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 We want \vhat is best, not for men, nor for parties, 
 but for the whole people !" 
 
 SIFIEJIEOHIIES 
 
 
 HON. S. IKCO 
 
 V 
 
 
 ne, 
 
 1868. 
 
 DOUGLAS TAVI.OIfS DE.MOrRATlC PRINTING ESTAP.LISllME'NT, 
 fMi NASSAU STUKKT A <n >-2<S PULTON STUEET, 
 
 
 
 
Opening of the Campaign. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 HOIsT. S. S. COX, 
 
 AT THE 
 
 ACADEMY OF MUSIC, BROOKLYN, 
 JULY 23, 1868. 
 
 HON. HENRY C. MURPHY, President of the 
 meeting, presented Mr. Cox. He said : "I have 
 now, gentlemen, the pleasure to present to you a 
 gentleman whom you have heard before. His 
 voice has always been eloquent in the cause of 
 Democracy, and who will, I have no doubt, to- 
 night interest you in the subjects which he will 
 discuss. I present to you Hon. S. S. Cox, for- 
 merly of Ohio." (Applause.) 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. COX. 
 
 ON the 9th day of April, 1865, at Appomattox, 
 General Lee surrendered. Thus virtually ended 
 the civil war. The soldiers of the South were 
 paroled ; their political rights were guaranteed by 
 the honor of our Government, represented by its 
 civil and military power. Secession expired. It 
 'ed on its own chosen spot on the field of force. 
 Out of the red storm of the four preceding years 
 of war, we expected a calm. But the storm still 
 mutters. Chaos broods over States whose area is 
 725,000 square miles, larger than England, 
 France, Spain, Portugal and Germany with a 
 population of (12,000,000) twelve millions, and 
 whose annual wealth from one little pod, once 
 ( .ualed the amount of the present annual taxes. 
 
 le bugles sounded their thrice welcome truce ; 
 
 ?ath the skeleton departed from our borders. 
 
 one the shadow had taken the census of the 
 
 ain. The sad days were done. Emotions of 
 
 gratitude and gladness welled up in our hearts : 
 "Thank God! Peace Peace had come at last! 
 With it, a restored and strengthened Union!" 
 (Cheers.) Three years and more have gone since 
 then, but is Peace here ? Is the Union restored 
 and stronger ? General Grant, in his letter of ac- 
 ceptance the other day, cries out: "Let us have 
 peace!" He means that we have it not. He 
 wouldn't ask for it if we had it. (Laughter.) 
 The Republican platform " congratulates the coun- 
 try on the assured success of the Reconstruction 
 policy of Congress." But is peace here? Is 
 the Union assured ? Are the States all in ? and if 
 any are in, how ? Is the flag our Union emblem 
 floating from the Capitols of contented States ? 
 Does it not float over arsenals and forts, the em- 
 blem of repression and misrule? If so, let me 
 ask 
 
 WHO IS RESPONSIBLE ? 
 
 I will tell you who is not to blame ! At the end 
 of the war, the States South were ready for recon- 
 ciliation. It was their sectional and our national 
 need. The soldiers of the South were content : 
 the people were tired of war ; the ground was 
 sated with blood even the old politicians sought 
 again the old offices, under the old system. From 
 President Johnson and General Grant alike, came 
 the word, in December, 1865, that the "mass 
 of thinking men of the South accept the present 
 situation of affairs in good faith." " Slavery and 
 
2 
 
 secession," said General Grant, "are regarded as 
 settled." He insisted that " the Southern citizens 
 were anxious to return to self-government in the 
 Union as soon as possible. " Was this mere white- 
 wash, or fact ? Did General Grant tell the truth, 
 or did he lie ? I think he told the truth. (Cheers.) 
 Who has robbed us of the fruits of victories 
 bought with such a price ? Was there reconcilia- 
 tion needed from the judicial or executive depart- 
 ments toward the South ? No. Justice was sat- 
 isfied. No scaffolds were required. Even good 
 Mr. Greeley went bail for the rebel chief. (Laugh- 
 ter.) The Executive gave amnesty. Only the 
 hyena and other "beasts" (Cries of "Butler.") 
 prowled among charred ruins and grass-covered 
 graves ravening for prey and reprisal. (Cheers.) 
 The reconciliation was cordial between the 
 people. The Executive was earnest in his 
 efforts. . He had no power, even by his vetoes, 
 to stop the legislation of Congress, if it were 
 sincere in conciliation. All that wus wanted 
 was, what Mr. Lincoln said ought to have been 
 "compelled" by an amendment to the Constitu- 
 tion : Representatives from the South on the floor 
 of Congress. The alienation would thus have 
 been spanned with the Roman bridge of gold ; and 
 the Constitution would have furnished the arches 
 foritsc onstruction. (Cheers.) The Executive had 
 a plan which harmonized with the Constitution. 
 The Supreme Court, as we now know, would have 
 approved. But Congress, by means of secret cau- 
 cuses and reconstruction committees, impeded all 
 the efforts of Governors, people, Legislatures, as- 
 sisted by the departments at Washington, who 
 were ready to bind anew their practical relations, 
 by means of members elect to Congress, and with 
 their good will and allegiance to the old Govern- 
 ment. It was Congress Avhich refused their ad- 
 mission. This was a solution of the problem. Con- 
 proposed a dilatory, monstrous, inconsistent, pre- 
 scriptive ban against amnesty, Union and peace. 
 Now that chaos has come from it, the country is 
 tickled and taunted in a Republican platform, with 
 gratulations on the marvelous success of recon- 
 struction ! 
 
 It is between this plan of Congress, which set- 
 tles nothing permanently, and the plan of the 
 Constitution, which is a settlement in form anc 
 fact, that furnishes the theme of political debate. 
 Which plan shall be the election of the people ? 
 I do not ask a passionate or biased opinion 
 between them. The only question is : " What is 
 best, not for parties, not for soldiers, not for Gen 
 cral Grant in gratitude for martial servics ren 
 
 ered with rare ability but what is best for the 
 Country ?" 
 
 DISCONTENT SOUTH. 
 
 Before considering why the dominant party has 
 ailed to reconcile and rebuild, let me ask whether 
 the discontent at the South now existing has not 
 rown more bitter with each day's delay since Gen- 
 eral Grant's report in 1865 ? Wisdom would say, 
 
 Look at the fact of discontent and obliterate its 
 existence." The reasons for this bitter feeling, 
 South, may be fallacious ; the people may have no 
 ust cause for it ; but so long as .the discontent 
 exists, it is a menace to peace and a source of dan- 
 ger. There are reasons paramount why the dis- 
 content should be appeased. Is it a valid reason 
 :or prolonging trouble that it is waxing ? When 
 grievances grow, is there not more reason for as- 
 suaging them ? There was some wit, but no wis- 
 iom in the remark of Judge Busteed, that he 
 would keep the States South out in the cold, till 
 their teeth chattered to the music of the Union. 
 He would increase their discontent, and of course, 
 add new burdens for their further repression. 
 Discontent in communities is the source of 
 crime, laziness, social discord and personal un- 
 safety. Already secret societies, associations and 
 conspiracies, curses of every kind, and outrages of 
 every hue, taking the course of hostility between 
 the races, keeping capital from the Southern bor- 
 ders, and industry paralyzed, are unsettling so 
 much of the established order as the war even did 
 not disturb. These things characterize the situa- 
 tion of the South. W T hy they exist, why military 
 tyranny, the absence of civil restraint, and the 
 domination of the untutored classes should pro- 
 duce such results, is a social problem, which his- 
 tory and science may solve. But our election is 
 not as to the philosophy, but as to the fact. The 
 skillful surgeon does not inquire into the legal or 
 moral elements of the fray in which his patient 
 has been maimed. He goes to the wound and ap- 
 plies the knife. With all respect to General 
 Grant, I do not see the remedy for our civil disor- 
 ders in the use of his sword, however skillful its 
 thrust, and brilliant its flash. Its sheath would 
 be worth more. The distribution of arms novr 
 in process of being passed by Congress to the 
 South, indicates that our first General has not laid 
 aside the symbols of his profession. "Let us 
 have arms," say the negroes. "Let us have 
 peace," says the General ; and he gives them 
 arms ! He holds his own election at the point of 
 the sword. Our diseases require far other treat- 
 
ment. We require constitutional remedies. 
 {Cheers.) We want them backed by the public 
 opinion, which Webster said was stronger than 
 bayonets; which General Blair invokes; and which, 
 to guilty apprehensions, looks so like revolution. 
 These remedies will only come, when that opinion 
 bears into the executive chair Horatio Seymour. 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 REPUBLICAN AMNESTY. 
 
 The Republican party, after over three years of 
 failure and delay, finds its power on the wane. 
 Great States, east and west, fly from it as from 
 leprosy. Hence, it added a resolution to its late 
 platform, on motion of General Schurz, "com- 
 mending magnanimity and forbearance toward 
 rebels who co-operate with" whom? What? 
 With the country? With the Constitution? With 
 the States all ? Nowith "us!" Their test for 
 the removal of disqualifications is their own par- 
 tisanship. It is not patriotism. Of course, such 
 a test, as the elections South have determined, 
 cuts off from participation in the Government 
 the great body of the best-informed whites. This 
 commendation of magnanimity is a tricky flash of 
 rhetoric, if not an ironic taunt. It was proven 
 to be empty when it was sought to incorporate 
 Houston, of Alabama, and Jones, of Tennessee, 
 in the Amnesty bill. They were Democrats, and 
 hence no grace for them. 
 
 THE FINANCES. 
 
 No plan for the peace of the country can be 
 permanent and successful, unless it gives con- 
 tentment. Contentment, being the source of pro- 
 duction and consumption, will re-establish in the 
 South industry and wealth. Without these, the 
 South is not a help, but a weakness and a burden to 
 the country. The North pays taxes, piled Alp 
 on Alp, upon labor and property. The South is, 
 in great part, responsible for these taxes. The 
 sooner she divides this burden with us the better. 
 She is eager for the chance ; until she has protec- 
 tion she cannot do this. The North has paid 
 since July 1865, by tariff and tax, some fifteen 
 hundred millions. I doubt not, double that, has 
 been paid, which never went into the Treasury, in 
 the enhanced prices of articles consumed en- 
 hanced by reason of robberies by tax and tariff, 
 to help scoundrels in and out of office, and as 
 bounties to protected classes. At least, Mr. 
 Wells says as much. And yet our debt 
 increases. Last month it increased many mil- 
 lions. It is yet to increase. The debt, however, 
 
 must be met. It cannot be reduced so long as the 
 army and the Bureau suck their millions from the 
 Treasury. Moving onward toward gold and sil- 
 ver as ihe standard of all values, and in the in- 
 terest of labor and commerce, we should do as 
 Horatio Seymour proposed in his speech of llth 
 March last, "demand a policy of peace, order 
 and economy, and, by gaining that, lift up the na- 
 tional credit, help the tax-payer, and do justice 
 to the bondholder, and thus make our currency as 
 good as sterling coin." Thus I would have one 
 currency for all, and that currency that of the 
 Constitution. All these financial questions, there- 
 fore, resolve themselves into questions of peace, 
 order, and economy. But, as the Republican party 
 have not given us, and cannot give us either ; 
 these reliefs from the burdens of taxation cannot 
 come from them. 
 
 REPUBLICAN PLAN A FAILURE. 
 
 Their plan for permanent peace fails, because it 
 is not in harmony with the fundamental laws of 
 the republic. 
 
 To perceive why the Radical policy has failed, 
 and why it will fail when completed, involves an 
 inquiry into the nature and character of our 
 Union. As by the violation of these laws war 
 came, so, by their observance, and by that alone, 
 will peace, come. As the immediate cause of the 
 war was the assertion of a right to throw off the 
 paramount Federal authority and withdraw States, 
 so the cause of the present discontent is the prac- 
 tical assertion of the right of Congress, para- 
 mount to the organic law, to keep States out, to 
 regulate the conditions of their pretended admis- 
 sion, to intermeddle in their suffrage, and to carry 
 on what legislation they require, by citizens of 
 other States not familiar with their needs. 
 
 RECONSTRUCTION ACTS. 
 
 Here Mr. Cox discussed at length the relations 
 of the States to the Federal Government, and il- 
 lustrated the Radical revolutionary policy by the 
 "Reconstruction acts." These acts give all con- 
 trol over the Southern States to Congress, and 
 'create military power as its instrument. 
 
 The construction and execution of these laws 
 are not confided to the proper civil officers or 
 those trained in the law. The will of any petty 
 officer or soldier who chooses to set up his inter- 
 pretation is made, by express enactment, judicial, 
 executive and legislative. Of course the officer 
 plays fantastic tricks, which are only relieved 
 
from the ridiculous by the terrible consequences 
 in which they involve all that is dear in life and 
 precious in liberty. 
 
 To compass this kind of precarious reconstruc- 
 tion, upon which the Republican platform con- 
 gratulates us, Congress subverts the original plan 
 of the Government. The division of power, 
 State and Federal, is obliterated. The distribu- 
 tion of powers among the Federal departments is 
 wiped out. The trinity of co-equal departments, 
 checking each other, is transformed into a unity 
 of despotism. The Executive is hobbled. The 
 veto-power is assassinated by the partisan remo- 
 val of enough members to make the minority less 
 than one-third. The pardoning power of the 
 President is usurped. His power of appointing 
 officers and commanding the army is destroyed. 
 He is only saved from decapitation by one vote ! 
 He is again threatened because of his recent 
 vetoes ! But he will serve out his term. His- 
 tory will honor him, as the great rock in the 
 weary land, who gave us strength, wealth, and 
 safety. God bless him ; as man will honor 
 him ! 
 
 The Supreme Court begins to consider the sta- 
 tus of States. The question is properly before 
 them. At once the Court is threatened with sub- 
 version and cowed into submission. Our complex 
 machinery, so nice in its adjustments and perfect 
 in its fitness, with the delicacy of a chronometer 
 and the energy of an engine, is thus deranged, 
 and the only hope of restoration is in the 
 skill and patriotism of the Democratic organiza- 
 tion, which has learned in the schools of the old 
 master builders, who builded for us better than 
 they knew, and far better than their descendants 
 understand or practice ! 
 
 You might readily infer the particular evils in- 
 cident in these organic changes. Read the recon- 
 struction acts as they are interpreted South by 
 the Satraps. Bayonets regulating private debts ; 
 the military deposing State and municipal officers ; 
 the elevation to office of vagabonds from other 
 States ; the instalation of negroes in the place of 
 whites ; the police under military control ; . the 
 epaulettes giving the law, in military commissions, 
 and supplanting the judicature of the States ; all 
 in subversion of expost facto provisions and 
 the rights of habeas corpus and fair trial, 
 secured for eight hundred years to our race, 
 and finally, as the climax, admitting States 
 never out on condition that they lose their right 
 forever thereafter to revoke negro suffrage, and 
 that their suffrages shall be given on the oath of 
 
 the suffragan, that he will never dispute negro 
 equality! (Cheers.) 
 
 SUFFRAGE: ITS IMPORTANCE AND ABUSE. 
 
 All this reconstructive enginery, which is to take 
 the place of our system of government, has one 
 purpose : To perpetuate Radical power by negro 
 votes. 
 
 It is not necessary before an American audience 
 to discuss the responsibility of voting. No words 
 can aggrandize its momentous importance. In the 
 last analysis, it is sovereignty. It is the crown 
 and sceptre ; nay, the very crown jewel. It 
 should be estimated at its true value. It should 
 be kept untarnished in its lustrous setting. On 
 its proper exercise, hangs our representative sys- 
 tem. It is the only vehicle of Democratic senti- 
 ment. The elective authority has grown in Eng- 
 land and in this country with the progress of in- 
 telligence. It will grow more with greater in- 
 telligence. If its expressison is the result of in- 
 timidation by the bayonet or of bribery by bureaus ; 
 if it is inspired by malice or ignorance, sovereignty 
 is dethroned and democracy becomes despotism. 
 All the intetests of society, now and hereafter 
 of person, property, life, and liberty depend on 
 its fair, intelligent, and honest exercise. Moral- 
 ists, jurists, civilians of every rank, of every age 
 and land, have given to its consideration their pa- 
 tient thought. Shall it be by ballot or open; wheth- 
 er near the camp or near the ration house ; whether 
 under the scowl of employer, or under the coax- 
 ing of demagogues ? Lord Holt closed his opinion 
 in the famous leading case of Ashby and White, 
 which agitated both sides of Westminster Hall 
 thus : " It is a most trancendant privilege to 
 choose persons as are to bind a man's life and 
 property by the laws they make." Now it is to 
 subvert this inestimable privilege that Radicalism 
 has wreaked itself upon the expression of hateful 
 and unconstitutional laws, and that Northern tax- 
 payers sweat for the rations of lazy, incompetent 
 persons. Why, in one county in Florida, Leon, 
 where 2,700 negro voters were registered, 35,- 
 000 rations were issued last month, just before 
 the election ? It is to subvert this privilege that 
 the black belts of the South are thronged with in- 
 terlopers from the North, styled "carpet-bag- 
 gers, " carrying inflammatory appeals and 
 promises of forty acres and a mule to cadi 
 negro ! It is to subvert this privilege that the 
 army, at an expense of one hundred millions, is 
 kept up in the South. According to General 
 Grant's own talk to Senator Doolittle, October 2 
 
1865, nearly all the troubles between the whites 
 arid blacks " were in consequence of the unwise 
 attempt to force negro suffrage on those States ;" 
 and yet, it is to introduce this system, that Gen- 
 eral Grant, while Secretary of War, three years 
 later, discovering that the negroes had not "in- 
 telligence sufficient to combine for the expression 
 of their will," ordered the military to be increased 
 for some time, to maintain the freedmen in their 
 right of suffrage, and recommended, its "reduction 
 only after the election ! " Which is the General 
 Grant to be approved ? 
 
 And after negro suffrage is given, what have 
 we? Liberia, where the blacks, starting well, 
 sank to the besotted level of the barbarians around 
 them ! What we shall get, we can tell from what 
 has occurred. The annals of the black race, if 
 annals they ever had, record that, unschooled, the 
 equality of the black is "but a pilloried equality, 
 set up for a gazing-stock and scorn among the na- 
 tions of the earth." I challenge the whole array 
 of negrophilists to show one example in history of 
 free government maintained by the black or color- 
 ed races. Take any place, choose any era even 
 go into the mixed, or Mongolian races, and the 
 result is the same. All the republics south of us 
 show us fifty years of anarchy as the result of this 
 equality. Hayti aped imperialism, till even the 
 imperials laughed at the travestie. She exists 
 now only in chronic . spasms. She has just made 
 Salnave her emperor. In Jamaica and the other 
 British isles negroes do vote ; but under the tute- 
 lage of the British officers, who in vain strive to 
 repress the black outrages. 
 
 This is the table to w T hich Radicalism invites 
 the American people this fall. The table is al- 
 ready partly spread with dainties. The ne^ro al- 
 ready votes in the South. It is proposed by the 
 newly coddled constitutions to perpetuate this 
 privilege by irrepealable law. The groundwork 
 and corner-stone of the new constitutions in the 
 South is this equality. It is more. It is the su- 
 premacy of the black. It tends to the antagonism 
 of races, the destruction in the end of the weaker 
 race, and in its destruction involving the so- 
 cial and material interests of one-third of the 
 Union. 
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONS SOUTH. 
 
 I propose for a moment to sift these devices of 
 Radicalism. 
 
 To give one comprehensive statement ; Over 
 700,000 ignorant negroes, mostly led by itine- 
 rants, without name at the North, and seeking 
 
 the gratification of their greed South, the bum- 
 mers of the Radical army, and the stipendiaries 
 of Congress and Freedman's Bureaux, are all 
 at once made voters ! They furnish legislators for 
 the whole country. The constitution of Ala- 
 bama is a negro constitution to the extent of 57,- 
 287 negro majority. In Georgia, Florida, the 
 Carolinas, Texas and Virginia, where the whites 
 had some 20,000 more registered voters than the 
 blacks, nevertheless, owing to the chronic discon- 
 tent, the vote showed a negro majority of 251,- 
 496 ! These constitutions were made to order in 
 Washington. They are all cut from one pattern. 
 It is not a matter of interest to the South alone ; 
 but to the North also. Twenty Senators, over 
 fifty Representatives, and seventy electoral 
 votes for President, will wield in the Federal 
 counsels the power of ten States. They hold the 
 balance of pow r er. In the Senate, Florida nulli- 
 fies New York. If the elections are at all equi- 
 poised, as in 185660, these black votes will 
 rule ! We are then a black republic ! It is a 
 terrible peril. These 700,000 black voters can 
 destroy our best policies. They may vote down 
 our credit ; tax at pleasure ; vote to themselves 
 our public lands, and repudiate at will. If your 
 children go South to live, they have to go un- 
 der irrevocable laws, enacting that such suffrage 
 shall forever be continued. The voter South 
 must swear that he accepts the civil and political 
 equality of all men. Where are the voters in 
 New York, Ohio, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michi- 
 gan, Indiana and Illinois, who have refused thus 
 to vote ? Disfranchised ! . Nearly two millions 
 of Democratic voters in the North are thus aliens 
 from the South. Thus the union of equal States 
 becomes a sham and a shame ! (Cheers.) 
 
 That I do not overstate the facts, read the con- 
 stitutions of Alabama, Arkansas, Mississippi, 
 Virginia and Louisiana. You will find that 
 every voter must swear that he recognizes and ac- 
 cepts the civil and political equality of black and 
 white. Even though the voter may believe Om- 
 nipotence has made distinctions which should be 
 observed between the races, he is ostracised as a 
 voter till he pierces the veil of Onmiscience, and 
 by some transcendental intuition from his own 
 superior divinity, swears that the gross, lazy, un- 
 progressive, and ignorant worshipper of a devil 
 Fetish on an Alabama plantation is his equal, 
 civil and political ! I should not wonder if con- 
 siderable swearing were the result of such a poli- 
 cy. Already States are admitted with this irre- 
 vocable condition. True, they were never out. 
 
True, Congress has affirmed in its preamble ad- 
 mitting Arkansas, that she has by the Legislature 
 of the State before admission accepted the 14th 
 amendment. True, there was no Legislature un- 
 til, according to the reconstruction law, the State 
 constitution was approved by Congress. Still 
 she is admitted. True, the President has found 
 no warrant for her admission, as she was never 
 legally out ; and according to the law of Con- 
 gress admitting her, never legally ready to come 
 in. But she is in ! Well, her Senators will 
 soon be voting on our interests ; and the work of 
 preparing for voting the Radical ticket by negro 
 and military forces will be begun. 
 
 Next comes the Omnibus bill for six others- 
 North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Ala- 
 bama, Georgia, and Florida. Virginia, Mississip- 
 pi, and Texas may follow, though I see to-day 
 that it is proposed to put them to the sword yet 
 awhile. The play is then to end in some giddy 
 Black Crook spectacle ! These constitutions are 
 the product of negro incubation, aided and ad- 
 dled by the warmth of Northern vagrants who, 
 cuckoo-like, have set upon eggs not their own. 
 (Laughter.) Here and there are delegates from 
 Canada and Jamaica, unnaturalized ! Think of it, 
 gentlemen from the Liffey and the Rhine. Mixed 
 in this mosaic are unpardoned culprits from 
 South and North. Here a black scoundrel from 
 Sing Sing ; there a horse-thief from the peniten- 
 tiary of Ohio ! Here a razor-bearing barber, in- 
 nocent of all but lather ; and there a razor-cut- 
 ting assassin, guilty of all the crimes in the cal- 
 endar. These prepare sovereign, States for the 
 family of Washington ! They are manufactur- 
 ing Radical representation. Listen to their sense- 
 less jargon and audacious malignity. Is it some 
 mummery of dim traditions, caugnt from their 
 African forests ? No ; these are the peers of 
 Randolph, Pinckney, Madison, Roger Sherman, 
 and Hamilton. They are making organic laws 
 for millions of intelligent people ! Take a photo- 
 graph a colored photograph of k Southern con- 
 vention. A few whites sit there in simple cour- 
 age and sadness. They can do no good. Con- 
 spicious only for their modesty and intelligence, 
 they sit aloof from this extravanganza. A Hun- 
 nicutt comes forth as ring-master. Parti-colored 
 clowns appear. The reconstruction tan-bark is 
 raked over, and here we are, Mr. Merry man ! The 
 black horse, Equality, is trotted out, and then 
 begins the eternal round of loyal talk. But do 
 these caricatures of men make constitutions ? 
 No; no. Ohio has the rod over Louisiana! 
 
 Kansas has her lash on the back of Arkansas I , 
 Wisconsin cares for Florida ! New York and New 
 England have their busy-bodies all through ! and 
 behold ! these constitutions arise not like the 
 vails of the ancient city, to Orphean music, but 
 to the banjo of negro minstrelsy ! (Cheers and 
 laughter.) 
 
 IKEEVOCABLE LAW. 
 
 Who but statesmen like these could ever have 
 read Jeremy Bentham's essay against irrevocable 
 laws, so as the more closely to violate its wisdom. 
 These conventions of Progressives ordain that 
 black suffrage shall never be . Never never ! 
 NEVER ! They are indeed ministers of the un- 
 changeable! They, priests of the only Perfect! 
 Time, which reforms for others what can time do 
 for them? Shall not wisdom die with them? 
 And Congress admits the irrevocable law, as if it 
 could shiver with a straw from the fanatic giver, 
 the lance of Democracy in its grand and growing 
 future. (Cheers.) 
 
 This irrevocable law is as useless as it is sense- 
 less. It is revolutionary, as Dr. Arnold says, 
 because there is nothing so unnatural and convul- 
 sive as the strain to keep things fixed, when all 
 the world by the law of its creation, is in eternal 
 progress. How much more^revolutionary to try 
 to keep a bad, base thing when the world rolls on 
 for eternal good ? The attempt is almost ridicu- 
 lous. It is only equalled by the fuddled fellow 
 who was seen clambering up an overshot wheel in 
 a fulling mill. "What are you about?" said 
 one. "Going to bed, but the darned thing 
 won't hold still. " This will be the repose of the 
 Rapical irrevocable law. (Laughter.) 
 
 It might be of interest to white persons in the 
 North, where we have repudiated negro suffrage, 
 to look at the results of these conventions. Go 
 to South Carolina. There the negro is dominant. 
 The whites are disfranchised arid the negroes are 
 not. There, negroes who own not an acre, and who 
 cannot command a dollar, propose to tax property 
 and people. It is a tax levied by indolence and 
 poverty, on industry and property. The negro 
 who has nothing, proposes to tax the white man 
 who has all. Very well. Let arrogant ignorance 
 rule ! Will it placate ? They make the schools 
 open to all compel the white to send his child 
 against all his taste's and nature, and to mingle in 
 their black and tan school, and tax him for its 
 existence.. Will this last? They propose to 
 raise two millions out of an impoverished State, 
 which in its best days could not raise more than 
 
$400,000. Of course under such burdens, labor 
 is dislocated and government becomes a .crucifix- 
 ion. Will it last ? (Cries of "No".) 
 
 Go to Misssisippi ! What a Convention ! It is 
 well called a chain gang. It numbers one hun- 
 dred. Out of that number there are seventy-five 
 whites, among them five Mississippians. There 
 are ten outside negroes. They proceed to 
 work and their work willstand ? will it ? (Cries 
 of "Never."') 
 
 The truth is, some of these constitutions are 
 the result of violations of these very odious recon- 
 struction laws in many particulars. In some of the 
 States the voters were less than a majority of the 
 registry. A breach of faith a Congressional lie! 
 but what matter? Has not Congress power 
 paramount to all States ? Is not Congress alrea- 
 dy reproached with having kept the Union dis- 
 solved? Must not something be done? Must 
 not these black States be counted in the El- 
 ectoral College for Radicalism ? Is not this re- 
 storation indispensable to this count? And is 
 there not already arranged a fresh registry for 
 the Electoral College? And to do this where 
 is the limit of effrontery or the bound of 
 usurpation which this Congress will not over- 
 step? 
 
 NEGRO SUFFRAGE NORTH AND SOUTH. 
 
