^ % V •-^1 O^ n \ -" / # <./ <>. dpJ^^iil. ^^^ ^-^^pfa ■r-' '*, V \ ing tribes, existing as such, decay in India. Coming flushed with vigour from the cooler breezes of a less relaxing climate, they lose the desire as well as the necessity for exertion, amid the riches and luxuries which they have easily gained in one or two battlea The conquering Afghan built shady palaces, and planted gardens refreshed with fountains, and wore rich garments glittering with jewels ; but his sword and spear became rusty, and he forgot the warlike exercises in which he took delight when a poor soldier in CabuL His wife, who had gone to market in her bhoorkha, or cut grass for his horses in the clefts of the rocks, was now shut up in the rich zenana, which she rarely quitted. Hence haK the race degenerated at once ; and their chHdren became feeble, relaxed, and indolent. Their rule only lasted 4 SIEGE OF DELHI. till some other tribe in its turn descended from the northern mountains, or till the children of the soil shook off their degenerate oppressors. And so Delhi was conquered, in the year 1739, by the king of Persia, Nadir Shah ; and on an attempt to revolt, a terrible massacre of the inhabitants took place. But tliis seizure was only for a time ; Nadir Shah went away, never again to see India, The two powers which should destroy the Mogul empire had come into being during the life of Aurangzib. It is not to our purpose to tell how the Mahrattas were raised by the genius of Sivagi and his successors, from a band of robbers into a great power, which, but for the succour of the Persians under Ahmed Shah, 17C1, would have driven the Mahomedans out of India. Nothing, however, could check the decline of the ^logul empire. It sunk into a state of hopeless mis- T^ule and anarchy ; and Delhi was again seized by the Mahrattas, under Scindia, from whom it was wrested by Lord Lake in the year 1803. The blind old Emperor of Delhi, Shah Alum, whom he found in the palace, greeted the British general as a deliverer, and seems to have expected to be restored to a part of the inheritance of his family. He was left to reside in the palace ; allowed to keep a guard of honour, and hold jurisdiction on those THE SIKHS. 5 living witlun its walls, with a pension of twelve lacs of rupees a year. The whole of the Doab was joined to the British possessions, under whom it enjoyed a peace and tranquillity long unknown. The Mussulmans, however, stUl cherished the memory of their former empire. The kings of Delhi seem never to have abandoned their pretensions, and indeed, occasionally asserted them, though in an artful and cautious manner. The history of the Sikhs is intimately connected with our story. They constitute a religious brother- hood, which was founded by Nanuk, a devotee and philosopher, who wandered through the world in search of the true religion, and returned to the Pun- jaub, his native country, about the end of the fifteenth century, to preach the result. He taught that forms of religion were not essential ; that it was a good intention which was particularly pleasing to the Deity. His ideas of God and His worship were in the main good and pure, but mixed with Hindoo superstitions. His gospel was very successful. It had its apostles, saints, and martyrs. Thousands of Hindoos had been converted by the sword to Ma- homedanism, and stUl hankered after the customs and snperstitions of their fathers. But the Brahmini- cal form of religion allows no return to those who 6 SIEGE OF DELHI. have abandoned its observances. The creed of Nanuk Opened a door to the relapsing Mussulman, while it gratified the outraged self-respect of the lower castes of Hindoos. " You make Mahomedans out of Hin- doos," said a Goroo, one of the successors of Nanuk, to the badsha of Delhi : " I shall make Hindoos out of Mahomedans.** Hence they were persecuted with great cruelty by the Mahomedans. Tegh Bahadur, one of their Goroos, ninth in descent from Nanuk, was dragged into the presence of the bigoted Aurang- zib. Though not regarded as an apostle, he was, as the story goes, believed to be a mighty magician, and was asked to give some display of his power. He wrote a few words on a piece of paper, and stretching out his neck told the executioner to strike off his head. The credulous court was astonished to see it fall on the ground. On the paper was found written, " He has given his head but not liis secret," a play upon the words imtranslatable into English. His death made a deep impression on his followers, and led his son and successor, Goroo Govind, to give a new form to their religion. Tlie Sikhs were to follow the profession of arms, always cany steel upon their persons, and never shave any hair. He made all the castes eat out of one dish. Henceforth they formed one brotherhood. To the mild toleration of SIKH KINGDOMS— THE PUNJAUB. 7 Nanuk was added a political rancour to the Mussul- man. A prophecy was cherished, that God was to grant them revenge for the death of their martyred Groroo ; and that the time would come, when they would storm and sack Delhi. They took up arms again and again to free themselves from the yoke of the Mahomedans ; they were beaten, chased into the hills, and almost extirpated. They rose, how- ever, as the house of Timour Khan sank, and founded, a hundred miles from Delhi, the kingdoms of Patiala, Nabbha, and Jheend, but never gained many proselytes south of the Sutlej. In the country of the five rivers they became very numerous, and, under Runjit Singh, founded a large and powerful monarchy. That prudent ruler always avoided a ccllision with the English, but after his death his turbulent soldiery attacked the British power. Be- trayed by their leaders, they still proved terrible enemies, but were conquered about 1847, and the whole Punjaub brought under British rule. This inmiense accession of tenitory did not satisfy the Governor-General, Lord Dalhousie. A policy came into fashion, the programme of which was to seize all the independent states of India. A few common-places upon the predominance of the Anglo- Saxon race were thought sufficient to justify the 8 ' SIEGE OF DELHL iniquity of the scheme. I-ord Dalhousie followed it up. He assembled an army, and, without any pre- vious declaration of war, or cause of hostility, and contrary to the express promises of his own Govern- ment, stripped the King of Oude of all his posses- sions. The alleged cause was that the country was ill governed. Tlie "atrocious Maccliiavellism,"* that one power has a right to invade and seize upon the dominions of another, because it believes it can govern them better, might soothe the feeble disapproval which the measure met with from some at home, but nobody in the East believed we had such philanthropic motives for the action. It was not forgotten how, a few years before, we had sold the beautiful valley of Cashmere for a sum of money, to Golab Singh, one of the most odious tyrants that ever desolated Central Asia, and had lent our troops to force the people to submit to his hated sway. The Mahomedans have a close sympathy with one another ; to degrade a prince of their religion is to put out one of the lights of Islam. The King of Oude had long been our friend- liest and truest ally. The coimtry might be ill governed ; most eastern countries are so ; but one tiling is clear, they preferred the rule of their native princes to ours. Moreover, the great part of the ♦ MilL ANNEXATION OF OUDE. 9 sepoys in our service came from Oude, where they retired after having gained their pension. Under the native rule they enjoyed privileges, such as exemption from some taxes, which were lost to them under that of the British. Hence even the Hindoo soldiers were very much disgusted with the seizure of Oude. They expressed their indignation in the most open manner, and told the King that, if he had resisted, they would have thrown down their arms and fought for him.* To meet these immense additions to our territory there was no increase of the European troops in India. Some of them, indeed, had heen sent away to the Eus- sian war, and others to the recently conquered province of Pegu. The King of Oude's army amounted to nearly sixty thousand men, and large bodies were in the pay of the nobility. There were said to be two hundred and forty-six forts in the country, none of which were dismantled. We took into our service ♦ Major Bird, agent of the King of Oude, gave this last statement at a meeting in Manchester, 1st May 1857. (See Lahme Chronicle, July 15, 1857). As for the discontent of the Bepoys, it was notorious, and remarked by every one who had an opportunity of noting it, and capacity for doing so. Lord Dalhousie had been warned beforehand by Colonel Sleeman, the Resident at Lucknow, that a mutiny of the native army would be the probable result of an annexation of Oude. 10 SIEGE OF DELHI. about one-fifth of the regular army, and disbanded the rest, and, to keep all down, placed one regiment of British soldiers in the city of Lucknow. Lord Dal- housie, it is true, applied for more troops. The Go- vernment, however, seems to have thought, that, since he could quietly seize upon a large kingdom without reckoning on any reinforcement, none was needed to retain possession of it. Lord Dalhousie was a man of great administrative ability and energy, but every- thing he did seems to have drifted the native army to mutiny, a danger of which he certainly was not sufficiently prescient. Sir Charles Napier saw this tendency, and would have checked it* if he had remained Commander-in- Chief. A dangerous discontent appeared amongst the sepoys in 184r9, to dispel which, he thought it necessary to keep out of operation a pay regulation of the Governor-General, who was at that time absent on a sea voyage. The rising nmtiny was quashed, * How like a prophecy are his words : — ^" Men from all parts of Asia meet in Delhi, and some day or other much mischief will be hatched within those city walls, and no European troops at hand. We shall see. I have no confi- dence in the allegiance of your high caste mercenaries." — Letter to an artiQery officer, published in Bombay Telegraph and Courier y Sept. 30, 1857. He expresses the same views in his published works. EARLY MUTINIES AOT) INTRIGUES. 11 and a regiment disbanded ; but the men bad the satisfaction of seeing the great general rebuked by Lord Dalhousie, resign his command, and leave India. On another occasion a native regiment resisted an order to go to Bunnah, and Lord Dalhousie yielded. They were beginning to know their power. The demeanour of the Governor-General was at the same time very displeasing to the native princes. One thing struck them in a tender part. Many of them had placed money in our funds, and Lord Dal- housie, without any warning, turned their five into a four per cent loan, a measure which, as might be expected, seriously damaged our credit in the money market. There is little doubt a series of intrigues was commenced against our power at this time by some of the leading men of Gude, with a view to compel us to abandon the country, as had happened in C^buL The King of Delhi, Mohammed Bahadur Shah, who had long been discontented with the English, and had, nearly two years before, sent an envoy to the Shah of Persia to ask assistance against them, joined in the plot. The princes of his house, who knew that the British Government would not con- tinue the title of King of Delhi to the heir-apparent, nor allow him to reside in the palace, were all eager 12 SIEGE OF DELHI. for rebellion. Efforts were made to corrupt the native army. Pensions were paid to some of the native officers ;* but little could be effected by bribery, and their intrigues would perhaps have borne no fruit had it not been for a mistake of our own, which gave them the opportunity to gain over the Hindoos, by far the preponderating element in our sepoy ranks, standing in relation to the Mahomedans as five to one. It is as difficult to make those in Europe under- stand the importance of caste to a native, as to make him perceive that it is unimportant with other people. Custom, public opinion, morality, and re- ligion, are the most powerful influences which act on human destiny. With the Hindoo all these are united into one, under the name of caste. A man who loses his caste loses his own self-respect ; he feels as if he had committed a great crime. Every one shuns him. A starv^ing brother would not eat a morsel of bread from his hand. His family, who suffer with him, deplore the shame and misery he has * One of the principal agitators in Oude, who also sent agents to seduce the troops in our cantonments, is said to have been a man called Mohsum-ood-dowlah. — See an article in Frieiid of India j March 10, 1859. The statements in it, though curious, are valde probanda, and after much flourishing lead at last to the cartridge question as the true cause of the mutiny. CASTE — ^THE SEPOYS. 13 brought upon them. No one will give a daughter to him for a wife ; he is cut off from all religious rites ; if he dies, no one will come to his funeral ; and he is taught to fear dreadful punishment in the next world. For time and for eternity he is a ruined man. The evils connected with this are excessive, yet the whole fabric of Hindoo morality (to whose precepts its votaries certainly give a more faithful obedience than Mahomedans or Christians in India do to those of their several creeds) rests upon this institution. A man is liable to the loss of caste by the commis- sion of any flagrant immorality, by partaking of food that has been touched by men of lower caste, and especially by any use of the flesh of the cow, to kUl which is considered an awful crime, requiring years of merciless penance. No Hindoo will even wash his hands with soap, as he suspects it to" be made from the fat of that animal If taken away for a venial offence, caste can be regained only by a ruin- ous fine, exacted in the shape of a feast to his brethren. A man of high caste, such as a Brahmin or Rajput, is thought entitled to great deference. It was principally from these two classes that our Bengal sepoys were recruited, simply because they contain the finest men, and make the bravest and most honourable soldiers. In stature and endurance 14 SIEGE OF DELHI. they surpassed any troops in the world. As men of high avoid the contact of men of low caste, the latter were naturally excluded from the ranks. It was curious to see how the European officers became tinged with the prejudices of their sepoys, and valued natives by an imaginary scale, in which they knew themselves to be at the bottom. For a Brahmin sepoy to be deprived of his caste, was to him as cruel a calamity as for a peer of England to be lowered to the condition of a ticket-of-leave man. It became necessary to use greased cartridges for the new rifle, which was to be supplied to the Bengal army. Tliey were prepared near Calcutta by men of the lowest caste, with the fat of the cow or pig, and served to the sepoys at Barrackpore. They had to bite the cartridges before loading. This was enough to destroy their caste. It is said that the first news of their defilement was broken to them by one of the Lascars, who had mLxed the lard. He ostentatiously went up to a Brahmin soldier, and asked leave to drink out of his lotah. The Brahmin, surprised, asked him how he coidd imagine he would defile his vessel by allowing him to touch it The man retorted, that the sepoy's caste was gone, since they every day put the fat of cows within their lips. The Hindoo, struck with confusion, told the story to his comrades. THE GREASED CARTRIDGES. 15 Its truth was found to be undeniable. The men became enraged and suspicious. A report was spread that Lord Canning (who had succeeded Lord Dal- hoosie), had promised to convert all the sepoys to C?hristiamty, which they believed could be accom- plished by getting them to do something incompatible with their own religion, and making them perform some external rites. They had lost faith in our honour, and suspicion soon found ground to rest upon. They picked out, or imagined they picked out, little pieces of bone in their flour, which they supposed the merchants had been bribed to introduce, in order to carry out the same end. The mere fear of being excommunicated by their brethren forced them to do something. They proclaimed their discontent to every one; incen- diarism became common ; and they held nightly meetings within their lines. All this was notorious in Calcutta towards the end of January 1857. The men believed themselves injured, and they had, so far at least, been injured by Government, though unintentionally ; yet nothing was done to disabuse them of their suspicions, which were instantly caught up and skilfuUy worked upon, by letters and messengers to every regiment in the Bengal Presidency. Every native seemed to understand 16 SIEGE OF DELHI. the crisis, every European to mistake it ; no expla- nation came from Government that their fears for their caste, which were built on a foimdation of fact, were idle, till these fables had become rooted beliefs in their minds. With a blindness common among men in authority, they imagined at head- quarters that they could suppress discontent by refus- ing to listen to it. The commander-in-chief. General Anson, was fond of taking a little extra authority, such as giving General Orders regulating the civil customs of the army ; and he had caused many Mahomedans to leave it, by an order for them to shave their beards. Discontent of this kind would excite all his antipathies. One officer who made a report about it, was reproved for so doing. In the meantime the story was spreading to every station in the Presidency, gained credence everywhere, and is believed in India to this ver}- day. On the 24th February, a guard of the 34th Native Infantr}*^ arrived at Berampore, about one hundred miles to the north of Barrackpore. They told the whole story of the greased cartridges, and of the plot to ruin their caste ; and the news had such an effect on the regiment at the station, the 19th Native Infantry, that next morning at parade the men refused, and were only prevailed on by threats, to REGIMENTS -DISBANDED FOR MUTINY. 17 take the cartridges, although there was nothing new about them. That night they seized their arms, and a^embled in open mutiny. A battery of native artilfery, and a regiment of sowars were called out ; but these being of little use against infantry, and themselves not to be trusted, the commanding officer was glad to order them away, on the assurance that the men would go quietly to their lines. So helpless was the Government at Calcutta, that they were obliged to withdraw the only European regiment from Burmah to do something in Bengal. The 19th was ordered to Barrackpore to be disbanded; but ere it arrived, the first blood had been shed at that station. A sepoy of the 34th, called Mungul Pandy, openly trying to raise the men in mutiny, attacked and wounded the adjutant. Lieutenant Baugh, in presence of a guard of the regiment, who not only gave their officer no assistance while he was strug- gling for his life with the fanatic, but were upon the point of joining against him. The man was seized and hanged ; and the jemadar of the guard, after an official delay of nearly a month (in order to make out his papers), met the same punishment. It was in- tended to disband the 34th regiment at once ; but this was put off till the men were scarcely in time to b2 18 SIEGE OP DELHI. join the revolt up country. The 19th was disbanded on the last day of March, and the sepoys returned to their homes, spreading sedition in eveiy station on the way. In the meantime the plot was ripening aU over India. Almost every regiment was pledged to stand by the rest in defence of their caste.* The * Our view is, that the mutiny was caused by a combi- nation amongst the sepoys to defend themselves from the threatened deprivation of caste, taking afterwards a wider aim. We believe that the causes of no great historical movement whatever were more clearly proved ; but this very clearness has matle some people, who "wished to shew superior penetra- tion, seek influences more obscure. Others have tried to draw attention to abuses in the army, by advertising them as causes of the mutiny. The withdrawal of so many European oflacers from their regiments, and the centralisation of power at head- quarters, and consequent diminution of the authority of the officers of corps have been assigned. But the mutiny ought, under this view, to have begun vrith. a relaxation of disci- pline in individual regiments, wliich most assuredly was not the case. Some time in February of 1857, a curious occurrence took place. It began on the confines of Oude. A chokidar ran up to another village \\'ith two chapatties. He ordered his feUow- official there to make ten more and give two to each of the five nearest village chokidars, ^vith the same instructions. In a few hours the whole country was in a stir, from chokidars flying about with these cakes. The signal spread in all directions with wonderful celerity. The magistrates tried to stop it ; but, in spite of all they could do, it passed along to the borders of the Rmjaub. There is reason to believe that this was originated by some intriguers of the old court of CAUSES OF THE MUTINY. 19 sepoys felt their power. From Calcutta to Meerut, about nine hundred miles, there was not a European raiment, save a weak one at Agra, and a few com- panies at Cawnpore. The quota of European troops in India was four thousand men lower than usual. Lucknow. Its import has not been satisfactorily explained, and was probably not understood by many who helped it along. But the same thing occurred in 1860 in Behar, and about Jhansi, in connection with the discontent caused by the new income tax. It has been stated by a native authority, pubUshed by Mr. Russell of the Times (see Friend of India, 10th March 1859), that the first circulation of the chapatties waa made at the suggestion of a learned and holy pundit, who told Rajah Madhoo Singh, that the people would rise in rebel- lion if it were done, and that the person in whose name the cakes were sent, would rule all India. This, however, is very doubtful. Almost all writers allow a considerable importance to the cartridge grievance, but no two agree as to the relative weight of any other cause. Colonel Bourchier (see " Eight Months' Campaign against the Bengal Sepoys") rejects them all in the words of General Nicholson, " neither greased cartridges, the annexation of Oude, nor the paucity of European officers were the causes. For years," he said, " I have watched the army, and felt sure, they only wanted their opportxmity to try their strength with us." Very likely, if Nicholson had watched the army forty years sooner, he would have discovered the tame tendency, as many great statesmen actually did. What would be said of a doctor giving evidence on the death of a man from loss of blood by a sword cut, who said it was not the wound that was the cause of death, for he had observed that the blood would leave the vessels whenever it had an opportunity ? There is not a particle of proof that any 20 SIEGE OF DELHL The whole country was theirs whenever they chose to rise. The Punjaub might be expected to join them with its warlike population. Their fellow-sepoys who garrisoned its towns, greatly outnumbered the white regiments. They had conquered the country for the Company ; why not take it for themselves ? Ambi- tious men there were in plenty to lead them — men who, in former days, would have entered into, and risen high in the service of the native princes ; but to whose desire of power there was now no outlet, save by sweeping away the rule of the English, the most exclusive of castes. These men must have seen, that it was impossible for the Government to cany out any scheme to ruin their • caste. They now evidently entertained bolder ideas than that of suc- cessful resistance. The hoi"se that gets his own way never rests till he has thrown his rider. The mass of the sepoys, ignorant and passionate as children, were under the influence of such men, and driven rapidly on to rebellion. It was believed that we could reckon on the assistance of the Mahomedan against the mutiny would have occurred in 1857 had it not been for the gre»%sed cartridges. For a more copious account of the origin of the rebellion, see the "Red Pamphlet." Read also the history of the mutiny at Vellore, caused by an attempt to interfere with the dress and religious customs of the Madras sepoys. CONFIDENCE OF OFFICERS — DISCONTENTS. 21 superstitions of the Hindoo. The Mahomedan had no objection to the fat of the cow ; but the story went that the cartridges were also greased with that of the hog, to him an unclean animal. The Mussulmans of India regard themselves as a caste, though they do not hold to the idea, originally foreign to their creed, with the tenacity of the Hindoos. And what a pro- found ignorance of the followers of Islam, to imagine they would stretch out a finger to save a threatened Christian power ! Saving the instances given above, the outward demeanour of the whole army remained as respectful as usual. To their officers they vehemently denied all intention of mutiny, though they confessed their anxiety about their caste. Unfortunately their pro- fessions were too much trusted. Old officers would not believe that the men, along with whom they had marched and fought for a generation, in whose cliival- rous honour their faith had never been shaken, and whom they loved and were proud of, could prove unfaithful to their salt. If they perceived any dis- affection, it was in some other regiment than their own. But a number of occurrences shewed the work- ing of the poison. The newly-established rifle-depots at UmbaUa and Sealkote caUed together a few men from a great number of regiments only to concert 22 SIEGE OF DELHI. sedition. That a plot was formed at the first of these stations is certain. The soldiers there were very dis- contented ; houses were set on fire almost every night by some unknown hand ; and one day, in a fit of excitement, they assembled on parade, broke into a bell of arms, and took their muskets. It was only the energy and skill of Sir Heniy Lawrence that prevented an outbreak at Lucknow. A nmtinous regiment there had to be disarmed. Still it is wonderful how few Europeans appreciated the greatness of the danger. None could deny that there was much excitement amongst the sepoys, fomented by the native press, and worked upon by disaffected persons ; but further than tliis they could not see. The mind of the natives, however, was troubled ; they either knew more or understood better than the Europeans. They felt something dreadful was at hand. Those who had money, hid it in the earth, and fear was in the hearts of all ; the jackals were heard to howl more dismally at night ; the dogs to weep round the villages ; and voices came from the jungle crying, mar, mar (smite, smite). PARADE OF THIRD NATIVE INFANTRY. 28 CHAPTEK II. At Meerut it had been reported that the sepoys there had vowed not to touch any cartridges what- soever. As this was the only cantonment in India where the European force was stronger than the native, no better opportunity could be found of shewing that we were determined to break such a dangerous combination. A parade of the 3d Native Cavalry was ordered. It was told them that they were expected to be a pattern to the other men; that they need not bite the cartridges, which were the same they had always used, but open them with the finger. They sent in a very respectful petition, stating that they did not wish to become the object of tlie scorn of their companions, and praying the parade to be deferred till the excitement was over. The parade took place, and the cartridges were offered to ninety carabiniers, a proportion of whom had been given by each troop ; five men accepted them ; eighty- five refused. They were instantly put under arrest, tried by court-martial, and condemned to hard labour for ten years. On the morning of the 9th May 1857, 24 SIEGE OF DELHI. a parade was held of all the force in Meenit. The 60th Kifles, the Carabiniers, Major Tombs' troop of Horse Artillery, and a field battery, were drawn up against the native regiments, the 3d Light Cavalr}^ and the 11th and 20th Native Infantry, so that any resistance on their part would be followed by instant slaughter. The eighty-five high-caste troopers were brought on the ground, stripped of their uniform, and the irons hammered on tlieir limbs by the artillery smiths. They were condemned to work on the roads for ten years. The only sign of emotion noticed was one deep sigh, which burst at once from aU the black battalions. The condemned men were sent away to jail, and the parade dissolved. General Hewitt, in command of the station, went away, to write a com- placent report of the affair t-o lieadquarters. Tlie disposition of the sepoys, he remaiked, was excellent. Private letters from officers of the 11th and 20th, said tliis too. The native regiments returned to their huts ; nothing particular was noticed even by the European sergeant-majors who live in the lines. Next day was Simday. It passed away drowsily, though uneasy rumours flitted up and down. People were preparing to go to tlie evening service, or to take a ride at sunset. At five o'clock a rocket is let off in the sepoy MUTINY AT MEERUT. 25 lines ; there is a tumultuous gatliering ; they seize their arms and fire at their officers, four of whom drop. The 3d Light Cavalry mount their horses ; some officers ride in amongst them trying to pacify them, but none listen ; there is such a clamour that no word can be heard ; some are struck at and wounded. A part of them gallop away to the jail, whirling their sabres over their heads. One of their officers is carried along with them. There is only a native guard at the jail ; the doors are thrown open with shouts ; they set their imprisoned comrades free, A smith is at hand, who knocks off their chains. The officer, who was much beloved in his regiment, entreated the men not to accept their freedom in such a way, and said he would get their pardon if they stayed. They embraced him with tears, but said, after what had happened, they never could trust the Com- pany any more. Fourteen hundred convicts are at the same time let loose, who rush eagerly away to reap the harvest of plunder and violence. A part of the sowars, with the 20th, went to the lines of the 11th to turn the tide of disaffection in its ranks, for it was not yet entirely gained over. Colonel Finnis was there endeavouring to address the men and keep them to their duty. They instantly fired at the un- fortunate gentleman, whose death decided the waver- 26 SIEGE OF DELHI. ing regiment. The sepoys of the 11th now joined with the rest, but protected the officers and ladies. It was the plan of the mutineers to set upon and massacre the Europeans assembled in church. Fortu- nately the signal was given too early. The sepoys fall upon and kill everybody they meet ; joined with the rabble of the bazaars, they run to plunder the long lines of beautiful cottages in which the Euro- pean families resided. They push their muskets into the thatch and fire ; in a few minutes they are all in a blaze. They break in at the glass doors, plunder and destroy everything, and search everywhere with bloodthirsty eagerness for the '* Feringhee suars." Ladies and children are seized with exultation, and tormented to death. The Europeans who get clear fly away to the English barracks. Some hide all night in the gardens and compounds, hoping every moment to hear the voices of their countrymen to their rescue. All the bungalows in the native Hnes are burned and sacked. For two hours the work of hell goes on, — tumult, murder, pillage, conflagration ; they fight for the spoil and kill one another. And what are our soldiers doing ? They are aU armed and ready, panting with fury, eager to rescue their dying countrywomen, eager for blood and vengeance, — the noble soldiers of our race, able to slaughter twenty GENERAL HEWITT AT MEERUT. 27 times their number of sepoys. General Hewitt's order comes; — what is it? "Defend your lines!" The general is explaining to his staff (most of whom acquiesce) the proper course to pursue :* The sepoys are scattered over a wide space ; the armed bud- mashes of the Sudder are with them, plundering, killing, and burning. We cannot save houses fired almost simultaneously. After all, the mischief is probably over. Look, there is the last of the bun- galows on fire ! How can we get at them ? Lead out some troops to one point, they will go to another. Chase them out of the sepoy cantonment, they will unquestionably run to destroy our own. I object to leave a guard ; — to divide our force is to destroy the whole. Before he could be prevailed on to make a cautious movement against the rebels, they had com- pleted the destruction of all the houses south of the nullah, and had taken the road to Delhi We came up with a large body of them, who fled into a tope. We fired grape into it ; but they probably suffered no loss in the darkness. They were not foUowed far. The station was now clear of them, and General Hewitfs duty was done. An old sepoy officer, he ♦ The arguments used by himself and his « Friend" in the « Lahore Chronicle," July 22, 1867, are here given in a condensed form. 28 SIEGE OF DELHI. exaggerated the prowess of the natives, and could not think himself strong enough to march a detachment on Dellii. He sent messengers to Brigadier Graves, who commanded tliere, to warn him what he might expect ; and marched back his men, ** to strengthen the barracks, and take precautions against attack." The bazaar people and Goojur villagers continued plundering the lines all night. Some time after he took sick leave to the hills, and finally left for Europe, protesting on the way, that if he had had to manage the thing over again, he could not have done it otherwise. As the morning broke on the smoking ruins and trampled gardens, those who had been hiding all night ventured out, and the Europeans came and brought away their dead. Many of them were so mutilated that their features could not be recognised. Thirty-one bodies of Europeans were buried. The British in India live in cottages, generally surrounded by a large compound and garden ; and tliis, though it then rendered them less capable of mutual defence, gave them a greater chance of escaping by flight It was no doubt to this circumstance, and to their being well mounted, that many Europeans owed their Lives during the murderous times of the mutiny. Scenes of horrid cruelty had been acted, which were exag- MEERUT MUTINEERS REACH DELHI. 29 gerated tenfold by popular report. The Oriental, wlio had played the hypocrite so long, now appeared in aU the lurid cruelty of his character. The rage and fury of the Europeans were indescribable, especially as it was known that some of the worst outrages had been done by the people of the Sudder bazaar. Thirteen artillerymen rushed through it, killing all who came in their way. Meanwhile the mutineers were speeding the live- long night to Delhi, where they arrived early the next morning, 1 1th May 1857. The cavalry, who had got a-head of them, secured the bridge of boats over the Jumna. The situation of Brigadier Graves at Delhi was as bad as could be. By a stipulation with the King, no European troops could be placed there ; the Government, however, had judged it a convenient place for the greatest magazme in India. The city was inhabited by a large Mahomedan population, who clustered round the king, and clung to the traditions of their former greatness. The princes and courtiers passed their lives in luxury and debauchery of every kind. The wickedness of Delhi was a proverb all over India. The Mahomedans seem to have had some idea of the coming revolt. A placard in Persian was posted up on the waUs of the Jumna Musjid (or great mosque of Delhi), in the beginning of AprH, announ- 30 SIEGE OF DELHL cing that the king of Persia was coming to drive the infidels out of India. It may be well to premise, that the palace walls look over the causeway which leads from the bridge, and, a little farther on, along the river face, stood the magazine, the Delhi College, the houses of the civil employes, and the warehouses of the European mer- chants, which were all within the walls. The Cash- mere gate led out to the native cantonment, which lay on the farther slope of a ridge of hill about two miles off The commissioner, Mr. Simon Fraser, was aroused by the report that some sowars had entered the city very early in the morning, announcing that they had killed many Europeans in Meerut, and that all the regiments were behind, intending to do the same at Delhi. He endeavoured to make such arrange- ments as would prevent the rabble of the city from rising. Sir T. Metcalfe, who was with him, went to the magazine to get a couple of guns to guard the bridge. It was too late. Some of the sowars rode up to the commissioner, who had been joined by Captain Douglas of the palace guards, and Mr. Hutchinson. The last gentleman was wounded, but the commis- sioner shot a sowar with his own hand. His chap- rassies deserting him, he went into the palace to ask aid from the king, which was promised. In the MASSACRE IN DELHI. 31 meantime, all the mutinous regiments had arrived ; — about half-past seven A.M. they were seen crossing the bridge in open column, headed by the cavalry, and were at once admitted at the palace gates, which they entered cheering. The commissioner, after being cut down by a lapidary, who resided within the palace walls, was despatched by several of the king's ser- vants, who then ran up stairs to the apartments of Captain Douglas, living also, with Mr. Jennings the chaplain, within the walls. The door of the room where these unfortunate gentlemen, with some friends and two ladies,* were assembled, was beaten open, and they were all murdered. The mutineers caused a servant to point out the body of Captain Douglas, to ensure he had not escaped. Joined by the palace guards, they then rushed to ♦ MiB8 Jennings, the daughter of the chaplain, was mur- dered at once by the side of her father. I am particular ahout the fate of this unfortunate young lady, because false accounts of it were spread abroad, which have even got into printed bookfl. (See Red Pamphlet). The interests of truth compel me to spoil the effect of the very graphic passage in the same work, where the author describes Brigadier Graves leading the 64th " out of the Cashmere gate" against the rebels, "advan- cing from the Hindun." The Hindun was ten nules off, and the 54th were led into the Cashmere gate, not out of it. Everything in his description is turned outside-in as it goes on. 32 SIEGE OF DELHL the civil lines. In a few minutes the beautiful quar- ter was grim with uproar and murder, fire and pil- lage. Few who lived within the city walls were able to escape. Whole families were butchered. Young girls, who had that morning gently awoke in their peaceful homes, were dragged over the threshold across the dead bodies of their parents by hideous miscreants. Modesty and decency were outraged in the open streets. One lady, in defence of her child, shot two of the wretches with her husband's pistols, when a sepoy ran his bayonet through her back. The sowars distinguished themselves by their blood-thirsti- ness. The populace were abreast of the sepoys. The houses were gutted. Every thing was broken, scat- tered about, or snatched away. They kept prowling into every comer, till the burning roofs drove them out. The treasury and the Dellii bank were broken open, and rupees by bundles carried ofif. On the first news of the approach of the insui^ gents, Brigadier Graves had sent a circular to the European residents, bidding them repair to the Flag Staff tower beside the cantonment It overlooked both the sepoy lines and the city ; and, being on the road to Umballa, was in every way favourable as a place of refuge ; but^ unfortunately, to many the order came too late. At the same time two guns and PROGRESS OF MUTINY AT DELHI. 33 the 54th Native Infantry were ordered to proceed to the city. The regiment seemed willing and loyal, marched away quietly, passed through the Cashmere gate, and came in sight of the tumult a little farther on. The sowars instantly rode up to them with the greatest confidence, and singled out their European officers, whom the men suffered to be shot and cut down without any apparent concern. Many of the 64th now joined the mutineers, and ran to take a share in the plunder. There was a guard of fifty men of the 38th at the Cashmere gate. The of&cer in command seeing all this, ordered it to be closed, lest the mutiny should spread back to the canton- ments. At the same time the guard would do nothing against the mutineers, and refused any assist- ance to the colonel of the 54th, who was cut down by some sowars almost at their feet. At this moment the two guns which had come on behind, escorted by the grenadier companies of the 54th, under Major Paterson,* entered the gate, and his men remaining for the time obedient, the tumult flowed back towards the city. Major Paterson was told that the rest of the regiment had run away to the Subzi Mundi, and some of them actually returned by his orders to the ♦ The evidence of Major Paterson was given at the trial of the King of Delhi — Blue book, p. 95. 34 SIEGE OF DELHI. Cashmere gate, followed by the sowars inciting them to mutiny. The news of the disaffection of the 54th soon reached cantonments, and produced great ex- citement among the sepoys who stUl remained in their lines. Some left to join the rest in the city. The brigadier sent two more guns and some com- panies of the 74th to the Cashmere gate. They reached it about this time, but the ofl&cers were unable to do anything with their men, beyond sending in the bodies of the murdered officers of the 54tL They were brought up in a bullock cart to the flag- staff. The sepoys pointed to them and cried to the crowd of Europeans there — "The Company wished to take away our caste, on this account have we killed them." They became every moment more excited and threatening in their demeanour. A party of the 38th, who had mutinied on the ridge near their lines, met two guns of the battery, which were returning to cantonment agreeably to orders. Tliey fired at Captain de Teissier, who had ridden up to bring the artillery to the flag-staff. He escaped with difficulty, but the guns were turned back with the 38th mutineer, to join the rest in the city. Eeaching the Cashmere gate just as Major Abbot, commanding the detachment of the 74th, was leaving it, he asked them why they had returned. ESCAPE OF SOME EUROPEANS. 35 The gunners looked sulky, and gave evasive replies, upon which he ordered his own men, who were already falling off and joining the mutineers, quickly away to cantonments, and told the gunners to follow. All his officers had not passed the gate when the deserters from the 38th came up, seized, and shut it, and then commenced firing at the officers and some ladies from the Eesidency, who had, so far at least, managed to escape. Anxiety to share in the plunder lured the wretches away ; and some of the officers and ladies succeeded in dropping down the wall from the bastions, and scrambling, stunned and bruised, out of the ditch. A party of them escaped on foot, through incredible dangers and hardships, to Meerut. Major Abbot wished to bring back his men to their rescue; but the sepoys made it clear that if they turned, it would be to join, not to prevent the mas- sacre. The sole part our officers were suffered to play in this cruel tragedy was that of victims or spectators. The magazine, which was within the city walls, not far from the palace, was, of course, in danger from the very beginning. The officers in charge had seen the mutineers crossing the bridge in the morn- ing, and Lieutenant WiUoughby had gone with Sir T. Metcalfe to endeavour to get the gates closed. On his return he found eight of the officers attached to 36 SDEGE OF DELHI. the establishment, Lieutenants Forrest and Kaynor, Conductors Buckley, Shaw, and Scully, Sub-conductor Crowe, and Sergeants Edward and Stewart, with the native lascars and servants. Preparations were instantly begun for the defence of the magazine* till the arrival of relief from Meerut, which none doubted was at hand. It consisted of a number of buildings enclosed by a high walL The gates were closed and barricaded. Inside the gate leading to the park were placed two six-pounders, doubly charged with grape. The two sergeants stood by with lighted matches, ready, if that gate should be attacked, to fire both at once, and fall back upon the body of the magazine. At the principal gate two guns were put in position, with a chevaux-de-frise on the inside ; and a little behind, but bearing upon the same point, were two others. Farther in were placed four more pieces, commanding two cross passages. A train was laid to the powder magazine, ready to be fired on a given signal Arms were put in the hands of the native establishment, which they took sulkily. They were getting insolent and disobedient, the Mussulmans * This account is condensed from the official report of Lieutenant Forrest. See T^me*, 17th September 1857. Also a short narrative by him in the Lahore ChronicUj July 16th, of the same year. NINE BRITISH DEFEND THE MAGAZINE. 