TS 735 IC-NRLF SB 577 l nd Series COLONIAL LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA OF Received Accession No. . Class No. The Towle Mfg. Company <*?> ^ SILVERSMITHS **> ^ Newburyport, Mass. "^ Chicago, 111. Copyright, 1899, by The Towle Mfg. Company. STERLING 900110, forftg anb all otljer pieces of *&*t)le in tl)i fioofe, in i afeo gitoen an account of tljc ttjirt of tljcJllar of tfte Krtiolutfon anb t^e act^ of oppreion toljiclj prcccUcti anti probofteb tt;i^ to tol^icl) are attocti #untirp anti i&entifteti i# momentous conflict >anti in exemplifying tfte (folonfal, or mo^t property calleb of tecture, from toljicft t^e fcegign of t^ pattern beribeti; tofticfj #tple toa# ftr^t protmcefc to to tdcrigtjtrrnt)) tentuta? anb toa^tftere^ult of an adaptation of cla##ical element^ to neto condition^ of application, anb the KING, A PROCLAMATION, For fupprefllng Rebellion and Sedition. GEORGE R. HERE AS many ot Our Subjects in divers Parts of Our Colonies and Plantations in Nanh America, milled by dangerous and iil-dcfigning Men, and forgetting the Allegiance which they owe to the Power that has protected and fuftained them, after various diforderlv Acts committed in Difturbance of the Publiclc Peace, to the Obftruction of lawful Commerce, and to the OpprelTton of Our loyal Subjects carrying on the fame, have at length proceeded to an open and avowed Rebellion, by arraying themfelves in hoftile Manner to withftand the Execution of the Law, and traitoroufly preparing, ordering, and ' levying War againft Us; And whereas there is Reafon.to apprehend that fuch Rebellion hath been much promoted and encouraged by the traitt rous Correfpondence, Counfels, and Comfort of divers wicked and defperate Perfoiis within this Realm : To the End therefore that none of Our Subjects may neglect or violate their Duty through Ignorance thcreot, or through any Doubt 'of the Protection which the Law will afford to their Loyalty and Zeal ; We have thought fit, by and with the Advice of Our Privy Council, to ilTue this Our Royal Proclamation, hereby declaring that not only all Our Officers Civil and Military are obliged to exert their utmoft Endeavours to fupprefs fuch Rebellion, and to bring the Traitors to Juftice; but that all Our Subjects of this Realm and the Dominions' thereunto belonging are bound by Law to be aiding and a(Tifting,ii\ the Suppreffion of fuch Rebellion, and to difclofe and make known all traitorous Confpiracies and Attempts againft Us, Our Crown and Dignity; And We do accordingly ftrjctly charge and command all Our Officers as well Civil as Military, and all other Our obedient and loyal Subjects, to ufe their utmoft Endeavours to withftand and fupprefs fuch. Rebellion, and to difclofe and make known all Treafons and traitorous Confpi- r.icics which 'they /hall know to be againft Us, Our Crown and Dignity; and for that Purpofe, That they tranfmit to One of Our Principal Secretaries of State, or other proper Officer, due and full Information of all Perfons who fhall be found carrying on Correfpondence with, or in any Manner or Degree aiding or abetting the Perfons now in open Arms , and . Rebellion againft Our Government within any of Our Colonies and Plantations ii> North America, in order to bring to condign PunifKment tht Authors, Perpetrators, and Abettors of fuch traitorous Defigns. Given at Our Court at St Jamets, the Twenty-third Day of Augufl, One ihoufand feven hundred and feventy-five, in the Fifteenth Year of Our Reign. God fave the King. LONDON, Printed by Charlei Ejrt and William Siralaa. Printers to the King's moil Excellent Majefly, 11111111111 ..... \\r- 111 "= N the outskirts of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, by the water's edge, r ~" : stands a picturesque old mansion that will, if we are so minded, carry us backward, at one step, to the "Old Colony days" when George \\r- Ill ruled over the English people on both sides of the Atlantic. It was built by Governor Benning Wentworth, and from under its roof issued those first edicts of oppression that stirred the people to revolt. Within its walls one needs but little help from fancy to people it again with loyal re- tainers, assembled, perhaps, in its ancient council chamber, with ample chim- ney-piece, the carven heads of which might, could they exercise the privilege of their sex, reveal many a bit of inner history. We are prosaic indeed if we do not feel the menace of sudden alarms suggested by the grim array of muskets on either side of the stoutly barred door ; and the discovery of a prisoner's ward, tucked away in a remote corner, should complete a realization of the stern conditions of life in the eighteenth century. It is not our purpose, however, to linger in this