength and 
 policy, how far it extended, and what nations were friends or ene 
 mies adjoining, and finally of the distance and way to enter the 
 same. He told me that himself and his people, with all those 
 down the river towards the sea, as far as Emeria, the province of 
 Carapana, were of Guiana, but that they called themselves Ore- 
 noqueponi, and that all the nations between the river and those 
 mountains in sight, called Wacarima, were of the same cast and 
 appellation; and that on the other side of those mountains of 
 Wacarima there was a large plain (which after I discovered in my 
 
 B B 2 
 
372 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l595 
 
 return) called the Valley of Amariocapana. In all that valley the 
 people were also of the ancient Guianians. 
 
 I asked what nations those were which inhabited on the further 
 side of those mountains, beyond the Valley of Amariocapana. He 
 answered with a great sigh (as a man which had inward feeling of 
 the loss of his country and liberty, especially for that his eldest 
 son was slain in a battle on that side of the mountains, whom he 
 most entirely loved) that he remembered in his father's lifetime, 
 when he was very old and himself a young man, that there came 
 down into that large valley of Guiana a nation from so far off as the 
 sun slept (for such were his own words), with so great a multitude 
 as they could not be numbered nor resisted, and that they wore 
 large coats, and hats of crimson colour, which colour he expressed 
 by shewing a piece of red wood wherewith my tent was supported, 
 and that they were called Orejones and Epuremei, those that had 
 slain and rooted out so many of the ancient people as there were 
 leaves in the wood upon all the trees, and had now made them 
 selves lords of all, even to that mountain foot called Curaa, saving 
 only of two nations, the one called Iwarawaqueri and the other 
 Cassipagotos, and that in the last battle fought between the 
 Epuremei and the Iwarawaqueri his eldest son was chosen to 
 carry to the aid of the Iwarawaqueri a great troop of the Ore- 
 noqueponi, and was there slain with all his people and friends, and 
 that he had now remaining but one son ; and farther told me that 
 those Epuremei had built a great town called Macureguarai at the 
 said mountain foot, at the beginning of the great plains of Guiana, 
 which have no end ; and that their houses have many rooms, one 
 over the other, and that therein the great King of the Orejones 
 and Epuremei kept three thousand men to defend the borders 
 against them, and withal daily to invade and slay them ; but that 
 of late years, since the Christians offered to invade his territories 
 and those frontiers, they were all at peace, and traded one with 
 another, saving only the Iwarawaqueri and those other nations 
 upon the head of the river of Caroli called Cassipagotos, which we 
 afterwards discovered, each one holding the Spaniard for a com 
 mon enemy. 
 
 After be had answered thus far, he desired leave to depart, 
 saying that he had far to go, that he was old and weak, and 
 was every day called for by death, which was also his own 
 phrase. I desired him to rest with us that night, but I could 
 not entreat him, but he told me that at my return from the 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 373 
 
 country above he would again come to us, and in the meantime 
 provide for us the best he could, of all that his country yielded ; 
 the same night he returned to Orocotona, his own town ; so as he 
 went that day eight-and-twenty miles, the weather being very hot, 
 the country being situate between four and five degrees of the 
 equinoctial. 
 
 This Topiawari is held for the proudest and wisest of all the 
 Orenoqueponi, and so he behaved himself towards me in all his 
 answers at my return, as I marvelled to find a man of that 
 gravity and judgment, and of so good discourse, that had no help 
 of learning nor breed. 
 
 The next morning we also left the port, and sailed westward 
 up to the river, to view the famous river called Caroli, as well 
 because it was marvellous of itself, as also for that I understood 
 it led to the strongest nations of all the frontiers, that were 
 enemies to the Epuremei, which are subjects to Inga, Emperor 
 of Guiana and Manoa, and that night we anchored at another 
 island called Caiama, of some five or six miles in length, and the 
 next day arrived at the mouth of Caroli. When we were short 
 of it as low or further down as the port of Morequito, we heard 
 the great roar and fall of the river : but when we came to enter 
 with our barge and wherries, thinking to have gone up some 
 forty miles to the nations of the Cassipagotos, we were not able 
 with a barge of eight oars to row one stone's cast in an hour, 
 and yet the river is as broad as the Thames at Woolwich, and we 
 tried both sides, and the middle, and every part of the river, so 
 as we encamped upon the banks adjoining, and sent off our 
 Orenoquepone (which came with us from Morequito) to give 
 knowledge to the nations upon the river of our being there, and 
 that we desired to see the Lords of Canuri, which dwelt within 
 the province upon that river, making them know that we were 
 enemies to the Spaniards (for it was on this river side that 
 Morequito slew the friar, and those nine Spaniards which came 
 from Manoa, the city of Inga, and took from them 14,000 pezos of 
 gold) so as the next day there came down a Lord or Cacique, 
 called Wanuretona, with many people with him, and brought all 
 store of provisions to entertain us, as the rest had done. And as 
 I had before made my coming known to Topiawari, so did I 
 acquaint this Cacique therewith, and how I was sent by Her 
 Majesty for the purpose aforesaid, and gathered also what I 
 could of him touching the estate of Guiana, and I found that 
 
374 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. ['595 
 
 those also of Caroli were not only enemies to the Spaniards, but 
 most of all to the Epuremei, which abound in gold, and by this 
 Wanuretona I had knowledge that on the head of this river were 
 three mighty nations, which were seated on a great lake, from 
 whence this river descended, and were called Cassipagotos, Epa- 
 regotos, and Arawagotos, and that all those either against the 
 Spaniards or the Epuremei would join with us, and that if we 
 entered the land over the mountains of Curaa we should satisfy 
 ourselves with gold and all other good things. He told us 
 farther of a nation called Iwarawaqueri, before spoken of, that 
 held daily war with the Epuremei that inhabited Macureguarai, 
 the first civil town of Guiana, of the subjects of Inga, the 
 Emperor. 
 
 Upon this river one Captain George, that I took with Berreo, 
 told me that there was a great silver mine, and that it was near 
 the banks of the said river. But by this time as well Orenoque, 
 Caroli, as all the rest of the rivers were risen four or five feet in 
 height, so as it was not possible by the strength of any men, or 
 with any boat whatsoever, to row into the river against the stream. 
 I therefore sent Captain Thyn, Captain Greenvile, my nephew 
 John Gilbert, my cousin Butshead Gorges, Captain Clarke, and 
 some thirty shot more to coast the river by land, and to go to a 
 town some twenty miles over the valley called Amnatapoi, and 
 they found guides there to go farther towards the mountain foot 
 to another great town called Capurepana, belonging to a Cacique 
 called Haharacoa (that was a nephew to old Topiawari, king of 
 Aromaia, our chiefest friend), because this town and province of 
 Capurepana adjoined to Macureguarai, which was a frontier 
 town of the empire ; and the meanwhile myself with Captain 
 Gifford, Captain Caulfield, Edward Hancock, and some half-a- 
 dozen shot marched overland to view the strange overfalls of the 
 river of Caroli, which roared so far off, and also to see the plains 
 adjoining, and the rest of the province of Canuri. I sent also 
 Captain Whiddon, William Connock, and some eight shot with 
 them, to see if they could find any mineral stone alongst the river 
 side. When we were come to the tops of the first hills of the 
 plains adjoining to the river, we beheld that wonderful breach of 
 waters, which ran down Caroli ; and might from that mountain 
 see the river how it ran in three parts, above twenty miles off", 
 and there appeared some ten or twelve overfalls in sight, every 
 one as high over the other as a church-tower, which fell with 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 375 
 