 That this expression is not too severe, read the 
 second resolve of the Republican platform 
 "Equal suffrage to the loyal men of the South ; 
 but in the North, leave it to the States ! " Ah ! 
 They have left it to the North, and the peo- 
 ple have responded, thundering for white men 
 and white civilization ; but at the South, it is 
 only loyal to be black in face or heart ; therefore, 
 let the the bayonet and Bureau fix suffrage ! 
 
 Yes, in the North, where their power is totter- 
 ing, the Radicals recognize States, and leave suf- 
 frage to them. They condescend to recognize 
 New York and Ohio as sovereign over suffrage ; 
 but in the South, even after they become States, 
 black suffrage is to be a fundamental and un- 
 changeable condition, an irrevocable law. For- 
 getting their old claim that suffrage was a natural 
 right to all manhood everywhere, they now pre- 
 tend it is a matter of locality and not of principle. 
 It is a natural right in Louisiana but it is a crea- 
 ture of statute in Connecticut./ It is a natural 
 right in the Southern portion of the family ; but, 
 as the old lady said of the measles, " there 
 wasn't enough of it to go round through all the 
 children." (Laughter.) The Northern white may 
 
 deny votes to the negro, the Southern white 
 may not. This <is equality! One law here, 
 another there. Equality ! A little retail negro 
 suffrage here, where it can do little harm, is 
 denied ; wholesale negro suffrage there is en- 
 forced where it is supreme! What means 
 this discrimination ? If Congress can overturn, 
 white suffrage South, can it not overturn black 
 suffrage South hereafter ? Or can it not establish 
 black suffrage North, and withold it from the 
 whites ? If the States South have not the sove- 
 reign power in this regard, have the States North? 
 If so, what then ? What will be the vetoes of 
 General Grant on these new issues ? So that at 
 last, after all their schemes for equality and suf- 
 frage, this Radical party is driven to the necessity 
 of making compacts with States not cognizable by 
 the Constitution, of holding out the open hand to 
 the negroes South while shaking its clenched fist 
 at the more intelligent negroes North. 
 
 This is, at least, after so many weary years of 
 national unrest, the anodyne for our feverish 
 body politic. This is the balm for the wounds of 
 war ! This is the statesmanship of a party who 
 seek to strengthen the nation by emasculating its 
 voting strength, and killing its material and indus- 
 trial interests. 
 
 PRACTICAL RESULTS. 
 
 Can you wonder that, as a consequence, indus- 
 try fails to be stimulated ; that crops are not 
 planted, because there is no surety of their har- 
 vest ? Can you wonder that the little white pod 
 which once gave a billion of spindles to the land, 
 and the trident of commerce to the sea, sickens 
 and dies, furnishing only one-half of its old pro- 
 duce as the media of exchange ? Can you wonder 
 that we export fifty millions in gold to supply the 
 nation with sugar, all of which might have been 
 raised at home ? Can you wonder that the alliga- 
 tor has usurped the sugar lands, as Congress has 
 slimed over the sweet and blessed amenities of po- 
 litical concord ? Can you wonder that the North 
 is weaker for its connection with the South pay- 
 ing its taxes and being drained for its terrible ex- 
 cesses ? Can you wonder that discontent contin- 
 ues increases, and threatens to destroy ? Can 
 you wonder that disaffection is becoming as 
 chronic with us as in Ireland toward England. 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 ENGLISH CARPET-BAGGERS. 
 
 Radicals! go you to Ireland, that "Poland of 
 the seas!" Green in her soil, and, alas! ever 
 
8 
 
 green in her bleeding wounds. Go to her, seven 
 hundred years agone ! Go to her, when Eng- 
 land boasted of her Charter wrung from King 
 John by her potential barons ! Read our fu- 
 ture miseries in her past history, and her dis- 
 content in Radical philosophy. After one hun- 
 dred and fifty years of perpetual harassment, 
 the Irish chiefs, at last tired of lust, of plunder 
 and power, appealed to Pope John XXII. : " We 
 had," they said, " a written code of laws, accord- 
 ing to which our nation was governed hitherto i 
 they have deprived us of those laws and have 
 established other, iniquitous laws, by which in- 
 justice and inhumanity are combined for our de- 
 struction." They announced their determination 
 to shake off the detestable yoke and clear out 
 the English carpet-baggers. Ever since, till the 
 last Irishman was hung on an English gibbet ut- 
 tering his prayers for old Ireland and his curses 
 for England, has this condition of foreign and 
 tyrannous misrule continued. Pestilence and 
 poverty, poverty and pestilence, trouble and tyr- 
 anny, tyranny and trouble, confiscation and cru- 
 elty, cruelty and confiscation, Cromwells and 
 Straffords, Puritans and Roundheads all mark 
 the era of this rule of the English carpet-baggers ! 
 The parallel is painfully accurate. Spoliation, 
 oppression, confiscation, statesmen unlearned and 
 unlearning, pagans in religion and devils in poli- 
 tics, are, in this land, following the English les- 
 son, to the misery and destruction of one-third of 
 this people ! Their very tactics are the same. In 
 seven years our Radicalism has learned all the 
 practices of seven hundred years of English tyr- 
 anny (cheers). 
 
 DEMOCRACY THE REMEDY. 
 
 Where is the relief? I answer, a"s President 
 Johnson said, when he came to Washington, 
 "The only salvation is in the Democratic party!" 
 Its history is coeval with the Constitution, and 
 will be co-eternal with the Government. In all 
 that gives stability to industry, freedom to trade, 
 standards to currency, equality in taxation, econ- 
 omy in administration, self-government to States, 
 peace to the Union, at home, peace, abroad, peace 
 and glory, in all that makes up a law-abiding and 
 Constitution-revering party, the Democracy will 
 stand in the next seventy years, as it did in the 
 seventy years before the war a wall of ada- 
 mant against the waves of Radicalism (Cheers). 
 It is this party that has made our land great and 
 our Government strong, not by the collisions of 
 civil war, but by the cultivation of concord. Un- 
 
 der the control of Democracy, we should, before 
 now, have had this whole continent banded 
 under a federal head, holding half our hemi- 
 sphere, as gravity holds the stars, by the sys- 
 tem of constitutional law (cheers). 
 
 Before the war the Democracy strove to save 
 the nation with earnest, patriotic and peaceful 
 endeavors. During the war it commanded its 
 sons to the field with melancholy pride ; and it 
 gave its sweetest blood to the Cause, as it had 
 given its kindest counsels. Horatio Seymour, by 
 his speeches and his administration in New York, 
 is a fair type and noble illustration of Demo- 
 cratic patriotism. His record is crj^stalline. In 
 vain slander assails it. He, like the party 
 whose exponent he is, accepted the results of the 
 war as they were declared, as in honor bound, 
 and in the spirit of Christian amnesty, ' ' with 
 malice to none, charity to all, to bind up the na- 
 tion's wounds, and to do all that may achieve 
 and cherish a just and lasting peace among our- 
 selves and with all nations." In this spirit the 
 Democracy intend to contend. If they fail, then 
 the stars in their courses are against them. If 
 they succeed, the spirit of Christ will temper the 
 people, and all that is forgiving and good will en- 
 compass the Constitution as sentinels for its 
 guard and its sweet honor ! Then, over and out 
 of the cataract, seething and foaming with the 
 passions engendered by our civil strife, there will 
 spring, like Hope, 
 
 A radiant arch, that, with prismatic dyes, 
 Links North to South, its keystone in the skies." 
 
 Speech in Poughkeepsie on the 
 18th of August, 1868. 
 
 Mr. Cox spoke at this place as follows : 
 
 Men of Duchess county, I am very happy this 
 evening to address an audience in the home of my 
 old friend, Judge Nelson, with whom I have 
 served in Congress. 
 
 A voice "Louder." 
 
 Mr. Cox I will work it up pretty soon my 
 friend. If you pour water down a pump you must 
 wait a little while before it will come up at the 
 spout. (Laughter.) I was about to tender 
 to you my acknowledgments for the recep- 
 tion which you have given me. Perhaps the best 
 way to acknowledge the reception is to commence 
 at once the discussion in the matters which you 
 have come out to hear. I do not propose to in- 
 
9 
 
 dulge in any vituperation of our opponents, but 
 would rather lead you to reason among your- 
 selves as I speak to you. Let us see if we can- 
 not come together, llepublicans and Democrats, 
 with a view, if possible, to better the condition of 
 the country, for I think everybody will confess 
 that it is not well with us at present. (Ap- 
 plause.) Some three years ago my Republican 
 friends (for I will address you first), secession 
 was beaten upon its own chosen battle-field, as I 
 hoped it would be in the speech which I made in 
 Congress the second that was made in that 
 body against secession. I followed that gal- 
 lant soldier, John A. McClernand, of Illinois 
 (applause), who was dismissed the other night by 
 General Logan here with hardly a complimentary 
 notice. We held that secession should be throt- 
 tled. But we are told by some of the Republican 
 speakers that the war is not ended. Our friend 
 Grant says, "Let us have peace," which shows 
 that he thinks we have not got peace just now, or 
 lie would not ask for it. (Laughter and applause.) 
 Over one-third of our country to-day, there broods 
 chaos and anarchy. Why, we thought we had 
 peace when our soldiers came home. We should 
 have had peace in fact, as well as in name. Death, 
 the skeleton, had retired from our borders. 
 Time, with its shadows, had left us mourners by 
 a million of graves. Why have AVC not peace to- 
 day. General Grant, in December, 1865, told us 
 and told Congress that he had visited the South, 
 and that secession and slavery were both dead , 
 that the thinking men of the South were anxious 
 to return to their allegiance. Did General Grant 
 tell the truth then, or did he lie ? Grant told the 
 truth ; and when General Logan said the other 
 night that Grant made no mistakes, I will take 
 him at his word, and believe that Grant told the 
 truth when he said the men of the South were 
 ready to accept peace and reconciliation. Why 
 have we not reconciliation to-day? Why has our 
 noble old flag become the emblem of repression 
 and misrule, instead of liberty, in ten States? 
 Who, my Republican brother, is to blame for it ? 
 Jeff. Davis has been a prisoner, and what has 
 been done siruce Lee's surrender with him, except 
 to put him on trial and have him bailed out by 
 Horace Greeley? (Laughter.) I will tell you 
 first who is not to blame the Northern States, 
 as States, were not to blame ; for States accord- 
 ing to the received theory of Republicans, during 
 the war and after the war, when they sent the 
 constitutional amendment abolishing slavery to 
 these States for adoption, the States were not de- 
 
 stroyed; they were indestructible. The States 
 were ready for union. The soldiers were ready 
 in kindness, in magnanimity, and forbearance. 
 The people were ready with conciliation. The 
 judicial department claimed no reprisals. No 
 scaffolds were erected. Even Gerrit Smith and 
 Greeley never asked that scaffolds should be 
 erected. Nobody but the hyenas and other beasts, 
 prowled about the grass-grown graves and charred 
 ruins of the South, for reprisals and prey. (Ap- 
 plause.) The Executive Department was ready 
 for union. Now I will tell you where the delay 
 came from. Having done all that was required 
 of them as near as they could, the South was 
 ready for the Union for civil, spiritual, and 
 political fellowihip but at that time a scheme 
 was broached in Congress, with the aid of the 
 leaders of the Radical party, to get up a Recon- 
 struction Committee to counteract by their secret 
 caucuses the kindness and. conciliation that were 
 just being crystallized. The President had his 
 plan, which was the plan of the Constitution- 
 The old Romans used to say that for a retreating 
 foe, they would build a bridge of gold, which was 
 a wise old maxim. The question was, which was 
 the best plan the plan of the Constitution or not ? 
 The supremacy of the Constitution, or the supre- 
 macy of Congress ? Now, in England Parlia- 
 ment is paramount to the Constitution, but in this 
 country, Congress is elected under the organic law, 
 an^d the great refinement of our civil polity con- 
 sists in the fact that our Federal Government is re- 
 strained (or ought to be) in its exercise of power. 
 The question is not what is best for soldiers or 
 parties, or for the black, or white, or even Gener- 
 al Grant, whose military worth I don't propose to 
 contest for he has had partial success. I would 
 not pluck one leaf of laurel from his martial 
 brow. But the great question for our people to 
 consider is what is best for our country. (Ap- 
 plause.) Now the Republican Convention at 
 Chicago saw that there was trouble coming. I 
 know that they make light of Governor Sey- 
 mour's nomination, but they will perhaps, after 
 November, be in the same condition as the 
 little boy that stubbed his toe they will feel 
 better when it don't hurt. (Laughter.) Ohio 
 voted 60,000 against striking out the word' ; white" 
 from the Constitution. Pennsylvania voted against 
 the Radicals, and other States from the Atlantic 
 to the Pacific were flying from the Radical party, 
 and they thought they would put something in 
 their platform about conciliation and humanity. 
 And what do you think it was ? Why, being in- 
 
10 
 
 terpreted, it meant that the South must knock at 
 the door of the Union with black knuckles. 
 (Laughter and applause.) Three or four States 
 did not so knock, so those States are still held 
 in subjection by the sword. It is to the interest 
 of the whole country that we should not continue 
 in our present position : don't you think so ? Dis- 
 content brings laziness, unthrif t, and crime, per- 
 sonal un safety and social disorder. It is a con- 
 stant menace to our peace, and a source of danger 
 to the country. It may be said that the men of 
 the South have no reason to be discontented. But 
 it exists, and, as a good surgeon attends to 'his 
 patient before he wastes time in finding out how 
 he got hurt, so we should first cure- the national 
 ills. My judgment is that to cure this country 
 we must go into the old Democratic materia med- 
 ica. (Laughter and applause.) We want consti- 
 tutional remedies. You can't do it by the sword. 
 If Grant is not a civilian he can't deal with civil 
 matters rightly. You don't go to a blacksmith to 
 get your watch mended, nor to a silversmith to get 
 your horse shod. (Roars of laughter.) And you 
 don't go to a soldier when you want earnest, care- 
 ful statesmanship, which this country needs. 
 (Applause.) If you want the country cured, go 
 to Horatio Seymour, of Oneida county. (Ap- 
 plause.) Lift the burdens of taxation, and you 
 will gain contentment. Insure protecttion to the 
 laborer for the stimulus of industry is Govern- 
 mental protection. Remember the maxim of 
 Montesquieu, " While you put down the rebel- 
 lion, you should save the rebels. " The tegis of 
 the Government should cover all men. How, then, 
 are you to get rid of these troubles ? It is time that 
 you permitted the South to share the burden of 
 taxation with you. You can't tell what you don't 
 pay taxes on. How can you lessen the taxes un- 
 less you withdraw these suckers that are hanging 
 on at the Treasury, these vampyres that feed upon 
 your liberty and your industry? "But," says 
 the Republican friend, " the poor man don't pay 
 taxes ; only the rich pay taxes. " Let us look at 
 that a moment. When you hire a house of a man 
 don't you suppose he puts his income tax in your 
 rent? 
 
 A voice " I bet you." 
 
 I know how Congress taxes your wages : by tax 
 ing everything that you buy with your wages 
 (applause) I have seen it done, over and over. 
 When they say they don't tax you they don't tell 
 the economical arrangement. (Laughter.) Gen- 
 eral Logan said the Democratic party would have 
 to levy taxes. Very true ; but they will levy less 
 
 of them. (Applause.) If Mr. Seymour is elect- 
 ed, we will get rid of the necessity of an army in 
 the South, and that will save one expense. (Ap- 
 plause.) We will then get rid of at least $100,- 
 000,000 taxes. (Applause.) We will make the 
 Republican party responsible for the $1,200,000,- 
 000 they have collected since July, 1865, over and 
 pbove what went to pay the public debt, and both 
 direct and indirect taxes, and ask them what be- 
 came of the money. (Approbation.) General 
 Logan says it has gone to liquidate the principal 
 and pay the interest of the public debt. But, my 
 friends, the public debt is increasing to-day, has 
 been for months. (Cheers.) Where did the 
 money go ? 
 
 A Voice " Into carpet-bags." (Roars of laugh- 
 ter.) 
 
 Mr. Cox Well, they have a Freedmen's Bureau, 
 down there. I had the honor, when in Congress, to 
 make a speech against this freedmen's business. I 
 did not think it the business of the Government 
 to feed anybody black or white unless organized 
 for war. But General Logan tells you that this 
 vast elemosynary institution only cost $7,000,000, 
 and collected $60,000,000. How does he figure it 
 out ? Why, he says the Government collected that 
 amount of tax on cotton. He counts in all the 
 cotton left at the end of the war, what was taxed 
 the time the law went into effect, and all the cot- 
 ton raised since the war (laughter) and he puts 
 it all down to the credit of the Freedmen's Bu- 
 reau. (Renewed merriment.) This people that 
 was so unthrifty as not to be able to take care of 
 itself is credited with contributing enough to sup- 
 port the United States Government. (Laughter.) 
 The Freedmen's Bureau is a sort of miserable 
 arrangement to feed men wiio have gone down 
 there from the North, and who can't get an hon- 
 est living there. (Laughter and applause.) They 
 are like the two black crows who sat on a hill. 
 (Laughing.) Now I wish to use General Logan 
 with great respect, as I served with him in the 
 Democratic party a good many years. (Laughter.) 
 I know very well at the beginning of the war 
 General Logan was not quite as strong for the 
 North as he is now, or as I was then. This I tell 
 you confidentially. (Applause and smiles.) The 
 General was then a little disposed to help the other 
 side. Judge Douglass went out there to Illinois 
 to stop some men who were raising regiments for 
 the South, and were not to be trusted. Well, 
 General Logan is a gallant general and a good sol- 
 dier. He says that the Democratic party, after 
 forty years' control of the Government, is respon- 
 
11 
 
 sible for the condition of affairs at the time the 
 Eepublican party came into power. I have to 
 say in answer to that, that during the 
 last half of these forty years, General 
 Logan was a member of the Democratic 
 party, helping them to do this great wrong. 
 (Great laughter). These men who make so much 
 talk about the Democratic party generally turn out 
 to be men who have left their party for their party's 
 good (More laughter). I have heard the eloquent 
 Logan again and again speak in Congress against 
 embroiling this country by raising the Republican 
 (or Radical) party to power. General Logan says 
 that- the same issues are before the people to- 
 day as three years ago. But I tell you, gen- 
 tlemen, things have progressed somewhat since 
 then. We have got to look into the matter of 
 taxes and debts. He looks at the debt, and what 
 does he say about it ? Why, that parties are 
 divided about it. For myself, gentlemen, I never 
 would consent to issue, for any purpose, this mis- 
 erable, debauched currency, for which the Repub- 
 licans are alone responsible (Approval). I hold 
 that our legal tender is gold and silver. I 
 like the chink of the old Democratic legal tender 
 (Applause). If we are to have paper, let us 
 make it worth as much as its face in gold sterling 
 coin, and we shall be out of our trouble about 
 the bond question. The policy of the Radical 
 party is opposed to the fundamental principles of 
 this Government. Before the war they tried to 
 run the Government on half an idea (Laughing). 
 They tried to concentrate the power of the execu- 
 tive, the legislative, and the judicial departments 
 of the Government in one department the Legis- 
 lative. Look at the Reconstruction act of March 
 2, 1867 the supplementary supplement to a sup- 
 plementary act (Merriment). They said to the 
 South, "You have got to take military power or 
 Congressional power which will you have ?" It 
 was a pretty bad alternative very much like the 
 old darkey preacher's road one led to destruc- 
 tion, and " de oder to damnation" (Peals of laugh- 
 ter). The Radicals have destroyed our constitu- 
 tional mode of collecting private debts, substitu- 
 ting the military power. They have replaced mu- 
 nicipal and State Governments by the sword, be- 
 lieving that the States were like Milton's angels, 
 and the sword could go through them. They 
 have set aside, by their legislation, the Magna 
 Charta of the American people, and rights that 
 have been enjoyed by our race for 800 years. And 
 what is all this for ? It is for negro suffrage and 
 the perpetuation of African rule (Cries of " Yes, 
 
 yes !") It is to degrade the dignity of the ballot. 
 It is to place us at the mercy of a balance of 
 power consisting of the black vote. It is to dis- 
 franchise any one of the 2,000,000 Democratic 
 voters of the North should he see fit to go South 
 and dare refuse to swear to protect and defend 
 the political equality of the blacks and whites. 
 What do you think of that, my Republican 
 friends ? And they would make all this irrevoca- 
 ble. What a spectacle of a party of progress 
 and civilization enacting that there shall be no 
 change in the fundamental law ! My impression 
 is that the November election will overturn all 
 this. General Logan bases his opposition to 
 Frank Blair upon the pretence that Frank Blair 
 means revolution. But, my friends, it is the 
 revolution of the ballot-box, the revolution of 
 law, the revolution that the Supreme Court would 
 have secured if it had not been interfered with 
 by a Radical Congress (Applause). It is the 
 revolution that comes from the strain of the Rad- 
 ical party to keep the wrong in the ascendancy, 
 and to break down right in this country (Ap- 
 plause and a voice "that's so.") They put a plank 
 in their platform that the Northern States may 
 regulate the suffrage for themselves, but that the 
 Southern States shan't do it ; and yet General Lo- 
 gan says the States are equal. Their policy is, 
 
 "Like the snow-flake on the river, 
 A moment white, then gone forever," 
 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 General Logan said that his party was the party 
 of law. But they have substituted trial by mili- 
 tary commission for trial by jury ; they have in- 
 terfered with the Supreme Court ; they have 
 broken down State rights ; they have repealed the 
 laws controlling the currency, and destroyed con- 
 stitutional guaranties. And they have the au- 
 dacity to ask Irish votes in the face of a policy 
 towards the South which is a counterpart of the 
 treatment of Ireland by Great Britain (Applause)^ 
 Mr. Cox concluded with an earnest appeal to 
 his audience to adopt the principles of l&w 
 and justice, combined with mercy and concilia- 
 tion, and counseled, as a panacea for our national 
 ills, the election of Seymour and Blair. He wa* 
 warmly greeted at the close. 
 
 Speech in Ninth Ward, New York 
 City, oil September 29th. 
 
 The Democracy of the Ninth Ward held an en- 
 thusiastic meeting at the corner of Bleecker and 
 
12 
 
 Morton streets last evening, when Hon. S. S. 
 Cox delivered the folloAving address : 
 
 GENTLEMEN : I have been rarely repetitious in 
 my speeches during the campaign. I have been 
 so often reported that I have been compelled to 
 seek new matter and fresh illustrations. In my 
 humble way I have exhausted discussion growing 
 out of the reconstruction laws, the constitutional 
 relations of the States, negro rule, military 
 power, taxation by external and internal measures, 
 and the public debt and currency. But day unto 
 day uttereth speech of fresh "outrages" by rea- 
 son of Radical rule. Night unto night proclaimeth 
 knowledge of our terrible fiscal situation. There 
 is no limit to the discussion. The telegraph comes 
 freighted with the burden of Southern crime and 
 lawlessness. Each day there is a new budget of 
 nnpropitious news from the South. The black 
 and white races are beginning to clinch for the 
 struggle. There is no remedy in Radical rule. 
 (Cheers.) The very cause of the trouble cannot 
 cure. It aggravates. The unprosperous South 
 the South which had brains and bravery enough 
 to hold this nation at bay for four years after 
 bowing to the Constitution, is abased before the 
 groveling negro. Patient the white man is; 
 skilled in political dialectics, he awaits, without 
 yielding to the temptation to retaliate, until the 
 just judgment of the people shall determine his 
 situation. The troubles at New Orleans, in 
 Texas, in Georgia the alarm, the robberies, the 
 threats, the secret societies, the secret arming and 
 training, the appeals of demagogues these, are 
 but the clouds which are gathering before the 
 great tempest breaks. Why cannot the lightning 
 in their black bosom be drawn harmlessly to the 
 arth? Why may not the storm be avoided? 
 Were not the Southern peeple content and allegiant 
 when the war ended? Who is the responsible 
 party? Is it not the party of Congress? They 
 have claimed and wielded all power, controlling 
 military, negro suffrage, States ; overruling the 
 administration, its vetoes, its amnesties, and its 
 prudence. Whether these outrages and troubles 
 are justifiable or not, they are the signs and proofs 
 of incompetence and bad rule. The sign and proof 
 of good rule is in the prosperity and tranquility 
 of the people. What a failure in this regard is 
 Radical policy! What a costly failure! 
 
 RADICALISM COSTLY. 
 
 In speaking of the cost of bad government 
 it is hard to over-estimate. The cost is 
 o t confined to mere administration. It is 
 
 he daily loss and the constant hazard. It is 
 he breaking up of enterprises and the paralysis of 
 ndustries. It is the wanton waste of time. It is 
 he waste of time, which, otherwise employed, 
 vould add to our values, and thus divide our 
 mrdens. One great trouble attending political 
 liscussion this year has been to obtain authentic 
 ccounts of our expenditures and taxes. Better 
 pay more, if you can know what it is for, and what 
 t is yet to pay, than to be paying all the time hope- 
 essly in the dark. The people have a right to know 
 ,he financial condition. Mr. Wells, Mr. Atkinson, 
 Mr. Sherman and others have " committed many a 
 rape on a cloud of statistics." They have only 
 mystified our situation. We knew we were pay- 
 ng largely. We know that the debt has been 
 growing lately. We knew that some $1,500,000,- 
 000 had been collected since July, 1865. We 
 cnew that our tax this year would be near $400,- 
 000,000 ; but we did not know so authentically 
 till vesterday how near to bankruptcy we were 
 verging. Mr. Delmar, the official head of the 
 Statistics of the Treasury, has given us the data. 
 It is a startling disclosure. It shows the incom- 
 petency of Congress to master the financial situa- 
 tion. It shows that extravagance has held high 
 carnival. (Cheers.) It is proof, beyond cavil, 
 either that Congress after the election, will again 
 put the people to the tax torture, manifold worse 
 than ever, or that the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 to save the credit of the nation meanwhile, must 
 increase the debt by the issue of new bonds. 
 
 On the authority of official reports, I affirm now, 
 what I affirmed while speaking in Maine, for I 
 had these data unofficially then, that our total 
 receipts the past three years are : 
 
 Forl865-6 $613,758783 
 
 For 1866-7 536349.172 
 
 For 1867-8 ^450.212.663 
 
 Total $1,600,320 618 
 
 And our total expenditures : 
 
 For 1865-6 $57,477,108 
 
 t -orl866-7 392,444,291 
 
 For 1867-8 414.913,604 
 
 Tota l $1383,834,998 
 
 Yet, Avill you believe it? With all these im- 
 mense sums^received, our debt is now growing ! I 
 stated before what has been controverted, that our 
 appropriations for 1868-9 would be four hundred 
 millions. Mr. Delmar gives me the the authentic 
 sum to be expended under this Congressional dic- 
 tation. It is a little more than a million and a 
 half less than my statement. It is $398,317,- 
 183 95 ! Can you wonder that labor grows de- 
 
13 
 
 spairing ; that the people groan ; that merchant 
 sell less and people buy less ; that labor at evei 
 higher wages is not so remunerative as formerly 
 that commerce and shipbuilding dies ; that th 
 whole land is in peril of decay and waste, unde 
 these mortgages which Radicalism is now fore 
 .closing around all our interests ? (Cheers. 
 Can you wonder, as the statist, Mr. Delmar, says 
 that if the Treasury'endeavors to meet its curren 
 expenses this year, there will be a deficit at the 
 end of the year of $154,339,202 25 ! This mus 
 be raised by new taxes or new loans ! Mr. Bond 
 holder ! new loans under such circumstances 
 means the tumbling of your present prices o: 
 bonds ; tumbling, tumbling into some abyss, to 
 what depth or into what chaos I do not undertake 
 to say. Perhaps John Milton in one of his tract 
 ates, makes the picture a sort of clear-obscure 
 Rembrandt of those who, aspiring to high dig- 
 nity and rule by the distresses and servitude oJ 
 their country " After a shameful end in this life, 
 shall be thrown eternally into the darkest ant 
 deepest gulf of hell ; where under the despiteful 
 control, the trample and spurn of all the other 
 damned, that in the anguish of their torture shall 
 have no other ease than to exercise a raving and 
 bestial tyranny over them as their slaves and ne- 
 groes, they shall remain in that plight forever, 
 the basest, the lowermost, the most dejected, 
 most underfoot and downtrodden vassals of perdi- 
 tion." (Cheers.) If Seymour is not elected, and 
 this policy of demagoguery and ruin goes on, your 
 party and your bonds will be in a similar case. 
 The policy did go on after the most earnest warn- 
 ing of Mr. McCulloch ; it will go on, in spite of 
 all warnings, except the people give warning in 
 November. Perhaps you will prefer, Mr. Con- 
 gressmen, to tax more. Why did you so boastful- 
 ly cut down the taxes ? Mr. Wells, in one of his 
 reports, brags that, since the war, taxes have 
 been reduced $167,269,000. Suppose they have ; 
 yet we have no relief ! Suppose they have ; only 
 to be put on again after the election. It was a 
 dodge of the demagogue to save the credit of the 
 party at the expense of the credit of the nation. 
 (Cheers.) When we press these points home upon 
 our opponents they chaunt the old ditty about the 
 war and treason. This is a convenient avoidance 
 of the issues. 
 