37 particularly so. Scarcely had these arrangements been made when the palace guards appeared, and demanded the magazine in the name of the Badsha of Delhi No answer was given. The king, they heard soon after, had sent word, that ladders would be immediately brought from the palace to scale the walls. The natives in the maga- zine scarcely concealed their hostility. One man was seen to be communicating with the mutineers outside, through the gate, and ordered to be shot if he was observed doing so again. The enemy, who had thus learnt what was ready for them, did not attempt to force the g^tes ; but in a short while the scaling lad- ders arrived. On their being placed against the walls, the whole of the lascars deserted, climbing over the sloped sheds on the inside and down the ladders. It was found they had hid the priming pouches. The enemy now appeared in hundreds on the walls. The guns were immediately pointed at them, and worked as quickly as was possible, considering the fewness of the party. Nine Britons alone in that great Mahomedan city, betrayed and given up even by their own countrymen, they thought of nothing but holding their post to the death. The enemy kept firing down upon them In a few minutes several of the little band were wounded ; it was clear that in a 38 SIEGE OF DELHI. few more they would be all shot. Willoughby then gave the signal for firing the powder store, Scully, who had distinguished himself even here by his des- perate coolness, in the most careful and methodical manner lighted the trains. The explosion took place almost immediately. The wall adjoining was thrown upon the ground ; numbers of the enemy were buried among the ruins ; and thousands of bullets from the cartridges in store were buried far off, striking down people in the streets. AVhat is astonishing, half the defenders of the magazine crept out alive, half- stunned, blackened, scorched, and bruised, but able to make their way through the sally port by the river, for the Cashmere gate. Lieutenants Forrest and Eay- nor, and Conductor Buckley succeeded in escaping to Meerut Willoughby was seen at the Cashmere gate, and set out for Meerut with three more, who were all murdered in a village on the road. Scully, who was much hurt, was killed, when tr}'ing to escape, by a sowar. The explosion of the magazine was of course seen from the flag-staff tower ; and was heard even at Meerut. On the return of Major Abbot's party, it became clear that there was no hope of the sepoys, who were still in the lines, remaining in their duty; indeed there was danger every minute of their setting upon GENERAL FLIGHT — DELHI LOST. 39 the Europeans assembled round the flag-staff, whose lives were really in their power. Several parties of fugitives had already left for Umballa or Meerut. That morning the men did not appear ripe for revolt ; but they were gradually infected by bad example. Sepoys from the mutinied regiments appeared in their lines, and urged them to join. About sunset those men of the 38th who had not deserted, and had remained quiet, few of them having been in the city, told their colonel and adjutant to go away, for they would serve the Company no longer. A general flight had already taken place ; the brigadier was one of the last to leave. Thus was Delhi lost ; though one thing is beyond doubt, that had even a few squadrons of the carabi- niers dashed into the city an hour or two after the mutineers from Meerut, or had four hundred of the Rifles filed over the bridge about noon, myriads of graves might have now been empty. Even the King of Delhi could not believe that there was no pursuit. He sent out a man on a sowaree camel along the Meerut road, who returned with the report that there were no European troops within twenty miles.^ ♦ This fact was given to Mr. Rotton by the deputy-coUec- tor of Delhi. The reverend gentleman evidently believes that the mutiny of all the sepoys in the Hnes was caused by the report of the messenger. 40 SIEGE OF DELHI. The cantonment was soon pillaged and burned. The savage villagers from the neighbourhood, called Goojurs, had been hovering round it from the morn- ing, anxious to snatch some of the beautiful things they had often "admired, as they looked through the screens at the doors, when bringing their produce on their heads to selL They now appeared with swords and cudgels, squabbling with the sepoys for a share of the plunder. Many of the Europeans trying to escape were set upon by the villagers on the road, stripped of their clothes, and insulted. As they were seen toiling along half-naked in the hot sun, the people would cr}' out, where were their servants, punkahs, and iced water? Many were killed. The Mahomedan vil- lagers distinguished themselves by their cruelty. The greater part, however, got at last to Umballa or Meerut Some were protected and kindly treated for weeks in Hindoo villages, till the advance of our army enabled them to get off with safety. The first news of all these doings was borne along the telegraph from Dellii. The signaller sent word that the sepoys from Meei-ut were burning the houses, and he must now try to escape ; but the poor man perished before the message left the office in Umballa, It was passed along to Lahore. We had thus the MEERUT MUTINY PREMATURE. 41 first move all over the Punjaiib. It was said that the leaders of the revolt had arranged, that a simul- taneous outbreak should take place in every station in the Bengal Presidency ; and writers on the mutiny are eloquent on the terrible danger which we escaped by the premature rising at Meerut. History, how- ever, shows that such secrets, necessarily confided to so many, are always betrayed ; while common sense and a knowledge of the native character lead to the conclusion that such would have also been the case in the present instance. The powers of deception of the Hindustani are wonderful ; but among a number of them there are always some traitors. After all, the mutineers had no reason to complain of iU luck in the beginning of the rebellion.. c 2 42 SIEGE OF DELHL CHAPTEK III. The effect produced by the news of these massacres was such as no one who saw it will ever forget, nor any one who did not, will ever realise. The idea that the natives would dare to rebel was sufficient to stir to fury the mind of the Anglo-Indian, like all conquer- ing races, imperious and passionate. But on its being known that not only was such the case, but that the rebels were our own sepoys — of all classes in India the most honoured, petted, and trusted — the venom of ingratitude maddened the sores of pride ; and when it was added that they had poured out and defiled our kindly English blood, no words can express the burning desire of vengeance that followed. European families in India are generally related to one another. In almost every station some victim had kindred, always many friends. Public hatred and private wrong went together, while indignation and thirst for vengeance kept fear and alarm at a dis- tance, if these could ever have entered the minds of a race of soldiers. The English, generally so cold and stiff, were roused as children of one mighty mother. BRITISH ROUSED — THE SIKHS. 43 The energy that now appeared, struck the natives with astonishment. For years they had never seen their conquerors venture out in the sun, scarcely crossing the court-yard without an umbrella; now they rode all day in the hot wind, changing their luxurious messes for a morsel of unleavened bread and a drink of muddy water. They now saw eveTy- thing and did everything for themselves. The Euro- pean soldier mounted guard, and did sentry duty for the first time in India. A single glance shewed all, that it was only by doing and daring, as had never been done and dared before, that we could gain ven- geance or save ourselves. There was every ground to believe that the Doab and all its garrisons were gone. The hprizon in the Punjaub seemed to forebode inevitable storm. That country was full of a robust and manly population, totally dissimilar to us in religion, language, manners, and tone of thought. Most to be feared were the Sikhs, trained to war from their infancy, and despising everything else; among whom were scattered the old soldiers of Rungit Singh, still chafing at their discomfiture in the battles of the Sutlej, and eager to resume the profession of arms. Many large towns were left under the charge of two or three European Magis» 44 SIEGE OF DELHI. trates and the native police. The army we had there had never been thought too large to garrison it; and now aU the native portion must be counted against us. Could we hold the Punjaub with the rest, or dare to detach a single man to avenge the massacres of Delhi ? We had but eleven regiments of infantry, as many troops and batteries of artillery, and one cavalry regiment, to hold all the Punjaub from Kumaul to Peshawur, about fourteen millions of souls. There were twenty-nine native regiments of Poorbeah infantry, with four of Sikhs, and ten of cavalr}', four being Punjaubee, eleven troops and bat- teries of artillery, in all about thirty thousand men, to be watched and kept down. To those who read aright the lessons given at Meerut and Delhi, not one of these regiments was to be trusted ; and all, save one or two, and the Sikhs and Ghoorkas, sided against us in the end. There was, besides, a long frontier to be guarded where aU wished us ill. No one would have been astonished at Golab Singh doing any thing base or treacherous. He might even have used his name, deeply tarnished as it was, to raise the old Sikh war- ciy down the five rivers. Our whole Peshawur fron- tier was hemmed in by those untameable hill-tribes, with whom we were almost constantly at war. To the north-west was Cabul, with our old enemy Dost ADVANTAGES FOR THE BRITISH. 45 Mohammed ruling over it still ; behind him Persia and Russia. To the west was the state of Bawulpore, the rajah of which, though a prince of our own rais- ing, began instantly to intrigue, till reminded by the chief commissioner that those who made could yet unmake. To the south was our recent conquest of Scinde, full of fierce Beloochies, and fraught with the deepest Mahomedan fanaticism. The Hindoo tribes that lived amongst the Himalayan range on the north- east, might not be very formidable, from their want of union, -but could do us much mischief by plunderiug our hill-stations, which to them seemed so many rich palaces. It was at first hoped that the mutiay would not spread ; but this chimera every post went to destroy. There was nothing for it, but to meet the dangers as they came. Moreover, some advantages appeared in our position, on which at the outset we had not calculated. The Sikhs, who before us ruled the Punjaub, had little reason to feel confidence in their old leaders, many of whom too were dead, others in exile. The Mahomedans, who remembered how their mosques had been turned into stables, and the tombs of their saints into pigstyes, under the rule of the Sikhs, were not anxious to have such lords again. The Sikhs on their side hesitated to promote 46 SIEGE OF DELHL a revolt, which might place the King of Delhi again over the Punjaub, and they were unwilling to aid the revengeful Mussulman, in carrying away the silver gates, and polluting the holy tank of the Groroo-ka-Durbar of Umritsur. The money-making Hindoos had not forgotten the rapacious soldiery of Shere Singh, and the forced contributions which the former rajahs in Lahore had wrung out of their hoards. They could make more money, and keep it all, under the sway of the white people, and this was enough for them. Besides, the whole Punjaub proper, save the trans-Indus states, had been disarmed; and although men might look wise, and talk of whole parks of artillery hidden in the sand, and though no doubt individuals could lay their hands on concealed arms, there can be no ques- tion that, in the event of a rising, they would have been very much at a loss for weapons, especially fire- arms. Another impulse, the most powerful of all, soon shewed itself. An old grudge existed between the Poorbeahs and Punjaubees, which had, since the Sikh wars, grown into ferocious hatred. After the battles on the Sutlej, the Poorbeah sepoys had swaggered through every village in the Punjaub, and boasted in every bazaar, that they had conquered the country, and POORBEAHS AND PUNJAUBEES. 47 that one Poorbeah could fight ten Punjauhees. Poor- beah soldiers garrisoned their cities, and Poorbeah employds stood between the European magistrate and the people, hoodwinking justice and fingering bribes. We soon perceived that the mutineers could gain no sympathy in the Punjaub, and that Sikh regiments were eager to fight them. Every deserter was brought in by the villagers. The great height and strange accent of the sepoys gave them no chance of escape. When it was known that an army would be marched to take Delhi, the old prophecy revived amongst the Sikhs. The time had come when they were to take revenge on the house of Timour Khan for the death of Tegh Bahadur. In another chapter it will be related how these feelings were worked upon and taken advantage of by the ability of the Government. At present it is sufficient to remark, that no invasion came from with- out, that all the Punjaub across the Sutlej remained quiet, and that we had the assistance of the popula- tion in dealing with the evil-disposed sepoys in its cantonments. On the first telegram of the Delhi mutiny, Mr. Montgomery, the judicial commissioner, who was acting at Lahore for Sir John Lawrence, then absent at Eawul Pindi, determined, with the concur- rence and approval of the commander. Brigadier Cor- 48 SIEGE OF DELHL bett, to disarm the four native regiments at Lahore. They were ordered to parade on the morning of the 13th May, and three thousand five hundred men piled arms before three hundred European infantry, and a dozen horse artillery guns. The wisdom of this procedure was much ques- tioned, and even Sir John Lawrence, on his return, was dissatisfied with Mr. Montgomery ; but in a day or two news came from Ferozepore, a station to the north of Umballa, which vindicated the foresight of that gentleman. On the first word of what had hap- pened at Delhi, Brigadier Innes ordered a parade of the troops there, — two native regiments, the 57th and 45th infantry, H. !^L's 61st, and a battery of artillery. The sepoys had laid a plan of rising two days later. The 57th were to have stormed the intrenched arsenal, as a company of theirs was in charge ; the 45th cavaliy to have cut off the officers, and then attacked the Europeans, who, they expected, would be trying to retake the arsenaL A detachment of European troops was sent to guard this important magazine. The native regiments were marched out of canton- ments by different roads ; — no attempt was made to disarm them. The 45th passed the arsenal on the way, and seeing all their hopes of success vanishing suddenly, they attempted to break in at the gates ; — FEROZEPORE — PHILLOUK. 49 only one company of Europeans had arrived, who, however, drove them back. The insurgents then pro- cured scaling-ladders, placed them against the walls, and actually succeeded in getting into the intrench- ments, where they were again met by the same Euro- peans, just as the company of the 57th, still on duty there, were loading their muskets to join them. Two more European companies now came up, and the natives were beaten back, and many of them killed. The whole affair was out of concert ; — ^the 57th did not join in it, and the ] 0th cavalry made a show of taking our side. If they had done so seriously, they might have cut off all tlie mutineers, who were driven, with numbers sadly diminished, out of the station. The 57th were disarmed and the regiment disbanded ; ' .lit there were not more than a dozen sepoys to hear the sentence ; the rest of them had deserted to J:>elhi. On the 16th, Sir John Lawrence telegraphed to Jullundur to secure the fort of Phillour. Two marches to the south, and commanding the bridge over the Sutlej, it contained the only magazine that could now furnish us with a siege train. It was held by the 3d Native Infantiy, who, it was said, had made up their minds to seize it on the very day on the morning of which a company of Europeans and two D 50 SIEGE OF DELHI. horse artillery guns from Jullundur quietly passed through the gates. The native guard there stared at them as if they had been spectres ; and had not pre- sence of mind left even to give a military salute. From what evils did not the message of the unfortu- nate signaller at Delhi save us ! Without that tele- gram we had been lost ! Where, in the meantime, was the commander-in- cliief ? He was out of the reach of the electric wire, deep amongst the hills. About forty miles from Um- balla rises, abrupt from the plain in a^viul precipices, the mountain ridge of Kussowlie. On the top of the wild pine-clad hill, six thousand feet high, in the cool climate in which Europeans delight^ are barracks and houses, with the station church. Here was the 75th Foot In the second range, about ten miles off, stands the bare and bleak mountain, on the summit of which is the station of Dugshai, then sheltering the 1st Fusi- liers. Still deeper in, but much lower, in a haK tropical climate, are the barracks and white bungalows of Sabbathoo, where were the 2d Fusiliers. About thirty miles farther on, far out of the sight of India, surrounded by a^vful ghauts and precipices, there is a mighty hill eight thousand feet high. On its top is a somewhat larger space of level ground than is com- monly seen among these mountains, ever so wonder- SIMLA. 51 fully steep. A wandering Englishman had once come to this desert, where the most far-fetched fancy of a native could never have dreamt of buUdiag anything but the low stone hut for the poor mountaineer, who would turn the nearest waterfall to irrigate each nar- row sheK of soil, which his rude ploughshare scratched on the edge of the abyss. The stranger returned with a report that the climate was as cool as his own England, and soon the first cottage was built in Simla, — a marvel to the untaught hillmen in the stony ravines below. In a few years Simla was a city. A thousand houses and pleasant cottages, reached by stairs and narrow winding paths, nestled on every nook, amongst the Himalayan pines, yews, and rhodo- dendrons, that shade the rocks from the ever power- ful sun of India, but let through the breezes that cross from the crescent of eternal snow, whose spot- less zigzag line refreshes the eye turned upon the northern range. Here the fainting invalid finds he can live again, as the cool air fills his chest. The breath of the grave does not mount so high. Here young officers come to spend their months of privi- leged leave ;— ladies come to escape the heat of the plains. Incessant toil has widened the ways round the hill, and the eye, unaccustomed to such giddy heights, is kept steady by the sight of stout wooden 52 SIEGE OF DELHI. palings, which run along their free sides. By turning the taxes for the village roads in India to another work, a path has been cut, blasted, or built on stakes, along the most aw^ul precipices and the highest mountains in our globe, hundreds of miles away into the far distant valleys of Bunawer, between the peaks of eternal snow, where those of our officers who are more manly or less gay, may betake themselves to hunt the bear, or bag game strange to the European sportsman. In the narrow and crowded bazaar of Simla can be seen all the races of the hills and plains of India ; — the shivering little Bengali, the more manly-looking Poorbeah, the Punjaubee, the cloth- merchant of Cashmere, and the Tartar peasants of Ladak, flying from the cnielty of Golab Singh, — all come to labour for the lords of India. In this pleasant retreat was General Anson, — sup- posed, like all commanders-in-chief, to be listening to ijfeports from every station in India, conveyed through the proper channels, and according to the regulations. His excellency was now and then made a little uneasy at queer stories of threatened revolt amongst the sepoys. He hoped, above aU things, that it would not break out till the hot season was past, and the rains dried up, when, like Noah's dove, he would descend from his Ararat, bearing an olive branch, and TIDINGS REACH GENERAL ANSON. 53 restoring peace. Besides, there was no danger. Keports and enclosures from all parts of India had b€^n arranged by skilful secretaries, working on the discoveries of successive governors -general, com- manders-in-chiet and courts of directors, to converge from all parts of India, like rays of light through a series of lenses, to shed a focus of light on Head- quarters. Its lustre shone yet undimmed. The dak runners were borne down under the weight f official documents in clumsy envelopes, — the resum^ of which was, that the Bengal army was sound at heart. Yet there must have been for once some aberration — something must have gone wrong in the exquisite adjustment ; for there was Captain Barnard, aid-de-camp, who had ridden express from Umballa with the telegram announcing the mutiny of six regiments. Moreover, on the 13th, came in a note from General Hewitt, that the native troops at Meemt bad risen, and that the Europeans "were defending their barracks !" * Greneral Anson never shewed the great qua looked for in one intrusted with such a moment^ charge as that of the army of India ; but there is reason to believe him to have been a man of con- siderable ability. To say that he was now roused by the crisis is not much to his praise ; but his future 54 SIEGE OF DELHI. arrangements seem to have been as good as the cir- cumstances allowed. The three regiments in the hills were instantly ordered down to Umballa by forced marches. It was an interesting subject of observation, how the European constitution would bear up against the transition, within a few hours, from repose in a tem- perate, to exertion in a tropical climate. Here there were none of the gradual changes of temperature which prepare the constitution, even of the traveller by the swiftest steamer. In one march they were in the hot wind, the thermometer rising thirty degrees. They stood the fatigue admirably, but on their arrival at Umballa cholera appeared to a most fatal extent, brought on, it was thought, by their drinking water out of the stagnant pools on the road. Here was gathered the small force which the com- mander, a few days before, of the largest army in Asia, could now call around him ; — two troops of Horse Artillery, the 9th Lancers, the three regiments from the hills, besides three more of native troops, whom it would be more con-ect to count against us. The Ghoorka regiment at Juttog, near Simla, was ordered to Phillour, to escort down a siege train. A serious act of insubordination, however, was com- mitted in this valuable regiment One of its com- THE M4KCH FROM THE HILLS. 55 panies rose, and, after having robbed the treasury of Kussowlie, set out for Simla, plundering the com- mander-in-chief's baggage, and threatening to murder some Europeans whom they met on the way. The regiment at Juttog was in a very excited state, and a general flight of the residents in Simla, which was full of families come up from the plains, took place. This affair caused much talk ; — ^it appears that all the officers at that sanitarium had not shewn the chivalry one might have expected from gentlemen, to whom had Mien the defence of so many fair ladies. Fortu- nately the Ghoorkas were soothed down by a few concessions, necessary under the circumstances, and the prospect of going to fight the Poorbeahs, to whom they bore no good will, soon put them into proper^ humour. They delivered up the men who had plun- dered the treasury, and afterwards marched to Saha- runpore, where they did good service. It is said that the chief cause of discontent in the regiment was, that no guard was to be left in their absence, to watch the conduct of their burly dames among the handsome hillmen of Sarmoor. The siege train had to go down with a most untrustworthy escort of sepoys, but arrived in safety, —the bridge over the Sutlej being washed away a short while after it had crossed. 56 SIEGE OF DELHI. Every one saw the necessity of marching as quickly as possible upon Delhi ; but there were not the means of at once getting ready so large a body of men for a campaign in the hot season. Waggons and camels had to be hired or seized for the baggage and tents, spare ammunition to be provided, and dooly bearers for the wounded to be collected. Great anxiety was felt as to the behaviour of the Eajah of Patiala, the largest of the allied Sikh states near Umballa. Treachery on his part might have proved our destruction. It is true he was bound by treaty to assist us, and we could have marched our force in a few hours on his capital, if he had refused. But every one knew that an Asiatic would not shew hostility in this way. The danger was in his turning against us while we were on the road to Delhi ; in his falling upon Umballa, and inciting the hillmen to sack the four Himalayan stations which were within his own territory. Our communications with the Punjaub would then be stopped, the trunk road run- ning a considerable way through the Patiala ground. The smaller Sikh states, Nabbha and Jheend, might have followed, and the chiefs deeper in the hills would have rushed to share the spoils of Simla. The Eajah of Patiala, besides, belonged to the oldest house of name amongst the Sikhs, and his call might raise GENERAL ANSON DIES— SIR H. BARNARD. 57 his brethren across the Sutlej against ns. It is said he took two days to deliberate whose side he would adopt, after which we received the cheering assurance of his assistance. He offered us troops, lent us money, and sent his camels and elephants to help our com- missariat After much ado, on the night of the 17th May 1857, tvvo horse artillery guns, a squadron of the Lancers, and four companies of the 1st Fusiliers, left for Kumaul, where they arrived on the forenoon of the 19th, having made one of the marches in the sun. The rest of the force followed as they could get equipment, — the advanced detachment pushing on to Paneeput, a large Mahomedan city, where the Eajah of Jheend, with eight hundred men, was already in the field. Four companies were left in Umballa, to which some of the Patiala troops were added. An intrenchment was thrown round the church as a place of refuge. All the women, and those soldiers who from sickness were unfit for duty, were sent up to the hills. On the 25th the Commander-in-chief reached Kumaul, but was next day seized with cholera, and died on the 27th. He was succeeded, in command of the field force, by Major-General Sir Henry Barnard. As the hot season had now set in, the marches of the 58 SIEGE OF DELHL main body were made by night. During the day the men lay overpowered in their tents, sleeping if they could, or wearying till the terrible heat would pass off. No one was ta be seen out of doors. When the temperature rises a degree or two above blood heat, it is to a European a daily illness, from which he may recover every night, but which will wear him do^vn by degrees, if he has not strength to rally. Towards evening all again became life and bustle, and, within a few hours after, the tents were struck, and the troops arranged for the march — a great novelty to a youug campaigner. The nights were delicious, the stars bright in the dark deep sky, the fire-flies flashing from bush to bush, and the air, which in Europe would have been called warm and close, was cool and refresh- ing to the cheek that had felt the hot wind during the day. Along the road came the heavy roll of the guns, mixed with the jingling of bits, and the clank- ing of the steel scabbards of the cavalry. The infantry marched on behind with a dull deep tread; — long lines of baggage, camels, and bullock carts, with the innumerable sutlers and camp servants, toiled along for miles in the rear, while the gigantic elephants stalked over bush and stone by the side of the road. Yet our hearts were full of bitterness. How many had led, in the opposite direction, the very soldiers SPIRIT OF REVENGE IN THE BRITISH CAMP. 59 with whom they were now going down to fight ; — led them to dethrone Dost Mohammed, — to avenge our countrymen lying bloody and cold in the Kyber Pass, or to turn the doubtful tide of war against the Sikhs ! We felt as if our dearest friends had betrayed us. On the 3d of June, five villagers were seized, who had grossly insulted two ladies escaping on foot from Delhi There was little doubt of their guilt, and none of their condemnation, although some of the witnesses had disappeared. They were all sentenced to be hanged. They deserved their fate, yet a few regretted the fierce desire for blood, which began to manifest itself on every possible occasion. Officers now went to courts-martial declaring they would hang the prisoners, whether guilty or innocent, and the provost-marshall had his cart waiting for them at the tent door. Some brought the names of offending villages, and applied to get them destroyed, and plun- dered on the strength of vague report. The fierceness of the men increased every day, often venting itself upon the camp servants, many of whom ran away. These prisoners, during the few hours between their trial and execution, were unceasingly tormented by the soldiers. They pulled their hair, pricked them with their bayonets, and forced them to eat cow's flesh. 60 SIEGE OF DELHI. while officers stood by approving. The fury of one of the peasants, a tall powerful young Jat, broke out in boasting and curses as he was led to execution. The village was burnt and plundered ; they spared not even the house of the old zamindarin, who had in vain tried to save the ladies from insult Prudent and humane men began to fear, that our just ven- geance on Delhi would be stained with a general massacre of the inhabitants, and a course of judicial slaughter, which would surpass the horrors of the Eeign of TeiTor. But the slightest wliisper of any- thing short of indiscriminate vengeance was instantly silenced by twenty voices. How dangerous it is to intrust to mankind the power of taking even the justest retribution ! Our advanced body, which was sent on to Khye, two marches from Delhi, could now gain a more dis- tinct knowledge of the position of the mutmeers there, and of the state of the country.* The king had hoisted the green flag, and proclaimed himself emperor of India. He had held a durbar, where forty nawabs and native chiefs had pugaries put on theii- heads by his hand. He had taken the revolted regiments into liis service, and promised them the same pay as we gave. Eight of our treasuries had been plundered * The reports of spies are here given. DELHI — FORTY-NINE EUROPEANS SLAIN THERE. 61 and secured on his account ; but some of the richest had become the prey of the sepoys, who could scarcely walk under the weight of the rupees which they car- ried about them. Some of the luckiest had prudently departed for their homes. In the city they were very disorderly, and rifled the passers by at the bridge of boats. During the first two or three days, many shops of the native merchants had been plundered. The men gave up the habit of paying for anything, snatch- ing from the bazaars whatever they wished. The merchants in revenge gave them false gold pieces for their bulky mpees. They however kept up their military discipline, and talked bravely. Forty-nine Europeans, principally women and children, had been imprisoned within the palace walls, where they were treated with great cruelty, and where the sepoys are said to have amused themselves by presenting their loaded muskets, to the terror of their unhappy victims. The king, after having for a week enjoyed the novel spectacle of so many European suppliants, gave them up to the soldiers, who murdered them all at once ** with sword and gun." Their bodies were piled in a rotting heap at the Cashmere gate. A great part of the weapons in the arsenal had been carried off by private marauders, and the large gunpowder magazine outside the city had been half 62 SIEGE OF DELHI. emptied by the Goojurs. The rest was brought within the walls, where quantities of gun caps were seized on, and sold by the khulashies ; muskets and swords were going for a few annas. What remained of the stores was secured by order of the king, and tlie bastions were mounted with cannon. The cavalry were anxious for an attack upon Meerut ; and the whole force had got as far on their way as the gates of the city, but were prevented by disagreement from proceeding further. The coimtry around was in a state of anarchy. Along the road the staging bungalows were burned ; and the telegraph wire broken and half carried away. The fierce peasantry, kno^v^l by the names of Goojurs and Ranghurs, at once threw off our rule ; but scarcely with the intention of submitting to any other, though some of the leading men got commissions from the king of Delhi, to hold the districts in his name. Half a century of peace and order had not even weakened their instincts.* They at once returned to the old freebooting state, in which they had lived in the times of the ^Mahratta forays. Any one ven- turing near their villages, whether servant of the * See General Report on the Administration of the Piin- jaub Territories from 1856-7 1857-8 inclusive, etc. Lahore, 1858, passim. STATE OF THE MUTINOUS DISTRICTS. 63 Company or the Badsha, was rifled with the utmost impartiality. Goojur ho ya Oojur, you are either Goojur or Oojur, was their motto. The larger villages plundered and oppressed the smaller ones. Villagers tamed out with matchlock, sword, and spear, and fought with one another about boundary questions, decided half a century ago. Hundreds of heads of cattle changed hands. Murders and robberies were committed unpunished in the open day. A peaceable man could not go into the bazaar without the chance of being rifled or beaten, or finding his wife carried away on his return. Some cities, as UmbaUa, Kur- naul, Lodiana, and Ferozepore, were kept under ; but in the open country this state of things existed from Delhi over the whole of the Cis-Sutlej states, which were inhabited by the same turbulent tribes. The country around the most northern of these cities was almost as little under our power as that behind Delhi ; nor could our magistrates resume their func- tions till after the termination of the siege. A body of the mutineers, with one of the princes of Delhi, had gone out on the 23d May to the contiguous districts, and raised the troops we had in Eohtuck, Hansi, and Hissar. Tlie treasuries were plundered, and some barbarous murders of the English residents took place. 64 SIEGE OF DELHI. We had very little iut^lligence about what was going on below Delhi. The telegraph wire, stretching down by Agra, was broken, after having conveyed various embarrassing messages from the Grovernor- General, such as, " Make short work of Delhi." We heard, with satisfaction, tliat he had taken measures to stop the China expedition ; and ti-usted soon to have troops sent from home overland to our aid. It was hoped in camp, however, that a blow struck at Delhi might save the rest of the army from overt rebellion. Indeed many could scarcely believe, that the sepoys there would not run away on our approach, or come out with clasped hands to solicit pardon. But the rebellion spread ; all the troops in the Doal) revolted ; at Eohilcund an old pensioner of our government, Khan Bahadur, made himself king ; and a boy of the royal house of Oude was placed on the throne at Lucknow. Tlie contingents we had placed to ensure the vassalage of the ^lahratta Kajahs, Scindia and Holkar, in Central India were also carried away. Fortunately for us these princes did not join the mutineers, but used their utmost endeavours to delay their march to Delhi ; although they were unable to keep their own troops from joining and sympathising with them. Tlie mutiny at Delhi may be taken as a specimen EXTENT OF THE MUTINY. 65 of what went on at all these places ; everywhere the same strange and trustmg confidence of the officers ; the same protestations of fidelity of the sepoys ; then a sudden rising and plundering of the station. Some- times a part of the officers managed to escape ; at other places they were all massacred ; more rarely they were allowed by their men to leave unharmed. It is not our purpose to give the various dates of mutiny at the separate stations ; suffice it to say, that tlie King of Delhi had the prospect of getting a large army of our own raising and training to serve against us, and all the countiy garrisoned by the revolted troops. In addition, the villages round about Benares, Patna, Goruckpore, and Northern Behar, passed from our nile ; and a great part of the unfortunate European officers with their >vives and children were cruelly put to death. The rest had to fly for their lives, with the loss of all their property. Our weak European detachments were beleaguered by terrible odds in Cawnpore and Lucknow ; in the Doab, Agra alone remained to us, like the last leaf on an autumnal tree. What was singular, the rebellion stopped at the frontier of the Bengal Presidency. It did not spread amongst the men of the Bombay or Madras Army, though the former contained a considerable proportion of Oude sepoys, who did not reach the D 2 66 SIEGE OF DELHL height necessary for admission into that of Bengal Much excitement and sedition appeared, but they were always quelled ere they could pass into overt rebellion. It would be difi&cult to define the state of opinion amongst the peaceable population in the Doab. From the inmiense variety of races and castes in India, a general proposition about the whole must have little truth. The magistrates of course had to fly from their districts, where, in some cases, their places were taken by petty rajahs, nawabs, and other native chiefs ; some acting against, some for us, the greater number trying to keep on good terms with both parties. In many districts all authority was broken off, save that of the village headmen. The Mahome- dans were generally hostile to us ; the Hindoos much less so. If the higher classes were more our friends than the lower, it was because they knew our real resources better. Many ignorant people imagined that there were very few more British in existence, besides those who appeared in India. It was univer- sally believed, that the rule of the Company had for ever passed away, like that of the Moguls or Mah- rattas. Many regretted it. The general voice declared that a better government they never had had ; that we had held the balance of justice even ; and had been the friends of the poor man. There is little DESERTION OF SAPPERS AT MEERUT. 67 doubt that, had we been diiven away, future genera- tions would have remembered us with affectionate and mythical regret Our whole force having been gathered together, now marched on Alipore, ten miles from Delhi, where it waited for the Meerut Brigade and the siege train. The troops at Meerut had been ordered to join us, leaving a sufficient number with General Hewitt to defend the station. Anq^her mishap had taken place there. On the 16th May, a corps of Sappers from Roorkhee had mutinied, and shot their captain and a native officer on the road. It was said that this was the deed of two or three miscreants, and that the body of the men were well disposed ; but half of them ran away through pure fright, and took the road to Delhi. They passed in front of our field-battery loaded with grape, telling the Artillery officer, that they were going to punish a village where a havildar of theirs had been murdered. Their manner was so plausible that he not only allowed them to get clear off, but stopped Lieutenant MacKenzie, who was pursuing them with his score of faithful Sowars. The Carabiniers, however, came soon after ; but the greater part of the Sappers got clear off. About fifty of them were overtaken. These sought refuge in a tope, where they fought to the last man. This 68 SIEGE OF DELHI. desertion at the commencement of a siege was parti- cularly annoying. The Meerut troops, according to the order, marched out and encamped on 30th !May at Ghazeeoodeenug- gur, about ten miles from Delhi, on the banks of the Hindun, where their videttes reported that the enemy was at hand. Their force had marched out, with the intention of cutting off the brigade ere it could re^ich headquarters. The result proved how deplorably General Hewitt had miscalculated the militar}* cha- racter of the sepoys. Our troops immediately crossed the suspension bridge to meet thenL The Rifles advanced along the causeway beyond, availing them- selves of the cover of its walls as the enemy came oil, wliile Major Tombs, by a skilful and rapid movement, took them in flank with his horse artillery guns. They almost immediately retreated, pursued by the Carabiniers, and leaving five pieces of artiller}^ in our hands, after having themselves fired some of their am- munition waggons. Our principal loss was from one of these exploding among the men. The enemy felt that this defeat was most disgraceful to them- selves, and most detrimental to their cause. The Hindoo sepoys reproached the Mahomedans for deluding them, and expressed their doubts as to whether the Company had really wished to destroy FIGHTS ON THE HIKDUN — JULLUNDUK MUTINY. 69 their caste.* The Goojurs in the neighbouring \aLlages fell upon many of the fugitives, stripping them of all the plunder which they carried with them, and even of their arms and clothes. The King of Delhi loudly reproached them with their cowardice, and the loss of their gims. They returned next day, and fought much more stoutly, but were again beaten back. In these affairs we lost four officers, and fifty men. We had seven cases of sunstroke, two of them fatal. Everybody was well pleased that the Meerut force should have had a separate opportunity of proving their courage. On the 7th June they joined headquarters at Alipore ; and the men were received with loud cheers, as they marched in with the captured guns. As a counter- stroke to this success, a most 'disastrous affair took place on the night of the 7th June, at Jullundur,t which might be considered the gate of the Punjaub, acros^ the Sutlej. Two regiments of infantry and one of light cavalry mutinied, killed ♦ Trial of the King of Delhi, p.^93. t For a very detailed account of this affair see Mr. Cooper's " Crisis in the Punjaub." I suppress the materials I have coUected for want of space. In the "Crisis" is a letter from Brigadier Johnstone, defending himself from two several accusations, which, he says, were made against him, namely, of over haste, and also of over slackness in the pursuit. His reply completely clears him of the first charge. He a.«»kB, " Is it possible for Europeans to have accomplished 70 SIEGE OF DELHL and wounded several of their officers, and continued burning and plundering the station for many hours, unmolested by the European regiment and the two troops of horse artillery there. They were allowed to get away unharmed, taking of course the road to Dellii. The 3d Native Infantry joined them at Phillour. Tlie deputy-commissioner at Lodiana, Mr. Kicketts, liad cut down the bridge over the Sutlej, and had Brigadier Johnstone made a single forced march, they might have been all destroyed as they were crossing the river, which they did in three small boats, taking a long time, at a ferry that had been unfortunately forgotten and left unguarded. Our troops were led in pursuit of them ; but were allowed to march only ten miles the first day, and twelve or thirteen in the evening. The old general was much exhausted, and did not bring in his force to Lodiana, a distance of tlmje ordinary marches, till the night of the 9th June. The mutineers had in the meantime entered the city, notwithstanding the daring resistance of Mr. Eicketts, with some companies of Rothney's Sikhs, and two Nabbha guns. Tlie 3d Native Infantry guard in the Fort there having thirty miles in thirteen hours, having been under arms the whole of the previous night ?' Tlie Duke of Wellington, it is said, in India, once marched his men twenty-five nules, and then forty-seven, after a rest of eight hours. JULLUNDUR MUTINEERS AT LODIANA. 71 joined them, they were in possession of the largest powder magazine in the country. Some of the powder they wetted, took a supply for themselves, and left the rest. The lives of the residents were saved by the loyalty of the Sikhs, though some of their houses were plundered by the mutineers, aided by the Cashmeree population of that great cloth-manu- facturing town. They then left. The pursuit was given up, after having been carried on for twenty miles further. 72 SIEGE OF DELHL CHAPTEE IV. While the army remained at Alipore, the soldiers suffered more perhaps from impatience at the delay, than from the choking heat of their close and sultry encampment. The spirit of the men was rather that which animated their ancestors, the fierce and blood- tliirsty worshippers of Odin, than that which tlie Britisli soldier breathes on European battle grounds. The fury and horror with which the recital of tlie massacres at Meerut and Dellii had been lieard, were stirred afresh by the news of the murders at Hansi and Hissar, which some who had escaped had brought into camp. Many an oath was sworn that they would grant no mercy t<:) a black face. The phleg- matic nature of the British soldier disappeared under the burning desire of havoc and revenge. None doubted of a complete and easy victory. Most of the men believed that one battle would decide tlie fate of the mutinous regiments. They would fight in the morning ; they would drink their grog in Delhi at night. THE DAY BEFORE BATTLE. 73 On its being known that a battle was to be fought on the morrow, the sick in the hospitals declared they would remain there no longer. Many hardly able to walk suffered on in silence, or lay in the corners of the tents imploring their comrades not to tell they were ill, in case they should be kept in hospital on the day of battle. Every man whose strength was not hopelessly gone was let out, and few returned for days after. The same sentiments of animosity filled the breasts of the ofi&cers, and the same confidence of victory. Although it was known that the sepoys still kept up an appearance of discipline, and had fought with much spirit at the last affair at the Hindun, the European mind could not banish the idea, that they were going out to meet a disorderly horde of murderers and mutineers, who would fly, without any attempt at rallying, from the severe chastisement they must receive, if they attempted to meet a British army in the field They sternly calculated the chances of hunting down the fugitives, who might escape the conquering bayonets and swords of their men ; lists of all the mutinous regiments existed ; their names, families, and villages, could be ascertained ; a price would be put on their heads, they would be hunted as the Thugs 74 SIEGE OF DELHI. had been hunted through British India, and through the native States. Their breasts would know no satisfaction if death had passed over one name on the rolls, till the last fugitive was dragged from his hiding place and met his doom. An equal assurance did not prevail in the sepoy camp. They had taken up a strong position on the road a few miles from Delhi, and waited the arrival of their old conquerors and fonner masters, calling to mind their own exploits and depreciating those of the white people, enumerating the occasions, real or fancied, where the Feringhees had flinched and they conquered. Still the terror of the white face which had mled Hindostan for a hundred years was not to be dispelled in a day. They could not drive the thoughts of their shameful discomfiture on the Hindun out of their minds, facile as they were. An uneasy feeling that boasting was not victory, nor de- traction defeat ; that it was one thing to massacre a few officers and their wives and children in a native cantonment, and quite another to meet their avenging countrymen in open battle, gnawed at their inmost heai-ts. Hindostan was theirs not yet They had powerful motives for making a desperate resistance. The religious fanaticism both of the l^Iahomedan and the Hindoo had been deeply roused. The pent-up POSITION AND STRENGTH OF THE ENEMY. 