 that fury, that the rebound of water made it seem as if it had 
 been all covered over with a great shower of rain, and in some 
 places we took it at the first for a smoke that had risen over 
 some great town. For my own part I was well persuaded from 
 thence to have returned, being a very ill footman, but the rest were 
 all so desirous to go near the said strange thunder of waters, 
 as they drew me on by little and little, till we came into the next 
 villey, where we might better discern the same. I never saw a 
 more beautiful country, nor more lively prospects, hills so raised 
 here and there over the valleys, the river winding into divers 
 branches, the plains adjoining without bush or stubble, all fair 
 green grass, the ground of hard sand, easy to march on, either 
 for horse or foot, the deer crossing in every path, the birds 
 towards the evening singing on every tree with a thousand 
 several tunes, cranes and herons of white, crimson, and carnation, 
 perching in the river's side, the air fresh with a gentle easterly 
 wino, and every stone that we stooped to take up promised 
 either gold or silver by his complexion. Your Lordship shall see 
 of many sorts, and I hope some of them cannot be bettered 
 under the sun ; and yet we had no means but with our daggers 
 and fingers to tear them out here and there, the rocks being 
 most hard of that mineral spar aforesaid, which is like a flint, 
 and is altogether as hard or harder, and besides the veins lie a 
 fathom or two deep in the rocks. But we wanted all things 
 requisite save only our desire and good will to have performed 
 more if it had pleased God. To be short, when both our com 
 panies returned, each of them brought also several sorts of 
 stones that appeared very fair, but were such as they found loose 
 on the ground, and were for the most part but coloured, and had 
 not any gold fixed in them; yet such as had no judgment or 
 experience kept all that glittered, and would not be persuaded 
 but it was rich because of the lustre, and brought of those, and 
 of marquesite withal, from Trinidad, and have delivered of those 
 stones to be tried in many places, and have thereby bred an 
 opinion that all the rest is of the same ; yet some of these stones 
 I shewed afterwards to a Spaniard of the Caracas, who told me 
 that it was El Madre del Oro, that is the mother of gold, and that 
 the mine was farther in the ground. 
 
 But it shall be found a weak policy in me, either to betray 
 myself or my country with imaginations, neither am I so far in 
 love with that lodging, watching, care, peril, diseases, ill-favours, 
 
376 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l595 
 
 bad fare, and many other mischiefs that accompany these voyages, 
 as to woo myself again into any of them, were I not assured that 
 the sun covereth not so much riches in any part of the earth. 
 Captain Whiddon, and our surgeon, Nicholas Millechamp, brought 
 me a kind of stones like sapphires ; what they may prove I know 
 not. I showed them to some of the Orenoqueponi, and they 
 promised to bring me to a mountain that had of them very large 
 pieces growing diamond- wise ; whether it be crystal of the mour- 
 tain, Bristol diamond, or sapphire I do not yet know, but I hope tte 
 best ; sure I am that the place is as likely as those from 
 whence all the rich stones are brought, and in the same height 
 or very near. 
 
 On the left hand of this river Caroli are seated those nations 
 which I called Iwarawaqueri before remembered, which are enerries 
 to the Epuremei ; and on the head of it, adjoining to the great 
 lake Cassipa, are situate those other nations which also resist 
 Inga, and the Epuremei, called Cassipagotos, Eparegotos, and 
 Arawagotos. I farther understood that this lake of Cassipa is 
 so large, as it is above one day's journey for one of their canoes 
 to cross, which may be some forty miles, and that thereinto fall 
 divers rivers, and that great store of grains of gold are found in 
 the summer time when the lake falleth by the banks, in those 
 branches. 
 
 There is also another goodly river beyond Caroli which is 
 called Arui, which also runneth through the lake Cassipa, and 
 falleth into Orenoque farther west, making all that land between 
 Caroli and Arui an island, which is likewise a most beautiful country. 
 Next unto Arui there are two rivers Atoica and Caora, and on 
 that branch which is called Caora, are a nation of people whose 
 heads appear not above their shoulders, which though it may be 
 thought a mere fable, yet for mine own part I am resolved it is 
 true, because every child in the provinces of Aromaia and 
 Canuri affirm the same. They are called Ewaipanoma. They 
 are reported to have their eyes in their shoulders, and their 
 mouths in the middle of their breasts, and that a long train of 
 hair groweth backward between their shoulders. The son of 
 Topiawari, which I brought with me into England, told me that 
 they were the most mighty men of all the land, and use bows, 
 arrows, and clubs, thrice as big as any of Guiana or of the 
 Orenoqueponi, and that one of the Iwarawaqueri took a prisoner 
 of them the year before our arrival there, and brought him into 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 377 
 
 the borders of Aromaia, his father's country. And, farther, when I 
 seemed to doubt of it, he told me that it was no wonder among 
 them, but that they were as great a nation and as common as any 
 other in all the provinces, and had of late years slain many 
 hundreds of his father's people, and of other nations their neigh 
 bours, but it was not my chance to hear of them till I was come 
 away, and if I had but spoken one word of it while I was there 
 I might have brought one of them with me to put the matter out 
 of doubt. Such a nation was written of by Mandevile, whose 
 reports were holden for fables many years, and yet since the East 
 Indies were discovered, we find his relations true of such things 
 as heretofore were held incredible. Whether it be true or no, the 
 matter is not great, neither can there be any profit in the imagina 
 tion ; for mine own part I saw them not, but I am resolved that 
 so many people did not all combine, or forethink to make the report. 
 
 When I came to Cumana in the West Indies afterwards by 
 chance I spake with a Spaniard dwelling not far from thence, a man 
 of great travel, and after he knew that I had been in Guiana, and 
 so far directly west as Caroli, the first question he asked me was, 
 whether I had seen any of the Ewaipanoma, which are those 
 without heads ; who being esteemed a most honest man of his 
 word, and in all things else, told me that he had seen many of 
 them ; I may not name him, because it may be for his dis 
 advantage, but he is well known to Monsieur Mucheron's son of 
 London, and to Peter Mucheron, merchant, of the Flemish ship 
 that was there in trade, who also heard what he avowed to be true 
 of those people. 
 
 The fourth river to the west of Caroli is Casnero : which falleth 
 into the Orenoque on this side of Amapaia. And that river is 
 greater than Danubius, or any of Europe : it riseth on the south of 
 Guiana from the mountains which divide Guiana from Amazons, 
 and I think it to be navigable many hundred miles. But we had no 
 time, means, nor season of the year, to search those rivers, for the 
 causes aforesaid, the winter being come upon us, although the 
 winter and summer as touching cold and heat differ not, neither do 
 the trees ever sensibly lose their leaves, but have always fruit 
 either ripe or green, and most of them doth blossom, leaves, ripe 
 fruit, and green at one time : but their winter only consisteth of 
 terrible rains, and overflowing of the rivers, with many great 
 storms and gusts, thunder and lightnings, of which we had our fill 
 ere we returned. 
 