 AVOIDANCE OF ISSUES. 
 
 The true question is, what is best now ? The 
 Rebublican argues, what is best in the war ? 
 We respond the war is over, and the issues are 
 
 pressing and new. They reply that the war is 
 still flagrant. They, ask for peace. By fanning; 
 the embers of old hates, almost burned into ashes, 
 they would prevent the reception of a proper pre- 
 sent policy. The Republican orators proceed on. 
 the falsejaremise that the Democracy are rebels, 
 because the first were formerly in rebellion and 
 now in allegiance and with them. This, if true, 
 is equally applicable to the Republican party. 
 The House and Senate not to speak of Southern 
 legislatures have radical rebels, reconstructed on 
 their model. The bulk of the negroes helped re- 
 bellion soundly ; they assume, by some sort of 
 petitio principii, that the Democracy were all 
 rebels, and are yet, when that premise is the very 
 thing to be proved. The Democracy assume 
 and can prove that the dominant majority of the 
 party are true and patriotic now and ever have 
 been. 
 
 ARE DEMOCRATS REBELS? 
 
 The gravamen of the charge against the Demo- 
 cracy is that they were and are unfaithful to the 
 Union. It is very hard for a Northern Democrat 
 to answer this with patience. If it be true that 
 the Northern Democracy were untrue to their 
 allegiance, then it is true that the party 
 was unfaithful, for the Northern portion 
 was the large majority. The Democracy, 
 though distracted in its own bosom by the 
 slavery agitations of 1844, 1848, 1852 andl 856, 
 came into a common Convention at Charleston, 
 in 1860. The old platform of non-intervention 
 with domestic relations, was adopted, 165 to 138. 
 By Democratic usage this was the law of our par- 
 ;y. Alabama led the States south, into withdraw- 
 al. The chasm opened, but by no help from the 
 majority of that Convention ; Douglas was nomina- 
 ted by the lawful two-thirds vote. A rival candi- 
 date divided our party. He was championed by 
 Dix, Butler, and others. Douglas received the 
 
 at majority of our party vote. He had 1,365,- 
 976 against 1,859,610 for Lincoln. Bell received 
 590,631, and Breckinridge 847,963. So that the 
 expression of the Democracy of the nation was 
 ruly against the hot zealotry of the South. 
 Cheers.) In connection with the Bell vote, it 
 was truly significant. In connection with the 
 3ell vote, it was a majority of 98,997 nearly a 
 lundred thousand Union majority against secession 
 ind its Northern ally, Republicanism. I charge, 
 >n the statement of a responsible Republican, that 
 he allies of the Republicans were the secession. 
 sts. Mr. Greeley, said the "engineers of the re- 
 
14 
 
 bellion desired and labored for the Republican 
 triumph of 1860." And he is equally true to his- 
 tory when he adds : 
 
 " It was to this end that they forced through the 
 Senate of that year the Jeff. Davis platform, where- 
 by Mr. Douglas and his friends were virtually 
 read ont of the Democratic party It was to this 
 end that they deliberately and determinedly complet- 
 ed the overthrow of that party, by bolting from the 
 Charleston Convention and nominating Breckin- 
 ridge and Lane against Donglas and Johnson. All 
 through the canvass we Republicans recognized and 
 treated the bolter-! as our virtual and powerful al- 
 lies. And when, through their aid, we had elected 
 Lincoln and Hamlin. our triumph was no -where 
 more generally or openly exulted over that in Char- 
 leston, the fountain and focus of the rebellion. 
 
 And yet these allies of the South, charge upon 
 the Northern Democracy and their Union and 
 Whig friends South, the crimes fostered with a 
 view to help disunion. The assertion that Dou- 
 glas, with nearly double the vote of Brecken- 
 bridge, was read out of the party by bolters and 
 seceders, is not a true statement, either in par- 
 tisan parlance or ethical propriety. What hap- 
 pened when Lincoln became President of this 
 large minority vote? War came! Did the 
 Democracy of the nation flinch ? (Cheers for 
 McClellan.) Is it not a libel to say so ? Is it 
 not base to charge those who thus struggled with 
 Douglas and Crittenden ? The representatives 
 of the Bell and Douglas vote, amounting to 
 nearly two million, being a majority over the 
 Lincoln vote, were the real Union men. In 
 1860-1, they sought to avert the war. (Cheers.) 
 How they plead, how they labored, how they 
 appealed to the rash South and the fana- 
 tic North, how, in the name of the majority 
 of this nation, they thus appealed is it not a 
 part of the historic fame of the Democratic and 
 old Whig leaders? (Cheers.) Peace conven- 
 tions, compromises, Border-State influences, pe- 
 titions, social and religious influences, and above 
 all, the terrible apprehensions of civil war, gave 
 emphasis to their appeals and vigor to their la- 
 bors. All in vain ! When war came, this same 
 Democracy, represented by the majority of thi 
 patriotic party, rallied to the Union ! (Cheers.) 
 Is this denied ? Call the roll of soldiers 1 Mr. 
 Stanton reports that there were three millions 
 on the army roll. Lincoln received only 1,850,- 
 610 votes. Where did the rest come from ? 
 Were all the warriors Republicans, and 
 were all the Republicans warriors ? (Laugh 
 ter.) Was there not a majority of the regiments 
 and officers Democratic ? Who had the means to 
 buy substitutes ? Who were the sneaks from 
 the army ? Were they all Democrats ? Who 
 
 ere the brave brigadiers who conveniently 
 aeld Willard's Hotel when action was appre- 
 lended ? (Laughter.) Who made Dutch Gap 
 canals, powder-boat explosions, and noise gen- 
 erally ? (Laughter.) Were they all Democrats ? 
 Were there not many of them wide-awake to the 
 sweet solace of home ? (Laughter.) Guards of the 
 learthstones in the North. Were these all 
 Democrats ? If so, even then there must have 
 n as many Democrats as Republicans in the 
 war. The taxes to support the army were paid 
 and are being paid equally by Democrats. It is 
 simply monstrous and mean to say that the 
 Democratic party, represented by the majori- 
 ites, its leaders, or its tax-payers, were confeder- 
 ate with the rebellion. 1 dare the slanderer to his 
 proof. If the moneyed classes number but 440,- 
 300, as Mr. Hine stated to the Labor Congress, 
 and the rest of the adult males, which are 
 numbered in all by him 4,000,000, are made up 
 of men who live by wages and " middle men ;" 
 and if labor pays most of the taxes, and if it is 
 true that the great body of the laboring classes 
 are Democrats, is it not a fair inference that 
 the great amount of taxation is paid by Demo- 
 crats. (Cheers ) How execrable, then, is the 
 lie that the Democrats have not sustained the 
 Government. The men who thus slander their 
 taxed neighbors, have not even the fairness or 
 decency of Kit Burns, the rat-baiter, toward the 
 innocent Water street missionaries ; " As long," 
 he says, " as long as they pays their money, I'll 
 treat 'em square." (Laughter.) It takes a good 
 deal of brass in the cheek and a good deal of 
 music in the chin to perpetually slander the 
 greatest number of American people, as unpatri- 
 otic and rebellious. What are the facts ? If 
 you cannot find them, Mr. Radical, I can. When 
 the war broke out, the first regiments West and 
 East came from Democratic localities. McClel- 
 lan saved Western Virginia! (Cheers.) Frank 
 Blair, now hounded, as if a traitor, was refused 
 a vote at the polls in the very State he saved. 
 Slocum, Franklin, the Porters, Steadman, and 
 the Grand Army of Democratic generals, are 
 examples. (Cheers.) Oh ! but it is said : " The 
 body of the Democratic people were right and 
 sound but their political leaders were not." 
 This is a bold falsehood. Every Democratic 
 State Convention in the North, by resolution, 
 stood by the Government, when war became 
 flagrant. It will not do to say, because the Dem- 
 ocracy desired peace, that they were opposed to 
 fighting for the Union and the Government, 
 
 
15 
 
 What was the object of the war ? Was it car- 
 ried on for its carnage and devastations ? No 
 one but a demon or a brute would say so. Is it 
 not waged to secure an object ? Is not peace the 
 end proposed ? Was not peace and Union our 
 object? If, therefore, the Democracy fought, 
 they at the same time proposed Union and 
 peace. It is simply illogical, base, and coward- 
 ly to say that the Democrats opposed the war, 
 because it ever sought to end it in the interest 
 of peace and Union. 
 
 I have referred to the resolutions of our State 
 Conventions. I refer to the messages of all the 
 Democratic Governors we had during the war 
 Parker, of New Jersey, and Seymour. (Cheers.) 
 They answered all calls. They were the most 
 prompt. Their record is as stainless as crystal. 
 Now go to the record of the first Congress after 
 the war began ! Was there ever in history a 
 party so maligned an opposition party, opposed 
 to the canons of the Republicans, solicitous of 
 peace and Union, and yet, when war came, ral- 
 lying in almost unbroken phalanx, and forget- 
 ting all rivalry and animosity, to help its adver- 
 sary in the struggle for the Government. 
 (Cheers.) I have the journal of the extra ses- 
 sion beginning 4th of July, 1861. It was called 
 by Mr. Lincoln in no spirit of hostility to the 
 South. His message was a plea to the people 
 and their representatives for a settled policy of 
 war. He felt that there was uneasiness in the 
 public mind as to the object of the war. He 
 asked " candid men" to heed him, " as to the 
 course of the Government toward the Southern 
 States, after the rebellion shall have been sup- 
 pressed." I quote the very Italics of his mes- 
 sage. After ! " It will be the purpose of the 
 executive," said he, " then as ever, to be guided 
 by the Constitution and laws." He referred to 
 his inaugural as to his recognition of the "rights 
 of the Sates and the people under the Constitu- 
 tion." He desired this instrument to be ad- 
 ministered as it was by the men who made it. 
 *' It is not perceived that there is any coercion, 
 any conquest, or any subjugation, in any just 
 sense of these terms." What a commentary is 
 the last three years of military rule and negro 
 extravaganzas on this message. I was a mem- 
 ber of that Congress. I frequently conferred 
 with the President. I believed he meant that 
 the war should not be for the conquest, or in 
 other words, the spoliation, and dismember- 
 ment and degradation of the States. So we all 
 voted. There were extreme men in the first 
 
 Congress on both sides, but only two or three on 
 he Democratic side. The first declaration, on 
 he 15th of July, pertinent to the issue, was 
 iffered by General McClernand now fighting 
 for Seymour in Illinois. (Cheers) Its preamble . 
 denounced the Southern aggressive and iniquit- 
 ous war. It pledged us by resolution to vote 
 any amount of money and any number of men 
 for the restoration of Federal authority (Cheers.) 
 See the eighty-sixth page of the journal, and 
 you will find only five nays against it Conk- 
 ling and Corning were side by side ; Logan and 
 Lovejoy; English and Fenton and all through 
 the roll Democrats and Republicans as one I 
 In a week afterwards Mr. Crittenden calfed me 
 to him, in front of the Clerk's desk, and read 
 his famous resolutions. My first words to him 
 were after reading it in manuscript: "That 
 the resolution did not quite tell the whole 
 truth when it said that ' the present deplorable 
 civil war has been forced upon the country by 
 the disunionists of the Southern States.'" I 
 said: " Mr. Crittenden, can't you insert North- 
 ern disunionists also ?" (Cheers.) He replied : 
 " If I do I cannot get a unanimous vote, and 
 that is so desirable." I said : " Very well ; it 
 has my concurrence unanimity is the great 
 object." The Democracy was ready to yield 
 much, nay, to yield their very organization to 
 the adversary, to secure the object of the war. 
 On the vote for the preamble there is recorded 
 but two dissentients who were Democrats ; and 
 on the vote to sustain the second branch of the 
 resolution, that the war was not for conquest, 
 but for the restoration of the States now so fa- 
 miliar there were but two dissentients Potter 
 and Riddle both Republicans. For myself, I 
 never had a desire or a thought not in harmony 
 with these resolutions. On the 29th of July I 
 offered a resolution for " un diminished and in- 
 creased exertion by army and navy to sustain 
 the stability and integrity of the Government," 
 and at the same time sought to end the war by 
 national methods in the interests of the Union 
 of all the States. This same Congress never 
 dreamed of regarding the States as out, because 
 seceding and rebellious. By the journal, page 
 203, you will see the direct tax law of twen- 
 ty millions, on the States all as States ! All 
 this farrago of reconstruction is an after thought. 
 It is born of partisan and personal ambition .It is 
 the risk Radicalism took for party success. That 
 risk is the country's ruin. 'It is anarchy, dis- 
 order, and bankruptcy. During this extraor- 
 
16 
 
 dinary Congress, no man was so efficient, far- 
 sighted, and sagacious as Frank Blair. He was 
 at the head of the Military Committee. He re- 
 ported the first bill for five hundred millions of 
 money, and 500,000 men to suppress the rebel- 
 lion, but not for conquest. That bill was ac- 
 cepted by all. From that time forward until 
 the war was perverted from its original and de- 
 clared purpose, there was no more hearty or 
 more skillful aid given than by the Democracy. 
 What was feared then what was apprehended 
 in 1864, at Chicago is now accomplished. The 
 war so gallantly fought, is resultless in its one 
 great object. The Union is still severed. Con- 
 cord, equality, and content are absent What 
 Is in their place ? What is not f Who is re- 
 sponsible ? The people will answer in Novem- 
 ber, by the election of Seymour and Blair. 
 This Union may be kept apart by negro and 
 military power, but the interests of trade, the 
 love of home and of liberty, the anxiety for 
 prosperity, the burdens of taxation unequal and 
 unjust, and the common national glory, de- 
 mand the Union as made by the God of Nature, 
 and as it came under his direction to the found- 
 ers of our system. The Union is of God ! Ye 
 Radicals cannot overthrow it lest, haply, ye be 
 found to fight against God ! (Applause ) 
 
 Speech at Brunswick, Maine. 
 
 THE SHIPBUILDERS' INDICTMENT OF 
 RADICALISM. 
 
 Hon. S. S. Cox, of New York, addressed a 
 mass meeting of the Democracy at Brunswick, 
 Me., on the 3d September. Hon. A. B Thomp- 
 son presided. Mr. Cox's speech was as follows : 
 
 SPEECH OF HON. 8. S. COX. 
 
 CITIZENS OF BRUNSWICK : I thank you for 
 this enthusiastic reception to a stranger I am 
 introduced to you as from Ohio I am a na- 
 tive of an inland State ; but now, however, I 
 come to you from the commercial emporium, 
 New York, my home. What I say to you 
 about commerce is of equal interest to all. It 
 is your mission to build ships, which once bore 
 the produce of the West, though controlled by 
 the capital of the East. Years ago, as the rep- 
 resentative of a farmer peoplej I was forward 
 in contending for the interests of commerce. 
 
 Commerce was the select handmaiden of agri- 
 culture. Remembering the resounding anthem 
 of Wordsworth : 
 
 " Though inland far we be, 
 Our souls have sight of your eternal ?ea," 
 
 And knowing how steam and lightning had 
 abolished space and that we " could in a mo- 
 ment travel thither with our thoughts and 
 produce" I strove in Congress and through 
 international influences to give more freedom 
 to trade and to the seas ; to abolish the pirati- 
 cal practices yet prevalent among nations, with 
 reference to a mercantile marine, as well as to 
 abolish the robberies of land pirates by exac- 
 tions at home ; to give to free ships free goods 5 
 to limit nations in their belligerent rights, and 
 to protect neutrals, to stop blockades which 
 interfered with trail e not contraband ; to so 
 control the calamities of war that the inter- 
 changes of the nation might go on unaffected 
 by war ; and to narrow its sphere of cruelty 
 and spoliation, so that conflicts upon the sea 
 should only be a duello between government 
 ships of war, and not to att'ect vessels and 
 property 'of private persons engaged in sailing, 
 steaming, or trading. The United States once 
 had the right to give laws to the sea. Its first 
 treaties liberalized commerce. Its enterprise 
 commanded advantages. Was there ever a peo- 
 ple better fitted for sea-faring ? Was not the 
 New World born of commercial adventure? 
 Were not Columbus and his caravel Isabella 
 and her jewels the very romance of our con- 
 tinent ? Do not the Americans bear the name 
 of him who sailed hither by the golden cross ? 
 Did not Hudson immortalize the river which, 
 in the genius of Irving, immortalizes Hudson ? 
 Your own State is the offspring of the most 
 daring sea adventures. From 1602 until 1820, 
 when Massachusetts gave you to the Union, 
 your State, its lands and rights political and 
 proprietary have been matters of commerce 
 French and English, Catholic and Protestant. 
 Puritan and Cavalier, Republican and Royalist, 
 have contended for the mastery of your coasts, 
 Thanks to the Federal principle, you became 
 one of the United States, with all the rights, 
 equality, and dignity of a State unimpaired. 
 (Cheers.) I mistake the pioneer spirit of your 
 people if you are not ready now to yield to 
 others the same equality (Cheers.) Under 
 this system you have grown stately as one of 
 your lofty pines, free as the homeless winds, 
 and as fearless as the sportive waves which 
 
17 
 
 lave your shores. Nor do I underrate the influ- 
 ences of commerce on States. The Phoenician, 
 Roman, Grecian, Venetian, Dutch, Spanish, Por- 
 tuguese, and English advancement is traceable io 
 commerce. Christianity is spread with its wings. 
 Loyola soughl; Jerusalem, and Judson sought 
 India upon the bosom of the sea. I do not ex- 
 aggerate its importance. But my duty will 
 not be done till I show you the facts and causes 
 of its decadence. I confine my remarks to this 
 one subject. It is a subject that is not only of 
 intense interest to this Venice of America, that 
 sits enthroned upon seas that sparkle in the 
 bright glory of a thousand noble bays and 
 ports, but of the first importance to the whole 
 people of this country, from the Passama- 
 quoddy to Alaska. Of all the natioas in the 
 world, the United States possesses the most am- 
 ple facilities for commerce. Of all the leading 
 nations of the world, her commerce is the 
 most limited and unprofitable. There is no 
 need to explore the El Dorado for its minute 
 tribute of golden sands, or push colonization to 
 the poles in search of a few tons of Arctic coal. 
 The envied gold of California is a bauble ; the 
 precious furs in Onelaska's wilds are a paltry 
 prize ; nay, the entire wealth of the Pacific 
 shores fades into insignificance when compared 
 with the riches that lie at our very doors, and 
 that may be derived from that commerce which 
 was once our country's pride, and the main 
 source of her envied prosperity, and to which 
 the State of Maine, in her capacity as the 
 builder of those magnificent vessels in which 
 this commerce was borne, so powerfully contri- 
 buted. On the Atlantic coast we have six 
 thousand eight hundred and sixty-one miles of 
 shore -line, including bays, sounds, etc. On the 
 Pacific coast, without counting Alaska, we have 
 two thousand two hundred and eighty-one 
 miles. On the Gulf we have three thousand 
 four hundred and sixty-seven miles. And on 
 the Lakes under our sovereignty, we have 
 three thousand six hundred and twenty miles 
 This makes a total of sixteen thousand two 
 hundred and twenty-nine miles of shore line. 
 It is a line equal in length to over two-thirds 
 the circumference of the globe ! If to this be 
 added nine thousand two hundred and forty- 
 seven miles of shore line to the islands on our 
 coast, and eleven thousand two hundred and 
 thirteen miles of river shore line to the head of 
 tide water, we have a grand total of thirty-six 
 thousand six hundred and eighty-nine miles of 
 2 
 
 ' shore a line that, if perfectly straight, would 
 extend nearly twice around the globe ! Besides 
 this, we have thirty-six thousand eight hun- 
 dred and fifty-four miles of river navigation, 
 and a chain of gigantic lakes inland seas 
 that extends from the St. Lawrence to the slope 
 of the Rocky Mountains. And as if these im- 
 mense facilities for water carriage were not 
 enough, the hands of our busy forefathers have 
 constructed for us four thousand two hundred and 
 sixty-six miles of canal navigation. These are 
 our incalculable facilities for commerce. These 
 are the endless channels of employment for ship- 
 ping and for the commerce of the United States. 
 And yet, with shame and lamentation I confess 
 that our commerce does not amount to one half 
 of that of the little kingdom of Great Britain ! 
 Is it because our shores have no harbors and 
 and our rivers are too shallow for navigation? 
 We have more harbors to every mile of coast line 
 than any country in the world. Our rivers are 
 the broadest and deepest, and have but a single 
 rival elsewhere where rolls the boundless Ama- 
 zon. The State of Maine alone has more harbors 
 than the kingdom of Great Britain five times over. 
 You may paddle a steamship from Pittsburg 
 in Pennsylvania to the mouth of the Mississippi, 
 a distance of 2,000 miles, without getting out of 
 fresh water. Is it because we have no material 
 for building ships ? Have we not the skill ? Do 
 we suffer for want of capital or lack of workmen? 
 We have the finest timber in the world, and the 
 most of it. Indeed the export of lumber to other, 
 and in this respect, less favored countries, is one 
 of the few industries which the wretched, tinker- 
 ing, legislation of the day has left us. Surely if 
 Radicalism has left us any timber in our forests, 
 there could be no better evidence of its luxuriant 
 growth ! (Laughter.) The pine forests of Maine 
 are one of the boasts of our country. The long 
 deep planking is brought from the Susquehanna ; 
 the stout oak knees and frames are hewn on the 
 eastern shores of Maryland, or felled in the 
 silence of the Dismal Swamp. God has given 
 us all the things we need for shipbuilding. The 
 hands of a horde of petty tyrants and conceited 
 economists have swept them away. Nq shipwrights 
 that ever handled an adze can compare with the 
 skilled sons of this State. Their ships were the 
 envy of foreigners, and the boast of every Ameri- 
 can. They were at once models of grace and 
 symmetry. They were wonders of speed and 
 strength. Not only did these noble ships at one 
 
 time carry the main portion of the commerce of 
 
18 
 
 the Christian world, but they were sought after 
 and purchased to such an extent that their build- 
 ing and sale to foreign flags was once a large and 
 profitable business. As for capital and workmen, 
 what are the facts ? We have millions and mil- 
 lions of money going a begging for secure invest- 
 ment at four per cent, per annum. Why is it 
 temporarily withheld from honest employment? 
 Is it in dread of that financial crash which the 
 measures of that party now in power has rendered 
 so imminent that we know not what calamity the 
 morrow will bring forth ? Meanwhile our work- 
 ingmen stand idly by, bereft of employment alto- 
 gether, or are compelled to abandon their proud 
 and honest calling for a precarious living in some 
 other less remunerative and less congenial voca- 
 tion. I quote from the official report of one who, 
 more, perhaps, than any other man in this broad 
 country, is noted for an entire absence of poetry 
 of passion in his writings, and whose life has 
 been spent in the collection and preparation of 
 facts. I allude to the present able and efficient 
 Director of the United States Bureau of Statistics, 
 Hon. Alexander Delmar. Surely here is a source 
 from which no coloring- is to be apprehended ; and 
 yet this officer, in an official report to the Govern- 
 ment on the condition of the shipbuilding interest, 
 used this graphic language in reference to a 
 visit he made in the prosecution of his official 
 duty, to the ship-yard of Donald McKay, in East 
 Boston : 
 
 His once famous ship-yard was entirely deserted ; 
 not a sound was to be heard ; riot a single person 
 beside Mr. McKay himself was there. No building 
 materials were to be seen; no vessel was being 
 built ; nor had one been in course of construction 
 for over a yezir. Mr. McKay stated that he had 
 fifteen keels down at atim^; now he had not one. 
 There was no sale for American ves-sels other than 
 the small craft employed in the coasting trade a 
 cla^s of vessels he did not construct. First-class 
 ships he formerly built and equipped ready for sea, 
 from $65 to $70 per ton ; now the same vessels would 
 cost $110 per ton ; an investment which would 
 afford, no profit to the merchants who employ 
 such vessels. The merchants could do better by 
 investing in government securities, which yield six 
 per cent, in gold, on currency investments, which 
 are exempted from taxation. In the British pro- 
 vinces the same class of vessels can now be built 
 and equipped ready for sea for $40 to $50 gold per 
 ton about half; and this, too, after buying the oak 
 timber in Maryland. If this state of affairs con- 
 tinue a few years longer, the nation would not own 
 a vessel which could be used as a war transport in 
 the event of a war. All our cotton carrying is done 
 bv foreign vessels. Our tonnage statistics for the 
 ma n part comprise vessels engaged in coasting and 
 inland navigation very few sea-going ships. As 
 to ship building generally, it is the same with others 
 as with himself. The industry is at a stand still 
 Those who were engaged in it have gone into some- 
 thing else. He himself was no longer engaged in 
 building vessels, but in carrying freight and pas- 
 sengers in the coasting trade. He was running two 
 steamers to Charleston. He could not sell them, 
 and had nothing else to do but run them. As for his 
 
 workmen they had gone into other trades som& 
 into speculation. He mentioned an enterprising 
 shipsmith who had already become an active stock 
 speculator. The year of 1854-55 was the best year 
 of active shipbuilding in thp United States say the 
 fourteen months following the beginning of 1854. 
 From 1855 it declined somewhat during 1857, 1858, 
 ind 1859. Then it went up again, until in 1861 it 
 ouched almost as high a point as it had in 1854-55. 
 During 1862 it declined again, but not so much as 
 t had during 1857, 1858, and 1859. In 863 it re- 
 lovered its former level once more, but soon after- 
 wards sank down much lower than in 1857 and 1859, 
 and now in 1866 it was almost at an end. 
 
 The same evidence comes from New York City. 
 The great ship-yard of Mr. Webb is closed. Our 
 cotton goes out all of it under foreign flags. 
 Our merchants are sending and receiving most 
 of our produce by steam, and we have no foreign 
 steam marine under our flag. Commerce is dead. 
 We know the fact. It would be idle to lament, 
 unless we are active to remedy. What better 
 evidence than this is wanted of the decay of an 
 interest that was once among the foremost of 
 this country ? But let us now follow this officer 
 in his progress through the ship-yards of the 
 country. Then, having established the fact of 
 this decadence, let us trace it to its cause. Evidence 
 of Edward S. Tobey, shipowner, Boston : 
 
 Mr. Tobey stated that there was no doubt about 
 the decadence of shipbuilding. Prior to the war, he 
 said, we could compete with all nations in con- 
 structing vessels ; materials were more plentiful 
 here, and we had the reputation, and still have it, 
 of being best skilled in this industry. But the heavy 
 taxation to which we had been subjected has caused 
 thjs once most important interest to decline. Mr. 
 Tobey expressed the opinion " that a remedy can be 
 provided for this state of aiFairs by legislation." 
 
 Evidence of SylvanusC. Blanchard, shipbuilder. 
 Yarmouth. 
 
 Shipbuilding, as an industry, was clearly on the 
 decline, arid it required but a short time longer to 
 tee it entirely fade away. The reason of this was 
 the high taxes. If by another year, (this was in the 
 fall of 1866.) Government afforded no relief, he would 
 not build anoi her ship, but would.go out of the busi- 
 ness entirely. 
 
 Evidence of Joseph W. Dyer, shipbuilder, Port- 
 land. 
 
