2628 UC-NRLF SB S3 OF THE UNIVERSITY OF The PRESENTATION of CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS " /f/7 t ..< BOARD OF MISSIONARY PREPARATION 25 Madison Avenue, New York ' BOARD OF MISSIONARY PREPARATION Prof. Frederick L. Anderson, D.D. The Rev. James L. Barton, D.D. Prof. Harlan P. Beach, D.D. David Bovaird, M.D. Prof. O. E. Brown, D.D. Prof. Ernest DeWitt Burton, D.D. Miss Helen B. Calder Prof. Edward W. Capen, Ph.D. Prof. W. O. Carver, D.D. The Rev. Wm. I. Chamberlain, Ph.D. The Rev. George Drach The Rev. James Endicott, D.D. Prof. Daniel J. Fleming, Ph.D. Dean H. E. W. Fosbroke, D.D. Pres. Henry C. King, D.D. Prof. Walter L. Lingle, D.D. The Rt. Rev. Arthur S. Lloyd, D.D. The Rev. R. P. Mackay, D.D. Pres. W. Douglas Mackenzie, D.D. John R. Mott, LL.D. The Rev. Frank Mason North, D.D. Principal T. R. O'Meara, D.D. Pres. C. T. Paul, Ph.D. Prof. Henry B. Robins, Ph.D. Dean James E. Russell, LL.D. T. H. P. Sailer, Ph.D. Miss Una Saunders Prof. E. D. Soper, D.D. Robert E. Speer, D.D. Pres. J. Ross Stevenson, D.D. Fennell P. Turner Pres. Addie Grace Wardle, Ph.D. The Rev. Charles R. Watson, D.D. The Rev. Stanley White, D.D. Pres. Wilbert W. White, Ph.D. Pres. Mary E. Woolley, Litt.D. W. DOUGLAS MACKENZIE, Chairman FENNELL P. TURNER, Honorary Secretary WILLIAM I. CHAMBERLAIN, Treasurer REV. FRANK K. SANDERS, Ph.D., Director THE PRESENTATION OF CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS THE REPORT OF A COMMITTEE APPOINTED BY THE BOARD OF MISSIONARY PREPARATION PROFESSOR HARLAN P. BEACH, D.D., F.R.G.S., Chairman THE REVEREND F. W. BALLER DAVID BOVAIRD, M.D. PROFESSOR ERNEST D. BURTON, D.D. PROFESSOR W. O. CARVER, D.D. THE REVEREND JAMES ENDICOTT, D.D. THE REVEREND ARNOLD FOSTER PRESIDENT J. C. GARRITT, D.D. THE REVEREND CANON S. GOULD, M.D. THE REVEREND G. HEIN MILLER, D.D. THE REVEREND JAMES JACKSON, D.D. THE REVEREND GEORGE HEBER JONES, D.D. THE REVEREND E. C. LOBENSTINE THE REVEREND D. WILLARD LYON, D.D. THE REVEREND D. MACGILLIVRAY, D.D. THE REVEREND W. A. P. MARTIN, D.D., LL.D. THE REVEREND W. W. PINSON, D.D. PRESIDENT F. L. HAWKS POTT, D.D. THE REVEREND W. HOPKYN REES, D.D. THE RIGHT REVEREND LOGAN H. ROOTS, D.D. DEAN JAMES E. RUSSELL, LL.D. THE REVEREND W. E. TAYLOR, Ph.D. THE REVEREND STANLEY WHITE, D.D. PRESENTED AT THE SEVENTH ANNUAL MEETING IN NEW YORK, DECEMBER, 1917 Board of Missionary Preparation 25 Madison Avenue, New York PREFACE The Board of Missionary Preparation, at its fourth an- nual meeting, held in New York City, December 2, 1914, adopted the recommendation of its Executive Committee that special committees be appointed "to investigate and report upon the special preparation necessary for foreign mission- ary candidates, if they are to be adequately prepared to present the Christian message to adherents of different non-Christian religions," and authorized the Executive Committee to make the appointments. At the meeting of the Executive Committee, on March 23, 1915, it constituted five committees on The Presentation of the Christian Mes- sage to Animists, Buddhists, Confucianists, Hindus and Mohammedans. On the same day it elected to the chair- manship of the Committee on The Presentation of Christian- ity to Confucian Peoples Professor Harlan P. Beach, D.D., of the Yale School of Religion, for many years a missionary in China. The following report is therefore one of a group prepared by the Board of Missionary Preparation on behalf of the Mission Boards of North America. Each report is issued independently. This group of reports attempts the very difficult task of formulating for the benefit of missionary candidates and of junior missionaries 1 the religious mind of the people influenced by each religion, their inherited tendencies and natural viewpoints, their presuppositions and habitual lines of thinking, the data of whatever nature with which he should become familiar who hopes to carry to them the Christian message and to get results. Realizing as few others could the arduous and time-con- suming nature of the task to be undertaken, and having, by reason of commissions already accepted, but a limited amount of time at his disposal, Professor Beach repeatedly declined 1 In the reports issued by the Board of Missionary Preparation this convenient term is used to designate the young missionary up to the end of the first missionary furlough. ^595866 PREFACE the chairmanship of the special committee. He gave gen- erously of his summer time, however, to the task of making a preliminary outline of the work to be done, and finally, in July, 1915, from sheer loyalty to the enterprise of mis- sions, assumed the responsibility for organizing and com- pleting the report as its Chairman. On November 15, 1915, the chairmen of the five commit- tees, with the secretary and director of the Board, held a special meeting at which the sketchy outline of each report was discussed by the group. At the fifth annual meeting, December 8, 1915, the report on the Presentation of Christianity to Confucian Peoples was presented in preliminary printed form, was thoroughly discussed by the whole Board, and remanded to the Com- mittee for further development. On January 12, 1916, the report was presented in an improved form at the annual meeting of the Foreign Missions Conference of North America at Garden City, where it received additional criticism. In June, 1916, the first edition of the report, revised and slightly enlarged by reason of the suggestions already made, was printed for wide circulation as a preliminary report to receive the careful criticism of students everywhere. It was then sent, not alone to each member of the Board of Mis- sionary Preparation, but also to a long list of students of Confucianism, Board secretaries and missionaries, to each one of whom the Board is deeply indebted for his patient and painstaking cooperation. The wealth of friendly criticisms and suggestions result- ing from this circulation of the first edition, notably the com- prehensive and suggestive proposals of a small group of missionaries brought together for the purpose of united criticism by the China Continuation Committee, led to the preparation of a revised and greatly improved edition of the report. PREFACE This second edition was again discussed by the whole Board at its annual meeting in December, 1916, and by the Foreign Missions Conference in January, 1917. It was thereafter submitted to another rigorous process of criticism, being sent with a careful letter inviting detailed suggestions to the members of the Board of Missionary Preparation and to certain specialists and workers among Confucianists. The report has thus been given careful consideration, in some cases more than once, by the following list of those interested in the Far East, as representing a wide variety of viewpoint and experience, both scholarly and practical: The Reverend F. W. Bailer, Peking, China. China Inland Mission. Professor George A. Barton, Ph.D., LL.D., Bryn Mawr, Pa. Professor of Biblical Literature and Semitic Languages in Bryn Mawr College. Bishop J. W. Bashford, Ph.D., D.D., LL.D., Peking, China. Board of Foreign Missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church. The Reverend Enoch F. Bell, Boston, Mass. Associate Secretary American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. The Reverend Charles L. Boynton, Shanghai, China. Statistical Secretary China Continuation Committee. Mr. F. M. Brockman, Seoul, Korea. National Secretary of the Young Men's Christian Association. Mr. Fletcher S. Brockman, New York City. Associate General Secretary International Committee of the Young Men's Christian Associations; formerly of China. Mr. Marshall Broomhall, London. Secretary China Inland Mission; formerly of China. The Reverend J. Stewart Burgess, M.A., Peking, China. The Young Men's Christian Association. Mr. Chang Po-ling, Tientsin, China. Rev. Ch'eng Ch'ing-yi, D.D., Shanghai, China. Secretary of the China Continuation Committee. The Reverend Pyeng-hyen Choi, Seoul, Korea^J The Reverend Charles Hodge Corbett, Tungchow, China. Board of Foreign Missions, Presbyterian Church in U. S. A. The Reverend Joseph Cosad, Tokyo, Japan. United Brethren in Christ. The Reverend W. G. Cram, Songdo, Korea. Board of Missions, Methodist Episcopal Church, South. The Reverend John Darroch, Litt.D., Shanghai, China. The Religious Tract Society. The Reverend Ding Li-mei, Shanghai, China. The Presbyterian Mission. The Reverend Irving R. Dunlap, Liling, China. Home and Foreign Missionary Society of the United Evangelical Church. The Reverend C. H. Fenn, D.D., Peking, China. Board of Foreign Missions, Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. Mr. Galen M. Fisher, Tokyo, Japan. National Secretary of the Young Men's Christian Association. PREFACE The Reverend G. F. Fitch, D.D., Shanghai, China. The Presbyterian Mission. The Reverend Arnold Foster, Wuchang, China. London Missionary Society (Congregational). Professor John Fryer, LL.D., Berkeley, California. Emeritus Professor of Oriental Languages and Literature in the University of Cali- fornia; formerly of China. The Reverend J. S. Gale, D.D., Seoul, Board of Foreign Missions Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. President Howard S. Gait, Tungchow, China. Union College. The Reverend J. C. Garritt, D.D., Nanking, China. President Nanking School of Theology. The Reverend J. Campbell Gibson, M.A., D.D., Swatow, China. Foreign Mission Committee of the Presbyterian Church of England. The Reverend Chauncey Goodrich, D.D., Peking, China. The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. The Reverend James R. Graham, D.D., Tsingkiangpu, China. Executive Committee of Foreign Missions of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S. (South). The Reverend Sidney L. Gulick, D.D., New York City. Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America; formerly of Japan. The Reverend T. Harada, LL.D., Kyoto, Japan. President The Doshisha University. Mr. Charles V. Hibbard, New York City. Secretary of the International Committee of Young Men's Christian Associations; formerly of Dairen, Japan. The Reverend Lewis Hodous, Fpochow, China. The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. Professor E. W. Hopkins, Ph.D., LL.D., New Haven, Conn. Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative Philology in Yale University. D. E. Hoste, Esq., Shanghai, China. Director of the China Inland Mission. The Reverend William Edwin Hoy, D.D., Yochow City, China. China Mission of the Reformed Church in U. S. The Reverend President K. Ibuka, D.D., Tokyo, Japan. Meiji Gakuin. The Reverend James Jackson, D.D., Wuchang, China. Boone Univeisitv. The Reverend George Heber Jones, D.D., New York City. Editorial Secretary Board of Foreign Missions of the Methodist Episcopal Church; formerly of Korea. The Reverend Paul Kranz, Shanghai, China. Bishop W. R. Lambuth, D.D., Oakdale, California. Vice-President Board of Missions, Methodist Episcopal Church, South. Professor Kenneth S. Latourette, M.A., Ph.D., Granville, Ohio. Associate Professor of History in Denison University. Mr. T. T. Lew, Wenchow, China. The Reverend E. C. Lobenstine, Shanghai, China Secretary China Continuation Committee. The Reverend J. Walter Lowrie, D.D., Shanghai, China. Board of Foreign Missions, Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. The Reverend H. P. S. Luttrell, Weihwei, China. Foreign Mission Committee of Presbyterian Church in Canada. The Reverend D. Willard Lyon, M.A., D.D., Shanghai, China. The Young Men's Christian Associations. Professor Duncan B. Macdonald, M.A., D.D., Hartford, Conn. Professor of Semitic Languages and Muhammadanism in the Hartford Theological Seminary. The Reverend D. MacGillivray, M.A., D.D., Shanghai, China. Christian Literature Society for China. PREFACE W. E. Macklin, M.D., Nanking, China. Foreign Christian Missionary Society. The Reverend S. Motoda, Ph.D., Tokyo, Japan. Principal St. Paul's Academy. The Reverend J. D. McRae, Weihwei, China. Board of Foreign Missions, Presbyterian Church in Canada. President Luella Miner, D.Litt, Peking, China. The Women's College. The Reverend Evan Morgan, Shanghai, China. Christian Literature Society for China. Mr. S. Niwa, Seoul, Kora7) The Young Men's ChristMip'Association. Miss A. Estelle Paddock, Shanghai, China. Secretary for China of the National Board of the Young Women's Christian Association. President A. P. Parker, D.D., Shanghai, China. Board of Missions, Methodist Episcopal Church, South. The Reverend William B. Pettus, Peking, China. Director of the North China Union Language School. Mr. G. S. Phelps, Kyoto, Japan. The Young Men's Christian Association. The Reverend Albertus Pieters, Oita, Japan. Board of Foreign Missions of the Reformed Church in America. The Reverend W. W. Pinson, D.D., Nashville, Tenn. General Secretary Board of Missions, Methodist Episcopal Church, South. President F. L. Hawks Pott, D.D., Shanghai, China. President St. John's University. The Reverend J. T. Proctor, D.D., Shanghai, China. Secretary of the American Baptist Missionary Conference. The Reverend Frank Rawlinson, D.D., Shanghai, China. Editor of the Chinese Recorder. The Reverend Gilbert Reid, D.D., Shanghai, China. Director of the International Institute. The Reverend W. Hopkyn Rees, D.D., Shanghai, China. General Secretary Christian Literature Society for Chii^a*-^ The Reverend W. D. Reynolds, D.D., Chunju, Kofeju/' Executive Committee of Foreign Missions, Presbyterian Church in the U. S. (South). Professor C. H. Robertson, M.E., Shanghai, China. Secretary for work among Literati of the National Young Men's Christian Association of China. The Right Reverend Logan H. Roots, D.D., Hankow, China. Domestic and Foreign Missionary Society of the Protestant Episcopal Church in U. S. A. The Reverend Burton St. John, New York City. Statistician Continuation Committee, formerly of China. The Reverend David B. Schneder, D.D., Sendai, Japan. Board of Foreign Missions of the Reformed Church in the U. S. The Reverend John A. G. Shipley, Shanghai, China. Board of Missions, Methodist Episcopal Church, South. The Reverend C. W. Shoop, Canton, China. United Brethren Mission. W. E. Taylor, M.A., Ph.D., Shanghai, China. The Young Men's Christian Association. The Reverend Horace G. Underwood, D.D., Seoul, Ko Board of Foreign Missions, Presbyterian Church in the U. S. The Reverend S. H. Wainright, M.D., Tokyo, Japan. Board of Missions, Methodist Episcopal Church, South. The Reverend A. L. Warnshuis, D.D., Shanghai, China. National Evangelistic Secretary, China Continuation Committee. The Reverend Clarence M. Weems, Songdo, Board of Missions, Methodist Episcopal Church, PREFACE The Reverend John Wherry, D.D., Peking, China. Board of Foreign Missions, Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. The Reverend Norman C. Whittemore, Syen Chun, Korea Board of Foreign Missions, Presbyterian Church in the U. S* A. / The Reverend J. E. Williams, D.D., Nanking, China. Board of Foreign Missions, Presbyterian Church in the U. S. A. David Z. T. Yui, M.A., Esq., Shanghai, China. General Secretary of the National Young Men's Christian Association of China. This third edition of the report, the first one to be pub- lished, may fairly be termed a consensus of wide-ranging expert opinion. It must not be regarded, however, as a final statement. It will be seen from this narrative of its history that no pains have been spared to make it useful, not alone to the novice, but even, in important respects, to the mission- ary of considerable experience. Both the Far-Eastern situ- ation and Confucianism are passing through so many phases of development at this time that any report must be regarded as tentative and always open to revision. Criticisms or sug- gestions to be embodied in future editions will always be gratefully received and should be addressed to the Director of the Board of Missionary Preparation, 25 Madison Avenue, New York City. FRANK K. SANDERS. December, 1917. 8 CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTORY 13 PART I. SUGGESTIONS FOR CANDIDATES FOR THE FAR EAST 19 I. THE CONFUCIAN SITUATION IN THE FAR EAST 20 1. In Japan 20 2) In Korea Cj 3. In China 25 II. DEFINITION AND CHARACTER OF CONFUCIANISM 26 1. Various Definitions of Confucianism 27 (a) Dr. Ernst Faber 27 (b) Dr. J. Legge 28 (c) J. J. M. DeGroot 29 (d) Professor T. Inouye 30 (e) The late Rev. Horace G. Underwood, D.D. . . . rST (f) The Essentials on Which All Agree ~31 2. Its Two Outstanding Features . . 32 (a) It is Ethical in Content 32 (b) It Has Both Solidarity and Diversity 33 III. THE FOUNDERS OF CONFUCIANISM 33 1. The Chou Dynasty Background 33 (a) The Period Before Confucius 33 (b) The Dynasty in the Seventh and Sixth Centuries . 35 (c) The Period of Mencius 36 2. Confucius 37 (a) The Life of Confucius 37 (b) The Character of Confucius 39 (c) Confucius as a Teacher 41 (d) The Posthumous Influence of Confucius ... 42 3. Mencius 44 (a) The Life of Mencius 45 (b) The Character of Mencius 47 (c) Mencius as a Teacher 48 (d) Posterity's Estimate of Mencius 50 IV. CONFUCIAN LITERATURE 52 1. "The Five Classics" (Wu Ching) 53 (a) "Canon of History" (Shu Ching) 54 (b) "The Canon of Poetry" (Shih Ching) .... 55 (c) "The Canon of Changes" (I Ching) 57 (d) "The Record of Rites" (Li Chi) 58 (e) "Spring and Autumn Annals" (Ch'un Ch'iu) . . 59 2. "The Four Books" (Ssu Shu) 60 "The Great Learning" (Ta Hsiieh) 61 "The Doctrine of the Mean" (Chung Yung) . . 62 (c) "The Analects" (Lun Yii) 62 td) "Mencius" (Meng Tzu) 63 CONTENTS PAGE V. LATER STAGES OF CONFUCIANISM 65 1. Chu Hsi, or Chucius 66 2. Imperial Confucianism 67 3. Confucianism Since the Recent Revolution 68 LEADING INFLUENCES OF CONFUCIANISM 69 1. Confucianism an Ethical System 69 "2. Confucianism a Social Force 70 3. Confucianism a Factor in Political Life 4. Confucianism a Leavening Force 71 (a) Korean Confucianism 71 (b) Japanese Confucianism 72 VII. MODERN CONFUCIANISTS AND CONFUCIAN PEOPLES 75 1. Traits Common to Confucian Peoples 75 Special -Characteristics of Confucian Scholars 76 (^a^/Conservatism in Ethics and Religion 76 (b) The Ethical Emphasis 76 J(c) Courtesy and Politeness 77 odernity as Affecting Confucianists 77 ow Confucianists Regard Christianity 77 i>. Tne Popular Religious Life of Confucian Lands .... 78 (a) In China 78 [n Korea 79 In Japan 79 (d) The Confucian Strain 79 VIII. MISSIONARIES TO CONFUCIANISTS 80 1. The Primacy of Character 80 2. Personality 80 3. Home Training for the Task 80 PART II. SUGGESTIONS FOR JUNIOR MISSIONARIES IN CON- FUCIAN LANDS 81 I. ADDITIONAL ITEMS CONCERNING CONFUCIAN LITERATURE .... 84 1. Texts and Introductions 84 2. Importance of the Commentaries 84 3. Extra-Canonical Confucian Literature 84 II. ADDITIONAL FACTS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONFUCIANISM ... 85 1. Effect of "The Burning of the Books" 85 2. Conflicts of Confucianism with Heretics and Opposers . . 86 (a) Leading Heresies 86 (b) Official Opposition to Chinese Sectarianism ... 86 (c) Confucianism's Official Relation to Korean Religion 89 (d) Relation of Confucianism to Japanese Religions . 90 3. Sung Dynasty Philosophers 91 4. Wang Yang-ming 92 10 CONTENTS PAGE 5. Confucianism as Affected by Other Asiatic Religions ... 94 (a) Japanese Religions 94 (b) Taoism 95 (c) Chinese Buddhism 95 III. CONFUCIANISM'S CONTACTS WITH CHRISTIANITY 96 1. The Nestorian Contact 96 2. The Roman Catholic Contact 97 3. The Protestant Contact 98 IV. THE MISSIONARY'S ATTITUDE TOWARD CONFUCIANISM 99 1. It Should Be Sympathetic 99 2. It Should Be Apperceptive 99 3. It Should Be Cordially Appreciative 99 4. It Should Be Scholarly 100 5. It Should Be Brotherly and Courteous 100 V. COMPARISONS AND CONTRASTS BETWEEN CHRISTIANITY AND CON- FUCIANISM 100 1. Emphasis on Points Common to Christianity and Confucianism 101 (a) Belief in a Supreme Deity 101 (b) The Recognition of a Divinely Appointed Moral Law 101 (c) Doctrine of the Nature of Man 101 (d) Belief in Existence After Death 102 (e) Exaltation of the Founders of the Two Religions . 102 (f) The Idea of Sacrifice 102 (g) The Use of Prayer 103 2. Additional and Distinctive Teachings of Christianity . . . 103 (a) Atonement and Salvation 103 (b) The Resurrection 104 (c) Eschatological Beliefs of Christianity .... 104 (d) Worship and the Sacraments 105 (e) Doctrine of the Church 105 (f) Christianity's Enabling Power 106 3. Aspects of Christianity Objectionable to Confucianists . . 106 (a) Foreign Origin and Advocacy 106 (b) Exclusive Character and Demands 107 (c) Social Ideals 107 (d) Impracticable Moral Ideals 108 (e) Doctrine of Universal Sinfulness 108 (f) Doctrine of the Supernatural 109 (g) The Divinity and Deity of Christ 109 4. Confucian Views Opposed to Christian Teachings . . . 109 (a) Views of Sin 110 (b) The Sanction of Polygamy 110 (c) The Exaggeration of Filial Piety 110 (d) Undue Regard for Deceased Ancestors . . . . Ill (e) Oracles and Superstitions 112 11 CONTENTS PAGE (f) The Sanction of Polytheism 112 (g) Chu Hsi's Views of God 113 (h) Man only Indirectly Related to God 113 5. The Antithesis and Synthesis 114 VI. TRANSFUSING THE CHRISTIAN MESSAGE INTO LIFE 115 1. Special Bible Classes 115 2. Knowing Through Doing 115 3. Discussions with Educated Men 116 4. Growth Through Larger Service 116 5. Helpful Literature 117 VII. THE NEEDED POWER 117 APPENDIX A. STUDIES OF SPECIAL VALUE FOR ONE WHO Is TO BE A MIS- SIONARY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS 119 APPENDIX B. A BRIEF COURSE OF SPECIALIZED READING FOR FAR-EASTERN CANDIDATES 122 APPENDIX C. AN ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF LITERATURE IN EUROPEAN LANGUAGES, USEFUL FOR THIS REPORT 126 APPENDIX D. SELECTED READINGS FOR SPECIFIC SUBJECTS 145 APPENDIX E. BOOKS AND TRACTS USEFUL FOR WORK AMONG THE CHINESE . 155 APPENDIX F. CHINESE WORDS AND PROPER NAMES WITH THEIR KOREAN AND JAPANESE EQUIVALENTS 157 12 PRESENTING THE CHRISTIAN MESSAGE IN CONFUCIAN LANDS INTRODUCTORY The countries under consideration are China, the mother- land of Confucianism, Korea, or Chosen, which early came under its influence, and Japan, which began to feel its touch later, in the third or fourth century of the Christian era. From its foundation Confucianism has been a system of be- lief that mainly affected the higher classes, as its canonical books were intended for the education and enlightenment of the ruling element in the state. Yet it incorporated within what was later known as Confucianism the animism and higher beliefs of the ancient religion of China, as well as certain Buddhistic tendencies in our era, and was affected by the spirit worship of Korea and the Shintoism and Bud- dhism of Japan to some extent. It thus came to be in a true sense a system affecting the religious thought and practise of Eastern Asia. It follows that in China where the traditional phrase, "Three Religions," meaning thereby Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism, has still further complicated religious think- ing, the masses cannot definitely reply to the question, "To which of the three religions do you give your allegiance?" It is as futile to make such an inquiry as it would be to ask an Occidental, "What medicine do you take?" Under cer- tain conditions the Chinese is a Confucianist, at other times he is a Buddhist or a Taoist. There is a diminishing class in China whose representative, until the abolition of the classical requirements for degrees, in 1905, would have an- swered promptly and unequivocally, "I am of the Sect of the Lettered" a Confucianist. He and his fellows became such by virtue of the dearly-earned literary degree which was the reward of long years of the most arduous study. It was a 13 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS very severe test of its kind. In 1903, out of the twenty-three thousand who contended for the advanced degree which opened the gateway to official life and opportunity at one of eleven great examination centers, only four hundred and twenty-five achieved their ambition. Yet even these able and distinguished men, at funerals, at certain feasts, and in emer- gencies requiring superhuman powers, act as Buddhists or Taoists, according to the requirements of the case. A Chi- nese scholar once remarked: "The object is to attain heaven. One's chances with four religions [including Christianity] are better than with one." In Korea the palmy days have passed of the yangban, gentleman and scholar, whose "choicest word was yei, mean- ing proper form," and who used to sit and mutter mang-kong at everything, signifying Mencius and Confucius and also the croaking of frogs; yet fifty years ago, even in a Con- fucian scholar's home, one might have seen in the inner court spirit "nests," in the shed room a piece of cloth or paper de- voted to the kitchen demon, and attached to the side of the great beam of the deep veranda where abides the chief of the household spirits, paper and rice, gifts to that spirit of the ridgepole. The Korean Confucianist cared little for Bud- dhism, for the reason that it lost its splendor with the in- coming of the dynasty of Chosen and was proscribed in 1512. The common people, all the while, were Confucianists at New Year and during the remaining three hundred and sixty-five days were under the dominion of evil spirits. Even enlightened Japan at this very hour lives in three religious compartments. In matters of state, the Japanese are Shintoists, albeit the Government has declared that Shin- toism is not a religion strictly speaking. The duties of daily life belong to the Confucian compartment. As for the fu- ture world, that is Buddhism's special concern. Such an adjustment does not appear at all unreasonable to the aver- age Japanese thinker. If we look, however, to the educa- 14 INTRODUCTORY tional authorities of the Empire for a suggestion as to choice of religion, they would favor most the Confucian system. As Professor Inouye asserts: "Ever since its foundation, it has been looked up to as the guide of everyday life by the people of the Oriental nations and has exercised a power- ful influence over their minds for more than twenty-three hundred years." If one should seek to define the central religious interest of these three countries the worship of ancestors would surely be named. Compare the recent book, "Civilization of India, China and Japan," by G. L. Dickinson. This is a cult which while antecedent to Confucianism dominates Confu- cian countries everywhere, from the hovel of the commoner to the Kyoto palace where the present Emperor was crowned, and to the Altar of Heaven where the late President Yuan Shih-k'ai under a republic reinstated a worship which made the spirits of the ancestors assessors 1 with Shang Ti, or Heaven, and in a way even more highly regarded than under the old regime. Ancestor worship is the Gibraltar of Chi- nese religion, and every grave of China echoes back the de- fiance of a faith that will not brook any interference with these holy evidences of filial piety. Japanese occupation has not modified the Korean Confucianist's chief aim in life, which is to beget a son who will sacrifice to his shades when he is dead and gone. In the fulfilment of this great concern, the Korean yangban will wear mourning for as long a period as three years; while a succession of fasts and feasts, re- quiring forms of dress and outlays of money far beyond his means, will consume more time and money than is left for his family's living. The missionary candidate who is preparing himself to go to any of these Far-Eastern countries must realize that any study of religions and of the wisest evangelical approach to 1 An "assessor" in Confucianism is a disciple, immediate or remote, of the Sage, who by Imperial decree has been granted the right to be associated with the Sage in a Confucian temple. Here Imperial spirits are regarded as assessors of Shang Ti. 15 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS their votaries cannot be confined to what one finds in books relating to animism, to Shintoism, to Taoism, to Buddhism, or even to Confucianism alone. Synthesis and syncretism enter into the religions of the Far East to an extent that must be seen to be fully appreciated. Chinese scholars and officials not infrequently propose to select the desirable ele- ments from all religions in order to make a superior system for China at the threshold of a new era. Something should be known about all phases of the popular religion, if one is to understand the thought and deeper needs and aspirations of the half billion who are ignorant of the Christian idea of God. If one's future work is likely to be almost exclu- sively with the uneducated classes, or with women, the Bud- dhism of China or Japan would require special emphasis. If the future is likely to be spent among students, or if one is ambitious to reach men of influence as scholars and leaders in the community, the candidate should lay principal empha- sis upon Confucianism, though without neglecting 'as minor studies Buddhism, and in Japan Shintoism. Everywhere ancestor worship demands thorough-going study. The one who goes to China as a missionary will find even among the educated classes two groups, the old literati class, numerous and influential, holding in large measure to their old ideals, yet considerably influenced by Western ideas, and the younger men of that class, who represent a point of view in which Western ideas have gained the ascendancy and yet are powerfully influenced by the old ideals. An absence of an intelligent knowledge of Confucianism will practically preclude the young missionary from securing results among these strategic groups. Moreover, so universally are the precepts and ethical ideas of Confucius revered by all classes in China that a practical working knowledge of them is of the greatest importance to every Christian worker. This report, therefore, has a twofold objective. It aims to help all candidates for Confucian lands to understand the 16 INTRODUCTORY leading ideas of Confucianism as seen in its personalities and writings, as well as to appreciate the tremendous power of the system of ethics and religion that has moulded the life and determined the thinking of more billions than have been affected similarly by the deeper, truer thinking, the spotless example and the saving death of Jesus Christ. They are planning to spend their lives in lands whose .civilization and better aspirations are as truly Confucian as ours are Christian, and which for that reason are not understood and truly evaluated by those educated under Western ideals. A missionary to the Far East needs to be orientated as early and as fully as possible ; the present studies should help him to become so. But he should desire more than this. Christianity, though intended for the entire world, was born in Asia in the Near East. Thence it spread westward and for centuries re- mained as the possession of Europe, where it was occident- alized in many respects. In time it crossed the Atlantic and became the corner-stone of North-American civilization and life. Here it has received accretions which have added vital- ity and aggressiveness, but subtracted simplicity from the original faith. As the star of spiritual empire has gone on its westward way to the Far East, there to meet the demands and build up the life of Oriental peoples, it again reaches the birth continent of Christianity with its aggregation of diverse races. Just as Anglo-Saxons have done much to change the forms and thought of Christianity, so we shall inevitably see the Far East make its impress upon that faith. The missionary now preparing for China or Japan will see many changes before his work is done, and he should be ready to guide and variously influence Christianity as it receives a new acclimatization and nationalizing. Such guidance will demand a profound and catholic knowledge of religious fundamentals, a broad range of social and national possibilities of development and an intimate knowledge of 17 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS and sympathy with the peoples who are to receive and modify our most holy religion. Most of all it calls for an acquaint- ance with the sources of their everyday thinking. A second aim of this report is to guide the special studies of junior missionaries who are actually at work in China, Korea and Japan, so that they may not only be ambitious to gain a scholarly knowledge of Confucianism, but be directed toward the achievement of real results. The instruction of greatest value will, of course, be gained on the field under the training school system, so admirably begun in Japan and China, which aims to provide not alone for language mas- tery and for immediate familiarity with the field, but also for the studies of succeeding years. Very slight provision has been made thus far for the more intensive, original studies contemplated in this report. Only a small percentage of missionaries in China, Korea or Japan have seized the few opportunities that have existed. They who have done this have found their rich reward in the respect, confidence and influence which is theirs. The lines of study, herein suggested, will undoubtedly call for the preparation of man- uals for the specific direction of those who attempt to follow them. Even to-day in China students and many of the older literati are willing and often eager to discuss the fundamen- tals of western civilisation; and they are ready to grant Christianity's central place in the order which is being in- troduced from America and Europe. When religion enters into the discussion, however, not a few of the junior mission- aries find themselves at a great disadvantage because they are ignorant of all except the rudiments of Confucianism, which is the only religion likely to be set up as a rival of Christianity in China, though Buddhism might be so used in Japan. It is hoped that suggestions incorporated in this report may prove helpful to such persons, as they may set apart time for this highly important study in the hurried life of the field, and during their first furlough. The extent to 18 INTRODUCTORY which the studies here outlined shall be carried will vary, of course, with the missionary's time, with his sense of need for an ample or a general knowledge of the various subjects, and with the apparatus available to him for the mastery of China's classical language and its abundant literature. In view of this twofold purpose, the report is divided into two parts, the first for the guidance of the candidate study- ing and reading at home, the second by way of suggestion to junior missionaries, or to others in Korea and Japan who after many years find it desirable to increase their useful- ness by an ampler knowledge of Confucianism than they have found it necessary to possess heretofore. This latter class will probably find little that will aid them in the gen- eral presentation, since it represents their own experience, but the bibliography and the appendixes may prove helpful. Whoever makes use of the report is urged to read it through with great care at the outset. The candidate may not find Part II immediately useful, but he should gain some conception of the wide-ranging task that awaits him on the field. Out of his general reading- may come many suggestions which will be of value later on. He may even be able to anticipate some lines of preparation for the tech- nical studies of his life as a junior missionary. Part I, how- ever, covers the themes and studies of direct advantage to the missionary candidate. Those who have very little time at their disposal should pay attention to those paragraphs alone which are prefixed by an asterisk (*). PART I. SUGGESTIONS FOR CANDIDATES FOR THE FAR EAST While it is true that with the abolition of the old classical examination system as the necessary preliminary for official appointment in China the Confucianist, in a distinctly tech- nical sense, began to disappear a decade ago, the scholars 19 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS and students of that country and the scholars of Korea are dominantly Confucian in their ideas and ideals. In Japan relatively few educated men would call themselves Confu- cianists, and modern students of that Empire would dislike to be so designated. As the common people of all three countries never were regarded as Confucianists, technically so called, although, of course, their habits of mind and points of view have been unconsciously moulded upon Confucian standards, the missionary candidate may ask the question, "Why, then, should so much stress be laid to-day upon the study of Confucianism by one going to the Far East?" A statement regarding conditions there will make the impor- tance of the task more evident. I. THE CONFUCIAN SITUATION IN THE FAR EAST 1. In Japan. This is the land in which the present studies are likely to be of least importance. The reason for this will appear from the following statement sent to the Com- mittee by Secretary S. H. Wainright, D.D., of the Christian Literature Society of Japan : "Confucianism some years ago in Japan was a matter of conviction among the intellectual classes, as it is to a great degree in China at the present time. But the missionary in Japan has not found it neces- sary to antagonize Confucianism. The forces at work under modern conditions have undermined and set aside the traditional ethical system which seemed so formidable an obstacle in the path of the missionary in the early period of his work after the opening of Japan. "To be more specific, I would mention the fact that (1) the study of the Chinese language in the schools has been gradually replaced by a study of modern European languages. Inasmuch as Confucianism is embodied in the Chinese classical writings, their influence has waned as a result of the decreased interest in Chinese linguistic studies. (2) Confucianism in Japan is no longer established officially, and the removal of this prop at the close of the Tokugawa period has been greatly to the disadvantage of Confucianism as a positive system of 20 THE CONFUCIAN SITUATION ethics or religion. (3) The scholarship of Japan, the product of modern education, has drifted away from the Confucian point of view and has become impatient with a system conceived on feudal lines. Most notable in this respect is the life-work of the late Mr. Fukuzawa the object of which, resulting in founding the Keio University, was to overcome Confucianism as a system outgrown by the times. I would mention that (4) the rising tide of democracy on all mission fields is quietly sweeping away the traditions and ideals of the past, and this is especially true in China and Japan. The schools are open to all classes, in Japan for example, and the effect has been disintegrating to Confucianism which has been the creed of respectability among the Japanese ruling classes. This popular wave is the cardinal fact in the missionary situation. The spirit of unrest, revolt and anarchy is growing, and the leaders whose voices are most potent with the move- ment are men in Western countries. Tolstoy has more weight in Japan than Confucius. Twenty years ago Spencer, Mill, Huxley and Haeckel were looked to as representatives of modernism. But now it is the Russian writers, and such men as Ibsen and Nietzsche, Bernard Shaw and Oscar Wilde, and a host of others whose names might be given, all of whom occupy a point of view antagonistic to traditional- ism, not in the East but in the West, and all of whom in one form or another interpret the new democracy. "Hence in the determination of the form of missionary training, it resolves itself into a question as to whether candidates should be pre- pared specifically to deal with the passing order, or with the coming order of things ; to seek to achieve by direct missionary propagandism what is being brought about silently by the working of historical forces ; to go out obsessed by the idea that their efficiency will depend upon their ability to overcome convictions rooted in a past and incomplete tradition, while their most difficult and important task will be to re- establish positive convictions in the minds and hearts of men and women about whom everything is loosening and undergoing transition and even disintegration. It is a question as to whether it is wise or not to attack a dying organism, when the result of the attack will more likely quicken the waning life and energies than hasten the processes of death. . . . "Having said this with regard to the broader aspects of the question, let me remark that the paper drawn up is an admirable piece of work and covers the ground comprehensively and with discrimination. The reading of such a presentation of Confucianism will serve to fortify 21 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS the mind of the young candidate, especially if the task is undertaken with the guidance of an intelligent teacher, against the perplexity so many missionaries experience in their first impressions of Confucian- ism. I refer of course to their surprise in finding exalted ethical ideas of ancient origin among the 'heathen Chinese.' " Another view of the situation is given by Sidney L. Gulick, D.D., who like Dr. Wainright has labored for Japan almost thirty years: "All Japanese students in the middle schools and upward study Con- fucian ethics. Accordingly every missionary in Japan ought to have a knowledge of the main outlines of Confucianism, in its pure forms and then in its Japanese form. He ought to commit to memory a score of their moral maxims in the form in which they are used in Japan. If he knows and can use a score of quotations easily and correctly, he will be reputed to know a hundred. And having mas- tered a score, he will learn by hearing the preachers and lecturers. . . . "This manual is so brief and contains so little that the average mis- sionary would not be profited by knowing that [it should be read throughout]. The student going to Japan who has only a few days [to devote to the subject], could hardly do better than read and reread until he can give the substance of the differing definitions and then absorb Professor Harada's 'The Faith of Japan.' " After advising that a list of Japanese teachers of Confu- cianism should be given, he adds: "Even a little knowledge of this kind would give the missionary a standing and secure for him a respect not to be overlooked. It would also give him contact with Japanese and opportunity to pick up fresh knowledge that would otherwise entirely escape him. . . . Every mis- sionary, at least the men, should have some knowledge of Japanese Confucianism." Rev. Dr. Schneder of Sendai, an eminent educator, be- lieves that it is wise to help missionaries to know Confucian- ism more thoroughly. He instances cases where Confucian ideas have been the stepping-stones to Christian belief, also calling attention to the fact that the stronghold of Japanese opposition to Christianity is the Confucian exaltation of 22 THE CONFUCIAN SITUATION loyalty and filial piety. The fear that Christian views will weaken such worthy traits is the main objection of the Japanese to Christian missions. Though admitting that Con- fucianism in that Empire is scarcely a religion at all, being without shrines and worship and merely ethical in its teach- ings, he adds that such a course of studies "should be im- measurably helpful to those who are to give their lives to work in Japan." 2. In Korea. Confucianism in this recent addition to the Japanese Empire differs diametrically from that of Japan. The Rev. James S. Gale, D.D., one of the foremost scholars of Korea, writes: "I imagine a very much larger proportion are rightly known as literati, or Confucianists, than in China. . . . Great floods of barbarian races have swept over China, the Tatars, the Mongols, the Manchus; whereas Korea, a thoroughly Confucianized state since ancient times, has remained untouched. Japan ... is at heart Buddhist; Confu- cianism is an exotic growth. In Korea we may say that it is indige- nous; Confucianism is now a part of the bone and fiber. . . . Confu- cianists have given a very kindly reception to Christianity. Our best leaders to-day were staunch Confucianists. Their knowledge of the 'Five Constituents of Worth' brought them into sympathy with us from the earliest days. Also their knowledge of God, the term for whom has unfortunately been too often translated Heaven by the foreigner. Koreans insist upon translating from the 'Analects' thus: 'If we sin against God there is no place for prayer.' 'Whom will you deceive? Will you deceive God?' not Heaven, etc. This acquaintance with God brought Confucianists into sympathy with us. Buddhists oppose us bitterly. . . . As missionaries we cannot get anywhere near to a Buddhist, while we win the hearing of the Confucian at once. No matter how much knowledge the foreign missionary may have of Con- fucianism, he could never expect to hold his own in an argument with the native, that is from the native's point of view, nor should he ever try to. But very little knowledge and a reasonable sympathy with the good points pertaining to Confucianism and they are many will bring him into a tender touch with the Oriental such as nothing else will accomplish." His general position regarding the studies which are here 23 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS suggested, and to which he gives his highest and heartiest approval, is thus stated by Dr. Gale: "It will mean a new day in missionary work when students take up reasonably and sympathetically the study of the native view-point. The great lack to-day is the fact that the missionary lives wholly in his Western world and expects the Oriental to take what he offers him, without any thought that the East may have much for him to kindly look into and study. The important question, What constitutes sym- pathy with an Oriental race? can best be answered by the statement, A knowledge of their religious views, their poetry and their form of government, but their religion comes first and foremost." Another distinguished Korean scholar belonging to the pioneer group of Protestant missionaries to that country, the late Dr. H. G. Underwood, had this to say of the value of a study of the religions of the Far East: "When the Korean with his worship of the Heavens and his strong filial devotion, combined nevertheless with his hourly dread of the powers of the air, learns that the 'Great One/ whom he has never ceased to revere, is not only supreme, but alone, and that these lower lesser evil powers, the objects of his life-long dread, are mere creatures of his imagination, that the only God who exists is the one of love, wisdom, justice and truth, he is ready to give undivided allegiance to Him. When he, standing by his simple altars, where, with neither image nor spirit tablet, his fathers have worshiped the God of Heaven, learns that God is a spirit and that they who worship Him must do so in spirit and in truth, he believes this is the God of his fathers. When still further he peruses his oldest histories and reads that his most ancient king Tangun had built an altar in Kangwha and there worshiped his 'father God/ 'the Creator/ he is more than ready to say, 'This and no other shall be our God/ "This study, then, of the theistic conceptions obtaining in China, Japan and Korea as compared with those of the Old and New Testa- ments will, I believe, have led us to the place where we can better appreciate the view-point of these people, but at the same time has clearly demonstrated both the inability of their existing systems to give the highest ideals of deity, as well as the absolute insufficiency of -their religions to solve the problems of life, or to provide for the crying needs of man's nature." 