378 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 On the north side, the first river that falleth into the Orenoque is 
 Cari. Beyond it on the same side is the river of Limo. Between 
 these two is a great nation of cannibals, and their chief town 
 beareth the name of the river, and is called Acamacari ; at this 
 town is a continual market of women for three or four hatchets 
 apiece ; they are bought by the Arwacas, and by them sold into the 
 West Indies. To the west of Limo is the river Pao, beyond it 
 Caturi, beyond that, Voari, and Capuai, which falleth out of the 
 great river of Meta, by which Berreo descended from Nuevo Reyno 
 de Granada. To the westward of Capuri is the province of 
 Amapaia, where Berreo wintered, and had so many of his people 
 poisoned with the tawny water of the marshes of the Anebas. 
 Above Amapaia, towards Nuevo Reyno, fall in Meta, Pato and 
 Cassanar. To the west of those, towards the provinces of the 
 Ashaguas and Catetios, are the rivers of Beta, Dawney, and 
 Ubarro, and toward the frontier of Peru are the provinces of 
 Thomebamba, and Caxamalca. Adjoining to Quito in the north 
 side of Peru are the rivers of Guiacar and Goavar ; and on the 
 other side of the said mountains the river of Papamene which 
 descendeth into Marannon or Amazons, passing through the 
 province Mutylones, where Don Pedro de Osua, who was slain by 
 the traitor Agiri before rehearsed, built his brigantines, when he 
 sought Guiana by the way of Amazons. 
 
 Between Dawney and Beta lieth a famous island in Orenoque 
 now called Baraquan (for above Meta is not known by the name 
 of Orenoque) which is called Athule, beyond which ships of 
 burden cannot pass by reason of a most forcible overfall, and 
 current of waters; but in the eddy all smaller vessels may be 
 drawn even to Peru itself. But to speak of more of these rivers 
 without the description were but tedious, and therefore I will leave 
 the rest to the description. This river of Orenoque is navigable 
 for ships little less than 1,000 miles, and for lesser vessels near 
 2,000. By it (as aforesaid) Peru, Nuevo Reyno, and Popayan, may 
 be invaded : it also leadeth to the great empire of Inga, and to the 
 provinces of Amapaia and Anebas, which abound in gold; his 
 branches of Casnero, Manta, Caora descended from the middle 
 land and valley, which lieth between the eastern province of Peru 
 and Guiana; and it falls into the sea between Marannon and 
 Trinidad in two degrees and a half : all of which your honours 
 shall better perceive in the general description of Guiana, Peru, 
 Nuevo Reyno, the kingdom of Popayan, and Roidas, with the 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 379 
 
 province of Venezuela, to the Bay of Uraba, behind Cartagena 
 westward ; and to Amazons southward. While we lay at anchor 
 on the coast of Canuri, and had taken knowledge of all the 
 nations upon the head and branches of this river, and had found 
 out so many several people, which were enemies to the Epuremei 
 and the new conquerors, I thought it time lost to linger any 
 longer in that place, especially for that the fury of Orenoque 
 began daily to threaten us with dangers in our return : for no half 
 day passed but the river began to rage and overflow very fearfully, 
 and the rains came down in terrible showers, and gusts in great 
 abundance; and withal our men began to cry out for want of 
 shift, for no man had place to bestow any other apparel than that 
 which he wore on his back, and that was thoroughly washed on 
 his body for the most part ten times in one day ; and we had now 
 been well near a month, every day passing to the westward farther 
 and farther from our ships. We therefore turned towards the 
 east, and spent the rest of the time in discovering the river towards 
 the sea, which we had not viewed, and which was most material. 
 
 The next day following we left the mouth of Caroli, and 
 arrived again at the port of Morequito where we were before; 
 for passing down the stream we went without labour, and against 
 the wind, little less than a hundred miles a day. As soon as I 
 came to anchor, I sent away one for old Topiawari, with whom 
 I much desired to have further conference, and also to deal 
 with him for some one of his country, to bring with us into Eng 
 land, as well to learn the language, as to confer withal by the 
 way, the time being now spent of any longer stay there. Within 
 three hours after my messenger came to him, he arrived also, 
 and with him such a rabble of all sorts of people, and everyone 
 laden with somewhat, as if it had been a great market or fair 
 in England; and our hungry companies clustered thick and 
 threefold among their baskets, every one laying hand on what 
 he liked. After he had rested awhile in my tent, I shut out all 
 but ourselves and my interpreter, and told him that I knew 
 that both the Epuremei and the Spaniards were enemies to him, 
 his country and nations : that the one had conquered Guiana 
 already, and the other sought to regain the same from them 
 both ; and therefore I desired him to instruct me what he could, 
 both of the passage into the golden parts of Guiana, and to the 
 civil towns and appareled people of Inga. He gave me an answer 
 to this effect : first, that he could not perceive that I meant to go 
 
380 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [l595 
 
 onward towards the city of Manoa, for neither the time of the year 
 served neither could he perceive any sufficent numbers for such 
 an enterprise: and if I did, I was sure with all my company to 
 be buried there, for the Emperor was of that strength, as that 
 many times so many men more were too few; besides he gave 
 me this good council and advised me to hold it in mind (as for 
 himself he knew he could not live till my return) that I should not 
 offer by any means hereafter to invade the strong parts of Guiana 
 without the help of all those nations which were also their enemies ; 
 or that it was impossible without those, either to be conducted, 
 to be victualled, or to have aught carried with us, our people 
 not being able to endure the march in so great heat, and travel, 
 unless the borderers gave them help, to cart with them both their 
 meat and furniture. For he remembered that in the plains of 
 Macureguarai three hundred Spaniards were overthrown, who 
 were tired out, and had none of the borderers to their friends ; 
 but meeting their enemies as they passed the frontier, were 
 environed on all sides, and the people setting the long dry grass 
 on fire, smothered them, so as they had no breath to fight, nor 
 could discern their enemies for the great smoke. He told me 
 further that four days' journey from his town was Macureguarai, 
 and that those were the next and nearest of the subjects of Inga, 
 and of the Epuremei, and the first town of appareled and rich 
 people, and that all those plates of gold which were scattered 
 among the borderers and carried to other nations far and near, 
 came from the said Macureguarai 'and were there made, but that 
 those of the land within were far finer, and were fashioned after 
 the images of men, beasts, birds, and fishes. I asked him whether 
 he thought that those companies that I had there with me were 
 sufficient to take that town or no. He told me that he thought 
 they were. I then asked him whether he would assist me with 
 guides, and some companies of his people to join with us. He 
 answered that he would go himself with all the borderers, if the 
 rivers did remain fordable, upon this condition, that I would leave 
 with him till my return again fifty soldiers, which he undertook to 
 victual. I answered that I had not above fifty good men in all 
 there ; the rest were labourers and rowers, and that I had no 
 provision to leave with them of powder, shot, apparel, or aught 
 else, and that without those things necessary for their defence, 
 they should be in danger of the Spaniards in my absence, who 
 I knew would use the same measures towards mine that I offered 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 381 
 
 them at Trinidad. And although upon the motion Captain Caul- 
 field, Captain Greenvile, my nephew John Gilbert and divers 
 others were desirous to stay, yet I was resolved that they must 
 needs have perished, for Berreo expected daily a supply out of 
 Spain, and looked also hourly for his son to come down from 
 Nuevo Reyno de Granada, with many horse and foot, and had 
 also in Valencia in the Caracas, two hundred horse ready to 
 march, and I could not have spared above forty, and had not any 
 store at all of powder, lead, or match to have left with them, 
 nor any other provision, either spade, pickaxe, or aught else to have 
 fortified withal. 
 