house, fascinating though it be, but to pass through it from the world of to-day to the times it so vividly recalls. Two names that are intimately connected with it will readily take us across the ocean, and back through a century and more, to the court of the king whose mis- guided policy was the birth-warrant of our nation. One of these we find in New- castle, separated by a devious inlet from Little Harbor where Governor Wentworth built and reminiscent of the Duke of Newcastle who was prime minister of England and leader of the Whig party at the beginning of the Revolutionary period. A few years later, after the turn of events had deprived him of power, he again 7 entered the cabinet with the post of privy seal under the leadership of the Marquis of Rockingham, a member of the Wentworth family, for whom Governor Wentworth had named the county back of Portsmouth and Newcastle. Although nominally representative of the people, Parliament was in those days the creature of its leaders, or the King, as successive complications favored one or the other ; boroughs were bought or bullied by the dominant party, and thus the mo- mentous enactments that goaded the colonists to revolt were the results of contested intrigue, a game with living played by the government which the English people The conception of the to Jenkinson, secretary to vored minister; but Parlia- pieces and tremendous stakes, and the opposition, and in had little real voice, odious Stamp Act is credited Lord Bute, the King's fa- ment rejected it when first Stamp 1766 proposed, although it was universally conceded that America should contribute to the payment of the enormous public debt contracted in the protection of the colonies from the French and Indians. Even Americans acquiesced in this sentiment, but they proposed to pay it by grants from their assemblies and in their own way. George, however, had been exhorted by his mother, the Princess Dowager, to "be a king" and encouraged to assert his individuality advice which conditions did not favor, nor the King's ability warrant, but which he persistently endeavored to carry out in spite of its disastrous effect. Under these circumstances the proposition to J 7^5 levy a stamp tax was revived and the act passed in February, 1765. William Pitt, the constant champion of the colonies, was ill at the time, and greatly deplored its passage. Throughout the remainder of his life, which ended while the war was in J 77& progress, Pitt, afterwards Lord Chatham, was an ardent advocate of the liberties of the colonists ; but his efforts were of little avail, and although he was at one time urged by the King to form a ministry, many concessions being made to induce him to do so, personal ambition and the resulting internal friction had so divided his party that he was unable to unite the leaders, and the policy then in force was suffered to continue. In America the Stamp Act was resented as a measure of arbitrary domination, an irritating and unreasonable form of taxation with no compensatory representation. Virginia was the first colony to voice the opposition to this measure, and was imme- diately followed by Massachusetts, which proposed a congress of delegates from the T 7^5 assemblies of all the colonies to take united action in protest. The congress met in 1765, and as a result of this, and Pitt's scathing denunciation in England, the Stamp Act was repealed early in the following year. The King from this time lost no opportunity of strengthening his party in Parliament, and by the patronage he could dispense and the intimidation of country boroughs, was able to control both houses and secure the enactment of his policy. His next measure was the levying of import duties on colonial commerce, which was JJTijr ftct 7767 r~" action and many minor episodes took place which are locally held to be the initiative of the Revolution. December sixth, the peo- ple of Rhode Island seized a large quantity of ordnance in the batteries at Newport, in anticipation of its employment by the King's troops, and the same action was taken on the thirteenth by the people of Portsmouth, New Hampshire, who seized and removed a large quantity of ammunition and ordnance then in the keeping of the garrison of Fort William and Mary, at New- f 775 fefrVJfiff HHS^^J cast l e - I n the following February, the people of Salem, Mas- sachusetts, taking heed from the warning of their governing body, began preparations for defense. These were met by an expedi- tion from Gage's forces at Boston, and an engagement was narrowly averted. The real uprising, however, from which armed rebellion dates, was to come later at Concord and Lex- ington. Parliament had officially declared a state of rebellion existent in