75 hatred which a subdued race bears to its conquerors, the ferocious thirst of blood which the massacres had nourished but not satisfied, the consciousness that they had offended the British power beyond every chance of forgiveness, all determined them to offer the bravest resistance in their power. The one side resolved to fight desperately, the other to conquer pitilessly. Two or three hours after sunset were occupied in a few quiet and well-understood preparations for the engagement of the morrow. The position of the enemy was chosen with that slu^wd appreciation of the advantages of ground which the natives shewed throughout the war. A large serai stood on the right of the road ; a short way in front of it was a small mound on which they had made a sand-bag battery, mounting three heavy guns and a howitzer. To the right of the serai was a small village, whose mud walls, and enclosures, and gardens, offered a good cover for infantry. Their position was a strong one, and required to be approached with care and judgment. Their numbers were also considerable, consisting of seven entire regiments, and two detachments of infantry, and two regiments of cavalry. Their ranks were swelled by deserters and fugitives from Ferozepore, Meerut, and Umballa, by soldiers on furlough, by police, and chuprassies 76 SIEGE OF DELHI. of all kinds, as well as by volunteers from the city and Goojur villages around. Their guns were worked by the men of the 3d Company, 7th Native Battalion Artillery; by the gun lascars of the magazine, the artillerymen of the Palace Guards, and many old retired Golundazes living in the city. At midnight Brigadier Grant set out with ten horse artillery guns, and three squadrons of the 9th Lancers, guided by Lieutenant Hodson, with a few Native Horse. They crossed the bridge, and took a bullock track which led them, through the deserted country, again over the canaL They moved along its banks in order to come upon the flank of the enemy, while Sir Henry Barnard should make the attack with the main column in front. The roads, however, were bad, and full of ruts and water courses, which so much hindered the progress of the guns, •that the discharges of cannon, the regular firing of musketry, and the flight of flocks of birds from the left, told them the battle had commenced before their arrival. At half-past four in the morning the main body, which had set out at two o'clock, came up to the village of Badle-Serai. The sepoys immediately opened fire from the battery in front of the serai. Then were heard the deep shouts of the Europeans, and the yells of the sepoys. With deadlier hatred BATTLE OF BADLE-SERAL 77 two foes had never met Our artillery advanced hastily and fired ; the infantry deployed on each side of the road. Their cannon told on our ranks ; one of onr waggons was blown up, and the bullock drivers of our heavy guns ran away. Captain Money's troop of horse artillery galloped up, unlimbered, and fired with great judgment and precision ; but it was evident that the enemy's guns in their strong and sheltered position could not be silenced Our men began to fall quickly ; the musketry fire of the sepoys was regular and well sustained ; the second brigade had fallen behind, and was not yet in sight. One round shot carried off the leg of Captain Money's trumpeter, and mortally wounded Colonel Chester, the Adjutant- GreneraL Captain Russell, another of the staff, was killed ; several horses feU ; Sir Henry Barnard said he had never witnessed such a concentrated fire, even before SebastopoL The 75th, who had been lying down in line, and the 1st Fusiliers, were ordered to charge upon the heavy battery. An unfortunate delay took place in making the regiment form square, in order to meet the attack of some cavalry, which turned out to be our own. The ground was broken, and covered with water, from a great fall of rain a few days before. The enem/s gims were pointed at the advancing line, as it struggled through the mud. 78 SIEGE OF DELHL Many a brave heart beat high as the hurricane of iron swept past, giving fearful evidence of its course on the bodies and limbs of the heroic regiment Seventy men were killed and wounded in a few minutes. Captain Hamson was shot through the head, and seven officer were wounded. The 75th neither flinched nor stayed, but rushed upon the guns, driving out the Golundazes and infantry that defended them, at the point of the bayonet The 1st Fusiliers carried an enclosure and some houses, set- ting them on fire ; supported by them the 75th rush on the serai, break in the gates, and bayonet the defenders. Some of the sepoys fought desperately, some stood stupified and met their fate, others weakly clasped their hands, imploring tte mercy which they themselves had never granted, and which they knew they would not obtain. A Mussulman fanatic was taken in the serai, and hanged on the spot The 2d Brigade, under Brigadier Graves, now appeared on the enemy's right Brigadier Hope with the lancers took them in rear on the left, and the guns came up one by one, as they could manage to push through the water-courses which crossed their way. The lancers fell upon their foe at once, dis- persed those opposed to them, and took two guns ; their leader, Colonel Yule, cutting down three men with DEFEAT OF THE ENEMY. 79 his own hand The enemy took to flight on all sides, some across the plain under the fire of our artillery, which, however, could do little execution among men dispersed here and there. A charge of the carabiniers might have cut down hundreds of them. The great part retreated to the right, their cavalry and guns along the road. The rest were soon beyond the reach of our infjuitry, among the broken ground, full of gardens, houses, and niins, which extended towards the city. The artillery drove on as quickly as the infantry could follow, tiring now and then on the flying enemy, killing a few men, and taking two guns. The Afghan chief, Lall Fishan Khan, who with some horsemen had followed our star from Meemt, was heard crying out, his stout old heart big with the enthusiasm of the moment, " Another such day and I shall be a Christian ;" and, sad to tell, an English deserter from Meerut had been struck down fighting in the sepoy ranks, and was recognised by his former comrades.* A feeble attempt was made to rally when the fugitives had gained the ridge overlooking the city, which they had left with loud boastings. Our force then divided ; Sir Henry Barnard's column took its ♦ I was assured of the truth of this by several of the Bifles, to which corps he belonged. 80 SIEGE OF DELHI. way across the plain, where the last king of the house of Toghlak had contended for the throne of Delhi with the Tartar hordes of Timour Khau. Crossing the half-ruined bridge over the canal, our force was fired down upon by some guns which had stopped beside the Flagstaff Tower, but their balls were ill directed, breaking down the tombstones in the churchyard to the right. The parade-ground, with the blackened shells of the officers' bungalows, now came into view. A little above were the sepoy huts. A light was eagerly thrown upon the roofs, and a column of smoke and flame told to the terri- fied citizens the fate of the dwellings of their allies. Captain Money's troop then wheeled to the right of the Flagstaff. The firing was admirable. The enemy fled after a few shots, leaving three guns behind them, and disappeared down the covered road which led to the city. The other column under General Wilson drove through the suburbs of the Subzi-Mundi, which were quite deserted, our soldiers breaking into the houses and setting them on fire. They neared the Cabul gate of Delhi, and then turned to the left, along the ridge which looks down upon the city. The moment the conquering squadron was seen they were fired upon from the walls, the round shot almost touching VIEW OF DELHI FROM THE RIDGE. 81 their white pugaries. They pushed hastily under shelter of the walls and gates of a large stone build- ing called Hindoo Rao's House, where they met with the victorious column of Sir Henry Barnard, and the Ghoorkas, who had ascended the front of the hill. The enemy had taken the range of the house, and the justness of their aim was surprising. A gun limber was blown up, and the clothe^ of a young officer of artillery caught fire ; he was most cruelly burned. The hiU, which Hindoo Rao's house surmounts, commands a fine view of Dellii, the ill-fated city. Among the capitals of the earth, there was none more beautiful The eye ran along the wide circuit of its ramparts, with their picturesque gates and bastions half hid among the trees, resting on the palace of the old Mogul conquerors with its green gardens and lofty red walls, along which to the eastern side of the city ran the waters of the Jumna, commanded by the old towers of Selim Ghar, and crossed by its bridge of boats. A thousand mosques and stately houses, and the long line of Chandney Choke, the principal bazaar of the city, with its rows of trees, broke the monotony of streets and lanes. It seemed half buried in green, every hovel having its little enclosure and garden. The giant domes and lofty 82 SIEGE OF DELHL minarets of the Jumna Musjid towered above all, as if reared by the hands of Titans. Beyond were the endless mins of old Delhi, the remains of a mighty race, whose strength and glory had passed away, though its descendants were still there, to defile their fathers' graves by theu* base and impure deeds. All looked quiet in the bright and vertical sun* there was no sign of war save the occasional gun, its white smoke rising among the trees ; but by the gates, and in the bazaars, and on the steps of the great mosque, trembling crowds were listening to the tidings of the victory of the Feringhees. It was now about noon ; the sun was striking down right upon our heads, and the hot wind blew* like the blast of a furnace. Several of the men fell down from sunstroke ; but the fatigues of the day were well nigh over, and the large trees at the foot of Hindoo Kao's hill sheltered them from the direct rays of the sun. The wounded were placed in the old canton- ment hospital, and cared for by the medical staff. The native followers of the camp had by no means shared the confidence of the British ; a butcher had been hanged the day before, for having said to some soldiers that they would be beaten on the morrow. This, however, did not seem to convince the other natives of the superiority of our star. THE BRITISH ENCAilP — THEIR LOSS. 83 The baggage had been left at Alipore under a guard, and was ordered forward after the battle. But a panic thrice arose on the road. The followers, servants, and camel-drivers, turned and fled, or hid themselves among the bushes and hollows by the sides of the road, causing the utmost confusion, and some damage to the effects and cattle. When they had finally arrived, the soldiers' tents were hastily erected on the parade ground, and the men got imder cover. Some sepoys shewed themselves at the gates below Hindoo Rao's house, and a cannonade was opened from the walls on our picquets on the ridge. This movement, however, was a mere bravado. On some troops being marched towards the place, they retired into the city. Our loss in this battle was no greater than fifty-three men killed, and one hundred and thirty-two woimded. Among these, four officers had died, and thirteen were wounded. The steady dash of our troops in carrying the position, had prevented the affair being bloody. The loss of the enemy was certainly more than double, and thirteen guns were left in our hands, two of them twenty-four pounders. Of these, eight were taken at Badle-Serai, two on the road to Delhi, and three at the Flagstaff tower. Many of the sepoys never appeared again; the tensor of some was so great, that they ran in at 84? SIEGE OF DELHI. the gates on the one side of the city, and out through those on the other. An attack upon Dellii that evening might have been successful. Many of the inhabitants, well dis- posed to us, afterwards said, that if we had broken into the town that night, only a very feeble resistance could have been offered. The battle had not lasted long ; our men had made only one march. To say, that after a few hours rest they would not have been able for further fight, would be to underrate half the fatigues, which, after months of sickness and exhaustion, they endured. To blow open a gate was surely as easy that night as on the morning of the 14th September. Moreover, if they were wearied, so were their op- ponents. The troops might have been marched down near the walls, by roads almost covered from the enemy's artillery. The risk of failure appears slight, compared with the enormous advantages of our gain- ing the city and magazine, which would have para- lyzed the insurrection, then spreading all over the country. The battle of Badle-Serai was one of many engage- ments, fought with small numbers, yet of great mark in the world's history. The effect of the victory was not felt below Delhi, but acted most favourably in tranquilizing the Punjaub, where our defeat would THE BRITISH POSITION. 85 have led to the destruction of all the Europeans in the north-west. At this date our army sat down before Delhi, re- maining in the position we had taken on the evening of the 8th June. Fortunately it was a strong one. The tents were pitched upon the parade ground of the muti- nous regiments, about two miles from the city, sepa- rated by a long ridge of hill, that rose in broken ground on the banks of the Jumna to our left, and, smoothing down at the top, extended to our extreme right. It was crossed towards the left by the grand trunk road, marked here and there by the telegraph posts, from which still hung broken pieces of wire. A little further to the right, on the ridge of the hill, stood the tower called the Flagstaff;* and, still further along, an old mosque, both occupied by picquets of our men. To the extreme right was the hill on which were placed our heavy batteries. Its top was crowned by the building called Hindoo Kao's house, from an old Mahratta chieftain who had lived there. All these points were connected by a road which ran along the summit of the hill. Its sides are formed by out- * It was about 150 feet high, with two terraces, and ascended by an inside winding stair. A cart Itoad of dead bodies was found there ; no doubt those of the murdered officers of the 64th Native Infantry. 86 SIEGE OF DELHI. cropping strata of sandstone and gneiss, which rise tier above tier. From every part of this hill a view of Delhi could be obtained, as the ridge neared the town from left to right. The best view was at Hindoo Rao's house, only a mile from DeUiL l*art of the slope towards our camp was covered by the now ruined huts of the mutinous regiments, and the burnt houses and trampled-do^vn gardens of the unfortunate officers. Broken articles of furniture, fragments of pottery, leaves of books, and pieces of music flying about in the compounds, recalled the scenes of rapine that had been enacted there. I3ehind the camp was the canal, which separated it from the plain beyond, and covered the whole of our rear, though it confined us in somewhat narrow bounds. Its banks were high, but it was crossed everywhere by bridges.* It flows into the river on the north side of Delhi. Our left flank was covered by the Jumna, wliich here takes a very wide bend, enclosing a large space, where our elephants, camels, and cattle, might feed in safety. On our right, below Hindoo Rao's hill, was a mound on which were placed three hea\7' guns. Beyond it * Much of this is taken from a description of our position, written by the author from the camp, and which appeared in the Times. DELHI — ITS SUBURBS AND DEFENCES. 87 a small elevation was occupied by a Mahomedan Cemetery ; an ancient garden, surrounded by a lofty wall, ran abreast of it to the canal. Three quarters of a mile farther on to the right, began the beautiful suburb, called the Subzi-Mundi, full of country-houses, enclosures and gardens, in which a number of despe- rate fights aften^'ards took place between our men and the enemy. Nearer the city, and lying between Hindoo Eao's hill and the one to the right called the Eedgah, were the suburbs of Kissengunge and Paharipore. The ground between the ridge and the city was much broken, full of houses, old mosques, tombs, and ruins of all sorts, with clumps of trees and gardens. The defences of Delhi had a circumference of seven miles. They consisted of a parapet wall, with bastions at considerable distances, mounting generally ten or twelve guns. The walls were covered for one-third of their height by a glacis, and had in front a ditch twenty-four feet deep.* The river completely covered one face of the city, and our attack was entirely con- fined to the north side, so that there never was any * For a more detailed description of the fortifications, see chap. xii. The population of Delhi was above 1 50,000, but it covered a great deal more ground than a European city containing the same number of inhabitants. 88 SIEGE OF DELHI. real investmeut. To all inteuts, Delhi, save on the north access, was as open as if we had been a hundred miles off. To the south were the wide and vast niins of the ancient city. The opposite side of the river was in the liands of the enemy, who thus had free communication in all directions, and, as will be seen, could render ours very insecure. The key of our position wiis the Subzi-Mundi, whence they could turn our right and cut oil' our road to Umballa, upon which we rested. ARKIVAL OF THE GUIDES. 89 CHAPTER V. Major General Reid had arrived, after a fatiguing journey from Rawul Pindi, just before the battle of Badle-SeraL By virtue of seniority he had a right to the command of the force, which his delicate health prevented him from taking. Sir Henry Barnard remained at the head of affairs as formeriy. The morning after the battle the Guides entered camp under the command of Captain Daly. They were already well known as one of the finest regiments in India. They were almost all of Afghan and Persian race, and consisted of three troops of cavalry, perhaps the best riders in our pay, and six companies oi infantry armed with the rifle. They had marched in this the hottest time of the year from near Peshawur to Delhi, a distance of five hundred and eighty miles, in twenty-two days. Their stately height and military bearing made aU who saw them feel proud to have such aid. They came in as firm and light as if they had marched only a mile. The same morning a number of soldiers were E 2 90 SIEGE OF DELHL crowded together, taking a leisurely view of the city from the mosque on the ridge, about a mile off, when a shot was fired from the walls, which killed one and mortally wounded four of them. It soon became known to every body that the enemy had some excellent marksmen at their guns, and had the range of every place on the ridge well ascertained. A paper in native characters, noting the relative distances of the different points, was even said to have been picked up at Hindoo Rao's house ; and the Meerut force, while encamped by the Hindun, had heard their artiUery practising. In the afternoon an attack was made upon Hindoo Rao's hill by a body of sepoys from Delhi. The Guides, who were much concerned at the battle of the 8th having been fought without them, were sent to support the picquet. A deal of skirmishing and fighting took place amongst the thickets and broken ground between the hiU and the city. The 3d Cavalry, the originators of the mutiny, fought hand to hand with the Guides, but not long. The enemy was beaten with considerable loss and chased under the walls. Lieutenant Quentin Battye, in conmiand of the mounted di\ision of the Guides, fell mortally wounded by a bullet from the ramparts. He was a young man of great promise, a good swordsman, and an excellent rider; and his BATTERIES ERECTED — ^THE VALLEY OF DEATH. 91 impatience to have an occasion for distinguishing himself in the field, had been remarked at every station he passed on the march. He died in his first battle, murmuring with his failing voice the old Eoman saying, that it is weU and proper for a man to die for his coimtry. It seemed to be the intention of the general to make regular approaches ; batteries were piled on the front of Hindoo Rao's hiU about fifteen hundred yards from the city. The two twenty-four pounders taken from the enemy were the heaviest pieces we had. We had no balls for them, but those fired at us by the enemy were picked up and returned. Most of the shots sent without effect at our batteries, fell among the trees at the foot of the farther side of the hilL It was a dangerous place to pass, and was caUed "The valley of the shadow of death." Here half-naked wretches were seen watching from some cover the balls as they fell. On finding one, they would bring it into the batteries, to claim the promised four annas. No doubt spies found their way under this pretext to inspect our works. People too would venture through a heavy fire to seU their fruit and milk to the artillerymen. Our officers, however, did not like to frighten them away by inquiries, as supplies were by no means steady, and there were too many 92 SIEGE OF DELHI. natives in camp for us to hope that any secret could be long kept. Great efforts were made to silence the enem/s batteries, and shells were occasionally thro^vTi into the town. The houses in the quarter most exposed to our i*ange were abandoned ; but it soon became clear that we had not superiority in our artillery-fire sufficient to extinguish theirs. Although we liad the advantage of a higher position, the distance of our batteries was suc^ as to expose us to the fire of all the bastions on one side of Delhi. We had not enough of sappers to make approaches, and too few soldiers to guard our parallels. Tlie materiel of the enemy was much more abundant ; anmiunition and guns they drew from the great magazine in their hands, as they needed them. They had evidently plenty of trained artillerymen. Their gunners were often led to the batteries, and kept to their posts by parties of cavalry ; they, however, did their work well. From an object of contempt, their skill became one of wonder and admiration, perhaps too great. Some artillery officers protested their practice was better than our own. Many believed that their fire was under the superintendence of Europeans.* Two * The overrated influence given to the three European ofl&cers to account for the obstinacy of the Sikh war, and the story of Kussians directing the Chinese at our repulse on the THE ENEMY REINFORCED:— DAILY ATTACKS. 98 men with solar helmets could be seen by the help of our best glasses in their batteries, but no one who knew how much of the work in India was really done by natives, wondered at the practical skill they now shewed The enemy did not appear to be discouraged by the repulses they had met with. According to our spies, their spirits were kept up by the prospect of large reinforcements fi*om almost every station in Hindostan. They said our loss was as great at Badle- Serai as their own. The 60th Native Infantry marched in from Eohtuck to join them. This regi- ment had been sent to pacify the districts there. The commander, Colonel Seaton, had treated with con- tempt any surmise of their disloyalty, and many of the ofl&cers were out shooting when the men rose. They all escaped ; several sepoys assisted them on horseback, and came with them. This took place on the 10th June. The men must have got news of the battle of the 8th. It was one of the first proofs that such a partial success could not allay the revolt. Indeed, the fugitive officers would have been set upon by the villagers, had they not said that the men were marching quietly on behind them. Attacks were Peiho, shew how ready Europeans are to attribute a strenuous resistance to the aid of men of their own race. 94 SIEGE OF DELHL made almost daily upon some part of our position. Our little force was kept in continual alarm. Know- ing the effects of the sun on the European frame, the enemy generally commenced these onsets during the sultriest parts of the day. If even one picquet was attacked, our whole force was turned out. The in- fantry stood in line before their tents, the cavalry sat on horseback, and the artillery were at the guns. No thermometrical statement can give any one, who has never been in a tropical country, any idea of the flashing, stupifying glare, and the agonizing heat of an Indian sun. Indeed hundreds of Europeans in India had never suffered its direct rays before. To move about is exhaustion ; to remain still, intoler- able distress. The strength of the men bore up sur- prisingly against eveiything ; but they could not conceal their impatience at being made the victims of these ceaseless alarms ; especially, as often hap- pened, when they were merely sent into their tents again, after two or three houre exposure to the sun. It seemed as if the general was playing the enemy's game. He was exposing them to a real danger to avert an imaginary one. The responsibility of a commander is very serious, and it would be rash to blame him for his vigilance ; but certainly the alarms were often puerile. One night the whole camp was CONSTANT ALARMS IN THE CAMP — SKIRMISHING. 95 roused and under arms. An elephant having thrown off its driver, who had gone to sleep on its back, ran away, and frightened a sentry. An aid-de-camp rode into camp at full gallop. Some sowars had been seen issuing from the Lahore gate ; the whole force was paraded in the sun for several hours, and then ordered to return to their tents, save those who went to the hospital One well-known officer felt so sure of dis- cerning between a false alarm and a real one, that he often sent his men under cover, in anticipation of the order, which never failed to come an hour or two after. If there were many false alarms, neither were real ones few. Scarcely a day passed without an attack on Hindoo Eao's hill, or one or other of our picquets. Fresh mutinous regiments began to come in, and as they came, the constant message was " jao laro," " go and fight" Till they had met the white people, they got no pay, and were not allowed to enter within the walls. The enemy always avoided a pitched battle, and courted that system of desultory fighting, in which the strength of the native soldiers is best brought out. Among the broken and rocky ground, full of jungle and trees, and every level plot covered with gardens, groves, and ruins, separating the city from the ridge, and under shelter of their own artillery on the walls, with the city to afford them a refuge in case of defeat. 96 SIEGE OF DELHL they had the very arena which they would have chosen above all others. Naturally patient, artful, and stealthy, the Hindostani seemed more fitted for such warfare than the European, who, disdaining the advantages of cover, fluttered with fury and impatience, till, worn out and stupified by the heat, he was often shot down, as lie pressed incautiously forward to close with his wily foe, who was loading and firing behind some bush or rock. Our soldiers have been regarded as deficient in intelligence, because they appear to possess it in a less degree than troops whose officers pass their lives in exercising them, just as the British have been said not to be a military people, because their armies do not make the showy appearance of nations, who spend longer time on the parade ground, and yet shew no superiority on the field of battle. In this species of skirmishing, though the least of all fitted for their nature, they made a rapid and visible improvement, and were ably manoeuvred by their officers. The sepoy forces were apparently well handled, their native officers she\ving conspicuous courage. Their voices were often heard ui-ging on the men, calling them pigs and camel drivers, and challenging the Feringhoes to come nearer. One advantage they had was, that they could lead fresh men against us on AIAJOR reed's post — THE AFGHANS. 97 every occasion, while, from the fewness of our numbers, we were compelled to bring the same troops into action sometimes twice or thrice a day. Though never defeated, and almost always driving the enemy before them, our men were hard pressed and over- worked. The post of honour was Hindoo Eao's hill ; and round it most of the affrays took place. It was held by Major Reid with the Sirmoor battalion, and two companies of Rifles. His losses were afterwards filled up by the infantry of the Guides. The Goorkhas were crowded into the large house from which the place took its name. Its walls were shattered with shells and round shot, which now and then struck through the chambers. Ten men were killed and wounded in the house by one shot, and seven by another the same day. Nobody there was secure of his life for an instant. Through the whole siege Major Reid kept to his post ; " He never quitted the ridge save to attack the enemy below it, and never once visited the camp, until carried to it wounded on the day of the final assault."* The Guides and Goorkhas were adepts in skir- mishing; their being on our side was one of the hundred chances which saved us from utter destruc- tion. Trained in danger from infancy, among the * Norman. F 98 SIEGE OF DELHL robber tribes of his frontier, the Afghan soldier was more than a match for the Poorbeak He hated the Hindoo for his idolatry, and his fellow Mahomedan in the sepoy ranks, for his Hindoo prejudices and exclusiveness. He despised them both as servile races. The name of Patan or Conqueror, which is given in India to the native of Cabool and his descendants, was a proof of liis superiority. The European he regarded with manly admiration. Each knew that the other could use his weapons welL His aquiline nose, sloping forehead, sharply traced line of eyebrow, and fair complexion, shewed he belonged to a different race from the Hindustani. The Goorkhas, though perhaps not so skilful, were equally brave and faithful. Originally descended from the Hindoo inhabitants of the plains, their ancestors had conquered the wide mountainous district of Nepaul. Though probably mixed with the vanquished Budhist race, they still retained the Hindoo faith, but neglected many of the arbitrary rules of caste. They eat flesh and drink wine ; hence all fellowship is avoided by the people of Hindostan, to whom they bear a rancorous hatred.* They are perhaps fonder than * Sir C. ISTapier proposed to raise forty thousand of them, to secure us against the preponderance of the Brahminical element in the army. Perhaps so many could not be got. A story which was much relished in the camp waa told of THE GOORKHAS. 99 any other race in India of the company of Europeans. They are very short in stature, with deep chests and wide shoulders, flat-nosed, broad-faced, and singularly ugly, but exceedingly daring, active, and athletic. Pitiless and bloodthirsty when roused, they still pre- serve a high ideal of honour, such as has been so long borne by the tribes of Kajpootana. Great temptations and immense bribes were offered to seduce them from our service. Even during action, voices were heard uiging them to change sides. The Kifles found frequent occasions of shewing the use they could make of their pieces ; and had we been able to spare others to guard the batteries, they might have been most usefully employed in picking off the enem/s artillerymen* Our other regiments were a Ghoorka and a Rifleman, who had followed a Brahmin soldier in one of these skirmishes. The last took refuge in a house, and closed the door. The Rifleman tried to push it open, but the Ghoorka went to the window, and coiling his compact little person into its smallest compass, waited for his enemy. Soon the point of a musket, then a head and long neck appeared. The Ghoorka sprang up, and seizing him by the locks, which clustered out of the back of his pugarie, he cut off his head with his cookry, ere the Brahmin could invoke Mahadeo. The little man was brought along with his trophy by the Rifleman, to receive the applause of his comrades, who were in the mood to enjoy a joke of this kind. ♦ On one occasion, ten Riflemen at the Sammy-house made such execution amongst the gumiers at the Moree bastion, that the battery was for a time abandoned. 100 SIEGE OF DELHL not yet armed with the rifle. This was the last great contest fought with the old musket.** During this never-ending fighting, our loss in killed and wounded was serious ; that of the enemy undoubtedly very great As they were almost con- tinually beaten back, their woimded were killed by our men, and whenever we had a chance of closing with them, they met with a rough handling. As the sepoys generally carried all their newly acquired plunder and savings on their persons, often in the form of gold moyadors, valuable spoil was sometimes taken from the bodies of the slain. To narrate each daily encounter would be tiresome. It is enough to describe the most notable. After unsuccessful attacks on the 10th and 11th June, on the morning of the 12th a number of their infantry collected in the gardens and covered ground near Sir T. ^letcalfe's house. This was a short dis- tance from the Flagstaff tower, where two light guns were placed under Lieutenant Bishop and a detach- ment of the 75th. The enemy stole along among the trees, and gathered about two hundred men in the racket-court close by the tower. They gained the * Some of the regiments that arrived later were armed with the rifle. The enemy also had riflemen, whom they used as sharpshooters. UNSUCCESSFUL ATTACK ON THE BRITISH POSITION. 101 brow of the ridge to the left, to take the giins in flank. These were hastily turned; but the enemy advanced in skirmishing order with great quickness and spirit Captain Knox of the 75th was killed with several men. The infantry sheltered themselves behind the tower, and the sepoys came within twenty yards of the guns. Four artillerymen were shot down, and the guns would have been lost, had not the 75th, recovering from their surprise, come forward and driven them back. This was so near the camp, that some of the bullets feU amongst the tents. Aid was at hand, and the Pandies were pursued with loss ; fifty or sixty of them were said to have been killed in the compound of Metcalfe's house, but no more than seven or eight bodies were found round the Flagstaff. They were all Hindoos. A little after, an attack was made on the Hindoo Rao picquet^ and large bodies of the enemy passed through the Subzi-Mundi into the gardens and thickets, close up to the mound on the right flank of our camp. Some guns were brought up to play upon them, and they were driven out with great loss by the 1st Fusiliers. Twenty of them were caught in the comer of a compound, and killed by the bayonet Some more took refuge in a serai. It was surrounded, the door broken open, and all killed ; 102 SIEGE OF DELHI. seventy corpses were counted. The attack on Hindoo Eao's was repulsed with effect by the Guides and Rifles. Many of the men slain belonged to the COth ^Nfative Infantry, which had been sent to meet its trial fight. These attacks were no doubt meant to be simultaneous, but, owing to the bad arrangement or insubordination in their ranks, took place at different periods of the day. We thus gained an easy victory with little loss. Great discouragement was felt in the city. Our spies reported they had five hundred missing. Perhaps this calculation was too high. The difficulty of our position was not understood in the stations in the Punjaub. AU waited with sleepless anxiety for the news of the fall of Delhi, which most of them expected would come in a few days. Officers, too, marching down to the camp, expressed their fears, that the city would be taken before they could possibly reach it Some false reports of its capture appeared in the Anglo-Indian newspapers. Much impatience and irritation were shewn at the delay. Voices were loud at every mess. Most of the officers in camp said we ought to go in at once. Among so many good officers, there were plainly few generals. Sir Henry Barnard seciiKHl at last driven to do something. The whole camp was roused at dead of night. Two infantry regiments AN ASSAULT PROJECTED AND AB.VNDONED. 103 were moved off towards the city. Two gates were to be blown in to give an entrance to our infantry, of which not more than eighteen hundred could be brought up. Directions were sent to withdraw the picquets, which made up half our little force ; but Brigadier Graves, who was in command of an important one, refused to do so, without a written order signed by the general and two witnesses. Sir Henry Barnard was weighing the dangers of the undertaking ; and the return of the aid-de-camp from his fruitless ride, inclined him to abandon the attempt The assault would most probably have failed The dawn was at hand ; we could not hope to succeed with the enemy on the alert. It was best as it was. A party, who went down by the gates, said all was quiet ; but there were some people lying outside them, who would most likely have started on our ap- proach. Even had we got in, our force was too weak to have kept up a prolonged struggle in the streets, and to have held both our own camp and that part of the city which we might have gained against the enemy, who were receiving powerful reinforcements every day. Kepulse would have been destruction. To prevent an attack like that of the 12th upon the Flagstaff tower, a large picquet was placed near Metcalfe's house. They occupied a strong position 104 SIEGE OF DELHI. on a small rising ground surrounded by trees, and in p the stables, the walls of which were heightened by sandbags. The thickets round about were cut down, as we could spare men to do it. Without forcing this picquet, the enemy could not pass in any number to our left, which was closed in by Metcalfe's house, standing hard by on the now half dried channel of the Jumna. It was attacked on the 15th in great force ; some fighting took place between the enemy and the 75th. Four horse artillery guns were brought down, and the sepoys driven away after a fierce struggle. Two or three days after, the enemy carried on a constant fire from all their heavy artillery. This was no doubt to prevent us noticing a battery, which they were constructing on the right of Hindoo Rao's hill to enfilade our whole position. Men were seen carrying baskets of earth, and some force was evidently collected across the road to our right. It was neces- sary to prevent this. About four hundred men of the 1st Fusiliers and 60th Rifles, with Tombs' troop of horse artillery, thirty horsemen of the Guides, and a few sappers and miners, were got ready. The com- mand was given to Major Tombs. Their destination was kept secret. Orders were given and counter- manded to confoimd the enemy's spies. Major Reid descended from Hindoo Rao's with the rifles and enemy's battery destroyed by reid and tombs. 105 Ghoorkas, while Tombs advanced towards the enemy's left, and our batteries poured their fire on the Lahore gate, whose guns might have reached our squadrons. At first their cavalry, seeing the fewness of our sowars, prepared to charge them, but recoiled at sight of our troops coming up behind. Their infantry, taken by surprise, fled without offering the least resistance, many leaving their arms and clothes behind them. Some threw themselves into a mosque. The walls of its courtyard were loopholed, and they began to fire at our men. Tombs had two horses kiUed under him. His bold bearing and loud voice made him the aim of the enemy. He ordered the riflemen to go up and fire into the loopholes till the doors could be forced. A train of gunpowder was got ready; a bag was attached to the gates; they were blown open, and thirty-nine sepoys were killed in the mosque. A nine jx)under gun was taken. Major Eeid on his side was also successful. He destroyed a battery and maga- zine, and set a village and serai on fire. Our whole loss was only three killed and fifteen wounded; Captain Brown of the Fusiliers, dangerously. A great peril averted by such small loss lightened the hearts of our men, and made them despise everything about the enemy, save their long shots. Sir Henry Barnard shewed his admiration of the 106 SIEGE OF DELHL gallantry and conduct of Tombs, in the most enthu- siastic manner. During the interview it was noticed a bullet had cut his arm. The same evening the old general appeared for a few minutes in the mess-tent of the Umballa artillery, and gave the highest and most heartfelt praise to the young officer. He had never seen greater coolness and courage, and a more perfect knowledge of his profession, than had been shewn by Major Tombs. This time the voice of the camp was also that of headquarters. Considerable dissatisfaction existed on the publication of general orders praising officers who had not distinguished themselves, and had no opportunities of so doing, and neglecting those who had borae the brunt of the fighting. But no such complaint could be made in this case. Tombs was henceforth the hero of the force. He had reached the aim of a soldier's life. On his first entry into the Company's army, he had served with great distinction in the wars of the Punjaub, and his talents had been marked by the keen and wise eye of Sir Charles Napier. He had been made brevet-major when only a lieutenant of artillery. His gallantry at Ghazeeoodeenuggur had made him conspicuous from the beginning of the siege of Delhi. He had had up to this date five horses shot imder him. Danger seemed to seek him out only to leave him untouched. TOMBS AND HODSON. 107 At this time he was in the flower of manhood ; above the middle height, broad shouldered, deep chested, aiid very handsomely made. He had coal-black hair, and beauty and strength seemed to struggle with one another in his countenance. Another name which b^an to vie with Harry Tombs was that of Hodson. Tliey seemed to have little in common save distinguished soldiership. Hodson entered the Company's army as a cadet of infantry, rather older and better educated than cadets generally are. He gained great credit as a dariug partisan officer in the wars of the I^njaub. After they were over. Sir Henry Lawrence had tried him in various tasks ; and by his countenance he rose to the command of the newly raised Guides. From this height he was pre- cipitated by an accusation of mismanagement in his regimental accounts. The opening of the mutiny foimd him doing duty with his original regiment, the 1st Fusiliers. But though the accusation, of which he was never found guilty, and which there is reason for believing was groundless,* still weighed him down, he was too well fitted for those dreadful times to keep ♦ All this was written before a perusal of the life of Hodson, publislieecially after the bridges over the canal were destroyed. Our commissariat, under the charge of Colonel Thomson, was perfect ; no convoy was ever surprised by the enemy, and the soldier never wanted his grog a day.* The medical * No merchant was allowed tx) sell any spirituous liquor in camp ; but an allowance of rum was given daily to the Europeans, and also to the Ghoorkas and Sikhs. By the Ghoorkas it was higldy valued, although their pay in the hills was too low to allow them to become habitual tlrinkers. The Sikhs sold it, if they could, to Europeans. This was the cause of many a case of dnmkenness. The craving for drink THE CAMP. 129 arrangements were as good as could be in the case. Two or three houses in the cantonment, that had escaped destruction, were used by some regiments as hospitals, but the sick, in general, were found to do better in tents. Though quinine was scarce we had always medicine, and a sufficient number of surgeons and apothecaries, and plenty of servants, even natives, to fan those who were very weak. The health of the men bore up welL The surgical operations were wonderfully successful. Cholera, dysentery, and fever were never absent, but not remarkably frequent. The wounded were despatched from time to time, in litters and covered waggons, to Umballa, where a great field hospital was established, under the care of Dr. Balfour, and the worst cases were sent from thence to the hills. The disposition of the men, both in camp and hospital, was stout and hearty, even gay ; or if sad, only for a moment. Our camp began to have more the appearance of with the latter was excessive. It was one of their keenest pangs on going into the hospital, that it was taken from them. On the walls of houses near their picquets demands for increased allowances were written in chalk. Some were very amusing — " We haven't half plenty of grog." " Gif us enoflFe grog.** " Plenty grog, plenty work." " Give us two totts and well go in," (i.^., to Delhi). " More grog." Then again, by a more sentimental hand — " You may talk of Salamanca, but future ages will talk of Delhi" 130 SIEGE OF DELHI. a town. The cantonment roads were very useful, and the native merchants repaired and reoccupied the shops of the old regimental bazaar. As the canal was close behind, our space was rather confined. Although 'many of the native foDowers and cattle were on the gardens and plains on the other side, there were still too many crowded together beside the troops ; and the little churchyard near was full of dead. It was difficult to keep in cleanness a place covered by so many men and cattle. Outside the camp it was worse ; a border of filth and rottenness, heaped with dead camels and horses, repelled all who ventured out to seek a little pure air. The favourite ride was along the ridge, though sometimes a round shot whizzed by. The Quartermaster's department was contiimally criticised ; they did all they could however. The scene was a very curious one. It is thus described in a letter, written at the time :* — What a sight our camp would be, even to those who visited Sebastopol! The long lines of t^nts, the thatched hovels of the native servants, the rows of horses tied by the heels, the parks of artillery, the English soldier * It appeared in the Tlmesj and is quoted in the Red Pamphlet. The author has taken the Hberty to alter it a little, as he has every right. THE CAMP. 131 in his grey cotton coat and trousers (lie has fought as well as ever without pipe-clay), the tall wiry Sikhs, with their long hair tied up behind their blue tur- bans ; the olive-complexioned Afghans, with their wild air, their gay head-dresses, and coloured saddle- cloths ; and the little Ghoorkas, their natural ugli- ness set off by black worsted hats and wooUen coats, the truest, bravest soldiers in our pay, dreadful and hideous as death. There are scarcely any poorbeahs left in our ranks, but of native servants many a score. In the rear are the booths of the native bazaars ; and farther out, on the plain beyond, the thousands of bullocks, Camels, and horses, that carry our baggage. The officers are talking by their tents, the men are loitering through the lines or in the bazaars. Sud- denly the alarm is sounded ; every one rushes to his tent ; the infantry soldier seizes his musket, and slings on his pouch ; the artnieryman gets his guns harnessed ; the Afghan rides out to explore. In a few minutes every one is in his place. Troops are moved towards the points that are attacked ; they return towards evening faint and weary, leaving some of their number in the hospital-tents. The slain are sewed up in sacks, to be carried to the churchyard in the morning. The chaplain of the force is always ready, or the priest, if the dead be of the Eomish 132 SIEGE OF DELHI. Church. A few words, a few shovelfuls of earth, mayhap a few tears, and all is done ! The general was continually urged by the hotter spirits in camp, since we were so much stronger, to attempt to carry the town. He yielded so far, that the engineer oflScers were directed to make plans ; and various ingenious devices, to blow in the gates and get over the walls, were submitted. It was assumed that, this obstacle crossed, we were in possession of Delhi. We could bring only three thousand men to the attack, the enemy certainly ten times as many. According to the maxims of regular warfare, the besiegers ought to be three times the number of the besieged. We could not hope to reach the walls without their knowledge. Tliere was ever>^ proof that the enemy was well informed of our motions ; and, indeed, it was certain, that one night, when several infantry regiments were ordered under arms, the alarm was sounded an hour after in the city. Tlie chance of a surprise hung upon the improbability of one of our thousand waver- ing sepoys, syces, grass-cutters, or cam]>-followers not leaving an open camp to bear news, for which he would be well rewarded. Even supposing we crossed the ditch and scaled the wall, the fight must be pro- longed in hundreds of narrow streets, barricaded, swept by camion, and held by an enemy who had REASONS AGAINST AN ASSAULT. 