 When I had given him reason that I could not at this time leave 
 him such a company, he then desired me to forbear him and his 
 country for that time ; for he assured me that I should be no sooner 
 three days from the coast but those Epuremei would invade him 
 and destroy all the remain of his people and friends, if he should 
 any way either guide us or assist us against them. 
 
 He further alleged that the Spaniards sought his death, and as 
 they had already murdered his nephew Morequito, lord of that 
 province, so they had him seventeen days in a chain before he was 
 King of the country, and led him like a dog from place to place 
 until he had paid a hundred plates of gold and divers chains of 
 spleen-stones for his ransom ; and now, since he became owner of 
 that province, that they had many times laid wait to take him, and 
 that they would be now more vehement when they should under 
 stand of his conference with the English ; " And because," said he, 
 " they would the better displant me, if they cannot lay hands on 
 me, they have gotten a nephew of mine called Eparacano, whom 
 they have christened Don Juan, and his son Don Pedro, whom 
 they have also appareled and armed, by whom they seek to make 
 a party against me in mine own country. He also had taken to 
 wife one Loviana, of a strong family, which are borderers and 
 neighbours, and myself now being old and in the hands of death 
 am not able to travel nor to shift as when I was of younger years." 
 He therefore prayed us to defer it till the next year, when he would 
 undertake to draw in all the borderers to serve us, and then, also, 
 it would be more seasonable to travel ; for at this time of the year 
 we should not be able to pass any river, the waters were and would 
 be so grown ere our return. 
 
 He further told me that I could not desire so much to invade 
 Macureguarai and the rest of Guiana but that the borderers would 
 
382 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 be more vehement than I ; for he yielded for a chief cause that in 
 the wars with the Epuremei they were spoiled of their women, and 
 that their wives and daughters were taken from them, so as for 
 their own parts they desired nothing of the gold or treasure for 
 their labours, but only to recover women from the Epuremei ; for 
 he farther complained very sadly (as it had been a matter of great 
 consequence) that whereas they were wont to have ten or twelve 
 wives, they were now enforced to content themselves with three or 
 four, and that the lords of the Epuremei had fifty or a hundred. 
 And in truth they war more for women than either for gold or 
 dominion. For the lords of countries desire many children of their 
 own bodies to increase their races and kindreds, for in those 
 consist their greatest trust and strength. Divers of his followers 
 afterwards desired me to make haste again, that they might sack 
 the Epuremei, and I asked them of what. They answered, " Of 
 their women for us, and their gold for you." For the hope of those 
 many of women they more desire the war than either for gold or 
 for the recovery of their ancient territories. For what between 
 the subjects of Inga and the Spaniards, those frontiers are grown 
 thin of people, and also great numbers are fled to other nations 
 farther off for fear of the Spaniards. 
 
 After I received this answer of the old man we fell into con 
 sideration whether it had been of better advice to have entered 
 Macureguarai and to have begun a war upon Inga at this time, yea 
 or no, if the time of the year and all things had sorted. For mine 
 own part (as we were not able to march it for the rivers, neither 
 had any such strength as was requisite, and durst not abide the 
 coming of the winter, or to tarry any longer from our ships (I 
 thought it were evil counsel to have attempted it at that time, 
 although the desire for gold will answer many objections ; but it 
 would have been, in mine opinion, an utter overthrow to the enter 
 prise, if the same should be hereafter by Her Majesty attempted ; 
 for then (whereas now they have heard we were enemies to the 
 Spaniards and were sent by Her Majesty to relieve them) they 
 would as good cheap have joined with the Spaniards at our return 
 as to have yielded unto us when they had proved that we came 
 both for one errand, and that both sought but to sack and 
 spoil them. But as yet our desire of gold, or our purpose of in 
 vasion, is not known to them of the empire. And it is likely that 
 if Her Majesty undertake the enterprise they will rather submit 
 themselves to her obedience than to the Spaniards, of whose 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 383 
 
 cruelty both themselves and the borderers have already tasted ; 
 and therefore, till I had known Her Majesty's pleasure, I would 
 rather have lost the sack of one or two towns (although they might 
 have been very profitable) than to have defaced or endangered the 
 future hope of so many millions, and the great good and rich 
 trade which England may be possessed of thereby. I am assured 
 now that they will all die, even to the last man, against the 
 Spaniards in hope of our succour and return. Whereas, other 
 wise, if I had either laid hands on the borderers or ransomed the 
 lords, as Berreo did, or invaded the subjects of Inga, I know all 
 had been lost for hereafter. 
 
 After that I had resolved Topiawari, Lord of Aromaia, that I 
 could not at this time leave with him the companies he desired, 
 and that I was contented to forbear the enterprise against the 
 Epuremei till the next year, he freely gave me his only son to 
 take with me into England, and hoped that though he himself had 
 but a short time to live, yet that by our means his son should be 
 established after his death. And I left with him one Francis 
 Sparrow, a servant of Captain Gifford (who was desirous to tarry, 
 and could describe a country with his pen) and a boy of mine 
 called Hugh Goodwin to learn the language. I after asked the 
 manner how the Epuremei wrought those plates of gold, and how 
 they could melt it out of the stone. He told me that the most of 
 the gold which they made in plates and images was not severed 
 from the stone, but that on the lake of Manoa, and in a multitude 
 of other rivers, they gathered it in grains of perfect gold and in 
 pieces as big as small stones, and that they put it to a part of 
 copper, otherwise they could not work it ; and that they used a 
 great earthen pot with holes round about it, and when they had 
 mingled the gold and copper together they fastened canes to the 
 holes, and so with the breath of men they increased the fire till the 
 metal ran, and then they cast it into moulds of stone and clay, and 
 so make those plates and images. I have sent your honours of two 
 sorts such as I could by chance recover, more to shew the manner 
 of them than for the value. For I did not in any sort make my 
 desire of gold known, because I had neither time nor power to 
 have a great quantity. I gave among them many more pieces of 
 gold than I received, of the new money of twenty shillings with 
 Her Majesty's picture to wear, with promise that they would be 
 come her servants thenceforth. 
 
 I have also sent your honours of the ore, whereof I know some 
 
384 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [ r 595 
 
 is as rich as the earth yieldeth any, of which I know there is 
 sufficient, if nothing else were to be hoped for. But besides that 
 we were not able to tarry and search the hills, so we had neither 
 pioneers, bars, sledges, nor wedges of iron to break the ground, 
 without which there is no working in mines. But we saw all 
 the hills with stones of the colour of gold and silver, and 
 we tried them to be no marquesite, and therefore such as the 
 Spaniards call El madre del Oro or The mother of gold, which is 
 an undoubted assurance of the general abundance; and myself 
 saw the outside of many mines of the spar, which I know to be 
 the same that all covet in this world, and of those more than I 
 will speak of. 
 