24 THE CONFUCIAN SITUATION 3. In China. "The Throneless King" is no mere empty phrase as applied to Confucius. His personality and his teachings, extended and enriched by Mencius and the com- mentaries of Chu Hsi, have been the important human fac- tors in making China what she has been through twenty-four centuries and more. When the new regime was ushered in, a score of years ago, by the famous Chang Chih-tung's book entitled "Ch'uan Hsiieh Pien," translated under another name, "China's Only Hope," the ancient empire was startled by her great viceroy's bitter cry, "Confucianism is in dan- ger !" The central ideal of his book, "Hsiieh," "learn," was the panacea which he exhorted men to use to save the nation from foreign aggression. But he felt the inevitable oncom- ing of the Occidental flood and exhorted his countrymen to follow Mencius' advice, "to select what is important and leave the rest." And it so happens that since the coup d'etat of 1898 China has been casting off the old and taking on the new with increasing celerity, particularly since the revo- lution of 1911. The increasing neglect of the study of the Confucian Classics which had been the result of a change in the examination system six years before, made this ancient system tremble on its age-old foundations. Events since the establishment of the Republic have still further altered conditions. In consequence, the corporation of "The Sect of the Lettered" is no longer being continued. The attempts within recent years of groups of Confucian scholars in China to rehabilitate Confucianism by establish- ing Confucian societies and even by founding a K'ung Chiao, of Confucian church, have not succeeded in restoring or maintaining the original position of Confucianism in the official life of the country and have resulted in considerable impairment of the old system. Yet all these and other fac- tors arising from the new Republic have not banished its influence. China is built on the foundations of Confucianism as truly as North America is Christian in its civilization and 25 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS interpretation. The missionary to China cannot hope to understand its people, its institutions even as modified by republican ideas, its languages and literature, its subtle race character, its heritage from antiquity, without knowing something of Confucianism and the more the better. It may be a matter of choice whether the missionary to Korea or Japan knows much about this system; with the efficient missionary to China, such knowledge is a necessity. The China of to-day cannot be understood without an acquaint- ance with Confucius; the history and achievements of the nation can be interpreted best through an insight into Con- fucianism. Probably the most interesting spot in all China is his grave, not far from T'ai-an Fu, in the northeastern province of Shan-tung. It is still intact and in good order after the lapse of nearly twenty-five centuries and is visited by multitudes. Seventy generations of his descendants bear powerful witness to the stability of China. Perhaps it is true that no other great nation has accepted so apathetically as its own a trio of religions. As already stated, Taoism and Buddhism are mentioned in the same phrase with this religion and coexist in everybody's thought and experience. Hence religion in China must be consid- ered as a whole and not merely as Confucianism, or as either of those two separately. Yet neither Buddha nor Lao Tzu is the "Throneless King" ; and as "a sky without a sun" is the Chinese way of expressing the idea of unreason or nonsense, Confucius and his system must be central in all such study. "There are not two suns in the sky, nor two rulers of the people"; Confucius is supreme in certain realms of China's religious life. II. DEFINITION AND CHARACTER OF CONFUCIANISM Coming more directly to the subject under consideration, it is well first of all to know as clearly as may be what is 26 THE NATURE OF CONFUCIANISM meant by Confucianism. The following definitions and characterizations by representative writers will shed light on the subject. 1. ^Various Definitions of Confucianism. The word is of varied content in the three countries where Confucianism prevails, and also at different periods in a given country, as the following paragraphs will make evident. (a) *J9r. Ernst Faber. This foremost German author- ity on the subject in his "Systematical Digest of the Doc- trines of Confucius/' would restrict Confucianism to the narrower limits, and in his brief resume he confines himself to what is taught in "the three principal books of Confucian- ism," the "Analects," "Great Learning" and "Doctrine of the Mean." Holding that "there is a sharp line of demarca- tion to be drawn between the historical Confucius and the one who is wrapped up in the incense of sacrifices between the doctrine which was promulgated by himself and the ex- planations of later centuries," Dr. Faber confines himself in this little volume to "original authorities, both with regard to the few sayings which are put into the mouth of Confu- cius himself, as also to the oldest expositions recognized by the Chinese as genuine for more than two thousand years. . . . Confucius is esteemed as the culmination of the Chi- nese mind, as regards ethics on one side and politics and literature on the other." l In the same author's "Mind of Mencius," who, he asserts, is "now the darling of the Chinese" and of whose writings he says that "out of the whole range of their literature there is no other work which is such a living reality as Mencius," he is so anxious to represent exactly that philosopher's views that he uses only in part the standard translation of Dr. Legge. His reason for so doing is that that prince of British Sinologues follows mainly the explanations of Chu Hsi, while Dr. Faber uses "the newest and best commentary, the Meng- 1 "Systematical Digest," pp. 1, 2. 27 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS tsu Ching-i," because there are very few new views to be found in it, the commentary of Chou Chi (about 108 A.D.) being renewed and strengthened and used against that of Chu Hsi, who lived fifteen hundred years after Mencius and introduced his materialistic notions into that philosopher's works. Yet in his paper on the subject presented to the World's Parliament of Religions in 1893, Dr. Faber himself took the broader view of the system : "Confucianism comprises all the Chinese doctrines and practices acknowledged by Confucius himself and his best followers in ancient and modern times during a period of 2,400 years of Chinese thought and life. Confucianism is, therefore, the key to a deeper understand- ing of China and the Chinese. . . . Confucius, who professed to be a transmitter, not an originator, received his ideas from ancient records of which he collected and published what suited his purpose in the Five Sacred Books. To these were added his own sayings, the 'Analects,' and centuries later a few other works, till the canon of the Chinese Sacred Scriptures was completed in the 7th [ ?] century of our era." l We quote one other paragraph from Dr. Faber, in which he sets forth the leading purpose of the writings of Con- fucianism's two greatest founders: "Mencius is, like his master Confucius, simply a teacher of political economy. To him the state is the sum of all human endeavors, natural and civilized, working together as a united organization. Through his direct opposition to the socialist, and in lesser degree to the sensa- tionalist, Mencius saw himself necessitated to base his political econ- omy upon ethics and his ethics upon the doctrine of man's nature. The ethical problem is for him the utmost development of all good elements of man's nature. The duty of the state as a whole is to offer the means for realizing this supreme object, and the government should con- sciously bend its energies to the attainment of the same." 2 (b) *Dr. J. Legge. His translations of the Confucian canon are on the whole the standard English version, so to speak, of the "Four Books" and "Five Classics." His Con- 1 "Systematical Digest," pp. 100, 101. * "Mind of Mencius," pp. 18, 19. 28 THE NATURE OF CONFUCIANISM f ucian studies are so profound that this definition is worthy of careful note : "I must define at the outset in what sense I wish that term [Confu- cianism] to be understood. No name current among men is more fully historical than that of Confucius. We know the years and the months and the days of the months in which he was born and died. We see him moving on the stage of his country for between seventy and eighty years in the fifth and sixth centuries before our Christian era. But the religion of China does not date from this time. It has been said, indeed, but incautiously, that 'without Confucius, China had been with- out a native religion/ The Sage, no doubt, helped to preserve the ancient religion of his country, and it may be said that it took some tinge through him from his own character and views ; but more than this cannot be affirmed. What he claimed for himself was to be a 'transmitter and not a maker, believing in and loving the ancients'; that he 'was fond of antiquity and earnest in seeking knowledge there/ What his grandson claimed for him was that he handed down (the doctrines of) Yao and Shun, as if they had been his ancestors and elegantly displayed (the regulations of) Wan and Wu, taking them as his models. I use the term Confucianism, therefore, as covering first of all the ancient religion of China, and then the views of the great philosopher himself in illustration or modification of it, his views as committed to writing by himself, or transmitted in the narratives of his disciples. The case is pretty much as when we comprehend under Christianity the records and teachings of the Old Testament as well as those of the New." 1 (c) */. /. M. DeGroot. This voluminous writer, in his article on the "Confucian Religion," says: "The Confucian religion is the ancient religion of China, the worship of the universe by worship of its parts and phenomena. In the age of Han, two centuries before and two after the birth of Christ, that Universalism divided itself into two branches Taoism and Confu- cianism. Buddhism probably found its way into China principally in the universalistic form which is called Mahayana, so that it could live r and thrive perfectly upon the congeneric stem. And so we have in China three religions, as three branches upon one root or trunk, which is Universalism." 1 "The Religions of China," pp. 3, 4. 29 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS After speaking of the classical works in which Confucius' ideas are mainly found, he adds: "We may then just as well call Confucianism Classicism, and the Classics the holy books or Bibles of Confucianism." And again : "We . . . say that Confucianism is a universalistic animism, poly- theistic and polydaemonistic." 1 (d) ^Professor T. Inouye. From Japan we may cite the opinion of Dr. Inouye given in Count Okuma's "Fifty Years of New Japan" : "Confucianism originated, as its name indicates, in the teachings of Confucius. . . . Regarded from its outward form, it appears to be a religion; but, while religion deals mostly with spiritual conceptions, Confucianism is rightly regarded as a moral system, clearly distin- guished from religion. Confucianism was first introduced into Japan in the sixteenth year of the Emperor Ojin, or 285 A.D. according to the ordinary table of historical dates, but probably some 120 years later. . . . "The Confucianism of the Meiji era is nothing but a continuation of that of the preceding period. ... It is to be noticed, however, that in consequence of the introduction of western civilization which revolutionized every phase of our country's social relations, Confu- cianism has undergone a great decline. To-day its eminent representa- tives are gradually lessening, and even those who remain no longer wield any considerable influence, as in the past. . . . But it is not to be supposed for a moment that Confucianism has perished in every sense of the word. ... As the educational ethics of the present day is founded on a scientific basis, its system and content are far more perfect and complicated than those of Confucianism; but in the last resort one agrees with the other in making the highest good the ulti- mate goal of human activities, in regarding the perfection of person- ality as the aim of action, in attaching special importance to motives rather than to results when judging of the right or wrong of an action. Further, the central term jin (benevolence) in Confucianism expresses the same idea as the word 'humanity/ which is to-day the goal of mankind. Herein Confucianism transcends all religions. 2 And 1 Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, Vol. IV, pp. 12, 13. 2 This sentence and the preceding one are strongly objected to by Chinese critics, mainly because of its definition of the Japanese word jin, Chinese jen. It is the Japanese view, however, that the candidate wishes to learn. 30 THE NATURE OF CONFUCIANISM the moral education of our era, though it is not to be identified with Confucianism, has this in common with the latter, namely, that it stands aloof from and is above religion in the popular sense of the term, and enjoys freedom from any form of superstition. It therefore moves in perfect harmony with the principles of modern science. . . . We conclude that, though the framework of Confucianism has already decayed, its soul, still living as before and forming the essential part of present-day education, will continue to exist in a new garb for long ages to come." (e) *The late Rev. Horace G. Underwood, D.D. This experienced missionary wrote thus of present-day Confu- cianism in Korea: "Confucianism has practically existed in Korea for the past two thousand years, but in its introduction we would note certain phases which seem to differentiate it from the cult as followed in China. It was .originally adopted as a moral and literary standard, and all official preferment, as in China, was made to depend upon proficiency in these Classics. Confucian schools were established broadcast, estates set aside for their up-keep and the teaching of the Classics. Here twice a month the magistrate must appear, and with proper ceremonies accom- panied by some of the literati, bow before the picture or spirit tablet of the Sage. . . . "Confucianism dealing entirely with the past encouraged in Korea that desire for seclusion which had kept her doors closed so many years; but on the other hand the moral code has been an element of uplift here, and as she was able to avoid the Confucian imperial exclusiveness in the worship of the supreme God and to maintain very much of her primitive purity and simplicity, she has steered clear of some of the submerged rocks on which the faith of her neighbor has been wrecked. Her very belief in Hananim [Heaven's Lord, the term used for God by the Roman Catholics of China] and the fact that the people are not barred from approaching him, has been an incalculable good." l (f) *The Essentials on Which All Agree. While the foregoing definitions, with their amplifications, contain di- vergent views, they are helpful for that very reason. More- 1 "Religions of Eastern Asia," pp. 167, 169, 171. 31 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS over, they agree in essentials. The candidate for the Far East needs to realize the following facts : ( 1 ) Confucianism is a growth of centuries, having its roots in the ancient re- ligion of China which was largely animistic and naturalistic. Its early formulation by Confucius and Mencius and its later recension by Chu Hsi constitute the textual basis, though the commentary of Chu Hsi has given the interpretation on which modern Confucianism rests. (2) The personality of Confucius, has come to be as central in the system as the text itself, so that he must be understood quite as fully as the Classics themselves. (3) Side by side with the text and their great revealing personality has grown up a system of State worship which needs to be studied. (4) More widespread than any other ritual observance are the rites and the obli- gations of ancestor worship, which throughout the Far East constitute the Gibraltar of Confucian opposition to Chris- tianity. (5) It is a system of ethics and of politics, and subordinately a religion. The Confucianism of China is intensely conservative. Its emphasis upon the value of the past above the present has brought about the singular imperviousness of Chinese lead- ers, so characteristic of the past century. This conservatism is weakening in China, and hardly exists at all in Japan. 2. Its Two Outstanding Features. Confucianism is con- sequently a cult which is understood in its fulness only by the educated classes, particularly those who are masters of Chinese classical literature. Two characteristics merit espe- cial mention. (a) It is Ethical in Content. Confucianism lays much stress upon morality, and those who are to deal with Con- f ucianists must have a knowledge of ethical principles. They should also have such a mastery of theology and the Bible as will enable the missionary tactfully to suggest and supply what the Confucianist so sorely needs. Ethics must have theology as a basis, otherwise ethics are inert. Hence apolo- 32 THE NATURE OF CONFUCIANISM getics and the clear apprehension of the distinctive features of Christianity are just as indispensable as is the mastery of ethics, sociology, political economy and other distinctive features of Confucianism. (b) It Has Both Solidarity and Diversity. Like Bud- dhism in southern and eastern Asia, Confucianism is present in force in the three countries of the Far East. It differs from Buddhism in that the latter varies radically in some sects in China and Japan, whereas Confucianism has a soli- darity and unity that is unique. This general fact, however, should not blind the student to minor variations between Con- f ucianists of the countries in which it is held. Missionaries going to Japan or Korea, after making a study of the basal system, should specialize on the phases of Confucianism peculiar to the country to which he goes. To study the system only as it has developed in its birth-land of China would make a Korean or a Japanese missionary far less effective than he otherwise might become. III. THE FOUNDERS OF CONFUCIANISM Neither the Confucianists nor Confucianism can be fully known without a thorough knowledge of its great founders and earliest personal ideals. 1. *The Chou Dynasty Background. The character and services of Confucius and Mencius cannot be understood fully without the aid of at least an outline of China's history during the Chou Dynasty in which these sages lived and wrought. (a) *The Period Before Confucius. Founded in 1122 B.C., the first rulers of this dynasty are frequently lauded in the Confucian Canon. The dynasty was born in a divinely ordered revolt against the utterly reprobate king of the sec- ond historic dynasty, that of Shang or Yin. In the "Canon of History/' the "Great Declaration" x sets forth the 1 See especially Book I, Part III, 3. 33 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS reasons for this action in a manner greatly resembling that of President Wilson's declaration of war against Ger- many, with the same underlying sense of following the will of God. "The three mighties" of Chou were Ch'ang, Fa and Tan, known to posterity as King Wen, the valiant warrior, author and protester against the awful cruelty and corruption of his age, King Wu, his son, who actually led an army against Chou Hsin and after vanquishing him set up the Chou dy- nasty, and a younger brother, the idol of Confucius, known as the Duke of Chou. The years 1231-1105 B.C., covering the lives of the famous father and of his two sons, should be studied in ample histories, with especial reference to the depths of wickedness of Shang's last and worst ruler, Chou Hsin, a super-Nero in savagery and loathsome orgies. The regime which sprang from so glorious a root and which flourished luxuriantly under Wen Wang and his brother, Chou Kung, soon decayed, but lived on through relatively fruitless centuries. Soothill points out the genesis of this sad decline in a few lines : "Wu and Wen planted the House of Chou, as William the Con- queror planted the Norman Dynasty, in a soil volcanic and unstable, that contained within it the sure elements of its own disintegration. Desiring to reward those who had stood by him in his destruction of the Shang dynasty and at the same time to bind them to his own House, Wu established the baronial order, partitioning the empire into fiefs, great or small, according to the merit or position of each baron. These territorial magnates with their independent powers, Wu left as a heritage of woe to his descendants, and it was but a short time ere they reduced the imperial power to little more than an empty name. ... In but little more than three centuries the power of the nobles exceeded that of the emperor ; and with each succeeding century this power, and the disorder it naturally involved, reduced the empire to a band of warring states with a merely nominal head, to whom the haughty nobles gave scarcely a show of allegiance." 1 1 "Analects of Confucius," pp. 16, 17. 34 THE FOUNDERS OF CONFUCIANISM (b) *The Dynasty in the Seventh and Sixth Centuries. Confucius closes the "Canon of History" with these preg- nant words: "The prosperity and unsettledness of a state may arise from one man. The glory and tranquillity of a state also may perhaps arise from the excellence of one man/' This was the utterance of Duke Mu, at whose obsequies in 621, to form his ghostly escort, one hundred and seventy persons were buried alive. What wonder that a dirge with the following refrain was composed to bewail three of the nobles among this larger number: "Gazing into his grave He shrank with shuddering dread. Powers of yon blue concave ! Our best men all lie dead. O, could a ransom save, A hundred died instead." 1 This poetical mirror of the times is matched by the prose statement of Mencius: "Again the world fell into decay, and principles faded away. Per- verse speakings and oppressive deeds again became rife. There were instances of ministers who murdered their rulers and of sons who murdered their fathers [crimes standing foremost in Chinese estima- tion]. Confucius was afraid and made the Ch'un Ch'iu ['Spring and Autumn Annals']." 2 Professor Douglas puts in two sentences a picture of China at the birth of Confucius : "The country was torn by discord and desolated by wars. Husbandry was neglected, the peace of households was destroyed, and plunder and rapine were the watchwords of the time." Yet the nadir of its political degradation coincided with the zenith of its intellectual development. The Chou dynasty gave birth to China's great triumvirate of philosophers, Lao Tzu, Confucius, and Mencius, of whom the second has 1 Jennings, "The Shi King," p. 143. Other translations more accurately insert in each of three repetitions of this chorus of the ode a name of one of the three nobles in order. 2 Mencius, Bock III, Part II, iv, 7, 8. 35 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS proved to be the first. "These three philosophers," says Soothill, "mark the maximum per se development of the mind of this race, and with them that development, perhaps not without intent so far as the Confucian school is con- cerned, has been arrested." l (c) *The Period of Mencius. The clarion call of Confu- cius and all of his ethical truths could not stay the downward course of corrupt, decadent Chou. Thirty-one years before the birth of Mencius, one reads in the records of the use at a drinking festival of the murdered Chih Po's lacquered skull. When Mencius was two years old King Wei had an unsatisfactory governor boiled, together with those who had recommended him. When he was a boy of four, Duke Hsien beheaded sixty thousand defeated enemies, and received in consequence a present of gala robes. In his eighteenth year a Chinese general invited a rival leader to visit him, but seized the opportunity to cut off his opponent's feet and to brand his face. Just before Mencius entered on public life, the famous Wei Yang, charged with treachery, was torn into five pieces by horses, and his whole family exterminated. Confessedly these were the darkest deeds in a history which Mencius thus described: "Once more sage sovereigns cease to arise, and the princes of the states give the reins to their lusts. Unemployed scholars indulge in unreasonable discussion. ... I am alarmed by these things and address myself to the defence of the doctrines of former sages." 2 When the undutif ul became even more so and the antag- onism between the states grew most pronounced, it was a very difficult task for any single man to oppose the flood of social and political ills. But Mencius was in nothing afraid, like Luther and his "Ich kann nicht anders" at Worms. "Where Confucius had chastised with whips, he chastised with scorpions; and this not only when he was dealing with his equals or 1 "Analects," p. 18. , * Mencius, Book III, Pt. II, ix, 9, 10. 36 THE FOUNDERS OF CONFUCIANISM inferiors, but also where princes and governors were the objects of his wrath." * But it was too late, and forty years after the death of Mencius the Chou dynasty came to an end after an existence of eight hundred and seventy-three years under the sway of thirty-five sovereigns. 2. *Confucius, 551-478 B.C. This peerless Far-Eastern sage, whose life and teachings have influenced more minds, perhaps, than those of any other philosopher, is central in Confucianism and should be studied with especial thorough- ness. Dr. Ch'en, a Columbia graduate and now a leader in the modern "Confucian Church" in Peking, suggests the viewpoint of his fellow scholars on the opening page of his "Economic Principles of Confucius and His School," when he quotes through Professor Hirth this paragraph from the eminent German scholar, Von der Gabelentz : "Quite unique is the position occupied by him who, as no other man, was a teacher of his people, who, I venture to say, has become and continued to be a ruler of his people, the sage of the family K'ung in the state of Lu, whom we know by the name of Confucius. Unique is his position, not only in the history of philosophy, but also in the history of mankind. For there is hardly any other man who, like Confucius, incorporated in his own person all the constituent elements of the Chinese type and all that is eternal in his people's being. If we are to measure the greatness of an historic personage, I can see only one standard applicable for the purpose, the effectiveness of that person's influence according to its dimensions, duration, and inten- sity. If this standard be applied, Confucius was one of the greatest of men. For even at the present day, after the lapse of more than two thousand years, the moral, social, and political life of about one- third of mankind continues to be under the full influence of his mind." 2 (a) *The Life of Confucius. His forebears cannot be traced back to the great Huang Ti, a ruler of the twenty- seventh century B.C., as the family tradition runs. Yet Con- 1 Douglas, "Confucianism and Taouism," p. 155. 2 "Confucius und seine Lehre," p. 4, ff. 37 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS fucianists commonly hold that his ancestry included Cheng K'ao-fu, the learned scholar whose son, K'ung-fu Chia, an eminent officer and the first of the sage's surname, was mur- dered by a powerful minister who coveted and carried off his beautiful wife, only to find that she had shortly there- after strangled herself. Undying hatred arising from this outrage led to the removal of the K'ung family to the state of Lu in modern Shan-tung three generations later, where the great-grandfather of Confucius was governor of the town of Fang. His father, Shu-Hang Ho, was commandant of Tsou and a soldier of prowess and great bravery, who saved his companions from being entrapped in a siege by catching the massive portcullis of the city gate and holding it up by main strength until they had escaped. As a septua- genarian, after having had nine daughters by a former wife and by a concubine a crippled son, he married a young woman of the Yen family, who became the mother of Confucius. Her family gave Confucius in later years his favorite dis- ciple, Yen Hui. Left fatherless at three years of age, Con- fucius spent his boyhood somewhere within the limits of the present department of Yen-chou in Shan-tung. Tales of his childish precocity and of his delight in playing at sacri- fices are dubious though prophetic of his later devotion to ritual. He says of himself during his early years: "In my youth I was in humble circumstances, and for that reason gained a variety of acquirements in common matters." Marrying at nineteen, his only son was born the following year, with a daughter or -probably two added to the family later. This self-made man soon entered upon office as keeper of the stores of grain and later was in charge of public lands. His career as a teacher began at twenty-two, with a goodly number of students, attracted largely by his knowledge of antiquity. As teacher, ruler and adviser of men high in office, he gained such a reputation that he "became the idol of the people and flew in songs through their mouths/' only '38 THE FOUNDERS OF CONFUCIANISM to find himself later disregarded, a wanderer from state to state, offering advice, suffering neglect, and more than once in danger of his life. His antiquarian propensities found scope in collecting and editing the "Odes," the "Canon of History," the annals of his own state, and traditionally in adding comments to the "Canon of Changes." In 481 or 480 he heard that a supernatural creature, the Chinese unicorn possibly a giraffe had appeared. Inter- preting this evil omen as a presage of his end, he died and was buried in his natal Ch'u-f u Hsien in 478. His last days are pathetically described in the references quoted in Ap- pendix D (page 147). It was a fitting end to a life spent alone thirteen years in exile after the divorce of his Xan- tippean wife and the later death of his son in 483. His be- loved disciple, Yen Hui, had also died in 483, and Tzu Lu, his impetuous Peter, a year before the Sage. (b) *The Character of Confucius. His grandson's eulo- gium in the "Doctrine of the Mean," l doubtless summarizes, though in grandiloquent phrases, contemporary estimates of the man. While some of the items are not descriptive of character, and though the modern Chinese paraphrast of this Classic, Ku Hung-ming, does not make it apply to Confu- cius, portions of it are quoted here: "It is only he, possessed of all sagely qualities that can exist under heaven, who shows himself quick in apprehension, clear in discern- ment, of far-reaching intelligence and all-embracing knowledge, fitted to exercise rule; magnanimous, generous, benign and mild, fitted to exercise forbearance ; impulsive, energetic, firm and enduring, fitted to maintain a firm hold ; self-adjusted, grave, never swerving from the mean, and correct, fitted to command reverence ; accomplished, dis- tinctive, concentrative and searching, fitted to exercise discrimina- tion. . . . All-embracing and vast, he is like heaven. Deep and active as a fountain, he is like the abyss. He is seen, and the people all reverence him ; he speaks, and the people all believe him ; he acts, and the people are all pleased with him. Therefore his fame overspreads XXXI, 1-4. 39 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS the Middle Kingdom and extends to all barbarous tribes. Wherever ships and carriages reach ; wherever the strength of man penetrates ; wherever the heavens overshadow and the earth sustains ; wherever the sun and moon shine; wherever frosts and dews fall, all who have blood and breath unfeignedly honor and love him. Hence it is said, 'He is the equal of Heaven/ " Later, Mencius asserts that "from the birth of mankind till now there has never been one so complete as Confucius." The modern Occidental critic does not join unreservedly in such a panegyric. Dr. Legge readily grants Confucius' own claim as made in the "Analects/' VII, xviii: "He is simply a man who in his eager pursuit of knowledge forgets his food, who in the joy of its attainment forgets his sor- rows, and who does- not perceive that old age is coming on." And even more his basal statement in Book VII, i, of the same Classic, is descriptive of his major interest in life: "A transmitter and not a maker, believing in and loving the ancients." His moral estimate of the Sage is not very ex- alted so far as his truthfulness is concerned. Yet while Legge distinctly says, "Confucius was not a perfect charac- ter," he also writes : "The more I have studied his character and opinions, the more highly have I come to regard him. He was a very great man, and his influence has been on the whole a great benefit to the Chinese, while his teachings sug- gest important lessons to ourselves who profess to belong to the school of Christ." 1 Very discriminating is the following paragraph from Soothill: "To the light he found, he was faithful; for the light he failed to see, he is to be pitied, not blamed ; but to say that his Virtue matches that of Heaven and Earth' is adulation to which only the purblind could give utterance. For his literary gifts to his nation, prosaic though they are, we may be grateful. For a life well lived, we may hold him in high honor. For the impress of man's duty to man on the mind of his race, we gladly praise him ; and that he has not taken 1 "The Chinese Classics," Vol. I, p. 111. 40 THE FOUNDERS OF CONFUCIANISM from them man's inherent belief in things eternal may give us a 'lively hope' for the future of the black-haired race." l (c) *Confucius as a Teacher. This was, and ever has been, his pre-eminent contribution to Far-Eastern life and history. At that early period to have had, even in tradition, as many as three thousand disciples, seventy-two of whom were scholars of extraordinary ability, is a tribute to un- usual success. The great secret of it lay in the fact that he was ever studying the past and his contemporaries. He says of himself: "I am not one who was born in the possession of knowledge ; I am one who is fond of antiquity, and earnest in seeking it there. . . . When I walk along with two others, they may serve me as my teachers. I will select their good qualities and follow them, their bad qualities and avoid them. If a man keeps cherishing his old knowledge so as to be continually acquiring new, he may be a teacher of others." 2 The earnestness and enthusiasm of this quest is beauti- fully set forth in his exultant "Eureka !" after he had sought for twenty days to enter into the very thought of a com- poser whose music he had been perfectly rendering on his instrument : "I have found it! I have found it! This morning when I awoke, I felt as if transformed; for all that I had been seeking in the past few days had been suddenly revealed to me. I seized my lute and at once understood and appreciated the meaning of every note I played. It was as if I stood in the presence of the great Wen Wang, that I looked into his large, lustrous eyes and that I heard the sound of his deep sonorous voice. My heart beat with rapture and was lifted up towards him in love and veneration, for now his very thought was mine." 3 As described by himself, the methods of Confucius in teaching were as follows : "As to my doctrines, they are very simple, being none other than 1 "Analects of Confucius," pp. 57, 58. a "Analects," Bk. VII, xix, xxi; Bk. II, xi. 3 Alexander, "Confucius the Great Teacher," p. 61. 41 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS those which were held by our unerring guides, Yao and Shun, and are such as all men ought to follow; and my mode of teaching is still simpler, for I but cite the example of the ancients, exhort my hearers to study the sacred books and impress upon them the necessity of pondering deeply upon all that they find in them." 1 Unlike Socrates, born less than ten years after the death of Confucius, his disciples usually questioned him instead of being examined searchingly by their master. There is little prolonged discourse found in his teachings, such as we find in the Sermon on the Mount. Yet, like Jesus, he is apt to call his disciples' attention to striking incidents as illus- trative of important truths, e.g., that a man-eating tiger is less terrible than oppressive government. He is dogmatic oftentimes, with no reasons annexed, and not infrequently his axioms are untrue to human experience. Like and un- like the inscription at the entrance of Plato's Academy, "Let him not enter who is ignorant of geometry," was Confucius' usage with his disciples: "From the man bringing his bundle of- dried flesh 2 for my teaching upwards, I have never refused instruction to anyone. ... I do not open up the truth to one who is not eager to get knowledge, nor help out anyone who is not anxious to explain himself. When I have presented one corner of a subject to anyone and he cannot from it learn the other three, I do not repeat my lesson." 3 The real power of this teacher of China was, in his own day, and has been ever since, the imitation of his personal peculiarities and his standing as a glorified object-lesson. (d) *The Posthumous Influence of Confucius Though appreciated by his disciples during his lifetime, his own generation cared little for Confucius. His preeminence was a cumulative growth and was not so strong in the cen- turies immediately succeeding his death as in the two- sub- sequent millenniums. Yet at his obsequies, Duke Ai, of his 1 Alexander, "Confucius the Great Teacher," p. 76. 2 The traditional stipend of a teacher was a gift of dried meat. 1 "Analects," Bk. VII, vii, viii. 42 THE FOUNDERS OF CONFUCIANISM natal state, bemoaned him, and later erected a temple in his honor where sacrifices were offered at the four seasons of the year. The founder of the Han dynasty, in 195 B.C., visited his tomb and sacrificed three victims in his honor. Other sovereigns showed him equal reverence, including the great K'ang Hsi of the dynasty just at an end, who knelt thrice before his tomb, laying his forehead in the dust be- fore the image of the Sage. Official titles began to be bestowed upon him in the first year of the Christian era, when he was styled "The Duke Ni, all-complete and illustrious." In 492 A.D. it was changed to "The venerable Ni, the accomplished Sage," to be followed in 1645 by "K'ung, the ancient Teacher, accomplished and illustrious, all-complete, the perfect Sage." Finally, "in 1908, when their mandate was already exhausted, the Man- chus foolishly elevated Confucius to the rank of a god, an honor which the old Sage himself would have been the very first to repudiate." * From A.D. 628 separate temples were assigned to Confu- cius, later, in connection with the great examination halls of the country, and in these, on the first day of every month, offerings of fruits and vegetables were set forth, and on the fifteenth there was a solemn burning of incense. At the im- perial college the Emperor himself was wont to bow his head to the earth and worship anticipations of the fuller deifica- tion of the Sage just mentioned. The masses of the people follow their rulers in this exalted opinion of Confucius. Until recently, schoolrooms had a tablet or inscription on the wall sacred to him, or to Wen Ch'ang, god of literature, and every pupil was required on coming to school in the morning of the first and fifteenth of every month to bow before it as an act of reverence. Dr. Legge said of the Chinese previous to the twentieth century : 1 Giles, "Confucianism and Its Rivals," p. 258. 43 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS "All in China who receive the slightest tincture of learning do so at the fountain of Confucius. . . . For two thousand years he has reigned supreme, the undisputed teacher of this most populous land. This position and influence of Confucius are to be ascribed, I conceive, chiefly to two causes: his being the preserver, namely, of the monu- ments of antiquity, and the exemplifier and expounder of the maxims of the golden age of China ; and the devotion to him of his immediate disciples and their immediate followers. The national and the personal are thus blended in him, each in its highest degree of excellence. He was a Chinese of the Chinese ; he is also represented as, and all now believe him to have been, the beau ideal of humanity in its best and noblest estate." 1 His latest Chinese eulogist wrote of him in 1911 : "We may say that Confucius was a great philosopher, a great edu- cator, a great statesman and a great musician ; but above all, that he was the founder of a great religion. ... In the 'Analects' Confucius by tacit implication compares himself with God, and in the Doctrine of the Mean Confucius is called 'the equal of God.' The Chinese worship him, not from any superstitious idea, but on the philosophical ground that 'the individual possessed of the most complete sincerity is regarded as divine,' and that 'when the sage is beyond our knowledge, he is what is called divine.' Although Confucius died about twenty- five centuries ago, the Chinese believe that his fundamental teachings will remain true forever. This is because, on the one hand, the teach- ings, based on the doctrine of the mean, never go to extremes; and on the other, being subject to the doctrine of changes, they easily adapt themselves to the environment. Confucius is called by Mencius 'The Sage of Times.' In fact, the teachings of Confucius are based on the nature of man, and as long as we are human beings, no matter in what age or in what region we may live, we can learn from him. Hence the Chinese believe that there has been no other man so great as Confucius." 2 3. * Mencius, 372-289 B. C This is the Latinized form of Meng Tzu ("Meng the Philosopher"), with the given name K'o, tabooed in ordinary use. What his Greek contemporary, Plato, was to Socrates, Mencius was to Confucius. Unlike the Athenian, however, he never enjoyed his Master's direct 1 "Chinese Classics," Vol. T. pp. 93, 94. 2 Chen, "The Economic Principles of Confucius and His School," Vol. I, pp. 13, 14. 44 THE FOUNDERS OF CONFUCIANISM tuition. Though Confucius had died more than a century before his birth, Mencius probably studied under disciples of K'ung Chi, grandson of the Sage and reputed author of the "Doctrine of the Mean." He was thus united by links of the highest order to his Master, and his own utterances show that he had imbibed his spirit. (a) *The Life of Mencius. Little is known concerning Mencius' ancestry. He belonged to one of the three power- ful Houses in the state of Lu whose usurpations were an offence in Confucius' time until their power was broken by Duke Ai, after which their influence soon vanished. His birthplace was in the same department of the present prov- ince of Shan-tung as claimed the Sage. While little is re- corded of his father, the mother of Mencius is perhaps the best known woman of ancient Chinese history. From his third year he enjoyed her careful training. Lines nine to twelve of the most widely used elementary book of the world, the "Three Character Classic," 1 specify only two sample acts of hers: "Of old, the mother of Mencius chose a neigh- borhood, and when her child would not learn she broke the shuttle from the loom." 2 Yet more important than this solicitude for his environment which the commentary de- scribes and the warning against a life ruined through care- less negligence, typified by the cut web, Was her prenatal care for him, which she described in order that others might be eugenically born, and the scrupulous regard for truth dis- played in her life with her son. It was she who saved him from a possible divorce from his wife by showing that he alone was responsible. Later, when his course in life was about to be chosen for her sake, she most unselfishly insisted that his future usefulness, and not her need, should dominate the decision. Rightly is she regarded as the model mother of China. 1 Also referred to as the Trimetrical Classic. 2 Giles, "San Tzu Ching," pp. 7, 8. 