 Mr IJyer has no vessels on the stocks. His ship- 
 yard is entirely deserted. No stock of building ma- 
 terials on hand. The portion of his capital invested, 
 in shiplofts and shipyard is lying idle ; and so long 
 as shipbuilding is at its present low ebb it will have 
 to continue to lie idle. He stated that shipbuilding 
 was all over for the present. Never was so idle 
 since he was fourteen years of age as he was now ; 
 has always been accustomed to build a couple of 
 vessels a year, but was now lying, so to say, on the 
 flat of bis back. 
 
 Evidence of G. W. Lawrence, shipbuilder, Port- 
 land. 
 
 Mr. Lawrence had but one large ship on the stocks, 
 and this one he was in no hurry to finish, as there 
 was nothing for her to do. The shipbuilding indus- 
 try is utterly dead. 
 
19 
 
 Evidence of William and James Drummond, 
 shipbuilders, Bath. 
 
 Shipbuilding is at a stand still. Have two-ship^ 
 that have been going for two years, and have not 
 realized the bare interest on the capital invested in 
 them. There is not a keel laid in Bath this year; 
 (this was in the fall of 1866.) and Bath is known to 
 he the principal shipbuilding district in the United 
 States. Our foreign carrying trade is at an end. 
 One of the greatest industries of this country, and 
 one of its greatest glories in times past, consisted in 
 the carrying trade, and the vessels engaged in it. 
 These vessels were to be seen engaged in the trade in 
 all parts of the world. There are now seen no more. 
 Both as a matter of national pride and of great na- 
 tional moneyed interest, care should be .taken that 
 this enormous industry should revive. 
 
 Evidence of George F. Patten, shipbuilder. 
 Bath. 
 
 Mr. Patten stated that the business of ship-build- 
 ing was almost at an end. There was nothing do- 
 ing : the business was virtually ended. There was 
 no demand for vessels, because the carrying trade 
 was being done by other nations who were tree to 
 buy their ships were they pleased. 
 
 Evidence of E. and A. Sewell, shipbuilders, 
 Bath. 
 
 Ship building is in a bad way ; business very dull. 
 One of the partners drew a gloomy picture of the 
 state of the industry. 
 
 Evidence of Captain N. L. Thompson, ship- 
 builder, Kennebunk. 
 
 He spoke of the sore necessities of the ship-build- 
 ing trade. He wanted no bounties and no favors 
 from the Government, but a lowering of the duties 
 on iron, and the other principal materials that en- 
 tered into the construction of a vessel. 
 
 Evidence of Joseph Titcombe, shipbuilder, Ken- 
 nebunk. 
 
 The building of first-class vessels was at a stand- 
 still, and the knowledge of the art would pass away 
 unless the great press-ure of taxation which now ex- 
 ists is mitigated. It is a pity that the great carrying 
 trade of the ocean should not be participated in by 
 the United States. She was once the principal na- 
 tion engaged in this lucrative business, but it has 
 slowly, and within the past three years rapidly, 
 fallen into other hands. 
 
 Mr. Sampson, of East Boston, Mr. Laskey, of 
 East Boston, Messrs. McKay and Alden, of East 
 Boston, Mr. Townsend, of East Boston, John Tay- 
 lor, of East Boston, Curtiss and Tilden, of East 
 Boston, and a large number of others, including 
 W. H. Webb, and Webb &c Bell, Lawrence & 
 Foulk, J. Simonson, T. F. Rowland, and E. S 
 Whitlock, of New York, all of them practical, 
 ship-builders, give evidence to the same state of 
 facts, which since this evidence was taken, has 
 grown still worse. The industry is dead ; and 
 the cause is inordinate duties, high taxes. This 
 is the common story from all. Thousands of 
 our best mechanics are thrown out of employ- 
 ment, while the commerce of the seas is increas- 
 ing with tremendous strides, and the outside 
 
 world is calling for more ships in which to carry 
 its commerce. Great Britaii has increased her 
 tonage from a little over 4,000,000 in 1860 to 
 9,000,000 in 1868. France has grown from a mil- 
 lion and a half to three millions. The United 
 iStatt-s, which in the former year boasted a ton- 
 age of over 5,353,868, can now scarcely show 
 3,000,000, or less than we possessed in 1848 ! 
 Now let us see what this dead interest was worth 
 to us. According to our official statement of the 
 Treasury Department, there was sold to foreign- 
 ers from the year 1828 to the year 1867 inclusive : 
 Merchant vessels with an aggregate tonage of 
 1,387,752, equal to an annual average of 34,604 
 tons. The total value of these vessels sold was 
 at 40 gold per ton, $55,510,080 equal to any 
 annual average of $1,387,753, fully one-fifth of 
 which was profit, and mostly to the State of 
 Maine. (Cheers.) According to another official 
 statement on the subject, the freight and pas- 
 senger receipts of our foreign shipping alone, 
 were in 1868, nearly thirty-four million dollars 
 gold. In 1868 this had fallen to a little over 
 seventeen million dollars gold or one-half ; a 
 clear loss of the remainder, and this, too, with 
 enhanced prices. The earning of our coasting 
 vessels, about forty million dollars a year, had 
 not decreased, the Navigation Act excluding 
 all foreign competition in this trade, and com- 
 pelling the shippers to pay whatever freight 
 the ship-owner was obliged to demand. (A 
 voice, " that's so.") But see the effect of this 
 mad restriction ! The -cotton merchant of the 
 South, the grain merchant of the West, the' beef 
 and pork packers, the naval store and lumber 
 merchants, who are thus compelled to pay in- 
 ordinate freights, either charge them indirectly 
 in the prices of the commodities which in some 
 way or another we have to buy and consume ; 
 or finding that the high price of coasting and 
 river and lake freight makes it as cheap for 
 them to ship by railroad, prefer the roads. The 
 result is the roads carry freight that might oth- 
 orwise come cheaper by water, and consequent- 
 ly you have to pay for flour fifteen dollars a bar- 
 rel, and for cotton thirty cents a pound ; while 
 nobody is the gainer by it. The carrying trade 
 remains depressed, and the railroads, through 
 ruinous competition, fail to pay their dividends. 
 To trace these consequences still further would 
 take up too much time ; but we can see them in 
 neglected road-beds, and rotten vessels, and fatal 
 accidents, and loss of life by sea and land. 
 Look at this comparison of prices before and 
 
20 
 
 Since. ' 
 Gold at 140 
 $ 17 00 
 74 00 
 55 00 
 
 100 00 
 
 S* 
 
 17 
 
 since the war. Teil me how it is possible, un- 
 der this ruinous system of taxation, and still 
 more ruinous system of false currency, to revive 
 an industry that was once worth seventy-five 
 millions a year in earnings, and half a mil- 
 lion more in profit on sales to foreigners, while its 
 agency furnished us with cheap food, cheap 
 clothing, and cheap materials with which to 
 build. Look at the following comparison of 
 prices before and since the war : 
 
 Before. 
 Gold at par. 
 
 Timber, per ton $ 9 00 
 
 Oak plank, per ton 4000 
 
 Ueck planking 2000 
 
 Ships built and equipped, 
 ready for sea, per ton... 60 00 
 
 Iron, per pound 02 > 
 
 Metal, per pound 20 
 
 Paints, per pound 03 
 
 Sails and rigging now cost about three times 
 as much as before the war, and many small ar- 
 ticles of ship furniture four and five times as 
 much. To build a large ship that will cost say 
 $96,650 (I am now quoting an actual instance, 
 that of a vessel that measured 1,327 tons, new 
 measurement) your wood materials will cost 
 you $26,950 ; your iron, $12,400, your composi- 
 tion and yellow metal, $2,000 ; your cordage 
 $11,000 ; your other materials, $5,000 ; your 
 labor $25,000 ; your other expenses, $3,400, and 
 your business charges, $10,800. I have the de- 
 tails. I will not read, but print them : 
 
 Estimate, exhibiting the total cost of a Maine- 
 built ship of 1,327 tons, new measurement, 
 or 1, 223 tons, old measurement. 
 
 WOOD MATERIAL. 
 
 White oak timber, 600 tons, for frame 
 
 ceiling, and beams $12,000 
 
 White oak plank, 82,000 feet 4,000 
 
 Freight on timber 1,600 
 
 Surveyor's fees 150 
 
 Hard wood, 23,000 feet 700 
 
 Spruce lumber or lower deck, 21,000. 
 
 feet 400 
 
 Pine lumber, 20,000 feet 1,000 
 
 Spars 1,400 
 
 Pine decking, 55,000 feet 1,700 
 
 White oak and locust trunnels 1,000 
 
 Norway carlins, 12,000 400 
 
 Spruce plank and cross-bands, 27,000 ^500 
 
 Hackmatack knees, and planing same 1,800 
 
 Black walnut and cherry lumber 100 
 
 Total $26,950 
 
 IRON. 
 
 Cast iron 
 
 Common and refined English iron for 
 
 fastening ship. 
 
 Chains and anchors and small chains 
 
 Total. 
 
 400 
 
 7,500 
 4,500 
 
 $12,400 
 
 LABOR. 
 
 Carpenters' and fasteners' labor 14,000 
 
 Joiners' labor 4,000 
 
 Blacksmiths' 1,700 
 
 Painters'.. 500 
 
 Spar-makers' 750 
 
 Riggers' 850 
 
 Sail-makers' 400 
 
 Caulkers' .- 1,300 
 
 Carvers.' 3,00 
 
 Watchmen during building 350 
 
 Rafting and gondolaing 100 
 
 Trucking 1,00 
 
 Ox^labor ; hauling and hoisting. . . . 750 
 
 Total... $25,100 
 
 TEXTILE MATERIALS. 
 
 Cordage, bolt rope, &c. 
 Hemp and Manilla. . . , 
 
 Oakum . 
 
 Duck. . 
 
 $400 
 
 6,50 
 
 800 
 
 3,300 
 
 Total $11,000 
 
 OTHER MATRIALS 
 
 Salt (for preserving timbers) 1,000 
 
 Paints, oils, and glass 800 
 
 Blocks 1,000 
 
 Capstans 300 
 
 Pumps 400 
 
 Binnacle and compasses 150 
 
 Three boats 300 
 
 Water tanks 400 
 
 Cabin furniture (including bedding) 500 
 
 Crockery 150 
 
 Total, 
 
 OTHER EXPENSES. 
 
 Machinists' bill 
 
 Plumbers's bill, stock and work. . . . 
 Ship chandler' bill 
 
 Total. 
 
 $5,000 
 
 $700 
 1,000 
 1,700 
 
 $3,400 
 
21 
 
 BUSINESS CHARGES. 
 
 Taxes internal revenue taxes on 
 spars, and sails 
 
 County, State, and Corporation taxes 
 
 Builder's commission, (the usual 
 charge $3 to $5 per ton,) for use of 
 yard, for personal superintendence 
 &c. 
 
 Interest account 
 
 Sundry small bills 
 
 Total 
 
 $1,500 
 600 
 
 4,000 
 3,000 
 1,700 
 
 $10,800 
 
 Now let us see where the rub is ! The cost of 
 the Government in this year of peace is over 400 
 million dollars, of which no less than 130 million 
 in gold goes to pay the interest on the public debt, 
 and 130 millions more to keep a standing army in 
 the Southern States, and feed a parcel of lazy 
 freedmen from the Freedman's Bureau. Do you 
 know what 260 millions amount to ? 260 millions 
 will buy the whole animal crop of this country. 
 It will feed every living soul within it on the staff 
 of life for a year. 260 millions will build several 
 railroads from here to the Pacific. It will buy all 
 the shipping of the country, and even then will 
 leave a few odd millions for "contingent expen- 
 ses,'' pocket-knives, $25 gold pens, mileage, &c. 
 Now this 400 millions of expenditures has to be 
 met by taxation. Of this taxation nearly half is 
 levied at the Custom House. The timber that 
 builds the ship and furnishes her, is taxed 20 per 
 cent. The iron bolts and chains, the nails, 
 screws, spikes, anchors, cables, straps and 
 rings, are taxed from 80 to 120 per cent. 
 The sheathing metal pays 3-j- cents per Ib. 
 The paints pay 3 cents per pound, and even the 
 putty is taxed a cent arid a half. The ropes pay 
 from 2 to 3 cents per pound, and the sail duck 
 30 per cent, while the very salt to stow between 
 the timbers pays 18 cents per hundred pounds, 
 which is over one hundred per cent, ad valorem ; 
 and many other articles from two to three times 
 their entire value. Remember all this is paid in 
 gold. Where does this money come from ? From 
 the shippers who pay the heavy freights. Who 
 reimburses the shippers ? The people who con- 
 sume the freights. Where does this money go ? 
 To support an army and a Freedman's Bureau, 
 and a horde of official panderers and sharpers who 
 absorb the people's money ; supporting the soup 
 ladle for the benefit of the negro who is smart 
 enough to rule and vote, but not smart enough to 
 earn a living without your aid. (Cheers and 
 
 laughter.) Four hundred millions of dollars are 
 every year taken from the people to support a 
 Government that eight years ago cost but forty- 
 one millions per annum or one tenth the amount. 
 The taking of this four hundred millions enhances 
 the price of everything we eat, drink, wear, and 
 use. It stops the wheels of industry. It entire- 
 ly destroys an interest (ship -building) that former- 
 ly yielded a gross income to the nation of seventy- 
 five millions per annum, besides a large annual 
 I profit to this State in the building of ships. It 
 ! has ruined our export trade to South America, 
 and the West and East Indies. It has driven our 
 ! best business men from legitimate callings to gam- 
 i bling on the stock exchange. It has locked up 
 most of the available capital in the country, re- 
 j duced our best workmen to distress, and discour- 
 aged all classes of honest men, who with cramped 
 | means and no .provision for to-morrow, look on 
 with sullen discontent, while the parasites and 
 swindlers of the hour sweep by in gay carriages, 
 and run riot in extravagance and dissipation. To 
 give you an idea of the extent to which our trade 
 has passed out of our hands, I state that eighteen 
 years ago (in 1850) our imports amounted to 
 $178,138,318 per annum, of which but $38,481,- 
 275, or about one-fifth, was carried in foreign ves- 
 sels, and the remainder in American vessels ; 
 while in 1867, last year, when our imports amount- 
 ed to $417,831,571, nearly three-fourths, or 
 $300,622,035, was carried in foreign vessels, and 
 only $117,209,536 in American vessels. The 
 same proportions hold good with respect to the 
 export trade. Not only this, but the trade itself 
 has fallen off, and reduced national profits by 
 millions of dollars, while it has curtailed the oc- 
 cupations of the people, and left them fewer 
 means of livelihood to choose from. All this is 
 directly traceable to the false and ruinous legisla- 
 tion of the day. In 1860 our domestic exports 
 amounted to 372 millions in gold ; in 1867, they 
 had fallen to 334 milions gold, a decline of 39 mil- 
 lions, or over 10 per cent. During the same period 
 the domestic exports of the United Kingdom had 
 increased 237 million r dollars, or 30 per cent., and 
 those of France 226 millions or 43 per cent. In 
 other words, while we have gone back 10, they 
 have gone forward respectively 30 and 43 ! In 
 1860 we sent 196 millions of exports to Great 
 Britain ; last year we sent but 183 millions. In 
 1860 we sent 59 millions of exports to France ; 
 last year but 34 millions. In 1860 we sent 18 
 millions to British North America ; last year but 
 15 millions. To Cuba we sent eleven millions ; 
 
last year but ten. To Brazil the same, and 
 so 011 all through the list of countries from A 
 to Z. 
 
 In 1860 our import trade amounted to as much 
 as it did this year, and with the exception of the 
 imports from great Britian and Canada, that 
 trade was greater than it is now with every fo- 
 reign country that deals with us. The imports 
 from Brazil amounted to twenty-one millions ; 
 they have dropped to sixteen ; from France they 
 were forty-three millions ; they have dropped to 
 thirty ; from China they were thirteen millions ; 
 they have dropped to eleven ; from the British 
 East Indies they were ten millions ; they have 
 dropped to seven ; and so on all through the list. 
 I quote sums always in gold, so that there can be 
 no dispute about the comparisons. The trade of 
 the other leading nations of the world has mean- 
 while, advanced with giant strides. Do you ask 
 the cause of this decadence ? I reply taxation, 
 taxation, TAXATION. (Cheers.) Last year no 
 less than $31,929,522, nearly $32,000,000 in gold 
 was levied on sugar and molasses alone. The 
 sworn value of the same was $46,343,123, so that 
 the duties amounted to three-fourths as much as 
 the value ; it was nearly doubling the price of the 
 article to the consumer. When it is remembered 
 that we annually import for consumption 1,000,- 
 000,000 pounds of sugar and 50,000,000 gallons 
 of molasses, the fearful nature of this burden can 
 be appreciated. On tea a duty of 25 cents per 
 pound in gold is levied, as much again 
 as the average value per pound of the 
 tea on entry. From this source alone 
 the sum of $8,292,425 was derived. From 
 coffee $7,982,248 ; so that on those three articles 
 tea, sugar, and coffee, the enormous sum of $48,- 
 204,195, nearly $50,000,000 in gold was obtained. 
 When you recollect that these articles are mainly 
 consumed by the masses, you will understand who 
 pays for the burdens, and why the purchase of 
 tea, sugar, and coffee, runs away with half of a 
 poor man's income. 
 
 TEADE WITH CANADA FOE, 1866 AND 1867. 
 
 Imp arts 
 
 Exp arts 
 
 mp( 
 
 from Cana <a. to Canada. 
 
 1866 $46,199,470 $12,104,647 
 
 1867 26,397,867 9,719,261 
 
 The figures are still in gold value, and are 
 taken from the official accounts of the Treasury 
 Department. They show that in 1866, the last 
 year of the Reciprocity Treaty, we did business 
 with Canada to the extent of $58,304,084 per 
 annum, and that when that treaty was 
 
 abrogated, this annual trade fell to $36,117,124; 
 over twenty-two millions lost in a single year. 
 This twenty-two millions of traffic was princi- 
 pally lost to the people of Maine, across whose 
 borders the trade with Canada is, or rather was, 
 mainly done. The Reciprocity Treaty_was ab- 
 rogated in order to keep intact the system of 
 extortionate taxation maintained by the Repub- 
 lican party three years after the close of the 
 war ; to provide for a standing army, a Freed- 
 man's Bureau, and to perpetuate their lease of 
 power One more significant fact and I have 
 done. From the organization of thn govern- 
 ment of the United States in 1789, to the break- 
 ing out of the civil war in 1861, the cost of the 
 public service was $1,781,375,368. I say nothing 
 of the four years of war, the enormous expendi- 
 tures it entailed, and the tremendous debt 
 which wasteful contracts and bad financial 
 management have bequeathed to us. I will 
 merely mention the fact that the public ser- 
 vice since the close of the war in 1805, has cost 
 $1,569,236,380, as follows : 
 
 TRADE EXPENDITURES SINCE CLOSE OF WAR. 
 
 PERIOD. PEACE EXPENDITURES. 
 
 165, quarter ending June 30th $322,678,245 
 
 Year ending June 30 '66 520.950,940 
 
 Year ending June 30th, '67 34^,729,129 
 
 Year ending June SOtti, '68 379,178,066 
 
 Total , $1,509,236,380 
 
 So that the extravagant expmditures during 
 the past three years of peace nearly equal those 
 from the entire period from 1789 to 1861, which 
 embraces 72 years of peace and war, including 
 the Revolutionary war, that of 1812, the war 
 with the Barbary powers, the many Indian 
 wars, and the Mexican war. And now, people 
 of Maine ! Your shipbuilding destroyed, your 
 commerce annihilated, and every thing you 
 consume taxed to the hilt, to support a set of 
 abandoned and shameless politicians ; let me 
 tell you what I regard as the only remedy for 
 this state of affairs, a remedy that, if not appli- 
 ed at once, will lead you to poverty and dispair 
 the victims of treachery, and the condemned 
 tools of villanous design. Your remedy is the 
 support of the Democracy. You should be just 
 to others : Give to other States the benefits you 
 claim. By the boon which you received from 
 the Union in 1820, I implore you to be just to 
 your sistor States. Degrade them not by in- 
 sulting conditions of Union. Preserve for your- 
 selves, if not for them, the dignity of according 
 States. I am a Republican, and I ask you to 
 
23 
 
 recognize their equality. I am a Democrat, I 
 ask no degredation of any State, community, or 
 race. I am an American, I ask you to enhance 
 our common glory. I am a student of economy, 
 I ask you to reform our ruinous system. I 
 would be a Christian I ask you to receive from 
 the fallen, the fruit of repentance, and to aid 
 them in building again their old altars and re- 
 newing again their old good will to add more 
 links in the golden chain of human love, whose 
 " upper end to highest heaven is knit." Be not 
 scared by the ugly visors which Hate puts on to 
 frighten you from your duty. We have had 
 enough of hate. Bestir yourselves and the 
 nightmare is ended. We want no more revenges 
 and reprisals. Let us have the grace of civil 
 discipline and the order established by our fa . 
 thers. " Then all other things will be added 
 unto you" 
 
 " Your favored barks shall glide 
 
 Safe o'er the surges of the foamy sea." 
 
 [Mr Cox concluded with a review of the poli- 
 cies of the Republican Congress against " recon- 
 structing " our shipping ; and their conduct in 
 reconstructing States. He went over the negro 
 and carpet-bag proceedings at length , and was 
 interrupted with applause throughout. He 
 concluded thus :] 
 
 The future will be made luminous by Demo- 
 cratic success, for it will be our pride to cherish 
 all that makes up the greatness and glory of our 
 nation ! (Cheers.) For seven years the Demo- 
 cracy have been down. Trifles float, valuables' 
 sink, in the shipwreck of the State. Bad weath- 
 er shakes the good fruit and leaves the bad. 
 Better seasons will come. Our victories are al- 
 ready proclaimed from Connecticut to Oregon 
 Let Radicals rave. The boiler is safest when 
 blowing off steam. We are used to their loud 
 reproaches. They cannot turn your thoughts 
 from your families and your interests. Shall 
 we hear from you on the second Tuesday that 
 you are redeemed from your prejudices and 
 thraldom, that you have declared for that peace 
 which is repose and not terror ; for that order 
 which comes from a willing and not a desperate 
 people. Can you hesitate ? Did Cicero deliber 
 ate when Cataline was at the gates ? Did Mira- 
 beau deliberate when the people rose in their 
 might ? Your property, your life, your business 
 "by which you live all are at stake. You can- 
 not deliberate, men of Maine. Will you give 
 to radicalism another carnival of four years ? 
 
 It is said of the nurse of Caligula that she 
 moistened her nipples with blood, to make the 
 embryo tyrant take a better hold. Do you 
 wish to play the part of nurse to the bloody 
 Hates of our time. Already a war of sanguin- 
 ary proportions is being aroused between the 
 two races South. Do you think it should be 
 aggravated ? Is there no pride in your blue 
 eyes, light hair, white faces, and intelligent 
 brains ? If there be, let it be aroused to save 
 your white brothers from the impending strug- 
 gle. Let it be aroused to rescue the blacks 
 from their impending fate ; the whites from fis- 
 cal and military tyranny, and the Union from, 
 those who have in vain for years striven to 
 drive it asunder. The election of Seymour and 
 Blair will heal all troubles. 
 
 Mr. Cox concluded with an eulogy upon these 
 candidates, complimenting General Chamber- 
 lain for courtesy and scholarship. The contest, 
 he said, was impersonal, and in it was bound 
 up the doctrines of the Saviour---peace, concord, 
 and union. 
 
 At the conclusion of Mr. Cox's remarks, three 
 cheers were given for Seymour and Blair and 
 Mr. Pillsbury. 
 
 Speech in Augusta, Maine, Septem- 
 ber 9, 1868. 
 
 The World report says : The State capital is 
 not forgetful of the obligations of the crisis. Al- 
 ready many good Democratic demonstrations have 
 been held in the city, but the meeting to-night 
 has surpassed them all in numbers, interest, and 
 enthusiasm. Hon. S. S. Cox arrived this fore- 
 noon from Bangor, where he, last night, addressed 
 the citizens on the issues specially interesting to 
 their trade and locality, and where, as in other 
 places, his "hard, practical facts " created a pro- 
 found impression, and effected no small degree of 
 good. The fame of the gentleman preceded him, 
 and he was received here with every demonstra- 
 tion of welcome and warmth. 
 
 Mr. Cox spoke as follows : 
 
 GENTLEMEN AND LADIES OF AUGUSTA: I 
 have been in your State for over a week, and have 
 to acknowledge, at the capital, the courtesies and 
 kindnesses received in every part of it, from po- 
 litical friends and foes. I tender to you, here 
 and now, my special acknowledgment for this 
 
24 
 
 grand reception. I attriduted these favors to the 
 fact that I have not followed the example set me 
 hy some of the orators of the opposition. Cer- 
 tainly the pattern of oratory from Illinois (Gen. 
 Ingersoll) is rather an example to be shunned. I 
 have been entirely unpersonal in my speeches, pre- 
 ferring to present to you facts connected with 
 your own local interests, rather than to discuss 
 the more inflammable politics outside of economy 
 and commerce. I invoked the candor of my au- 
 diences, while I indulged in no abuse or invective. 
 Strong expressions, backed by wild gesture, might 
 do for the revolutionist and the bigot. It might 
 help to stir men's passions in time of martial con- 
 flict. But, in a time of peace, when the people 
 seek safety in repose for their home-rights and 
 interests, all such irascible and noisy declamation 
 is as unsuitable as the cries of dancing dervishes 
 in a New England church (Laughter). Yet, not- 
 withstanding this behavior, notwithstanding I have 
 gathered authentic facts for your consideration, 
 about your own matters "vital statistics" the 
 leading Kepublican journal of Portland, the 
 Press, has assailed me with bitterness. It has 
 gone back into the hot times of war, and, culling 
 some bouquets from my speeches then, has en- 
 deavored to excite prejudices in the New England 
 mind, so as to render it unfit to accept truths 
 that are essential to the very existence of your 
 State and its commerce. If these extracts were 
 not picked out from their context, garbled, and 
 in one instance forged, and the forgery in capi- 
 tals, I would let them go by. For instar.CB, when 
 reprobating the intolerance of New England 
 during the war when, by the conduct of the 
 dominant party here, the war was prolonged, and 
 when I dared to confront her zealots as I had 
 those of the secession element I am quoted as 
 saying: "Perish, New England, that the Union 
 may live. " . When, after showing how the West 
 was being burdened, and our general carrying 
 trade down the Mississippi was being destroyed, 
 and the taxes of war were added to the increased 
 cost of transportation of their produce to the 
 sea, I said : 
 
 "Do you wonder that, at meetings West, it is 
 resolved that the Mississippi Valley shall be no 
 longer tributary to cupidity and folly, and that 
 men madly cry out: "Perish, New England, 
 that the Union may live." 
 