 Having learned what I could in Canuri and Aromaia, and re 
 ceived a faithful promise of the principallest of those provinces to 
 become servants to Her Majesty, and to resist the Spaniards if they 
 made any attempt in our absence, and that they would draw in the 
 nations about the Lake of Cassipa and those of Iwarawaqueri, I 
 then parted from old Topiawari, and received his son for a pledge 
 between us, and left with him two of ours as aforesaid. To Francis 
 Sparrow I gave instructions to travel to Marcureguarai with such 
 merchandises as I left with them, thereby to learn the place, and if 
 it were possible, to go on to the great city of Manoa, which being 
 done, we weighed anchor and coasted the river on Guiana side, 
 because we came upon the north side, by the lawns of the Saima 
 and Wikiri. 
 
 There came with us from Aromaia a Cacique called Putijma, 
 that commanded the province of Warapana (which Putijma slew 
 the nine Spaniards from Caroli before spoken of), who desired us 
 to rest in the port of his country, promising to bring us unto a 
 mountain adjoining to his town that had stones of the colour of 
 gold, which he performed. And after we had rested there one 
 night I went myself in the morning with most of the gentlemen of 
 my company overland towards the said mountain, marching by a 
 river's side called Mana, leaving on the right hand a town called 
 Tuteritona, standing in the province of Tarracoa, of which 
 Wariaaremagoto is principal. Beyond it lieth another town to 
 wards the south, in the valley of Amariocapana, which beareth the 
 name of the said valley, whose plains stretch themselves some 
 sixty miles in length, east and west, as fair ground and as beautiful 
 fields as any man hath ever seen, with divers copses scattered here 
 and there by the river's side, and all as full of deer as any forest or 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 385 
 
 park in England, and in every lake and river the like abundance of 
 fish and fowl, of which Irraparragota is lord. 
 
 From the river of Mana we crossed another river in the said 
 beautiful valley called Oiana, and rested ourselves by a clear 
 lake which lay in the middle of the said Oiana, and one of our 
 guides kindling us fire with two sticks, we stayed awhile to dry 
 our shirts, which with the heat hung very wet and heavy on our 
 shoulders. Afterwards we sought the ford to pass over towards 
 the mountain called Iconuri, where Putijma foretold us of the 
 mine. In this lake we saw one of the great fishes, as big as a 
 wine pipe, which they call manati, being most excellent and 
 wholesome meat. But after I perceived that to pass the said river 
 would require half-a-day's march more, I was not able myself to 
 endure it, and therefore I sent Captain Keymis with six shot to 
 go on, and gave him order not to return to the port of Putijma, 
 which is called Chiparepare, but to take leisure, and to march 
 down the said valley as far as a river called Cuinaca, where I 
 promised to meet him again, Putijma himself promising also to 
 be his guide; and as they marched, they left the towns of Em- 
 perapana and Capurepana, on the right hand, and marched from 
 Putijma's house, down the said valley of Amariocapana ; and 
 we returning the same day to the river's side, saw by the way 
 many rocks like unto gold ore, and on the left hand a round moun 
 tain which consisted of mineral stone. 
 
 From hence we rowed down the stream, coasting the province 
 of Parino. As for the branches of rivers which I overpass in 
 this discourse, those shall be better expressed in the description 
 with the mountains of Aio, Ara, and the rest, which are situate 
 in the provinces of Parino and Carricurrina. When we were 
 come as far down as the land called Ariacoa (where Orenoque 
 divideth itself into three great branches, each of them being 
 most goodly rivers), I sent away Captain Henry Thyn, and Cap 
 tain Greenvile with the galley, the nearest way, and took with 
 me Captain Gifford, Captain Caulfield, Edward Porter, and Captain 
 Eynos with mine own barge and the two wherries, and went 
 down that branch of Orenoque, which is called Cararoopana, 
 which leadeth towards Emeria, the province of Carapana, and 
 towards the east sea, as well to find out Captain Keymis, 
 whom I had sent overland, as also to acquaint myself with Cara 
 pana, who is one of the greatest of all the Lords of the Oreno- 
 queponi ; and when I came to the river of Cumaca (to which 
 
 c c 
 
386 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [ T 595 
 
 Putijma promised to conduct Captain Keymis), I left Captain 
 Eynos and Master Porter in the said river to expect his coming, 
 and the rest of us rowed down the stream towards Emeria. 
 
 In this branch called Cararoopana were also many goodly 
 islands, some of six miles long, some of ten, some of twenty. 
 When it grew towards sunset, we entered a branch of a river that 
 fell into Orenoque, called Winicapora, where I was informed of 
 the mountain of crystal, to which in truth for the length of the 
 way, and the evil season of the year, I was not able to march, 
 nor abide any longer upon the journey ; we saw it afar off, and it 
 appeared like a white church-tower of an exceeding height. 
 There falleth over it a mighty river which toucheth no part of the 
 side of the mountain, but rusheth over the top of it, and falleth 
 to the ground with so terrible a noise and clamour, as if a 
 thousand great bells were knocked one against another. I think 
 there is not in the world so strange an overfall, nor so wonderful 
 to behold. Berreo told me that there were diamonds and other 
 precious stones on it, and that they shined very far off; 
 but what it hath I know not, neither durst he or any of his 
 men ascend to the top of the said mountain, those people 
 adjoining being his enemies (as they were) and the way to it so 
 impassable. 
 
 Upon this river of Winicapora we rested a while, and from 
 thence marched into the country to a town called after the name 
 of the river, whereof the captain was one Timitwara, who also 
 offered to conduct me to the top of the said mountain called 
 Wacarima. But when we came in first to the house of the said 
 Timitwara, being upon one of their said feast days, we found them 
 all as drunk as beggars, and the pots walking from one to 
 another without rest. We that were weary and hot with marching 
 were glad of the plenty, though a small quantity satisfied us, their 
 drink being very strong and heady, and so rested ourselves awhile. 
 After we had fed, we drew ourselves back to our boats upon the 
 river, and there came to us all the Lords of the country, with all 
 such kind of victuals as the place yielded, and with their delicate 
 wine of Pinas, and with abundance of hens and other provisions, 
 and of those stones which we call spleen-stones. 
 
 We understood by the chieftains of Winicapora, that their 
 Lord, Carapana, was departed from Emeria, which was now in 
 sight, and that he was fled to Cairamo, adjoining to the moun 
 tains of Guiana, over the valley called Amariocapana, being per- 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 387 
 
 suaded by those ten Spaniards which lay at his house that we 
 would destroy him and his country. 
 
 But after these Caciques of Winicapora and Saporatona his 
 followers perceived our purpose, and saw that we came as enemies 
 to the Spaniards only, and had not so much as harmed any of 
 those nations, no, though we found them to be of the Spaniards' 
 own servants, they assured us that Carapana would be as ready to 
 serve us as any of the Lords of the provinces which we had 
 passed ; and that he durst do no other till this day but entertain 
 the Spaniards, his country lying so directly in their way, and next 
 of all other to any entrance that should be made in Guiana on 
 that side. 
 
 And they further assured us, that it was not for fear of our 
 coming that he was removed, but to be acquitted of the Spaniards 
 or any other that should come hereafter. For the province of 
 Cairoma is situate at the mountain foot, which divideth the plains 
 of Guiana from the countries of the Orenoqueponi ; by means 
 whereof if any should come in our absence into his towns, he 
 would slip over the mountains into the plains of Guiana among 
 the Epuremei, where the Spaniards durst not follow him without 
 great force. 
 
