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 BACCHYLIDES 
 
 THE POEMS AND FRAGMENTS
 
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 [All Rights reserved]
 
 BACCHYLIDES 
 
 THE POEMS AND FRAGMENTS 
 
 EDITED 
 WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND PROSE TRANSLATION 
 
 BY 
 
 SIR RICHARD C. JEBB 
 
 REGIUS PROFESSOR OF GREEK AND FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE 
 IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE 
 
 CAMBRIDGE : 
 
 at the University Press 
 
 1905
 
 NOTE. 
 
 The Syracusan coin known as the Damareteion, struck in 4798.0., is reproduced 
 on the cover from the example in the British Museum. Damareta, wife of Gelon, 
 caused this commemorative medal to be issued in silver, defraying the cost from a 
 large gift of gold made to her by the Carthaginians, whom she had helped to obtain 
 favourable terms of peace after their defeat at Himera in 480. The Damareteion 
 weighed ten Attic drachms, or fifty Sicilian litrae (Diod. xi. 26); which is precisely 
 the weight, found in no other early Sicilian coin, of the piece in our Museum. 
 
 Obverse. A laurel-wreathed head, probably that of Nike. The dolphins, emblems 
 of the sea (cp. Bacchylides xvi. 97 f.), perhaps suggest the maritime city. Reverse. 
 A quadriga, crowned by a winged Nike, with allusion to Gelon's victory at Olympia 
 in 488 B.C. It recalls the phrase in which Bacchylides addresses Hieron as 2vpa.Koffiui> 
 iiriroSivdrwi' ffrparayt (v. if., 4766.0.). Below, a lion, the symbol of Africa, i.e. of 
 vanquished Carthage.
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 THE Bacchylides papyrus was brought from Egypt to the 
 British Museum in the autumn of 1896; and the editio 
 princeps, by Dr F. G. Kenyon, appeared in 1897. We have 
 thus acquired a large body of work by an author previously 
 known only through scanty fragments ; and the value of that 
 acquisition is enhanced by the class to which it belongs. Of all 
 the poets who gave lyric expression to Greek feeling and fancy 
 in the interval between the age of Epos and the age of Drama, 
 Pindar alone, before this discovery, could be estimated in the 
 light of considerable remains. The fragments of the rest, 
 exquisitely beautiful as they sometimes are, afford little more 
 than glimpses of the genius and the art which produced them. 
 Now there is a second representative of Greek song who can be 
 judged by a series of complete compositions. Bacchylides has, 
 of course, no pretension to be a poet of the same order as 
 Pindar ; it might rather be said that part of the interest which 
 he possesses for us arises from the marked difference of poetical 
 rank. In reading his odes, so elegant, so transparently clear, so 
 pleasing in their graceful flow of narrative, often- so bright in 
 their descriptive touches, and at moments so pathetic, we feel 
 that this is a singer who, moving in a lower sphere than Pindar, 
 must also have been more immediately intelligible to the 
 common Hellenic sense. The great Theban master makes no 
 concealment of a haughty consciousness that his inmost appeal 
 is to the few. This Ionian, if once he likens himself to an eagle 
 using a conventional simile germane to the style of an 
 epinikion, is truer to his own spirit when he describes himself 
 as ' the nightingale of Ceos.' He brings home to us the existence 
 and acceptance in Pindar's time of a lyric poetry which, without
 
 vi PREFACE. 
 
 attaining or attempting the loftier heights, could give a quiet 
 pleasure to the average Greek hearer or reader. There is reason 
 to suppose that, if the fame of Bacchylides in his own day was 
 not conspicuous, at least his popularity was extensive ; and it is 
 known that he continued to be widely read down to the sixth 
 century of our era. 
 
 -He certainly deserves to find readers in the modern world 
 also. Not only is his work attractive in itself; it is a good 
 introduction to the study of Greek lyric poetry : in particular, I 
 believe that students would find it helpful in facilitating the 
 approach to Pindar. The text of Bacchylides is uniformly easy, 
 except in those places where the manuscript is defective or 
 corrupt. The contents abound in matter of poetical and 
 mythological interest ; Croesus, saved from the pyre to which 
 he had doomed himself, and carried by Apollo to the Hyper- 
 boreans ; Heracles meeting the shade of Meleager in the nether 
 world, listening to the story of that hero's fate, and forming the 
 resolve which is to seal his own ; the daughters of Proetus driven 
 by the Argive Hera from Tiryns, and healed by Artemis at 
 Lusi ; Theseus, diving after the ring of Minos, and welcomed by 
 Amphitrite in the halls of Poseidon. 
 
 It is by considerations such as these that the scope of the 
 present edition has been determined. I have endeavoured to 
 combine criticism and interpretation with a treatment of the poems 
 as literature ; and thus to contribute, though it be only a little, 
 towards obtaining for them that place in our Greek studies 
 which they appear well fitted to hold. For such a purpose it 
 was not enough to explain and illustrate the odes themselves ; 
 it was necessary also to aim at conveying some idea of the 
 surroundings amidst which the poet worked, of his relation to 
 contemporaries, and of his place in the historical development of 
 the Greek lyric. 
 
 Owing to mutilations of the papyrus, gaps of various sizes 
 are frequent in the text. Sometimes there is no clue to the 
 sense of the lost words or verses, and conjecture would be vain ; 
 as in Ode VIII. 56-61, XIV. 7-14, 32-36, and elsewhere. Again, 
 there are numerous instances in which a small defect can 
 be supplied with certainty, as in I. 31 e7rXe[ro
 
 PREFACE, vii 
 
 or XIX. 5 6pa<rvKap[Sio<; v ISa<?. But there are also two other 
 classes of lacuna, intermediate between these, (i) In some 
 passages, where a few verses have been lost or greatly mutilated, 
 traces remain, which, with the context, sufficed to indicate the 
 general sense of the lost portions. See, e.g., Ode XII., note on 
 168-174. There are several cases of this class in which the 
 evidence is sufficiently clear and precise to justify an attempt at 
 showing how the defective text could be completed. But it 
 should be clearly understood that wherever, in this edition, 
 a supplement is suggested under such conditions, it is offered 
 only as an illustration of the sense to which the evidence points, 
 and not as a restoration of the text 1 . Such a supplement is 
 merely an adjunct of interpretation, giving a definite and 
 coherent form to the presumable meaning of the passage as a 
 whole. The following are examples : III. 41-43, 72-74; IV. 7- 
 12; vin. 89-96; ix. 1-8, 20-26, 54-56. (2) Another class of 
 lacuna is that in which only a few syllables are wanting, while 
 the limits within which a supplement can be sought appear to 
 be narrowly defined alike by the sense and by the metre. A 
 typical example will be found in Ode XV. I, and another in 
 VIII. 20. See also I. 32, 34 ; VI. 3 ; XII. 226 f. ; XVIII. 33, 35, 36, 
 38, 50. Small problems of this nature may be said to form a 
 characteristic feature of the Bacchylidean text as it now exists. 
 
 Among those to whom my acknowledgments are due, the 
 first is Dr F. G. Kenyon, to whose editio princeps of Bacchylides 
 I had the privilege of contributing some suggestions. It would 
 be difficult for me adequately to express how much I have been 
 indebted to him for help during the progress of this book. 
 In places where the papyrus is defective, the lines on which 
 any tentative restoration can proceed must often depend on 
 exceedingly minute indications, perhaps on the ambiguous traces 
 of a single letter. It has frequently happened that, when 
 working with the autotype facsimile published in 1897, I have 
 had to consult Dr Kenyon with regard to the possible interpre- 
 tations of some faint vestige as it appears in the original papyrus, 
 or to re-examine it in his company at the British Museum. 
 
 1 To make this clear, in the few instances where such supplements are suggested 
 they are printed in a Greek type smaller than that of the text.
 
 viii PREFA CE. 
 
 For the invariable kindness with which he has given me the 
 benefit of his acute and skilled judgment, I cannot too cordially 
 thank him. He has further done me the signal favour of reading 
 large portions of the proofs ; and, more especially in the critical 
 notes on the text, several corrections or modifications of detail 
 have been due to him. To Professor Butcher also my warm 
 thanks are due for his great kindness in reading the proofs of 
 text, translation, and commentary. 
 
 I desire gratefully to acknowledge here the courtesy of 
 several distinguished scholars, who, at various times from 1897 
 onwards, have sent me copies of their writings on Bacchylides ; 
 among whom are Professors U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, 
 Otto Crusius, L. A. Michelangeli, E. Piccolomini, and Paul Maas. 
 References will be found in several places to notes which from 
 time to time have been communicated to me by Dr Walter 
 Headlam. To Mr R. C. Bosanquet, Director of the British 
 School at Athens, I have been indebted for information respect- 
 ing the agonistic inscription from lulis in Ceos, now in the 
 Athenian Museum (p. 182); and to Mr G. F. Hill, of the 
 British Museum, for advice as to the reproduction of the Sicilian 
 coin which appears on the cover of the book. 
 
 The literature which has grown around the study of Bacchy- 
 lides since 1896 is of no inconsiderable volume, a good deal of it 
 being contained in the philological journals of various countries, 
 or in the transactions of learned societies. A contribution to 
 the bibliography is subjoined. 
 
 The Bacchylides of Professor Blass, a third edition of which 
 was issued by Teubner in 1904, demands a special notice. It is 
 a work to which every student of this poet must be a debtor ; 
 and my own debt is not diminished by the fact that, on many 
 particular points of criticism or interpretation, as will appear 
 from the following pages, I have been unable to accept the 
 views of the eminent critic. After the first editor, no one has 
 done so much as Dr Blass towards completing the text by 
 assigning places to small detached fragments of the papyrus. 
 
 There is another tribute which I would render before closing 
 this preface ; it is to the memory of my friend Alexander Stuart 
 Murray, sometime Keeper of Greek and Roman Antiquities in
 
 PREFACE. ix 
 
 the British Museum. He was interested in that passage of 
 Bacchylides (ill. 17-21} which alludes to the offerings of the 
 Deinomenidae at Delphi (p. 452). In December, 1903, a few 
 months before his lamented death, he sent me a drawing, in 
 which, using ancient data, he showed how a high tripod, such as 
 the poet indicates, might have served as pedestal for a winged 
 Victory ; the total height of the monument, as he conceived it, 
 being about 18 feet 3 inches. A paragraph on page 456, relating 
 to the probable significance of Hieron's tripod at Delphi, 
 embodies the view of that question which was held by 
 Dr Murray. 
 
 My best thanks are due to the staff of the Cambridge 
 University Press. 
 
 R. C. JEBB. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE, May, 1905.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY ......... xiii 
 
 GENERAL INTRODUCTION 
 
 I. THE LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES ..... r 
 
 II. THE PLACE OF BACCHYLIDES IN THE HISTORY OF GREEK 
 
 LYRIC POETRY. ....... 27 
 
 III. CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES AS A POET . . 56 
 
 IV. DIALECT AND GRAMMAR ..... 79 
 
 V. METRES ......... 92 
 
 VI. THE PAPYRUS ........ 121 
 
 AUTOTYPE PLATES ....... 143 
 
 VII. THE TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS ..... 147 
 
 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES . . . . . . 184 
 
 TEXT, NOTES, AND TRANSLATION 241 
 
 FRAGMENTS .... .... 408 
 
 APPENDIX .... . 435 
 
 VOCABULARY ..... . 497 
 
 INDEX . . . . . . . 519 
 
 J. B.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 1 . 
 
 I. EDITIONS. 
 
 Frederic G-. Kenyon. The Poems of Bacchy tides, from a Papyrus in the 
 British Museum. Printed by Order of the Trustees of the British Museum. 
 1897. (Editio princeps.) 
 
 The Poems of Bacchylides. Facsimile of Papyrus DCCXXXlll in the 
 British Museum. Printed by Order of the Trustees. 1897. 
 
 Friederich Blass. Bacchylidis Carmina cum Fragmentis. Leipzig, 
 Teubner. 1898. (Second edition, 1899 : third, 1904.) 
 
 Niccola Festa. Le odi e iframmenti di Bacchilide, testo greco, traduzione 
 e note. Firenze, Barbera, 1898. 
 
 Hugo Jurenka. Die nettgefundenen Lieder des Bakchylides. Text, 
 Vbersetsiing und Commentar. [The translation is in verse.] Wien, Holder, 
 1898. 
 
 Editions of Selections. 
 
 E. Buchholz. Anthologie aus den Lyrikern der Griechen. Vol. II, 
 4th ed., revised by J. Sitzler. Leipzig, Teubner, 1898. The following 
 portions of Bacchylides are included (text and commentary, pp. 139 172) : 
 Odes 2, 5, 17 (18 Ken.), 16 (17): frag. 13 (Bergk, = 3 in my ed.), 19 (7), 
 27 (i 6). 
 
 D. Nessi. Bacchilide: odi scelti [i, vv. 13 46 ; 2 ; 3, vv. 23 62 ; 5 ; 8 
 (9), vv. 152; 10 (ii); 14 (15), vv. 3763; 16 (17); 17 (18); 18 (19), 
 vv. i 25 ; with commentary]. Milan, Allrighi, 1900. 
 
 1 This list does not claim to be complete ; and I should be obliged to any reader 
 who would aid me in supplying omissions. The object is to furnish students with a 
 clue to the literature of Bacchylides since the discovery of the papyrus in 1896. A 
 few books of earlier date are also mentioned. In the course of my work, I have read 
 or consulted many of the writings enumerated here, including (I think) most of the 
 more important ; but there are many others which have not been accessible to me.
 
 xiv BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 Herbert Weir Smyth. Greek Afelic Poets. London, Macmillan, 1900. 
 The following portions of Bacchylides are included (text, pp. 90 131 ; 
 commentary, 381 453) : Odes 3 ; 5 ; 6 ; 8 (=9 Ken.), vv. i 52 ; 10 (11) ; 
 
 12 (13), vv. 104207 ; 13 (14) ; 14 (15), vv. 36 end ; 16 (17) ; 17 (18) : also 
 frag. 7 (Bergk, = Ode I. I3f. Blass, see below, p. 437) ; 11 ( = 2 in my ed.) ; 
 
 13 (3) ; 14 (4) ; 19 (7) ; 22 (10) ; 27 (16) ; 28 (17) ; 36 (20) ; 40 (23). 
 
 II. TRANSLATIONS. 
 
 H. von Arnim. Vier Gedichte des Bakchylides [3, 5, 16 (17), 17 (18), with 
 introductory article]. Deutsche Rundschau, Apr. 1898, pp. 42 61. 
 
 A. M. Desrousseaux. Les poemes de Bacchylide de Ceos, traduits du 
 Grec. Paris, Hachette, 1898. 
 
 Eugene d'Eichthal et Theodore Reinach. Poemes choisis de Bacchy- 
 lide, traduits en vers. Texte grec revise" et notices par Th. Reinach. Paris > 
 Leroux, 1898. 
 
 G. Fraccaroli. Z,' ode V di Bacchilide. Biblioteca delle scuole italiane,. 
 Feb. 1900. 
 
 R. Garnett. Theseus and Minos. Literature, Dec. 25, 1897. 
 
 L. Pinelli. Due nuovi inni di Bacchilide [viz. 10 (11) and 12 (13)]. 
 Treviso, Zoppelli, 1898. 
 
 E. Poste. Bacchylides : A Prose Translation. [Ten odes are translated,. 
 in this order ; 5, 10 (=nK.), 16 (17), 17 (18), 8(9), 12 (13), 18 (19X3, 14 
 (15), 15 (16); also the fragment on Peace (fr. 13 Bergk, = fr. 3 in this ed.).] 
 London, Macmillan, 1898. 
 
 E. Romagnoli. Z.' epinicio X di Bacchilide. Atene e Roma, 1899,, 
 pp. 278283. 
 
 F. Vivona. Due odi di Bacchilide. Palermo, Reber, 1898. 
 
 A. Wolff. // terzo epinicio di Bacchilide. Padova, Randi, 1901. 
 
 III. OTHER WRITINGS, CRITICAL, EXEGETICAL, 
 AND ILLUSTRATIVE. 
 
 L. D. Barnett. Notes communicated to Blass : 2nd ed., p. LXXII. 
 
 H. Bergstedt. Backylides. Svenska Humanistika, Forbundet Skrifter 
 no. 3. Stockholm, P. A. Nanstedt & Soners, 1900. 
 
 F. Blass. Litterarisches Centralblatt, 1897, nr. 51/2 : 1898, nr. 3, nr. 5, 
 (p. 175). Rheinisches Museum, 1898, pp. 283-307. Hermes, 1901, pp. 272-286. 
 
 K. Brandt. De Horatii studiis Bacchylideis. Festschrift Johannes. 
 Vahlen, 1900, pp. 297 315.
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. xv 
 
 Ewald Bruhn. Zeitschrift f. das Gymnasialwesen, 1898, pp. 691 698. 
 [' Idem antea per litteras mecum sua communicaverat, quibus litteris 
 inerant etiam Ant. Funck et Carol! Niemeyer quaedam coniecturae' : Blass, 
 2nd ed., p. LXXin.] 
 
 J. B. Bury. Classical Review, vol. xm, pp. 98 f., March, 1899; p. 272, 
 June, 1899 ; xiv, p. 62, Feb. 1900. 
 
 W. Christ. Zu den neuaufgefundenen Gedichten des Bakchylides. 
 Sitzungsberichte d. bayer. Akademie, 1898, I, pp. 3 52 ; 597 98. 
 
 G. M. Columba. Bacchilide. Rassegna di antichita classica, parte 
 bibliografica, 1898, pp. 81 103. 
 
 D. Comparetti. Les dithyrambes des Bacchylide. Melanges Weil, pp. 
 25 28. Paris, A. Fontemoing, 1898. 
 
 A. Croiset. Les Poemes de Bacchylide. Revue Bleue, 1898, p. 705 ff. 
 
 Maurice Croiset. Sur les origines du recit relatif d, Metiagre dans Fade 
 V. de Bacchylide. Melanges Weil, pp. 73 80, 1898. 
 
 Otto Crusius. Aus den Dichtungen des Bakchylides. Philologus, 
 v. LVII (N. F. xi), pp. 150183. Die Dichtungen des ff., Munch. Allg. 
 Zeitung, Feb. 7, 1898. 
 
 A. M. Desrousseaux. Notes sur Bacchylide, Revue de Philologie 1898, 
 pp. 184 195. (Also in Revue Universitaire, fevr. 1898, p. 179.) 
 
 P. Dessoulavy. Bacchylide et la III"" ode. Acad. de Neuchatel, 1903. 
 A. Drachmann. Nordisk Tidskrift f. Filologi, 1898. 
 S. N. Dragumis. 'Atf^a, x. 4, pp. 413 425, 556 f. 
 
 V. Dukat. Bakhilid [with Croatian version of odes 5 and 16 (17)]. 
 Nastainii Vjesnik, 1898, pp. 233 255, 356370. 
 
 Mortimer L. Earle. Classical Review, vol. xn, p. 394, Nov. 1898. 
 Robinson Ellis. Class. Rev. xn, pp. 6466, Feb. 1898. 
 L. R. Farnell. Class. Rev. xn, 343 346, Oct. 1898. 
 
 C. A. M. Fennell. Athenaeum, Feb. 12, May 21, 1898. Class. Rev. 
 Xill, p. 182, Apr. 1899. 
 
 Niccola Festa. Per /' onore del re di Creta. Miscellanea per nozze 
 Rostagno-Cavazza, pp. 5 u. Firenze, Carnesecchi, 1898. 
 
 G. Fraccaroli. Bacchilide. Rivista di Filologia, xxvi. i. pp. i 44; 
 
 XXVII. iv., 513 586. 
 
 W. A. Goligher. Class. Rev. xn, p. 437, Dec. 1898. 
 
 Th. Gomperz. Beitrdge zitr Kritik u;id Erkldrung griechischen Schrift- 
 steller VI., Sitzungsberichte der Wiener Akad., Bd. cxxxix, pp. i 4, 1897. 
 Also in Wiener Neue Freie Presse, Dec. 24, 1897.
 
 xvi BIBLIO GRAPH Y. 
 
 F. Groh. Paper in the Hungarian Listy filologicke : Blass, 2nd ed., 
 p. LXXIII. 
 
 C. Haeberlin. Wochenschrift f. klass. Philologie, 1898, nr. 25; 1899, nr. 7. 
 Jane E. Harrison. Class. Rev. xn, pp. 85 f., Feb. 1898. 
 
 Walter Headlam. Class. Rev. xn, pp. 66 68, Feb. 1898. Remarks on 
 metre in Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. XXII, pp. 214 n. 10, and p. 217. 
 [Also notes communicated to Blass : 3rd ed., p. LXXVI.] 
 
 0. Hense. Rheinisches Museum, 1898, pp. 318 ff. ; 1901, pp. 305 ff. 
 
 H. van Herwerden. Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 1898, nr. 5. 
 Class. Rev. XII, pp. 210 f., May, 1898. Mnemosyne, XXVii, i, pp. i 46. 
 Museum, nr. 12, 1899. [Also notes communicated to Blass: 2nd ed., 
 p. LXXIII.] 
 
 A. E. Housman. Athenaeum, Dec. 25, 1897; Jan. 15, 1898. Class. Rev. 
 xii, pp. 68 74, Feb. 1898; 134 140 (chiefly on Ode xvi), March, 1898; 216 
 218, May, 1898. 
 
 V. Inama. Rendiconti del R. Institute Lombard, di scienze e lettere, 
 serie II., vol. xxxi, 1898. 
 
 R. C. Jebb. Class. Rev. xii, pp. 123 133, March, 1898; 152 158, 
 Apr. 1898. Bacchylidea, Melanges Weil, pp. 225 242, 1898. Bacchylides 
 in Encyclopaedia Britannica, loth ed., vol. XXVI, 1902. Bacchylides, a paper 
 read before the British Academy, June 29, 1904. 
 
 H. Stuart Jones. Class. Rev. xii, p. 84, Feb. 1898. 
 
 Hugo Jurenka. Zeitschr. f. 6'sterr. Gymn., 1898, pp. 878 ff., 982 990. 
 Die Dithyramben des Bakchylides, Wien. Studien, xxi, pp. 216 224. 
 Festschrift fur Th. Gomperz, pp. 220 224 [on Odes vi, vn]. 
 
 F. G. Kenyon. Class. Rev. xii, p. 133, March, 1898. 
 
 Lionello Levi. Notes communicated to N. Festa (see above). 
 
 J. H. Lipsius. Neue Jahrbiicher f. d. klass. Alterth., 1898, pp. 225 247. 
 
 Arthur Ludwich. Verzeichniss der Vorlesungen, Sommer 1898, 
 Konigsberg, p. I2f., 42. 
 
 Paul Maas. Kolometrie in den Daktyloepitriten des Bakchylides. 
 Philologus, vol. LXIII, pp. 297 309, 1904. 
 
 L. Mallinger. Le caractere, la philosophie et Part de Bacchylide. Ex- 
 trait du ' Musde Beige.' Louvain, C. Peeters, 1899. 
 
 L. A. Michelangeli. Delia Vita di Bacchilide, e particolarmente delle 
 pretese allusioni di Pindaro a lui e a Simonide. (48 pp.) Rivista di Storia 
 antica, Anno II. 3 4. Messina, 1897. [This work appeared before the 
 newly-found poems of Bacchylides had been published. After that publica-
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY. xvii 
 
 tion, the same author wrote further in the Rivista di Storia antica, Anno in. 
 n. i. pp. 522.] 
 
 J. A. Nairn. Class. Rev. xi, pp. 449453, Dec. 1897: xm, pp. 167 f., 
 Apr. 1899. 
 
 P. V. Nikitin. See Blass, 2nd ed., p. LXXV. 
 
 U. Pestalozza. Rassegna Nazionale, 16 Apr. 1898, pp. 697 730. 
 
 A. C. Pearson. Class. Rev. xn, pp. 7476, Feb. 1898. 
 
 E. Piccolomini, Atene e Roma, I, pp. 3 15, 1898. Le odi di Bacchilide 
 (23 pp.). Firenze-Roma, Bencini, 1898. Osservazioni sopra le odi di 
 Bacchilide, Rendiconti della R. Accad. dei Lincei, Vlll. fasc. 3 4. 
 
 V. Pingel. Notes communicated to Blass : 2nd ed., p. LXXIII. 
 
 Arthur Platt. Athenaeum, Dec. 25, 1897; Jan. 15, 1898. Class. Rev. 
 xii, pp. 58 64, Feb. 1898; i33f., March; 211216, May. 
 
 A. Poutsma, Mnemosyne, xxvi, p. 339. 
 
 W. K. Prentice. De Bacchylide Pindari artis socio et imitatore. Halle, 
 1900. (Blass, 3rd ed., p. LXXII.) 
 
 Alexander Pridik. De Cei Insulae rebus. Berlin, Mayer & Mueller, 
 1892. 
 
 T(he'odore) R(einach). Notes sur Bacchylide, Revue des dtudes grecques, 
 pp. 1730, 1898. 
 
 Beatrice Reynolds. Class. Rev. xn, p. 254, June, 1898. 
 
 Herbert Richards. Class. Rev. xn, pp. 76 f., Feb. 1898 ; p. 134, 
 March. 
 
 Carl Robert. Hermes, xxxm, 1898, pp. 130 159. [Also Arch. 
 Anzeiger, 1889, p. 141.] 
 
 0. Rossbach (quoted by A. Ludwich, p. 13 : see above). 
 
 J. E. Sandys. Literature, Dec. 18, 1897 ; Athenaeum, Dec. 25, 1897 : 
 Class. Rev. xn, pp. 77 f. 
 
 J. Scheme. De dialecto Bacchylidea. Leipzig, Hirschfeld, 1899. 
 
 0. Schroder. Berliner Philologische Wochenschrift, 1898, nr. 11, 
 nr. 28. 
 
 Arthur Hamilton Smith. Illustrations to Bacchylides, Journ. of 
 Hellenic Studies, vol. XVIII, pp. 267 280, 1898. [This article brings 
 together the monuments which illustrate themes treated by Bacchylides in 
 Odes ill, v, VIII, xii, XV, XVI, xvn, with full references to the archaeological 
 literature. Ten vases are figured in the text. At the end of the volume, 
 Plate xiv reproduces the picture of Theseus welcomed by Amphitrite, from 
 the cup of Euphronius : see below, p. 225.]
 
 xviii BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 Herbert Weir Smyth. Transactions of the American Philological 
 Association, vol. xxix, pp. 86 96, 1898. 
 
 J. M. Stahl. Rheinisches Museum, 1898, pp. 332 ff. 
 F. W. Thomas. Class. Rev. xn, pp. 78 f., Feb. 1898. 
 
 V. Tommasmi. Imitazioni e reminiscenze omeriche in Bacchilide. 
 Studi italiani di Filologia classica, vil, 1899, pp. 415 439. 
 
 R. Y. Tyrrell. Class. Rev. xn, pp. 79 83, Feb. 1898 ; 412414, Nov. ; 
 XIII, pp. 4446, Feb. 1899. 
 
 J. Wackernagel. Notes communicated to Blass : 2nd ed., p. LXXVIII. 
 C. Waldstein. Class. Rev. xn, pp. 473 f., Dec. 1900. 
 H. Weil. Journal des Savants, Mar. 1898, pp. 174 184. 
 
 U. von Wilamowitz. Bacchylides. Berlin, Wiedmann, 1898 (33 pp.) 
 Gotting. gelehrte Anzeigen, 1898, pp. 125 160. Getting. Nachr., 1898, 
 pp. 228 236. 
 
 A. Wolff. Bacchylidea. Patavii, 1901. 
 
 A. Zuretti. Spigolature Bacchilidee, Rivista di Filologia, xxvi, 
 pp. 134149- 
 
 Before the discovery of the Egyptian papyrus, those fragments of 
 Bacchylides which are preserved by ancient writers had long been the 
 subject of critical study. The following editions of them deserve especial 
 mention : 
 
 C. F. Neue. Bacchylidis Cei Fragmenta. (76pp.) Berlin, 1822. 
 
 F. Or. Schneidewin. In Delectus Poesis Graecorum, sect. in. (Poetae 
 Melict). Gottingen, 1839. 
 
 J. A. Hartung. Die griechischen Lyriker [with metrical translation and 
 notes], vol. vi. Leipzig, 1857. 
 
 Th. Bergk. Poetae Lyrici Graeci,$th. ed., vol. Ill, pp. 569 588. Leipzig, 
 1882.
 
 GENERAL INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I. THE LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 BACCHYLIDES was born at lulls, the chief town of Parentage. 
 Ceos. His father's name is given as Medon, Meilon 
 (clearly an error for Meidon), or Meidylus 1 . His paternal 
 grandfather Bacchylides had been distinguished as an 
 athlete 2 . His mother was a younger sister 3 of the poet 
 Simonides, who, like his nephew, was a native of lulis. 
 
 Simonides was born in 556 B.C. ; Pindar, probably in Date of 
 5i8 4 : and ancient tradition said that Bacchylides was 
 
 1 (i) MtSwv is the form given by 
 Suidas s.v. RaKxvXlStjs. It is fairly 
 frequent as a proper name, particularly 
 in Attica. (2) MeiXow (in two MSS. 
 Mi'Xwi') appears in an epigram on the 
 nine lyric poets quoted by Boeckh, 
 Pindar vol. II. p. xxxi. The form 
 occurs nowhere else : and in 
 the i is regularly short (though 
 long in Anthol. Plamtd. 24 and ap- 
 pend. 20). (3) Mei5i/Xos stands in the 
 Etym. Magn. 582. 20 (where it is 
 accented MeiSiAos). This is the only 
 example of it given by Pape-Benseler. 
 Me(5i>Xi57;s, however, occurs as an 
 Athenian name, and is related to 
 MetSvXos as Ba/cxi'Xt'STjs to Ba/cx^Xos 
 (which is extant as an Athenian 
 name). 
 
 - Suidas s.v.: Ra.Kxv\i5ov TOI> 
 
 3 Strabo 10. p. 486 : en 5e TTJJ 
 'lovXtSos o re 'Zifjuavidys yv 6 /J.e\owoi6s 
 icai BaKxv\iSrj^ d8e\<t>i8ovs fKflvov. 
 The word <i5eX</>i5oPs must here mean 
 
 a.8e\<f>j)s (not dde\<f>ov) vl6s, since Mei- 
 don (or Medon) was the son of the 
 athlete Bacchylides, while Simonides 
 was the son of Leoprepes (Simon. 146, 
 147 : Her. vn. 228, etc.). If Bacchy- 
 lides was born about 512-505 B.C., 
 his mother may have been some 15 or 
 20 years younger than her brother. 
 By Suidas (s.v.), as by Eudocia 
 (Violar. 93), Bacchylides is merely 
 termed ffvyyev^s of Simonides. 
 
 4 Pindar was born at the time of a 
 Pythian festival (fr. 193), and there- 
 fore in the third year of an Olympiad ; 
 and Suidas places his birth in the 
 65th Olympiad (520-517). Boeckh, 
 following Pausanias (10. 7 3) in 
 dating the Pythiads from 586 B.C., 
 had to place Pindar's tenth Pythian 
 in 502 B.C. (the Pythiad to which it 
 related being, as the scholiast says, 
 the 22nd) ; and thus was led to infer 
 that Pindar was born not later than 
 522 B.C. But it is now established (see 
 Otto Schroder, Prolegom. to Pindar,
 
 2 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 younger than Pindar 1 . The earliest work of Bacchylides 
 which can be approximately dated may belong to 481 or 
 479. The date of his birth cannot be precisely fixed, but 
 may probably be placed somewhere within the period from 
 512 to 505 B.C. 
 
 Notices in According to the Chronicle of Eusebius, he ' was in his 
 heCron ' prime' (IJKfia&v) in Ol. 78. 2, 467 B.C. 2 . The physical 
 
 cle0 f 
 
 Eusebius. prime denoted by the word rjK/j,a^v was usually placed at 
 f J/ . about the fortieth year. If such a reckoning could be 
 
 assumed in the present case, we should have 507 B.C. as 
 the approximate date of birth ; and that is probably not 
 far from the truth. But, seeing how little appears to have 
 been known as to this poet's life, it is unlikely that 
 Eusebius had found a record of the birth-year, from which 
 he computed the date of the prime. It is more likely that 
 the choice of the year 467 was an inference from some 
 other fact or facts. It was known that Bacchylides wrote 
 odes for Hieron of Syracuse. Now the year 467 was the 
 date of Hieron's death. If Eusebius, or his authority, 
 assumed (or had reason to believe) that Bacchylides was 
 still young when first introduced, not long after 478, to 
 
 pp. 48 ff.) that Bergk was right in but also of literary, history ; and for 
 
 preferring the authority of the Pin- literary history he was the chief 
 
 daric scholia to that of Pausanias, authority of later writers. Eusebius 
 
 and in reckoning the Pythiads from is not believed to have had any direct 
 
 582 B.C. The date of Pyth. x. is knowledge of that work ; he seems 
 
 therefore 498 B.C. to have based his chronology on later 
 
 1 Eustathius, Life of Pindar in the compendia : but Apollodorus may 
 Hp6\oyos rCov HivSapiKCiv irapeKfioXCov have been the principal ultimate 
 (printed in Christ's ed. of Pindar, p. source from which the literary dates 
 103) : Thomas Magister, nivddpov of Eusebius were derived. (See W. 
 y^j/os (id. p. 108). Pindar was Christ, Gesch. d. Griech. Litt., pp. 608 
 ' younger than Simonides, but older and 920. ) 
 
 than Bacchylides.' The Byzantine Chronicon Paschale, 
 
 2 Apollodorus of Athens (circ, p. 162, places the ^ctafec of Bacchyl- 
 140 B.C.) was the author of Xpoviica, ides Ol. 74(484-4816.0.): astatement 
 or 'Annals,' in four books of iambic which (if the 0x^77 is to be placed at 
 trimeters, beginning from the fall of about the 4Oth year) puts his birth 
 Troy, and going down to his own back to 524-521 B.C. But this, as 
 time. (The fragments are collected L. A. Michelangeli observes (Delia 
 by Miiller, Frag. Hist., vol. I. pp. Vita di Bacchilide, p. 5), is incom- 
 435 ff.) In this work he gave the patible with the tradition that Bac- 
 principal events, not only of political, chylides was younger than Pindar.
 
 APPROXIMATE LIMITS OF DATE. 3 
 
 Hieron, his prime may have been conjecturally placed 
 about a decade later. The selection of the year 467 was 
 the more natural, since the end of Hieron's reign might be 
 regarded as closing a chapter in the fortunes of the poet. 
 
 Eusebius gives also another indication. Under Ol. 87. (2) t 
 2 (431 B.C.) he notes that Bacchylides was then 'well- f6T0 ' 
 known ' or ' eminent ' (eyvrnpi^ero). The phrase might be 
 taken as denoting the full maturity of a long-established 
 reputation 1 . But, even on that view, it is surprising to 
 find the epoch placed so late. As early (probably) as 481 
 or 479 2 , Bacchylides had written an important ode for 
 Pytheas, the son of the Aeginetan Lampon, whose victory 
 was also celebrated by Pindar. Lampon would scarcely 
 have given a commission to the Cean poet, if the latter had 
 not already gained some distinction. It is true that, in 
 youth and in middle life, the name of Bacchylides must 
 have been overshadowed by those of the two greater lyric 
 poets. The vigorous old age of Simonides was prolonged 
 to about 467 ; Pindar survived the year 446, and may have 
 lived till 438. It is also true that the gifts of Bacchylides 
 were not such as conquer a swift renown by a few brilliant 
 strokes ; they were better fitted to achieve a gradual 
 success, as the elegance and the quiet charm of his work 
 became more widely known among those who could 
 appreciate them. It is easy to conceive that his modest 
 fame may have become brighter towards the evening of 
 life than it had been in the morning or in the meridian. 
 But it is more difficult to suppose that a chronicler, who 
 placed the poet's prime in 467, can have intended to give 
 the year 431 as marking the period at which his reputation 
 culminated. 
 
 It may be observed, however, that the phrase eyvcopi^ero 
 is susceptible of an interpretation which avoids that 
 difficulty. Eusebius, or the authority on whom he relied, 
 may have found some indication that in 431 Bacchylides 
 was still alive. The indication may have been an ancient 
 
 1 L. A. Michelangeli, Delia Vita 2 Introd. to Ode XII, 2. 
 
 di Bacchilide etc. (1897), p. 6.
 
 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 mention of him, which the context made it possible to 
 place at about the beginning of the Peloponnesian War. 
 Or it may have been some work of his, now lost, containing 
 Probable an allusion which yielded an approximate date. The 
 Tyvupl'^To chronicler's word, eyvwpi^TO, would then be a concise 
 mode of saying that the poet 'was still alive and in repute.' 
 The Byzantine chronographer Georgius Syncellus uses the 
 same word eyvwpi&To, but varies from Eusebius in giving 
 Ol. 88 (428-425 B.C.) instead of Ol. 87. 2 1 . We cannot tell 
 whether he was here following an authority distinct from 
 that on which Eusebius relied. If the authority followed 
 by both writers was the same, it is possible that Eusebius, 
 in giving 431 B.C., meant to indicate 'the beginning of the 
 Peloponnesian war' as an approximate date, while Georgius 
 Syncellus found it more accurate to say that Bacchylides 
 was still living in the Olympiad which began in the year 
 428 B.C. One conclusion, at least, appears warranted. 
 The statement that the poet survived the beginning of the 
 Peloponnesian War must have rested on some definite 
 Result. ground which the chroniclers deemed satisfactory. We 
 cannot fix the date of the poet's birth, or of his death. 
 But it is probable that the period from about 507 to 428 
 was comprised in his lifetime. 
 
 Ceos. The surroundings and associations amidst which the 
 
 boyhood and youth of Bacchylides were passed can in 
 some measure be inferred from the traces which they have 
 left in his work, and from what is known of his native 
 Ceos. The ' lovely isle ' of which he speaks, the ' land of 
 rocky heights,' ' nursing vines ' on the sunny slopes of its 
 hills 2 , was the outermost of the Cyclades towards the 
 north-west. East and south of it lay the islands which 
 
 1 Chron. p. 257 (ed. Par.). Georgius, 
 a learned monk, was known as the 
 Ziry/feXXos, because he had been syn- 
 cellus, or attendant, of Tarrasius 
 patriarch of Constantinople (on whom 
 see Finlay, Hist. Gr. n. 75 ff.). His 
 'ExAcryTj Xpovcr/pa^ias, beginning from 
 Adam, extends to the accession of 
 
 Diocletian in 284 A.D. He died in 
 800 A.D., the year to which he had 
 intended to bring down his work. 
 It was continued to 813 A.D. in the 
 chronicle of his friend Theophanes. 
 
 2 Ode V. lof. fatfeas vdffov: I. u 
 iro\VKpr)/j.voi> x^ova : VI. 5 cl|U.7reXor/>6- 
 <pov Ktov.
 
 CEOS.SIMONIDES. 5 
 
 cluster around Delos, the central sanctuary of the Ionian 
 
 race, whither (as Bacchylides shows us 1 ) the people of 
 
 Ceos were wont to send their tribute of choral paeans for 
 
 the festivals of Apollo. A saga, which was narrated by Legends of 
 
 Bacchylides in the first ode of our series, made a link of s ' 
 
 mythical ancestry between Ceos and the greatest of the 
 
 Ionian colonies on the coast of Asia Minor. Dexithea, 
 
 who in her island-home had entertained gods unawares, 
 
 became by Minos the mother of Euxantius, lord of Ceos, 
 
 father of Miletus, and progenitor of the Milesian clan of 
 
 the Euxantidae 2 . Like so many other Ionian communities, 
 
 Ceos claimed also a tie with the Achaeans of the heroic 
 
 age. Nestor had landed in the island on his homeward 
 
 voyage from Troy, and had founded a shrine of Athena 3 . 
 
 More important than any such legendary kinships were Ceos and 
 the affinities and sympathies bred of frequent intercourse 
 with Attica. Only some thirteen miles of sea lay between 
 Ceos and Cape Sunium. From the days of the Peisistra- 
 tidae onwards, the intellectual and artistic progress of 
 Athens must in some degree have affected the little island, 
 inhabited by men of the same race, which was so close to 
 the Attic shores. A poetical and musical culture had long 
 existed in Ceos. lulis possessed a temple of the Pythian Ceancult 
 Apollo 4 . Another Pythion stood at Carthaea, a prosperous ^ ** ' 
 seaport on the south-eastern coast of the island ; and near 
 it was a choregeion, a building in which choruses were 
 
 trained for the festivals. Simonides, in his earlier years, Early life 
 
 ... . of Simon- 
 
 had taught there 5 . He must soon have made his mark at t -j fs . 
 
 1 Ode xvi. 130. See Introduction 5 Athenaeus 10. p. 456 F. We 
 to that Ode, i . there learn that on a wall of the 
 
 2 Introduction to Ode I, 3. temple of Apollo at Carthaea there 
 
 3 Strabo 10. p. 486. See Appendix was a painting of Epeius, son of 
 on Ode x. 119^ Panopeus, toiling as a drawer of 
 
 4 This appears from an inscription water for the Atreidae ; when Athena 
 (f 363 B.C.) found at lulis (Kohler, inspired him with skill to make the 
 C. I. A. II. p. 142), lines 20 22 TOI>S wooden horse. The incident occurred 
 0rpaT77"y[oi>s] TOUS ['Iov~\\ir]T&v...o-vveiff- in the cyclic 'IX/oi; DV/mj, and was 
 TTpaTreiv TO, xP'nf J - ara * v erfX-i] \L0ivri treated by Stesichorus (fr. 18). 
 Kal ffTTJffai ei> T lep< 'A7r6XAawos TOV Simonides wrote these verses (fr. 
 JIvffLov. 173):
 
 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 Attic 
 influence. 
 
 Folk-lore 
 of Ceos. 
 
 the Cean school. It was probably about 52^ B.C. that 
 Hipparchus invited him to Athens, where, at the age of 
 thirty or a little more, he found himself placed in rivalry, 
 as a chorus-trainer, with the celebrated Lasus of Hermione 1 . 
 It would be unreasonable to take Simonides as a normal 
 example of Attic influence on Ceos. No poet, perhaps, 
 not of Attic birth, ever had so much of the Attic genius: 
 the Danae fragment is a witness. But his nephew also 
 occasionally manifests a quality which is rather Attic than 
 merely Ionian, especially in verses of the lighter and gayer 
 kind 2 . It may well be supposed that, in the education and 
 in the social life of Ceos, the characteristics and tendencies 
 of eastern Ionia were tempered with elements due to 
 Athens. 
 
 We have one specimen of primitive Cean folk-lore 
 which breathes the old spirit of free Ionian fancy, the 
 bright, nai've, sometimes playful spirit which reveals itself 
 in the wonderland of the Odyssey. The story relates to 
 the far-off memory of a great drouth which once parched 
 the island, blighting the labours of husbandman and vine- 
 dresser. The Nymphs of Ceos, it was said, had been 
 scared from their haunts in the valleys and on the hills by 
 the apparition of a lion 3 . They fled across the sea to 
 Carystus in Euboea. An illustration of this story can still 
 be seen. Not far from lulis on the east, a colossal lion, 
 some twenty feet in length, has been rudely carved from a 
 rock, whose natural shape assisted, or suggested, the 
 design 4 . The Nymphs, frightened into exile by the lion, 
 
 TOV oiiK fOeXovra. <J>epei>> 
 
 Tip HafOTn}ia5ri dwffftv fa^ya tielwvov 
 
 'E Tret 45. 
 
 Athenaeus explains them as follows. 
 At Carthaea, water was carried from 
 a fountain up to the chorus-school, 
 over which Simonides presided, by a 
 donkey who was called Epeius ; and, 
 if a chorister played truant, the fine 
 was a feed for the donkey, 
 Ttrnyos &fd\oi> meant pSetr. 
 
 . 2280: Aelian 
 V. H. 8. 2 : Ar. Vesp. 1410 f. 
 
 2 As in the fragment (from one of 
 the irapoivia) beginning y\vicei' dvdyKa 
 (no. 16 in this ed.). 
 
 3 Heraclides Ponticus Polit. 9 : 
 Apoll. Rhod. 2. 498 ff. (with the 
 scholia) : Hyginus Poet. Astronomica 
 II. 4 . 
 
 4 Brondsted, Reisen und Unter- 
 suchungen in Griechenlandl. pp. 31 ff. 
 (Paris, 1826). Brondsted 's work,
 
 CEOS. THE PERSIAN WARS. 7 
 
 were, of course, the water-springs dried up by the torrid 
 heat. Then Aristaeus, the god who prospers all works of 
 the field 1 , came from Arcadia to Ceos, where his worship 
 endured. Taught by him, the people raised an altar to 
 Zeus Ikmaios, the Sky-father who sends rain and dew. 
 
 With its legends, its cult of Apollo, and its folk-lore, 
 Ceos can have been no uncongenial home for a boy of 
 quick imagination. Another feature in the life of the Cean 
 
 athletes. 
 
 island was the successful practice of athletics. Cean 
 athletes were especially strong in boxing and in running 2 . 
 The young Bacchylides, whose grandfather and namesake 
 had been an athlete, might naturally follow with interest 
 the growing number of Cean victories. Those victories 
 were recorded at lulis on slabs of stone, under the festivals 
 to which they severally pertained 3 . In commemorating 
 the success of Argeius, Bacchylides is able to tell us that 
 precisely seventy wreaths had previously been won by 
 Ceans at the Isthmian games 4 . 
 
 As he grew towards early manhood, events were 
 passing around him which may well have stimulated all 
 
 his powers of thought and fancy. The overthrow of the The Per- 
 
 J , sian Wars. 
 
 .Persians at Marathon in September, 490 B.C., must have 
 brought a thrill of relief to the islanders of the Aegean, 
 most of whom, in their helplessness, had given earth and 
 water to the heralds -ef Dareius 5 . A few months later the 
 news would reach the people of lulis that their townsman 
 Simonides had gained the prize offered by Athens for an 
 elegy on those who fell in the great battle 6 . Eleven years 
 later, after that repulse of Xerxes in which the mariners of 
 
 which was not completed, contains a 1 See note on fragment 44. 
 
 most careful and minute description 2 Ode vi, verse 7. 
 
 of Ceos. See also A. Pridik, De 3 See Introd. to Ode I, 2. 
 
 Cei Insulae rebus, p. 20 (Berlin, 1892). 4 Ode II, gf. 
 
 A very valuable feature of this mono- 5 Herod, vi. 49. 
 
 graph is the Appendix epigraphica, 6 Aeschylus is said in the Bios 
 
 giving references to inscriptions hi<r\i>\ov to have been an unsuccess- 
 
 (i) found in Ceos, or (2) relating to ful competitor: eV r ei'j TOUS iv 
 
 Ceos, but found at Athens, Delos, Ma.pa.8uvi TeOvrjKbTas t\fyei<t> i)(ro"t)6tis 
 
 Delphi, or Paros. In some instances 'Zifjuavidy. 
 
 the text of the inscription is added.
 
 8 LIFE OF BACCHYL1DES. 
 
 Ceos bore their part 1 , it was again the Cean poet who 
 rendered the most effective tributes to the heroes of 
 Thermopylae and Artemisium, of Salamis and Plataea 2 . 
 In those days of patriotic enthusiasm and joy, Ceos, and 
 more especially lulis, must have been proud of the man 
 w ho had thus become the voice of Hellas. Bacchylides 
 himself had now entered on his poetical career. He could 
 have desired no better introduction, at home or abroad, 
 than the fame of his kinsman. 
 
 In 478 B.C. Hieron succeeded his brother Gelon in the 
 rule of Syracuse. Gelon, a fine soldier, a capable states- 
 man, and the founder of Syracusan greatness, figured in 
 tradition as one who cared nothing for letters or art, being, 
 indeed, almost ostentatiously scornful of the accomplish- 
 ments which Greeks of his day associated with a liberal 
 education. Once at a banquet, when the lyre was being 
 passed round in order that each guest should play and sing 
 in turn, Gelon ordered his horse to be brought in, and 
 showed the company how lightly he could vault upon its 
 back 3 . Such a story indicates the conception which had 
 been formed of him. Hieron, it was said, had at first 
 resembled his brother in this respect ; but after an illness, 
 in which his enforced leisure had been solaced by music 
 and poetry, he became devoted to the Muses 4 . It is certain 
 that, from the outset of his reign, men of letters found a 
 welcome at his court. The encouragement of literary and 
 musical culture was, indeed, an historical attribute of the 
 Greek tyrannis. It was at the Corinth of Periander that 
 the dithyramb had been invested with a new significance 
 by Arion. Polycrates had entertained Ibycus and Anacreon 
 in Samos. Anacreon, Simonides and Lasus had been 
 honoured sojourners in the Athens of the Peisistratidae. 
 A power which rested on no constitutional basis could 
 derive popularity, and therefore strength, from the presence 
 
 1 Herod, vm. i (Artemisium), (Bergk). 
 
 46 (Salamis). 3 Plut. Apophth. Gel. 4. 175. 
 
 * Simonides i 4, 91 101 4 Aelian Var. Hist. 4. 15.
 
 MEN OF LETTERS AT HIE RON'S COURT. 9 
 
 of men whose gifts and attainments enabled them to increase 
 the attractions of the festivals. Since, moreover, Greek 
 lyric poetry, and now drama, stood in close and manifold 
 relations with Greek religion, the ruler who was visited and 
 extolled by eminent poets not merely enhanced the respect- 
 ability of his despotism, but obtained for it, so far, something 
 akin to a religious sanction. The patronage of renascent 
 humanism by such men as the Borgias and the Medici was 
 predominantly a matter of personal inclination or of 
 personal pride. The patronage of poets by a Hieron 
 partook, doubtless, of both those motives, but it was also 
 largely an affair of policy. Despite all that was vicious in 
 the atmosphere of a tyrant's court, such patronage was, at 
 that moment, a gain to letters, in so far as it gave a stimulus 
 to poetical genius, and afforded splendid opportunities for 
 its public manifestation. Athens was in process of becoming, 
 but had not yet become, the intellectual centre of Hellas. 
 Meanwhile Greek literature would have been poorer had it 
 not acquired the odes which Pindar and Bacchylides wrote 
 for Hieron, the odes which Pindar wrote for Theron of 
 Acragas and for Arcesilas of Cyrene. 
 
 Pindar's first Olympian was composed for the ruler of Pindar 
 Syracuse in 476, and the poet seems to have been present * 
 when it was performed. In the same year Hieron founded 
 the new city of Aetna on the site of Catana. The first 
 visit of Aeschylus to Sicily was made at that period. It Aeschylus. 
 was then that he rendered to Hieron a tribute greater than 
 any lyric epinikion. In his play, the Women of Aetna, he His 
 referred to the new city, 'drawing auguries of happiness for 
 the founders of the settlement 1 ,' perhaps in the form of a 
 prophecy uttered by some god or semi-divine person. One 
 passage in that drama must have thrilled the Sicilian 
 audience. Aeschylus spoke of the Palikoi, the dread Twin 
 Brethren of the old Sikel faith, the dwellers at the boiling 
 lake 2 ; and, using a myth which the Greek settlers in Sicily 
 
 1 Vit. Aeschyl. : 'I^pw^os r6re TT\V 2 Aesch. fr. 6 : 
 
 ALTVTIV KTI^OVTOS fTreSet^aro ras Airvai- ri dfjr ev' avrois ovofta d-f)GovTai 
 as, oluvifro/uLevos evrevOev fiiov dyadbv fiporoi; 
 
 TOIS (TVVOlKl^OVffl T7]V 1TQ\t.l>. fff[J.VOVS HttXlKOUS ZfVS (f>ieTO.l KaKf'll'. 
 
 J. B. 2
 
 10 
 
 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 His 
 
 Persae 
 
 trilogy. 
 
 had woven on to the mysterious name, he described those 
 deities as sons borne to Zeus by Thaleia, daughter of 
 Hephaestus 1 . The trilogy to which the Persae belonged, 
 and which was brought out at Athens in 472, is said to have 
 been reproduced, by Hieron's request, in Sicily, and to have 
 won much applause 2 . The third piece of that trilogy, the 
 Glaucus, brought Heracles from the west of Sicily to its 
 northern coast, from Mount Eryx to 'the lofty hill of 
 Himera 3 .' Hieron had borne arms, under the leadership of 
 his brother Gelon, when the Syracusans and their allies 
 repulsed the Carthaginian invaders at Himera ; on the 
 same day, it was said, that Greek defeated Persian at 
 Salamis. It is easy to imagine the effect that would have 
 been made in the theatre where Hieron presided if the 
 Aeschylean Heracles, in prophetic strain, alluded to that 
 great deliverance. 
 
 irdXiv yap rjt-ovff' (tKovff' edd.) K cnc6- 
 
 rov roS' et's </>doj. 
 
 This is the earliest extant mention of 
 the Palikoi. The seat of their cult 
 was a small lake, usually about 490 ft. 
 in circumference, still called the Lago 
 de" Palici, in the province of Catania, 
 near Favorotta. Apertures in the 
 bed of the lake, near its centre, emit 
 a marsh gas, which forces up the 
 water (to a height of two feet in 
 places). The whole surface then 
 seems to boil. See Baedeker's S. 
 Italy and Sicily, p. 298: and a very 
 full description in Freeman's Sicily, 
 i. 529 ff. The Palikoi were chthonian 
 and volcanic daemons, and, like Styx, 
 an inviolable Spitos. 
 
 1 Steph. Byz. p. 496, 9, s.v. 
 HaXnc/i (the town of Ducetius, whose 
 name survives in Palagonia). In the 
 Greek story used by Aeschylus, Thaleia 
 is probably a shortened form of 
 A.lOd\eia ( = Afri'T?). Thaleia, preg- 
 nant by Zeus, hid herself beneath the 
 earth, to escape Hera's wrath ; and 
 there bore two sons (the Palikoi). 
 
 The myth was suggested by the 
 Greek fancy which derived Iia\iKoi 
 from irdXiv IKOVUC (!), ' they come 
 back' to the light of the upper world. 
 In the fourth verse of the Aeschylean 
 fragment quoted above, which indi- 
 cates this derivation, the true reading 
 (I suspect) is the traditional ^ou<r', 
 and not that which modern editors 
 have preferred, iKovff' : for, as Q-r\aov- 
 rai in v. i shows, it is a prophecy ; 
 and it was like a poet to suggest IKOV<T' 
 as the second element in the name, 
 rather than to give it. The real 
 etymology is unknown. The Sikels 
 being of Italic stock, Michaelis pro- 
 poses pal (7roXt6s) and the -ic- of am- 
 ic-us, Labr-ic-us, Mar-ic-a, etc. ; the 
 reference would then be to the dirty 
 greyish colour of the lake's water. 
 See Block's art. Palikoi in Roscher's 
 Lex ikon. 
 
 2 Vil. Aeschyl. ad fin. : <paaii> virb 
 'lepuvos a^iuOffTa. dvadidd^ai. rous 
 Il^ptras if 2tKf\la, nai \iav evdoKi/u.tiv . 
 
 3 Aesch. fr. 32 et's v\f/iKprj[j.i'oi' 
 'Ifj.ipai> S' a.<jnKofj.-r)v. See Freeman, 
 Sicily vol. I. p. 414.
 
 MEN OF LETTERS AT HIERON'S COURT, n 
 
 While Tragedy was thus represented at Hieron's court 
 by the eldest of the Attic masters, the other but less mature 
 branch of drama was also welcomed in the person of 
 Epicharmus. One of his comedies, the Islands (Naa-oi), Epichar- 
 alluded to Hieron having sent his brother-in-law Chromius, mus ' 
 in 477, to Anaxilas of Rhegium ; a mission which secured 
 the independence of the Epizephyrian Locrians. It is 
 noticeable that the stories of Hieron which were current in 
 later times often imply that he lived on terms of more or 
 less familiar intercourse with the men of letters who were 
 admitted to his circle. Epicharmus, in particular, was 
 credited with a biting answer to an invitation from the 
 tyrant 1 . Granting that some or most of these stories may 
 have been late figments, it seems probable that Hieron's 
 disposition was of a kind which made such intercourse 
 possible, even if, as a rule, it was somewhat perilous. We 
 should have wished to know whether the Sicilian historian 
 Timaeus, who ought to have been well-versed in Syracusan 
 tradition, had any good authority for his statement that 
 Xenophanes of Colophon survived to the days of Hieron 2 . Xeno- 
 There is a certain piquancy in the thought that the veteran^ t 
 castigator of Homer and Hesiod may have met Pindar and 
 Aeschylus under the roof of a common host. Homer is, 
 indeed, the subject of a remark which, according to 
 Plutarch, Hieron addressed to Xenophanes 3 . 
 
 Such was the Syracusan court to which Simonides came Hieron 
 soon after the beginning of the new reign. He was then 
 seventy-eight years of age. It is remarkable that, among 
 
 1 Plut. De Adul. et antic., c. 27. 2 Timaeus fr. 92 (Muller I. p. 
 
 Hieron had put to death some of their 215): Sfvo<jxa'r)s...ov <j>i\ai Tt/totoj 
 
 common acquaintances, and a few days Kara 'Itpuva TOV ZtKeXias dvvdffrriv /cat 
 
 afterwards asked Epicharmus todinner. 'Eirixapnov TOV iroi7)Tr]v yeyovtvat. 
 
 Epicharmus made this unpunctuated From Xenophanes himself (fr. 7) we 
 
 reply : dXXa irpyrjv Otiwv Tom (j>i\ovs know that he was still writing at the 
 
 owe e/cdXeo-as. [The ambiguity would age of ninety-two, 
 be represented by the following sen- 3 Plut. Apophth. Hieron. 4 : TT/WS 
 
 tence, though it is far less neat than Se f!,fvo<f>d.vr)v TOV Ko\o<f>wviov tiirbvTo. 
 
 the Greek: 'The other day when yuoXis oi/c^ras dvo Tpt<f>eiv,'A\X"O/j.ripos, 
 
 you held a sacrifice of your friends I elrrev, dv ffb Sia&vpeis, TrXetovas r) pvpiovs 
 
 alone was not asked.'] Tpefai TeOvijKus. 
 
 2 2
 
 12 LIFE OF BACCHYL1DES. 
 
 all the fragments or notices of writings ascribed to Simonides, 
 the sole trace of Hieron is a mention of his name, along 
 with those of his brothers, in the epigram on the battle of 
 Himera 1 , an epigram probably written before Hieron had 
 succeeded Gelon at Syracuse. The qualities by which the 
 poet won the tyrant's regard seem to have been personal 
 rather than professional. The friend of Hipparchus, the 
 guest of Thessalian Scopadae and Aleuadae, was not with- 
 out experience in the life of courts. Not long after his 
 arrival in Sicily, at some time in the years 478-476, his 
 Ionian tact achieved a task which must have demanded 
 fine diplomacy. He reconciled Hieron to Theron of 
 Acragas, at a moment when war had almost broken out 
 
 Their between them 2 . From that day until he died, not long 
 after his patron, in Sicily, the relations of Simonides with 
 the master of Syracuse appear to have been those of an 
 intimate and confidential friendship 3 . At this period 
 Bacchylides had already gained a certain measure of dis- 
 tinction. That is sufficiently proved by the epinikion (Ode 
 XII) which he wrote, probably in 481 or 479, for Pytheas, 
 son of Lampon, an eminent citizen of Aegina. The same 
 victory is the subject of Pindar's fifth Nemean. Simonides 
 took an early opportunity of presenting his nephew to 
 Hieron at Syracuse. 
 