133 already she\\m that they were inferior to none in this species of warfare. When we could not drive the enemy out of the few summer-houses in the Subzi- Mundi, how could we clear all the massive buildings and narrow streets in Delhi, against the whole rebel force, and the armed rabble of the town ? And who, in the meantime, was to guard the long line of our camp, full of sick and wounded men, and our bat- teries, and Hindoo Rao's HiU? Our position was getting better every day ; the weak points of our camp had been strengthened, the enemy could no longer bring their artillery to meet us in the rear, nor attack us in front, without passing through the fire of our own ; they had not been able, after repeated attacks, to force our most advanced picquets on the right ; and the Jumna, swollen by the rains, covered our left flank. The health of our men was good ; our rear was open; the Punjaub was quiet We were reoc- cupying some of the revolted districts ; we expected reinforcements from every side — a hope not then known to be groundless. The tide of rebellion was full, and must begin to ebb. And were we then to run straight upon the only peril we could foresee, to hazard the chance of our ladders being dashed from the walls, and our being driven back under the easy havoc of their artillery, with a thousand or fifteen 134 SIEGE OF DELHI. hundred men killed and wounded ;* the tidings of our slaughter to be borne by their swiftest couriers to every sepoy regiment, and every native prince in India. The Punjaub would have risen ; Scindia and Holkar would have been compelled to do something or quit their thrones. The Bombay army would have followed, with Scinde, and Madras, and the Nizam's force, at no distant day. Not all the strength of Great Britain could then have gained India back. Everything depended on our being constantly suc- cessful. These rash counsels, therefore, appeared eveiy day more strikingly foolish, and at last were echoed only by mouths from which one never expected anything else. About this time Colonel Laughton of the Engi- neers was superseded, and Colonel Baird Smith arrived in camp to fill his place. He was a great accession, as none of the engineer officers, though some of them were men of great ability, had sufficient weight and rank to recommend any decided course of action. Brigadier Graves, and another old general, left about the same time. All that engineers could do at * Much may be done in India by boldness, but very much lost by ill success. Assaults do not always succeed. In attacks upon mud forts, the average of failure has been five in seven. WORK OF THE ENGINEEIIS. 135 present was to strengthen the camp, cut down the trees, and demolish the houses round the picquets ; to examine the ground, make fascines and sandbags, raise sappers and bands of workmen, and have every- thing ready for the time of assault. At this period we could not approach the city walls. Indeed, a good portion of the enemy was encamped outside, under cover of their guns. 13() SIEGE OF DELHI. CHAPTER VII. On the 1st of July the bridge of boats was seen to be broken, owing to the Jumna being flooded, and a large force appeared on the other side. Tliis was the army so eagerly expected from Eohilcund, the Bareilly brigade, and the mutinous regiments from Moradabad and Shahjehanpoi*e, about three thousand men. They had plundered these three stations, with the treasuries, and murdered almost all the ofi&cers. They brought with them an enormous quantity of spoiL Their upstart leaders were riding in the carriages of their victims. They crossed the Ganges leisurely, and lay several days at Babooghar, near Meerut, destroying the stud buildings and killing the syces. General Hewitt at Meerut had a thousand men under him, but nothing could prevail upon him to send out a force to attack them. We saw them encamp on the other bank of the Jumna, in tents taken from our stores. It was two days before they all got over to Delhi. Tlie men were most of them ferried over at night, for fear of BTJKHT KHAN. ] 37 our artillery, though the place where they crossed was almost out of range. They were commanded by one Bukht Khan, an old subahdar of artillery. He was well known to many officers of that arm in camp. They described him as a big fat man, obsequious, fond of the society of Europeans, and very intelligent. He soon gained a great influence over the old King of Delhi, and was made commander-in-chief. He, how- ever, was much opposed and thwarted by the fierce Mirza Mogul, who had been appointed to that dignity from the very beginning of the outbreak. The troops as a body were dissatisfied with the elevation of Bukht Khan, and addressed a petition to the king * stating that he was only an officer of artillery, and not fit to command an army, and begging that Mirza Mogul should still keep the leadership. Bukht Klian advised that a separate brigade should be fonned for the prince, out of the Delhi and Meerut regiments. The king, who was dissatisfied with the insubordi- nate conduct of the princes, favoured the wily old soldier. He was, besides, supported by a powerful and zealous portion of the Mahomedans, being a wahabi or reformer, a sect which had many ad- herents at that time in Delhi. Bukht Elhan re- mained an important leader in the rebel army, till ♦ See King's Trial, p. 169. g2 138 SIEGE OF DELHI. he was killed at the battle of Nawabgunge, in the Oude campaign. Tliere was now a very large army in the hands of the insurgent leaders, probably not less than thirty thousand men.* But there was little union; the more regiments the more jostlings took lAace, On the whole they obeyed their officers, who were princi- pally from their own ranks, with greater docility than most Asiatic races would have done under the cir- cumstances ; but nothing could be accomplished without a great deal of squabbling and coaxing. Every scheme of attack had to be submitted to so many, that it was liable to be communicated to us by * Hodson calculated the strength of the rebel army at 36,000 men ; Norman, 30,000, about the middle of August Tlie editor of Hodson's Letters says, "It was ultimately ascer- tained that there were 70,000 or 75,000." From official returns it appears tliis was greater than the number of troops who mutinied. 58,230 is the number given ; 26,750 dis- banded or disarmed, 5000 would likely cover all the irregular soldiers or volunteers in Delhi. It is, however, possible this last calculation is too low. A great many jahadis or devotees came to Dellii, but turned back when they saw that no pro- vision was made for their subsistence. Very gross exa^eration is noticeable in newspaper estimates of the enemy's numbers throughout the war. Tlie follo\\'ing is the report of the strength of the Bengal army before the mutiny, 1st April 1857 : — Cavalry— European, 1,418. Infantry— European, 19,686. Native, 26,4 1 1 . Native, 1 4 1 ,632. THE REBEL ARMY. 139 our spies before it could be executed. Any plan that required co-operation was sure to miscarry, one party being beaten off before the other came up. Men who threw themselves into dangerous positions could not rely upon the help of their comrades to bring them off. If the system of seniority had spoilt our own high commands, it had done the same with theirs. Old and worn out subahdars became colonels of regi- ments. Sometimes, however, they were degraded for men of greater vigour and ability. They still kept up the type and traditions of their old regiments. Native doctors, who had studied in our Presidency colleges, and had been trained in our hospitals, tended the wounded ; but not many of this class had fol- lowed their regiments. They had had four com- manders-in-chief, and often two or three would fight and intrigue for the leadership. They said, however, that we were worse off, and had put two Lath Sahibs to death, because they could not carry the town. Perceiving that a great deal of information was be- trayed to us, they were very suspicious. Native Christians, or people who could speak English, were seized and blown away from the guns (a lesson we had the honour of teaching them), on the merest conjecture, and men were continually being seized as spies. They hanged one of their own golundazes 14)0 SIEGE OF DELHI. because he had got a mine dug under a bastion. Spies were placed around some of their principal leaders. A great part of the Sikhs in Delhi, it was known, wished to come over to our side ; but they were carefully watched, and had no chance of escaji- ing save during action, when they feared that the Europeans would kill them. A great many deser- tions took place. Of course any equivocal fight was claimed as a victory, although the citizens could not fail having a poor idea of the triumphs of the sepoys, since they witnessed most of the battles from the walls. Plenty of boasting went on in the bazaars, as no one liked to contradict men who carrietl loaded guns with them, and considered murder a mere amusement. They brought on one occasion an elephant, and on another two guns which they pre- tended to have taken in our batteries. Their spies, too, often brought in most absurd stories, such as that we had nothing to eat but grain (wliich is ordinarily used for horses), and that their bombs went through the air, crying " coffin, coffin," and burst with murderous effect. Such imaginary successes could not destroy the natural influence of actual defeats. They became dispiiit^d, and were continually fighting with one another. Those regiments which had got no plunder envied and railed at their richer brethren. "The THE REBEL ARMY — THE KING. 141 king,** says a native, who lived a month in Delhi during the siege, ** sends sweetmeats for the forces in the field ; and the guard at door of city — ^plunder it like the property of an enemy." ** The bravery of the royal troops deserves every praise ; they are very clever indeed. When they wish to leave the field of battle they tie a piece of rag on their leg, and pretend to have been wounded, and come into the city halting and groaning, accompanied by their friends."* Part of the soldiers were leading a dissolute life, breaking into the houses of citizens and debauching their wives and daughters, ordering their husbands and fathers out to fight Only the best of the sepoys would go to battle. The king paid them at first four annas a day, and one rupee for each trooper. In the beginning of July he was compelled to reduce it one half, and often the troops were days at a time without food. The king held durbars in the alabaster pillared hall * Our information about the state of Delhi is taken from many sources, news letters and oral communications from spies, as well as from accounts of natives and native Christians after the capture. The quotations are taken from the short description of a native, in the Lahore Chronicle, July 26, 1857. The Trial of the King, published as a Blue Book, gives much information on all points. 142 SIEGE OF DELHL of his ancestors. The vast chamber was filled with cushions, on which sat chiefs, moulvies, and courtiers, mixed up with the sepoy officers, who took rank according to the date of their commissions under a power, whose medals they wore on their breasts, and whose cannon were booming in their ears. The gaudy screens and banners half clad the naked old hall, with its wan splendour and broken mosaics. The memory of ancient days was too strong ; the tinsel draperies seemed lil^e funeral serge — the walls, worn and mouldy, like a sepulchral vault. A spectral doting black old wretch, crouched upon the lofty throne of Aurangzib, deploring the mischiefs he had brought on his own head, and phrasing Mahomedan cant about the might of destiny and the wUl of God. The Orientals are not legitimists. At first his au- thority had been much respected, but soon began to fade. The sepoy leaders did not trust him, and up- braided and browbeat him in full divan. His grand- son, the heir apparent, who, with the shahzadah Mirza Mogul, was the real head of the court, was at open feud with Bukht Khan, the sepoy general The king complained that the sepoy officers galloped their horses through the passage to the Hall of Audience, while the highest officials of the English had always dismounted and come on foot. He tried THE PRINCES AND THE COURT. 143 shutting the gates, leaving only a wicket to pass through ; but they made them be opened. He was also much disgusted at their attending his durbars negligently dressed and with their arms. " The princes are made officers to the royal army — thousand pities for the poor luxuiious princes. They are sometimes compelled to go out of the door of the city in the height of the sun ; — ^their hearts palpitate at the firing of muskets and guns. Un- fortunately, they do not know how to command an army ; their forces laugh at their imperfections, and abuse them for their bad arrangements." Sometimes the princes and courtiers would come into the batteries, when the firing was slack, with gay shields on their arms, and wrapped in jewelled Cashmere shawls ; but a round shot would send them down the slope tumbling over one another. "The noblemen and begums, together with the princes, regret the loss of their joyful days. They consider the arrival of mutineers at Delhi as sudden misfortune for them. The princes" (accustomed to a courtly Persian dialect) ** cannot understand the sepoys without an interpreter. His Majesty is very much alarmed when a shell has burst in the castle, and the princes shew his Majesty the pieces of it. Many of the royal family have left the palace through 144 SIEGE OF DELHI. fear." A short time after the king removed his zenana out of the city to the kootub. He sent an emissary into our camp, and offered to betray the sepoys, to throw open the gates, and admit our troops into the palace, provided liis own safety and that of his family shoukl be guaranteed, and his former pen- sion continued. The offer was forwarded to the Cliief Commissioner for his advice and decision. Sir John Lawrence thought it might be accepted, if the king and princes coukl clear themselves of the muiiler of Europeans. But it was surely better to keep clear of all negotiations, than to neutralize them by a condi- tion, which we could not have rendered operative, even had it been accepted, without exposing ourselves to the suspicion of bad faith. Lord Canning, with more dignity, but i)erhaps with a less keen sense of our difficulties in the North-west, forbade any such bargaining being listened to.* At the same time, the court was straining all its resources of fanaticism and eastern diplomacy to destroy us. The king had still many devoted adherents — native chiefs who had joined their fate with his, or who wished to make their fortunes by him ; fakirs, who would rim the risk of being blown away from the gims, to preach rebellion * This fact was noticed in Parliament, and admitted, with the quahfication, by the idolaters of Sir John. RELIGIOUS EXCITEMENT IN DELHI. 145 all over India ; fanatics, who saw the green mantle of the Iman Ali, and heard the clank of his charger in the jungles as they sped on their way. Patriots are not common in India ; but there might be some who rose against the subjection of their race. Learned moulvies from all parts flocked to Delhi to excite the soldiers by their oratory. The mosques rang with militant harangues. A kind of Mahomedan re- vival took place ; high-caste Hindoo soldiei-s were converted to El Islam ; even Brahmins broke their threads. The Imaun Mendhe was coming to chase the infidels from the earth, and begin the millennium of the faithful. There were many able and astute heads too in Delhi, who understood all the arts of statesmanship. Great efforts were made to gain over the native princes, and to induce those who wished iU to the British to commit themselves. Envoys were despatched to Cabul and Cashmere, and two men sent in the disguise of religious mendicants to Persia. A soothsayer, who had great reputation at Court, kept up their spirits by promises of speedy relief from that quarter. It was the subject of conversation in the palace night and day ; and the approach of the Shah's army by Cabul was again and again reported, tiU at last the news writer quoted the proverb, " A Brahmin only believes in the promise of a feast when he sees H 146 SIEGE OF DELHL it." Everything was done to bring all the mutinous regiments to Delhi, especially the Gwalior Contin- gent ; and to corrupt the Bombay army, whose ranks were full of Oude sepoys. The Gwalior mutineers were detained by the art of the Maharajah till the siege was over. Though completely at their mercy, he managed to save the lives of all the Europeans wlio had taken refuge with him. The authority of the king stretched over a great l)art of the revolted districts, and was acknowledged nominally in Eohilcund and Oude;* but the meshes of the net were loose and often torn. He might send * Khan Bahadur Khan sent a petition and vakiel through the medium of Bukht Khan. He sent also an elephant, a horse with silver ornaments, and a hundred and one gold mohurs, as presents. P. 164. Three or four of the Lucknow mutinous regiments ad- dressed petitions to the king, in which they stated they woidd proceed to Delhi after they had made themselves masters of Oude, and added that they had besieged the British in Bailie Guard. Kudrat-ulla Khan Risaldar, accompanied by a hun- dred sowars, also brought a petition from all the Oude troops, and was introduced into the king's presence by Bukht Khan. He presented the coin recently struck in the name of Bahadur Shah. The impression on the coin was as follows : — " Siraj-ud-din Bahadur Shah Ghazi has struck in gold the coin of victory." The petitioners stated that they had elevated a son of Wajid Ali Shah on the gaddi, on the condition that he should be the Wazir of Bahadur Shah, and acknowledge allegiance WEAKNESS OF THE KING'S AUTHORrTY. 147 forth governors of cities and provinces, and reverse old decisions in favour of his own adherents, but the villagers would not pay tribute till they saw who gained, and rarely obeyed any one save their own head men. He could plunder the country round about Delhi, but could not protect his adherents in Hansi and Hissar, or near Meerut and Saharunpore, from the Compan/s troops. There was no order even in Delhi. All was dirt and confusion. In the streets violence and murder were common and unpunished. During the four months there were as many kotwals or police magistrates. The king wished justice should be administered by muftis and sudr-ul-sudrs, who should be under his own control only. It was im- possible, however, to prevent the princes or soldiers from interfering, or to make them submit to any civil authority. There was a fierce riot between the Hin- doos and the Mahomedans, because the latter wished to kill a cow. The Mahomedans were very much displeased that their king would not uphold them in doing so, in spite of the idolaters. The sepoys swag- gered about, plundered and sometimes murdered the to that king. They added that they had caused the prince to write down an agreement to that effect, and had further ex- plained to him that he had been raised to the throne subject to the sanction of the king. P. 161. See evidence of Hakim UhBun Ulla, physician to the king. Trial. 148 SIEGE OF DELHI. bunneahs for demanding the price of their goods. The king had to interpose to prevent them picqueting their horses in the Chandney Choke. They were con- tinually breaking into the houses of the richest, under pretence of seeking for Europeans concealed in them. Pew shops in the bazaar were open ; the merchants in the neighbourhood had found it advisable to leave their premises. " The citizens are extremely sorry for losing their safety, and curse the mutineere from morning to evening ; poor people and workmen starve, and widows cry in their huts.** Bukht Khan tried to check the license of the soldiery, but one man could do little. The sepoys could lodge where they pleased, and when not engaged in the field, it was difficult to exert any restraint over them. The report, however, brought by spies and fugitives of our stem doings in the Punjaub kept their force imited ; and, after all, they held well together, consideiing the many temptations to discord, and the conduct of some of the most civilized nations under circumstances less untoward. On the 2d of July, three Poorbeah officers made an attempt to bring over Coke's regiment to the enemy. Addressing themselves to a Sikh officer, and bewailing the inevitable downfall of the English rule, they added, " what is the use of us staying here ? Let THREE NATIVE OFFICERS SHOT IN CAMP. 149 US kill as many of the Feringhees as we can, and make away to Delhi. See how few they are ! They will all be shot in the end. From the King of Delhi our reward will be magnificent, and our name will be great" The Sikh assented to everything, but after- wards denounced the men. One of them was a native officer with the order of merit, a renowned soldier, and a man of great influence. It was feared his arrest would suffice to bring on a mutiny. He was brought to the Head-quarter camp ; a court-martial was in- stantly formed : ** Never mind reporting the proceed- ings,** said Chamberlain, " I shall do so myself." The Sikh gave his evidence, and the men were sentenced to be hanged. They were asked if they had anything to say, why death should not be pronounced upon them. The native officer answered with a scornful laugh, he did not know of what he was accused. In truth there was some reason for doubt, yet delay would have been madness. One native is perfectly capable of swearing away the life of another through pure malice, much more a Punjaubee that of a Poor- beah, especially when he gains rank by his death ; but our position compelled us to act with decision even in doubtful cases. The whole thing was over in half an hour, and the Poorbeah company, to which they belonged, was paid off. Tlie men met their fate 150 SIEGE OF DELHI. with indifference, only asking to be shot instead of hanged. Affairs far more questionable than this pained no- body's conscience. Distrust, exasperation, and con- tinual bloodshed, had made both men and officers suspicious and crueL A Poorbeah's life was thought less of than a dog's : one day an officer at picquet caused seven harmless villagers to be shot as spies. Two men were hanged because they said our raj was at an end. An officer sent a note, saying he was suspicious of one of his soldiers ; the man was led away forthwith to be hanged. A courier ran forward to a European sentinel, holding up a letter in his hand, which he had brought at the hazard of his life. The soldier took the letter from him, and then told him to fly ; the man turned about to nm, when the ruffian shot him through the back. Bukht Khan moved out on the 3d July, and towards the evening advanced upon Alipore, one march to our rear. He expected to find our convoy of wounded men going to UmbaUa, and very nearly surprised a squadron of Punjaub cavalry, who got away in time. * A force of about three hundred horse, * Mr. Rotton says that the Sikh guard at Alipore, fifty or sixty men, were all slain. Tliis was a false report. Mr. Greathed in Hs letters, makes the same mistake. On this point, see Letter in Lahore Ch'onkle, July 8th, 1857. Mr, BX7KHT KHAN AT ALIPORE. 151 eight hundred foot, and twelve guns, was put under the command of Major Coke (who had gained great distinction in the skirmishes of the Peshawur border), to intercept him. The enemy were now returning from Alipore along the further side of the canal. After lying under arms till daylight was well advanced, we crossed the bridge that was in our possession, and came in fuU sight of the sepoy force crossing a wide plain towards Delhi, several large bodies of cavalry, with artiUeiy, covering their foot. Our light guns were brought into action ; but were ordered to un- limber almost out of range. Tlie enemy returned our fire, and their infantry and cavalry moved off leisurely. Our foot did not come up in time to close with them. A few who had lagged behind, sought refuge in a vil- lage, where they were all killed. The plunder taken from Alipore feU into our hands, with a number of other articles, including a complete field case of surgical instruments. The unfortunate village was sacked, and the troops returned to camp with a spe- cious appearance of success, driving oxen laden with spoil, and hauling goats and calves along with them ; Coke's regiment showing remarkable knowledge of the art of securing and carrying off their plunder. Rotton is also in error, when he says, that we kiUed about a hundred of the enemy ; no more than forty or fifty could have perished. 152 SIEGE OF DELHL Some women, whom they wished to take with them, were rescued by the Europeans. Our men returned completely exhausted by the heat ; indeed many of the 61st sank down beneath trees, and our elephants had to be sent from camp to cany them in. A body of the enemy, who had been sent out to support Bukht Khan, attacked us with some cavalry as we approached the Subzi-Mundi, but were repulsed. A chief from Kohat, who had raised eighty horse to assist us, was imfortunately killed. Everybody in camp blamed Coke for the failure of this enterprise. His infantry came up as quickly as they could through the muddy ground, but they were a quarter of an hour too late. " It is always these quarters of hours," Napoleon said, " that decide the fate of an action." At any rate the enemy had gained no glory. It was amazing, that the largest reinforcement they had received should be content to spend two days in the field in pillagiDg the baggage of a few horse- men, and should make off after having lost it On the morning of the 5th, Sir Henry Barnard, who had been indisposed through the night, and whose constitution was sinking under incessant anxiety and exposure, shewed imequivocal s}Tnptoms of cholera. The disease appears to have struck him down with more than usual force. AH attempts to DEATH OF SIR H. BAENAED. 153 support him against it were vain ; and at three o'clock the chief, who yesterday could move thousands of armed men, was lying dead in his tent ; his flag was struck, his voice never to be heard again. His fate was very affecting. Arriving in an upcountry station a few weeks before the native army disappeared in mutiny ; knowing nothing of the language, cha- racter, or habits of the people, with whom he had to deal ; called, by the death of General Anson, to lead a large force for the first time, he was obliged to de- pend upon others both for advice and instruction. This gave an appearance of indecision to his measures, and caused to himself the most cruel anxiety. He was a courteous gentleman and a gallant soldier, and was regretted aU over the camp ; — for his mild and generous disposition and heroic courage had made him loved, even by those who criticised a procrasti- nation which they traced to him, without being able to shew either that the line of conduct was wrong, or that he was the cause of its being pursued. He was buried with as much ceremony as we could afford. The rude wooden coffin was borne to the churchyard on a gun-waggon, and lowered by the men of his Lancer escort Every one pitied his son Captain Barnard, who had served as an aid-de-camp with the force. He left soon after to make his way to Europe. 154} SIEGE OF DELHI. CHAPTER VIII. On the death of Sir Henry Barnard, the command recurred to General Reid, who was scarcely in good enough health to hold it. [Many of the more active duties were given to Chamberlain, whose influence was paramount. His first proceeding was a wise one, and ought to have been adopted long before. All the bridges crossing the canal were blo^^^l up. A large escort was sent out to destroy one over the Nuff- jugher canal cut, which was accomplished before the enemy knew where we were going. The Pool Chud- der aqueduct, through which the canal water flowed into the city, was also broken. The enemy were now shut out from our rear, and supplies became more plentiful in camp, as the countiy people could no longer take their carts over the bridges to Delhi Van Cortlandt's force in the Hansi and Hissar district was also doing us good service. On the morning of the 9th July, the enemy's fire suddenly became unusually hot ; a number of new pieces were brought into position on the bastions ; shot and shell poured on our batteries, and some bombs SOWARS FALL UPON THE MOUND PICQUET. 155 were thrown into the camp. They turned out in great force, but we were on the alert. Almost abreast of the mound, on our right hand, but a little farther to our rear, was a raised ground, covered by a Maho- medan cemetery, thickly planted with trees ; beside it was a fakir's house. Between it and the mound ran a path among some gardens, to the trunk road leading througK the Subzi-Mundi. A sowar was stationed at the end of it as sentry ; and by the foot of the mound there was a picquet, consisting of two horse artillery guns, under Lieutenant Hills, a body of the Carabiniers, commanded by Lieutenant Stillman, and some cavalry of the 9th Irregulars, under a native officer. The mound battery was gene- rally covered with spectators ; but, as it was raining hard, every one that possibly could had taken shelter. Some native horsemen were seen approaching, and the officer beside the guns was asked to fire upon them. He was unwilling to do so, as they might be friends. One of the 9th Irregulars was sent out to see who they were, but did not come back. In a moment about a hundred and fifty sowars swept round by the fakir's enclosure upon the picquet. The carabiniers turned and fled without firing a shot, leaving their officer behind. The 9th Irregulars sat passive on their horses ; Lieutenant HiUs ordered his guns to be 156 SIEGE OF DELHI. unlimbered, but there was no time. The idea of creating a diversion for a moment, by charging the enemy, came into his mind. He spurred his horse upon them, cut down one or two, but was presently unhorsed. The artillerymen galloped off with the guns towards the park, and the enemy's troopers rode away to the rear. HiUs was left lying on the ground ; his sword had flown out of his hand, and a sowar was stooping over him to kill him, when Major Tombs, who had run out of his tent on the first alarm, seeing the danger of his subaltern, fired his pistol about the distance of thirty yards, and dropped the man. Hills was on his legs, and had again got his sword, when they saw another sowar going off with the young officer's pistoL They both set upon him ; he was a nimble fellow and good swordsman, and for a minute kept them both at bay. He brought Hills to the ground with a severe cut on the head, and made a powerful stroke at the other, dividing his pugarie and forage cap to the hair, when he received the deadly thrust of Tombs.* * I believe this to be the most correct account of the affair liitherto published. A shorter one was given by the author in the Times. !Mr. Rotton's is very confused. Norman is in error in believing the artiller}Tnen did not nm away. A friend of mine saw them doing so, though it was fiercely denied by the artillery officers at the time. Where, for- THE SOWARS IN THE CAMP. 157 While these two heroes were gaining the Victoria cross, the sowars rode up to the tents of Eenny's black troop of artillery. f*Get your guns ready," cried they, "and come away with us to Delhi." The artillerymen answered, "Who are you that give us orders? We obey only our own officers." They called on Major Olpherts' troop to fire through their bodies upon the enemy. The alarm brought some men of the hospital tents of the JuUundur artillery, and three of them were sabred. One officer was thrown over, and escaped by counterfeiting death. A fellow, seeing a horse belonging to the apothecary standing near, changed his saddle, and left his own hack instead. The alarm was sounded abrupt and loud, but there was little need for it. The camp followers, whose booths and little tents had taken the form of a tiny bazaar behind the artillery lines, were flying in all directions, to escape the * Dihliwallahs,' who killed several of them. The Sikhs were plundering their deserted shops. The servants were running to the 800th, were they when Tombs and Hills were struggling with the sowars ? Some said the enemy were joined by the Irregulars. This was not the case ; only five went away with the mutinous cavalry, and one of them was wounded. They, however, did nothing against them. I give this account on the faith of my friend and of Major Tombs, whose story I had once the honour of hearing. 158 SIEGE OF DELHI. officers' tents with their arms aud horses. Bullets were hissing about from foes and bewildered friends. The enemy remained but a short time in our camp ; a long series of alarms had tauglit the soldiers to turn out at a minute's notice, and the report, that the 9th Irregulars had played traitors and were sabrmg our men, filled their breasts with fuiy. The sowars began to find the place too hot. Kenny had shot several of them with his revolver ; the guns on the mound were turned upon them, and a shot came now and then from the 1st Fusiliers, who were forming, of themselves, to oppose theuL Captain Fagan of the Foot artillery, rushing out of his tent, caught a horse, and gathering together a few of the carabiniers, killed about a dozen of them. Most of them turned back the way they came. Some left their horses and escaped across the canal ; about thirty dashed along the road by the back of the churchyard, and over the bridge, cutting down a European and some natives on the way, and off across the plain. They passed Hodson, with a body of cavaliy, on the road to Alipore, telling him they belonged to the 9th Irregulars. About thirty-five of them had fallen, including the man who led them to this daring exploit. The Lancers, who formed a part of our picquet to TREATMENT OF NATIVES IN THE CAMP. 159 the rear, would have pursued, but at that very time were threatened by a party of the enemy. The infantry, finding no one to fight with, turned their rage on a number of defenceless servants, who had coUected for refuge near the churchyard. Several wretches were butchered, some hiding behind the tombs. One woman was shot through the breast. It is idle to say they mistook them for sepoys ; so many sanguinary fights and executions had brutalised our men, who now regarded the life of a native as of less value than that of the meanest of animals ; nor had their officers endeavoured, either by precept or exam- ple, to correct them. Next day twenty-three syces, companions of those who had been killed, took the road to their homes. Men of humanity were shocked, and this made the most reckless reflect. There were ten natives for every European in camp. In every troop of artillery there were four times as many natives as Europeans ; in the cavalry two men for every horse ; without them the work could not go on. An inquiry was made into the affair, which, however, ended in nothing. The spirit of exaspera- tion, which existed against natives at this time, will scarcely be believed in Europe. Servants, a class of men who behaved on the whole throughout the mutiny with astonishing fidelity, were treated even by many of 160 SIEGE OF DELHI. the officers with outrageous harshness. The men beat and ill-used thenL In the batteries they would make the bheesties, to whom they shewed more kindness than to the rest, sit out of the works to give them water. Many of the unfortunates were killed. The sick syces, grass cutters, and dooly bearers, many of whom were wounded in our service, lay for months on the groimd, exposed to the sun by day and to the cold at night ; and it was with difficulty that one or two medical men could get, for those imder their care, a few yards of canvas, or a reed hut, under which they might huddle together. Tlie tone of conversation at mess, carried on in the hearing of numerous servants, was too often wild and fierce. A general massacre of the inhabitants of Delhi, a large number of whom were known to wish us success, was openly pro- claimed. Bloodthirst}' boys might be heard recom- mending that all the native orderlies, irregulars, and other poorbeahs in our camp, should be shot. These sentiments were not those of all, nor of the best and wisest, but few ventured to gainsay them.* It was * If the reader is doubtful of the correctness of this, let hiiu mark the spirit of Mr. Cooler's " Crisis in the Punjaub." Tlie folIo^\ing appeared in the Lalwrt Chronicle of 8th July, at that time the only established newspaper in the north-west, every issue of which was full of such, headed — " Death fo the Pandies," " Wanted, a hangman," " How to finish the muti- STATE OF FEELING IN THE CAMP. 161 even found impossible to make the most violent understand, that no one wished the guilty to escape, but that some rude precautions ought, if possible, when we conquered, to be taken, not to mingle the innocent in the same fate. The accusation of weak- ness was made against those who tried to stop this dangerous tide of feeling, as if cruelty could not be the fault of a weak mind, and clemency the sign of a strong one ; as if being carried by the stream was any proof of self-reliance. One must, however, remember neers," " Sparing the rebels," &c. " Dear sir, what will your soft-hearted advocates of pardon to the rebels and mutirieerH say to the following passage of Holy Writ ? — * daughter of Baby- lon, happy shall he be that regardeth thee as thou hast served us ; blessed shall he be, that taketh the children and throweth them against the stones.'" What woidd the Peace Society have done in such a state of atfau's as now existed at Delhi ? It is necessary to note that there were no members of that Society in India ; and no one in England would read the Lahore Chronicle^ and nobody wished rebels, at ^at time at least, to be spared, jVIt. Colvin's proclamation having been liooted to death. Even the mutineers themselves never expected to obtain mercy. The assumption reminds us of the beginning of a satire in an Indian journal upon some people, who, it appears, wished mercy for the Nana (when he was at large) — "Forgive the Nana Sahib, forgetting the atrocity ; although in truth he far surpassed a tiger in ferocity." One gentleman proposed that the bocUes of the mutineers should be burned after death. Mr. Rotton says, " The day concluded with the destruction of every one of the rebels composing the force." What can this mean ? H 2 162 SIEGE OF DELHI. that the provocation was unparalleled. There was scarcely an officer in camp who had not lost some near relation, many of them murdered in the most perfidious manner ; and perhaps the one-half of them were fighting against their own mutinous soldiers, from whom they had escaped Human nature could not be more severely tried ; and the prudent man will hesitate to say, whether he would have borne it better. Nor can one help admiring the haughty and unbending attitude, the entire absence of conciliation, assumed by the English in those dreadful times, although he may be sorry that a high ideal was disfigured by the baser feelings with which it was blended In the meantime, our picquets in the Subzi-Mundi foimd it difficult to hold their own. They were attacked by a large body of the enemy, some of whom got up on the flat roof of a high house overlooking the serai, which we held. What a mistake not to have burned it before ! The roof and courtyard of the serai were instantly untenable. Troops wei*e sent to the house ; the door of the courtyard was broken open, and several attempts made by our Sikhs to fight their way up the nari'ow staircase that wound to the top. A jemadar and sevei-al men were killed ; a round shot, which struck the roof from the moimd battery, seems to have made the enemy relax in their FIGHT m THE SUBZKAnJNDI. 163 resistance. Twenty of them escaped by a back door, putting those who guarded it to flight, and killing two Sikhs. The rest were bayonetted by our soldiers ; fourteen bodies were counted next morning on the roof, which the exaggeration of rumour had raised to fifty over night. A number of our own men, who had advanced too far, were surrounded in a serai by a large body of the enemy, and had to cut their way out. Tlie fighting went on for several hours, but the enemy saw the difference between their holding tlie Subzi-Mundi against us, and our holding it against them. At some points they brought their artillery to bear upon us. It ended by our troops driving them back, when they suffered severely from the fire of our batteries in returning to the city. Our loss was two hundred and twenty-three men hors de combat, among -whom was one officer killed, and eight wounded. The loss of the enemy could scarcely have been under five hundred. One hundred and thirty-eight bodies were buried by our men. Many visited the Subzi- Mundi next morning, to see the scene of fight or to dtrip the slain. Many dead were lying about, — corpses of strong muscular men, some of them wearing the scarlet coat, which we had so long thought the badge only of a friend, and some in native dress, their white cotton robes soaked in the blood of their death- 164 SIEGE OF DELHL wounds, their bodies nibbled over by the bites of jackals, and covered with swaims of flies. Nine corpses were lying in a pit to be buried, each stiffened into the attitude in which death had been met, heaped confusedly the one on the other. Much talking took place about the behaviour of the 9th. There was no doubt that the inroad into our camp had been planned between some of the 9th Irregulars and the 8th in Delhi. Every one thought they should at least be disarmed, and the faithful Golundazes rewarded. The contrary measure found favour with Chamberlain, who had once served with the 9th. They were sent to the Punjaub, many of them deserting on the way * and Kenny's artillerymen ordered to be disarmed. Much representation was made to stop this latter measure. The answer was, that it was in accordance with the policy of the Pimjaub (to help enemies and disarm friends). No native corps in India had better proved their attach- ment to us than these veterans. They had been with Nott at Candahar, and fought for us through the Punjaub campaigns. In the late mutiny at Jul- lundur, they had fired into the ranks of their mutinous comrades. Several occasions had occun-ed before * The Rmjaubee portion of them mutinied after the fall of Delhi, but was cut up by the Poorbeahs who stood staunch. THE GOLUNDAZES DISAKMED. 165 Delhi, when they might have taken their gnns over to the other side. It has already been told how, when the sowars were before their tents, they had entreated Major Olpherts to fire, although they were between the enemy and his gims. All that could be said against them was, that a few recruits had de- serted. The order was given, and had to be obeyed. They brought their guns into our park, the tears in their eyes. They begged to be allowed to return to their homes, they had nothing to do in the camp now ; they had worn themselves out in our ser\dce, and shame was their reward. Everything was done to soften the measure. Major Turner, who, as com- mander of all the horse artillery before Delhi, had to see it carried out, was much affected. This excellent officer had formerly served with the troop. They were allowed to retain their swords, and ordered to serve in the batteries, which they did with the utmost bravery and fidelity to the time of assault, when they were sent m with the stormers to turn the guns cap- tured in the bastions upon the enemy. The rains at tliis time were pouring almost uncea- singly upon our canvass roofs ; when the sun broke out, everything was green and beautiful, but among the rank and hasty vegetation, malaria was beginning to combine its poisonous gases. Ague was more 166 SIEGE OF DELHI. common, recurred oftener, and with a deadlier type. Cholera became more frequent, especially with two regiments. The immense swarms of flies and other insects caused much annoyance to the sick, many of whom were too weak to drive them away. The con- stant exposure suffered by the men was very trj'ing. Many patients were sent to the hospital from the picquets, where they had but poor shelter. Fighting was almost the only change we had from picquet and sentry duty. About tliis time we got news from Agra, that on the 5th, the Nemuch Brigade had advanced upon tliat city, the only one in the Doab remaining in our pos- session, and the seat of the Lieutenant-Governor, whose sway was now confined to a few villages. The men of the Kotah contingent, who had up to this time stood by us, mutinied and joined the Nemuch force, which consisted of two native regiments, a troop of horse artillery, and some light cavalry. They all moved upon Agra, and encamped near a village about four miles off, some two thousand men led by Hindoo Subahader.