 But in mine opinion, or rather I assure myself, that Carapana 
 (being a notable wise and subtle fellow, a man of one hundred 
 years of age and therefore of great experience), is removed to 
 look on, and if he find that we return strong he will be ours ; if not, 
 he will excuse his departure to the Spaniards, and say it was for 
 fear of our coming. 
 
 We therefore thought it bootless to row so far down the stream, 
 or to seek any further of this old fox ; and therefore from the 
 river of Waricapana (which lieth at the entrance of Emeria), we 
 returned again, and left to the eastward those four rivers which fall 
 from the mountains of Emeria into Orenoque, which are Wara- 
 cayari, Coirama, Akaniri, and Iparoma. Below those four are 
 also these branches and mouths of Orenoque, which fall into the 
 east sea, whereof the first is Araturi, the next Amacura, the 
 third Barima, the fourth Wana, the fifth Morooca, the sixth 
 Paroma, the last Wijmi. Beyond them there fall out of the land 
 between Orenoque and Amazons fourteen rivers, which I forbear 
 to name, inhabited by the Arwacas and cannibals. 
 
 It is now time to return towards the north, and we found it a 
 wearisome way back from the borders of Emeria, to recover up 
 
 C C 2 
 
388 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [^595 
 
 again to the head of the river Carerupana, by which we descended, 
 and where we parted from the galley, which I directed to take 
 the next way to the port of Toparimaca, by which we entered 
 first. 
 
 All the night it was stormy and dark, and full of thunder and 
 great showers, so as we were driven to keep close by the banks 
 in our small boats, being all heartily afraid both of the billow 
 and terrible current of the river. By the next morning we re 
 covered the mouth of the river of Cumaca, where we left Captain 
 Eynos and Edward Porter to attend the coming of Captain 
 Keymis overland ; but when we entered the same, they had heard 
 no news of his arrival, which bred in us a great doubt what 
 might become of him. I rowed up a league or two further into 
 the river, shooting off pieces all the way, that he might know 
 of our being there ; and the next morning we heard them answer 
 us also with a piece. We took them aboard us, and took our 
 leave of Putijma, their guide, who of all others most lamented our 
 departure, and offered to send his son with us into England, if we 
 could have stayed till he had sent back to his town. But our 
 he'arts were cold to behold the great rage and increase of 
 Orenoque, and therefore departed, and turned towards the west, 
 till we had recovered the parting of the three branches aforesaid, 
 that we might put down the stream after the galley. 
 
 The next day we landed on the island of Assapano (which 
 divideth the river from that branch by which we sent down to 
 Emeria), and there feasted ourselves with that beast which is 
 called armadillo, presented unto us before at Winicapora, and 
 the day following we recovered the galley at anchor at the port 
 of Toparimaca, and the same evening departed with very foul 
 weather, and terrible thunder and showers, for the winter was 
 come on very far ; the best was, we went no less than one hundred 
 miles a day down the river ; but by the way we entered it was 
 impossible to return, for that the river of Amana, being in the 
 bottom of the bay of Guanipa, cannot be sailed back by any 
 means, both the breeze and currents of the sea were so forcible, 
 and therefore we followed a branch of Orenoque called Capuri, 
 which entered into the sea eastward of our ships, to the end 
 we might bear with them before the wind ; and it was not without 
 need, for we had by that way as much to cross of the main sea 
 after we came to the river's mouth as between Gravelin and 
 Dover, in such boats as your honour hath heard. 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 389 
 
 To speak of what passed homeward were tedious, either to describe 
 or name any of the rivers, islands, or villages of the Tivitivas, 
 which dwell on trees ; we will leave all those to the general map. 
 And to be short, when we were arrived at the sea-side, then grew 
 our greatest doubt, and the bitterest of all our journey forepassed, 
 for I protest before God, that we were in a most desperate estate : 
 for the same night which we anchored in the mouth of the river 
 of Capuri, where it falleth into the sea, there arose a mighty 
 storm, and the river's mouth was at least a league broad, so as we 
 ran before night close under the land with our small boats, and 
 brought the galley as near as we could ; but she had as much 
 ado to live as could be, and there wanted little of her sinking, 
 and all those in her ; for mine own part, I confess I was very 
 doubtful which way to take, either to go over in the pestered galley, 
 there being but six foot water over the sands for two leagues 
 together, and that also in the channel, and she drew five ; or to 
 adventure in so great a billow, and in so doubtful weather, to 
 cross the seas in my barge. The longer we tarried the worse 
 it was, and therefore I took Captain Gififord, Captain Caulfield, 
 and my cousin Greenvile into my barge ; and after it cleared up 
 about midnight we put ourselves to God's keeping, and thrust out 
 into the sea, leaving the galley at anchor, who durst not adven 
 ture but by daylight ; and so being all very sober and melancholy, 
 one faintly cheering another to shew courage, it pleased God that 
 the next day about nine o'clock, we descried the island of Trini 
 dad, and steering for the nearest part of it, we kept the shore till 
 we came to Curiapan, where we found our ships at anchor, than 
 which there was never to us a more joyful sight, fa 
 
 Now that it hath pleased God to send us safe to our shipS, 4t-l 
 time to leave Guiana to the sun, whom they worship, and steer 
 away towards the north. I will, therefore, in a few words finish 
 the discovery thereof. Of the several nations which we found 
 upon this discovery I will once again make repetition, and how 
 they are affected. At our first entrance into Amana, which is one 
 of the outlets of Orenoque, we left on the right hand of us in the 
 bottom of the bay, lying directly against Trinidad, a nation 
 of inhuman cannibals, which inhabit the rivers of Guanipa and 
 Berbeese. In the same bay there is also a third river, which is called 
 Areo, which riseth on Paria side towards Cuman^, and that river 
 is inhabited with the Wikiri, whose chief town upon the said river 
 is Sayma. In this bay there are no more rivers but these three 
 
39 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [^595 
 
 before rehearsed and the four branches of Amana, all which in the 
 winter thrust so great an abundance of water into the sea, as the 
 same is taken up fresh two or three leagues from the land. In the 
 passages towards Guiana (that is, in all those lands which the 
 eight branches of Orenoque fashion into islands) there are but one 
 sort of people, called Tivitivas, but of two castes, as they term 
 them, the one called Ciawani, the other Waraweeti, and those 
 war one with another. 
 
 On the hithermost part of Orenoque, as at Toparimaca and 
 Winicapora, those are of a nation called Nepoios, and are the 
 followers of Carapana, Lord of Emeria. Between Winicapora and 
 the port of Morequito, which standeth in Aromaia, and all those in 
 the valley of Amariocapana, are called Orenoqueponi, and did 
 obey Morequito and are now followers of Topiawari. Upon the 
 river of Caroli are the Canuri, which are governed by a woman 
 (who is inheritrix of that province) who came far off to see our 
 nation, and asked me divers questions of Her Majesty, being much 
 delighted with the discourse of Her Majesty's greatness, and won 
 dering at such reports as we truly made of Her Highness's many 
 virtues. And upon the head of Caroli and on the lake of Cassipa 
 are the three strong nations of the Cassipagotos. Right south into 
 the land are the Capurepani and Emparepani, and beyond those 
 adjoining to Macureguarai (the first city of Inga) are the Iwarawa- 
 keri. All these are professed enemies to the Spaniards, and to the 
 rich Epuremei also. To the west of Caroli are divers nations of 
 cannibals and of those Ewaiponoma without heads. Directly west 
 are the Amapaias and Anebas, which are also marvellous rich in 
 gold. The rest towards Peru we will omit. On the north of 
 Orenoque, between it and the West Indies, are the Wikiri, Saymi, 
 and the rest before spoken of, all mortal enemies to the Spaniards. 
 On the south side of the main mouth of Orenoque are the Arwacas ; 
 and beyond them, the cannibals ; and to the south of them, the 
 Amazons. 
 