45 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS His early teachers we know little about, except the state- ment of Ssu-ma Ch'ien that he studied under the disciples of K'ung Chi. His own enigmatical statement he was born one hundred and eight years after the Sage's death "Al- though I could not be a disciple of Confucius myself, I have endeavored to cultivate my character and knowledge by means of others who were," 1 suggests that the main con- tribution of his instructors was that of the spirit of their Master rather than the letter of his teachings. One early authority states that Mencius was especially proficient in the "Canon of History" and the "Odes." During these forty years of obscurity he found time to master the classics and history of the time, and to become enamored with the great men of the past, among whom Confucius was easily first. Dr. Legge supposes that during the latter part of this period he assumed the office of a teacher, "not that of a schoolmaster in our acceptance of the word, but that of a professor of morals and learning, encouraging the resort of inquiring minds, in order to resolve their doubts and inform them on the true principles of virtue and society." In that capacity, he showed little respect to men who presumed on their high rank, or whose motives were unworthy. Mencius spent the greater part of his public life in Ch'i, in the northern part of the modern Shan-tung. Many of the conversations found in the seven books of "Mencius," espe- cially in Books I and II, were held with the sovereign and officers of this state. T'eng, Liang, or Wei, in Ho-nan, and Lu were other principalities at whose courts he spent less time; so that his political world was not more than three hundred miles in width and much narrower from north to south. It is true that Mencius was unduly compliant with the weaknesses and sins of men in official position; yet he seems to have been so in order to induce them to heed his major teachings, and he never hesitated to speak forth boldly 1 "Mencius," Book IV, Part II, xxii. 46 THE FOUNDERS OF CONFUCIANISM his exalted views of righteousness and duty a John Knox of his day. The last twenty years of his life, according to tradition, were spent in retirement, most probably in Lu. With his disciples around him, he discoursed frequently and edited his writings which were the seven books of "Mencius" sub- stantially as we now have them, with a few changes of titles of rulers, and with the introduction of his own name where appropriate. His private adult life is almost a blank, so far as records go, his own works being the only trustworthy source. Ap- parently his marriage was not without its bitterness. Pos- sibly one son was mentioned by him, but the clan at the present day is a large one. In the year 1566 one of the family was made a member of the Han Lin college and of the Board having in charge the Five Classics, an honor subsequently hereditary in the family. (b) *The Character of Mencius. Here again one has to rely upon his own writings to discern the man, other sources being almost valueless. Like Confucius, he was devoted to ideals as seen in history. Inspired by the great rulers of the past, he bore testimony against wrong and exalted the righteousness of the ancients. His fine idea of duty and of true greatness is thus set forth: "To dwell in the wide house of the world, to stand in the correct seat of the world, and to walk in the great path of the world ; when he obtains his desire for office, to practice his principles for the good of the people, and when that desire is disappointed, to practice them alone ; to be above the power of riches and honor to make dissipated, of poverty and mean condition to make swerve from principle, and of power and force to make bend these characteristics constitute the great man. . . . The great man is he who does not lose his child's heart" more literally, the "ruddy child's heart." l The casual reader might regard Mencius as greatly ego- 1 "Mencius," Book III, Part II, ii, 3; Book IV, Part II, xii. 47 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS tistic and obsessed with the idea of his own importance. A truer statement is that he had a sensitive self-respect com- bined with a high estimate of the honor due to his office and of the principles whose spokesman he had been constituted by Heaven. As such he deems himself as carrying on the work of Yii the Great, the Duke of Chou and Confucius, and he asserted that when sages rise again, they would not change his teachings. Instead of being dominated by selfishness, he was devoted to the people and to humanity. His doctrine of the natural uprightness of human nature gave him a respect for men that was unusual. Cheerfulness and courage were characteristic of him. More than once he was charged with inconsistency, but his defence was usually satisfactory to his critics. Though using the more personal name for God but once, in addition to twice in quotations, he believed in no wholly impersonal Heaven, the term which he commonly employed. Because of man's nature he may know Heaven, and it is his duty to do the right and leave the results to God. Heaven is the realized ideal after which man aspires. It was Heaven who determined his not finding acceptance with the ruler of Lu, and heavenly decrees were highly regarded at all times. (c) *Mencius as a Teacher. Instead of having three thousand disciples, as Confucius was reported to have had, a list of less than twenty-five is all that can be matched with his Master's multitude or with his seventy-two eminent fol- lowers. Only four of his own disciples were sufficiently dis- tinguished to merit a place in Confucian temples. While Mencius recognized the same main sources of au- thority as those relied upon by his predecessor, plus the opin- ions of Confucius himself, his reactions were independent. He refused to be bound by any canon. "It would be better to be without the 'Book of History' than to give entire credit to it. In the 'Completion of the War/ I select two or three passages only, which I believe." 1 1 "Mencius," Book VII, Part II, iii. 48 THE FOUNDERS OF CONFUCIANISM Mencius was far more Socratic in his method of teaching than his Master, and superior also in the wealth and aptness of his illustrations. Some well-known examples are impos- sible to forget. The absurdity of not putting an immediate end to wrong acts he thus pictured: "Here is a man who appropriates every day some of his neighbor's strayed fowls. Some one says to him, 'Such is not the way of a good man,' and he replies, 'With your leave I will diminish my appropria- tions and will take only one fowl a month until next year, when I will make an end of the practice/ J: The patience that is essential to the development of char- acter he thus effectively illustrated: "There was a man of Sung who was grieved that his growing corn was not longer and so he pulled it up. Having done this, he returned home looking very stupid and said to his people : 'I am tired to-day. I have been helping the corn to grow long.' His son ran to look at it and found the corn all withered. There are few in the world who do not deal with their passion nature, as if they were assisting the corn to grow long." l The objective of Mencius, as Dr. Legge describes it, was more specific than that of Confucius : "He wished to meet with some ruler who would look to him as 'guide, philosopher and friend,' regulating himself by his counsels and thereafter committing to him the entire administration of his govern- ment. . . . The wandering scholars of his own day went from court to court, sometimes with good intentions and sometimes with bad, pre- tended to this character, but Mencius held them in abhorrence. They disgraced the character and prostituted it, and he stood forth as its vindicator and true exemplifier. Never did Christian priest lift his mitred brow, or show his shaven crown, or wear his Geneva gown, more loftily in courts and palace than Mencius, the Teacher, demeaned himself." 2 Samuel Johnson, an important secondary specialist upon Confucianism, thus contrasts the two founders of the system in their teaching capacity : 1 "Mencius," Book III, Part II, viii; Book II, Part I, ii, 16. 2 "Chinese Classics," Vol. II, p. 52. 49 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS "Like Confucius, Mencius accepted all who came with a mind to learn, without inquiry into their past and was charged with paying too little regard to moral standing. More perhaps than Confucius he emphasized the germs of good in men, believing, like Plato, that no man willingly sins, and more intent, even while denouncing wrong, on laying better foundations in the mind and heart of his people, than on confuting the delusions of their teachers, or on overthrowing their vicious lords. 'However bad a man may be to look upon, yet if he purify himself with restraint of mind and outward cleanliness, he may sacrifice to the Supreme/ Of all teachers perhaps the most affirmative ; thoroughly alive to the reserves of moral power in peasant, sage, or king. His intensity of faith and motive-energy makes him carry out the qualities charactertistic of his Master in a more pronounced way. He is more jealous of his personal dignity than Confucius, more pro- testant in his humanity, more positive in his assertion of the right of revolution, more definite in his plans of reform. . . . Mencius had a genius for principles. The very transparency of his moral precepts these solutions of problems of duty, these swift cuts through knots of policy hides the wonderful intuitive force from which they spring. For his open eye the age and its wants were daylight." l (d) * Posterity's Estimate of Mencius. The claims of the disciples of Confucius, that he was above all the sages China had ever seen, so leavened public thought that from before the Christian era he has been one whom sovereign and people have delighted to honor. Mencius did not fare so well. It was eleven hundred years after his death before Han Yii, one of the three luminaries of the T'ang Dynasty, uttered the decisive word: "Confucius handed down the scheme of doctrine to Mencius, on whose death the line of transmission was interrupted." In the twelfth century this dictum was echoed strongly by Ch'en Chih-chai, who added that the two great teachers were associated together by all scholars. A little later, Chu Hsi settled the matter by com- menting on his works, thus making them canonical. Before this, however in 1083 Mencius had been officially styled "Duke of the Kingdom of Tsou," and a temple had been 1 "Oriental Religions China," pp. 644, 645. 50 THE FOUNDERS OF CONFUCIANISM built to him in Tsou on the site of his grave. In the following year it was enacted that he should have a place in Confucian temples next to the Sage's favorite disciple, Yen Hui. In 1330 his style was altered to read "Duke of the State of Tsou, Inferior Sage." This designation continued until 1372, when the founder of the Ming dynasty was so incensed by a saying of Mencius, in which "robber" and "enemy" were applied to certain rulers, that he ordered him to be displaced from Confucian temples, adding that anyone remonstrating should be dealt with as guilty of contempt of majesty. When the president of his Board of Punishments dared to protest, saying, "I will die for Mencius, and my death will be crowned with glory," the Emperor was so moved by his earnestness that he allowed him to go unpunished. The protest led to a reexamination of the writings of Mencius; and finding him to have been a valiant opposer of the heresies of his day, the sovereign restored the philosopher to his place in the tem- ples. Once more, in 1530, official pronouncement styled him "The Philosopher Meng, Inferior Sage," which is his present standing in China. Professor Giles translates Ya Sheng as "Second Inspired One," instead of "Inferior Sage." China's scholars have appreciated Mencius very fully. Thus Ch'eng Hao, who was regarded as second to Mencius, said of him: "The merit of Mencius in regard to the doctrine of the sages is more than can be told. Confucius only spoke of benevolence, but as soon as Mencius opened his mouth, we hear of benevolence and right- eousness. Confucius spoke only of the will or mind, but Mencius enlarged also on the nourishment of the passion nature. . . . Mencius had a certain amount of the heroical spirit, and to that there always belong some jutting corners, the effect of which is very injurious." As time went on, Mencius became increasingly popular, and in these latter days he is more so than ever. His exalta- tion of the people in the oft-quoted passage, "The people are the most important element in a nation; the spirits of the 51 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS land are the next; the sovereign is the lightest," and his implied denial of the "divine right of kings," made him the canonical saint of the recent Revolution, whose leaders looked to him as a sort of primitive republican. A final estimate worth entry is that of his chief trans- lator, Dr. Legge, who, after noting the common reference of Confucianism's two philosophers to the teachings of the sages who preceded them, adds these words : "But while we are not to look to Mencius for new truths, the pecu- liarities of his natural character were more striking than those of his Master. There was an element of 'the heroical' about him. He was a dialectician, moreover. If he did not like disputing, as he protested that he did not, when forced to it, he showed himself a master of the art. An ingenuity and subtlety which we cannot but enjoy often mark his reasonings. We have more sympathy with him than with Con- fucius. He comes closer to us. He is not so awe-ful, but he is more admirable. The doctrines of the sages take a tinge from his mind in passing through it, and it is with the Mencian character about them that they are now held by the cultivated classes and by readers gen- erally." i IV. CONFUCIAN LITERATURE Formerly, in China, the nine Canonical Books of Confu- cianism were thoroughly mastered by every candidate for literary degrees. Though the reaction against the ancient learning has for a time made these works less important, they are, nevertheless, of value for those who hope to influ- ence Confucianists. This reaction should be resisted both for the sake of Far-Eastern students of their own Confucian Classics, and because it is easy for young missionaries to belittle and ignore this most valuable literature of the Orient. Dr. Henry M. Woods, a specialist in the redaction of this literature, puts the case in a paragraph: "No argument ought to be needed to show the great importance of the study of the Chinese Classics at the present time. It is a superficial 1 "Chinese Classics," Vol. II, p. 43. 52 CONFUCIAN LITERATURE view to suppose that the day of the Classics is past. When the cast of countenance and the mental traits of the Sons of Han change, the Classics will pass away and no sooner. A glance at K'ang Hsi's standard dictionary will show that the Classics determine the correct usage of the language. References to them fill the newspapers and the literature of the land. They may be called the treasure-house of Chinese learning and moral instruction, the guide of the individual, the family and the government. They furnish the ideals which have shaped the life of the nation for three thousand years, and which are to-day the standard of judgment from which there is no appeal. So that if the student wishes to gain the view-point of the Chinese mind and to trace those intellectual and moral forces which have made this country what it has been through the centuries, he must have some familiarity with these venerable writings." 1 1. *"The Five Classics" (Wu Ching). Chronologically these come before the "Four Books/' though the latter al- ways received prior attention among schoolboys of the Orient and have been the only canonical literature studied by the majority of missionaries. They constitute the Old Testa- ment of the Confucian Canon, so to speak. Yet it should be borne in mind that China's classical works do not claim to be inspired, or to contain what we should call a revelation. "Historians, poets and others wrote as they were moved in their own minds. An old poem may occasionally contain what it says was spoken by God, but we can only understand that language as calling attention emphatically to the statements to which it is prefixed. We also read of Heaven's raising up the great ancient sovereigns and teachers and variously assisting them to accomplish their undertakings ; but all this need not be more than what a religious man of any country might affirm at the present day of direction, help and guidance given to himself and others from above. But while the old Chinese books do not profess to contain any divine revelation, the references in them to religious views and practices are numerous ; and it is from these that the student has to fashion for himself an outline of the early religion of the people." 2 The autho'rship of these books, popularly supposed to be 1 "Wu Ching Chieh I Shih Chin," Introduction. * "Sacred Books of the East," Vol. Ill, p. xv. 53 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS the work of Confucius, is uncertain, though the "Spring and Autumn Annals" is mainly his own, and he may have written portions uf other books. It is probably true that these selec- tions from the more voluminous literature existing in his day were authorized and handed down by him, in some cases edited also. The "Record of Rites" is for the most part the product of a later time. It may be added that criticism of the Occidental type has not been as yet greatly busy with the Classics, and hence in what follows only commonly ac- cepted views are presented, based partly, however, on Sung Dynasty criticism. (a) *" Canon of History" (Shu Ching). This was known as the "Shu" the "Writings" or "Book" par excellence- until two centuries before Christ, when it had "Ching," or "Canon" added. It is probably the most ancient of the Chi- nese classical books. It contains in an apparently mutilated condition a collection of historical memorials extending over some seventeen centuries, from B.C. 2357 to 627. In the Chou Dynasty, at latest, China had officials known as "re- corders," "annalists," "historiographers," and "clerks," whose business it was to preserve important facts in the dynastic history. That they did their work conscientiously one may believe from the statement of Confucius, that even in his day a historiographer would leave a blank in his text rather Dr. Legge explains than add anything of which he had insufficient evidence. Though the earliest chapters were not contemporaneous with the events narrated, yet from the eighteenth Legge says the twenty-second century B.C. they may be regarded as such, and also as being more worthy of credence than the annals of most na- tions of antiquity. Yet it should be said that some scholars e.g., Dr. E. Faber see in the "Shu Ching" an apparent tendency to include material adapted to support positions taken by Confucius proof-texts purposely selected, so to speak. In form it is almost wholly a collection of speeches 54 CONFUCIAN LITERATURE attributed to various emperors, or of dialogues between them and their ministers. Of the five parts of the Classic, the first two are called by Professor Hirth the Confucian legends, and Professor Grube with some reason may call this section a "poetical production." They narrate the events of the reigns of the idealized emperors, Yao, Shun and Yii. Here one gets the first account of Chinese religion; here God and minor deities are in the foreground; here is China's Golden Age. Part III chronicles the transition to genuine history with the de- cadence from the doctrines and example of the Great Yii which culminated in the lust and universal wickedness of that monster, Chieh Kuei, with whom the dynasty came to an end. Part IV begins with the speech of T'ang the Com- pleter, or the Successful, who in 1766 almost exactly as long before the Christian era as the American Revolution was after that date rose against the infamous Chieh and established the Shang dynasty. Its brilliant morning was followed by the darkening shadows and black night which preceded the dawning of the Chou dynasty. Its famous founders are eulogized in Part V, which constitutes the last half of the "Shu Ching." One of the sections of Part V- Book VI, "The Metal-bound Coffer" is perhaps the most touching and instructive portion of the entire Confucian Classics. (b) *"The Canon of Poetry" (Shih Ching). Professor Hirth asserts that this is the oldest of the Classics, a position not generally held. Its earliest poems are ascribed to the Shang dynasty, and are all sacrificial odes the last five in the collection. Confucius is the traditional collector, or rather selector, of the three hundred and five poems chosen from three thousand or more. Unfortunately for its repu- tation in the Occident, where it is chiefly known through the religious odes of Part IV, and through selections of the same sort taken from preceding Parts, this Canon seems 55 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS only to ring the changes on the departed dead and on their worship. Parts I to III should be read in order to get a con- ception of its real worth as literature and as a picture of China's early life. Confucius held this Classic in high estimation. It was one of the Master's frequent themes of discourse. "It is by the Odes," he asserted, "that the mind is aroused." "If you do not learn the Odes," he sharply informed his son Po-yii, "you will not be fit to converse with." His philosophy of poetry is thus set forth. Quoting from the Sage-Emperor Shun in substance, he is made to say by way of supplement in an early Preface to the "Shih Ching" : "Poetry is the product of earnest thought. Thought cherished in the mind becomes earnest ; then expressed in words, it becomes poetry. The feelings move inwardly and are embodied in words. When words are insufficient for them, recourse is had to sighs and exclamations. When sighs and exclamations are insufficient for them, recourse is had to the prolonged utterance of song. When this again is insufficient, the hands begin to move and the feet to dance. ... To set forth cor- rectly the successes and failures (of government), to affect Heaven and Earth and to move spiritual beings, there is no readier instrument than poetry." l The above passage may not be genuine, but in the "Ana- lects" he says: "My children, why do you not study the 'Book of Poetry'? The 'Odes' . . . may be used for purposes of self-contemplation. They teach the art of sociability. They show how to regulate feelings of resentment. From them we learn the more immediate duty of serving one's father and the remoter one of serving one's prince. . . . The Master said to Po-yii: 'Do you give yourself to the Chou-nan and the Chao-nan. The man who has not studied the Chou-nan and the Chao-nan is like one who stands with his face right against a wall.' " 2 This statement raises almost the only question relating to the purity of the Chinese Classics. The odes commended 1 "Sacred Books of the East," Vol. Ill, p. 276. 2 "Analects," Book XVII, ix. 56 CONFUCIAN LITERATURE are those belonging to Part I, Books I and II, consisting of twenty-five poems, eighteen of which have to do with jeal- ousy, marriage, the desire to be married, etc. It is the poems of Book VII of Part I which contain references that are as indelicate, from an Occidental viewpoint, as those of the Song of Songs. Inasmuch as the historian Ssu-ma Ch'ien is popularly regarded as correct in asserting that "Confu- cius selected those pieces which would be serviceable for the illustration of propriety and righteousness," and as the Sage himself said, "In the 'Book of Poetry' are three hundred pieces, but the design of them all may be embraced in one sentence, 'Have no depraved thoughts/ " l how may the in- clusion of these questionable poems be explained? Confu- cius himself protested against this section of the "Odes" in the words, "Banish the songs of Cheng; . . . the songs of Cheng are licentious." Their defense might, of course, be that one may be taught by the evils of history and of society to avoid impurity and wrong, and that such material may well be included in a work picturing the life of a nation. (c) "The Canon of Changes" (I Ching). This treatise is on the face of it a book of divination and a prime con- tributor to the "science" of geomancy, so greatly harmful to China's life. It is an explanation of sixty-four hexagrams made of all possible combinations of horizontally arranged whole and half lines. The unbroken line is male and the divided one female. Superficially, and in particular for the Occidental reader of translations, it is the most inane pro- duction imaginable. It is traditionally ascribed to King Wen when in prison previous to activities leading to the foundation of the Chou dynasty. His son, the Duke of Chou, added a commentary, and Confucius is dubiously credited with a second commentary having especial reference to the moral teachings of these hexagrams. This work is less known than any of the "Five Classics" 1 "Analects," Book II, ii. 57 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS by missionaries. Yet the portion ascribed to Confucius ought to be read in translation at least. If McClatchie's transla- tion, "Yih King/' is available, the reader will find a wealth of the religious ideas of the ancient Chinese set forth in the introduction and appendix, redeeming the task from the charge of utter uselessness for a foreigner. It should also be remembered that Confucius was so devoted to it that tradition reports his wearing out three sets of leather thongs binding his edition together, while in the "Analects" we read: "The Master said, 'If some years were added to my life, I would give fifty to the study of the I [Ching], and then I might come to be without great faults.' ' It need only be added that the statement that it is the oldest of the Classics is wholly untrue, for it dates back only to the beginning of the Chou dynasty. The eight trigrams, by combining pairs of which the sixty-four hexagrams were produced, are un- doubtedly far more ancient; and De Lacouperie even insists that its diagrams are borrowed from an ancient Accadian syllabary. (d) "The Record of Rites" (Li Chi) . Prof essor Hirth says of this Classic: "It is a collection of rules describing to the minutest detail the ceremonial to be observed by the Chinese gentleman on all the occa- sions of daily life. These rules, which may be called the very soul of Chinese society, probably existed long before Confucius. The 'Li-ki' corresponds in spirit to the 'Chou-li,' which to us is of much greater importance as a record of historical value, though it is not now included among the canonical books of prime importance. The 'Li-ki* may be called the ceremonial code of the private man, whereas the 'Chou-li' is devoted to public life and the institutions of government." 1 Alexander Wylie, the eminent Sinologue, gives an inter- esting account of the evolution of books of ritual, of which the "Li Chi" is the last and imperially accepted product. 2 The true objective of the work is found in its opening 1 Hirth, "The Ancient History of China," pp. 252, 253. 2 "Notes on Chinese Literature," pp. 4-6 (1902 edition). 58 CONFUCIAN LITERATURE sentence: ''The Summary of the Rules of Propriety says, Always and in everything let there be reverence; with the deportment grave as when one is thinking deeply, and with the speech composed and definite/' This suggestion bears out the pictograph for "li," which is composed of a character signifying "spiritual beings," or "divine," and of one which indicates a vessel used in performing rites. The "Shuo Wen," the oldest dictionary in common use, defines "li" as "a step or act; that whereby we may serve spiritual beings and obtain happiness." These ideas are fundamental in the understanding of the Classic. Legge's statement that "more may be learned about the religion of the ancient Chinese from this Classic than from all the others together," is justi- fied by the fact that it deals with ancestor worship as well as with the spirit of Chinese ceremonialism. A value more rarely realized is that the Classic is quite largely made up of the words of Confucius, which contribute toward a fuller understanding of his character and incidentally prove its post-Confucian origin. (e) "Spring and Autumn Annals" (Ch'un Ch'iu). The Chinese title reads literally "Spring Autumn," words which are, variously explained, most commonly on the "praise- blame" theory of the "Trimetrical Classic," "These Annals contain praise and blame and distinguish the good from the bad." This would accord with the statement of Mencius that "Confucius completed the 'Spring and Autumn Annals/ and rebellious ministers and bad sons stood aghast/ Hence it came to be said that 'one word of such praise was more honorable than an embroidered robe, and one word of such censure sharper than an ax." * Anyone who reads a few pages of the work will be sure that the constant recurrence of seasons of the year, with Spring and Autumn as parts of the whole, is the real reason for the name. The Classic might more truly be called "Annals of the State of Lu," and 1 Giles, "San Tzu Ching," p. 75. 59 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS it is with the history of the Sage's natal land that it has solely to do, from 722 to 484 B.C. Its authorship is not only attributed to Confucius as the only work wholly his, but he is reported as saying: "Yes, it is the 'Spring and Autumn' which will make men know me, and it is the 'Spring and Autumn' which will make men condemn me." * No modern student would regard the author of the "Annals" as a readable historian, or would rank him as an annalist with any creditable compiler of chronological tables. Legge even declares that Confucius had no reverence for truth in history, that he shrank from looking truth in the face, and that he had more sympathy with power than with weakness and would overlook wickedness and oppression in authority rather than resentment and revenge in men who were suffer- ing from their oppression. "He could conceive of nothing so worthy of condemnation as to be insubordinate. Hence he was frequently partial in his judgments on what happened to rulers and unjust in his estimate of the conduct of their subjects. In this respect he was inferior to Mencius, his disciple." 2 Even the contemporaries of Confucius seemed to- fear that the "Ch'un Ch'iu" was doomed to early oblivion. Hence three commentators hastened to the rescue. The best of these commentaries was written by Tso-ch'iu Ming, known in China as the "Father of Prose," and possibly a disciple of Confucius. He aimed apparently to accomplish two things, to explain the condensed annals and to give a general view of China during that part of the Chou period covered by his text. He succeeded in clothing the repellant skeleton of Confucius with flesh and made the annals live. Their his- toric accuracy is somewhat in question. 2. *"The Four Books" (Ssu Shu). The Chinese name is an abbreviation of "Ssu Tzu Chih Shu" ("Four Philosophers' 1 "Mencius," Book III, Part II, viii. '"Chinese Classics," Vol. V, Part 1, pp. SO, 51. 60 CONFUCIAN LITERATURE Books"), as will appear later. Unlike the "Five Classics," they owe little or nothing to the hand of Confucius. Yet they are far more dominant in the life and thought of to-day than the ancient Classics. This is true particularly of the "Analects," as the mirror of the Sage, and of "Mencius," as a book for the times. If a missionary has no leisure to study the "Five Classics," he ought to read one or more of the "Four Books," at least in translation. (a) *"The Great Learning" (TaHsueh). The foremost Confucian commentator, Chu Hsi, would have the title trans- lated "Learning for Adults," and Ku Hung-ming calls it "Higher Education." It is the book of the philosopher, Tseng Ts'an (Shen), one of the most famous disciples of Confucius, according to the "Trimetrical Classic." but that is doubtful. Legge ascribes it to K'ung Chi, grandson of Confucius. Originally it was a part of the "Record of Rites," l but it was transferred to its present independent place by Chu Hsi. It is made up, according to him, of the so-called text of Confucius, about a tenth of the book, and of the philosopher Tseng's commentary upon this text. In all, it constitutes about three per cent, of the "Four Books." Its object is "to illustrate illustrious virtue, to renovate the people, and to rest in the highest excellence." Occidentals would prefer an earlier reading than Chu Hsi's, and trans- late as the second object "to love the people." It is a tractate upon self -culture based upon knowledge and is intended to produce virtue in the individual, the family and the state. Its educational theory is practically what the recent Congress of British Universities proclaimed as the aim of education that it is not the mere imparting of knowledge, but the for- mation of character, the making of men. 2 In Tseng's Com- mentary, X, 2, one finds the fullest negative amplification of the so-called Silver Rule of Confucius ; though he says of 1 Book XXXIX in Vol. XXVIII of "Sacred Books of the East." a Soothill, "Three Religions of China," p. 236. 61 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS it, "This is what is called 'the principle with which, as with a measuring-square, to regulate one's conduct/ ' (b) *"The Doctrine of the Mean" (Chung Yung). It may be asserted somewhat positively that the philosopher of this book is the grandson of Confucius, K'ung Chi. "It gives the best account we have of the Confucian philosophy and morals," says Dr. Legge; and Alexander Wylie deems it the most philosophical of the "Four Books." The author, who is more commonly called Tzu Ssu, gives the substance of the entire treatise in Chapter I, and sums it all up in the final chapter. As in the "Analects/' the Golden Rule is here put negatively ; l yet the reader who will turn to Chapter XIII, 3, 4, will find that in commenting on it, Confucius reviews his own relation to the Rule as if it read, "What you like when done to yourself, do to others," instead of in the negative form in which it appears. Note that in this comment he refers to four of the "five relations" of Confucianism. Chapters XXX, XXXI contain K'ung Chi's eulogium of his grandfather, the highest point reached in canonical laudation of the Sage. Like the "Ta Hsiieh," this work was originally part of the "Li Chi." 2 (c) *"The Analects (Lun Yu). These "Discourses-Con- versations," or "Digested Conversations," were, according to questionable tradition, collected by the disciples of Con- fucius assembled for the purpose after his death. This pre- cludes any one author from claiming the book. Its philos- opher is Confucius himself, the central figure. No other Oriental sage has been so minutely described in factual terms as he has been in these pages. Book XIX is, however, wholly devoted to the sayings of his disciples, while sections of Books VIII and XI have to do with others than the Master. The conversations reported are often disconnected, occa- sionally repetitious, and without any progress of thought 1 Hence the Confucian statement is often termed the Silver Rule. a In the translation of the Li Chi in "The Sacred Books of the East" (Vol. XXVJII), it is Book XXVIII. 62 CONFUCIAN LITERATURE from book to book. In chapters having a common subject, the remarks seem thrown together loosely. Yet they shed light and luster upon Confucius from many points of view. In two Books especially they describe him most minutely. Book VII pictures the Master himself, recording how the Sage by his modesty instructed others and affording a de- scription of his appearance and manner. Book X, on the other hand, displays him in the daily life which he largely lived in public. "It is valuable for the detail it presents of the habits and customs not only of Confucius, but of the period in which he lived. Even an 'inspired man' must eat, drink, sleep and wear clothes, and this Book pictures for us the man perhaps more faithfully than any other. Pos- sibly his ceremoniousness is exaggerated by the affectionate admiration of the compiler; but the Sage, both by nature and training, was un- doubtedly precise and punctilious." 1 Other features of the Classic are two enunciations of the Golden Rule in negative form, 2 in the latter case as an am- plification of the word "shu," "reciprocity," which the Mas- ter gave his disciples as "the one word which may serve as a rule of practice for all one's life," and also discussions of the five virtues benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wis- dom and good faith. (d) *"Mencius" (Meng Tzu). This is by far the longest of the "Four Books," about three-fifths of the whole. Its philosopher is the man whose name it bears, and probably it appears even now substantially as it was written by him. Like the "Analects," it consists mainly of conversations in great part with princes and kings. For the average Occi- dental reader, this is the most rewarding of all the Classics of the Far East. By the Chinese of the present regime it is regarded as more helpful from an economic and political viewpoint than any other of the Nine Classics, being the production of a true republican. A missionary who trans- 1 Soothill, "Analects of Confucius," p. 462. * Book V, xi, and Book XV, xxiii. 63 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS lated into English Dr. Faber's standard volume on Mencius, the Rev. Arthur B. Hutchinson, thus characterizes the Classic : "Whilst neither statesman nor philosophers will find the system of Mencius perfect either as to its political economy or its moral teach- ings, the one will respect that economy as having proved practical in its working for nearly three thousand years, whilst the other will con- fess that it contains more morality than others besides the Chinese have ever been able fully to grasp or completely to carry out. In his researches into human nature, Mencius will be found to have antici- pated many of the results of modern psychological study." l From another point of view Dr. Faber declared that Men- cius is better suited than any other Chinese author to serve as a foundation for an explanation of the doctrine of the Gospel in harmony with the mind of China. Nowhere else in English does one get so complete a view of the Mencian philosophy as is found in Faber's "Mind of Mencius." A close and complete analysis, with five hundred and sixteen details, gives the philosopher's teachings on all phases of ethics. To read merely the twenty-five pages of analytical statement awakens an admiration which a study of the two hundred and seventy-two pages of citations and comment only increases. The sections discussing "The Heart/' "The Relation of Heaven to Man," "The Four Car- dinal Virtues," "The Holy or Ideal Man," "The Ethico-social Relations," "National Education," "The National Defences," and particularly those relating to "War" and "Home Poli- tics," are interesting and important. It has been the attitude of Mencius toward the heresies of his time that has attracted most attention to his writings, especially among orthodox Confucianists, whose dread of heterodoxy has been extreme in the past. The. heresiarchs who particularly roused his ire, Mencius thus describes : "The words of Yang Chu and Mo Ti fill the country. If you listen 1 Faber, "Mind of Mencius." p. vi. 64 LATER STAGES OF CONFUCIANISM to people's discourses throughout it, you will see that they have adopted the views either of Yang or of Mo. Now Yang's principle is, 'Each one for himself,' which does not acknowledge the claims of the sov- ereign. Mo's principle is, To love all equally/ which does not acknowl- edge the peculiar affection due to a father. But to acknowledge neither king nor father is to be in the state of a beast. ... If the principles of Yang and Mo be not stopped and the principles of Confucius not set forth, then those perverse speakings will delude the people and stop up the path of benevolence and righteousness. When benevolence and righteousness are stopped up, beasts will be led on to devour men, and men will devour one another." l Of more universal interest is the philosopher's doctrine of human nature, the antipodes of Calvinism's doctrine of orig- inal sin: "The tendency of man's nature to good is like the tendency of water to flow downwards. There are none but have this tendency to good, just as all water flows downwards. By striking water and causing it to leap up, you may make it go over your forehead, and by damming and leading it you may force it up a hill; but are such movements according to the nature of water ? It is the force applied which causes them. When men are made to do what is not good, their nature is dealt with in this way." 2 So important is this teaching regarded in Confucian edu- cation that the first six lines of the "Trimetrical Classic" postulate it simply, but unequivocally: "Men at their birth are naturally good. Their natures are much the same; their habits become widely different. If foolishly there is no teaching, the nature will deteriorate." 3 Education thus becomes as essential as in Plato's view. V. LATER STAGES OF CONFUCIANISM It is fatal to a correct conception of Confucianism to re- gard it as having ceased to develop after the final collection 1 "Mencius," Book III, Part II, ix, 9. 2 "Mencius," Book VI, Part I, ii, 2, 3. 'Giles, "San Tzu Ching," pp. 2-4. 65 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS of its canonical works, and still less to regard the word of Confucius as the last one of authority. Hence, three impor- tant items in its evolution are noted here ; others will be found in Part II, Section II. 1. Chu Hsi, or Chucius. Chu Hsi is the most eminent of all Confucian commentators. It is his interpretation of the Classics which, more than any other influence, has given Confucianism the reputation of being wholly materialistic or practically atheistic. Consequently this writer should be known, at least in outline. Born in the home of an official in China's southeastern province of Fu-kien, his life was bounded by the years 1130 and 1200. Singularly able as a scholar, he won his third degree, our Ph.D., at the early age of nineteen. Becoming an official at twenty-one, he reformed the administration and improved the condition of the people. It was at this time that he was suspected of strong Buddhist leanings in fact, was charged with having been a Buddhist priest. Under the guidance of the philosopher Li T'ung, he saw his error and gave himself up wholly to the study of orthodox doctrines. Appointed to a sinecure in Hu-nan province, where he had abundant leisure, he gave himself to study until summoned to the Imperial Court in 1163. He returned soon to com- parative retirement until 1178, when he was forced to accept a governorship in the province of Kiang-si. Here again his administration was most successful. At this time he built for himself the retreat called the White Deer Grotto on the hills near Po-yang lake, to which ambitious scholars of later centuries resorted, and to which even to-day missionaries at the Ku-ling sanitarium make pilgrimages each summer. In 1190, when a governor in his natal province, he had to meet a series of attacks in which he was accused of sedition, of magic, or breaches of filial piety and of seducing nuns. In time he was deprived of all honors and of official employ- ment, but, three years afterward, was reinstated. Being too 66 LATER STAGES OF CONFUCIANISM old and infirm to reenter office, he retired, accompanied by his faithful disciple, Ts'ai Ch'en, also a celebrated scholar. It is as an author and commentator that Chu Hsi is most famous. His revision of what is still the standard history of China, and especially his commentaries and editions of the Classics, made him the most influential literary man of the Empire. With supreme courage he made interpretations either wholly or partly at variance with those that had been put forth by the scholars of the Han dynasty and had hitherto been received as infallible. Thus, to a certain extent, he modified the prevailing standards of political and social morality. "His principle was simply one of consistency. He refused to interpret words in a given passage in one sense and the same words occurring elsewhere in another sense." 1 He thus gained a standing second only to that. of the two founders of Confucianism. 2. ^Imperial Confucianism. At the dawn of authentic history, we find the Emperor Shun sacrificing specially, but with the ordinary forms, to God, to the six Honored Ones, 2 to the hills and rivers, and extending his worship to the host of spirits. Since this same cult of God and spirits has been carried on under state auspices for four millenniums, it will hardly be true to facts to speak of a development of this type of worship, but the cultus has received occasional accre- tions in the way of prayers and of variations of ceremony. Strictly speaking, there is but one person who can perform the highest rites ; he is the emperor, the Son of Heaven. He has been called China's high priest; but there is, in reality, no other, so that the emperor was the priest of the entire empire, so long as it existed. His highest function was to offer various sacrifices and to read prescribed prayers at the winter solstice in December at the Round Eminence, as the circular triple-terraced marble altar in the southern section 1 Giles, "A Chinese Biographical Dictionary," pp. 174-176. 2 These are, perhaps, the Seasons, Cold and Heat, the Sun, the Moon, the Stars and Drought. 67 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS of Peking is called. Among all the world's altar stairs, none are dedicated to a nature worship so imposing as these, where under the stars and lighted by torches the Emperor was wont to kneel before the tablet of Heaven and those of his imperial ancestors in performance of a ritual made sacred by the reiteration of multitudes of successive occupants of the Dragon Throne. Gifts of jade, silk, broth, incense, and even of burnt sacrifices, remotely suggest ancient Jewish offerings, but the accompanying prayers are widely different. On lower terraces of this incomparable altar are tablets to the spirits of the sun, the moon, the Great Bear, the planets and constellations with their starry host, as well as to those of the winds, the clouds, the rain and the thunder a nature worship as varied and unspiritual as that of the darkest period of Israel's religious decadence. On other stated occa- sions the Emperor usually delegated his priestly duties to high officials ; though in time of calamity and national need, the Son of Heaven as ruler of men confessed his short- comings and besought heavenly aid. Thousands of mission- aries have found in him an apperceptive approach to the people when they would tell them of our Great High Priest who bore the sins of men and who linked them to the Most High God. 3. * Confucianism Since the Recent Revolution. This can- not readily be described, since it is that part of Confucian- ism's development which is being seen daily. When, on Oc- tober 9, 1911, the bomb exploded in Hankow that made the Imperial House fall into ruins, the Son of Heaven virtually ceased to exist, and his place was taken on January 1, 1912, by Dr. Sun, quickly followed by Yuan Shih-k'ai. It was per- mitted the deposed sovereign to perform the religious cere- monies at the imperial ancestral temples and tombs prac- tically only an ancestor worship. In March, 1914, President Yuan reestablished the old religious rites in strange disagree- ment with the official request sent out by him to all Protestant 68 LEADING INFLUENCES OF CONFUCIANISM and Catholic churches of the Republic, on April 27 of the previous year, calling for prayer for the national government in all its varied needs. On December 23, 1914, the President, as direct successor of the Emperor, performed the state worship at the Altar of Heaven, using the regalia of the Chou dynasty and following the old rites, except that there was no burning of a whole bullock. The kowtow was dis- pensed with also, the President merely bowing to the altar, instead of prostrating himself. He offered with appropriate ritual a blue paper inscribed with prayers written in ver- milion, a tray containing blood and the hair of a bullock, silk, soup, wine, grain and jade, all of which except the last were then burned in the great brazier adjoining the altar. If this looks ominous for the nation, the official permission given Christians to preach freely, standing on the platform of the temple of Heaven, and the proviso by reason of which the common citizen is free to worship in his own family, so as to secure uniformity, are favorable signs. Even more so is the later discussion in Parliament and throughout the Republic in 1917, as to whether the constitution should de- clare that Confucianism is the state religion. VI. LEADING INFLUENCES OF CONFUCIANISM Whether the missionary candidate reads any transla- tions of Confucian literature or not, it is highly desirable that through general discussions of the system he should have well in mind some of its leading features. Four of these aspects are mentioned below. 