* None but Europeans now remained by us, four hundred and fifty of the 3d Europeans, Captain D'Oyle/s battery, and about fifty mounted * This affair is described from the Mofussihte, July 1 5th and 22d, 1857. FIGHT AT AGRA. 167 volunteers. It was determined to attack them, They were in front of the village with eleven guns. Our force met them with a half battery on each wing, supported by the volunteer horse. A long artillery fight took place, and the enemy was driven back, but not followed up. Our foot was kept alternately advancing and lying down. We had two tumbrils blown up, and a gun dismounted. The enemy sent some cavalry to turn our flank, which was met by our guns and the volunteer horse. Captain D'Oyley was mortally wounded, but continued giving his orders, till at last, beginhing to faint away, he said : ** They have done for me now ; put a stone over my grave, and say that I died fighting for my guns." The infantry was allowed to advance at last, and the guns turned on the village. The enemy were driven out, and a gun taken and spiked. But our own cartridges were now all fired away, and our troops were compelled to retire, harassed by their horsemen and artillery, to which we could not reply, as our ammunition waggons were empty. Some of the enemy's horse reached the cantonment before us, and set the bungalows on fire, causing our countrymen in the fort to imagine that our troops had been all cut off. Our loss was nearly one hundred and fifty men. All the Europeans took refuge in the fort, leaving a 168 SIEGE OF DELHI. great deal of property, which, with a little more leisure and warning, might have been carried away. The Lieutenant-Governor with his suite was mixed up with the rest. Most of tlie Mahomedan servants dis- appeared. The ladies cooked the food, and the men carried the water. The station was given up to plunder for tw'o days, and four thousand prisoners in the jail were let loose. Some native cliristians and clerks were murdered ; and placards were posted upon the walls of the city, offering a hundred rupees for every European's head. Tlie mutineers then left for Delhi, where they arrived towards the end of July. The news of their success was received with a salute of twenty-one guns from the walls, which was twice repeated to make us mark it in camp ; * and within the palace walls,' says a Pei-sian newspaper of the city, * the musicians played upon their English flutes, clarionets, and drums, m token of rejoicing, on the occasion ;' " a memorial was also received from the officers of the Jhansi regiments, reporting the slaughter of the immoral infidels, and an answer was written.'' Except the continual fire of the enemy's artillery, nothing had disturbed us till the 14th July, when they vowed to carry our batteries, and came out in great force to storm the picquets, under Hindoo Kao's and the Subzi-Mundi. They brought two guns to bear UNSUCCESSFUL ATTACK ON THE PICQUETS. 169 upon our right Our men, under good cover, kept them back for several hours, making great havoc among them, and losing only twelve men, when Chamberlain appeared. He ordered the infantry and two troops of horse artillery into the Subzi-Mundi. The Groorkhas descended from the fatal hill ; a cheer, running along the gardens, thickets, and rocks, told the length of our line. The enemy were supported by the fire from their walls ; grape thrown from their large guns fell up to eleven hundred yards,* but our men pushed on. One native officer was seen sitting on his horse, waving his arm to cheer his men. Our troops recoiled from a wall lined with the enemy. Chamberlain, leaping his horse over it in among them, dared his men to follow. They again gathered courage, and drove the enemy through the gates with immense slaughter. Our force was within two hundred yards of the walls, when such a shower of grape and musketry was poured upon us, that we were compelled to fall back. This was done in some confusion. The enemy came again out at the gates, infantry, cavalry, and artillery. A body of their horse advanced to charge. They were again turned by some infantry of the Ist Fusiliers and Guides, brought together by Major Jacob, Hodson, and Greville. Their guns were * Norman. I 170 SIEGE OF DELHI. left deserted, but the gunners applied the port-fire, and discharged a shower of grape at the moment, and ere our men could be again steadied, they had limbered up and were taking them away.* The affair was over in a few minutes. The road was choked up with retreating gims, slain ammunition camels, horses, and men. There was some difficulty in getting off the wounded. Many soldiers were seen bearing their comrades in their arms. Lieutenant Thompson of the Horse artillery was shot through the leg while tiying to prevent one of his men from falling into the hands of the enemy, who carried away four European heads as trophies to Delhi We had seventeen men killed, and sixteen officers and one hundred and seventy-seven men wounded. The courage of the dooly bearers was deserving of high praise. A large number of this class of men, principally Kahar by caste, was attached to every hospitaL Their duty was to bear the woimded on litters out of action, and from the batteries. In this work they shewed that singular mixture of courage and timidity met with among natives. ^Many of them were killed and wounded, and their doolies sometimes riddled with shot. Chamberlain had his arm shattered below the shoulder ; he could gain no fresh reputation for courage, * These particulars are from Hodson (letter, July 16th.) DISCONTENT IN CAMP. l7l and was blamed by many for rashness. The men were getting very discontented with this kind of work. They were ready to carry any position, how- ever strong, from which the enemy must be driven ; but to caiTy a strong position a dozen of times, only to see it abandoned and re-occupied, is what no soldier will do without losing heart 172 SIEGE OF DELHL CHAPTER IX. On the iTtli July General Eoid, whose health had now fairly broken do^\^l, left for Simla. The com- mand of the force was given to Brigadier Archdale Wilson. This was received with much pleasure, but some surprise. He was not the senior general in camp ; but had distinguished liimseK much, espe- cially in the actions at Ghazeeoodeenuggur. He was known as an excellent artillery officer, and a man of sense and great determination of character. Time had turned his hair to iron grey, but did not yet press down his tall spare form. Perhaps his name stood better with the army than that of any officer of his rank, save Brigadier Showers. The duties of Adjutant -general fell again (Chamberlain being wounded) on the Assistant-adjutant-general Captain Norman, a most intelligent and active officer, whose name is now weU known to every one. About the same time, a regiment of native in- fantiy and some cavalry, vdih half a field battery, joined the mutineers. They had come in from ATTACK ON THE BKITISH POSITION. 173 JhansL All the Europeans there had taken refuge in the fort, but were treacherously persuaded to quit it, and barbarously murdered. It was said they had a young English girl with them as a prisoner. Stories of ladies being stiU alive in Delhi were often repeated in camp, as if some people felt a pleasure in the romance. They were all untrue. Our position was being strengthened every day. Breastworks were erected along the ridge, and the guns taken from the enemy placed at intervals. The houses around our picquets were, as far as possible, demolished, and the trees cut down. We were again attacked on the 18th. The firing was very brisk ; but as long as we kept under cover, we suffered little harm. Towards the afternoon some infantry and artillery, with the guides, were sent into the Subzi-MundL The enemy retreated with little loss towards the Eedgah, evidently wishing to draw us as far from the camp as they could, among the narrow roads surrounded by gardens with high walls. One sepoy behind a tree wounded two of our artillerymen. We drew our men off with some diffi- culty, followed by the enemy, and might have suffered heavily, had it not been for the address of Hodson. We had two hundred and eighty meahors de combat — three officers wounded, and one killed. The loss 174 SIEGE OF DELHL of the enemy was not great A Mussulmani woman was taken, after having fought desperately. She had by her own statement renounced, for that of a jehadin or fanatic, a profession for which her advanc- ing years had rendered her unfit. The general allowed her to go away ; but, on reflecting a little, sent after her again, and she was conveyed prisoner to Umballa. About this time Hodson was tiying to effect the release of an unfortunate woman, the sole survivor of a very large family destroyed by the cruelty of the rebels. Two of her children had been killed in her sight ; she had been snatched from death by an Afghan lad to nurse her wounded infant. The poor little thing died m his zenana. The mother escaped at last in the dress of a boy, and was kindly received by the only lady in camp. What a contrast between the Teutonic and Oriental notions would have been brought out, if that bloodthirsty prostitute had actually crossed our sentries, released by the first fantastic feelings of the general, while this poor woman, innocent of any offence, could scarcely steal out of this den of murderei-s. The never-ending game of leaving our own position to fight the enemy in theirs, was getting more and more intolerable to every one. Tlie men giiimbled roughly, in the hearing of their officers, at the way their RELAXATION OF DISCIPLINE. 175 lives were wasted, and sometimes could not be got to advance, Men and ofi&cers were too often mixed up together ; discipline was getting very much relaxed * One who saw the hardships they endured, found difficulty in treating them with severity. This loss of authority was noticed as much in the Queen's regiments as in those of the Company, but still a great deal of mismanagement must have been neces- sary to produce the formidable combination, tliat afterwards appeared among those of the latter. On the 20th we were informed that the enemy were intending to take away some saltpetre hid in the Subzi-MundL The possessor came in and told us where it was. A party was sent out to cart it off, * A story told about this time weU illustrates this, but will scarcely be relished by miUtary readers. A very brave and manly officer from a sepoy regiment did duty with a European one. Accustomed to softer men, he, it appears, used a tone of command which the soldiers did not relisli, coming from a stranger officer. They managed to convey their opinion to him, which, of course, was fiercely checked. A voice came out of the ranks ; — " Sind him back to his ould mutinous saypoy rigimint." Search was made for the offender, who was not to be found. The officer, enraged, said he would rather send them all to camp and hold the picquet himself, than command such a mutinous set of fellows. A few minutes after there appeared on a wall, a chalk drawing of him holding the picquet against a whole army of sepoys, horse, foot, and artillery. 176 SIEGE OF DELHL and twenty cart-loads were taken away. More im- portance was perhaps attached by us to this than by the enemy. We would fain have believed they w^ere failing in powder. Saltpetre, however, as is well known, is a plentiful ingredient in the soil of immense tracts in India, though sulphur is not common. It had long been rumoured that the enemy were getting out of percussion caps, and w^ere trj'ing to make detonating powder. It was now said that the native merchants in camp were buying caps from our soldiers and selling them for immense prices in Delhi. On inquiiy, this w\as found to be untrue. In fact, they had no want either of powder or caps ; and our spies in the city would write anything they thought pleased us. On the 21st a great onslaught was expected. According to our spies, the enemy had sworn to wade up to the knees in our blood. Preparations were made to prevent their doing so ; but it would appear they abandoned the project. On the second day after an attack took place on the Metcalfe picquet, in which we had one officer killed — Captain Law, attached to the 1st Punjaub Infantry — and six officers wounded. AVe lost for a time the sendees of Colonel Seaton and Captain Money, of the horse ai-tillery. No officer in camp had done more work in the field, and had been SHAH MULL — ^W ALIDAD KHAN. 177 oftener under fire, than Captain Money. And no troop of horse artillery was more desperately exposed at Delhi, and, indeed, during the whole war, than the 2d troop, 3d brigade, which he commanded. It now fell to Captain Blunt We got news from Meerut that the country round about was now being brought back to our rule. We had been much harassed by a notorious old malcon- tent named Shah Mull, who raised the peasantry against us, and was a terror to our friends. He had gained the title of the King of the Goojurs. A party of troops was sent from Meerut to clear the country between that place and Saharunpore. Shah Mull collected a large body of men and attacked them, but was killed in the engagement by one of the volunteer horse. The news of his death dispersed his followers, and had a wonderful effect in pacifying the whole country. Successful expeditions were also sent against Walidad Khan, the Kajah of Malighar, who had gone out to collect tribute, and hold the country near Hauper for the Badsha against the refractory villagers about Saharunpore and Eoorkhee. The number of the insurgents, who were killed in these expeditions, must be computed by thousands. Quar- ter was never dreamed of on either side. We suc- ceeded in collecting the revenue, and the turbulent 178 SIEGE OF DELHL peasantry, if not submissive, abstained at least from active annoyance. We had, up to this time, remained in a strange state of ignorance of everything that was going on towards the Calcutta side. We knew that all avail- able troops had been collected, and that the China expedition must soon anive, and believed they would be marched up as fast as possible across countr}' to our aid. Reports now and then reached us of rein- forcements concentrating at Cawnpore, or lingering at Allahabad. Sometimes it was said they were eight or ten marches off, but this always turned out false. Hodson, with his usual daring, wished to make a dash with some cavalry and artilleiy to Cawnpore, and bring the reinforcements up. But about this time we got a glimpse of our real situation. The mail from Europe arrived with a report of the noble speech of Lord EUenborough on the mutiny at Meerut ; but, alas ! nobody seemed to mark the full wisdom of his words ! Troops coming by the Cape were little to us, perishing away at half the world's distance. Many were deeply disappointed that no arrangements were made to send two or three regi- ments by the Red Sea, We, however, felt that a beginning ought to have been made by the Indian Government. If they had sent ships to Suez it would NEWS IN CAMP. 179 have roused the apathy of ignorance, with which the most stirring Indian news are ever received in Eng- land We then heard the dismal tidings of the fate of Sir Hugh Wheeler's party at CawTipore. Sur- rounded, without prospect of relief, in an untenable position, they had, in the hope of saving the women and children under their protection, come out of their position on the faith of a capitulation with the Nana, Rajah of Bithour, which bore prevarication on the very face of it,* and had been all massacred with a ferocity and treachery, rare even in the black pages of oriental history. We tried to discredit the first rumours, but a courier from Lucknow brought it in the handwriting of Sir Henry Lawrence. A little after came the news of the victories of Havelock over their base and cowardly murderers, and of the dread- ful butchery of the women and children that had remained in their hands at Cawnpore. Some fugi- tives from that place, who never stopped till they reached Delhi, brought the news of the dreadful * The conditions were : — " All soldiers and others uncon- nected with the works of Lord Dalhousie, who will lay down their arms and give themselves up, shall be spared and sent to Allahabad." The Nana was known to many in camp. He had, the year before, taken a journey to the North-west with his vizier Azimoolah, who spoke English and French fluently, and who had visited Sebastopol during the siege, and con- versed with the Russian generals during a truce. 180 SIEGE OF DELHL revenge, the resistless prowess, and awful appearance of the Higlilanders, whom they compared to goblins. The fact that the victory of Futtypore was gained without the loss of a single European life from hostile weapons, impressed us with the idea that they had no real enemy to contend against. A little after we heard of the further victories of Havelock, and confi- dently expected that only three weeks' marching intervened, to prevent us ha\ing their aid in the assault of Delhi. But our hopes were dashed by the news of the death of Sir Henry La\vrence, and the necessity of rescuing the garrison of Lucknow. When we heard that Havelock, with all his victories and daring and suffering, could not reach liis beleaguered countrjTnen in that capital, we again perceived that our only hope lay in ourselves. The disastrous con- sequences of the annexation of Oude became clearer than ever. But for this we should have had the forces of that kingdom on our side ; and but for tliis, many thought, we might perhaps have had no mutiny at all. The enemy in the meantime not liking to attack us in front, prepared to throw a bridge over the canal, and thus pass to our rear. Their troops were seen from Hindoo Eao's house to defile for hours by the Eedgah. They could not have been less than fifteen FESTIVAL OF BUKEA EED. 181 thousand men with thirteen glins. An attack was at the same time to be made on our front, while Bukht Khan, with this body, fell upon us behind, after cut- ting off our convoy * A movable column was pre- pared to act against them, and sent out at night to take in the convoy, with five hundred Goorkhas, from Alipore. By the feeble light we saw the whole country was under water for miles, the trunk road rising a few inches above it. Next morning, on returning to camp, we heard that their bridge had been swept away by a flood, and that after having been out two days in the rain without food, they had come back to Delhi in very bad humour and spirits. It was as well we did not meet them ; the force sent out was scarcely strong enough. Their numbers were afterwards ascertained to have been twenty thousand men.t On the 1st of August the King used to come out of the city to the Eedgah, to celebrate the festival of Bukra Eed. It was the fashion for him, on that day, to slay a camel, to commemorate the intended sacri- fice of Ishmael by Abraham, as the Mahomedans tell the stoiy. This time the festival was kept withia the palace walls. It is a great day in Islam, and the • See King's Trial, p. 56. t Ibid, p. 56 ; No. 25. 182 SIEGE OF DELHL believers in the Prophet were much excited by the wild words of fanatic moidvies and fakirs, while the hopes of the Hindoos were played upon by pro- phecies from holy Brahmins. A saint of the caste announced that ^Mahadeo had placed the guards of Hunyman around the English camp : — * No white face can move out, Therefore advance your },ains without fear : Tlie CiUiip shall be destroyed like Lunka by fire. ♦ ♦ ♦ Fight without ceasing day and night, — Protect from injury our mother the cow. ♦ ♦ ♦ I have searched the leaves of the book Nisjiut Jee Jurria, And find that Saneechur (the God of Vengeance) Ha.s descended on the heads of the English. On the evening of the 2d of August, they came in immense force against our batteries, and the attack continued all night. The fighting was especially fierce at the Sammy-house, a post which we had forti- fied strongly, about nine hundred yards from the Moree bastion. The enemy swarmed up to our works, cheered on by criers from the minarets in the city mosques, whose voices were distinctly heard through the din and distance. They had brought out about a * Taken from Mr. Cooper's Crisis in the Punjaub, chap- ter viii. NIGHT ATTACK. 183 dozen of field-pieces, which they used in the wildest manner. The firing from them and the batteries in the bastions, and our guns returning with grape and shell, — the incessant discharge of musketry, and the yells of the natives, made the most alarming roar and clamour. The heights were lighted up with flashes from our guns. The enemy came on with unusual intrepidity ; every moment it seemed they would be within our works. They were driven back again and again by volleys from our men, who kept close behind the breastworks with fixed bayonets, calling on the enemy to come on. A bugleman among the sepoys shewed great courage, bringing on his companions up to the breastworks, sounding the assembly, advance, and double. It ceased at last, and he was found next morning lying dead, With his bugle in his hand. Few people slept in camp that night ; there the alarm was greater than on the ridge. All our picquets were strengthened, and the men kept under arms. The enemy retired towards morning. They must have suffered very severely, — one hundred and thirty-five bodies were coimted round the Sammy-house. We had only forty-six killed and wounded. The enemy were very much depressed by this dis- graceful failure. A moulvie had the courage to tell them at one of their councils, that they had risen to 184 SIEGE OF DELHL gratify their own ambition, not for their religion ; and now that they liad failed, had better make the best terms they could. Tliey were dissatisfied \Ndth themselves and one another, and trembled at the fate into which they had run. The king accused the sepoy leaders of coming into his city only to bring about his ruin. Tliey complained that they were not ]jroperly supported. The Nemuch Brigade were much shocked to see such a gloomy state of affairs on their arrival, and their leaders were not disposed to submit to the command of Bukht Khan. The king's treasury was now exhausted, and his authority as little re- spected as that of any prince who has nothing to give. The old man issued an order, detailing tlie insults he received from the soldiers, and the excesses they used towards his peo]ile. Two or three regi- ments, he said, liad encamped witliin the walls of the city, and thorougldy desolated several of the bazaars. " They force locks and shop d(X)rs, and openly carry away the property from the shops, and they forcibly loose the horses of the cavalry and take them off. They commit these excesses in the face of the fact, that all cities taken without military operations have ever been exempted from sack and slaughter. Even Jangiz Khan and Nadir Shah, kings execrated as tyrants, gave peace and protection to such cities as COMPLAINT OF THE KING OF DELHI. 185 surrendered without resistance. Moreover, the men of the army go about threatening and intimidating the royal servants and the inhabitants of the city. Again, although repeated orders have been issued to the infantry men occupjdng the royal farash-khana, and the regiment of cavalry staying in the garden, to vacate these places, they have not yet done so. These are the places which not even Nadir Shah, nor Ahmad Shah, nor any of the British Grovemors-General of India, ever entered on horse- back." "Wearied and helpless," he goes on, "we have now resolved on making a vow to pass the remainder of our days in services acceptable to God, and, relinquishing the title of sovereign, fraught with cares and troubles, and in our present griefs and sorrows assuming the garb of a religious mendicant, to proceed first and stay at the shrine of the Saint Khwaja Sahib, and, after making necessary arrange- ments for the journey, to go eventually to Mecca.''* He wrote a letter to the Nawab of Jhujjur, as the selected from amongst all well-wishers, to help him with soldiers, carts, and camels, for his intended pilgrimage, being, like most natives in the North- west, excessively ignorant of geography. The power was divided between the sepoy leaders and his sons, ♦ SeeTii&l, p. 128 and 25. I2 186 SIEGE OF DELHL who opposed and hindered one another. Only the officers now received pay. The men helped them- selves from the stores of the merchants. Many were leaving for their homes ; they would demand increased rank or some new post, and desert if it were not granted. The king ordered a council to be held on the state of the treasury. Two expedients* were proposed to raise money — to try a forced loan on the merchants, and that a column should be sent out through the revolted districts to raise the usual land revenue. The last proposition was not carried out ; but the imfortunate merchants in the city were ordered to lend large sums of money at twelve per cent. This was the third time that such a contribution had been called for ; and as many of them had had their shops and houses plundered, it may be supposed that some were unable, as all were unwilling, to furnish the sums demanded. Several who refused to give their due share, were imprisoned. A petition from several merchants under arrest is preserved They prayed to be delivered from the durance in which they were I)laced, stating that they had suffered hea\y and ruin- ous losses from the destruction of commerce, conse- quent to the disturbed state of the country and the * See sixteen papers on the loan in King's Trial. We got much infonnatiou of what was doing in Delhi from our old Kotwal, who came into our camp about this time. EXPLOSION IN DELHI. 187 plunder of their mercantile stores, with the burden of their former debts, and had been for twenty days com- pelled to support twelve hundred mujahids or devotees, come to fight for the faith. But the merchants were believed to favour the English ; no pity was shewn to them. Some of them tried to bribe the soldiers to rescue them, and one sepoy actually came to the guard and threatened to shoot the men there, if they would not let one of them go. He promised to return in the evening with a posse of his comrades and set him free. All that the king ventured to do on hearing of this was to strengthen the guard. The collection of the loan was a privilege eagerly contested between Bukht Khan, the princes, and the court : much con- fusion, and no doubt some embezzlement, arose from their conflicting claims. The amount that got into the treasury was soon spent. On the 7th of August, their powder manufactor>' was accidentally blown up. The Vizier Hakim Ahsauoolah had been visiting it a few minutes before. Suspecting treachery they rushed to his house, burnt and plundered it and a few more in the neighbour- hood. The minister himself took refuge in the palace of the king.* They felt that though action always * Mr Cooper teUs the story thus — " A great proteg^ of the king, and a bitter and fanatic enemy of the British, Hakeeiu 188 SIEGE OF DELHI. brought defeat, inaction brought discord still more ruinous. Lary8' hands, must infallibly lead them to infer the treachery of the Hakeem ; and if not discovered by them, the Hakeem's allc^nance might be diverted to the British side. Very shortly after the receipt of the letter the Hakeem paid a visit to the Begum Sumroo's house, wherein was deposited the rebel powder manufactory'. It exploded. This roused the suspicions of the sepoys, who rushed to the Hakeem's residence, searched it, and found the letter of Rujjub Ah, whereon they plundered the premise,**, gutted them com- pletely, and finished by conflagration. The Hakeem narrowly escaped with life by darting to the palace. Great divisions were the result of this brilhant piece of tactics. The king's authority was spumed ; he wished to abdicate. The enemy lost all unanimity, strength, and concert." We cannot receive this as authentic histor}'. It gives an unnatural order to (events, to make the world revolve round the Moonshi's letter. The storj' tells perfectly well \sithout it, and very ill with it. How could Rujjub Ali foresee that the magazine woidd acci- dentally blow up, or that the sepoys would rush to the Hakeem's house, and read his letters hefore plundering it ? The letter did not really compromise the Vizier. Is a minister compromised by a letter throAMi in at liis door, or is it likely tliat, if it had been of such a character, the Hakeem woidd have taken so httle care of it ? The whole story rests upon the authority, of Rujjub Ah himself, who was at the head of our intelhgence department \mder Hodson, and had of course no reason against being beheved to have turned the wheel on GENERiVL WILSON'S POLICY. 189 dity, however, can not create valour. The sepoys felt surer of being killed or put to flight, than of money coming out of the king's empty treasury. Only a few of the somewhat more noble sort vohm- teered to go out and fight the Feringhees for a week. General Wilson, not strong enough to storm the city, and seeing that external pressure alone kept their force together, wisely relaxed it, till he should be able to apply it again with crushing violence. The officers in command of the picquets were warned not to expose their men, nor use artillery against the opinion of the officei's of that arm. Our fire in the batteries was suffered to languish. If any officer there commenced a cannonade, the general would send to ask why he was doing so. This policy was now ap- proved of by almost every body, and the army began to' respect their old general more and more every day. Some attempts were made to destroy the enemy's ])ridge of boats over the Jumna by infernal machines the spoke of which he sat. Hodson had something else to do besides examining the story ; but Mr. Cooper takes it up with enthusiasm, and gives a translation of the letter in an appen- dix. To those who have faith that these sepoys found a letter, or that it was this identical letter they found, it must be very interesting. Our view is confirmed by the quotation from a Persian newspaper, given in the King's Trial, p. 110, which says nothing about any letter being found in the Vizier's house. 190 SIEGE OF DELHI. floated down the river. They failed, as such experi- ments almost always do. AVe had prepared boats to enable us to throw a thousand men across, but the opposite bank stiU remained completely in the hands of the rebels, and the country was at their mercy. YroTn this side they began to throw rockets into our camp. They did little harm, beyond compelling Coke's men to shift their tents a little farther from the river. Captain Fagan was sent to direct the same kind of missiles at the Golundazes, to shew we also had rockets, but ours were not nearly so good as theirs ; and, as the officer himself remarked, they were good enough to scatter among tents, but not to throw at a small party of men. The sepoys, who had engaged to fight us for a week, gave us more embarrassment They brought guns, whicli, from amongst the trees, played upon the Metcalfe picquet We had suffered some loss and much annoyance, when, on the 12th of August, General Wilson, with some reluctance, determined to send a force out to take them. Everything was wisely arranged with the greatest secrecy. A strong body of infantry, composed of Europeans, Sikhs, and Goorkhas, with a troop of horse artillery, and a squadron of the Lancers and Guides, were ordered to assemble, as if to take in some convoy. Brigadier enemy's battery surprised. 191 Showers was put in command. Our hea\^^ guns on the ridge were ordered to fire, whenever the musketry began, into the only bastion on the walls that com- manded the spot. At half-past three in the morning they took the road to the Metcalfe picquet, and passed on quietly towards the spot where the newly erected battery was supposed to be. The artillery went along the road, with the infantry on either side. The enemy had not thrown out sentries farther than fifty yards from their position. Their force consisted of a troop of horse artillery and some foot, and occu- pied the building known as Ludlow Castle. It was still dark, and our men slipped on so quietly amongst the trees, that their advance was not noticed till they were challenged by the sentry, who was shot dead on the spot. The enemy were awakened by the rattle of musketry. Surprised, and perhaps outnumbered, they still fought stoutly and well. Many of them were killed, issuing from the houses where they had been sleeping. They got a shot or two fired from their field guns, but this did little harm to the scat- tered line of their assailants, who advanced in skirmishing order. The guns were taken in flank by the 1st Fusiliers. The gunners stood stoutly to them. Putting their backs to the waggons, they laid about tliem with their swords till they were killed. Three 192 SIEGE OF DELHL native officers were found dead beside them, one of whom wore a medal for distinguished services. One gun escaped, with two limbers ; another was caught on the strain of starting. Three more were taken, with one limber. Our men then fell upon the enemy in the houses where they had sought refuge, forced their way into them, and killed all they met with. The sepoys fought with spirit, till our men, climbing over into the courtyards, and pushing into the rooms, came to arms-length with them, when those who had their guns loaded fired ; the rest clasped their hands in supplication, which did not much avail. The Goorkhas might be seen mimicking them, and laugh- ing, on their way back. A good deal of spoil was taken from the slain. About two hundred and fifty of the enemy were killed. Our loss was serious. Brigadier Showers was wounded, as also Major Coke, in the act of seizing one of the guns. An officer was killed, five woimded, and one hundred and nine men hors de combat. It fell most severely upon the Fusi- liers and Coke's corps. Our artillery and cavalry were never brought into play. Showers was a great loss to us. Unpopular, as the brigadier of a station, owing to the sternness of his character, he had gained the admiration and good will of every one before Delhi, by his coolness and gallantry, and by the pre- BRIGADIER SHOWERS. 193 sence of mind and intelligence, which never deserted him under the hottest fire. Of all kinds and degrees of courage this is the rarest. In the confusion caused by his being wounded, we had returned without the very guns for taking which the expedition had been planned. Our force must have passed very near them, and, indeed, several soldiers said they had actually seen them lying deserted among the trees. They opened fire upon us twenty minutes after we had fallen back, and annoyed our picquets at Met- calfe's House many a day after. Large bodies of the insurgent troops came out of the city gates, as if to revenge the disgraceful loss they had suffered, and their batteries opened from the walls. "All Delhi may fire," said old Jan Fishan Khan, ** but they still remain with their noses cut off."* His nephew, Meer Khan, had been in the thick of the affair, and rode back beside the guns, grasping his magnificent beard, and telling his exploits to every one who understood Hindustani. This gallant Afghan had gone as a volunteer into almost every action since the rising at Meerut. At the night attack on the batteries numbers of the enemy had fallen by his rifle. Our soldiers returned in triumph, riding upon the guns, and were received with friendly congratulations * Greathed's Letters from Delhi 194 SIEGE OF DELHI. from every side. The camp had been awakened by the firing, and every one off duty crowded to meet the victors and see the guns. The same day Brigadier-General Nicholson entered the camp, having ridden on before his column, whicli entered on the 1 4th of August It consisted of Cap- tain Bourchier s European horse batteiy. Her MajestVs 52d Light Infantr}% the remaining wing of the 61st (in all about one thousand Euroi)eans), the 2d Pun- jaub infantry, and the Moultanee horse. They met with a joyful welcome. We had now eight thousand men of all arms in our camp, one-half Europeans, with eighteen hundred in hospital, and we could enjoy some repose after six weeks' incessant fighting. Every one wondered to find himself alive. A little leisure brought more comfort and cheerfulness. Books began to be found in camp, and games of quoits and draughts to be got up. In the evening, wounded officers appeared lying out on their couches to take the air, and listen to the bands of music which the necessities of the times had spared. Of society there was of course plenty ; the camp was a pleasant change from the dull stations in the North-west, and the mess-tents were merry with young officers talking and laughing. Alas, how many of these were laugh- ing over their graves ! TWO NATIVE^ HANGED IN CAMP. 195 It was noticed about this time that the powder used for priming in the batteries was mixed with earth. Suspicion was directed against two khulashies, who were tried by a court-martial on the charge of having adulterated it to help the enemy. It seemed strange they should have ventured to remain in camp after having done so, or have chosen a time when firing was going on so very languidly. They were condemned to death on presumptive evidence, and hanged the same day. It would be imfair to blame the judgment without having heard the proceedings ; but some officers, who were acquainted with them, openly stated their belief, at the time, that these men had fallen victims to a suspicious imagination, such as had destroyed so many in the days of the fancied Jesuit plots.* Against aU bad treatment of the natives the general declared war. He had published in the order-book the trial of a Serjeant, accused of the murder of one of the camp servants. He was * I am not sure to what extent the powder was advdter- ated. I never heard of a piece of artiUery " flashing seven tunes," or " the vent of the guns being filled with powdered glass." Surely it would have been easier for the men to spike them at once and make off. The affair had none of the im- portance some writers have given to it. It may have been made with saltpetre carelessly separated from the soil, from which it IB dissolved. 196 SIEGE OF QELHL acquitted, but the general stated his determination to protect the natives in the camp from ill usage. Tliis became known to every Hindustani, and had a very good effect both on them and on the Europeans. The officers, too, became more disposed to check the roughness of their men, and to appreciate the value of tlie aid which we might derive from the people of the country. » THE PUNJAUB. 197 CHAPTEK X. We have already exposed the dangers which threatened those in the Punjaub, who were holding all this time the country to our rear, and must now relate how these dangers were met. The system of government there was considered to be the best existing appli- cation of European polity and justice to an Asiatic nation. At the head of affairs at Lahore was the Chief Commissioner, Sir John Lawrence, already known as a man of great ability, knowledge, courage, and determination. The different districts were under deputy commissioners, drawn from the best officers in the army and civil service, to whom were com- mitted more power and responsibility, and fewer printed dii-ections, than were given to the function- aries of what were called the " Eegulation districts." Our communication with Calcutta was completely cut off ; that with Agra also ceased, shortly after the Lieutenant-Governor had issued an amnesty to the less guilty amongst the rebellious sepoys, who should throw down their arms. This proclamation burst 198 SIEGE OF DELHI. like a soap bubble ere it left the building in wliich it was blown, and sensed but to shew that Mr. Colvin had mistaken the times, and to cover with obloquy the last days of a good and estimable statesman, who died amidst the WTCck of the institutions which he had laboured to build for the welfare of a people, who now threw off his authority. Sir John Lawrence thus became, for the time being, the absolute ruler of the Punjaub. He was not fearful of the responsibility thrown upon him, but accepted it at once as a means of salvation. Our system of communication, our post and our telegraph, as a rule, remained unbroken between Lahore and the extremities of the Punjaub. We thus had the advantages of centralization witli- out its weaknesses. The hand that moved the wires was not too far off, for the eye to follow and the brain to comprehend the fall bearing and results of the orders it sent. Sir John had the sense to under- stand the value of a larger measure of authority to those under him. Almost every deputy commissioner of a district held the powers committed to a Roman consul in times of danger and emergency, nc quid detrimenti respublica capiat. As already said, there were men of great ability in the Punjaub, to whose advice and assistance Sir John La\\Tence owed much. Foremost amongst them must be placed the names of INDEPENDENT ACTION OF OFFICIALS. 199 Mr. Montgomery and General Nicholson. The Chief Commissioner's confidence in his subordinates helped himsel£ Every one felt, what he had never felt before, that if he did his duty fearlessly and well, he would be supported and rewarded by the Government at Lahore. The sense of terrible and pressing danger prevented men from looking farther. Nobody cared to linger on the doubt, whether the Governor-General at Calcutta might suspend him for some vigorous measure, unauthorized by general order, or the Auditor-General, to the delight of his Bengal clerks, leave him to disburse the pay and equipments of some new levy out of his own salary, because he had not sent all the vouchers and certificates mentioned in the Pay Office regulations. They felt too deeply that the massacre of themselves and their families might follow an attempt to cariy on the formalities that hampered decisive action. Of course, amongst ourselves we could coimt upon perfect union and integrity, valuable weapons against the corruption and discord of the different classes of those who wished us ilL Besides being in possession of actual authority of the most absolute kind, the British in the Punjaub had every disposi- tion to exercise it unsparingly. They had passed their lives ruling men, and had no speculative 200 SIEGE OF DELHI. scruples to hinder them from acting with decision, — no out-of-door bias to turn them from their duty. The fear of unpopularity, and the desire of averting the possibility of an unfavourable judgment with pos- terity, must have their effect even upon the most reck- less tyrants in a European coimtry ; but our officials had no such feelings. Native opinion and native prejudices are nothing to the European in India. He knows his reward will come from a country thousands of miles off, and his acts be judged by tlie politicians and historians of another race. Moreover, the con- tinual massacres and cruelties that were taking plac(i farther down, steeled their hearts against aU pity. They regarded, not incorrectly, aU the sepoy regiments as so many would-be traitoi-s and murderers, thirsting for their blood. If they felt any pity for the scores of mutineers and deserters hanged or shot every day, they concealed it very successfully. From the Judi- cial commissioner at Lahore, who, when the 2Gth Native Infantry tied and were all destroyed, after being made prisoner, said, that he wished the other three regiments would nm their heads into the same fate, to the yoimg scholar who had gained his writer- ship by competition at Leadenhall Street, every one talked in the same strain, — to *pott,' * polish off,' ' saf karna ;' i. c, make clean or exterminate, a large TEOPLE OF THE PUNJAUB — THEIE VIEWS. 201 * bag' of Pandies, was the desire of every heai-t. Orders for the execution of deserters or mutineers were written in round terms, and signed with initials, where formerly a sepoy could scarcely be put under arrest without reports in quintuplicate. One hair of a European now weighed more than the head of a native. All this severity, however, feU only upon the sepoys. With the people of the Punjaub we had no quarrel. There is every reason to believe that they appreciated the benefits of our rule, and shrunk from returning to Asiatic dominion of whatever kind. They regarded the affair as a contest between us and our native army for the possession of India. They remembered too well what a military rule was, to desire its return. Xational independence, it was clear, they would not gain from Poorbeah pretorians, whom they mortally hated. The native chiefs, too, in the Punjaub, knew well enough that our old army could never serve tJieir pui-poses. Their attitude, or rather their policy, therefore, was expectant, with a leaning to the stronger side. If we could not help ourselves, we must not expect their aid. He that would rule the Punjaub must be strong, bold, and pitUess ; as has been well said, — the clank of his war horse must be heard two miles 202 SIEGE OF DELHL off. Another affair such as those at Meenit and Jul- lundur, would have convinced the people that there was no strength in our hands, and they would have risen remorselessly against us. The first proof that we could deal sternly with rebellion was given on the l*esliawur frontier, to which all eyes were turned Who was to have the valley — the Feringliees, the sepoys, the hill tribes, or Dost Mohammed of Cabul ? Tlie garrison of this important place consisted of two European foot regi- ments, and two troops and two batteries of artillery, seven regiments of Hindustani infantiy, and four of cavalry. A week after the mutiny at Delhi, the 55th regiment at Murdan mutinied, and the 10th irregular cavalry refused, when ordered, to charge them. Intercepted letters shewed, at the same time, that the native troops at Peshawur were detennined to rise. They were disanned at once. Colonel Nicholson, with a troop of horse artillery and some Punjaubee levies on whom we could count, went after and scat- tered the mutinous regiment At the same time, the 10th irregulars were ordered to Peshawur. On the road it had been arranged they should fall between a body of Her Majesty's 27th going the same way, fix>m Rawul Pindi, and some Moultanee horse on the NATIVE REGIMENTS BROKEN UP. 203 march to Delhi. Together they fell upon the evil- disposed troopers, stripped them of their horses and weapons, and conveyed them prisoners to Attock. The destruction of the 55th was most thorough, — a hundred and twenty killed fighting, — a hundred and forty taken, forty of whom were blown away from the guns, — a punishment which we had the doubtful honour of reviving and teaching to the rebels at Delhi Some of them escaped to the hills, and were for a while received by a tribe in the Swat, who, however, soon tired of them, and brought the most of them in for the fifty rupees offered for their heads. The effect of this vigour was immediately appa- rent Eecruits, who had before held back, now came in. The news, joined to the disarming of the native regiments at Moultan, disposed the whole Punjaub to believe in our star and to help us. It was deter- mined to employ the military spirit of the people as far as we safely could. A native chief. Rajah Jowahir Singh, offered a body of troops, which was at once sent, under the conmiand of General Van Cortlandt, about the beginning of June, to reoccupy the Hansi and Hissar territory to the north-west of Delhi. He was opposed by large bodies of irregular troops drawn from the lawless inhabitants of that wild district. 