 To make mention of the several beasts, birds, fishes, fruit's, 
 flowers, gums, sweet woods, and of their several religions and 
 customs, would for the first require as many volumes as those of 
 Gesnerus, and for the next another bundle of Decades. The reli 
 gion of the Epuremei is the same which the Ingas, Emperors of 
 Peru used, which may be read in Cieza and other Spanish 
 stories, how they believe the immortality of the soul, worship the 
 sun, and bury with them alive their best beloved wives and trea- 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 391 
 
 sure, as they likewise do in Pegu, in the East Indies, and other 
 places. The Orenoqueponi bury not their wives with them, but 
 their jewels, hoping to enjoy them again. The Arwacas dry the 
 bones of their lords, and their wives and friends drink them in 
 powder. In the graves of the Peruvians the Spaniards found their 
 greatest abundance of treasure. The like, also, is to be found among 
 these people in every province. They have all many wives, and 
 the lords five-fold to the common sort. Their wives never eat with 
 their husbands, nor among the men, but serve their husbands at 
 meals and afterwards feed by themselves. Those that are past 
 their younger years make all their bread and drink, and work their 
 cotton-beds, and do all else of service and labour ; for the men do 
 nothing but hunt, fish, play, and drink when they are out of the 
 wars. 
 
 I will enter no further into discourse of their manners, laws, and 
 customs. And because I have not myself seen the cities of Inga I 
 cannot avow on my credit what I have heard, although it be 
 very likely that the Emperor Inga hath built and erected as mag 
 nificent palaces in Guiana as his ancestors did in Peru, which were 
 for their riches and rareness most marvellous, and exceeding all in 
 Europe, and, I think, of the world, China excepted, which also the 
 Spaniards (which I had) assured me to be true, as also the nations 
 of the borderers, who, being but savages to those of the inland, do 
 cause much treasure to be buried with them. For I was informed 
 of one of the Caciques of the valley of Amariocapana which 
 had buried with him a little before our arrival a chair of gold 
 most curiously wrought, which was made either in Macureguarai 
 adjoining or in Manoa. But if we should have grieved them in 
 their religion at the first, before they had been taught better, and 
 have digged up their graves, we had lost them all. And therefore 
 I held my first resolution, that Her Majesty should either accept or 
 refuse the enterprise ere anything should be done that might in any 
 sort hinder the same. And if Peru had so many heaps of gold, 
 whereof those Ingas were princes, and that they delighted so 
 much therein, no doubt but this which now liveth and reigneth in 
 Manoa hath the same honour, and, I am assured, hath more 
 abundance of gold within his territory than all Peru and the 
 West Indies. 
 
 For the rest, which myself have seen, I will promise these things 
 that follow, which I know to be true. Those that are desirous to 
 discover and to see many nations may be satisfied within this river, 
 
392 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 which bringeth forth so many arms and branches leading to several 
 countries and provinces, above 2,000 miles east and west and 800 
 miles south and north, and of these the most either rich in gold or in 
 other merchandises. The common soldier shall here fight for gold, 
 and pay himself, instead of pence, with plates of half-a-foot broad, 
 whereas he breaketh his bones in other wars for provant and 
 penury. Those commanders and chieftains that shoot at honour 
 and abundance shall find there more rich and beautiful cities, more 
 temples adorned with golden images, more sepulchres filled with 
 treasure than either Cortez found in Mexico or Pizarro in Peru. 
 And the shining glory of this conquest will eclipse all those so far- 
 extended beams of the Spanish nation. There is no country which 
 yieldeth more pleasure to the inhabitants, either for those common 
 delights of hunting, hawking, fishing, fowling, or the rest, than 
 Guiana doth. It hath so many plains, clear rivers, and abundance 
 of pheasants, partridges, quails, rails, cranes, herons, and all other 
 fowl. Deer of all sorts, porks, hares, lions, tigers, leopards, and divers 
 other sorts of beasts, either for chase or food. It hath a kind of 
 beast called cama or anta, as big as an English beef, and in great 
 plenty. 
 
 To speak of the several sorts of every kind I fear would be 
 troublesome to the reader, and therefore I will omit them, and con 
 clude that both for health, good air, pleasure, and riches, I am 
 resolved it cannot be equalled by any region either in the east or 
 west. Moreover the country is so healthful, as of a hundred 
 persons and more (which lay without shift most sluttishly, and 
 were every day almost melted with heat in rowing and marching, 
 and suddenly wet again with great showers, and did eat of all sorts 
 of corrupt fruits, and made meals of fresh fish without seasoning, 
 of tortugas, of lagartos or crocodiles, and of all sorts good and 
 bad, without either order or measure, and besides lodged in the 
 open air every night) we lost not any one, nor had one ill-disposed 
 to my knowledge, nor found any calentura or other of those pesti 
 lent diseases which dwell in all hot regions, and so near the 
 equinoctial line. 
 
 Where there is store of gold it is in effect needless to remember 
 other commodities for trade ; but it hath, towards the south part of 
 the river, great quantities of brazil-wood and divers berries that 
 dye a most perfect crimson and carnation. And for painting, all 
 France, Italy, or the East Indies yield none such. For the more 
 the skin is washed, the fairer the colour appeareth, and with which 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 393 
 
 even those brown and tawny women spot themselves and colour 
 their cheeks. All places yield abundance of cotton, of silk, of 
 balsamum, and of those kinds most excellent and never known in 
 Europe, of all sorts of gums, of Indian pepper; and what else the 
 countries may afford within the land we know not, neither had we 
 time to abide the trial and search. The soil besides is so excellent 
 and so full of rivers, as it will carry sugar, ginger, and all those 
 other commodities which the West Indies have. 
 
 The navigation is short, for it may be sailed with an ordinary 
 wind in six weeks, and in the like time back again, and by the 
 way neither lee-shore, enemies' coast, rocks, nor sands, all which 
 in the voyages to the West Indies and all other places we are 
 subject unto ; as the channel of Bahama, coming from the West 
 Indies, cannot well be passed in the winter, and when it is at 
 the best, it is a perilous and a fearful place. The rest of the 
 Indies for calms, and diseases very troublesome, and the sea 
 about the Bermudas a hellish sea for thunder, lightning, and 
 storms. 
 
 This very year (1595) there were seventeen sail of Spanish ships 
 lost in the channel of Bahama, and the great Philip, like to have 
 sunk at the Bermudas, was put back to St. Juan de Puerto Rico. 
 And so it falleth out in that navigation every year for the most 
 part, which in this voyage are not to be feared ; for the time of 
 year to leave England is best in July, and the summer in Guiana is 
 in October, November, December, January, February, and March, 
 and then the ships may depart thence in April, and so return again 
 into England in June, so as they shall never be subject to winter 
 weather, either coming, going, or staying there : which, for my 
 part, I take to be one of the greatest comforts and encourage 
 ments that can be thought on, having (as I have done) tasted 
 in this voyage by the West Indies so many calms, so much 
 heat, such outrageous gusts, such weather, and contrary winds. 
 