Massachusetts and embarked large reinforcements to the three thousand British troops in Boston, while the patriots watched every movement of the British and prepared to meet their first advance, which in the nature of things could not long be de- layed. General Gage, the British commander, realized it to be his duty to break up these preparations, and planned a secret raid on the stores and munitions which the Americans had con- centrated at Concord, some miles from Boston, in order that they might be safely outside the line of fortifications which the British were erecting. The plan also included the capture of John Hancock and Samuel Adams, who were believed to be in that neighborhood, and who were justly regarded as most dangerous to British interests. With this object troops to the number of eight hundred left Boston for Cambridge shortly before midnight of April eighteenth, and with such speed as was possible, marched toward Lexington, on the road to Concord. They had counted on the secrecy of their movements to make the attainment of their object easy, but in this they underestimated the watchfulness and penetration of their opponents, for their purpose was understood in advance and measures taken to spread the alarm when they should actually start. Paul Revere had obtained the information, and he repaired to Charlestown that evening, there to await the signal which he had directed to be shown from the spire of the North Church when the soldiers were known to have started. The two lights, telling him that they had gone by water to Cambridge, shone out at eleven o'clock and started Revere on his momentous ride. He was obliged to take a cir- cuitous route to escape British sentinels, who challenged him and who would have cap- tured a less alert man. In spite of this he gained a great advance over the attacking force, and alarmed the country to Lexington, where he awakened Adams and Hancock, and was joined by two others in his ride toward Concord. They were hardly started when they were intercepted by British officers and Revere and Dawes were taken prisoners, ISaviy New England Flag while Dr. Prescott, the third member of the party, jumped his horse over a wall and escaped to carry the alarm the remainder of the way. What it meant to the farmers was evident when, early in the morning, the regulars reached Lexington and found the minute-men drawn up on the green to meet them. Compared with the British, the patriots were few and were poorly equipped and drilled, but their cause was righteous and they believed in it in the face of death. They, therefore, paid no heed to the demand that they dis- perse, but met force with force and shed the first blood of the Revolution. Eight Americans were killed and others wounded, and the British then continued their march to Concord. Their commander, Lieutenant- Colonel Smith, alarmed by the evidences of resistance that he encountered, had sent back to Boston for reinforce- ments, which were hastening to his assistance. Their mission at Concord was accomplished ingloriously to the extent of destroy- ing such few stores and guns as the Americans had been unable to secrete, and they were about to return when they discovered the minute-men advancing from the farther side of the North Bridge. They essayed to cut off the approach of the Americans by removing the bridge, but were too late, and, being obliged to retreat or fire, chose the latter, and were answered by a volley which drove them from their position. This was the beginning of the first real fight, the passage at Lexington being hardly main- tained to an extent to justify that title. The farmers withdrew to such shelter as they could find and awaited further movements of the regulars, who started about noon for their return to Boston. Their march was the signal for renewed firing by the Americans, who followed them, and from the shelter of stone walls and trees de- livered a harassing and destructive fire. Thoroughly routed, they were fast being reduced when they were met by the advancing reinforcements, one thousand men under Lord Percy, and for a while they rested under this protection. The remainder of the retreat, even with the greatly increased force, was a repetition of the beginning, and when they finally arrived in Charlestown, and under the guns of the British ships, they were in almost a panic. Thus began the Revolution; and the alarm carried by Paul Revere was extended in all directions until every road leading to Concord was filled with minute-men hastening to reinforce their compatriots. They remained in waiting a few days, 1775 ConrorV but no further attack being made they returned to their homes for completer organ- ization and equipment. They realized that the