 The poems The first poem which Bacchylides wrote for Hieron 
 
 (Ode V ) WaS Sent from ^ e S in 4? 6 B ' C But a P revious 
 visit to Syracuse is indicated, since he is already Hieron's 
 
 'guest-friend' (>o?, V. ii). Six years later, when Hieron's 
 victory in the chariot-race (470 B.C.) elicited Pindar's first 
 Pythian, Bacchylides sent merely a little congratulatory 
 song of twenty verses (Ode IV); he may have been pre- 
 cluded, by some cause unknown to us, from doing more. 
 
 1 Simon. 141 (Bergk). friend's privilege of irapprjcria.. For 
 
 2 Diodorus Siculus XI. 48. Schol. other illustrations of the almost pro- 
 Find. 0. n. 29 (15). verbial intimacy between Simonides 
 
 3 Xenophon's Hieron, a dialogue and Hieron, see Arist. Rhet. 11. 16. 
 between the tyrant and Simonides, 2 : [Plat.] Epist. 11. p. 311 A: Cic. 
 attests the author's belief that the De Nat. Dear. l. xxii. 60. 
 
 poet enjoyed in the fullest measure a
 
 HIS POEMS FOR HIERON. PINDAR. 13 
 
 In 468 Hieron gained the most important of such successes 
 by winning the chariot-race at Olympia. The poet who 
 celebrated this event was Bacchylides. Pindar did not 
 write. A cordial tribute to Hieron occurs in his sixth 
 Olympian, written in 472 (or, as some think, in 468) for 
 Agesias of Syracuse (vv. 93 ff.). It would, of course, be 
 unwarrantable to suppose that, in 468, Pindar had lost 
 Hieron's favour. Pindar's silence may have been due 
 to some other cause of which we know nothing. But, in 
 the light of so much as is known, that silence is noteworthy. 
 These are, briefly, the facts as to the work of Bacchylides 
 for Hieron. His attitude towards that ruler, as compared 
 with Pindar's, is discussed in another place 1 . 
 
 In the course of the years 476-468 Pindar and Supposed 
 Bacchylides must have met at Syracuse, probably on a f U pi%d ar 
 
 several occasions. A number of passages in Pindar's odes to the Cean 
 
 11- poets. 
 
 are interpreted by . the scholiasts as containing hostile 
 
 allusions to Bacchylides, or Simonides, or both. The 
 question is sufficiently curious and interesting to merit 
 some examination. 
 
 A preliminary observation should be made. Some of 
 the Pindaric scholia which give these interpretations add 
 statements to the effect that a jealousy existed between 
 Pindar and Bacchylides ; that Bacchylides disparaged 
 him to Hieron ; and that Hieron preferred the poems of 
 Bacchylides to those of Pindar 2 . It has sometimes been 
 assumed or implied that the Alexandrian commentators 
 had no warrant for such statements except such as they 
 discovered in Pindar's own words. But it is to be remem- 
 bered that they may have found other evidence in books 
 which are now lost, or of which only fragments remain. 
 Among such books were the histories of Sicily by 
 
 1 Introd. to Ode v, 3. avrbv T 'lepuvi Sitcrvpev. (3) Schol. 
 
 - (i) Schol. Find. N. III. 143(82) P. II. 166 (90) 77 a.va.<popa. irakiv ets 
 
 SoKel Se TO.VTO. reiveiv eis BaK\v\idTjv ' TSaKXvXidrjv ' ei\~r)TTTai 5e OVTUS i] didvoia 
 
 TJV yap avrois teal ixpopaffis wpbs dXXrj- dia rb irapa. 'leptavi ra 
 
 Aous. (2) Schol. P. II. 97 (53) Tronj/aara TrpoK 
 aivirrerai d as Baicxi'X'^f ' del yap
 
 14 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 Antiochus of Syracuse, Philistus of Syracuse, and Timaeus 
 of Tauromenion. Those histories included Hieron's reign, 
 and may have noticed Syracusan traditions relating to 
 celebrated visitors at his court. There was also a large 
 literature of memoirs and anecdotes concerning famous 
 writers. Some idea of its abundance can be formed from 
 Plutarch, Diogenes Laertius, and Athenaeus. Almost the 
 whole of that literature has perished. But at least two 
 authors can be named, either of whom might well have 
 touched on Pindar's relations with the poets whom he met 
 at Syracuse. One is Chamaeleon of Heracleia in Pontus 
 (fl- c - 3 IOB - c -)> a pupil of Aristotle; the other is Istrus of 
 Cyrene (_/?. c. 240 B.C.), a pupil of Callimachus. These 
 were the two oldest sources for the biography of Pindar 1 . 
 Timaeus wrote a work on lyric poets (MeXoTrotoi). It is 
 from Chamaeleon that Athenaeus derives certain par- 
 ticulars respecting the life of Simonides when he was 
 Hieron's guest 2 . Chamaeleon and Istrus, however, are but 
 two out of many writers who preserved reminiscences of 
 the classical poets. It would be very rash to assume that 
 the Alexandrians can have had no warrant, beyond Pindar's 
 text, for their view of his attitude towards the poets of 
 Ceos. 
 
 Again, moderns naturally approach this question with 
 some reluctance to believe that a great poet could have 
 dealt in such innuendo. But it is hardly needful to say 
 that modern standards of feeling cannot safely be applied 
 to an age of which the tone in such matters was so different. 
 It is indisputable that several passages of Pindar express 
 scorn for some people who are compared to crows or daws, 
 to apes or foxes 3 . The only question is, are all such utter- 
 ances merely general, referring to classes of persons, such, 
 for instance, as the vulgar herd of inferior poets ? Or is 
 the allusion in such places, or in any of them, to indi- 
 viduals ? Here the probabilities depend in some measure 
 
 1 Leutsch, Die Qttellen fiir die 2 Athen. 14. p. 656 c, D. 
 
 Biographien des Pindar, in Philolog. 3 Find. O. II. 96 ; N. in. 82 ; P. 
 
 xi. iff. II. 72, 77.
 
 PINDAR S SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS. 15 
 
 on the estimate which may be formed of Pindar's tempera- 
 ment. It is clear, at least, that he intimates his own 
 superiority to all contemporary masters of lyric song. 
 Confidence in his own poetical power is joined to a marked 
 pride of race, and to that sense of an intimate communion 
 with Delphi which so often lends the note of authority to 
 his precepts. The disposition suggested by the general 
 spirit of his work is ardent, strenuous, impetuous : it is also 
 haughty, and such as would probably have been impatient 
 of competition. 
 
 In considering the passages, then, where the Alex- 
 andrians saw hostile references by Pindar to the poets of 
 Ceos, it is well to bring a mind unbiased by either of two 
 presumptions ; that the Alexandrians can have had nothing 
 to go upon except Pindar's words ; or that Pindar cannot 
 have intended such allusions. 
 
 The most important of these passages, that, indeed. Passage in 
 on which the issue primarily turns, occurs in the second Olympian. 
 Olympian ode, composed for Theron of Acragas in 476 B.C. 
 That was the year in which Bacchylides first wrote for 
 Hieron, celebrating the same victory which is the subject 
 of Pindar's first Olympian. Simonides had then been in 
 relations with Hieron for more, at least, than a year. 
 After a magnificent description of the elysium in the Islands 
 of the Blest, Pindar abruptly turns to speak of his own 
 art. ' Many swift arrows are there in the quiver beneath 
 my arm, shafts with a message for the wise; but for the 
 crowd they need interpreters ' ; and then come these words 
 ( vv . 8688) : 
 
 cro(o? 6 TroXXa f et&u? tfrva 
 paOovres Se \d/3poi 
 
 7rayy\(t)crcria, /edpa/ee? &><, atcpavra japverov 
 Ato? 7T/30? opvt^a delov. 
 
 The o-o^)o?, the man of intellectual attainment, is here, 
 as the context shows, specially the poet. The true poet is he 
 who 'knows much,' whose mind and fancy are fertile, ' by 
 nature's gift' (<j>va). 'But they who have merely learned,'
 
 1 6 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 the disciples and imitators of others, ' boisterous (\dftpoi) 
 with their torrent of words, vainly chatter (the pair of them) 
 like crows, against the godlike bird of Zeus.' To the dual 
 <yapverov we shall return presently : but first let us consider 
 the general purport of the passage. The ' bird of Zeus ' is, 
 of course, Pindar. He again likens himself to an eagle, 
 and other singers to inferior birds, in the third Nemean 
 (probably of 469 B.C.), vv. 80 ff. : 
 
 ecrTi 8' ai6T09 wtcvs ev Troravols... 
 Kpa<yerai Se K0\oiol raTreivd vefjuovrai. 
 
 'The eagle is swift among the birds of the air,... but the 
 clamorous daws haunt the lower regions of the sky.' The 
 word \dj3poi suggests noisy braggarts, as in the Iliad 
 (xxm. 478 f.), 
 
 aAA.' alel fivOois \a/3peveaf oi>8e ri ae %pr) 
 \af3payoprjv efievai. 
 
 The term Trayy\a)(raia occurs nowhere else. It denotes 
 readiness to utter anything (compare Trapprjcria and Trav- 
 ovpyia), a loquacity not restrained by discernment or 
 by taste. These creatures of mere lore are garrulous, 
 without that discriminating instinct which chastens and 
 refines the language of the born poet. Their utterances 
 are also d/cpavra : they achieve nothing, they make no 
 abiding impression. In brief, these 'taught' men are 
 pretentious, noisy, strangers to distinction of style, and 
 ineffectual. But the fundamental thing is the contrast 
 between original genius (<ua) and imitative accomplish- 
 ment (yu,a#77<m). This contrast is habitual with Pindar; we 
 have it again in the third Nemean (vv. 40 42): 
 
 avyyevei 8e TI? evSo^ia /xeya (Spidef 
 09 Se StSar' e^et, fyefy'rjvos dvrjp 
 
 dXXor' d\\a Trvecov OUTTOT' arpeicei 
 tcare^a TroSi, fivpidv 8' 
 
 dperdv dre\el vow yeverai. 
 
 ' Born with him is the power that gives weight to a 
 man's fame : but whoso has the fruits of lore alone, he
 
 PINDAR'S SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS. 17 
 
 remains in the shade. His spirit veers with every breeze: 
 in no field of trial is his foothold sure : he nibbles at 
 excellence in countless forms, but his mind achieves noth- 
 ing.' The proximate occasion of this general reflection is 
 the inspired valour of Heracles, to whom Pindar has just 
 referred ; but it is obvious that he is thinking also of the 
 born poet. The same remark applies to some verses in the 
 ninth Olympian (of 456 B.C.?), where the immediate contest 
 relates to athletes (vv. 100 102): 
 
 TO Be (f>vd Kpdricrrov airav TroXXoi 8e StSa/rrat? 
 a.v0p(t)7ra)v aperat? /cXeo<? 
 (apovcrav dpeadai. 
 
 ' Nature's gift is ever best ; but many men have strained to 
 win renown by feats to which they had been schooled.' 
 
 Such, then, is the general scope of the passage in the The dual 
 second Olympian. Let us next examine a crucial point in ver ' 
 it, the use of the dual yapverov. Emendations have been 
 attempted : but there is a strong presumption that the word 
 is sound 1 . It will be remembered that the use of the dual 
 
 1 Bergk (4th ed.) suggested yapve- written by Aristarchus (but Ko / ttT7?j' 
 TWV, which Otto Schroder adopts in by Zenodotus : Bergk says, ' alii 
 his edition of Pindar (1900) ; a defiant forte Ko/j.etivTwv '). Ko/uLfiruv is usually 
 imperative, like oi 5' ofiv yeXwvruv in and naturally taken as dual. In 
 Soph. Ai. 961. Schroder takes it as Kiihner-Blass (p. 51) it is cited as the 
 plural, not dual. Now such a form as only example of the 3rd pers. of the 
 yapvTwt>, instead of yapvovruv, is most imperative dual in -ruv which occurs 
 rare. The evidence is exhaustively in classical literature. Schroder, how- 
 stated in Kiihner-Blass, Ausfiihrliche ever, on Find. 0. II. 87 (96), suggests 
 Gr. Grarnm., 3rd ed., vol. II. p. 50. that Ko/j-eiruv is 3rd pers. plural : I do 
 
 (1) HffTwv is 3rd pers. imperat. plural not know why. It will be seen that the 
 in Od. 1.273: also in Plato, Xenophon, probabilities are very strong against a 
 Doric and Ionic inscriptions etc. formofsuchextremerarityasyapi^rwi'. 
 
 (2) trwv in Aesch. Eum. 32 is 3rd Schroder thinks that the imperative 
 pers. imperat. plural. (3) dvecrraKo- here is a great improvement to the 
 TUV is cited by Kiihner-Blass (I.e.) as sense. To me it does not seem so. 
 occurring once in Archimedes, who The clause (ro0oj K.T.\. is opposed to 
 elsewhere uses forms in -vrwv : ' but the clause /uatfoyres Se K.T.\. The 
 that should certainly be corrected, verb to be supplied in the first clause 
 with Ahrens, to dvfffraKovTwv : cp. is iffrl : the verb of the second clause 
 Heiberg, Suppl. Fl. Jahr. xin. 561.' would also naturally be in the indica- 
 (4) In //. 8. 109, rovTd} n^v depdirovre live mood, yapverov. 
 
 Kofj-flruv, that form of the verb was The other proposed emendations
 
 i8 
 
 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 The 
 
 scholiast's 
 
 view. 
 
 Other 
 explana- 
 tions. 
 
 verb implies not merely that there are two agents, but 
 also that they are somehow associated in action. If, for 
 example, it were desired to say in ancient Greek, ' Adams 
 and Leverrier independently discovered the planet Neptune,' 
 the verb would be evpov, not evperrjv : but in saying, 
 ' Erckmann and Chatrian wrote the book,' it would be 
 eypa-^dr'Tjv. The usage of classical writers frequently 
 illustrates the fine expressiveness of the dual verb. It 
 can lightly emphasise a close comradeship, as when 
 Heracles, in the Sophoclean play, says of Philoctetes 
 and Neoptolemus, 
 
 ><? \eovre 
 
 OUTO? ere tea cry icevov. 
 
 Or it can convey a shade of mockery, as when the 
 Platonic Socrates says to Euthydemus and his brother, 
 the professors of eristic, r ^apiaa(T9ov...e'm^ei^arov...ei'TreTov. 
 In Pindar's yapverov the tone of the dual is scornful. These 
 two persons are leagued in a futile competition with their 
 superior. Can the dual be explained without assuming 
 that it indicates two definite persons? No, unless by 
 regarding it as merely incidental to the imagery ; i.e., as 
 meaning that an indefinite number of bad poets behave 
 ' like crows chattering in pairs': but that would be pointless, 
 and, indeed, absurd. Who, then, are these two persons ? 
 According to an Alexandrian commentator, they are 
 Simonides and Bacchylides 1 . 
 
 Only two other explanations (so far as I know) have 
 been offered. One is that Pindar alludes to Capys and 
 Hippocrates, kinsmen of Theron, who levied war against 
 
 of yaptierov demand less discussion. 
 ( i ) Dawes, yapveftev. This is accepted 
 by Michelangeli (p. 27), who, with 
 that candour which marks the whole 
 of his excellent discussion, recognizes 
 the gravity of yapuerov as an obstacle 
 to his view that Pindar was guiltless 
 of allusion to the Cean poets. The 
 construction then is, \dppoi... yapve- 
 /j.ft> (fvri), ' are fierce in chattering.' 
 I cannot think that this has any proba- 
 
 bility. (2) Tycho Mommsen, yapijerai 
 (' schema Pindaricum '). (3) Henver- 
 den, yaptiere. (4) Hartung, yapverai. 
 (plur. ofyapv^T-qs) : when a-Kpavra. must 
 beeither an adv., or an ace. governed by 
 the verbal notion (diropa TTO/HJU.OS). 
 
 1 Schol. Pind. O. II. 158 (96), on 
 &Kpavra yapvfrov. et 5^ TTUS ?rp6s 
 Ba*fxu\i6ij>' KO.I ^,i/j,ii}vi57]v aiVirrerai, 
 KdAws apa e'ei/\777rTcu TO yapvtrov 
 5w/ccDs ' Kal ovrws OVTUS Hx eL
 
 PINDAR'S SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS. 
 
 him, but were defeated. The 'bird of Zeus' will then be 
 Theron : an eagle appears on coins of Acragas 1 . But this 
 hypothesis is clearly incompatible with Pindar's words, and 
 with the context : he is speaking of himself as a poet, and 
 of his art. The other explanation finds in /copatces an 
 allusion to Corax, the author of the earliest Greek treatise 
 on rhetoric, and supposes that his associate is the rhetorician 
 Teisias. Corax and Teisias (it is suggested) had col- 
 laborated, shortly before 476 B.C., in a work which was 
 known to Pindar 2 . Now Corax, indeed, is said to have had 
 influence with Hieron, though his activity as a rhetorician 
 belonged chiefly to the period of democracy which followed 
 the fall of the Deinomenid house. But Teisias is tradition- 
 ally represented as a man of a younger generation, a pupil 
 of Corax, and afterwards the teacher of Lysias and of 
 Isocrates. The chronological difficulty is not, however, 
 
 1 This explanation was suggested 
 by Freeman, Hist, of Sicily, II. p. 531. 
 As to the war made on Theron by his 
 two kinsmen, see ib. p. 147. 
 
 2 This view was first put forward 
 by Dr A. \V. Verrall in an article on 
 Aesch. Cho. 935 972 (Journ. of Pki- 
 lology ix. 114 ff.), and afterwards 
 developed in his paper on ' Korax 
 and Tisias,' ib. i97ff. To those 
 articles the reader is referred for a 
 full and able statement of all that can 
 be advanced in favour of the hypo- 
 thesis. It should be noted that 
 Trayy\uffffia. is explained by Verrall 
 (p. 129) as 'the sum of all y\u<r<rai ' 
 (obscure words), and then (p. 130) 
 ' the science of such words and their 
 interpretations.' He thinks that, 
 before 476, the two men, afterwards 
 famous as rhetoricians, ' had pub- 
 lished some work, doubtless fanciful 
 enough, upon etymology.' Professor 
 Giklersleeve, who regards the sugges- 
 tion as ingenious, adds this comment 
 (Pindar, p. 153): 'See P. i, 94; 
 where the panegyric side of oratory 
 is recognised. If we must have 
 rivalry, why not rivalry between the 
 
 old art of poetry (<pvq.) and the new 
 art of rhetoric (paOovres)?' The 
 work on etymology, however, which 
 Dr Verrall supposes, would have been 
 published, as he rightly says (p. 197), 
 at least ten years before Corax pub- 
 lished his 'Art of Rhetoric,' the 
 earliest recorded book of its kind. 
 Pindar, in Dr Verrall's view, repre- 
 sents, not poetry versus rhetoric, but 
 the poet's insight into words versus 
 the etymological treatment of words 
 'in prose, cold, crude, and quasi- 
 scientific' (p. 131). The words in 
 P. I. 94, to which Prof. Gildersleeve 
 refers, are /ecu \oyiois icai doidais : 
 where X<>7iots seems to mean 'chroni- 
 clers' (like the logographers). So in 
 N. vi. 31 the memorials of fame 
 are dotScu ical \6yoi, 'poems and 
 chronicles' 1 (surely not 'speeches'). 
 In N. vi. 52 \oyioiinv seem to be 
 'men versed in tradition,' whether 
 poets or prose-writers. It is more 
 than doubtful whether there is any 
 reference in Pindar to panegyric 
 oratory ; and it seems certain that 
 there is none to the art of rhetoric.
 
 20 
 
 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 the only one. Pindar, in the second Olympian, seems 
 clearly to point at other poets, the ' crows ' of this passage, 
 the ' daws ' of another, who vainly compete with the 
 sovereign eagle. It is hard to see how, in 476, the art of 
 rhetoric can have been in any such competition with the 
 art of poetry as would explain Pindar's words. 
 
 On the other hand, a reference to Simonides and Bac- 
 chylides is perfectly intelligible. Let us briefly recall the 
 circumstances. Simonides and Pindar, the Ionian and 
 the Theban, men of contrasted types alike in genius and in 
 personal character, had now for many years been the two 
 foremost representatives of lyric poetry. Shortly before 
 Pindar began to write for Hieron, Simonides came to 
 Sicily, and soon became established in Hieron's confidence. 
 Pindar and Bacchylides had already been brought into a 
 kind of indirect competition, when Lampon of Aegina 
 (probably in 481 or 479) commissioned both poets to 
 write for him on the same occasion. Simonides now 
 introduces Bacchylides to Hieron, whose Olympian victory 
 in 476 is celebrated by Bacchylides as well as by Pindar. 
 When account is taken of the temperament which has left 
 its impress on Pindar's work, it seems probable that 
 (however unjustly) he would have considered Simonides 
 as his inferior. He might with more justice take that view 
 of Bacchylides, whose real excellences, besides being of a 
 wholly different kind from his own, were on a lower plane. 
 The nephew was probably regarded by Pindar as a feebler 
 copy of the uncle. This, then, is the first element in the 
 situation. As formerly at Aegina, so now in a more 
 conspicuous manner at Syracuse, Pindar's work has been 
 set side by side with the work of Bacchylides. The other 
 element is furnished by the personal relations of Pindar 
 on the one part, and of the Cean poets on the other, with 
 Hieron. Pindar, we may be sure, would not have been a 
 successful courtier. It is hard to conceive of him as 
 retaining, for any long time, the good graces of an exacting 
 despot, who must have made continual demands on de- 
 ference, tact, and pliancy. When asked why, unlike
 
 PINDAR'S SUPPOSED ALLUSIONS. 21 
 
 Simonides, he was little disposed to visit the courts of 
 Sicilian princes, Pindar is said to have replied, ' Because 
 I wish to live my own life, and not that of another 1 .' 
 Pindar, one may believe, was too proud a man to care if 
 the poets of Ceos outstripped him in Hieron's personal 
 favour. But Pindar had the passionate love and reverence 
 of a supreme artist for his art. His tribute to Hieron in 
 the first Olympian is no mere conventional piece, written 
 to order : it is one of the most splendid of his odes, showing 
 that his imagination had really been fired by the grandeur 
 of Hieron's position ; not simply by the power which 
 clothed the ruler of Syracuse, but also, as is still more 
 evident from the first and second Pythians, by Hieron's 
 place as the champion of Hellene against barbarian in the 
 West. The third Ode of Bacchylides, linked by its 
 occasion with the first Olympian, is a poem of great 
 interest ; but it cannot, of course, for a moment be ranked 
 in the same class with Pindar's. Whether Hieron, how- 
 ever, was a good judge of their relative merits, may be 
 doubted : and it seems very possible that, as the 
 Alexandrian scholiast affirms, he preferred the simpler, 
 clearer verse of Bacchylides to that of Pindar. If Pindar 
 saw that, and felt that it was largely due to the personal 
 influence of the lonians, an influence won by social gifts 
 which he himself did not possess, and rather despised, he 
 may have resented it as a slight, not to himself, but to the 
 art for which he lived. Such a feeling would go far to 
 account for the tone of the utterance in the second 
 Olympian. The things said there could not fairly be said 
 either of Simonides or of Bacchylides. But resentment is 
 not apt to be a fair critic. That yapverov refers to 
 Simonides and Bacchylides, seems, then, exceedingly 
 probable : though I should welcome a proof that this 
 impression is erroneous. But the reader can now form 
 
 1 One of the Hivddpov airo<p6fy- fj.r]afi> els ZiKeMcw , avrds 5e ob 
 
 /J.O.TO. (given in W. Christ's Pindar tin Bot/Xo/ucu, elirev, efj-avrifi 
 
 p. Cl). 'EirfpwTTqdels ira\u>, 8ia ri OVK a 
 ZtjUawSr/s trpbs TOI)S rvpavvovs aired-/!-
 
 22 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 his own judgment. The aim of these pages has not been 
 to advocate an opinion, but to exhibit the evidence. 
 Other The other passages of Pindar, in which the Alexandrians 
 
 ^Pindar, traced similar allusions, are of less moment, (i) In the 
 second Pythian, written for Hieron after 477 B.C., perhaps 
 in 475, Pindar refers to the mischief of 'slander,' to the 
 slanderer's disposition as resembling that of 'the crafty 
 fox,' and to an 'ape' who is admired by 'children.' Here 
 the scholiast finds a reference to Bacchylides ; he is the 
 ' ape,' and he disparages Pindar to their common patron 
 (w. 52 ff. ; and 72 ff.). This seems at least dubious. If 
 Bacchylides was the ape, Pindar must have counted on 
 Hieron failing to identify himself with the child. (2) In 
 the second Isthmian, for Xenocrates of Acragas (circa 
 470 B.C.), verse 6, Pindar refers to the olden days when 
 ' the Muse was not yet covetous, nor a hireling.' This is 
 taken by the Alexandrian commentator as glancing at the 
 avarice of Simonides ; and there is some reason for 
 supposing that Callimachus thought so 1 . (3) In the fourth 
 Nemean, for Timasarchus of Aegina (c. 467-463 B.C.), 
 vv. 37 41, the poet expresses his assurance of triumphing 
 over certain foes ; though there is ' a man of envious eye ' 
 ((f)0ovepa.../3^7ra)v), who 'revolves in darkness a vain 
 purpose that falls to the ground.' The scholiast takes this 
 man to be Simonides : but that seems questionable. 
 Result. In no one of these three passages can the Alexandrian 
 
 interpretation be regarded as more than possible. So far 
 as these are concerned, the net result of the scholia is 
 merely to illustrate the firmness of the Alexandrian belief 
 in Pindar's propensity to deal thrusts at the Cean poets. 
 
 1 Pindar's words (/. n. 6) are: Benseler s.v. 'TXixtSijs supposes 
 
 d Motera yap ov 0iAo/cep5i7S TTW TOT 'TXX/xou vfirovs to mean S^OTTJS 
 
 TJI> ovd' epyarts. The schol. there 'TXixtS^s.] It certainly looks as if 
 
 sa y s: IvQev KO.L KaXXfy*aXs' the scholiast was right in taking 
 
 ov yap epyaTiv rpttpu Pindar's verse to be the source from 
 
 rj)v MoOo-ar, us 6 Ketoj 'TXXi'xou vi- whichCallimachusderivedhisphra.se. 
 
 irovs. That does not prove, but it suggests, 
 
 [Callim. fr. 77. Michelangeli p. 4 that Callimachus understood Pindar 
 
 takes "TXXixos to be the grandfather as alluding to Simonides. 
 
 of Simonides. But Rost in Pape-
 
 SENTIMENTS IN CONTRAST WITH PINDAR'S. 23 
 
 An opinion so fixed tends, however, to strengthen the 
 probability that the belief rested, not solely on Pindar's 
 text, but also on a tradition. 
 
 The recently recovered poems of Bacchylides contain Ba,-chy- 
 not a word which could be construed as reflecting on . 
 
 nowhere 
 
 Pindar. But among the previously known fragments there alludes to 
 are two which deserve notice as presenting a curiously 
 marked contrast with Pindaric utterances, (i) Pindar says But there 
 (Ol. II. 8sf.) that his shafts of song are (fxavaevra a-vverolviv %% 
 e? Se TO Trav 1 ep^vecov ^ari^ei. Bacchylides says (XIV. 3Of.): sentiment. 
 
 OV jap VTTO/cXoTTOV <f)0p6l 
 
 ' There is nothing furtive ' nothing that is not frank and 
 open ' in the clear utterance that wisdom brings to 
 mortals.' Here aofyia might well be the poet's art. The 
 word fywvdevra decidedly suggests that the author was 
 thinking of the Pindaric passage, where <ro<d<? (said of the 
 poet) occurs just afterwards. Bacchylides would then be 
 saying, in effect: 'True art does not speak in forms which 
 have a voice only for the select few, but require interpreters 
 for the many : it does not take refuge in riddles : its 
 utterance has a clear sound for all men.' The pellucid 
 character of his own work illustrates that sentiment. 
 (2) Still more remarkable, perhaps, is the other contrast. 
 We have just seen how Pindar heaps scorn on the 
 /j,a06vTes, the men of BiSatcrai dperai, the poets who are 
 mere disciples or imitators. Bacchylides mildly observes 
 (fr. 4 ):- 
 
 ere/30? e' erepov cro0o? TO re TraXau ical TO vvv 
 
 ov8e yap pacnov dpprjTwv eirefav 7ryA.a<? 
 
 efcevpeiv 
 
 ' Poet is heir to poet, now as of old ; for in sooth 'tis no 
 light task to find the gates 2 of virgin song.' ' Can any 
 lyric poet of our day ' so we might expand his thought 
 ' confidently affirm that he owes nothing to the old poets 
 from Homer onwards, the shapers of heroic myth, the 
 1 On the shortening of irav, see - The image is Pindar's : O. vi. 27 
 
 Schroder, Prolegom. to Pindar, p. 34. irv\as v/wwv avairLrvd^v.
 
 24 LIFE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 earliest builders of lyric song, in whose footsteps Pindar 
 himself has followed ? ' The words of Bacchylides are (to 
 my ear) suggestive of such a reply ; and that view of them 
 is not necessarily invalid merely because Pindar would, in 
 fact, have had a sound rejoinder ; viz., that in its essence, 
 in all that constitutes its distinctive character, his own 
 work is eminently original. But, at any rate, and this is 
 the main point, in all the extant writings of Bacchylides 
 there is no polemical utterance. If certain asperities of 
 Pindar were indeed directed against Simonides and Bac- 
 chylides, the Cean poets may have profited by a quality 
 which was not rare among men of their race. They were 
 lonians, and may have been protected from serious annoy- 
 ance by a sense of humour. 
 
 Banish- Apart from the Sicilian chapter, the only recorded 
 
 "sacchyli- event m tne external life of Bacchylides is one which is 
 desfrom noticed by Plutarch in his tract On Exile. The authen- 
 ticity of that piece is not liable to any well-grounded 
 suspicion. It is a discourse of a consolatory kind 
 (7rapafj,v6r)Tiic6<;), addressed to a friend who had been 
 banished from his country. The following passage occurs 
 in it( 14): 
 
 ' In the best and most approved compositions of the 
 ancients, exile, it would seem, was a fellow-worker with 
 the Muses. Thucydides of Athens wrote his history of the 
 Peloponnesian War at Scapte-Hyle in Thrace. Xenophon 
 wrote at Scillus in Elis ; Philistus, in Epeirus ; Timaeus of 
 Tauromenion, at Athens ; the Athenian Androtion, at 
 Megara ; the poet Bacchylides, in Peloponnesus. 
 
 ' All these, and several others, were banished from their 
 respective countries ; but they did not despair, or throw 
 their lives away. They used their gifts of genius, taking 
 banishment as a travelling-grant 1 made to them by Fortune. 
 Thanks to such exile, their memories survive in all lands ; 
 while of the men who drove them out, the men whose 
 
 1 t<j>b8iov Trapa rrjs TI^XT/S TJ]V <fivyT]v \afi6vTes.
 
 EXILE IN PELOPONNESUS. 25 
 
 faction triumphed, there is not one who is not utterly 
 forgotten/ 
 
 Two conclusions may with certainty be drawn from 
 this passage. The first is that, in Plutarch's belief, the 
 departure of Bacchylides from Ceos was not voluntary, but 
 due to a sentence of banishment. The second is that 
 Plutarch supposed him to have resided in Peloponnesus 
 for a considerable time, and to have composed there some 
 appreciable portion of his works. Plutarch had access to 
 a large literature containing memoirs or reminiscences of 
 the older poets, a product characteristic of the whole period 
 between Aristotle and the Augustan age. Somewhere, 
 doubtless, in that literature he found authority for his 
 statement concerning Bacchylides. He gives us no clue 
 to the cause of the banishment, and conjecture would be 
 idle. Nor can the date be determined. But facts deducible Period to 
 
 ...... . which his 
 
 from the poet s odes create certain probabilities respecting exile 
 the period of his life to which the event belonged. P^ obabJ y 
 
 belonged. 
 
 (i) Ode v was sent to Hieron from Ceos in 476. The 
 poet had not then been banished. (2) Odes VI and VII 
 are for Lachon of Ceos. The date of these two poems is 
 fixed by the new fragment of the Olympic register 1 to 
 452 B.C. The last verses of Ode VI rather suggest that 
 the poet was then in Ceos. At any rate these odes would 
 not have been written by a man who had been driven out 
 of Ceos by a sentence of banishment. If that sentence was 
 passed in the interval between 476 and 452, in 452 it had 
 been cancelled. But it is perhaps more probable that the 
 poet's exile began after 452. As we have seen, there is 
 reason to think that he survived the beginning of the 
 Peloponnesian War. In 452 he cannot have been much 
 more than fifty-five. After 452 there was still room for a 
 chapter of life fruitful in poetical work, such as Plutarch 
 indicates. 
 
 It is pertinent to inquire whether any traces of a residence Traces of 
 in Peloponnesus can be discerned in the poems or fragments S umhis 
 of Bacchylides. There is much, undoubtedly, that relates work. 
 
 1 Oxyrhynchns Papyri II. 85. 
 
 J- B. 3
 
 26 PELOPONNESUS. A MAP OF THE ODES. 
 
 to Peloponnesus. Ode VIII (the only one for a Peloponnesian 
 victor) shows his intimate acquaintance with the legends 
 and cults of Phlius. He knows also the local legends of 
 the neighbouring Nemea (Odes VIII and Xll). In Ode X 
 we have the Argive story of Proetus and Acrisius, the 
 offence given by the Proetides to the Argive Hera, and the 
 cult of Artemis Hemera at Lusi in Arcadia. The poet 
 knew that the Mantineians bore the trident of Poseidon on 
 their shields (frag. 6). He told how the centaur Eurytion 
 was slain by Heracles at the house of Dexamenus in Elis 
 (frag. 48). His poem on Idas and Marpessa (xix) was 
 written for the Spartans. Some of his 'Dorian partheneia' 
 (frag. 40) may also have been for Sparta, a place with 
 which that form of lyric was especially associated. 
 Limit to When, however, we scrutinise these facts, we can 
 
 l fron"rifch scarce ^y sav that, in themselves, they would afford a pre- 
 traces. sumption of residence in Peloponnesus. The knowledge 
 shown in respect to Phlius is noteworthy ; yet, after all, it 
 is not more than might have been acquired in the course of 
 a short visit. On the whole, there is nothing that could 
 not be explained by a poet's study of mythology, sup- 
 plemented, perhaps, by occasional visits to certain localities. 
 That, however, is no reason for doubting the tradition pre- 
 served by Plutarch, that the home of the exiled Bacchylides 
 was, for some considerable time, in Peloponnesus. 
 Geogra- The geographical distribution of his extant poems bears 
 
 f/-?^l'^V w ^ ness to a fairly wide-spread repute. Of his thirteen 
 the poems. Epinikia, four (I, II, VI, Vll) were for Ceos ; two (xi, Xll) 
 for Aegina ; one (ix) for Athens ; one (xill) for Thessaly ; 
 one (x) for Metapontion in Magna Graecia ; and three (in, 
 , IV, V) for Syracuse. Of his six so-called Dithyrambs, the 
 local destination of one (xiv) is unknown. One (xvi) was 
 to be performed by a Cean chorus at Delos ; one (xv) was 
 for Delphi. Two probably (xvn, xvm) were for Athens ; 
 and one (xix) was for Sparta. It is likely that, as at 
 Syracuse, so also at Athens, in Thessaly, and in Magna 
 Graecia, the name of Simonides may have helped to 
 recommend his nephew.
 
 II. THE PLACE OF BACCHYLIDES IN THE HISTORY 
 OF GREEK LYRIC POETRY 
 
 The work of Bacchylides, well worthy of study in itself, 
 derives a further interest from the peculiar place which he 
 holds in the history of the Greek Lyric. He is the latest 
 of the nine poets whom the Alexandrians included in their 
 lyric canon, the others being Alcman, Alcaeus, Sappho, 
 Stesichorus, Ibycus, Anacreon, Simonides and Pindar. In 
 his youth, all the types of the lyric had been fully developed ; 
 and the life of lyric poetry was still vigorous. Before his 
 death, a decline had begun. In the last third of the fifth 
 century, exquisite lyrics continued to adorn the plays of 
 Sophocles, of Euripides, and of Aristophanes ; but, after 
 Bacchylides, no purely lyric poet attained to a high rank. 
 From the commencement of the Peloponnesian War 
 onwards, the only kinds of lyric which remained fertile and 
 popular were such as attested the degradation alike of 
 poetical and of musical art, such productions as the dithy- 
 rambs of Philoxenus and the nomes of Timotheus. 
 
 The history of the classical Greek Lyric is comprised Period of 
 in a period of some two hundred years, from the early or classical 
 middle part of the seventh century B.C. to about the middle L y ric - 
 of the fifth. The rise of a lyric poetry was necessarily 
 preceded by a development of music, which was traditionally 
 associated with two principal names. The Phrygian 
 Olympus, a dim figure, represented some marked improve- Olympus. 
 ment in the music of the double flute (av\r}TiKij), soon 
 followed by an advance in the art of singing to that 
 instrument (auXwSt/c^). Terpander of Lesbos, whose Terpander. 
 activity may be placed about 710-670 B.C., improved the 
 cithara, and was regarded as having founded the art of the 
 'citharode' who sings to it. The kind of song which 
 Terpander more particularly cultivated was that called the 
 
 32
 
 28 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 Thenome. 'nome' (vo/j,os), a general term for a musical strain 1 , but one 
 which early acquired a technical sense. A 'nome' was a 
 solo, chanted to the cithara in honour of a god, especially 
 of Apollo, and divided into parts according to a traditional 
 scheme. Only about a dozen genuine lines of Terpander 
 are extant 2 . Some of these are short verses composed 
 wholly of spondees, which suggest a solemn liturgical 
 effect. He also used the hexameter. In Lesbos he founded 
 a citharodic school which maintained his tradition for 
 
 Terpamier centuries. He visited Delphi. Reestablished the citharodic 
 art at Sparta, where he is said to have gained a prize at the 
 festival of the Carneia in 676 B.C. The first epoch 3 in the 
 Spartan culture of poetry and music is associated by 
 Plutarch with Terpander's name. The second such epoch 
 
 Thaletas was made by Thaletas 4 , a native of Gortyn in Crete, who 
 flourished about 670-640 B.C. He brought to Sparta 
 certain kinds of choral song in which the Cretans excelled. 
 These were the paean and the hyporcheme, both belonging 
 
 The paean, to the Cretan cult of Apollo. The paean was usually, 
 though not always, accompanied by dancing, an art which 
 had been elaborately developed in Crete. The kindred, 
 
 The hypor- but livelier, hyporcheme was, as the term imports, inseparable 
 from dancing. The Spartan festival of the Gymnopaediae, 
 founded (according to Eusebius) in 665 B.C., was that with 
 which, in early times, the performance of paeans was more 
 especially associated. 
 
 Thaletas was said to have composed paeans ; but 
 
 1 The musical sense of vbfws is 'the first phase in the establishment' 
 doubtless derived from that of of musical and poetical art at Sparta. 
 'custom,' 'law.' Weir Smyth com- 4 Plut. I.e. associates with Thale- 
 pares rpoiros, otfi-ij, Germ. Weise, tas, as founders of the devrtpa Kara- 
 French and English air. See his ffracris at Sparta, Xenodamus of 
 Greek Melic Poets, p. lix, where other Cythera and Xenocritus of the 
 explanations are also noticed. Epizephyrian Locri, both writers of 
 
 2 Bergk 4 in. pp. 8-J2. paeans; also Polymnestus of Colo- 
 
 3 Plut. De Mus. 9 : r\ /j.ev oZv phon, known especially as a writer of 
 irpdm) KardffTaffis rCiv irtpi TT\V opdioi v6/j.oi for flutes ; and Sacadas 
 fj.ovffiKT]v iv TTJ "ZirdpT-Q, fepTrdvdpov of Argos ( ft . c. 580 B.C.?), who is 
 KaraffrricravTos, yeytvijTai. The sense described by Plutarch as a 
 
 of i) irpuTTj xaraffTaffis K.T.\. is indi- 
 cated by (carac-nyo'cu'Tos. It means
 
 AEOLIAN MONODY. 29 
 
 Plutarch observes that the tradition was not undisputed 1 . 
 Some verses, at least, of Terpander were still extant in the 
 second century A.D.; one of our scanty fragments is due to 
 Clement of Alexandria 2 . But the Alexandrians did not 
 include Terpander in their list. He was regarded rather 
 as an early pioneer of lyric song, a ' singer ' who was 
 primarily a musician, while his poetical work was of a com- 
 paratively archaic kind. The fame which he enjoyed in Ancient 
 antiquity is proudly attested in the verse, written perhaps ^!1^_ 
 within a century after his death, by his countrywoman der. 
 Sappho: 
 
 7rep/oo^o9, &>? or' aoiSos 6 AecrySto? d\\oSd7roicrii> 3 . 
 
 There is a remarkable contrast in respect to their 
 history between the two principal branches of the Greek 
 lyric, the Aeolian song for one voice, and the Dorian choral 
 ode. The Aeolian song is suddenly revealed, as a mature The 
 work of art, in the spirited stanzas of Alcaeus. It is raised m 
 to a supreme excellence by his younger contemporary 
 Sappho, whose melody is unsurpassed, perhaps unequalled, 
 among all the relics of Greek verse. With those two lives, 
 contained, probably, within some such limits as the years 
 640 and 550 B.C., the Aeolian lyric begins and ends. In 
 a later generation (c. 550-500 B.C.) Anacreon of Teos 
 wrote, indeed, lyric monodies on themes of festivity or of 
 love : but his Ionian grace was not joined to the Lesbian 
 fire ; and his metrical forms owed little or nothing to the 
 Lesbian models. His contemporary, Ibycus of Rhegium, 
 in the fragments of love-poems which remain, shows a 
 passion which gives him some measure of spiritual kinship 
 with Alcaeus and Sappho ; but his odes, so far as we can 
 now judge, were of a kind wholly distinct from theirs, being 
 choral, and composed in the large Dorian strophes. When 
 Alcaeus and Sappho passed away, the moulds of their song 
 were broken. No third Greek poet, in any age, created 
 similar masterpieces of lyric monody. 
 
 1 Plut. De Mus. 10. 3 Fr. 92. 
 
 - Strom, vi. 784 (Terpander fr. i).
 
 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 The 
 
 Dorian 
 choral 
 lyric. 
 
 Ale man. 
 The par- 
 theneion. 
 
 The history of the Dorian choral ode, on the other hand, 
 is that of a series of lyric types gradually developed by 
 successive poets in connexion with religious cults and public 
 festivals. The Dorian state, as represented by Sparta, was 
 based on the education of a warrior caste, trained to arms 
 from boyhood, proud of their heroic ancestry, and imbued 
 with a deep reverence for the institutions and customs of 
 their race. ' The Dorian sons of Pamphylus and of the 
 Heracleidae,' says Pindar, 'dwelling under the cliffs of 
 Taygetus, are ever content to abide by the ordinances of 
 Aegimius 1 .' In a military aristocracy of this compact 
 kind, the sense of corporate life was peculiarly strong ; and 
 that was the sense to which the Dorian choral lyric 
 appealed. It was an act of worship, performed at a 
 gathering of the citizens. The gods of the city, the heroes 
 of racial or local legend, the common beliefs and sentiments, 
 were its normal themes. Choral dancing, in which the 
 Dorians of Crete were so accomplished, was not less con- 
 genial to Spartans. The gymnastic training, in which 
 Spartan maidens participated, would confer ease and 
 precision in rhythmic movement. It is easy to understand, 
 then; why the choral lyric, in its earlier phases, was distinc- 
 tively associated with Dorians. The closeness of that early 
 tie explains the fixed convention which arose from it. A 
 Dorian colouring remained obligatory for the dialect of the 
 choral lyric, even when the composer was Boeoto-Aeolian, 
 like Pindar, or Ionian, like Simonides and Bacchylides. 
 
 Both Pindar and Bacchylides, according to Plutarch, 
 wrote 'many Dorian partheneiaV The 'virginal song,' or 
 partheneion, was first perfected by Alcman (V. 640-600 B.C.), 
 the earliest choral poet known in Greek literature. His 
 parents were probably Aeolian Greeks resident in Lydia. 
 
 1 Find. P. i. 62 ff. 
 
 2 Plut. De Mus. 17. The frag- 
 ments of Pindar's HapQ^veta. are very 
 scanty (fr. 95-1040 in Schroder's ed.). 
 But a new fragment, of some 80 
 verses, from a partheneion, is ascribed 
 by Blass to Pindar (Oxyrhynchus 
 
 Papyri iv. 1904). If the ascription 
 is correct, these verses illustrate the 
 remark of Dionysius, that Pindar's 
 style in his partheneia was simpler 
 and easier than in other classes of his 
 poems. No fragment of a partheneion 
 by Bacchylides is extant.
 
 DORIAN CHORAL LYRIC. ALCMAN. 31 
 
 From Sardis he was brought in boyhood to Sparta, where 
 he lived and died. He wrote hymns, paeans, hyporchemes, 
 drinking-songs, love-songs. But his fame rested chiefly on 
 his partheneia. Few fragments of Greek poetry are more 
 interesting than the passage of about ninety verses by 
 which one of these 'virginal songs' is represented 1 . A 
 chorus of Spartan maidens is offering a robe to Artemis 
 Orthria, goddess of the dawn, and is competing for the 
 musical prize with another Chorus. The time seems to be 
 night, perhaps shortly before daybreak. Their song 
 begins with the myth of Hippocoon, the wicked king of 
 Sparta, who drove out his brother Tyndareus, but was 
 slain, with his sons, by Heracles. Then it glides into a 
 lighter strain, praising the beauty of Agido (a prominent 
 member of the Chorus), which is as 'a vision of winged 
 dreams,' and the vocal skill of the leader Hagesichora, in 
 whom they chiefly trust for victory. The playful grace and 
 airy charm of these stanzas are inimitable. In another 
 fragment 2 of a partheneion, the chorus seems to defend 
 Alcman against detractors ; in a third 3 , it is he who 
 addresses them, ' the sweet-voiced maidens, who delight 
 with song,' and laments that he is growing too old to take 
 part in their dance. It is a pity that nothing remains from 
 the partheneia of Bacchylides, which must have given scope 
 for his elegance of fancy and lightness of touch. Ionian 
 and Athenian manners did not permit such virginal 
 choruses. The partheneia of Bacchylides may have been 
 written for Sparta, or other Dorian cities, during his 
 residence in Peloponnesus. 
 
 Alcman was a fine and versatile artist ; but, for the later 
 history of Greek lyric poetry, he is less significant than Stesi- stesi- 
 chorus of Himera (c. 610-550 B.C.), the creator of the epic ^ 
 hymn. Terpander, Alcman, Alcaeus and Sappho had written hymn 
 hymns; but only in honour of gods, or of such semi-divine 
 
 1 FT. 23 (Bergk). The papyrus 1758". 
 
 was found in 1855 by Marietta in a 2 Fr. 24. 
 
 tomb near the second pyramid. Cp. 3 Fr. 26. 
 Weir Smyth, Greek Melic Poets, pp.
 
 3 2 
 
 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 Festivals 
 of the 
 heroes. 
 
 Influence 
 
 ofStesi- 
 
 chorus. 
 
 persons as the Dioscuri. Stesichorus, taking the material 
 furnished by epos, recast it in a lyric form. He drew on all 
 the great cycles of myth, Trojan, Theban, Argive, Thessa- 
 lian, Aetolian. The hymn became in his hands mainly a 
 narrative, epic in general style, yet differing from epos by 
 a fuller expression of characters and feelings. He boldly 
 modified the old legends, as in his ' Palinode ' concerning 
 Helen ; and he also added to them. He seems to have 
 been the first who spoke of Athena as springing full-armed 
 from the head of Zeus, and the first who sent Aeneas on a 
 voyage to Italy. The epic hymns of Stesichorus were 
 intended for choral performance at those festivals of the 
 heroes which were numerous in the western colonies ; thus 
 there was a cult of Philoctetes at Sybaris, of Diomedes at 
 Thurii, of the Atreidae at Tarentum 1 . Such observances 
 linked the new homes with the memories of the old : and 
 at such festivals the hymns of Stesichorus would doubtless 
 have been popular. In addition to hymns, Stesichorus 
 wrote paeans, mentioned by Athenaeus as sung at 
 banquets 2 . He was also the author of lyric romances or 
 love-stories 3 drawn from folk-lore, and thus was a far-off 
 precursor of the Greek novel 4 . The volume of his writings 
 was exceptionally large. In the Alexandrian age, Alcman 
 was represented by six books of poems, Sappho by nine, 
 Alcaeus by ten, Pindar by seventeen, and Stesichorus by 
 twenty-six. A ' book ' was, of course, a variable quantity ; 
 but at any rate this number indicates a great mass of work. 
 No other Greek poet had so wide or so varied an influence 
 as Stesichorus on the poetry which came after him. The 
 artificial dialect which he employed, Doric in basis but with 
 a large infusion of epic forms, was the general prototype of 
 that which prevailed thenceforward in the choral lyric. It 
 was he, too, who established the norm of choral composition 
 in strophe, antistrophe, and epode ; though whether he was 
 the inventor of the epode is disputed. His original treat- 
 
 1 [Arist.] De mirabil. auscu/t. 
 106-110. Strabo 6. 262-264. 
 
 2 Athen. 6. p. 2508. 
 
 3 Athen. 13. p. 60 1 A. 
 
 4 E. Rohde, Der grieck. Roman, 
 p. 29.
 
 STESICHORUS. SIMONIDES. 33 
 
 ment of the myths furnished a mine of material to Attic 
 Tragedy. He was also influential in Greek art. The 
 vase-painters of the sixth and fifth centuries were often 
 indebted to him. His hymn, 'The Capture of Troy' 
 ('iXtou Ilepcrt?), provided Polygnotus with subjects for his 
 paintings in the Lesche of Delphi, and can be traced in 
 those episodes of the Trojan War which some artist in the 
 first century of our era depicted on the Tabula Iliaca. 
 
 Among the poems of Bacchylides, there is one (Ode stesichorus 
 XIV, the Antetwridae) which may well have been influenced 
 
 by the method of Stesichorus in the lyric handling of an 
 epic theme. The hymn of Stesichorus on the Calydonian 
 Boar-hunters (ZvoOrjpai) may not improbably have been a 
 source used by Bacchylides for the story of that hunt as 
 told by Meleager (Ode v). In writing of the Centaur 
 Eurytion, slain by Heracles in Elis (fr. 48), Bacchylides was 
 again on ground traversed by Stesichorus, one of whose 
 hymns (the Y^pvovrji'^} included the adventures of Heracles 
 in Peloponnesus on his way home from the abode of 
 Geryoneus (or Geryon) in the far west. More generally, 
 a study of Stesichorus may have helped to form that epic 
 manner of narrating myths which is characteristic of 
 Bacchylides, as in the story of the Proetides (Ode x), and 
 in the episode of Ajax at the ships (Ode xil). 
 
 Simonides was the last of the classical poets who simonides. 
 created new types of choral lyric. Those of which he may 
 be considered the inventor are the enkomion and the 
 epinikion. An ' enkomion,' or ' song at a revel ' (eV /co>yu,eo), The 
 was, in the technical sense, an ode in praise of a distin- er> 
 guished man, intended to be sung by a chorus at or after 
 a banquet. Strictly speaking, then, the enkomion was a 
 genus of which the epinikion was a species : and sometimes 
 the line between the two was not clearly drawn. The ode 
 of Euripides for Alcibiades, properly an epinikion, is also 
 called an enkomion 1 . Pindar's encomion for Aristagoras 
 
 1 Bergk 4 II. p. 266. By Athen. '0\v/j.iriaai iiriro8pofj.ias ei's ' A\Ki^ia.5-rjv 
 i. 3 E it is called an eiriviKiov: by eyuwfuov. Cp. Plut. Alcib. c. n. 
 Plut. Dem. c. i, TO eTri rj v'uiri rijs
 
 34 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 of Tenedos, on the occasion of his being installed as 
 president of the Council, stands appended to the Nemean 
 epinikia 1 , although in the Alexandrian collection of Pindar's 
 writings the enkomia formed a distinct book. The poem 
 of Simonides on Scopas is an example of the enkomion 
 proper. Among the subjects of Pindar's enkomia were 
 Alexander the son of Amyntas, king of Macedon, and 
 Theron of Acragas. 
 
 Hymns to The enkomion and the epinikion represent a further 
 hvmgmen. ex t ens j on m the province of the hymn. Hymns were 
 dedicated by the elder poets to gods or demigods alone ; 
 by Stesichorus, to the heroes also ; and now, by Simonides, 
 to living men. Ibycus might be regarded as having set 
 the example, though only in a limited sense, when he wrote 
 choral hymns in praise of youths at the court of Polycrates. 
 But it was Simonides who first led the Greeks to feel that 
 such a tribute might properly be paid to any man who was 
 sufficiently eminent in merit or in station. We must 
 remember that, in the time of Simonides, the man to whom 
 a hymn was addressed would feel that he was receiving a 
 distinction which had hitherto been reserved for gods and 
 heroes. That chord is touched by Pindar in his enkomion 
 for Alexander : 
 
 ecrXoicriv v 
 
 TOVTO yap aOavarois rt/iat? Trori-^ravet 
 
 This is the only tribute to human worth that ' verges 
 on the honours rendered to immortals.' 
 
 The Simonides is the first recorded author of epinikia. It 
 
 epimkion. ma y wg jj ^ g fa^ before his day, the praises of athletes 
 had been sung to their fellow-townsmen or kinsfolk ; but, 
 if it was so, the songs have left no trace. An epinikion, 
 though appealing in the first instance to the victor's city 
 and family, was also, like his renown, Panhellenic. It was 
 an elaborate and stately work of art ; and the earliest 
 artist in that kind was Simonides. The advent of the 
 
 1 \_Nem. xi.] 2 Find. fr. 121.
 
 THE ENKOMION. THE EPINIKION. 35 
 
 epinikion at that particular period was not an accident, 
 due to the special bent of one poet's genius : it was con- Devdop- 
 nected with that new era in the history of the national "Rational 
 games which dated from the earlier part of the sixth games. 
 century. 
 
 In 582 1 B.C. the ancient Pythian festival in honour of The 
 Apollo, which had been held in every ninth year, became yi 
 a pentaeteris, to be held in the third year of each Olympiad. 
 Hitherto the contests had been only in music, instrumental 
 and vocal. To these were now added the most important 
 of such athletic and equestrian contests as were then in 
 use at Olympia. The Pythian festival took place in August. 
 The agonothetae, or presidents, were the Amphictyons ; 
 the prize was a wreath of laurel. 
 
 Two years later, in 580 B.C., the Isthmian festival of The 
 Poseidon was reconstituted as a trieteris, to be held in the 
 second and in the fourth year of each Olympiad. The 
 celebration was in spring. The presidency belonged, in the 
 fifth century, to the Corinthians. In the earliest times, as 
 again in the Roman age, the Isthmian prize was a wreath 
 of pine (TTITL"?), symbolising the cult of Poseidon. In the 
 fifth century it was a wreath of parsley (ae\ivov), which 
 had a funereal significance, referring to the legend that the 
 Isthmia had been founded in memory of Ino and her son 
 Melicertes, who, after death in the waves, became re- 
 spectively the Nereid Leucothea and the sea-deity 
 Palaemon. 
 
 The festival of the Nemean Zeus was remodelled in The 
 573 B.C. Thenceforth it was a trieteris, held at the Nemea * 
 beginning of the second and of the fourth year of each 
 
 1 This is the date given for the attests that Hieron, when he won his 
 
 first Fythiad by the Pindaric scholia, victory at the Pythian games, had 
 
 and accepted by Bergk. Pausanias already won twice at Olympia. Now 
 
 (x. 7. 3) gives 586, which was the Pythiad in which Hieron won 
 
 adopted by Boeckh. The date 582 was the 29th (Schol. Find. P. i.). If 
 
 is confirmed by the fragment of the the Pythiads were reckoned from 582, 
 
 Olympic register, which shows that the 29th falls in 470. But if they 
 
 Hieron had been victorious at Olympia had been reckoned from 586, it would 
 
 in 476 and 472. Bacchylides (Ode iv) fall in 474.
 
 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 The 
 Olympia. 
 
 Epinikia 
 for minor 
 festivals. 
 
 Records of 
 victories. 
 
 Tributes to 
 victors. 
 
 Olympiad, probably in the month of July. Down 
 to about 460 B.C. the agonothetae were apparently the 
 Cleonaeans ; but the presidency afterwards passed to the 
 Argives. The prize was a wreath of parsley, signifying 
 that the festival had originated from the funeral games 
 held by Adrastus and his comrades in memory of Arche- 
 morus. 
 
 The Olympian festival of Zeus said to have been 
 founded by Heracles, and renewed or enlarged by Oxylus, 
 Iphitus, and Pheidon dated its historical era from 776 B.C. 
 Since then, it had been held in every fourth year. The 
 time of celebration varied within certain limits, according 
 to a cycle of lunar months, so as to coincide either with 
 the second or with the third full moon after the summer 
 solstice. The Eleans were the presidents, and appointed 
 the judges called Hellanodikai. The prize was a wreath 
 of wild olive (/corti/o?). 
 
 The games at these four great festivals were distin- 
 guished as sacred (lepol dywves). But numerous minor 
 festivals existed in every part of Hellas ; and epinikia 
 were often written for these also. Thus the ode which is 
 known as Pindar's ' second Pythian ' was for a Theban 
 festival, perhaps the Heracleia or lolaia. The so-called 
 'ninth Nemean' was for the Pythia at Sicyon ; and the 
 'tenth Nemean,' for the Hecatombaia at Argos. The 
 thirteenth ode of Bacchylides was for the Petraia in 
 Thessaly. When the custom of writing epinikia had once 
 been established, the demand for them must have been 
 considerable. 
 
 At Olympia the names of victors had been recorded on 
 stone from an early date. When the three other great 
 festivals were reconstituted, a similar practice was doubt- 
 less observed. Cities, too, kept local registers of the suc- 
 cessful athletes 1 . Nor had a poetical tribute been wholly 
 wanting at Olympia. Before the days of the epinikion, an 
 Olympic victor used to be greeted with that song of 
 Archilochus which Pindar calls ' the triumphal hymn, with 
 1 See Introd. to Ode I.
 
 THE EP1NIKION. 37 
 
 threefold loud refrain ' (Ka\\Lvirco<; 6 rpnrXoos /ce^XaSo)?) 1 , The old 
 The refrain was njveXXa Ka\\ivt,Ke, in which the first word KaXX "" KOS - 
 represented the sound of the lyre. Two of the verses 
 remain : 
 
 auro? re KOL IdXacK, aljffujra 8vo. 
 
 This song was still used in Pindar's age by a comos escort- 
 ing an athlete on the day when his victory was announced. 
 
 The earliest epinikia of Simonides belonged to the Epinikia 
 latter years of the sixth century. In mentioning Eualcidas % 
 of Eretria, who was killed at Ephesus, fighting against the 
 Persians, soon after the burning of Sardis in 499, Herodotus 
 describes him as a famous athlete, whose victories had been 
 ' much praised ' by Simonides 2 . It is clear, then, that the 
 poet's epinikia gained a wide repute. Another of his early 
 odes was for Glaucus of Carystus, a famous boxer, of whom 
 Simonides said that not even Polydeuces or Heracles could 
 stand up against him : 
 
 avrevair av evavrov avrw, 
 ov$e criSdpeov 'AX^/ir^a? re/co? 3 . 
 
 To Alcman that would have sounded very like an impiety ; 
 but times were changing. Simonides wrote also for Xeno- 
 crates of Acragas (brother of Theron), a winner at the 
 Pythian festival of 490 B.C. ; for Astylus of Croton ; and 
 for Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium 4 . 
 