1. ^Confucianism an Ethical System. While religion is not lacking in a true sense, the dominating feature of Con- fucianism is that of an ethical system, perhaps first among ethical religions, and second only to Christian ethics. A few central teachings of the system have to do with the "Five Relations" and the "Five^Constaats."^Others will 69 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS be found in Part II, Section V. The "Five Relations" have to do with the relationships of society. They are not uniformly stated, but usually they are the relations that should exist between prince and minister, husband and wife, father and son, elder and younger brothers, and between friends. Summarized, with the order changed and with slight explanations, they are thus given in the "Three Char- acter Classic": "Affection between father and son; harmony between husband and wife; friendliness on the part of the elder brother; respectfulness on the part of the younger brother; precedence between elders and youngers, as be- tween friend and friend ; respect on the part of the sovereign ; loyalty on the part of the subject: these ten obligations are common to all men." 1 They are thus wholly human, with no recognized relation between man and God expressed therein. The "Five Constants" are those virtues which Confucianism regards as ever existing. The list varies, but the commonest one reads "benevolence, righteousness, pro- priety, knowledge and good faith." These English equiva- lents by no means express the full connotation of the Chinese characters employed; yet they suggest what is commonly in the mind of Confucianists when they use the ideographs thus rendered. In Japan the first of these, "benevolence," "humanity," or whatever one believes is the most accurate translation of the Chinese character jen, is deemed the most central and important. Dr. Faber favors an earlier classification, with only three leading virtues, knowledge, benevolence or humanity, and valor, as subdivisions of the central one of te, virtue. 2 2. * Confucianism a Social Force. This is a hardly less conspicuous characteristic of the system than the foregoing. Confucianism has dominated the social life of China from a remote period, and even under the new order such dominance is a strong feature of Confucianism. The family life of 1 Giles, "San Tzu Ching," pp. 45-49. 2 "Systematical Digest of the Doctrines of Confucius," pp. -44-iy. 70 LEADING INFLUENCES OF CONFUCIANISM China is especially worthy of attention. Many of the most difficult practical problems which the missionary has to meet arise from the necessity of a transition from the old close social unit of the family to a modern, Christian individual- ism. It will be helpful to agree that the West has over-em- phasized individualism and the East the community, and that the ultimate social unit recognizes each. The writings of Mencius are important in estimating the social values of Confucianism, no less than sections of the "Record of Rites/' In Japan the social bonds which so firmly united the daimio and his retainers of the feudal regime, and which survive in a moribund Bushido, with its wholesouled but exagger- ated spirit of loyalty, are due largely to Confucianism. 3. * Confucianism a Factor in Political Life. Confucius himself gave a large share of his time to the instruction of those who were to aid the rulers of his day, and often advised the rulers themselves. Mencius in some respects was even more active in such work. Confucianism is, therefore, and has always been, an active influence in politics which has affected the entire governmental system. It was Confucian- ism's teachings as embodied in the Canon that formed the basis of the examination system in China, abolished, Septem- ber 2, 1905. Confucianism, which awarded the degree, was essential for holding civil office. Since the abolition of this practice, Confucian literature has steadily lost its earlier importance in China. It hardly needs saying that neither Korea nor Japan has felt the Confucian influence in politics for many years. 4. * Confucianism a Leavening Force. Two neighboring countries, Korea and Japan, accepted this faith at different periods, and it soon became a dominant element in the re- ligion and life of those lands. Variations naturally sprang up, which are worthy of note. They constitute the exotic elements of the system to-day. (a) ^Korean Confucianism. This is more nearly like the 71 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS Confucianism of China than is that of Japan. In its tradi- tional origin, it was jDre-Confucian. The story runs that Korea's first great civilizer, Chi Tzu (Korean Ki-ja), was one of the noble counsellors who tried to reform the last emperor of the Shang dynasty. When that tyrant had been overcome, about 1122 B.C., by King Wu, the founder of the Chou dynasty, Chi Tzu was so loyal to his vanquished lord that he asked and received permission to migrate with five thousand followers to what is now northern Korea. He communicated to King Wu an important section of the "Canon of History," known as "The Great Plan," x and is said to have taken with him to his new Korean home the aphorisms and principles which later made up the Confu- cian "Canon of History" and "Canon of Poetry." 2 Passing over this more or less uncertain history, the Confucian schol- ars who took refuge in Korea at the founding of the Han dynasty, about 200 B.C., must have carried their doctrines with them. In our fourth century, the Confucian Classics constituted the basic culture of the country. Not until the last dynasty was founded, in 1392, exactly a century before Columbus discovered America, was Confucianism made the state religion and its Classics the basis of appointment to office. To-day, under Japanese rule, the Korean gentleman of the old style is the surviving orthodox remnant of Con- fucianism, though Dr. Hulbert may be correct in saying even of him as one of the national mass : "As a general thing, we may say that the all-round Korean will be a Confucianist when in society, a Buddhist when he philosophizes, and a spirit worshiper when he is in trouble." 3 (b) ^Japanese Confucianism. From the fact that Con- fucianism met with no serious opposition in entering Japan, as was the case with Buddhism and Christianity, Professor Inouye argues that its teachings were from the first in har- 1 "Shu Chinj?," Book V, Part IV. It may have had a Taoist origin. 3 Hulbert, "History of Korea," Vol. I, p. 8. 3 "The Passing of Korea," pp. 403, 404. 72 LEADING INFLUENCES OF CONFUCIANISM mony with the innate character of the Japanese. Achiki, a Korean envoy to the Japanese court, was the first Confu- cianist to bring the Classics, and he was followed by a com- petent scholar named Wani, who offered to the Throne the "Analects" and a Millenary Classic. 1 The Crown Prince studied under him, and thus Confucianism and its literature took firm root in the land. In our seventh century a central university at Kyoto was established, using the Classics as text-books. The Heian Epoch (784-1184) contained its Au- gustan age, albeit one of slavish groveling among Chinese ideographs, Canons and commentaries. In the twelfth century came the breath of life as thus described by Dr. Inouye: "Among a great many Confucianists of the Sung Dynasty, Chutsze [Chu Hsi] above all grasped the spirit of Buddhism and, using it as the framework, clothed it with the flesh and blood of Confucianism, and thus evolved the theory of ri and ki [the former indicating the natur- ally existed idealistic principle and the latter the material principle]. It was largely due to his strenuous efforts that vitality was restored once again to decadent Confucianism. The system of learning which flourished in the Han and T'ang dynasties occupied itself in expound- ing passages in the Confucian Classics by means of annotations and commentaries, chiefly from an etymological and philological point of view, and thus naturally was barren of practical interest and utterly devoid of fresh vigor. The Sung school of learning, on the other hand, did not attach much moment to minor details of etymological study, but attempted to grasp directly the true spirit of Confucianism as reflected in the learner's own mind. In order to know the mental attitude of the ancient sages, therefore, it was deemed unessential to have recourse to far-fetched explanations of the etymology of their sayings, the theory being that the subject-matters were discoverable near at hand in the mind of every learner. In short, the Sung school of learning was a new form of the exposition of Confucianism with some admixture of Buddhist elements. Compared with the original form of Confucianism, it differed in many respects, and marked great progress in profundity of reasoning. ... It brought vitality to the * An elementary reading book made up of a thousand characters, no one of which is used twice, if like the similar Chinese Classic. 73 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS Confucianism of the day and qualified it to be taken as a standard of moral conduct." 1 As Buddhist priests had been the chief teachers of Con- fucianism in the thirteenth century, so in the "Revival of Learning" of the Tokugawa period's early years an ex-Bud- dhist priest, Seikwa Fujiwara (1561-1619) was the great advocate of the Chutsze, or Shushi, school, which was the most influential branch of learning throughout the period. It was his liberal mind that harmonized the teachings of Buddha and Confucius. He and distinguished followers of his own and of succeeding generations, prominent among whom were Kazan Hayashi, Junan Kinoshita, the volumi- nous Hakuseki Arai, Sato Issai and Rai Sanyo, made Chu- tsze's teachings the foundation of the educational system of the Tokugawa government, and thus had much to do with the development of national character. Indeed, this school of interpretation became orthodox, and at the close of the eighteenth century an edict was issued prohibiting all con- trary doctrines. The seventeenth century saw the rise of two other schools of Confucianism. The first to appear was the Yomei School, named after Wang Yang-ming (Wang Shou-jen), of China (1472-1528). Its first Japanese exponent was Nakae Toju (1608-78), the "Sage of Omi," whose teaching was monistic and idealistic. Identifying knowledge and conduct, he prac- ticed what he taught. Ryochi, something wider and deeper than conscience, is the law of the school. It declared that men should put into action whatever this faculty judged to be good and right. It was the school to which belonged at least five eminent leaders who were greatly influenced by its teaching in their shaping of the new Japan of half a cen- tury ago. The other school was the Kogakuha, or Classical School. Independently and in the same year, 1662, Yamaga Soko and 1 Okum?., "Fifty Years of New Japan," Vol. II, pp. 46, 47. 74 MODERN CONFUCIANISTS Ito Jinsai framed the new system. It denounced the Sung teachings of Shushi (Chu Hsi) as defiling the pure and genuine doctrines of Confucius through the introduction of Buddhist and other elements. Professor Ashida likens teach- ings of these leaders to those of modern perfectionists. Soko drew about him some three thousand students, upon whom he impressed the vital importance of the principles of jin and gi, benevolence and righteousness, as the "way of life." So effectively did he describe and practice Bushido that the famous vendetta of the "Forty-seven Ronin" was due to his teachings. Other schools, such as the Eclectic, the Philological and Historical, and the Independent schools cannot be described in detail. Dr. Inouye's general summary of Confucianism's influence on modern Japan is thus stated : "That the majority of those who participated in the making of the New Japan toward the end of the third period consisted of Confu- cianists is an undeniable fact. . . . Of all the branches of Confucian- ism, the Chutsze school and the Wang Yang-ming school produced most pioneers of the new era. ... It may be added that the readiness with which our people grasped and adopted the newly introduced Western civilization was in the main due to the mental training that they had received from the study of Confucianism throughout the Tokugawa age." 1 VII. MODERN CONFUCIANISTS AND CONFUCIAN PEOPLES The Japanese, Korean and Chinese Confucianists of to- day, with the exception of the older scholars of these coun- tries, are a conspicuous example of modification of type, and should be carefully studied as such by all who propose to carry to them the Christian message. 1. *Traits Common to Confucian Peoples. One cannot easily influence an Oriental without first understanding him and his goint ojLview^ There are many traits common to i Okuma, "Fifty Years of New Japan," Vol. II, pp. 62, 63. 75 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS Confucian peoples, such as loyalty, filial piety, industry and patience, which are the common possession of even the most ignorant of their fellow countrymen, and these should be borne in mind. It is at this point that the differentiation between Japanese, Korean and Chinese Conf ucianists is most marked. The national traits of the three races are naturally the substratum of such variations and need not be discussed in detail in this report. 1 2. ^Special Characteristics of Confucian Scholars. A Confucian scholar is much the same man wherever he lives. Certain outstanding qualities common to them as a class are worth noting. (a) ^Conservatism in Ethics and Religion. An unwill- ingness to change characterizes most of the older men, partic- ularly in China. They believe in the transmitted wisdom of the past. It is the conservation of what they regard as the best that makes them hostile to the Christian message, or at least very reluctant to accept its teachings. Modern Japan- ese scholars desire to conserve only such ideals as seem most desirable for an eclectic religion. (b) *The Ethical Emphasis. Ethics rather than religion is the supreme interest of these men. Professor Tachibana gives the following differences not all of them beyond ques- tion between the ethical systems of China and Japan : "Chinese ethics is founded on the worship of Heaven, whereas the Japanese worship ancestral spirits ; the Chinese pay supreme respect to men of wisdom and hence admit that unwise and tyrannical mon- archs may be dethroned at the people's will, whereas the Japanese regard the Mikados as sacred and inviolable; and, lastly, the chief virtues of the former are benevolence and filial piety, whereas the latter attribute supreme value to loyalty and rectitude, loyalty and filial piety being, according to their national morality, identical " 2 The Japanese holder of Confucian views is far more ready and competent to discuss ethical questions than is the Chinese rkThe references to this paragraph in Appendix D will merit careful consideration. / "Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics," Vol. V, p. 500. 76 MODERN CONFUCIANISTS or Korean holder of these doctrines. Yet in all Far-Eastern lands religion is secondary to ethics among scholars. (c) ^Courtesy and Politeness. In all three countries much stress is laid upon courtesy and politeness; their dis- regard by the missionary prejudices his cause. Careful in- struction in Far-Eastern etiquette as observed by scholars is important. Dr. J. C. Garritt, of Nanking, writes: "Polite- ness is to the Confucianist practical ethics the outlet by which he satisfies his conscience as to his allegiance to the cult." Dr. Gale, of Korea, truthfully declares : "This [cere- monial courtesy] is the greatest lack of the western mission- ary. Ceremony enters into the very soul of the East too much so, the Occidental thinks and he too often imagines that his blunt way will prevail to rectify it, but it does not." 3. * Modernity as Affecting Confucianists. Occidental learning, especially in its scientific and agnostic aspects, has deeply affected those Confucianists who have read at all widely in European and American literature. It has greatly modified their views and in general has made them at once open to religious discussion and also skeptical, often to the last degree. The most liberal and materialistic views of re- ligion and ethics are perhaps most acceptable to the average Confucianist. It is well for the candidate to have a clear- headed grasp of such views, whether he endorses them or not. 4. *How Confucianists Regard Christianity. Those who have not been affected by Occidental discussions of liberal religion are usually open to the Christian message. Others who have been so influenced are prone to regard Christianity as a creed and a cult which are outgrown and impracticable. As compared with Christianity's influence over China and Japan, the superiority of Confucianism in the Far East is interestingly set forth by Dr. Ch'en in the last two pages of his "Economic Principles of Confucius and His School." Yet however difficult it may be to meet some of these scholars on ethical and religious grounds, the object-lesson of the be- 77 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS lieving and devout Christian life counts more with them than the most learned replies to Confucian objections and doubts regarding Christianity. 5. *The Popular Religious Life of Confucian Lands. Popular religion is a synthesis with little conscious eclecti- cism on the part of the masses, whom we are now considering in this section. (a) */n China. The hopeless confusion of religious be- liefs is well mirrored in the medley found in Dr. Du Bose's "Dragon, Image and Demon." Professor De Groot's "Re- ligious System of China/' of which six volumes have already been published, gives a less popular view of China's composite religious thought and life. While his studies are greatly in- fluenced by southeastern China, where his personal investi- gations were carried on for the most part, the common life is everywhere else though to a less degree shadowed by animistic fears, and is under the sway of the spirits of the dead. Evidences of popular religion are far more common in the southern than in the northern half of the Republic. Buddhism south of the Yang-Tzu River is more dominant than in North China; but in every province the Three Re- ligions have their place in individual and family life mainly when demanded by exigencies of life and death. Relatively few resort to temples in North and Central China, and those are women for the most part. The services are unintelligible, being in the original language of Buddhist Scriptures, and all religious teaching is absent in public worship. It should be added that while religious instruction is not given publicly by any of these religions, there is current among the people a goodly supply of religious proverbs which, if not heeded commonly, nevertheless constitute a convenient introduction for the sermons and talks of the missionary who knows and uses them. Confucianism in China has no temples for popu- lar use, and its rites are those connected with ancestor wor- ship before the tablets in the homes or in ancestral temples, 78 MODERN CONFUCIANISTS or at the family cemeteries, particularly at the April "sweep- ing the graves" festival. (b) */n Korea. As the revival of Buddhism under Jap- anese rule has not yet become widely effective, spirit worship is the form which religion most commonly takes. The refer- ence to common sights and usages mentioned on page 14 above will suggest the wealth of similar material which is illustrative of Korean religion in common life. 1 (c) *In Japan. The lower classes in the Japanese Em- pire are prevailingly devoted to religion. Shintoism concerns them somewhat ; Buddhism universally enters into their lives ; and evidences of religion and superstition are present under wayside trees and on the high hills. It is in the grounds of Japan's grove-surrounded artistic Buddhist temples, how- ever, that the crowds are to be found. Here worship by in- dividuals, not by the crowd, contributions to the priesthood, and occasionally in the more modernized sects preaching re- sembling our ethical culture addresses, are supplemented by the joys of a bazaar and the social amenities of an Occidental picnic. (d) *The Confucian Strain. The preceding paragraphs have suggested how pervasive and interlocking the varying cults appear in some of the phases of Far-Eastern life. It is interesting to note how the Confucian element influences the other beliefs, especially on the side of formal ceremony, of literary influences and of the omnipresent ancestor worship. The subtle influence which is often termed the '"Confucian mind," by which is meant the characteristic, uncalculated reaction of these peoples towards the problems of life, is not easily describable in concrete terms. It is, however, some- thing which the young missionary should be alert to recog- nize in all his studies and to utilize in his experience. 1 The readings suggested under this paragraph in Appendix D will indicate much of this material. 79 VIII. MISSIONARIES TO CONFUCIANISTS While this section describes certain qualifications that are desirable when the missionary actually begins his work in the Far East, and though the items below are not capable of being the objects of study, their mention here may aid in cultivating traits and in forming habits that will help the candidate in his future work. 1. *The Primacy of Character. The great difference be- tween Confucianism and Christianity, as the most open- minded Confucianists grant, is the dynamic effect upon life of Christianity as compared with the relative helplessness of their own ethics to transform character. In all mission ^lands character is a sine qua non, but in Confucian countries it is peculiarly important because of the emphasis upon ethics in the sacred books. Hence the cultivation of a wholly con- sistent, strong and Christlike character is a matter of pre- eminent importance for workers in the Far East. 2. ^Personality. The Chinese Classics make much of the great importance of personality to the one who would influ- ence others. This same belief is commonly possessed by modern Confucianists. Hence missionaries working for them should cultivate those elements which are most attract- ive to the Oriental, while keeping one's personality wholly patterned after Christ. This is said for the reason that there is a strong tendency for workers among Confucianists to be- come so absorbed in the Classics as practically to become Confucianists. Chinese, Japanese and Korean Confucian teachers, especially if they are now Christians, can readily point out the traits which make this strong appeal. A read- ing of the "Record of Rites" by the candidate in America will suggest many of the matters on which high value is placed in China, just as a thoroughgoing discussion of Bu- shido would aid the missionary to Japan. 3. *Home Training for the Task. While the field is the 80 SUGGESTIONS FOR JUNIOR MISSIONARIES ideal place for final training, a beginning may be made at home. Confucianists being mainly educated and having a dominating influence over the people, the candidate should be similarly well educated and competent to help them to clarity of view on moral and religious subjects, and also upon other matters affecting the new life of the developing Orient. A good general education will aid greatly in this. So also will it be of advantage for the candidate to cultivate acquaint- ance or friendship with the Korean, Japanese and Chinese students in our universities. The prospective missionary must beware, however, of trusting every such student as an authority on Far-Eastern matters. Many of them are not only young, but immature and very superficial in their knowledge of Oriental religions and problems. The candidate can also prepare himself for his future work through participation in certain Christian activities here which will aid him in later service in the Far East. Thus the Young Men's and Young Women's Christian Associa- tions have proved very acceptable and helpful to students of the Orient, and a practical acquaintance with their methods is a very direct preparation for Korea, China and Japan. Personal work for men is the best way of winning Con- fucianists and scholars generally, especially in Japan. All the experience one has at home in such work will enrich one's equipment abroad. So, also, participation in any form of social or religious leadership will aid the prospective mis- sionary who will mould or direct similar leadership in the Far East. PART II. SUGGESTIONS FOR JUNIOR MISSION- ARIES IN CONFUCIAN LANDS This section will have little that is new for the young mis- sionary who has attended a first-grade language or training school on the field, except where Confucianism, for some 81 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS reason, has not been given a prominent place in its curricu- lum. It is hoped, however, that even such thoroughly trained juniors will find the section helpful as a reminder. Most men and women, after two years of language study, begin their public labors with little leisure for anything except their as- signed duties and further language work. They come in con- tact with educated men and students whom they are anxious to influence, and to that end they soon feel the importance of a more detailed knowledge of Confucianism than they possess. In their isolated stations away from the larger missionary centers, they are at a loss to know where to find the information upon a given subject which has come up for discussion and concerning which they may be quite ignorant. It is true that all three countries have a plethora of editions of the Chinese text of the Confucian Classics, but the mis- sionaries in Korea and Japan know little Chinese, while in 'China the colloquial has made such demands upon their time that junior missionaries read the Classics with some diffi- culty and hesitate to embark upon the boundless sea of the Confucian canonical literature. It is for a large class of missionaries, therefore, that these notes are provided. They appear under headings for convenience of reference, thus constituting a brief syllabus of a few of the many topics that the young missionary may wish to study from time to time. From a pedagogical point of view the plan here adopted is open to serious objection, since the ideal method to pursue is for the missionary to read in the original Chinese text, or in translation, the entire Canon and then reach his own conclusions. The present outline savors of the tabloid and will be criticised for that reason. The Committee feels, how- ever, that the advantages of having definite subjects for study with references to the requisite sources, roughly outlined from actual experience in the Far East, are sufficiently great to offset all possible disadvantages. Far-Eastern missionaries are so busy that none of them 82 SUGGESTIONS FOR JUNIOR MISSIONARIES can hope to find time to follow out in its entirety the analyzed syllabus below. Yet its arrangement is such that at a glance anyone can find what he is likely to encounter in his conver- sations with scholars who quote Confucian books. In the bibliography of Appendix C a number of books and period- ical articles bearing on the subject will be found where the views of first-hand scholars and of others having a knowl- edge of the topics being studied are helpfully set forth. Un- fortunately few mission stations have many of these sources. The practical suggestions in Section VI may seem too ob- vious, or too general for use. They are inserted more for the purpose of suggesting that something be done with interested holders of Confucian views than that these par- ticular plans should be followed out. More promising Con- fucian inquirers have been lost hold of through a lack of following up than from any other single cause. It is of the utmost importance that the junior missionary should always realize that even very intelligent Confucian- ists are rarely won by mere argumentation. While they know their own Canon far better than most missionaries know their Bible, they are so ignorant of the Christian scheme that they will hesitate to argue with the missionary, both for the sake of saving their own "face" and that of their Occidental friend. What they usually desire is to know the content and practical value of Christianity, and this should be presented in a constructive way with little destructive, anti-Confucian argumentation on the missionary's part. It is here supposed that young missionaries have been prepared in theology and possess a good knowledge of the Bible, and above all that they have an intimate sense of fellowship with God. It may be well to repeat what was said to missionary can- didates in Part I that it is desirable to read this report from the beginning, even though the information given is element- ary, since many items will be found which may be needed to 83 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS supplement information gained on the field. The missionary anticipating his first furlough who desires to extend his studies at those institutions which offer the best advantages for his purpose should correspond with the Secretary of his Board or with the Board of Missionary Preparation. I. ADDITIONAL ITEMS CONCERNING CONFUCIAN LITERATURE 1. Texts and Introductions. The fuller introductions and other prolegomena of Dr. Legge's monumental volumes the edition which also contains the Chinese text are extremely important. Soothill's "Analects" also supply valuable ma- terial of the same sort for that Classic. Couvreur's works are likewise very useful for readers of French. M'Clatchie's "Yih King" ("Canon of Changes") is especially valuable for its introduction and notes. 2. Importance of the Commentaries. Every missionary quoting from the original texts of the Classics should be sure as to the Confucian interpretation of these passages; otherwise his quotations may go for naught. A Chinese scholar demands exactness of use in accordance with tradi- tion. Consequently, a knowledge of the standard comment- ary on each important quotation is desirable, if not essential. Dr. Legge's comments, following the materialistic views of Chu Hsi, are the best available. SoothilFs comments on the "Analects" are excellent also. Ku Hung-ming's English translation of the "Analects" ("The Discourses and Sayings of Confucius") and of the "Doctrine of the Mean" ("The Conduct of Life") are p.artial paraphrases and modern adap- tations from the Chinese viewpoint; hence they afford valu- able sidelights on modern Confucianism. 3. Extra-Canonical Confucian Literature. There is a great mass of such literature which is described in Alexan- der Wylie's "Notes on Chinese Literature." The junior 84 DEVELOPMENT OF CONFUCIANISM missionary cannot afford the time to study these works, but it is desirable that he should read the text or translation of Sheng Yii Kuang Shun, or the "Sacred Edict," and note carefully what is said there under Chapter VII about het- erodox religions, including Roman Catholic teachings. There is also one semi-canonical work, "Hsiao Ching," or "Filial Piety Canon," dubiously attributed to Confucius and found in the "Sacred Books of the East," Vol. Ill, which missionaries dealing with Confucianism may well know something about. It deals with every feature of the relation between parent and child. This work, however, is distinctly less important than the "Sacred Edict." The "Family Sayings" ("Chia Yii"), or more fully, "K'ung Tzti Chia Yii" of Wang Su, of our third century, is very probably spurious in parts ; * yet it ranks so high among the uncanonical authorities that it should be read in translation, if Vols. IX-XI of the "Chinese Recorder" are available. 2 Its scope is indicated by these lines from the later preface : ' The Family Sayings of Confucius' contains narratives which the Kung [Duke], the chief ministers, the scholars and great officers, to- gether with seventy-two disciples, were able to find out by inquiry and by mutual questioning. Afterwards the disciples each wrote down what he had inquired into, at the same time that the 'Lun Yii' ["Ana- lects"] and 'Hsiao Ching' ['Filial Piety Classic'] were compiled. The disciples selected the most important, correct and true of his sayings to form the 'Lun Yii.' Those remaining they collected and wrote down, calling them 'The Family Sayings of Confucius.' " II. ADDITIONAL FACTS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONFUCIANISM 1. Effect of "The Burning of the Books." This literary catastrophe, occurring during the reign of the Great Wall builder, Shih Huang Ti (Ch'in Shih Huang), B.C. 213, has 1 This is Alexander Wylie's judgment. 2 Mr. Hutchinson's translation contains only Book I. Professor Giles criticises it very severely, and with good reason. 85 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS a direct bearing upon the authenticity of the Confucian texts. Nearly five hundred scholars were buried alive, and all exist- ing manuscripts were supposedly destroyed; so that in the succeeding dynasty the texts had to be restored, partly from the memories of scholars and partly from reputed original copies, particularly from one manuscript found in the wall of Confucius's house. 2. Conflicts of Confucianism with Heretics and Opposers. The exclusive use of the canonical works as a basis of civil service examinations for many centuries in China has given the impression that Confucianism met with little or no oppo- sition. This is far from being true. (a) Leading Heresies. Those who desire to investigate the subject may read a full statement in the Prolegomena of "The Chinese Classics," Vol. II, in which the views of Yang Chu and Mo Ti, the opponents of Mencius, are set forth with some fullness. The former, D. T. Suzuke, lecturer at the Tokyo University, calls "the most rigorous expounder of hedonistic egoism in the history of ante-Ch'in philosophy," while of Mo Ti's "utilitarianism pure and simple," he writes : "It contains many conceptions which are closely similar to Christianity, and it is very probable that if it were fostered amongst a people who were more idealistic, imaginative and above all religious, it might have developed into a system almost like Christianity." l Other later opponents of Con- fucian views were Hsun K'uang (Sun Ch'ing) and Han Yii (Han Wen Kung), whose views as to the nature of man are given in Chinese and in translation in Legge's Prolegomena, just referred to. (b) Official Opposition to Chinese Sectarianism. The Chinese government especially has been opposed almost al- ways to non-Confucian beliefs when they came in conflict in a serious way with its ethical views. Deferring for the present the consideration of such opposition to Christianity, 1 "A Brief History of Early Chinese Philosophy," p. 93. 86 DEVELOPMENT OF CONFUCIANISM the junior missionary may wisely look into the government's attitude toward Buddhists, Taoists, Moslems and the secret sects. Buddhists have met with the widest opposition. A hint of this may be found in Chapter IX of Beal's "Buddhism in China." The serious student of the entire topic will find in De Groot's "Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China" much fuller details, derived mostly from official docu- ments. Since Confucianism has been the state religion from the founding of the Han dynasty, any religion differing from it must be heterodox. Buddhism has been regarded as such for other reasons also. It was a foreign importation to begin with, and hence could not appeal to classical antiquity. Its practice of celibacy ran counter to Confucianism's doc- trine of the family and indirectly to the claims of filial piety. "Three things," says Mencius, "are unfilial, and to have no posterity is the greatest of them." Its monastic estab- lishments afforded a refuge for runaway criminals in some cases, and always furthered a life of economic non-produc- tivity. Its doctrines of future rewards and punishments undermined imperial authority. Immorality, due to the in- termingling of the sexes in night and day worship in the temples, is also charged in the "Sacred Edict." It is not surprising that at many times persecutions were directed against the Buddhists and that they were required to return to secular callings, with the sequestration of all temple prop- erty. On the other hand, at certain times the state favored Buddhism, as the full Index of De Groot makes evident. Taoists were not so commonly persecuted, partly because theirs is an indigenous faith and because at Taoism's center was Tao, the doctrine concerning which was held by Con- fucianism in great measure. Its divinities are "the same old heathen gods whom Confucianism believes in and worships as classical. Besides, Taoism possesses as an heirloom from classical antiquity a worship of a selection of historical, semi- 87 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS historical and fabulous national forefathers, which corre- sponds entirely to the ancient ancestor-worship, the keystone of Confucianism itself." 1 It has been alternately favored by the state and by emperors and grandees, and just as per- sistently it has been persecuted by them. At present Taoist monasteries have almost disappeared, and as a religion ap- pealing to the intellect of men its influence is virtually nil. Mohammedans have been looked upon by the state mainly as a political menace. From 755 A.D., when the Turk or Tatar leader, An Lu-shan, proclaimed his independence and rose against the emperor Hsiian Tsung, the government had difficulty with Moslems, though their greatest troubles cul- minated in the six rebellions of the last dynasty, between the years 1785 and 1876. The general policy of the emperors as head of the Confucian state is thus summarized in two decrees of 1781 : "Both documents are based on this principle : persecute their religion as long as you can do it without bad consequences for the government, especially when they live in discord or are at strife on religious ques- tions; and for the rest, weaken them by carrying off their chiefs and leaders ; but whatever you do, do it with circumspection." 2 A better spirit exists to-day, when one of the stripes of the Chinese flag popularly said to be the black one repre- sents Moslems, though as a race rather than as a religion. The secret sects of China have had a stormy time under Confucian rulers. They come under the head of "heresy" on their religious side, and too often they have been political, anti-dynastic associations. Junior missionaries should know of these, since, in some cases, as in Shan-tung and Fu-kien provinces, they have been found very helpful to the Chris- tian cause. Under the old regime they were severely dealt with, when found opposed to morals and government. The first article in the "Law Against Heresies" reads thus: 1 De Groot, "Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China," Vol. I, p. 17. 2 Ibid., Vol. II, p. 315. 88 DEVELOPMENT OF CONFUCIANISM "Religious leaders, or instructors, and priests who, pretending thereby to call down heretical gods, write charms or pronounce them over water, or carry around palanquins (with idols), or invoke saints, calling themselves orthodox leaders, chief patrons, or female leaders ; further, all societies calling themselves at random White Lotus communities of the Buddha Maitreya, or the Ming-tsun religion, or the school of the White Cloud, etc., together with all that answers to practices of tso tao, or i twan; finally, they who in secret places have prints and images and offer incense to them, or hold meetings which take place at night and break up by day, whereby the people are stirred up and misled under the pretext of cultivating virtue, shall be sentenced, the principal perpetrators to strangulation, and their accomplices each a hundred blows with the long stick, followed by a lifelong banishment to the distance of three thousand miles." l A note added to the Law gives particulars as to the meet- ings of certain societies: "If anywhere amongst the people the gods are received or welcomed, or thanksgiving-meetings held, or if the people pass the borders to present incense-sacrifices anywhere, or play on drums and cymbals, or hang out flags and set up banners, thus giving occasion to both sexes to mix together, then the Prefect of the department and that of the district in question, if they do not go there to investigate the matter and put it down, shall forfeit their salary for six months. . . . And when among the people meetings are convoked for the exercise of virtue, or when salvation-seekers assemble the public to recite religious books, then the Prefect who falls short in discovering the matter, shall forfeit his salary for three months." 2 (c) Confucianism's Official Relation to Korean Religion. Confucianism was the religion of officialdom in Korea prior to the introduction of Buddhism. From the fourth to the fourteenth century the new faith weakened Confu- cianism, especially in its palmy days during the era of Korai (905-1392 A.D.). During the latter period Buddhism aided the ablest intellects of the land, while its gift to the people of the Unmun writing system has been, from the eighth or ninth century, a priceless aid to popular literacy. 1 De Groot, "Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China," Vol. I, p. 137. 2 Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 145, 146. 89 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS Under the last dynasty, or from the fifteenth century, Con- fucianism was both the official and popular cult, at times reaching the point of bigotry, intolerance and persecution. Yet it also has had rulers who favored Buddhism almost as fully as the Buddhist kings of the Middle Ages. The latest Korean attempt to further Buddhism officially came in 1902, when the Emperor consented to the establishment of a great central monastery for the entire country near Seoul, with a high priest in charge of the whole Buddhist community in the land. Before that, in 1876, the Shin sect of Japanese Buddhists had sent missionaries to preach and convert. Since the Japanese occupation there has been no conflict between Confucian and Buddhist interests, and the latter religion is making marked progress. (d) Relation of Confucianism to Japanese Religions. Officially there was never any conflict of importance between Confucianism and Japan's other religions. Indeed, Bud- dhism was the first active teacher of Confucianism, and for a millennium (600-1600 A.D.) there was harmony between the two systems of belief. The impending fall of the Ming dynasty of China in the seventeenth century was the signal for an exodus of Confucian scholars who fled from the hated Manchu rule to Japan. Here they received a warm official welcome from lyeyasu, who had printed the Chinese Classics and established a college at Yedo. These Chinese "scholars of the Dispersion may be likened to those of the exodus of the Greek learned men after the capture of Constantinople by the Turks. Confucian schools were established in most of the chief provincial cities. For over two hundred years this discipline in the Chinese ethics, literature and history constituted the education of the boys and men of Japan. Al- most every member of the Samurai classes was thoroughly drilled in this curriculum." l Buddhism naturally lost influ- ence among the educated Japanese and officials. Under the 1 Griffis, "The Religions of Japan," pp. 134, 135. 90 DEVELOPMENT OF CONFUCIANISM Restoration of 1868, Buddhism was deprived of its political prestige, and Confucianism was consigned to the hands of classical exegetes. Official recognition no longer favors Con- fucianism, except as its ethics are embodied in the Imperial Rescript on Education of 1890. Later "it became the custom for teachers and pupils to come together on certain national holidays to listen to its reading. It is taken in the most reverential way from the box in which it is kept, slowly un- rolled and read to the members of the school, who stand with bowed heads as they listen to the august words of their emperor. The slightest lack of decorum is looked upon as almost treasonable." * 3. Sung Dynasty Philosophers. The Sung dynasty pe- riod marked a more important epoch in the development of Confucianism than any since that of its early founders. Hence it should be studied with some care. While the im- portance of Chu Hsi has overshadowed most of the others, Wang An-shih, the social reformer of our eleventh century, was a character of interest in this time of experiments in China. His principal reforms were the nationalization of commerce, state advances to farmers on the security of grow- ing crops, the enlisting as soldiers of one man from each family having more than two males, money payments instead of the former forced labor, the establishment of depots for bartering and hypothecating goods throughout the empire, the care of cavalry horses by a system whereby each family cared for a horse at the government's expense, and the re- measurement of land in order to secure a more equitable incidence of taxation. In Dr. Martin's "Pleiad cluster, a constellation whose light has not yet reached our shores," are four other philosophers besides Chu Hsi whose rank is such that for five hundred years, since the publication of the great "Encyclopaedia of Philosophy," they have been imperially regarded as the stand- 1 Gary, "History of Christianity in Japan," Vol. II, pp. 226, 227. 91 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS ard of Confucian orthodoxy. Their choice sayings are found in Chu Hsi's "Chin Ssu Lu" ("Record of Modern Thought"). Through reading the fourteen books or chap- ters of this work, Chinese missionaries especially will profit greatly, while other readers may get the gist of it in Dr. Richard's "Conversion by the Million," Chapter XIV. All four lived wholly within the eleventh century, save Ch'eng I, who died in 1107, twenty-three years before the birth of Chu Hsi, who calls him "My Master." His elder brother, Ch'eng Hao, though not "the tutor to the great Chu Hsi," as Professor Giles asserts, 1 was so highly esteemed by him that he places Hao immediately after Mencius in the list of great scholars. Chou Tun-i was the teacher of the brothers Ch'eng, and his chief works had to do with the "Canon of Changes," upon which Chu Hsi commented. The fourth of these Sung philosophers, the forerunners of Chu- cius, was Chang Tsai, a famous teacher and lecturer who had specialized upon the "Doctrine of the Mean." As Con- fucianism failed to satisfy his spiritual needs, he turned toward Buddhism and Taoism. His nephews, the brothers Ch'eng, so greatly influenced him that he returned fully to the Confucian fold, though he carried into his writings what is indicated in Dr. Martin's sentence when speaking of the quintette: "All five were Confucian scholars, but there can be no doubt that their mental activity was stimulated and its direction determined by the speculations of Buddhist and Taoist writers." 