 To excuse this forgery, the Press says it gave 
 the spirit, though it pretended to give the exact, 
 extract. In that very speech, "I denounced all 
 schemes which would, in any way, mutilate the 
 
 republic, boldly denouncing these new and grow- 
 ing dangers." I was then championing your 
 commerce bound up with the West, for, did not 
 the West then, as the South once, bring its pro- 
 duce to your ships to be borne to every clime ? It 
 will not do to say, that, because I have inveighed 
 against the infidelity of Parker, the transcendent- 
 alism of Emerson, or the disunionism of Phillips, 
 you will not listen to me w r hen I tell you the facts- 
 and causes of the decadence of your ship-build- 
 ing. Suppose I was harsh towards your dominant 
 party, is it a reason for you to close your ears to- 
 the cry of your idle ship-builders ? Suppose I 
 did say the Puritans were not Democratic, but, by 
 connecting religion with politics, degraded both, 
 which is, to some extent, true yet yet, is it an 
 answer to the fact that you had 217 ships, barks, 
 brigs, and schooners in 1866, and only forty-two 
 in 1867, and the same number this year? Be- 
 cause, in a jet of fun, based on history, quoting 
 the charter, I said the Puritans came to this land 
 to worship God and catch fish (Laughter), is it a 
 reason why this phrase, showing their early in- 
 clination toward commercial adventure, should be 
 as wax in your ears like that which the old Ulys- 
 ses put into his sailor's, against the syren's song 
 (Laughter) ? Because I said, in 1863, 1 denounced 
 the early errors and intolerance which drove Roger 
 Williams into the wilderness, cut out Quakers* 
 tongues, burned witches, and punished by law the 
 sins of which the Church took cognizance, and, 
 while discriminating between the noble men of 
 the Eevolution who were of New England, and 
 the great men like Webster and Douglas of the 
 latter day, does it follow that you will not ponder 
 the startling fact that our national tonnage, under 
 the rule of plunder, has fallen off since 1860 from 
 5,358,000 to about 3,000,000 (Cheers)? Oh! 
 your editor will not allow me to tell what the ship- 
 builders say that their business is growing into 
 one of the " lost arts." I cannot picture to you 
 your grand coast and harbors and forests and 
 water-power, to illustrate the facilities you have 
 for this art, and the advantages you have for com- 
 merce. If I show you the derangement of cur- 
 rency, the suicidal exactions of tariff, the paraly- 
 sis of production, the lessening of transportation, 
 the diminution of tonnage, how all the working- 
 man uses has been burdened, and how all this- 
 has been caused by the harpies who prey on us, 
 under pretext of reconstruction and Bureaus, 
 and to be answered that it is all false because I 
 have spoken for religious toleration, State inde- 
 pendence, and national unity ! (Cheers.) When 
 
25 
 
 I show you in detail the immense expenses of this 
 Government for three years past under Radical 
 rule to be $1,500,000,000, nearly equal to all the 
 cost of the Government from 1789 to 1861, is it 
 relevant for my critic to say : " Oh ! that young 
 man once denounced Cotton Mather and the early 
 spoliations upon the red men in Massachusetts !" 
 (Laughter.) Certainly the bold forgery of my 
 former speech by this editor unfits him to be my 
 censor. I dismiss him and his performance to en- 
 ter upon the discussion of matters more import- 
 ant. I do not desire to repeat my statements as 
 to your commerce. Most of them have been 
 printed. I gave enough at Brunswick, and added 
 to the collection fresh facts and illustrations at 
 Bath. These facts have grown as I have trav- 
 eled. Ship-builders have come to me with fresh 
 facts, until I am satisfied that, under the present 
 tariff on timber, iron, sheathing, paints, ropes, 
 sail duck, salt, &c., which enter into a ship, your 
 business is dead until a party which is in favor 
 of fair play, and against class legislation, is 
 placed in power. It is simply cruel to this 
 grand art of shipbuilding to say, as is said, 
 that we must perpetuate negro control in the 
 South by heavy taxes for the army and Bureau 
 at the peril of your content and prosperity. 
 This, too, when the commerce of the world is 
 being liberalized and is growing. Why should 
 France and England grow more than double in 
 the past ten years with their tonnage ? Why 
 should we fall off! Why should England, 
 which ten years ago only carried one-fifth of 
 our foreign imports and exports, now have 
 three-fourths ? Is there no remedy ? Who is 
 responsible ? I answer: the party who has power 
 to vote down vetoes, which has more than two- 
 thirds of the Federal Legislature ! The party 
 which in this year of peace has its army and 
 its navy at an expense double that of the Gov- 
 ernment under Democratic rule in 1860 ! its 
 army to protect its prescriptive and suicidal 
 policy in the South ; and its navy to protect a 
 commerce that is almost gone from the sea. I 
 know, gentlemen, these are pocket arguments. 
 But what is the use of government if it steals 
 from your pocket, in taxes, unequal and burden- 
 some, without the compensation of protection 
 to your families, your happiness, and your 
 daily avocations ? Surely, I might address the 
 Radical Congress in this connection as Timoleon 
 did the citizens of Syracuse : 
 " You have not, as good Patriots should do, studied 
 The public good, but your particular ends ; 
 
 Factious among yourselves, preferring such 
 
 To offices and honors, as ne'er read 
 
 The elements of saving policy ; 
 
 But deeply skilled in all the principles 
 
 That usher to destruction !" [Cheers .J 
 
 I might give you a higher tone of argumen- 
 tation, appealing to your sense of patriotism and 
 your love of your own race. There is no ap- 
 peal in this contest which a Christian people 
 should echo with more delight than that which 
 dwells upon the peace and good will which 
 the Saviour taught, and for the illustration of 
 which God has given us such splendid oppor- 
 tunities. Read the calm sentiments of General 
 Lee's letter to General Rosecrans. Who, with 
 a heart that is not black with spite and greedy 
 for spoil, cannot pity the devastation which 
 our great strife has caused and which yet re- 
 mains in the South? Destroyed homesteads 
 and desolated fields once scenes of cultivated 
 refinement have they no voice ? Shall not 
 these traces of ruin be obliterated ? Shall not 
 the fields be again white with cotton, and 
 golden with grain ? When they are, your in- 
 terests will be aggrandized for we are all mem- 
 bers of one body. We are bound up in one- 
 destiny. Radicalism may weaken, but- cannot 
 break the chain between North and South. 
 The election of Seymour the accomplished 
 statesman and Blair the indomitable soldier 
 will be the first page of new and better his- 
 tory. The day will then begin its dawn. They 
 hold what Ward Beecher once so pithily said r 
 " Our theory of Government has no place for 
 a State except in the Union. ' ; If to hold this 
 be revolution, then are the Supreme Court and 
 the Democratic party in the category of revo- 
 lutionists. The Court was ready to so decide. 
 The Radicals have, by various acts, formally 
 recognized it. They have, bv their recent legis- 
 lation and conduct, endeavored, for party ends,, 
 to bring States in which were never out, and 
 by so doing they have destroyed the relations- 
 of equality of the States by interfering with 
 all local concerns including suffrage. They 
 hurled the military power to the aid of negro- 
 supremacy South. They have thus violated 
 the very form and genius of our federal sys- 
 tem. All the powers of the United States are 
 held in trust from the States. They are limit- 
 ed and specific. They have never lost their 
 vigor by war ; and, on the repression of rebel- 
 lion, these powers are resumable as if never 
 disturbed. The only penalty which civil war 
 
26 
 
 should entail, one that is fearful enough, is 
 that which afflicts communities. It is defeat, 
 and its losses and horrors. It is the interest of 
 all that when the rebellion is crushed, that the 
 rebels be rescued, and that all move in content 
 under the protection of the Government as be- 
 fore, and in the track marked out for its 
 movement. The whole Radical policy is out- 
 side of that track. It is, therefore, revolution- 
 ary. The Democratic policy is that within the 
 track. The machine must keep upon it, or else, de- 
 struction. The war was waged under and for the 
 Constitution. Its results must be garnered up 
 under its aegis. Any other results, such as we 
 now have in the South, tend to change our fun- 
 damental conditions of Union, and will not be 
 permanent. The strain to keep such perma- 
 nency is convulsive and seditious. We shall 
 then have only a republic in name We have 
 worse than a consolidated despotism " buoyed 
 only by its rottenness and efficient only by the 
 word." (Cheers.) Need I prove these results by 
 reference to specific acts of Radical policy ? 
 Read the three acts of reconstruction. Thny as- 
 sume that Congress may unmake States and 
 give all laws for their guidance while in their 
 non-age. The last supplement, passed March 2, 
 1867, declares " that the existing governments 
 in the ten rebel States were not legal State 
 governments ;" and then proceeds to expound 
 the former acts of reconstruction by turning 
 over all concerns to the military " subject to 
 the paramount authority of Congress." But if 
 Congress can by statute, prescribe, alter, add to 
 or diminish the conditions of Union then Con- 
 gress is indeed supreme and the Constitution a 
 rope of sand. It is a new system the omnipo- 
 tence of the British Parliament, without even 
 its popular checks. The duties of the Judicial, 
 Executive and Legislative deportments do not 
 lead them to determine the relations of States. 
 Only the States can do this, under the provis- 
 ions of the Constitution for its own amendment. 
 But Congress, compounding all power into it- 
 self, and using the army with its iron grip, 
 gives military government to ten States. It is 
 not given merely as a posse to keep the peace at 
 the call of the civil power ; not merely to write 
 with a pen of fraud and force the registration of 
 voters for black supremacy ; not merely for the 
 punishment of criminals ; but to override all 
 
 existing civil governments. Twelve millions 
 
 I of people, with a view to negro subjection in a 
 ! territory where the Constitution of the United 
 | States is supposed to reign, are at one dash of 
 this monstrous ukase of Congress, stripped of all 
 their guarantee?. The very liberties of hundreds 
 of years are at one fell swoop destroyed ; and we 
 are congratulated amidst all discontent, an- 
 archy, savage associations, bloodshed and perils 
 in the South to-day congratulated on the suc- 
 cess of reconstruction! Go to Tennessee, South 
 Carolina, Louisiana ! There read the irony and 
 taunt conveyed in such congratulations. 
 
 Mr. Cox then discussed in detail the results to 
 Southern industry and on Northern capital of 
 thfse destructive acts. He said : The Southern 
 land pin^s for the peace which will encourage 
 industry and induce content. It longs for the 
 tranquility which will grow corn and cotton, 
 sugar and rice. It wants no more revenges in 
 the shape of black ballots or fixed bayonets. It 
 wants the States restored to their practical re- 
 lations, and their revolutions performed in the 
 spheres of equality, and not with destructive 
 ruin and confusion in jarring and eccentric 
 orbits. This can only be done under conditions 
 similar to those of the Christian system the 
 law of love as the rule of peace ; kindness and 
 forgiveness allied with intelligence and patriot- 
 ism! 
 
 When war was flagrant, we had a .policy of 
 war. Governor Seymour, while Governor of 
 New York, aided to carry it through. He said 
 in a message that he illustrated by his act: 
 
 We must accept the condition of affairs as they 
 stand. At this moment the fortunes of our country 
 are influenced by the result of battles. Our armies 
 in the field must be supported all Constitutional 
 demands of our General Government must be 
 promptly responded to. Under no ciruumsttnces can 
 a division of the Union be conceded! 
 
 Now, when peace has come, he has the policy 
 of peace. Let us be wise to accept him with his 
 policy. Courteous, modest, scholarly, without 
 stain upon his private life, and without taint 
 in his public record, he will, better than any 
 one within the confines of the republic, admin- 
 ister its affairs with an eye single to all its in- 
 terests, and with the sentiment of a patriot 
 who recognizes no flag which has not all our 
 stars upon its field ! (Cheers.; 
 
 Mr. Cox resumed his seat amid prolonged ap- 
 plause. 
 
27 
 
 Speech of S. S. Cox at Portland, 
 Me., 011 September 11. 
 
 One of the largest political meetings ever held 
 in this State has just been "brought to a close, 
 the announcement that the Hon. S. S. Cox, of 
 New York, would address the citizens of Port- 
 land this evening, was sufficient to draw out a 
 crowd of nearly ten thousand persons, including 
 the wealth and respectability of the city. The 
 demonstration was held at the largest hall in 
 the city, which building remained filled to re- 
 pletion to the close, notwithstanding the hot and 
 sultry weather. The galleries were filled with 
 ladies, a fine band of music was in attendance 
 and the gritest enthusiasm prevailed through- 
 out the evening. After Mr. Cox had returned 
 to his hotel for the night, he was again called 
 out by a large band of serenaders. to whose mu- 
 sic and lusty cheers he briefly responded. 
 
 The meeting was presided over by Hon. C. P. 
 Zimball, supported by a long list of vise-presi- 
 dents and secretaries. Mr. Cox dwelt mainly on 
 issues concerning the whole country, but ex- 
 horted the Democratic voters of Maine not to 
 forget the struggle in their own State on Mon- 
 day next. The speaker was introduced by Mr. 
 Kimball, and was received with loud and pro- 
 longed cheering. 
 
 SPEECH OF MR COX. 
 
 CITIZENS OF MAINE : I have spoken most 
 particularly in other parts of the facts and 
 causes connected with the decadence of our mar- 
 itime interests. I have shown how taxes and 
 tariffs unfriendly legislation have stabbed 
 and poisoned your commerce. The facts are so 
 numerous, and the causes so potential, that no 
 one speech could comprehend the enormity of 
 the blunders and crimes for which you will hold 
 Radicalism responsible. (Cheers.) Without 
 preface as to other matters, I ask you to listen 
 to mere facts and further deductions Grind 
 them into your natures ; while forgetting the 
 errors of all parties past, ask what is your re- 
 lief in the present. I shall demonstrate again, 
 by new and collateral arguments, that the dom- 
 inant party, whether wittingly or not, are the 
 foes to your prosperity. 
 
 COMMERCE, THE GREAT INTEREST. 
 
 There is a comparative anatomy of nations, 
 whose distinctive features can thus be traced. 
 
 It is certain that the prominent feature of this 
 State and of this nation is, or was, before bad 
 counsels ruled, our marine. The breezes are 
 ours. The waters are ours. The woods are 
 ours. In better days the sail of traffic glided in 
 and out of our harbors " with ceaseless inter- 
 change." It was our profit at home ; our pride 
 ab*road ! But now, alas ! we have all these 
 prodigalities of nature and have no use of them. 
 The English Punch used to represent a Yankee 
 as larger than his garments. The picture is not 
 now true. Thu Yankee is dwarfed, and the 
 clothes are unfit. 
 
 OUR GROWTH THROUGH COMMERCE. 
 
 True, as a nation we have 2,936,166 square 
 miles of immovable land. Its variety of climate 
 and culture has been the theme of economists. 
 But every one of these 1,879,146,040 acres, of 
 which Maine has over 20,000,000, have been, or 
 will be cultivated, by those who either by them- 
 selves or their progenitors, crossed the sea. 
 Gradually since 1790 this nation has increased 
 decennially over one-third of 100 per cent. 
 We number nearly 4J,000,000 of people. This 
 is the result of that commerce which came to 
 us freighted with the bodies and the hopes of 
 the human kind. In fifty years alone we have 
 had from other shores and many of them are 
 before mesome 7,000,000 of people v We have 
 outrun all other nations. Whereas, the fore- 
 most of other nations has increased 121 per 
 cent, in 60 years, we have increased 593 per 
 cent. ! Why has commerce been checked ? 
 Commerce made this nation. Burdens, war, 
 duties, taxations, poor-rates, and other impedi- 
 ments to freedom and content have become our 
 legacy under Radical rule. They hinder our 
 advancement now, by the same law of repulsion 
 which once drove millions to this once untaxed 
 and free land. They choke production. They 
 destroy skill. In the ten years before the war, 
 under Democratic auspices, we doubled our 
 values. Our population increased 135 percent, 
 and our wealth 130 per cent. Why ? Was not 
 distance annihilated by steam, between inland 
 and seaboard ? Were not the very tides carried 
 to the farms ? What a splended growth was 
 that of our own commerce from 1820 to 1860 I 
 Rising, under the magic of your industry and 
 genius,from 2,180,764 tons in 1840,to 3,535,454 in 
 1850, and 5,358,808 in 1860 ! You who lay and 
 caulk the keel, rig the sail, mould the anchor, 
 twist the cordage, and frame the engine, cannot 
 
28 
 
 "be too proud of your former achievements. You 
 are proud, however, as the present Greek is of 
 the ruined Acropolis, or the Roman of the 
 dilapidated Pantheon. Your Neptune is de- 
 throned; his trident broken; his image pul- 
 verized. Our thirty thousand vessels of 1860 
 where are they ? The vessels die on an average 
 in eight years ! Where is their substitute ? 
 Ask your echoless ship-yards and your deserted 
 harbors ! The product of our mines, agriculture 
 and manufacture, tell the tale of dislocated 
 labor and paralyzed commerce. Since 1865, 
 even since peace was made, you have still de- 
 cayed. 
 
 DECADENCE OF COMMERCE. 
 
 Why is it that your keels and flag float no 
 longer in foreign seas ? Why do you lament for 
 the olden days, when you labored so proudly and 
 profitably ? Ah ! we have had too little keel and 
 too much sail on our Ship of State. The canvas 
 has been swelled until we have careened her. The 
 political pirates have rifled the cargo and scuttled 
 the ship. Political tempests have dissipated our 
 commerce. You have a dead calm in your avoca- 
 tions. Our commerce has visibly declined since 1860. 
 I could name you the nations, from China to Peru, 
 and from the Levant to the Baltic, in opposing 
 illustration. Even since the war has ended, it has 
 not grown. It is a theme for sadness. Lament 
 for it, ye men of Maine. Lament as a " virgin 
 clothed in sackcloth for the husband of her youth." 
 In vain is your lament, unless you hurl the spoilers 
 from power. (Cheers.) Our exports go abroad 
 in foreign bottoms. A pilot told me there was in. 
 New York harbor last month but one foreign ves- 
 sel with our flag. Radical legislation, as I shall 
 show you, joined with the pirates of the civil -war 
 to make shipping and commerce ruinous. Read 
 Donald McKay's letter ! He says the last Con- 
 gress " refused the bill for the relief of the ship- 
 building interest by a drawback on dutiable arti- 
 cles entering into the construction of new ships. 
 The hope of renewing our commercial marine and 
 bringing it up to its former standard is abandon- 
 ed." Congress had time to extend Freedmen's 
 Bureaus and spend moneys in arming blacks ; but 
 it had no time for your interest. (Cheers.) Read 
 Wm. H. Webb's reasons why he closed his ship- 
 yard. He could not work under our infamous 
 tariff. All that is left is our coasting trade, and 
 that is only saved by a law which forbids foreign 
 bottoms to engage in it. (A voice, "That's 
 true.") The two and a half millions of cotton bales 
 
 this year, or as much of it as will go abroad, will 
 go under the British Union Jack. On a statement 
 made in the Journal of Commerce, I affirm that 
 ' ' since the 25th of May, when the ship Universe 
 cleared for Liverpool with ninety- six bales of cot- 
 ton, not a bale of cotton has left this port in an 
 American vessel. English and European steamers 
 have taken all, except one hundred bales in a 
 Bremen ship for Bremen. A new line of steamers 
 will run soon from Savannah to Liverpool once a 
 fortnight. The carrying trade must soon be done 
 entirely by steam. Is the whole of this valuable 
 trade to be thrown into the hands of foreigners?" 
 If so, have we not blockaded our own ports ? We 
 are shamed before the world ! Our old rival, 
 England, whom we were just surpassing in a com- 
 mercial marine, now. eclipses us o% every sea. 
 She is binding continents together by the rail, 
 and reaching out her hands to the ends of the earth 
 by her commerce. She is combining in herself 
 the maritime heroism of Denmark, Holland, 
 Venice, the Hanseatic League, Old Spain with 
 her galleons freighted with silver, and Young 
 America Avith her clippers which outran the wind I 
 For trade, England sends her Franklins and Parrys 
 to the pole, her Livingstones to Africa, and her 
 Napiers into Abyssinia. Wherever the stars shine 
 on the ocean, her flag floats and her compass di- 
 rects. Even Brazil, cut in twain by the mighty 
 Amazon, has thrown her vast territory open to 
 free commerce. She shames us. To us Heaven 
 has been lavish with her gifts. We, of all nations, 
 have the most ample facilities for commerce. 
 Atlantic, Pacific, Gulf, lake, river shore, to head 
 of tide-water and island coasts, give us 36,689 
 m il es nearly twice around the globe ! Add river 
 and canal, and our water carriage is as much again. 
 We have more, harbors to the mile, broader and 
 deeper, than any other country. With our mag- 
 nificent sea coast, our forests of pine North and 
 live-oak South, it is thus we return the benefits of 
 Heaven. The very ocean, it would seem, which 
 leaps to our shores our Mississippis, our lakes, 
 our Hudsons, our Penobscotts are blunders of 
 the Almighty, at least in Radical theory and prac- 
 tice. Are not our rulers wiser than Him who 
 ruleth the raging of the seas ? Cannot they re- 
 peal His decrees, issued in wind and wave, on 
 river, sea, and lake ? Do they not nullify the 
 very order of Providence as they have our written 
 Constitution? (Cheers.) It was' against these 
 outrages upon nature, commerce, and the colonies 
 that our fathers rebelled. It was declared in the 
 Declaration of Independence " The history of the 
 
29 
 
 present King of Great Britain is a history of re 
 peated injuries and usurpations, all having in di 
 rect objects the establishment of an absolute 
 tyranny over these States ;" and one of the facts 
 submitted to a candid world is the act of British 
 statesmanship, in " cutting off our trade with al 
 parts of the world." (Cheers.) 
 
 CAUSES OF COMMEECIAL RUIN. 
 
 Need I point to you the reasons why our com- 
 merce and our country has been nearly ruined since 
 1860 ? The party in power have demoralized our 
 currency, until it is as debauched as it is redundant. 
 It affects commerce disastrously. They have de 
 stroyed commerce by destroying the productive in- 
 dustry on which it depends. They have destroyed 
 it by inordinate taxation and a carnival waste of 
 money. They have, by specific, pernicious tariff 
 legislation, destroyed our power to build ships. 
 
 THE CURRENCY AND COMMERCE. 
 
 Democracy gave us, as a Federal currency, 
 gold and silver. Jt was the legal tender of the 
 Constitution. It was the lubricating oil of com- 
 merce. It was the medium of exchanges, the 
 vehicle of trade, the standard of wages and 
 prices. It was stable. It had no fluctuations. 
 A dollar of our mint was twenty-four and three- 
 quarter grains of gold. It was the legal tender 
 of the world. It was the currency of the ships. 
 (Cheers.) I am. not now making an. argument 
 for the hurried resumption of specie payments; 
 I am only indicting the party who gave us this 
 irredeemable bastard nuisance as currency. I 
 voted against making greenbacks at all ; and 
 against their being a legal tender. It was a 
 scheme to enable the debtor to cheat his credi- 
 tor. It was the old kingcraft to sweat the coin. 
 It was a puny attempt to repeal the Almighty's 
 decree, that gold and silver sunk by him in 
 the earth, to be delved after as precious should 
 be the universal standard of value. (Cheers.) 
 Yet gold is the superior of paper after all. Gold 
 still wears the purple. It is the standard of 
 value even for paper. Congress may make it 
 the standard of prices, but by doing so defrauds 
 labor and cheats the people. Prices rise as the 
 currency falls. Money is plenty. Debts are 
 paid. Oh ! how facile to pay them even na- 
 tional debts by paper. Commerce may not at 
 once fail under such a scheme. Bladders are 
 hard to drown. (Laughter.) Galvanized into 
 unhealthy activity by an unnatural stimulus, 
 speculation is rife, and the body, politic and 
 
 social, is bloated. Men may call it health. It is 
 the deceitful animation which precedes collapse. 
 When the Continental paper was worth five 
 hundred to one, business was lively. In 1795 
 jobbing was animated in France, for were not 
 the assignats the very hashesh of intoxication 
 in trade ? But ah ! the cruel revulsion ! Des- 
 peration is the mother of such schemes, and the 
 prosperity it brings is as temporary as it is illu- 
 sive. We are already realizing its baleful fruits. 
 It appears by an article in the London Times that 
 the banks of France and England are gorged with 
 gold, and one reason for it is given, to-wit : that 
 the paper system of the United States is a bar 
 to commerce ! Moreover, I affirm on good au- 
 thority, that by reason of our paper and tax 
 systems, the gold of the Pacific is shorn of one- 
 third of its value for uses outside of the United 
 States. To trade abroad you must have a meas- 
 ure equal to that of other nations. When you 
 sell a bushel of potatoes, do you not have a stan- 
 dard bushel ? When you measure a vessel do 
 you use an india rubber strap ? You prefer a 
 foot rule. (A voice " sure thing"} The Bible 
 has Democratic politics in it all through. But 
 where is there so sound a doctrine as that in 
 Amos, when he reproaches those who " make 
 the ephah small and shekel great and falsify 
 the balances by deceit ?" (Applause.) When 
 you have a variable dollar are not all your oth- 
 er measures at fault? If you redeem your 
 paper with a dollar of specie, very well. But 
 you must have a steady gauge, else you labor in 
 vain and in the dark In this time, when the 
 newly found gold fields are furnishing the world 
 bases of exchange, is it not monstrous to substi- 
 ;ute for these world-wide energies of trade, a 
 paper system which is a continual tax on labor 
 and a coutinual hindrance to commerce ? Go 
 ,o Switzerland ! It was never cursed with 
 paper. Go to California, prodigal with gold 
 nd a gold policy ! See the good effects of a 
 standard. In the interests of the consumers, I 
 charge the lowering of this standard as a stu- 
 pendous fraud. (Cheers.) " Oh ! we could not 
 make war for the Union, without running a 
 greenback printing-press in the Treasury." 
 You couldn't ? Did not Napoleon fight all his 
 wars with gold and without assignats ? Your 
 party gave the poor man this false money ; yet 
 you try to prove that his wages rise, when all 
 that he buys rises in higher ratio. (Cheers.) 
 Are your sympathies with labor or its spoilers ? 
 Could you not have withdrawn enough of your 
 
30 
 
 paper to make it on a par with gold ? Had you 
 the courage of truth ? Is not the equilibrium 
 of value, therefore, as uncertain to-day as it was 
 in 1864 ? Is not this the one great cause why 
 the sails of commerce are clipped, and your 
 ship-yards are the haunts of bats at night and 
 idlers by day? (Applause.) The Democracy 
 frown upon the curse of paper money. If in 
 power they would redeem it, as they would the 
 nation. (Cheers ) In the days of Jackson, they 
 "bore high the golden standard as Governor 
 Seymour has since in New York ! (Cheers for 
 Seymour.) The Democracy alone can revive 
 commerce and rescue labor from the excesses of 
 jobbers and the frauds of paper money. We are 
 bound to do it by party traditions and princi- 
 ples. We desire no partiality. Our platform 
 does not require you to pay in the tariff dues 
 gold for the interest on the bonds, and then 
 have you receive your wages in a currency 30 
 per cent, less valuable. It does not say that the 
 bondholder shall have his principal and inter- 
 est in gold, and you should have your wages 
 and the pensioner his pittance in paper. It 
 says one currency for all (cheers) lawful 
 money for bondholder as well as ship-builder 
 (cheers) one currency for all, and that the 
 best ! (Cheers.) I charged the Radical party 
 with being the foe to commerce. 'This I shall 
 prove : 
 
 TONNAGE NOT RECONSTRUCTED. 
 
 ID one tempest of Radical wrath during the 
 war, a law was passed cutting off from registry 
 a large tonnage from our marine ; perhaps 
 two-fifths of it. Why ? This was a part of the 
 gospel of hate the reprisal of war ! These 
 vessels were driven by Radical rule out of our 
 marine, because we failed to protect then! under 
 our flag. The rebels did their part to destroy 
 our marine. For them I am no apologist. In 
 my place in Congress, as a friend of free com- 
 merce, I denounced those who preyed on inno- 
 cent trade I said in December, 1861, what I 
 believe now '-That England, by harboring 
 privateers, became an accessory ; that the over- 
 hauling of the Harvey Birch, almost in sight 
 of the English shores, after dragging down her 
 Stars and Stripes, and raising instead a ban- 
 ner of triple striped infamy, after ironing her 
 crew, and with the red hand of a buccaneer 
 burning her to the water's edge, and then 
 giving the Nashville an asylum in Southamp- 
 ton, was treachery to neutrality and equiva- 
 
 valent io piracy." (Cheers.) The New York 
 Tribune attributes the destruction of our ma- 
 rine to such conduct. These outrages were 
 limited and temporary checks. Why did not 
 our Radical Congress reconstruct our lost 
 ships ? (Applause.) They tried it on lost 
 States. They destroyed both. (Cheers.) From 
 1860 to 1868 Great Britain rose from four to 
 nine million tons. France from one to three. 
 We fell off, meanwhile, nearly one-half our 
 tonnage. We have less now than in 1848 ! 
 
 THE CAUSES OF OUR DECAY. 
 