 At the date when poetry first brought a tribute to The poets 
 
 . i i i tribute, 
 
 victors in the games, sculpture was already beginning t 
 
 honour them. The earliest sculptors who are known to ^ulptor>s. 
 have made statues of athletes, Eutelidas and Chrysothemis 
 of Argos, were active from about 520 B.C. ; but there were 
 some archaic statues of victors which claimed a higher age 5 . 
 
 1 Find. O. IX. i f. : Bergk 4 II. 4 Simon. 6, 7, 10. His epinikia 
 p. 418. were classed by contest, as ir^vraffKoi 
 
 2 Herod. V. 102: ffTe<f>avri(j>6povs (fr. 12), r^Opnnroi (fr. 14), etc. 
 
 re ayuvas avapaipriKora /cat inro 5 Prof. Ernest Gardner, Handbook 
 
 Si/xowi'Sew TOV Kytov TroXXa abedevTa. of Greek Sculpture, pp.' 191 f. 
 
 3 Simon, fr. 8 (Bergk 4 ).
 
 3 8 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 Among the sculptors who commemorated athletes at 
 Olympia, or elsewhere, between 520 and 450 B.C., were the 
 Argive Ageladas, the Sicyonian Canachus, and the greatest 
 representative of the Attic school in this kind, Myron 1 . It 
 is well to remember that, when the epinikion was a new 
 thing, the artist in verse might naturally compare himself 
 with the artist in marble or in bronze. His ode was not to 
 be merely an ephemeral compliment ; it was to be an 
 enduring record for the victor's city, and an heirloom for his 
 house 2 . Pindar, to whom Poetry and Sculpture are sisters 
 in the bestowal of fame, contrasts the immovable statue 
 with the poem which travels far and wide 3 . 
 
 Elements In all the larger specimens of the epinikion, three 
 
 C Linikion e l ements are normally present ; a reference to the victory, 
 
 at the beginning and at the end, a mythical episode, 
 
 linked in some way with the occasion, and a reflective or 
 
 gnomic element, leavening the whole. This general pattern 
 
 A trait in was doubtless set by Simonides. The fragments of his 
 
 ^icfof' epinikia, scanty as they are, warrant the belief that he 
 
 Simonides; differed from Pindar in sometimes describing more fully 
 
 the circumstances of the particular victory. This verse 
 
 belonged to a description of a chariot-race : 
 
 Kovia Be -rrapa rpo^bv yuera/i&mo? apdrj*- 
 
 ' Dust was lifted on the wind beside the chariot-wheel,' 
 another chariot being just in front. A second verse seems 
 to speak of some precaution taken by a charioteer, perhaps 
 that of passing the reins round his waist, lest they should 
 slip from his hands ; 
 
 fjurj /3d\r) <j)oiviKa<; etc fteipwv l/Jiavra^ 5 . 
 
 andofBac- This Simonidean trait recurs in some epinikia of Bac- 
 chylides. chyljdes 
 
 Ditky- The dithyramb, which in the time of Archilochus had 
 
 rambs of j Deen distinctively a song to Dionysus, was afterwards 
 Simonides. * 
 
 applied to themes unconnected with that god. This en- 
 
 1 Prof. Ernest Gardner, Handbook 0^uev llaplov \i6ov \evKorepav. 
 of Greek Sculpture, p. 192 (Ageladas): 3 Find. N. v. i ff. 
 
 p. 195 (Canachus) : p. 238 (Myron). * Simon, fr. 16. 
 
 2 Pindar's aim (^V. iv. 8 1 ) is (rrdXai/ 5 Simon.fr. 17.
 
 THE EPINIKION. THE DITHYRAMB. 39 
 
 largement of its scope must have taken place before the 
 days of Simonides ; but he is the earliest poet for whom it 
 is attested. One of his dithyrambs was entitled Memnon, 
 and another Europa 1 . The only dithyramb of Pindar from 
 which a considerable fragment remains (fr. 75) was strictly 
 Dionysiac : but we do not know whether that was true of 
 the dithyrambs in which he referred to Orion (fr. 74) and 
 to Geryon (fr. Si). In the latter part of the fifth century 
 B.C., dithyrambists of the new school exercised a complete 
 freedom in their choice of subjects. The Alexandrians Alexan- 
 seem to have applied the name ' dithyramb ' to any poem sense of 
 
 which contained a narrative concerning the heroes. l dithy- 
 
 ramb. 
 
 Speaking of Xenocritus, a native of the Epizephyrian Locri 
 
 who was contemporary with Thaletas, Plutarch remarks 
 that it was disputed whether he wrote paeans 2 . 'They say 
 that he was the author of poems on heroic subjects, 
 containing narratives ; and that therefore his pieces are by 
 some called dithyrambs.' In the phrase used here, 
 r/pwlicMV v-rroOecrecov TTpajf^ara e^ovcrwv, the word Trpajfjiara 
 appears to mean ' events ' (res gestas) set forth in historical 
 sequence. It recalls the use by Polybius of the term 
 Trpay/j-areia to denote his own work (I. 2 2) ; and of the 
 phrase, 6 TT}? Trpay/jbariKrjs i<nopias T/OOTTO? (ib. 8), to 
 express ' the method of systematic history.' Of the poems 
 in the Bacchylides papyrus, six (xiv xix) were classed The'dithy- 
 by the Alexandrians as ' dithyrambs.' One of these (XV) ^JL_ 
 was so far a dithyramb in the old sense, that it was li(ies - 
 intended for performance at Delphi in connexion with the 
 winter-cult of Dionysus, though the subject (Heracles) did 
 not relate to the god himself. Another (xvui) is also 
 Dionysiac, the point of it being the god's descent from lo. 
 Of the four others, one (XIV, Antenoridae), which concerns 
 the embassy of Menelaus and Odysseus to Troy, may have 
 been produced with a dithyrambic chorus, as is suggested 
 by the fact that, according to Bacchylides, the sons of 
 
 1 Simon, fr. 27 and 28 (Bergk* vTroGtaeuv Trpa,y/j.ara exovcruv woirjrijv 
 III. pp. 398 f.). yeyovtvai (fiafflv avrbv dio KO.I rtvas 
 
 2 Pint. De Mus. 10 : rjptal'Kuv yap Si6vpdfJ.fio\>s KaXelv O.VTOV TO.S VTro0(ffeis.
 
 40 BACCHYLWES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 Antenor were fifty in number. It would then have been 
 a dithyramb in the same sense as the Memnon or the 
 Europa of Simonides. A like remark applies to no. XVII, 
 on the adventures of Theseus between Troezen and Athens, 
 the only extant specimen of a dithyramb in dialogue. 
 But the two remaining poems (XVI and XIX) could be called 
 'dithyrambs' in no further sense than as 'containing heroic 
 narratives.' One of them (xvi), on the voyage of Theseus 
 to Crete, is, in fact, a choral paean for Delos. The other 
 (XIX, Idas), though not technically an epithalamion or a 
 hymenaeus, is of a hymeneal character. In one of his lost 
 ' dithyrambs,' Bacchylides described the warlike array of 
 the Mantineans; in another, he told the story of Philoctetes 1 . 
 
 Hypor- Plutarch notes the excellence of Simonides in treating 
 
 'stmonides; tne hyporcheme, and quotes examples of his marvellous 
 skill in writing verses of which the rhythm suits a lively 
 
 andofBac- dance 2 . His nephew's poems of this class were also in 
 '"' repute. One hyporcheme of Bacchylides, a verse of 
 which became proverbial, was for the cult of the Itonian 
 Athena, perhaps at her chief Boeotian shrine, that temple 
 on the banks of the Coralius, near Coroneia, which is 
 mentioned by Alcaeus 3 . 
 
 Simonides Lastly, it was Simonides who first established the choral 
 dirge as a recognised form of lyric art 4 . ' The tributes of 
 the Cean dirge' are, for Horace, typical of their kind ; and 
 Quintilian recognises their author's pre-eminence in pathetic 
 power 5 . The Danae fragment is an example of that 
 
 1 See fragment 6 ( = 41 Bergk) 2oth 'Letter of Phalaris,' we hear of 
 and fragment 39 (=16 Bergk). Stesichorus being asked to write a 
 
 2 Plut. Quaest. con-viv. ix. 15. 2. funeral elegy. But, though Stesi- 
 Bergk's fragments 29, 30, 31 of chorus may have been famed for 
 Simonides are passages quoted by pathetic verse, there is no evidence 
 Plutarch as illustrations. that he had preceded Simonides in 
 
 3 Bacch. fr. n ( = 23 Bergk): the artistic development of the lyric 
 Alcaeus fr. 9. Oprjvos. 
 
 4 The rhetor Aristeides (i. 127) 5 Hor. C. n. i. 38. Quint, x. i. 
 says: Hoios ravra 2tjaojci5i;s Oprivfj- 64: praecipua /amen eius in com- 
 ffet; ris Hivdapos; irotov /j^Xos TJ \6yov tnovendamiseratione virtus, ut quidam 
 TOiovrov e^evpwv 'Zrriffixopos a^iov in hac eum parte omnibus eius operis 
 
 i Toiotirov irdBovs; In the auctoribus praeferant.
 
 THE HYPORCHEME. THE DIRGE. 41 
 
 power ; though it is uncertain whether the poem to which 
 those exquisite verses belonged was a tJirenus. The dirges 
 of Simonides appear to have dealt chiefly with such topics 
 of consolation as could be drawn from the merits and the 
 fame of the departed. In the fragments of Pindar's dirges compared 
 the key-note is rather the survival of the soul 1 ; the W pl^ dar 
 happiness of him who, having seen the Mysteries, ' under- 
 stands the end of mortal life, and the beginning' of a new 
 life 'given by Zeus 2 '; the bright and tranquil abode of the 
 blest, 
 
 alel Ova peiyvvvTwv Trvpl rrjKefyavel Travroia Oewv eirl /Sw/^ofc 3 . 
 
 The kinds of choral lyric represented by Pindar's Pindar. 
 remains are more numerous than in the case of any other 
 poet. But he was not the creator of any new kind, as 
 Simonides of the epinikion ; nor, again, was he the first 
 who gave a new artistic value to any old form of song, as Character 
 Simonides gave it to the dirge. What Pindar did was to 
 set the stamp of an original and strongly individual genius 
 on every lyric form in which he composed. He has that 
 force of imagination which can bring clear-cut and dramatic 
 figures of gods and heroes into vivid relief, as when Apollo 
 finds Cyrene ; when lason suddenly appears in the market- 
 place of lolcus ; or when Heracles, in Aegina, prays that 
 a son may be given to Telamon : he has that peculiar and 
 inimitable splendour of style, which, though sometimes 
 aided by magnificent novelties of diction, is not dependent 
 on them, but can work magical effects with simple words : 
 he has also, at frequent moments, a marvellous swiftness, 
 alike in the succession of images, and in transitions from 
 thought to thought : and his tone is that of a prophet, who 
 can speak with a voice as of Delphi. But the place to 
 analyse his qualities is not here, where we are dealing with 
 
 1 Find. fr. 131. Wind, clouded with the grateful in- 
 
 2 fr. 137. cense-fume 
 
 3 fr. 129, 130. So Tennyson, at Of those who mix all odour to the Gods 
 the end of Tiresias: On one far height in one far-shining 
 
 and every way the vales fire. 
 
 j. B. 4
 
 4 2 
 
 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 The 
 
 prosodion. 
 
 Prosodia 
 of Pindar; 
 
 andofBac- 
 chylides. 
 
 Love-songs 
 and drink- 
 ing-songs. 
 
 Pindar's 
 jskolia. 
 
 the development of the choral lyric in its several forms : 
 what concerns us is to note that, in respect to one of those 
 forms, the only extant fragments belonging to the fifth 
 century B.C. are those of Pindar and of Bacchylides. 
 
 This form is the prosodion, or 'song of approach'; a 
 very old kind of processional hymn, chanted by a chorus 
 in moving towards the temple or altar of a god, for the 
 purpose of supplication or of thanksgiving. The earliest 
 prosodion on record was written by Eumelus of Corinth 
 (c. 740 B.C.) for a chorus which the Messenians sent to the 
 Delian temple of Apollo 1 . Prosodia are ascribed to Clonas 
 (c. 675 B.C.), variously described as a Boeotian or an 
 Arcadian, the chief founder of vocal flute-music (auXwSta). 
 Of Pindar's prosodia, one was for the Delian, and another 
 for the Pythian, Apollo ; a third, which mentioned Latona, 
 was for the Aeginetan shrine of Aphaea, a goddess akin to 
 Artemis 2 . So far, the evidence points to Apollo and his 
 sister as the deities with whose cults the prosodion was 
 more especially associated ; though doubtless it was not 
 confined to them. Three fragments from the prosodia of 
 Bacchylides have been preserved by Stobaeus : but their 
 contents, which are ethical, afford no clue to the occasion 3 . 
 
 Most of the lyric poets wrote love-songs (epwruca), or 
 songs meant to be sung over the wine at a banquet (irapoivia 
 or a-KoXia). Some fragments of Alcaeus are classed as 
 erotica, and others as skolia : these were for a single voice, 
 as were the songs with which wine or love inspired 
 Anacreon. But the erotic hymns written by Ibycus at the 
 court of Polycrates seem to have been choral. The skolia 
 of Pindar also were choral. With reference to his writings, 
 the term ' skolion ' appears to have been used in a large 
 sense, so as to include 'erotica ': the skolion to Theoxenus, 
 for example, was of the latter kind 4 . All those fragments 
 
 1 Paus. IV. 33 2 quotes from this 
 prosodion two verses, one a hexa- 
 meter, the other a dactylic pentapody 
 (Bergk 4 m. p. 6). 
 
 2 Plut. De Mus. 3. Find. fr. 87, 
 
 88 (els ATJ\OV) : fr. 90 (ei's AeX0oi/s) : 
 fr. 89 (ei's ' A<j>aiav). 
 
 3 Bacch. fr. 7, 8, 9 (= 19, 20, 21 
 Bergk). 
 
 4 Find. fr. 123.
 
 THE PRO SO DION. LIGHTER VERSE. 43 
 
 of Pindar, indeed, which are classed as ' skolia ' are erotic. 
 But among his fragments of uncertain class there is one 
 (no. 218), on the fancies inspired by wine, which might 
 have belonged to a choral drinking-song. The parallelism 
 with a like fragment of Bacchylides is so close as almost 
 to suggest that one of the two poets was vying with the 
 other 1 . In the case of Bacchylides, a class of erotica is Bacchy- 
 attested by Athenaeus 2 . To that class three of his hdes ' 
 fragments belong. One of these is curious : it is the refrain 
 of a love-song, given, probably in chorus, after a single 
 voice had sung a strophe 3 . It is not on record that 
 Bacchylides wrote drinking-songs ; but two of his frag- 
 ments seem referable to that class 4 . 
 
 Next to Pindar, Bacchylides is the poet who is known 
 to have written in the largest variety of lyric forms ; but 
 it is possible or probable that Simonides composed lyrics 
 of other classes besides those of which, in his case, we have 
 a record. Pindar's remains represent ten species : epinikia ; Classes of 
 enkomia ; hymns for the gods ; paeans ; hyporchemes ; corded for 
 dithyrambs; prosodia; partheneia ; skolia; and dirges. P' ndar '> 
 The ' erotica ' of Bacchylides, and those of his fragments and for 
 which may be ranked under the head of ' paroinia,' corre- nj 
 
 spond in class with Pindar's 'skolia.' Of the other nine 
 forms in which Pindar wrote, only two are absent from the 
 record of Bacchylides. These are the enkomion and the 
 dirge. 
 
 The extant works of Pindar and of Bacchylides prove The classi- 
 that, for at least a generation after the Persian Wars, the 
 
 choral lyric maintained its prestige, not only in the form of Bacchy- 
 the epinikion, but in several others also. The period from 
 about 478 to 446 B.C. was, indeed, that during which Pindar's 
 fame was at its zenith. Yet with Bacchylides the series of 
 classical lyric poets ended. 
 
 In the history of Greek poetry from 500 to 450 B.C. the Rise^of 
 central fact is the rise of the Attic drama. The year 534 B.C. drama. 
 
 1 See n, on Bacch. fr. 16 ( = 27 3 See n. on Bacch. fr. 14 ( = 25 
 Bergk). Bergk). 
 
 2 Athen. 15. p. 6670. 4 Fr. 16, 17 ( = Bergk 27, 28). 
 
 42
 
 44 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 is given by the Parian chronicle as that in which Thespis 
 first exhibited at Athens. The official recognition of 
 tragedy as a permanent feature of the Athenian Dionysia, 
 with a State subsidy in the form of a choregia, dated from 
 508. Aeschylus, born in 525, first competed for the tragic 
 prize in the spring of 499, and gained it for the first time 
 in 484. When, in 456, after writing some ninety plays, 
 Aeschylus died in Sicily, twelve years had passed since 
 Sophocles had begun to exhibit. Attic Tragedy had still 
 another half-century of creative work before it ; but it 
 was already mature : nor did it ever touch a higher point 
 than that which Aeschylus had reached in the Oresteia. 
 In 456, at least ten years of activity remained to Pindar; 
 and Bacchylides was still in early middle life. 
 
 Lyrics in Attic Tragedy, the offspring of the dithyramb, demanded 
 other gifts beside the lyric ; but, in every phase of its 
 development, some measure of lyric faculty was indispens- 
 able. In the earlier phase, the lyric element was either 
 actually predominant, or, at least, very large. In the latest 
 phase, represented by Euripides, the choral songs were, 
 indeed, less important ; but, on the other hand, they were 
 now exempt from the necessity of being relevant to the 
 action, and thus offered a free field to lyric fancy. During 
 the youth of Bacchylides, an aspirant to purely lyric 
 distinction might have drawn noble inspirations from the 
 The lyrics work of dramatists. The Capture of Miletus and the 
 ckus. r ' l ~ Phoenissae of Phrynichus would, as dramas, have been 
 sufficiently interesting to a young Ionian of Ceos. But 
 there he would have found also some of those lyrics which, 
 after the lapse of two generations, still commanded the 
 admiration of Athens ; and of which Aristophanes, himself 
 a lyric master, says that their pure melodies seemed to have 
 been caught from the songs of the birds: 
 
 evdev ftHTTrepel /LteXirra 
 
 Opi/vt^o? dpPpoa-iwv eVe&>i> a7re/8ocreTO tcapTrov 1 . 
 
 Aeschylus, apart from his qualities as a dramatist, was 
 1 Ar. Av. 749 f.
 
 DRAMA AND THE CHORAL LYRIC. 45 
 
 one of the greatest lyric writers, comparable, in mastery of Aeschylus 
 metre and of rhythm, to Pindar, but with a grandeur and ^ y 
 an intensity altogether his own. When, in the Frogs of 
 Aristophanes, Euripides undertakes to show that Aeschylus 
 is ' a bad lyric composer,' the Chorus wonder what fault he 
 will be able to find with the man whose lyrics (/j,e\r)) are, 
 as they boldly affirm, unsurpassed 1 . The date of the 
 Aeschylean Supplices is uncertain, but may perhaps be 
 placed c. 491/90. A student of the lyric art could scarcely 
 find more beautiful examples than are furnished by the five 
 great choral odes of that play, which interpret successive 
 and varied emotions. Traces of Aeschylean influence 
 appear, as will be seen later, in the diction of Bacchylides. 
 
 There was no reason, then, why the rise of Attic No reason 
 drama should have been adverse to the continued cultiva- should 
 tion of the higher lyric poetry. It might rather have been &$?&**** 
 
 . Dorian 
 
 expected to favour it. The demand made by Tragedy on lyric. 
 lyric accomplishment tended to maintain those studies of 
 music, rhythm, and metre by which the older lyric poets 
 had been formed. A theatre in which choruses sang the 
 lyrics of Phrynichus and of Aeschylus was a school in 
 which large audiences might acquire or improve a lyric 
 taste. On the other hand, the sphere of drama was so 
 distinct from that of the Dorian choral lyric that the 
 attractiveness of the one would not suffice to account for 
 a withdrawal of public favour from the other. We have 
 seen that, in fact, the choral lyric continued to flourish for 
 many years after the drama was mature. The national 
 games still afforded material for epinikia ; the worship of 
 the gods still demanded hymns, paeans, prosodia, hypor- 
 chemes ; the festivals of Dorian cities could still be graced 
 with partheneia. But, in the latter part of the fifth century, 
 one form of choral song, the dithyramb, received a new The new 
 development, fraught with far-reaching consequences to the 
 whole lyric art. That development was beginning just as 
 the life of Bacchylides must have been drawing to an end. 
 
 1 Ar. Ran. 1249 1256.
 
 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 History of 
 the dithy- 
 ramb from 
 
 C. 527 B.C. 
 
 Dithy- 
 rambs of 
 Lasus. 
 
 Protest of 
 Pratinas. 
 
 Simonides 
 and the 
 
 dithyramb. 
 
 Bacchy- 
 lides. 
 
 The new 
 school : 
 Melanip- 
 pides. 
 
 In the second half of the sixth century, the new im- 
 portance given by Peisistratus and his sons to the Athenian 
 festivals of Dionysus had stimulated the demand for dithy- 
 rambs. Lasus of Hermione, who worked at Athens between 
 527 and 514, modified the older style of dithyrambic com- 
 position. The music which accompanied the choral song 
 became more elaborate. From his time, apparently, dated 
 the tendency to enhance the significance of the musical 
 accompaniment relatively to that of the poetical text. As 
 early as c. 500 B.C., Pratinas is found vigorously protesting 
 against the encroachments of the flute-player. The Muse, 
 he says, has ordained that the song shall be mistress, and 
 the flute servant 1 . Still, even in days when, as Pratinas 
 complains, the flute was tending to become master, no 
 serious mischief could be done, so long as the writers of 
 dithyrambs were men loyal to the best traditions of lyric 
 poetry. Down to c. 476 B.C. Simonides was a frequent 
 author of dithyrambs for Athenian festivals; he could 
 point to no fewer than fifty-six victories won by him with 
 cyclic choruses 2 . The seventeenth poem of Bacchylides, a 
 dithyramb in the form of a dialogue, shows no trace of 
 those faults which disfigure the diction and style of a later 
 school. Bacchylides also maintains the tradition that a 
 dithyramb should be composed in strophes. 
 
 The innovator with whom a new school began was 
 Melanippides, a Dorian of Melos 3 . His life was spent 
 
 Pratinas jf. (Bergk 4 m. p. 558) 
 
 TO.V daSav Ka.TtffTO.ffe 
 6 5' ai)X6s 
 
 VffTfpOV 
 
 /3affi\eiav 
 
 2 Simon. 145. As Simon. 147 
 shows, one of these victories was 
 gained in the spring of 476 B.C., 
 when Adeimantus was archon (Bergk 4 
 III. 495 f.). 
 
 3 Two dithyrambic poets named 
 Melanippides are distinguished by 
 Suidas. (i) The elder, a Melian, 
 son of Criton, was born about 5208.0. 
 (2) The younger was a maternal 
 
 grandson of the elder : his father also 
 was named Criton : his native place 
 is not mentioned. Rohde, in Rhein. 
 Mus. 33. 213, holds that Suidas made 
 a mistake. There was only one dithy- 
 rambic poet named Melanippides, 
 and he was a Dorian of Melos. 
 Weir Smyth (Greek Melic Poets, 
 p. 453) comes to the same conclusion. 
 It was the tendency of Suidas to 
 duplicate personalities, as in the cases 
 of Sappho, the tragic poets Nico- 
 machus and Phrynichus, and the 
 comic poet Crates.
 
 THE NEW DITHYRAMB. 47 
 
 partly at Athens, partly at the court of Perdiccas II of 
 Macedon, who died in 413 B.C. Melanippides wrote his 
 dithyrambs, not in strophes, but in ' free verse ' (aTroXeXt;- 
 fj.eva). This change was intimately connected with another. 
 He gave greater prominence to a mimetic or dramatic 
 element in the performance of the dithyramb, an element 
 which gained in freedom by the absence of the old strophic 
 framework. He also introduced musical preludes (dva- 
 /SoXat), by which the choral song was broken up into 
 sections. A passage in the Memorabilia curiously illustrates 
 his popularity. Xenophon's Aristodemus names three poets 
 whom he regards as supreme in their respective kinds. 
 They are Homer, Sophocles, and Melanippides 1 . 
 
 The next writer after Melanippides who left a mark on Philoxe- 
 the dithyramb was his pupil Philoxenus, who was born in ni 
 435 and died in 380 B.C. He was a native of Cythera. 
 When the Spartans recovered that Dorian island (probably 
 about 413 B.C.) he was sold as a slave, and bought by the 
 poet Melanippides 2 . Philoxenus gave prominence to the 
 solos (fjiovw&iai) which he interspersed between the choral 
 parts. These solos afforded free scope to the florid music 
 which was coming into fashion, full of those affectations 
 and false ornaments which are ridiculed by Aristophanes. 
 The dramatic side of the performance was now still further 
 developed. The dithyramb of Philoxenus, with acting, 
 dancing, music, and scenery, must have borne some 
 resemblance to an operetta. Among the recorded titles 
 of his pieces are the Cyclops and the Reveller (Komastes). 
 Philoxenus had a great reputation. His contemporary, the 
 comic poet Antiphanes, who had sometimes made merry 
 with his phrases, paid a generous tribute to his memory 3 . 
 It is instructive to find that, as older and better poets had 
 been contrasted by Aristophanes with the school to which 
 Philoxenus belonged, so Philoxenus himself was extolled 
 by Antiphanes at the expense of worse poets who came 
 after him. 
 
 1 Xen. Mem. \. iv. 3. 3 Antiphanes fr. 209 (Kock).from 
 
 2 Suidas s.v. fciXofei/os. the TpirayuviffT'/is.
 
 48 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 Timotheus. Timotheus of Miletus, who flourished at the end of the 
 fifth century and in the earlier part of the fourth, carried 
 the new tendencies still further. The ancient ' nome,' sung 
 to the cithara by one voice, had long ceased to enjoy the 
 vogue given to it by Terpander. Timotheus revived it, but 
 in a form which was essentially new. To the solo he added 
 choral singing ; he made the performance in some measure 
 dramatic, and thus assimilated the nome to the new 
 dithyramb. Alone among the writers of his class in that 
 age, Timotheus can now be judged by a large specimen of 
 his work. In 1902 a fragment containing 253 consecutive 
 verses was found near Memphis 1 . It belongs to one of his 
 
 His most celebrated nomes, the Persae. The three principal 
 
 parts of a nome were called 'exordium' (ap-^ij), 'omphalos' 
 
 (the central portion), and 'seal' (a<j)payi<s). In our frag- 
 ment, the exordium is wanting ; the first 214 verses belong 
 to the ' omphalos,' and describe a naval victory of Greeks 
 over Persians, probably that at Salamis ; the last 39 verses 
 are the ' seal,' in which Timotheus speaks of himself, and, 
 as it were, sets his signature to his work. The style is that 
 The'di- which, in its general characteristics, was common to the 
 style!' 1 C dithyrambic poets of the new school. One trait was a 
 love for portentous compound words, especially adjectives 2 . 
 Another was the use of grand and round-about phrases for 
 common things 3 . When Timotheus wishes to say that the 
 rowers dropped their oars, he expresses it thus : 
 
 1 A photographic facsimile was irbrfp', Srav ,uAXa; X^yetv ffoi TTJV 
 published in 1903 by the Deutsche -^rpa.v, -)((rrpo.v Xtyw, 
 
 Orient- Gesellschaft (Leipzig, Hin- 77 rpoxov /jifyicucri revurbv KOi\ocrw/j.a.TOi> 
 
 richs), with a preface by Prof. v. KI/TOS; 
 
 Wilamowitz-Mbllendorf, who has also This feature of the dithyrambic style 
 
 edited the fragment. might be illustrated by many of those 
 
 2 Thus in Plato's Cratylus (p. 409), examples which Pope culled from his 
 when the words <rAas, tvov, vtov, contemporaries in the discourse of 
 and dei have been rolled into o-eXa- Martinus Scribblerus on the ' Art of 
 evovedeia, denoting the moon's sinking in poetry'; for some resources 
 ' light - ever - old - and - new,' this is of that art are the same in every age. 
 pronounced a truly diOvpa^udes Thus the following mode of saying, 
 ovofia. 'Shut the door,' is quite in the 
 
 3 Dithyrambic periphrasis was a manner of Timotheus: 
 
 fertile source of jest to the Middle ' The wooden guardian of our privacy 
 Comedy : thus Antiphanes fr. 52: Quick on its axle turn.'
 
 THE NO MRS OF TIMOTHEUS. 49 
 
 S' tc/3a\\ov o 
 vaos. 
 
 But, owing to the length of the new fragment, our know- 
 ledge of his style is not limited to such details : we can 
 judge of its general texture. As an example, we may take 
 the speech in which a drowning Persian upbraids the 
 sea : 
 
 77877 Opacreia Kal irdpo^ 
 \dfipov aii^ev e<r^e<? eV 
 
 vvv 8e d dvarapd^et, 
 e/i6? aval;, e'/wo*?, 
 
 6piy6voi(nv, ej- 
 8e TreSia ir\oCp^a vo/Jidcrw 
 
 CT77 (J aTTLCTTOV r 
 
 K~\.vcnSpo/jLdSo<> avpas. 
 
 a\nav. 
 
 ' Bold as thou art, ere now thou hast had thy boisterous 
 throat bound fast in hempen bonds ' [alluding to the bridge over 
 the Hellespont]. 'And now my king, aye, mine, will plough 
 thee with hill-born pines, and will encompass thy navigable plains 
 with his far-roaming rays' [i.e. the Persian king's power, radiant 
 as the sun, will close round the Aegean on all its coasts] : ' O thou 
 frenzied thing, hated from of old, who treacherously embraces! 
 ine, while the breeze sweeps over thy surges!' So spake he, 
 panting with strangled breath, as he spat forth the grim sea-dew, 
 belching from his mouth the brine of the deep. 
 
 The absurdity, alike of style and of matter, could 
 scarcely be exceeded : but the poet is serious. In a later 
 passage, however, he seems to be designedly comic. A 
 Phrygian prisoner, bewailing himself, speaks fourteen verses 
 of broken Greek.
 
 50 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 In the Clieiron of Pherecrates, the goddess of Poetry 
 denounces certain poets by whom she has been injured. 
 Melanippides was the earliest ; but the worst, as she 
 declares, has been Timotheus 1 . Especial stress is there 
 laid on his debasement of music. His master in music, 
 Phrynis, had been trained in the Lesbian school of 
 citharodes, a hereditary guild claiming to derive their art 
 from Terpander, but had broken with its better traditions ; 
 and the innovations of Timotheus went beyond those of 
 Phrynis. It is, indeed, hard to conceive how such verses 
 as those which have just been quoted can have won 
 applause, unless the music had become so far more im- 
 portant than the words that a musical display in the 
 newest fashion could carry off the most grotesque libretto. 
 Yet the compositions of Philoxenus and Timotheus were 
 still popular in the days of Polybius 2 . 
 
 Rapid It may seem extraordinary that the first Greeks who 
 
 lyri^tasfe. a dmired such writers were men for whose fathers lyric 
 
 poetry had been represented by Simonides, Pindar, and 
 
 Bacchylides ; and that the earliest successes of the new 
 
 dithyrambists were gained when Sophocles and Euripides 
 
 Plato's were still living. The most instructive of all commentaries 
 
 a tfia? nt ^ on ^is fact is supplied by Plato. In a striking passage of 
 
 decline. the Laws (written probably not long before 3 50 B.C.), the 
 
 Athenian says that the limited freedom enjoyed by Athens 
 
 at the time of the Persian Wars had been better than the 
 
 unlimited freedom of his own day. In that older time the 
 
 people were ' the willing servants of the laws.' ' Of what 
 
 laws?' asks the Lacedaemonian Megillus. An illustra- 
 
 1 Pherecrates fr. 145, verses 3 and and dance with spirit to the strains of 
 rpff. 'the Dionysiac flutists.' [The word 
 
 2 Polybius (iv. 20) describes the v6fj,ovs is here used in a large sense 
 education of boys and youths in which includes both dithyrambs and 
 Arcadia, as he remembers it. They nomes proper.] When Philopoemen 
 are trained from an early age to sing presided at the Nemean festival of 
 hymns and paeans on the gods and 207 (or 205) B.C., the very nome from 
 heroes of their native towns. Next which we have quoted, the Persae of 
 they learn the musical compositions Timotheus, was given in the theatre 
 (i>6fj.ovs) of Philoxenus and Timotheus, (Pint. Philop. u).
 
 DECLINE OF THE LYRIC. 51 
 
 tion is then given from the province of poetry and 
 
 music 1 . 
 
 Lyric poetry, says the Athenian, was formerly divided 
 into several distinct species, such as the hymn, the dirge, 
 the paean, the citharodic nome. Each species had its own 
 laws of style and of rhythm. The judges of merit in each 
 species were experts. But in the course of years a new 
 race of poets arose, men who had no sense of what is 'just 
 and lawful in the work of the Muse.' They broke down 
 the old distinctions of style and rhythm, mingling hymns 
 with dirges, and paeans with dithyrambs, while they forced 
 the cithara to mimic the notes of the flute. Denying that 
 there was any such thing as correctness (opOoTrj?) in poetry 
 or in music, they made the pleasure of the hearer their sole 
 test, without caring whether he was or was not competent 
 to judge. ' Raging like Bacchanals,' these new poets 
 brought in a reign of ' uncultured lawlessness ' (-7-779 a^ovaov 
 vrapai/o/ua?). The audiences, formerly silent, now began 
 to indulge in noisy cries and clapping of hands ; for the 
 new poetry had taught the multitude to think themselves 
 connoisseurs. The old ' aristocracy ' in music and poetry, 
 the rule of experts and good judges, was at an end. 
 An evil ' theatrocracy ' took its place 2 . 
 
 From Alcman to Bacchylides, the distinctive feature in 
 the evolution of the Greek lyric had been, as Plato indicates, 
 the adaptation of different species to different themes and 
 occasions. In each species the poetical and musical tact 
 of the Greeks had achieved an artistic harmony between 
 form and matter. That harmony depended on the nice 
 observance of certain rules appropriate to each kind. The 
 dividing lines between the several kinds were traced with 
 a light and delicate touch : to the many those lines might 
 seem faint ; but for the artist they were distinct ; and they 
 were also sacred, because they had the sanction of an 
 intimate fitness which the Greek mind could apprehend. 
 But, in the latter part of the fifth century, a new lyric 
 
 1 Plat. Legg. 700A-7OI B. Kparias ev avrfj [sc. ry fjLovffiKrj] 
 
 " Plat. Legg. 701 A avrl dpiffro- 6ea.TpoKpa.Tia. TIS Trovrjpa. yeyovev.
 
 52 BACCHYLWES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 school cast off that loyalty to the best Greek traditions and 
 instincts. The Attic drama, unrivalled among contemporary 
 forms of poetry in the splendour and variety of its attrac- 
 tions, drew vast audiences to the theatre. Next in 
 popularity, but at an interval, came the agon of cyclic 
 choruses at the Great Dionysia, and on certain other 
 occasions. The new dithyrambist felt impelled to bid for 
 popular applause by sensational novelties. A tasteless 
 license broke down the discriminating canons of the older 
 school. Nothing in Plato's sketch of the process is more 
 Signifi- instructive than his reminder that such license meant more 
 canceofthe j^an a new bent of poetical or musical fashion. It was 
 
 decline in 
 
 musical connected with political and social changes, with the growth 
 of license in every department of civic life, and with new 
 manners which were impatient of decorous restraint. For 
 the Greeks, who, as Plato and Aristotle teach us 1 , were so 
 keenly sensitive to the moral effects of music, and to its 
 consequent importance in education, the new corruption 
 of music was, in a sense which we can hardly realise, a 
 grave symptom of moral decay. The difference between 
 Simonides and Timotheus was analogous to the difference 
 between the Athens of Themistocles and the Athens of 
 Cleon. 
 
 Afurther But a further question remains. It must be asked 
 '""' whether the new development at Athens suffices to account 
 for the fact that the classical literature of the Greek lyric 
 ends with Bacchylides. The epinikion, for instance, might 
 have been expected to remain in demand ; but the ode of 
 Euripides for Alcibiades (420 B.C.) 2 is the last recorded 
 example of such a composition by an eminent writer. 
 The literary influence of Athens reached far. But a poet 
 who could follow in the steps of the old choral masters 
 ought still to have been secure of appreciative audiences 
 at the festivals of Dorian cities, and at the chief centres of 
 worship, such as Delphi and Delos. Some allowance 
 should doubtless be made for the effects of the Pelopon- 
 
 1 e.g., Plat. Rep. 3980 3990: 2 See above, p. 33. 
 
 Arist. Pol. v [vin]. 5 7.
 
 TIMOTHEUS AND SPARTA. 53 
 
 nesian War ; for the drain upon those funds which the 
 Dorians of Peloponnesus could apply to their festivals ; for 
 the interruptions of that elaborate training which the choral 
 performances at those festivals demanded ; and, generally, 
 for the concentration of thought and interest on the great 
 struggle. It may be added that the intellectual and the 
 literary tendencies of the age, its scepticism and its rhetoric, 
 were unfavourable to ideal art in every kind. But choral 
 lyric poetry had been zealously cultivated for generations ; 
 it was highly organised ; it touched Greek religion and 
 Greek life at many points ; it had hitherto given delight to 
 multitudes. The complete cessation of higher work in that 
 province is a phenomenon which only one cause seems 
 adequate to explain. We are forced to the conclusion that The 
 those influences, which at Athens were represented by the ^ 
 new dithyrambic school, speedily became dominant in 
 Hellas at large. It is significant in this connexion that 
 Melanippides and Philoxenus were Dorians, that Phrynis 
 came from Lesbos, and that Timotheus, the pupil who 
 outdid him, was an Ionian of Miletus. All these men 
 enjoyed a wide popularity. As to Philoxenus in particular, 
 it is known that he was well received in Dorian Syracuse 
 and Tarentum. But wherever the music and the verse of 
 that school became established in popular favour, the cause 
 of classical lyric poetry was lost. 
 
 We know, however, that there was at least one Dorian 
 community which upheld the ancient standards, and met 
 the new depravations with a strenuous protest. Timotheus Timotheus 
 had openly vaunted the superiority of the ' new songs ' to f" 
 the 'old': 
 
 OVK dei&w rd TTaXaid, 
 
 Kal rd Kaivd yap d/j,a /cpeiacra)' 
 
 i/eo? o Zeu? 
 
 TO 7rd\ai 8' 
 
 MoOcra 7ra\aid 1 
 
 ' I do not sing the old songs, for the new are also the better. 
 1 Timotheus fr. 12 (Bergk 4 in. 624).
 
 54 BACCHYLIDES IN LYRIC HISTORY. 
 
 Zeus reigns in his young prime : the rule of Cronus is overpast. 
 Away with the old Muse !' 
 
 The And now, in the fragment of his Persae (219 225), he 
 
 pro'test' 1 i s f un d invoking Apollo to protect him against the strong 
 censure of Sparta : 
 
 6 yap jjC eu'yez/e'ra? 
 (av Svrapra? /ieya? 
 ftpvow avdecnv tffta 
 Sovel Xao? e7ri(f)\e r yci)v 
 
 e'Xa T aWoTTi 
 on, ira\at,orepav 
 
 ' For that noble and ancient folk, mighty lord of Sparta, rich 
 in the flower of youth, storms against me in hot anger, and lashes 
 me with fiery reproach, because in my new songs I dishonour the 
 elder Muse.' 
 
 It has been conjectured 1 that Timotheus produced this 
 poem, about 397 B.C., at the Panionia, the festival of the 
 Ionian dodecapolis, held on the promontory of Mycale. 
 Sparta was then dominant in Greece ; and it was the 
 interest of the lonians to stimulate her warfare against the 
 Persian satraps. I may observe that, if this hypothetical 
 date be accepted, the words ftpvwv avOeatv tfffas are 
 significant. In the Spartan army then on the coasts of 
 Asia Minor, ' the flower of youth ' must have included 
 many who, in choruses at the Gymnopaediae, had sung 
 the paeans of lyric poets very unlike Timotheus. 
 
 Singular indeed is the contrast thus disclosed. The 
 creative period of- Greek poetry is just over, and already 
 the Athenian public has acquiesced in fashions which 
 condemn lyric poetry to a swift and irremediable decay. 
 It is from Sparta that the remonstrance comes. It is at 
 Sparta that a purer taste survives, guarded by laws 
 prohibiting licentious change in the old music of Apollo's 
 festivals, and animated by a tradition dating from the 
 
 1 By Prof. v. Wilamowitz, introd. to the facsimile, p. n.
 
 HIS RELATION TO HIS PREDECESSORS. 55 
 
 far-off days when Spartan youths and maidens danced and 
 sang under the direction of Alcman. More than a genera- 
 tion later, Aristotle could say of his Spartan contemporaries 
 that, if their musical education was defective, at any rate 
 they had a true perception of the difference between good 
 music and bad 1 . 
 
 We have now traced in outline the evolution and the Bacchy- 
 decay of the Greek lyric. In such a development the ^nd his 
 relation of a poet to his predecessors is of peculiar predeces- 
 moment for a right estimate of his significance. We have 
 seen how the paean and the hyporcheme came down to 
 Bacchylides from Thaletas, how the first models of those 
 ' Dorian partheneia ' which he is said to have written had 
 been set by Alcman, and how the influence of Stesichorus 
 may probably be recognised in his treatment of heroic 
 legend. We have also seen how Simonides created the 
 epinikion, and is the first recorded author of dithyrambs 
 on subjects other than Dionysiac ; being thus the precursor 
 of Bacchylides in each of the two kinds to which his 
 extant writings chiefly belong. Lastly, we have sought to 
 elucidate the principal causes which, immediately after the 
 time of Bacchylides, led to the rapid and final decay of 
 Greek lyric art ; thus enabling us to understand why his 
 name is the last in the series of those Greek lyric poets 
 who attained to classical rank. After this endeavour to 
 mark his place in lyric history, we may turn to a brief 
 consideration of the qualities which distinguish his work. 
 
 1 Arist. Pol. v [vin]. 5. 7.
 
 III. CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES AS A POET. 
 
 Extant The poems, or fragments of poems, in the Bacchylides 
 
 ***- P a py rus are f two general kinds. The first thirteen pieces 
 are epinikia. The remaining six, all relating to episodes 
 in the story of heroes and heroines, were collectively classed 
 by the Alexandrians as ' dithyrambs,' in that large sense 
 of the term which was explained above 1 . The number of 
 verses represented by the continuous portions of the 
 papyrus (including verses lost in lacunae of which the length 
 can be determined) is 1392. If we suppose, with Blass, 
 that the part lost at the beginning (of which small frag- 
 ments remain) represents no verses 2 , the total is 1502. 
 The fragments preserved by ancient writers, and not found 
 in the papyrus, give about 95 verses more, thus raising the 
 approximate total to 1597. That number is only about 
 150 less than half the total in Pindar's extant odes and 
 fragments, which is (roughly) about 3500. 
 
 His treat- 1 considering the poetical qualities of Bacchylides, we 
 mentofthe ma y set out f rom his treatment of the epinikion. A trait 
 in which he differs from Pindar, and probably follows 
 Simonides, is the tendency which he sometimes shows to 
 Details of dwell on the circumstances of the particular victory. An 
 the victory. ju us t ra tj on j s furnished by his fifth ode, as compared with 
 Pindar's first Olympian, which was written on the same 
 occasion. Bacchylides describes the running of the horse 
 Pherenicus in a passage of thirteen verses (vv. 37 49); 
 while Pindar's allusion to the race is very slight and brief 
 (O. I. 20 22). The eighth ode depicts the manner in 
 which the victor roused the plaudits of the spectators at 
 Nemea by his performance with the quoit, with the javelin, 
 and in wrestling (VII. 27 39). The ninth ode celebrates 
 an athlete who, at the Isthmus, won two consecutive 
 foot-races. Immediately after his first success, he returns 
 to the starting-place, 'still breathing a storm of hot breath'; 
 
 1 See p. 39. 2 See Appendix to Ode i.
 
 CHOICE OF MYTHS. 57 
 
 and when, for the second time, he rushes past the goal 
 a winner, the olive-oil from his body sprinkles the clothes 
 of the spectators who press around him (IX. 21 26). 
 
 Six of the thirteen epinikia are embellished with Myths in 
 
 mythical narratives : these are odes I. Ill, V. VIII, X, and XII. th *- -,- 
 
 eptniKia. 
 
 There is no myth in ode IX ; and there cannot have been 
 space for one in the now multilated ode vii. Odes II, iv, 
 and VI are merely short songs. In regard to XI and to 
 XIII, the scanty remains leave it uncertain whether myths 
 were used. 
 
 The choice of the myth for an epinikion was a good 
 test of poetical tact. In some cases, the task was a simple 
 one, namely, when the traditions of the victor's city or 
 family supplied a suitable legend. Thus in his first ode, Ode I. 
 for the Cean Argeius, Bacchylides related the myth of 
 Dexithea and Euxantius, which seems to have been 
 specially connected with the victor's native town 1 . The Ode VI H. 
 eighth ode, for Automedes of Phlius, glances at the story 
 concerning the origin of the Nemean games ; but the chief 
 mythical ornament is furnished by the local legends of the 
 river Asopus. The twelfth ode, for Pytheas of Aegina, Ode XII. 
 opens with a prophecy inspired by the spectacle of Heracles 
 strangling the Nemean lion ; and the central portion of the 
 poem renders a tribute to the glories of the Aeacidae. 
 
 But Odes in, V, and X are those by which we can best 
 measure the skill of Bacchylides in this department. The 
 subject of the third ode is Hieron's victory in the chariot- Ode III. 
 race at Olympia (468 B.C.). Sacrifice is being offered in 
 the temples of Syracuse, and its streets are alive with 
 hospitable festivities. Thence the poet glides to a mention 
 of the golden tripods which Gelon and Hieron had 
 dedicated, several years before, at Delphi. ' Be generous 
 to the god, and he will prosper you. Apollo saved Croesus 
 of old'; and then the story is told. The transition from 
 Syracuse to Delphi is lightly and smoothly made ; but the 
 attentive reader experiences a mild surprise at the sudden 
 reference to the tripods, and is left with a suspicion that 
 the myth has been dragged in. Pindar, we might con- 
 
 J- B. 5
 
 58 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 jecture, would have managed the matter differently. 
 Possibly he would not have attempted to veil the transition 
 by a smooth and swift juncture. The festivities at Syracuse 
 would have led him to speak directly of Hieron's munifi- 
 cence in general. Then there would have been some bold 
 and brilliant utterance of the maxim that the gods reward 
 munificent votaries, followed by the Croesus-myth, an 
 illustration which would thus have come in naturally. At 
 all events the art of Bacchylides leaves something to be 
 Ode V. desired here. In the fifth ode, the meeting of Heracles 
 with Meleager in the shades is linked to the poet's im- 
 mediate subject, the greatness of Hieron, by the reflection 
 that 'no man is blest in all things' (V. 53ff.). Heracles 
 and Meleager, like Hieron, were men in whose lot victory 
 and glory were mingled with suffering. The poet does not 
 expressly indicate this link : he leaves it to be inferred. 
 Ode X. The tenth ode, for Alexidamus of Metapontion, is another 
 instance in which the link between theme and myth is 
 somewhat slender. At Metapontion there was a temple of 
 Artemis ; and the poet assumes that it is Artemis who, by 
 giving the athlete his victory at Delphi, has consoled him 
 for a former disappointment at Olympia. This gracious 
 deed of ' the soothing goddess ' suggests the story of the 
 Proetides whom she healed in Arcadia 1 . As these examples 
 indicate, Bacchylides had not all the deftness of Pindar in 
 weaving a legend into the texture of the poem. It is 
 sometimes too apparent that the myth is more or less 
 far-fetched, an ornamental adjunct, rather than an illus- 
 tration which seems to spring spontaneously from the 
 poetical motive. 
 
 Treatment The simple and direct rhanner of heroic epos is that 
 
 f th t l , in which Bacchylides treats mythology. He gives a con- 
 
 Bacchyii- tinuous narrative, sometimes of considerable length 2 . There 
 
 is often a genuine charm in the pellucid and easy flow of 
 
 these passages. At the same time this employment of 
 
 1 See Introduction to Ode 'x, 3. passage on the Aeacidae, 74 (xn. 
 
 2 The story of the Proetides oc- roo 174); the legend of Heracles 
 cupies 72 verses (x. 40 112); the and Meleager, 119 (v. 56 175).
 
 TREA TMENT OFMYTHS.-KINSHIP WITH ELEG Y. 5 9 
 
 epic style tends to mark off the myth as a distinct section 
 of the ode. Pindar's method is wholly different. He compared 
 selects from the myth a single episode or scene which he *p/ n( f ar > s 
 depicts with vivid power, but not, as a rule, at much 
 length ; as, for instance, the birth of lamus (O. VI. 35 
 57) ; Athena's gift to Bellerophon (O. xill. 63 92) ; the 
 infant Heracles strangling the serpents (N. I. 35 61); 
 Heracles praying that a son may be born to Telamon 
 </. v. 35 56) ; the death of Castor (N. X. 55 90). Even 
 the story of the Argonauts, which fills so large a space 
 in the fourth Pythian, is told in a few dramatic scenes, 
 lason at lolcus, the sailing of the Argo, the hero 
 ploughing with the brazen bulls of Aietes : and then 
 Pindar breaks off, with a swift glance at the sequel (P. IV. 
 70 254). Bacchylides, if he had devoted an equal space 
 to the same subject, would have told the story straight 
 through, with an equable flow of quasi-epic verse. 
 
 An ode of victory was expected to contain maxims of The 
 life and conduct. With Pindar, this ' gnomic ' strain is 
 almost always impressive by sheer force or beauty of 
 expression, even when the thought is merely some common- 
 place of Greek belief or sentiment. 
 
 Take, for example, the opening of the sixth Nemean : 
 
 ' One race is there of men, one race of gods, and from one 
 mother we both have our being ; but in our power we are wholly 
 separate : for the race of men is naught ; but the brazen heaven 
 abides, a dwelling-place steadfast for ever. Yet withal we have 
 some likeness to the Immortals, perchance in lofty mind, per- 
 chance in form ; though we know not what line Fate hath marked 
 for the goal of our course, whether in the day-time or in the 
 watches of the night.' 
 
 Bacchylides has nothing of this kind. When he 
 moralises, it is in the quiet and simple manner of Ionian 
 elegy. One such passage, concerning the various pursuits 
 of men, is, in fact, a paraphrase from Solon 1 . At other 
 moments we are reminded of Mimnermus or of Theognis. 
 
 1 Ode ix. 3945. 
 
 52
 
 60 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 The following extract from the first ode will serve as a 
 specimen : 
 
 ' If a mortal is blest with health, and can live on his own 
 substance, he vies with the most fortunate. Joy attends on every 
 state of life, if only disease and helpless poverty be not there. 
 The rich man yearns for great things, as the poorer for less ; 
 mortals find no sweetness in opulence, but are ever pursuing 
 visions that flee before them.' 
 
 If the utterances scattered through the poems warrant 
 a conjecture, Bacchylides was of a placid temper ; amiably 
 tolerant ; satisfied with a modest lot ; not free from some 
 tinge of that pensive melancholy which was peculiarly 
 Ionian : but with good sense, and resolute in acting on 
 this precept of his own, 
 
 ' One canon is there, one sure way of happiness for mortals, 
 if one can keep a cheerful spirit throughout life 1 .' 
 
 He often insists on the duty of giving praise where it 
 is due. Truth, candour (aXddeia), urges men to do so, 
 and ' is wont to prevail ' in the end ; though envy may 
 strive to keep them mute. He has a vivid conception of 
 (f)06vo<; as a power to be repelled ' with might and main 2 .' 
 Who can tell whether his own career had not given him 
 some knowledge of that power ? 
 
 Ode /. It is remarkable that the first ode ends with twenty-five 
 
 49~74- verses which are wholly ' gnomic.' They contain no refer- 
 ence to the victor or to his victory, such as Pindar would 
 have introduced before the close. Such an ending was ill- 
 suited to an epinikion : it suggests a certain immaturity in 
 the poet's art, so far as this province of the epinikion was 
 concerned, at the time when that ode was composed. 
 Traces of On the other hand, the fifth ode (written in 476 B.C.) 
 
 Pindar's . -n- i > 11-- i 
 
 influence, approximates to rindars method in its general structure, 
 and has one especially Pindaric trait, the abrupt return 
 from myth to theme 3 . An imitation of Pindaric style may 
 
 1 Fragment 7. is evpvpias (XV. 31). 
 
 2 Ode v. 187 ff. : cp. vn. 42 ff. : 3 See on Ode v. ij6fi. 
 VIII. 85 ff. : XII. 199 207. &86vos
 
 EPIC VIGNETTES. BRIGHT DETAIL. 61 
 
 also be traced in one passage of the third ode (468 B.C.) 1 . 
 Simonides was probably his nephew's earliest master in 
 the epinikion. But at any rate Bacchylides, while still 
 young, felt also the influence of Pindar. 
 
 The six poems in the latter part of the papyrus, Tke'di- 
 collectively classed as 'dithyrambs' in the Alexandrian th y rambs -' > 
 sense, show the art of Bacchylides in another phase. The 
 ode on the embassy of Menelaus and Odysseus to Troy 
 (xiv) seems to end abruptly; so also does the 'Heracles' ode XIV. 
 (xv). But each, doubtless, is complete as it stands. The Ode XV. 
 aim of each is to present a critical moment in the story, 
 a moment fraught with consequences which are hinted, but 
 left untold. A like purpose appears in the poem (XVII) OdeXVlI. 
 on the journey of Theseus to Athens. The finest piece Ode XVI. 
 in this series is, of course, the choral paean for Delos 
 (xvi), 'Theseus, or the Athenian youths and maidens.' 
 It is one of the two examples which best illustrate the 
 poet's gift for narrative, while they illustrate it in different 
 aspects. The story of Heracles and Meleager, in the fifth 
 ode, moves ' the sense of tears in mortal things ' : this 
 paean excels in spirited and rapid description. The short Speeches of 
 speeches of Theseus and Minos are also dramatically effec- " 
 tive in a high degree 2 . Bacchylides, we may note, makes 
 heroes speak in the epic style; whereas Pindar makes them 
 speak in a lyric fashion which is often, indeed, dramatic, but 
 always his own. 
 
 All the work of Bacchylides is marked by a skilful use Pictu- 
 of picturesque detail : he knows how to apply the small \ e 
 touches which give life and colour. We have already 
 referred to some places in the fifth, eighth, and ninth odes, 
 where he depicts the circumstances of a victory. Another 
 good example is the scene in the palace of Poseidon 
 beneath the waves, where Theseus is welcomed by Amphi- 
 trite :) . The fragment on the blessings of peace is also 
 characteristic in this respect : sacrifices blaze ' in the yellow 
 
 1 in. 8587. and 7480 (Minos). 
 
 2 xvi. 20 46 (Theseus): 52 66, 3 xvi. 96 116.
 
 62 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 flame on carven altars ' ; ' the webs of red-brown spiders 
 Imagery, are on the iron-bound handles of shields 1 .' Imagery is 
 sparingly employed by Bacchylides ; but his images are 
 often impressive and beautiful. The wavering multitudes 
 of ghosts on the banks of Cocytus are compared to ' leaves 
 quivering in the wind, where flocks graze on the gleaming 
 headlands of Ida 2 .' There is something of Homeric vivid- 
 ness and force in the simile of the mariners who, after a 
 tempestuous night, see the billows subside at dawn, and 
 are wafted to the haven for which they had ceased to hope : 
 even so the Trojans, when Achilles retired from the battle- 
 field, ' lifted up their hands to the gods ; for now they saw 
 a bright gleam of sunshine from under the shadow of the 
 storm 3 .' 
 
 Use of The use of epithets by Bacchylides is noteworthy in 
 
 several respects. His deities and heroes are usually 
 characterized in epic fashion (A<o? dpyi/cepavvov, Kovprja-t, 
 /ie^eTTToXe/ioi?, etc.) ; but he is peculiarly prone to bestow 
 two or more epithets on the same person. In particular, 
 he loves to associate the word o-e/ii>6? with other attributes 
 of a deity; thus we have a-epvov Ato? evpv/3la (X. 52) : a 
 ^pvadpiMaTos \ cre^vd /Aeyddvfjios 'ABdva (XII. 194 f.) : KO\V- 
 Koa-T(j)dvov | crefjivas ^6\ov 'Apre/tuSo? \ev/ca)\vov (V. 98 f.): 
 aepvdv re irarpos a\o^ov <$>i\av [ iSe ftowiriv eparolffuv 
 ' 'AfA^irpirav SO/LKH? (XVI. 109 ff.). It will be observed that, 
 in the second of these examples, ^pva-dp/jiaTos denotes 
 a conventional attribute, and peydOvfj-os a personal quality. 
 In the third example, a like remark applies to KaXvKoare- 
 (f>dvov and \evKw\evov respectively. The most remarkable 
 instance of such accumulation occurs in X. 37 ft". : 
 
 vvv 8' "Apre/u? dyporepa 
 
 aro<i \iirapdv 
 To^o/cXirro? vitcav e&w/ce. 
 
 Here, dyporepa, ' the huntress/ denotes a general aspect 
 
 1 Fragment 3. style of the simile is illustrated by 
 
 2 v. 63 67. the use of the epic 5^ re in v. 129 
 
 3 XII. 124 140. The Homeric (where see note).
 
 IMA GER Y. EPITHETS. 63 
 
 of Artemis: rj/jiepa, 'the soother/ is a special title given to 
 her in the local cult at Lusi in Arcadia ; ^pucraXa/caro? 
 means, ' with golden shaft,' and ro^o/cXyro?, ' famed for 
 archery.' Each of the four epithets, then, is significant : 
 the poet's intention, too, is manifest ; he wishes to em- 
 phasize the divine attributes of Artemis, for it is this 
 mention of her which gives him his cue for the story of the 
 Proetides. But the crowd of adjectives actually impairs 
 the force of each. In the verse, evpvaOeveos (frpaSaivi 
 (f)eprdrov Aid? (XVIII. 17), the second epithet, (fieprdrov, is 
 analogous to crefjivov in the first example quoted above 
 (x. 52); but it has a much weaker effect. A similar 
 instance is 7rapa7r~\,f)'yi, (frpevas \ /caprepa ^ev^aa dvdyKa 
 (X. 45 f). On the other hand, in aWepa ^ovOalat, rajMvwv 
 v\lrov TTTepvyea-cri ra^e/at? atero? (V. 17 ff.) neither epithet 
 is otiose. 
 
 Another trait, which sometimes lends an air of con- 
 ventionality to the poet's style, is the frequency of non- 
 distinctive epithets for goddesses and heroines. Thus 
 ftaOv^wvos is applied to Dexithea, Latona, Theano, and 
 the Graces ; locrre(j)avo<f, to Persephone, Thetis, and the 
 Muses ; KvavoTr\oKafjio^, to Nike, Thebe, and the daughters 
 of Proetus ; A,ei>/eooAei'o<>, to Hera, Artemis, Calliope, 
 Europa, and lole ; %pv<ra, to Aphrodite, Artemis, and 
 lo. 
 
 But it should also be noted that, in many instances, the 
 epithet chosen by Bacchylides is novel, felicitous, and 
 expressive. The following are examples : Sdai>... / 7refcrt/i- 
 /3pOTov (VIII. I f.) : 0epo-i67rr)S <f>0ovo<; (XII. 199 f.): \eipiwv... 
 (XVI. 95) : fi\a^(j)apei. ..afcory (ill. I3f) : Trpcot'a? 
 (V. 67): Kvavav6el...7r6vT<a (XII. 124. f.): Trvpi- 
 eOeipav aa-rpairdv (XVI. 56). 
 