204 SIEGE OF DELHL On the l7th of June he defeated a large force of them, and afterwards took some strong intrenched villages. Keinforced by the Eajah of Bikaneer, whose rule extended over the wide desert country to the west of this slip of territory, he gained possession of the town of Sirsa, which was found sacked and half burnt, and afterwards of Hansi and Hissar. The dis- tricts aroimd were reoccupied, and some dreadful crimes came to light that sent a chill of horror through ever}' European breast.* The bones of our * Take the following as a specimen of what we had to bear : — " I^Irs. and her five children were murdered by the chokeedar, whom Mr. , only a month before, had rescued from starvation ; his name is Bolee Bux, and he belongs to the turbulent race of Banghurs. A few minutes before the Hansi sowars came to Mr. ^*s house, Mrs. with her five children hid themselves in some bushes about a hundred and fifty yards north of their residence. When the sowars arrived and inquired for the family, the gardener put them on a wrong scent, by saying they had taken refuge in the fort ; the rebels therefore sacked and burned the place, and went in search of their victims and booty. Shortly after- wards, the bloodthirsty hellhound of a chokeedar arrived, and made dUigent inquiries after his mem-sahebs and baha- log, and, being informed where they were, he repaired to them, and without any qualms of conscience, he slew every one. I have seen the bloody spot, and the bones of the vic- tims collected and interred in Mr. ^'s garden, and shreds of Mrs. 's gown, and of the clothes of her children, all blood-stained, are still hanging on the bushes." — Letter in LaJwre Chronide, July 25, 1857. SUCCESS OF VAN COETLANDT. 205 countr}Tnen, murdered in these places, had not been all carried away by the vultures and jackals. They were collected and laid in the grave. Their mur- derers took to flight, and our friends gained courage to stand by us. General Van Cortlandt shewed an equal ability in crushing armed opposition, and in employing the more difficult arts of diplomacy and conciliation. Many attempts were made to seduce his native troops, whom nothing but fidelity restrained from marching into Delhi. The resistance he met with in these districts was both determined and pro- longed, and it was not before the fall of Delhi that he succeeded in completely pacifying them. But the advantages we derived from his holding this country to our rear will be appreciated by any one, who notes its position on the map. It gave us at the same time a most gratifying proo£ that our Sikh levies could well be trusted. It was also determined to form a movable column to disarm the native regiments in stations where there were no European troops, and to be ready to march upon and put down any outbreak in the country. It was drawn from Sealkote, and con- sisted originally of Her Majesty's 5 2d, a troop of horse artillery, a field batter}'-, a wing of the 9th cavalry, and a native regiment of infantry. At the 206 SIEGE OF DELHI. head of it Brigadier-General Chamberlain marched to Lahore, thence to Umritsur, striking terror everywhere by his severity. Having been appointed to the Adju- tant-generalship of the army, vacant by the death of Colonel Chester, he was succeeded by Colonel Nichol- son. Arrangements were made to convey as many of the infantry as possible on ponies and waggons, for taking men by forced marches in the month of June was as destructive as a series of engagements. At Phillour he disarmed the native regiments with the column. They were, it was suspected, only waiting a chance to attack it. Another from Hoshiarpore piled arms at the same time. The column then re- turned to Umritsur to watch the still armed regiments in the northern stations. Here they heard the news of the mutiny at Jhelum. Of the two regiments there, one had been marched away and disarmed, but the other, the 14th Native Infantry, refused to give their arms up. A force was brought against them, two hundred and fifty men of Her Majesty's 24th, three horse artillery guns, and five hundred Moultan levies, horse and foot. Their number was swelled to twelve hundred by armed police and chaprassies. The mutineers had kept a hundred Sikhs, belonging to the regiment, the whole night in the mainguard; they however escaped before the MUTINY AT JHELUM. 207 engagement, and fought with fury against their Poor- beah comrades. The 14th kept in their lines, and defended themselves with desperation. No combat during the whole war was contested more fiercely. Fighting every foot of groimd, we drove them out of their lines. The gaUant leader of the attack, Colonel Ellice, was dangerously wounded. The enemy made off to a village on the banks of the Jhelum. An attempt to carry it was repulsed, and one of our guns, which had been brought up to make a diversion in favour of the infantry, fell into their hands. They evacuated the village during the night A great many sepoys were afterwards caught, and brought in by the' villagers. A hundred and eighty are said to have escaped into Cashmere, a hundred and twenty of whom were given up after the death of Golab Singh, on our engaging their lives should be spared. Fifty of the prisoners taken at the time were shot by the force, and twenty-five blown away from the guns. Two himdred and fifty bodies were counted in the lines and village. The sepoys shewed the greatest cf^urage ; and if every Poorbeah regiment in the Punjaub had stood at bay like the 14th, it had been bad for us. The prisoners executed met their fate with the greatest composure. One said to the artil- lery officer at the guns, "You need not tie me on, 208 SIEGE OF DELHI. Sahib, I shall stand." It was impossible not to pity so much misguided heroism. If they were faithless to us, they were true to one another. Eumours of this desperate affair at Jhelum, and of the proceedings of the movable column, were said to have kindled a mutiny at Sealkote, a large military station on the borders of Cashmere. Brigadier Brind there had protested against the removal of all the Europeans, but had rather chosen to risk everything tlian act on his suspicions so far as to disarm the native regiments left in the station, which he appears to have trusted almost to the moment of his death, for he was mur- dered along with several other Europeans. The cavalry, as usual, shewed themselves the most blood- thirsty, but, on the whole, the mutineers seemed more sparing of life here than they had been elsewhere. The station was plundered, and, heavy with booty, they leisurely took the road towards Delhi They had counted on being joined by the native troops of two neighbouring stations, but fortunately in vain. Their ignorance was so great, that they offered the two colonels their usual pay and allowances, if they would keep the command of their regiments under the King of Delhi. Sealkote lies almost straight to the north of Umritsur ; and Nicholson, on hearing of the mutiny, after disarming their companions of the SUCCESS OF NICHOLSON. 209 9th cavalry, whom he had with his column, at one march in the sun brought his men forty-four miles, up to the banks of the Ravee. The enemy w^ere about fifteen miles oflF, crossing at a ferry. They were allowed to do so unmolested. No one brought them word that the European force was approaching. AVhen they had got over they were immediately attacked, and defeated after a vigorous resistance. If it had not been for the flight of some new levies of cavalry, destined for Hodson's Horse, they might all have been cut off that day. A large body of them took refuge on an 'island in the Ravee, where they were caught by the sudden swelling of the river, and watched by our force and the villagers around. On the 4th day, Nicholson managed to get his men across on another part of the island, and had them formed before the enemy had had time to make tiiy opposition. They were at once charged and driven into the river. Most of those who escaped to the other side were seized or put to death by the villagers. The destruction of the mutineers was most thorough. The greater part of their booty fell into our hands, and the camp-followers taken with them wore punished. Tlie faces of the disaffected were darkened, and our star shone clearer. Our Hewitts and Johnstones were forgotten for our Cahmberlains K 2 210 SIEGE OF DELHI. and Nicholsons. The people in the Punjaub marked these things well, and began to think our rule was not fated to pass away. The most vigorous measures of repression were at the same time used ; passports were introduced ; the gates of cities, the bridges, and the ferries, were watched ; suspicious looking travellers were arrested. An unusual number of fakirs seemed to have come from the disturbed districts. They were turned back or thrown into prison. Most of the Poorbeahs in the Punjaub were known to be against us. The Govern- ment did not wait for overt acts of rebellion. A large proportion of them were employed in our civil courts. These were cleared of their shadows at once, a happy riddance to those who knew their arrogance and corruption. The baffled wretches were sent at once down the country. Some two thousand five hundred were expelled from Lahore during that year. The native press had begun to shew a bad spirit, but was at once put under censorship. All the editors, save one, were Poorbealis. Letters addressed to sepoys and suspected persons were opened. " The number of seditious letters thus dis- covered," says the Punjaub Report,* "was alarmingly * General Report on the Administration of the Punjaub Territories from 1856-7 to 1857-8 inclusive, etc. etc. Many facts in this chapter are taken from this interesting document. NATIVE LETTERS — PRECAUTIONS. 211 great. The treason was generally couched in figurative or enigmatical language. A strange interest attached to these revelations, as shewing what the natives really said of us among themselves at that juncture. It was abundantly manifest that the sepoys and others reaUy did believe, that we intended to destroy their caste by various devices, of which the impure cartridge was one ; that the embers of Mahomedan fanaticism had again begun to glow, and that we were observed to be but a mere handful of whites amidst a vast population of Asiatics. These things, often before imagined in regard to natives, were now veritably seen, under their own hand, in letters never intended for European eye.^ Wherever we suspected that weapons existed, a search was made for them, and the towns in our hands in the Cis-Sutlej states were disarmed- Sixty-nine thousand stand of arms were taken. Restrictions were put upon the sale of sul- phur and saltpetre, and iron-bound clubs prohibited. "Treason and sedition were dogged into the very privacy of the harem, and up to the sacred sanctuaries "f mosques and shrines. Learned moulvies were oized in the midst of a crowd of fanatic worship- pers. Men of distinction and note were ' wanted ' at dead of night There were spies in the market- place, in the festival, in the places of worship, in the 212 SIEGE OF DELHL jails, in the hospitals, in the regimental bazaars, among the casual knot of gossipers on the bridge, among the bathers at the tanks, among the village circle round the well under the big tree, among the pettifogging hangers-on of the courts, among the stone-breakers of the highways, among the dusty travellers at the semis."* The civil government of the country went on as usual. A European could travel alone in perfect safety by every road from the Indus to the Sutlej. The revenue came in as usual ; and it was even announced that we were able to raise a loan, for rupees were becoming scarce, and our officials had to be put on arrears. It could scarcely be called a voluntary one. Ever^i;hing short of personal violence was put in action to wring money from the mer- chant class. Threats of hanging, and of breaking up their doors, were necessaiy to overcome their distrustful avarice. No one who knows what an excessively bad set of men these are, will have any sympathy for them. But in the villages much dis- content and oppression were brought on by the thanadars, who assessed people, not according to their real wealth, but under consideration of the bribes they themselves received. Sir John wished to raise * Mr. Cooijer's Crisis in the Punjaub. FLIGHT OF A REGIMENT FROM LAHORE. 213 a contingent of Sikhs, when he saw reason to believe that they could be trusted with arms, but he could not obtain more than a limited number. The Manjha Sikhs, who had formed the pith of the army of Runjit Singh, hung back. They had not yet made up their minds what to do. Every one was startled by the news that, on the 30th of July, one of the regiments at Lahore, the 26th Native Infantry, which was disarmed and care- fully watched, had taken flight from the station. A fanatic sepoy had raised a tiunult in the lines and killed the commanding officer. Major Spencer, one of the old class of sepoy officers, who had passed his life cultivating the good offices of his men. The serjeant- major was at the same time murdered. They had escaped, under cover of a dust-storm, before the Euro- peans had time to arrest them. After they were clear of the station pursuit was impossible, as there were still three regiments to watch, who were evidently premeditating a similar move. However, as all the rivers were swelled by the rains, it was confidently lioped, from the first, that their chance of reaching Delhi was small. The next day they appeared at a ford on the Ravee, about twenty-six miles from Umritsur, but on trying to cross it, met with a most determined resistance from the tehseldar of a neigh- 214 SIEGE OF DELHL bouring village, with a body of armed police, backed by a crowd of the stalwart peasantry of the district. "At four o'clock, when the district officer, Mr. Cooper, arrived with some eighty or ninety horsemen, he foimd a great struggle had taken place ; the gore, the marks of the trampling of hundreds of feet, and the broken banks of the river, which was sweeping along, augmented with the late rains, in vast volume, all testified to it. Some one hundred and fifty had been shot, mobbed backwards into the river and dro^vned, inevitably too weakened and famished, as they must have been, after their forty miles' flight, to battle with the flood. The main body had fled upwards, and swam over on pieces of wood, or floated on to an island about a mile off from the shore, where they might be discovered croucliing like a brood of wild fowl.'' Two boats full of armed men were pushed off" to the island. " The boats straggled a little, but managed to reach the island in about twenty minutes, a long inhospitable patch, witli tall grass ; a most undesirable place, with a rising tide, to bivouac on for the night, especially if wet, dispirited, hungr}', with- out food, fire, or dry clothing. The sun was setting in a golden splendour, and as the doomed men crowded down, with joined palms, to the shore, on the approach of the boats, one side of which bristled with about ITS FATE. 215 sixty muskets, maugre sundry revolvers and pistols, long shadows were flung athwart the gleaming waters. In utter despair forty or fifty dashed into the stream and disappeared, rose at a distance, and were borne away into the increasing gloom." An order not to fire upon them seemed to have disposed the sepoys to offer no more resistance. They surrendered passively, allowing themselves to be bound and borne away in gangs to the shore, and were brought in without a single escape, and lodged in the village police station. They amounted to two hundred and eighty -two, besides a number of camp followers. The magistrate, Mr. Cooper, sent away all the Poorbeah Mussulman horsemen to Umritsur, to celebrate the feast of Bukra Eed, which took place next day, as it was feared they would rise to prevent the execution of the captive sepoys, which had been resolved on. " Having taken down the names of the sepoys in succession, they were pinioned, linked together, and marched to exe- cution. A firing paity was in readiness. Every phase of deportment was manifested by the doomed men, after the sullen firing of distant musketry forced the conviction of inevitable death — astonishment, rage, frantic despair, the most stoic calmness. One detachment, as they passed, yelled to the solitary Anglo-Saxon magistrate, as he sat under the shadow 216 SIEGE OF DELHI. of the police station performing his solemn duty with his native ofiicials around him, that he, the Christian, would soon meet the same fate ! — then, as they passed the reserve of young Sikh soldiery, who were to relieve the executioners after a certain period, they danced, though pinioned, insulted the Sikh religion, called on Gungajee to aid them, but only in one instance provoked a reply, which was instantly checked. "About a hundred and fifty having been thus executed, one of the executioners swooned away ; he was the oldest of the firing party ! and a little respite was allowed. Then proceeding, the number had arrived at two hundred and thii-ty-seven, when the district ofi&cer was informed that the remainder refused to come out of the bastion, where they had been imprisoned temporarily a few hours before. Expecting a rush and resistance, preparations were made against escape, but little expectation was entei'- tained of the real and awfid fate which had fallen on the remainder of the mutineers, who had anticipated, by a few short hours, their fate. The doors were opened, and behold, they were nearly all dead men ! Unconsciously to aU, the tragedy of HolweU's black- hole had been re-enacted. No noise had been heard during the night, otherwise relief would have been ITS FATE — REMARKS. 217 given. Forty-five bodies, dead from fright, exhaus- tion, and fatigue, but principally suffocation, were dragged into light, and consigned, in common with all the other bodies, into the one common pit, by the hands of the village sweepers." Mr. Cooper's candour is wonderful ;* but a few more touches would have completed the parallel between the Black Hole of Calcutta and the prison of Ujnala. We have heard, on the best authority, that a cry for water came from the sufferers. Mr. Cooper had retired to rest, but, on being informed of it, ordered water to be given to them, which, however, was not done. The door, like that of the Black Hole of Calcutta, opened inwards. The remainder of the regiment was almost entirely destroyed. Forty-one men, who were taken prisoners, were sent to Lahore, where they suffered death by being blown away from the guns. This terrible event soon passed out of men's minds in the North-west, distracted by urgent anxiety, and rendered pitiless by continual alarm and suspi- cion ; but after it had gone forth to the world, it excited much feeling in England. Mr. Cooper was even attacked in the most embittered terms in Par- ♦ It is his own work, " Crisia in the Pimjaub," we have been quoting. L 218 SIEGE OF DELHI. liament, and defended with little heart by Lord Stanley. A more thorough and elaborate justification was put forth by Sir Robert Montgomery. With him, and with Mr. Cooper, the impartial historian must ajrree, though it is surely unnecessary to follow them, in regai'ding the slaughter of so many men as a desirable occmTence. If there was anything to condemn, the blame lies ^vith the people in England. Those who send a few soldiers and magistrates to subdue and ; keep down at aU teaos a popidation of a hundred V^'^' millions, may easily guess that this can never be done without a telling amount of bloodshed. If it was the duty of the Punjaub Government to quell insurrec- tion, it w^as their duty to use the means they thought necessary for doing so. What else could Mr. Cooper have done with his prisoners ? His owti men were not to be trusted, and there was a regiment of sepoys at Umritsur, who, though disarmed, were stiU to be feared, from the weakness of the European detach- ment there. To have conveyed them to that station, and kept them in confinement, would have increased the danger of our position, while the numerous dis- armed regiments in the Punjaub would have gained courage to try their o\sti luck, when they heard that imprisonment was the worst fate that awaited them in case of failure, a temporar}^ misfortune from which MR. COOPER. 219 the expected victory of their comrades down coun- try would soon relieve them. It was necessary to do something as a warning to the others, but what was done was only justice. The men were mutiaeers and deserters caught in the very act, and as such deserved death. When a magistrate must perform an awful duty like this, in which the natural pity of the human heart has to be overruled for the good of society, he has a just right to the sympathy, countenance, and^ admiration of others. Men take it for granted that there must be a cruel struggle between pity to humjinity, however erring and guilty, and the duty a judge has delegated to him. But if we know that no such struggle existed, our admiration is replaced by disgust. We can admire the stem sense of jus- tice and patriotism, which drove Brutus to send his own sons to execution ; but what would be our feel- ings if we heard that he rejoiced at their death, and made himself merry upon their arrest ? In such a position Mr. Cooper has placed himself. Part of his narrative is told in so flippant and heartless a man- ner, that it is clear he wishes all to understand he had no feeling for the fate of the men, whom it was his dismal privilege to destroy in cold blood. He has taken great trouble to go down to posterity in 220 SIEGE OF DELHL this grisly character, and, it is to be feared, has suc- ceeded. No man ever more thoroughly murdered his own reputation. The effect of this execution on the Punjaub was very great. The disaffected scarcely dared to draw their breath, and wislied they could recall the whis- pers they had breathed to one another. The disarmed sepoys in the northern stations lost all hope of escaping, but it failed to deter a similar attempt being made at ^Ferozepore. The men of the 10th Light Cavalry there, who had been disarmed and dismounted, seized the guns of a field batter}' while the gunners were at dinner. They were immediately retaken, but the troopei-s carried away many of the horses, and dashing into almost every stable in tlie cantonment, about two hundred managed to mount themselves and get off to Delhi. About the end of August we had another terrible proof of the desperate fanaticism of the disarmed regiments. One of them, the 51st Native Infantry, mutinied, while search was made in their huts for concealed weapons, apparently on the spur of the moment, and with no chance of gaining an}i;hing but destruction to themselves. Almost the whole regi- ment were killed or executed by court-martiaL This FOREBODINGS. 221 was the last of the terrible scenes which were played during this year in the Punjaub. The total number of executions was two thousand three hun- dred and eighty-four ;* and yet all was not sufficient to make our hold on the country secure. Symptoms of a wide spread disaffection again met the experi- enced eye of the Chief Commissioner. The powers of secret combination of the natives of India are unfathomabla Nothing that could be laid hold of was detected. Sir John Lawrence, however, thought that some day a general rising would take place, under which his weak legions must certainly sink. The unex- pected length of the siege of Delhi began to make the Punjaubees doubtful of our final success. As long as we could hold our own and reward them, they were willing to assist us ; but more they would not do. Their wounded soldiers came back to the Punjaub, boasting they had saved us again and again from destruction. They began to ask whether this was worth their while ? Our hopes of troops from Eng- * Shot by military authority . 628 „ „ civil authority . . . 1370 Hanged by military authority . . 86 „ „ civil authority . . 300 Punjaub Report, p. 9. This, of course, does not include the Meerut and Delhi districts. 222 SIEGE OF DELHL land were never realized ; at least they never came our way. The Bombay army was in a state of great excitement. Dangerous conspiracies had been dis- covered at Poona, Satara, and other places. In one station it had come to actual mutiny. Military exe- cutions were becoming frequent there too. The Madras army was also turning discontented ; and the possibility of a general rebellion all over India was passing into probability. Sir John Lawrence saw the only remedy was to remove the cause of uneasiness, and sent down all the troops he could gather to Delhi. At the same time he pressed by every post the necessity of carrying tlie place, at whatever cost, upon the mind of General AVilson, wliose view of the danger of our position there was lugubrious in tlie extreme. GENERAL NICHOLSON. 223 CHAPTER XI. The enemy now appeared at a loss how to attack us, and we enjoyed a little more quiet They had plenty of riflemen, who were continually starting up among the rocks and bushes beside our batteries, firing into them and making off. We thus lost men and officers whom we could iU afford. Their cannonade was par- ticularly directed against our Mosque picquet, and they were evidently establishing themselves again in Kissengunge, but it was resolved to let them alone. About this time a stranger, of very striking appear- ance, was remarked visiting all our picquets, examin- ing everything, and making most searching inquiries about their strength and history. His attire gave no clue to his rank ; it evidently never cost the owner a thought Moreover, in those anxious times every one went as he pleased ; perhaps no two officers were dressed alike. It was soon made out that this was General Nicholson, whose person was not yet known in camp ; and it was whispered, at the same time, that he was possessed of the most brilliant military 224 SIEGE OF DELHI. genius. He was a man cast in a giant mould, with massive chest and powerful limbs, and an expression ardent and commanding, with a dash of roughness ; fea- tures of stem beauty, a long black beard and deep sono- rous voice. There was something of immense strength, talent, and resolution in his whole gait and manner, and a power of ruling men on high occasions, that no one could escape noticing at once. His imperial air, which never left him, and which would have been thought arrogance in one of less imposing mien, some- times gave offence to the more unbending among his countrymen, but made him almost worshipped by the pliant Asiatics.* He seemed to disdain any other * He was actually canonized, while alive, by a brother- hood of Fakirs on the Hazara frontier. Their historj^ is given in fall in the Friend of India, October I8th, 1860 : — ^''Nicholson left the district in 1850 for England, and then the sect was founded. They looked to liini as the Sikhs to Nanuck, as their Goroo, and called themselves by his name, * Nikkul Sej-nees.' They wore saflfron-coloured garments, and round black hats, as their distinguishing garb. Their worship consisted in singing a kind of dirge, every verse of which echoed the refrain * Goroo Nikkul Seyn.' They were a quiet, inoffensive people, and lived in the enjoyment of their fiiith till 1856. Then their Goroo arrived in person, on his way to Cashmere, and great were the rejoicings of liis disciples. They hastened to offer him homage, but when they persisted, he ordered some of them to be flogged. This only increased their reverence. They declared that they deserved the flogging — that they had. EXPEDITION OF HODSON. 225 than a ruling part, speaking rarely in ordinary society. Such a man would have risen rapidly from the ranks of the legions to the throne of the Caesars ; but, in the service of the British, it was thought wonderful that he became a brigadier-general, when, by seniority, he could only have been a captain. On the 14th of August a body of the enemy's horsemen was known to have taken the road to our rear. Hodson was sent out to watch them. He had with him his own regiment, which now, with the help of his Mends in the Punjaub, amounted to two hun- dred and thirty-three sabres. Though many of the sowars were untrained to handle their arms on horse- back, and their half-broken horses were difficult to form, they were good men, and had a very warlike appearance, dressed in their ash-coloured tunics with by their unholy lives, naturally incurred the \vrath of their saint The result was, that they practised increased austeri- ties, and manifested more devoted zeal. When Nicholson fell gloriously before Delhi, and the news reached his devotees, the eflfect was remarkable. Their leader declared he could not live in a worid where there was no Nikkul Seyn, and, going to his hut, destroyed himself, cutting his throat from ear to ear. Another followed his example. A third said he would go to Nicholson's God, started off to Peshawur, waited on the missionaries ; was received as an inquirer, and in course of time was baptized. He may now be seen engaged as a teacher in the mission school." 226 SIEGE OF DELHI. scarlet sash. He had also a hundred of the Guides and Jheend horsemen. The first day they managed to surprise a number of the enemy's Irregulars in a house. It was set on fire, and all shot as they were driven out by the flames. They then marched for Rohtuck, and defeated some cavalry supported by matchlock men from the town. He encamped on the outside, not being able to make an attack from want of infantry. Next morning Baber Khan, a chief of the Eanghur tribe, appeared with about three hundred Irregular horse, and nine hundred matchlock men. Hodson, when he heard of their approach, sent away his baggage, and then drew off his men into the plain as if he were taking flight. The enemy pursued in disorder. Suddenly he turned and gave the word : " Threes about and at thenL" ♦ His horsemen instantly wheeled round, and scattered the enemy in a moment, who never stopped tiU they got to Eohtuck. Great fears were felt in camp that his boldness would carry him too far. He brought his men safe back however, with only thirteen wounded. On the 24th, a large body of the enemy from Delhi, with eighteen guns, took the road towards Hansi, with the intention of faUing upon our new * See Ms own letter, 19th August ATTEMPT TO INTERCEPT THE SIEGE TRAIN. 227 siege train, which was coming down from Ferozepore. A column was formed by us of about two thousand infantry and cavahy, with sixteen horse artillery guns. The command was given to General Nicholson. It set off at break of day. The march was a toil- some one ; the whole country was flooded, and the rain still poured. The road was a mere bullock track through a series of swamps. The guns went up to the axle in mud ; often the . artiUerjrmen had to put their shoulders to them in order to push them on. The troopers were besmirched to the crown of their helmets ; the infantry soldiers could scarcely pull their feet after them ; and the camels were continually slipping and falling in the mire. They had made one such march, when it was found that the enemy were about twelve miles in front, at a place called Nujjufghar. Their sowars had pursued our scouts several miles. The spirits of our men lightened, and the road seemed to improve. The people in the villages turned out to gaze at them in silence as they passed. An hour before sunset they reached a stream, which was swollen to a river by the rains, and took the horsemen up to the knees. It was difficult for the infantry to cross. The enemy here commenced firing. They were drawn up parallel to the road which we were taking, their left wing resting on 228 SIEGE OF DELHI. a serai with four guns, their right on a bridge across the stream. They had nine guns to the right front, which now began to play. Their leaders no doubt expected, that our troops would inunediately form and advance across the fire of their artillery. Nicholson, however, having stationed his guns on the road, which was pretty well covered, marched all the infantry past. He then ordered four guns of Captain Blunt's troop to move on their jiine to keep them in play, and, covering his flanks with some cavalry and artil- lery, led the infantry against the serai on the left, near which were four guns. His short address was preserved by one of the soldiers of the Gist * ** Now 61st, I have but a few words to say. You all know what Sir Colin Campbell said to you at Chillianwallah ; and you must also have heard that he used a similar expression at the battle of the Alma, that is, *hold your fire tiU within twenty or thirty yards of that battery, and then, my boys, we will make short work of it.'" To this they gave a general cry, that they would endeavour to act to his desire. Our troops came on accordingly, and carried the serai with a charge, then changed front and swept down the enem/s lin^ towards the bridge. This unexpected movement had completely confounded the rebels, who took flight and * Lahore Chronicle j September 9, 1857. DEFEATED BY NICHOLSON. 229 made for the bridge ; Captain Blunt's guns, which had met theirs with the highest daring, following them close. They had limbered up their own guns, and taken them at a wild gallop to the bridge, but the wheel of the foremost caught. It could not be pushed backwards for those behind, and the pursuers pressing dose on secured the whole thirteen. A strong village in the rear was still occupied by some of the enemy. The 1st Punjaub Rifles, who attacked it, were driven back, and their commander killed. It was evacuated during the night. It was quite dark before the battle was over, and the whole force had to lie all night on the plashing groimd without any food. We blew up the bridge and returned to camp next morning, the enemy having made off to Delhi. Our loss was about one hundred men hors de combat ; three officers were dangerously wounded, two of whom died. It turned out that it was the Nemuch Brigade we had routed. The Bareilly one was some miles behind, under General Bukht Khan, who was soundly abused for not having come to the support of those engaged. On their return, the king treated them with the greatest indignity, and refused to admit them into the city. They requested food to be sent to them, and promised to go out again if new guns were supplied. The king sent them flour (with a message that grain was good 230 SIEGE OF DELHI. enough for them) and seven field guns. They de- clared they could not go out with so few, and here their boast ended. In the absence of our column an attack was made on the camp by the rebels in the city, who, however, retired on finding they had been deceived in the report, that our position was denuded of its defenders, to make out Nicholson's force. To save the bad effects of this defeat in Delhi, a story was invented and actually believed, that the country people had risen upon us and taken back the guns. The truth, however, soon came out and caused great dejection. Their army became less manageable than ever. Our spies again and again warned us of meditated attacks, which they had not the heart to carry out The king once more sent a messenger to our camp with proposals of a treacherous capitulation, but could not obtain even the promise of his life. On our part, though the troops were not so hard worked, a new danger, which had long been foreseen by our medical men, began to appear, and quickened the determination of our General to hasten the assault, which was anxiously pressed on by Sir John Lawrence from Lahore, and by the powerful voice of Nicholson in camp. Delhi had long been known as one of the most unhealthy stations in India, and b}- SICKNESS INCREASES IN CA2HP. 231 an unlucky blunder the cantonment had been placed in the very worst part. The ridge seemed to have sei-ved to dissipate the malaria, which blew from the marshy coimtry beyond. The side on which we were en- camped was known to be much more liable to fever than the city. During some years, whole regiments had been prostrated by it at once, and this season would most probably be an unusually bad one, as we had broken the banks of the canal, and half the country was undrained. It had already tried our brave fellows sorely. A man would be borne into the hospital from picquet shivering with ague, which perhaps he had stood out for a time in secret, get a doze of quinine, and, if the next paroxysm did not appear, would be sent out for duty the day after. Those who were ill never got a chance of fairly re- covering. But our danger was so terrible, and our men so few, that it could not be helped. It is the well known nature of malaria, to render its victims ever more and more defenceless against its attacks. The men had continual relapses, and ever of a deadlier type. Cholera, too, became more common, and never failed killing its worn-out prey. When the rains dried up, and the sun again began to act on the heaps of carcasses and the rank vegetation, the pro- portion of men in hospital rapidly increased, and as 232 SIEGE OF DELHI. the season was always becoming more sickly, it was an easy calculation to find in what time the gi-eater part of our force must be laid up. A regiment which had come in six hundred strong, was in three weeks brought down to two hundred and forty-two out of hospital.* The unwearied exertions of the medical men in camp, and the heroic courage some of them shewed in the field and the trenches, will ever be gratefully remembered by those who fell under their care. The gaps among them from sickness and wounds could fortunately be filled up by the sur- geons of abandoned civil stations, and those who had escaped from their mutinous regiments. Moreover, a large force, consisting of the mutineers from Mhow and Indore, was reported to be on fuU march upon Delhi ; and though the Gwalior contingent was still idling away its time, it might every moment advance, either upon us or on Cawnpore, and was strong enough to turn the scales wherever it struck. Sir John Lawrence, deeply acquainted with the tortuous policy and dispositions of the native chiefs and leaders in the Punjaub, judged that they would wait to see the result, if they felt sure a decisive blow would be struck at Delhi. All our hopes rested on the success of our assault. What would happen if * Norman. THE LAST REINFORCEMENTS REACH CAMP. 233 it failed ? What would happen if they did not wait T Sir John weighed the dangers, and chose the greatest for himself, but, as he judged, the least for tlie empire. No doubt, a rising in the Punjaub could overwhelm the weak guards he had at Lahoi-e and Umritsur, and give himself and his staff to the fate of the Commissioner at Delhi ; but he determined to risk the danger, and send down the last soldier he had to help the assault. On the 6th of September the last reinforcements we could receive entered camp — some detachments of artillery, and of the 8th loot and 60th Rifles, with the 4th Punjaub Rifles, and a wing of the Belooch Battalion. The shadow of the arm Uplifted at Delhi was the only fear that rebellion now saw in the Punjaub. Fortunate for us in tliis terrible crisis that we had a statesman at Lahore, who had the knowledge and genius to work out such a calculation, the daring to act upon it, and the reputa- tion to enforce it on others. The Chief Commis- sioner also procured the assistance of a contingent from the Maharajah of Cashmere, Runbeer Singli, who had lately succeeded Golab Singh, in exchange for a recognition of his title to the throne. They amounted to above two thousand men, mostly Dogias and Rajpoots. But though they looked brave enough in their gay garments, with their fine shields and L 2 234 SIEGE OF DELHL long matchlocks, they were not the men to cope with the sepoys, whom we had ourselves trained to fight against us. They were encamped in the Subzi- Mundi. Counting them, our entire force was now nearly eleven thousand men, with about three thou- sand in the hospital tents. The number of the British troops was three thousand three hundred and seventeen. Many regretted the danger of bringing such large bodies of natives togetlier, even on our side. The enemy were by no means to be despised ; they were certainly three times our number, were much superior in materiel and artillerymen, of whom we had only five hundred and eighty, and they occupied a very strong position. The moment we should attack them, it might be expected, aU dis- union would cease, and they would fight behind that wide mass of ramparts and buildings, with the energy and courage of despair. Many in camp were sure they would run whenever our bayonets went over the wall, but tliis only proved that judgment and common sense are rare acquirements.* * Hodson (letter, Septeml>er ^th), though by no means without these gifts, held tliis opinion. The author, who pub- lished a different opinion hefore the event, has a right to note this fact. THE ASSAULT RESOLVED ON. 235 CHAPTEK XIL General Wilson at last made up his mind ; Delhi was to be attacked without delay. Our assault was of course to be made on the north side, opposite to the camp. We chose, contrary to the expecta- tions of the enemy, the part on our left nearest the river. This was defended by the Moree, Cash- • mere, and Water bastions, which were connected only by a parapet wall, on which guns could not be mounted. It was clear, then, that if we could silence the bastions, we could breach the wall without any opposition. The enemy ought to have attended to this. They had plenty time and means for heaping up a rampart on the north side, whicli could bear any number of guns they wished to mount, and then, from their great superiority iu artillery, our fire must at once have been snulfed out. As it stood, so long as we could muster more guns upon the batteries than they could upon these three bastions, we were sure of being able to keep their lire under. It was then of importance to make our breach ere 236 SIEGE OF DELHI. they could mend their blunder, which they would doubtless do quickly, when they saw its necessity. Our batteries were to be constructed of fascines up to the embrasures, above that of sandbags. The engineers had an immense quantity of these ready and filled with earth.* They had also remedied our * In describing the work in the trenches, we have ac- quired much information from Captain Medley's " Year's Cam- paigning in India." That gentleman, a distinguished officer in the Engineers, has most thoroughly made this part of the history of the siege his own. It is to be regretted he was not called to Dellii at an earlier j>eriod. The military reader who wishes a detailed accoimt of the plan of assault must gc» t<» liim, this book being uitended for popular reading. We, however, give Colonel R Baird Smith's description of the for- tifications. ITie land defences " consist of a succession of bju*- tioned fronts, the connection being ver}' long, and the outworks limited to one crown work at tlie Ajmere gate, and Martello towers, mounting a single gun, at such points as require some additional flanking fire to that given by the bastions them- s(>lves. The bastions are small, generally mounting three guns in each face, two in each flank, and one in embrasure at the saUent. They are provided with masonry parapets about twelve feet in thickness, and have a relief of about sixteen feet above the plan of site. The curtain consists of a simple masonry wall or rampart sixteen feet in height, eleven feet thick at top, and fourteen or fifteen at bottom. This main wall carries a parapet loopholed for musketry, eight feet in height and eight feet in thickness. The whole of the land front is covered by a beam of variable \\'idth, ranging from sixteen to thirty feet, and having a scarp wall eight feet high. Exterior to thi? is a dry ditch of about twenty-five feet in PREPARATIONS. 237 scarcity of sappers, by raising and organising a corps of Muzbee Sikhs, and a large "body of coolies, or day labourers, at high wages. The ground, which was intersected by numerous and now dry water-courses, sloping towards the river, and covered with old buildings and groves of trees, might be expected to shelter us as much as it had here- tofore done the skirmishers of the enemy. As we had too few artillerymen, volunteers were called upon from the Lancers and 6th Dragoon Guards to work the batteries, and all the gunners of the Horse artillery were «>rdered into the trenches. The Sikh artillery- men sent by Sir John were a great gain to us. We had already dug a trench to the left of the Sammy house, with a four-gun batteiy, which could bear upon any troops sallying from the Lahore or Cabul gates, and thus cover the flank of our ap- proaches. This, moreover, served to mislead the enemy, who, imagining we were going to make a second parallel under Hindoo Rao's hill, allowed us to occupy the ground on the left, before the mistake was width, and from sixteen to twenty feet in depth. The counter- scarp is simply an earthen slope easy to descend. The glacis is a very short one, extending only fifty or sixty yards froni the counter-scarp ; using general terms, it covers from tlie besiegers' view from one-half to one-third of the height of the walls of the place." 238 SIEGE OF DELHI. discovered. On the night of the 7th September a bat- tery was silently traced out, seven hundred yards from the Moree bastion. Our fascines and sandbags were carried down on the backs of camels. The engineers then commenced to build the battery, cursing eveiy sound ; but the working of so many men and camels could not be carried on without a dull noise, which at- tracted the attention of the enemy. A flash comes from the Moree, and then the powerful whirr of a volley of grape, and the drop of two or three of our workmen. They fired twice moi-e with the same effect, and then ceased. They probably imagined that it was one of our working parties cutting down the thickets around, whom a shot would frighten away ; and we were left to work on, if possible, more cau- tiously than before. In spite of all our engineers could do, when dawn appeared, only one gun was mounted. The enemy, seeing what we had been doing, instantly opened a terrible fire. Our men, how- ever, kept well behind the parapets, and, though access and egress were extremely dangerous, managed to save themselves till the platforms were ready, and the guns mounted and unmasked. It was beautiful to see how our guns made the old masonry fly. The enemy soon disappeared from the bastion. Wlien complete, this battery consisted of five eighteen- OUR BATTERIES. 239 pounders and one howitzer to the right, with four twenty-four-pounders to the left, which were to play upon the Cashmere bastion. It was commanded by Major Brind Next evening we seized Ludlow Castle with a strong body of troops, and traced out a battery to breach the curtain wall between the Cashmere and Water bastions. It was quite ready on the 11th of the month. On the night of the 10th, we sought a place for a second breaching battery, and lighted upon a large building, an old custom-house, about a hundred and sixty yards from the Water bastion, which the enemy in their wonderful supineness had left standing. The work was immediately commenced behind it. Pandy, perceiving his error, did all he could to drive away our party with shot and shell Thirty-nine men were kiUed and wounded that night. Tlie pioneers stiU toiled on with that passive courage so common among natives. " As man after man was knocked over, they would stop a moment, weep a little over their fallen friend, prop his body in a row along with the rest, and then work on as before."