 Our expenses this year of peace are $400,- 
 000,000 of which $130,000,000 is gold inte- 
 rest, and $130,000,000 more to keep a standing 
 army and negro charities South. $260,000,000 ! 
 It is as large as our wheat crop. It is equal 
 to our ships all. It is several Pacific Rail- 
 roads ! Of this $400,000,000, more than half is 
 customs gold. It is taken from the people to 
 support a Government that the year before the 
 war cost only $41,000,000 (cheers) one tenth ! 
 Think how our trade has departed. Eighteen 
 years ago only one-fifth of our imports was 
 carried in foreign bottoms. In 1867, when our 
 imports had increased, three-fourths were so 
 carried. So in proportion with our export 
 trade. Our domestic exports had decreased 
 from 1860 when they were $373,000,000, gold 
 to $334,000,000 in 1868 a decline of ten per, 
 cent. ; while those of Great Britain increased 
 during the same period thirty per cent., and 
 France forty-three per cent. Our trade with 
 Canada mostly grain trade has decreased 
 since 1866 $22,000,000. The pause is taxation, 
 unequal and galling. Why, all our expendi- 
 tures, from 1789 to 1861, were only $1,781,- 
 375,368. In three years since the war from 
 July, 1855, to June 30, 1868 they were 
 $1,569,236,380. This is peace! "Let us have 
 peace!*' (Laughter.) Seventy-two years of 
 Democracy peace and wars are not much 
 beyond three years of Radical peace. (Cheers.) 
 
 TARIFFS GENERALLY FOES TO COMMERCE. 
 
 No one will deny that a tariff specifically 
 burdensome to the ship owner prevents the 
 building of ships. I now proceed to prove gen- 
 erally that tariffs which are " protective" and 
 prohibitory, and not on a basis of revenue, are 
 foes to commerce. The gross product of the United 
 States in 1860 showed some seven thousand mil- 
 lions for the year. The major part of this was 
 
31 
 
 derived from commerce ; and that, too, when 
 commerce alone was the source of our revenue 
 by customs. One half of the interests of this 
 country is commercial, one-fourth agricultural, 
 and one-eighth manufacturing. By lineage, by 
 the character of our people, by the variety of 
 our soil and seas, there is no limit to our com- 
 mercial enterprise. When you impair it, you 
 impair your productive power and your tax- 
 able ability. Lot me illustrate. In the West 
 they raise more corn than they need. They 
 have a right to sell the surplus anywhere. If, 
 with this surplus, they buy tea, coffee, and 
 sugars, it encourages transportation ; first to 
 the seaboard and then on the main If you 
 can get for your one day's labor what is equiv- 
 alent to two days' labor abroad, that is best 
 (Cheers.) But h re comes the Radical, and 
 says ; " No ; first help the State ; then help a 
 class ; then, if there is any profit or loss, 
 pocket it !" (Cheers.) He forces you to buy 
 dear goods, under pretence of supporting the 
 Government. Let us see how the present tariff 
 works. Last year there was $176,000,000 gold 
 collected by customs. Its average levy was 45 
 per cent in gold. To that add the gold pre- 
 mium ; there have been collected in customs 
 since 1863 five hundred millions. Add the cost 
 of the gold, the importers' profit, and that of 
 the wholesaler and the retailer, and you will 
 approximate to the fact that you are paying for 
 a few people some 65 per cent, on the average, 
 if not more, a great part of which never goes 
 into the Treasury. To illustrate : Mr. Walker, 
 a New England economist, has taken up sugar, 
 and has shown that, on the basis of the 1858 
 importation, the consumers lost on nearly fifty 
 millions of sugar consumed, one-fifth ! It is 
 the same with other articles. A tariff on im- 
 ports diminishes foreign commerce. The high 
 tariff of 1828 reduced our commerce in four 
 years 500,000 tons ! When the tariff was re- 
 duced in 1838, ten years after, it increased our 
 tonnage from 1,606,149 to 1,180,763! Ever 
 since the war began our tariff has been tin- 
 kered some seven times under war necessities 
 and peace pretexts for debt and expenses, and 
 we have fallen off nearly one-half our tonnage. 
 When will we learn that by the care of commerce 
 we get the revenue ! Neglect trade, and we 
 sponge out the sources of wealth. Then revenue 
 dies. What we want is a system of taxation by 
 which you pay for your imports with your ex- 
 ports. This gives rise to commerce. Then your 
 
 gains are double. Then you do not " give your 
 stock of more to that which had too much ;" but 
 you gain something, and can afford to give much 
 and more. The idea of opening up China to us, 
 as Mr. Burlingame proposes, with a system of ex- 
 actions impeding all commerce, is folly. Better 
 begin by ridding this nation of its devices to rob. 
 Then you may talk about reaching the five hun- 
 dred millions of Mongolians with your trade, 
 (Cheers.) I do not object to a revenue tariff. 
 Let us pay our expenses by it, and cancel gradu- 
 ally the principal and pay the interest of the debt. 
 I do object to the lack of economy, the lavish ex- 
 penditure, the class favoritism, the inequalities of 
 taxation, monopolizing subsidies, the greed of 
 capital, all of which wear out the thews and sin- 
 ews of industry, and without result. (Cheers.) 
 
 APPEAL TO THE WORKINGMAN. 
 
 Let me illustrate the effect of Radical rule on 
 the workingman who cannot buy as much now 
 for a day's work as he used to. ("True, sir.") 
 Say he receives $2.50 per day now, instead of $1 
 years ago, yet he does not now live so well on 
 the greater as formerly on r the smaller sum. 
 (Cheers.) He does not lay up anything for a 
 rainy day. A friend has compared 1859 with 
 1868. Your four days' work then bought a bar- 
 rel of flour. It now takes eight days. One 
 day's work five pounds of tea, now .two pounds ; 
 one day's work once bought thirty pounds of 
 sugar, now fifteen only ; one day's work fifteen 
 pounds of coffee, now five ; one month's work 
 once clothed a family of reasonable size, now it 
 takes three month's work. It is the same with 
 rent, &c. Taxation and extravagance have 
 made clothes, food, and houses higher. Al- 
 though wages are nominally higher, they do not 
 help so much as formerly. " You feed on en- 
 chanted viands:" greenbacks, promises, phil- 
 anthropy, spites, and revenges. " You seem to 
 feed, and pine with hunger." Take the taxes : 
 In 1860, only $1.60 per head was paid by the 
 people. In 1866, $14 per head was paid in cus- 
 toms and internal revenue. In the year before 
 the war, the national expenses were $41,000,000. 
 This year, not counting interest, they will be 
 near $270,000,000. They ought not to be $100,- 
 000,000. Remember, there are, besides, State, 
 city, and county expenses as well. Europe is 
 absorbing a great part of the interest on our 
 debts. Our labor goes to Europe to fatten ab- 
 sentees and nabobs. Do you wonder people are 
 beginning to consider how to pay this indebt- 
 
32 
 
 edness by cheap methods ? For myself, when 
 the time comes to pay it, I will agree to pay it 
 in such money as may be then lawful. I accept 
 the Democratic platform, for by that time I hope 
 Democracy will have had a chance to make 
 paper as good as gold, if, indeed, any paper cur- 
 rency remains. (Cheers.) But I want, mean- 
 while, another plank recognized for the relief 
 of labor, and that is, equality of taxation. 
 (Cheers.) There is no reason why the immense 
 interests in Federal bonds should not be taxed. 
 Our debt represents so much capital destroyed 
 for labor, but laid up for non-producers. Bonds 
 are a form of wealth. Why should they escape 
 taxation ? But, it is said, " The States cannot 
 tax ; the courts forbid." I know what the 
 courts have said as to States ; but who denies 
 that the power resides in the Federal Govern- 
 ment ? Why has it not been exercised ? This 
 is one of the Radical sins of omission, for which 
 the laboring masses are calling them to judg- 
 ment. (Cheers.) This exemption is class legis- 
 lation. Suppose you get $100 a month for your 
 labor here, how much remains after the taxes 
 are taken out ? Remember, they are taken out 
 of your sweat. Consider Federal, State, city 
 and county taxes, and the high prices by reason 
 of them Consider that it is turned into gold, 
 and you will have left about fifty dollars only. 
 Taxes are high, for the debt is large and grow- 
 ing. Low taxes come of economy, not of armies 
 and Bureaus. Low taxes come of content, peace, 
 and union These beget order and economy. 
 They tax you for the Freedmen's Bureau fifteen 
 millions a year. I don't care what General 
 Howard asserts. An officer who knows, informs 
 me it is fifteen millions. They draw from var- 
 ious funds to make it out : from the deficiency 
 brtts of the future and the means unused in the 
 war office. It is all a sham that the negroes pay 
 for themselves in cotton taxes. If they do, what 
 need of their being the wards of the nation 
 smart enough to rule you, but not smart enough 
 to get their own living. (Laughter and cheers.) 
 They tax you for the army in peace more than 
 you were taxed when Democrats made war. 
 For one year, since October, 1867, the army has 
 cost $133,140,000 ; and in fifteen months, $160,- 
 858,000. This is aside from navy pensions, in- 
 terest on the debt, and the civil list. These 
 sums are the very excesses of prodigality. It 
 shows that our nation is ' buoyant by corrup- 
 tion, and efficient only by the sword." (Cheers.) 
 Nearly this amount has to be paid for the pub- 
 
 lic debt. How much more would have been 
 taken if there had not been an end of greenback 
 issues ? Two hundred and sixty-eight millions 
 were asked as subsidies by railroads and other 
 interests in the last Congress. They were asked 
 by monopolists who were so good as to offer 
 Government a second mortgage on the property. 
 
 REFORMS ECONOMY. 
 
 Bo you ask me how the Radical party can 
 economize ? Repeal Bureaus for lazy people, 
 good enough to legislate and vote, but too lazy 
 to work. Save "eighteen millions a year by 
 withdrawing the bank currency, and making 
 banks use the legal-tenders, till they can be re- 
 deemed. Stop deficiency bills, which are de- 
 vices to cheat the people, by a false inventory 
 of expenditures, a prolific source of deceit, cor- 
 ruption and extravagance. Make Congress re- 
 duce its own useless expenditures. Why should 
 a fragment of a body in three years double its 
 contingent expenses ; running up from 18G3, 
 when it was $353,000, not counting members' 
 pay, to $725,000 the past year ! Congress should 
 begin at home ! (Cheers ) Stop the distribution 
 of our arms to negro governments. The last ap- 
 propriation I see was for 218,000 rifled muskets 
 at four million dollars ! Gui bono f Stop the 
 military expenses which I have shown to be 
 over a hundred millions a year. Come back to 
 the Democratic policies of Jackson, Polk and 
 Pierce, when not half as much was spent for the 
 whole government as is now spent in one de- 
 partment ; when not as much was spent in years 
 as now in months. (Cheers.) Above all, restore 
 harmony between the races and between the 
 States. Then expenses will stop. The party 
 which can do this, is the party in harmony with 
 the dominant classes. I do not despair of cur- 
 ing these great evils. No great nation need 
 despair. The disorders are not of Democratic 
 making, but their physician must be a Demo- 
 crat. (Cheers.) General Wilson and others 
 have no cabalistic words for cure. Copper- 
 heads, traitors, Hampton, Cobb, &c. T are not 
 cures. They are silly insults and falsehoods. 
 They give disease ; they cannot cure. The 
 Radical party will wreck upon these rocks of 
 extravagance. (Cheers.) Yet this very rock, 
 rightly used, will afford us the foundation for 
 a Democratic beacon. Give up your old preju- 
 dices against Democracy. In navigation you 
 cannot always steer in a direct course, but you 
 may, by tacking, arrive at your harbor ! Give 
 
33 
 
 up all servility to jour preachers. (Laughter.) 
 They work in hate, and not in love. Do not be 
 over pious (laughter) in politics. When the 
 Rabbi fasted, the dogs ran away with his din- 
 ner. (Laughter.) Take care of your dinners 
 in other words, your houses I 
 
 WHY OUR CREDIT FAILS. 
 
 It is time the knife was put to this Radical 
 poisonous and luxuriant growth. To do that, 
 we should raise our credit by a lasting concord ; 
 we should induce labor to the end prosperity. 
 We should at least take the hardens off of com- 
 merce, and allow the old glory to dawn on our 
 flag arouud the world." 
 
 Why does our nation have to pay for its mo- 
 ney twice as much as Russia, and more than 
 twice as much as England ? What reason is 
 there why we should be dishonored in our cred- 
 it as well as paralyzed in our industries ? Is it 
 because of the civil war ? That is three years 
 gone. Is it altogether because we fear a war of 
 races ? Is it not because the South is still held 
 by black terrorism and military power ? Is it 
 not because the genius of Radicalism is convul- 
 sive and destructive ? Is it not, in fine, because 
 Radicalism is not in harmony with the genius of 
 our government ? (Cheers.) It cannot work 
 with our system. It kills States. It disfran- 
 chises intelligence. It enfranchises ignorance. 
 It gives bounty to laziness. It piles burdens on 
 industry. It gives power to the malevolent. It 
 strives to lift up a stolid race to the level of 
 their superiors, by dragging down the superior. 
 Was it not enough for Radicalism to impair our 
 Government ? Was it not enough to demolish 
 the structure before our eyes? "Must they 
 stone their friends in war and their props in 
 peace " with the ruins ? How long can the old 
 Federal craft stand it ? She was launched by 
 great men. (Cheers.) We know who laid her 
 keel. When she was completed at Philadel- 
 phia, in 1787, the pumps stood ready for the 
 leakage, the capstans to heave anchor, the an- 
 chors ready for every vicissitude, the ship head, 
 like the beak of the ancient galley, decorated 
 with the figure of liberty an ornament and a 
 utility and the bottom coppered to protect 
 from barnacles and weeds, ready to be launched 
 forth from ihe stocks. Her banners are flying, 
 the ropes are cut, the last prop is knocked 
 away. The old ship quivers like a thing of 
 life. Slowly at first, then with an accelerated 
 motion, till the timbers fairly crack and the 
 3 
 
 keel fires. She plunges, rises, shoots forward^ 
 and is ready ! (Cheers.) Thirteen States cheer 
 her as the great ark of political safety ! Thank 
 Grod ! she was never f udderless from 1787, till 
 Radicalism unshipped the rudder. (Cheers.) 
 She sailed ever by the charter, till Radicalism 
 tore it into fragments ! She will soon be afloat 
 in her olden track. (Cheers.) She will bear 
 the precious freightage of many millions, and 
 all the hopes of generations in the future. 
 (Cheers.) Upon her deck, we will have a Dem- 
 ocratic captain ! One who knows the ship's pa- 
 pers and can sail her safely into a haven of re- 
 pose, and his name will be Horatio Seymour. 
 (Immense cheering.) If it would be reverent 
 and not obtrusive on those most intense 
 thoughts, which are associated with the unseen 
 world, I would in this great affliction and peril 
 of our country, once, so united, happy, free and 
 progressive, offer, in all humanity my prayer 
 to the Father of us all, for guidance and direc- 
 tion. As the patriots of Poland once prayed 
 in their affliction, I would pray Thee, Lord ! 
 who for so many years didst surround us with 
 power restore to us our ancient glory and our 
 free country ! Thou hast been touched by the 
 woe and desolation of the South ; let the light 
 of Thy blessing fall upon our blighted States 
 with the influences of answered prayer, and re- 
 store to us our free country ? Oh, Lord ! whose 
 just hand crushes the empty pride of the 
 earth, restore to us the simplicity of our better 
 days ! May the cross which has been insulted 
 by the language of hate, even from the pulpits, 
 be garlanded with the chaplets of victory, as 
 the emblem of a loving, restored, free country 
 (Applause.) 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA CAMPAIGN. 
 
 Extract from Mr. Cox's Speech at 
 Harrisburg, July 18th. 
 
 FELLOW-CITIZENS: William Penn was the 
 author of the idea, if not of the phrase, " Let us 
 have peace!" When he landed at New Castle 
 October 27, 1682, he had in his heart the sweet 
 love he had learned of the Quaker, Thomas Loe 
 friendship to all our kind negro, Indian ; 
 and he even loved I beg pardon of our Radical 
 brethren he even had some respect for his 
 
34 
 
 own white race ! He had stood in the dock be- 
 fore Jeffries, the infamous, and had demanded, 
 as others have since, fair trial, according to the 
 Magna Charta and the common law. But when 
 he came hither, he found the Aborigines the 
 true owners of the soil. He did not steal their 
 woods and streams. That sort of larceny was 
 left for the pious people of Plymouth and Mas- 
 sachusetts colonies. He never recognized the 
 infernal and Pagan doctrine of conquest. He 
 had his charter. He apparently owned the 
 soil. It came from royal seals. Charles gave 
 him some right. But he had a sounder princi- 
 ple. He would not, in blood and in hate, in 
 cnpidity or malice, claim his proprietary right. 
 Under the shade of your great forests he treated 
 with the natives, and fixed by sanctions now a 
 part of your pride and history, the right which 
 civilization and Christianity gave to his adven- 
 ture. William Penn was no carpet-bagger. 
 The calumet was smoked, as it ought to be now, 
 in gentle, loving, kindness. The planter was of 
 no more account in the eyes of your founder 
 than the red man. He even made a jury of 
 twelve no military commissions a jury of six 
 Indians and six planters, to settle disputes He 
 gave Magna Charta to the woods ! 
 
 One thing your great founder established ! 
 He made your State, at its birth, a free Com- 
 monwealth ; and he made a cement for its per- 
 manency in the principles of concord. 
 
 The varied and beautiful scenery of the Sus- 
 quehanna which artists so love to copy, is it 
 not made more beautiful by the associations to 
 which I have referred ? Here is the land, so 
 splendid which was the occasion and locality 
 for illustrating these principles of liberty and 
 justice ! Hither came English, German, Welsh, 
 Irish, and French. Here were gathered Pro- 
 testant, Catholic, Quaker, Huguenot, and Pres.- 
 byterian ! Hither came the Yorkshireman 
 John Harris from whom this Capital is named- 
 followed by the " boys" from Donegal, Ireland ! 
 Out of this rare and wonderful egg sprang the 
 present Imperial State of Pennsylvania ! It was 
 born of Democracy ! It was in its germ, the 
 very essence of unaristocratic adventure. It 
 was the home of justice and liberty. All classes 
 came here, with the motto of its founder : " Let 
 us have peace." 
 
 There will be no realization of this prayer 
 till military force and anarchy shall cease. 
 Upon Pennsylvania depends now as two hun- 
 dred years ago the issues of peace. They 
 
 have been made grand by time. If you honor 
 your founder, you will at least ask why peace 
 has not come with the cessation of war. 
 
 Peace can never come, my friends, under the 
 Radical rule of hate. Inquire first into the 
 reasons why we have discord. It never came 
 under the Quaker teaching of Penn. To cure 
 these troubles you require a resort to the 
 best Christian teaching. That teaching is in 
 consonance with the ideas of our govern- 
 ment. 
 
 After a discussion of economical questions Mr. 
 Cox discussed at length the fiscal questions, ad- 
 vocating equal taxation of all property, whether 
 in bonds or not ; denounced the greenback issue 
 as a fraud on labor, urged the reduction of ex- 
 penditures, and the return to the Democratic days 
 of economy, and hard money. He said the debt was 
 growing; the cost of the government is now $14, 
 when it was the year before the war, but $1.60 
 per head ; that whereas it only cost us seventeen 
 hundred millions for seventy-two years before 
 1861, it has cost us the same lacking 
 two hundred millions for the past three years of 
 Radical rule. He pointed out various ways in 
 which economy could be practiced ; beginning 
 with Congress, Bureau, and army. He said it had 
 been proven that our commence was dead. This 
 was an evidence that production was dying. Our 
 very skill even in agriculture is failing. The 
 burdens of Radical taxation incumber the land. 
 We are already a third rate power in ships and 
 commerce. Our imports are failing with our 
 exports, with the lapse of time. Our bonds are 
 going abroad. We are paying tribute to nabobs, 
 absentees and capitalists. There is only one 
 relief for men of business and men of patriotism. 
 It is in change. The quack should be dis- 
 missed. A new physician should be called. In 
 all that gives stability to industry, freedom to 
 trade, standards to currency, equality in taxation, 
 economy in administration, self-government to 
 States, peace to the Union ; at home, peace 
 abroad, peace and glory in all that makes a 
 law-abiding and Constitution-revering party the 
 Democracy will stand in the next seventy years, 
 as it did in the seventy years before the war ; 
 a wall of adamant against the waves of 
 Radicalism! It is this party that has made our 
 land great and our government strong, not by the 
 collisions of civil war, but by the cultivation of 
 concord. Under the control of Democracy, 
 we should, before now, have had this whole con- 
 tinent banded under a federal head, holding as 
 
35 
 
 gravity holds the stars, half our hemisphere, by the 
 system of constitutional law. 
 
 Before the war the Democracy strove to save 
 the nation with earnest, patriotic and peaceful 
 endeavors. During the war it commanded its 
 sons to the field with melancholy pride; and it 
 gave its sweetest blood to the cause, as it had 
 given its kindest counsels. Horatio Seymour, by 
 his speeches and his administration in New York, 
 is a fair type and noble illustration of Democratic 
 patriotism. His record is crystalline. In vain 
 slander assails it. He, like the party whose ex- 
 ponent he is, accepted the results of the war as 
 they were declared, as in honor bound, and in the 
 spirit of Christian amnesty, "with malice to none, 
 charity to all, to bind up the nation's wounds, 
 and to do all that may achieve and cherish a just 
 and lasting peace among ourselves and all nations." 
 In this spirit the Democracy intend to contend. 
 If they fail, then the stars in their courses are 
 against them. If they succeed, the spirit of 
 Christ will temper the people, and all that is for- 
 giving and good will encompass the Constitution 
 as sentinels for its guard and its sweet honor ! 
 
 Extract from Mr. Cox's Philadelphia 
 Speech, September 17, 1868. 
 
 From the Age, Philadelphia. 
 
 Last evening Concert Hall was densely packed 
 with people, many of whom were ladies, who had 
 convened for the purpose of hearing the Hon. 
 Samuel S. Cox, ex-Congressman from Ohio, who 
 was announced to speak on the topic, " The Busi- 
 ness Condition of the Country." The hall was 
 crowded long before the hour of commencement 
 had arrived with intelligent citizens who desired, 
 in the midst of the political excitement and mis- 
 representation so current at the present time, to 
 hear the important issues now pending, calmly 
 andargumentatively discussed. The fame of Mr. 
 Cox had preceded him, and he had no sooner 
 made his appearance upon the stage than he was 
 greeted with a storm of huzzas and cheers that 
 must have astonished him. 
 
 The President of the meeting, Mr. Patterson, 
 in well-timed remarks, then introduced the orator 
 of the evening, Hon. S. S. Cox, who said : 
 
 SPEECH OF MR. COX. 
 
 GENTLEMEN : I remember once to have heard 
 performed a play called the ' ' Benoiton Family " 
 
 a fast family. Throughout all the shif tings of the 
 scene, the leading personage, Madame Benoiton, 
 is always inquired after, but does not appear. She 
 is ahvays about to go out or expected to return. 
 (Laughter.) We may be allowed to inquire of our 
 Radical Rulers, on this of all days in the year, 
 after the leading feature of American Republican- 
 ism. May we not ask, in an humble way, after 
 the American Constitution ? It is really the head 
 of our political family. As this is its natal day, 
 and this city its birthplace, our Radical friends 
 will not think it treason if I make a few allusions 
 to its birth and its function. In pursuance of a 
 resolution of the Congress of the Confederation, 
 of the 21st of February, 1787, the Convention was 
 appointed which met in this city ; that Conven- 
 tion adopted the Constitution; it was submitted 
 to the sereral States, and ratified by Pennsylvania 
 on the 12th of December, 1787. It bore the great 
 name of Washington ! It was signed by such 
 names as Sherman, King, Hamilton, Dayton, 
 Franklin, Wilson, Morris, Ingersoll, Clymer, 
 Madison, Rutledge, an I Pinckney. (Cheers.) 
 These were the organic law-makers of our Repub- 
 lic. I disdain to speak of the Constitution cod- 
 dlers of this time in the same breath. (Laughter 
 and cheers.) They gave us a matchless instru- 
 ment. It was the refinement of human polity. It 
 has been the theme of the philosophic minds of the 
 world since, as it embodied all the wisdom and 
 eliminated all unwisdom of the ages before its ap- 
 pearance. It supplied the defects of the Articles 
 of Confederation. It did more. It reconciled all 
 local and commercial diversities. It gave national 
 unity. This unity lasted. It lasted until the mad 
 zealotry of sections, North and South, embroiled 
 the unwilling people. It was sought first by 
 hate, then by war to sever the bonds of constitu- 
 tional union. It is now sought again to undo the 
 great work of 1787 by fresh invasions upon the 
 integrity and harmony of the Federal system. 
 What a rash advance upon the truth of history 
 and the genius of those who made our govern- 
 ment, has been made since eighty-one years ago 
 this day ! When the Convention sent out its re- 
 script to the Congress, with the Constitution for 
 ratification, it was urged that the only desideratum 
 in a national government, was the power to make 
 war, peace, and treaties, and to levy taxes and 
 regulate commerce. So jealous were they of these 
 powers that the fathers divided the trust among 
 three organizations. They called on the States to 
 make sacrifices of State pride and individual liberty 
 for these objects. The States responded. Said 
 
36 
 
 Washington: k 'In this system is involved our 
 prosperity, felicity, safety, national existence." 
 So it was. So it is to-day ! I wish to-night that 
 that the 17th of September could be held sacred to 
 the memory of the immortal names and the grand 
 deeds of those who made and ratified the Consti- 
 tution. I find among those who ratified such 
 Pennsylvanians as Benjamin Rush, James Wilson, 
 and Frederick A. Muhlenberg. They were men 
 who looked forward, not to a confined area for our 
 government, but to a cordon of " uniformed 
 States, who were to be inhabited by myriads of 
 our race." When Mr. Wilson proposed to ratify 
 the Constitution in the Pennsylvania Convention 
 his first thought was one now so unusual of polit- 
 ical and Christian charity. "Diversity of senti- 
 ment demanded a spirit of mutual forbearance and 
 conciliation." It was as indispensable then as it is 
 now. Concession and sacrifice were held to be 
 absolutely necessary to the expanding quality of 
 the United States Government ; expanding in only 
 one direction the expanse of its defined and limited 
 powers over new and forming States ! The great 
 elements of national unity were secured; the 
 States were strengthened, and by their strength 
 the Union grew. We became strong against all 
 the world, for we fulfilled what Pennsylvania in 
 adopting the Constitution promised, " salutary per- 
 manency in magistracy and stability in the laws." 
 Alas ! what a fall since then, under Radical dis- 
 pensations ! (Cheers.) 
 
 This was our happy Union till 1861. Then 
 Radicalism began its work. The reptile bored 
 into the mound, the fierce waters rushed in with 
 violence, and to-day, the remnant only of the best 
 system of human government stands as a warning 
 against excess and corruption. (Cheers.) 
 
 I do not come here to you to speak so much 
 about politics as of the direful effects which this 
 excess produces upon business. I ^am just from 
 
 Maine where I have seen the whole coast denuded 
 
 of its shipyards and marine tonnage by Radical 
 rule ; and it comes home to my apprehension, that 
 other interests will tumble into the same abyss 
 under the same burdens and excesses. Constitu- 
 tions were intendod to save and protect, not to 
 pester, harass, oppress, and repress. Our Consti- 
 tution, so matchless for its reserved powers, and so 
 wonderful in the division and checks upon its 
 granted powers, has been utterly set at naught in 
 war and peace by the dominant party. That party 
 cannot reconcil the sections, States, or races in the 
 Union. It is not in harmony with our organism 
 as a government. 
 
 To perceive why the Radical policy has failed, 
 and why it will fail when completed, involves an 
 inquiry into the nature and character of our Union. 
 As by the violation of these laws war came, so by 
 their observance, and by that alone, will peace 
 come. As the immediate cause of the war was the 
 assertion of a right to throw off the paramount 
 Federal authority and withdraw States, so the 
 cause of the present discontent is the practical as- 
 sertion of the right of Congress paramount to the 
 organic law to keep States out to regulate the 
 conditions of their pretended admission, to inter- 
 meddle in their suffrage, and to carry on what 
 legislation they require by citizens of other States, 
 not familiar with their needs. 
 
 Address of Hon. S. S. Cox 9 at 
 ' Bloomsburg, Pa., on October 8. 
 