 The influence of earlier or contemporary poetry has influence 
 left traces in the work of Bacchylides ; but, so far as we 
 
 can judge, his debts to it were neither large nor important. Bacchyli- 
 Though he was familiar with the style of Homeric epos, H ' omer . t 
 there are some slight indications which might suggest that
 
 64 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 his study of the Iliad had not been very close or observant 1 . 
 His version of Meleager's story owes but little to the ninth 
 
 Hesiod. book of the Iliad-. From Hesiod, the only poet whom he 
 mentions, he cites a sentiment which cannot be identified 
 with anything extant under Hesiod's name, but tallies 
 with a verse of Theognis 3 . In a poem of unknown class, 
 
 The he treated a story told by Hesiod in Krjvrcos ya/j,o<;*. The 
 
 yp na - Cypria was doubtless his source in Ode XIV ; where there 
 
 Stesi- is also a small touch which suggests the influence of Stesi- 
 chorus, and another which may be a reminiscence of 
 
 Ibycus. Ibycus 5 . In the earlier part of Ode XV there is a probable 
 
 Akaeus. trace of Alcaeus 6 ; the source of the latter part may be 
 the epic Capture of Oechalia. Some words in Ode V are 
 
 Theognis. paraphrased from Theognis 7 . The aj\aav "jfiav of Bac- 
 chylides (V. 154, 4766.0.) may be a reminiscence of ^Xao? 
 77)87; in Theognis (985): but not of dy\aov . . r//3r)v in 
 pseudo-Simonides 105. I, written in or after 466 B.C. 
 The phrase is not epic ; and Pindar has only dy\aojviov 
 "Hftav (N. VII. 4: 467 B.C.?). The transcript from Solon in 
 Ode IX has already been mentioned (p. 59). 
 
 Simonides. Among the poets contemporary with Bacchylides whose 
 influence we should expect to trace in him, the first is, 
 of course, Simonides. Unfortunately the fragments of 
 Simonides are too scanty to afford adequate material 
 for an estimate of his part in shaping the style of 
 Bacchylides. As a matter of fact, there are only two or 
 three words or phrases which the nephew seems to have 
 borrowed from the uncle. In the Homeric poems epavvos 
 is an epithet of places only: but Simonides has epavvov 
 vScop, and Bacchylides has epavvov </>ao? (xvi. 42 f.). If in 
 Ode VIII. 13 R. A. Neil's acorevovra be (as it certainly seems) 
 a true emendation of da-ayevovra, then the use of dcareveiv, 
 without the Homeric addition of VTTVOV, in the sense of 
 ' sleeping,' may well have been suggested to the younger 
 
 1 See notes on v. 75 f. and xn. 4 Fragment 18. 
 
 146. 5 See notes on xiv. 48 and 58. 
 
 2 See Appendix on v. 56 175. 6 See note on xv. 5. 
 
 3 See note on v. 191. 7 See note on v. 160.
 
 TRACES OF OTHER POETS IN HIS WORK. 65 
 
 poet by the elder's similar use of dwrels (fr. 37. 6). Simonides 
 (fr. 37. i) has \dpvaKi... SaiSaXea : Bacchylides (V. 140 f.), 
 Sai8a\eas \ CK Xdpva/cos. On the other hand, it may be 
 noted that, while Simonides (156) has Hiarj with I, Bac- 
 chylides (v. 182) follows Pindar (O. III. 9, etc.) in shortening 
 the first syllable. With regard to mythological material, 
 there are three known instances of themes common to 
 Simonides and Bacchylides. These are, the death of 
 Archemorus ; the voyage of Theseus to Crete ; and the 
 story of Idas and Marpessa 1 . 
 
 A collation of Bacchylides with Pindar discloses only Pindar. 
 one passage which proves verbal imitation on the part of 
 the younger poet. In Isthm. III. 19 ff. (IV. I ff.), an ode of 
 which the date may be 478 B.C., Pindar says : 
 
 "Ecrrt fjbot 6ea)v e/cari f^vpia iravra 
 do MeXtcrcr', v/jLa%aviav <ydp 
 vfj.erepa<f aperd? V/JLVW Stcaiceiv. 
 
 Bacchylides (v. 3 1 ff., 476 B.C.) has : 
 
 TO>? vvv KOI e/jiol fj,vpia iravra 
 v/j,6Tepav dperav 
 
 There is another parallelism which (as it seems to me) 
 affords a presumption, not indeed of direct imitation, but of 
 reminiscence. Pindar says in Olymp. X. 78 ff. (484 B.C.) : 
 
 t? Se rrpoTepais eTro^evoi teal vvv eirwufAMV 
 
 ep(a%ov K\a8r](r6/^eda ftpovrav 
 l 7rvp7rd\a[j,ov 
 
 ' Following the beginnings made of yore ' [i.e. the tradition of 
 hymning Zeus at Olympia], ' now also, in a tribute of song (^aptv) 
 named after proud victory [i.e., in an eTriviKiovj, will we celebrate 
 the thunder and the fire-sped bolt of loud-pealing Zeus.' 
 
 1 Note on vm. 1 1 f. : Introduction to XVI, 5, n. 3: Introd. to XIX, 3, n. 2.
 
 66 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 Bacchylides writes thus in xill. 19 ff. (of unknown 
 
 date) : 
 
 KXeo7TTo\6/z&) Be ^dpiv 
 vvv %pr) TloaeiSdvos Tlerpai- 
 ov re/j,evos KeXaSijaat. 
 
 ' Now, in tribute to Cleoptolemus, 'tis meet to celebrate the 
 sacred domain of Poseidon Petraios.' 
 
 It will be observed that the points of resemblance 
 between these passages are three : (i) the peculiar sense 
 of xapiv : (2) the construction of ^dpiv as accusative in 
 apposition with the sentence : (3) the use of the verb 
 tceX-aSeiv. 
 
 Pindar in [Pyt/i.} II. 55 f. (4756.0.?) describes Archi- 
 lochus as fittpvXayots e^Oea-iv | inaivo^vov. Bacchylides 
 (ill. 67 f., 468 B.C.) has, ev \eyeiv Trdpeartv, oa Ti? ^rj 
 <f>06v(i) Triaiverai. The stamp of the phrase is Pindaric. 
 Pindar (fr. 90. 5) calls himself UtepiSav Trpofydrav : and 
 Bacchylides in VIII. 3 is Moua&)i>...7r/3o0aTa9. This phrase, 
 which is not epic, may have been first used by Pindar: 
 it has a Delphic tone. Pindar, in IstJim. V (vi). 12, has 
 <rvv re ol Sai/nwv (j)vrevet Sogav : Bacchylides, in XVI. 68 f. 
 (Zei?) MtV&)t (fivrevcre n^dv. but this is less significant. 
 We should be cautious in assuming a debt on either part, 
 where the phrase is of a commonplace lyric character. Thus 
 Bacchylides V. 9 (476 B.C.) has <rvv Xaptrecro-i 
 Pindar Pyth. IX. I (of 4746.0.) has avv 
 Xapireaai, : where, if either was a debtor, the chronology 
 points to Pindar ; but as the epithet is so conventional and 
 obvious, it is needless to suppose any borrowing. Again, 
 the phrase of Bacchylides in V. 196 f, eu/cXea... 7X000- aav 
 ...TrefLireiv 'leptavi, has boldness of a Pindaric kind: but, 
 as a matter of fact, the passages of Pindar which show a 
 like use of yXwaa-a occur in odes probably subsequent in 
 date to the ode of Bacchylides, namely N. iv. 86 (456 B.C. ?), 
 and O. IX. 44 (464 B.C.). 
 
 Apart from any question of verbal imitation, we find 
 some noteworthy coincidences of thought and sentiment
 
 INFLUENCE OF PINDAR, AND OF AESCHYLUS. 67 
 
 between the two poets. Both deprecate scepticism as to 
 marvels by the remark that ' nothing is incredible ' when 
 gods are at work (Find. Pyth. X. 48 ff. : Bacch. III. 57 f., 
 XVI. n/f.). Both regard fame and opulence as the two 
 main factors of oXySo?, wherewith a mortal should be con- 
 tent (Find. Isthm. IV (v). 13 f.: Bacch. V. 50 55). Both, 
 when celebrating victories in the chariot-race, praise the 
 man who ' does not keep his wealth hidden ' (Find. Nem. 
 1. 31, IstJim. I. 67: Bacch. III. 13 f.). Both speak of just 
 praise as a benign dew which fosters the tender plant of 
 apera (Find. Nem. VIII. 40 ff. : Bacch. V. 197 f.). 
 
 The influence of Aeschylus on the diction of Bacchylides Aeschylus. 
 is shown by a number of traces. 
 
 Suppliers (c. 491-490 B.C.?). 555. /3a0v7r\ovTO<s. This 
 word, which first occurs here, is used by Bacchylides (ill. 
 82), but not by Pindar. 104 f. ved&t Trv0p,r)v | ...re^aXco?. 
 Compare Bacch. V. 198 7rv6/j,eve<; 0d\\ov(riv ea-0\<ov. 
 973 f. Tra? -us eirenrelv tyoyov ahXorplois \ evrvicos. The 
 construction of evrv/cos with an infinitive recurs in Bacch. 
 vin. 4ff. 
 
 Persae (472 B.C.). 104. TroXe'/xou? TrvpyoSai/cTov?. Com- 
 pounds of 8aia) are Aeschylean: TJieb. 735 
 Cho. 1071 \ovTpo8diKTos. Bacchylides (VIII. 6) has 
 SaiKTav. [In Pers. 104 should we read irvpyoBaiKTat ?] 
 ill. TTOVTIOV aXo-ov. The phrase first occurs in this 
 place : it is not epic or Pindaric. Bacchylides has it in 
 XVI. 84 f. 731. KaTTtKovpias crrparov. This is the first 
 occurrence of eTri/covpia : the word is used by Bacchylides 
 (xvii. 13), but by no other poet of the classical age except 
 Euripides. 1072. d@po/3a.Tai. The word occurs in Bacch. 
 III. 78 (468 B.C.), but nowhere else. 
 
 Septem contra TJiebas (467 B.C.). The rare word dpyr)- 
 O-TT;?, found in verse 80 (and in Eumenides 181), is used by 
 Bacchylides in V. 67 (476 B.C.). It occurs nowhere else, 
 except in Theocritus XXV. 131. If it was from the mint of 
 Aeschylus, Bacchylides must have found it in some lost 
 play of which the date was earlier than 476 B.C. 882. 
 pei-^rLToi^oi. This is the only extant compound with
 
 68 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 i-, except the pei-fynrv\av of Bacchylides in V. 56, 
 and his epet^iX-dois ?] in XII. 167. 
 
 Prometheus Vinctus (later than 468 B.C.). In 588 lo 
 has the form of a maiden, with the horns of an ox (/3ou- 
 Kepa)<; Trapdevos). This was probably the conception 
 adopted by Bacchylides (see Introduction to XVIII, i). 
 The word olaTpoTr'X.r)^, an epithet of lo which occurs first in 
 P.V. 68 1, is restored with certainty in Bacchylides XVIII. 
 40. In 724 f. Prometheus speaks of the Amazons, at 
 
 /c.rA. : compare Bacchylides VIII. 42 f. rat T' eV evvael 
 
 Choeplwri (458 B.C.). 362. 7reio-i/3poT&>.../3a:T/J< 
 ftpoTov...ftdK-rpov cod. Laur.). The only other occurrence 
 of the adjective is in Bacchylides VIII. I f. 86^av. 
 ftporov (where see n.). In 1071 f. Agamemnon is * 
 | TroXe/iap^o? dvrjp. (In Theb. 828 TroXepdp^ovs refers to 
 the sons of Oedipus.) Compare Bacchylides XVI. 39 TroXe'/i- 
 ap%e Kvwa-Ltov. These are our only examples of the 
 word 7roX,e/u,a/)%o9 used in a non-technical sense, with the 
 exception of the phrase Tro\e[jLap'%os...a-vve<$>ri(3wv in an 
 inscription of the second century (Kaibel, Epigr. Graeca 
 960. 2). 
 
 Vocabu- Upwards of a hundred words otherwise unknown are 
 
 7 f 
 
 < Bacchyli- found m tne poems of Bacchylides. The nouns substantive 
 da - ' are advpa-^ (XII. 93), darrfp (XI. 8), ^ovvo-Trd\a (XI. 8). If 
 in XVI. 112 dlova were sound, we should have to assume 
 dltov as the name for some kind of garment : but the word 
 is probably corrupt. In V. no slcravrav is a novel substitute 
 for the Homeric adverb ecaavra. The new verbs are 
 ye\av6(0 (V. 80), evpapew (I. 65), Kara^paivw (V. 44), 
 o\i<yocr#et/e&) (V. 139), TreSot^^ea) (XV. 9); to which dwrevw 
 (VIII. 13) may safely be added. But the vast majority 
 of the new words, more than ninety, are compound 
 adjectives. Some of these, doubtless, though previously 
 strange to us, had been used by poets before Bacchylides ; 
 but many, if not most, of them may well have been his own
 
 HIS NEW WORDS. 69 
 
 inventions. The general character of this considerable 
 accession to the lexicons may best, perhaps, be illustrated 
 by a selection of groups. 
 
 I. One set of such groups may be arranged according 
 to the first element in the compound, i. Thus we have 
 the following new compounds beginning with dvo|i-: 
 amia\09 (XIX. 8), ava^i^povra^ (XVI. 66), avat;i/j.o\7ro<; 
 (VI. 10). 2. With evpv-: evpvdval; (V. 19), 
 (ill. 7), evpwe^Tjs (XV. 17). 3- With jw-yurro-: f 
 Twp (V. 199), /jLeyiaTodvaa-a-a (XVIII. 21), meaning 
 vrarr/p, /j-eyio-rrj avacrcra. 4. With dpa-i-: op<riaAo9 (XV. 19), 
 6p<Ti/3dfcxa<i (XVIII. 49), opo-t/ua%o9 (XIV. 3). 5. With 
 v|/i-: v-^rav^f (XII. 85), v^ndyuia (XII. 70> v\ln8aL&a\Tos 
 (XIII. 1 8), vtyiSeipos (IV. 4). 6. With xa^o- or \o\Ko-: 1 
 ^a\KoKpavo<? (V. 74), %d\Ke6 KTVTTOS (XVII. 59), %aX/co/CTi7ro9 
 (?XIII. 16), ^a\KOKW^o)v (XVII. 3), xa\KOTixr}<; (ill. 32). 
 II. Other small groups are indicated by the second 
 element in the composite word. I. New compounds with 
 Siros: #e\te7T?79 (XIV. 48), 6ep(TiTrr]$ (XII. 199), rep-^fieTr^ 
 (XII. 230). 2. With ovopa: eparcovvfios (XVI. 31), %apiT- 
 wvvfjio^ (11. 2). III. We note also a group of which the 
 common characteristic is that the compound adjective is 
 formed by combining the stems of two substantives: 
 (XVI. 47), ao-rutfe/it? (IV. 3), Oepo-ieTrys (XII. 199), 
 (VII. 48), 7roA,e/iatyi'9 (XVI. 7) irvfpfoicepas 
 (frag. 3 1, = 51 Bergk), xapiTwvvpos (II. 2). 
 
 IV. If the new adjectives of Bacchylides are considered 
 in regard to their meaning, we observe that the following 
 are expressive of colour or of splendour: Kvavav6r)<s (XII. 
 124), AieXa/A<ap7?'9 (XIII. 13), ^av0oSepKTj<; (VIII. 12), -rrop- 
 <j)vpo8tvas (VIII. 39), TTvpiedeipa (XVI. 56), Trvpcro'^aiTO 1 ? 
 (XVII. 51), <f)oiviKacr7ri<; (VIII. 10), (frotvitcoOpil; (X. 105), 
 <f>oivtKOKpdSefJ,vo<? (XII. 97), (f>oivirc6i>(t)TO<; (V. IO2), 
 TT\OKOS (XVI. 106), ^pyo-eoo-/ca7TT/309 (VIII. IOC), 
 
 (V. 4 0). 
 
 V. Lastly, from the metrical point of view, it may be 
 noted how many of the poet's new words have the form 
 
 1 In compounds Pindar uses only x a ^ Kf - an ^ xP Vfff -- 
 %a.\Ko-, xP vao ~- Bacchylides, also
 
 CHARACTERISTICS OF BACCHYLWES. 
 
 Adjectives 
 
 -: eXXo8/>o/ia<? (V. 39), ae/scrt'/ia^o? (XII. ICO), 
 O<; (X. 68), ai/atSo/u,a^a<? (v. I95)> dva%ia\os (XIX. 
 8), dpKTTOTrdrpa (X. 196), arap/9o/ua^a<? (XV. 28), e'pet^tTriAa? 
 (V. 56), /ieytcrroTraTtop (V. 199). 
 
 Besides the adjectives included in the groups just 
 noted, there are more than forty others, also peculiar to 
 Bacchylides, which scarcely call for special remark. They 
 are enumerated below 1 . 
 
 It is instructive to compare Bacchylides and Pindar in 
 
 respect to their choice of poetical epithets. Many such 
 
 common to 
 Pindar 
 
 and Bac- words are common to both; as d<y\aodpovos: 
 /3poro9 (epithet of sword or spear) : 8^0/477^9 : 
 
 $eoSoTo<?: 
 
 (epithet of Zeus): 
 
 fjLTjSrjS : io/3\e(f)apos : toTrXo/co? : tocrrec^az'o? : 
 
 fj,e\i(f>p(i)v: opdo&iKos (or - 
 
 Opaav- 
 
 7ro\vu>vvfj,os: 
 
 a large number of 
 
 Analogies ^pvadwp (-aopo? ? Bacch. III. 28): 
 
 in the two ^p V(T o7re7r\o^. Further, we note 
 
 laries. instances in which the word of Bacchylides is not used 
 by Pindar, but finds some analogy of form in the Pindaric 
 vocabulary. The following are examples : 
 
 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 PINDAR. 
 
 diSpoSi/cas. 
 
 1 dKa.fjLavTop6a.s (V. 183) : apurr- 
 a\Ki)s (vil. 7): dpiffToirdrpa (ill. i): 
 Pa6v5df\os (I. 139) : Pporw<j>e\ris (XII. 
 191): 8q.5o</>bpos (fr. 23): 8v6(f>fos 
 (xv. 32, otherwise known only from 
 Hesych. ) : dvfffidx 7 l T0 ^ (if f f - 3 2 be- 
 longs to Bacch.): eXiKo<rre<cu'os (VIII. 
 62): ^peti/'iXaos (?XII. 167): epei^t- 
 TrtfXas (v. 56): tvaiveros (xvm. n): 
 ftiyvios (X. 10): eveyxv* ( xn - r 4/) : 
 euvafy (VIII. 42): 6e\rin6s (XVI. 85): 
 8pa<rvxeip (II. 4): idpweis (xil. 57): 
 1/j.fpdnirv^ (XVI. 9) : ifj.ep6yvios (XII. 
 137): i-mrodivriTos (v. 2): iiriruKT)s 
 (x. 101) : KaXXip6aj (x. 26, 96) : 
 \eTrTOTTpv/j.vos (xvi. 119): 
 
 (etc.). 
 
 (v. 73, XIII. 14): fj.eyaii>r)Tos (ill. 64): 
 fjieya\OK\eris (VII. 49): (j.f\a-yKev6ris 
 (?III. 55, fr. 25): yaeXa^ap^s (ill. 
 13): yiieXcwoKoXros (? fr. 23): /J.rj\o- 
 5at\-ras (vm. 6): ve&Kpiros (see Ap- 
 pendix on VII. 14) : ve6i<poTos (v. 48): 
 6j3pifj.odtpKris (xv. 20) : 6ppi/j.6<riropos 
 (XVIII. 32): 6\v/j.iri68po}j.os (ill. 3): 
 ofXtos as = oCXos (xvil. 53): Trd/u.- 
 <j>depffis (fr. 20): travBa.\Tts (xil. 229): 
 TrdwiKos (x. 21): ir\fiffTapxos (ill. 
 12): TroXy^ayros (xil. 61): TrpwOrjpos 
 (XVII. 57) : TTVpyoictpas (fr. 31) : 
 ffe/j,vo8arfipa (n. i): vnvodvaffffa (XI. 
 i): <pepeKvdris (xif. 182): <j>pet>odpas 
 (XVI. 1 18).
 
 HIS EPITHETS COMPARED WITH PINDAR S. 71 
 BACCHYLIDES. PINDAR. 
 
 aptaroTrarpa. . . . apiaToyovos. 
 
 (of Poseidon). . . e\aa-i-^dwv (do.). 
 ijf (of Zeus). . . . 
 
 Qpacrvyvios. 
 
 (of chariot- 
 races). 
 tea prep a i%fJ,a 9 . 
 
 \nrap 6^ 
 
 779 ('of dark hue') . 
 
 779 (of corpses). 
 ~\.i7rapdfjLTrv^. 
 
 (of Poseidon). . . . opcrorpiaiva (do.). 
 
 ravveBeipa. 
 
 (169). 
 
 A few notes on special points may be added, (i) Pin- 
 dar has a remarkable number of adjectives compounded 
 with Trap- or Trav- : Tra/i/Sia?, 7ra/i Tret #779, 
 7ra(j,7r6p(j)vpos, 7rd/jL7rpa)Tos, 7ra/j,(f)dpfjLaKO^, 7ra/jL(f>6po<>, 
 <po)vo<;, Trav&aiSaXos, Trdv&ofcos, 7rai>Tri<?, Tra^roXyLto?. Bac- 
 chylides has the following (of which those marked with * 
 are peculiar to him) : *ird^6epcrL<i, TravSafMaTwp, irav- 
 <>ep/cr/?, Trav0d\r)s and *7ravdd\ifc, *7rdvviKo<f. (2) Very 
 characteristic of Pindar are the compounds of ayXoo? : 
 
 dy-
 
 72 BACCHYLIDES AND THE VASE-PAINTERS. 
 
 Xa6tfoA.7ro<? (probable in N. III. 56), d i y\aoKovpos, dy\ao- 
 rpiaiva. Bacchylides has dy\a66povos, but no other. 
 (3) Pindar also loves compounds with Trot/aXo? : TTOIKI\.- 
 dvios, 7roiKi\6japv<f, 7roiKi\6va)To<;, TroiKiXotyop/j.i'yj;. Bac- 
 chylides has no such compound. (4) The Pindaric 
 group consists of fyotvucdvOenos, (froivuco/cpoKos, 
 <f>oiviKopoSo$, (f)oiviKocrTepo7ra<;. [In N. IX. 28 it is better 
 to write QoiviKoo-ToXcw, 'sent by the Phoenicians,' than, 
 with Mezger, (froivttcocrToXcov.] Not one of these words 
 occurs in the (froivifco-group of Bacchylides (see above, p. 
 69). (5) The word \nrapos is a favourite with Pindar, who 
 applies it especially to opulent cities, but never to persons. 
 Here he follows the Homeric rule. (In Od. 15. 332, where 
 youths are \nrapol /ee<aXa<?, the reference is to anointing 
 with oil.) But Bacchylides in V. 169 has \nrapav... CLKOLTLV, 
 where the notion is that of rich adornment and stately 
 surroundings; it may be expressed by 'queenly.' This 
 un-Homeric use may have been suggested by the Theogony, 
 v. 901 : Sevrepov r/ydyeTO Xnraprjv e/LUf. 
 
 The general result of the foregoing survey is to show 
 that the diction of Bacchylides, though influenced in 
 several particulars by earlier or contemporary poets, has a 
 well-marked character of its own, which comes out when 
 we examine his mintage of new words. His work in this 
 kind often shows the bent of his own fancy. Certain 
 traits of his style which belong to the province of dialect 
 and of grammar are reserved for separate treatment. 
 
 Bacchyli- The relation of Bacchylides to Greek art is a subject 
 w ^ich no student of his poetry can ignore. Vase-paintings 
 illustrate the story of Croesus as told in the third ode ; 
 the struggle of Heracles with the Nemean lion, at the 
 beginning of the twelfth ; the reception of Theseus by 
 Amphitrite, in the sixteenth ode ; and the account of 
 that hero's deeds on his way from Troezen to Athens, in 
 the seventeenth. Details as to these vases will be found in 
 the Introductions to the several poems, and in the com- 
 mentary on the text. But a few words must be said here
 
 HIS REPUTE IN ANTIQUITY. 73 
 
 on the general import of such coincidences. It is known 
 that the epic hymns of Stesichorus furnished themes to 
 Greek painters in the fifth century B.C. ; and it might seem 
 natural to suppose that, in some cases, Bacchylides 
 exercised a similar influence. But the relation of Bac- Stesichorus 
 chylides to the vase-painters was, in fact, wholly different ^if^' 
 from that of the older poet. Stesichorus, by an original their re- 
 treatment of the myths, popularised versions which became 
 
 established in tradition, and which the vase-painters thevase- 
 adopted 1 . Bacchylides did not innovate, like Stesichorus, 
 or boldly recast his material, like Pindar. He adhered to 
 the forms of the myths generally current in his own day. 
 When he and the vase-painters concur, it certainly is not 
 because they have followed him. In at least two instances, 
 his poem is later than the vase which supplies an illustra- 
 tion of it 2 . The cause is either that the same poetical 
 tradition has been their common source, or that Bacchylides 
 has followed the vase-painters, who, in the fifth century, 
 had a large influence in popularising mythical scenes and 
 situations. A case in which the latter explanation seems 
 highly probable is that passage of the seventeenth ode 
 which mentions two heroes as accompanying Theseus on 
 his journey to Athens 3 . 
 
 The series of references to Bacchylides in ancient Repute of 
 writers extends from the Alexandrian age to the sixth ^^/ * 
 century of the Christian era. He is not mentioned in any antiquity. 
 extant book of the fifth or fourth century B.C. But it 
 would be very unwarrantable to infer from such silence 
 that his work was then held in slight esteem. We know 
 that a prominent citizen of Aegina, when he wished his 
 son's victory at Nemea to be worthily commemorated, 
 coupled Bacchylides with Pindar in the commission. We 
 know also that Bacchylides alone eelebrated the latest and 
 highest distinction won at Olympia by the Syracusan 
 
 1 See on this subject C. Robert in xvi, i (the kylix of Euphronius). 
 Hermes, vol. xxxm, p. 130(1898). 3 Introd. to xvn, 3: also the 
 
 2 See Introd. to Ode in, 2 (the note on xvn. 46. 
 Croesus amphora) : and Introd. to 
 
 J. B. 6
 
 74 ANCIENT REPUTE OF BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 prince for whom Pindar had previously written. Among 
 those who, in the fifth century, felt the charm of Bac- 
 chylides, we may probably count Euripides. The sixteenth 
 ode would have had some interest for a dramatist whose 
 Theseus dealt with the adventure in Crete 1 . A lyric 
 passage in the Bacchae (862 ff.) seems to be reminiscent 
 of some beautiful verses in the twelfth ode (83 90). But 
 it is needless to say that in the highest regions of lyric 
 poetry, and in those lyric qualities which pass triumphantly 
 through the test of choral performance, Bacchylides could 
 not vie with Simonides or with Pindar. The distinctive 
 merits of Bacchylides, his transparent clearness, his gift of 
 narrative, his felicity in detail, the easy flow of his elegant 
 verse, rather fitted him to become a favourite with readers. 
 Like Horace, who sometimes imitated him, he was a poet 
 who gave pleasure without demanding effort, a poet with 
 whom the reader could at once feel at home. This, we 
 may well believe, was the secret of his popularity; as would 
 perhaps be still more apparent if time had spared some of 
 his partheneia, and of those lighter compositions, such as 
 the convivial songs, in which a bright fancy and a delicate 
 touch peculiarly qualified him to excel. The earliest men- 
 tions of his name, the earliest quotations from his work, 
 occur in the Alexandrian scholia. This is precisely what 
 might have been anticipated ; for the Alexandrian age was 
 an age of readers. 
 
 An idea of the vogue which Bacchylides enjoyed in the 
 ancient world may best be formed by considering the 
 sources to which we were indebted for such knowledge of 
 his poetry as existed before the discovery of the Egyptian 
 papyrus. The fragments and notices of Bacchylides 
 collected at the end of this volume are sixty-one in 
 number. The first thirty-four items (as arranged in this 
 edition) are ' fragments ' proper, i.e. citations of his words. 
 The remaining items are 'notices,' which do not cite his 
 words 2 . In the following survey of the sources, we indicate 
 the item or items which each source furnishes. 
 
 1 See Nauck, Trag. Graec. Frag- 2 Elsewhere in this volume, the 
 
 menta (2nd ed.), p. 477. t erm 'fragment' (abbreviated 'fr.') is
 
 RANGE OF THE CITATIONS. 75 
 
 The oldest sources are the scholia on Homer, Hesiod, Sources of 
 Pindar, Aristophanes, Apollonius Rhodius, and Callimachus. 'mentf^nd 
 To these are due fragments 6 and 23 ; and notices 36, 39, notices. 
 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49, 53, 54, 56, 61. Didymus (jfor. c. 
 30 B.C.) wrote a special commentary on the Epinikia of 
 Bacchylides (see fragment 31). 
 
 In the Augustan age, Bacchylides is quoted by Diony- 
 sius of Halicarnassus on a point of rhythm (fragment n); 
 and Strabo corrects him on a point of geography (notice 
 57). Towards the end of the first century we find Plutarch 
 speaking of his partheneia (n. 40), and quoting him more 
 than once (fr. 29, and fr. 3, verses 6 10). In the second 
 century, he is cited by the grammarian Apollonius Dyscolus 
 {fr. 31), by the paroemiographer Zenobius (fr. 5, 24), and by 
 the metrist Hephaestion (fr. 12, 14, 15), on matters per- 
 taining to their respective subjects. Aulus Gellius mentions 
 him with reference to a detail of mythology (n. 52). 
 Athenaeus is thoroughly familiar with his poems (fr. 13, 
 1 6, 17, 1 8, 22 : n. 60). Clement of Alexandria draws on 
 him for illustrations of general sentiments (fr. 21, 32), 
 especially such as concern the divine nature, and human 
 destiny (fr. 19, 20: see also crit. note on ode XIV. 50). In 
 the third century, Porphyrion indicates an imitation of 
 Bacchylides by Horace (n. 46) ; and the rhetor Menander 
 refers to a class of his hymns (n. 37). 
 
 The fourth century continues the series of witnesses. 
 Himerius touches on the love of Bacchylides for his native 
 lulis (n. 59). The commentary of Didymus on the poet's 
 Epinikia is noticed in the lexicon of Ammonius (n. 35). 
 From Ammianus Marcellinus we learn that Julian read 
 Bacchylides with pleasure, and quoted from him a passage 
 in which the grace lent by purity to rising manhood 
 was compared with that which a fine artist can give to a 
 beautiful countenance (n. 41). Servius, the commentator 
 on Virgil, was acquainted with the 'dithyrambs' of Bac- 
 chylides (n. 38, 51). 
 
 used, for purposes of reference, as fragments in the proper sense from 
 including the notices. But in this mere notices. By 'n.' is here meant 
 passage it is convenient to distinguish a notice. 
 
 6 2
 
 76 THE PSEUDO-LONGINUS ON BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 At the close of the fifth century, or early in the sixth, 
 Stobaeus culled a large number of passages from the Cean 
 poet, including the well-known fragment of a paean on 
 the blessings of peace (fr. i, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 20, 28). Our 
 debt to Stobaeus in this respect is larger than to any other 
 single author. Priscian, in the first quarter of the sixth 
 century, illustrates a point of metre from Bacchylides 
 (fr. 27). A few additional fragments or notices come to 
 us from Byzantine or medieval sources, such as the Etymo- 
 logicum Magnum (fr. 25, 30); Joannes Siceliota (fr. 26); 
 Tzetzes (n. 55); Natalis Comes (n. 50). An elegiac in- 
 scription for a tripod (fr. 33), and another for a votive 
 shrine (fr. 34), are ascribed to Bacchylides in the Palatine 
 Anthology. 
 
 It appears, then, that his writings remained in repute 
 down to the latest period of the ancient civilisation. He 
 was not merely a subject of learned study to specialists 
 in grammar, metre, or mythology. He continued to find 
 readers in the cultivated world at large, among men of 
 letters such as Stobaeus, and among men of affairs such 
 as Julian. 
 
 Estimate The only definite estimate of Bacchylides which has 
 fi?in'tke come down from antiquity is contained in the famous 
 . treatise Hepl vtyovs, ' On elevation of style 1 ,' traditionally 
 ascribed to Cassius Longinus (y?. c. 260 A.D.), but more 
 probably the work of an unknown writer who lived in the 
 first century of our era 2 . The author's aesthetic criticism, 
 often instructive where traits of classical writers are illus- 
 trated in detail, sometimes enlarges rhetorically on pro- 
 positions which now seem platitudes. Thus he insists at 
 
 1 The traditional rendering, ' On teenth century, the ascription to Lon- 
 the Sublime, 'is altogether misleading. ginus was practically unchallenged. 
 However ' sublimity ' be denned, the The turning-point was Amati's dis- 
 subject of the Ilepl li^ous is something covery (in 1808) of the Vatican MS. 
 much wider. It is a discussion of 285, with the inscription btovvaiov 17 
 the qualities which raise style to a Aoyytvov irepl v\f/ovs. The question 
 high excellence. is reviewed, historically and critically, 
 
 2 From the appearance of the by Prof. W. Rhys Roberts, in the 
 editio princeps (Robortello's) in 1554 introduction to his excellent edition 
 down to the beginning of the nine- (1899).
 
 BACCHYLIDES AND HORACE. 77 
 
 some length on the incontrovertible truth that, in literature, 
 high genius, though attended by some faults or lapses, is 
 preferable to flawless merit on a lower level. From that 
 point of view he contrasts Homer with Apollonius Rhodius, 
 Archilochus with Eratosthenes, Sophocles with Ion of Chios, 
 and Pindar with Bacchylides. What we learn from the 
 passage is how this writer denned the most general charac- 
 teristic, as he deemed it, of Bacchylides. It is, in his 
 phrase, Ka\\^pa<^ia, ' elegance of style,' marked by TO 
 <y\a(j)vpov, 'polish,' and equably maintained 1 . That does 
 not tell us much ; it is not a help towards appreciating 
 or analysing the qualities distinctive of the poet. Yet it 
 has at least the interest of showing the broad impression 
 which the essayist had received, and which, as he assumes, 
 would be shared by his contemporaries. 
 
 Far more instructive are those traces of Bacchylides Bacchyli- 
 which remain in the odes of Horace. Paris is carrying 
 Helen across the Aegean ; the sea-god Nereus stills the 
 winds, and, addressing him, prophesies the woes that are 
 to come, the ruin of Troy, and the doom which awaits 
 the false guest of the Spartan king 2 . After the first 
 stanza, which briefly indicates the occasion, the rest of the 
 little ode, which contains only thirty-six verses, is the 
 speech of Nereus. Here, as Porphyrion tells us, Horace 
 was imitating a poem of Bacchylides in which the fate of 
 Ilium was predicted by Cassandra 3 . The type and the 
 scale of that poem may be inferred from the examples 
 which we now possess in the fourteenth, fifteenth, and 
 seventeenth odes of Bacchylides. Horace had seized the 
 motive and caught the inspiration of such pieces. He had 
 noted the peculiar kind of poetical effect which Bacchylides 
 produces by a small picture taken from the heroic myth- 
 ology, a short poem which marks a situation, and then 
 breaks off, after foreshadowing a catastrophe. The prophecy 
 
 1 Ilepi O^ous c. XXXIII. Bacchy- 2 Hor. Carm. I. 15. 
 
 lides and Ion of Chios are described 3 Bacch. fr. 46. See note on 
 
 as ddtaTTTwroi. ('flawless') KO.I v r<p fr. 6. 
 y\a.(j>vp Trav
 
 78 BACCHYLIDES AND HORACE. 
 
 of Nereus in the ode of Horace may be compared, from 
 this standpoint, to the warning speech of Menelaus with 
 which the fourteenth ode of Bacchylides abruptly closes. 
 The integrity of that ode, and of the fifteenth, as the 
 papyrus has them, is indirectly confirmed by the imitative 
 ode of Horace, which ends with a like suddenness. We 
 can perceive also that Horace felt the curious felicity which 
 is sometimes seen in the Greek poet's phrases. The power 
 of wine in stimulating the fancy is described by Bacchylides 
 as <y\vKeT dvdytca (fr. 1 6). Horace says of Bacchus, Tit 
 lene tormentum ingenio admoves Plerumque duro (C. III. 
 21. 13 f.) 1 . His choice of tormentum was evidently prompted 
 by the special associations of the Greek word in such 
 expressions as avdy/crjv Trpoandevai or Trpoa'dyeiv rd<? 
 avdyicas : though Bacchylides presumably meant nothing 
 more specific than 'a sweet compulsion.' 
 
 There are, indeed, several points of analogy between 
 the genius of Horace and that of Bacchylides. Both poets 
 could succeed in stately odes, but were perhaps more 
 thoroughly at home in poems of a lighter strain. Both 
 excelled in lyric cameo-work. Both were men of a modest 
 and genial temper, with a homely philosophy which in- 
 culcated the virtue of contentment. A notable resemblance 
 to the tone of Horace appears in those verses of Bacchylides 
 which proffer a hospitality not set off by ' gold or purple 
 carpets,' but commended by ' a kindly spirit, and good 
 wine in Boeotian cups 2 .' Under the Empire, during those 
 centuries when the faculty of comprehending a Pindar 
 was becoming rarer, the last representative of the classical 
 Greek lyric may well have retained a quiet popularity by 
 qualities like those which have endeared Horace to the 
 modern world. 
 
 1 Verses 16 20 of Horace's ode n. there). But the words caliginosa 
 
 suggest a general reminiscence of node (referring to the hidden future, 
 
 Bacch. fr. 16. 5 8, and perhaps also in C. in. 29. 30) are curiously parallel 
 
 of Pindar fr. 218. with the VVKTOS 5vo(f>oi<nv of Bac- 
 
 It is unnecessary to suppose that chylides in a like context (vm. 89 f.). 
 Horace's apis Matinae (C. IV. 2. 28f.) - Bacch. fr. 17. Compare Horace 
 
 was suggested by Bacch. IX. 10 (see Cartn. I. 38 and 11. 18.
 
 79 
 
 IV. DIALECT AND GRAMMAR. 
 
 The dialect prescribed by tradition for choral lyric 
 poetry was Doric in its general colouring. But the 
 Doricism could be more or less strongly marked, and more 
 or less tempered by an admixture of non-Doric forms, 
 according to the taste of the poet. Indeed, as Pindar 
 shows, the same poet might vary the complexion of his 
 dialect from ode to ode. In the dialect of Bacchylides, 
 the Doricism, which for him, an Ionian, was purely con- 
 ventional, is of the mildest type. It is further distinctive 
 of him that, in numerous instances, he modifies Doric forms 
 by compromises which his own sense of euphony dictated, 
 but which it is difficult to bring under any consistent rules. 
 
 He sometimes retains r\, instead of the Doric a, in order Doric a. 
 to avoid the occurrence of the a-sound in two successive 
 syllables. Thus he writes dBfiiJTa (V. 167), but a8fj,aroi 
 (X. 84): \rjarai (XVII. 8), but \aiSo$ (XV. 17): <j>r)fj,a (II. l), 
 but <j>afu teal <f>d<rct) (l. 49). It is not easy to see why he 
 should agree with Pindar in writing irpo^dra^ (VIII. 3, 
 IX. 28), and yet differ from him in writing fcvftepvyTas 
 (v. 47, xi. 1 1 ). Pindar has aX&>T09 : Bacchylides has 
 e7Ti%rj\o<; (V. 52), 7ro\vr)\o<; (X. 63), TTO\VIJ\(I)TOS (VII. IO, 
 etc.). His ' ' KQava (XII. 195, etc.) and 'AOavat, (XVII. 60) 
 may be explained by supposing that, in. these instances, 
 the Doric convention of the choral lyric was too strong for 
 him. A like explanation possibly applies to the case of 
 <re\dva (VIII. 29); and of akddeia (once d\aOeia), which is 
 so spelled in five places : in one place (v. 187) the MS. has 
 dXrjOeias, but manifestly by an error. As to o-rparaye 
 (v. 2), used in addressing Hieron, he had no choice ; it was 
 an official title, and he was bound to use the Doric form. 
 In XVI. 121 we find also a-TpaTayeras. Comparing a-Kairrpov 
 (ill. 70) with eTria-KrJTTTOiv (V. 42, VII. 41), we may perhaps 
 infer that a. after TK displeased the poet's ear in the middle 
 of a word, but not in the first syllable. There are some 
 instances in which the preference of tj to Doric a is not
 
 8o BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 peculiar to Bacchylides, but was general in the less strict 
 type of Doricism ; such are elprjva (V. 200, etc.), r/fta (ill. 90), 
 v 'sheep' (V. 109): a-Tr/Oos (v. 15). To these, 'AX/cyu,??- 
 (v. 71) may probably be added : several editors of 
 Pindar, including Bergk and W. Christ, give 'AX/e/irij/a, with 
 some MS. authority, in his text, though Schroder now prefers 
 
 The variations in the poet's practice with regard to the 
 Doric a. are warnings that, when the MS. has an exceptional 
 TJ, it should not lightly be altered, unless the case is as clear 
 as it is in V. 187 (d\.rjdeia^). There are two places in which 
 Blass alters TJ to a, but in which it appears to me safer to 
 retain i\. Each of these must be considered in the light of 
 the euphonic context, (i) X. 45 f. ...7rapcnr\i)yi <j)peva<; \ 
 Kaprepa euacr' avdj/ca. Here Blass, writing TrapaTrXdji, 
 can appeal to 7r\dl~i7r7roi> (V. 97) and TrXdgev (X. 86). But, 
 as is shown by the examples given above, we cannot 
 assume that, with Bacchylides, the desire of consistency 
 would have prevailed over considerations of euphony ; and 
 it seems very probable that the number of a sounds in 
 V. 46, /caprepa euao-' dvay/ca, may have led him to write 
 7rapa7r\ijjt. (2) Similarly in X. 92 f., rpia-KaiSe/ca pev 
 Te\eov<> | yu?7i/a9 Kara Sdcrkiov rfkvicra^ov v\av, Blass writes 
 aXvcrica^ov : but the vicinity of -as, -a, Baaic-, -av would, in 
 the case of this poet, explain the preference of 77- to -a. 
 Other He uses, as Pindar does, the Doric (and Aeolic) inflexion 
 
 Doricisms. ., \ T^I T^ > / >/ 
 
 (V. 22). Ine Doric at occurs twice (V. 5 at rts. 
 
 XVI. 64 at KC), as against some fourteen instances of el or 
 eifrep. The Doric alre, ' as,' used by Pindar, is found once 
 (xvi. 105). The Doric ending of the 3rd pers. plur. in 
 -OVTI seems to be preferred by Bacchylides under two con- 
 ditions : viz., (i) when or o-<r precedes, as in Kapv^ovn 
 (XII. 231) and TTTaaa-ovrt, (v. 22); though, for metrical 
 convenience, he can write av^ova-iv (IX. 45): (2) when the 
 final i is elided; as in fipidovr (fr. 3. 12), and aevovT 
 (xvil. 10). Pindar uses either the Doric -ovr(t), or the 
 Aeolic ending (not used by Bacchylides) in -own(i'), pre- 
 ferring the latter, as a general rule, where the paragogic
 
 DIALECT. 8 1 
 
 v is required. But Bacchylides can also use -ovo-i, as in 
 la-^ovcri (v. 24), or (for verbs in -eo>) -evo-i, as in oltcevcri 
 (VIII. 43). From verbs in -fit we find fyaa'iv (V. 155), not 
 Pindar's (fravri. Pindar uses both ei<n(v) and eWt: Bacchy- 
 lides, only the former (vill. 88, fr. 19. 2). 
 
 The Doric infinitive in -tv occurs four times ; epvicev 
 (XVI. 41), dvev (XV. 1 8), ia"xev (XVI. 88), fyvXdcraev (XVIII. 25). 
 On the other hand, we find gcbeiv (l. 57), \ayxdveiv (IV. 20), 
 \eyeiv (ill. 67 and V. 164): and, from verbs in -e<a, evpapelv 
 (l. 65), v/j,veiv (VIII. 6). The infin. of (papi is <f)d/j,ev (ill. 65), 
 as with Pindar (O. I. 36), not (frdvai. 
 
 The sporadic Aeolicisms are not numerous. K\eevvo<? Aeolic 
 appears thrice (l. 6, V. 12, 182), as against six instances OK r 
 tcXeivos. Pindar, too, supplies only three examples of 
 K\eewo<> (one of these being the superl. Kkeevvorarov, 
 P. IV. 280), as against fourteen of K\eivo<;. Once only does 
 Bacchylides use Moto-o. (v. 4, the form always employed by 
 Pindar), while in ten places he has Movaa. The Aeolic 
 a/Ayu,i (xvi. 25) is the only part of the pronoun of the 
 ist pers. plur. which occurs in his text. 
 
 The Aeolic ending of the first aorist in -a instead of 
 -<ra is used by Bacchylides for some verbs in -a&> or -/&> ; 
 Sotalfe (X. 87): eu/cXei^a? (VI. 1 6): Traidvi^av (XVI. 129). But 
 we find also ayKo^iaaat, (ill. 89), as in Pindar's usage 
 Ko/jiio-ai alternates with Ko/j,ij;ai. When K precedes, euphony 
 forbids -a: hence wKiaaev (VIII. 22), a form used also by 
 Pindar (Isthni. VII. 20). As to the Aeolic e\\ddi, see note 
 on X. 8. The infin. e^evai (XVII. 14) is Aeolic and 
 Homeric. Two Aeolic forms of the participle occur; 
 (XII.- 227) and \a-)(ol<rav (XVIII. 13). 
 
 The diction of epic poetry contributes another element. Epic and 
 Bacchylides (like Pindar) uses the epic genitive in -ow>, farms. 
 sometimes called Thessalian, as dpiyvwroio (IX. 37). In 
 XVI. 20 (j)eprd-Tov should perhaps be (^eprdroi : but in 
 XVI. 42 the dpftpoToi of the MS. should be dfj,/3p6rov. The 
 genit. plur. of 'dvrjp is once dvepwv (xil. 196), though in six 
 other places dv&p&v. the dat. av^pecrai is used (v. 96, X. 1 14) 
 as well as di'Spdai (fr. 16. 6). We find the epic form
 
 82 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 (XII. 135), and the genitive of the epic irau'ioves (xv. 8). 
 The Ionic iraprjtt (whence Traprjt&wv, XVI. 13) is not 
 Homeric, but was probably old in Ionian poetry, for its 
 use in tragedy dates from Phrynichus (fr. 13) and Aeschylus 
 (Theb. 534, etc.). The Homeric forms, found in the plural 
 only, are trapeiai (common to the Iliad and the Odyssey], 
 and iraprjla (peculiar to the latter) : the Doric is irapaa. 
 The epic ending -<ri for the 3rd pers. sing, of the sub- 
 junctive is used by Bacchylides in Xa^o-t (xvm. 3 f.); and 
 probably in dalwyai 1 (fr. 16. 3). 
 
 Digamma. The digamma, which is not written in the papyrus, is 
 indicated by hiatus or by metre before certain words. The 
 use of it by Bacchylides is, like Pindar's, inconstant ; and 
 it is also far more limited than Pindar's. 
 
 1. ava% takes p in VIII. 45, TroXu^'Xeore (p)dva^ : but 
 not in III. 76 or V. 84 (S 1 aval;). 
 
 2. etcari takes f in I. 6f. ; but not in V. 33, VI. 1 1, or 
 X. 9 (.' e/caTi). 
 
 3. The group of compounds with lov. p is assumed 
 before io/3\(f>dpwv in VIII. 3, ioTrXoicwv in VIII. 72, and 
 ioa-refyavov in III. 2 : but not before IO-JT\OKOI in XVI. 37. 
 lo<TTe<pdvov in XII. 122, or iocrT(f)dva)v in V. 3. 
 
 In ode XV., where V. 26 ends with rdXairevOea, p is 
 perhaps assumed before the name 'loXaz/ at the beginning 
 of the next verse. pi6\a occurs on an early vase from 
 Caere (Mon. d. Inst. 6, 33). 
 
 4. In V. 75 the p assumed before iov, ace. of to? ' arrow,' 
 is an error due to the analogies of ftd? ' poison,' and pLov 
 'violet' (see note). In XVI. 131 lavdeis, preceded by 
 (f>peva, is possibly a similar instance ; though fypevas would 
 be an easy correction 2 . 
 
 1 It is doubtful whether, in such 'A\<f>tov, \ lavSels dotScur. It is not 
 
 subjunctive forms, the i adscript is necessary to suppose f there. If 
 
 correct: Blass prefers Xdx'jfft, Od\irr)ffi. Pindar assumed it in that passage, 
 
 See Kiihner-Blass, Gr. Gramm. II. at any rate he did not do so in O. 
 
 p. 46. 0d\inr)ffi in fr. 16. 3 has some- VH. 43 ffvfu>v idvaiev, nor in P. II. 90 
 
 times been taken as an indicative. vbov iaivei. 
 
 - In Find O. in. 12 f. we find
 
 DIGAMMA. TREATMENT OF VOWELS. 83 
 
 5. /0-0/A09 takes p in II. 7, but not in VII. 40. (Pindar's 
 use is similarly inconstant : see n. on II. 7.) 
 
 6. The pronoun ol (=auro3) always takes p, except 
 in the second of the two elegiac epigrams attributed to 
 Bacchylides (fr. 34. 3 ev%ap,ev<j> jap ol rj\de). 
 
 The following words, which sometimes have p in Pindar, 
 do not take it in Bacchylides : eljrov (see III. 48) : eX-n-t? 
 (III. 75) : epjov (VIII. 82) : epSw (XVII. 43) : eirco<Ti (X. 104) : 
 i&ov (XVI. 1 6): ot/co9 (fr. 1 6. 9). 
 
 Hiatus occurs in III. 64 do f/teyaurfpre 'lepcav : ib. 92 rpetfrei. Hiatus. 
 '\epwv (where the pause helps) : XV. 5 dvOeuoevTi "E/?p&> 
 (see n.) : ib. 20 6/3pifj,o8eptcel d^vya. 
 
 The final o of the genitive-ending -oio is elided in Elision. 
 V. 62, aTrXfirot 1 , and X. 120, TIpid/j,oi. Pindar has this elision 
 (P. I. 39 AaXot' dvdaa-cov), which is post-homeric. The 
 elision of i in the dative case is epic : XVII. 49 ev ^epea-cr. 
 The i of -OVTI in the Doric 3rd pers. plur. can also be elided: 
 XVII. IO aevovr: fr. 3. 12 fipldovr. (So Pindar, P. IV. 240, 
 
 Synizesis is frequent, i. -ea or -ea : VIII. 2 Neyu-ea. In Synizesis. 
 XV. 26, ra\a7revOea, Synizesis is not certain. 2. -eo : V. 50 
 0eo? (last word of the verse) : ib. 95 Oewv (first word) : and 
 so X. 60 #eo(/>iXe? (first word), e'oi/ra is scanned as - ^ in 
 XVIII. 23 f., though as ^-v in IV. 19. 3. -e&>. The participle 
 of a verb in -eo> suffers synizesis in VII. 46 vfivewv : but not 
 in V. 152 oXiyoadevecov, or XII. Il8 Kkovewv. In VII. 46 e(ov 
 is scanned as a monosyllable. In VIII. 32 the piTrrwv of 
 the papyrus is perhaps an error for piTrrwv rather than for 
 pnrrewv. The absence of synizesis in XVII. 12 Soxeco 
 (scanned ^ ^ -) is noteworthy as being rare in the 1st pers. 
 sing. : another example is Aesch. Ag. 147 a\e<w. 4. -t&>. 
 xvn. 39 KvaxTiwv (scanned ). 5. Two doubtful cases 
 should be noted. In XII. 103 ftoaOoov, if right, must be 
 scanned ^ : the synizesis is a somewhat harsh one. In 
 III. 22. where the papyrus has dyXal^edw ydp dpiarov 
 oXftov, the least improbable reading is ayXaln, 6 ydp 
 oXftaiv : but the synizesis is very harsh.
 
 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 Contrac- 
 
 Diaeresis. 
 
 Apocope. 
 
 Quantity. 
 
 Vowels 
 
 The infinitive-ending of the -e&> verbs is contracted : 
 I. 65 ev/jLapelv : VIII. 6 vpvetv But in I. 34 the -/SoXot of the 
 MS. is anomalous : we should expect -/3oXeot. 
 
 In XV. 7 it seems almost certain that we must read 
 dSe'ia : but the diaeresis in that word is unexampled. 
 
 Apocope of the simple preposition occurs in xili. 10 
 Trap ^etpd?, but elsewhere is confined to compounds ; as 
 III. 7 dp,Trava-a<$: XII. 58 f. (probably) dv8e0eia-i,v: X. IOO 
 dvreivcov (cp. fr. 13. 4): X. 103 irdpfypovos. 
 
 It may be useful to add some notes on the practice of 
 Bacchylides with regard to the shortening or lengthening of 
 certain vowels and diphthongs, i. In XII. 206 /eaXw? has 
 a, which is epic and Ionic, but not Pindaric. 2. The 
 diphthong ai is short in ' ' kQavaiwv (XVI. 92) and -jraidvigav 
 (ib. 128). 3. The poet has 10-09 in V. 54, but Icrov in I. 172 
 and fr. 2. 2. 4. In V. 182 the i of Tilaav is short, as with 
 Pindar (see note). 5. Kvdveov has v in XII. 64, but all the 
 poet's compounds with KVCLVO have v (v. 33, VIII. 53, X. 83, 
 XII. 124, 1 60, XVI. i). 6. x/siWo? has the lyric (but non- 
 epic) u in v. 174 arid XV. 2. 
 
 The frequency with which a naturally short syllable is 
 lengthened before muta cum liquida varies considerably in 
 different classes of poets. The Homeric tendency is 
 strongly towards allowing the mute and liquid to make 
 position, i.e. to lengthen the preceding vowel. The choral 
 lyric poets lengthen the vowel in such cases more often 
 than they shorten it, but less often than is the Homeric 
 rule. In Attic tragedy the shortening of the vowel is, on 
 the whole, far more frequent than the lengthening 1 . The 
 subjoined table gives the statistics for Bacchylides. 1 do 
 not claim for the figures that they are always exact ; but in 
 every case they are at least approximately correct, and will 
 therefore suffice to indicate the general state of the facts. 
 The column headed 6" shows the number of instances in 
 which a naturally short vowel remains short before each 
 combination of mute and liquid. The column headed L 
 
 1 Klihner-Blass, Gramm. I. p. 303.
 
 VO WELS. A CCIDENCE. 85 
 
 shows the number of instances in which such a vowel is 
 lengthened. 
 
 
 s 
 
 L 
 
 
 S 
 
 L 
 
 
 S 
 
 L 
 
 
 S 
 
 L 
 
 p\ 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 Sp 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 KV 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 TV 
 
 o 
 
 I 
 
 Pp 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 e\ 
 
 o 
 
 6 
 
 Kp 
 
 5 
 
 18 
 
 rp 
 
 10 
 
 26 
 
 y\ 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 e/j. 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 W\ 
 
 5 
 
 20 
 
 <f>\ 
 
 o 
 
 I 
 
 yv 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 dv 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 TTV 
 
 i 
 
 2 
 
 <f)V 
 
 I 
 
 4 
 
 yp 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 e p 
 
 I 
 
 5 
 
 irp 
 
 5 
 
 15 
 
 <j,p 
 
 I 
 
 H 
 
 d>, 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 K\ 
 
 5 
 
 21 
 
 T\ 
 
 i 
 
 2 
 
 X" 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 5i> 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 KfJ. 
 
 o 
 
 I 
 
 rp 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 XP 
 
 12 
 
 9 
 
 Thus Bacchylides lengthens the syllable in about 198 
 places, and leaves it short in about 57, a ratio of between 
 4 and 3 to i. It is not surprising to find that an Ionian 
 poet leans to the Homeric usage. So also, and in a still 
 more marked degree, does Simonides 1 . Pindar, on the 
 other hand, neglects ' position ' more often than they do, 
 coming nearer in this respect to the practice of Attic 
 tragedy. It will be seen from the table that /3X, <y\, B/J,, 
 $v, 6\, djji, Kfi, </>X are among those combinations before 
 which no instance of a short syllable occurs in Bacchylides. 
 Before each of these a short syllable is occasionally found 
 in Pindar 2 . It is worthy of remark that, despite the general 
 Attic tendency towards neglecting position, the poets of 
 the Old Comedy observe it more often than tragedy does : 
 they do not admit a short syllable before /3A,, j\, yv, Sp, Sv. 
 
 A few details of accidence may be noted. Accidence- 
 
 Substantives. In IV. 17 o\vfATriovL/ca<; is ace. plur. of 
 the rare fern, form, meaning an ' Olympian victory ' ; and 
 in X. 8 fjbovvo7ra\.av also is fern., meaning ' the match in 
 wrestling only,' as distinguished from the pancration. In 
 II. 3 eTTivifccois is the earliest known example of the word 
 used as a substantive. 
 
 1 Schneidewin, preface to the frag- 
 ments of Simonides, p. xlviii. 
 
 2 Examples: (i) ^X : Pindar N. 
 VIII. 7 ^SXao-re. (2) y\ : N. VII. 52 
 iravri y\\iKela. (3) 5/ct : P. VIII. 57 
 
 KaS/mov. (4) dv : P. X. 72 icedval. 
 (5) 0X : 0. n. 43 cl<?0Xois. (6) 6/j. : 
 O. X. 45 ffTaff/jLaro. (7) K/J. : O. VI. 
 73 TeK/j.aipfi. (8) <p>\: P. III. 12
 
 86 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 Adjectives. The forms Tavia-fyvpos (III. 60, V. 59) and 
 Tain<f>v\\o<; (x. 55) are given in the papyrus. Euphony 
 may have been the poet's reason for preferring them to 
 the more correct ravvafyvpos and Tavv^v\\o<^. The accu- 
 satives fern. v^iKepav (XV. 22) and KaXXitcepav (XVIII. 24) 
 are formed as if from N. -Kepa. An epic freedom is shown 
 in forming patronymics : I. 14 Evpa)7rid8as (= Eup&JTrtSa?, 
 'son of Europa ') : VIII. 19 TaXaiovtSav ('son of Talaiis '), 
 where -iwv is combined with -48779, as in 'laTrertovifys. With 
 regard to declension, it may be noted that iroXewv (v. 100) 
 is gen. plur. fern., as with Callimachus, whereas in Homeric 
 and Hesiodic usage it is always masc. : the Homeric fern, is 
 7TO\\ea)v or Tro\\awv, the Pindaric TTO\\UV. Some compound 
 adjectives are of three terminations: XII. 178 aica^ara: 
 IX. 8 (iTrpaKrav : XII. l8l Tro\VTr\d<yKTav. 
 
 Pronouns. Personal Pronouns as used by Bacchylides. \st pers. 
 plur. : D. a/^/u (XVI. 25), the only part which occurs. 2nd 
 pers. sing. : N. crv : Pindar has also the Doric TV. G. <reo 
 and aeOev (old Ionic and Homeric) : Pindar has also aev. 
 D. CTOL, and once, before a vowel, riv (xvil. 14), both 
 orthotone : the enclitic is always rot. (Pindar uses these 
 three forms ; but, with him, <TOL can be either orthotone or 
 enclitic.) 2nd pers. plur. : D. V/J,/J,LV is conjectured in VIII. 
 97 ; no other part occurs. $rd pers. sing. D. oi A. VLV. 
 The only example of /*iv occurs in X. in, ^palvov re fuv 
 at/jiaTi prjXoov, where, after %paivov, the poet may have 
 wished to avoid a third v-sound. (piv is traditional in 
 a few passages of Pindar, but the tendency of recent 
 criticism has been to correct it into viv : see Rumpel, 
 Lex. Find, s.v., and Schroder, Proleg. to Pindar, p. 37.) 
 The ace. of the 1st pers. sing, is once avrov (XVII. 41). 
 yd pers. plur. A. viv (vill. 15, where see n.). 
 