struggle which was now begun meant systematic operations of defense, for which they were as yet unprepared, and an army was recruited and established in Cambridge to be ready for such action as might be necessary. In the meantime the Massachusetts delegation to the second Congress had journeyed, in a succession of ovations, to Philadelphia, and were assured of the approval and support of the intervening colonies. May tenth, the day this Congress opened, *775 was signalized, though the members knew not of it, by the capture of Ticonderoga by an expedition from Connecticut under Colonel Ethan Allen, and a large quantity of ammunition and ordnance was turned over to the army. Events were moving rapidly without Congress, but it was essential that there be a central authority to out- line the policy to be pursued and provide means for effecting it. Even now Con- gress distrusted its own right to be, and repeated its supplications to George III to settle without further bloodshed the differences that existed. These entreatings evidence the reluctance of the delegates to forswear their allegiance to England, but the fact that they nevertheless took such measures as were possible to organize and equip an army is proof also of their steadiness of purpose and desperate belief in the worthiness of their cause. The first important act of Congress was the appoint- ment of George Washington, one of the delegates from Virginia, commander-in-chief of the American army, which was then, to the number of upwards of fifteen thou- /P00t0tl ll san d men, encamped in the vicinity of Boston. This army, recruited by the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, was made up of the minute-men who had risen on the alarm of Lexington, but* who had, in the meantime, returned to their homes for reorganization, and later volunteers, with considerable reinforcements from neighboring states, notably New Hampshire and Con- necticut ; and under the leadership of officers whose names are now the foundations of Revolutionary history, was besieging Boston and planning to drive out the British, or at least to prevent them from increasing their holdings. '775 ._\^ %:5f2&3&. While Washington was preparing to start for New England, events in Boston were rapidly shaping them- selves for the active operations of war. General Gage, the British commander, was forced to take measures to maintain his position, and determined to forestall the Americans in the occupation of Charlestown, across the river, and so near his headquarters that he was liable at any time to be subjected to a harassing fire. His plans were disturbed, however, by the dis- covery, on the morning of June seventeenth, of fortifications which the Americans had Sccoufc ia jftfu 3ft. Cornwallis. A battle en- sued, which, though at times apparently in favor '777 &g ^l'~--l -^.'^aSa of the British owing to the inability of the Ameri- cans, through lack of equipment, to meet bay- onet charges resulted finally in a splendid vic- tory for Washington, whose personal valor and encouragement strength- ened his men and turned the balance to his side. The British fled to Bruns- wick, but the day was so far spent that Washington deemed it unwise to at- tack that place, and after destroying the bridges be- tween his army and that of Cornwallis, withdrew to Somerset Court House, and thence to Morristown, where he went into winter quarters. Cornwallis, discomfited at his failure at Tren- ton and the defeat of his troops at Princeton, returned to Brunswick to protect his magazines, and suspended operations for the winter. The effect of these victories on the country and the outside world was to raise the American cause from the lowest ebb of discouragement to enthusiastic support at home and increased respect abroad. France, though yet unwilling to openly favor this coun- try, was secretly sending supplies, and from that country and Germany and Prussia came able and devoted officers to assist our cause. Recruiting became easier and re- '777 enlistments frequent, enabling Washington to greatly strengthen his army and prepare for a renewal of the struggle with the coming of spring. Events moved slowly at this time, a condition to which the American cause in the field was frequently indebted, and yet the forces at work were making for results soon to place the struggle for independence on a basis of international recognition and eventual support. After declaring independence, Congress had dispatched emissaries to the courts of Europe, and especially to France, where the sympathy of progressive leaders established the cause in substantial favor. Many of the ablest members were thus employed, or were called to their homes to direct the sustaining operations of