 THE FINANCIAL SITUATION THOROUGHLY RE- 
 VIEWED. 
 
 Hon. S. Cox delivered an exhaustive and per- 
 fectly unanswerable speech before an immense 
 mass-meeting here to-day. The burden of this 
 statesman's address was a direct appeal to the ma- 
 terial issues before the country, involving a mer- 
 ciless yet perfectly candid exhibition of the Radi- 
 policy of taxation and extravagance. The speech 
 will be the best campaign document for our voters 
 yet issued, and the hundreds of thousands of De- 
 mocrats in this State to whom THE WORLD will 
 present it will make an admirable use of startling 
 yet truthful statistics. 
 
 Mr. Cox said : 
 
 PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA: In addressing 
 you I am not unmindful of your origin, character 
 and history. You are a composite people. There 
 is, as I read, very little black or yellow in your 
 mosiac, and a good deal of the Emerald. (Laugh- 
 ter.) Your origin shows the English Friend, 
 united with the Scotch-Irish, in which there is a 
 large infusion of German, which took place just 
 before the Revolution, and since then an addition 
 of the pure Celt. Your steadfastness, thrift, 
 honesty, impulse, and energy spring from this 
 rare commingling of sturdy Caucasians. The de- 
 fiance of wrong which Penn illustrated, his pa- 
 tient yet stubborn combativeness, his love of prin- 
 ciple as above all earthly reward joined with the 
 canny characteristics of the Scotch, and the ming- 
 ling with the fervid nature of the Irish and the 
 hospitable economic qualities of the German are 
 
37 
 
 to-day your peculiarities. Your capacious red 
 barns, bigger than your houses ; vour olden love 
 of a sure and standard currancy of gold and sil- 
 ver ; your distrust of irredeemable paper as mo- 
 ney ; your dislike of needless and profligate taxa- 
 tion ; your desire to be frugal while you are just 
 have made at once the most valuable and the 
 most steadfast of the people of America. Not 
 alone by geographical position, but by mental and 
 moral qualities, is Pennsylvania the keystone ! 
 (Cheers.) When it falls out of place, the " majes- 
 ty of proportion " is lost to our political arch. 
 Hence this nation is " waiting for the verdict " 
 which you are to render. Yours is the arbitra- 
 ment of 'our great struggle. If you maintain 
 your place, the arch will become a rainbow in 
 the sky, giving promise of a better future ! 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 HISTORIC ALLUSIONS. 
 
 Your history harmonizes with your origin and 
 character. Pennsylvania epitomizes the very 
 genius of the Republic. Were not her foundations 
 laid in Peace ? The treaty of Penn at Shakamax- 
 on was it not typical of another conference out 
 of which came another bond the Constitution of 
 the federal system ? Were not each made in con- 
 cord ? True the treaty was never sworn to. but 
 it Avas never broken. The Quakers did not like 
 oaths. Political oaths are a bad sign. If there 
 was one thing ruffling to Quaker serenity, it was 
 the perpetual proffering of oaths oaths of religi- 
 ous test, oaths of political test, oaths of supre- 
 macy, oaths of purgation, oaths of every sort. 
 His "yea and nay" had more significance than all 
 the oaths of the army in Flanders. How his de- 
 scendants can approve of these liadical adjurations 
 upon every conceivable occasion, I cannot imagine. 
 Nearly everything connected with reconstruction 
 and the war seems to be copied from English ty- 
 ranny. We outstrip them. We have oaths as to 
 the belief of the affiant oaths as to physiology 
 oaths that black is white oaths for lawyers and 
 preachers oaths as to abstract questions oaths 
 to maintain political tenets oaths that the party 
 has done nothing and oaths that it won't do any- 
 thingoaths of all kinds. (Laughter.) It 
 would seem as if Radicalism had made us a 
 swearing generation. (Laughter.) I don't know 
 when there was before so much hard swearing re- 
 quired. If the old Quaker did not swear, he did 
 not break his affirmation, as some of his beligerent 
 and degenerate descendents have done. He never 
 broke the Indian treaty, as some of his 
 
 descendants have broken the Constitu- 
 tion. It was original ly cemented in the 
 spirit of friendship and faith. It was sacred 
 to him. Within your borders the Con- 
 tinental Congress had its seat. Here, too, was 
 the General Government, till 1800. Here, the 
 Constitution was made. Brandywine, German- 
 town and Valley Forge, do they not stand out 
 in your annals with illuminated text? Since 
 then you have illustrated, by an almost steadfast 
 Democratic history, that patience, sacrifice, per- 
 sistency, Democratic principle and love for writ- 
 ten law, which her origin, character, and histo- 
 ry betoken. I feel proud to-night that I stand 
 ; within the limits of a tolerant, honest Demo- 
 I cratic State. (Cheers.) The victory you gained, 
 last year, in the election of Judge Sharswood 
 (cheers; and the interest of the republic, can 
 you not repeat it on Tuesday next ? (Cheers.) 
 I bid you struggle for it like men. You did your 
 duty to the republic in the great civil war, as 
 you did in all former trials of the (Government. 
 Much as the Democracy are maligned, they 
 joined with their opponents, on the 25th of Jan- 
 uary, 1861, in your Legislature, to denounce se- 
 cession. They quoted General Jackson's mes- 
 sage of 16th January, 1833, and pledged the 
 faith and power of Pennsylvania to sustain the 
 Goverment and destroy rebellion. No Demo- 
 crat was wanting in that vote or recreant to 
 that pledge. (Cheers.) New York gave to you 
 its aid, through its honest patriotic Governor, 
 Horatio Seymour. (Cheers ) She gave it to 
 you in your darkest hour. You will not allow 
 the memory of it to be blasted by slander or 
 forgotten with time. You pledged your re- 
 sources, your iron, coal, lumber, salt, petroleum ; 
 your farms from the Delaware to the Ohio ; all 
 your rich valleys and mineral mountains, to 
 maintenance of the Government and the restor- 
 ation of the Union. (Applause.) Our oppo- 
 nents give us no credit for helping their ad- 
 ministration with means and men. Their lan- 
 guage is ; " We put down the rebellion. We 
 did the fighting ! Who saved Western 
 Virginia ? (Cheers for McClellan.) Who 
 at Antietam, saved Pennsylvania from in- 
 vasion? Whose name the shade only 
 in name rallied the fight at Gettysburg ? Of 
 the three millions of soldiers on the army rolls, 
 were they all Republicans ? Only one million 
 eight hundred thousand men voted for Mr. Lin- 
 coln. Where did the rest come from ? And were 
 all the Republicans warriors (Laughter) ? Were 
 
38 
 
 there no Wide- Awakes nursing their babies am 
 their wrath at home (Laughter) ? Who were the 
 braves that .had the money to buy substitutes 
 Who of the Radical orators ' Drew out the sheath 
 and threw away the sword," and bled for his 
 country like a blackberry pie (Laughter) ? It is 
 insulting, it is idle, to hurl taunts, my Radical 
 friend, against your tax-paying neighbor, whose 
 Democratic boy fought this great fight for the 
 Government. The Democracy made as many 
 sacrifices as you. More. He joined with his po- 
 litical adversary, and gave his strength to your 
 administration for the sake of the Union (Cheers.) 
 What have we in return for these sacrifices ? 
 
 Taxes ! taxes ! nothing but taxes ! 
 
 Grinding our noses as sharp as axes. 
 
 (Laughter.) The grindstone is still turning, 
 faster and faster ; and for all our sacrifices, ex- 
 penditures, and blood, we have no Union, no 
 peace, no hope, save in the Democracy. Where 
 is the model of Government which Jefferson 
 pictured for you in his inaugural ? "A wise 
 and frugal Government which shall restrain 
 men from injuring one another, shall leave 
 them otherwise free to regulate their own pur- 
 suits of industry and improvement, and shall 
 Dot take from the mouth of labor the bread it 
 has earned." He called this the sum of good 
 government. This only was necessary to close 
 the circle of our felicities. 
 
 PERVERSION OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 What a mockery on this Democratic defini- 
 nition have we to-day ? Is not Government 
 itself, instead of restraining provoking and 
 helping 1 men to injure one another ? Is it not 
 dashing race against race State against State ? 
 Is there not chaos in ten States ? unrest, fever, 
 bad blood, decay ? Is there freedom for indus- 
 try or improvement ? Is not the mouth of labor 
 robbed of its hard earned bread, and what for ? 
 To aggravate bad rule, to perpetuate rancorous 
 revilings and partisan power, to destroy human 
 contentment, and to insult Christian charity. 
 This is the sum of good government! This is 
 the circle of our political felicities ! 
 
 CAUSE OF FORBEARANCE. 
 
 The wonder is that this nation has been so 
 patient under such exactions and wrongs. I 
 look around for a solution of this forbearance 
 We find it not in the wisdom or frugality of our 
 rulers, but in the benignity of Providence, in 
 spite of their folly and extravagance. 
 
 Since the war, has not Providence favored us 
 with bountiful harvests ? Therefore it is that 
 we have not felt, to the point of resistance the 
 load of taxation. We have been remonstrant, 
 but patient Let one unfavorable season occur, 
 and language will fail to depict the misery that 
 will ensue. Do you know that Pennsylvania 
 has been signally favored ? Among all the 
 States she has fared best. But she is as she is 
 in spite of the misrule which hampers industry 
 in other sections and States ; though even she 
 suffers in common with the bodv of which she 
 is so important a portion. She not only bears 
 her share of the general burden, but her own 
 particular share. These, as I shall show you, 
 are enough to crush even her iron energies. 
 Nearly all, if not all, of our annual earnings, 
 are paid to support this Government, as it has 
 been run under Congressional, military, negro, 
 aud Bureau rule. How long, if this be so, can 
 this Government remain solvent ? How long 
 if we continue, shall we invite capital and immi- 
 gration from abroad ? If it continue the next 
 year we will have either to lay more taxes, issue 
 more bonds, or go into bankruptcy. If already 
 our burdens are consuming our net products, is 
 it not time for the people of Pennsylvania to 
 arouse and demand better servants ? (Cheers.) 
 You are a people not anxious to avoid taxes 
 fairly laid and judiciously paid out. You want 
 to know that you get your money's worth in the 
 government ! You do not want to pay for ne- 
 gro rule, military repression, anarchy, and 
 lawlessness. (Cheers.) If you pay taxes you 
 want the equivalent. You want a " frugal and 
 wise government." If you cannot get the sum- 
 total of good government, you desire to approxi- 
 mate to it ; and if you cannot close the circle, 
 you want something of the felicities we once en- 
 joyed under Democratic auspices ! 
 
 FISCAL PROPOSITIONS DISCUSSED. 
 
 Now I make the following proposition ; 
 
 1. That the working and business men of 
 Pennsylvania pay directly or indirectly in tax- 
 es, on an average, over $128 per annum, per 
 capita. 
 
 2. That these enormous taxes, since the war, 
 are from seven to ten times as much as before 
 the war. 
 
 3. That taking the census of 186U, with the 
 number of producers as a basis, realizing over 
 $6,500,000,000 a year, and after deducting what 
 is used in living, the rest at this time is aUused 
 
39 
 
 by atrocious system of taxation ; so that this na- 
 tion is not growing under Radical rule, as it did 
 under Democratic rule, but is degenerating into 
 bankruptcy and ruin. 
 
 4. That the cost of living is three times as 
 much now as then, while wages do not bear the 
 rate of increase. 
 
 5. That our expenditures are growing daily, 
 and will be greater hereafter even than in the 
 past three extravagant years. 
 
 6. That all our agricultural crops, and that 
 immigration are decreasing, while our expen- 
 ditures are growing. This decrease is in conse- 
 quence of ruinous taxation. 
 
 7. That the represention which has preserved 
 the character, form, and poise of t}iis Federal 
 system, is being disordered and the system des- 
 troyed 
 
 8. That our expenditures are going on at an 
 accelerated rate forty millions per month so 
 that we must either tax more, issue more 
 bonds, or go into insolvency. 
 
 9. It has ruined the coasting trade as well as 
 the Southwestern river trade, and destroyed 
 the natural blessings which the unrivalled 
 watershed of Pennsylvania has bestowed. 
 
 10. Radical rule is destroying one great re- 
 source of the people, not only for their families, 
 but as a revenue to the Government by the do- 
 nation of public lands to monopolies ; that near- 
 ly two hundred millions of acres have been thus 
 absorbed; or three hundred a*nd twenty-two 
 million of dollars givenjiway to private persons, 
 which belonged to the people. 
 
 Lastly, there is no relief from this extrava- 
 gent, exclusive, partial, and ruinous adminis- 
 tration, but in a change of rules ; that those 
 who have made this havoc are continuing and 
 will continue the same system : and that any 
 change would be for the better. 
 
 TAXATION PER HEAD IX PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 To prove these statements I will give you the 
 figures. Figures may be made to lie, but when 
 figures are facts, they are the truth and cannot 
 lie. The figures I shall quote are facts, obtained 
 from official authority. The statistics of Penn- 
 sylvania I shall quote from the report of Hon. 
 J. F. Hartranft, Auditor-General of Pennsyl- 
 vania, and the Federal statistics from the re- 
 ports of Federal officials. The latest State and 
 municipal reports I have been able to obtain 
 are those for the year which ended December 1, 
 1866 fifteen months after the war closed. In 
 
 that year, the local taxes per capita in your 
 most densely populated county, Philadelphia* 
 were as follows : 
 
 City and County taxes $8 17 
 
 State taxes 1ST 
 
 Federal taxes . 1647 
 
 Total $25 61 
 
 This is not for every workingman, but for 
 every head of population, including old men* 
 boys, women, and children. The proportion of 
 workingmen to the whole population is as one 
 to five. Each workingman and each business 
 man has to pay for five persons, himself inclu- 
 ding. Multiply $25.61 by 5 ; you have the tax- 
 ation laid upon each producer in your commu- 
 nity. The total is $128.05. This is about the 
 sum that each Pennsylvanian now pays for the 
 privilege of being governed. These are the fig- 
 ures of 1866. The figures of 1868 are no less, 
 but rather more. I cannot obtain the city, 
 county and State taxes for eighteen sixty-eight, 
 but the Federal taxes show the results which, 
 follow. 
 
 And let us, for the purpose of veiifying mj 
 statement, make a comparison of taxes in 1860, 
 1866, and 1858, to compute the per capita. 
 
 Federal Taxes. 
 
 Per 
 
 Tear. Population, capita. Total Taxes. 
 
 I860 31,445,080 $1.78 $56,054,599 
 
 1866 34,505,882 16:17 558,032-620 
 
 1868.... estimated) 37, 000, 000 11.00 405,638,133 
 
 Stale Taxes. 
 
 I860 .... Pennsylvania $8,01 $2,368,967 
 
 1866 Pennsylvania 1,27 4,060,148 
 
 City and County Taxes. 
 
 I860.... Philadelphia 4,13 2,334,252 
 
 1866.... Philadelphia 8,17 4,084,539 
 
 But the comparison of Federal taxes in 1866 
 and 1868 does not tell the whole story. The 
 expenditure of this liadical government were 
 greater in 1868 than 1867- They will be greater 
 still in 1869. Look at the figures which I quote 
 from the celebrated Letter of Director Delmar, of 
 the Statistical Department. : 
 
 FEDERAL EXPENDITURES. 
 
 Fiscal years. 
 
 1867 Total expenditures, actual. ..$392,444,291 
 1868 Total expenditures, actual. .. 414,913,604 
 1869 Total expenditures, actual. .. 482,059,201 
 
 Federal taxes, 1866 $558,032,620 
 
 Federal taxes, 1868 405,638,135 
 
40 
 
 The expenditures in 1868 were 22J millions 
 greater than in 1867, and in 1869 they will 
 "be 67 millions greater then in 1868. The differ- 
 ence between these amounts and the taxes lev- 
 ied are obtained by borrowing, by issuing gov- 
 ernment stock, and so increasing the debt, at 70 
 cents to the dollar. In other words, for every 70 
 dollars of deficiency in taxes you are pledged 
 to pay, by Radical policy, $100 in gold in the 
 future. Compare this astounding burden with 
 the one we bore in 1SCO, previous to the war, 
 when the then recent panic of 1857 made the 
 cry of over taxation the burden of oratory : 
 
 Federal taxes, 1850 56,054,599 
 
 Federal taxes. 1866 558,032,620 
 
 Federal taxes, 1868 ..405,638,133 
 
 ten times as much in 1866, one year after the 
 war eloped, and seven times as much in 1868 
 three years after the war closed ! 
 
 EXTRAVAGANCE IN PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 This extravagant increase is not confined to 
 Federal administration. Your executive docu- 
 ments show that your own State Legislature, 
 like Congress, doubled the expenses of Demo- 
 cratic time?. Nine years of Radical rule has 
 cost you $2,251,744.14; being $1,120,469.74 in 
 excess of the nine years before Radicalism 
 cursed your State. The cost of a Democratic 
 legislature in 1858 was $172,452.15 : of the Re- 
 publican legislature in 1868, about $350,000. In 
 1869 the expense was $321,451. They copy Con- 
 gress. Is this wise and frugal 1 Republican 
 officers in Pennsylvania have boasted of their 
 economy, and that they have paid off a part of 
 your State debt. Compare the expenses of 1858 
 with 1867 : Printing, 1858, $41,889 ; 1867, $130,- 
 138. Judiciary, 1858, $134,466 ; 1857, $256,677, 
 Library, |185P, $3, 93; 1867, $30,726. Public 
 Buildings nearly three times as much, and 
 " Miscellaneous" has grown from $7,794 in Dem- 
 ocratic 1858 to $88,518 in Radical 1867! They 
 boast they have paid over $4,000,000 of your State 
 debt; they have not reduced it as much by $148,- 
 105 per annum as the Democrats did while in 
 power. The expenses generally have been trebled. 
 Do you wonder that each voter pays $128 per 
 annum in Pennsylvania 1 In New York it is 
 even more.^ '.Taking all taxes, there is $180,- 
 000,000 levied on New York State ! More than 
 11 per cent on the assessed values ; $45 per cap- 
 ita, or $225 for each head of family ! England 
 only pays $10.85, per capita ; France, $9.59 ; 
 
 Russia, $3.59 ; Turkey, $1.85 ; Prussia, $5 35 ; 
 Austria, $7.42 ; New York, $45 ; Pennsylvania, 
 $25 per capita, or $128 to the voter ! Is this 
 wise or frugal ? Who pays the burden, and 
 how ? How do you pay this $128 per annum ? 
 You pay it indirectly but you pay it ; for labor 
 pays it. You pay it in the price of everything 
 you eat, drink, and wear, it creeps into your 
 pocket, snakelike insidiously. Look at the 
 prices ! Every tax is a part of the price. To 
 be exact, I take those which ruled in the whole- 
 sale markets in New York on the 1st of October 
 in each year. 
 
 October 1, 1868. 
 Tax or Duty. 
 
 2425c. f ft, gold... 
 1150.$ ft, gold... 
 
 $1.05 
 24 
 
 12 
 
 70 
 
 1.85 
 35 
 04} 
 
 1.50 
 
 October 1, 1860. 
 
 Groceries. 
 Tea. Hyson, common to 
 
 fair, per fi ft $ 
 
 Coffee, Kio, prime, $ ft 
 Susar, Cuba, grocery, 
 
 $ft 063C. f ft, gold.. 
 
 Molasses, Porto Eico, 
 
 f> gal 308c. f gal., gold 
 
 Salt, Li'pool, ground, 
 
 $ sack 1 l()!24c. f bush., gold 
 
 Pepper, $ft 07|15c. $ ft, gold,.. 
 
 Flour, $} ft OSlNone 
 
 Whiskey, domestic, .f} 
 
 gal 17500.$ gal., cur., 
 
 Total $2 01 
 
 For what cost $2 01 in 1860 you have now to 
 pay $5 85, or nearly three times as much. Is it 
 necessary to extend the comparison to articles of 
 clothing and to rents ? These are but a few arti- 
 cles. Ycur matches cost eight times as much as 
 formerly! Salt, candles, and soap more than 
 double ; starch 15 where it once cost 10 , your 
 boots, shoes, books, stationary, furniture, cutlery, 
 crockery, have increased in price 100 per cent. ; 
 dry goods 50 per cent, j drugs and cigars 300 per 
 cent. ; paints 200 per cent., and go on. You know 
 better than I do, how exhorbitant prices are. This 
 is due to taxation. To prevent this, let us reduce 
 prices of 1868 to gold; $5.85 worth of goods, in 
 currency can be purchased for $4.18 cents in 
 gold. This is twice as much as the prices in 1860, 
 and 16 cents gold or 24 cents currency to spare. 
 Now what wages do you get as compared with 
 1860? Do you get three times as much, in cur- 
 rency ? No. Do you get 2 1-10 times as much 
 in gold ? No. You go down into your coal 
 mines. You are hidden from the sweet light of 
 the sun. You work and delve and sweat and 
 worry all day and far into the night. Your ex- 
 hausting toil obliges you to eat heavy food to keep 
 up the wear and tear ; and what is the result ? 
 More work, more sweat, and when the conflict of 
 races begins in the South, as it will under this bad 
 rule, you will find Pennsylvania athrong with 
 
41 
 
 negroes who have not even a carpet bag. (Laugh- 
 ter.) To whom the Freedman's Bureau can no 
 longer give support, and whom it will send, as it 
 is now sending, North to compete with you at 
 lower wages in the paths of industry. Is this the 
 sweet humanity you were taught to vote for ? Is 
 this either wise or frugal ? Yet we are told the 
 poor man does not pay these taxes. He has no 
 money. I say, he who produces, in the last 
 ' analysis, pays all. (Cheers.) Is not the working 
 man taxed on all he uses ; his tools, his food, his 
 clothing, his rents ? There is no exaggeration in 
 this verse. The poor man can sing it truthfully, 
 even though it be jocosely : 
 
 "We are taxed on the cradle in which the child lies, 
 Taxed on the bed upon which the man dies ; 
 Taxed on the shroud that covers his body, 
 Taxed on the shroud, though we know it is shoddy. 
 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 Taxed on our clothing, our meat, and our bread, 
 Our carpets and dishes, our tables and bed, 
 Our tea and our coffee, our fuel and lights ; 
 Taxed so severely we can't sleep o' nights: 
 
 (Laughter.) 
 
 TOTAL ANNUAL EARNINGS OF THE COUNTRY, AND 
 HOW THEY ARE ABSORBED. 
 
 To illustrate how unbearable the burden of 
 taxation is which is now placed upon us, I will 
 call your attention to some very important stat- 
 istics. I have been at great pains to obtain the 
 authentic data. These data will show the bal- 
 ance sheet of the nation. I pray you to heed 
 the facts and conclusions. 
 
 In 1860, the total population of this entire 
 country was 31, 445,080. Of this number about 
 one-fifth, or 6,289,016 were working and busi- 
 ness men. The whole number of persons who 
 had any occupation at all was 8,287,043, as set 
 forth in the census of 1860. But of this number 
 about one-fourth were engaged in occupations 
 that do not directly contribute towards the pro- 
 duction of wealth. I refer to religion, science, 
 the fine arts, education, the learned professions, 
 amusements, officers of the law, servants, bro- 
 kers, agents and middlemen, in a great variety 
 of occupations. They are consumers of other 
 men's production. 
 
 The total value of all the products of the la- 
 bor of these 6,289,016 workingmen, or, if you 
 please, these 8,287,243 persons having any oc- 
 cupation at all, or if you choose to add the then 
 working slaves, who numbered 2,021,248, ma- 
 king altogether 10,308,291 persons who had any 
 occupation whatever, was $6,454,174,245. 
 
 The folio-wing table from the International 
 Almanac of 1866, furnished the data : 
 
 OCCUPATION. 
 
 NUMBER 
 
 or 
 PERSONS . 
 
 VALUE OP 
 ANNUAL 
 PRODUCTS. 
 
 Agriculture .... .... 
 
 3,394,685 
 
 2,021,248 
 1.765,532 
 919,351 
 
 670,432 
 158,157 
 1.078,986 
 
 $2.125,072.,810 
 
 632,650,624 
 1,105.223.032 
 1,007,148,864 
 
 455,617,824 
 99,006.282 
 1,029,454,809 
 
 Slavery (principally agricul- 
 tural) .... 
 
 
 
 Laborers without particular 
 
 Mines 
 
 All other occupations 
 Total. 
 
 10,308,291 
 
 $6,454,174,245- 
 
 The combined product of every person in this 
 country who contributed in any way, either di- 
 rectly or indirectly, in freedom or in slavery, 
 either by his physical labor or his intellect or 
 his capital, towards the production or conserva- 
 tion of wealth or its proper and economical dis- 
 position was, if valued in dollars and cents,, 
 worth about six thousand five hundred million 
 dollars ! By another method of computation, 
 that of valuing the product of the year, the 
 gross cost of distributing them for the purpose 
 of consumption, and by capitalizing as gross 
 product the labor and capital spent upon the 
 improvement of real property, the result was 
 $6,794,624,040. By a third method of computa- 
 tion, that of taking the income returns of 1865 
 as a basis of estimate, the result was $6,902,771,- 
 591. This is a substantial agreement. In such 
 large figures it is a very remarkable agreement- 
 The average of the three methods of computa- 
 tion shows that the value of the annual product 
 of all the labor of this country was, in 1860, 
 $6,848,697,815. Now for my first conclusion ! 
 Of this enormous sum of values, it required no 
 less than $6,135.218,929, or over 89 per cent, of 
 the whole amount, to support the whole popula- 
 tion of 31,445,080 souls. So that something 
 less than 11 per cent, was the total amount 
 saved during the year 1860. Even this is enor- 
 mous. The saving made each year at that pe- 
 riod was valued at $713,478,886. / append 
 this table sJiowing the value of the gross earn- 
 ings of the 10,308,291 industrial population in 
 1860 ; the cost of supporting the whole popu- 
 lation of 31,445,086 souls during the year, and 
 the value of the net earnings or savings of 
 the year. Here it is : 
 
 Total gross earnings or product $6,848, 697.81& 
 
 Total cost of support or consumption.. 6,315,278,929 
 
 Total savings or net product $713,478,885 
 
 There is no ledgerdemain in these figures ! 
 Seven hundred millions a yaar was the sum of 
 
42 
 
 our annual net product in 1860. It is no 
 greater now, even though the population 
 has increased to perhaps 37,021,000 of souls. 
 Our foreign commerce is entirely destroyed ; 
 the industry of the South is prostrated, and her 
 industrial population is kept in idleness by politi- 
 cal excitement and uncertainty, and the vicious 
 measures introduced by Congress. All the taxa- 
 tion we can pay must come out of this sum of 
 seven hundred and thirteen millions. If we do 
 not take it out of this sum, we must sell our 
 property our land, our houses, our stock df food, 
 and our clothing. We must raise the means to 
 live first. To live is more pressing than to have 
 government. But this computation is far too 
 liberal ; I take another mode. It is an. axiom 
 with economists that about two and a half per 
 cent, on all the values represents the net earnings 
 of a country. But if we call this per cent, three 
 and a half, we will not be accused of an under- 
 statement of our net profits. If, then, $560,- 
 000,000, or three and a half per cent, on our 
 values, be the estimate, we shall find that, after 
 paying for the expense of government, we shall 
 have nothing left. 
 