 Possessive pronouns. 2nd pers. sing., 0-09 or Doric reo? 
 (both used by Pindar). For the 3rd pers., cr^erepo? is 
 either singular, 'his' (ill. 36), or plural, 'their' (x. 50), 
 as with Pindar and Aeschylus, o-^ere/so? as = e6<?, ' his,' 
 occurs first in Hes. Scut. 90. 
 
 Verbs. The infinitive of dpi appears in three forms. I.
 
 ACCIDENCE. 87 
 
 v. 144, xvii. 31, 56, in all three places followed by a con- 
 sonant. This form, which is Thessalian Aeolic, also old 
 Ionic and epic, occurs in the Iliad once (18. 364), and a 
 few times in the Odyssey (as 14. 332), but only before 
 a vowel ; whence some would write e/i/xef', as it is now 
 written in Sappho 2. 2. Pindar uses it both before a vowel 
 and (like Bacchylides) before a consonant. 2. 
 XVII. 14, is Lesbian Aeolic, old Ionic and epic. 3. 
 VIII. 48. This is the 'milder' Doric form, the 'stricter' 
 being rjp,ev. Pindar has only e^^ev, eleven, : for in the 
 one place of his text where elvai is traditional, Isthm. V. 
 [VI.] 20, /jt,/j,v is now restored. The other Homeric forms, 
 efiev and eleven, are not used either by him or by Bac- 
 chylides. The participle is with both poets eu>v : but 
 Bacchylides once (ill. 78) has evvra, a Doric form used 
 by Theocritus (II, 3). It seems possible that eovra (- w) 
 should be corrected to evvra in XVIII. 23 f. : but the 
 synizesis in etov (VII. 46) shows that such a change is 
 not necessary. 
 
 Notes on the following verbal forms will be found in 
 the commentary on the passages where they severally 
 occur : d^aprelv^ofjiaprelv (VIII. 103 f. and XVII. 46). 
 dve7ra\To (X. 65). Sivaaev (XVI. 1 8). BIVTJVTO (XVI. IO/). 
 e\\adi (X. 8). ep'xjdevro^ and epypevov (XII. 65 f., 207). 
 lov (XII. 149). la-rav (X. 122). opvvo (XVI. 76). iri^arai 
 (VIII. 52). 7rpoa-rjV7Tv (XIV. 9). 
 
 Examples of rare middle forms are K0fj,7rd<ro/j,at (VII. 42): 
 vwfjbdraL (V. 26 f.) : v(f>aipeirai (probable in VIII. 1 8) : wpivaro 
 (XII. 112). 
 
 To the epic adverbs eicravra and d'vrrjv, Bacchylides Adverbs. 
 adds a new form, eladvrav (V. 1 10). In XVI. 91 the un- 
 metrical e%6in6ev of the MS. should probably be corrected 
 to the Aeschylean egoTriv. The Homeric TW (' therefore') 
 occurs in XVI. 39. It may be noticed that the enclitic vw 
 is found only in XVIII. 8. The epic and Aeschylean rcoV, 
 not used by Pindar, stands in V. 31. 
 
 et? occurs once (before a), XIV. 43 : elsewhere the form Preposi- 
 
 , . ... tions. 
 
 is always e'?. The poetical form vrrai appears in XII. 1391.,
 
 88 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 and -n-apat (MS. IIAPA) must be restored in X. 103. In X. 21 
 we have the earliest example of rjpa used, like xdpiv, as 
 a preposition with the genitive. 
 
 Syntax. In the syntax of Bacchylides there is little which is 
 
 distinctive ; but a few points are deserving of remark. 
 
 Noun. I. Noun. i. Number. A dual substantive with a 
 
 plural adjective occurs in XVII. 46 Bvo <^u>re /J.OTOVS. 
 2. Case, ftpveiv is construed, first with the dative, and 
 then with the genitive, in two successive clauses, with no 
 apparent difference of sense (ill. 15 f). After the passive 
 6avfAaofj,ai, the admirers are denoted (as in Thuc. 1.41 4) 
 by the dative case (I. 42). An accusative of the person is 
 combined, in epic fashion, with an accusative of ' the part 
 affected': rov 8" el\ev %o<? fcpa&irjv (x. 85). 3. Gender. 
 V. 77 '*! fV X ( * Trpo<f>dvr) MeXeaypov | teal viv ev et'So)? 
 TrpocreiTrev. This is in the style of the epic poets, who, 
 when they describe a person by a periphrasis with /Sit], 
 t?, or tyvxr}, use the masculine participle (see n.). 
 
 Verb. II. Verb. I. Tense. In X. no 112 the imperfects 
 
 Tev^ov, %paivov, 'larav denote the series of things which 
 the persons ' proceeded ' to do. This is worth noticing in 
 connexion with two other passages where the aorist has 
 been conjecturally substituted for the imperfect which 
 stands in the MS. (i) In XIV. 38 Blass alters aapaivtv to 
 ad/jbavev: but the former is parallel with ayov in verse 37, 
 which means in strictness, 'they proceeded to lead.' (2) In 
 XVI. 51, where the same editor changes vcfraive to vfyave, the 
 imperfect (though preceded and followed by aorists) admits 
 of a similar defence ; especially as the reference is to 
 a process of thought. Tenses of the Infinitive. After 
 /ieXA.0) we find the present inf. in in. 31 and XV. 18, but 
 the future inf. in XII. 165. In V. 164 reXetz/ is ambiguous, 
 but probably the future. The aorist inf. is regularly used 
 where a moment (as distinguished from a continuing action) 
 is indicated: V. 30 (ISetv), 161 (Trpo<n,8eiv): X. 88 (jra^ai): 
 XII. 43 ISeiv (where see note).
 
 SYNTAX. 89 
 
 2. Mood, (i) In ill. 57 f. we have an example of the 
 indicative used in a relative clause expressing a general 
 condition : atria-rov ov8ev, o rt, Oewv [Mepipva rev^ei (instead 
 of o ri av...Tv%r)). The alteration (made by Blass) of 
 rey^et into rev^y is unnecessary : see the note ad loc. 
 (ii) The subjunctive is used with el: VIII. 86 eiTrep xal 
 ddvrj rt?. Also with al tee, after a verb of knowing : XVI. 64 
 eia-eai...ai ice...K\vr). Both usages are Homeric, (iii) The 
 optative with el is used to express a general supposition in 
 a dependent clause, after a present indicative in the principal 
 clause: XV. 187 f. XP*i & - a i>velv . . . , el rt? ev Trpdcrcroi 
 (see n.). The optative stands in a relative clause after 
 a hypothetical optative with av in the principal clause : 
 
 XVI. 41 44, ov yap av OeXoi/jC ...e-rrel Sa/zacreia?. The 
 optative of indefinite frequency occurs in I. 33 f. ovroTe... 
 (cru/^ySoXot. (iv) The infinitive, as a verbal noun, takes the 
 definite article in I. 64 f. rb...evfiapelv (nominative case). 
 The articular infinitive, which is post-homeric, occurs first 
 in Pindar, and always as a subject nominative, unless an 
 exception is to be recognised in O. II. 97 (TO \a\ayrja-at 
 Oekwv). 
 
 III. The use of prepositions by Bacchylides is, on the 
 whole, normal ; but several points are noteworthy. 
 
 1. d(i.<j) (i) with the dative has either (a) the local sense, 
 
 XVII. 52 f. a-Tepvot<;...afji(f)t: or (b) the figurative, 'in respect 
 to,' ' concerning ' ; I. 39 dfifyi r laropia : IX. 44 d^tyl jSowv 
 dye\at<;. (ii) With the accusative it means either ' around,' 
 X. i8f. d/j,(f)'''A\e^i8a/jiov...7rcrov( where motion is implied), 
 or merely describes position in a certain region, IX. 34 dpfyi 
 r Ejvfioiav. Pindar joins dpfy'i with the genitive also (in 
 the sense, ' concerning ') : but this use does not occur in 
 Bacchylides. 
 
 2. dvd with accusative occurs in V. 66 f, "ISa? dvd... 
 ('up along'). [In III. 50 <\va /j,aTpi...e/3a\\ov = dvk- 
 
 3. 8w (i) with genitive denotes that through which 
 a passage is being made : VIII. 47 o-ret%et 81 evpeias Ke\ev- 
 dov. XII. 52 (of a sword) ^wpelv Bid a-at^arof. (ii) With 
 
 J. B. 7
 
 9 o 
 
 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 accusative, it denotes the range throughout which a motion 
 extends : XIV. 40 f. 81 evpelav TTO\.I,V 6pvv/j.evoi : VIII. 30 f. 
 Bi cvrreipova KVK\OV \ (f>aive dav^acnov Seuas, where the 
 prep, may be rendered ' amidst,' but properly means that 
 the sensation made by the sight went right througJi the 
 vast crowd. (The athlete is not running, but throwing the 
 quoit.) The causal Bid also occurs: III. 61 Bi evaefteiav 
 (cp. VI. 4 and xil. 156). 
 
 4. ir (i) with genitive denotes position ' on ' : XVI. 84 f. 
 eV iKpiwv <TTa6ei$: fr. 3. 2 eVt fiwuwv. (ii) With dative: 
 
 (a) VII. 9 eV dv6pa)Troi(Tiv, ' among men ' (where see n.) : 
 \b) VIII. 12 aOXyvav eV' 'Apxepopo), 'in memory of him': 
 
 (c) V. 83 -^ru^ala-iv TTi <f)0iuvc0v, ' against them ' (and so in 
 133). (iii) With ace., of movement 'to': VIII. 41 rj\6ev 
 KOI eV ea-^ara NetXou; XII. 88, 149, etc. 
 
 5. Kara (i) with genitive occurs once : XVI. 94 ff. Kara 
 \eipiwv oppdTwv Bdicpv %eoi/, 'down from.' (ii) With the 
 accusative, this prep, is notably frequent in Bacchylides, 
 as meaning (a) 'throughout,' X. 93 Kara Bu<TKiov...v\av : 
 
 (d) ' along down,' XVI. 87 f. /car' ovpov : (c} ' according to,' 
 IX. 32 Kar alcrav. (d) of time, 'during/ XVIII. 26 f. /car' 
 v<j>e<yyea<; dfj,epa<>. 
 
 6. fwra is found only twice : (i) with genitive, X. 123 
 per 'ArpeiBav: (ii) with dative, V. 30 yuer' dv0pa)7rot<;, 
 ' among ' them. 
 
 7. irapd (i) with genitive, of the giver : III. 1 1 -rrapa 
 os: so XV. 35 ; XVIII. 3, 13. Also in the phrase TO Trap 
 d? (XIII. 10, where see n.). (ii) With dative, either of 
 
 persons, VIII. 84 irapa Baip.o<n, : or of river-banks, Trapa 
 peeOpois, III. 20; cp. V. 64, XII. 150. So Pindar, O. I. 21 
 Trap 'AX^ecS, X. 85 Trapa... At'p/ca. (iii) With accusative, 
 denoting (a) motion to a place, especially to the banks of 
 a river, VIII. 39, XVIII. 39; but also fr. II. 3 f. Trapa... vaov 
 eXdovras : cp. Find. N. V. IO Trap ^(DfjLov...aTdvTe^. 
 
 (b) motion along, III. 6, V. 38. (c) extension or position along 
 (without motion), IX. 29 f, X. 119, XII. 58 trapa 
 
 XV. 12 Trapa. ..vaov, XVI. 119 vda Trapa ^eTrroTrpv/j-vov 
 (unless (j>dvr) be taken as implying motion), (d) of time, ' in
 
 SYNTAX. 91 
 
 the course of,' 'during': fr. 7. 4 TO re trap' apap Kai vvtcra. 
 (In Find. P. XI. 68 Trap dfj.ap = ' on alternate days.') 
 
 8. irepC (i) with genitive, (a) in a local sense, 'around,' 
 XVII. 51 Kparos Trept (Kparo<; inrep MS.): (b) denoting that 
 'for' which one strives, V. 124 f. 7repi...Sopa<; napvdfjL0\ 
 (ii) With dative, (a) in local sense, VII. 50 irepl /cpari, 
 XVII. 47 7Tpi...(a/j,ois: (3) denoting the prize, just like 
 (i) (b), XII. 55 ?rept <rT6<pdvot(ri. 
 
 9. irpos (i) with dative, once, X. 23 7r/>o<? jaia Trecrovra 
 (like 6W. 5. 415 {3d\r) TTOTI Trerpij, etc.) (ii) With accusa- 
 tive, of motion to or towards, v. 45, 149: X. 100. The 
 constr. with the genitive does not occur. 
 
 10. <nJv is frequent, occurring about 31 times (cp. ^era). 
 The temporal sense may be noted : X. 23 tceiva) ye <rvv 
 afjiari (see note): ib. 125 crvv airavn xpovw. 
 
 11. viro (i) with genitive, 'from under,' XII. 139 f., 
 xvi. 17: of the agent, V. 43 f., ix. 48, xil. 154. (ii) With 
 dative, (a) 'under,' IX. 4 (?): XII. 125 f. viro fcvpao-iv, ib. 166 
 VTT Ata/ct&u? : (b} to denote an attendant circumstance, 
 where it may be rendered 'with': III. 17 \dfj,Tret 8' viro 
 jj,apfjiapv<yai<; 6 %puo-d? (see note), (iii) With accusative, 
 once, XVI. 30 : Xe^et Ato? viro Kporafyov "ISa? | /jLiyelcra. 
 This is noteworthy, since the sense is simply ' beneath ' 
 (=v7ro KpoTd(pa)). Elsewhere, when VTTO governs the ace., 
 and motion is not implied, at least the idea of extension 
 ('along under') is present, as it is (e.g.) in Find. P. x. 15, re- 
 ferring to a victory in running gained VTTO Kippa<;...-7reTpav. 
 It would perhaps be difficult to find an exact parallel for 
 the use of VTTO with ace. which Bacchylides admits here. 
 
 12. Anastroplie. In a few passages where the 
 preposition stands after the substantive, an attributive 
 genitive follows : IV. 6 dpera crvv ITTTTWV : V. 83 ^rv^aia-tv 
 7ri cfrdifjLevwv : ib. 133 i|ru^at? CTTI Sva-nevewv. The other 
 instance is XII. 150 vavcrl S 1 ev7rpv/j,vot<? irapai. 
 
 13. Tmesis, (a) The preposition precedes the verb, as 
 in III. 50 f. dva paTpl %et/?a<? | e/3a\Xoz/. (b) Or follows it ; 
 IV. 2O \a<y%dveiv UTTO polpav (see note): XVIII. 7 
 
 72
 
 92 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 Particles. IV. Particles. I. r\ is affirmative in XII. 54, xvn. 41 : 
 interrogative in XVII. 5, where three questions are asked by 
 17... ^...77...; The Homeric interrogative r\ pa (//. 5. 421) 
 stands in V. 165, where Blass writes tfpa (rj + apa): see 
 Kiihner-Blass, Gramm. I. 217. 2. The intensive particles 
 y jUv occur in III. 63 oa-oi 76 fj.ev (where pev merely 
 emphasizes the limiting ye): and ib. 90 dperds ye pev (where 
 the sense is that of the Attic ye prjv, 'however'). 3. ^fr 
 is used, without a corresponding Be, in III. 15 f. (see note), 
 IX. 47, XVI. i. 4. The epic combination 8 is found in 
 XII. 129 (see note), and fr. 3. I. 5. In XV. 5 f. the dis- 
 junctive Are is followed by r/ in the second clause. In 
 XVIII. 29 35 we have err' ovv...ij pa...rj.... 6. aa-re 
 occurs only once, viz. in XII. 124, where it means ' as ' (see 
 note). In this sense Pindar employs wre (found also in 
 Bacchylides, XVI. 105), while he uses wcrre only with the 
 infinitive. 
 
 V. METRES. 
 
 With the exception of Odes XV and XVI, the poems of 
 Bacchylides are seldom difficult from a metrical point of 
 view. The metres are well-known, and his treatment of 
 them is simple. Such difficulties as occur (outside of the 
 two odes named above) are confined, for the most part, to 
 verses in which the text seems to be corrupt, or at least 
 doubtful. 
 
 I. The metre most largely used by Bacchylides is that 
 which is generally known as 'dactylo-epitritic' 1 : e.g., 
 
 (TTparaye (V. I f.). 
 
 One of its two elements is dactylic, as seen in the first of these 
 two verses. The other is the so-called epitritus, - ^ , as 
 
 1 The term ' dactylo-epitritic ' is pp. xxxv ff. (3rd ed.). He observes 
 
 modern. Prof. Blass prefers to describe that in the Pindaric scholia they are 
 
 verses of this measure as being KO.T' called difj.erpa or Tpifj-erpa. TrpoffodiaKd. 
 
 tvbir\iov eI5os, for reasons fully given Dr W. Headlam would call them 
 
 in the Preface to his Bacchylides, simply ' Dorian.'
 
 METRES. 93 
 
 seen in the second, a trochaic dipody, - ^ - w, with the 
 second -w slowed down to ---. The name 'epitritus' 
 means that the time-value of - ^ is to that of as 3 to 4. 
 It is possible that when epitriti were combined with dactyls, 
 the first syllable of the epitritus had the time-value of L -, 
 so that the measure became J. J* J J, and the first half 
 of it was equal in time to a dactyl. 
 
 Stesichorus, the founder of the rpias eTrwSticij in the 
 Dorian choral lyric, is supposed to have been the first 
 who composed dactylo-epitritic strophes. An epitritic 
 trimeter, like Pindar's eo-Trepa? o$da\nov avretykt^e M^va 
 (O. III. 5), was called Sr^crt^o'/aetoi/. Such verses alternated, 
 in the composition of Stesichorus, with long dactylic 
 measures, of which the dominant rhythm was the eVoTrXto?, 
 -ww-ww . It was left for later poets, Simonides, 
 Pindar, and Bacchylides, to effect a subtler and more 
 artistic fusion of the two elements, The dactylo-epitritic 
 metre was well-suited for choral odes on a large scale, and 
 especially for such as had an epic character. It is used by 
 Pindar in nineteen of his forty-four extant epinikia. His 
 first Pythian might be instanced as an ode which exhibits 
 all the capabilities of this metre in their most splendid 
 form ; and his fourth Pythian, as an unrivalled example 
 of its adaptation to heroic narrative. 
 
 Among the nineteen odes of Bacchylides represented 
 by the papyrus, no fewer than ten are dactylo-epitritic. 
 That number includes all his odes of victory, except those 
 three (II, IV, vi) which are merely short songs ; also the 
 poem (xiv) on the mission of Menelaus and Odysseus to 
 Troy, which has a kinship in subject and in style with the 
 epic hymns of Stesichorus. The same metre appears in 
 the epode of Ode III ; where the strophe, though logaoedic, 
 prepares for the other measure by verses (I 3) containing 
 rhythms common to logaoedics and dactylo-epitrites 1 . 
 
 But the use of the dactylo-epitritic strophe was by no 
 means confined to epinikia or to poems on epic themes. 
 
 1 See Dr W. Headlam in Journal of Hellenic Studies XXII. p. 214, 
 n. 10 (1902).
 
 94 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 Pindar applies it to the dithyramb (fr. 57) ; Bacchylides, to 
 the hymn (fr. 2), the paean (fr. 3), the hyporcheme (fr. 10), 
 the prosodion (fr. 9). What was perhaps less to be 
 expected, Pindar found it suitable also for choral skolia 
 (fr. 99 101); and Bacchylides for some kindred songs of 
 love or of festivity (fr. 14, 16). It may be noted that 
 neither Pindar nor Bacchylides ever uses the combination 
 _ w _w__ (the so-called ' ithyphallicum ') in a dactylo- 
 epitritic strophe, though it is frequent with Simonides, 
 Aeschylus, and Euripides. This observation was made 
 long ago by Westphal (who, for Bacchylides, had only 
 the old fragments), and is now confirmed (as Blass remarks, 
 Praef. p. XLV) by the new papyrus. 
 
 Pindar's mode of composition in his dactylo-epitritic 
 strophes is, on the whole, very different from that of 
 Bacchylides. Pindar writes in ample periods, which flow 
 on without marked division into smaller ' members ' or 
 ' kola.' The tendency of Bacchylides, on the other hand, 
 is to divide his periods rhythmically into short kola, usually 
 of two or three metro, each. His technique in this respect 
 has been carefully analysed by Dr Paul Maas 1 . These 
 kola are so regularly divided that they do not essentially 
 differ from periods except in being shorter. They are so 
 compact, and so sharply marked off, that they tend to 
 obscure the unity of the period. In many cases there is 
 room for difference of opinion as to the points at which, 
 within a strophe of Bacchylides, the periods begin and end 2 . 
 Briefly, in the dactylo-epitrites of Pindar, the most evident 
 unit is the period : in those of Bacchylides, it is the kolon. 
 This characteristic of the Cean's versification is sometimes, 
 as Maas remarks, scarcely in accord with the dignity of 
 his subject-matter. ' It almost seems,' he adds, ' that in 
 one place the poet himself became conscious of this. Read 
 
 1 Kolometrie in den Daktyloepi- to epode); vin ; x (doubtfully). Paul 
 triten dcs Bakchylides : \r\Philologtis, Maas (p. 298, n. i) differs from the 
 vol. LXIII. pp. 297 309 (1904). division of periods by Blass in V 
 
 2 A division of periods is indicated (epode), and X (epode), agreeing as 
 by Blass (3rd ed.) in respect to Ode I ; to these with O. Schroder, Hermes, 
 in (epode) ; v (strophe, doubtfully as 1903, pp. 240 ff.
 
 METRES. 95 
 
 the hexameter which announces the apparition of Meleager, 
 the only one which Bacchylides allows to run on with 
 rhythmical division into kola (v. 68 70), ralaiv Se /iere- 
 irpeTrev ei&a>\ov OpaavfiefAvovos ey%ecr7ra\.ov Hop6avi$a : it 
 stands out among the short lines of the poem just as 
 Meleager does among the other shades.' 
 
 It has often been held that the verses, mostly very 
 short, into which the papyrus divides the poems of Bac- 
 chylides, do not represent the division intended by the 
 poet himself. Certainly the Alexandrian KwXiarai treated 
 Pindar's periods in a similar fashion, though, in his case, 
 the division into short verses was, as a rule, inadmissible. 
 But the result of Maas's investigation is to show that, in 
 the case of Bacchylides, the manuscript division is largely 
 confirmed by the internal evidence of the metrical text. It 
 may be noted that, while the lines in the MS. are usually 
 short, there are three instances of long verses (tetrameters); 
 and two of them probably represent the metrical intention 
 of the poet. These two are : (i) The second verse of the 
 epode in Ode VIII, as v. 46, e<yyovwv yeixravTo KOI v-^n,7rv\ov 
 Tpot'a? 09. (2) The tenth verse of the strophe in Ode IX, 
 as v. 48, avbpa 7roX\.a)v VTT av9p<oTra)v TTO\VIJ\(I)TOV elpev. 
 Those verses did not admit of a rhythmical division into 
 shorter kola. In the third instance, however, the papyrus 
 gives one verse where (as Maas thinks) the poet made two. 
 This is the sixth verse of the strophe in Ode XIV: AapridSa 
 MeyeXaw j T 'Arpe'l'8a ftaai\ei, = v. 48 IlXetcr^eytSa? Meve- 
 Xao? | jdpvi 0eXfi67rei. Here considerations of calligraphy 
 may have come in ; since, if the verse had been divided, 
 two short lines would have stood between two long ones. 
 Conversely, the MS. in some places gives two verses, the 
 second being a monometer, where Bacchylides probably 
 made only one. Three instances occur in Ode XII. 
 (i) Strophe, verses I and 2, as 46 f., oiav rivd 
 fjirjara \eovn. (2) Strophe, vv. 7 and 8, as 52f. : 
 Bia crcoyLtaro?, e- yvd/jupOrj 8' OTricraa). (3) Epode, vv. 2 
 and 3, as 92 f. : dvdewv Sovaicos r' 7ri^a>-,piav advp<Tiv. 
 The same period occurs in nine other places, and in all
 
 96 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 of them is given by the MS. as one verse : see v. 9 ($ avv 
 ~KapiT<T(Ti {3a0v%<0vots v<f>dva$} : ib. 31, 33: VIII. 3: IX. I : 
 
 X. 9, 12, 30: XIV. 2. Two other examples must be added: 
 
 XI. I, 2, wcret KV/SepviJTas cro<o<?, v/jbvodvaa'\(T > evdvve KXetoi: 
 XIII. 2, 3, ev /-lev eifj,dp9ai irapd Baipovos dv&pwTrois 
 apiarov. In these two cases, the reason of the division is 
 more obvious. Without it, the first verse would have 
 consisted of 17 syllables, and the second of 16; whereas 
 the normal limit of length for a verse in the papyrus is 15. 
 There are several instances in which, within the same 
 poem, the kolometry of the MS. is inconsistent with itself, 
 verses metrically identical being rightly divided in some 
 places, and wrongly in others. These anomalies are 
 indicated in the notes appended to the metrical schemes 
 of the Odes. See note 4 on I, n. I on V, n. 3 on IX, n. I on 
 
 XII. n. 5 on XVI. 
 
 The Alexandrian division of verses in the papyrus of 
 Bacchylides did not rest on metrical principles syste- 
 matically applied. It was, no doubt, the aim to make 
 such a division as seemed to suit the rhythm ; but formal 
 considerations, reasons of space and of calligraphy, also 
 came into account ; and in particular there was a wish to 
 limit as far as possible the number of instances in which a 
 word was divided between two verses. The result was a 
 division which, in fact, usually coincided with that which 
 Bacchylides seems to have intended ; but the coincidence 
 was in some measure accidental. 
 
 One of Maas's remarks on the poet's versification is especially 
 deserving of attention in view of its bearing on the criticism of 
 the text. It concerns a rule which had been regularly observed 
 by the lyric poets (with the exception of Pindar), as can be seen 
 in the verses of Alcman, Anacreon, Simonides, and Aeschylus. 
 This general rule may be stated as follows. In a dactylo-epitritic 
 period, when a verse ends with - ^ , and the syllable before - w ^ 
 is long, that syllable is normally not the last of a word. The 
 rhythmical principle is the same as in Person's law regarding the 
 final cretic in an iambic trimeter. Thus in the verse, d T/uo-eu- 
 avrjp (m. 10), the syllable Sat- is long : were it the last of a
 
 METRES. 97 
 
 word, the rule would be broken. The same general rule applies 
 to a long syllable after ^ at the beginning of the verse : thus 
 
 os Trapa ZTJI/OS Xa^cov (ill. Il) is normal, but (t-g.) os TrapeSpos Zrjvos 
 
 <*>v would be abnormal. The exceptions to this rule in Bacchylides 
 are comparatively rare. In Ode v, for example, there is only one 
 (v. 12 -Tret /cXeewav es TroXiv). In Ode i alone are such exceptions 
 frequent: there we have vei/zas dTroTrXeW a^er' es (v. 12 = 122 
 Blass) : rcowiv r eXa<pos, Trarptwv (35) ' -os 'A.Tro\\u>v wTracrev (38) : 
 
 auGv' IXvC-eV, TTeVre TTttt- (43) : TTpWTOtS eptei ' TTttVTl TOt (58). MaaS 
 
 accounts for this peculiarity in Ode i by suggesting that Bac- 
 chylides was there imitating the technique of Pindar, the first poet, 
 it seems, who broke through the old rule. Even when the 
 syllable before the final ^ ^ is short, it is not often the last of a 
 
 word, as in V. 4 ayaX/xa, Ttoj' ye vvv : ib. 19 evpuaya/cros ayyeXos : 
 XI. 4 es yap oX/Jiav: XII. 190 //.eyaXaicrtv eXTrtcriv: XIV. 190 //.eXTrer', 
 (S veoi : XIV. 5 1 airavra Se'pKerat. 
 
 As it can be shown that (except in Ode i) Bacchylides usually 
 observed this rule, Maas holds that the following conjectures are 
 inadmissible : 
 
 (1) III. 26 Zrjvos reXe[iou vev/ixacriv. 
 
 (2) V. 8 Sevp' ddprjaov <crvv> vow. 
 
 (3) VIII. 20 ...rioXweiKei 7rXa[y/<T<ji Trpo'fevov. 
 
 (4) VIII. 77 Avro/AT/Ses, vao-iJcoTat'. 
 
 (5) XII. 97 !TI[KTV IlryXe'a. 
 
 (6) XII. 124 Bvtav vavftdra<s. 
 
 With regard to (i), (2), (3), (4), and (6), I may add that the 
 conjecture in each case introduces an exception to the rule such 
 as does not occur in any corresponding verse of the same Ode : 
 see in. 12, 40, 54, 68, 96: vin. 46, 72, 98: xn. 58, 91, 157, 190, 
 222. As to (5), xn. 97, there is another exception in a corres- 
 ponding verse of the same ode ; for v. 64 ends with KaXfyy, 
 XetVereu (where orav in V. 63 excludes Ka'Xui^e). 
 
 II. Another class of metres used by Bacchylides is 
 the ' logaoedic 1 .' The origin of the name is disputed ; but 
 perhaps no account of it is more probable than the old 
 one, given by Aristides Quintilianus (p. 51), that it origi- 
 nated with the Lesbian poets, and was applied to such a 
 
 1 Prof. Blass prefers the term, pp. XLVIII ff. 
 KO.TO. ftanxeiov elSos. See his Preface,
 
 9 8 BA CCHYLIDES. 
 
 verse as Sappho's r/pd\/j,av fj,ev e'yco aedev, "Ar$t, ird\ai 
 TTOKO,. Here a trochee is prefixed to dactyls. The ' song-,' 
 doiSt], was regarded as beginning with the dactyls : the 
 trochee, leading up to the song but outside of it, was 
 considered as ' prose,' Xoyo?. At all events, the essence of 
 ' logaoedic ' metre lay in combining rhythms of two distinct 
 kinds, the dactylic, and the trochaic or iambic : 
 
 BacrtXeO rav iepav 'Adavav, 
 
 T(Sv aftpoftiwv (iva% 'Iwvwv (XVII. I f.). 
 
 Bacchylides uses logaoedics in his three minor epinikia 
 (II, IV, VI) ; in the strophe (though not in the epode) of 
 III ; and in a dithyramb (xvil). Pindar's employment of 
 the metre was less restricted ; some of his larger odes are 
 logaoedic : and his verses of this kind are usually more 
 complex in structure than those of Bacchylides. 
 
 III. Four of the odes are neither dactylo-epitritic nor 
 logaoedic : viz. XV, XVI, XVIII, XIX. As to the metres used 
 in these, see the notes prefixed and appended to the 
 metrical schemes. 
 
 IV. Viewed with regard to metre, the 32 lyric frag- 
 ments of Bacchylides may be classed as follows. The 
 numbering of the fragments is that used in this edition. 
 
 1. Dactylo-epitritic. Fragments I, 2, 3, 6, 9, 10, 14, 16, 
 
 1 8, 19, 2O, 21, 22, 24, 28. 
 
 2. Logaoedic. Fragments 4, 7, 8. 
 
 3. Other metres, (i) Iambic. Fragments 15, 27, 30 
 (ii) Trochaic. 13, 17, 32. (iii) Paeonic or cretic. II, 12 
 23, 25. 
 
 4. Doubtful. Fragments 5, 26, 29, 31.
 
 METRES. ODE I. 
 
 A. EHINIKOI. 
 
 ODE I. 
 Dactylo-epitritic. 
 
 Strophe (8 verses). 
 
 99 
 
 5 w w , ^ ^ -~ 
 
 -- w -, w-, 
 
 - ^ , - v - A 
 
 Epode (7 verses). 
 
 Notes. 
 
 1. The ode, when entire, probably contained 8 'systems' (strophe, anti- 
 strophe, epode). The part preserved with approximate completeness includes 
 the last three systems. In this part, the first and second verses of each 
 strophe and antistrophe are wrongly divided in the MS. See in this edition 
 vv. 6f., Atos BwXetou 5e KKO.-\TL, where the MS. divides thus, j^l/cart : 
 similarly in vv. 29 f. , 37 f., 52 f., 60 f. [The end of v. 14 is mutilated, but the 
 position of ...Se/cdrwi in 15 shows that the same thing happened there also.] 
 But it would seem that the earlier part of the ode, fragments of which have 
 been conjecturally pieced together by Blass, exhibited at least two instances in 
 which this error was avoided : if, that is, the first verse of one antistrophe 
 ended with deXiof (v. 55 Blass), and of another with . eprepo/xcu (/JLV or^pojucu, 
 v. 78 Bl.). The point is worthy of notice, since, if this was the case, it is a 
 somewhat curious example of that inconsistency which occasionally appears 
 elsewhere also in the kolometry of the papyrus. 
 
 2. In the second verse of the strophe, the fourth syllable is everywhere long 
 except in ant. 8 (v. 61), Tre^t'as r dfj,axdvov. In the sixth verse of the strophe, 
 the fifth syllable is everywhere long except in str. 7 (v. 34), xp^s TL avfj.]^o\oi 
 fj.axa.5. 
 
 3. In epode 7 the third verse (47) has the form, OrjKev avr euepyecnav, 
 \nrapuv r a\-. But in epode 8, the only other which has been preserved,
 
 ioo BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 the MS. gives (v. 70), ocrtroc av fu>jj XP^ VOV rbvde \dxtv TI-. Blass retains this, 
 
 holding that could replace -. But that seems, in this place, a 
 
 metrical impossibility. It can scarcely be doubted, I think, that the poet 
 wrote, Scrffov av fwj;, Xcixe rovde xpbvov TI-. There are some certain instances 
 in this papyrus of words erroneously transposed (see commentary). Here the 
 transposition, if not merely inadvertent, may have been prompted by the wish 
 to bring \p6vov into the relative clause. 
 
 4. The seventh verse of epode 5 becomes two in the MS.: vavtri irtvTf)- 
 Kovra ffvv | KPTJTWV ofjitXcf. But this error is not made in either of the two 
 corresponding verses which remain (51, 70). 
 
 ODE II. 
 Logaoedic. 
 
 Strophe (5 verses). 
 
 w v_/ , w w , w 
 
 - w w , w w , ~ 
 w w , - w w- ~ 
 
 WWW, W, W , W 
 
 5 w, w, w , A 
 
 Epode (4 verses). 
 
 The first three verses of the strophe, and the first two of the 
 epode, consist of iambic dipodiae and choriambi. The fourth 
 verse of the strophe is a glyconic (with w w w as first foot) : so also 
 is the third verse of the epode (but with w as first foot). The 
 fifth verse of the strophe is a pherecratic (with w as first foot) : 
 as is also the fourth verse of the epode (with in that place). 
 
 Notes. 
 
 1. In verse 2, is K.eov iepdv, xaptrw-, the resolution of the fourth syllable 
 of the first choriamb (which does not recur in the antistrophe, v. 6) might 
 suggest that we should read Ipdv. That form, however, is not elsewhere found 
 in Bacchylides. In III. 15 fipvei ^v lepd (where Ludwich suggests Ipd), the 
 trisyllabic form is confirmed by v. 85, Qpoveovri avvtra. yapvu K.T.\. 
 
 2. In v. 4 the 6pa<r6x ei P of the MS. (= ~~-~ in v. 9) is a mere error for
 
 METRES. ODES 77, 777. 101 
 
 ODE III. 
 
 The strophe is logaoedic in general character, but in verses 
 i 3 makes a preparation for the rhythm of the epode which is 
 dactylo-epitritic. 
 
 Strophe (4 verses). 
 
 Epode (6 verses). 
 
 , w i =^ ,<_> A I 
 
 r v ->*- / w _ ^ _ _ ^ __ _ A 
 -w-^, -w^ A 
 
 Verse i of the strophe is an iambic trimeter catalectic, dpio-ro- 
 2i/ceXtas Kpiovarav. Verse 2 consists of a prosodiacus 
 ^ w ) and a bacchillS (w ), Aa/Aarpa ^ioaTe^)avov re 
 Verse 3 is the same, vp.vel, y\vKv8wpe KXfiot, ^oas T' 'O-. 
 Verse 4 is the Sapphic hendecasyllable, -Au/xirto8po/x.ovs 
 
 1. The first verse of the strophe always contains a tribrach, except in the 
 case of ant. 7 (v. 89), yrjpa.^, 6d\eiav aims d.yKO/j,i(r<ra,i. The place of the 
 tribrach in the verse is (i) the second in vv. 15 and 85: (ii) the third, in vv. i, 
 5, 19, 29 (probably), 33, 47, 56, 61, 71, 75. Verse 43 is lost. 
 
 2. In the second verse of ant. 5 (v. 62), the eire^e of the MS. must be 
 corrected to av^ire^e (av having been lost after ayadtav). The second v. of 
 ant. 7 (v. 90) ends with /MviJdet, i.e. ~~- instead of the --- found in all the 
 eleven other places where the end of the corresponding verse remains. See 
 commentary. 
 
 3. The third verse of ant. 5 (v. 63) begins, in the MS. , with &roi /jitv, 
 ---, instead of the s; ~ found elsewhere, ye must be inserted after &roi. 
 The last syllable of the third verse is everywhere short, and in str. i 
 0|\v / u7Tio5/)6 / aous is divided between v. 3 and v. 4. 
 
 4. The fourth verse of the strophe has the fourth syllable long in str. 2 
 (v. 18), v\j/i5a.Ldd\Tuv, and in ant. 5 (v. 64), w /j.tyatvr)Te, but elsewhere short. 
 
 5. Hiatus, with lengthening of a short syllable, occurs before'Ify&H', after 
 the fifth syllable of the fourth verse, in ant. 5 (v. 64), w /j.eyatvr)re 'Itpuv : also 
 in ant. 7 (v. 92) MoDffd. viv rp^<f>ei. 'Itpwv K.T.\. 
 
 Q. The thesis is resolved in verse 4 of epode 3 (v. 40), in a proper name : 
 iriTvovffiv 'AXvaTTo, 56/not. It is also resolved at the beginning of verse 5 in 
 epode 6 (v. 83), offia dpwv.
 
 z BA CCHYLIDES. 
 
 ODE IV. 
 
 Logaoedic. A pair of strophes, without epode. 
 Strophe (10 verses). 
 
 
 
 w <w> vy , w, w , A 
 
 w , - w, - w, w -, w -, -A 
 w w w 5 ~ w j \-/j v-' 
 
 10 -w, -w, w-, w-, - A 
 
 1. The first verse of this strophe is identical in measure with the fourth 
 verse of Ode n, on /xdxas 6pacnjx ei P ^ 'Ap-. 
 
 2. In verse 4, where the MS. has rpirov yap ...... \ov, the faint traces of 
 
 the letter which followed yap suit II better than A : hence Blass gives rpirov 
 yap irap' 6fitf>a\6v, K.T.\., and in the ant. 14 (where the MS. has Trap' earlav), 
 irdpfffrlv vtv. Otherwise we might read in v. 4 rplrov yap d/j.(j>' 6/u.<f>a\6v, and 
 in v. 14 TrdpeiTTi vvv. 
 
 ODE V 
 Dactylo-epitritic. 
 
 Strophe (15 verses). 
 
 , ww , ww A 
 ^ , w ,~ 
 
 H,-~ -A I 
 
 IO w'V-', W W I
 
 METRES. ODES IV, V. 103 
 
 Epode (10 verses). 
 
 5 
 
 1. (i) In verses 13, 14 of str. i the MS. wrongly divides thus, Oupavlas \ 
 K\eiv6s, instead of Ovpavias xXfivos, though in the corresponding verses of 
 ant. i the division is correctly made, aiiv e<ptipov irvo(i) -\alffiv. 
 
 (ii) Verses 5 and 6 of the epode are wrongly divided in 35 f., dytpux 01 \ 
 jraides, instead of dyepw-lxoi ircudfs: in 75 f., dvairTti-'gas, instead of 
 dva-JTrr^as : and in u$f., KO.Ttire<pi>e | avs, instead of KaT^Tre-\tpvfv <rvs. 
 But the division is correct in issf. and in 195 f. 
 
 2. Some apparent instances of exceptional shortening in arsis are easily 
 removed: v. 28, for wo\<utnv, read irvoi\aiaiv : 49, for <pt\o^lvif, read 
 <pi\oi;eiv({} ; H5f., for KO.Ttire\<pve, read Ka.Ttire\<t>vtv : 137, for Kopa, read 
 Kovpa. 
 
 3. The MS. has lost a syllable in v. 184, where es must be inserted after 
 QeptviKos : and in 193, where SLV must be inserted after 8v. 
 
 4. The metre of the first strophe and antistrophe differs in two places 
 from that of the four other pairs. 
 
 (i) Verses nf. of strophe i are : vd<rov f&'os vfj.T^pav irtfji-\irei. K\eevva.v 
 es TTO\IV, =26f., 5ii(77rai7raXa K(5/ttara - vw^ia-jrot 5" v drpijTip \6.fi. Here v. n 
 ( = 26) is longer by a syllable than the corresponding verses elsewhere. 
 
 (ii) Verses 14 f. of strophe r are: -vos depdwuv e0Aei 5e | ydpvv K 
 ffrrjO^uv xt<i}v = 2O,f. -afcriv HOfipav dplyvu-\ro3 fj.er' dvBpuwois I8eiv. Here, 
 again, v. 14 ( = 29) exceeds the normal length by a syllable. See commentary 
 and Appendix. 
 
 5. Other instances of defective responsion are the following. 
 
 (i) In verse 8 of str. i the MS. gives Sevp' &0prjffoi> voip, ---- ~-, instead 
 of the --' --- ~- found in the nine other places. Blass explains the exception 
 as - - I ~-. But it seems more probable that the text is corrupt in v. 8 
 (see commentary). 
 
 (ii) In epodes i, 2, and 3 the first verse has this form : ---~, ----, 
 - -', : <?-,f. v. 31 TWJ vvv Ka.1 fj.ol /utvpla iravrtj. K\ev6os. (Cp. 71 and in.) 
 But in epode 4 the MS. gives (151), HXevpwva' fuvwOa. [without accent] Se /xoi 
 ^ v X a y^vKeia. Blass defends nivvvOa, holding that -~~- (-vvvBa 84 /uoi) is 
 here substituted for --- -: see his Preface, pp. xxxix f. (3rd ed., 1904). 
 I read fj.ivti*0T) (see commentary).
 
 104 BA CCHYLIDES. 
 
 In epode 5, v. i (191), Botwrds dvyp rdde (f>uv[t)crei' . . . , raSe (Wilamowitz) 
 is a probable correction. 
 
 (iii) In epode 3, v. 5 (115), the MS. has 6a.irTOfj.ev TOUS (Ka.Ttire\(pvev <rvs), 
 i.e. * where the four corresponding verses (35, 75, 155, 195) have -~~. 
 Yet Blass refrains from reading oOs, thinking that the poet wrote rot/s 'ne 
 videretur esse da.irTOfj.vovs.' 
 
 (iv) The tenth verse of the epode begins with - -in 40, 80, 200, and 
 presumably so in 120 (irarpo]* 'AA0-). But in 160, where the first hand wrote 
 TOIA'E<I>A, a corrector (A 3 ) changed roiS' to r65', or, as Blass thinks, to rdd' 
 <pa, which he gives. The true reading is probably TO?' 0a, or ro?a <pa. 
 
 6. In 189 dTrua-d/j.ei'ov , followed in 190 by ei' | TIS, is noteworthy: see 
 commentary. The syllaba anceps is perhaps justified by the slight pause ; 
 though the conjecture dTrwo-a/u^ous (Housman) is attractive. 
 
 ODE VI. 
 
 Logaoedic. A pair of strophes, without epode, as in iv. 
 Strophe (8 verses). 
 
 r _^_^_ w ^ 
 w , w, w , v 
 
 Notes. 
 
 1. Verse i, Ad^wv Ai6s fieyLcrrov, is an iambic dimeter catalectic. 
 Verse 2, Xd%e (ptpTarov TroSeffffi, is an 'anacreontic' verse, with anaclasis 
 (-~-~ instead of ~~). Sappho has the same sequence : 
 
 y\i>Keia fMTep, otiroi. 
 86va.fJ.ai Kpticrjv TOV tffrov. 
 
 2. The measures of vv. 4 and 5, Si ouffa. trdpoidev | d.fj.Tre\OTp6<f>ov K^ov, 
 recur in XVlli. 17, where they form a single verse, fvpvirdevtos </)pa.8aiffi 
 
 ODE VII. 
 
 (i) In the first eleven verses (w Ai7rapa...crr<avoto-i Aax wi/a ) 
 the metre is dactylo-epitritic. After these, about 24 verses are 
 lost. (2) Then come 16 verses (HvQuvd re ^\o9vra.v . . . /cXeivois 
 aeOXois), in which the metre is again dactylo-epitritic. 
 
 Kenyon held that (2), the group of sixteen verses, belonged 
 to an ode (his vm) distinct from the ode which began with (i)
 
 METRES. ODES VI, VI L 105 
 
 the group of eleven verses. Paul Maas also thinks that there 
 were two odes, each consisting of one pair of strophes. Blass 
 refers both groups to the same ode (vn). I incline to the latter 
 opinion ; partly because, if there were two odes, both must have 
 been very short ; and it seems improbable that the poet's first and 
 second tribute to Lachon (vi, vn) should both have been on so 
 small a scale. (See Introduction to Ode vn., p. 204, n. i.) 
 
 There is a further question. Supposing that groups (i) and 
 (2) both belonged to ode vn, was that ode composed in strophe, 
 antistrophe, and epode? Blass formerly thought so, conjecturing 
 that the epode began with the second group, TlvOwd re ^Xodvrav. 
 In his third edition, however (1904, p. LV, and p. 5), he holds 
 that this ode, alone among the poet's extant pieces, was written 
 in non-strophic verses (dTroXcXvptva). That does not seem very 
 probable. Maas observes that the division of KexXvy- rat between 
 verses 9 and 10 'would be singular, if it could not be explained 
 by reference to an antistrophe' ; and the point deserves considera- 
 tion, whether we suppose (as he does) that there were two odes, 
 or that there was only one. That part of the ode which would 
 have contained the antistrophe has perished with the lost column 
 xiii. No endings of antistrophic verses can be traced in the left 
 margin of col. xiv : but this may be, as Maas suggests, because 
 the scribe wrote more compactly in that place than he did in the 
 strophe. 
 
 The metrical schemes of the two groups, (i) and (2), are 
 subjoined; but, in view of the uncertainty, it is better to refrain 
 from indicating ' strophe ' or ' epode.' 
 
 (i) Group of II verses, (5 \nrapa... <rT<l>a.vot.<rt. 
 
 ^ -J ^ [- 
 
 ^ w vy j "~ w w " . I 
 
 5 - 
 
 -- w [w, 
 
 10 ---, -- 
 - w-- -w 
 
 J. B.
 
 1 06 BA CCHYLIDES. 
 
 (2) Group of 1 6 verses, HvOuvd re . . . jcXeivots de$Aois. 
 
 5 _,_J ,_ W A | 
 
 10 W-, S^\/, V/JW , 
 
 w-, ww, [- w] w , 
 
 w , - v^ w [ , w w] , 
 
 ODE VIII. [IX.] 
 Dactylo-epitritic. 
 
 Strophe (9 verses). 
 
 
 Epode (8 verses). 
 
 \ / W ' <- <^ , wv^ , 
 
 _ _ A 
 
 > ) ) 
 
 5 - w w , w w ~ 
 -, - w , -^- A
 
 METRES. ODES VIII, IX. 107 
 
 Notes. 
 
 1. In v. 5, e0a\^s is best taken as Doric for ei/flijXe's, since in the 
 5th verse of the strophe the 4th syllable is elsewhere always long. In 
 verse 7 of the strophe, the 4th syllable is once, at least, ancefs, if evvael be 
 right in v. 42. In verse 9 of the strophe, the 4th syllable is normally long, 
 and Kbpai (MS.) in 44 should be corrected to Koupai. 
 
 2. In verse i of epode i (v. 19) where the first hand wrote AHTOT', 
 A 3 's correction AKAI TOT' is confirmed by ytav w in v. i of epode 2 (45). 
 The beginning of v. i of ep. 3 (71) is lost ; so also is that of ep. 4 (97), where 
 
 5t seems probable. 
 
 ODE IX. [X.] 
 Dactylo-epitritic. 
 
 Strophe (10 verses). 
 
 v ^ \ /' '"' 
 
 ' , W v_/ A 
 
 I0 _ w i_ 
 
 Epode (8 verses). 
 
 A 
 
 5 ww , wv-< A| 
 [ w] ^ , ^ w , 
 -[y-]-, -w--, 
 
 Notes. 
 
 1. In verse 5 of ant. i (15), the MS. has fioxra where metre requires -~-. 
 ocrcram is a probable correction. 
 
 2. The MS. misplaces the division between verses 5 and 6 of the strophe. 
 In ant. i (15 f.) it gives... ?/cart dvOeffiv frv-\66.v, instead of ?/con | avQeciv 
 %a.i>edi>: in str. 2 (33 L)...v^ovrai, a/j-e/tl r ECftoi-av, instead of vepovrai, \ 
 dfji<f>l r' EtfjSotac: in ant. 2 (43 f.), riraivei- ol 5' fir gpyoi.-\ffiv, instead of 
 Ttralvet, \ oi 5' tir' tpyoi<riv. In each of these three places, the hiatus bewrays 
 the error. " That the same mistake occurred in the mutilated first strophe, is 
 certain from the fact that the lost word ending in -q> (x&PV ?) stood at the end 
 of verse 5. But, in that place, there was probably no hiatus ; and having 
 
 82
 
 io8 BACCHYL1DES. 
 
 made the wrong division in the first strophe, the scribe repeated it in the 
 other three. 
 
 3. Verses 9 and 10 of the strophe are wrongly divided by the MS. in 37 f. 
 (Tei5|eTcu being added to v. 37), though the division is correct in 91"., 19 f., 
 and 47 f. 
 
 4. In verse 10 of strophe r, vafriuriv gives -~-~ where we find -- 
 in the other three places (20, 38, 48). This might suggest vaffiurav (see 
 comment.), though the arsis correpta is, of course, possible. 
 
 5. In the loth verse of ant. i (v. 20) the MS. has raxelav 6p/j.a.i>. This 
 should be 6pfj.av raxeiav (cp. 10, 38, 48). 
 
 ODE X. [XL] 
 Dactylo-epitritic. 
 
 Strophe (14 verses). 
 
 Cj _ w ^ _ } ._, w 
 
 LJ- 
 
 w . v^ (j 
 
 v> 
 
 w v^ j 
 IO ^/ w, . 
 
 
 Epode (14 verses). 
 
 10 ^ v ,-wv*,
 
 METRES. ODES X, XL 109 
 
 Notes. 
 
 1. It is of some interest to observe in this ode the poet's preferences with 
 regard to a long or a short syllable in arsis, where either was admissible, 
 (i) In v. 4 of str. i, ev iroKvxpfaip d' 'OXtf/uTry, the fourth syllable is long, as it 
 is also in three of the other five places (vv. 46, 88, 102). It is short only in 
 v. 18 (in a proper name) and v. 60. (ii) Similarly in v. 9, Kovpa Sryyds 
 opOodtKov fftQev 5' &cart, the ninth syllable is short only there and in v. 107, 
 while it is long in the other four places (18, 51, 65, 93). (iii) On the other 
 hand, in v. 12, Ki2/*oi re KO.I ev<ppofftrai debri^ov d<rrv, the ninth syllable is long 
 only there (where eo is-, by synizesis) and in no, while it is short in 26, 54, 
 68, 96. (iv) Verse 2 of the epode remains integral only in v. 72, Kri^eiv, irplv 
 ts d.pya\tav ireffelv avdyKav, where the ninth syllable is short ; and so it must 
 have been also in 114 (where the MS. has ^6X1^ 'Axcuocs, instead of - ), 
 and presumably in the mutilated v. 30 (Trarpav 0' t/c6r<?ai?). (v) In verse 8 of 
 epode i (v. 36), &^fp<ra.v virtpTarov CK x ei P^ v yfyas, the ninth syllable is long, 
 as also in v. 78 ; while it is short in v. 1 20. 
 
 2. At the end of v. i of str. 2 (v. 43), v must be added to the e<j>6pr)<re of 
 the MS. (Cp. V. 115 f., where Ka.Tetr-\<pv should be Kareir^-\<pvtv.) 
 
 3. In verse 2 of epode 3 (v. 114) $ should be inserted before liriroTp6<f>ov. 
 With regard to T^Xty 'Axcuots, see commentary. 
 
 4. In verse 7 of epode 2 (v. 77) the second syllable of K<i/M>v seems to be 
 a syllaba anceps: see commentary. Of the two corresponding verses, one (35) 
 ends with fiporuv, and the other (119) with the corrupt irpbyo-\voi. 
 
 ODE XI. [XII.] 
 
 Dactylo-epitritic. Only eight verses remain, of which the 
 last, Tav T fv N/U,O, ywaX/ce'a /AowoTraAav, is metrically identical 
 with the first, (Jo-t KvjSepvT/ras <ro<o's, u/xvoa'vacr-, and may possibly, 
 therefore, mark the beginning of the antistrophe; but this, of 
 course, is by no means certain. 
 
 Strophe. 
 
 5 
 
 (antistr.?)
 
 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 ODE XII. [XIII.] 
 Dactylo-epitritic. 
 
 Strophe (12 verses). 
 
 w 
 
 5 
 
 10 w w , 
 
 Epode (9 verses). 
 
 v> w 
 
 
 Notes. 
 
 1. The seventh verse of ant. 3 (v. 85) is wanting in the MS. Some 
 remains of it (now represented by the letters pav) seem to have been pieced 
 on to the sixth verse (84) : see crit. n. there. The third verse of epode 5 
 (v. 159) has also been lost. The fourth verse (160) seems to have been added 
 to it in the same line. 
 
 2. The second verse of the strophe is a pherecratic, ~~-^, Ilfpaetdas 
 
 4<j>ir)ffii> (48). As there, so also in 8r, 102, 114, 135, 147, 168, 180, 201, the 
 second syllable is long ; and I cannot think that in 69 iravda.\tuv presents, as 
 Blass suggests, a solitary exception. iravOaXfy occurs, no doubt, in 229 : but 
 jrav&aXrjf (Doric for Tractf^X^s) would be parallel with ei)0a\ifc (see on VIII. 5). 
 
 3. In the fourth verse of the strophe the last syllable is short only once 
 (115, Affrv), but long in all the other instances (49, 70, 136, 148, 181, 202).
 
 METRES. ODES XII, XIII. m 
 
 4. In the third verse of the epocle, the first syllable is everywhere short 
 (93, 126, 192, 225). This fact supports the conjecture dvfaOeiffiv (Housman) 
 in 59 f. , as against av Opuvoifftv (Blass). 
 
 5. At the beginning of verse 7 of epode 2 (v. 64) Kv6.veov must be - ~ , 
 though in compounds with KVO.VO- Bacchylides has v. A resolution of the 
 thesis would be against his rule in this place : see 97, 130, 163, 196, 229. 
 
 6. Verse 8 of the epode ends with a long syllable in 65, 164, 197, 230; 
 yet once with a short (131). 
 
 7. In verse 9 of the epode, the fourth syllable is normally long (99, 165, 
 198, 231); yet once short (66, -X^TOS a<T(f>a\fl <ri>v alffq.). In 132 
 
 might have either t or t (cp. xv. 16). 
 
 ODE XIII. [XIV.] 
 Dactylo-epitritic. 
 
 Strophe (7 verses). 
 
 5 ] v^w , - v^ w - , - 
 
 ] w , w , 
 
 J w , -- w 
 
 Epode (8 verses). 
 
 I ^' < - / , ww , 
 
 5 (v^P)-W W- WW- 
 
 -- W , -- W , ~ 
 
 w v^, - w w , 
 - w -- , - w w, [- w -- ] 
 
 In verse 3 of strophe i the MS. seems to have lost ' after ia6\6v : and in 
 verse 5 a corruption has occurred. See commentary.
 
 BACCHYLIDES 
 
 B. AI0TPAMBOI. 
 
 ODE XIV. [XV.] 
 Dactylo-epitritic. 
 
 Strophe (7 verses). 
 
 5 -w , -w , -w , 
 
 Epode (7 verses). 
 
 A 
 
 1. In verse 6 of ant. i (v. 13) the MS. has avv Ofois where -~~_ stands in 
 the corresponding verses (6, 48, 55) : a short syllable (ye, 5e, or re) seems to 
 be lost after afo. 
 
 2. In verse 7 of epode 3 (v. 63) the MS. u\e<rei> should be uXecrirev, as 
 v. 42 shows. 
 
 ODE XV. [XVI.] 
 
 The metres of this ode are complex, and the precise analysis 
 is in many points doubtful. Dactylic measures of various lengths 
 predominate, both in strophe and in epode. Mingled with these 
 are paeonic rhythms. The paeon primus, - w ^ ^, appears certainly 
 in verse 9 of the strophe; and almost certainly (I think) in 
 verse i, where it is followed by the kindred cretic; though the 
 mutilation of that verse in the strophe, and the ambiguous 
 quantity of ye before *A in the antistrophe (v. 13), differentiate 
 the case from that of verse 9. The paeon quartus, ^ ^ w -, may 
 be recognised at the beginning of verses 4 and 1 1 in the strophe,
 
 . METRES. ODES XIV, XV. 113 
 
 and probably in the second part of v. 5 of the epode (v. 29). 
 There are also some anapaests (or apparent anapaests). Dr W. 
 Headlam, who has given special study to the metres used in 
 this ode, describes the strophe as composed of three elements, 
 paeonic, dactylic, and logaoedic; the epode being constructed, as 
 usual, of the same material in a different arrangement. By this 
 complexity, and by somewhat abrupt transitions from one rhythm 
 to another, Bacchylides seems here to aim at expressing agitated 
 feelings, in unison with the tragic pathos of Deianeira's fate. 
 Such a metrical character was not ill-suited to a Dionysiac 
 
 dithyramb. 
 
 Strophe (12 verses). 
 
 \j w w w 
 
 W W V^ V^ ^- ,^ ^y ___ 
 
 \^\^ w w ww 
 
 w w ww-~ww-~ww 
 
 w I w 
 
 W W W W W 
 
 www I 
 
 1O w w 
 
 w w w 
 
 w w w w ww 
 
 Epode (n verses). 
 
 w w w w 
 
 _ _ __l 
 
 I 
 
 IO ww ww ww 
 
 w w ww ww w 
 
 Notes. 
 
 1. The question as to the metre of verse i is bound up with the palaeo- 
 graphical data : see crit. note ad loc. If the verse did not begin with -"-as 
 [Ilvfl^oi;, but with --~, then two long syllables were formed by 4 letters (for
 
 ii 4 BA CCHYLIDES. 
 
 which alone there is room before ov) ; and the fourth of these %vas either I, or a 
 letter ending with a vertical stroke, such as X. In verse i of the antistr. 
 ( v - *3) 7 before K\ might, according to B. 's practice, be either short or long: 
 for the statistics, see above, p. 85. 
 