 To conclude, Guiana is a country that hath yet her maidenhead, 
 never sacked, turned, nor wrought ; the face of the earth hath not 
 been torn, nor the virtue and salt of the soil spent by manurance ; 
 the graves have not been opened for gold, the mines not broken 
 with sledges, nor their images pulled down out of their temples. 
 It hath never been entered by any army of strength, and never 
 conquered or possessed by any Christian prince. It is besides so 
 defensible, that if two forts be builded in one of the provinces 
 which I have seen, the flood setteth in so near the bank, where 
 
394 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. 
 
 the channel also lieth, that no ship can pass up but within a pike's 
 length of the artillery, first of the one, and afterwards of the other : 
 Which two forts will be a sufficient guard both to the Empire of 
 Inga, and to an hundred other several kingdoms, lying within the 
 said river, even to the city of Quito in Peru. 
 
 There is therefore great difference between the easiness of the 
 conquest of Guiana, and the defence of it being conquered, and 
 the West or East Indies ; Guiana hath but one entrance by the 
 sea (if it hath that) for any vessels of burden ; so as whosoever 
 shall first possess it, it shall be found unaccessible for any enemy, 
 except he come in wherries, barges, or canoes, or else in flat- 
 bottomed boats, and if he do offer to enter it in that manner, the 
 woods are so thick two hundred miles together upon the rivers of 
 such entrance, as a mouse cannot sit in a boat unhit from the bank. 
 By land it is more impossible to approach, for it hath the 
 strongest situation of any region under the sun, and is so en 
 vironed with impassable mountains on every side, as it is impossible 
 to victual any company in the passage ; which hath been well 
 proved by the Spanish nation, who since the conquest of Peru 
 have never left five years free from attempting this empire, or 
 discovering some way into it, and yet of three-and-twenty several 
 gentlemen, knights, and noblemen, there was never any that 
 knew which way to lead an army by land, or to conduct ships by 
 sea, anything near the said country. Orellana, of whom the river 
 of Amazons taketh name, was the first, and Don Antonio de 
 Berreo (whom we displanted) the last : and I doubt much whether 
 he himself or any of his yet know the best way into the said 
 Empire. It can therefore hardly be regained, if any strength be 
 formerly set down, but in one or two places, and but two or three 
 crumsters or galleys built, and furnished upon the river within. 
 The West Indies have many ports, watering places, and landings, 
 and nearer than three hundred miles to Guiana, no man can 
 harbour a ship, except he know one only place, which is not 
 learned in haste, and which I will undertake there is not any 
 one of my companies that knoweth, whosoever hearkened most 
 after it. 
 
 Besides, by keeping one good fort, or building one town of 
 strength, the whole Empire is guarded, and whatsoever com 
 panies shall be afterwards planted within the land, although 
 in twenty several provinces, those shall be able all to reunite 
 themselves upon any occasion either by the way of one river, or 
 
1595] RALEIGH. 395 
 
 be able to march by land without either wood, bog, or mountain ; 
 whereas in the West Indies there are few towns or provinces that 
 can succour or relieve one the other by land or sea. By land 
 the countries are either desert, mountainous, or strong enemies ; 
 by sea, if any man evade to the eastward, those to the west 
 cannot in many months turn against the breeze and eastern wind ; 
 besides, the Spaniards are therein so dispersed as they are no 
 where strong, but in Nueva Espafia only; the sharp mountains, the 
 thorns, and poisoned prickles, the sandy and deep ways in the 
 valleys, the smothering heat and air, and want of water in other 
 places are their only and best defence, which (because those nations 
 that invade them are not victualled or provided to stay, neither 
 have any place to friend adjoining) do secure them instead of good 
 arms and great multitudes. 
 
 The West Indies were first offered her Majesty's grandfather by 
 Columbus, a stranger, in whom there might be doubt of deceit ; 
 and besides it was then thought incredible that there were such 
 and so many lands and regions never written of before. This 
 Empire is made known to her Majesty by her own vassal, and by 
 him that oweth to her more duty than an ordinary subject, so that 
 it shall ill sort with the many graces and benefits which I have 
 received to abuse her Highness, either with fables or imaginations. 
 The country is already discovered, many nations won to her 
 Majesty's love and obedience, and those Spaniards which have 
 latest and longest laboured about the conquest, beaten out, dis 
 couraged, and disgraced, which among these nations were thought 
 invincible. Her Majesty may in this enterprise employ all those 
 soldiers and gentlemen that are younger brethren, and all captains 
 and chieftains that want employment, and the charge will be 
 only the first setting out in victualling and arming them; for after 
 the first or second year I doubt not but to see in London a con- 
 tractation house of more receipt for Guiana than there is now 
 in Seville for the West Indies. 
 
 And I am resolved that if there were but a small army afoot in 
 Guiana, marching towards Manoa, the chief city of Inga, he would 
 yield to her Majesty by composition so many hundred thousand 
 pounds yearly as should both defend all enemies abroad, and 
 defray all expenses at home, and that he would besides pay a 
 garrison of three or four thousand soldiers very royally to defend 
 him against other nations. For he cannot but know how his 
 predecessors, yea, how his own great uncles, Guascar and Atabalipa, 
 
396 VOYAGES OF THE ELIZABETHAN SEAMEN. [*595 
 
 sons to Guainacapa, Emperor of Peru, were (while they con 
 tended for the Empire) beaten out by the Spaniards, and that 
 both of late years and ever since the said conquest, the Spaniards 
 have sought the passages and entry of his country ; and of their 
 cruelties used to the borderers he cannot be ignorant. In which 
 respects no doubt but he will be brought to tribute with great 
 gladness ; if not, he hath neither shot nor iron weapon in all his 
 Empire, and therefore may easily be conquered. 
 
 And I further remember that Berreo confessed to me and 
 others (which I protest before the Majesty of God to be true) 
 that there was found among the prophesies in Peru (at such time 
 as the Empire was reduced to the Spanish obedience) in their 
 chiefest temples, amongst divers others which foreshowed the 
 loss of the said Empire, that from Inglatierra those Ingas should 
 be again in time to come restored, and delivered from the 
 servitude of the said conquerors. And I hope, as we with these 
 few hands have displanted the first garrison, and driven them out 
 of the said country, so her Majesty will give order for the rest, 
 and either defend it, and hold it as tributary, or conquer and keep 
 it as Empress of the same. For whatsoever Prince shall possess it, 
 shall be greatest, and if the King of Spain enjoy it, he will become 
 unresistible. Her Majesty hereby shall confirm and strengthen 
 the opinions of all nations, as touching her great and princely 
 actions. And where the south border of Guiana reacheth to 
 the Dominion and Empire of the Amazons, those women shall 
 hereby hear the name of a virgin, which is not only able to defend 
 her own territories and her neighbours, but also to invade and 
 conquer so great Empires and so far removed. 
 
 To speak more at this time I fear would be but troublesome : 
 I trust in God, this being true, will suffice, and that he which is King 
 of all Kings, and Lord of Lords, will put it into her heart which 
 is Lady of Ladies to possess it ; if not, I will judge those men 
 worthy to be kings thereof, that by her grace and leave will under 
 take it of themselves. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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