2 4. Wang Yang-ming. Of the many later philosophers in China and Japan who have contributed to the modification of Confucianism, only this one is especially important to the student and interested missionary. As stated on page 74, this Chinese philosopher has been appreciated in Japan quite as much as at home. His given name was Shou-jen 1 "Chinese Biographical Dictionary," No. 278. . * "Lore of Cathay," pp. 34, 35. 92 DEVELOPMENT OF CONFUCIANISM though his sobriquet Yang-ming is more common and his life covered the years 1472 to 1528. Its influence upon Japan is hinted at in the reference just given. In China, in these days, he is a sort of indigenous "Marcus Aurelius" Orientalized. The marked philosophical differentiation between him and Chu Hsi lies in his being an idealist of the monistic type, whereas Chucius was a realist who believed that things exist in their own right, quite apart from the mind, yet not in such a way that knowledge of them is impossible. "As a rationalizing and socializing factor in the development of life [Wang Yang-ming's] exposition exhibits the following doctrines:" "(1) Every individual may understand the fundamental principles of life and of things, including moral laws, by learning to understand his own mind and by developing his own nature. This means that it is not necessary to use the criteria of the past as present-day stand- ards. . . . (2) On the practical side, every one is under obligation to keep knowledge and action, theory and practice, together, for the former is so intimately related to the latter that its very existence is involved. . . . The Individual has within himself the spring of knowl- edge and should constantly carry into practice the things that his intuitive knowledge of good gives him an opportunity to do. (3) Heaven, earth, man, all things are an all-pervading unity. The uni- verse is the macrocosm, and each human mind is a microcosm. This naturally leads to the conceptions, equality of opportunity and liberty, and as such serves well as the fundamental principle of social activity and reform." * The four-volume edition of his works published by the Commercial Press, Shanghai, is a convenient one provided for the students of China. Volume I of this edition has been translated by Professor Henke for the use of non-Chinese scholars. Of the five hundred sections of the full work, the chapters on "Learning," "Southern Kan" and "Thoughts on Agriculture" are commended by Wylie as especially good. 1 Henke, "The Philosophy of Wang Yang-ming," pp. xiii, xiv. 93 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS 5. Confucianism as Affected by Other Asiatic Religions. Previous sections have shown some of the effects of other faiths upon this system ; hence, only a few added statements are called for. (a) Japanese Religions. How Confucianism, Buddhism and Shinto supplemented and superseded each other is in- terestingly discussed by Dr. Gulick. Speaking at first of the Tokugawa period, he says: "The Japanese were weary of Buddhistic puerilities and transcen- dental doctrines that led nowhere. They demanded sanctions for the moral life and the social order ; in response to this need Buddhism gave them Nirvana absolute mental and moral vacuity. Confucianism gave them principles whose working and whose results they could see and understand. Its sanctions appealed both to the imagination and to the reason, antiquity and learning and piety being all in their favor. The sanctions were also seen to be wholly independent of puerile super- stitions and foolish fears. The Confucian ideals and sanctions, more- over, coincided with the essential elements of the old Shinto world-view and sanctions. . . . Confucianism, therefore, swept the land. It was accepted as the groundwork and authority for the most flourishing feudal order the world has ever seen. . . . "This difference, however, is to be noted between the Shinto ideal social order and the Confucian, or rather that development of Confu- cian ethics and civics which arose during the Tokugawa Shogunate ; Shinto appears to have been, properly speaking, nationalistic, while feudal Confucianism was tribal. Although in Confucian theory the supreme loyalty may have been due the Emperor, in point of fact it was shown to the local daimyo. Confucian ethics was communal and might easily have turned in the direction of national communalism; it would then have coincided completely with Shinto in this respect. But for various reasons it did not so turn, but developed an intensely local, a tribal communalism, and pushed loyalty to the Emperor as a vital reality into the background. This was one of the defects of feudal Confucianism which finally led to its own overthrow. . . . "Another difference between Shinto and Confucianism as it existed in Japan should not escape our attention, namely, in regard to their respective world-views. Shinto was confessedly a religion; it frankly believed in gods whom it worshiped and on whose help it relied. Con- fucianism, or to use the Japanese name, Bushido, was confessedly 94 DEVELOPMENT OF CONFUCIANISM agnostic. It did not assume to understand the universe, as Buddhism assumed. Nor did it admit the practical existence of gods or their power in this world, as Shinto believed. It maintained that, 'if only the heart follows the way of truth, the gods will protect one even though he does not pray/ It laid stress on practical moralities, regard- less of their philosophical presumptions, into which it would not probe. When pressed it would ascribe all to 'Heaven' ; and, as we have seen, it had many implications that would lead the inquiring mind to a belief in the personal nature of 'Heaven.' Had it developed these implications, Bushido would have become a genuine religion. It was indeed a system of ethics touched with emotion ; it was religious, but it failed to become the religion it might have become because it insisted on its agnosticism and refused to worship the highest and best it knew. ... In the worship of Confucius, Bushido almost became a religion ; but it worshiped the teacher instead of the Creator, maintain- ing its agnosticism as to the Creator as to 'Heaven' to the end, and thus lapsed from the path of religious evolution." 1 (b) Taoism. Taoistic teachings and tendencies have had an influence upon Confucianists, and Taoism may be re- garded as more truly a religion than is its more famous rival. A few religiously inclined Confucianists, now that the ban upon Taoism has been revoked, are turning their thoughts toward this mystical faith as a possible rival to Christianity, or at least as a help to the formation of a syncretistic re- ligion. (c) Chinese Buddhism. It has often greatly influenced the leaders among scholars and emperors, China's late Em- press Dowager herself being a recent example of Buddhism's influence upon the imperial mind. There is at present a de- cided renewal of the strength of Buddhism in China. There are modern translations of Buddhist books and modern in- terpretations of its spirit. There are well-known scholars in Peking who openly promulgate its teachings. The mis- sionary should know the teachings of Buddhism which par- ticularly appeal to Confucianists. Dr. Richard's two books, "Guide to Buddhahood" and "The Awakening of the Faith/' 1 "Evolution of the Japanese," pp. 410-413. 95 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS are transformed and glorified renderings of two volumes which suggest beyond warrant the truths which New China is likely to find helpful. Professor Suzuki's translation of the latter volume is truer to the text, and in addition affords a Japanese view of its value. These three modifying religions, especially the two latter, are more likely to be prominent in discussions with Confu- cianists of the future than has been the case in the past, when they have been looked down upon by Confucian scholars. III. CONFUCIANISM'S CONTACTS WITH CHRISTIANITY 1. The Nestorian Contact. Nestorianism was the first well-known Christian agency to affect China itself, though previous to its entrance there are slight traces of other Chris- tian influences. Its history is a matter of very subordinate interest; yet the frequent use of rubbings of the Nestorian tablet at Hsi-an Fu in Christian chapels suggests its value in discussing Christianity, particularly with literati of the old school. The effect of Nestorianism upon Confucian be- liefs was practically nil. On the other hand, its presentation of Christianity was modified to meet Confucian views. Though the personality of God and His Triune Being, the incarnation and humanity of Jesus and his fulfilment of the old Law, his establishment of new legislation, his "setting in motion of the vessel of mercy for the deliverance of the quick and the dead/' are all proclaimed on the tablet, there is not a word said about the miracles of Jesus, or anything especially bearing upon His crucifixion, death, burial and resurrection. Quotations from the Confucian Classics ap- pear upon the monument also. That the tablet contains a mediating inscription is clear from the Nestorian use of chiao, fa and tao to express the idea of "religion" in the words respectively of Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism. 96 CONFUCIANISM'S CONTACTS WITH CHRISTIANITY It also employs many Buddhist and Taoist expressions, while under the cross and above the titular heading are carved the "flying cloud" symbol of the Taoists and Moslems and the lotus of Buddhism. The Nestorian influence upon Japanese Buddhism has not yet been fully evaluated, though Professors Lloyd, Saeki and others regard it as quite marked. A replica of the monument was dedicated in 1911 at Koya San, with the full Buddhist ceremonial, in the wonderful cemetery of Okuno-in, where tens of thousands of Japanese, from em- perors to peasants, have been laid to rest in expectation of the coming of the expected Buddhist Messiah. Thither come annually half a million pilgrims of all ages and classes, who climb the holy mountain to visit the resting-place of Kobo Daishi, Japan's ninth century "Great Teacher of the Law" ; "so that the stone is sure to speak aloud and strongly in God's due time/' as Professor Saeki writes. 1 2. The Roman Catholic Contact. Despite the Protes- tant's reluctance to agree with Romanism's methods in China, it is undoubtedly true that a knowledge of the Jesuit's attitude toward Confucianism would be helpful to mission- aries giving themselves largely to work for Confucianists. This is true of the early work of the Order both in China and Japan. Their barren and divisive conflicts with Domin- icans and Franciscans upon the "Term Question" need not be gone into, though the decision of the Emperor K'ang Hsi in opposition to the Pope's position and that of the opposers of Jesuit views may well be examined. Concerning the Pope's decision, the distinguished Sinologue, Professor Cor- dier, a loyal son of the Church, writes : "The whole knotty question was settled (11 July, 1742) by a Bull of Benedict XIV., 'Ex quo singular!/ condemning the Chinese cere- monies and choosing the expression T'ien-chu, which was to be used exclusively to designate God. . . . Rome having spoken, no more can be said here on the question, but it may be noted that the Bull was a 1 Missionaries to Japan will find it well worth while to study the references under this paragraph in Appendix D. 97 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS terrible blow to the missions in China; there are fewer [Roman Catholic] Christians than formerly and none among the higher classes, as were the princes and mandarins of the Court of K'ang-hi." l 3. The Protestant Contact. In the early history of Prot- estant missions in the Far East, especially in China, there was practically no possibility of contact with Confucian literati, though a few great leaders were reached by Dr. Verbeck in Japan. There were, however, sporadic cases of missionaries who felt strongly the call to undertake so diffi- cult a task. It would be instructive to learn what their posi- tion and methods of approach were, though very little can be found in print upon this topic. Doctors Martin, Reid, Allen and Richard in China have been the most conspicuous advocates of such work. Dr. Richard's "Conversions by the Million in China" contains a fairly good account of his own theories and achievements (see Chapter V especially), but far better is his later autobiography, "Forty-five Years in China." Dr. Legge's biography describes the activities of an earlier worker of an entirely different type. A movement to reach the literati, planned by the China Young Men's Christian Association before the abolition of the old exam- ination system and continued in a modified form since then, has in it much that is worthy of imitation. Secretary C. H. Robertson left a professorship at home in 1902 to devote himself to extension lecturing on scientific themes with the use of proper apparatus. Seven years were spent in getting thoroughly ready for effective campaigning among the edu- cated classes of China. The Government approves and aids this work, which opens the way for lectures on health, educa- tion, efficiency, social science, and on religion, especially in its significance in the life of the individual, the community and the nation. Within the last few years the Christian forces in China have been devoting much more effort to the educated classes. The experience thus gained is well sum- 1 "Catholic Encyclopedia," Vol. Ill, p. 672. THE MISSIONARY'S ATTITUDE marized in the annual reports of the China Continuation Committee. Such approaches seem preferable to the meth- ods adopted by Dr. Gilbert Reid in his International In- stitute. IV. THE MISSIONARY'S ATTITUDE TOWARD CONFUCIANISM In view of the emphasis placed by Confucianism upon forms and methods of approach, the attitude of a missionary is a matter of prime importance. 1. It Should Be Sympathetic. Any approach which as- sumes that Christianity is the only repository of religious truth, and that Confucianism is a system of doubtful value, beyond its ethical strength, is almost certain to fail. In- stead, the missionary should be wisely sympathetic with the Confucian point of view. This is made possible partly through his intellectual grasp of the system, as found in the canonical books, and more especially through gaining the Oriental point of view of Confucianism. This cannot readily be learned from books; but the missionary freely speaking the language of those countries and showing himself to be a genuine friend will soon find himself allowed to enter the inmost chambers of the Confucian soul. 2. It Should be Apperceptive. From a pedagogical point of view this is self-evident, but it is peculiarly important among Orientals. The Confucianist has so much of truth in his system of ethics and religion that he would resent the rejection of those elements and the bald attempt to erect a Christian superstructure solely upon the basis of the Old and New Testaments and an unknown Christ. As we shall notice, there are many cooperative elements common to the two faiths which may be used in the first approach. 3. It Should Be Cordially Appreciative. To draw out most effectively the real thought of the Confucianist, a genuine appreciation of the strength of his system and an admiration for the character and purpose of Confucius, 99 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS Mencius, Chu Hsi and Wang Yang-ming will help to disarm hostility and will make the Confucianist more open to the presentation of Christianity and Christ. Care should be taken, however, to avoid giving the impression that Confu- cianism and Christianity are practically the same. This dis- similarity is a difficult thing to impress on the Confucian mind. 4. It Should Be Scholarly. The Oriental scholar having been brought to this point will perhaps desire to examine critically the fundamental positions of Christianity and Con- fucianism. In such a discussion the missionary's position may be firmly taken, yet it should be held without any harsh- ness and in manifest love. 5. It Should Be Brotherly and Courteous. While in strictness the missionary can only stand in the fifth of the Confucian relations to his Oriental friend, he may never- theless assume a brotherly attitude as well as that of a friend. If this is evidently ill-advised, he must be, at the very least and in any case, a thorough gentleman. Any contact between the missionary and the Confucianist should make this per- fectly evident. Unfortunately Occidental disregard for Oriental canons of politeness and good breeding often alien- ates those whom the missionary would benefit. V. COMPARISONS AND CONTRASTS BETWEEN CHRISTIANITY AND CONFUCIANISM The missionary just entering upon his work will find this discussion helpful, even though it is elementary, since it grows out of the experience and wisdom of men who have invested their lives in carrying the message of the gospel to the people of the Far East. It will be noted that the educated classes are mainly in mind, rather than the masses of Confucian lan^s. For the common people of the Far East, no other form of presentation is called for than one would employ in other parts of the mission field. But even 100 CHRISTIANITY AND CONFUCIANISM among the common people in China, where Confucian ideas underlie the whole system of society and government, it will be of great value to the missionary to know well all the facts to which attention is called. The young missionary should again be reminded that while the differences and agreements, so frequently mentioned in this section, may suggest the controversial attitude and spirit, these are rarely called for and should be avoided as far as possible. 1. Emphasis on Points Common to Christianity and Con- fucianism. To lay stress upon matters on which there is agreement between Christianity and Confucianism is a wise method of approach ; it is always well to avoid at the outset the natural antagonism that arises from the presentation of divergent views. (a) Belief in a Supreme Deity. The opening pages of the "Shu Ching" reveal an object of worship and reverence which bears several marks of the Old Testament concep- tions of deity. Burnt offerings were sacrificed, and a certain guidance of the life was desired. Many passages in the Chinese Classics can be used to show that Christianity has something in common with Conf ucianists in this belief. Yet here, as in some of the following subdivisions, differences between our views of God and of other articles of faith and those of Confucianists should be pointed out. Thus the Classics reveal the presence of other objects of worship be- sides Heaven and the Supreme Ruler, which may find a parallel in certain statements of the Old Testament, but which are opposed to Christian teaching. (b) The Recognition of a Divinely Appointed Moral Law. The items included under this head are scattered through the Confucian books and need to be gathered into a logical series in order to be effective, and this should be kept in mind in reading the Classics or translations of them. 1 (c) Doctrine of the Nature of Man. Here is a problem - Walshe's "Confucius and Confucianism," pp. 8, 9, has a suggestion of what is desirable. 101 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS common to Christianity and to Confucianism, but with a divergent solution. As stated in an earlier paragraph, this problem was debated in Mencius' day. A junior missionary should not fail to compare the differing Confucian state- ments with those of Christian theologians. Mencius and Calvin seem rather far apart, but opinions vary in the Far East quite as they do in Occidental lands. (d) Belief in Existence After Death. The belief in a life beyond the grave is written over all the Classical books, especially the "Li Chi" and Part IV of the "Shih Ching." Compare this vague belief which is not of an endless ex- istence with our own views as to immortality. (e) Exaltation of the Founders of the Two Religions. Confucius is central in the system, as the name Confucianism suggests; so also Christ is the heart of Christianity. "In the inner circle of ardent Conf ucianists, known as the K'ung Chiao, Confucius in these last days is both idealized and worshiped in a manner which places a Gibraltar in the way of the worship of the Son of God, or even of Him whom the ancient Chinese adored as the Supreme Being." The two faiths are alike in making the life of their founders promi- nent in thought and experience. Nevertheless great harm will be done to the missionary cause, if Jesus is made to appear merely as the Christian parallel to Confucius. The absolute supremacy of Christ in the realm of religion should be courteously insisted upon, though not through a dispar- agement of the Chinese Sage. If the fundamental difference in relation of the two is kept in view, Confucius can be thoroughly appreciated without danger. (f ) The Idea of Sacrifice. This subordinate feature of the Confucian system is chiefly useful for enforcing the reasonableness of sacrifice, especially as held by many theo- logians in their discussion of the Atonement. It likewise has an ethical value in the theory of right and helpful living, and this should be strongly emphasized. 102 CHRISTIANITY AND CONFUCIANISM (g) The Use of Prayer. Christian and Confucian prayer are widely different, a fact that one's Confucian friend may be interested to have explained, to his possible profit. But this calls for a study of prayer in the Classics and especially in Imperial Confucianism. One should bear in mind items which partly account for the scholar's low estimate of prayer, especially certain sayings of Confucius with regard to it, as the "Analects," Book III, xiii, Book VII, xxxiv, with Chu Hsi's comment on the latter passage given by Legge. Illu- minating, too, are the commentator's advice given in his "Little Learning," "Do not bother the gods with too many prayers," and the edict of Emperor Hung Wu (1328-1399), forbidding the common people to pray to Heaven and Earth, since that was a prerogative reserved for himself, aside from the confusion and intolerable annoyance occasioned Heaven, "should the whole population be presenting their different prayers in one day." Dr. Chalmers adds that it was cus- tomary for other great men of China to forbid prayer among the common people. It is further desirable to emphasize the value of Christian prayer as a personal, daily practice. A China correspond- ent writes: "A most effective point of contact can be made here. As soon as it is made, the Confucianist will feel that his use of prayer, if it can be made at all, is cold and power- less compared with the Christian's approach in loving faith to a living, present Being who 'answers by fire.' The dyna- mic of prayer should be brought to bear more frequently upon the Confucianist." 2. Additional and Distinctive Teachings of Christianity. This is a natural sequence of preceding discussions; in- deed, the variations already suggested in beliefs held in common would partly fall under this head. (a) Atonement and Salvation. Only the most tenuous suggestions of atonement and a felt need of salvation are to be found in Confucianism, whereas these ideas are very 103 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS prominent in Christianity. A feeble and often perverted consciousness of sin is largely accountable for this. It there- fore follows that a Confucianist is more likely to be at- tracted to ethical theories than by those more deeply spir- itual. (b) The Resurrection. The doctrine of the resurrection is as likely to prove distasteful to Confucianists of the new regime as it was to St. Paul's auditors on Mars Hill. While it should be frankly discussed when a hold is gotten upon one's audience or one's callers, it hardly seems wise to pre- sent it at the outset. The mistake of the Nestorians, who seem to have avoided topics distasteful to Chinese scholars, teaches the necessity of presenting a whole Christianity with no attempt to avoid subjects so central as this in our faith and yet so opposed to Far-Eastern ideas. It should not be supposed, however, that Chinese literature has no records regarding bodily resurrection. Abundant proof of such be- liefs is found in Chapter VIII of De Groot's "The Religious System of China," Vol. IV. As that authority asserts: "Tales innumerable of the resurrection of men and women who had been dead for days, nay, who had rested in their graves for years, are current among the people. No doubt the majority thereof are trace- able to cases recorded in the books. In the 'T'ai P'ing kwang ki' alone I find one hundred and twenty-seven cases, gleaned from sundry other works, and this thesaurus goes only up to the tenth century of our era. With these facts before them, evangelists in China must hardly feel astonished at finding the Lord's resurrection, which they preach, mak- ing little impression on the reading class, in the eyes of whom that miracle must appear a very commonplace event." l (c) Eschatological Beliefs of Christianity. Other items than those mentioned in the preceding paragraph and on page 102 are here referred to. While popular beliefs as to the status of the departed after death are not derived from Confucian texts so much as from Buddhist teachings, 1 Work mentioned, pp. 123, 124. 104 CHRISTIANITY AND CONFUCIANISM they are nevertheless prevalent even among scholars. Specu- lative minds will often desire to know what the Christian conceptions of the future state are, and Confucian readers o> the New Testament will naturally wish to have references to the Parousia explained. The everlasting felicity of the dead in Christ forms an attractive feature of Christian teaching and may well be emphasized, though without going into de- tails as to its place and character. Possibly the most objec- tionable feature of Christianity to most Confucianists is its attitude toward ancestor worship. (d) Worship and the Sacraments. Worship is so com- mon a word in China and the act so common among the peo- ple in its simplest elements and yet so exclusive in its highest forms that the missionary should be prepared to explain very fully the Christian forms and their significance and personal helpfulness. The Sacraments especially are likely to be misunderstood and consequently to be criticised se- verely. It is perhaps equally desirable to emphasize tlr v matter in Japan and Korea. (e) Doctrine of the Church. The term "Church" has so different a connotation among Christians, even of the Prot- estant order, that care should be used to do no violence to differing views of the Church. Yet it has so much to give to the Far East that it may rightly be dwelt upon. In all three countries under consideration unity and federation have been so fully advocated and explained that denomina- tionalism should never be made to appear as equivalent to the broader conception of the Church Universal, but should take its rightful though subordinate place. The spiritual nature of the Church should be emphasized in contrast with a politico-religious organization. The inter- ference of certain missionaries in China in affairs of gov- ernment is well known to scholars and is a great stumbling- block to them. It has kept many an educated man from identifying himself with any form of Christianity. The 105 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS Church's ethical and practical values as suggested by Pro- fessor Royce's phrase, "The Beloved Community," even if one disagrees with his amplification of it, should be an at- tractive one to Conf ucianists. It also has the merit of being Pauline, so far as his accounts of its content and functions go. The junior missionary will find helpful Evan Morgan's note on "Chiao," or "Church." 1 (f ) Christianity's Enabling Power. Earnest - minded Confucianists have not hesitated to grant that a distinctive feature of Christianity is its claim to impart to the believer a dynamic which is due to the Holy Spirit's indwelling and which is itself the enabling factor lacking in Confucian teachings according to their own confession. It follows that the idea of the article in our creeds, "I believe in the Holy Ghost," should not only be well understood, but, what is vastly more important, it should be illustrated by the evi- dence of a Spirit-filled life. 3. Aspects of Christianity Objectionable to Confucian- ists. It is probably better for the missionary to discuss the aspects of Christianity to which Confucianists make objec- tion before attempting to point out Confucianism's weak- nesses and errors. Such aspects should be frankly treated, especially in their effect upon actual living, where the pro- fessing Christian is not true to his Christian teachings. (a) Foreign Origin and Advocacy. In Japan particu- larly the fact that Christianity came from the West was a serious detriment a quarter of a century ago, and is to-day in certain sections of China. It is always an objection to men among whom the nascent national spirit is strong. Happily Jesus was born in Asia and His teachings have an Oriental setting and substance which can be claimed for Christianity. An obvious offset to the charge of its alien propagation is to become as nearly Oriental in one's thoughts and habits as is wise, and to exalt the Oriental members of the missionary 1 Morgan, "New Terms and Expressions," p. 166. 106 CHRISTIANITY AND CONFUCIANISM force. This is particularly desirable in Japan, and among critical Chinese it is almost equally so. (b) Exclusive Character and Demands. Almost every Confucianist will inwardly resent Christianity's exclusive- ness, if, indeed, he does not openly reject it. The teach- ing and example of their honored Sage are so moral and so acceptable to nations of the Far East that such a posi- tion is wholly understandable. Yet a true apologetic can be found to make this exclusiveness appear reasonable. Dog- matic assertions of the supremacy of our faith will not carry conviction unless buttressed by unanswerable arguments. It will be advisable to point out the large element common to the Christian and Confucian systems which make separate yet almost identical claims upon both religionists, and to adopt an expository, rather than a polemic attitude. The exposition of Christianity in its fulness is its best defense. (c) Social Ideals. Such distinguished Orientals as the two Chinese Ministers'to the United States, Pung Kwang-yu and Wu Ting-fang, have voiced their opinions as to the impracticability of urging some of the teachings of Jesus. "It is important to make clear to the Confucian mind the difference between the teachings of Jesus as to personal injuries and the maintenance of public law with its corol- lary of retributive justice. It is well, too, to point out the fact that never yet has any nation accepted the doctrines of Christ and given them a fair trial in the world of politics and administration. Hence no argument can be legitimately urged against them as being Impracticable in the affairs of men. As a matter of fact, the acceptance of them by any individual or community secures the realization of the high- est ideals of morals and social life." It is significant that the Far East, while still clinging to Confucianism, is moving toward Jesus' social ideals regarding the dignity and worth of womanhood and the need of personal purity and of a single standard of continence. His doctrine of human 107 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS brotherhood and of the solidarity of the race in things spirit- ual carry implications which would be objected to by many Chinese and even Japanese Confucianists, though in China there has been less objection since the founding of the Re- public. (d) Impracticable Moral Ideals. Even more open to ob- jection on the ground of an impracticable idealism are some of Christianity's moral and religious precepts and principles. Universal love is as liable to be called foolishness to-day as when Mencius argued the point with Mo Ti; while our doc- trine of returning good for evil would be as stoutly opposed by many Far-Eastern scholars as when Confucius discussed the question with Lao Tzu if that tradition is historically upheld. Jesus' emphasis on perfection is not so novel to Confucianists as it is to votaries of other ethnic faiths, since it is the essence of much of the teaching as to the Superior Man; yet as a goal for actual realization on the part of the believer, it would be deemed by them a hopeless aim. It is obvious that certain doctrines of perfectionism might easily be adduced only to be discounted by Confucianists, with the further conviction on their part that they are merely fanciful and poetical views of life. (e) Doctrine of Universal Sinfulness. From the first day that a Chinese boy of the regime just at a close went to school and memorized the opening lines of the "Trimetri- cal Classic," "Men at their birth are by nature good," there was instilled into him a .conception not easily harmonized with the Christian' doctrine of the pervasiveness of sin. As the for- mer is found in the Classics, that view is held by the peoples of the Far East, though not learned so early, perhaps. The Christian idea of sin as transgression against God and divine law, rather than as crime or fault between men, is almost wholly lacking among the older Confucianists. The early views of heretical writers like the philosophers Hsiin K'uang and Han Wen-kung, supply an Oriental starting-point for 108 CHRISTIANITY AND CONFUCIANISM a discussion of the doctrine, and they are also nearer the position held by Christians than are Confucian views. 1 (f) Doctrine of the Supernatural. Like Continental Europe and the Occident everywhere to a less degree, Con- fucian countries will not readily accept the supernatural powers of Jesus, if they have had any acquaintance with Western anti-Christian literature such- as the Rationalist Press Association disseminates. They hold Confucius' own views as to the supernatural, and the gospel miracles are in consequence a serious stumbling-block in Christianity's way. So fundamental is this difficulty that missionary candidates should give special attention to the study of the topic. Natu- rally its storm-center lies in connection with the character and miracles of Jesus and with the credibility of the Gos- pels. 2 It should be added that among the lower classes in China, superstitious and marvelous tales are so commonly believed that the Bible miracles do not present difficulties. (g) The Divinity and Deity of Christ. It is as difficult for the worker among highly educated Confucianists, espe- cially those of Japan, as for missionaries to Moslems, to discuss with entire satisfaction the nature of Christ. It is essential that the young missionary should be able to distin- guish clearly between His divinity and His deity and to main- tain the distinction in any controversy that may arise. The obvious distinction between the two terms and the varying senses of the word deity as here used should be clearly un- derstood and insisted upon in any controversy that may arise. 4. Confucian Views Opposed to Christian Teachings. Though reserved for the last place in the studies here sug- gested, the items mentioned below are not of inferior im- portance. They would naturally be the latest to be taken up for discussion with Confucian callers or inquirers, if the 1 See Prolegomena of Legge's "Chinese Classics," with the text, Vol. II, pp. 79-91, or pp. 77-90 of his "Life and Works of Mencius." 2 Books on the supernatural which help to meet the difficulties of alert students at home will he equally helpful among thoughtful Chinese or Japanese. Wendland's "Miracles and Christianity," and Illingworth's "The Gospel Miracles" have been recommended for the pur- pose. Fairbairn's "Philosophy of the Christian Religion" is a standard work in most respects. 109 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS theory of allowing a constructive work to precede a destruc- tive treatment is granted. (a) Views of Sin. Twice already the important subject of sin has been mentioned as calling for study. Here it is introduced from the standpoint of the Confucian inquirer whose ideas as to sin should be fully known, just as the Christian view was central in 3 (e) above. Here Mencius's side of the controversy with the philosophers named in that section may be the starting-point of study. The different terms used to cover the varied aspects of sin as viewed by Far-Eastern scholars should be studied carefully, even to the possible significance of the underlying Chinese ideograms. The special dictionaries of Legge's volumes and their Eng- lish indexes are useful also. Missionaries in China will find much assistance in Dr. John Darroch's Chinese tract, "Tsui Tzu Chieh I," an etymological study of the character for "sin," showing what a wonderful knowledge of sin was pos- sessed by the early scholars who devised the ideograph. (b) The Sanction of Polygamy. All family relation- ships and usages among the Chinese are likely to be misun- derstood and even to be publicly misinterpreted. The dis- tinctions between the one wife and secondary wives and concubines of China should be clearly learned. The under- lying Confucian defense of the system in its need for male progeny should likewise receive attention, in order to insure the sympathetic treatment that the painful topic deserves. Since in China the enlightened scholars regard polygamy and the social evil as beyond opium even the greatest curse of the Republic, Confucianist and Christian can stand to- gether in this matter. 1 (c) The Exaggeration of Filial Piety. This interesting phase of family life is particularly emphasized in Chinese theory, but it is also prominent among all Confucianists. Christianity has no fault to find with a subordinated filial 1 See Proceedings of China Continuation Committee, Fifth Meeting, 1917, pp. 36-38. 110 CHRISTIANITY AND CONFUCIANISM regard and practice; a caveat is entered only against its un- due exaggeration. It is desirable to point out that in both the Old Testament and the New emphasis is placed on filial reverence and that our laws, founded on Christian ethics, interfere in cases of neglect. The diverging views should be ascertained from devoted Confucian converts and from works on Christian ethics, if both sides of the question are to be understood. So delicate is this matter that unusual care should be exercised in its treatment. Junior mission- aries desiring to investigate it fully will find in Vols. IX to XI of the "Chinese Recorder," Dr. Faber's "Critique of the Chinese Notions and Practice of Filial Piety/' a series of nine articles with extended quotations in Chinese. (d) Undue Regard for Deceased Ancestors. The wor- ship of ancestors constitutes the climax and, likewise, the most unworthy aspect of the filial piety just discussed. The Jesuit vs. Dominican and Franciscan controversy as to whether it was worship or mere reverence, and hence pos- sible for a Christian, may be profitably studied, as well as the heated discussion of ancestor worship before Protestant bodies, both of which sources will convince the junior mis- sionary of its seriousness as affecting harmony among mis- sionaries and also the integrity of the Christian life of con- verts from Confucianism. It involves a careful study of the significance of the ancestral tablet and its vivification, and many connected subsequent ceremonies with their signifi- cance. The Confucian point of view is even more important to understand than is that of the missionary. As caste is the crucial problem which confronts Christianity's represent- atives in India, so is ancestor worship 1 in the Far East. A Peking missionary who has worked much with govern- ment students writes : "Ancestor worship merits more careful attention than missionaries are now giving it. The final word has not yet been spoken regarding 1 See' pp. 39-41 of Proceedings of Fifth Annual Meeting of the China Continuation Committee, 1917. Ill PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS the attitude toward it of the Chinese Christian Church. That which, from a Confucian point of view, has in it something so fundamental and essential must have a contribution to make to the life of the Church, while being purged of all that is debasing and idolatrous. The feeling of family solidarity, so characteristically Chinese, shaped and colored the thoughts of immortality. In the stated family sacrifices, according to the 'Book of Odes,' 'our ancestors descend in their majesty ; their spirits enjoy the offerings and their filial descendant obtains their blessing.' Dr. Ross says, 'The departed who are remarkable for char- acter and achievement are in heaven in the immediate presence of Shang Ti.' So the longing for a touch of immortality, however vague, the longing for an intermediary between the human and the divine, and the longing for fellowship with the loved ones who have passed into the unseen all reach out for satisfaction in the worship of ancestors. How shall the good the real dynamic in this be preserved ?" 1 (e) Oracles and Superstitions. The Confucianist may well declare that superstitious rites and beliefs are out- side the pale of his system and are more properly chargeable to Shintoism, Buddhism and Taoism. Such a reply is true, and hence these items should be held in reserve, and when used should be most carefully presented. Yet in China at least, the feng shui doctor appeals to the "I Ching," or "Canon of Changes," as his final authority; and that, as related to geomancy especially, holds millions in its baneful thrall. Oracles are not likely to be relied upon among mod- ern trained Conf ucianists ; for divination by stalks and tor- toise shells would be as distasteful a proposition to them, albeit taught by their Canon, as a use of the sacred lot of Urim and Thummim would be to the missionary. (f) The Sanction of Polytheism. From the Christian viewpoint Confucianism is truly polytheistic. As the Canon stands, gods many and spirits many are there found. Prob- ably the majority of modern Confucianists would, neverthe- less, repudiate the doctrine. Should any defend polytheism, it would be extremely embarrassing for the missionary to be 1 A helpful discussion and partial answer will be found in the Centenary Conference re- port of 1907 and other references are given in Appendix D, and also in pp. 39-41, Proceedings of China Continuation Committee, Fifth Meeting, 1917. 112 CHRISTIANITY AND CONFUCIANISM unable to give definite facts as to its character and reality as evidenced by the Classics. Data should be sought within the Confucian system itself and not in beliefs in popular deities and a host of spirits not even mentioned in the Canon. The imperial sacrifices of the winter solstice are a special point deserving attention in view of the late President Yuan Shih-k'ai's rehabilitation of that worship, if it has not already been investigated above under Imperial Confucianism and its reestablishment since the Revolution. (g) Chu Hsi's Views of God. It is important that a mis- sionary should investigate the materialistic views of God which are found in the writings of Chu Hsi. Here, as has been already suggested, is the philosophical fountain-head of China's materialism, and to a less degree that of all the Far East, except as it has been imported from the Occident. Its possible origin in Chu Hsi's early devotion to Buddhism of the southern type should be looked into. Its cosmogony is an important phase of the question also. M'Clatchie's "Confucian Cosmogony," which is a translation of Chu Hsi's discussion of the subject, is one of the most important refer- ences, because it contains the Chinese text and voluminous notes. (h) Man Only Indirectly Related to God. While it is well nigh true that Confucianism provides no way of ac- cess to God, this is more the fault of its later imperial form than of the canonical books. Back to those we may go to find arguments to win scholars to the noble Christian view of personal approach to God and filial dwelling with Him. "The priesthood of believers" is a Christian doctrine as im- portant to understand and teach to modern Confucianists as Luther's insistence upon the individual relation of a man to God was at the Reformation. Jesus as the Great Medi- ator may be urged as a perfect fulfilment of the Emperor's mediatorship at the solstitial sacrifices. The doctrine of mediatorship is illustrated in China by business practices. 113 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS It is also abundantly illustrated by classical literature in Chi- nese, as the often fanciful yet suggestive citations of De Premare's "Vestiges des Principaux Dogmes Chretiens," 173-489, especially his treatment of early legends of Chinese heroes and rulers, pp. 425-61, clearly show. 5. The Antithesis and Synthesis. From what has been said, it ought to be evident that the missionary should en- deavor to adapt to Confucianists his mode of thought and approach, and not that he is in any manner to belittle Chris- tianity's message or its incomparable Author. One veteran missionary states the case thus : "It seems to me that the real issue is not between two philosophers, nor two programs of life, nor two pieces of literature, but between a philosophy and a supernatural religion. The thought I have in mind may be illustrated by two or three examples of its application. First, in comparing the Bible with the literature of Confucianism, should we not contend for the unique spiritual quality, the transcendant revela- tion of divine things? Second, in the comparison of the person of Christ with that of Confucius, should not more be made of the unique relationship that Christ sustains to His own teaching and His disciples ? Confucius claims no other relationship to men than that of teacher. We can hardly think of him as saying, 'Come unto me all ye that labor and are heavy laden/ 1 am the way, the truth and the life/ and To, I am with you alway/ Third, the clear distinction between the teach- ing of Confucius and the teaching of our Lord, in that in the one mere duties are enjoined, in the other salvation is promised. One proclaims duties, and the other holds out the radiant hope of a transformation of character and a renewal and recovery of the lost." Another student of Confucianism puts part of the case even more strongly : "One thing I would plead for, that young missionaries be warned to avoid seeming to make Christ and Confucius bid against each other for adherents. I have heard so many men speak as if our Master were one of the multitude of teachers pleading for a hearing. Teach the young men to bring Christ to the people of the East as the answer to the problems of Confucius and the fulfilment of his dreams and the One for whose coming Confucius was raised up to prepare." 