 2. Verse 3 of the strophe is a dactylic pentapody with catalexis, not a 
 frequent verse, but one which occurs in Alcman, fr. 51, Pindar P. in. 4 
 (Otipavida yttvov tvpvfdSovTO. Kp6vov), etc. 
 
 3. Verse 5 of the strophe ends with dv0f/m.6fVTi "E/3pi{>, answering to 
 eiipwefal Kijvaiij) in v. 17. The hiatus before "E/3p<jj recalls that in in. 64, 
 <3 fj.fyaivr]Te 'Itpuv, a passage which also suggests that the t of av6e/j.6ei>Ti might 
 be lengthened before the aspirate. But such a lengthening is easier to under- 
 stand in thesis (in. 64) than, as here, in arsis; and moreover it is needless to 
 assume it. Blass surely mars the metre by inserting irov after av6e/j.6evTi. 
 The double spondee of v. 17 occurs in Aesch. Ag. 121 atXivov aXXivov W, 
 rb d' e5 vixdrw. 
 
 4. Verse 6 (= 18), composed of four dactyls and a spondee, is the same 
 as that in Aesch. Etun. 360, (rwevdofdva d' d<j>e\tv riva rdvSe /j.tpL/j,vas. 
 
 5. Verse 7 (=19) might be read either as an anapaestic dimeter, or as a 
 dactylic tetrapody catalectic with anacrusis (***). The former view is the 
 simpler. 
 
 6. The eighth verse, mutilated in the strophe, is preserved entire in the 
 antistrophe, -\e K6pq, T' oppifiodepKei afvya, anapaest, dactyl, trochee, cretic. 
 In verse 8 the last four syllables are formed by iranjovuv, where the first might 
 be short, as in ira.id.vi.i-ai> (xvi. 129). Blass, to avoid the hiatus and the 
 shortening of -KCI, inserts 76 after dfipifnodepicei. 
 
 7. Verse 9, avBea jreSoixvelv ( = 21 irapOtvip 'ABdva), consists of a paeon 
 primus and a spondee. In verse n, rbtra yjopol Ae\<j>wi> ( = 23, r6r' a/xaxos 
 5a.lfj.wi>), we have a paeon quartus and a spondee. Thus the place where the 
 paeonic element becomes prominent is also that which, in the antistrophe, 
 marks the turning-point of tragic interest. Verse 23 introduces Deianeira's 
 resolve. 
 
 8. Verse 12, the last of the strophe, is a choriambus followed by an 
 enhoplius, aov Ke\d5t)crav Trap' dya.K\ea va6v. It will be noticed that both here 
 and in the antistrophic verse (24), Aal'avdpa iro\v5a.Kpvv v<f>ai>f, the fifth syllable 
 coincides with the end of a word. 
 
 9. The first verse of the epoJe (25), a dactylic tripody catalectic, is 
 metrically the same as the ninth (33). 
 
 10. In verse 2 of the epode (26), irvBer' dyye\tav TakairevBta, it seems 
 most probable that the final -&i of the last word is to be scanned ~ - . The 
 metre will then be the same as that of the 7th verse of the epode (31), <f>06vos 
 {vpv{iia.s viv dirdAfffev. In 27 'I6\av can take f. 
 
 11. In verse 5 of the epode (29), aXoxoy \nrapbv irorl 56/j.ov 7re/i7roi, two 
 anapaests are followed by the combination already found in the strophe 
 (vv. 1 1 and 23), a paeon qtwrtus and a spondee. 
 
 12. Verse 6 of the epode (30), a 5(/o>(.opos, a Td\ati>', olov ^ITJO-OTO is 
 followed at the beginning of v. 7 by <j>06vos, and the last syllable of e^a-aro is 
 therefore long. The first a is anacrusis : then we have a dactyl, and a trochaic 
 dipody catalectic (twice). The movement is slow, with a slight pause after 
 Td\aiv\ and gives a wailing effect, which is continued in the next verse. 
 
 13. The nth and last verse of the epode (35), d^aro X&rcrot; trdpa 
 daifibviov T^pas, has a general likeness to the last v. of the strophe, but ends
 
 ME TRES. ODES XV, XVI. 115 
 
 with --- instead of --. As in the strophic verses (12 and 24), the fifth 
 syllable coincides with the end of a word. 
 
 ODE XVI. [XVII.] 
 
 In the metre of this ode much is difficult and obscure. One 
 element, which Wilamowitz regards as predominant (Gott. Gekhr. 
 Anz. 1898, pp. 137 ff.), is formed by iambic dipodies or 
 ' diiambi.' Some verses, such as the second of the epode (v. 48), 
 T(i(f>ov 8e vavftdrai, are simply iambic. There are also trochaic 
 rhythms (as e.g. in v. 9). But there are other elements also. 
 Bacchylides uses cretics in frag, n (=15 Blass), ofy eSpas epyov 
 ouS' d/x/3oA.as, aXXa ^pvaaiytSos 'Iran/lias etc., where the second 
 foot of the second verse is a. paeon primus', and Blass asks (Praef. 
 p. LIV, 3rd ed.) whether this ode is to be regarded as cretic or 
 paeonic. 'It is clearly,' he says, 'a paean ; it concerns the Cretan 
 Minos, and the word KprjriKov occurs in the fourth verse : but if 
 cretics and paeons are to be recognised in it, at any rate they 
 are strangely mingled with trochees, iambics, and even anapaests.' 
 He further observes that the first three verses of the strophe, 
 between which synaphea seems to exist, can be more easily reduced 
 to trochaic dipodies (ditrochaeoi), such as Aristoxenus is said to 
 have called KprjTiKol Kara rpo-^alov (Diomedes p. 481), than to 
 ' cretics ' in the ordinary sense of the word. A complete metrical 
 analysis of the ode has been essayed by Housman in the Classical 
 Review, vol. xn. pp. i34ff. (March, 1898). 
 
 While -the technical aspects of the metre present so much that 
 divides the opinions of experts, a reader can feel that its general 
 character is well adapted to the subject-matter. The verses suit 
 a rapid and spirited narrative, fraught with excitement, startling 
 incident, and reversals of fortune. 
 
 Strophe (23 verses). 

 
 1 1 6 BACCH YLIDES. 
 
 w \J w ( w) 
 
 15 o-w---w*| 
 
 Epode (20 verses). 
 
 IO 
 
 
 20 w-w-, " w-, I w- 
 
 A0ter. 
 
 The number of places where apparent breaches of metre suggest some 
 disturbance of the text is larger in this Ode than in any other. 
 
 1. In several instances the metrical fault can be cured by some very 
 slight correction; as in v. 4, by writing T&pve for rdfjivev: 42, dfj-ppbrov for
 
 METRES. ODE XVI. 117 
 
 d,u/3p6T<H': 80, rjvdevdpov for etfSevdpov: 88, iVxec for tff^eiv : 91, e^6iri.v, or 
 QbinOe, for e^TnOev. 112, a.fj.(j>e^a.\ev for d,u.<pepa\\fv : 118, Bttacnv for 6e\u<nv. 
 
 2. The defect of a syllable sometimes occurs in one of two verses which 
 ought to correspond metrically, (i) In verse 4 of ant. 2 (v. 93) a long syllable 
 has been lost after TjiOeuv. (ii) In verse 8 of str. i the MS. has M/PW where we 
 expect -~-. (iii) The same v. of str. 2 (74) ends with Q-^ffev, rdde, instead of 
 -. (iv) In v. 14 of ant. i (37), re(f)oi 56ffav IbirXoKoi, a short syllable is 
 wanting at the end. 
 
 3. Conversely, excess of a syllable appears (i) in v. 8 of ant. 2 (97), tpepov 
 8e de\(plves evaXi-vaierai, where metre requires aXt-|fai^rat : and (ii) in v. 19 of 
 ant. 2 (108), -wov Keap vypoicnv ev iroatv, where metre requires vypoicri trocrfflv. 
 
 4. There are other and more complex cases of defective responsion where 
 the most probable remedy is afforded by transposition, (i) In verses 1 1 and 
 12 of ant. 2 (ioof.), where the MS. has epoKev re 6eS>v | (teyapov, two faults are 
 removed by writing fjLeyap6v re Oeusv | /j,6\ev. (ii) In vv. 13 f. of ant. 2 (io2f.), 
 the MS. has 28ei<re Nr;p&>s 6\-\/3lov, where we require ~ ~-~- | ~- : this is 
 obtained by writing eSeicr' oX/St'cuo NTJ-'P^OS. 
 
 These two instances, in which the probability of the transposition ap- 
 proaches to certainty, should be carefully noted as tending to prove that a 
 displacement of verses was possible in this papyrus ; not necessarily through 
 an error of the scribe, but perhaps because, in some earlier MS., a verse had 
 been omitted, and then re-inserted in a wrong place. We should remember 
 this in considering two other places, (iii) In vv. 20 f. of ant. 2 (109 f.) the MS. 
 has tlSev (made from iSev) re Trarpos dXoxov <pi\av | ffefj.va.v {3ouiwii> tparoi-, 
 where, instead of ffe/j-vdv, metre requires either ~~ or -. Housman is surely 
 right in making v. 20 begin with ue^v6.v, and v. 2r with tde. (iv) In vv. i6f. 
 of epode i (62 f.) the MS. has SiK&it Opdo-ei <r<3/x,ct Trarpos e"j 56/j.ovs | tveyice 
 Kofffj.oi' fiaQeias a\6s' where a short syllable is wanting after 0pd<m. I agree 
 with Blass in transposing the verses, and adding CK before fiadftas. 
 
 For a fuller discussion of all the passages indicated in notes 2 4, the 
 reader is referred to the commentary. 
 
 5. Verses 6 and 7 of the strophe are wrongly divided by the MS. in ant. 2 
 (95 f., ddttpv | x^" instead of Sd-\Kpv x^ ov )< though rightly in the other three 
 places (6f., 29 f., 72 f.). 
 
 6. In his third edition (1904) Blass, referring to Hermes xxxvi. 284 f., 
 makes a new division of verses 5 6 of the strophe, thus: (i) str. i: rijXa^t" 
 yap iv <j>a.pe'i /Sop^i'at | irirvov avpai /cXuras | e'tfari /c.T.X. (2) ant. I (28 3) 
 X#fl- <ri> 5 papeTav tcdrexe IJ.TJTLV, el | Kal <re Kedva reicev | X^x K.T.\. Note 
 here that the new division of el KOI between two verses is objectionable. This 
 awkwardness becomes still more marked if (as is desirable) a colon or full stop, 
 and not merely a comma, is placed after piJTiv. (3) str. 2 (71 73) : &<fTpa\l/ 6 
 o de Qvfj.dpfj.ei'ov Iduv repas | X^pas ireraffffe K\VTO.V | alffepa K.T.\. In the MS. 
 v. 72 is t'Saw repas xeipas ireraffffe : where the simple correction, Treracre xP< 
 (see comm.), restores the metre. The new division dispenses with the 
 transposition (though requiring x^P as instead of x 6 '/ 5015 ) but it introduces 
 a new discrepancy, viz. ** (x^pas ireraffa-) instead of the ~ found in 
 all the corresponding places (6, 29, 95). (4) ant. 2 (94 96) vpus 06pev ir6vTot>de, 
 Kara \eipiwv r 6/j./j.dTuv SaKpv x^ ov I /3apa" K.T.\. 
 
 It seems to me that the division of these verses in the MS. (with the 
 exception of 95 f., on which see n. 5) is, on the whole, more probable than 
 the new division now made by Blass. One fact especially should be observed.
 
 n8 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 As Maas has noted (see above, p. 96), the general tendency of the Alexandrian 
 AfwXioTifc was to avoid, as far as possible, the division of a word between two 
 verses. Where, therefore, the MS. so divides a word, there is a presumption 
 that such division is authentic. But the effect of the new arrangement is to 
 produce Kdrtxe where the MS. (2&f.) has Kdrf\xf and Kara where the MS. 
 (94 f. ) has KO.\TO. 
 
 ODE XVII. 
 Logaoedic. 
 
 Strophe (15 verses). 
 
 5 
 
 w, w , w , w -, 
 
 , W, W , W , 
 
 w, w , w -, w-, 
 
 -- ~~ --" 
 
 ^7, w, w , w 
 
 w, ^, w, I - 
 
 w w 
 
 -- , w, w , w 
 
 - w, - w, w , w , 
 10 -, -w, w-, w^ 
 
 15 -I - 
 
 1. The MS. text shows many corruptions of metre, but they are such as 
 can easily be removed. In v. 9, 5' ?ari has been corrected to CL^KCLTI : 16, 
 rjKOe to ri\6ei> : 24, K.pe/J.v>vos to fLpennvGivos : 28, i^^aXkfv to ei-efiaXev : 
 35, 8ir\oi<riv to dirdoffiv : 40, Kaprepov to Kparfp6v ; 51, /cpar6s i/?rep to /cparos 
 IT^/M. 
 
 2. In 52 f. the transposition ffTtpvois re... XLTUVO, (instead of the MS. x<- T ^ va 
 ...ffrtpvois T') is required, not by metre, but by the place of re : see com- 
 mentary. 
 
 ODE XVIII. [XIX.] 
 
 The metre does not conform to any well-known type, but 
 blends certain rhythms as the poet's fancy prompts. In the first 
 fourteen verses of the strophe, iambic dimeters alternate with 
 short dactylic measures. In verses 15, 16 and 18 the rhythm 
 becomes trochaic, v. 18 being of a logaoedic character; while 
 v. 17 is an iambic trimeter with an anapaest for the second foot.
 
 METRES. ODES XVII, XVIII. 119 
 
 In the epode the MS. has lost the ending of every verse except 
 the first (37, ep.ol fjLtv ovv). Blass, indeed, thinks that the words 
 riVre Ato'vucrov (50), where he writes Atov viov, form a complete 
 verse ; but this seems improbable. The endings of at least four 
 verses in the epode (46 49) can, however, be restored without 
 much difficulty. The remains of the epode suffice to show that 
 there, as in the strophe, iambic rhythms were combined with 
 trochaic. The tenth verse of the epode (46) was clearly a 
 prosodiacus, oOev /ecu 'AyavoptSa?, like the sixth verse of the 
 
 Strophe, ^epeo-Te^avot Xaptres. 
 
 In this ode the iam-bics are pure. The only spondee in an 
 iambic verse is the proper name 'Iw in 41. 
 Strophe (18 verses). 
 
 5 w - 
 
 JC -- wv-/~ 
 
 Epode (15 verses). 
 
 L 
 
 w _ w _ w r _
 
 120 BA CCHYLIDES. 
 
 I O w~-w\-/~-ww 
 
 I Ij <w> w \J 
 
 Notes. 
 
 1. In the fifth verse of the ant. (23), SLKOITOV S.VTTVOV ibv-ra. (=5 lop\{<f>apoi 
 re teal), there is synizesis of eo, unless evv-\ra should be read. 
 
 2. In v. 15 of the strophe, yev seems a probable correction of the MS. rl 
 yv : the metre clearly indicates a trochee. Blass keeps rt %v, but suggests 
 "A/yyos i^ 7ro0' 80' iiriuov \nrov<ra : with some sacrifice of euphony. 
 
 3. In v. 17 e&pv<r6eveos is scanned --~~-, not -, as is indicated by 
 
 the antistrophic words 17 Hieptdes (v. 35). 
 
 ODE XIX. [XX.] 
 
 The first eleven verses are partly preserved. All begin with 
 --ww, and all are mutilated at the end. The rhythm is the 
 irpoo-oSiaKo?, ww-ww-, or the evoVXio? with anacrusis, 
 --ww ww . Verse 8, commencing with the words ava^taXos 
 ILoa-ei[Sdv, differs from the rest in that the initial - ^ w is 
 followed, not by -ww , but by -w-. This is a form of 
 prosodiacus used by Aristophanes (Av. 1371 ff.) in the nuptial 
 strain, "Hpa TTOT' 'OXu/xTrta (see Introd. to Ode xix). 
 
 Notes. 
 
 1. Verse i may have ended either with --~- (fvpvxt>py), or with * 
 (ftipvayvtq.) ; but the former is more probable. Verses i and 9 presumably 
 ended with -~~-. In 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, n, the ending seems to have 
 been - ~ . 
 
 2. In verse 8 the wards dpafiaXos IlocmSaj' may have been followed by 
 --- --- (^.^. Sre 5i<f>pov oirdffffas). In v. 10, nXei/pwy' es tvKTi/j.ei>av may 
 have been followed by-' -*~ (^.^-. ^7r6/>ei;<re irapai). These, at least, are 
 possibilities suggested by a consideration of the whole context.
 
 THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 VI. THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 The papyrus of Bacchylides (Brit. Mus. Pap. DCCXXXlll) 
 was found in Egypt by natives ; the place of discovery is 
 uncertain. It was brought to the British Museum towards 
 the end of 1896, in the condition which Dr F. G. Kenyon 
 thus describes 1 : 
 
 ' When it reached England the manuscript consisted of about 
 200 torn fragments. The largest of these measured 20 inches in 
 length, and contained four and a half columns of writing ; there 
 were fourteen pieces of some considerable size, containing one 
 or more columns ; while the rest were small fragments ranging 
 from pieces measuring a few inches in either direction to scraps 
 containing barely one or two letters. For the most part the 
 fractures were recent, and were probably due to the Egyptian 
 discoverers ; but in a few places the completely different colours 
 of adjoining fragments show that the fracture must be of old 
 standing. If the manuscript was deposited in a tomb (as is 
 a priori probable, though no authentic information on the point 
 is forthcoming), this might be due to ancient plunderers in search 
 of treasure ; but the matter is not one of great importance, except 
 as indicating that the modern discoverers are not solely to blame 
 for the present condition of this precious manuscript.' 
 
 That the poems were those of Bacchylides, appeared 
 from the occurrence in the papyrus of some verses known 
 to be his 2 . The patient skill of Dr Kenyon accomplished 
 the difficult task of arranging the larger part of the frag- 
 ments in their proper order, and thus reconstructing the 
 body of the manuscript from its mutilated members. 
 
 In this papyrus a column of writing never contains The 
 more than 36 lines, nor less than 32 ; the usual number co 
 is 35 or 34. The average length of a column, from the 
 topmost line of writing to the lowest, is 7 inches, or a 
 fraction more : the width of a column, measured from 
 the beginning of the text on the left to the beginning 
 
 1 Introduction to Bacchylides, p. 2 See introduction to the Frag- 
 
 xv. ments in this volume. 
 
 J. B. 9
 
 122 BA CCHYLIDES. 
 
 of the text in the next column on the right, varies from 
 about 5 to 5 1 inches. Only a very few verses reach (or 
 slightly exceed) the length of 5 inches (see, e.g., ix. 48 
 avSpa...l/j,v, col. 1 8, 1. 6 from the foot): the average length 
 ranges from about 3 to 4^ inches. 
 
 The three The reconstructed papyrus is in three parts or sections. 
 
 *tk?MS? L The first section (9 feet in length) contains 
 columns I XXII. Column I begins in the latter portion 
 of Ode I, with the mutilated first verse of a strophe 
 (7ro\iv.../3a0vSi,-), which was perhaps the seventh strophe 
 of the poem. Column XXII breaks off after verse 8 of 
 Ode XI (rdv T eV Ne/iea <yvia\fcea ^ovvo-jrakav). Between 
 the end of this first section and the beginning of the next, 
 there has been a loss of at least one column, and probably 
 of more. 
 
 II. The second section (2 feet 3 inches in length) 
 contains columns XXIV XXIX, preceded by a few minute 
 traces of the lost column XXIII. Column XXIV begins with 
 the eleventh verse of a strophe of Ode XII (vfipios v-^ivoov). 
 If, as is probable, that strophe was the second, this verse 
 was the 44th of the poem. Column XXIX breaks off after 
 v. 23 of Ode XIII (09 <f>i\oeivov re teal opdoSiKov). The 
 scale of the exordium might suggest that Ode XIII was 
 on a somewhat large plan ; in that case, more than one 
 other column would have been required to complete it. 
 Nor is it at all certain that the thirteenth epinikion was 
 the last poem of that class. It is therefore impossible to 
 conjecture how much has been lost between the end of 
 this section and the beginning of the next. 
 
 III. The third section (3 feet 6 inches in length) 
 consists of columns XXX XXXIX. Column xxx is repre- 
 sented only by a fragment of the upper portion, belonging 
 to the exordium of Ode XIV, the first of the 'dithyrambs.' 
 The title 'AvTrjvopi&ai fj 'EXe^? dTrairrja-^ is written at 
 the top of the column, and not (as usual) in the margin. 
 This circumstance, with the fact that the initial of the 
 title is A, suggests that a new division of the volume began 
 here. Column xxxix (of which the right-hand part is torn
 
 THE RECONSTRUCTED PAPYRUS. 123 
 
 off) ends with v. 1 1 of Ode xix, "ISa?. It is fairly certain 
 that, in the complete papyrus, other dithyrambs followed 
 the Idas. 
 
 After the reconstruction of the MS. in these three 
 principal sections, there remained about 40 fragments, 
 nearly all minute, for which no place had been found. 
 All these have now had places assigned to them, chiefly 
 by Prof. Blass ; but with varying degrees of probability. 
 
 Prof. Blass supposes that the column numbered by The lost 
 Kenyon as the first was originally the fifth. It was pr 
 ceded by four columns which contained the beginning 
 and the middle part of Ode I. He has arranged a large 
 number of small fragments in the places which he supposes 
 them to have held in these four columns, and in many 
 cases has added conjectural supplements. Even with the 
 supplements, a continuous sense is seldom effected ; but 
 we obtain what might be called a hypothetical skeleton 
 of the four lost columns. I give this reconstruction in an 
 Appendix to Ode I. It reflects much credit on the eminent 
 critic's ingenuity and industry. But the element of con- 
 jecture involved is so extremely large as to render it 
 questionable whether the skeleton of these four columns 
 should be printed as part of the ascertained text. 
 
 Column I of Kenyon is designated by Blass thus V (l) ; Number- 
 and so on up to Kenyon's twenty-ninth column, designated "g 
 as XXXIII (xxix). At this point a further difference comes in. 
 A small fragment, giving morsels of 4 verses (xill. 40 43), 
 is regarded by Blass as representing a lost column, XXXIV, 
 which he inserts between xxxni (Kenyon's xxix) and 
 xxxv (Kenyon's xxx). Hence, from that point to the end, 
 the difference between the two numberings is no longer 
 four, but five ; the last column, Kenyon's XXXIX, being 
 Blass's XLIV. In this edition I retain Kenyon's numbering 
 of the columns, which is also that used in the autotype 
 facsimile of the papyrus (1897). 
 
 The thirteen epinikia are not arranged, as those of Arrange- 
 Simonides were, according to the class of the contest 1 ; 
 1 See p. 37, n. 4 . 
 
 92
 
 i2 4 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 
 
 I. Epini- nor, like those of Pindar, according to the festivals. Nor 
 
 kid 
 
 do they stand in the alphabetical sequence of the victors' 
 names, or of their cities. Finally, the order is not chrono- 
 logical : the few dates which can be fixed suffice to prove 
 that. The first two Odes, for Argeius, may, indeed, have 
 been among the poet's earliest compositions (see p. 60). 
 But Ode III belongs to 468 ; IV, to 470 ; V, to 476 ; VI and 
 VII, to 452 ; XII (probably) to 481 or 479. As to Ode xili, 
 its place is doubtless due to the fact that it pertains to a 
 minor festival. It may have been followed by other poems 
 relating to local games ; but not (we may presume) by 
 any which concerned Olympia or Delphi, Nemea or the 
 Isthmus. Perhaps we now possess the greater part of the 
 epinikia written by Bacchylides. Among the fragments of 
 his epinikia quoted by ancient writers, there is only one 
 (fr. l) which does not occur in the papyrus: o>? & aira% 
 eiirelv, (frpeva KOI Trvtcivav \ icepSos dvOpcoircov ftiarat. That 
 fragment is excluded by metre from every extant strophe 
 and epode of the recovered epinikia : but it may possibly 
 have stood (as Blass suggests) in one of the lost epodes of 
 Ode XI. There is no reason to suppose that in antiquity 
 this class of the poet's works formed more than one book. 
 Stobaeus quotes simply from Ba/c%uX/Sou 'Qirivtiewv. 
 
 II. Dithy- The six ' dithyrambs,' contained in the third section of 
 * s ' the MS., are arranged in the alphabetical order of initials 
 
 (but not of second letters also) : 'AvrrjvopiSai, rj 
 dTrairrjcris, 'HpaicXrj^, 'Httfeoi rj (D^crey?, ?7<reu9, T<o, 
 In the book of ' dithyrambs,' when entire, some other pieces 
 must have followed the "ISa? in alphabetical order. There 
 was probably a Kaa-advSpa (fr. 46), and a Aao/cowv (fr. 51). 
 The story of Philoctetes being brought from Lemnos to 
 Troy was told in a dithyramb of which that hero's name 
 was doubtless the title (fr. 39). If the poem which related 
 Europa's story (fr. 47) was a dithyramb, EvpwTnj, it should 
 have come between Odes XIV and XV : unless, indeed, the 
 original title of XIV was simply 'EXe^?;? amu'r^o-*?, in which 
 case EvpwTrr) might have stood before it, as 'laj before "ISo.?. 
 But the fact already noticed, that the title of XIV is written 
 at the head of col. XXX, makes this improbable.
 
 ORDER OF CONTENTS. DATE. 125 
 
 The character of the handwriting in the papyrus will Character 
 be seen from the specimens reproduced in the plates given writing. 
 below. It is a fine uncial, firm, clear, regular, and of a fairly 
 large size. The size is not, however, quite uniform through- 
 out. In some places (as e.g. in col. XXXI) the writing 
 becomes slightly smaller, as if the scribe was desirous of 
 economizing his space. On the whole, the MS. is among 
 the most beautiful examples of Greek writing on papyrus. 
 As the calligraphy indicates, it was probably designed for 
 sale, or for a public library. 
 
 The only evidence as to the age of the MS. is that Age of the 
 
 \f^ 
 
 afforded by the handwriting. The term ' Ptolemaic,' as " ' 
 applied to literary papyri written in a formal book-hand, Ptolemaic 
 denotes that the hand is such as prevailed in the Greek P eriod - 
 book-world at large during the period when the Ptolemies 
 ruled in Egypt 1 ; i.e. from the beginning of the third century 
 to about the middle of the first century B.C. This style The 
 was modified in the course of the transition to the first 
 century of our era, when the ' Roman ' period in Greek 
 literary handwriting begins. 
 
 Now the Bacchylides papyrus has some forms of letters Character- 
 which are distinctly Ptolemaic : but it also exhibits some ^^/Arc- 
 traits which indicate that a transition to the Roman style is chylides 
 
 MS. 
 
 at hand. The A is Ptolemaic ; it is angular, without any 
 trace of a curve, and is written with two strokes of the 
 pen. The M is broad, with a shallow dip, and is, so far, 
 Ptolemaic ; but the dip is usually curved. The H, the 
 most characteristic letter of all, is thoroughly Ptolemaic, 
 being formed with exceptionally long strokes at top and 
 bottom, and a mere dot in the middle. These are the 
 three most significant letters. But some others also are 
 noteworthy. E is thin, the central stroke projecting 
 slightly beyond the short strokes above and below it. 
 % is thin. O is very small. II is remarkably broad. 
 The curve at the top of T is much shallower than in the 
 Roman period. All these features occur in papyri of the 
 Ptolemaic age. On the other hand, the form of A, in 
 
 1 Kenyon, Palaeography of Greek Papyri, pp. 72 f.
 
 126 
 
 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 
 
 Probable 
 date. 
 
 Other 
 papyri of 
 the same 
 period. 
 
 which the right-hand stroke runs up a little beyond the 
 other, shows the incipient influence of Roman style. In 
 the narrow C, the upper part is sometimes separated from 
 the rest, a peculiarity found also in the Harris MS. of Iliad 
 XVIII (Brit. Mus. Pap. evil), a papyrus of the first century 1 . 
 Guided chiefly by these or like indications, Dr Kenyon 
 assigns the Bacchylides papyrus to the first century B.C., 
 when the Ptolemaic style was beginning to pass into the 
 Roman. In confirmation of this approximate date, he 
 refers to some other literary papyri of the same period, 
 (i) Some of the Herculaneum rolls (all of which must be 
 earlier than 79 A.D.) contain writings of the Epicurean 
 Philodemus, a contemporary of Cicero, and may probably 
 be referred to the middle or latter part of the first century 
 B.C. These papyri show the Ptolemaic style in some test- 
 letters, such as A, M, 3. (2) Another papyrus contains 
 Hypereides In Philippidem, and also (but in a different 
 hand) the third Epistle of Demosthenes (Brit. Mus. Papp. 
 CXXXIII, CXXXIV). In the work of both these hands, some 
 letters, as A, M, and E, have Ptolemaic forms, akin to 
 those in the MS. of Bacchylides : and both the hands belong 
 to the period of transition from the Ptolemaic style to the 
 Roman 2 . 
 
 If the approximate date thus obtained be correct, the 
 of the text. p a py rus of Bacchylides was written about four centuries 
 after the poet's death. In order to estimate the character 
 
 Condition 
 
 1 Kenyon, op. cit. p. 76: cp. p. 85. 
 
 2 Messrs Grenfell and Hunt (Oxy- 
 rhynchus Papyri I. 53) would refer 
 the Bacchylides papyrus to the first 
 or second century of our era. ( i ) They 
 compare a papyrus of Demosthenes, 
 which they would place in the early 
 part of the second century. Dr 
 Kenyon, however, observes (Palae- 
 ography of Greek Papyri, p. 76, n. i) 
 that the forms of some characteristic 
 letters in the Bacchylides, such as M, 
 S, T, fi, differ from those in the 
 Demosthenes. He would refer the 
 Demosthenes not to the second, but 
 
 to the first century. (2) They also 
 compare the M and T of the Bacchy- 
 lides with those found in papyrus 
 fragments of Thucydides and Aris- 
 toxenus which belong to the Roman 
 period. But Dr Kenyon observes 
 that, in these fragments, M is less 
 broad, and also more deeply indented, 
 than in the Bacchylides ; while in the 
 case of T the resemblance is not close. 
 'On the whole,' he concludes, 'the 
 Oxyrhynchus papyri, which are all 
 of the Roman period, seem to me to 
 confirm the date here assigned to the 
 Bacchylides.'
 
 THE FIRST HAND. i 27 
 
 of the manuscript, the following subjects must be con- 
 sidered. I. The manner in which the scribe performed 
 his task of transcription, and the classes of error which 
 his work exhibits. II. The nature and extent of the 
 corrections made by later hands. III. The condition in 
 which the text was left by the latest corrector. IV. The 
 signs used in the papyrus. 
 
 I. The hand of the scribe, A. 
 
 The first fact to be noted is the number of the instances 
 which prove that the scribe habitually worked in a mechani- 
 cal manner, merely transcribing the letters which he seemed 
 to see before him, without regard for the sense. Such Errors 
 instances are frequent throughout, and fall under two ** c ' 
 
 classes : (a) those in which the right reading is replaced by sense - 
 a word, or words, plainly unsuitable to the context ; and 
 {b} those in which it is replaced by an unmeaning series of 
 letters. Some of these errors also violate metre. Thus : 
 (a) III. 78 A wrote evrav for evvra. V. 23 <ot/3<ot for 
 <o/3&> : 1 06 e? for 09: 117 ayye\ov for 'Ay\aov: 170 
 rovtce for TOV Be. VIII. 6 on for odt : 36 raXa? for TraXas : 
 41 /ia#e for r)\6ev. IX. 2/ Ev@oi\.c0v for ev/3ov|\<i>. X. 54 
 ofifjia for voijpa: 94 tcara/capBiav for /car' 'AptcaSiav: I2O 
 eVt for eVet. XVI. 119 \da for vaa. XVII. 6 opei for opt. 
 One instance of this class is so characteristic that it 
 deserves to be signalised. In XII. 87 (where a maiden is 
 compared to ' a joyous fawn '), instead of vefipos, A wrote 
 
 (b} III. 15 epa for lepd: 48 aftpoftawrav for dfipoftdrav. 
 VIII. 12 7rapfjLf^opa)t aw for eV 'Ap^e/MO/aeo rov. IX. 14 
 fjiavoov for pavvov: 47 ftptcrevo/jLev for /Sptcret. TO /J-ev: tb. 
 eaeXoiv for ea6\ov (or eer#X<wz/). XII. 127 avracravv^i- for 
 ai/Tacr(a?) avar-. XIV. 54 BiKaXrjdrjav for Ai'ai> I9elav. 
 
 XVII. 2 appopiicwv ... leptovwv for appoftiwv ... Ta^tui/. 
 
 XVIII. ^-2 evOevi for ey0a i/ty. XIX. 8 7ra<rt- for ?roo-(e)i-
 
 128 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 
 
 Errors Next, A made a number of errors which, though they 
 
 destructive do not always mar the sense, prove that the scribe was 
 
 of metre. . . 
 
 either ignorant or regardless of metre. Thus : III. 47 
 
 Trpocrdev 8' for irpoade 8': 48 eire^^e for aveTreptye (dv- lost 
 after dyaBeav). V. 15 TOU? for o#<?: 31 /not for e'/Lwu: 78 
 for TrpocreiTrev: 121 &>A,ecrei> for w'Xecre: 154 
 for TrpokeiTrwv: 169 0e\o)v for e6e\wv. VI. 3 
 'A\<f>6iov for 'AX^eoO ( ). VIII. 45 iro\v^rj\oor' ava% for 
 (f}dva^. X. 24 at eVt a#eoi9 for #ai eV 
 : 54 crrrjOea-iv for (TTijOea-at. XII. 62 Travpoicri for 
 : IIO OTTore for oTTTrore. XIV. 56 crvvSiKov for 
 O-VVOIKOV. XVI. 91 ftopeovs e^oTTiOev for ySopea? egoTriv (or 
 e^oiride): Il8 OeXwaiv for 6ewcnv ( ). XVII. 40 icaprepov 
 for Kparepov: 41 e^ev for ecr^ev. 
 
 It appears, then, that the scribe was habitually regard- 
 less both of sense and of metre. The particular forms 
 of error found in his work may be classed under the 
 following heads. 
 
 I. (i) Case-endings of nouns. I. 48 eTnpoipwv by error 
 for -or. V. 23 /j,eyd\ai<} for -a?. VIII. 46 eyyovot for -aw. 
 XII. Il8 TreSiov for -w. XIII. 18 epbovn for -a. XIV. 12 
 TwxpvTas for -e?. XVII. 13 aX/a/iou for -tor. 
 
 (ii) Dialectic or poetical forms. I. 60 youo-wi/ by error 
 for vocrwv. V. 49 (friXogevy for <pi\o!;eiv<0 : 1 37 tf opa for 
 Kovpa. XVI. 42 duftpoTOi for dfjuftporov : 80 evSev&pov for 
 
 2. (i) Moods and tenses of verbs. I. 65 eu/iapet by 
 error for ev(j,apeiv. V. 16 atVet for aivetv: 35 u/ii/et for vpvelv. 
 1 54 TTpoXnroav for irpoXdTrwv. XVI. 1 1 2 dfj.(f>e@a\\ov for d^fye- 
 fta\ov. XVII. 28 e^e'/?aXXei/ for e%e@a\ev. 41 e^ef for eo-%ei/. 
 
 (ii) Paragogic v wrongly added : V. 1 2 1 twXecrei/. XVI. 
 3 rdfivev. 109 tS'v (rSey). 
 
 3. Errors in spelling 1 . 
 
 (i) i instead of i occurs in A.iyeiva<f (XI. 6) : 
 
 1 From the spelling in the papyrus i, or t for et, is comparatively rare in 
 Prof. Blass has drawn an inference it. Such iotacism became extremely 
 as to its date. The iotacism of ei for common in the first century of our era ;
 
 THE FIRST HAND. 129 
 
 (XVI. 107, Bivfjvro A 2 ?): e/ceivrja-ev (IX. 10): Oelva (XII. 149, 
 in accordance with the view of Aristarchus, who derived 
 6ek from Oeivw): veiv (=viv,X\ 7 I. 91): QepeveiKO? (V. 184, 
 though 3>epeviKo<; in 37): wpeivaro (XII. 112). 
 
 (ii) i instead of ci occurs in epi-^rnrv\av (v. 56, made 
 by a corrector, from epei-fy-: though in XII. 167 we find 
 epeL^r-): rjpnrov (= TJpenrov, X. 68, unless this was an error of 
 tense) : ari^eiv (XVII. 36). The i of Hoa-ei8dv is preserved 
 in XVI. 59 f. and 79; but becomes i in IX. 19, xill. 20, 
 XVI. 36, XIX. 8. 
 
 (iii) Other errors in single letters. V. 164 fcpij for ^rj. 
 VIII. 1 6 Oi\\ei$as for 'Oi'/eXetSa?. X. 93 rj\vKra^ov for 
 rj\VKTa^ov, XVI. 1 6 dva^i/SpevTas. XVII. 59 %aXei/CTU7rou 
 
 for ^a\K60KTVTTOV. 
 
 (iv) Non-assimilation of consonants, v instead of -y : 
 V. 69 ev^ecnrd\ov, VIII. 2 TreiarivftpoTov, 33 fj,e\av(f)vX\ov. 
 -T' instead of 0': VIII. 15 or' l-mriov. 
 
 4. Omission of letters. 
 
 (i) Single letters omitted. (#) The first letter of 
 a word. III. 68, the TT of Trtaiverai : V. 22, the TT of 7rro-- 
 a-ovTi: IX. 39, the 7 of 7ap: VIII. 25, the 7 of 76. (b) A 
 letter in the middle of a word. X. 66, the first i of ' 
 
 XVI. 1 1 6, the t of SoXto?: XVI. 35, the t of 
 
 XVII. 26, the first o in Ke/a/cuwo? : XVII. 24, one fj, in 
 jjbvwvcx; : ib. 56 one /u, in eppev : X. 35 the r 
 
 XVI. 124, the first i of 71/1049, and the second a of dj\ao-. 
 
 (ii) In some places, a syllable, or a small group of 
 letters, has been omitted. I. 73 f. : the \ei of Xe/Tret. XII. 
 176 d\afjb7T(7t, written aXaevri. XV. 12 aXea for d 
 
 but an improvement began towards he is content to refer the papyrus to 
 
 the end of that century, and was a period before the tendency to greater 
 
 carried still further, under the influence iotacism had set in; and so acquiesces 
 
 of Herodian, in the second half of the in Dr Kenyon's approximate date, 
 
 second century. Hence Prof. Blass, viz. the first century B.C. In the 
 
 in the ist edition of his Bacchylides Palaeography of Greek Papyri (p. 77, 
 
 (pp. vil f.), was disposed to place note) Dr Kenyon observes that, in 
 
 the papyrus in the latter part of the the absence of fuller manuscript 
 
 first century, after the improvement evidence, orthography cannot safely 
 
 had begun. Now, however (3rd ed. be accepted as the main guide to the 
 
 pp. vin f., as already in the 2nd), date of a MS.
 
 130 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 
 
 5. Words wrongly transposed. 
 
 IX. 2O ra^elav opi^av by error for opi^av ra^eiav : XIV. 47 
 apj^ev \6ya)v for \6ya)v (ipx fv ' XVI. I oof. efjuoXev re . . /meyapov, 
 for fieyapov re . . /j,6\ev : ib. IO2f. eSeiae N?;peo<? 6\/3iov for 
 eSetcr' oX/3/oto N^peo? : XVII. 5 2 X^wva . . crrepvois T' for 
 crTt ; pi/<H9 re . . xiT&va. (Other probable instances occur in 
 XVI. 62 f. and 109 f., where see commentary.) 
 
 6. Omission of words. 
 
 III. 63 76 after oo-ot. V. 129 ov yap: 183 e'<? after 
 <&epeviKos. XIV. 55 d/co\ov6oi>. XVII. 39 (perhaps) re 
 after 6'?. 
 
 7. Errors due to confusion of similar letters. 
 
 (i) Instances of an ordinary kind. A confused with 
 A or A: El with H : H with M (the Ptolemaic M having 
 a shallow curve, while the cross-stroke of H is often placed 
 high, and slightly curved). 
 
 XVII. 35 SYNonAoisiN for SYNonAosiN (A for A: then i added 
 after o). 
 
 V. 117 AITEAON for AFEAAON ( A dropped after A : then a 
 second r added). 
 
 VIII. 41 MASE for HAE (M for H : A for A). 
 
 X. 54 EMBAAEN OMMA for EMBAAEN NOHMA (H of NOHMA changed 
 
 to M : then the second N dropped). 
 
 XIV. 54 AIKAAH6HAN for AiKAN I6EIAN (m became AH, and 
 EI became H). 
 
 (ii) Instances of a rarer kind. 
 
 IX. 47 BPI2ENOMEN for BPI2EI TO MEN. Here IT became N. 
 XIV. 56 2YNAIKON for 2YNOIKON. Here o is replaced by A. 
 
 This was possible, owing to the irregular manner in which 
 the small Ptolemaic o was sometimes formed. 
 
 (iii) Instances which appear probable, but are not 
 certain. 
 
 In VIII. 13 A2AFEYONTA seems to have come from 
 AOTEYONTA (o passed into CA, and T into r). 
 
 In XII. 95 HAiHE(iNOY) may have come from nArEEiNOY: if 
 so, r became i. 
 
 [In IX. 23 AIHE may have been a corruption of AYTE.
 
 THE FIRST HAND. 13 1 
 
 With the Ptolemaic forms of Y and a, this is conceivable : 
 
 see p. 125.] 
 
 8. Omission of verses or parts of verses. 
 The instances fall into three classes. 
 (i) Those in which whole verses, omitted by the 
 scribe, have been supplied by a later hand. 
 
 (a) X. 1 06 rot) 8' e/cXv dpio-TOTrdrpa. Added by the 
 later corrector A 3 at the top of col. XXII. 
 
 (b) xvn. 55, 56, 57 o-ri\/3eiv .. aQvp^d-rwv. Added by 
 A 3 at the top of col. xxxvili. See Plate I below. 
 
 (c) XVII. 1 6 vkov ifkdev 8o\t^dv dfiei-^ra^. This, the 
 last line in col. xxxvi, has been added by a later hand 
 (probably distinct from A 3 ), but with the unmetrical ri\6e 
 instead of r/Xdev. 
 
 (d} XVIII. 22 xpuo-oTreTrXo? "Hpa. Added by A 3 at 
 the foot of col. XXXVIII. 
 
 (ii) In one instance the first words of a verse were 
 written by the scribe, and the rest supplied by a later hand. 
 This is X. 23, xeivo) <ye avv apart 7rpo<? yaia Trecrovra. Only 
 the words xeivep 76 were written by A : the rest were added 
 by the hand mentioned above as supplying xvn. 16. 
 
 (iii) Lastly there are instances in which a verse, or 
 part of a verse omitted by the scribe, has not been 
 supplied by any later hand. 
 
 (a) After v. 84 of XII (icai TIS fajrairyfl? Kopa) a verse 
 has been lost. The letters pav, which appear in the papyrus 
 at the end of v. 84, being separated from tc6[pa by a space 
 equivalent to some 7 letters, seem to have been the last 
 letters of the lost verse. 
 
 (b) In xvii. 48 only the first two words, i$o9 !%eii/, 
 remain; the rest of the verse (w^-w-c/) is wanting. 
 Here there may have been a defect, not only in the 
 archetype of the MS. from which our papyrus was copied, 
 but also in that of the copy or copies used by the 
 correctors. 
 
 (A verse, the last in col. 19, has been lost after v. 30 of 
 Ode X. : but this is due to mutilation of the papyrus.)
 
 132 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 
 
 9. Incorrect division of verses. See above, pp. 95 f. It 
 is doubtful how far the scribe is responsible, if he is 
 responsible at all, for the errors of this kind which occur 
 in the papyrus. They may have been due to Alexandrian 
 KuiXiffrai of an earlier date. 
 
 Corrections made by the scribe himself (A 1 ). The 
 limits of such corrections are very narrow. I. The most 
 frequent case is that in which the scribe corrects an error 
 of his own in the ending of a word. Thus he deletes the 
 incorrect final i in II. 14 HavdeiBai : V. 46 Bepeat : X. I 
 Niat(?): 86 fjLepifjivai. He corrects I. 51 avdpcaTrois to -wv. 
 X. 69 TratSe? to -a<?, 83 Kvavoir\OKa^io^ to -01 : III. 5 
 /3a\\ev to -ov : XVII. IO crevovn to aevovr', 1 8 \eyeiv to 
 \eyei. 
 
 2. He sometimes adds (either in the text or above the 
 line) a letter which he had omitted : as I. 39 the initial i of 
 laropla : XVI. i the i adscript after w in KvavoTrpwpa : 
 XVII. 8 the a- of \rja-rai. Or he deletes a letter which he 
 had wrongly added, as V. 129 the second a in 'A^ap^ara. 
 
 3. Here and there he amends some graver mistake : 
 thus in I. 56 he corrects EAAKEN to EAAXEN : III. 12 TENDS to 
 TEPA2 : ib. 13 f. MEAAH to MEAAM, and *APEix to *APEI: in 
 
 V. 134 A0ANATON tO QANATON. 
 
 The scribe's corrections of his own errors are merely 
 sporadic and casual. They seem to have been made inter 
 scribendum, at the moment when he happened to observe a 
 mistake. On the other hand, the numerous errors of every 
 kind, many of them gross, which he left uncorrected show 
 that he did not attempt a systematic revision of his work 
 by comparing it with the archetype. There are several 
 cases in which it is doubtful whether a correction is to be 
 attributed to the scribe or to a later hand. Two of these 
 are cases of false correction : V. 56 where the correct 
 e pei^r nrv\av was written at first, but the second e was 
 afterwards deleted : X. 2O where iray^eva) was first written, 
 and then altered (against metre) to Traygeivw. In XVII. 53, 
 where a-repvoi^ had been rightly written, it seems to have 
 been the scribe himself who incorrectly changed it to
 
 THE CORRECTORS. 133 
 
 II. The correctors, A 2 and A 3 . 
 
 The hand of the earlier corrector, denoted by A 2 , seems 
 to be contemporary with the papyrus, i.e. of the first 
 century B.C. It might even be asked whether this hand 
 is not that of the scribe himself: but it is probably distinct 
 from his. A specimen of it may be seen in col. xxxvui. 
 (Plate I below), where this hand has written the title of 
 Ode XVIII in the left-hand margin, To> 'AQrjvaiots. It will 
 be noticed that the difference between this hand and the 
 writing in the text is not merely that the former is smaller. 
 The writing of the text suggests a professional scribe, 
 whose calligraphy is of a formal and somewhat mechanical 
 type. The finer hand of the marginal title is more sug- 
 gestive of a scholar. 
 
 The hand of the later corrector, denoted by A 3 , is a 
 Roman cursive, probably not earlier than the second 
 century. It is by this hand that the three verses, <rTiX/3eiv 
 ...a0vpfj,aTO)v, have been written at the top of col. XXXVIII 
 (see Plate I). 
 
 The work of A 2 . i. He corrected some small errors 
 of an obvious kind. Thus he sometimes supplied letters 
 which the scribe had omitted, as in I. 55 the first i of 
 vyteias, in 73 the \i of XetVet, in V. 22 the TT of Trrda-a-ovTi. 
 He also corrected a few (but very few) of the scribe's 
 grosser errors, as by changing evpapel in I. 65 to evpapeiv : 
 7rl in X. 24 to ev : veicpbs in XII. 87 to vefipos : iraa-i- in 
 XIX. 8 to Troo-i-. 
 
 In one instance, on the other hand, he seems to be 
 responsible for a false correction, HopdaoviSa in V. 70, 
 where A had correctly written HopdaviBa. On the whole, 
 his work as a corrector seems to have been very limited, 
 and not of much moment. 
 
 2. He added, in the left-hand margin, the titles of 
 Odes II, xvill, and XIX. 
 
 The work of A 3 was far more considerable than that 
 of his predecessor. Even he, indeed, did not undertake 
 a thorough or systematic revision. But he left the text, as
 
 134 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 
 
 a whole, in a much better condition than that in which he 
 found it. 
 
 1. He corrected a large number of small and evident 
 errors in spelling (as when one or more letters of a word 
 had been omitted), wrong case-endings, such corruptions 
 as erri for e-rrei (x. 1 20), etc. 
 
 2. A more distinctive merit was that he restored the 
 right word or words in a number of places where the 
 scribe had written nonsense. Thus he restored in VIII. 2 
 ir 'Ap^e/Ltopw, rov : 36 TraXa? : 41 rjA^efv : IX. 27 evftov XGJV: 
 38 eTrtara/iat : 47 /Splffei. TO fj,ev : XII. 127 av racra? avar- : 
 XIV. 54 AiAcaz/ Weiav: 56 CTUVQIKOV. XV. 12 dyaK\a : XVI. 
 91 ySopea? : XVII. 2 aftpoftiwv..?\<i>vwv. 
 
 3. He added some words which had been omitted ; as 
 V. 129 ov yap : XIV. 6 T' after Me^eXaw : 55 dtc6\ov6ov. 
 
 4. He also supplied some missing verses (five in all) : 
 see above, I. 8 (i). 
 
 5. But he was as ignorant or regardless of metre as 
 the scribe himself, and made several false corrections, which 
 metre refutes. Thus in III. 47, ra TrpocrQe 8' e'xjdpa <j){\a, 
 he wished to insert vvv after e^dpd. In V. 179 he altered 
 the correct 'OXvpiriov to 'OA.tyi7rtW : in XII. 53 o7rtVo-o> to 
 OTrttro) : and ib. 152 epevOe to epi>6ero. 
 
 He wished to double the v in o-vve-^ea)^ (v. 113): to 
 alter the Doric darrfpcov (IX. 23) to Oearrjpwv : and to insert 
 /J, after the first o of oftpipoaTropov (XVIII. 32). 
 
 6. The titles of many Odes were added in the left-hand 
 margin by A 3 . To him are probably due the titles of III 
 and IV : and certainly those of VI, vil, VIII, X, XI, xill, XIV 
 (this at the top of the column), XV, XVI, XVII. He neglected, 
 however, to supply the title of Ode V. With regard to 
 Odes I, IX, XII, and XV, the mutilations of the papyrus leave 
 it uncertain whether the titles were given. It may be noted 
 that, in the title of XI, A 3 writes Tia-iai instead of the 
 correct Tetaicu. 
 
 The fact that A 3 could supply words and verses omitted 
 by A proves that he had access to some copy or copies 
 other than our papyrus. But there is nothing to show that
 
 THE CORRECTORS. 135 
 
 he possessed a MS. of which the text was better than that 
 of the archetype from which our papyrus was copied. 
 
 III. The text as left by the latest corrector. 
 
 We have now seen the characteristics of the work done 
 by the original scribe, and also the limits to the subsequent 
 work of correction. As left by the latest of the ancient 
 correctors (perhaps in the second century), the MS. still 
 contained (i) many mis-spelt words, (2) many errors 
 destructive of the sense, and (3) many flagrant breaches 
 of metre. The following are examples : 
 
 1. Mis-spelt forms of words, V. 71 'AAtf/A77i'o<?, 146 f. 
 e^avapi^wv : X. 66 'A/f/xriw, 93 rj\VKTa%ov : XVI. 66 ava^i- 
 /3pei/ra9, 91 vetv (= viv), 124 yvois (=7utot?): XVII. 36 
 cni^eiv : XVIII. 3 Heiep&cov. 
 
 2. Errors destructive of the sense (with or without 
 violations of metre also). V. 35 v^vel (for v^velv), 106 e? 
 (for 09), 117 ayyeX.ov (for 'AyeXaov): IX. 47 ecreX<wi/ (for 
 e<r&\6v or ea&\wv)'. X. 54 e/i/SaXev o/i/xa (for /jLJ3a\ev vorj/Mi), 
 94 Kara/capstans (for ar' 'Apfca&iav), 119 f- 7rp6yo\voi, 
 ecrcrdfjievoi. 
 
 3. Where violations of metre did not evidently mar 
 the sense, the correctors passed them over. In a few 
 instances they happened to heal a breach of metre, as (e.g.) 
 by restoring eV 'Ap^e^opw in VIII. 2 : /3/oiVet TO /j,ev in 
 IX. 47 : ev (for err I) in X. 24 : (rvvoitcov in XIV. 56 : dyctfcXea 
 in XV. 12. But, allowing for such exceptions, it may be 
 said that nearly all the unmetrical readings contained in 
 the text, as written by the scribe, remained in it after A 3 
 had done his work. Indeed, as we have seen, some new 
 breaches of metre were introduced, or suggested, by the 
 correctors. 
 
 IV. The signs used in the papyrus. 
 
 I. Accents. The Bacchylides papyrus is the earliest 
 extant in which accents are used ; and there is no other 
 papyrus in which the use made of them is so large 1 . That 
 
 1 Kenyon, Palaeography of Greek Papyri, p. 28.
 
 136 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 
 
 which comes next to the Bacchylides in this respect is 
 a papyrus which may probably be referred to the latter 
 part of the first century, the fragment of Alcman in the 
 Louvre. On the other hand there are no accents in the 
 Petrie papyri of the third century B.C., nor in the Louvre 
 Hypereides of the second century B.C. During the period 
 of Greek literary writing on papyrus (which goes down to 
 about A.D. 300), accents, when used at all, were intended 
 as aids to the reader, especially in those poetical texts 
 which presented difficulties of dialect, vocabulary, or metre. 
 Accents in Greek papyri of prose-writers 1 are very rare. 
 
 In the Bacchylides papyrus accents are given to a very 
 large number of words, but by no means to all. The longer 
 words, and especially compounds, are usually accented. 
 A preposition is very seldom accented, unless for some 
 special reason, as when it follows its case (XVII. 5 1 Kparo? 
 vTrep) : and this is true also of articles, pronouns, and 
 adverbs 2 . The following points should be noted. 
 
 i. In the Bacchylides papyrus an oxytone word never 
 has the acute accent on the last syllable, but receives the 
 grave accent on the preceding syllable or syllables: thus jravrt 
 (XII. 231), darjrov (X. 14), /cepavveyxe? (VII. 48), 7ro\vrcpaT<; 
 (VIII. 15). The theory was that every syllable has an 
 accent, but that in each word only one syllable can have 
 the acute accent ; if the word is of more than one syllable, 
 the other syllable or syllables have the grave accent. 
 According to this theory, the strictly correct mode of 
 accenting would be (e.g.) iravrl, TroXv/cpares. The practice 
 which ultimately prevailed was to write the acute accent, 
 and to omit the grave 3 . 
 
 1 As in Oxyrhynch. pap. 25 and prob. of the second century), e.g. \wv, 
 231 (Demosthenes), and 229 (Plato). <j>ptcru>: also in a. proparoxytone word, 
 
 2 See the photographs facing pp. tireacretiovTo. (The latter may be com- 
 144 146. pared with the peculiar case of eva- 
 
 3 Dr Kenyon (Palaeography of Xlvaitrai in Bacch. xvi. 97, where a 
 Greek Papyri, p. 30) notes that traces further has the rough breathing.) In 
 of the practice observed in the an oxytone word of more than three 
 Bacchylides occur in the Harris syllables, the Bacchylides papyrus 
 papyrus of Iliad xvi 1 1 (Brit. Mus. usually has the grave accent only on 
 Pap. CVII, probably of the first the second and third syllables from 
 century), and in the Bankes papyrus the end. 
 
 of //. xxiv (Brit. Mus. Pap. cxiv,
 
 ACCENTS AND BREATHINGS. 137 
 
 2. In the case of a perispomenon word (i.e. one which 
 takes the circumflex on the last syllable), the practice of 
 the papyrus is inconstant. Sometimes such a word is 
 treated like an oxytone: thus (SKryxpOfi (X. 65), ofipt/JioSepKei 
 (XV. 20): on the other hand, we find TreBoi^veiv (XV. 9). 
 Even a properispomenon word can have grave accents on 
 syllables preceding that which takes the circumflex ; as in 
 reXevrddela-a (I. 72 = 182 Blass). 
 
 3. The papyrus sometimes adds the acute accent on 
 the last syllable of a word when an enclitic follows, as 
 aeicrav TTOT' (VI. 6). 
 
 4. An acute accent falling on a diphthong is always 
 placed on the first vowel, and not (as in later usage) on the 
 second: e.g. pdivoir (XII. 119), ov\iov (XVII. 53), ^evaavro 
 (Mill. 46). A circumflex on a diphthong is generally so 
 written as to cover both vowels, instead of being placed 
 (as now) on the second. 
 
 5. Noteworthy accents on particular words. fyolftav 
 (XII. 139), i.e. (j>oi@dv, instead of (j>oi/3av: 7ro\efialr/iSo<f 
 (XVI. 7): rpiTi (VIII. 23). I follow the papyrus in the 
 accentuation of these three words, though with some doubt 
 as to (poiftdv. Blass follows it in regard to the first two 
 words ; but writes rpierei (with the Attic accent). 
 
 In VIII. 32 pnrrwv should be either pLirrwv or piinewv, 
 to judge by the practice of the papyrus itself (see above, 
 
 P- 83). 
 
 6. There are some false accents in the papyrus: 7rel 
 (ill. 23): fio\wv (ill. 30; see Appendix): TrapaTrXriyi (X. 45); 
 Lvr)vro (XVI. 107). To these S^o/^ia'So? (VIII. 29) must 
 surely be added ; though Blass retains it in his text. 
 Editors of Pindar are agreed in giving ^i-^o^vi^ (O. ill. 19). 
 
 II. Breathings. The signs h and H (the two halves 
 of the letter H, originally used as an aspirate) sometimes 
 occur in the Bacchylides papyrus to denote the rough and 
 the smooth breathing respectively; as they do sometimes 
 in the British Museum papyrus of the Odyssey (Pap. CCLXXI, 
 written early in the first century). But the more usual 
 signs, both in these two papyri and in others, are L_ or p > 
 j. B. i
 
 138 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 
 
 - 1 or -) The rounded comma-like breathings are not 
 found in papyri 1 . 
 
 The breathings are not seldom omitted in our papyrus. 
 But the rough breathing is added to o, a, etc.; 09, ov, etc.: 
 ol (= aurcS) ; ore: OTI: twSe: &><?: a/Ma: tW. It is omitted in 
 V. 1 10 #' oo"rt9, perhaps because ff implies it, and (without 
 that reason) in III. 87 8' o ^/>uo-o9. It is added to a/terepas 
 in XI. 3 ; but not in V. 144, V. go, or xvil. 5. There is no 
 breathing on the ambiguous 77 (probably 77) in V. 9. Among 
 words to which the smooth breathing is added are, i" in 
 
 XV. 6, a/i/u, opov&e, o(f)pa. The use of breathings, like that 
 of accents, is sporadic and inconstant. 
 
 III. Diaeresis. The marks of diaeresis (two dots) are 
 usually placed in the papyrus over initial i or v as 'ia-^ovai 
 (v. 24), vBiop (ill. 86): and on i sometimes when it is not 
 initial, as eoi'Soz/re? (XII. 139). The proper use of these 
 marks is to show that the vowel above which they stand 
 does not form a diphthong with the vowel before it: as in 
 rava-iov (v. 81). Owing, however, to the practice with 
 regard to t, that distinction is sometimes effaced. Thus in 
 
 XVI. 38 vTjpijlSes, the marks of diaeresis serve their proper 
 purpose, the scansion being ^ ^ : but in XII. 123 the dots 
 appear also over the i of 1/77/0771809, though (as the accent 
 shows) the scansion there is ^ (NrjpfjSos). 
 
 IV. Apostrophe. The apostrophe ('), marking the 
 place of an elided vowel, is generally added ; but it is 
 sometimes omitted, as in VIII. 47 Sievpeias (Si evpeias). 
 