 The State taxes are not easy to compute with- 
 out greater labor than I am able to devote to the 
 subject at this stage of the campaign ; but they 
 are estimated at $250,000,000, an amount which 
 in my judgment is far below the truth. Now re- 
 duce that portion of the expenditures of 1868-9, 
 which are in gold to currency : I mean the inte- 
 rest on the public debt, the gold interest paid to 
 the bondholders which is untaxed, and which 
 amounts to $130,000,000 a year alone. Add to 
 this such of the Navy Department and Consular 
 and diplomatic expenses as are paid in gold, say 
 $10,000,000 more, and you will have another 
 conclusion. First, let me give you a table show- 
 ing the estimated taxes to be paid by the people 
 of the United States in 1868-9 : 
 
 Federal expenditures $481,059,201 
 
 Premium on $140,000,000 gold @ 
 
 $140 56,000,000 
 
 State and local taxes 250,000,000 
 
 Total taxation $788,059,101 
 
 Total net earnings $560,000,000 
 
 We have seen the amount of taxation is $788,- 
 059,201 ; so that the net product of the nation 
 fails by over two hundred millions to pay th 
 taxes of this Radical administration. ("Hear 
 hear.") Where will this end ! In an utter con 
 
 scation of all values, lands, houses, monies, 
 >onds, and stocks. Will it stop short of repu- 
 liation ? Who is there to protest ? Where is 
 he spirit now like that which actuated Hampden, 
 vhen, rather than pay the shilling tribute, he 
 risked the taint of treason ? How different from 
 he spirit of those brave Hollanders who', be- 
 ieged in the town of Haarlem by the rapacious 
 Alva, beheaded eleven of their Spanish prisoners, 
 and with grim facetiousness threw their heads 
 >ver the walls into the camp of the Spaniards, 
 vith this note: "Duke of Alva, thou hast de- 
 manded a tenth from the town of Haarlem. Here 
 is the sum, with an extra head for the interest ! " 
 The revolt, I counsel, is not one of physical 
 force, but of mind. I would not have you cut off 
 the heads of Radical law-makers and tax-gather- 
 ers. Chop off their political heads. (Cheers 
 and laughter.) The interest with which I would 
 have you repay them is not a mutilated body, but 
 10,000 additional ballots for Seymour and Blab- ! 
 (Cheers.) Men of Pennsylvania! you should 
 know what oppressive taxation means. You re- 
 member the old tocsin of '76 now in Independent 
 Hall ! Certainly you recollect the whiskey rebel- 
 lion of 1784 ! Your ancestors were not apt to 
 be blind to the exactions of tyranny or 
 the corruptions of peculation. Emulate their 
 spirit, and next Tuesday will sound the 
 tocsin of a regenerated Republic ! (Cheers.) 
 
 And now I desire to call your attention to the 
 danger we are in of being met by a deficient 
 harvest : 
 
 First, I will show you how the general agri- 
 cultural crops of the country have -fallen off as 
 compared with population since 1860. I will 
 then show how the exports have fallen off ; and 
 finally how the crops of Pennsylvania have 
 diminished ; and how the old boast of thirty 
 bushels of wheat to the acre is changed to ten 
 bushels, and even less. 
 
 Value of principal agriculture crops of the 
 United States at various periods : 
 
 Total value 
 Year. in gold. 
 
 1840 $612,796,684 
 
 1850 974,494,980 
 
 1860 1,624,844,498 
 
 1867 1,778,200,000 
 
 Gold 
 value per 
 
 Population, capita. 
 17,669,453 $36 
 23,191,876 45 
 
 31,445,030 52 
 
 34,505,882 52 
 
 I can here only give the totals You will 
 observe how production advanced from 1840 to 
 1850, and from 1850 to 1860. Since that period 
 it has, in spite of reaping and mowing machines, 
 and improved methods of all kinds, stood still. 
 Mind, I am not comparing periods of peace with 
 
43 
 
 a period of war, and years of peace which fol- 
 lowed war or other calamities. All the periods 
 mentioned were years of peace The year 1840 
 was two years after the great panic. The year 
 1850 was two years after the close of the Mexi- 
 can war, and the year 1867 was two years after 
 the civil war. I will now compare the quanti- 
 ties of the product of the great staples in 18t0 
 and 1867. 
 
 Quantities of certain staples produced in the 
 United States in 1360 and 1867 respectively. 
 From the report of the Director of the Bureau 
 of Statistics for 1867 ; page 34. 
 
 Per capita Per capita 
 
 Total crop Pop. Total crop Pop. 
 ^860. 31,445,080 1867 34,505,882 
 
 Ind. Corn, bush. 838,792,740 
 
 Wheat, bush... 173,104,924 
 
 Potatoes, bush. 153,243,893 
 
 Tobacco, Ib.s .... 134,209,461 
 
 Cotton, Ibs 2,154,820,800 
 
 ane sugar, Ibs. 230,982,000 
 
 Butter, Ibs.... 459,681,372 
 
 867,946, ?95 
 175,000,000 
 107,200,976 
 388,128.684 
 885.790,400 
 40,000,000 
 460,000,000 
 
 25 
 
 5 
 
 3> 3 
 11* 
 26 
 
 i# 
 
 13 # 
 
 Here are the very elements and staves of life ! 
 What better evidence than this of the oppressive 
 nature of Radical rule ! Observe the imminent 
 danger of future short crops and years of fam- 
 ine and unbearable distress ! 
 
 FAILURE OF IMMIGRATION. 
 
 No better test of our prosperity can be ad- 
 duced than the number of our immigrants. It 
 is a sign of good government. Immigration 
 has fallen off. I again quote from the reports 
 of the Bureau of Statistics for 1867, page 81. 
 Immigration into the United States from 1866 
 to 1868, inclusive : 
 
 Fiscal Years. Immigrants arrived. 
 
 1866, report of 1167 330,705 
 
 1867, report of 1867 311,996 
 
 1868, report of 1868 273,402 
 
 The year after the war closed, the immigra" 
 tion was 330,705. We suppose that with the 
 close of hostilities the country would be restored 
 Peace and industry would be encouraged and 
 rewarded. Iron workers and miners from Eng- 
 land and Wales came into this State. I ain 
 told that many of them went home discouraged. 
 The immigration in the following year fell off 
 more than 18,000. In 1868 it' again fell off-some 
 38,000 more. Moreover, there is now what 
 there never was before, a considerable number 
 of persons, chiefly Southerners, harassed by in- 
 vidious legislation, who leave this country an- 
 nually for foreign parts. Their number has not 
 been accurately determined, but it is thought 
 to be over 25,000 per annum. 
 
 REPRESENTATION DESTROYED. 
 
 According to our Constitution, two Senators 
 are elected for each State. It was not the de- 
 sign to permit such Senatorial representation 
 until the community was sufficiently numerous 
 to entitle it to at least one member of Congress. 
 Thus, there would be equality with States al- 
 ready admitted. But what is the practice now? 
 Virginia is split into two States to obtain addi- 
 tional Radical votes in the Senate. All the Re- 
 construction measures are framed with the same 
 view. Look at the figures again. Pennsylvania, 
 with a population of 3,500,000, has but two 
 Senators. Nebraska, with a population of 
 scarcely 30,000, has the same number. Ne- 
 vada, with a population of 6,8i)0 in I860, has 
 now the same. Florida, with a population of 
 141.000, has the same. Observe the effects of 
 this in financial and other topics of the pocket 
 on tariff, taxes, internal improvements, post- 
 age, schools, commerce, railroads, land, and all 
 subjects on which the Federal Government de- 
 cides. Was there ever so bold a scheme to 
 grasp and perpetuate power ? This, too, at the 
 expense of the people and to the ruin of our 
 system. 
 
 THE EXPENSES $40,000 A MONTH WHY ? 
 
 The official statements of the expenditures of 
 the General Government during the current 
 fiscal year continue at an undiminished rate. 
 Congress before it adjourned provided for the 
 appointment of several hundred new officers. 
 We have a new batch of inspectors, gaugers, 
 supervisors, clerks, and assistants in the Inter- 
 nal Revenue Bureau. It is a political ring with 
 ardent tendencies. Congress providedfor 50 addi- 
 tional clerks in the Second Auditor's Office. It 
 created a new governmental department the 
 Bureau of Education. This was a perfect sine- 
 cure But it was intended to teach the young 
 idea how to shoot Radical ideas. (Laughter.) 
 It is not only contrary to the genius of our Fed_ 
 eral Government, but it robs the localities, 
 State and municipal, of their care over educa- 
 tion. It is the prelude to the coolie farce of 
 Burlingame. One clause of the Chinese treaty 
 grants to the little Mongolian pigtails the use 
 of Schools under Federal management. (Laugh- 
 ter.) How it will be managed in the Asiatic 
 line can be judged a little by the African ar- 
 rangement of the Bureau. (Cheers.) In other 
 words, it is a provision for the benefit of the 
 
44 
 
 school masters and marins of one locality. They 
 are to be pensioned on a forbearing people, for 
 the regeneration of Democratic California and 
 the Mongolian race. Besides, Congress passed 
 the Tenure-of -Office bill to secure their places to 
 every dishonest public servant who is ready to 
 support the Radical organization. It left the 
 whole machinery of a government erected in 
 time of war in full activity in a year of pro- 
 found peace. 
 
 MAGNITUDE OF THE BURDENS. 
 
 These extravagant expenditures were fully 
 set forth in Mr. Delmar's letter. The Radical 
 press attacked it with fury, but they only 
 found an impregnable array of facts before 
 them. They then attacked the estimates of the 
 current year, but now a late telegram from 
 Washington comes to meet them even on this 
 ground. 
 
 The statist computed the expenditures of the 
 current year in detail, and the total was $482,- 
 059,201. The telegraph now informs us that 
 the monthly expenditures during the current 
 year 1868, average nearly forty millions a month, 
 actual moneys paid out of the Treasury, or $480,- 
 000,000 per annum ; within a fraction of the es- 
 timate made. 
 
 Men of Pennsylvania ! cannot you call a halt 
 to this marauding band of plunderers ! Forty 
 millions a month ! Where does it go ? Much 
 of it finds its way into the pockets of Radical 
 hirelings and contractors, brokers and agents. 
 I am at a loss for comparisons and illustrations 
 to show you the amount of our debt and ex- 
 penses. Take the debt, two and a half billions ! 
 If you should count $50 a minute, on the ten- 
 hour rule of a day's work, it will take some 270 
 years to count our debt. (Cheers ) If you count 
 only the expenses of a year, say five hundred 
 millions, at the above rate, it will take you fifty 
 years, or fifty men one year, to reach the 
 amount ! If you count a dollar a minute it 
 would consume a period from the era of Cain to 
 Ben. Butler. (Laughter.) If you would cover 
 an area with dollar greenbacks, it would cover 
 Jupiter and his moons, or plug up Bout well's 
 hole in the sky, where he wanted to fix John- 
 son. (Laughter.) Seriously, what good might 
 it not do, frugally developed ? What utilities 
 it might serve, left in the peoples' purses ! The 
 expenditures of the Government for one month 
 would construct and equip 1,000 miles of rail- 
 road at $40,000 a mile, the rate at which the 
 
 actual cost of all the railroads in the United 
 States is estimated in Poor's Railway Manual of 
 this year. A little more than three months' ex- 
 penditures would construct and equip all the 
 railroads in the State of Pennsylvania, the mile- 
 age of which, according to the same authority, 
 was at the close of the year 1867, 4,300 ! 4,300 
 miles of railroad at $40,000 per mile comes to 
 $172,000,000, which sum is expended every one 
 hundred days by this " wise and frugal" party I 
 Every hundredth day the people are made to 
 yield taxes enough to buy up all the railroads 
 in the great State of Pennsylvania a State 
 which owes all its greatness mainly to these 
 splendid arteries of commerce See how the 
 wheels of industry are clogged by this mighty 
 drag ! How long do you intend it shall last ? 
 Shall wrong continue to breed its like forever ? 
 Shall you be pestered, by cries of traitor and 
 copperhead , from studying these facts and fig- 
 ures? 
 
 COMMERCE FAILING. 
 
 While traveling in Maine, I found their great 
 interest, ship- building and commerce, absolutely 
 dead. The silence of the tomb was in their 
 ship-yards. Once they resounded with the 
 noise of industry. Now all is idle. The very 
 coasting trade, protected by the navigation 
 laws, to partake of which foreign built vessels 
 are forbidden, even when owned and manned 
 by American citizens, is suffering nearly unto 
 death. There is no trade from New York under 
 our flag to foreign ports. No cotton goes out 
 abroad, except in other than our ships. We 
 are ruined in our commerce. We hang our 
 heads in shame. But this ruin is not limited to 
 one trade or business, nor to one locality. Why 
 did you of Pennsylvania unite in carving out 
 your way to the Grulf of Mexico, when secession 
 strove to hold the mouth of the Mississippi ? 
 Long before France sold us Louisiana while 
 Spain held it the brave and adventurous peo- 
 ple of Western Pennsylvania actually rigged out 
 their flat-boats, and collected some 2,000 men to 
 the deltas of the Great River and took it by force 
 from Spain. It was their natural outlet. It is 
 yours yet. It is your safety against exorbitant 
 railroad charges for transportation. The river 
 trade, like that of the lakes, became a great 
 source of wealth. Think of your situation ! 
 
 SOUTHWESTERN TRADE DESTROYED. 
 
 One of the great natural advantages of this 
 State consists in its having a watershed that 
 
45 
 
 empties into two oceans. The streams that run 
 eastward empty into the Atlantic. Those that 
 run westward drain the Valley of the Mississppi 
 and empty into the Gulf of Mexico. You own a 
 part of the Gulf Stream. You are blessed by 
 nature, but cursed by man. This Radical party 
 drains you of your resources. The great south- 
 western trade is lost to you. It was formerly a 
 large trade to ship iron, hardware, nails, agri 
 cultural implements, castings, coal an i produce 
 down the Ohio to Kentucky,Tennessee, Arkansas, 
 Mississippi, and Louisiana, and out to the main 
 This trade is virtually destroyed. The recon- 
 struction measures have paralized the industry 
 of the South. There are no statistics that will 
 -definitely illustrate this falling off in the south- 
 western trad, but the fact is familiar to all. It 
 is the counterpart of the failing coastwise trade 
 Resurrect the industries South by a new pro- 
 gramme ; enfranchise and energize the people 
 who are intelligent, and give them protection 
 and the olden commerce will revive. This can 
 not be done by a policy of repression and hate ! 
 
 LAND MONOPOLY. 
 
 There is another topic to which I wish you 
 to give particular attention. It has hardly been 
 adverted to during this canvass. I refer to the 
 gigantic land monopolies with which we are be- 
 ing burdened under Radical legislation. Mo- 
 nopolies have always been a means of grasping 
 at wealth and power. The history of the as- 
 cendancy o( favored classes and the degrada- 
 tion of the people, and of those mighty revolu- 
 tions which turned back these tides of tyranny, 
 is marked by the rise and fall of monopolies 
 The revolution in which Charles II. lost his 
 head was largely due to the insufferable mono- 
 plies he had conferred upon his favorites. 
 Among the list of grievances which the French 
 Revolutionists of '89 alleged, monopolies bore no 
 insignificant part. When this Government was 
 founded there were no monopolies within its do- 
 main. Since that time there has been a steady 
 growth. Soon these parasites will overcome the 
 parent trunk. The last vestige of genuine lib- 
 erty will then have disappeared. One of the 
 chief outlets and safety-valves for the numerous 
 evils which Radical rule has brought upon us 
 has been the freedom with which land could be 
 obtained. Tax a man more than he can bear, 
 and he strikes for higher wages. If the strike 
 ends successfully he has in a measure obtained 
 relief. Should it end unsuccessfully, there re- : 
 
 mains but two resources for him. Either to 
 suffer the exaction, or seek relief by occupying 
 the public lands. He rushes to the primal and 
 most ennobling occupation, that of cultivating 
 the soil. In this way, and owing to the plenty 
 and cheapness of the lands, have we been able 
 to bear as much as we have of Radical rule. 
 But eren this resource is being gradually taken 
 from us. The public lands are being rapidly 
 monopolized. To one railroad alone has been 
 given as much land as would suffice to make 
 several good-sized States. According to the sur- 
 veys and estimates made prior to 1858, the pub- 
 lic lands covered an area of 2,265,625 square 
 miles, or, fourteen hundred and fifty million 
 acres, embraced within the limits of the States 
 and territories existing at that time. The en- 
 tire area of the Union, including its rivers and 
 lakes, was, in the year 1860, 3,001,002 square 
 miles, since which time it has not increased, ex- 
 cept lately in the acquisition of Alaska. Of the 
 fourteen hundred and fifty million acres of pub- 
 lic lands there had been disposed of in various 
 ways, from the organization of the Govern- 
 ment up to the 30th of September, 1863, the fol- 
 lowing areas : 
 
 ACRES. 
 
 Land sold for cash* 152,334,856 
 
 Otherwise disposed of 253,036,689 
 
 Total disposed of 405,371,545 
 
 Undisposed of 1,044,628,455 
 
 Total 1,450,000,000 
 
 In other words, during a period of 75 years 
 405 million acres of public land had been dis- 
 posed of in various ways ; but an area equal to 
 half of the whole amount disposed of during a 
 period of 75 years, cautiously and safely for 
 valuable considerations, has been since 1863 
 recklessly dissipated in less than four years of 
 Radical rule. (Cheers.) Since the date above 
 mentioned nearly two hundred million acres of 
 public lands have been given gratis to railroad 
 corporations alone. I quote from tbe report of 
 ;he Secretary of the Interior, for 1867 : 
 
 The railroad interest has received, among other 
 iavors and franchises of the Government, grants of 
 public land amounting to 184,000,000 acres, in aid of 
 lines extending in all directions to the borders of 
 civilization, under the plea of furnishing facilities of 
 travel, and the transportation of the fruits of agri- 
 culture and the products of mines ; and the results 
 
 * About $190,000,000. 
 
46 
 
 disregarding the general welfare, these MONOPOLIES ; degree of certainty the amount of our net pro- 
 
 have continued in their tariff of rates to discrimin- 
 ate unfairly against farm products and to require 
 much the larger portion of the value of the crops 
 for their transportation to market. 
 
 At $1.25 gold per acre, the average price rea- 
 
 duct as a people. I have endeavored, as others 
 have, to know what it was, with a view to as- 
 certain whether it was not being used up by 
 taxation. This nation will never economize un- 
 
 lized by the land previously sold for cash, this I der ft curr and a rule such as we have , till it 
 
 donation of one hundred and eighty-four mil- 
 lion acres was worth two hundred and thirty 
 million dollars gold, or three hundred and 
 twenty-two million dollars, currency. 
 
 In conclusion, have I not shown how your in 
 dustries are burdened, your net profits absorbed, 
 your cost of living increased, your expenditures 
 growing monthly, your agriculture falling off, 
 your system of federal representation destroyed, 
 your commerce blighted, your government debt 
 increasing, your credit threatened with bank- 
 ruptcy, your resources squandered, your public 
 lands given away to monopolies, and the coun- 
 try itself finding no relief, no peace, no tran- 
 quility. Why cannot there be a change ? Let 
 
 knows that its salvation depends on it. It is 
 not easy t o find out the net product of our in- 
 dustries. I tried it without much satisfaction. 
 In my remarks in Bloomsburg, I gave data, and 
 from them deducted some conclusions. If they 
 provoke inquiry, discussion, and a better eluci- 
 dation of the facts, I shall be glad. I took the 
 estimate of Mr. Tilden as to the local taxation 
 i. e., taxation other than Federal. He fixed it 
 at two hundred and fifty millions. His was an 
 estimate ; it was under the mark, .but reason- 
 ably accurate. My estimate is two hundred 
 and sixty-three millions. I send you my figures, 
 collected and collated since my speech. It is 
 impossible for any one, in any library in New 
 
 the people decide. The sword has done its worst | y rk or Washington, to ascertain the aggregate 
 and its best. Let it be beaten into ploughshares. 
 Let the spirit of peace and concord come again ! 
 Let us bear our part, at least, in the duty of 
 election between the parties, without prejudice 
 or passion ! then all may be well. Men o^ 
 Pennsylvania, Horatio Seymour once saved your 
 State from the invasion of a hostile force from 
 the South. (Cheers.) He will save you again, 
 elevated to the Executive chair ; for he has the 
 wisdom, frugality, and patriotism of the best 
 days of the republic ! (Loud cheers.) Will you 
 do your duty ? You will have labor and sacri- 
 fice to undergo. The enemy are unscrupulous 
 and bold. They have the renown of a great 
 soldier to cover their misdeeds. But you will 
 bend to the work. The people of America will 
 crown your labors! Your founder, from his 
 prison, once sent forth a pamphlet, " No Cross, 
 no Crown." Bear your part of the sacrifice, 
 and you will have the guerdon. 
 
 "Those that bear the cross to-day 
 
 Shall wear the crown to-morrow." 
 (Cheers ) 
 
 (Addendum to Speech of Oct. 9.) 
 Balance-Sheet of the Country. 
 
 LETTER FROM Si S. COX. 
 
 Harrisburg, Pa., Oct. 10, 1868. 
 
 To the Editor of the World. 
 
 SIR : It ought to be a matter of interest to 
 every one, of every party, to ascertain with some 
 
 of local taxation. The reports of State officers 
 rarely give the figures. Even in New England, 
 where there is more method in the publication 
 of State finances, there is seldom a report made 
 of the municipal levies. Ohio shows in her re- 
 ports the whole of the taxation. Perhaps Ohio 
 is an average State. Her towns, cities, and coun- 
 ties have been assessed for railroad and other 
 extraordinary purposes ; but other States, per- 
 ps, are taxed more than Ohio on their muni- 
 cipal duplicates for war debts. Ohio furnishes a 
 fair average. I give you my conclusions, based 
 on her returns, adding the data, which confirm 
 my conclusions from other localities. These 
 will furnish the 
 
 ESTIMATE OF THE TOTAL COST OF GOVERNMENT 
 IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 I take the year 1867 as the basis of computa- 
 tion. The revenue of the United States for the 
 fiscal year ended June 30, 1867, exclusive of rev- 
 enue from loans, amounted to $536,349,172 28. 
 The population is estimated to have been at that 
 date, 36,000,000. Federal revenue per capita, 
 $14 90. The population of Ohio at the same date 
 is estimated by the Director of the Bureau of Sta- 
 tistics to have been 2,850,600. Ohio's proportion 
 of contribution to the Federal revenue was 
 therefore $41,313,000. The Auditor of the 
 State of Ohio, in his report for 1867, shows that 
 the whole amount of taxation levied in that 
 State in 1867 for all purposes, exclusive of Fed- 
 
47 
 
 eral taxes, was $20,253,615, of which 3,981,100 
 or 19.6 was levied for the State, $6,033.638 or 
 29.7 for the counties, and $10,238,877 or'50.5 for 
 the townships, cities, towns, and boroughs, and 
 for schools and other special purposes. 
 
 Regarding these proportions respectively as 
 20, 30, and 50 per cent, this would give $1.42 
 per capita for State taxes, $213 per capita 
 for county taxes, and $3.55 per capita for town 
 taxes. 
 
 Applying these data to the total population 
 of the country, we have the following results. 
 
 TOTAL TAXES, 1867. 
 
 Population of the United States 
 
 Per Capita. 
 
 Federal $1490 
 
 Town, etc 355 
 
 County 2.13 
 
 State 1.42 
 
 Total taxes $2200 
 
 RECAPITULATION . 
 
 Cost of Federal Government $14.90 
 Cost of State and Local Gov- 
 ernments 7.10 
 
 36,000,000 
 
 Amount Paid, 
 
 .$536,349,172 
 
 131,350,000 
 
 78,810,000 
 
 52,540.000 
 
 $799,049,172 
 
 $536,349,172 
 262,700.000 
 
 Total $22.00 $799,049,172 
 
 almost eight hundred millions ! Others who 
 have figured upon these matters, while dif- 
 fering on the items, singularly agree upon 
 the aggregate. Allow me to present other 
 data which relate to Federal and local tax- 
 ation. The year 1866 is selected because it 
 furnishes the most, and the most reliable infor- 
 mation. The taxation of New York city, so 
 enormous, was discussed last fall during the 
 mayoralty caihpaign. It was shown by Mr. 
 Hoffman and others, that the great bulk of it 
 was due to the outside government, commis- 
 sions, etc., for which the Democratic adminis- 
 tration of the city was in no wise responsible, 
 and against which they were, and are, in per- 
 petual protest. 
 
 The following is a statement of the amount of 
 taxes assessed in the cities named for city and 
 county purposes for the years 1860 and 1866, 
 and their relation to population : 
 
 , Ammint, ^ f-Ratap Capita.. 
 
 1860. 1866. 1860. 1866. 
 
 Ne\v York.... $7, 649, 873 $15,606,896 $940 $1734 
 
 Philadelphia. . 2,334,252 5,084,539 4.13 817 
 
 Boston 2,294,533 4,224,202 12.90 21.98 
 
 Cincinnati 1,298,621 2,010,322 8.06 1039 
 
 Chicago 373315 1,719,064 3.42 8.57 
 
 San Francisco. 796,666 1,496,657 14.03 18.71 
 
 The increase in the city and county shown 
 in these figures is astounding. In New York 
 City these taxes now amount to $17 34 per head, 
 against $9.40 in 1860 ; in Boston the increase is 
 $9.08 per head ; in Philadelphia, $4.04; inCin- 
 
 i cinnati, $2.33 ; in Chicago, $5.15, and in San 
 i Francisco, $4.68. In order, however, to ascer- 
 tain the whole amount of taxation to which our 
 city populations are subject, it is necessary to 
 add to the foregoing the share, per capita, of 
 taxes levied for State purposes, and also for Fed- 
 eral" imposts. 
 
 The amount of State taxes levied in these 
 States, and the proportion per capita compare 
 as follows : 
 
 r- Amount of Taxes ^ fTax p- cap ^ 
 1860. . 1866. 1860. 1866 
 
 New York $4,376,167 $17,369.043 $1.13 $1.84 
 
 Pennsylvania.. 2,368,967 4,060,148 0.81 1.27 
 Massachusetts. 901,010 3,137,531 0.73 2.4 
 
 Ohio 3,504,713 3,867,167 150 1.50 
 
 Illinois 1,825,792 2,514,023 1.07 1.17 
 
 California 1,131,063 2,233,492 2.99 4.96 
 
 The following is a statement of the population, 
 internal taxation, customs, and debt of the 
 United States in 1860 and 1866, and their rela- 
 tion to population : 
 
 Per Capita, 
 1860. 1866. 1860. 1866. 
 
 Population 31,500,000 35,000,000 
 
 Internal revenue $309,226,813 $ $8.83 
 
 Customs $53,187,512 179,046,651 1-69 5.12 
 
 National debt. 64,769,703 2,783,425,879 2.06 79.53 
 
 The whole taxation per head of the popula- 
 tion of the respective cities is thus be sum" 
 marized : 
 
 New York. 
 
 Philadelphia. 4.13 
 
 Boston 12.-90 
 
 Cincinnati. . . 8.06 
 
 Chicago 3.42 
 
 San Fr'ncisco, 14,03 
 
 1860 1866 
 $9.40 $17.34 
 
 r- Federal* ^ 
 1860 1866 1860 1866 
 $1.13 $1.84 $1.69 $13.95 
 
 8.17 
 21.98 
 10,39 
 
 8,57 
 18,71 
 
 0.81 
 0.73 
 1,50 
 1.07 
 
 2.99 
 
 1 27 
 249 
 1,50 
 1,17 
 4,96 
 
 1.69 
 1.69 
 1,69 
 1,69 
 1,69 
 
 13.95 
 13.95- 
 13,95 
 13.95- 
 13,95 
 
 TOTAL CITY, COUNTY, STATE, AND FEDERAL TAX- 
 ATION. 
 
 , Total. 
 
 1860, 1866, 
 
 New York $12 12 $33 13 
 
 Philadelphia 663 2339 
 
 Boston 15 32 38 42 
 
 Cincinnati 11 25 25 84 
 
 Chicago 618 2369 
 
 San Francisco. 18 71 37 62 
 
 " It will appear from a comparison of these figures 
 that the total taxation of our city population, so far 
 as may be judged from the cities here instanced, has 
 increased from about $12 per head in 1860 to $30 per 
 head in 1866. There is considerable diversity in the 
 proportions between the different cities, and the ratio 
 of increase also varies materially at the several 
 places ; but this may be taken as the average aug- 
 mentation of our burdens since the year antecedent 
 to the war. Allowing five per-ons to each family it 
 wouJd follow that the amount of taxation paid di- 
 rectly and indirectly by our city population is $150 
 per family against $60 in 1860, showing an average 
 increase of $90 per family." It is demonstrable by 
 various methods that our net product the amount 
 annually saved from the product of labor is wholly 
 absorbed by this intolerable, extravagant, and 
 growing taxation. 
 
 Yours, S. S. COX. 
 

 
PAT. JAN. 21 ,1908 
 
1