114 VI. TRANSFUSING THE CHRISTIAN MESSAGE INTO LIFE A clear exposition of Christianity, even if the Conf ucianist wholly agrees to its claims and supremacy, is only the begin- ning of the missionary's work for such persons. The pro- longed task yet remains. In its performance the following suggestions may prove helpful. They have Chinese Con- fucianists mainly in view. 1. Special Bible Classes. The majority of educated Chi- nese would resent being placed in general Bible study groups the membership of which was made up of relatively ignorant persons whose knowledge of Christianity and the Bible would nevertheless so far exceed their own as to make them appear at a humbling disadvantage. A greater reason for providing special instruction for such persons is that their needs and the wisest methods of approach demand separate provision for their teaching. Naturally the leaders of these groups should be men of ability and scholarship and not persons from the rank and file of the church membership. If a mis- sionary conducts a group, he will fail to attain, his goal if he does not take the matter seriously. Extemporaneous harangues and pious platitudes are not what is desired; thoughtful and sympathetic teaching of the Bible in its great essentials as related to life, rather than in its unimportant archaic details in no way affecting Orientals to-day, will secure attention and exert a strong influence. Proud and timid men of this class would appreciate a separate room for such instruction, rather than to be placed prominently among the lowly members of ordinary Bible or Sunday schools. Missionaries in Japan will not need to be reminded that individual work is the only method likely to succeed among Confucian scholars of that empire. 2. Knowing Through Doing. The saying of Jesus, "If any man willeth to do his will, he shall know of the teach- ing, whether it be of God, or whether I speak of myself," is 115 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS very important in dealing with Confucian inquirers. Spe- cific suggestions as to Christlike living in everyday life and an example of such a living-out of New Testament teachings will aid more than anything else in most cases to a full real- ization of what Christianity and its doctrines really are. 3. Discussions with Educated Men.^ Those attending these Bible groups are in a mood for a further and more general discussion of the two systems, and especially of the broader bearings of Bible teachings. It is desirable to hold special meetings for them and to urge them to bring with them such friends as are willing to hear full and familiar explanations of Christianity. Debate as to the comparative value of Confucianism and Christianity should be avoided, though frank discussion and a statement of diverging views are to be encouraged. The inquirer thus receives his first lesson in Christian service and at the same time is partici- pating in a profitable school of training in work for other groups that he may later gather about him. 4. Growth Through Larger Service. Every Christian won from Confucian ranks in China at least comes from the Ju Chiao, or Sect of the Lettered, as the phrase signifies, though chiao means teaching, or doctrine rather than a sect in its primary meaning. As such all are competent, with proper Christian training, to instruct others. Moreover, in all three countries under consideration their superior knowl- edge gives them a position of influence and a primacy in teaching which the ordinary Oriental Christian does not possess. Here is an opportunity for a Far-Eastern Lay- men's Movement that missionaries should develop, partly through full theological training of the few for church posi- tions, but more largely through training the majority for the lay service of the Church in its manifold and enlarging spheres of influence. Such service is greatly desired by some of the more enlightened scholars of China. A friend writes : "In these days of contact with missionaries and of the evident need 116 THE NEEDED POWER of setting in order the house of the Republic, a feeling of responsibility for the lower classes is arising. How shall they be lifted up and made a source of strength instead of being a menace to the state ? The intel- ligent, patriotic Confucianist no longer looks with contempt upon mis- sionary effort for the ignorant and vicious. In fact, he may be induced to join hands in the work, knowing that the missionary has from some source the secret of uplift; and perhaps through his own failure in just these lines, the proud Confucianist seeks to learn about that dynamic of Christianity which he has chosen earlier to ignore as affect- ing his own life." 5. Helpful Literature. Many of these men, especially be- fore any movement among Confucianists has begun, are isolated and greatly need the help which may come through literature especially prepared for them. In Appendix E a list of such books and periodicals accessible in the Chinese language will be found. Here the missionary's attention is called to the great need of further volumes and the desira- bility of selecting from the men of his acquaintance the most able and spiritual of these converts and encouraging and aid- ing him in such authorship. The help coming to the Roman Catholic cause through the writings of such a convert as Dr. Paul Hsu is suggestive of what may be gained from the work here proposed. VII. THE NEEDED POWER The exceedingly important task here outlined is a great yet rewarding one. It aims at no mass movement, but is rather the laying siege to Mansoul, the citadel of Eastern Asia's reluctance to receive the Christian message and ruled over by a man whose training and environment have inclined him to be self-sufficient, unspiritual and agnostic. To win that fortress demands laborious mining, watchful waiting, tact- ful approach, loving attack, firmness in calling men to a joy- ful and entire surrender to our Supreme King and patience in transforming these captives into glad "bond-servants of 117 PRESENTING CHRISTIANITY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS Jesus Christ" because at last the Silver Rule of China's Throneless King has been replaced by the positive altruism of Jesus' Royal Law. To win Confucianists for Christ's widening Kingdom is too stupendous an undertaking to be entered upon with the equipment of flesh and mind alone; it is "not by an army" of such strong men that the Gibraltar of non-Christian religionists is to be won. The whole pan- oply of God must be the possession of those who would con- quer, and victory is only in His Son and through the power with which He endues those who wait upon Him and are obedient unto His Word. St. Paul's prayer, following his statement concerning the Christian panoply and found in Ephesians 6:13-18, may well be the burden of missionaries in the Far East whose work brings them in frequent contact with Confucianists. 118 APPENDIXES APPENDIX A. STUDIES OF SPECIAL VALUE FOR ONE WHO Is TO BE A MISSIONARY IN CONFUCIAN LANDS The following lists aim to indicate those studies which are of prime importance for the candidate or for the missionary who desires to interpret Christianity to Confucian peoples. The general studies which are common to missionary prepa- ration for all fields and for all types of service have not been mentioned, having been adequately discussed in the reports of committees and conferences already issued by the Board of Missionary Preparation. 1. To be Pursued at College or at a Training School History of the Far East The history and literature of these countries, especially of China, are so intertwined that an ignorance of the former would be sur- prising to an educated Chinese. Anthropology and Ethnology Such courses will give the candidate a valuable preliminary knowl- edge of Far-Eastern peoples. Political and Economic History of Nations China is now in a transitional state. The people are keenly alive to theories of progress based upon the experience of the ancient and modern world. Psychology Educational psychology is very valuable for the young missionary. Ethics A thorough-going knowledge of Occidental ethics is desirable as a basis for the understanding of Confucianism, itself an ethical system. Sociology "Changing China" makes this study unusually important. The mis- sionary should acquire the social point of view of the Occident. 2. To be Pursued in the Professional or Graduate Training School The history and comparison of religions A general knowledge of religion gives one much greater acceptance among the influential classes in the Far East. The Bible The one who goes to China to teach a religion founded upon the Bible but who has no mastery of it is greatly discounted. 119 APPENDIX A Apologetics The ability to state the reasons for Christianity clearly and ade- quately is very important in China and essential in Japan. The study of the arguments for and against materialism is essential. The history of Christian missions The science of Christian missions The general principles of phonetics as applied to language. 3. To be Pursued during the Period of Specialization The studies of this period will, as a rule, be taken either in an insti- tution at home, adequate for the purpose, or in one of the well-equipped training schools on the field. The intensive history of Christian missions in the Far East. The special missionary problems of the Far East. The Far East under the influence of Western civilization dur- ing the past century. The place of Mohammedanism in China. The place of Buddhism in the Far East. The social, economic, political, philosophical, and religious prob- lems of the Far East in the last decade. Ihe application of the principles of phonetics to the language group to which the vernacular of the missionary's field belongs. This may be done at home only under exceptional circumstances. Theories of government The missionary needs merely to be able to converse intelligently on such matters. 4. To be Pursued during the First Period of Missionary Service in the Far East Some of the subjects mentioned above will be continued during the years on the field. To these may be added such studies as the fol- lowing : The thorough mastery of the vernacular with which the mis- sionary is to work. The reading of newspapers and current literature. The reading of selections from the Classics in the original. The mastery in translation at least of the works emphasized in this Report. Animism in the Far East. Taoism in China and Shintoism in Japan. The popular religion of China the really vital forces at work. 120 STUDIES OF SPECIAL VALUE The correlation of Chinese or Japanese religious thinking with Christian thought. The presentation of the gospel. The development of the indigenous Chinese church. 5. To be Pursued during the First Furlough The primary purpose of the missionary during his first furlough should be to supply the deficiencies in his preparation which the first term of service has revealed, to bring himself up to date in the line of his special work in the Far East, and to familiarize himself with the new views and new methods in related fields. Among the topics of especial value are: A review of philosophy, ethics and theology with the purpose of getting adjusted to progress in each department. A comparison of Chinese or Japanese ethics with Western ethics to discover their relations. Advanced study of Confucianism, etc., with home experts. The economic and social history of the Far East. A study of the Far East with a view of determining its perma- nent place in the world and its contribution to world better- ment. The complete message of the missionary to Confucian peoples. Denominationalism and federation in missions. 6. Studies which will Demand the Permanent Attention of the Mis- sionary to Confucian Peoples The idiomatic and elegant use of the missionary's vernacular and a familiar knowledge of its literature through selected examples. The Occidental and Confucian types of life, character and view- point in their differences and in their complemental features. Chinese social movements and the attitude of the missionary toward them. The position of women in China and their uplift. The animistic element in Far-Eastern religious thought and prac- tice and its influence on the Chinese and Korean Christian churches. The future Christian churches in the Far East: their full self- realization, their ecclesiastical type and their place in Christen- dom. The latent spiritual forces in the Far East. 121 APPENDIX B. A BRIEF COURSE OF SPECIALIZED READING FOR FAR-EASTERN CANDIDATES While this report has been prepared for fuller use by those who will spend much time upon the reading and study re- quired to fill out the meager outline here given, there must be many who for varied reasons cannot devote much atten- tion to this part of their preparation. For such persons the following suggestions are made. 1. Reading Desirable for All the Far East. China, Japan and Korea are so intimately related that it is important that a missionary candi- date should have a general knowledge of certain aspects of Far- Eastern life in all three countries, particularly on the religious side. The reading here suggested is of brief or essential books and other sources. A general survey of these countries from a missionary viewpoint can be found in Moule's "Spirit of Japan," Gale's "Korea in Transi- tion" and Smith's "Uplift of China." Read them throughout. Chapters VI and VIII of Knox's "Spirit of the Orient" are also well worth reading by all. For a general survey of late movements in the three lands, pages 3-26, 343-7 of "The Christian Movement in the Japanese Empire" for 1916, and pages 3-20 of the same for 1917, with pages 11-43 of the "China Mission Year Book" for 1916, and the same Year Book for 1917, are commended. If they are not available, read the "International Review of Missions" articles on a missionary survey of the years 1915, 1916, found in the January issues for 1916, 1917 the Japan, Korea and China sections. For the religious situation briefer books are not so satisfactory as fuller ones. Professor Ashida's article, "Japan," Maurice Courant's sketch of "Korea" and De Groot's "Confucian Religion," all in the "Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics," with Walshe's booklet, "Con- fucius and Confucianism" as a fuller statement, supply good outlines of a helpful sort. Though too brief, Chapter III in Underwood's "Call of Korea" is better than Courant from the candidate's point of view. For fuller general discussions, Soothill's "Three Religions of China" and Harada's "The Faith of Japan" are commended; though for out- line work they are useful mainly in parts. 122 SPECIALIZED READING 2. Additional Readings for Japan Candidates. Dr. Gulick's "Evolu- tion of the Japanese" will enable the missionary to understand these people as perhaps nothing else in English does. Their possibilities as Christian leaders are impressively shown in either Dr. Davis's or Professor Hardy's biography of Joseph Neesima. Their own estimate of themselves as related to Western influences and civilization is admi- rably shown in Chapters XXIV and XXIX of Okuma's "Fifty Years of New Japan." Fuller information concerning the religions of the Empire may be found in the work last named, Chapters II-V, the fifth being on Chris- tianity. Dr. Griffis's "Religions of Japan" is still fuller and is com- mended to those who cannot secure Count Okuma's work. Another substitute for his volumes is Dr. Knox's "The Development of Religion in Japan." Chapter IV of Vol. IV, "World Missionary Conference, 1910," will be rewarding also. It is assumed that President Harada's volume mentioned under paragraph 1 above has been read. If not, it should be. Missionary methods are discussed helpfully by Mr. Pieters in "Mis- sion Problems in Japan." Even more profitable perhaps is Miss De Forest's life of her father, "The Evolution of a Missionary," since it is a history of missionary methods as evolved in a virile, godly life. The history of missions in the Empire should be known in outline at least. For this purpose Clement's "Christianity in Modern Japan" is a good briefer book. For extended study Dr. Cary's "History of Christianity in Japan" is the best work on the subject. Volume II is the one most valuable, as it confines itself to Protestant Missions. For a sketchy background of life in the Empire, Lloyd's "Every-day Japan" especially Chapters I, XII, XV, XXIV, XXXVIII, LXII, LXIII is admirable. Less authoritative but equally interesting is Scherer's "Japan To-day." For a full background of varied aspects, read Dr. Knox's "Japanese Life in Town and Country." These vol- umes are placed last as being less important than those preceding under paragraph 2. 3. Additional Readings for Korea Candidates. A full general intro- duction to one's future field can be found in Allen's "Things Korean," written by the pioneer medical missionary from America. As mis- sionary and diplomat his book has importance, even though it is written in a scrappy way. Dr. Gale's "Korean Sketches" will serve a similar purpose, with more literary attractiveness, despite its being twenty years old. An adequate knowledge of the Koreans is not obtainable in any such 123 APPENDIX B volume as Dr. Gulick's "Evolution of the Japanese," or Dr. Smith's "Chinese Characteristics." Hence the brief chapters on the people in the books already named will need to be supplemented from other sources. Thus Chapter I of Longford's "Story of Korea," Chapter XII of Ladd's "In Korea with Marquis Ito" deals mainly with the higher classes in a transitional period, Chapter X of Ross's "History of Corea," Chapter II of Hulbert's "Passing of Korea," or pages cli-clxi of Dallet's "Histoire d'l'Eglise de Coree" will fill out the picture. "Five Korean Characteristics" in the April, 1917, "Korea Magazine" is excellent. The religious views and life of the people may be learned more fully from Griffis's "Corea the Hermit Nation," Chapter XXXVII, Lowell's "Choson," Chapters XIX, XX; Mrs. Bishop's "Korea and Her Neigh- bors," Chapters XXX, XXXIV, XXXV, or Dallet's "Histoire," pages cxxxviii-cl. A series of six articles on "The Korean Mudang and Pansu" in the 1903 files of "The Korean Review" makes the animistic aspects of religion very clear and saddening. "The Korean Reposi- tory" for 1895, pages 401-4, contains a brief but pointed article upon "Confucianism in Korea." "A Korean's View of Christianity" in the June, 1917, "Korea Magazine" is a sample Confucian view of its own system and Christianity, written in the eighteenth century. Protestant missionary history in Korea began in 1884 and hence no formal annals have been prepared. Dallet's work mentioned above is an admirable survey of Roman Catholic Missions and martyrdom up to 1866. Mrs. Underwood's "Fifteen Years Among the Top-knots" gives personal reminiscences of her own work for more than half the period of Protestant occupation; while in the form of a novel Dr. Gale has written with only a thin veil of disguise of the missionaries and their work in "The Vanguard" a delightful specimen of his- torical fiction. Methods in Korea are largely responsible for the marvelous success of the enterprise there. They are given in a nutshell in Dr. Under- wood's "Call of Korea," pages 109-10. Dr. Nevius's theories, more fully stated, are set forth in his "Methods of Mission Work," even more useful for Korean missionaries than for those in China, Dr. Nevius's field. Mrs. Baird, in her "Inside Views of Mission Life," has depicted the worker in personal life and action in a way almost as helpful as if she were discussing methods, while her "Daybreak in Korea" does partly the same thing in a series of pictures of Korean work. 4. Additional Readings for China Candidates. If a single volume 124 SPECIALIZED READING were to be advised for such candidates, perhaps Bishop Bashford's "China an Interpretation" would best serve every purpose, despite its fulness. An earlier, briefer and in most respects, except up-to-dateness, an equally comprehensive introduction to this field is Dr. Nevius's "China and the Chinese." If Dr. Pott's "Emergency in China" were added, there would remain only a score of years not covered in a gen- eral way. The Chinese people are amusingly and truly portrayed in Dr. Smith's "Chinese Characteristics." Yet this volume has been criticised as being too much the work of a humorist who has magnified the foibles and failings of the people, a fault which the author has done some- thing to atone for in his "China and America To-day," Chapter IV which should be read in any case. Like this latter chapter, Professor Ross's discussion of the "Race Fiber" and the "Race Mind" of the people in his "Changing Chinese" will give the candidate some con- ception of the strength of these Orientals. To supplement this domi- nantly northern view of these people, missionaries south of the Yang- tzu River may read Chapters II, III, XV, XXI-XXV, of Dyer Ball's "The Chinese at Home," or Hardy's "John Chinaman at Home," Chapters VII, IX, XVI, XXI, XXXI. If Soothill's "Three Religions of China" was not read in connection with paragraph 1, it should be studied and will suffice for a modern view of this subject. If unobtainable, read Douglas's "Confucianism and Taouism," or Chapters III, IV of Gibson's "Mission Problems and Methods in South China." Legge's "Religions of China" is fuller than the last reference and may be substituted if desired. Chapter III of Volume IV, "World Missionary Conference, 1910," will summarize, from a missionary viewpoint, what has been read. No great mission field is so inadequately provided with histories of the work as China. The latest account of this sort is in Chapter VII of Canon Robinson's "History of Christian Missions," with War- neck's "Abriss einer Geschichte der protestantischen Missionen," pages 462-491, as almost as late a summary revised in 1913. The best full volumes are McGillivray's "Century of Protestant Missions in China," valuable for its treatment of individual societies, and Broom- hall's "Chinese Empire," useful for the history of work by provinces. So is the "China Mission Year Book" for 1917. This enables a can- didate to learn in detail what his society has done in all portions of China through the first work, and the reading of Broomhall's volume gives him a view of all missions laboring in his own province. It is not advisable to read either volume throughout, though the forty-page 125 APPENDIX C "Introduction" of Broomhall's book should be read. Both works bring the history up to 1907 only. Missionary methods are discussed for northeastern China in Ross's "Mission Methods in Manchuria," for North China in Nevius's booklet, "Methods of Mission Work," for Eastern China in Soothill's "A Typical Mission in China," and for Southeastern China in Gibson's "Mission Problems and Mission Methods in South China." The "China Centenary Missionary Conference Records" of 1907 is admirable, though its fulness makes it unadvisable to read more than Part I at most. N. B. It is evident that if all the literature mentioned in this Appen- dix were carefully studied, it could not be called a "Brief Course." Candidates are again reminded that only the brief books of paragraph 1 and the sources under the chosen field of their future labors are to be read. Of the special field suggestions a candidate is not likely to find in the average college or university library half of the sources mentioned. Let him see what is available and read what he has time for, omitting the general works of paragraph 1 if time is lacking. If very little time is available, we would advise a careful reading of this report, of the brief volume for his field found in paragraph 1, and of Bishop Montgomery's "Mankind and the Church," pages xi-xlviii, by all, of pages 138-236 by candidates for Japan, and of pages 239-277 for those going to China. APPENDIX C. AN ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF LITERA- TURE IN EUROPEAN LANGUAGES USEFUL FOR THIS REPORT In this list are entered a selected number of books, pam- phlets and periodicals useful in these studies. The list may seem very large. It is made so in order to enable the reader to find at least one source for most of the subjects having suggested readings. Thus, if a list of fifty of the best books only had been given, the reader would be far less likely to find a given reference than with the present one with its two hundred and fifty entries. Appendixes B and D will aid the reader in selecting from the sources here mentioned those useful for specific topics and fields. While this Bibliography contains the best aids to the study of the subject for scholars 126 BIBLIOGRAPHY and junior missionaries, the majority of the sources are more or less popular in character, being intended for the average missionary candidate for the Far East. The annotations are, in the main, the work of the Chair- man of the Committee alone. He should be held responsible for the statements here found. In most cases they are not at all critical, but aim to give some idea of the contents and values of the various entries. 1. Alexander, G. G. Confucius, the Great Teacher. Pp. xx, 314. London, Paul, 1890. This is "a resume of all that concerns the life, times and teachings of Confucius," in- cluding some legendary incidents. 2. Allan, C. W. The Makers of Cathay. Pp. iv, 242, v. Shanghai, Presby- terian Mission Press, 1909. A convenient and trustworthy volume, giving relatively full sketches of nineteen Chi- nese worthies, of whom Confucius, Mencius, Chu Hsi, Chin Shih Huang Ti, Wang An-shih and K'ang Hsi are most important here. 3. Allen, C. F. R. The Book of Chinese Poetry ... the Shih Ching; or Classic of Poetry. Pp. xl, 528. London, Trubner, 1891. By a British consul and Chinese scholar who succeeds in showing in Chinese literature "something that really concerns us, something that is not merely old but eternally young." Its use of Chinese characters in notes is an aid. 4. Allen, H. J. Early Chinese History. Pp. 300. London, S. P. C. K., 1906. In his discussion of the question, Are the Chinese Classics forged? this British consul expresses views differing from those of most scholars, holding that those works were the product of the historian Ssu-ma Ch'ien and scholars of the Han Dynasty. It con- tains very extended quotations bearing on his contention. 5. Allen, H. N. Things Korean. Pp. 256. New York, Revell, 1908. "A collection of sketches and anecdotes, missionary and diplomatic," by the first Protes- tant missionary to that country, later a diplomat. 6. Armstrong, R. C. Light from the East. Studies in Japanese Confucian- ism. Pp. xv, 326. Toronto, University of Toronto, 1914. The most extended treatment in English of this subject; confined almost exclusively to the Confucian philosophy of the Tokugawa age. The author has devoted some years to the study of Japan's intellectual development in its varied phases, and in preparing this volume he had the assistance of Japanese scholars. 7. Asiatic Review, prior to 1914, known as the "Asiatic Quarterly Review." London, Unwin. Vol. II, 1886, pp. 381-402, has an article by Dr. Edkins on Confucian religion; illu- minating. Vol. IX, 1890, pp. 12-29 contains an article on "The Model Missionary in China," a literary man's conception of what he should be, written after many years' residence and observation. In a series of articles from Vol. IX, new series, 1895, to Vol. XI, Prof. C. de Harlez contributes a translation of the "I Ching," with notes and discussions. 8. Baird, A. L. A. Daybreak in Korea. Pp. 123. New York, Revell, 1909. Mrs. Baird writes from observation of Koreans "richly endowed with capacity for high ideals and sacrifice of self, with power to love, to hate, to enjoy, to suffer and to endure." 9. Inside Views of Mission Life. Pp. 138. Philadelphia, Westminster Press, 1913. Has nothing to do with Confucianism, but it is a fine booklet for a young missionary to Korea and other Far-Eastern lands. 10. Ball, J. D. The Celestial and His Religions. Pp. xviii, 240. Hongkong, Kelly & Walsh, 1906. The first lecture on the primeval conception of God in Chinese and primitive religion, and lecture second on "Propriety, Ceremonial and National Righteousness, or Con- fucianism" are most helpful portions of this book. 11. The Chinese at Home. Pp. xii, 370. New York, Revell, 1912. Half a century's acquaintance with China and the Chinese makes these readable sketches valuable. 127 APPENDIX C 12. [Bailer, F. W.] Letters from an Old Missionary to His Nephew. Pp. 122. Shanghai, American Presbyterian Press, 1907. Substance of talks given at the China Inland Mission Training Home, Anking, by their most experienced missionary. Conservative in its religious and biblical views; most strongly commended for its practical advice for young missionaries. 13. Barrows, J. H., editor. World's Parliament of Religions. Held in Chi- cago in Connection with the Columbia Exposition of 1893. Pp. xxiv, 1600. Two vols. Chicago, Parliament Publishing Co., 1893. nfucianism in Vol. I by the Minister to the United 5 Kwang-yu, a Chinese authority on the subject. Discussion of Confucianism in Vol. I by the Minister to the United States, Pung 14. Bashford, J. W. China an Interpretation. Pp. 620. New York, Abingdon Press, 1916. Bishop Bashford's former work as an educator and his long residence in China, where he had opportunities for wide observation, make this one of the best volumes on that country for prospective missionaries. Chs. VI-X are especially useful for these studies. 15. Bettany, G. T. The World's Religions. Pp. xvii, 908. New York, Chris- tian Literature Co., 1891. A popular compilation by a well-informed student of religions. See pp. 102-143 for Confucianism and Confucius. 16. Bishop, I. B. Korea and Her Neighbors. Pp. 480. New York, Revell, 1898. A world traveler's account of her journeys in Manchuria and Korea. Chs. XXX, XXXIV, XXXV, on exorcists and demonism, and her references to mission work see Index, "Missionaries and the Missions" are especially good. 17. Bosworth, E. I. Studies of the Teaching of Jesus and His Apostles. Pp. xi, 217. New York, Y. M. C. A. Press, 1901. Thirty studies arranged for daily devotional use, with Bible passages, comments and questions; prepared for students. 18. Bouinais, Lieutenant-Colonel and A. Paulus. Le Culte des Morts dans le Celeste Empire et 1'Annam Compare au Culte des Ancetres dans 1'Antikuite Occidentale. Pp. xxxiii, 267. Paris, Ernest Leroux, 1893. Full statement in Part I of the cult of the dead and ancestor worship and sacrifices; in Part II of similarities between Far-Eastern and ancient Occidental ancestor wor- ship; and in Part III of the influence of Chinese eschatological views upon Far-Eastern family and society ideals. 19. Boulger, D. C. The History of China. Two vols. Pp. 734, 627. London, W. Thacker & Co., 1898. One of the standard English histories of China. Pp. 1-64, Vol. I, for early history, and pp. 504-547, Vol. II, for later history to 1898, are most useful, though briefer books are more desirable except for specialists. 20. Brewster, W. N. The Evolution of New China. Pp. 316. New York, Eaton & Mains, 1907. Ch. VI, on "Cliino's Triune Religion," is a concise account of the relative place of Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism in the changing regime: written by a missionary of prominence. 21. Brinkley, Captain F. Oriental Series Japan: Its History, Arts and Lit- erature. Eight vols. Vols. II and V. Pp. 286 and 260. Boston, Millet, 1901, 1902. The author was one of the best-informed men of letters in Japan. His judgment as to the matters recommended is that of a scholarly general student and not that of a specialist. See Chs. V, Vol. II, and Ch. V, Vol. V. 22. Broomhall, M., editor. The Chinese Empire, a General and Missionary Survey. Pp. xxiv, 472. London, Morgan & Scott, 1907. Its introduction on the general history of Missions a good sketch. The history and present status of Missions are set forth by prominent writers for each province sep- arately. 23. Bruce, A. B. Apologetics, or Christianity Defensively Stated. Pp. xvi, 522. New York, Scribner, 1894. An old authority still commended. Useful especially in Bk. I on theories of the universe, Christian and anti-Christian, and Bk. Ill, on the Christian origins, especially Chs. V and X. 24. Carles, W. R. Life in Corea. Pp. xiv, 317. London, Macmillan, 1888. By a British vice-consul of Korea after eighteen months' residence. Valuable picture of the life at the time of Protestant occupation. 128 BIBLIOGRAPHY 25. Gary, O. A History of Christianity in Japan. Two vols. Pp. 431, 367. New York, Revell, 1909. By far the best history of Missions in Japan. Vol. I deals with Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox Missions, and Vol. II with Protestant work. Ch. IV, Vol. II, on Japanese arguments against Christianity valuable historically. 26. Catholic Encyclopaedia. New York, R. Appleton. Vol. IV, 1908. Article "Confucianism," pp. 223-228, is clear and comprehensive and by Prof. Aiken. Vol. XIII, 1912. Article "Ricci, Matteo," pp. 34-40, includes a valuable summary of the Term and Rites Questions. Vol. XVI, 1914. See Index under "Confucianism," p. 243. 27. Chamberlain, B. H. Things Japanese: Being Notes on Various Subjects Connected with Japan. Pp. viii, 552. London, Murray, 1905. By a foremost English scholar, encyclopaedic in character and arrangement. See "Con- fucianism" and "Moral Maxims." 28. Chang Chih-tung. China's Only Hope. S. I. Woodbridge, translator. Pp. 151. New York, Revell, 1900. A million copies of the Chinese original were the greatest single factor in precipitating China's renaissance. What this Confucian Viceroy says of the three moral obligations, pp. 43-48, and of religious toleration, pp. 144-148, should be read. 29. Chen, Huan-chang. The Economic Principles of Confucius and His School. Two yols. Pp. xv, 756. New York, Columbia University, 1911. A notable yet one-sided view of the subject by a Columbia University Ph.D. and also a Chinese third-degree man, who is a prominent leader among the younger Confucian scholars. 30. China Centenary Missionary Conference Records. Pp. xxxv, 823. New York, American Tract Society, 1907. Full account of the 1907 Centenary, with the papers and discussions. Sections on "Education," "Evangelistic Work," "Christian Literature," "Ancestral Worship," and the "Missionary and Public Questions," most valuable. 31. China Mission Handbook. Pp. 92, 335. Shanghai, American Presbyterian Press, 1896. "Confucianism," pp. 1-11, "Chinese Buddhism," pp. 12-22, "Taoism," pp. 23-31, and "Secret Sects," pp. 41-45, will be useful especially the last. 32. China Mission Year Book . . . 1913. Pp. xvi, 733. Shanghai, Christian Literature Society, 1913 Chs. I supplement, VII on special lines of approach, VIII, especially, on the appeal to 'Confucianists, XIII on religious opinions in the Chinese press, and XXIX on Christian literature are all useful. 33. China Mission Year Book . . . 1914. Pp. 870. Shanghai, Christian Litera- ture Society, 1914. Dr. Fenn's "What Elements in the Gospel Possess the Greatest Power of Appeal to the Chinese?" pp. 116-126, is a valuable consensus of opinion on the subject. See also Dr. Taylor on the Mott and Eddy meetings for students and literary men, pp. 143-156. 34. China Mission Year Book . . . 1916. Pp. xvii, 554. Shanghai, Christian Literature Society, 1916. Pn. 226-240 on "Evangelistic Movements Among Chinese Students," and Ch. XXXIV, "Findings Regarding Chinese Evangelistic Literature," are suggestive. 35. China Review. London, Triibner. Vol. V, pp. 271-281, has an article by John Chalmers on Chinese natural theology, con- taining a classified selection of u=able Chinese quotations from the Classics. Vol. VI, pp. 147-158. 223-235^ 299-310, 363-374, report a series of four lectures on "Imperial Confncipnism," delivered in 1877. 36. The Chinese Recorder. Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1868 in progress. The articles on Confucianism by various writers are of great value, as also those dis- cussing our subject. The best missionary periodical in any field. 37. The Chinese Repository. Twenty vols. Canton, 1833-1851. While the articles on Confucianism were written at an earlier date, some of them are unique and very helpful. They are by first-hand authorities. 38. Christian Movement in Japan . . . 1910. Pp. xi, 675. Tokyo, Kyobun- kwan, 1910. In, the Semi-centennial Record, Pt. I, Chs. II, VII, VIII, are excellent for Japan missionaries, though not directly on Confucianism. 39. Christian Movement in the Japanese Empire . . . 1916. Pp. xi, 371, cl. New York, Missionary Education Movement, 1916. Pt. IV, on "Christian Literature," is suggestive. 129 APPENDIX C 40. Christian Movement in the Japanese Empire . . . 1917. Pp. xi, 421, clx. New York, Missionary Education Movement, 1917. Parts I, "General Review," VI, "Education," VII, "Literature," and IX, "Social Prob- lems," especially useful. 41. Clement, E. W. Christianity in Modern Japan. Pp. xv, 205. Philadelphia, American Baptist Publication Society, 1905. An outline view of Christian history in Japan, with references to books and pamphlets where fuller information may be found; by a missionary long resident in the Empire. 42. Clennell, W. J. The Historical Development of Religion in China. Pp. 260. London, Unwin, 1917. A British consul's studies. Chs. II, on the ancient religion; VI, on the Confucian Renaissance; IX, on China and the Church of Rome, are most to the point in these studies. 43. Counsels to New Missionaries from Older Missionaries of the Presby- terian Board. Pp. 145. New York, Board of Foreign Missions Pres- byterian Church in the U. S. A., 1905. Ch. ill, "Missionaries and the Language"; IV, "Spirit and Methods of Evangeliza- tion"; VI, "The Home Life of Missionaries," and "VII, "Some Counsel to Women Teachers," are by China missionaries. Ch. V, "Prerequisites and Principles of Evan- gelization," is by a Korean worker. 44. Couvreur, S. Cheu King (Canon of Poetry). Pp. xxxii, 556. Ho Kien Fou, Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1896. Contains Chinese text, with romanization, translations into French and Latin and a vocabulary. Ch. II of the Introduction, "Notions Tirees du Cheu King," is especially helpful, particularly pp. xxi-xxxi, referring to religious matters. 45. Chou King (Canon of History). Two vols. Pp. xxxii, 556; vi, 464. Ho Kien Fou, Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1896, 1897. By a French Sinologue in Catholic missionary service. It contains the Chinese text with its romanization, translations in French and Latin and a vocabulary, as well as an introduction. Ch. II of the introduction to the first volume is valuable for its topical quotations from the two vols. 46. Les Quatre Livres. Pp. vi, 748. Ho Kien Fou, Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1895. A uselessly brief introduction, the Chinese text with romanization, translations in French and Latin and a vocabulary make this helpful to students. 47. Li Ki (Book of Rites), ou Memoires sur les Bienseances et les Cere- monies. Two vols. Pp. xvi, 788; iv, 850. Ho Kien Fou, Imprimerie de la Mission Catholique, 1899. A brief introduction, the Chinese text with romanization, translations in French and Latin and an excellent vocabulary make this most helpful to scholars. 48. Dallet, C. Histoire de 1'figlise de Coree. Two vols. Pp. cxcii, 383, 595. Paris, Victor Palme, 1874. Best history of Roman Missions in Korea up to 1866. Valuable also "for the accurate and detailed account which it gives of the life, government and habits of the people" at that early day. 49. Davis, J. D. A Sketch of the Life of Rev. Joseph Hardy Neesima, LL.D. Pp. 156. New York, Revell, 1894. Intimate biography of Japan's great Christian educator and leader by his associate for many years. 50. Dawson, M. M. The Ethics of Confucius : the Sayings of the Master and His Disciples upon the Conduct of "The Superior Man." Pp. xxi, 322. New York, Putnam, 1915. An American litterateur's collection of passages bearing upon seven main categories of Confucian teaching. Aid from Dr. Ch'eri, a new school Confucianist, gives it some interest, but does not correct a number of errors. 51. De Forest, C. B. The Evolution of a Missionary, a Biography of John Hyde De Forest. Pp. 309. New York, Revell, 1914. Helpful as showing in biographical form the growth in practice and theory of a fore- most missionary in Japan; especially commended to young Far-Eastern missionaries. 52. De Groot, J. J. M. Religion in China: Universism, a Key to the Study of Taoism and Confucianism. Pp. xv, 327. New York, Putnam, 1912. By one of the most voluminous and scholarly students of Chinese religion, professor of Sinology in Berlin University; unduly influenced by religion as seen in Southeastern China. The author is an advocate of the animistic origin of Chinese religion. 53. The Religion of the Chinese. Pp. vii, 230. New York, Macmillan, 1910. The Hartford-Lamson Lectures intended to aid missionary candidates; includes Bud- dhism and Taoism, in addition to Confucianism. Authoritative, but unsymmetrical. 130 BIBLIOGRAPHY 54. The Religious System of China. Six vols. in progress. Leyden, E. J. Brill, 1892. Vol. I, 1892, Pt. II, on the Ideas of resurrection. Vol. Ill, 1901, on the soul and ancestor worship and other passages under "Soul Tablets" in Index. Vol. IV, 1901, 5 p. 1-65, on "Psychological Philosophy of the Soul"; pp. 436-464, on "Retributive ustice Exercised by Spirits." These bear most on the subject, though the entire work is the fullest thesaurus of information published with the Chinese text as its basis. 55. Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China. Two vols. Pp. viii, 594. Amsterdam, J. Miiller, 1903, 1904. Important discussion of the Chinese Government's attitude toward heresies and sects, including Christianity. Authoritative and enlightening on a theme little understood. 56. De Harlez, C. Les Croyances Religieuses des Premiers Chinois. Pp. 60. 1888. This is reprinted from Vol. XLI of the "Memoires couronnes et autres Memoires," pub- lished by the Royal Academy of Belgium, in 1888. By "premiers Chinois," he means the group of tribes, or "hundred families," who about the twenty-eighth century before Christ emigrated from Central Asia and settled on the Huang Ho. 57. De la Saussaye, P. D. C. Lehrbuch der Religionsgeschichte. Two vols., third ed. Tubingen, Mohr, 1905. A standard work of highest authority. Vol. I contains an excellent outline of Chinese religions by De Groot, pp. 57-114, and one by R. Lange on Japanese Buddhism and Shintoism, pp. 115-171. 58. De Premare, J. H. Vestiges des Principaux Dogmes Chretiens, Tires des Anciens Livres Chinois avec Reproduction des Textes Chinois. Pp. xv, 511. Paris, Bureau des Annales de Philosophic Chretienne, 1878. Reprint of an eighteenth century Jesuit missionary's often fanciful, always suggestive Christian parallels to Confucian doctrines and ideas. The Chinese texts of passages quoted in translation are helpful to junior workers in China. 59. Doolittle, J. Social Life of the Chinese. Two vols. Pp. 459, 490. New York, Harper, 1865. A standard work with special values for Foochow and Tientsin customs. Vol. I: Chs. VIII, ancestral worship; IX, priests of the three religions; XIV, state religion; XVI, competitive examinations and graduates. Vol. II: Chs. IV, popular superstitions; XIII, charms and omens; XIV, fortune telling. 60. Dore, H. Researches into Chinese Superstitions. First Part, Superstitious Practices. Two vols. in progress. Pp. xxi, xv, 228. Shanghai, T'usewei Printing Press, 1914. Profusely illustrated with colored plates, etc. 61. Douglas, R. K. Confucianism and Taouism. Pp. 287. London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1900. An excellent and comprehensive treatment of the subject by the author when he was professor of Chinese at King's College, London. 62. Society in China. Pp. xvi, 415. London, Innes & Co., 1894. Prof. Douglas's reading and personal observation enable him to give a trustworthy account of Chinese society of the old regime. Chs. VI, IX and especially XXVI, on religion, are most important. 63. Du Bose, H. C. The Dragon, Image and Demon: or, the Three Religions of China, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, Giving an Account of the Mythology, Idolatry, and Demonolatry of the Chinese. Pp. 468. New York, Armstrong, 1887. A confused but characteristic account of their religions as heard from Chinese; pro- fusely illustrated with Chinese woodcuts. 64. Preaching in Sinim, or the Gospel to the Gentiles. Pp. 241. Richmond, Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1893. Full of suggestions on this subject as preaching was done in the author's day. Chs. VI-XII especially commended, particularly Ch. XI. 65. East and the West (The). London. Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. Vol. VII, 1909, pp. 202-217, Walsh's "Nestorian Missions in China." Pp. 361-382, Archdeacon Moule's "Great China's Greatest Need." Pp. 437-452, "Message of the Christian Church to Confucianists," by R. Allen. Pp. 453-463, Mr. Maclagan's "Con- fucian Idealism." Vol. VIII, 1910, pp. 288-298, C. T. Wang's reply to Archdeacon Moule's article noted under Vol. VII. Vol. XI, 1913, pp. 178-186, Honda's "Mis- sionary Methods in the Far East." Pp. 413-438, Mr. Stanley Smith's "Chinese Philos- ophy and the Truth as it is in Jesus," especially good. Vol. XII, 1914, pp. 383-410, Archdeacon Moule discusses the failure of early Nestorian and Roman Catholic Mis- sions in China. 131 APPENDIX C 66. Eddy, G. S. The Students of Asia. Pp. 223. New York, Student Vol- unteer Movement, 1916. India, Japan and China are the lands whose students the author studied in connec- tion with his remarkable evangelistic campaigns. Chs. Ill, IV, discussing respectively Japanese and Chinese students, and Ch. VII, on successful methods of student work, especially commended. 67. Edkins, J. Religion in China. Pp. xvi. London, Trubner, 1878. An eminent sinologue's studies on imperial worship, Ch. II; Taoist notions of God, Ch. VIII; morality of the Chinese, Ch. X; sin and redemption, Ch. XI; and immor- tality and future judgment, Ch. XII. 68. Ellinwood, F. F. Oriental Religions and Christianity. Pp. xviii, 384. New York, Scribner, 1892. By a missionary secretary and lecturer on Comparative Religion. Lectures I, "The Need of Understanding the False Religion," and VII, "Traces of a Primitive Mono- theism," have general value for these studies. 69. Encyclopedia Britannica, llth edition. Vol. VI, 1,910. Article "Confu- cius," pp. 907-912, Vol. XVIII, 1911. Article "Mencius," pp. 112-115. . These articles by Dr. Legge are concise and authoritative. 