 The apostrophe is not used where crasis occurs, as in 
 
 KafJL (XVI. 33), KJJVTVKTOV (XVII. $0). 
 
 v. Marks on long and short syllables. i. The 
 
 mark , indicating a long syllable, is placed in the 
 papyrus : (i) on long a in the case-endings of nouns 
 and pronouns : in the last syllable of an adverb such as 
 Travrdi, and in the ending of 2nd or 3rd pers. sing, of a 
 verb (as tcvfiepvdi). (ii) On any long vowel where the 
 grammarians deemed such guidance needful, however 
 
 1 Kenyon, Palaeography of Greek Papyri, p. 30.
 
 OTHER SIGNS USED IN IT. 139 
 
 superfluous it may seem (as e.g. in v. 52 eVtfqXaJt) : so 
 6(i)pdtca, icdpv, KvSos, vdov, <rdTTTai, etc. 
 
 Yet there is no mark on the last syllable of aXydeia 
 in XII. 204, nor on the first of KO\.W<; ib. 206, though in 
 each case the d is specially noteworthy. 
 
 2. (i) The mark ~, indicating a short syllable is placed 
 on a in the ending -at of a nominative plural, in order to 
 distinguish it from the ending at, of the dative singular. 
 Thus: XVI. 6 ftopijidi, 97 f. evaXivaierdi, 107 raividi: 
 XIX. 2 gavQai, (but V. 92 %av6di dative). 
 
 (ii) The same mark is very often placed on a short a, i, 
 or v, even where no doubt as to the quantity was possible ; 
 as e.g. on the L of d\iov and /jLvpias : on the v of the 
 penultimate in iayyl, &.alirv\ov, evfypoavvai. 
 
 Conversely, this mark is absent in XVI. 92 from the 
 penultimate syllable of 'Adavaiwv, and ib. 129 from the 
 first of jraidvigav, though the al is exceptional. 
 
 VI. Hyphen. The v<j>ev, ^, is placed in the papyrus 
 under a compound adjective, at the point of juncture 
 between its two elements, to show that these form a single 
 word. This is not confined to cases where a doubt is 
 possible, such as that of aprityfoov (V. 166), which could 
 
 be read as two words. The mark is applied to com- 
 pound adjectives generally, as (e.g.} Sapaa-iTnrov (III. 23), 
 
 evpvdvarcros (V. 19), \t,yixi>8o<yyoi (ib. 23), and passim. But 
 the practice is inconstant: e.g., the hyphen is added to 
 7ro\i7r\ayKTOv (X. 35), but not to TroXi^Xeor' (VI. 45) : 
 to dva%ip6\7rov (VI. 10), but not to avafyfipovras (XVI. 66). 
 Among several compounds which do not receive the 
 hyphen are evpv/3ia (XV. 31), Siw&Tnrot (VIII. 44), Oeo- 
 
 -JTO^TTOV (XVI. 132), 0OTlfJ,OV (X. 12), HvdlOVlKOV (tb. 13), 
 
 TOJ;OK\VTO<$ (ib. 39)- 
 
 A peculiar instance occurs in XII. 199 (el w nva depaie- 
 Tnjs). A mark resembling a very small circle has been 
 placed after the letters TIN, perhaps to indicate that the 
 words should be read as nv ddepcrieTrij^. 
 
 VII. Diastole. The 8iaa-To\rj, a comma, occurs once, 
 
 IO - 2
 
 1 40 THE BACCHYLIDES PAPYRUS. 
 
 viz. in XVI. 102, eSeto-e, vrjpeos (to guard against v being 
 joined to eSeto-e). 
 
 VIIL Punctuation. The only point used in the Bac- 
 chylides papyrus is a single dot, placed level with the 
 tops of the letters, or slightly above them 1 . This point 
 serves to mark pauses of various lengths, doing duty 
 sometimes for a full stop, sometimes for a colon, a semi- 
 colon, or a comma. There is no distinctive note of 
 interrogation (such as the later ;). The punctuation is, 
 on the whole, fairly full and regular ; but it is not complete. 
 A necessary point is sometimes omitted : as (e.g.) in I. 48 
 (= 158 Bl.), 58, 61, 67 : V. 169, 172 : xvi. 129. At the end 
 of an ode a point was not practically required ; and in that 
 place it is more often omitted. It stands, however, at the 
 end of IV, and of X. 
 
 The authority of the punctuation in the papyrus cannot 
 be deemed great. In I. 70 (= 180 BL), for instance, the 
 point after \d%ev has little weight as an argument against 
 reading n^av rather than rt pav ; 
 
 IX. Paragraphus and Coronis. In lyric texts the 
 Alexandrian practice was to place (i) the paragraphus, a 
 straight line, below the last verse of a strophe or anti- 
 strophe ; and (2) the coronis with paragraphus, ) , below 
 
 the last verse of an epode, to mark the end of a system. 
 The same symbol could stand at the end of an ode ; but 
 the end of an ode composed in systems was more properly 
 marked by an asterisk, ft, with or without the addition 
 of) . 
 
 The use of these signs in the Bacchylides papyrus will 
 appear from the following statement ; in which, for brevity, 
 the word 'coronis' denotes 'coronis with paragraphus! 
 
 I. (i) Excluding places where mutilation leaves it 
 doubtful whether the sign stood there, there remain 64 
 places where the paragraphus ought to appear as marking 
 
 1 In one place (xiv. 47, after Introd. p. xxi). In vni. 83 a point 
 
 dt.Ka.iav) the point is placed on a level after TVXOV is so placed, but that 
 
 with the bottom of the letters ; per- seems to be an error, as there is no 
 
 haps by a slip of the pen (Kenyon, break in the sense.
 
 PARAGRAPHUS AND CORONIS. 141 
 
 the end of a strophe or of an antistrophe. The paragraphus 
 (or its equivalent) is written in only 24 of these places, 
 while it is omitted in 40. (2) Similarly there are 31 places 
 in which the coronis ought to appear. It (or its equivalent) 
 is present in 30 of these, being absent only after v. 26 of 
 Ode vill. 
 
 That is, the papyrus seldom fails to mark the end of a 
 system or of an ode. But, far more often than not, it 
 neglects to mark the end of a strophe or antistrophe. 
 
 II. Errors in the use of the signs, (i) Interchange of 
 paragraphus and coronis. A coronis stands for a paragraphus 
 in V. 175 : a paragraphus for a coronis, in IX. 28 and XII. 99 
 (but not, I think, in III. 14). (ii) Misplacement of either 
 sign. The paragraphus which ought to follow v. 64 of 
 Ode III is wrongly placed after v. 63. In Ode I a coronis 
 is rightly placed after v. 51 (= 161 BL), but incorrectly 
 repeated after 52. In Ode IX the coronis is wrongly placed 
 after 55, but is repeated after 56. 
 
 III. Notes on particular points. I. At the end of Odes 
 VI and VII, but of no other, the asterisk is added to the 
 coronis. Ode VI is ' monostrophic' (written in strophes 
 without epode), and therefore, according to Hephaestion 
 Ilept 7TOLij/j,aro^ c. X, should have been followed by a coronis 
 only 1 . 
 
 2. The following facts will illustrate the curiously 
 inconstant practice of the papyrus with regard to the 
 paragraphus. 
 
 In Ode III the paragraphus follows vv. 8, 50, 60, 63 
 (instead of 64), 92 : but not 18, 22, 32, 46, 78, 88. (Muti- 
 lated : the places after vv. 4, 36, 74.) In V it follows 30, 
 and (in the form of coronis) 175 : but not 15, 70, 95, no, 
 135, 150, 190. (Mutilated: the place after 55.) In VIII it 
 follows 44 and 87: but not 9, 18, 35. (Mutilated: the 
 places after 61, 70, 96.) In X it occurs nowhere: in XII, 
 only as a substitute for the coronis after 99. In XV, XVI 2 , 
 XVII it is nowhere omitted. 
 
 1 Blass, Praef. p. xiv. XVI. 112; but a trace of it remains 
 
 Kenyon (p. 171) and Blass 3 (p. there. 
 143) do not, indeed, indicate it after
 
 AUTOTYPE PLATES. 
 
 '43 
 
 Three autotype plates are subjoined. Plate I gives the 
 first 29 verses of Col. XXXVIII of the papyrus (a column 
 which contains 34 verses in all), besides three verses which 
 have been added at the top. It is a good page for repro- 
 duction, as showing additions made both by the earlier 
 corrector (A*) and by the later (A 3 ) 1 . Plates II and III give 
 a series of eight shorter passages. I have selected these 
 partly on palaeographical grounds, as illustrating charac- 
 teristic traits of the papyrus, but chiefly in view of their 
 interest for the textual criticism. 
 
 1 The choice of this column was 
 suggested to me by Dr Kenyon, who 
 has himself reproduced it in Palaeo- 
 graphy of Greek Papyri (p. 76). His 
 plate and mine were independently 
 taken from the original papyrus in the 
 
 British Museum. As the plate given 
 here is slightly wider than his, it in- 
 cludes IAACAAKEAAIM in its right 
 margin, and in its left margin a few 
 letters from the ends of the longer 
 verses in Col. xxxvil.
 
 144 AUTOTYPE PLATE I. 
 
 PLATE I. 
 Col. xxxvin. Ode xvn. 50 60, and xvm. i 21. 
 
 55 1 <rTi\peivairo\a./j.i>iat> 
 
 <f>ou>iff(ra.v(f>\oya.Tra.ida5' efiev 
 
 5O KTJVTVKTOVKWfa.vXa.Kat 
 
 oSovTrapaKaAAioTracrAa 
 
 cr 
 15 TLTf)vapyocro6' nnrLovXiTrovcra. 
 
 (t>evyevpvcra.Bova- I A AC 
 
 AAKGAAIM 
 
 or' apyovofjifj.acri(3XirovTa 
 20 Tr 
 
 Notes. i. The three verses at the top of the column are vv. 55 57 of 
 Ode XVII, which had been omitted by the scribe, and were added there by the 
 second corrector, A 3 , in a hand of the Roman period, perhaps of the second 
 century. i. Below v. 60 is seen the coronis with paragraphus, ) , marking 
 the end of Ode xvn. 3. The title of Ode xvm, 'Ici 'Atf^aiots, in the left- 
 hand margin, is in a hand (A 2 ) which was probably contemporary with that of 
 the scribe. So also is the title of XIX, *I5as AaKe8aifj.[oviois, written in the left- 
 hand margin of the next column, and partly seen to the right of xvm. 16. 4. 
 In xvm. 9 the scribe wrote KO.IV&V : but e has been added (by A 3 ) above i, 
 indicating K\eiv6i>. 5. In v. 15 ornnreioi> has been corrected (probably by A 3 ) 
 to SO' lirtnov. 6. After v. 21, fjLeyiffroavaaffa etc., the verse xpwr67re7r\os"H/>a 
 was omitted by the scribe, but added by A 3 in the lower margin, which does 
 not come into the photograph. The marginal sign opposite v. 21 calls attention 
 to this.
 
 COLUMN XXXVIII. ODE XVII. 50-6O. AND XVIII. 1-21. 
 
 X i
 
 PLATE 
 
 1 COL. I ODE I 32-36 
 
 2 COL. IV. ODE III 71-77. 
 
 " 
 
 hrif >f 
 
 1 
 
 3. COL. XIV. ODE VIII. 12-19. 
 f. %> ' ' ' '7^~o ' 
 
 >r - 
 
 1 o -M i 
 
 M 
 
 *' ' ~ 
 
 4 COL. XVII. ODE IX. 611 
 
 * jM^AHBBHH^dBk 
 . ^ -- 
 
 1
 
 AUTOTYPE PLATE II. 145 
 
 PLATE II. 
 i. Col. i. Ode i. 32 36. 
 
 apyeto ....... Aeovrocr 
 
 OV/J.Q ..... OTrore 
 
 7TO<rcri ..... epo . . arpuov 
 T' OVK .......... aXwv 
 
 2. Col. iv. Ode in. 71 77. 
 
 ' KU>VTf.fJ.f.pO 
 
 T[ 
 
 . . . .ccrcru 
 
 3. Col. xiv. Ode viii. 12 19. 
 
 aBXrjcrav . Tra 
 
 crd/xayu.eAA . VTOCT<J>OVOV 
 
 pa.T(r ' ovviv 
 f ol/<Ae^8ac^7^aAt^' 
 
 4. Col. xvn. Ode ix. 6 n. 
 
 o . . . . \0(f>&aXfj.oi.\i 
 TT . . . avi 
 
 a . . a . iKaivvvKa(ri.yvr)Ta.(TaKOtTa<T 
 
 Notes. 1. Col. i. Ode I. 32 36. In v. 34 the letter A has been deleted 
 before X. 2. Col. iv. Ode in. 71 77. Verse 71 was &>7rX6]KWj' re yu^/>o[s 
 Zx ovTa Moucrai'. (The letters a Moi'craj' are supplied by two other fragments.) 
 In v. 72 a corrector has wished to substitute K for TT (/core for Trore). A separate 
 fragment supplies the last letters of this v., which were wv, probably preceded 
 by p. 3. Col. Xiv.^ Ode vni. 1-2 19. In v. 12 A 3 has written X above M, 
 and . TO above CT. In the transcript the point after adX^yav means that a letter 
 (E) is lost. In v. 1 6 A 3 corrected the first X of oi'XXetSctcr to K. In v. 19 A 3 
 has written d /cat above AH. 4. Col. xvii. Ode ix. 6 n. In the MS. 
 v. 6 began with i-vv6v, as words which ought to have stood before it (iravTi. 
 X^pv?) had been wrongly added to the end of v. 5. See critical notes and 
 commentary.
 
 146 
 
 AUTOTYPE PLATE III. 
 
 PLATE III. 
 5. Col. xvin. Ode ix. 22 28. 
 
 Ofpp, ...... Trvf.wvaf.XKav 
 
 ecrro. ...... 8' avTfOfartjpMVf A.O.IUH 
 
 rerp 
 
 Xtov 
 
 6. Col. xxv. Ode xn. 84 f. 
 ....... pdv 
 
 7. Col. xxvi. Ode xn. 124 129. 
 
 _ 
 TTOVT an/3op facrviroKV 
 
 aoi' ' 
 
 8. Col. xxxi. Ode xv. i 8. 
 
 a .... pov . . 
 dTutvyfp.ova-awfJi.vtav 
 veir . p . 7rav6ffjLOfVTif/3p<i>t. 
 
 Notes. 5. Col. xvin. Ode IX. 22 28. In v. 23 the scribe wrote AISE. 
 A 3 has changed I to T, transfixed S, and written T above it, thus making a&re. 
 The e above 0a (indicating Oear^puv) is also from A 3 . At the end of v. 27 the 
 scribe wrote (e)v/3ot : the I was corrected to T by A 3 , who also wrote A above 
 the line at the beginning of v. 28. 6. Col. xxv. Ode xil. 84 f. In v. 84 
 the I of KAI was added by a corrector (A 2 ?). Above the second A of vfiavxas 
 A 3 wrote H. Between v. 84 and the verse beginning with iroSefftri a verse has 
 been lost. The letters pav, seen to the right of 84, were probably the last of the 
 missing verse, remains of which had been tacked on to v. 84. 7. Col. xxvi. 
 Ode xn. 124 129. In v. 127 the scribe wrote ANTACANTM. A 3 has added 
 ay above the line after AC, making dvrdffas : has changed T into A (ava-) : and 
 has written TE above M. 8. Col. xxxi. Ode xv. i 8. In v. i the letter 
 before OT was either I, N, or (though this is less probable) M. Note that the 
 A of OAKAA' (the first word of v. 2), comes beneath I, and extends a little to 
 the right of it. The number of letters which preceded I in verse i was probably 
 not more than three. (If the letter before OT was not I, but N or M, there 
 would not have been room before it for more than two letters.) For the rest 
 of this passage, see critical notes and commentary.
 
 Pi ATE 111 
 
 J* 
 
 5. COL. XVIII-6DE IX. 22-28. 
 
 o M l 
 
 < 
 
 6 COL. XXV.-ODE XII. 84/ 
 
 --- ** 
 
 7. COL. XXVI.-ODE XII. 124-129. 
 
 COL XXXI.-ODE XV. 1-8.
 
 THE TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 147 
 
 VII. THE TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 The following is the text as it stands when the smaller 
 fragments, which had become detached from the continuous 
 portions of the papyrus, have been fitted into their places. 
 Hence this text contains, in many verses, some letters or 
 words which appear only in the plates of fragments at the 
 end of the Autotype Facsimile published in 1897, since, at 
 that time, those fragments were still unplaced 1 . 
 
 The object is to exhibit the text of the papyrus as it 
 was left by the ancient correctors, before any modern hand 
 had touched it. 
 
 1. A vertical line, | , denotes that the letters or words fol- 
 lowing it are supplied by a separate fragment. See, e.g., vv. 3 5. 
 
 2. A dot on the line denotes a lost letter. 
 
 3. A letter which has a dot under it is doubtful. 
 
 4. The sign ] denotes that a lacuna precedes, and the sign [ 
 that a lacuna follows. 
 
 5. The marks , in a verse of which some part remains, 
 
 denote the loss of a considerable but uncertain number of letters 
 (as in in. 41). When those marks occupy a whole line, they 
 denote that a verse is lost (as after x. 30). 
 
 6. Asterisks, * * * *, denote a loss of several verses. 
 
 7. The metrical divisions (strophe, antistrophe, epode) are 
 shown in the margin. These indications make it easy to verify 
 the use or omission in the MS. of paragraphus and coronis. 
 
 1 The only fragments which do in Egypt by Mr B. P. Grenfell, and 
 not appear at all in the Facsimile are were received just after the photo- 
 parts of in. 8io and of vm. [ix.] graphs had been taken (Kenyon, 
 82 84, which were separately acquired Introd. p. xvi).
 
 1 48 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 8. Verses omitted by the scribe, and added by a corrector at 
 the head or at the foot of a column, are printed in uncial type. 
 See x. 1 06 ; xvn. 16, 55 57 ; xvm. 22. That type is used also 
 in x. 23, where only the first two words were written by the 
 scribe. 
 
 9. The title printed here at the head of an Ode (as Ton 
 at the head of Ode n) is that which is given in the papyrus. In 
 the papyrus, however, such a title is written in the left-hand 
 margin ; except in the case of Ode xiv, where it is written at the 
 head of the column. 
 
 I. 
 
 eV. e'. A<J>0E 
 
 .. CTPITATAIME[ 
 .. EPAIMINHCAP.. . 1C 
 . . Y0ENAIOAOTTP . . . |NOIC[ 
 5 . AYCinENTHKONT. ICYN' 
 . PHTHNOMIAni . 
 
 <rrp. r'. . IOCEYKAEIOYAEE 
 
 . ATIBA0YZnNONKOP|AN 
 . EEI0EANAAMACEN 
 
 . AIOIAITTENHMICYAA;nN 
 10 . NAPACAPHI0IAOYC 
 
 . . CINTTOAYKPHMNON X00NA 
 . ElMACATTOTTAEnNfl . . IT EC 
 KNHCCONIMEPTAN ...AIN 
 
 avr. r'. . ACIAEYCEYPflTTIA[ 
 
 15 ... AEKATHIA' EYE... |ON 
 
 . !. K' EYHAOKt 
 
 EKYAE[ 
 
 TTPYTA[ 
 
 19 AN[ 
 
 ]EAN 0YTATPEC 
 
 . f . Col. 1 TTOA N B A0 Y 
 
 30 AEIEAOI CMENTENOC 
 
 EHAE POXEIP 
 
 APTEIO AEONTOC
 
 ODE L I49 
 
 0YMO ...... OTTOTE 
 
 XPEJ ..... BOAOIMAXAC- 
 
 35 TTOCCI ..... <J>PO . . . ATPIHN 
 
 T' OYK ..... A ..... AAHN 
 
 TOCAnA|N[ 
 TOEOCAiTTO ......... N 
 
 AM<t>lT IAT|O[ 
 
 40 EEINHNTE.'. AANOPI ... Al- 
 . YAEAAXHN . APITHN 
 TTOAAOICTEO . . MACOEICBPOTHN 
 AiniSI' EAYCEN . ENTETTAI 
 AACMETAINH . OYCAinHN' 
 
 tir. f. 45 . nNENAO^K . . NIAAC 
 
 YYIZYTOCIC.. IONIKON 
 0HKENANT . . . PTECIANAinAPHNT AA 
 AHNCTE^AN . . ETTIMOIPON 
 0AMIKAI0ACH . . riCTON 
 30 KYAOCEXEINAPETANTTAOY 
 
 TOCAEKAIAEIAOICINANGPnnnNOMIAEI 
 
 \ 
 
 <rrp.if. E0EAEIA' AYEEIN4>PENAC 
 
 ) - L 
 
 ANAPOC-OA' EYEPAHNOEOYC 
 EAniAIKYAPOTEPAl 
 55 CAINEIKEAP'EIA' YTIEIAC 
 GNATOCEHNEAAXEN 
 ZHEINT' AnOIKEIHNEXEl 
 nPHTOICEPIZEinANTITOI 
 
 dvT.r,'. 60 EnETAINOC4>INrENOY 
 
 . . NTTENIACT' AMAXANOY 
 
 icoNor A^NEOCI 
 
 MEIPEIMErAAHN-OTEMEint 
 Col. 2 TTAYPOTEPHNTOAETTAN 
 
 65 THNEYMAPEINOYAENTAYKY 
 GNATOICIN'AAA' AIEITA<t>EY 
 rONTAAIZHNTAIKIXEIN 
 
 eir.r,'. ONTI N AKOY4>OTATAI 
 
 0YMONAONEOYCIMEPIMNAI 
 70 OCCONANZnHIXPONONTONA'EAAXENTI
 
 1 5 o TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 MAN'APETAA' ETTIMOX0OC 
 ..... AEYTA0EICAA' OP0HC 
 
 ...... AIEYTEQANHIAEI 
 
 ...... ZHAHTONEYKAEIACA ... MA 
 
 II. 
 Ton avron 
 
 arp. A ..... CEMNOAOTEIPA<t>HMA[ 
 
 ECK. .... EPANXAPITH 
 
 NYAA . . 4>EPOYC' AITEAIAN 
 OTIM. . AC0PACYXEIPAP 
 5 TEIO-. PATONIKAN 
 
 KAAHNA' ANEMNACENOC' ENKA . . . NHI 
 AYXENIIC0MOYZA0EAN 
 AinONTECEYEANTIAANA 
 CONEnEAEIEAMENEBAOMH 
 10 KONTA .. NCTE0ANOIC. N- 
 
 KAAEIAEMOYC' AY0ITENHC 
 TAYKEIANAYAHNKANAXAN 
 TEPAIPOYC' ETTINIKIOIC 
 nAN0EIAA4>IAONYION 
 
 III. 
 
 (TVpCLKOO'LWL tTTTTOt? .... 77ttt 
 
 <rrp. a'. AP|IC|TOKAPnOYCI KEAI ACKPEOYCAN 
 
 A . |AAAT PAIOCTE0ANONTEKOYPAN 
 Y|MN|EirAYKYAnPEKAEIOI0OACTO 
 ' .. .TTIOAPOAAOYCIEPHNOCinn. YC- 
 
 dvr. a'. 5 ____ TOTAPCYNYnEPOXniTENIKAl 
 
 ..... AAIAITETTAPEYPYAINAN 
 
 ........... EINOMENEOCE0HKAN 
 
 . ABION ... _____ NKYPHCAI- 
 
 . a'. 0POHCEAEA[ 
 
 10 ATPICEYAAIM[ 
 
 Col. 3 OCTTAPAZHNOCAAXflN 
 
 HAEICTAPXONEAAANnNrEPAC
 
 ODES I III. 
 
 OIAETTYPrn0ENTATTA . YTONMHMEAAM 
 4>APElKPYTTTEINCKOTni' 
 
 rrp. p. 15 BPYEIMENIEPABOY0YTOICEOPTAIC- 
 BPYOYCI4>IAOEENIACArYIAI- 
 AAMTTEIA' YTTOMAPMAPYTAICOXPYCOC 
 YYIAAIAAATHNTPinOAnNCTAOENTHN 
 
 dvr. p. TTAPOI0ENAOY-TO0IMEn . . ONAACOC 
 
 20 4> . . BOYTTAPAKACTAAIA . . . E0POIC 
 A . A4>OIAIETTOYCI0EON0 . . NTIC 
 ATAAIZEOnfAPAPICTOC . ABHN' 
 
 eV.jS'. ETTEITTOTEKAIAAMACm. OY 
 
 AYAIACAPXATETAN 
 25 EYTETANTTETT[ 
 
 ZHNOCTEAE CIN 
 
 CAPAIECTTEPCA ATfll 
 
 KPOICONOXPYCA[ 
 
 <rrp. y. 4>YAAE' ATTOAAHN EAHTONAAAAP 
 
 30 M/AHN-nOAYA OYKEAAEAAE 
 
 MIAANEINETIA NAN'n.. ANAE 
 
 XAA . . TEIXEOCTT 0ENAY[ 
 
 avr. y'. NAH . AT' EN0ACY TEKEA[ 
 
 CY . EYnAOKAMOl . EHEBAIN' AAA[ 
 35 .Y..TPACIAYPO. ENAIC'XEPACA[ 
 . . TTYNAI0EPAC . ETEPACAEIPA[ 
 
 eV. y. N EN 'YTTEP . . EAAIMON 
 
 . . Y0EHNECTI . XAPIC' 
 . . YAEAATOIA .. ANAE' 
 
 40 I NAAYA . TAAOMOI 
 
 ' AAYPIHN 
 
 <rrp. 8'. NACTY 
 
 - AINAC 
 
 Col. 445 TTAKTHAOC-A. IKEAinCTYNAIKEC 
 EEEYKTIT. NMErAPHNArONTAI'
 
 152 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 avr. 8'. TATTPOC0ENA . . 0PANYN<t>IAA0ANEI NTAYKICTON 
 
 TOC' EinEKAlAB . . BATANK . . . YCEN 
 ATTTEINEYAINONAOMON-EI . . . ONAE 
 50 TTAP0ENOI-4>IAACTANAMATPIXEIPAC 
 
 eir. 8'. EBAAAON-OrAPTTPO4>ANHC0NA 
 
 TOICINEXGICTOC^ONHN- 
 AAA S EnEIAEINO . . YPOC 
 
 AAMTTPONAIAI NOC 
 
 55 ZEYCETTICTACA 0ECNE0OC 
 
 CBENNYENEAN0A[ 
 
 y - - 
 
 arp. e'. ATTICTONOYAE NOTI0 PIMNA 
 
 TEYXEITOTEAAAOTENH AAHN 
 
 0EPHNECYTTEPBOPEO ... |EPON|TA 
 60 CYNTANIC4>YPOICKAT . . |ACCEiKOYPAIC 
 
 avr. e'. AIEYCEBEIAN'OTIME INAITHN 
 
 ECA . A0EANEnEMYETT . . in* 
 OCO . MENEAAAA' EXOYCJINI . YTI[ 
 HM. rAINHTEIEPn|N0EA|HCEI 
 
 *.<'. 65 .. . EN . EOnAEIONA|XPYC|ON 
 
 'AinEMYAIBPOTHN 
 
 ... TElNnAPECTINOC 
 
 .... H*0ONniniAINETAI 
 
 AH4>IAITTTTONANAPA| . HIO|N 
 
 70 IOYCKATTTP. NAIO . 
 
 arp. r' 'KHNTEMEPO[ ]|AMOY|CAN' 
 
 MAAEAITTOT[ ']HN 
 
 NOCE4>AMEPONA[ 
 
 .... ACKOT7EICBPAX[ 
 
 avr. r'. 75 'ECCAA' EAniCYn[ 
 
 EPIHN-OA' ANAE[ 
 
 'AOCEinE4>EPH[ 
 
 Col. 5 0NATONEYNTAXPHAIAYMOYCAEEEIN 
 
 rNHMACOTIT' AYPIONOYEAI 
 80 MOYNONAAIOY0AOC 
 
 XnTITTENTHKONT' ETEA
 
 ODES III, IV. I53 
 
 ZnANBAGYTTAOYTONTEAEIC' 
 
 OCIAAPnNEY<t>PAINE0YMONTOYTOrAP 
 
 KEPAEnNYTTEPTATON" 
 ) 
 
 <rrp. ?. 85 0PONEONT. CYNETATAPYn-BAOYCMEN 
 AIQHPAMIANTOC'YAnPAETTONTOY 
 OYCATTETA . EY<J>POCYNAA' OXPYCOC' 
 ANAPIA' . . EMICnOAIONTT . . ENTA 
 
 dvr. f. THPAC0AA . . . NAYTICATKOMICAI 
 90 HBAN'APETA ENOYMINY0EI 
 
 BPOTHNAMAC . . . TI<t>EITOC-AAAA 
 MOYCANINTP IEPHNCYA' OABOY 
 
 KAAAICT' EHEA . . . AO0NATOIC 
 AN0EA-nPAEA. . . A' EY 
 
 95 OY4>EPEIKOCM H 
 
 nA'CYNA' AAA0 KAAHN 
 
 KAIMEAirAHCCOYTICYMNHCEIXAPIN 
 KHIACAHAONOC 
 
 IV. 
 
 Ton avT(Oi 
 <rrp. a. ETICYPAKOCIAN0IAEI 
 
 nOAINOXPYCOKO . ACAnOAAHN 
 ACTY0EMIN0' IE . . NATEPAIPEI" 
 
 TPITONTAPTT AONYYIAEIPOYX0ONOC 
 
 5 nY.IONIK.. TAI 
 
 n.. noA. cYNinnnN- 
 
 'ACAAEKTHP 
 
 - TINOni 
 10 YMNOYC 
 
 <rrp.p. - (COP 
 
 ACTAAAN[ 
 
 Col. 6 AEINOMENEOCK' ETEPA . . AAENYION 
 
 nAPECTIANATXIAAOICI ACMYXOIC 
 
 15 MOYNONETTIX00Nin. TAAE 
 
 MHCAMENONCTE^ANOICEPEnTEIN 
 
 j. B.
 
 i 5 4 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 AYOT OAYMTTIONIKAC 
 AEIAEINTI4> . PTEPONH . EOI . IN 
 <t>IAGNEONTATTANTO . . TTflN 
 20 AATXANEINATT0MOIPA . . . 0AHN' 
 
 crrp. 
 
 V. 
 
 EYMOIPE. YPAK. .. N 
 
 innOAINHTHNCTPATA . E' 
 
 rNHCHIMEN . OCTE<t>AN . N 
 
 MOICANTAYK . AnPONATAAMAinNrENYN 
 5 AITICETTIX0ONinN 
 
 OP0nC'<t>PENAA' EY0YAIK. N 
 
 ATPEAV AMTTAYCACMEPIMNAN 
 
 AEYP' A0PHCONNOH[ . ] 
 
 HCYNXAPITECCIBA0YZnNOICY<J>ANAC 
 10 YMNONAHOZA0EAC 
 
 NACOYEENOCYMETEPANTTEM 
 
 TTEIKAEENNANECTTOAIN 
 
 XPYCAMnYKOCOYPANIAC 
 
 KAEINOC0EPAnnN'E0EAEIAE 
 15 rAPYNEKCTHOEHNXEnN 
 
 AINEINIEPHNA-BA0YN 
 
 A' AI0EPAEOY0AICITAMNHN 
 
 YTOYnTEPYTECCITAXEl 
 
 AlCAIETOCEYPYANAKTOCArfEAOC 
 
 20 ZHNOCEPICct>APArOY 
 
 0APCEIKPATEPAiniCYNOC 
 ICXYrnTACCONTIA' OPNI 
 
 OYNINKOPY4>AIMErAAACICXOYCirAIAC 
 25 . YA' AAOCAKAMATAC 
 Col. 7 AYCnAinAAAKYMATA-NHMA 
 
 TAIA' ENATPYTHIXAEI 
 
 AEnTOTPIXACYNZE4>YPOYnNO 
 
 AlCINEOEIPANAPITNn 
 30 TOCMETAN0PnTTOICIAEIN- 
 
 THCNYNKAIMOIMYPIAnANTAIKEAEYOOC 
 YMETEPANAPETAN 
 
 YMNEIKYANOnAOKAMOY0' EKATINIKAC 
 XAAKEOCTEPNOYT APHOC
 
 ODES IV, V. 155 
 
 35 AEINOMENEYCATEPnXOI 
 
 TTAIAEC'EYEPAnNAEMHKAMOIOEOC- 
 EANOOJPIXAMEN<t>E PEN IKON 
 
 AA<t>EONrTAPEYPYAINAN 
 nHAONAEAAOAPOMAN 
 40 ElAENIKACANTAXPYCOnAXYCAHC 
 
 ENATAQEAI' 
 
 OYTTnNINYTTOTTPOTE . . N 
 innnNENAmNIKATEXPANENKONlC 
 45 TTPOCTEAOCOPNYMENON- 
 PITTAITAPICOCBOPEA 
 
 ONKYBEPNHTAN^YAACCnN 
 
 IETAINEOKPOTON 
 
 NIKANIEPHNI^IAOEENniTITYCKHN- 
 
 50 OABIOCniTINIOEOC 
 
 MOIPANTEKAAHNEnOPEN 
 
 CYNT ETTIZHAniTYXA! 
 
 A^NEIONBIOTANAIATEIN'OY 
 
 FA ETTIXQONinN 
 
 55 n. .. AT EYAAIMHNE<I>Y- 
 
 avr. j8' OT EPITinYAAN 
 
 ATONAETOYCIN 
 
 APTIKEPAY 
 
 Col. 8 NOYAnMATA4>EPCE<J>ONACTANIC4>YPOY 
 60 KAPXAPOAONTAKYN' A 
 EONT' EC4>AOCEEAIAA 
 YIONAnAATOI' EXIANAC- 
 ENGAAYCTANnNBPOTnN 
 TYXACEAAHnAPAKHKYTOYPEEGPOIC 
 
 65 6lATE4>YAA' ANEMOC 
 
 IAACANAMHAOBOTOYC 
 
 HPHNACAPrHCTACAONEI- 
 
 TAICINAEMETEnPEnENEIAH 
 
 AONGPACYMEMNONOCET 
 70 XECTTAAOYnOPGAONIAA- 
 
 TON A' nCIAENAAKMHIOCGAYMACTOCHPHC 
 . . YXECIAAMTTOMENON 
 NEYPANEnEBACEAITYKAArrHKOPHNAC- 
 XAAKEOKPANONAEHEIT' EE 
 
 II 2
 
 156 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 75 EIAETOIONANATTTY 
 
 EAC<t>APETPACTTnMATniA' ENANTIA 
 YYXAnP . 4>ANHMEAEArPOV 
 KAININEYEIAnCTTPOCEEITTEN' 
 YIEAIOCMETAAOY 
 
 80 CTA0IT ENXnPAirEAANfLCACTEGYMON 
 
 arp.y'. MHTAYCIONnPOl E I 
 
 TPAXYNEKXEIPHNOICTON 
 YYXAICINETTI4>0IMENnN- 
 
 OYTOIAEOCnC<t>ATO'GAMBHCENA' ANAE 
 85 AM0ITPYHNIAAAC- 
 
 EITTENTETICAGANATfLN 
 
 MBPOTHNTOIOYTONEPNOC 
 
 OPEYENENnOIAIXGONI- 
 
 TICA' EKTANEN-HTAXAKAAAIZHNOCHPA 
 90 KEINONE0AMETEPAI 
 
 HEMYEI KE^AAAI TAAEHOY 
 Col. 9 nAAAAAIEANOAIMEAET 
 
 TONAETTPOCE4>AMEAEArPOC 
 
 AAKPYOEIC'XAAEnON 
 95 GEnNHAPATPEYAINOON 
 
 dvr. y. ANAPECCINEniXGONIOIC' 
 
 KAITAPANnAAEinnOCOINEYC 
 nAYCENKAAYKOCTE^ANOY 
 
 CEMNACXOAONAPTEMIAOCAEYKHAENOY 
 100 AICCOMENOCTTOAEHN 
 T' AimNGYCIAICinATHP 
 KAIBOnN4>OINIKONnTnN- 
 
 AAAANIKATONGEA^ 
 
 ECXENXOAON'EYPYBIANA' ECCEYEKOYPA 
 105 KAnPONANAIAOMAXAN' 
 
 OCKAAAIXOPONKAAYAfl 
 N' ENGAnAHMYPHNCGENEI 
 OPXOYCEHEKEIPENOAONTI 
 C0AZETEMHABPOTHN 
 no G' OCTICEICANTANMOAOI- 
 
 fV. y. TniAECTYTEPANAHPINEAAANnNAPICTOl 
 
 CTACAMEG' ENAYKEHC 
 EEAMATACYNNEXEHC-EnEIAEAAIMnN 
 KAPTOCAITHAOICOPEEEN
 
 ODE V. 
 
 115 0ATTTOMENTOYCKATETTE<NE 
 CYCEPIBPYXACETTAICCnNBIAI 
 A . . AIONEMHNT' AITEAON 
 
 e|> . ..'ATONKEANnNAAEA<J>EflN 
 .' ____ KENENMETAPOIC 
 120 ...... CAAOAIATTEPIKAEITOICINOINEOC' 
 
 <rrp. S' ....... AECEMOIP' OAOA 
 
 157 
 
 ....... XOAONATPOTEPA 
 
 Col. 10 AATOYCOYrATHPTTEPIA' AI0HNOCAOPAC 
 
 125 MAPNAME0' ENAYKEHC 
 
 KOYPHCIMENEnTOAEMOIC' 
 
 EN0' ETnnOAAOICCYNAAAOIC 
 
 I4>IKAONKATEKTANON 
 
 EC0AONT A*APHTA000YCMATPnAC'OYrAP 
 130 KAPTEPO0YMOCAPHC 
 
 KPINEI4>IAONENTTOAEMni- 
 
 TY4>AAA' EKXEIPHNBEAH 
 
 YYXAICETT. AYCMENEHN4>OI 
 
 TAI0ANATONTE<t>EPEI 
 135 TOICINANAAIMnN0EAHI' 
 
 avr. 5'. TAYT OYKETTIAEEAMENA 
 
 0ECTIOYKOPAAAI*PHN 
 MATHPKAKOnOTMOCEMOl 
 BOYAEYCENOAEOPONATAPBAKTOCTYNA- 
 140 KAIETEAAIAAAEAC 
 
 EKAAPNAKOCHKYMOPON 
 0ITPONETKAAYCACATONAH 
 MOIP' EnEKAHCENTOTE 
 ZHACOPONAMETEPACEMMENTYXONMEN 
 
 145 AAinYAOYKAYMENON 
 
 HAIA' AAKIMONEEANAPI 
 
 ZnNAMHMHTONAEMAC 
 
 HYPrnNnPOnAPOIOEKIXHCAC' 
 
 TOIAEnPOCEYKTIMENAN 
 150 4>EYTONAPXAIANnOAIN 
 
 eV. 8'. HAEYPnNA-MINYNOAAEMOIYYXArAYKEIA- 
 
 rNHNA' OAirOCOENEHN' 
 AlAI-nYMATONAEnNEHNAAKPYCATAt 
 
 ATAAANHBANnPOAinnN' 
 155 c^ACINAAEICIBOAN
 
 158 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 Col. 11 AM4>ITPYnNOCTTAIAAMOYNONAHTOTE 
 
 TETEAIBAE^APONTAAAnENOEOC 
 TTOTMONOIKTEIPONTA4>nTOC- 
 KAININAMEIBOMENOC 
 160 TOA' E0A'0NATOICIMHc}>YNAI*EPICTON 
 
 <rrp. e'. MHT' AEAIOYnPOCI AEI N 
 
 <J>ErrOC'AAAOYrAPTICECTIN 
 T7PAEICTAAEMYPOMENOIC- 
 XPHKEINOAETEINOTIKAIMEAAEITEAEIN' 
 165 HPATICENMETAPOIC 
 OINHOCAPHI4HAOY 
 
 ECTINAAMHTAGYTATPnN 
 COIt>YANAAirKIA- 
 
 TANKENAinAPANeEAHNGEIMANAKOITIN- 
 170 TONAEMENEnTOAEMOY 
 YYXATTPOCE^AMEAEA 
 rPOYAIHONXAHPAYXENA 
 ENAHMACIAAIANEIPAN 
 NHINETIXPYCEAC 
 
 175 KYTTPIAOCQEAEIMBPOTOY- 
 
 \ 
 
 avr.t. AEYKHAENEKAAAIOHA 
 
 CTACONEYHOIHTONAPMA 
 AYTOY'AIATEKPONIAAN 
 YMNHCONOAYMninNAPXArONOEnN' 
 1 80 TONT AKAMANTOPOAN 
 
 AA4>EONTTEAOTTOCTEBIAN 
 
 KAiniCAN'ENG' OKAEENNOC 
 
 . . CCINIKACACAPOMHI 
 
 . . . EN4>EPENEIKOCEYnYPrOYCCYPAKOYC 
 185 CACIEPHNI^EPHN 
 
 . . . AIMONIACTTETAAON- 
 
 ...A' AAH0EIACXAPIN 
 Col. 12 AINEIN<J>00NONAMct>[ 
 
 XEPCINAnnCAMENON 
 190 EITICEYnPACCOIBPOTHC 
 
 *V. '. BOinTOCANHPTAAE<t>flN[ 
 
 HciOAOcnponoAoc 
 
 MOYCANONA0ANATOITI[ 
 KAIBPOTnN*HMANETT[ 
 195 TTEI00MAIEYMAPEHC
 
 ODES VVIL I59 
 
 EYKAEAKEAEYGOYFAnCCANOt 
 nEMnEINIEPnNIT00ENrA[ 
 TTY0MEN EC0AAAOYCI N EC0A[ 
 
 TOYCOMEriCTOnATHP 
 
 200 ZEYCAKINHTOYCENEIPHN[ 
 
 VI. 
 
 AAXHN AIOCME TICTOY 
 AAXE4>EPTATONTTOAECCI 
 KYAOCETTAA<i>EIOYrTPOXOAIC[ 
 AlOCCAnAPOIOEN 
 5 AMTTEAOTPO<t>ONKEON 
 
 AEICANnOT OAYMniAi 
 
 nYETEKAICTAAIONKPATEY[ 
 
 CTE<t>ANOICE0EIPAC 
 
 NEANIAIBPYONTEC- 
 10 CEAENYNANAEIMOAnOY 
 
 OYPANIACYMNOCEKATINIK[ 
 APICTOMENEION 
 nnOAANEMONTEKOC 
 TEPAIPEinPOAOMOICAOl 
 
 15 AAICOTICTAAIONKPATHCAC 
 KEONEYKAEIEAC 
 
 VII. 
 Tcot 
 
 nAinAPAGYTATEPXPONOYTEKt 
 NYKTOCCEnENTHKONTAM[ 
 EKKAIAEKATANENOAYMTT[ 
 Col. 13 ____ AP.I[ 
 
 5 .. JTOCAIIM[ 
 KPINEINTAI ...... AAlYHPHNnOAinN 
 
 /AAACIK1AITYI .... PICTAAKECC0EN|OC- 
 
 hlAECYn|PEC|BY| ____ NNEIMHICTEP AC 
 
 NIKACE;TTAN|0P . . OICINEYAOEOCKJEKAH 
 10 TAIKAIHOAYiZH . . . OC'AP ....... ON
 
 160 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 . . . ' EKO CMH 4>AN NA 
 
 OMHI 
 
 * * * * 
 
 Col. 14 TTYOnNATEMHAOGYTAN 
 
 40 YMNEnNNEMEANTEKAIICG . ON' 
 rAIAETTICKHTTTnNXEPA 
 KOMT7ACOMAI 'CYNAAA 
 (5) 0EIAIAETTANAAMTTEIXPEO/ 
 
 OYTiCAN0pnnnNK[ 
 
 45 NACENAAIKIXPONHC 
 TTAICEnNANHPTETT[ 
 NACEAEEATONIKAC- 
 
 (10) nZEYK. PAYNETXECKA[ ]POAINA[ 
 
 OX0AICINAA<}>EIOYTEAECC[ ] AAOKAEA C 
 
 50 0EOAOTO . C!EYXAC'TTEPIK[ ] TTA[ . . .][C 
 
 TAAYKONAITnAIAOt 
 ANAHM' EAAIAC 
 (15) ENnEAOnOC4>PYriOY 
 
 KAEINOICAE0AOIC- 
 : ) 
 
 VIII. [IX.] 
 <f>Kiacria)L 
 
 <rrp. a'. AOEANHXPYCAAAKATOIXAPI . EC 
 
 nEICIMBPOTONAOIHTEnEI 
 MOYCANTEIOBAE*APnN0EIOCnPO4> . . AC 
 EYTYKOC4>AEIOYNTATEKAINEMEAIOY 
 5 ZHNOCEY0AAECTTEAON 
 
 YMNEIN'OTIMHAOAAIKTAN 
 
 0PEYENAAEYKHAE-. C 
 
 HPAHEPI ---- THNAEOAHN 
 
 HPHTON . . . KAEIBAPY<t>0OI~r . NAEONTA' 
 
 avr.a. 10 KE ...... NIKACTTIAECHMI0EOI 
 
 HP ...... NAPTEinNKPITOI 
 
 A0AHCAN . HAPXEMOPniTONEANOOAEPKHC
 
 ODES VII, VIII [IX]. 161 
 
 TTE4>N' ACArEYONTAAPAKHNYTT EPOTTAOC 
 CAMAMEAA. NTOC<t>ONOY" 
 15 HMOIPATTOAYKPATEC- OYNIN 
 nEI0' OIKAEIAACnAAIN 
 CTEIXEINECEYANAPOYZAfl 
 EATTICAN0PnnnNY<t>AIP[ 
 
 . a. AKAITOT AAPACTONTAA[ 
 
 Col. 15 20 TTEMTTENEC0HBACTTOAYNEIKEITTAA[ l 
 
 KEINnNATTEYAOEnNArnNHN 
 
 ENNEMEAIKAEINO . . POTHN 
 
 OITPIETEICTE^ANni 
 
 EAN0ANEPEYHNTAIKOMAN 
 25 AYTOMHAEINYNTENIKA 
 
 CANTININAAIMHNE . HKEN' 
 
 p. &. nENTAEOAOICINrAPENEHPEnENnC 
 
 ACTPnNAIAKPINEI4>AH ' 
 NYKTOCAIXOMHNIAO . . Y<t>EfTHCCEAANA' 
 30 TOIOCEAAANHNAIA .'. . PONAKYKAON 
 4>AIN ! 0AYM . CTONAE .AC 
 AlCKONTPOXOEIAEAPinTHN 
 KAIMEAAM<t>YAAOYKAAAON 
 AKTEACECAinEINANHPOnEMnnN 
 35 AI0EP' EKXEIPOCBOANHTPYNEAAnN 
 
 r. ft'. HTE . . YTAIACAMAPYTMAHAAAC 
 
 TOin YMHIC I 
 
 TYIA AAATA AlAinEAACCA. 
 
 IKET NTTAPATTOP<J>YPOAINA[ 
 
 40 TOYK ACANX00NA 
 
 HA0E EHECXATANEIAOY- 
 
 TAITEnE . . AEITTOPHI 
 
 OIKEYCI0EPMHAON TXEHN 
 
 ICTOPECKOPAIAIHEinn . . . PHOC 
 
 .jS'. 45 CnNnnOAYZHAHT' ANAEnOTAMHN 
 
 ErrONOITEYCANTOKAIYY . TTYAOYTPOIACEAOC' 
 
 CTEIXEIAIEYPEIACKEAE . 0OY 
 
 MYPIATTANTAI<t>ATIC 
 
 CACTENEACAinAPO 
 
 1 At the end of v. 20 Blass places fragment 35 (Kenyon, p. 210) HPOSEN.
 
 1 62 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 50 ZHNflNOYrATPniM- AC0. . I 
 CYNTYXAICHKICCANAPXA 
 rOYCATTOPOHTHNArYIAN 
 
 trrp. y. TICTAPOYKOI . . . KYANOTTAOKAMOY 
 
 0HBACEYAM N 
 
 Col. 16 55 - - MONAiriN,AN-MEr[ ] OY 
 
 - EXEITEKE NHPH 
 
 -. AECfl - - OY- 
 - ACBACA - - AlflN 
 
 Ai 
 
 60 T - 
 
 A - - f> YTT.1TAON[ 
 
 a^ y. H ANEAIKOCTE*A[ 
 
 K' - - CAIT AAAAI0EHN[ 
 C|' - - AMHCANAPirNHT - ICiTT . AAI[ 
 65 - AO'AjnOTAMOYKE . AAO'NTOC' 
 ANTTOAIN 
 
 - CITENIKA[ 
 
 - AHNBOAIt 
 
 - YCAI'ME[ 
 
 70 - IN'- 
 
 eV. y. - iNEOC[ 
 
 . . YCEA OENTAIOnAOKON EYEITTEIN[ 
 ..ATI -- NAM. TANEPfrrnN 
 - INANBPqTO[ 
 
 75 - AEHN 
 
 HTAN 
 
 NYMNON- 
 
 orp. 8'. KAIAnOt>0IMEN HI 
 
 80 - PYTONXPONO N 
 
 - INOMENOICAIEI ni^AYCKOI 
 
 ,MEANrKAN-TO . . TOIKAAO'NEPrON 
 
 rNHCin;NYM!NnNTYXON. 
 
 YYOYTTA PAAAIIMOCIKEITAI- 
 85 CYNA' A . A0EIAI BPOTflN 
 KAAAICTONEI[ 
 A . . TTETA IMOYC PMA" 
 
 EICIA ANi0P[
 
 ODES VIII \IX\ IX [X]. 163 
 
 Col. 17 TTOAAAI'A'I! . KPIN . IAE0EHN 
 90 . OYAA[ |MENONNY!KTOC[ 
 
 - TEKIAITONAPEiht 
 
 - ITTOY- 
 |.. EYCHN 
 
 95 - AYPOIC 
 
 AP| - - TOMEAAON- 
 
 fir. 8'. . .MlAi - - AHKEXAPIN 
 
 . AIAIHNI- - 0EOTIMATO . HOAIN 
 . AlEINAnO! - - EYNTAC 
 100 . PYCEOCKATTTP[ 
 
 ..TIKAAON<t>E[ 
 AINEOITIMOE[ 
 TTAIAICYNKn[ 
 .. OITEHENT[ 
 
 IX. [X.] 
 
 <rrp. a'. . . MA'CYf . |PA| - -OIXNEIC 
 
 .. AA-KAIHA 
 
 ' . EAAMTT - 
 
 nOKEY - 
 
 5 NnNTAjl ' .HI 
 
 E . . |ON-OTIXPY[ 
 
 O |04>0AAMOI|CIN[ 
 
 IT ANATTPAKTAN[ 
 
 A . . AriKAINYNKACirNHTACAKOITAC 
 10 NACi:TINEKEINHCENAirY<t>GOrrONMEAICCAN 
 
 avr. a'. .. EIPEcW A0AN ATONMOYCANATAAMA 
 
 EYNONAN0PnnOICINEIHI 
 XAPMATEANAPETAN 
 MANYONEniXOONIOICIN 
 
 15 OCCANIKACEKATIAN0ECINEAN 
 0! . . ANAAHCAMENOCKE4>AAAN 
 KJYAOCEYPEIAICA0ANAIC 
 HKACOINEIAAICTEAOEAN 
 E NTTOCIAANOCTTEPIKAEITOICAE0AOIC 
 Col. 18 20 . . ACEAAACINTTOAflNTAXEIANOPMAN
 
 1 64 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 eir. a. '. . POICI N EniCTAAlOY 
 
 0EPM TTNEflNAEAAAN 
 
 ECTA NA' AYTEGEATHPHNEAAini 
 
 4>APE NEMTTITNnNOMIAON 
 
 25 TETP NETTEI 
 
 KAM MONIC0MIONIKAN 
 
 AICN APYEANEYBOY 
 
 AHN . . niMTTPO4>ATAI- 
 
 AICA' E ...... AlKPONIAAZHNOCTTAPArNON 
 
 BHMO ...... NATE0HBA 
 
 AEKT ...... YPYXOPON 
 
 T' APTO ..... NTEKATAICAN 
 
 OITEH ...... ANNEMONTAI-AAVNT EYBOI 
 
 ANHO ..... N-OI0IEPAN 
 
 35 NACO ...... AN-MATEYEI 
 
 A' AAA ...... ANKEAEY00N 
 
 ANTI ...... nNAPirNHTOIOAOEACTEYEETAI- 
 
 MYPIAIA' ANAPHNEniCTAMAinEAONTAI-: 
 
 dvr. ff. HTAPC . 4>OCHXAPITnNTIMANAEAOrxnC 
 
 40 EAniAIXPYCEAITE0AAEN- 
 HTINA0EYTTPOTTIAN 
 ElAHCETEPOCAEninAICI 
 nOIKIAONTOEONTITAINEI-OIA' EnEPTOI 
 
 CINTEKAIAM^IBOHNA . EAAIC 
 45 0YMONAYEOYCINTOMEAAON 
 A' AKPITOYCTIKTEITEAEYTAC 
 nAITYXABPICEITOMENKAAAICTONECEAHN 
 
 EIMEN- 
 
 .jS'. OlAAKAITTAOYTOYMErAAANAYNACIN- 
 
 50 AKAIT. NAXPEIONTI ... I 
 
 XPHCTONTIMAKPANT . H . CANI0YCACEAAYNH 1 
 E . TOCOAOY-TTE0ATAI0NATOICINIKAC 
 ---- PONEY4>POCYNA 
 
 Col. 19 AYAflN[ 
 
 55 Mlf[ 
 
 XPHTINL 
 1 So A wrote : for A 3 's obscure correction, see crit. n., p. 320.
 
 ODES IX [X], X [XI]. !6 5 
 
 X. [XL] 
 
 A\6^LOafJLO)L fJL6TaTrOVTlV(DL TTCuSl TTaXaiCTTT/l TTvBlO. 
 trrp. a. NIKAf[ l 
 
 COITTAT[ 
 YYIZY[ 
 
 ENnoA nni 
 
 5 ZHNI[ 
 
 KPINE A. CA0ANATOI 
 
 CINTE NATOICAPETAC- 
 
 EAAA0I TTAOKAMOY 
 
 KOYPA 0OAIKOY-CE0ENA' EKATI 
 
 10 KAINY ATTONTIONEY 
 
 TYinN OYCINEHN 
 
 KHMOI TEKAI: . Y<t>POCYNAI0EOTIMONACTY' 
 
 YMNEYCIAEn|Y0IONIKON 
 
 nAIAAj0AHT . |N<t>AICKOY- 
 
 avr.a'. 15 IAEHI . IINOAI . . OTENHCYI 
 OCBAOYlZHNi . . . AATOYC 
 AEKT . |BAE4>j (-TTOAEEC 
 A' AM4>AAEE . . . MONAN0EHN 
 ENnEAiniCTE4>ANOI 
 20 KIPPACETTECONKPATEPAC 
 HPAHANNIKOinAAAC- 
 OYK. . AENINAEAIOC 
 
 KE . . ni fEcYNAMATinpOCfMAITTeCONTA' 
 
 <t>ACnAEKAIENZA0EOIC 
 25 ArNOYTTEAOTTOCAATTEAOIC 
 
 AA4>EONnAPAKAAAIPOANAIKACKEAEY00N 
 
 ElMHTICAHETPAnENOPOAC 
 
 nATEEINniXAITANEAAIAI 
 
 eV. a'. rAAYKAICTE4>ANnCAMENON 
 
 30 nOPTITP04>O PAN0' IKEC0AI 
 
 Col. 20 nAIA' ENX0ONIKAAAIXOPHI 
 
 nOIKIAAICTEXNAICnEAACCEN- 
 . AA' H0EOCAITIOCH 
 35 . NnMAITTOAYTTAArKOIBPOTHN 
 
 . MEPCANYnEPTATONEKXEIPHNrEPAC- 
 . YNA' APTEMICATPOTEPA 
 . PYCAAAKATOCAI . APAN 
 ..'.'PATOEOKAYTOCNIKANEAHKE- 
 
 1 As to the doubtful f, see crit. n. on p. 320.
 
 1 66 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 40 .. ITTOT ABANTIAAAC 
 
 . nMONKATENACCETTOAYA 
 . . CTONEYTTETTAOITEKOYPAI- 
 
 orp. '. TACEEEPATnNE4>OBHCE 
 
 HArKPATHCHPAMEAAGPHN 
 45 T7POITOYTTAPATTAHn<t>PENAC 
 
 KAPTEPAIZEYEAC' ANAfKAI. 
 
 TTAP0ENIAirAPETI 
 
 YYXAIKIONECTEMENOC 
 
 TTOP<t>YPOZnNOI00EAC- 
 50 <t>ACKONAETTOAYC4>ETEPON 
 
 nAOYTninPO^EPEINnATEPAEANGACHAPEAPOY 
 
 CEMNOYAIOCEYPYBIAI- 
 
 TAICINAEXOAHCAMENA 
 
 CTH0ECI NTTAAI NTPOnONEMBAAENOMMA" 
 
 55 4>EYrONA' OPOccTANI<1>YAAON 
 CMEPAAAEAN^HNANIEICAI 
 
 dvr.p. TIPYNOIONACTYAinOYCAl 
 
 KAIOEOAMATOYCATYIAC- 
 
 HAHTAPETOCAEKATON 
 60 0EO<t>IAECAITTONTECAPrOC 
 
 NAIONAAEIC|JOAI 
 
 XAAKACniAECHMIOEOI 
 
 CYNHOAYZHAniBACIAEI- 
 
 NEIKOCTAPAMAIMAKETON 
 
 65 BAHXPACANETTAATOKACirNHTOICATTAPXAC 
 Col. 21 HPOITniTEKAIAKPCini- 
 
 AAOYCTEAIXOCTACIAIC 
 
 HPinONAMETPOAIKOICMAXAICTEAYTPAIC- 
 
 AICCONTOAEHAIAACABANTOC 
 70 TANnOAYKPIGONAAXONTAC 
 
 V. #. TIPYN0ATONOHAOTEPON 
 
 KTIZEINnPINECAPrAAEANnECEINANATKAN- 
 ZEYCT E0EAENKPONIAAC 
 TIMHNAANAOYrENEAN 
 75 KAIAinE/nnOIOAYTKEOC 
 nAYCAICTYrEPHNAXEnN- 
 TElXOCAEKYKAnHECKAMON 
 EA00NTECYTTEP<J>IAAOIKAEINAITT ... El 
 
 KAAAICTONIN' ANTI0EOI 
 80 NAIONKAYTONITTTTOJ3OTON 
 
 APrOCHPnECnEPIKAEITOIAinONT[ 
 
 EN0ENAnECCYMENAI 
 
 nPOITOYKYANOnAOKAMOl
 
 ODE X [XI}. 167 
 
 <t>EYrONAAMATOI0YrATPEC- 
 a-Tp.y. 85 TONA' EIAENAXOCKPAAIAN-EEI 
 
 NATENINTTAAEENMEPIAANA- 
 
 AOIAEEAE4>ACFANONAM 
 
 4>AKECENCTEPNOICITTAEA|- 
 
 AAAANINAIXM04>OPOI 
 90 MY0OICITEMEIAIXIOIC 
 KAIBIAIXEIPHNKATEXON- 
 TPICKAIA'. KAMENTEAEOYC 
 
 MHNAC . . ITAAACKIONHAYKTAE'ONYAAN 
 *EYTONTE KATAKAPAIAN 
 95 MHAOTPOi4>ON'AAA'OTEAH 
 
 AOYCONTTOTIKAAAIPOANTTATHPIKANEN 
 EN0ENXPOA;NITAMENOC*OI 
 NIKOK. ...'.'... OAATOYC 
 
 dvr. y. KI KAH Bonni N 
 
 Col. 22 106 *TOYA' K\Y' ApiCTOTT<vrp& 
 
 loo XEIPACANTEINHNnPOCAYTAC 
 
 innHKEOCAEAlOY 
 
 TEKNAAYCTANOIOAYCCAC 
 
 TTAP<t>PONOCEEArArEIN- 
 
 0YCHAETOIEIKOCIBOYC 
 105 AZYrAC4>OINIKOTPIXAC- 
 
 *0HPOCKOnOCEYXOMENOY- TTI00YCAA' HPAN 
 
 HAYCENKAAYKOCTE4>ANOYC 
 
 KOYPACMANTANA0EHN- 
 1 10 TAIA'AYTIKAOITEMENOCBnAAONTETEYXON 
 
 XPAINONTEMINAIMATIMHAHN 
 
 KAIXOPOYCICTANTYNAIKHN- 
 
 eV. y'. EN0ENKAIAPHI<t>IAOIC 
 
 ANAPECCINinnOTP04>ONnOAINAXAIOIC 
 115 ECnEO'CYNAETYXAl 
 
 NAIEICMETAHONTIONH 
 
 XPYCEAAECTTOI NAAAHN 
 
 AACOCTETOIIMEPOEN 
 
 KACANnAPEYYAPONnPOTO 
 120 NOIECCAAAENOITTPIAMOI' EnEIXPONHI 
 
 BOYAAICIOEHNMAKAPHN 
 
 HEPCANnOAINEYKTIMENAN 
 
 XAAKOOHPAKHNMETATPEIAAN-AIKAIAC 
 
 OCTICEXEIcfPENACEY 
 125 PHCEICYNAnANTIXPONHI 
 
 MYPIACAAKACAXAIHN- 
 
 1 Kenyon now thinks that the apparent is only an abraded Z.
 
 1 68 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 XI. [XII.] 
 Ttcrtat 
 
 crrp. nCEIKYBEPNHTACCO<K)CYMNOANAC 
 
 C' EY0YNEKAEIOI 
 NYN<t>PENACAMETEPAC 
 EIAHTTOTEKAITTAPOC- ECTAPOABIAN 
 5 EEINOICIMETTOTNIANIKA 
 NACONAITEINACATTAPXEI 
 EA0ONTAKOCMHCAIQEOAMATONTTOAIN- 
 TANT ENNEMEAirYAAKEAMOYNOTTAAA[ 
 
 Here there has been a loss of at least one column, and probably of 
 more than one. 
 