* When finished, this battery mounted six eighteen-pounders. No. 4 battery for ten heavy mortars was completed on the night of the 10th, in the Koodsia Bagh, a * Medley. 240 SIEGE OF DELHI. garden surrounded by a high wall, and looking out on the Jumna. It was directed by Major Tombs. The enemy stuck to their guns most manfully, but on the 1 2th all our batteries were unmasked. No living thing could remain witliin their bastions, and the curtain wall crumbled down before our breaching batteries in clouds of dust Fifty guns and mortars xv/ belched forth their storm upon the city. They had once said they would worry us to death, but now we had them by the throat. Not a moment passed, night or day, that was not filled up by the roar of artillery. Yet so accustomed had our men become to it, that the wearied gunners would fall asleep a few yards from the working guns, and even the wounded in hospital did not lose their rest amidst the din. It was beautiftil in the dai'k clear night to watch them from some quiet part of the ridge. The line of flashes from our batteries, the hollow boom of the shells, their explosion within tlie hostile works, with the rousing din of so many pieces of ordnance, filled the breast with a strange trouble. One could not help wondering at the in- genuity of the destructive little bimana, who were putting in action engines louder than the thunder, and, in their own range, more terrible than the hur- ricane. MEASUEES TAKEN BY THE ENEMY. 241 The enemy saw their danger ; grasping one another's hands, they swore to fight faithfully as long as they drew breath. They could not work their bastion guns against us, but they used all the means in their power to check our approaches. They formed a trench along the whole front, which they filled with skirmishers, and from the trees and broken ground they kept up a ceaseless shower of musketry. The crown of our parapets was shattered with bul- lets, and the mantlets that closed our embrasures while we were loading, were pitted with holes. Few felt at their ease going to and from the batteries. They got some guns placed in the Talewarie suburb, from which they could enfilade our two right bat- teries ; and they managed to reach those on the left with mortars from the other side of the river. They knocked a hole in their curtain wall to get a gun to bear on us from the front, and sent rockets into our batteries from one of their Martello towers. They made sallies, too, from the gates, which were driven back by the grape of our battery at the Sammy house, and by the guards in the trenches. They also gave us much annoyance by bringing out field-pieces at night to enfilade our position at different points. These changed place too often for our guns to retaliate on thenL We did our best to keep their skirmishers M 242 SIEGE OF DELHI. back, ploughed up the ground with grape, and sent bombs into their rifle pits ; twenty of them were killed by the explosion of one shelL Our men, accustomed for three months to work in the batteries, were skilful in using the cover they had- Experience, caution, and presence of mind save many lives in the trenches. The nature of the ground helped us much. The ravines and wat^r courses, that ran parallel to our works, formed so many ready-made trenches and passages, by which our supports could move up, and our wounded be carried away. The rains were fairly over, and the moist heat tried the strength most severely. The exertion was terrible, and many sunk under it. Very^ much re- gi-etted was the loss of ^Major Turner of the Horse artiller}% whose strength, worn out by a long struggle with sickness, gave way at last. Those who kept up bore everything cheerfidly. The prospect of the long and toilsome siege being soon over, the steady suc- cess of their operations, and the satisfaction of escap- ing with life and limb, made them cheerful and sanguine. After a weary da/s work, they would eat their dinner with a good appetite, and have a plea- sant chat behind some half ruined wall, or imder an old gateway. It was pleasant to note the coui'age of CONFUSION IN THE CITY — OUR LOSS. 243 the depreciated natives who brought them their food, and the nervous demureness of the servants, who, in irreproachable costume, came with the offi- cers* meals. All the artillery of course remained in the batteries day and night Delhi, on the other hand, was full of fright and confusion. The streets were choked with carts and camels trying to leave the city. But the gates were shut by the King's order, and no one allowed to go out. An attempt was made by their cavalry to drive off our camels from the rear of the camp. Carriage was beginning to be of great value. The native chiefs and sepoy leaders met in council, but could not conceal their terror from one another. The King, in presence of all, tore his thin grey beard, and called down curses on those, who had brought him to this by their cowardice and discord.* Our loss during the six days the trenches were open was three hundred and twenty-seven. Especi- ally regretted was Captain Pagan of the Foot artil- lery, the best shot in the trenches, bravest of soldiers and finest of fellows, who was hit through the fore- head while looking over his gun at the Custom- house Battery. The daring of Major Brind was as remarkable as his escape was wonderful. He would * See Crisis in the Punjaub. 244 * SIEGE OF DELIIL get up on the parapet, point out where the enemy were thickest, and watch the effect of his men's fire, while the bullets seemed to sweep every place but the space he occupied. He seemed to believe himself invulnerable, to live on the excitement, and to rest on his work, scarcely ever quitting his battery. No officer at the same time was more attentive to the safety of his men, or shewed them more kind- ness. Tlie plan of attack was sketched by Colonel Baird Smith, but he being wounded at its commence- ment, the whole direction of the work fell upon Captain A. Taylor, who admirably executed his dange- rous task. The breaches had now got pretty wide, and on the night of the J 3th two engineer officers were sent to examine each of them. They stole through the enem3^s skirmishers, descended into the ditch, and managed to make out that the breaches were practi- cable, although they might both be much improved by a longer cannonade. Our artUleiyTnen, however, were so much exhausted, and the enemy's flanking fire began to be so annoying, that it was determined to make the assault at once. Besides, they were known to be working at a new battery behind the curtain wall, which would have been ready in two THE STORMING COLUMNS. 245 days, and driven us out of our trenches.* The in- liabitants of the city had been ordered by beat of drum to assemble in the direction of the Cashmere Gate, bringing iron picks and shovels with them ; and, as afterwards turned out, they were preparing a new enfilading battery to the right for seventeen guns. The assault would then have been impossible. The chief engineer advised that it should not be put off, and our infantry was divided into five columns of about one thousand men each, to carry the city in different places. The First was composed of detachments of the 75th, 1st Fusiliers, and 2d Punjaub Infantry, to storm the breach near the Cashmere bastion. The Second was made up from her Majesty's 8th, the 2d Fusiliers, and 4th Sikh Infantry, to carry the breach in the Water bastion. It was commanded by Brigadier Jones. The Tliird column, from her Majesty's 5 2d, the Kumaon battalion, and the 1st Punjaub Infantr>% was to blow open and enter by the Cashmere Gate. The Fourth, under Major Keid, was to assault Kissengunge, and enter by the Lahore Gate. He had with him the Goorkbas and Guides, some companies of European troops, and the Cashmere contingent. * See Captain Medley, op. cit. 246 SIEGE OF DELHL The rifth column, consisting principally of native troops, was destined for a reserve. At four o'clock in the morning the different columns took their appointed places. The direction of the storming had been left to Nicholson. The First column was marched sUently down to the Koodsia Bagh ; the Second a little to the right ; and the Third waited on the high-road, which leads to the Cashmere gate. Our batteries redoubled their angry roar, throw- ing shells to drive the enemy away as far as possible from the breaches. The morning was just breaking ; the thunder of our artillery was at the loudest, when all at once it hushed. Every one could hear his heart beat. The artillery had finished their task. Guided by the engineer officers, the stormers marched on with a deep and steady tramp. The Kifles ran forward in skirmishing order, and the heads of the first two columns issued from the Koodsia Bagh at a quick walk. No sooner were their front ranks seen, than a storm of bullets fell upon them from every side. At the breach by the Cashmere gate, for some minutes, it was impossible to get ladders down into the ditch. The enemy dared them to come on. The ladders are thrown down, and the men jump after, and raise them against the escarp. Ikfany are struck down ; the feeble moans of the dying, the THE CASHMERE GATE. 247 groans of the wounded, the shouts and struggles of the living, mingle together. Lieutenant Fitzgerald of the 75th, is the first to mount the breach. He instantly fell dead on the spot. But there are plenty stout hearts behind. They are in at last, and the glorious old colours go over the broken walL The Second column had also burst through. That line of ramparts, which had so often turned back our pur- suing bayonets, was now our own. The Third column had, in the meantime, advanced toward the Cashmere gate, and waited the signal of the explosion. The party, to whom the blowing in of the gate had been committed, consisted of two officers of Engineers, three sergeants, and eight native sappers, with a bugler to sound the advance, if suc- cessful This work was to have been done before dawn, but, through some mistake, it was broad day- light before they reached the spot. Lieutenant Home walked through the outer barrier gate, which he found open, and crossed the broken drawbridge with four men, each canying a bag of powder. The enemy, in alarm, shut the wicket, and Home had time to arrange his bags and jump into the ditch. Tlie firing party followed with four more bags of powder, and a lighted port-fire. The enemy now understood what we were about. The wicket was opened ; through it, 248 SIEGE OF DELHL ' from above, and from every side, came the bullets of the sepoys. Lieutenant Salkeld was wounded in two places, but passed the light to Sergeant Carmichael, who fell dead while attempting to fire the train. Havildar Madhoo was also wounded. It was done by Sergeant Burgess, who immediately sunk with a mortal wound. Sergeant Smith ran forward to see if it wa3 right, and had just time to throw himself in the ditcli, while bugler Hawthorne bore away Salkeld upon his back, bound up his wounds, and carried him to a place of safety. The explosion took instant effect, and our column burst through the shattered gates. The four heroes who survived were recom- mended for the Victoria Cross, which only two of them lived to receive — Salkeld dying of his wounds, and Home, who had escaped such terrible dangers unhurt, perishing by accident about a fortnight after. Tliese men were no desperadoes tired of their lives, who volunteered for the service in place of committing suicide. They got their orders as the most available men, and executed them with a simple heroism never surpassed in the history of the most illustrious nations of the earth. The European quarter of the city was now in our bauds. Unfortunately, the warehouses of the mer- chants who sold European goods were full of wines NICHOLSON. 249 and brandy. Our men had been allowed a double dram of rum before the assault, and flew thirstily upon the liquor in the stores. Many of them were quite intoxicated ; others, instead of following their ofl&cers, went here and there seeking for plimder. Men of different columns and regiments got mixed up with one another. The First and Second columns swept along the circuit of the walls, taking the Moree bastion and the Cabul gate. They were guided by men, who had been driven away from their homes hiBre by the mutiny, and who now returned for revenge. When they approached the Lahore gate, they found they had to push through a lane which would admit only four abreast. It was barricaded and swept by some pieces of artillery, and the enemy were firing from the houses. Our men recoiled Nicholson came up, and ordered a new attack. Major Jacob, of the 1st Fusiliers, assured hiiri it was impossible to carry the passage without artil- lery ; but Nicholson's lion heart was beating too high with the pulse of victory; he would not listen to anything like delay. He ordered an advance, and the officers to the front. This had not the desired effect The companies behind, no longer under the eye of their officers, staggered by the loss they had suffered, and demoralized by plimder, would not come 250 SIEGE OF DELHI. on. Every one who shewed himself was struck down ; Lieutenant Speke was killed, Major Jacob mortally wounded, Captain Greville severely, and the hero Nicholson shot through the chest He ordered himself to be laid in the shade, and said he would wait there till Delhi was taken. But it soon became clear that this would not take place so quickly. Two guns were indeed taken and spiked, but we were obliged to abandon the attempt to force the passage, and fall back upon the Cabul gate. The Third column had been guided by Sir T. Met- calfe, in the most gallant and skilful manner, by a cir- cuitous road through some gardens, to the Chandney Choke, the principal street of DelhL A very destruc- tive fire was poured upon them from the houses, but they made their way to the Jumma Musjid. It was full of men, its gates blocked up, and, towering above their heads on its massive terrace, could be reduced only by the heaviest artillery. They were obliged to fall back with great loss. Cannons were pointed down the streets, that led from the part of the city still in the enemy's hands. The guns in the captured bastions were turned upon them, and everything done to secure our new position. The Fourth column met with a worse mishap. They were to attack Kissengunge and join Nichol- RETREAT OF THE FOURTH COLUMN. 251 son's column at the Cabul gate. Major Eeid was waiting for three guns whicli had been promised him, when the enemy attacked the Cashmere contingent. He hastened to their support. The suburb was full of houses, and had been very strongly fortified. The Cashmere contingent was completely routed, and took to flight with the loss of their four guns. The whole fire of the enemy was turned on Major Reid's force; he himself fell wounded in the head, and his Goorkhas would advance no farther. We were compelled to retreat. A body of the Guides was surrounded in a house, and would have been destroyed, had they not been gallantly brought off by the Belooches. The enemy poured out after us. There was great danger of their breaking into our empty camp, or turning the flank of our storming parties. But the guns that were still mounted on Hindoo Rao's poured shrapnel amongst them, and Chamberlain, now a little recovered from his wound, reassured the scared infantry. Like Tancred saving the Crusaders' camp from the fury of Solyman ; and Brigadier Hope Grant brought up his old Lancers with three regiments of Punjaub cavalry, and Hodson's Sikh and Patau sabres, from the rear of the batte- ries, leaping their horses over the sandbags to save our assailing force from being taken in rear. The 252 SIEGE OF DELHL enemy turned out in large numbers of all arms, and avoiding the open ground, poured a staggering fire upon our cavalry and artillery, helped by the Bum bastion and Talewarie guns. Our troopers could nei- ther charge from the difficulty of the ground, nor retire, to leave the position in the hands of the enemy. They were obliged to sit in their saddles, and wait till some infantry could be spared to come to their relief. The horse artillery did what they could to keep the enemy back, but they became every moment bolder, and spread out, mending their sight and taking better aim. The steadiness, with which the cavalry con- fronted this most anxious position for two hours, is as deserving of praise as the courage of the infantry, who carried the breaches. The Brigadier and four officers composing his staff had their horses killed under them ; two of them were wounded. Tombs lost the half of his now scanty and war-worn guns* crews.** At last some foot was sent up, by whose help the enemy were driven back. A melancholy procession of doolies had been trail- ing all day to our hospitals, which were crowded to the doors with wounded. A field hospital was estab- lished in the church, where the doctors had their operating tables, amputating limbs, tying arteries, and * See Hodson's Letter, September 15, etc. THE RESULT — LOSS AND GAIN. 253 resecting joints. Victory and misery, how are they mingled together ! Honour truly hath no skill in surgery. The mutilated heroes were borne away to camp, to sink and die, or mayhap to recover, to learn to walk on crutches, or keep up a weakly existence a few years longer on the wretched pittance allowed by Government to its disabled soldiers. As the day closed we could count more exactly our gains and our losses — eleven hundred and four men and sixty-six ofi&cers hors de combat, beside those who fell in the Cashmere contingent, of whom we had no returns. The Ist Fusiliers had lost nine officers ; of seventeen serving with the Engineers only seven remained for duty ; and our greatest General was lying waiting for death. We were in possession of little more than a quarter of the city. The enemy were firing on us from the palace and Selim Ghar ; and, from the failure of the attack on Kissengunge, our camp was in great danger of being assailed. Our men, too, had lost their discipline ; many were dead drunk, and guards allowed themselves to be surprised and mur- dered. Before a determined enemy our position was worse than ever. General Wilson was completely unnerved by exliaustion and anxiety, and, it is said, wished to withdraw the troops to their old position and wait for more reinforcements ; but, fortunately 25^ SIEGE OF DELHI. for his own reputation, and for the existence of our empire, he yielded to the pressing advices of some members of his military counciL The task of carrying the rest of the town was an easier one than had been surmised, and was worked out with great skill and caution. The palace and Selim Ghar were bombarded : such places as we wanted to seize were cleared of the enemy by a cannonade, before they were occupied. AVe got along several streets by sapping the inside walls, wliich were generally made of clay. On the IGth the magazine fell into our hands. Its immense stores seemed quite unaffected by the drain kept on it during the siege. It still contained two hundred pieces of ordnance* Large quantities of percussion caps were found, shewing the falsehood of the numerous stories we had heard of their scarcity. The same day the enemy left Kissen- gunge. It was clear their numbers were oozing away. Only the more determined now remained. On the I7th no more than three or four thousand of their troops were in the city, but our progress was still slow. Our men were disorderly and unmanageable ; and even the sense of the danger of our position could not keep them to their ranks. Delhi was a very wealthy city. Though the plunder of kingdoms had long ceased to enter by its gates, its situation THE PLUNDER. 255 made it the great emporium of the commerce of the North-west. It was full of the costliest merchandize, and contained the palaces of many rich Mahomedan sirdars. The p6or Sikh soldiers, from their reed hamlets in the jungle, had dreamed of carrying away jewels and treasures, that would make their families rich for ever. The less imaginative cupidity of the Europeans was equally strong, and there was great danger that the men, who were needed to drive the enemy from his last barricades, might be cut off in detail, dispersed among the mansions and ware- houses of the wide and wealthy city. The intoxicating liquors in the European merchants' stores were de- stroyed at once, lest they should fall into the hands of the men. It was deplorable to see hundreds of bottles of wine and brandy, which were sadly needed for our sick, shivered, and their contents sinking into the ground. Wine, which had fallen to threepence the bottle, soon rose again to six shillings. General Wilson had done his best to obviate the danger. He had promised that the plunder of the city should, when realized, be dfistributed to the army. Prize-agents had been appointed. This had a great effect in restraining the more honourable of the sol- diers, and in giving every one a motive to keep the rest from plundering. Guards were placed at all the 256 SIEGE OF DELHL gates we held, who seized everything that was attempted to be passed through, principally the more bulky and less valuable articles. The Sikhs were not so easily foiled They got bullock waggons to be driven at night to the walls, and dropped their booty down to their friends below. Many women, too, were seized and carried away by them. It was not till the spoils of Dellii wei;e seen passing up to the Pun- jaub, that the news of its capture was fully believed in the great Mussulman cities to the north-west Most of the inhabitants had fled, and some painful scenes were thus avoided. Large numbers of deserted women, with their children, clinging to one another for protection, many of them evidently unaccustomed to walk, passed out by the Cashmere Gate, and through our camp. Our men treated these with kindness and sympathy, but many of the citizens were shot, clasp- ing their hands for mercy. It was known, too, that a large proportion of them had all along wished us well. Helplessness ought to be respected in either sex, espe- cially in those who have never done us wrong. It is as unmanly for an officer to drive his sword through a trembling old man, or a soldier to blow out the brains of a wounded boy, as to strike a woman. But though people talked wildly and fiercely, and though among so many soldiers there were some w^ho shewed DELHI OCCUPIEb. 257 the spirit of the gladiator, the fears of those who anticipated the most violent excesses were fortunately not realized One cannot help thinking, that no na- tion in the world would have shewed more moderation under the provocation endured. On the morning of the 19th, Lieutenant Hodson rode round by the Eed- gah, and entered their camp on the other side of the city, near the Delhi gate. It wfis sUent and deserted. Ammunition, clothes, and plunder strewed around shewed that it had been abandoned in haste. Several wounded sepoys were found and put to death. On the same day the gates of the palace were blown open ; only a few fanatics were found inside, de- termined to live no longer, and a large number of wounded, who were bayonetted^the closing scene in the royal halls of the emperors of Delhi. On the morning of the 20th the Lahore gate, which had been deserted by its defenders, was oc- cupied by our troops, and before night the whole of Delhi was in our hands. Tlie city people had fled or been turned out, and our shrunken force was left alone guarding that wide circuit of walls, which now contained no enemy save some lurking fanatics or wounded sepoys, who were from time to time dragged forth and slain. The Head-quarters had been, several days before, M 2 258 SIEGE OF DELHI. shifted to the city, and were now settled in the palace. The tents of many of the regiments, too, had heen brought down to or within the walls, and soon the last of them were struck, and the old parade ground left bare. It was not four months since the first tent had been pitched there, but a life's load of struggling and patience, and victory and mourning, seemed to lie between. And where were our brothers, who had come in the flush of hope and pride and bounding vigour? Now sleeping in that crowded little graveyard. Old soldiers, who had fought at Cabul and in tlie Punjaub, said that a month at Delhi was more than a year's hard fighting any other where. We had put to flight a disciplined army four times greater than our own. The same men had gone out more than thirty times, to fight an ever fresh and swarming enemy. We had taken a strong city defended by a more powerful artillery, in a sickly season and under a tropical sun. We had saved a falling empire. Tliis, then, was glory, which future ages would look upon and wonder at, and the present acknowledge with gratitude. The last of these hopes we soon found deceitful, at least as far as actions shewed. The war was barely over, when ten thousand of the soldiers who had saved India left the army, whose THE REWARD. 259 name they had rendered glorious, on a doubtful quarrel with the Government, which transferred them, without their consent, from the ranks of the Company to those of the Crown, withholding the bounty it granted freely to the rawest recruit ; and Lord Can- ning announced in General Orders, that their period of service would not be recognised if they again entered our ranks — services painfully given, lightly forgotten. A few months after, many of the con- querors of Delhi and Lucknow were starving in tlie streets of our great cities, without even a medal to prove they had fought, while the Government held their pri^e-money in its coffers, and was showering rewards on native nawabs and ranas, the Lord Lovats and Secretary Murrays of the rebellion. About three years later, by a vote of Parliament, in disregard of the promises of the Ministr}^, and against the advice of all the greatest Indian states- men then living, the Indian army was stripped ol' its privileges and separate existence. Future ages will no doubt have their own heroes to praise, may- hap to reward ; but, whenever the wise and noble- hearted turn over the page of history for a bright and glorious example, they will rest awhile on those that record the achievements of the " Delhi Field Force." 260 " SIEGE OP DELHI. CHAPTER XIII. The insurgents had no longer the walls of Delhi to take refuge behind, but there was still a large army which would never submit, save on terms which we were unwilling to offer. The king, too, had escaped, and it was to be guessed that the Mahomedans of the North-west would do their best to prevent the old prince, whom they considered the lamp of Hindostan, from falling into the hands of his deadly enemies. Natives of India, however, have a great clinging to their homes, and the old man felt his unfitness to be borne about, a houseless fugitive, the mark of conti- nual pursuit, without any fixed place of refuge. It was ascertained that he had retired to the neighbour- hood of the Kootub.** Negociations for his surrender were begun. They were principally carried on by liujjub Ali, who had done most of the work in the intelligence department during the siege, and was a * The Kootub is a beautiful and lofty fluted column, about five niiles from Delhi, one of the most graceful as well as the oldest monuments of Mussulman splendour in IndLo. SURRENDER OF THE KING. 261 man of very great sagacity and astuteness. In affairs of this kind, nothing can be done save through a native medium. A European would be sure to be deceived, lose the thread of the intrigue, or break it off in impatience. Another agent in this work, who no doubt played an important part, from the very large reward he afterwards received, was Mirza Elihee Bucksh, the father-in-law of the late heir-apparent, who had died some months before the mutiny. Through them an offer came from Zeenat Mahal, the favomite wife of the king, that she would persuade him to surrender, on condition that he and the princes should be restored to the position and amenities they held at the commencement of the mutiny. This was what, in a native bargain, is called the spoken price. It soon subsided into a paction, that the king should give himself up, if his own life and that of her son should be guaranteed, and that they should not be exposed to any personal indignity. It was not without much difficulty that, through the persuasion of Chamberlain, General Wilson could be prevailed on to aUow Hodson to make the attempt to bring in the king. He set out with fifty sowars to the Kootub. The road led through the ruins of Old Delhi, amongst which most of the population of the city had taken refuge. When he arrived near the 262 SIEGE OF DELHI. spot, he placed his men within an old gateway, and sent Eujjub Ali and another native envoy to the king, who was surrounded by his attendants and faithful followers, within the precincts of the tomb of Huma- yon, one of the most unfortunate of his ancestors. Like most Mahomedan buildings, it was perfectly defensible, and the king had so large an escort^ that, if the negociation failed, nothing could be done by force. Indeed Hodson's small party would have been in great danger. After two hours' arguing, reassur- ing, and stipulating, Eujjub Ali announced the success of his mission. A covered palanquin issued from the deep shade of the old gateway, containing the Begum. It was of course not searched. Behind, in another, came the king. Hodson dismounted and demanded him to deliver up his arms. The old man asked if he was Hodson Behadur, and would repeat the. promise from the general that his life would be spared. Hodson did so, and added that he would kill him like a dog, if any attempt were made at res- cue. The trembling old creature put the sword he had with him into the powerful hand of Hodson. The boy Jumma Bucksh, the son of the Begum, did the same. The sowars then gathered round the palanquins, and the bearers were ordered to move on. Close behind came a large crowd of Mussulmans, HODSON BRINGS HIM INTO DELHI. 263 their dark faces deepened by the spectacle of their king being carried off by a single white man with a handful of Punjaubees. Very little would have turned them upon the party. Hodson afterwards said that he had never felt a ride longer in his life. The slow shuffling pace of the bearers, their continual changing of their shoulders, and the pressing on of the crowd behind was most aggravating to his patience. The sowars kept close round the palanquins, and Hod- son's calm and quiet demeanour daunted the ever- rising indignation of the throng. No attempt at rescue was made. The crowd fell behind one by one as they neared the city ; and when they came to the Lahore gate, Hodson and his fifty sowars rode alone beside the palanquins. The king was borne through the gate and down the Chandney Choke to his own palace, where a few days before his short and guilty reign had terminated. Here Hodson delivered his prisoners to the civil authorities. His reception by General Wilson, on reporting his success, was not so warm as the nature of it seems to have merited.* "Well, I am glad you have got him," said the old * The friends of Hodson were much dissatisfied at the manner in which General Wilson, in his despatches, arrogated the whole credit of the aifair to himself. They themselves ,il>le, which perhaps arose from the belief, that the enemy were too much dispirited by the capture of Delhi, to dare to make such a vigorous attack upon us. It is not our intention to follow them on their march down country till they joined the Com- mander-in-chief. The reader who takes up the history on that side, written by so many able pens, will trace them aiding in the second relief of Luck- now, and helping to avenge the defeat of General Wyndham upon the Gwalior contingent. We must 274 SIEGE OF DELHI. return to Delhi as we left it, abandoned by its in- habitants. To a stranger the desolation of the great city would have been eloquent of the miseries of war. Save in the immediate vicinity of the houses in which soldiers were quartered, all was silent and deserted. There were no merchants sitting in the bazaars ; no strings of camels or bullock-waggons toiling through the gates ; no passers by in the thoroughfares ; no men talking by the doors of the houses ; no children playing in the dust ; no women's voices from behind the screens. Household furniture of all kinds was lying in the streets. The spectacle was made only more melancholy by traces of recent inhabitants. The ashes were stiU black in the hearths, and domestic animals were roaming up and down in all directions in search of their late possessors. The houses here and there burnt or shattered by cannon shot, and the fragments of shells scattered about, with rotten corpses now and then to be seen, half eaten by crows and jackals, gave a clue to the desolation around. The merchants had stuck to their shops to the last, and had been driven out only by the bombardment and the report of the fierce doings of the soldiers. The shops and warehouses in the Chandney Choke were full of costly goods. Those containing jewellery DELHI AFTER CAPTTKE. 275 were entered and cleaned out in a few minutes. A great deal of valuable spoil fell into private hands. From the very beginning all the property in Delhi had been declared to belong to the army, and prize agents had been appointed to watch over and realize the booty, but their means of doing so were small, and many difficulties were thrown in their way. To collect and guard such an immense amount of miscel- laneous property, scattered over such a wide city, was very diffictdt. A great number of articles of value, such as necklaces, earrings, bracelets, anklets, and all the multifarious ornaments of native women, with piles of rupees, were found concealed under the floors, or in holes of the walls in the houses. The native servants roamed about over the city looting every- where. Tlie European soldiers went about selling things. They had plenty of money in their pockets, which they spent with the recklessness common to their profession. Some private soldiers kept their carriages for a week or two. The temptation now and then proved too strong even for officers. Some of them carried away, and even presented to their friends, valuable jewels and costly shawls. An im- mense deal of property, useless to every one but resi- dents on the spot, was broken and wasted. For every rupee gained in the way of plunder, there were 276 SIEGE OF DELHI. twenty lost to the citizens. The native merchants, who had followed our camp, made their fortunes by buying the goods put up for auction by the prize agents. No one ever doubted that General Wilson^s pro- mise, giving the prize money at Delhi to the army, would be confirmed by the Govemo^ GeneraL It will be remembered that it was this confident expec- tation that they should be no losers, and that the prize money should be equally shared amongst all, that kept the men from dispersing among the streets of the great city, and restrained the reckless cupidit}' of soldiers in the neighbourhood of plunder. Without such a promise we could scarcely have carried the town. Every one was astonished at a Government notification which appeared about three months after. It stated at some length that no one had a right to treat state property, recovered from rebels, as subject to the laws of prize. It must revert to the govern- ment. No mention was made of what was to be done with the property of rebels, or what could not be traced. As a reward for the exertions of the Delhi field force, they were to receive six months* batta. Every one at once concluded that the govermnent would thus manage to appropriate all the prize money, a striking proof of the little credit its servants gave THE PRIZE MONEY. 277 ii. This caused the utmost discontent. The officers of the native troops, who had come down from the Punjaub under the belief that they would share in the spoils of Delhi (a hope which had kept them faithful during the siege), were afraid to tell their men of the Governor-General's order ; and the Europeans shewed their contempt and anger in the most open manner. They wrote upon the walls of their barracks, "Delhi captured and India saved for 36 rupees 10 annas ;" and at one station actually went out to plunder the government bullock-waggon trains. "Whatever may be said against Lord Canning, it wiU be acknowledged that he has a high sense of honour. A scheme so questionable could have had no chance of his concur- rence, unless indeed the matter had been totally mis- represented to him. It was not until several months were over, and the dangerous excitement had some- what subsided, that a second proclamation appeared, stating that the intentions of government had been misunderstood, and granting to the army not only the whole of the prize money, but six months more batta. That the Governor-General should have endangered the fidelity of the army, and disappointed its hopes so cruelly, merely to lay down so self-evident a truism, that state property, when captured by rebels and re- covered by its own troops, belongs to the government, 278 SIEGE OF DELHI. seemed very strange. It seemed stranger still that no one who read the first proclamation ever doubted — although that question was left at least doubtful — that the government would wish to take the whole thirty-five lacs of prize money, instead of content- ing itself with its recovered property, that is, the stores in the magazine, to which the prize agents never laid any claim. They now admitted that the govern- ment was a noble and generous one, and none doubted that the prize money would be speedily distributed to the army. Here again they had mistaken the inten- tions of the government. Three years have now passed away, and half the men that fought at Delhi are in their graves, but no one has yet (1861) received a pice of the prize money,* nor any so much as a * The royal warrant for the Delhi prize money appeared in the Gazette of 9th February lb6i, and is dated 16th December 1860. It granted the whole of the prize money actually realizinl, amounting to 34 lakhs, 61,213 rupees, to the ofl&cers and soldiers engaged in the operations which began at Ghazeeoodeenuggur on the 30th of May 1857, and ended with the capture of the fort of Jhujjur, 19th October 1867. One-twentieth of the whole was granted to the legal represen- tatives of the late Sir Henry Barnard, to General Reid, and Sir Archdale Wilson, and to the heirs of the late General Penney, according to the time that they held their several commands. The shares are calculated on the scale of the daily pay of each man, one share for each shilling. Native soldiers thus get half a share, European privates one share each, up to a THE CITIZENS. 279 medal to point them out among the sokliers of nations, who two years later gained decorations on the plains of Lombardy, as men who had conquered at Delhi and Lucknow. The loss of their property was not the only punish- ment the city people had to endure. They were driven, as already said, out of their homes, and had to put up as they best could among the ruins of Old Dellii and in the neighbouring villages. Hundreds of the more feeble perished through want and misery. It was not till the end of November, that the Hindoo portion of the population was allowed to return. major-general, who gets seventy-six shares. Even the water- carriers, bullock-drivers, and dooUe-bearers are not forgotten. Formerly it was customary to allow the commander of a force as much as one-eighth of the whole prize money. This new scale, however, is, as will be observed, much more favourable to the lower ranks. The M'arrant is most considerate and judicious. The prize money will probably not be paid for at least two years (March 1861). The valuable property taken in the fort of Jhujjur had been claimed by Brigadier Showers for those who entered that place, which was done without any resistance, and was indeed the natural consequence of the fall of Delhi. This was over- ruled, but all tliose, who had walked in there, were allowed to participate in the common prize money. This accounts for the name of General Penney receiving so large a share. He commanded the troops in Delhi after the retirement of General Wilson, though he was never pre- sent at the actual siege. 280 SIEGE OF DELHL No Maliomedans could get in at the gates without a special order, and a mark was set upon their houses, and they were required to prove their loyalty before getting back again. At the same time, no one was disposed that the more guilty should escape. Those who had distinguished themselves most during the mutiny had every opportunity to make off. It is surprising, however, how many were caught hovering about the neighbourhood ; twenty-nine of the royal house were taken and put to death. Almost the only one of note who escaped was the Prince Feroze Shah, who, as a leader in the rebel army, rivalled Tantia Topee in the rapidity of his movements. He is sup- posed to be still hiding in the jungles of Central India, and his name is still breathed by the Mussul- mans as the last of the house of Timour. Amongst those executed at Delhi was the man, who had com- manded the rebel army at the battles on the Ilindun and Badle SeraL Offenders who were seized were handed over to a military commission to be tried. The work went on with celerity. Death was almost the only punish- ment, and condemnation almost the only issue of a triaL The gentlemen who had to judge offenders were in no mood for leniency. Tlie murder of their relatives in the mutinies, the death of their friends THE EXTREME ENGLISH PARTY. 281 and comrades in battle, the sight of the ruins of the European bungalows, and the recollections called forth by the very stones of Delhi, were enough to embitter the heart of any one. It was sufficient to prove that any man had helped the rebel cause with provisions or stores, for him to be put to death. Between two mI three hundred people were hanged. All this, However, did not satisfy the vindictive fury of some, tlie * mountain party' of the Indian mutiny. There was a cry, that those in authority at Delhi wished to screen the guilty, and the fact of the king's life having been promised to him, was a valuable one for this strong-minded faction. Having, besides, an active imagination, they invented a few more, such as that the king still retained his insignia of royalty, and the piince Jumma Bucksh had two English officers to iitiid liim when he took a ride. With these hallu- cinations, joined to the facts that a very deserving Mahomedan had been appointed extra-assistant com- missioner down the country, and that the city of Delhi had not been demolished, they were able to make a surprising amount of clamour. It was princi- pally of an oral character, though the more highly educated in their ranks wrote, some of them in pretty good English, long and fiery letters, lavish of interjec- tions and doggerel rhymes, in those Anglo-Indian N 2 282 SIEGE OF DELHL newspapers which were disposed to increase their credit by circulating them. They considered that Delhi ought to be rased to the ground (which would have been by far the most laborious work the English had as yet executed in India) ; that the ploughshare should be passed over the site of the Jumma Musjid, and a cross erected upon the spot ; that no Mahome- dan should be employed by our government, though some of our bravest regiments were nearly made up of them ; that Islam ought to be confined and exas- perated by insulting enactments, and Hinduism alarmed by interference with the system of caste and by chronic affronts, as if the prejudices and customs of a nation can be destroyed by law. An immense number of natives, they thought, ought to be killed. Some of them held the country ought to be christian- ized, and the inhabitants taught English en masse. Some could not perceive why Hindostan could not be colonized as well as New Zealand. Others would send a large European population to culti- vate the peaks of the Himalayas. Tliis party never gained the ascendency ; its advocates did not seem to rise rapidly to the posts of distinction for which they believed themselves fitted ; and its influence was always less than the noise it made. But the powers of life and death were occasionally intrusted, LENIENCY AND SEVERITY. 283 during those critical times, to persons altogether unfit to execute them. Their zeal hindered their own purpose. The government, alarmed at an indis- criminate craving for blood and licence, which might have changed the insurrection into a war of races and creeds, hastened to bridle them by amnesties, which were not all of them well timed. The Mahomedan fanaticism was excited and kept up, the suspicions of the Hindoos about their caste were confirmed and aggravated, the war was prolonged and made more bloody, and our reputation for justice and mercy was shaken among the nations of the continent That such people accused the authorities at Delhi of over leniency, will be a valuable testimony to them in future times. The Commissioner, Mr. Saunders, fell in for a large share of their censure. To wind up a topic so essentially unpleasant, it is but justice to note, that the punishment which fell upon the guilty city, though very severe, contrasts favourably, a>j a distinguished French writer* has remarked, with * iL le Comte Montalembert, — we give his words (from an Euglish translation, the original not being at hand), " I admit that the severe punishment inflicted on soldiers, captured with arms in their hands, all of them voluntarily enlisted, and bound under an oath, taken of their own free will, to respect the commanders whom they have massacred, cannot be compared with the chastisements inflicted on innocent and 28^ SIEGE OF DELHI. the conduct of the most civilized nations under cir- cumstances much less exasperating, much less blood having been shed at DeUii (save in the field) than in many districts, where reprisals were much less called for. No great time, moreover, has elapsed since the vengeance was inflicted, and yet it is already in our power to present the British conducting themselves, in this very spot, in singular and pleasing contrast In the year 1860, owing to the failure of the rains, the com withered on the stalk, the grass was dried up, and a dreadful famine fell upon those districts which had been desolated by the war. About Meerut, Delhi, Agra, Mutia, and Kohilcund, the summer and spring crops were entirely lost. Suppliants were seen to drop down dead in the streets, begging for alms ; parents sold their children for a few annas ; people died by hundreds, whole villages at once ; hospitable populations by the conquerors of the X» w ^^^'ll.l, nor even with the rigorous punishments, decreed by our generals of the French Empire against the populations of Spain and of tlie T}'rol, engaged in the most legitimate of insurrections ; still less to the horrors conuuitted in Vendee by the butchers of the convention. But, for all that, I am not less convinced that the just limits of repression have been overpassergotten or concealed. He seems at first to have met with I cool reception, but this soon passed away, and he received the usual honours given to a chief of high rank, and remained several days the guest of the Nawab. It was proved that, by threats and violence, he had extorted a large sum of money from the merchants of Jhujjur, and had sent treasure to assist the royal cause, that two envoys of his had audience in the palace, and that he had sent a body of sowars under the com- mand of his father-in-law to fight against us at Dellii. Several friendly letters from the King to the Nawab were also pro- duced. His defence was, that he was but a tool in the hands of his soldiers, and that he was compelled by his officers to receive the prince. Tlie fact of the treasure being sent was met with a denial. The extenuating point was, that he had sheltered and escorted to our camp a party of European fugitives. 