70. Faber, E. The Mind of Mencius : or, Political Economy Founded upon Moral Philosophy. A Systematic Digest of the Doctrines of the Chinese Philosopher Mencius. 2nd edition. Pp. xvi, 318. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1897. The best exposition in English of the ethics of Confucianism as set forth by its Plato. The 25-page analysis of the system is most illuminating. A translation of the author's "Eine Staatslehre auf ethischer Grundlage, oder Lehrbegriff des Philosophen Mencius." 71. The Principal Thoughts of the Ancient Chinese Socialism: or the Doc- trine of the Philosopher Micius. Pp. 72. Shanghai, American Presby- terian Mission Press, 1897. Gives summary of leading ideas of Mo Ti, whose philosophy Mencius opposed. First translation into a European language of a full summary of Micius' teachings. 72. A Systematical Digest of the Doctrines of Confucius According to the Analects, Great Learning, and Doctrine of the Mean ; with an Introduc- tion on the Authorities upon Confucius and Confucianism. Pp. vi, 137. Berlin, General Evangelical Protestant Missionary Society of Germany, 1902. A classified collection of important texts with independent translation and valuable in- troductions and added essays, by a German scholar of highest authority. 73. Fairbairn, A. M. The Philosophy of the Christian Religion. Pp. xxviii, 583. New York, Macmillan. 1905. One of the most effective of volumes in this department. A mastery of it would be most helpful for every missionary whose life is to be spent mainly with students and scholars. 74. Farjenel, F. La Morale Chinoise. Pp. 258. Paris, Giard & Briere, 1906. Professor Farjenel discusses primitive society in Ch. I, the ancient morality in Ch. II, Confucius in Ch. II'X, family and social ethics in Ch. V, Christianity's entrance into China in Ch. IX, and the future of Chinese morals in Ch. XI. 75. Fenwick, M. C. The Church of Christ in Korea. Pp. xi, 134. New York, Doran, 1911. Personal narrative of missionary work. "A plea for a return to the missionary methods of the early Christian Church and a convincing illustration of what may be accomplished thereby." 76. Forsyth, R. C., compiler. Shantung, the Sacred Province of China. Pp. viii, 427. Shanghai, Christian Literature Society, 1912. Encyclopaedic compilation of matters variously affecting Missions in the province of Confucius and Mencius, China's "Holy Land"; especially valuable for Dr. Bergen's chapter, on the Sages of Shan-tung. 77. Gale, J. S. Korea in Transition. Pp. xiii, 270. New York, Young People's Missionary Movement, 1909. A study class text-book of comprehensive and authoritative character; highly com- mended as an outline. 78. Korean Sketches. Pp. 256. New York, Revell, 1898. Brightly written by a resident missionary. Chs. IX, X, XIII, on the Korean mind, the Korean gentleman and Missions most useful. 79. The Vanguard. Pp. 320. New York, Revell, 1904. Historical fiction effectively used to set forth Korean life and missionary effort missionary history in the novel form. 132 BIBLIOGRAPHY 80. Garvie, A. E. A Handbook of Christian Apologetics. Pp. xii, 241. Lon- don, Duckworth & Co., 1913. A combination work on theology and apologetics, containing discussions of the out- standing Christian teachings that would most affect a Confucianist; by the Principal of New College, University of London, a well-known writer on such themes. 81. Geden, A. S. Studies of the Religions of the East. Pp. xv, 904. London, C. H. Kelly, 1913. On pages 618-660 the author gives a general summary of Confucianism, including its founders, canon, teachings, and later Confucianism. 82. Gibson, J. C. Mission Problems and Mission Methods in South China. Pp. 334. New York, Revell, 1901. One of the foremost British missionaries with a long experience writes authoritatively upon the proving of the Gospel, Lect. I; Chinese literature and philosophy, Lect. II; Confucianism, Lect. Ill; evangelistic preaching, Lect. VI; culture of the Christian life, Lect. VIII. 83. Gifford, D. L. Every-day Life in Korea. Pp. 231. New York, Revell, 1898. "A collection of studies and stories" after eight years' work among Koreans. "An- cestral Worship as Practiced in Korea," and "The Fear of Demons," Chs. VI, VIII, especially appropriate here. 84. Giles, H. A. A Chinese Biographical Dictionary. Pp. xii, 1022. London, Quaritch, 1898. Authoritative but the sketches are brief fuller than Mayers' and commended only for readers having nothing fuller. Nos. 446, Chu Hsi; 1043, Confucius; 1522, Men- cius; 1537, Mo Ti; 2224, Wang Ehou-jen (Wang An-shih), are among those useful here. 85. Confucianism and Its Rivals. Pp. ix, 271. New York, Scribner, 1915. A chronological exhibit by a British Sinologue of Confucianism's descent "from the pure monotheism of a personal God" to "the almost total disappearance of a Super- natural power," with the effects of six other religions upon its history. His depre- ciative comments on Missions are not the final word on that movement. 86. History of Chinese Literature. Pp. viii, 448. New York, Appleton, By the well-known professor of Chinese at Cambridge University. Pp. 7-42 contain an excellent sketch of Confucianism's canonical works. 87. Giles, L. The Sayings of Confucius. Pp. 132. London, J. Murray, 1912. New translation of the greater part of the "Confucian Analects," with introduction and notes by a competent scholar of Chinese. Excerpts are arranged under eight headings. 88. Glover, T. R. The Jesus of History. Pp. xiii, 225. New York, Associa- tion Press, 1917. Prepared by a Cambridge University Lecturer in Ancient History and used by him in cities of India, Burma, and Ceylon, this volume will aid in presenting Christ to Far-Eastern students also. 89. Grant, G. M. Religions of the World in Relation to Christianity. Pp. ix, 137. New York, Revell, 1894. Unusually satisfactory sketch of Confucius and his religion by the Principal of Queen's University in chapters 3 and 4. 90. Gray, J. H. China, a History of the Laws, Manners, and Customs of the People. Two vols. Pp. xv, 397, xii, 374. London, Macmillan, 1878. An authority of the highest value upon various matters affecting the country; written from, the South China viewpoint. Chs. IV, V, on religion and idolatry, especially important. 91. Griffis, W. E. China's Story in Myth, Legend, Art, and Annals. Pp. xiii, 302. Boston, H9ughton, 1911. One of the very few interesting histories of China, written by an excellent secondary authority. It extends from primeval times to the recent Revolution. 92. Corea the Hermit Nation. Sixth ed. Pp. xxxii, 492, New York, Scribner, 1897. Full general account of Korea brought down to 1897, but fundamentally a volume produced in 1882 and hence valuable historically mainlv. Ch. XXXVII on religion, and Chs. XXXIX-XLI on Catholic missions commended. 93. The Religions of Japan, from the Dawn of History to the Era of Meiji. Pp. xx, 457. New York, Scribner, 1895. For some years this was the best book in English on the theme. Its chapters on Chinese ethics in Japan and upon Confucianism, with the closing chapters, are especially worthy of attention. 133 APPENDIX C 94. Grube, W. Religion und Kultus der Chineses. Pp. viii, 200. Leipzig, R. Haupt, 1910. The accounts given in Ch. I of the old Chinese religion, in Ch. II of the Confucian State, and in Ch. V of the popular religion are commended. 95. Gulick, S. L. The Evolution of the Japanese, Social and Psychic. Pp. 457. New York, Revell, 1903. The fullest and most authoritative study of the subject in English by a missionary of many years' standing in Japan. 96. Harada, T. The Faith of Japan. Pp. xiii, 190. New York, Macmillan, 1914. The President of Doshisha University in these Hartford-Lamson Lectures presents Japan's Faith not as Confucianism, Shintoism, Buddhism and Christianity, but as a blending of them all. The h'rst of these faiths is frequently spoken of, but the value of the book for our purposes is to show the syncretistic character of religion in that Empire. 97. Hardwick, C. Christ and Other Masters. Two vols. Pp. xvi, 383, 461. London, Macmillan, 1863. A summary statement of Confucianism by an earlier secondary authority. Vol. II, Ch. I, Section 1, especially pertinent. 98. Hardy, A. S. Life and Letters of Joseph Hardy Neesima. Pp. vi, 350. Boston, Houghton, 1892. Prof. Hardy as the son of Neesima's American benefactor knew him intimately. Fullest life of Jap.an's most representative Christian whose early Buddhist and later Christian experiences will help young missionaries to Japan. 99. Hardy, E. J. John Chinaman at Home. Pp. 335. London, Unwin, 1907. "Sketches of men, manners and things" in South China mainly. Chs. XXV-XXIX have to do with religious matters and beliefs. "As the Chinese See Us" is a useful chapter for young missionaries. 100. Hartman, L. O. Popular Aspects of Oriental Religions. Pp. 255. New Y9rk, Abingdon Press, 1917. Descriptions of Korean animism and Chinese religions in Chs. I and II; by a traveler, not a specialist. 101. Hastings, J. and J. A. Selbie, editors. Dictionary of Christ and the Gos- pels. Two vols. Edinburgh, Clark, 1906. Vol. I, article "Criticism," pp. 383-394, is a comprehensive account of this vital subject. 102. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics. New York, Scribner. Vol. I, 1908. Article "Apologetics," pp. 611-623. Vol. II, 1910. Article "Atheism," E. 173-183. Vol. Ill, 1911. Article "China," pp. 549-552; "Communion with the ;ad," pp. 728-732; "Communion with Deity," pp. 751-752. Vol. IV, 1912. Articles "Confucian Religion," pp. 12-15; "Confucius," pp. 16-19; "Cosmogony and Cosmology (Chinese)," pp. 89-91; "Made (Chinese)," pp. 259-262; "(Japanese)," pp. 296-300; "(Chinese)," pp. 138-141; "Death and Disposal of the Dead," pp. 450-454; "Demons and Spirits (Chinese).," pp. 576-578. Vol. V, 1912. Articles "Education (Chinese)," pp. 183-185; "Ethics "and Morality," pp. 466-468; "Expiation and Atonement (Chris- tian)," pp. 641-650. Vol. VI, 1914. Articles "Fortune," pp. 91-93; "God (Chinese)," pp. 272-274. Vol. VII. 1915. Articles "Immortality," pp. 172-179; "Japan. Ill, Ethical Development," pp. 485-489; "Tesus Christ," pp. 505-551. Vol. VIII, 1916. Articles "Life and Death (Chinese)," pp. 14-16; "(Japanese)," pp. 37-39; "Literature Mate- rialism (Chinese)," np. 492-493; "Mencius," pp. 547-549; "Micius," pp. 623-624; "Miracles," pp. 676-690. 103. Heigl, F. Die Religion und Kultur Chinas. Pp. viii, 679. Berlin, Hugo Bermuhler Verlag, 1900. Part I deals with the State Religion. Sections on Shang Ti, spirits, the Five Rela- tions, sacrifice, the life of Confucius and the history of Confucianism are most useful. 104. Henke, F. G. The Philosophy of Wang Yang-ming. Pp. xvii, 512. Chi- cago, Open Court Publishing Co., 1916. A translation from the Chinese of Vol. I of Wang's collected works; valuable because of the high esteem in which he is held by the New Chinese and by Japanese Confu- cianists. The Biography and Book I especially commended. 105. Henry, B. C. The Cross and the Dragon. Pp. xxvi, 483. New York, Randolph, 1885. An excellent South China view of the country and Missions thirty years ago. Chs. Ill, IV, VII, XII are those most useful. 106. Hirth, F. The Ancient History of China to the End of the Chou Dynasty. Pp. xx, 383. New York, Columbia University Press, 1911. A German-American professor's extremely valuable summary of the mythical and his- torical periods which influenced Confucius most and in the latter one of which he flourished and passed on his work to Mencius and others. Chs. II-IV, VII, VIII, are valuable for these studies. 134 BIBLIOGRAPHY 107. Holcombe, C. The Real Chinaman. Pp. xx, 350. New York, Dodd, Mead & Co., 1895. By an author long resident in China as missionary and diplomat. The chapters on religions and superstitions are helpful. 108. Hua Ying Chu Shu Chi Shu Ching Ho Pien. Chinese English Combined Bamboo Annals and Canon of History (Shu Ching). Pp. 350. Shanghai, Shu Chu, 1904. Reprint through photo processes of the Chinese text, translation and exegetical notes of Dr. Legge's Chinese Classics, Vol. Ill, Parts I and II. It includes the Annals of the Bamboo Books and the Canon of History without the prolegomena and valuable indexes. 109. Hulbert, H. B. The History of Korea. Two vols. Pp. vii, 409, 374, 31. Seoul, Methodist Publishing House, 1905. Best history of Korea in English by a resident missionary; extends from 2257 B.C. to 1904 A.D. 110. The Passing of Korea. Pp. xii, 473. New York, Doubleday, Page & Co., 1906. A de luxe volume written from the missionary and pro-Korean viewpoint. The Intro- duction and Chs. II. VI, VIII, XXX and XXXV especially useful. 111. Illingworth, J. R. Gospel Miracles. Pp. xvii, 213. New York, Macmillan, 1915. "As college tutor and Bampton Lecturer alike, Dr. Illingworth instantly claimed and has always easily held the attention of thoughtful men." For workers in Japan this would be especially helpful. 112. International Review of Missions. 1912 in progress. Edinburgh. The foremost missionary periodical in any language and invaluable for the missionary. Its files have many helpful articles on the Far East. 113. Japan Evangelist. Tokyo, Methodist Publishing House. In progress. The foremost missionary periodical of the Empire. Invaluable for the candidate expecting to work in Japan, as well as for missionaries there. 114. Jenks, J. W. Political and Social Significance of the Life and Teachings of Jesus. Pp. xviii, 168. New York, Y. M. C. A. Press, 1906. In the form of Bible readings with comments and questions; prepared for American students' use in voluntary Bible classes. 115. Jennings, W. The Shi King, the Old "Poetry Classic" of the Chinese. A Close Metrical Translation, with Annotations. Pp. 383. London, Routledge, 1891. Based upon a study of the original texts and aided by standard Chinese commentaries. Contains less of paraphrase than Dr. Legge's and hence deserves the name of a "close" translation. 116. Johnson, S. Oriental Religions . . . China. Pp. xxiv, 975. Boston, Osgood & Co., 1877. [Houghton.] A philosophical, careful, elaborate but secondary account of China's elements, struc- tures, sages and beliefs. 117. Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh. In Vol. XXXI, 1903-04, pp. 65-75, Dr. Ferguson gives a very good account of Wang An-shih, the eleventh century social reformer. 118. Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Shang- hai, Kelly & Walsh. In Vol. XLIV, 1913, pp. 11-45, U. S. Charge d'Affaires E. T. Williams supplies a notable well-illustrated account of China's State Religion during the Mnnchu Dynasty. See also Dr. Henke's "A Study in the Life and Philosophy of Wang Yang-ming," pp. 46-64. 119. Kato, K. The Psychology of Oriental Religious Experience. Pp. 102. Menasha, Wis., Banta Publishing Co., 1915. A study of the typical experiences of thirty-five Japanese converts. As eighteen of these were students and all were scholars though few were Confucianists this is a book of great value for workers in Japan. 120. King, H. C. The Ethics of Jesus. Pp. xii, 293. New York, Macmillan, 1910. A modern scholar's exposition of Jesus' ethical teachings as found in the Synoptic Gospels, with emphasis upon Schmiedel's "Foundation-Pillars" and "The Sermon on the Mount." 135 APPENDIX C 121. Letters on the Greatness and Simplicity of the Christian Faith. Pp 199. Boston, Pilgrim Press, 1910. Familiar, pointed letters to Sunday-school teachers intended to suggest how to present Christianity simply to their scholars and others. Letters III, VI, XI and XII will probably aid Far-Eastern inquirers most. 122. Knox, G. W. The Development of Religion in Japan. Pp. xxi, 204. New York, Putnam, 1907. Excellent throughout, but the last two lectures on "Confucianism as Polity and Ethics, Ethical Religion," and "Confucianism as a World System. Ethical Religion," are worthy of special reading. 123. The Direct and Fundamental Proofs of the Christian Religion. Pp. ix, 196. New York, Scribners, 1903. This "essay on comparative apologetics" is by a professor of the history and philosophy of religion at Union Seminary. The last four chapters especially commended. 124. Japanese Life in Town and Country. Pp. xii, 275. New York, Putnam, A delightfully written general view of everyday Japan with a few chapters of special value for Confucianism. The author was an eminent missionary in Japan. 125. A Japanese Philosopher and Other Papers upon the Chinese Philosophy in Japan. With Notes by T. Haga. Esq., and Prof. T. Inoue, Ph.D. Pp. iv, 192. Yokohama, Meiklejohn & Co., 1892. Translation with notes of the Miscellany of Kyuso, an eminent Confucian scholar of the 18th century. Condensed from the original, but retaining enough to show the ruling ideas and spirit of the Chinese Philosophy in Japan. 126. The Spirit of the Orient. Pp. xviii, 312. New York, Crowell, 1906. His chapters on the spirit and problems of China, Ch. VI, and of Japan, Ch. VIII, are intimate and discriminating. 127. Korea Magazine. Seoul, 1917 in progress. The viewpoint is missionary and its promise is good. 128. Korea Review. Seoul, 1901. Series of articles on "The Korean Mudang and Pansu" in the volume for 1903 very informing. 129. Korean Repository. Seoul, Trilingual Press, 1894-99. In Vol. II for 1895 a good article on "Obstacles Encountered by Korean Christians," pp. 145-151; pp. 401-404, on "Confucianism in Korea"; pp. 471-474, on "Rise of the Yangban." 130. Kranz, P. Christianity the Completion of Confucianism. Pp. 12. Shang- hai, Presbyterian Press, n. d. A translation of a Wen-li tract, published in 1896, showing that Christianity preserves the good in Confucianism, corrects its errors, and supplies its insufficiencies. 131. Ku, Hung-ming. The Conduct of Life. ... A translation of ... the Doctrine of the Mean. Pp. 60. New York, Button, 1912. A convenient but liberal paraphrase of the philosophy of Confucius and his grandson, with occasional parallels from Occidental writers. 132. The Discourses and Sayings of Confucius. A new Special Translation, Illustrated with Quotations from Goethe and Other Writers. Pp. xii, 182. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh. An attempt to present to English readers Confucius and the Analects in a modern garb, eliminating most proper names and so paraphrasing it that it is partly Occidentalized. Author has an Edinburgh M.A. 133. Kudo, T. The Ethics of Confucius. Pp. xxvi, 68. Tokyo, Methodist Publishing House, 1904. A Japanese student's view of Confucianism's leading teachings, preceded by a concise introduction. 134. Ladd, G. T. In Korea with Marquis Ito. Pp. xiii, 477. New York, Scribner, 1908. Written in part from the pro-Japanese viewpoint as an apology for Korean occupation, by the guest of Ito. Ch. XVII, "Missions and Missionaries," suffers in consequence, as does the Korean himself. 135. Latourette, K. S. The Development of China. Pp. xii, 274. Boston, Houghton, 1917. Excellent historical outline by a former missionary in China, now professor of history in America. It brings the history down to 1916 with emphasis of the formative elements of the last decades. 136 BIBLIOGRAPHY 136. Leblois, L. Les Bibles et les Initiateurs Religieux de 1'Humanite. Bk. Ill, Vol. II, Paris, Fischbacher, 1885-1898. Four vols. Selections from the Sacred Books of various nations, translated into French; it also has chapters of a general character that are of value. 137. Lectures on the History of Religions. Vol. I, Second Lecture. The Re- ligion of China. By L. Wieger, SJ. Pp. 32 in this lecture. St. Louis, B. Herder, 1910. An excellent sketch of religious development of various religions, but mainly Confu- cianism, by a competent Jesuit missionary. 138. Le Favre, J. De Sinensium Ritibus Politicis Acta. . . . Dissertatio Theologico-Historica de avita Sinarum pietate praesertim erga de- functos et eximia erga Confucium magistrum suum observantia. Pp. xii, 472. Paris, Nicolaus Pepie, 1700. A Jesuit missionary to China controverts the Dominican P. Nayaretta, by defending the Jesuit position favorable to Chinese worship of ancestral spirits and of Confucius. Very detailed in his description of this worship and in his assertions that it is civil and not religious. 139. Legge, H. E. James Legge, Missionary and Scholar. Pp. viii, 248. Lon- don, Religious Tract Society, 1905. His daughter's biography shows in Ch. IV this great Sinologue's estimate of the Con- fucian Classics and in Ch. VI states concisely his position on the Term Question. 140. Legge, J. The Chinese Classics Translated into English with Preliminary Essays and Explanatory Notes. Vol. I. The Life and Teachings of Confucius. 8th edition. Pp. vi, 337. London, Paul, 1909. Reproduced for general readers from the author's work containing the Chinese text the "authorized version" so to speak. Its introductions, full indexes and notes to the translations supply the best book for English readers of the Analects, Great Learn- ing and Doctrine of the Mean. The Chinese Classics, with [Chinese Text], Translation, Critical and Exegetical Notes, Prolegomena, and Copious Indexes. 141. Vol. I, containing Confucian Analects, the Great Learning, and the Doc- trine of the Mean. 2nd edition, revised. Pp. xv, 503. Oxford, Claren- don Press, 1893. 142. Vol. II, containing the Works of Mencius. 2nd edition, revised. Pp. viii, 587. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1895. 143. Vol. Ill, Parts I and II. The Shoo-King [Book of History]. Two vols. Pp. xii, 208, 735. London, Triibner, 1865. 144. Vol. IV, Parts I and II. The She King, or the Book of Poetry. Two vols. Pp. xii, 785. London, Triibner, 1871. 145. Vol. V, Parts I and II. The Ch'un Ts'ew [Spring and Autumn Annals] with the Tso Chuen. Two vols. Pp. x, 933. London, Henry Frowde, 1872. The foregoing five volumes, bound as eight, include all of the Four Books and Five Classics except the Yi King, or Book of Changes, and the Li Ki, or Book of Rites. Those appear in translation in Miiller's Sacred Books of the East Series, Vol. XVI and Vols. XXVII and XXVIII respectively. This is the most desirable version for those reading the Chinese text; and its lives of Confucius and Mencius in Vols. I and II are the best in English. Their dictionary-indexes are excellent Chinese vocabularies as well as brief concordances. The full notes follow the commentary of Chu Hsi in the main and hence give the orthodox Confucian views. The Four Books and the Book of History have been reprinted by the photographic process and are noticed under Numbers 108 and 249 of this Bibliography. 146. The Life and Works of Mencius, with Essays and Notes. Pp. viii, 402. London, Triibner, 1875. Reproduced with fresh translation from the author's work containing the Chinese text; standard and best for English readers. Preliminary essays, notes and indexes most helpful. 147. The Religions of China: Confucianism and Taoism Described and Compared with Christianity. Pp. xi, 308. New York, Scribner, 1881. Comprehensive and authoritative; especially commended. 148. The She King : or, the Book of Ancient Poetry. Translated in English Verse, with Essays and Notes. Pp. vi, 431. London, Triibner, 1876. The prolegomena, notes and indexes make it most desirable; its versification by another hand makes it less authoritative than the prose of sections of it rendered in the Sacred Books of the East Series. Yet as the S. B. E. version contains only the religious odes, this gives a broader view of Chinese life. 137 APPENDIX C 149. Leong, Y. K. and L. K. Tao. Village and Town Life in China. Pp. xi, A social exposition of Chinese life, the religious side of which is treated under the heads of the ancestral hall and the village temple. 150. Lloyd, A. Eyery-day Japan, Written after Twenty-five Years' Residence and Work in the Country. Pp. xvi, 381. London, Cassell, 1909. Brightly written sketches, two of which on Japanese characteristics are especially commended, chs. 62 and 63. 151. Lombard, F. A. Pre-Meiji Education in Japan. Pp. vi, 271. Tokyo, Kiyo Bun Kwan, 1913. "A study of Japanese education previous to the Restoration of 1868" by a professor in Kyoto. Very valuable for missionaries who teach or deal with the educated classes. 152. Longford, J. H. The Story of Korea. Pp. vii, 400. London, Unwin, 1911. By a King's College professor, formerly consul at Nagasaki. Mainly a history from early times to 1910, with two chapters on Christianity in Korea. 153. Lowell, P. Choson, the Land of the Morning Calm. Pp. x, 412. Boston, Ticknor [Houghton], 1885. Written by a member of the Korean Special Mission to the United States in 1883, and later a guest of the Korean Emperor for some months. Chs. XIX, XX, on religion, are useful. 154. M'Clatchie, T. Confucian Cosmogony: A Translation of Section Forty- nine of the "Complete Works" of the Philosopher Choo-foo-tze, with Explanatory Notes. Pp. xviii, 162. Shanghai, American Presbyterian Press, 1874. Its introduction, Chinese text and most helpful explanatory notes make it of prime value for students reading Chinese. 155. A Translation of the Confucian [I Ching], or the "Classic of Change," with Notes and Appendix. Pp. xiii, xvii, 456. Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1876. This scholarly work contains the Chinese text with translation, footnotes and valuable notes in the Appendix. Book III contains the so-called Commentary of Confucius which is of interest. The introduction is especially useful. 156. MacGillivray, D., editor. A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907). Pp. vii, 677, xl, 52. New York, American Tract Society, 1907. The fullest history up to 1907; arranged according to Societies. Difficult to get a general view of the work of missions by such a method. 157. Macgowan, J. The Imperial History of China. 2nd ed. Pp. xi, 651. Shanghai, American Presbyterian Press, 1906. A compilation from good sources some of them secondary of events from mythical times to the Russo-Japanese War. Chs. VI, VII, XXXIV are most to the point. 158. Men and Manners of Modern China. Pp. 351. New York, Dodd, Mead & Co., 1912. A South China view by a veteran missionary. Chs. IV, "Literary Degrees"; V, the "Classics"; VII, "Ancestor Worship," are useful. 159. Mannix, W. F. Memoirs of Li Hung Chang. Pp. xxvii, 298. Boston, 1913. Purporting to be abstracts from writings of China's greatest statesman of the last century, Viceroy Li's attitude toward Christianity, beginning with hatred of Christians and ending with an admission that he would be one himself if living in America or in Europe, is interestingly set forth. While of dubious historicity, the book has its high values as being a more or less faithful picture of the man and a revealer of his views and character. See pp. .31-34 of J. O. P. Eland's "Li Hung-chang," New York, Henry Holt, 1917, published too late to be entered in this Bibliography. 160. Martin, W. A. P. Hanlin Papers. Second Series. Pp. xiii, 427. Shang- hai, Kelly & Walsh, 1894. Ch. VII, "Notes on the Confucian Apocrypha," Ch. X, "Chinese Ideas on the Inspira- tion of Their Sacred Books," and Ch. XIV, "The Worship of Ancestors" are the studies of a Sinologue, educator and missionary. 161. The Lore of Cathay, or, the Intellect of China. Pp. 480. New York, Revell, 1901. A volume of very great value, especially for those working with Chinese of the old Confucian regime. 138 BIBLIOGRAPHY 162. Matthews, S. The Social Teachings of Jesus. Pp. vi, 235. New York, Macmillan, 1897. A modern discussion of man, society, the family, state, wealth, social life, forces of human progress, and the process of human regeneration as brought out mainly in the Gospels, with Scripture references and foot-notes. 163. Mayers, W. F. Chinese Readers' Manual. Pp. xvi, 444. Shanghai, Amer- ican Presbyterian Press, 1910. Authoritative book of reference, but its notices are too brief. Nos. 79, 319, and 494 give sketches of Chu Hsi, Confucius and Mencius, respectively. 164. Meadows, T. T. The Chinese and Their Rebellions, Viewed in Connec- tion with Their National Philosophy, Ethics, Legislation, and Adminis- tration. Pp. Ix, 656. London, Smith, Elder & Co., 1856. te enough to deal fully with the T'ai P'ing Rebellion, but exce Valuable for Ch. XVIII on the philosophy and morality of the Chinese and Not late enough to deal fully with the T'ai P'ing Rebellion, but excellent as far as it goes. Valuable for Ch. XVIII on the philosophy and morality for contrast of Christian and Confucian civilizations, pp. 571-638. 165. The Monist. Chicago. In progress. An article on "Wang Yang-ming, a Chinese Idealist," pp. 17-34 of Vol. XXIV, 1914, gives an excellent idea of this famous Confucianist. 166. Montgomery, H. H., editor. Mankind and the Church. Pp. xlviii, 398. London, Longmans, 1907. "An attempt to estimate the contribution of great races to the fulness of the Church of God." Written by seven Anglican bishops, including those in charge of Japan and China. Very suggestive. See chs. 3 and 4. 167. Moore, G. F. History of Religions. Vol. I. Pp. xiv, 637. New York, Scribner, 1914. The five opening chapters deal with Chinese religions, though the first two are the only ones of importance here. A comprehensive statement by a secondary authority. 168. Moule, A. E. The Chinese People. Pp. 469. London, S. P. C. K., 1914. By a veteran English missionary. Useful but brief chapters are IV, on China's religious thought, V, religious practices, and VI, its sages. 169. Half a Century in China. Pp. xii, 343. London, Hodder, 1911. Chapters IX and X, especially the former on the presentation of the missionary message, are of importance. 170. Moule, G. The Spirit of Japan. Pp. xii, 312. London, United Council for Missionary Education, 1913. A study text-book for young people by a missionary of more than ten years' experience in Japan. He holds that history 'and religion have played an important part in forming the Japan spirit, but makes too little of Confucianism's part in that spirit. 171. Miiller, F. M. editor. J. Legge. The Sacred Books of the East. Vol. Ill, Part I, the Shu King [Canon of History], The Religious Por- tions of the Shih King [Canon of Odes], The Hsiao King [Canon of Filial Piety]. Pp. xxx, 492. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1879. 172. The Sacred Books of the East. Vol. XVI, Part II. The Yi King [Canon of Changes]. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1882. 173. The Sacred Books of the East. The Sacred Books of China, the Texts of Confucianism. Vol. XXVII, Part III, the Li Ki, I-X. [Book of Rites.] Pp. xiv, 484. Vol. XXVIII, Part IV, the Li Ki. [Book of Rites.] XI-XLVI. Pp. viii, 496. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1885. The foregoing five volumes provide the English reader with Dr. Legge's revised translation of four of the Five Classics and also of the semi-canonical Canon of Filial Piety. The introductions and notes are sufficiently full for all except scholarly readers who know the Chinese. For them Nos. 143, 144, 155 are superior. See alsa the Index volume, L, under "Confucianism" and "Confucius." 174. Munzinger, C. Die Japaner. Pp. 417. Berlin, A. Haack, 1898. Studies and picturings of the intellectual, social and religious life of the Japanese people, by one who as teacher of philosophy and theology was close to the soul of the nation. 175. Nevius, J. L. China and the Chinese. Pp. 452. Philadelphia, Presby- terian Board of Publication, 1882. An admirable early account with emphasis on its people, religious and social institu- tions and Missions. Chs. VI-XIII especially helpful for the study of Chinese religions. 176. Methods of Mission Work. Pp. 96. New York, Foreign Mission Library, 1895. These methods were not widely successful in China, where the author labored, but were wondrously so in Korea. 139 APPENDIX C 177. Nitobe, I. Bushido, the Soul of Japan : An Exposition of Japanese Thought. Pp. xxv, 203. New York, Putnam, 1905. Professor Nitobe, of Kyoto University, gives from a Christian point of view the spirit of the feudalism of his youthful days, and as Bushido means Warrior-scholar Way which was very largely Confucian, it interprets that system as it obtained until a few decades ago. Most readable and suggestive 178. The Japanese Nation: Its Land, Its People, and Its Life, with Special Consideration to Its Relations with the United States. Pp. xiv, 334. New York, Putnam, 1912. While Professor Nitobe's main objective is irenic, the chapters on race and national characterisics, religious beliefs and morals and moral ideals are very helpful in these studies. 179. Okakura, Y. The Japanese Spirit. Pp. 132. London, Constable, 1909. In the author's pages on the place of religion in forming the Japanese spirit, he empha- sizes the influence of Chu Hsi's view of Confucianism. It is too concise to be valuable for advanced students, but its Confucian references and hints as to Japanese character make it worth reading. 180. Okuma, Count S., editor. Fifty Years of New Japan. Two vols. Vol. II. Pp. 616. I^pndon, Smith, Elder & Co., 1909. The chapters on religious beliefs, especially that on Confucianism, by Professor Inouye are illuminating and authoritative. 181. Olds, W. G. The Shu King. Pp. xiii, 306. New York, John Lane, 1904. A translation with notes and with very limited introductory material. In matters of doubtful reference, he follows Robert Morrison! i 182. Orelli, C. von. Allgemeine Religionsgeschichte. Two vols. Bonn, A. M. & E. Weber, 1911-1913. Pages 30-89 of Vol. I have a very good summary of Chinese religion from the ancient period to the present^ of which pages 45-59 and 65-75 are most useful, especially the latter pages. 183. Parker, E. H. Ancient China Simplified. Pp. xxxi, 332. London, Chap- man & Hall, 1908. An authoritative melange of ancient Chinese material of which the chapters on religion and Confucius are most important here. 184. China and Religion. Pp. xxvii, 317. New York, Button, 1905. By a long-time resident of China, professor of Chinese at Manchester. Historically valuable, and gives unusual points of views; sketchy. 185. Studies in Chinese Religion. Pp. xi, 308. London, Chapman & Hall, - 1910. The original studies of which "China and Religion" is a more popular summary. Part I, on the old Chinese spiritual life, and Part III, on Confucianism, are in point. 186. Pauthier, G. Les Livres Sacres de L'Orient. Pp. xxx, 764. Paris, Societe du Pantheon Literaire, 1843. Translations and discussions of the "Book of History" and the "Four Books," with re- ligious books of other races. Pages 13-43 contain an account of the period anterior to the Book of History by Father Premare, an eminent early scholar. 187. Peabody, F. G. Jesus and the Social Question. Pp. vii, 374. New York, Macmillan, 1900. A very satisfactory discussion of Jesus' teaching arranged under headings familiar to Confucianists. 188. Jesus Christ and Christian Character. Pp. 304. New York, Macmillan, 1908. One of the best recent works on this subject; more helpful to moderns than Foster's "Essay on Decision of Character." 189. Pieters, A. Mission Problems in Japan. Pp. 188. New York, Reformed Church Board of Publication, 1912. "A historical presentation of the development of these problems by one who has had a personal and a controlling share in the issues." 190. Plathe, J. H. Die Religion und der Cultus der alten Chinesen. Pp. iv, 274 with 67 pp. of Chinese text. Munich, Verlag der k. Akademie. Discussion by an early, sinologue of the ancient religion and worship. Part I, pp. 19-67, on God, spirits and human souls, arici Part II, especially pp. 13-19, on the idea of sacrifice, are commended. 191. Pott, F. L. Hawks. The Emergency in China. Pp. xii, 309. New York, Missionary Education Movement, 1913. President Pott gives a view of the results of the Recent Revolution for two years, prefacing it by a historical review of China's international relations and following it with a chapter on the present and future of the Christian Church in China. 140 BIBLIOGRAPHY 192. Present Day Tracts on the Non-Christian Religions of the World. London, Religious Tract Society, n. d. Discussions by recognized authorities, Confucianism being by Dr. Legge. 193. Proceedings of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries in Japan. Osaka. 1883. Pp. xviii, 468. Yokohama, Meiklejohn & Co., 1883. Papers of Revs. T. Matsuyama and J. T. Ise, pp. 152-165, present obstacles to the spread of Christianity in Japan that have not wholly passed away, though they exist in changed relations and degree. 194. Proceedings of the General Conference of Protestant Missionaries in Japan. Tokyo, 1900. Pp. xi, 1048. Tokyo, Methodist Publishing House, 1901. Discussions commended are "Our Message," pp. 46-68, and "Christianity and the Educated Classes," pp. 328-361. 195. Progress. Vol. Ill, No. 2, 1897. Universal Religion, Chicago. The sections on Confucianism are by Yung Kwai, a delegate to the World's Congress, and Dr. E. Buckley of Chicago University. Popular studies. 196. Records China Centenary Missionary Conference. Shanghai, 1907. Pp. xxxvii, 823. Shanghai, 1907. [New York, American Tract Society.] Discussions of ancestor worship on pp. 215-246, 604-625, excellent for later views of this problem. 197. Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China. Shanghai, 1877. Pp. 402. Shanghai, Presbyterian Mission Press, 1878. Dr. Yates' paper on Ancestor Worship, pp. 367-387, extremely good for details. 198. Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China. Shanghai. 1890. Pp. Ixviii, 744. Shanghai, American Presby- terian Mission Press, 1890. "Preaching to the Heathen," by Drs. Henry and Lowry, pp. 177-195, and especially Drs. Martin and Blodget on Ancestor Worship, pp. 619-660, are very helpful for views of twenty-five years ago. 199. Rein, J. J. Japan : Travels and Researches. Pp. xii, 543. New York, Arm- strong, 1884. With characteristic German accuracy, Professor Rein has put into pp. 442-464 a sketch of Japan's religions as affecting life. 200. Religions of Mission Fields as Viewed by Protestant Missionaries. Pp. 301. New York Student Volunteer Movement for Foreign Missions, 1905. A series of chapters written by experienced missionary students of religions, that on Confucianism being by President D. Z. Sheffield, an eminent Chinese scholar. Intended for missionary candidates' use. 201. Religious Systems of the World. Pp. vii, 710. New York, Button, 1902. Addresses prepared by first-hand students of the religions discussed, that on Con- fucianism being by Dr. Legge. 202. Reville, A. La Religion Chinoise. Pp. vii, 710. Paris, Fishbacher, 1889. The first eleven chanters of Professor Reville's volume have to do with Confucianism. Note especially Chs. Ill on the canonical books, IV on China's ancient religion, VI on ancestor worship, VII on the sacrifices, IX on Confucius and X on Confucianism. 203. Richard, T. The Awakening of Fakh in the Mahayana Doctrine the New Buddhism. Pp. xxv, 45, 46. Shanghai, Christian Literature So- ciety, 1907. A translation, unwarrantably Christianized, of Ashvagosha's "Ta Ch'eng Ch'i Hsin Lun." See Suzuki's translation, No. 231. 204. Conversions by the Million. Two vols. Pp. 296, 295. Shanghai, Christian Literature Society, 1907. "Modern Confucianism," Ch. XIV, is extracts from four philosophers accepted by Chu Fu-tzu in the 13th century and hence central in his commentaries. This book is likewise an autobiography of the author who has labored long for Confucian scholars. 205. Forty-five Years in China. Pp. 384. New York, F. A. Stokes Co., 1916. Latest autobiography of this great worker for China's literary classes and her national regeneration through a manifold program. Chs. XVIII, "Religious Movements and Conferences," and XIX, "Higher Buddhism," especially to be noted. 141 APPENDIX C 206. Guide to Buddhahood : Being a Standard Manual of Chinese Buddhism. Pp. xxxiii, 108. Shanghai, Christian Literature Society, 1907. Translation of the Hsiian Fo P'u, of which the author says: "I have never read any [English book] which gives a more complete view of Buddhism as I have found it in China than is given in this little book." Especially helpful is the Contents with the Chinese and translations of technical words and phrases. 207. Ritson, J. H. Christian Literature in the Mission Field. Pp. viii, 152. Edinburgh, Continuation Committee World Missionary Conference, 1915. A survey of the present situation by an international committee under the direction of the Continuation Committee of the World Conference of 1910. For China, see pp. 31-57; for Japan, pp. 15-25; for Korea, pp. 26-30. 208. Robinson, C. H. History of Christian Missions. Pp. xiv, 533. New York, Scribner, 1915. ' Latest full history of Missions, written from the Anglican viewpoint. Chs. VII-IX have to do with the work in Japan, Korea and China. 209. Ross, E. A. The Changing Chinese : the Conflict of Oriental and Western Cultures in China. Pp. xvi, 356. New York, Century Co., 1912. A remarkable appraisement of Chinese race fiber and mind is found in Chs. II and III, and the last three chapters are also helpful to the prospective worker among educated Chinese. 210. Ross, J. History of Corea Ancient and Modern, with Description of Manners and Customs, Language and Geography. Pp. xii, 404. Paisley, Parlane, 1879. An early work by a Manchurian missionary who could study Korea only from the Manchurian border and through literature. 211. Mission Methods in Manchuria. Pp. 251. New York, Revell, 1903. Like the volume No. 213, this book sets forth views not acceptable to all. Chapters I on Chinese consciousness of sin, III on street preaching, V on catechumens, VII on native church work, XIV on preaching, and XV on Chinese aids to preaching are descriptive of ideas and methods attested by successful experience. 212. The Origin of the Chinese People. Pp. xx, 189. Edinburgh, Oliphants, Ltd., 1916. A posthumous volume prefaced and endorsed by Professor Giles of Cambridge. In Section II, Chs. II-VI, is material bearing on Confucius, his religious system, his books and the sage and noble man. 213. The Original Religion of China. Pp. 327. London, Oliphant, Ander- son & Ferrier. n. d. A veteran Manchurian missionary sets forth most forcefully his belief that China's original faith was monotheism. An extremely suggestive and circumstantial treatment of the ancient religion and Confucianism from that viewpoint. 214. Rudd, H. F. Chinese Moral Sentiments before Confucius. A Study in the Origin of Ethical Valuation. Pp. iv, 221. Chicago, University of Chicago, 1914. Studies based upon Chinese texts and a limited bibliography and containing helpful points of view on several Confucian themes. 215. Saeki, P. Y. The Nestorian Monument in China. Pp. xii, 342. London, S. P. C. K., 1916. The latest and fullest volume in English on this earliest extended Christian monument of Asia by a Japanese professor competent for the task. The inscription formerly was used by Chinese missionaries in chapels or in their preaching as helpful in establishing Christianity's antiquity and entry into China. 216. Scherer, J. A. B. Japan To-flay. Pp. 323. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1904. Breezy sketches based mainly on the author's early experiences and observations. Chs. IX, "Japanese Traits," and X, a fine sketch of Dr. Verbeck's work in Japan, especially commended. 217. Senamaud, J. Histoire de Confucius. Pp. 212. Bordeaux, Feret et Fils, 1878. A thirty-six page sketch of Confucius is followed by a concise account of each of the Four Books except Mencius, with selected maxims drawn from each and concluding with a miscellaneous collection of sayings illustrating his system. 218. Smith, A. H. China and America To-day. Pp. 256. New York, Revell, 1907. A volume of ephemereal interest of value to the Confucian worker mainly because of the author's revised estimate of the Chinese in Ch. IV, which a Chinese reviewer regarded as atoning for the under-estimate of his "Chinese Characteristics." 142 BIBLIOGRAPHY 219. Chinese Characteristics. 2nd edition. Pp. 342. New York, Revell, 1894. The best discussion of the subject, though too little sympathetic with national self- respect to be liked by the Chinese. The chapters on filial piety and religion are most pertinent, though the entire volume is illuminating as regards the common people rather than the educated Confucianist. 220. Proverbs and Common Sayings from the Chinese. Revised edition. Pp. xxx, 374. Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1902. The best collection of Chinese proverbs most helpful in talking with the people; pages 41-47 might be committed to memory for use among scholars, as they are proverbs from the Classics. 221. The Uplift of China. Pp. xv, 274. New York, Young People's Mis- sionary Movement, 1907. [English edition, 1913, 160 pp.] Excellent outline by a foremost authority, though only down to 1907. The English edition is abridged, rewritten and brought down to 1913. 222. Soothill, W. E. The Analects of Confucius. Pp. vi, 1028. New York, Revell, 1910. Very valuable because of its introductions, Chinese text and dictionary with references. Its brief commentary., with frequent parallels from the standard translations of the Analects, makes it desirable for junior missionaries reading Chinese. 223. The Three Religions of China. Pp. xxii, 324. London, Hodder, 1913. Lectures prepared for China missionary candidates and delivered at the Oxford Summer School of the Board for the Training of Missionaries by an authority on the subject. Discusses Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism and then important aspects of religion common to them all, in many items. Strongly commended for missionary candidates. 224. A Typical Mission in China. Pp. 293. New York, Revell, 1906. For those not having access to the author's "The Three Religions of China," Chs. XV, XVI and XIX are deserving of a careful reading. 225. Stalker, J. The Ethic of Jesus. Pp. x, 403. New York, Doran, 1909. Under the main heads of the highest good, virtue and duty, the author discusses the material found in the first three Gospels. The section on Duty especially good from the ethical viewpoint of a Confucianist. 226. Stead, A. Great Japan. A Study of National Efficiency, with a Foreword by the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Rosebery, K. G. Pp. xxii, 483. London, J. Lane, 1906. A series of suggestive studies, only two or three of which relate to our theme. 227. Strauss, V. von. Lao-Tse's Tao Te King. Pp. Ixiii, 357. Leipzig, F. Fleischer, 1870. Translation of the Taoist Classic with introduction and full comments on the transla- tion. Pp. 347-357 on Chuang Tzu's account of the interview between Lao Tzu and Confucius is illuminating. 228. Schi-king. Das kanonische Liederbuch der Cinesen. Pp. 528. Heidel- berg, C. Winter's Universitatsbuchhandlung, 1880. Poetical version in German of the Book of Poetry with suggestive introduction and too limited notes by a foremost German scholar. 229. Suyematsu, Baron K. The Risen Sun. Pp. xi, 355. London, Constable, 1905. Reprints for the most part of articles which appeared in various European reviews, by an eminent statesman-traveler. They deal with matters related to the Russo-Japanese War. See Book II, Chs. Ill, IV, IX, X, on morals, ethics and religion. 