the war, so that the representation left was appreciably inferior as a whole, and of little real assistance as an executive body. It was inadequate to the task of supporting the army or of adding materially to its numbers, and its financial system, lacking bassi and credit, was a failure from the start. To the army it commissioned officers in many cases incompetent ; and through a misunderstanding of facts, or unduly influenced by Rhode Island astvitvgto n*$ Interested parties, it superseded competent generals at critical times and placed inferior men in command. Lacking official support, the Revolution was sustained by popular contribution through the state leaders, the work of Robert Morris, of Phila- delphia, being especially memorable, and of inestimable service to Washington in his efforts to hold together and strengthen his army. Connecticut bore a generous share in equipping and sustaining the troops, and at this time suffered locally from the proximity of the British quartered at New York. On April twenty-sixth, 1777, Governor Tryon of New York, with two thousand British and Tories, attacked and burned Danbury, and destroyed a large quantity of American stores. On the following day the militia, under Generals Wooster, Arnold, 7777 and Silliman, forced Tryon to the coast after an engagement at Ridgefield, and the British embarked under heavy fire. General Wooster, a veteran of seventy years, was mortally wounded. A month later the Americans under Colonel Meigs retal- iated by crossing from Connecticut to Sag Harbor, on Long Island, where they burned twelve British vessels and destroyed stores, bringing back ninety prisoners with- out the loss of a man. Another incident illustrative of the daring and adroitness of the American soldiers was the capture of General Prescott, commander of the British forces in the neighbor- hood of Rhode Island, whose tyranny had excited the indignation of the people. On the night of July tenth, Lieutenant Barton of Providence, with forty men, stealthily approached Prescott' s headquarters by water, and, overpowering the sentinel, secured Prescott, who was in bed, and escaped before the alarm spread to the troops. in wh had eluded the English fleet * * If ^f^ A ^+ A+ ** *5^ % * ^[ft- -%% W I 41 * 17 V Jf 7*? I 4 I xfr J? * sent to intercept him, and arrived safely with trans- ports and siege tools, and together they proceeded up the bay and brought down the troops, which were landed at Williamsburg, September twenty-sixth. Joined by Lafayette and the French reinforcements, the combined armies, numbering in the neighborhood of sixteen thousand men, took up positions about Yorktown, Sep- tember twenty-eighth, and laid down the first lines of the siege. With the river, against which the town was set, and Gloucester Point, opposite, in the hands of the enemy, Yorktown was ill-adapted to successful defense, and Cornwallis soon found himself surrounded with steadily approaching armies. His first position was in trenches outside the town, but he was soon obliged to withdraw to the inner fortifications, while the besiegers occupied his abandoned works. Day by day the lines contracted and the heavy guns battered the defenses with steady ef- fectiveness. October fourteenth two outlying redoubts were taken, one by the Americans and one by the French, and Cornwallis, realizing the desperateness of his situation, resolved to stake all on an attempt to escape by the river. On the night of the sixteenth he embarked a detachment of his men which reached the opposite bank in safety, but the sudden advent of a storm frustrated his plan, and the troops already over were with difficulty brought back the following day. His last hope gone, Cornwallis sought terms of surrender, and on the eighteenth the articles were signed. The next day eight thousand men laid down their arms to the Americans, and the British ships with a thousand more were delivered to the French. The ceremony was very imposing, the conquered army assuming all the dignity permitted by the articles of surrender. Cornwallis remained in his quarters under plea of sickness, presenting his apologies to Washington through General O'Hara, who also delivered the British commander's sword to General Lincoln, whom Washington, as a slight recompense for the former's like humiliation at Char- leston, had appointed to receive it. The careful plan had been wrought out, the overwhelming blow had been struck; CTorntoaUts sttr rentiers t palace Iteto-J&ertte and although it could not be immediately known, the end of the Revolution had come. To Washington there yet appeared much need of continued effort, and great exertion was required on his part to prevent an easy relaxation after such a notable victory. King