288 SIEGE OF DELHI. war material, dispersed the sepoy army, and destroyed the prestige accruing from the possession of the capital of the ancient seat of government, and of an acknowledged head to the political movements of the insurgents. It brought back the Doab to us, relieved us from an imminent rising in the Punjaub, and allayed the ferment in Bombay and Madras, though the news came too late to check the mutiny of the Joudpore legion. Tlie head of the rebellion was cnished, but the body still moved. After the news of the fall of Delhi had been spread through the Pimjaub, an (^meute took place among the wild herdsmen and vagabonds, who assemble after the rains in the well- nigh uninhabited country round about Googaira, affording at that season excellent pasturage, but at other times of the year a sandy desert Googaira lies between Moultan and Lahore, and this disturbance shut up for a time the only road by which we could communicate with Europe. Without aim, "without leaders, and without weapons, it was suppressed about the middle of November after a good deal of exposure and marching, and only served to show how strong the bent towards rebellion had become. This was the only civil outbreak in the Punjaub, save an abortive attempt of the hillmen at Murree to plunder the bungalows there. LUCKNOW. 289 It has been said that while the capture of Delhi set free three thousand men to aid the Commander-in- chief to relieve Lucknow, it let loose thirty thousand trained sepoys to swell and give a shape to the irre- gular bands of Oude. But if the great majority of the rebel army escaped, they escaped in a different condition from that in which they had entered. They came in organised brigades and regiments, full of hope, rich with plunder, and elate with unresisted massacre and mutiny. They fled away in disorderly pai-ties, their faces darkened, disgusted with one another, their money spent, their bravest comrades killed in battle, with but a scanty supply of ammunition, and leaving all their heavy guns behind them. Three months before, tlie sepoys who opposed Havelock were turn- ing their percussion guns into matchlocks. They had no more caps. As a general rule, they all had to fight out the war with such wretched firearms, against the fresh troops that were arriving from Europe, expert at the Enfield rifle. Never again did they turn their faces to us in the field for more tlian a few minutes.* Their next great stand was at Lucknow, but no * The GwaHor contingent has a right to be excluded from thi« remark, but they never were at Delhi, and came up to Cawnpore fresh troops. 290 SIEGE OF DELHI. one who served at Delhi ever thought of comparing the one with the other. Hodson, in tlie last letter but one he ever wrote, said, " Pandy has quite given up fighting, except pot shots under cover, and iiins at the very sight of troops advancing. I stood on the top of the Dilkoosha palace yesterday, and watched the capture of as strong a position as men could wish for, (which at Delhi would have cost us hundreds), with- out the enemy making a single struggle or firing a shot.'* The paucity of means, both in men and ordnance, is what gives the chiefest glory to our triumph at Delhi. At Lncknow, the Commander-in- chief had one of the most numerous and well ap- pointed armies, and certainly the most powerful and crushing train of artiQer}', that ever opened fire in India, against the scanty and wretched fabrications of the native arsenals, and the ill-flanked and hastily constructed fortifications of Lucknow. No one will venture to disparage the gallant army and skilful leader, that so gloriously put an end to the war. They had difficulties enough to conquer, and gained renown enough for themselves. Nothing could exceed the steadfast bravery, which enabled them, against over- powering numbers, to accomplish the second relief of Lucknow. The wonderful celerity and success with which the defection of Scindia's army was quelled. CONCLUSION. 291 and the heights of Gwalior carried, joined to the dreadful fatigues and dangerous exposure to the sun endured by the force, gave a character quite unique to Sir Hugh Eose's Central India campaign. But it must be cheering to all to reflect, that the two greatest struggles in the war, the siege of Delhi, and the relief of Lucknow, were fought out without the aid of a single soldier from Europe. Our victory itself brought us reinforcements. The military population of the Punjaub no longer hung back ; claimants for enlistment appeared in double the number we desired, many of them old soldiers ready for instant service. Kegiment after regiment was raised, and the officers who had escaped from the mutineers put at their head, and we soon had a native army, larger than the one that had risen against us. After the war was over, people might grumble at the deficit their pay made in the revenue, but it would have been very difficult for us to march and hunt down the broken bodies of the rebels without our Punjaubee legions, who served us with unhoped for fidelity and a bravery, which placed them on a level with European troops. The help they afforded us was perfectly appreciated both by themselves and by the Poorbeahs, although evident political reasons kept our government from acknowledging it to the full. 292 SIEGE OF DELBL And since, by ways so wonderful and by means so unexpected, Grod, who rules over all tilings, has given us the victory, let us hope that he will also teach us so to govern the people whom we have conquered, that our rule may be a blessing to them and not a scourge ; and that he vdW grant they may leam from us the virtues which they so sorely need, and, adding tliem to the good qualities they undoubtedly possess, may become a light and an example to the fallen races of the East. V APPENDIX, OFFICIAL RETURNS TAKEN FROM THE PAMPHLET OF COLONEL NORMAN. Return of Sick and Wounded of all ranks of the Delhi Field Force. nth September 1857. Artillery Europeans 131 „ Natives 126 Engineer Brigade 2U 6th Dragoon Guards 45 Her Majesty's 9th Lancers 51 Detachment 1st Punjaub Cavalry 4 „ 2d do. 4 „ 5th do. 10 „ 4th Irregular Cavalry 16 Hodson's Horse . . . , 32 H. M.*8 8th Regiment (part of) . 124 H. M.'s 5th Light Infantry 332 H. M.'s 60th Rifles (part of) 121 H. M.'s 6 1 St Regiment . 256 )4 APPENDIX. H. M.'s 75th Eegiment . . .160 1st European Fusiliers 183 2d European Fusiliers 262 Sirmoor Battalion 232 Kumaon Battalion 165 Guide Corps 209 4th Sikh Infantry 121 1st Punjaub Infantry 136 2d Punjaub Infantry 76 4th Punjaub Infantry 50 Wing Belooch Battalion . 14 t rotal , 3074 List of Officers Killed, died of Wounds, or Wounded at and near Delhi from the 30th May 1857 to the final capture of the place on the 20th September, 1857. Palace of Delhi, 23d September 1857. Killed or died of Wounds. Brigadier General J. Nicholson, Commanding 4th Infantry Brigade. Colonel C. Chester, Adjutant General of the Army. Captain C. W. Eussell, 54th Native Infemtry, Orderly Officer. Captain J. W. Delamain, 5Gth Native Infantry, ditto. Captain R C. H. B. Fagan, Artillery, previously slightly wounded. RETURNS OF KILLED AND WOUNDED. 295 Lieutenant E. H. Hildebrand, ditto. Lieutenant H. G. Perkins, ditto. Lieutenant T. E. Dickens, ditto. 2d Lieutenant F. S. Tandy, Engineers. 2d Lieutenant E. Jones, ditto. Captain T. M. Greensill, 24th Foot, Assistant Field Engineer. Assistant Surgeon S. Moore, 6 th Dragoon Guards. Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel R A. Yule, 9th Royal Lancera Lieutenant W. W. Pogson, Her Majesty's 8th (the King's) Regiment, previously slightly wounded. Lieutenant W. R Webb, ditto. Lieutenant W. H. Mountsteven, ditto. Lieutenant J. H. Bradshaw, Her Majesty's 62d Light Infantry. Captain F. Andrews, Her Majesty's 60th Royal Rifles. Ensign "W. H. Napier, ditto. Lieutenant M. A. Humphrys, 20th Regiment Native Infantry, attached to Her Majesty's 50th Rifles. Ensign E. A L. Phillipps, 11th Regiment Native In- fantry, attached to ditto, previously twice slightly wounded. Lieutenant T. Gabbott, Her Majesty's 6l8t Regiment. Ensign S. B. Elkington, ditto. Captain E. W. J. Knox, Her Majesty's 75th Regiment. Lieutenant J. R S.'FitzGerald, ditto. Lieutenant A. Harrison, ditto. Lieutenant E. V. Briscoe, ditto. Lieutenant W. Crozier, ditto. 296 APPENDIX. Major G. 0. Jacob, 1st European Fusiliers, previously slightly wounded Captain G. G. McBamett, 55tli Native Infantry, attached to 1st Fusiliers. Lieutenant E. Speke, 65th Native Infantry, attached to do. Lieutenant S. H. Jackson, 2d Fusiliers. 2d Lieutenant D. F. Sheriflf, ditto. 2d Lieutenant C. F. Gambier, 38th Light Infantry, attached to 2d Fusiliers. Ensign 0. C. Walter, 45th Native Infantry, attached to ditto. Ensign E. C. Wlieatley, 54th Native Infantry, attached to Sirmoor Battalion. Lieutenant* J. H. Bro\vn, 33d Native Infantry, attached to Kumaon Battalion. Lieutenant J. Yorke, 3d Kegiment Native Infantry, attached to 4th Sikh Infantry. Brevet Captain W. G. Law, 10th Native Infantry, attached to 1st Punjaub Infantry. Lieutenant E. J. Travers, 2d in command, ditto. Lieutenant W. H. Lumsden, Adjutant, ditto. Ensign J. S. Davidson, 26th Native light Infantry, attached to 2d Pimjaub Infantry. Lieutenant R P. Homfray, 4th Punjaub Infantry. Lieutenant Q. Battye, Commandant of Cavalry Guide Corps. Lieutenant A. W. ^Murray, 4 2d Native Light Infantry, attached to Guide Corps, previously severely wounded. Lieutenant C. B. Bannerman, Belooch Battalion. RETUKNS OF KILLED AND WOUNDED. 297 Wounded, Brigadier General N. B. Chamberlain, Adjutant General of the Army, severely. Colonel A. M. Becher, Qaaiter Master General of the Army, severely. Lieutenant F. S. Eoberts, Officiating Deputy Assistant Quarter Master General, slightly. Brigadier H. Garbett, C.B., Artillery, shghtly. Brigadier St. G. D. Showers, 1st Infantry Brigade, se- verely. Captain H. E. H. Bumside, Brigade Major, 3d Infantry Brigade, twice slightly. Lieutenant F. C. Innes, 60th Native Infantiy, Orderly Officer, slightly. Lieutenant Colonel T. Seaton, C.B., 35th Native Light Infantry, attached to Ist Infantry Brigade, severely. Lieutenant Colonel R. Droughty 60th Infantry, attached to 2d Infantry Brigade, severely. Major J. H. Campbell, Artillery, severely. Brevet Lieutenant Colonel M. Mackenzie, Artillery, severely. Captain E. K. Money, ditto, severely. Captain J. Young, ditto, slightly. Brevet Major H. Tombs, ditto, slightly twice. Captain T. E. Kennion, ditto, severely. Captain A. Light, ditto, slightly. Ist Lieutenant A Bunny, ditto, slightly. Ist Lieutenant H. P. Bishop, ditto, do. 298 APPENDIX. 1st Lieutenant G. Baillie, Artillery, slightly. 1st Lieutenant A. Gillespie, ditto, do. 1st Lieutenant E. L Earle, ditto, do. Ist Lieutenant A. H. Lindsay, ditto, do. 1st Lieutenant C. Hunter, ditto, do. 2d Lieutenant J. Hills, do, severely. 2d Lieutenant M. Elliott^ ditto, do. 2d Lieutenant P. Thompson, ditto, do. 2d Lieutenant A. H. Davidson, ditto, do. 2d Lieutenant E. Eraser, ditto, slightly. 2d Lieutenant R T. Hare, ditto, do. 2d Lieutenant H. Chichester, ditto, do. Lieutenant and Riding Master S. Budd, ditto, do. Assistant Surgeon W. W. Ireland, ditto, dangerously. Lieutenant Colonel R. Baird Smith, Engineers (Chief Engineer), slightly. Lieutenant W. W. H. Greathed, Engineers, very severely. Lieutenant J. T. Walker, Bombay Engineers, severely. Lieutenant F. R. ^Maunsell, Engineers, very severely. Lieutenant J. G. Medley, ditto, severely. Lieutenant R Salkeld, ditto, dangerously. Lieutenant E. Walker, ditto, slightly. Lieutenant G. T. Chesney, ditto (Brigade Engineers), severely. Lieutenant W. E. Warraud, Engineers, dangerously. Lieutenant H. A Brownlow, ditto, do. Lieutenant M. G. Geneste, ditto, slightly. Lieutenant J. St. J. Hovenden, ditto, severely. Lieutenant (E. Perkins, ditto, slightly. RETURNS OF KILLED AND WOUNDED. 299 2d Lieutenant J. N. Champain, Engineers, slightly. 2d Lieutenant R B. C. Pemberton, ditto, do. 2d Lieutenant P. Murray, ditto, do. 2d Lieutenant H. A. L Carnegie, ditto, do. Ensign (Local) L Gustavinski, Punjaub Sappers, severely. Ensign (Local) C. Anderson, do. slightly. Captain C. P. Rosser, Her Majesty's 6th Dragoon Guards, dangerously. Lieutenant A. A. de Bourbel, ditto, severely. Captain the Hon. A. H. A. Anson, Her Majesty's 84th Regiment, attached to Her Majesty's 9th Lancers, slightly. Lieutenant R Cuppage, 6 th Light Cavalry, attached to Her Majesty's 9 th Lancers, do. Lieutenant Watson, 1st Punjaub Cavalry, do. Lieutenant H. H. Gough, 3d Light Cavalry, attached to Hodson's Horse, do. Brevet Lieutenant Colonel J. C. Brooke, Her Majesty's 8th Eegiment, severely. Captain E. G. Daniell, ditto, do. Brevet Major R. Baynes, ditto, dangerously. Brevet Captain D. Beere, do., severely. Brevet Captain E K Sandilands, ditto, twice slightly. Lieutenant G. E. Walker, ditto, severely. Lieutenant W. J. Metge, ditto, slightly. Colonel G. Campbell, Her Majesty's 5 2d Light Infantry ditto. Captain J. A. Bayley, ditto, severely. Lieutenant W. Atkinson, do., shghtly. 300 APPENDIX. Ensign T. Simpson, Her Majesty's 5 2d Light Infantry, slightly. Captain H. E Williams, Her Majesty's 60tli Rifles, severely. Captain C. Jones, ditto, do. Captain G. C. H, Waters, ditto, once severely, once slightly. Lieutenant H. P. Eaton, ditto, dangerously. Lieutenant J. D. Dundas, ditto, slightly. Lieutenant H. G. Deeds, ditto, do. Lieutenant P. G. Curtis, ditto, once severely, once slightly. Ensign W. G. Turlo, ditto, severely. Ensign A. C. Heathcote, ditto, slightly. Surgeon J. II. K Innes, ditto, do. Captain W. E. D. Deacon, Her Majesty's 61st Regiment, severely. Lieutenant T. M. Moore, do., slightly. Lieutenant W. H. W. Pattoun, do., severely. Lieutenant A. C. Young, ditto, do. Lieutenant C. J. Griffiths, ditto, do. Lieutenant T. B. Hutton, ditto, slightly. Ensign E. B. Andros, ditto, do. Lieutenant Colonel C. Herbert, Her Majesty's 75th Regiment, t-vvice slightly. Captain T. C. Dunbar, ditto, do. Captain A. Chancellor, ditto, do. Captain R. Dawson, ditto, dangerously. Captain R Freer, Her Majesty's 27th Regiment, attached to Her Majesty's 75th, shghtly. RETURNS OF KILLED AND "WOUNDED. 301 Lieutenant and Adjutant R. Barter, Her Majesty's 75th Regiment, severely. Lieutenant C. R Rivers, do., slightly. Lieutenant E. Armstrong, ditto, do. Lieutenant G. C. N. Faithful, ditto, do. Lieutenant C. M. Pym, ditto, do. Ensign R Wadeson, ditto, severely. Ensign Dayrell, 68th Native Infantry, attached to Her Majesty's 75th Regiment, do. Paymaster D. F. CJhambers, Her Majesty's 75th Regiment, slightly. Assistant Surgeon S. A. Lithgow, ditto, do. Colonel J. Welchman, Ist Fusiliers, dangerously. Captain S. Greville, ditto, once severely, twice slightly. Captain E. Brown, ditto, dangerously. Lieutenant H. M. Wemyss, ditto, once severely, once slightly. Lieutenant J. W. Daniell, ditto, severely. Lieutenant E. A. C. Lambert, do., slightly. Lieutenant A. G. Owen, ditto, once severely, once slightly. 2d Lieutenant N. Ellis, do., slightly. Captain J. P. Caulfield, 3d Regiment Native Infantry, attached to 1st Fusiliers, do. Captain W, Graydon, 1 6th Grenadiers, ditto, severely. Lieutenant E. H. Woodcock, 55th Native Infantry, ditto, do. Lieutenant A Elderton, 2d Fusiliers, do. Lieutenant C. R. Blair, ditto, dangerously. Lieutenant J. T. Harris, ditto, severely. 302 APPENDIX. Captain J. C. Hay, attached to 2d Fusiliers, dangeroiiBly. Captain D. Kemp, 5th Eegiment Native Infantry, ditto, severely. Lieutenant T. N. Walker, 60th Native Infantry, do., twice slightly. Major C. Eeid, Commandant Sirmoor Battalion, severely. Lieutenant D. B. Lockhart, 7 th Native Infantry, attached to Sirmoor Battalion, do. Lieutenant S. Ross, 9th Native Infantry, ditto, slightly. Lieutenant A. Tulloch, 20th Native Infantry, ditto, once severely, once slightly. Lieutenant H. D. E. W. Chester, 36th Native Infentry, ditto, slightly. Lieutenant A. H. Eckford, 69 th Native Infantry, ditto, do. Captain H. F. ^I. Boisragon, 2d in command Kumaon Battalion, severely. Lieutenant A. B. Temple, 49th Native Infantry, attached to Kumaon Battalion, slightly. Lieutenant C. F. Packe, 4th Eegiment Native Infantry, attached to 4 th Sikh Infantry, severely. Lieutenant F. H. Jenkins, 57 th Native Infantry, ditto, do. Lieutenant A. Pallan, 36th Native Infantry, ditto, do. Major J. Coke, commanding 1st Punjaub Infantry, do. Lieutenant C. J. Nicholson, 31st Native Infantry, Acting Commandant 1st Punjaub Infantry, do. Lieutenant H. T. PoUock, 35 th Light Infimtiy, attached to ditto, very severely. Lieutenant T. M. Shelley, 11th Native Infantry, attached to ditto, slightly. RETUENS OF KILLED AND WOUNDED. Ensign (Local) C. Prior, attached to 1st Punjaub Infantry, slightly. Captain G. W. G. Green, Commandant 2d Punjaub Infantry, ditto. Lieutenant Frankland, 2d in Command, ditto, severely. Captain H. D. Daly, Commandant Guide Corps, do. Lieutenant T. G. Kennedy, Oflficiating Commandant Cavalry, ditto, do. Lieutenant R H. Shebbeare, 60th Native Infantry, attached to Guide Corps, twice slightly. Lieutenant C. W. Hawes, Adjutant, ditto, slightly. lieutenant E. E. B. Bond, 57 th Native Infantry, attached to ditto, severely. Ensign 0. J. Chalmers, 3d Native Infantry, ditto, slightly. 304 APPENDIX. Return of Killed, "Wounded, and Missing of the Delhi neiglibourhood of Delhi, on 30th May 1857, up I'i KilXED. CORPS, II if Offlcrs Non- Comd Offlcrs Dram mers, etc. Rank and file. t f > 1 5 1 , H C 5 s z i ^ & 1 1 & Staff 4 4 8 Artillery, including driverB, gun Inscars and newly raised Sikh Artillery 1360 4 1 4 1 80 i5 74 65 Engineers and Sappers and Miners (including 5 Companies newly raised Punjaub Sappers) . 722 3 2 S 3 1 81 43 Her Majesty's 6th Dragoon Gaarda (4 Troops) .... 123 1 6 IS 19 16 Her Majesty's Oth Lancers 391 1 1 25 27 39 Detachment 4th Irregular Cavalrj- (disanned and dismounted) . 78 Detachment 1st Pun^jaub Cavalry 147 1 1 1 „ 2d Punjaub Cavalry 114 1 „ 6th Pun.iaub Cavalry 107 Hodson's Irregular Horse . 462 2 Her Majesty's 8th Regiment 822 3 5 19 27 52d Light Infantry 302 1 1 17 19 „ 60th Rifles . 890 4 2 106 lis „ 61st Regiment . 402 2 2 28 82 _ _ „ 75th Regiment . 469 6 4 74 84 1st European Fusiliers 427 3 10 83 98 2d European Fusiliers 370 4 7 71 88 Sii-moor Battalion 212 1 8 Bi 86 Kumaon Battalion . 312 1 2 18 21 Guide Corps (Cav. and Inf. : 302 Inf., 283 Cav.) .... 586 2 5 13 2 50 72 16 4th Sikh Infantry (including Re- cruits) 414 1 2 s 40 46 1st Punjaub Infantry (including Recruits) 664 3 3 5 66 77 2d Punjaub Infantry (including Recruits) .... 660 1 1 s 9 38 43 4th Punjaub Infantry (including Recnxits) 541 1 1 8 10 Wing Belooch Battalion . 822 1 7 8 Pioneers (unarmed and undisci- No plined) Grand Total return 1 1 28 25 189 9866 1 46ll4 i^ 8 476 389 1012 RETURNS OF KILLED AND WOUNDED. 805 Field Force, from the commencement of the operations in the to capture of the City on the 20th September. Palack of Delhi, 2Sd September 1857. WOITKDKD. Missing. Si" u 1 !<3gS * Non- Drum- Rank and file. Non- Drum- Rank H « P >-> Offlcn Comd mera. Offlcrs. Comd. mers, and Offlcra. etc. 1 1 Offlcrs etc. 1 file. 1 i 1 i i ^ 1 1 f i } ^ a 1 o i i 1 1 > 1 [i m 9 9 2 13 10 S3 1 18 i 4 199 47 289 62 2 2 4 365 121 1» 1 10 50 86 9 9 138 i e 11 11 30 27 i «1 66 46 36 93 121 1 2 3 8 3 3 I 5 6 12 3 7 16 3 3 2 3 3 1 3 4 4 4 5 I 5 6 11 11 1 11 14 7 120 136 163 4 65 77 5 5 101 10 17 249 276 889 7 105 119 1 4 5 156 14 177 198 3 8 286 3 11 33 1 186 221 319 e 11 146 162 245 8 8 1 210 233 319 2 3 3 30 38 5 5 64 10 43 4 168 281 33 303 58 3 7 8 98 116 162 5 5 7 184 151 228 2 4 7 96 109 162 2 6 54 61 71 5 43 40 1 1 58 1 1 128 130 155 HQ I" 108 99 6 6 1313 107« 2795 186 1 12 1 30 53 88.37 878 H. W. NORALA.N, Lieutenant, Assistant Adjutant- Oeneral of the Army. 2 306 APPENDIX. ABSTEACT. i Is J5o ^5| a I^ 1 1 11 a^ 1 EUled . . Wounded Missing . 46 140 14 49 80 207 1 7 10 865 2389 29 1012 2795 SO 139 186 53 572 1566 IS 440 1229 17 1012 2795 SO Total. . . 186 63 288 17 8283 3887 378 2151 1688 8837 Memorandtim.—Thone OfRcen who died of wonnds during the riege are In- cluded as killed, but those returned as killed of other ranks were all killed at ' the time, there being no documents a\'ailable to shew what number of wounded Soldiers died in consequence of their injuries. l 216S 327 Officers and men killed, wounded, and missing, prior to 8th September, on which date the batteries for the reduction of the place were opened Officers and men killed, wounded, and missiag, fh>m above date until morning of assault ....... Officers and men killed, wounded, and missing, in the aaaanlt of 14Ui September ......... 1170 Officers and men killed, wounded, and missing, from 15th September until final capture of the City on the 20th idem ... 177 Total 3837 N. B.— Since this return was compiled, it has been ascertained that a mistiOce to8k place in the returns furnished by the 8th Foot of casualties at the assault, 17 more men having been killed than were actually entered. Owing to the numerous casualties in Corps during the siege, it is probable that some were omitted to be returned, and that the loss in several Regiments exceeds that above shewn. H. W. NORALAJS", Lieutejiant, AsiUtant Adjutant General of the Army. TRIAL OF THE KING OF DELHI. 307 TRIAL OF THE KING OF DELHI. The King of Delhi had surrendered himself under the promise that his life should be spared, and that he should not be treated with personal indignity. Some were very much dissatisfied that these promises were kept, — but the latter of them was scarcely so. A letter from Delhi,* dated the 14th January 1858, says, — " It is not true that the King is living in state, but, on the contrary, he is con- fined to a Uttle room containing only one charpoy (or cot), and allowed but two annas (3d.) a day for liis food. He is treated with great disrespect by the officers and soldiers, though Mr. Saunders is civil to him. The officers boast that they make the King stand up and salaam to them, and one of them pulled his beard." The begum and prin- of his house had come to share his prison with him. These unfortunate ladies, to whom no guilt could be attached, were exposed to the gaze of officers and soldiers, who could go into the room where they were at pleasure. To a native woman of the very lowest class this is an unutterable shame. My informant, a private soldier, who went to see the King, noticed their gilt slippers at the * Mofussilitc 308 APPENDIX. door, which surely ought to have been sufficient to prevent any one, who wished to refrain from insulting helpless women, from entering. On his suddenly going in, they all turned their faces to the wall. It was determined that the King should be tried, though the punishment of death could not be passed upon him. It was delayed for some time on account of the feeble health of the prisoner. On the 2 7th day of January 1858, Mohammed Bahadur Shah, ex-King of Delhi, was brought before a military commission consisting of five European officers, assembled in tlie Hall of Audience, and the proceedings continued for twenty-one days, being closed on the 29tli March. He was arraigned on four charges. The first three state that he, being a subject and pensioner of the British Government in India, did aid and abet Mohammed Bukht Khan, subahdar of artillery, and his son the prince Mii'za Mogul, and divers others unknown, to mutiny, rebel, and wage war against the British Government — that he had proclaimed himself the Sovereign of India, seized possession of Delhi, and waged war against the state. The fourth charge accused him of being accessory to the murder of forty-nine persons on the 16th of May 1857, within his palace walls, and of encouraging in different ways the murder of Europeans. The prisoner pleaded Not Guilty. There was some doubt whether he could be called a British subject. According to the commissioner, Mr. Saunders, he was under the control of the Supreme Government, though above that of the local authorities. TRIAL OF THE KING OF DELHI. 309 The proceedings took a very wide scope, being in fact an examination into the causes and history of the mutiny, aa well as the guilt of the prisoner. Very Uttle, however, was learned. It appeared that, by the instigation of a soothsayer called Hasan Askari, he had sent an Abyssinian to Persia with papers, which were given him in the night time and attested by the King's seal This was about two years before. According to one hearsay statement, the same envoy was also sent to Constantinople and Eussia. The soothsayer, it appears, was in the habit of promising aid from Persia, the coming of which he learned through super- natural means. One of his dreams was, that he had seen a hurricane approaching from the west, which was followed by a great flood of water, devastating the country that it passed over, and that he noticed that the King suffered no inconvenience from it, but was borne up over the flood seated on his couch. The way in which Hasan Askari interpreted this dream was, that the King of Persia with his army would annihilate the British power in the East, would restore the King to his ancient throne, and I'einstate him in his kingdom ; and at the same time the infidels, meaning the British, would be all slaughtered. He also persuaded the King that ho had given him twenty years more of life, which were to be subtracted from his own. It appears that the letter to the Shah of Persia con- tained a complaint of the treatment he received from the English, and a request that the Shah would give him assistanca The King promised to become a Shia, re- membering, no doubt, how his ancestor, the Emperor 310 APPENDIX. Humay, had recovered Delhi with the assistance of an army of Persians, by a similar profession. It does not appear that the messenger ever returned, or that any answer was received. Some examination took place into the affair of the chapatties ; an officer said liis sepoys imagined these were circulated by orders of our own government, for the purpose of intimating to the people of Hindostan, that they would bo all compelled to eat one food, — in their eyes equivalent to embracing one faith ; as they them- selves termed it — " one food and one fEiith." This remark shews a much greater intimacy with the native mind than the explanation of Sir Theophilus Metcalfe, who regarded it as a signal " to all those who partook of one kind of food, connecting a body of men together in contradistinc- tion to those, who lived differently and had different cus- toms" (we suppose the Europeans, who eat fermented bread), " giving warning to the people to stand by one another." Chapatties passed from hand to hand by men of different castes — polluted food, in short, would never have been taken as a sign of brotherhood, but the reverse. It is indeed the very foundation of disunion in India, that different castes will not eat from the hand of one another. Very little was brought out as to any corr^pondence between the King and the army, before the sepoys came to Delhi Jawan Bakht, younger son of the King, who was very much disgusted with the English Grovemment, because they refused to allow him to be made heir-apparent, in TRIAL OF THE lONG OF DELHI. 311 the hearing of some Europeans prophesied the massacre of the English in Delhi a few days before it took place. This, however, he said would happen when the Persians came ; he never spoke about the sepoys. According to Mukund Lai, his secretary, the King shewed, tliree years before, a desire to gain over the army, by giving some of the soldiers a document detailing the names of his ancestors, with a napkin dyed pink as an emblem of his blessing. This was put a stop to by the Commissioner. The witness, however, adds, — " It may be said tliat, from that day, a sort of understanding was esta- blished between the army and the King." It appears from Uhsan Ulla, that this practice was begun under the father of Bahadur Shah, but he denied that it had any influence on the revolt, or that any of the disciples came to produce the red handkerchief. He also said the King never had any idea that the native army would join itself to him, but the princes of the royal family used to remark, that tliey would go over either to Nepaul or Persia. Mukund Lai said, he did not know whether any direct proposals came from the prisoner to the anny before the llth of May ; " but the King's personal attendants, sit- ting about the entrance to his private apartments, used to converse among themselves, and say that very soon, almost immediately, the army would revolt and come to the palace, when the government of the King could be re-established, and all the old servants would bo greatly promoted, and advanced in position and emoluments." There were no further proofs that there had been any 312 APPENDIX. intercourse between the King and the army, but the pre- sumption that such had existed was very strong. The methodical manner in which the magazine had been attacked, under the orders of tlie King's officers, was in itself sufficient to shew that everything did not take place by hap-hazard. The deputy Advocate-General, Major Harriott, would entirely discard the cartridge question as a cause of the mutiny, which ho appears to trace entirely to a Mahomedan conspiracy. Without repeating what we have already said on the subject, it is enough to remark, ♦ that we cannot join that gentleman in believing, that the fact of the cartridge grievance not being touched upon, in . petitions to the King written after, proves that the Hindoo soldiers did not feel it before the outbreak. It is perfectly true that Mahomedan table servants will in India cook and handle pork ; but Major Harriott ought to have known that even they, regarded as the worst class of Mussulmans, would not drink water brought from the well of Zem-zem by a Christian hand. "We have known a case where one of these servants had to pay for loss of caste to his brethren, because he had been seen coming out of the mess-house with a table napkin between his lips. The Indian Mussul- man really believes himself to have a caste, although the more educated know it to be a Hindoo institution. We are not sure whether an order to bite cartridges greased with pig's fat would not be enough to raise a serious mutiny in the Sultan's army. That the sepoys had agreed amongst themselves to rise, all over the country. TRIAX OF THE KING OF DELHI. 313 was most certainly made out, but that any particular day had been fixed seems very doubtful Hakim Ahsanoolali remarks, that if such had been the case, they would have addressed one another in the urgent letters they wrote from Delhi : — " You promised to rise on such a day, but you have not arrived yet, so you have not kept your promise," which they never did. The King's complicity in the massacre of the Europeans was very clearly made out. When the sepoys had murdered the Commissioner, Captain Douglas, and others, they went to the King, told him what they liad done at Meerut, saluted him as king, and claimed his protection. He said, " I did not call for you, you have acted very wickedly." The sepoys replied, ** Unless you join us we are all dead men ; and we must, in that case, just do what we can for ourselves." The King then seated himself in a chair, and the men came forward one by one, and he put his hand upon their heads in token of protection, they saying just what came into their heads. At tliree o'clock that day Bahadur Shah was proclaimed Emperor of India by beat of dnmi and a salute of twenty-one guns. The gentlemen above mentioned had been murdered by the immediate servants of the King, but no attempt was made to punish them, or even to shew disapproval of their conduct. The mutineei-s brought in all those prisoners whom they did not kill to the palace. The Kijig assigned a certain room for their confinement, remarking at the time that it was a large capacious building. This was scarcely the case. "The building," says the Advocate-General, P 314 APPENDIX- " is forty feet long, twelve broad, and about ten high. It is old, dirty, and dilapidated, and without the vestige of plaster ; but it is worse than that, for it is dark, has no made flooring, no windows, and is entirely without the means of ventilation or of light" The treatment they endured there is described by one of them, Mr& Aldwell, wlio had escaped death by pretending to be a Mussulmanl " We were all confined in one room, very dark, with only one door, and no window or other opening. It was not lit for the residence of any human being, much less for the number of us that were there. ^^'e were very much crowded together, and in consequence of the sepoys and every one who took a fancy to do so coming and frighten- ing the children, we were obliged frequently to close the one door that we had, which then left us without light or air. The sepoys used to come with their muskets loaded and bayonets fixed, and asked us whether we would consent to become Mahomedans and also slaves, if the King granted us our lives; but the King's special armed retainers, from which the guard over us was always furnished, incited the sepoys to be content with nothing short of our lives, saying we should be cut up in small pieces and given as food to the kites and crows. On Thursday some of the sepoys came, and told the ladies that they intended to kill us all by mining and blowing up the palace. We were very indifferently fed, but on two occasions the King sent us hotter food." These prisoners were fifty-four in number, and all women and children save four or five. Two days before TRIA.L OF THE KING OF DELHI. 315 the event, it was known that their death had been deter- mined on, and crowds of people flocked to the palace to see the spectacla The Hakim Ahsanoolah said that he had pointed out to the King the cruelty and impolicy of murdering these poor people. The King might easily have taken the women and children into his zenana, where every one agreed they would have been safe, and wliere indeed there were crypts in which they might have remained concealed, even had the sepoys dared to search every woman's apartment in the palace. On the 1 6th of May the prince Mirza Mogul came with a body of the soldiery to the entrance of the King's private apartments, to demand that the prisoners should be given up. He went inside with Basant Ali Khan, while the soldiers re- mained without. They returned in about twenty minutes, when Basant Ali Khan, publicly and in a loud voice, proclaimed that the King had given his permission for -liter of the prisoners, and that they could take them away. To go on in the words of Mrs. Aldwell, " Some of the King's special servants, attended by a small numl3cr of infantry sepoys, came and called out to our party that the Christians were to come out of the building, and that the five Mahomedans were to remain. The women and cliildren began crying, saying they knew they were going to be murdered; but the Mahomedans swore on the Koran, and the Hindoos on the Jumna, that such was not the case, that they wanted to give them a 1).'t(<'r residence, and that the one they were in would bo • .1 into a magazine. On this they went out, were 31G APPENDLX. counted, but I do not know the number, a rope was thrown round to encircle the whole group, the same as prisoners are usually kept together when on the move, and in this manner they were taken out of my sight, and, as I heard, brought under the pipal trees by the small reservoir in the courtyard, and there murdered with swords by the King's private servants. None of the sepoys took part in killing them. Tlie privilege, for it was so considered, of murdering them was particularly reserved for the King's own servants, jis it was believed by them the killing an infidel would ensure them a place in paradise." It is said the Prince Mirza Majhli attempted to remonstrate, urging that the slaughter of women was not legal by ^lahomedan law; but the troopers ran at him to kill him, and he had to fly for his lifa The Prince Abul Bakr took an active part in the massacre ; which Mirza Mogul witnessed from the roof of his house. The Mahomedan crowd, who looked on, covered the unfor- tunate victims with the coarsest abuse ; but the Hindoos in the city said that men, who committed such atrocious cruelties, would never be victorious against the English. As if iiTefragably to seal the proof against the prisoner, the massacre was thus recorded in the court diary : — " The King held his court in the hall of special audience ; forty- nine English were prisoners, and the army demande- Native village magistrates. ar } Tehaeldar Thanadar Tope — A grove or clump of trees. Villait — A generic name for all countries out of India. Zaminddrin — ^\Vife of a zamindar or landliolder. Zenana — Women's apai-tmeut, the women ; answers to Frauenzimmer in Oerman. INDEX. Abu Bukt (Bukr) shot, 268 Aijghans, their character, etc., 98 Agra, 65, 118 ; mutiny and battle at, 166-8 ; its danger and rescue, 271-3 Akber, character of, 2 Alarms in camp, 94-6 Alipore, 67, 72, 83 ; plundered, 150 Allygur retaken, 271 Alum, Shah, 4 Anson, General, 52-3 ; death of, 67 Assault, plan of, 235 ; the, 246-52 Aurangzib or Alamgir, 3 Baber, sultan, 1,2 Baber Khan, 226 Badle-Serai, battle of, 76-9, 83, 84, 93 Bagput Bridge lost, 116 Barnard, Sir H., Commander-in-chief, 57, 79, 81, 89, 102, 105, 122 ; death and character, 152-3 Barrackpore, mutiny at, 1 7 liareilly, 109 ; brigade at Delhi, 136, 229 Batteries, the British, 238-40 Battles, Hindun, 68 ; B. Serai, 76 ; S. Mundi, 162 ; Agra, 166 ; Jhelum, 206 ; Nujjufghar, 227 Battye, Lieut. Q. killed, 90 324 INDEX. Becher, Col., 113 Berampore, mutiny at, 16 Bikaneer, Rajah of, aids British, 204 Blunt, Captain, 228 Bombay army, its condition, 222 Blind, Brigadier, murdered, 208 Brind, Major, 239 ; his daring, 243 Bukht Khan, at Delhi, 137 ; moves on Alipore, 150 ; 229 ; defeated, 273 Bukra Eed festival, 181 Bullnagurh, Rajah of, his triud, 286 Burgess, Sergeant, 248 Camp, the British, 128 ; alarms in, 94 ; entered by So ware, 155 Camiing, LokI, 144 Carmichael, Sergeant, 248 Cartridges, the greased, 14, 211 Cashmere gate blown in, 247-8 ; contingent routed, 251 Caste, its importance and loss, 1 2, 1 3 Cawnpore, 179 Chamberiain, Brigadier, in camp, 125 ; directs operations, 154 ; his daring 169 ; wounded, 170 ; 206, 261 Chandney Choke, 81 Chapatties, the (Oude, 1857 ; Behar, 1860), 18 Chester, Colonel, 206 Colvin, Mr., his proclamation, 198 Column, movable, 205 ; pursuing do., 271 ; is surprised and defeats the enemy at Agra, 272 ; storming columns, 245 ; fourth do., retreats, 250 Company, the, 66 ; prophecy regarding, 120 Cooper, Mr. destroys Lahore mutineers, 214-17 ; remarks on, 217-20 Cortlandt, Van, 154 ; his expedition and success, 203-5 INDEX. 325 Court of the kiug, 142 Dadree, Nawab of, 285 Dalhouaie, Lord, policy of, 9 ; warned of mutmy, 10, 11 Daly, Captain, 111 ; wounded, 113 Delhi, captures of, 1,4; people of, 29 ; mutiny and massacre at, 30, 64 ; magazine, its defence and explosion, 35 ; lost to British, 39 ; view of, 81-2 ; British besiege, 85 ; sub- urbs and defences, 87, 236 ; wealth, 254 ; number of troops in, 138 ; internal condition, 145, 147, 186, 243 ; forced loan in, 186 ; stormed, 246-50 ; magazine retaken, 254 ; deserted, 257 ; occupied by British, 257 ; after capture, 274-5 ; consequences of its fall, 287-9 Douglas, Captain, killed, 31 FOyley, Captain, killed, 167 Eedoah, 87 Executions, three native officers, 149 ; two Khulashies, 195 ; 221, 280 Ul Fagan, Captain, 190 ; killed, 243 Famine, the, conduct of British, 284 Ferozepore, mutiny at, 48, 49, 220 Feroze Shall, prince, escapes, 280 Finnis, Colonel, killed, 25 Fishan Khan, Lall or Jan, 79, 193 Fitzgerald, Lieutenant, 247 FlagstaflF Tower, 80, 83, 85, 100, 103 Furucknuggur, Rajah of, his trial, 286 Gazeeoodeenuggur, battle of, 68, 69 Grant, Brigadier, 76, 112, 251 Graven, Brigadier, at Delhi, 29 ; 78, 103 ; leaves, 134 Greville, Major, 250 Q 326 INDEX. Golab Singh, 44, 207 Golundazes disarmed, 166 ; fidelity of, 165 Googaira, disturbance aboiit, 288 Goojurs piUage Delhi cantonments, 40 ; lu\vle»8 conduct ol, 62-3 ; 69, 116 Goorkhas, 44, 55 ; character of, 99 ; 251 Govind, Goroo, 6 Guides enter camp, 90 ; 97, 104 Gwalior contingent, 146, 232, 273 Havelock, 179, lb(» Hawthorne, bugler, 248 Hewitt, General, at Meenit, 27-8 ; 136 Hills, Lieutenant, gallantry of, 155, foil. Hindoo Rao's house, 83, 85, 86, 90 Hill, 86, 90 ; battery, 91 ; 95 ; i>ost of honour, 97 ; 237 picquet, 101, 168 Hindoos protect Europeans, 40 Hindun, fights on the, 68-9 Hodson, Lieutenant, career and character, lu7-t ; l.ttti- > i, 111, 290 ; 117, 169, 174 ; his regiment, 225; expedi- tion to Rhotuck, 226 ; 251, 257 ; king surrendei-s to him, 262 ; takes and shoots the princes, 265-9 ; his fame, 269 Home, Lieutenant, 247-8 Hope, Brigadier, 78 Jacob, Major, 249, 250 Jennings, Mr. and Miss, killed, 31 Jhansi, massacre at, 173 Jheend, 7, 56 ; Rajah joins British, 57 ; 114, 117 Jhelum, mutiny and battle at, 206-7 Jhujjur, Rajah of, his trial, 286 Johnstone, Brigadier, 69, 70 INDEX. 327 Jones, Brigadier, 245 Joudpore legion, 288 Jowahir Singh, Rajah, aids British, 203 Julhindur, mutiny at, 69 ; mutineers at Delhi, 119 Killed and Wounded, returns of, 294 Knox, Captain, killed, 101 Koodsia Bagh, battery in, 239 ; 246 Kootub, the, 260 Kotah contingent mutinies, 166 ; reaches Delhi, 168 Kussowlie, 50 Lahore, Poorbeahs expelled from, 210 ; mutiny at, 213 ; fate of mutineers, 214-17 I^ke, Lord, takes Delhi, 4 Lawrence, Sir John, 48, 49, 144 ; his policy, 197-200, 221-2 ; 230, 232 Lawrence, Sir R, at Lucknow, 22, 107 ; death of, 180 Letters of Natives opened, 210-11 Loan, forced, in Delhi, 186 ; by British, 212 Lodiana, mutineers at, 69, 70 Lucknow, second relief of, 289-90 Ludlow Castle seized, 239 Macdowell, Lieutenant, his account of the surrender of the princes, 265-9 Mahmud of Ohazni, 1 Mahrattas seize Delhi, 4 ; their chiefs, Scindia and Holkar, oppose mutineers, 64 -Massacres, Meerut, 26-8 ; Delhi, 61 ; Jhansi, 173 ; Cawn- pore, 1 79 ; Hansi and Hissar, 204 ; Sealkote, 208 Meer Khan, his gallantry, 193 Meerut, parade at, 23 ; mutiny at, 25 ; mutiny of Sappers at, 67 328 INDEX. Merchants of Delhi, their petition, 186 Metcalfe, Sir T., 35 ; leads storming column, 260 Metcalfe picquet, 103 ; attacked, 104 ; 176, 190 Mhow and Indore mutineers, 232, 273 Mirza Kishere Sultamet, shot, 268 Mirza Mogul, prince, 137 ; shot, 268 Mohammed Bahadur Shah, king of Delhi, his intrigues, 11, 145 ; proclaimed Emperor of India, 60 ; his durbars, 141 ; oflfers to surrender, 144 ; weakness of, 147 ; complaints of, 1 84 ; escape and surrender of, 260-2 ; trial of, 307 Money, Captain, 77, 80, 111 ; wounded, 176 Montalembert, quotation from, 283 Montgomery, Mr., disarms regiments at Lahore, 47 ; 1 99 Mull, Shah, killed, 177 Murdan, mutiny at, 202-3 Mutiny (1849), 10 ; at Berampore, 16 ; Meenit, 25-8 ; Delhi, 30-1 ; Rhotuck, 93 ; Meerut, 67 ; Jullundur, 69 ; Agra, 166 ; Jhansi, 173 ; causes of, 18 ; limits of, 65 Nabbha, 56, 116 Nadir Shah, 4 Nana, the, 179 Nanuk founds Sikh brotherhood, 5 Napier, Sir C, puts down a mutiny, 10, 11 ; words of, i}nd ; 98, 106 Natives, treatment of, in camp, 159, 195 Nemuch Brigade mutinies and advances on Agra, 1 66 ; reaches Delhi, 168, 184 ; routed, 229 ; 273 Nicholson, Brigadier-General J., his opinion on the mutiny, 19 ; in camp, 194 ; heads movable column, 206-9 ; ap- pearance in camp, 223 ; deified by natives, 224 ; brings in siege train, 227-9 ; directs assault, 246-9 ; wounded, 250; dies, 270 Norman, Captain, 172 INDEX. 329 Nujju%har, battle of, 227 Nyseeiabad brigade enters Delhi, 1 09 Olpherts, Major, 121, 127 Oiide annexed, and consequences, 8, 9 ; intrigues in, 1 1 Paterson, Major, at Delhi, 33 Patiala, 7 ; influence of Rajah, 56 ; joins us, 57 ; 114, 117 Peshawur, troops there disarmed, 202 PhiUour, fort, secured by British, 49 Picquet, H. Rao's, 101, 168 Rear, 116 Metcalfe, 103, 104, 176, 190 Plassey, Centenary of, 1 20 Plunder, the, 253-4 ; 276 Poorbeahs and Punjaubees, their mutual hatred, 46 Position, Sepoy, at B. Serai, 75 ; British before Delhi, 85 Princes, the, surrender, 265 Prize money, the, 275-9 ; warrant for, 278 Punjaub, the, its people, etc., 43-8; government, 197-200; its people aid the British, 203 Rains commence, 127 Reid, Major-Qeneral, in camp, 89 ; Commander-in-chief, 154; leaves, 172 Reid, Major, his post, 97 ; destroys enemy's battery, 105 ; 245 ; falls, 251 Reinforcements, Sepoy, 93, 95, 109, 119, 136, 168, 172. British, 121, 127, 194, 233 Rhotuck, mutiny at, 93 Rose, Sir H., 291 Rujjub Ali negotiates for surrender of the king, 260 ; of the princes, 264 Runbeer Singh aids British, 233 Rnnjit Singh, monarchy, 7 ; 213 330 INDEX. Salkeld, Lieutenant, 248 Sammy HouRe, occupied, 124 ; attacked by night, 182 ; 237 Saunders, Mr., commissioner, 283 Sealkote, mutiny at, 208-9 Seat on, Colonel, wounded, 176 Selim-Ghar, 81, 253, 254 Sepoys, power of the, 18 ; before Delhi, 74-6 ; Hnea burnt, 80 ; defeated, 68, 79, 90, 101, 102, 104, 105, 122, 126, 163, 170, 183, 192, 227, 272 ; markamen, 90, 92, 118 ; dissensions among, 119, 138 ; reinforced {see reinforce- ments) ; boasting, etc, 140 ; conduct in Delhi, 148, 230 ; surprised, 191 ; their numbers, 138, 234 ; fire of, 241 Showers, Brigadier, 122 ; wounded, 192 Sickness in camp, 165 ; increases, 231 Sick and woimded, returns of, 298 Sikhs, 5 ; character and views of, 43 ; fidelity of, 205 Simla, 51-2 ; panic in, 55 Simioor Battalion, 97 Smith, Colonel Baird, Cliief Engineer, in camp, 134 ; hii description of the defences, 236 ; wounded, 244 Sowai-s enter camp, 155 Speke, Lieutenant, 250 Spencer, Major, killed, 213 Spies, 211 Sulm-Mundi, 80, 87, 101, 1 11 ; occupied, 121 ; fight in, 162 Taylor, Captain A,, 244 Tegh Bahadur, 6, 269 Tliomson, Colonel, commissary, 127 Timour Khan, 1 Tombs, Major, 68, 104 ; his gallantr}^ 105-6 ; career, etc., 106 ; 111, saves life of Hills, 166 ; 240, 262 Tooli Ram, 285 Treasuries plundered, 60, 63 INDEX. 331 Trenches, the, 237 Turner, Major, 165, 242 Ujnala, prison of, 216-17 Umballa, plot at, 21 Walidad Khan, 177, 271 ; escapes, 285 Wilson, General, 80; Coinmander-in-chief, 172; his policy, 189 ; 235, 253, 255, 263 ; Wilson and Hodson, 263-4 YULB, Colonel, 78 ; kiUed, 113 ERRATUM. 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