230. Suzuki, D. T. A brief History of Early Chinese Philosophy. Pp. 196. London, Probsthain & Co., 1914. Pp. 49 : 77 on Confucianism, pp. 84-111 on the hedonistic egoism of Yang Chou, the utilitarianism of Mo Ti and the ceremonialism of Hsun Tzu, and pp. 112-154 on the religion of the Classics are comprehensive and characteristic of Japanese views of Confucianism and its rivals. 231. Suzuki, Teitarp. Agvaghosha's Discourse on the Awakening of the Faith in the Mahayana. Chicago, Open Court Publishing Co., 1900. A more scholarly and truer translation of this important Buddhist booklet than Dr. Richard's. It is the basis of the doctrine of salvation by faith of the Shin and Jodo sects of Japan, and is important in China also. 232. T'oung Pao. Leiden, E. Brill. Vol. Ill, 1892. Pp. 211-237, C. de Harlez on "La Religion Chinoise dans le Tchun- tsiu de Kongtze et dans Tso-tchuen." 143 APPENDIX C 233. Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. Kelly & Walsh, Yokohama. A very valuable repository of material bearing on Japan and Japanese thought. Vols. XX and XXXiy contain, in articles by Drs. Knox and Lloyd, a large part of the scanty material in English on the Confucian philosophy in Japan. See also Fisher's "Life and Teachings of Nakae Toju, the Sage of Omi," and Dening's "Confucian Philosophy in Japan," in Vol. XXXVI, Pt. I, pp. 25-96, and Pt. II, pp. 101-152 re- spectively, and Kirby's "Ancestral Worship in Japan," Vol. XXXVIII, Pt. IV, pp. 233-267. 234. Transactions of the Third International Congress for the History of Re- ligions. Two vols. Pp. xl, 327, 457. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1908. .Vol. I, pp. 105-181, contains valuable papers on "Religions of China and Japan," by specialists. Prof. Giles' address on Chinese ideas of God, pp. 105-114, especially informing. 235. Underwood, H. G. The Call of Korea, Political, Social, Religious. Pp. 204. New York, Revell, 1908. A study-class text-book by one of Korea's pioneers. Chs. II and III, on the people's secular and religious life, are very good. 236. The Religions of Eastern Asia. Pp. x, 267. New York, Macmillan, 1910. By a scholarly missionary of thirty years' Korean experience. Lectures IV and VI discuss Confucianism and compare it with the Theism of the Bible. 237. Underwood, L. H. Fifteen Years Among the Top-knots, or Life in Korea. Pp. xviii, 271. New York, American Tract Society, 1904. A wonderfully interesting record of a missionary doctor and her later married life spent in general activities. Every phase of work and experience are picturesquely set forth. 238. Walshe, W. G. Confucius and Confucianism. Pp. 50. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1911. Primitive religion, ancestor worship, the life and times of Confucius, and Confucianism as the orthodox school are the topics discussed in the four lectures. 239. "Ways That Are Dark." Some Chapters on Chinese Etiquette and Social Procedure. Pp. 276. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, n. d. Though written before the Revolution, since which date etiquette is rapidly changing, the volume has great value for one who expects to labor for the older literati of China. 240. Wang, Ching-dao. Confucius and New China. Confucius' Idea of the State and Its Relation to the Constitutional Government. Pp. iv, 105. Shanghai, Commercial Press, 1912. Originally written in German at Berlin. Of interest as showing a modern Chinese attempt to find in Confucius the sanction for both old and new governments in China. Book I is most to the point. 241. Warneck, G. Abriss einer Geschichte der protestantischen Missionen von der Reformation bis auf die Gegenwart. Pp. x, 624. Berlin, M. War- neck, 1913. Last edition of the standard German history of Missions, added to by five writers. Pp. 462-491 deal with China, pp. 491-497 with Korea and 497-528 with Japan. 242. Watson, W. P. The Future of Japan, with a Survey of Present Condi- tions. Pp. xxxi, 389. New York, Button, 1907. A psychological and philosophical account of historical and contemporary Japan with its relation to the Occidental world at present and in the future by an author who resided several years in Japan. 243. Wendland, J. Miracles and Christianity. Pp. 300. New York, Doran, 1911. As miracles are a crucial point of difficulty with scholars of the Far East, this volume is worthy of studv if one has time to give the subject beyond the articles alluded to under the "Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics," No. 102 above. 244. Werner, E. T. C Descriptive Sociology. Chinese. Pp. 312 and many tables. London, Williams & Norgate, 1910. A most imposing work elaborated after Herbert Spencer's scheme abstracted by a- British consul from 1038 volumes mostly Chinese, and supplying 10,000 extracts. The sections "Domestic Filial," especially p. 33, "Ecclesiastical," especially pp. 118-120, "Funeral Rites," especially pp. 195-202, "Knowledge," especially pp. 219-220, are worthy of careful reading. 144 SELECTED REFERENCES 245. Wieger, L. Moral Tenets and Customs in China. Texts in Chinese, Trans- lated and Annotated by L. Davrout, S. J. Pp. 604. Ho-kien-fu, Catholic Mission Press, 1913. Chinese texts on morals and tenets of Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism, with Part V on Chinese manners and customs in Chihli. The author has chosen texts containing "the essential notions of the three Sects as taught to the people." In addition to the Chinese texts, the Wade romanization and translation are given. 246. Williams, S. W. The Middle Kingdom. Two vols. Pp. xxv, 836 and xii, 775. New York, Scribner, 1882. A standard work upon China and things Chinese, written by a Sinologue long resident in China. Chs. XI and XVIII on the Chinese Classics and Religion are especially commended. 247. World Missionary Conference, 1910. Report of Commission IV. The Missionary Message in Relation to Non-Christian Religions. Pp. xx, 337. New York, Revell, 1910. A Commission of twenty, with Prof. Cairns as Chairman, gathered a great mass of evidence from mission fields as to this topic. The chapters "Chinese Religions" and "The Religions of Japan" are helpful for our purposes, especially Ch. Ill and sections of Ch. IV dealing with Confucianism. 248. Wylie, A. Notes on Chinese Literature. New edition. Pp. xxxix, 307. Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1902. An eminent Sinologue's selection and annotation of Chinese literature with valuable introductory remarks and convenient lists of titles and authors in Chinese. 249. Ying Ssu Shu. Four Books in English. Pp. 378. Shanghai, Shanghai Shu Chii, 1899. Reprint through photo processes of the Chinese text, translation and exegetical notes of an early edition of Dr. Legge's Chinese Classics, Vols. I and II, with no other matter included except what is stated here. A cheap and fairly satisfactory edition for those unable to p'urchase the full edition (Nos. 141 and 142 above). 250. Yule, H. Cathay and the Way Thither: Being a Collection of Medieval Notices of China. Two vols. Pp. ccliii, 596, xcviii. London, Hakluyt Society, 1866. Roman Catholic intercourse with China in the Middle Ages is set forth in the original authorities. Nestorian Missions, pp. Ixxxviii-ci, are here well summarized. APPENDIX D. SELECTED READINGS FOR SPECIFIC SUBJECTS In this Appendix definite readings have been listed which are advised for most of the topics discussed in the foregoing Report. They are usually specific as to the pages or chapters to be read, though it should be understood that this is only for the convenience of the user and that other portions than these chapters or pages of the sources cited are also worth reading. The multiplication of references under some sections is due to the fact that if only three or four were given, it might happen that the reader could not find any of them in the libraries accessible; whereas with a much larger number of possibilities, one or more of the volumes might be found. To lessen the difficulty of choosing among the larger number given, the superior numeral * is prefixed to a few references 145 APPENDIX D to indicate their usefulness to readers who care for brief or essential treatments of the subject only; while the superior numeral 2 is prefixed to entries that are most useful to junior missionaries, or to persons who read the Chinese text. Very few of the latter sort are given, since missionaries know better than do candidates what authorities and volumes are most desirable. In choosing between many references under a given head, the annotations found on pages 127-145 will enable the reader to estimate values to a certain extent. As Dr. Legge's translations and writings on Confucian- ism are the most voluminous and also are more commonly accessible than books by other authors, they are constantly entered in the lists. Yet it should be remembered that there is much repetition in his writings. This is especially true of Numbers 140 and 141, whose Prolegomena are almost identical, as are those of Numbers 142 and 146. So, also, his briefer articles in Numbers 69 and 201 have much in common. Readers of Dr. Faber's writings on Confucianism \ except his "Mind of Mencius" will likewise find them more or less repetitious. N. B. The numerals in heavy-faced type indicate the numbers of the books referred to in the Bibliography. Thus in the first reference below, "1 ; vol. 2, pp. 381-402" the 7 refers to No. / of the annotated Bibliography. The refer- ence thus means, No. 7, Asiatic Quarterly Review, vol. 2, pp, 381-402. PART I. SUGGESTIONS FOR FAR-EASTERN CANDIDATES II. Definition and General Character of Confucianism. 1 7: vol. 2, pp. 381^02. 10: lect. 2. 13: vol. 1, pp. 1 374-439, 594-604. 26: vol. 4, pp. 223-228. 36: vol. 42, pp. ^19-328, 1 403-415; vol. 47, pp. 90- 97. 42: ch. 2. 53: pp. 89-131. 56. 70: pp. 18-19, 101-102. 72: pp. 1-2. 81: pp. 618-660. J 82: lect. 3. 85: p. 19. J 89: chs. 3, 4. 97: vol. 2, pp. 17-58. 402: vol. 4, pp. 12-15. 105: ch. 4. 107: pp. 116-126. 437: second section on Chinese religions. 447: lects. 1, 2. 167: chs. 1, 2, especially pp. 30-31. 480: vol. 2, pp. 42, 63, 64. 182: pp. 65-75. 184: ch. 3. 195: pp. 103-106, 408-136. 200: ch. 7. 146 SELECTED REFERENCES J 201: pp. 61-76. 202: ch. 10. J 224: ch. 16. 236: pp. 167, 169, 171. 238: pp. 42-43. 245: pp. 133-134. III. Founders of Confucianism. J 76: pp. 11-32. 468: pp. 223-248. III. 1 The Chou Dynasty Background. 19: vol. 1, pp. 1-64. 91: ch. 6. 157: chs. 6, 7. 171: Pt. 5. III. 1 (a) Period Before Confucius 106: chs. 4, 5. 157: ch. 6. III. 1 (b) In the Seventh and Sixth Centuries. -106: chs. 6, 7. 157: ch. 7. III. 1 (c) Time of Mencius. 106: pp. 259-299. III. 2 Confucius (general) . 14 : pp. 195-204. 29: pp. 3-22. 63: ch. 7. J 69: vol. 6, pp. 907-912. 74: ch. 3. 84: No. 1043. *89: ch. 3. 102: vol. 4, pp. 16-19. 103: pp. 163-193. 447: pp. 124^149. 160: ch. 7. 161: ch. 5. 183: ch. 44. 202: ch. 9. 212: ch. 2. 217: pre- liminary 36-page sk'etch. X 224: ch. 15. 227: pp. 347-357. 246: vol. 1, pp. 658-666. III. 2 (a) His Life and Times. 2 !: chs. 3-10. 2: pp. 1-13. 15: pp. 102-114. 37: vol. 11, pp. 411-425; vol. 18, pp. 337-342. l tl: pp. 25-64. 72: p. 109. 416: pp. 571-596. 440: pp. 55-90. 441: pp. 56-89. 163: No. 319. 185: pp. 198-222. J 222: pp. 21-63, 94-95. 223: pp. 23-35. J 238: lect. 3. III. 2 (b) Character of Confucius. 4: ch. 11. 44: pp. 206-219. 37: vol. 11, pp. 411-425. 61: pp. 146-149. 87: pp. 20-28. 416: pp. 586-594. 441: pp. 94-101. III. 2 (c) Confucius as Teacher. 4: ch. 20. 416: pp. 599-622. 141: see Index under "Teaching," "Teacher," p. 440. 147: pp. 139-146. III. 2 (d) Posthumous Influence lib: pp. 625-633. 440: pp. 91-115. 441: pp. 90-111. 147: pp. 147-149. III. 3 Mencius (general). 14: pp. 220-224. 37: see Index volume under "Mencius." X 69: vol. 18, pp. 112-115. 84: No. 1522. 102: vol. 8, pp. 547-549. 106: pp. 282-298. 246: vol. 1, pp. 666-672. III. 3 (a) His Life. l 2: pp. 14-26. 61: pp. 154-157. 442: pp. 14-38. 446: pp. 14r-37. 163: No. 494. 223: pp. 35-40. III. 3 (b) Character of Mencius. 416:Jpp. 639-646. 142: pp. 40-44. III. 3 (c) As a Teacher lib: pp. 653-658. III. 3 (d) Posterity s^Estimate of Mencius. 142: pp. 38-76. 146: pp. 37-76. 147 APPENDIX D IV. Confucian Literature (general). 11: ch. 15. 15: pp. 115-131. 29: pp. 23-38. 36: vol. 9, pp. 49-62; vol. 10, pp. 284-297; vol. 26, pp. 1 403-414. 102: vol. 8, pp. 89-91. 140: pp. 1-11. 141: pp. 1-11. 158: ch. 5. 160: ch. 10. 168: ch. 7. 202: ch. 3. 238: pp. 37-42. 248: pp. 1-8. IV. 1 The Five Classics. W: pp. 7-31. 171: vol. 3, pp. xiii-xxx. *248: pp. 1-7. IV. 1 (a) Canon of History. 1: ch. 13. 4: chs. 2-5. 2 45, espe- cially vol. 1, ch. 2. 2 108. 116: pp. 487-493. 136: pp. 389-394. 2 143: Pt. 1, pp. 1-90, Pt. 2, pp. 1-630. 147: pp. 23-26. 174: Pts. 1, 2, 5, and especially pp. 1-19. 181, especially Introduction. 2 186: pp. 46-136. 211: pp. 63-69. 246: vol. 1, pp. 633-636. IV. 1 (b) Canon of Poetry. 1: ch. 14. 3. 44, especially pp. xxi- xxxi. 115, especially Introduction. 416: pp. 511-550. 136: pp. 395-402. 2 144. 147: pp. 27-29. 148, especially pp. 1-57. 171, especially pp. 275-284, 303-346. 211: pp. 87-97. 228, especially pp. 3-61. 246: vol. 1, pp. 636-643. IV. 1 (c) Canon of Changes. I: ch. 12. 4: ch. 8. 7: vols. 9-11, the series of translations and discussions by Dr. Harlez. 14: pp. 178 181. 36: vol. 29, pp. 334-340. 416: p. 907-922. 447: pp. 35-43. 155: especially Bk. 3, and Introduction. 172, especially pp. 1-55 and Appendix 3. 186: pp. 137-149. ! 246: vol. 1, pp. 627-633. IV. 1 (d) Record of Rites. 1: ch. 15. 4: ch. 9. 136: pp. 402-406. 173, especially vol. 27, pp. 1-60. 211: ch. 6. 246: vol. 1, pp. 643-647. IV. 1 (e) Spring and Autumn Annals. 1: ch. 15. 4: ch. 10. 2 47. 2 145, especially vol. 1, chs. 1, 3. 232: vol. 3, pp. 211-237. 246: vol. 1, pp. 647-651. IV. 2 The Four Books (general). '46. 212: ch. 4. 217. 2 249. IV. 2 (a) The Great Learning. l:ch. 16. 136: pp. 572-574. 440: pp. 22-34. 141: pp. J 22-34, 2 355-381. 186: pp. 155-162. 246: vol. 1, pp. 652-653. IV. 2 (b) Doctrine of the Mean. 1: ch. 17. 131. 136: pp. 374- 376. 440: pp. 35-54. 141: pp. 35-55, 2 382-434. 186: pp. 163-176. 246: vol. 1, pp. 653-656. IV. 2 (c) Analects. 1: ch. 18. 4: ch. 11. 87. 132. 136: pp. 376-379. 140: pp. 12-18. 141: pp. 12-20, 2 137-354. 186: pp. 177- 218. 2 222: pp. 64-73. 246: vol. 1, p. 656. IV. 2 (d) Mencius.l: ch. 19. 4: ch. 12. '86: pp. 32-40. 136: pp. 380-387. 142: pp. 1-13, 2 125-502. 146: ch. 1. 186: pp. 219-304. 246: vol. 1, pp. 666-667. V. The Development of Confucianism (general). 29: pp. 39-47. 148 SELECTED REFERENCES V. 1 Chu Hsi.2: pp. 113-121. 6: pp. 34-38. 44: pp. 230-238. 37: vol. 18, pp. 187-206, see also Index volume under ^ Chu Hi." 84: No. 446. 85: pp. 233-241. 150: ch. 51. 154: pp. iii-vii. Remainder of volume. 163: No. 79. 179: pp. 61-66. 223: pp. 40-43. V. 2 Imperial Confucianism. 15: pp. 132143. 35: vol. 6, pp. 147-158, 223-235, 299-310, 363-374. 36: vol. 46, pp. 484-492, 600- 606, 764-774; vol. 47, pp. 112-119. 37: vol. 3, pp. 49-53. 59: vol. 1, ch. 14. J 61: pp. 158-170. 63: chs. 3, 4. 67: ch. 2. 94: ch. 2. 118: vol. 44, pp. 11-15. 211: ch. 7. 223: lect. 11. 246: vol. 2, pp. 194-206. V. 3 Confucianism Since the Revolution. 36: vol. 44, pp. J 687-692; vol. 46, pp. 1 606-613. 85: p. 263. VI. 1 Confucianism an Ethical System. 28: Pt. 1, ch. 3. H>1: pp. 92-131. 2 70: especially pp. 104-129, 162-248. 72: pp. 36-66, 69-74. 102: vol. 2, pp. 672-675; vol. 7, pp. 485-489. 403: pp. 18-79. 133: pp. 17-22. 147: pp. 104-112, 137-139. 461 : ch. 12. 183: ch. 37, 185: pp. 30-38. 233: lect. 9. 226; ch. 3. 229: pp. 177-194. VI. 2 Confucianism a Social Force. 2 70: pp. 162-186. 74: ch. 5. VI. 3 Confucianism in Politics and Government. 61: pp. 132-142. 2 70: pp. 187-248, and Bk. 3. 133: pp. 35-38. 240: pp. 29-105. VI. 4 (a) Korean Confucianism. 129 : vol. of 1895, pp. 471-474. 236: lect. 4. VI. 4 (b) Japanese Confucianism. 6: pp. 24-38, 119-126, 196-197, 277-282, 287-293. 21: vol. 2, ch. 5. 1 27: article "Confucianism." 2 93: chs. 4, 5. 419: pp. 17-18. 2 122: lects. 5, 6. 424: chs. 7, 11. 2 125, especially pp. 134-192. 477, especially chs. 1, 2, 15, 17. 178: chs. 5, 6. 480: vol. 2, ch. 3. 182: pp. 113-114. 230: pp. 49-71. 233: vol. 36, Pt. 1, pp. 25-96; Pt. 2, pp. 101-152. VII. Modern Confucianists and Confucian Peoples (general}. 28: pp. 68-71, 81-90, 144-148. VII. 1 Traits Common to Confucianists and Their Peoples. 37: vol. 11, pp. 480-487. 78: ch. 9. 2 95: chs. 5, 7, 13, 25, 35. 105: ch. 3. 116: pp. 5-67, 169-177. 119: pp. 11-14. 150: chs. 62, 63. 151: pp. 17-21, 24, 39, 95. 174: chs. 3, 4. 475: ch. 19. 178: ch. 4. *209: chs. 2, 3. 216: ch. 9. : 218: ch. 4. 219, especially chs. 19, 26. 221 ch. 2. J 229: pp. 130-143. 235: ch. 2. J 246: vol. 1, pp. 833-836. VII. 2 Special Characteristics of Confucian Scholars. 37: vol. 7, pp. 1-8. 2 95: chs. 19, 20, 22, 23, 26. 164: ch. 18. 470: pp. 15-32. 246: vol. 2, pp. 199-202. VII. 2 (b) The Ethical Emphasis 50, especially ch. 1. 52: ch. 2 2 70, especially pp. 104-129, 162-248. 122: lects. 5, 6. 133: pp. 17-23. 2 222: pp. 104^113. 223: lect. 9. VII. 2 (c) Courtesy and Politeness. -107: ch. 12. 177: ch. 6. 2 239, especially chs. 1, 5, 11. 149 APPENDIX D VII. 3 Modernity as Affecting Confucianists. 36: vol. 39, pp. 259-266; vol. 44, pp. 156-163, 407-411. VII. 4 How Confucianists Regard Christianity. 43: vol. 1, pp. 424-430. 32: ch. 13. 36: vol. 42, pp. 255-262; vol. 43, pp. 421-423. 67: ch. 13. 459: ch. 2. 193: pp. 152-165. 247: pp. 58-63, 83-90. VII. 5 (a) Religious Life in China. 1 U : ch. 10. 20 : ch. 6. 36 : vol. 18, pp. 329-334, 369-374. 52: ch. 5. 57: pp. 57-114. X 90: chs. 4, 5. 94: ch. 5. 99: chs. 25-29. 100: ch. 2. 149: pp. 32-41. 167: ch. 4. h. 4. VII. 5 (b) Religious Life in Korea. IS: chs. 30, 34, 35. 36: vol. 18, pp. 7-20. X 77: ch. 3. 83: ch. 8. 92: ch. 37. 100: ch. 1. 128: series in 1903 on "The Mudang and Pansu." 153: ch. 6. 235: ch. 3. VII. 5 (c) Religious Life in Japan. 21: vol. 5, ch. 5. 57: pp. 115-171. 424: ch. 8. 150: Appendix C. 167: chs. 6, 7. 470: chs. 2, 3. 182: pp. 104-121. 199: pp. 442-464. 201: pp. 92-101. *229: pp. 195-207. 242: chs. 14-17. VIII. Missionaries to Confucianists. *36. vol. 46, pp. 353-365, 492-500, 751-760. PART II. SUGGESTIONS FOR JUNIOR WORKERS IN CONFUCIAN LANDS I. 2 Importance of the Commentaries. 146: pp. 4-9. 222: pp. 74-78. I. 3 Extra-Canonical Confucian Literature. 36: vol. 9, pp. 249 262; vols. 2 9-ll, a series giving a translation of part of the "Family Sayings of Confucius." 416: pp. 437-467. 136: pp. 368-371. 171: pp. 449-488. 245: pp. 6-134. 246: vol. 1, pp. 536-539, 686-691. II. Additional Facts in the Development of Confucianism (general}. 167: ch. 2. II. 1 Effect of the "Burning of the Books." 2: pp. 27-42. 140: pp. 6-10. 141: pp. 6-9. II. 2 (a) Leading Heresies. -14: pp. 185-193. 71. 84: No. 1537, Mo Ti; No. 2370, Yang Chu. 102: vol 8, pp. 623-624. 406: pp. 275-282. 116: pp. 657-661. 446: pp. 77-121. X 230: pp. 84-111. II. 2 (b) Official Opposition to Chinese Sectarianism. 31: pp. 41-45. 36: vol. 17, pp. 1-10, 64-73, x 245-252; vol. 19, pp. 261-268, 302-310; vol. 37, pp. 471-477, 548-555. 55, especially chs. 4, 5, 8. *245: pp. 112-132. II. 3 The Sung Dynasty Philosophers. 2: pp. 101-112. 14: pp. 224-230. 69: vol. 6, p. 227. 84: No. 2134, Wang An-shih. 86: pp. 220-231. I 9l: ch. 12. 93: ch. 5. 117: vol. 31, pp. 65-75. 154, especially p. 161. X 204: ch. 14. 150 SELECTED REFERENCES II. 4 Wang Yang-ming.M: No. 2224. 2 104, especially his Biography and Book 1. 151: pp. 107-114. 465: vol. 24, pp. 17-34. II. 5 Confucianism as Affected by Other Asiatic Religions (general). 109: vol. 1, p. 164, also Index, "Confucius." 175: ch. 11. II. 5 (a) By Japanese Religions. 179, especially pp. 46-61. II. 5 (c) By Buddhism in China 36: vol. 2, pp. 81-88; vol. 42, pp. 347-357. 203. 205: ch. 19. 206. 231. III. Confucianism's Contact with Christianity (general). 168: ch. 8. 242: chs. 25, 28. III. 1 The Nestorian Contact. 36: vol. 13, pp. 355-361; vol. 26, pp. 251-260; vol. 39, pp. 125-135, 197-205. 37: vol. 16, pp. 153-168; see also Index volume under "Nestorians." 65: vol. 7, pp. *202 217; vol. 12, pp. 1 383-410. 168: ch. 8. 1 184: ch. 6. 2 216. '246: vol. 2, pp. 275-286. 2 250: vol. 1, pp. Ixxxviii-ci. III. 2 Contact with Roman Catholicism. 3: pp. 186-200. 10: pp. 197-208. '26: vol. 13, pp. 34-40. 36: vol. 44, pp. 613-626; vol. 46, pp. J 220-226, J 302-310. 37: vol. 18, pp. 574-588; vol. 19, pp. 118-135; see also Index volume under "Roman Catholics," "Romanism." 42: ch. 9. J 65: vol. 12, pp. 383-410. 67: ch. 14. 93: ch. 11. 2 138, especially pp. 22-48, 429-461. 168: pp. 331-351. 170: ch. 4. 184: ch. 9. 246: vol. 2, pp. 287-318. 250: vol. 1, pp. cxx-cxxxiv, 103-144, 165-230, etc. III. 3 Protestantisms Contacts. 10: lect. 8. 36: vol. 19, pp. 358-364, 397-402, 465-472. 139: especially chs. 4, 6. 168: ch. 9. 170: ch. 5. 184: ch. 10. 204: ch. 6. 205, especially ch. 18. 224: ch. 19. 246: vol. 2, pp. 318-371. IV. The Missionary's Attitude Toward Confucianism (general). 32: ch. 7. 36: vol. 5, pp. 33-41; vol. 18, pp. 1-11; vol. 23, pp. 99-110; vol. 35, pp. 402-410, 459-468; vol. 38, pp. 16-22; vol. 39, pp. 245-259; vol. 48, pp. 296-313. 169: ch. 9. 247: pp. 52-54, 94-97. IV. 1 It Should Be Sympathetic. 68: lect. 1. IV. 5 It Should Be Brotherly and Courteous. 36 : vol. 23, pp. 51-57; vol. 26, pp. 1-10; vol. 29, pp. 263-273, 418-426; vol. 37, pp. 531-547; vol. 44, pp. 214-218. 177: ch. 6. 239: especially chs. 1, 11, 13. V. Comparisons and Contrasts Between Christianity and Confucianism. 36: vol. 8, pp. 351-359; vol. 12, pp. 218-224; vol. 17, pp. 365-374. 130. 164: pp. 571-638. 494: second tract by Dr. Legge. 236: lect. 6. 247: pp. 54-66, 97-104. V. 1 Emphasis of Points Held in Common (general). 31: pp. 24. 36: vol. 17, pp. 285-293, 329-337. J 72: pp. 90-92, 97-99. 147: lect. 4. V. 1 (a) Belief in a Supreme Deity. 10: lect. 1. 35: pp. 272-273. 36: vol. 8, pp. 398-411, 411-426, 476-488; vol. 11, pp. 161-186; vol. 12, pp. 35-53, 149-192; see also Index of vols. 1-20 under "Term Question"; vol. 26, pp. 201-210; vols. 32 and 33, series of fourteen 151 APPENDIX D i articles on Shen by Dr. Mateer; vol. 33, pp. 436-438; vol. 35, pp. 5-18. 37: vol. 7, pp. 314-321; vol. 14, pp. 145-148; vol. 15, pp. 568-574, 577- 601; vol. 16, pp. 30-34, 34-39, 99-102, 121-129; vol. 17, pp. 357-360. 50: pp. 284-288, 293-298. 58: pp. 55-69. 68: lect. 7. *70: pp. 70- 77. 1 72: pp. 29-31, 32-35. 73: pp. 536-550. J 80: ch. 6. 85: pp. 9-25, 37-38, 67-73, 89-95. 95: pp. 310-312. 97: vol. 2, pp. 37-45. 102: vol. 6, pp. 252-269, 272-274, 294-295. 416: pp. 553-568, 723-733. 133: pp. 39-42. 139: ch. 6. 147: pp. 8-10, 23-31. 154, especially pp. 25-79, 135-152. 155: Appendix, Notes A, B, F. 190: pp. 19-67. 211: pp. 107-120, 128-138. X 223: lect. 5. *230: pp. 112-154. 232: pp. 215-220. J 234: pp. 105-114. J 238: pp. 1-4, 45-47. V. 1 (b) Recognition of a Divinely Appointed Law. 50: pp. 288-293. 133: pp. 1-12. 147: pp. 98-104. V. 1 (c) Doctrine of the Nature of Man. 36: vol. 9, pp. 11-23; vol. 26, pp. 263-270. 37: vol. 2, pp. 310-312. J 70: pp. 45-59. 80: ch. 7. 81: pp. 96-101. 116: pp. 950-975. 133: pp. 1-12. 146: pp. 55-74, 88-90. 162: ch. 2. V. 1 (d) Belief in Existence After Death. 35: p. 276. 50: pp. 267-271. 62: ch. 12. 67: ch. 12. 402: vol. 3, pp. 728-729; vol. 7, pp. 172-179; vol. 8, pp. 14-16, 37-39. 416: pp. 708-715. 147: pp. 112-122. X 223: pp. 199-206. 232: pp. 233-236. 238: p. 9. V. 1 (e) Exaltation of Founders of the Two Religions. J 73: pp. 258-288, 356-379. X 80: ch. 4. 2 88. V. 1 (f) The Idea of Sacrifice. 35: p. 275. 37: vol. 17, pp. 97-101. 63: ch. 8. 85: pp. 47-51. 102: vol. 3, pp. 729-731. 103: pp. 141-155. 147: pp. 53, 55-57. 190: Pt. 2, pp. 13-19. 202: ch. 7. 211: ch. 5 and pp. 277-281, 283, 297-308. 223: pp. 135-151, 155-157, 215-218, 272-296. J 238: pp. 4-7. V. 1 (g) The Use of Prayer. 35: p. 275. J 36: vol. 44, pp. 146-156, 289-295, 368-379. 85: pp. 80, 262. 147: pp. 43-53, 82-83. 1 223: pp. 153-161, 279-285. 238: pp. 7-8. V. 2 Additional Distinctive Teachings of Christianity (general). 31: pp. 9-11. V. 2 (a) Atonement and Salvation. 35: p. 279. 36: vol. 46, pp. 211-220. 58: pp. 174-185, 225-258. 64: pp. 170-172, 177-178, 183- 189. 67: ch. 11. 'SOich.S. 1 102: vol. 5, pp. 641-650. 147: pp. 54-55. 462: ch. 9. V. 2 (b) The Resurrection - 2 54: vol. 1, Pt. 2. V. 2 (c) Eschatological Beliefs of Christianity. *80: ch. 9. 102: vol. 8, pp. 16-19. V. 2 (d) Worship and the Sacraments. 36: vol. H5, pp. 615-625. 2 58: pp. 259-282. 73: pp. 418-425, 551-568. V. 2 (e) Doctrine of the Church. 36: vol. 20, pp. 145-150; vol. 44, pp. 355-359; vol. 46, pp. 555-562. 152 SELECTED REFERENCES V. 3 (c) Social Ideals Objectionable to Confucianists. 147: pp. 108-112. J 187. 2 214: pp. 72-87, 141-166. 226: chs. 16, 17. 2 244: pp. 24-32, 33-37. *247: pp. 46-49, 87-90. V. 3 (d) Impracticable Moral I deals 35: p. 281. J 247: pp. 42- 43, 83-86. V. 3 (e) Doctrine of Sin. 85: pp. 83-84; 211: ch. 1. V. 3 (f) Christianity and the Supernatural. 73: Bk. 1, ch. 8. especially pp. 3-19. 102: vol. 8, pp. 676-690. Ull. 2 243. V. 3 (g) The Divinity and Deity of Christ. -58: pp. 216-225. 64: pp. 180-183. V. 4 Confucian Views Opposed to Christianity (general). 31: pp. 4r-9. 62: chs. 20-21. J 72: pp. 82-84, 92-97. V. 4 (a) Confucian Views of Sin. 35: pp. 277-279. 36: vol. 15, pp. 425^28; vol. 41, pp. 321-327; vol. 42, pp. 561-571, J 572-577. 2 58: pp. 127-139, 156-172. *72: pp. 67-68. 95: pp. 313-317. 211: ch. 1. X 223: pp. 247-258. 245: pp. 136-156. V. 4 (b) Confucian Sanction of Polygamy. 36: vol. 37, pp. 175 188. X 61: pp. 125-128. Y. 4 (c) Confucianism's Exaggeration of Filial Piety. 36: 2 nine articles by Faber, vols. 9-11; vol. 31, pp. X 392-402. *37: vol. 6, pp. 130-142. 50: pp. 156-165. 133: pp. 28-34. 2 138: pp. 85-190. V. 4 (d) Undue Regard for Deceased Ancestors. 2 18: especially Pt. 1. 30: pp. 215-246, 604-624 and Index under ''Ancestral Worship." 36: vol. 1, pp. 23-28, 37-43. 50: pp. 165-171, 271-280. 53: pp. 62-88. 54: See Index of vol. 3 under "Soul Tablets." J 59: vol. 1, ch. 8. *60: vol. 1, pp. 97-108. J 83: ch. 6. 105: pp. 123-133. 116: pp. 695-708. 2 138. 147: pp. 13, 69-88, 93-97. 149: pp. 22-31. 158: ch. 7. 160: ch. 14. 161: ch. 15. 183: ch. 12. J 196: pp. 215-246, 604-624. 2 197: pp. 367-387. 498: pp. 619-660. '211: pp. 199-209, 256-269. *223: pp. 147-149, 199-201, 212-218. 226: ch. 4. 233: vol. 38, Pt. 4, pp. 233-267. *238: lect. 2. 2 244: pp. 195-202. X 246: vol. 2, pp. 235-239, 250-255. V. 4 (e) Oracles and Superstitions. 11: ch. 4. 31: ch. 6. 2 36: vol. 4, pp. 274-277, 291-298, 316-320; vol. 18, J 249-255, 334-346; vol. 21, pp. 314-320; vol. 41, pp. 257-264. 52: ch. 8. 53: pp. 33-61. 2 54: vol. 3, pp. 935-1056. J 59: vol. 2, chs. 13, 14. 2 60, especially vol. 2. 102: vol. 3, pp. 731-732; vol. 8, pp. 259-262, 296-300. 105: pp. 133- 151. 107: ch. 7. 116: pp. 715-722. 147: pp. 14-16, 40-41. 172: pp. 40-43. 175: chs. 12, 13. 183: ch. 46. 211: pp. 124-127. 246: vol. 2, pp. 246-248, 255-262. V. 4 (0 Confucian Sanction of Polytheism. 1 63: ch. 9. 211: ch. 4. V. 4 (g) Chu Hsis View of God. 154, especially notes at end. 155, especially Introduction. V. 4 (h) Man Only Indirectly Related to God. 223: lect. 6. 153 APPENDIX D VI. Transfusing the Christian Message Into Life (general). *82: lect. 8. 119: ch. 5. J 211: chs. 5, 7. VI. 1 Special Bible Classes. -17. 114. 120. 162. 225. VI. 3 Discussions with Educated Men. J 23: Bk. 1 and Bk. 3, chs. 5, 10. J 32: ch. 8. 33: pp. 416-126, 143-156. 34: pp. 226-240. 36: vol. 27, pp. 217-222; vol. 44, pp. X 727-740, 740-750; vol. 45, pp. and Morality," in vol. 5; "Jesus Christ," in vol. 7. 419: pp. 58-66. 421: especially letters 3, 6, 11, 12. 2 123. 2 188. VI. 4 Growth Through Larger Service. 36: vol. 41, pp. 327-353; vol. 47, pp. 459-463, 463-470. VI. 5 Helpful Literature. -32: ch. 29. 34: ch. 34. 36: vol. 17, pp. 93-101; vol. 38, pp. 134-137; vol. 39, pp. 609-615; vol. 41, pp. 327- 336, 343-347, 579-588; vol. 42, pp. 1 337-341; vol. 43, pp. 170-172; vol. 48, pp. 158-175. 37: vol. 19, pp. 118-135. 39: Pt. 4. 496: pp. 192-212, 589-603. 207: pp. 15-57. VII. The Needed Power. 36: vol. 40, pp. 427-454. 64: ch. 15. Appendix A. 2 Apologetics. 36: vol. 41, pp. *8-26; vol. 47, pp. J 90-97, x 221-232, ^-SIS, J 729-732. Appendix B. Brief Course of Specialized Studies for Candidates for the Far East. Appendix B. 1 For All the Far East 34: pp. 11-43. 39: pp. 3-26, 343-347. 40: pp. 3-20. 43: chs. 3, 7. 66: chs. 3, 4, 7. 75. 77. 2 96. 102: articles "Japan" and "Korea." 112: vol. 5, pp. 4-31; vol. 6, pp. 3-23. 170. 221. 223. 235. ch. 3. 238. 2 For Candidates for Japan. 25: ch. 4, and for education, pp. 226, 239, 243, 266, 347. 38: Pt. 1, chs. 2, 7, 8. 40: Pts. 1, 6, 7, 9. 41. 49. 51. 93. 95. 96. 98. 113. 2 122. 124. 126. ch. 8. 150: chs. 1, 12, 15, 24, 38, 62, 63. 170. 180: vol. 2, chs. J 2-5, 24, 29. 2 189, especially ch. 2. 208: ch. 8. 216. 241 : pp. 497-528. *247: vol. 4, ch. 4. 3 For Candidates for Korea. 5, especially chs. 7, 8, 11. 8, especially chs. 3, 5, 8, 9. 9. 24: chs. 10, 18, 19. X 36: vol. 31, pp. 109-122, 163- 174, 217-232 (discussion of the Nevius system); vol. 37, pp. 235-248. 2 48: pp. cxxxviii-cl, cli-clxii J 77: ch. 6. 78, especially chs. 9, 10, 13. 79. 92: ch. 37. 110: ch. 2. 114. 127: vol. 1, pp. 262-268. 128: 1903 volume, articles on "Mudang and Pansu." 129: 1895 volume, pp. 401-404. 134: chs. 12, 17. 152: chs. 1, 12, 13. 153: chs. 19, 20. 208: ch. 9. 210: ch. 10. *235, especially chs. 2, 3, and pp. 109-110. 237. 4 For Candidates for China. II : chs. 2, 3, 15, 21, 25. 42. 2 14. '22: pp. 1-34. 30. 61. 64: chs. 4, 7, 9. 82: chs. 3, 4. 99: chs. 7, 9, 16, 21-31. 126. 135. 447. 156. 466: ch. 4. 175. 176. 191, es- pecially chs. 6-8. 208: ch. 7. *209: chs. X 2, X 3, 8, 10. 211: chs. 14, 15. 218: ch. 4. 219. 241: pp. 463-491. 247: vol. 4, ch. 3. 154 APPENDIX E. BOOKS AND TRACTS USEFUL FOR WORK AMONG THE CHINESE The list below is made up of books and tracts selected from twelve hundred Chinese publications by Mr. C. Y. Ch'eng for the China Continuation Committee in 1916. Those with an asterisk prefixed were deemed by him the best for general use. Those entries to which a dagger is prefixed are com- mended as useful for work among literati by Secretary A. L. Warnshuis of the Committee on Evangelism. The name appearing within parenthetical marks is the author of the book, while those names not thus enclosed are either the authors or translators of the book or tract whose title these names follow. The C. followed by a number at the end of each entry is its designation in the Continuation Committee's list of "Useful Books for Evangelistic Purposes." The list is printed in order that missionary candidates may realize the class of books that are practically helpful in China. Such lists vary, year by year. One who lives in China should apply at the office of the China Continuation Committee at Shanghai for the latest edition. The candidate will find it worth his while to become acquainted with these books in their original English form, when they are translations. 1. Bible Study. fNew Life of Christ. D. MacGillivray. 252 pp. (C. 6) fA Life Sketch of Jesus. Wu Kuang-chien. 26 pp. (C. 13) fThe Character of Jesus (Horace Bushnell). D. MacGillivray. 62 pp. (C. 16) flmago Christi (J. Stalker). D. MacGillivray. 90 pp. Man- darin edition (C. 17) fThe Ethic of Jesus (J. Stalker). D. MacGillivray. 106 pp. (C. 20) *fThe Daily Light. 374 pp. (C. 34) *tOutlines of the Life of Jesus. H. L. Zia. 54 pp. (C. 37) *fCharacter of Jesus. H. L. Zia. 52 pp. (C. 38) *jlntroduction to Bible Study. 46 pp. (C. 39) 155 APPENDIX E fThe Principles of Jesus (R. Speer). J. Vale and D. Mac- Gillivray. 146 pp. (C. 46) 2. Devotional. *fPower through Prayer (E. M. Bound). J. Speicher. 130 pp. (C. 84) *fThe Christian's Secret of a Happy Life. Mrs. M. Kwoh. 206 pp. (C. 120) *tPilgrim's Progress (J. Bunyan). J. W. Wilson. 202 pp. Mandarin edition (C. 130) fLaws of Christ for Common Life (R. W. Dale). C. H. Chung. 58 pp. (C. 144) 3. Elementary Truths. fChristianity, Its Nature and Truth (A. S. Peake). W. H. Rees. 155 pp. (C. 151) fGate of Virtue and Wisdom. G. John. *fMan's Importance as a Being. T. E. Richey. 22 pp. (C. 184) 4. Apologetic *fChina Church Year Book. C. Y. Cheng. 1916. 443 pp. (C. 213) *tCivilization. E. Faber. 448 pp. (C. 214) (Constructive Suggestions for Character Building (Mott and Eddy). P. S. Yie. 20 pp. (C. 218) *fChina's Need. Dr. Chambers. 96 pp. (C. 221) *fThe Practical Program of Christianity (G. S. Eddy). 40 pp. (C. 222) *fWhat is Christianity? (G. S. Eddy). C. N. Lin and C. H. Wang. 26 pp. (C. 223) fReligion as an Element in Civilization (G. Knox). C. Y. Cheng. 15 pp. (C. 224) *f Evidences of Christianity. W. A. P. Martin. 160 pp. Man- darin (C. 225) *fEvidences of Christianity Commentary. W. A. P. Martin. 70 pp. (C. 225) *tChristianity and Other Creeds. W. A. P. Martin. 128 pp. Mandarin (C. 226) fThe Progress and Place of Christianity in the Life of Great Nations and Peoples. 74 pp. (C. 249) (Interpretation of the Truth. T. M. Van (C. 250) 156 USEFUL BOOKS AND TRACTS f Confucianism and Christianity. Wang Ping-kun. 125 pp. (C. 253) (Tracts for the Times. C. H. Fenn, F. L. H. Pott, J. W. Wil- son. 14-20 pp. (C. 254) *fPresent-Day Tracts. By eight Chinese. 112 pp. (C. 263) fDeeper Truth Tracts. Drs. Rees, MacGillivray and Parker. 14-20 pp. (C. 265) *fGospel Arrows. C. L. Ogilvie (C. 267) *fChristian Faith, Testimonials of Some Prominent Chinese Christians. Compiled by H. L. Zia. 120 pp. (C. 274) fThe Divine Origin of Christianity (R. L. Storrs). D. Mac- Gillivray. 174 pp. Mandarin (C. 283) APPENDIX F. CHINESE WORDS AND PROPER NAMES WITH THEIR KOREAN AND JAPANESE EQUIVALENTS As this report is intended for the use of Korean and Japanese junior missionaries, as well as for those in China, and as requests have been made that the romanized equiva- lents of Chinese words should be given in the Korean and Japanese, this list of all except modern geographical and personal names has been prepared. The romanization of the Chinese characters is in accordance with the system of Sir Thomas Wade, which is adapted to the Pekingese form of Mandarin, since this is used in the most important diction- aries and other books of reference. The alphabetical order follows that of the romanized Chinese words as found in the text, with words containing aspirates following unas- pirated forms of the same words. Where words with the same letter occur, one of which is umlauted, the regular u precedes the umlauted ii. The Korean romanized equivalent precedes the Japanese form, as it usually is nearer the Chi- nese in spelling than is the Japanese. In some cases a num- ber of romanizations of the Chinese are given, since different systems are used by scholars. A very few such cases are also found in the Japanese romanization. 157 APPENDIX F Ai, Ngai, Gae: Duke of Lu, 493-467 B.C. Korean, Ai; Japanese, Ai. An Lu-shan: An 8th century A.D. Tatar leader. Korean, An Rok- san; Japanese, An Roku-san. Chang Tsai : Sung Dynasty philosopher, 1020-76 A.D. Korean, Chang Chai ; Japanese, Chou Sai. Ch'ang, see Wen. Korean, Ch'ang; Japanese, Sho. Chao Nan, or Shaou Nan: "Odes of Chao and the South," title of Pt. I, Bk. II of "Canon of Poetry." Korean, So Kam; Japanese, Sho Nan. Ch'en Chih-chai: Twelfth century A.D. official and scholar. Korean, Chin Chik-chai ; Japanese, Chin Choku-sai. Cheng: Songs of this feudal state were "licentious," constituting Pt. I, Bk. VII of "Canon of Poetry." Korean, Tyong ; Japanese, Ten. Ch'eng Hao : Famous Confucian scholar, 1032-85 A.D. Korean, Cheng Heui; Japanese, Tei Ko. Ch'eng I: Brother of the preceding, 1033-1107 A.D. Korean, Cheng Eui ; Japanese, Tei I. Ch'eng K'ao-fu: Famous ancestor of Confucius, 799-728 B.C. Korean, Cheng Ko-to ; Japanese, Sei Ko-fu. Chi Tzu: Early civilizer of Korea, entering the country in 1122 B.C. Korean, Kija ; Japanese, Ki Shi. Chiao : Instruction, Confucian term for religion. Korean, kyo ; Jap- anese, kyo. Chieh Kuei: Last depraved emperor of the Hsia Dynasty, reigned 1818-1766 B.C. Korean, Kyel Kei; Japanese, Ketsu Ki (Kekki). Chih Po : Leader of prominent family which was exterminated cruelly in 5th century B.C. Korean, Chi Paik; Japanese, Chi Haku. Chin Ssu Lu : "Record of Modern Thought," written by Chu Hsi and a friend of his, finished in 1175 A.D. Korean, Keun Sa Rok; Japanese, Kin Shi Roku. Ch'in Shih Huang : Great Wall Builder, first emperor of Ch'in Dynasty, who reigned 221-209 B.C. Korean, Chin-si Whang ; Japanese, Shin Shi-kwo. Chou Dynasty: of China, 1122-255 B.C. Korean, Chu-jo; Japanese, Shu cho. Chou Ch'i, Chao Ch'i : Commentator, died 201 A.D. Korean, Cho Ki ; Japanese, Cho Ki. Chou Hsin: Last ruler of Shang Dynasty, died 1122 B.C. Korean, Chu Sin; Japanese, Chu Shin. Chou Li : Chou Dynasty Ceremonial, a secondary Classic. Korean, Chu Ryei; Japanese, Shu Rei. 158 CHINESE WORDS AND PROPER NAMES Chou Nan: "Odes of Chou and the South," title of first section of "Canon of Poetry." Korean, Chu Nam; Japanese, Shu Nan. Chou Tun-i: Sung Dynasty scholar, 1017-73 A.D. Korean, Chu Ton- eui ; Japanese, Shu Ton-i. Chu Hsi, Chu Hi, Tchu-Hi, Tchou Hi, Chu Tzu : Eminent Confucian commentator, 1130-1200 A.D. Korean, Chu Ja, Chu Heui; Jap- anese, Shu Ki, Shushi. Ch'u-fu Hsien : Reputed birthplace of Confucius in modern Shan-tung. Korean, Kok Pu Hyen; Japanese, Kyoku fu Ken. Ch'uan Hsiieh Pien: "Exhortation to Learning," famous book leading to China's renaissance, written by Viceroy Chang Chih-tung twenty years ago. Korean, Chun-hak Pyen ; Japanese, Den Gaku Hen. Ch'un Ch'iu, Ch'un Ts'ew : "Spring and Autumn Annals," one of the "Five Classics," written by Confucius. Korean, Ch'un Ch'u ; Jap- anese, Chun-zhu (ju). Chung Yung, Tchung^yung, Tchong-yong: "Doctrine of the Mean," one of the "Four Books." Korean, Chung-yong; Japanese, Chu-yo. Confucius, Latinized form of K'ung Fu-tzu, which see. Fa : Law, the Buddhist term for religion. Korean, pup ; Japanese, ho. Fa: Name of Wu, founder of Chou Dynasty, which see. Korean, Pal; Japanese, Hatsu. Fang : City in State of Lu. Korean, Pang ; Japanese, Ho. Feng-shui : "Wind and water," Chinese geomancy. Korean, p'ung-su ; Japanese, fu-sui. Han Dynasty: of China, lasting from 206 B.C. to 25 A.D. Korean, Han-jo; Japanese, Kan Cho. Han Lin : "Pencil Forest," China's French Academy in its palmy days. Korean, Han Rim (Hallim) ; Japanese, Kan Rin. Han Wen Kung: "Duke of Literature," 768-824 A.D. Korean, Han- mun Kong; Japanese, Kan Bun-ko. Han Yii, same as foregoing. Korean, Han Yu. Hananim : Korean for Shang Ti, Supreme Ruler, God. Hsi-an Fu, Sian Fu, Singan Fu: Famous Chinese capital in modern Shen-si. Korean, Su-an-pu ; Japanses, Sei-an fu. Hsiao Ching, Heaou king, Hiao-king: "Filial Piety Canon." Korean, Hyo Kyeng; Japanese, Ko Ky6. Hsien : Duke of Ch'in, 4th century B.C. Korean, Heun ; Japanese, Ken. Hsu, Paul: Distinguished Roman Catholic convert in China, Hsu (Sii) Kuang-ch'i, baptized in 1602. Korean, Su ; Japanese, Zho, Jo. Hsiian Tsung: Sixteenth emperor of Tang Dynasty, 810-59 A.D. Korean, Chun Chong; Japanese, Sen So. 159 APPENDIX F Hsiin K'uang, Hsiin K'wang, Hsiin Tzu: Philosopher Hsiin, opposed to Mencius, 3rd century B.C. Korean, Syun Hang; Japanese, Zhun (Jun) Kyo. Huang Ti, Hwang Ti : Legendary Chinese Emperor, 2698-2598 B.C. Korean, Hwang Chei ; Japanese, Ko Tei. Hung Wu: Founder of Ming Dynasty, 1368-99 A.D. Korean, Hung Mu; Japanese, Ko Hu. I Ching, Y-king, Yi King, Yih-king: "Canon of Changes," one of the "Five Classics/* Korean, Yuk-chung, Chu-yuk; Japanese, Eki Kyo. Jen: Benevolence, humanity. Korean, in; Japanese, zhin, jin. Ju Chiao: "Sect of the Lettered," Confucianists. Korean, Yu-kyo; Japanese, Zhu (Ju) kyo. K'ang Hsi, Kanghi: Famous Ch'ing Dynasty emperor, 1662-1723 A.D. Korean, Kang-hiui; Japanese, Ko-ki. K'o : Personal name, now tabooed, of Mencius. Korean, Ka ; Japanese, Ko. Kung: Duke, as Chou Kung, Duke of Chou. Korean, Kong; Japanese, Ko. K'ung Chi: Grandson of Confucius, born about 500 B.C. Korean, Kong Keup ; Japanese, Ko Kyu. K'ung Chiao: "Confucian Church" (of modern origin). Korean, Kong Kyo ; Japanese, Ko Kyo. K'ung Fu-tzu: "K'ung, the Philosopher," Latinized as Confucius. Korean, Kong Pu-ja; Japanese, Ko Fu Shi. K'ung-fu Chia: Ancestor of Confucius, murdered 710 B.C. Korean, Kong Pu Ka; Japanese, Ko Fu Ka. K'ung Tzu Chia Yii : "Family Sayings of Confucius." Korean, Kong Cha Ka-6 ; Japanese, Ko Shi Ka go. Lao Tzu, Lao-Tsze : "Old Boy," "Old Philosopher," contemporary of Confucius and founder of Taoism, born 604 B.C. Korean, No Ja; Japanese, Ro Shi. Li : Propriety, ceremonial. Korean, ryei ; Japanese, rei. Li Chi, Li Ki, Le ke : "Record of Rites," one of the "Five Classics." Korean, Yei-keui ; Japanese, Rai Ki. Li T'ung : Teacher of Chu Hsi. Korean, Yi Tong ; Japanese, Ri To. Lu : Confucius' native State. Korean, No ; Japanese, Ro. Lun Yii: Discourses, "Analects," one of the "Four Books." Korean, Non-u; Japanese, Ron-go. Mang-kong : Korean for Chinese Meng-K'ung, Mencius-Conf ucius, and also the croaking of frogs. Also romanized Maing Kong. 160 CHINESE WORDS AND PROPER NAMES Mencius, Latinized form of the following. Meng Tzu, Meng tseu, Mang tsze : "Meng, the Philosopher," Mencius, 372-289 B.C. Korean, Maing Ja; Japanese, Mo Shi. Meng-tsu Ching-i, Meng Tzu Cheng I : "True Meaning of Mencius," a commentary. Korean, Maing Cha Cheng-eui ; Japanese, Mo Shi Sei-gi. Ming: Chinese Dynasty, 1368-1644 A.D. Korean, Meng; Japanese, Mei. Mo Ti, Meh Ti, Mih Teih, Meh Tsze : Philosopher of period between Confucius and Mencius whom the latter opposed. Korean, Muk Juk; Japanese, Boku Teki. Mu : Duke of Ch'in, died 621 B.C. Korean, Mok ; Japanese, Boku. Ni: Name of a hill that gave Confucius his name, now tabooed. Korean, Ni; Japanese, Ni. Ojin: Japanese Emperor, 270-313 A.D., Chinese Ying Shen. Also romanized in Japanese as Ozhin. Korean, Eung In. Po Yii : Son of Confucius. Korean, Paik O ; Japanese, Haku Gio. San Tzu Ching: "Three Character Canon," by Wang Ying-lin, of our 13th century. Korean, Sam Cha Kyung; Japanese, San Ji Kei. Shang Dynasty: of China, 1766-1122 B.C. Korean, Syang; Japanese, Sh6. Shang Ti: Supreme Ruler.* Korean, Shang Te, Sang-je; Japanese, Jo Tei. Sheng Yii Kuang Shun : "Sacred Commands Broad Teaching," Sacred Edict, by the Emperor K'ang Hsi. Korean, Sung-yu Kuang-hun ; Japanese, Sei-yu Ko-kun. Shih Ching, She King, Schi-King, Chi King, Cheu King: "Canon of Poetry," one of "Five Classics." Korean, Si Kyeng; Japanese, Shi Kyo. Shih Huang Ti, same as Ch'in Shih Huang, which see. Korean, Si Whang-chei; Japanese, Shi Ko Tei. Shu: Reciprocity. Korean, syo; Japanese, jo. Shu Ching, Shoo-king, Chou-king: "Canon of History," one of "Five Classics." Korean, Su Kyeng; Japanese, Sho Kyo. Shu Liang-ho: Father of Confucius, died 548 B.C. Korean, Syuk Yang Heul ; Japanese, Shiku Ry6-ketsu. * The important terms connoting deity, frequently used in the Chinese Classics, are two, Shang Ti, commonly translated Supreme Ruler or Ruler Above, and T'ien, translated Heaven, with or without an initial capital. Either or both of these terms frequently are rendered God in English translations. The exact religious connotation of these terms constitutes a profoundly difficult and much debated question in the study of Chinese religion. 161 APPENDIX F Shun: Emperor of China, 2255-2205 B.C. Korean, Syun; Japanese, Shun. Shuo Wen : Famous dictionary of Hsu Shen, early in our 2nd century. Korean, Syul Mun; Japanese, Setsu Bun. Ssu-ma Ch'ien: Chinese historian, 2nd century B.C. Korean, Sa Ma Ch'un; Japanese Shi-ba Sen. Ssu Shu, Sze shoo: "Four Books" of the Chinese Classics. Korean, Su Syu ; Japanese, Shi Sho. Ssu Tzu Chih Shu: "Four Philosophers' Books," full name of fore- going. Korean, Su Cha Chi Syu ; Japanese, Shi Shi No Sho. Sung: Chinese Dynasty name, 960-1127 A.D. Also name of ancient State in modern Shan-tung. Korean, Song; Japanese, So. Ta Hsueh, Ta-hyoh, Ta-heo, Ta-hio: "Great Learning," one of "Four Books." Korean, Tai-hak; Japanese, Dai-gaku. Tan: Name of Duke of Chou, died 1105 B.C. Korean, Tan; Japanese, Tan. T'ang: Chinese Dynasty, 618-907 A.D. Korean, Tang; Japanese, To. T'ang: Founder of Shang Dynasty, ruled 1766-1753 B.C. Korean, T'ang; Japanese, To. Tao, taou : Way, doctrine, Taoist term for religion. Korean, to ; Jap- anese, do. T'ien Chu: Heaven's Lord, Roman Catholic name for God in China. Korean, T'yen Chu; Japanese, Ten Shu. Ts'ai Ch'en: Disciple of Chu Hsi, 1167-1230 A.D. Korean, Ch'oai Ch'im ; Japanese, Sai Tan. Tseng Ts'an or Shen : Disciple of Confucius, author of "Great Learn- ing." Korean, Cheung Sam ; Japanese, So San. Tso Chiian, Tsoou tchouen : "Tso's Commentary" on the "Spring and Autumn Annals." Korean, Choa-chun ; Japanese, Sa Den. Tsou : Town which Confucius' father governed. Korean, Ch'oui ; Jap- anese, Shu. Tsui Tzu Chieh I: "Meaning of the Character Tsui [for Sin] Ex- plained." Korean, Choi-ja Kak-eui; Japanese, Zai-zhi (ji) Kai-i. Tzu Lu, Tsze-loo : Style of Chung Yu, disciple of Confucius. Korean, Cha Ro ; Japanese, Shi Ro. Tzu Ssu: Grandson of Confucius; see K'ung Chi. Korean, Cha Sa; Japanese, Shi Shi. Wang An-shih, Wang Ngan-shih: Celebrated social reformer, 1021- 1086 A.D. Korean, Wang An-suk ; Japanese, Wo An-seki. Wang Su : Commentator of "Family Sayings of Confucius," died 256 A.D. Korean, Wang So ; Japanese, O Shiku. 162 CHINESE WORDS AND PROPER NAMES Wang Yang-ming, or Wang Shou-jen : Eminent Confucianist of China, 1472-1528 A.D. Korean, Wang Yang-myeng; Japanese, 6 Yo- mei. Wei : King of Ch'i, 4th century B.C. Korean, Wui ; Japanese, I. Wei Yang : Official of Wei, died 338 B.C. Korean, Wui Ang ; Japanese, Ei O. Wen, also called Hsi Po, Yu Li : Virtual founder of the Chou Dynasty. Korean, Mun ; Japanese, Bun. Wen Ch'ang: God of Literature in China, T'ang Dynasty. Korean, Mun Ch'ang ; Japanese, Bun Sho. Wu: Founder of the Chou Dynasty, ruling 1122-1116 B.C. Korean, Mu; Japanese, Bu. Wu Ching, Woo King : "Five Classics." Korean, O Kyung ; Japanese, Go Kyo. Wu Ching Chieh I Shih Chin: "Commentary on the Five Classics Adapted to Modern Times." Korean, O Kyung Hai-eui Chuk- keung; Japanese, Go Kyo Kai Gi Teki Kon. Ya Sheng : "Inferior Sage," "Second Inspired One," Mencius. Korean, A Syeng; Japanese, A Sei. Yang Chu: Philosopher of the 5th or 4th century B.C., opposed by Mencius. Korean, Yang Ju ; Japanese, Yo Shu. Yangban : Korean for the Chinese Liang Pan, meaning gentleman ; also romanized yang-pan. Yao, Yaou : Chinese emperor, 2356-2258 B.C. Korean, Yo ; Japanese, Gyo. Yen : Family name of the mother of Confucius. Japanese, Gan. Yin: Chinese Dynasty, also called Shang, 1766-1122 B.C. Korean, Eun; Japanese, In. Yii : The "Great Yu," Chinese Noah, ruled 2205-2197 B.C. Korean, Yo; Japanese, U. 163 GENERAL LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA BERKELEY RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed hnnlrmrr nnhic rt tn imr ri **' l * at * > recall. '5JttT55KWX DEC 15 1954 LI. 22M5SC RECTF JUL231 REC" 1963 HAY 2 7 1967 5ft 4'JG 5 1996 r^ '-'DEPT. MAR SIR. MAR 1 3 \m 21-100m-l,'54(1887sl6)476 YC 42758 U. C. BERKELEY LIBRARIES