George was still insistent for war, and the British still held New York and Charleston. Further reinforcements were sent to Greene, who continued to watch Stewart at the latter place, and Washington withdrew his army to the highlands of the Hudson. Clinton, with late awakening to the danger of Cornwallis's position, had started with a relief expedition and arrived at the entrance to the Chesapeake five days after the surrender. He immediately returned to New York, where the winter was quietly spent, and in the spring was succeeded by Sir Guy Carleton, whose appointment marked the accession of the peace party in Parliament, and whose mission was as much diplomatic as belligerent. Washington's fear of further aggression and his appeals for continued vigilance, while justified by considerations of ordinary caution, and the unchanged attitude of King George, were happily unfounded, and events slowly but inevitably forwarded the termination of the war. In England, irresistible surgings of public opinion were steadily decreasing the bal- ance of power held by the King and his party, and by the first of March following the surrender at Yorktown they were reduced to a minority. King George, whose every measure in the history of the war had been too late for its opportunity, still clung to the hope of crushing the rebels, but he was practically alone, and before the month had passed, Lord North, his prime minister, was forced by the opposition in Parliament to dissolve his cabinet and resign the government to the Whigs. Rock- ingham came in at the head of the dominant party, but he was broken in health and died soon after, his place being taken by Lord Shelburne, then secre- tary of state. Franklin, to whose victories of diplomacy America's standing abroad was chiefly due, had already opened negotiations with Shelburne; and with Richard Oswald, the latter' s agent, had drafted at Paris the terms of peace. After much diplomatic contention, in which 1782 North Carolina JCijc ISutr of UK Franklin was joined by John Adams, Henry J Laurens, and John Jay; and Oswald by Henry Strachey, the preliminary articles were signed the thirtieth of November. It was nearly a year later, September twenty-third, 1783, when the final treaty was signed, but the work was done when the first draft was agreed to, and this country is indebted to the keenness and ability of its rep- resentatives, especially to Franklin, for much more advantageous terms than could reasonably, have been expected. The troubles of the embryo nation having diminished with regard to England, the looseness and insufficiency of the central government be- came alarmingly apparent, and the army, the only real power, from being the instrument of liberty, threatened oppression of another form. All through the war the inability of Congress to provide for the army had been an almost paralyzing difficulty, but in one way or another Washington had been able to bridge this condition and maintain an effective organi- zation. With the war ended and the urgency of action less apparent, Congress was at the point of abandoning the soldier with no provision for arrears of pay, and no as- surance of even remote recompense for the hardships endured and the battles won. ^783 The disaffection thus engendered permeated the entire army and needed but the lead- ership of an active spirit to rise to organized revolt. This leader was at hand in the person of Major John Armstrong, and through him the grievances of officers and men were declared in the form of a written address, in which the army was called upon to rise in its power and assume the government. Early in the previous year a some- 1782 what similar movement had resulted in a proposition to crown Washington and de- clare him king ; but though touched by this evidence of devotion, his high character was proof against all allurement, and he unhesitatingly rejected the offer, denouncing the principle, and pointing out the priceless benefits of the liberty for which they had fought. This later and more determined demonstration called for more decisive ac- tion, as it was approved by the general body of officers, and a day appointed for in- augurating the plan. Filled with grief, alike for the necessities of his men and the danger of the nation, Washington rebuked the movement in general orders, and then, calling his officers to r 7 8 3 meet him, he reviewed the seriousness of the step contemplated, and with deep emotion appealed to them to stand by him and their country, trusting to the final triumph of justice and the righting of their wrongs. Promising his continued efforts in their behalf, the general withdrew, and the officers, yielding to his entreaties, Xnsutrtrrction imminent 3F mne*