 XII. [XIII.] 
 
 <rrp.a. * * * * 
 
 Col. 23 
 
 - AEin 
 
 10 - / EP[ 
 
 - AAN- 
 o-rp. /S 7 . A lacuna of thirty-one verses. 
 
 Col. 24 YBPIOCYYINOOY 
 
 45 TTAYCEIAIKACQNATOICIKPAINnN 
 
 dvT. &. OIANTINAAYCAO^ONH 
 
 MHCTAIAEONTI 
 (15) TTEPCEIAACE0IHCI 
 
 XEIPAHANTOIAICITEXNAIC- 
 50 ____ AAMACIMBPOTOCAIGflN 
 
 ... KOCAnAATOYGEAEI 
 ....'iNAIACHMATOC-E 
 
 ( 20 ) ..... <t>QHA' onicn 
 
 ..... NON-HTTOTE4>AMI 
 
 55 ..... nEPICTE4>ANOICI 
 
 ...... ATIOYTTONONEA 
 
 ...... NIAPHENT ECEC0AI- 
 
 e V. 0'. (25) ....... ABHMONAPICTAPXOYAIOC 
 
 . P'. . YAEOCAN
 
 ODES XI [AY/], XII [XIII}. 169 
 
 60 ____ ICINA. iQEA 
 
 ..... ANAOEANTTOAY4>ANTONENAI 
 
 ---- TPE<J>EITTAYPOICIBPOTnN 
 (30) . IEIKAIOTAN0ANATOIO 
 
 KYANEONNE4>OCKAAYYHIAEITTETAI 
 65 A0ANATONKAEOCEYEP 
 
 X0ENT. CAC*AAEICYNAICAI- 
 
 arp.y. THNKA.. YTYXHNNEMEAI 
 
 (35) AAMnHNOCYlE 
 
 TTAN0AAEnNCTEct>ANOICIN 
 70 ..!... XAITAN .. |E<t>0EIC 
 ....... TTOAINYIYIATYIAN 
 
 ....... PYIAA. . OTHN 
 
 (40) ....... A ---- OHN 
 
 KH . . . TTATP . . N 
 75 NACO. YTTEPBI .. ICXYN 
 nAMMAXIANANA4>AINnN' 
 nnOTAMOY0YTATEP 
 (45) AINANTOCAITIN' HniO^PON 
 
 Col.25avr.y'. HTOIMETAAAN[ 
 80 EAHKETIMAN[ 
 ENnANTECCIN[ 
 nYPCONHCEAAC 
 (50) 4>AINnN-TOrECO[ ........ ]NEI 
 
 84 f. KAITICY4>AYXHCKO[ ....... ]PAN 
 
 nOAECCITAP*EnC[ 
 HYTENEBPOCAHENt 
 (55) AN0EMOENTACETT[ 
 KOY4>ACYNArX|AO[ 
 90 0PHCKOYC' ATAKAEITA[ ....... ]IO 
 
 eV. y'. TAIAECTE4>ANHCAME ........... ]EHN 
 
 ANOEHNAONAKOCT E[ 
 (60) PIANA0YPCIN 
 
 nAP0ENOIMEAnOYCIT ......... CH 
 
 95 A . CnOINAnAIEE[ 
 .. AAIAATEPOAO[ 
 ATO ...... ANETI[ 
 
 (65) KA.TEAA. . . A[ 
 
 AIAKniMIX:0EIC'ENE[ 
 
 j. B.
 
 I7 o TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 <rrp.8'. ioo THNYIEACAEPCIMAXt 
 
 TAXYNT AXIAAEA 
 
 EYEIAEOCT EPIBOIAC 
 (70) TTAIA' YTTEP0YMONBOA[ 
 
 AIANTACAK EC*OPONH[ 
 105 OCT ETTITTPYM;NAICTA0[ 
 
 ECXEN0PACY KAPAION[ 
 
 MAINONTAN[ 
 (75) 0ECTTECiniTTY[ 
 
 EKTOPAXAA[ ' ]N- 
 1 10 OTTOTETT[ 
 
 TPA.'EIANC ]|ANIN 
 
 a^r. 8'. nPEINAT[ 
 
 (80) T EAYCENA[ 
 
 OIHPINMEN[ ]|N 
 
 CoL 26 . . IOY0AHTONACTY 
 
 116 9YAEinON-ATYZOMENOI[ 
 
 TT . ACCONOHEIANMAXA[ 
 (85) EYT ENnEAiniKAONEh[ 
 
 MAINOIT AXIAAEYC 
 120 AAO<t>ONONAOPYCEinN 
 
 AAA' OTEAHTTOAEMOI[ 
 
 AHEENIOCTE0ANOL 
 (90) NHPHIAOCATPOMHTO[ 
 
 cv. y. ncr ENKYANANOEIOC 
 125 noNj;niBOPEACYnoKY 
 
 MACIiNAiAIZEl 
 
 NYKTiO CANTACACANATT[ 
 
 (95) AHEENAECYN4>AECIM[ 
 AOI- CTOPECENAETEnO[ 
 
 130 OYPIAINOTOYAEKOATT[ 
 ICTIONAPnAAEHCAC 
 EAnTONEH.' . ONTOXE[ 
 
 <rrp. e'. (ioo) nCTPHECETT . . KAYON[ 
 
 XMATANAXIAAEA 
 135 MIMNO. ' ENKAICIHICIN 
 
 El . EK . NEAN0ACTYNAIKOC 
 .'p . CHIAOCIMEPOFYIOY 
 (105) 0EOICINANTEINANXEPAC 
 
 <i>6lBANECIAONTECYnAI 
 140 XEIMHNOCAirAAN-
 
 ODE XII \XIII\ 
 
 nACCYAIACAEAinONTEC 
 TEIXEAAAOMEAONTOC 
 (i 10) /CnEAIONKPATEPAN 
 
 AIEANY . MINAN0EPONTEC- 
 
 avr. t'. 145 HPCANT . 4>OBONAANAOIC' 
 HTPYNEA' APHC 
 . YETXHCAYKinNTE 
 
 (115) . OEIACANAEATTOAAflN- 
 
 IEONT E . I0EINA0AAACCAC- 
 Col.27 . AYCI A' EYTTPYMNOICTTAPIA 
 
 151 AAAPN ANT- ENAPIZ ..... | HIM 
 
 (120) ---- TITAIAMEAA[ 
 ..... EACYnOXEI[ 
 
 155 ..... ET HMI0EOIC[ 
 ...... 1C . 
 
 eV. e'. ..... NEC- HMiEI~AAAICINEATTICIN 
 
 (125) ---- ONTECYHEP,*! . . AON 
 
 1 60 - CinnEYTAIKYANHniAACEK 
 
 - NEAC 
 
 - TTINACT EN 
 
 (130) ..... IP . ICEEEIN0; . . . MATONTTOAIN- 
 
 . JEAAONAPAHPOTI . . . NAI 
 165 . [ANTA<t>OINIEEI|... AMANAP[ 
 
 <rr P . s". . INACKONTECYHI ... KIAAIC 
 
 I EPEMJI../- 
 
 (135) [TnNEIKAI[ 
 | HBA0YEYA[ 
 170 
 
 (140) - 
 
 175 OYTAPAAA . . E . INY[ J 
 nACI4>ANHCAPET[ 
 KPY<t>0EIC' AMAYPO[ 
 
 avr.r'.(i45) AAAEMnEAONAK[ 
 
 BPYOYCAAOEAI 
 1 80 CTPH*ATAIKATArAN[ 
 KAIHOAYnAArKTON0[ 
 KAIMAN*EPEKYAEAN[ 
 (150) AIAKOYTIMAI-CYNEY 
 
 1 Seecrit. n., p. 350. 
 
 12
 
 1 7 2 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 KAEIAIAE<t>IAOCTE4>[ 
 Col. 28 TT|OAINKYBEPNA|I 
 
 1 86 EYNOMIATECAO<t>PinN 
 A0AAIACTEAEAOTX. |N 
 (155) ACTEAT EYCEBEHN 
 
 ANAPHNENEI . HN|AI4>YAACC . |T 
 
 cV. r'. 190 NIKANT EPIK |MEATTET' H|NEOI 
 
 . Y0EAMEAETA . . . BPOTH 
 4>. AEAMENANAP . |Y- 
 (i 60) TANEnAA<t>EIOYTEPO... 0AMAAH 
 
 TIMACENAXPYCAPMATOC 
 195 CEMNAMErAOYMOCAGANA- 
 
 MYPIHNT' HA^HMITPAICINANEPHN 
 ECTE<l>ANnCENE0EIPAC 
 
 (165) ENTTANEAAANflNAEOAlOIC- 
 >J 
 
 o-rp. T- . IMHTINAQEPCI . x TTH1C 
 
 200 . 0ONOCBIATAI 
 
 AINEITnCO<K)NA|NAPA 
 
 . YNAIKAI-BPOTHNAEMnMOC 
 (170) nANTECCIMENE|CTINEnEPrOI[ 
 
 . A' AAA0EIA4>IAEl' 
 205 NIKANOTEnANAj. MATH[ 
 
 XPONOCTOKAAHC 
 
 . PFMENONAIENA[ 
 (175) . Y. A/^ENE. NAEMA[ 
 
 ... ..... CMIN 
 
 A lacuna of ten verses, 
 
 Ool.29avr.f. EAniAI0YMONIAIlN[ 
 221 TAIKAIErnniCYNlO[ 
 
 *OINIKOKPAAEMNO!JO[ 
 
 eV. T- (19) YMNnNTINATAN|AEN[ 
 
 *AINnEENIANiTE[ 
 225 rAAONTEPAIPn- ' 
 
 TANEMOIAAMnnjN[ 
 BAHXPANETTA0PH CAIC|T[ 
 (195) TANEIK 5 ETYMHCAjPAKAiEint 
 HAN0AAHCEMAIC ENECTAE[ 
 230 TEPYIEHEICNIN .. lAAjl 
 nANTIKAPYE10NTIAA[
 
 ODES XII [AY/7], XIII \XIV\ 173 
 
 XIII. [XIV.] 
 a-rp. a. KA.eo7rroA.e/u[. .] #ecrcraXaH MTTTOIS 7TT/3cu[.] 
 
 EYMENEIMAPO|AITTAPAAAI[ 
 
 GPnnOICAPICTiON- 
 
 . YM4>OPAA' EC0IAONAMAAAY 
 
 APYJA . . IOCMOAOYCA- 
 
 5 ON^AI ... |YYI*ANHTE[ 
 
 . . . ATOP0n0|EICA-TIMAN 
 ... AOCAAAOIAINEXEI- 
 
 tvr. a' AIA' ANAPHNAPE . . . |MIAA' E[ 
 
 NTTPOKEITAI 
 
 10 TTAPXEIPOCKYBEPN|A 
 
 KAIAICI4>PENECCI|N- 
 
 NBAPYnEN0ECIN|APMO 
 
 AXAIC*OPMirrOCOM*A 
 
 TYKAAfTEICXOPOI- 
 
 V. a'. 15 N0AAIAICKANAXA 
 
 OKTYnOC- AAAE4>EKACTni 
 
 ^NAPHNEPTMATIKAA 
 
 AICTOC . YEPAONTAAEKAI0EOCO[ 
 KAEOnTOAEMniAEXAPIN 
 20 NYNXPHT7OCIAANOCTETTETP[ 
 OYTEMENOCKEAAAHCAI 
 HYPPIXOYT' EYAOEONinnON[ 
 
 rrp. '. OC<J>IAOEEINOYTEKAIOP00A[ 
 
 A lacuna of sixteen verses. 
 
 eV. ^. 40 YHAEA0ECCA[ 
 
 - ENTYAAOIC- 
 
 - NTEAHCK[ 
 
 - EA.. AHN 
 
 The rest of the ode is lost.
 
 174 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 XIV. [XV.] 
 Col. 30 
 
 - ANTI0EOY 
 
 nTTICAGANACTTPOCTTOAOC 
 
 - TTAAAAAOCOPCIMAXOY 
 
 - PYCEAC 
 
 - NAPrEiniMOAYCCEl 
 
 - AniT ATPEIAAIBACIAEI 
 
 - ZHNOCOEANQ 
 
 avr. a. ON 
 
 - NTTPOCHNETTEN- 
 10 - YKTIMENAN 
 
 - AHNTYXONTEC 
 
 - CYN0EOIC 
 
 - AOYC 
 
 A lacuna of eight verses. 
 arp.p. 23 - ! KTIOCKEAP 1 
 
 A lacuna of thirteen verses. 
 
 CoL31 eV. /3'. A TON 'HATH PA' EYBOYAOCH PHC 
 
 nANTACAMAINENHPIAMniBACIAEI 
 TTAIAECCITEMYOONAXAiniN- 
 40 EN0AKAPYKECAIEY 
 
 PEIANHOAINOPNYMENOI 
 TPnnNAOAAIZON0AAArrAC 
 
 <rrp. y. AEEICTPATONEICATOPAN' 
 
 HANTAIAEAIEAPAMENAYAAEICAOrOC- 
 45 0EOICA' ANICXONTECXEPACA0ANATOIC 
 EYXONTOnAYCAC0AIAYAN- 
 MOYCATICnPnTOCAPXENAOrnNAIKAinN. 
 nAEIC0ENIAACMENEAAOCrAPYI0EAEIEnEI 
 <t>0ETEAT' EYHEnAOICIKOINDCACXAPICCIiN- 
 
 avr. y. 50 nipnECAPHi^iAoi- 
 
 ZEYCYT ....... C . HAN . AAEPKETAI 
 
 OYKAITIOC0NATOICMErAAnNAXEnN 
 AAAEN . . KEITAIKIXEIN
 
 ODES XIV [XV\ XV \XVI\ 175 
 
 TTACINAN0PnTTOICAIKANI0EIANArNAC 
 55 EYNOMIACAKOAOY0ONKAiniNYTAC0EMITOC 
 OABIflNTT . . A . . NINAIPEYNTAICYNOIKON 
 
 AAA'AIOAOI . KEPAECCIKAIA4>POCYNAIC 
 EEAICIOIC0AAAOYC' A0AMBHC 
 YBPICATTAOYT . . AYNAMINTE00HC 
 60 AAAOTPIONnnACENAYTIC 
 
 A' ECBA0YNTTEMTTEI4>00PON- 
 . . INAKAIYnEP0IAAOYC 
 
 . TTAIAACflAECENrirANTAC 
 
 XV. [XVI.] 
 
 arp. IOY EHEI 
 
 AA' ETTEMYENEMOIXPYCEAN 
 
 .... IA0E PONOC . YPANIA[ 
 
 ATHNTEMOYCANYMNnN 
 
 5 NEITAPETTAN0EMOENTIEBPni 
 
 <fr;r.'^rAAAETAIHAOAIXAYXENIKY[ 
 It. "I). AEIAN4>. ENATEPTTOMENOC 
 
 AlKHITTAmONnN 
 
 Col. 32 AN0EAnEAOIXNEIiN 
 
 10 TTY0I' ATTOAAON 
 
 TOCCAXOPOIAEA<t>nN 
 CONKEAAAHCANHAPA TAKAEANAON 
 
 avr. TTPINrEKAEOMENAITTEliN 
 
 OIXAAIANnYPIAAnTOM ENAN 
 15 AM4>ITPYnNIAAAN0PACYM . AEA*n 
 0'- IKETOA' AM0IKYMON' AKTAN- 
 EN0' AnOAAIAOCEYPYNE4>EIK HNAini 
 ZHNI0YENBAPYAXEACENNEATAYPOYC 
 AYOT OPCIAAniAAMACIX00NIME[ 
 20 AEKOPAIT OBPIMOAEPKEIAZYTAt 
 
 nAP0ENHIA0ANAI 
 YYIKEPANBOYN-
 
 176 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 TOT AMAXOCAAIMHN 
 AAIANEIPAITTOAYAAKPYNY4>A[ 
 
 r. 25 MHTINETTI<t>PON' ET7EI 
 
 TTY0ET ArrEAIANTAAAnEN0EA[ 
 
 lOAANOTIAEYKHAENON 
 
 AIOCYIOCATAPBOMAXAC 
 
 AAOXONAITTAPO oTIAOMONTTEl . . |OI' 
 
 30 AAYCMOPOCATAA . . N' OI^ONEMHCAT[ 
 <t>00NOCEYPYBIA . . INATTHAECEN 
 ANO^EONTEKAjAYiMMATHN 
 YCTEPONEPXCMiENHiN- 
 OT'EninOTAMn. POAjOENTIAYKOPMAIt 
 
 35 AEEATONECCOYiTTA!PAAAIMONIONTEP[ 
 
 XVI. [XVII.] 
 
 o-rp.a'. KYANOnPniPAM.|NiNAYCMENEKTY[ 
 
 0HCEAAICEHT. T ATAAOYCATOYCA 
 
 KOYPOYCIAONn[.] 
 
 KPHTIKONTA|MN[ENnEAArOC- 
 5 THAAYTEirAP.. <t>APEI 
 
 BOPHIAiniTNO. |A|YPAI 
 
 KAYTACEKATITT. AE|MAiriAOCA0AN[ 
 Col. 33 KNICENTEMIIsinKEAP 
 
 IMEPAMH . KOC0EA[ 
 10 KYTTP7AOC . . ISIAAH . |A- 
 
 XEIPAA' OY.... TTAP0. JNIKAC 
 
 ATEP0EPA. YEN-0ITEIN 
 
 AEAEYKANnAPHIIAnN- 
 
 BOA.. T EPIBOIAXAAKO 
 15 0HPA ..... NAIONOC 
 
 EKT. NON-IAENAE0HCEYC" 
 
 MEAANA' YH04>PYn|N
 
 ODES XV [XVI], XVI [XVII]. 
 
 177 
 
 35 
 
 Col. 34 
 
 40 
 
 45 
 
 AINA. ENOMMAKAPAIANTEOI 
 
 CXETAIONAMYEEN AATOC- 
 
 EIPENTE-AIOCYIE<t>EPlTATOY 
 
 OCIONOYKETITEAN 
 
 ECnKYBEPNAIC0PEN;nN 
 
 .... hCXEMErAAOYXO;NHPflCBIAN 
 
 OTIM . NEKOEflNMOIPAnACKPATHC 
 
 AMMIKATENEYCEKAIAIjKACPETTEITA 
 
 AANiTONTTETTPflMEN . N 
 
 AICAN . KnAHCOMENOT . |N 
 
 EA0H-; . . AEBAPEIANKATE 
 
 XEM. iTINEIKAICEKEANA 
 
 TEKEN AEXEIAIOCYnOKPOTA<t>ONIAAC 
 
 MirEICiA4>OINIKOCEPA 
 
 TnNY[A\OCKOPABPOTnN 
 
 4>EPT[.. ON'AAAAKAME 
 
 niT0j . OC0YrATHPA<t>NEOY 
 
 nAA0|EICAnONTiniTEKEN 
 
 HOCIAjANI-XPYCEON 
 
 TEOIAjOCANIOnAOKOI 
 
 KAAYMMANHPHIAEC- 
 
 TnCETTiOAEMAPXEKNnCCIflN 
 
 KEAOMAIHOAYCTONON 
 
 EPYKE NYBPIN-OYTAPAN0EAOI 
 
 M' AMBPOTOI' EPANNONAO[ 
 
 IAEIN4>AOCEnEITIN' HI0E[ 
 
 CYAAMACEIACAEKON 
 
 TAnPOCOEXEIPHNBIAN 
 
 AE . EOMENTAA' EniONTAAA . . . |NKPIN|EI' 
 
 nENAPETAIXMOCHPn[.] 
 
 . . <K)NAENAYBATAI 
 ..T.. YnEPA^ANON 
 50 0A. COC-AAIOYTErAMBPniXOAn[ 
 Y<J>AINETEn . TAINIAN 
 MHTIN- EinENTEMETAAOC0[ 
 ZEYTTATEPAKOYCON-EITTEPM. . . 
 <t>OINICCAAEYKnAENOCCOITEK[ 
 
 55 NYNTTPOTTEMTT' AnOYPANOY0[ 
 nYPIE0EIPANACTPAnAN 
 CAM^APirNHTON-EI
 
 178 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 AEKAICETPOIZHNIACEIC . . . ONI 
 
 <t>YTEYCENAI0PATTOCEI 
 60 AANITONAEXPYCEON 
 
 XEIPOCATAAON 
 
 AlKHNOPACEICnMATTATPOC . CAOMOYC 
 
 ENETKEKOCMONBAGEIACAAOC- 
 
 EICEAIA' AIK' EMACKAYHI 
 65 KPONIOCEYXAC 
 
 ANAEIBPENTACOTTANTn [.' . N' 
 
 <rrp. &. KAYEA' AMETTTONEYXANMErAC0ENH[.] 
 
 ZEYC-YTTEPOXONTEMINni4>YTEYCE 
 TIMAN4>IAm0EAnN 
 70 TTAIAITTANAEPKEA0EMEN- 
 
 ACTPAYEe'-OAEOYMAPMENON 
 IAHNTEPACXEI PACHETACCE 
 KAYTANECAIGEPAMENEHTOAEMOCHPnC 
 EIPENTE-0HCEYTAAE 
 75 MENBAETTEICCA<t>HAIOC 
 AHPA-CYA' OPNY' ECBA 
 PYBPOMONH . AATOC-KPONI[ 
 
 Col. 35 AETOinATHPANAETEAEI 
 
 nOCEIAANYHEPTATON 
 80 KAEOCX00NAKATEYAENAPON- 
 nCEinE-THIA' OYHAAIN 
 0YMOCANEKAMnTET' AAAEY 
 TTAKTHNETTIKPinN 
 
 CTA0EICOPOYCE-nONTIONTENIN 
 85 AEEAT00EAHMONAACOC- 
 
 TA4>ENAEAIOCYIOCENA00EN 
 
 KEAP-KEAEYCETEKATOY 
 PONICXEINEYAAIAAAON 
 NAA-MOIPA .' ETEPANTTOPCYN' OAON 
 
 90 I ETOA' nKYnOMnONAOPY'COEl 
 
 NEINBOPEACEEOTTI0ENTTNEOYC' AHTA- 
 
 TPECCANA' A0ANAIHN 
 
 HI0EnNTENOCEnEI 
 
 HPnC0OPENTTONTONAE'KA 
 95 TAAEIPIHNT OMMATHNAAKPY 
 
 XEONBAPEIANEniAErMENOIANATKAN- 
 
 4>EPONAEAEA4>INECENAAI 
 NAIETAIMETANOOnC
 
 ODE XVI \XVII\ 179 
 
 0H . EATTATPOCinTTI 
 100 OYAOMON-EMOAENTEOEHN 
 
 ME . . PON-TO0IKAYTACIAHN 
 
 EAEICE,NHPEOCOA 
 
 BIOYKOPAC-ATTOrAPATAA 
 
 nNAAAATTErYinNCEAAC 
 105 niTETTYPOC-AAA4>IXAITAIC 
 
 AEXPYCEOTTAOKOI 
 
 AINHNTOTAINIAI-XOPHIAETEP 
 
 TTONKEAPYrPOICINENTTOCIN- 
 
 EIAENTETTATPOCAAOXON4>IAAN 
 1 10 CEMNANBOnniNEPATOI 
 
 CINAAA4>ITPITANAOMOIC- 
 
 ANINAAA<l>EBAAAENAIONATTOP<t>YPEAN- 
 
 e'ir./S'. KOAAAICIT EHE0HKENOYAAIC 
 
 Col. 36 AMEAA4>EAnAOKON- 
 
 115 TONTTOTEOIENrAMni 
 
 AnKEAOAIOCA4>POAITAPOAOICEPEMNON 
 AHICTONOTIAAIAAONEC 
 0EAnCINOYAEN0PENOAPAICBPOTOIC- 
 NAAnAPAAEnTOJTPYMNON4>ANH-4>EY 
 
 120 OIAICINEN4>PONTICIKNnCION 
 ECXACENCTPATATETANEnEI 
 
 AAOA' AAIANTOCEEAAOC 
 
 0AYMAHANTECCI AAAA 
 
 nEA' AM4>irYOIC0EnNAnP 5 ATAO 
 125 0PONOITEKOYPAICYNEY 
 
 0YMIAINEOKTITHI 
 
 HAOAYEAN-E 
 
 KAATENAEnONTOC-HIOEOIA' EITY0EN 
 
 NEOIHAIANIEANEPATAIOni 
 130 AAAIEXOPOICIKHIHN 
 
 0PENAIAN0EIC 
 
 OTTAZE0EOTTOMTTONEC0AnNTYXAN
 
 i8o TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 XVII. [XVIII.] 
 
 12)77 crews 
 
 <rrp. a. BACI AEYTAN I EPANA0ANAN 
 
 THNABPOBinNANAEinNnN 
 TICNEONEKAArEXAAKOKHAnN 
 CAATTirETTOAEAAHIANAOIAAN- 
 5 HTICAMETEPACX0ONOC 
 AYCMENHCOPI' AM4>IBAAAEI 
 CTPATATETACANHP- 
 HAHCTAIKAKOMAXANOI 
 TTOIMEISinNA' EKATIMHAHN 
 
 10 CEYONT ATEAACBIAI 
 
 HTITOIKPAAIANAMYCCEI- 
 <t>0EITOYAOKEnrAPEITINIBPOTnN 
 AAKIMHNEniKOYPIAN 
 KAITINEMMENAINEHN 
 
 15 mTANAIONOCYIEKAIKPEQYCAC 
 
 tTTp. j3'. . . ONHAGeAoAlX&NAMeif AC 
 
 Col. 37 KAPYETTOCINIC0MIANKEAEY00N- 
 
 A<t>ATAA' EPTAAETEIKPATAIOY 
 4>nTOCTONYTTEPBIONT EHE^NEN 
 
 20 CININOCICXYI4>EPTATOC 
 
 0NATHNHNKPONIAAAYTAIOY 
 CEIOX00NOCTEKOC- 
 
 CYNT ANAPOKTONONENNAHAIC 
 KPEMYHNOCATACOAAONTE 
 
 25 CKIPHNAKATEKTANEN- 
 
 TANTEKEPKYONOCnAAAICTPAN 
 ECXEN-nOAYnHMONOCTEKAPTEPAN 
 C<t>YPANEEEBAAAENTTPOKO 
 nTACAPEIONOCTYXHN 
 
 30 <t>nTOC-TAYTAAEAOIX' OHAITEAEITAI 
 o-rp. y. TINAA' EMMENnO0ENANAPATOYTON 
 
 AETEI -TINATECTOAANEXONTA- 
 TTOTEPACYNTTOAEMHIOICO 
 nAOICICTPATIANATONTAnOAAAN- 
 
 35 HMOYNONCYNOHAOICIN 
 
 CTIXEINEAAnOPONOI' AAATAN 
 ETTA A AO A AMI AN
 
 ODES XVII \XVIII\ XVIII [XIX}. 181 
 
 ICXYPONTEKAIAAKIMON 
 
 hAEKAIGPACYNOCTOYTHN 
 40 ANAPniMKAPTEPONC0ENOC 
 ECXEN- H0EOCAYTONOPMAI 
 
 AIKACAAIKOICINO<t>PAMHCETAI 
 OYFAPPAIAIONAIENEP 
 AONTAMHNTYXEINKAKfll- 
 45 TTAJSTT ENTniAOAIXniXPONniTEAEITAI- 
 vrp. 8'. AYOOI<J>nTEMONOYCAMAPTEIN 
 
 AETEI -TTEPI^AIAIMOICIA' HMOIC 
 EI<t>OCEXEIN- 
 EECTOYCAEAY' ENXEPECC' AKONTAC 
 
 Col. 38 55 * CTlABeiNATTOAAMNIAN 
 
 <J>OINICC(\N4>Aor<MT<MAAA' 6M6N 
 npO)0HBO.N 'ApHICONA' A6YP/WAT60N 
 
 50 KHYTYKTONKYNEANAAKAI 
 
 NANKPATOCYTTEPTTYPCOXAITOY- 
 
 XlinNAnOP4>YPEON 
 
 CTEPNOICIT AM0IKAIOYAION 
 
 0ECCAAANXAAMYA' OMMATflNAE 
 *MEMNAC0AinOAEMOYTEKAI 
 
 XAAKEOKTYTTOYMAXAC 
 60 AIZHCGAIAE^IAATAAOYCAOANAC 
 
 XVIII. [XIX.] 
 
 <rrp. nAPECTIMYPIAKEAEY0OC 
 
 AMBPOCinNMEAEHN 
 
 OCANTTAPATTEIEPIAnNAA 
 XHICIAHPAMOYCAN 
 5 IOBAE<t>APOITEKAI 
 
 <I>EPECTE<I>ANOIXAPITEC 
 BAAHCI NAM4>ITIMAN 
 YMNOICIISTY<J>AINENYNEN 
 
 TAICTTOAYHPATOICTIKA'lNON 1 
 10 OABIAICA0ANAIC 
 
 EYAINETEKHIAMEPIMNA- 
 
 nPEnEICE4>EPTATANIMEN 
 
 OAONTTAPAKAAAIOTTACAA 
 
 1 See crit. n. on p. 398.
 
 1 82 TEXT OF THE PAPYRUS. 
 
 XOICANEEOXONTEPAC- 
 15 TIHNAPrOCOG' ITTTTIONAITTOYCA 
 4>EYrEXPYCEABOYC 
 
 EYPYC0ENEOC4>PAAAICI4>EPTATOYAIOC 
 INAXOYPOAOAAKTYAOCKOPA- 
 
 avr. 6r APTONOMMACIBAEnONTA 
 
 20 TTANT00ENAKAMATOIC 
 
 MEHCTOANACCAKEAEYCEN 
 
 iff -^^^ 
 
 AKOITONAYnNONEON 
 
 TAKAAAIKEPANAAMAAIN 
 25 4>YAACCEN'OYAEMAIAC 
 
 YIOCAYNAT OYTEKATEY 
 
 <t>EITEACAMEPACAAOEI N N I N 
 
 22 * xPYCorrenAocHpA 
 Col. 39 OYTENYKTACATN[ 
 
 EIT OYN TENET E[ 
 30 nOAAPKE' ArTEAO[ 
 
 KTANEINTOT[ 
 
 OMBPIMOCnOPOYA[ 
 
 APTON- HPAKAI[ 
 
 ACTTETOIMEPIMN[ 
 35 HnEIEPIAEC4>YTEY[ 
 
 KAAEHNANAnAYC[ 
 
 ir. EMOIMENOYN 
 
 AC4>AAECTATONAnP[ 
 EHEinAPAN0EMn[ 
 40 NEIAONA4>IKET O[ 
 in<t>EPOYCATTAIA[ 
 EnA4>ON'EN0ANI[ 
 AINOCTOAHNnPYTt 
 
 YnE?OXniBPYONT[ 
 45 MEriCTANTE0NA[ 
 
 O0ENKAIArANOPI[ 
 ENEnTAHYAOICC 
 KAAMOCCEMEA[ 
 ATONOPCj_BAKXA[ 
 
 50 TIKTEAIONYCON[ 
 KAIXOPHNCTE4>A[
 
 ODES XVIII \XIX\ XIX [XX]. 183 
 
 XIX. [XX.] 
 
 CTTAPTAITTOT'ENE[ 
 EANOAIAAKEAA[ 
 TOIONAEMEAOCK[ 
 OT ArETOKAAAITTA[ 
 5 KOPAN0PACYKAP[ 
 
 MAPHHCCANIOTt 
 
 4>YmN0ANATOYT[ 
 
 ANAEIAAOCHOCI 
 
 innOYCTEOIICAN[ 
 10 nAEYPHN' ECEYKT[ 
 XPYCACniAOCYIO[ 
 
 The rest of the ode is lost.
 
 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 A. EPINIKIA. 
 
 THE CYCLE OF THE FOUR GREAT FESTIVALS. 
 
 The Olympian games were held towards the end of summer, at the 
 time of a full moon (Find. O. in. 19), and lasted five days (O. v. 6). 
 The incidence of the festival was regulated by a cycle of 99 lunar 
 months, in such a manner that the interval between two celebrations 
 was alternately one of 49 lunar months and one of 50. In the former 
 case the festival seems to have coincided with the second full moon 
 after the summer solstice, and in the latter with the third (Schroder, 
 Prolegomena to Pindar, p. 48). According to scholia on Pind. O. in. 
 35, the celebration was alternately in the month Apollonius and in the 
 month Parthenius (ib. p. 46); but it is not known to what Attic months 
 these corresponded. 
 
 The Nemean games were held in summer, probably in July, at the 
 beginning of the second and fourth years of each Olympiad. 
 
 The Isthmian games were held in spring, probably in April (cp. 
 Thuc. vin. 7 10), in the latter half of the second and fourth years of 
 each Olympiad. 
 
 The Pythian games were held in August (the Delphian month 
 Bucatius, the Attic Metageitnion), early in the third year of each 
 Olympiad. 
 
 To exemplify this cycle, we will take the 74th and 75th Olympiads.
 
 Olympiad. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 
 74- I- 
 
 484/3 
 
 484. 
 
 74- 2. 
 
 483/2 
 
 {483- 
 | 4 82. 
 
 74-3- 
 
 482/1 
 
 482. 
 
 74.4. 
 
 48l/0 
 
 (481- 
 U8o. 
 
 75- i. 
 
 480/79 
 
 480. 
 
 75-2. 
 
 479/8 
 
 /479- 
 (478. 
 
 75- 3- 
 
 478/7 
 
 478. 
 
 75-4- 
 
 477/6 
 
 J477- 
 (476. 
 
 ODE I. 
 
 Late summer. Olympia 
 Summer. Nemea 
 Spring. Isthmia 
 August. Pythia 
 Summer. Nemea 
 Spring. Isthmia 
 Late summer. Olympia 
 Summer. Nemea 
 Spring. Isthmia 
 August. Pythia 
 Summer. Nemea 
 Spring. Isthmia 
 
 185 
 
 Find. 0. X, XI 
 
 Find. N. v, Bacch. XII? 
 Find. 7. V [vi] ? 
 
 Find. 7. iv [v]? in [iv]? 
 
 DATES OF SOME EPINIKIA. 
 
 Olympiad. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 70-3- 
 
 498 
 
 72- 3- 
 
 49 
 
 73-3- 
 
 486 
 
 75-2- 
 
 478 
 
 76.1. 
 
 476 
 
 76. 2. 
 
 475 
 
 76- 3- 
 
 474 
 
 76.4. 
 
 473 
 
 77.1. 
 
 472 
 
 77-3- 
 
 470 
 
 Find. P. x 
 Find. P. vi, XII 
 Find. P. vii 
 Find. 7. vn [vin]? 
 Find. O. i, ii, in, xi\ 
 Bacch. V 
 
 Find. [7 1 .] ii 
 
 Find. P. in ? ix, xi 
 
 Find. N. I ? 
 
 Find. O. vi ? 
 
 Find. P. i, Bacch. IV 
 
 Olympiad. B.C. 
 
 7 8.1. 
 
 468 
 
 78.2. 
 
 467 
 
 79.1. 
 
 464 
 
 79-3- 
 
 462 
 
 80. i. 
 
 460 
 
 80.4. 
 
 456 
 
 81. i. 
 
 456 
 
 82.1. 
 
 452 
 
 83-3- 
 
 446 
 
 Bacch. Ill 
 
 Find. N. vn ? 
 Find. O. VII, ix, xm 
 Find. P. iv, v 
 Find. 0. vin 
 Find. 7. vi [vn]? 
 Find. O. IV, V PAT. IV? 
 Bacch. VI, VII 
 
 Find. P. vin 
 
 ODE I. 
 
 For Argeius of Ceos, victor in the boys' boxing-match [or 
 pancrationl!\ at the Isthmia. Date unknown. 
 
 i. The title is lost, and the occasion of the ode is known 
 only from internal evidence, which, however, happens to be 
 confirmed by an inscription found in Ceos. The name of the 
 victor was 'Apyeio? (i. 32, II. 4 f). His father was Hav6ei8r)<? 
 (IV. 14: only the letters IIAN remain in I. 37), a man skilled in 
 medicine, 'well-dowered by the Graces,' and famed for hospi- 
 tality (I. 39 41), though, as may be inferred from vv. 49 67, 
 of modest fortune. Argeius was one of five brothers, all of good 
 repute (43 f.). The family belonged to Ceos (ii. 2). 
 
 That the festival was the Isthmian appears from I. 46 
 and II. 6 f. The nature of the contest is indicated only by 
 , the epithet of Argeius in I. 31, and At[a%]a<? Qpa- 
 in n. 4. These words suggest the boxing-match, 
 
 j. B. 13
 
 1 86 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 though they would also suit the pancration (boxing and 
 wrestling). 
 
 2. The inscription above-mentioned is on a marble slab 
 which was found at lulis in Ceos, and is now in the Museum 
 at Athens 1 . It is of interest as a specimen of the form taken by 
 a local record of victories at the national festivals. The slab 
 seems originally to have formed the lower left-hand portion of a 
 large stele : in its present state, it measures about 19 inches in 
 length and \\\ in breadth. It has been broken across, but the 
 two pieces have been cemented together, so as practically to 
 restore the unity of the stone, and no writing has been destroyed 
 in the fracture. The inscription is in 29 lines, 27 of which record 
 victories 2 . Each entry of a victory occupies one line. Each 
 entry, when entire, gave (i) the victor's name, with his father's ; 
 (2) the class, with respect to age, in which he competed, 
 dv&pwv, dyeveioiv or TraiSwv : and (3) the nature of the contest : e.g. 
 2m9 'Ai'Xe&> TraiBfov Traj/cpdnov. But the left-hand edge of the 
 stone has been injured, so that the initial letter of several names 
 is lost. And the right-hand edge has been cut away, to the 
 extent of at least four inches, judging by the number of 
 letters which are certainly missing at the end of some lines. 
 This was done, no doubt, by masons who adapted the slab 
 
 1 I am indebted to Mr R.C.Bosanquet, 'boys.' Where, then, the name of a 
 Director of the British School at Athens, youth precedes that of a man (as in lines 
 for kindly sending me an impression of 9 and 21), this means that the man's 
 the inscription, with some valuable notes. victory belongs to a later year. In one 
 
 2 The names of four of the victors instance the record notes that a man and 
 are illegible. The remaining twenty-three a youth whose name follows his were 
 victories were won by thirteen persons, 'brothers who won on the same day' 
 one of whom gained 4, another 3, and (line 10), but their relationship was not 
 five (including Argeius) gained 2 apiece. the only reason for so placing them. 
 Of the seven who gained more than one The same remark applies when the name 
 victory each, six were victorious both at of a boy precedes that of a youth (1. 13). 
 the Isthmus and at Nemea ; the seventh, The name of ' Leon son of Leomedon,' a 
 at the Isthmus only. The rule followed victor in the KypvKuv dyuv, stands last 
 in the arrangement of the names was both in the Isthmian and in the Nemean 
 (I conceive) as follows. In each section section, in each case following the name 
 (the Isthmian and the Nemean) the of a boy. That order would be the 
 victories were entered in chronological natural one even if they won in the same 
 order. When, in the same year, there year, as the herald's victory belonged to 
 had been Cean victors in more than one a different category, and was not declared 
 class of age, the order was 'men,' 'youths,' until the end of the games.
 
 ODE I. I8? 
 
 to serve as a rude capital or impost in a Byzantine church 1 . 
 Hence the last word, specifying the contest, is wholly lost in all 
 the lines except three; viz., lines 13 and 24, where tray 
 and Tra respectively remain from irayKpartov, and line 29, 
 where /crjpvj; remains. Above the last twelve entries is the 
 heading or title (forming line 17), ot'Se Ne^eia zvlicwv. The 
 Nemean games ranked last among the four great festivals ; 
 hence it may safely be inferred that the immediately preceding 
 section of the record contained the victories in the Isthmian 
 games, though the heading of this section has been lost, along 
 with the earlier entries under it. In the fifteenth extant line 
 of the Isthmian section we read : 
 
 APTEIOI TTANQ[ ]AEfl TTAIAn[N 
 
 This entry presumably refers to the victory commemorated in 
 the first and second odes of Bacchylides. The word lost after 
 traiSwv may have been either TTYE or TTAfKPATION. 
 
 The name of Argeius recurs in the Nemean section (1. 26) : 
 
 APTEIOl TTAN0[ ]AEH ATE[NEinN 
 
 where again the specification of the contest is lost. Nothing 
 else is known as to the Nemean victory of Argeius. Nor do we 
 know precisely at what point the limit of age between TratSe? 
 and dyevetoi was drawn for the purposes of these games. The 
 term dyeveios may have denoted the age from 17 to 19 inclusive, 
 and ?rat9 that from 14 to 16*. In that case the interval 
 separating the victory of a Trat? from one gained by the same 
 person as an dyeveios might vary from one year to five. The 
 name of Argeius stands last but one in the Isthmian section of 
 the record, and last but three in the Nemean. Neither Argeius 
 nor any one of five other persons named as victors among the 
 ' boys ' or the ' youths ' recurs as a victor among ' men.' The 
 record, as we have it, clearly breaks off at or soon after the date 
 of the Nemean victory won by Argeius. 
 
 The inscription itself is of a date much later than the latest 
 that could be assigned to any poem of Bacchylides. It has been 
 referred to the period from circa 400 to 350 B.C. 3 . If that view 
 
 1 Mr Bosanquet observes that the 2 See Introd. to Ode XII, i. 
 
 back and sides of the stone have been 3 This was the opinion of HaLbherr, 
 
 treated in a manner which suggests such by whom the inscription was first edited 
 
 a purpose. (in 1885) : and it is shared, as Mr 
 
 132
 
 1 88 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 be correct, the list must have been copied from some older 
 record, such as certainly existed in the poet's day 1 . The register 
 of Cean victors had doubtless been continued from the time of 
 Argeius down to the date of the inscription, and the existing 
 slab can be but a small fragment of a record which filled 
 more than one stele. 
 
 3. The ode, so far as it is preserved in the MS., practically 
 begins with the fragment which stands first in the text of this 
 edition, describing the arrival of Minos in Crete (vv. i 19). 
 This is followed by a lacuna of nine verses ; and then comes the 
 last part of the poem, virtually complete, which is concerned 
 with the victor Argeius and his father Pantheides (vv. 29 74). 
 There are also, however, several smaller fragments, which 
 belonged to the earlier portion of the ode. From these it 
 appears that the poet commenced with a reference to the 
 Isthmian festival, and proceeded to relate the heroic saga of his 
 native island. The myth was in outline as follows. Dexithea 
 ('she who entertains a god') was one of several sisters, daughters 
 of Damon, chief of the Telchines. Those volcanic daemons, 
 connected with Poseidon and his realm, figured in legend as the 
 earliest craftsmen in metal, but also as spiteful enchanters 
 (T\XIV = de\<ylv, from 0e\yo)), who had blighted the fruits of the 
 earth in Rhodes, their first home. Their malignity provoked 
 the wrath of Zeus, who slew them with his thunderbolts. But 
 
 Bosanquet informs me, by Dr Wilhelm, Cean stone is merely a copy made 
 
 who is now Keeper of the Inscriptions in c. 400 3508.0. from an older document, 
 
 the Museum at Athens. one of its characteristics is the more 
 
 is used in the inscription, and sigma curious. The size of the letters, and the 
 
 has the form S, not the older $. In spacing, vary much in different lines. 
 
 Attica S had supplanted $ in ordinary E-g~> the first entry of AEON AEftME- 
 
 epigraphic use as early as Ol. 83. 3 AONT02 in 1. 16 is so spaced out as to 
 
 = 446 B.C. (E. S. Roberts, Greek Epi- fill the whole width of the existing slab, 
 
 graphy, p. 102) : the earliest appearance and hence KHPTS has been lost after it. 
 
 of Q in an Attic inscription which can be Bl t he s e cond entrv f the same name 
 
 dated seems to be in CIA 338, which in 1- 2 9 is so much more compressed 
 
 Kirchhoff has fixed to Ol. 93. 1=408 B.C. that KHPTS comes in. Such variations 
 
 (ib. p. 104). But, with regard to the would be more natural if the successive 
 
 usage of Ceos, there does not appear to entries had been made from time to time, 
 
 be any definite evidence as to approxi- than if the stone-cutter was simply copying 
 
 mately the time at which those forms an older record which stood complete 
 
 began to be used ; and the presumption before him. 
 
 (at least as regards O) is probably in 1 See Appendix on Ode n. gf., 
 
 favour of a date later than circa 410 B.C. e^So^Kovra <rvv ffTe^dvotaiv. 
 
 One point may be noted. If the
 
 ODES 7, //, IIIV. 189 
 
 he spared Dexithea and her sisters, who had shown hospitality 
 to him and Apollo. Minos, coming from Crete to Ceos, there 
 wedded Dexithea. Their son was Euxantius, who became lord 
 of Ceos, father of the hero Miletus, and ancestor of a Milesian 
 clan, the Euxantidae. 
 
 It is impossible, with our data, to say exactly how much of 
 the ode has been lost, or how the earlier part of the myth was 
 told. A discussion of these questions will be found in the 
 Appendix. 
 
 ODE II. 
 
 For the same. 
 
 The title in the MS. (attributable to the hand of the first 
 corrector) attests that this short song is in honour of the same 
 person ; and the Isthmian victory to which it refers is doubtless 
 the same. The last four verses suggest that the ode may have 
 been sung, to an accompaniment of flutes, as a welcome to 
 Argeius when he landed in Ceos on his return. Ode I, the 
 regular epinikion, was presumably written later, for the formal 
 celebration of the victory at the young athlete's home. 
 
 ODES III, IV, V. 
 For Hieron. 
 
 Before dealing separately with each of these three poems, 
 it will be useful to give a synopsis of the chief events in the 
 history of Hieron and his dynasty, with the chronology of the 
 odes written for him by Bacchylides and by Pindar. 
 
 Deinomenes was a citizen of Gela, hereditary icpofaivTrjs of Demeter 
 and Persephone. The origin of his sacred office is related by Herodotus 
 (vn. 153). One of the ancestors of Deinomenes was TT/XUT/S, himself 
 descended from one of the first settlers at Gela, who came with its 
 founders, Antiphemus of Rhodes and Entimus of Crete \circ. 690 B.C.: 
 Thuc. vi. 4 3]. This Telines possessed, says Herodotus, certain 
 mysterious Ipa ruv yQovi.a>v 0e<3v : i.e. the secret of certain rites (probably 
 associated with visible symbols) of the two goddesses. Some citizens 
 of Gela, vanquished in a party struggle, had seceded to a place 
 called MaxTtopiov : Telines undertook to bring them back by means of 
 his ipa, on condition that, if he did so, he and his descendants should 
 be ipo<avTcu rwv x&oviwv 6ewv. He succeeded, how, we are not told ; 
 and the priesthood remained thenceforth in his house.
 
 190 
 
 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 Deinomenes had four sons, Gelon, Hieron, Thrasybulus, and 
 Polyzelus. Gelon, the eldest, had been commander of cavalry under 
 Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela. On the death of Hippocrates, the city 
 of Gela refused to acknowledge his sons. Gelon took up their cause, 
 reduced Gela, and then seized the supreme power for himself. 
 
 OLYMP. 
 
 72. 2-73. 4 
 
 73- 
 
 73-4 
 
 74-3 
 
 75- 
 
 B.C. 
 491-485 
 
 488 
 485 
 
 482 
 
 480 
 
 Gelon, eldest of the four sons of Deino- 
 menes, succeeds Hippocrates as tyrant of Gela, 
 where he reigns for about six years. 
 
 Gelon dedicates a bronze chariot at Olympia 
 as a thank-offering for victory in the chariot-race 
 (Paus. 6. 9. 4). 
 
 The oligarchic land-owners (ya.p.6poi) of 
 Syracuse, having been banished by the Syra- 
 cusan democracy and retired to Casmenae, 
 invoke Gelon's aid. He leads them against 
 Syracuse. At his approach the democracy 
 submits, and he becomes master of the city. 
 Syracuse is thenceforth the seat of his rule. 
 
 Hieron, the second son of Deinomenes, 
 becomes ruler of Gela, as vice-gerent of Gelon. 
 
 Gelon enlarges and strengthens Syracuse by 
 carrying the wall of Achradina down to the 
 Great Harbour, thus bringing Achradina and 
 Ortygia within a single fortified enclosure. The 
 greatness of Syracuse as a city, and its naval 
 power, date from his reign. 
 
 Hieron wins a victory in the horse-race 
 (K c XrjTi) at Delphi, in the 26th Pythiad. This 
 is the first of the three Pythian victories to which 
 Bacchylides refers (iv. 4). 
 
 The Carthaginians, under Hamilcar, are 
 defeated at Himera by the Syracusans and 
 Other SiceliotS, (TTparrfyovvrog FeXtovos avro- 
 Kparopos (Diod. xin. 94). As a thank-offering 
 for this victory, Gelon dedicated at Delphi a 
 golden tripod surmounted by a Nike. Hieron 
 afterwards placed a like offering at the side of 
 his brother's. (See Appendix on Ode in. 17 ff.)
 
 ODES IIIV. 
 
 OLYMP. 
 75- 3 
 
 B.C. 
 
 47 8 
 
 75-76 
 
 478-476 
 
 75-4 
 
 477 
 
 76. i 
 
 476 
 
 191 
 
 succeeds 
 
 Death of Gelon. Hieron 
 him as ruler of Syracuse. 
 
 Second Pythian victory of Hieron (cp. 482 
 B.C.). He wins the horse-race in the 27th 
 Pythiad. The Ke'A.T?s on this occasion was 
 certainly Pherenicus (Pind. P. in. 73 f.), who 
 possibly was the winner also in 482. 
 
 At this period there was war between Hieron 
 and Theron, the tyrant of Acragas. According 
 to one account, this war was connected with 
 the protection afforded by Theron to Polyzelus, 
 the youngest brother of Hieron, with whom he 
 was at enmity. Theron had invaded Hieron's 
 territories, and advanced as far as the river 
 Gelas, when the poet Simonides 'fell in with 
 them, and reconciled them to each other' 
 (irtpiTvxovTa SiaArtrai). Hieron then took 
 Polyzelus into favour again. (Diod. XL 48.) 
 The words of Bacchylides (v. 35 f.) suggest that 
 he then (in 476) supposed Hieron to be on 
 good terms with both his surviving brothers, 
 Thrasybulus and Polyzelus. 
 
 Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium, aims at sub- 
 jugating the Epizephyrian Locri. Hieron sends 
 his brother-in-law Chromius as an envoy to 
 Anaxilas, and secures the continued indepen- 
 dence of the Locrians. 
 
 Hieron's first victory at Olympia, gained with 
 the KcXr/s Pherenicus. 
 
 First Olympian of Pindar : who seems 
 to have been at Syracuse when the ode was 
 written, or at least when it was sung (v. 10). 
 
 Fifth ode of Bacchylides : who sends 
 the poem from Ceos, but may have already 
 visited Syracuse, as he calls himself Hieron's 
 fe'vo? (10 f). 
 
 Hieron transports the citizens of Catana 
 and Naxos to Leontini. On the vacant site of
 
 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 OLYMP. 
 
 76. 2 
 
 76- 3 
 
 B.C. 
 
 475 
 
 474 
 
 Catana he founds a new city, with 5000 settlers 
 from Syracuse and as many more from Pelopon- 
 nesus, and calls it Aetna, placing it under the 
 protection of Zevs 
 
 A great eruption of Mount Aetna, which 
 Pindar describes in P. \. 21 ff. (470 B.C.), and 
 to which Aeschylus alludes (P. V. 367 ff.), is 
 fixed to this year, if the words Trevn/Koo-rw em 
 in Thuc. in. 116 2 are to be taken strictly. 
 But the Parian Chronicle (Miiller i. 550, 68) 
 puts the eruption in 479 B.C. : and it is possible 
 that Thuc. gave merely a ' round number.' Or 
 the volcano may have been active at intervals 
 for several years. 
 
 Second 'Pythian' of Pindar. This ode, 
 incorrectly classed as Pythian, celebrated a vic- 
 tory of Hieron in the chariot-race at some Theban 
 festival (perhaps the 'Hpa*Aeia or 'lo'Xaia). The 
 poet alludes to Hieron's recent intervention on 
 behalf of the Italian Locri (vv. 18 20). 
 
 The Etruscans, coming by sea, attack 
 Cumae, the ancient Chalcidic settlement in 
 'OTrtKia (Campania). Hieron sends a Syracusan 
 fleet, which, with the Cumaean, utterly over- 
 throws the Etruscan armada (Diod. xi. 51). 
 [There is a trophy of this victory in the British 
 Museum; viz., an Etruscan helmet which Hieron 
 dedicated at Olympia, with the inscription HIA- 
 PONOAEINOMENEO2KAITOI2YPAKO2IOI- 
 TOIA1TYPAN[= T W ava]AIIOKYMA2.] 
 
 The Third Pythian of Pindar may 
 belong to this year : this is, at any rate, its ap- 
 proximate date. The poet calls Hieron Anrvatov 
 evov (v. 69), showing that the ode is later than 
 476 : and there is no reference to Hieron's 
 Pythian victory with the chariot (470). The 
 poem is not an CTTLVLKLOV of the ordinary kind : 
 i.e., it does not celebrate a victory which had
 
 ODES III V. 
 
 OLYMP. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 76. 4 
 
 473 
 
 77. i 
 
 472 
 
 77-3 
 
 47 
 
 just been gained. It refers to the former success 
 of the horse Pherenicus at Delphi (in 478, per- 
 haps also in 482) : vv. 73 f. But it is largely 
 an ode of comfort and exhortation : Hieron was 
 suffering from a painful disease 
 
 The probable date of Pindar's first 
 Nemean, for Hieron's brother-in-law Chro- 
 mius, who was now guardian (or ' Mayor 
 of the Palace') to Hieron's son, Deinomenes, 
 who had been appointed to rule the newly- 
 founded Aetna (Airvas /JacriXet, Pind. P. I. 60). 
 Chromius was proclaimed at Nemea as AITVCUOS. 
 Pindar seems to have been in Sicily then (N. i. 
 19 ff.). 
 
 [The ninth 'Nemean' ode, wrongly so 
 classed, concerns a victory of Chromius in 
 the Pythian games at Sicyon, and seems to be 
 earlier than the first Nemean : it calls Aetna 
 Tav veoKTicrrav (v. 2), and may belong to 
 472 B.C.] 
 
 Hieron's second victory at Olympia, in the 
 horse-race. [The fragment of the Olympic 
 register contained among the Oxyrhynchus 
 papyri proves that Hieron won with the KcXrjs 
 at Olympia both in Ol. 76 and in Ol. 77.] 
 
 Hieron's third Pythian victory. He wins 
 the four-horse chariot-race, in the 29th Pythiad. 
 
 First Pythian of Pindar, 'lepwvi AiTi/aiw: 
 a title indicating that, at this Pythian festival, 
 he was proclaimed as Airvato?. Pindar alludes 
 to the victory at Himera in 480 (75 if.), and to 
 that at Cumae in 474 (71 f.). 
 
 Fourth ode of Bacchylides : which 
 speaks of Hieron as having now won three 
 victories at Delphi (i.e., in 482, 478, 470), and 
 two at Olympia (i.e., in 476 and 472) : vv. 4 
 and 17.
 
 194 
 
 OLYMP. 
 78. i 
 
 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 78. 2 
 
 B.C. 
 
 468 
 
 467 
 
 78.3 
 
 466 
 
 Hieron's victory at Olympia with the four- 
 horse chariot. Third ode of Bacchylides : 
 who probably was at Syracuse when the ode was 
 written, or when it was sung (vv. 15 fif.). The 
 tone of vv. 85 92 indicates that Hieron was not 
 expected to live long. 
 
 Hieron dies at Aetna (Diod. XL 66). 
 He receives TI/AO.I IJJMHMU^ as KTIO-TTJS of that 
 city. After his death, his son Deinomenes 
 dedicates thank-offerings in his name at 
 Olympia, viz. (i) a bronze chariot and charioteer, 
 (2) two bronze /ceA^res, with boy-riders; one 
 being placed on each side of the chariot (Paus. 
 6. 12 i). The inscription (id. 8. 42 9) re- 
 corded that Hieron had won TeOpiTnru /txev aTraf, 
 /jiovvoKcXrjTi. Se Si's. 
 
 Thrasybulus, the younger brother of 
 Hieron, succeeds him as ruler of Syracuse. 
 
 Having reigned about eleven months, Thra- 
 sybulus, a cruel tyrant, is expelled by the 
 Syracusans, and withdraws to the Epizephyrian 
 Locri ; after which nothing more is heard of 
 him. The dynasty of the Deinomenidae then 
 comes to an end, and the Syracusan democracy 
 is restored. 
 
 ODE III. 
 
 For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in the chariot-race at Olympia. 
 Ol. 78, 468 B.C. 
 
 I. This ode, the latest in date of the three, is placed first, 
 because the victory which it concerns is the most important. 
 It falls into three main sections, (a) an exordium, vv. i 22 ; 
 (b) the myth of Croesus, 23 62 ; (c) the conclusion, 63 97. 
 
 (a) The Muse is bidden to sing of Demeter and Persephone, 
 whose priest Hieron is : then comes a reference to the chariot- 
 race itself, and to the applause which greeted the victory.
 
 ODE III. 195 
 
 From a notice of the festivities at Syracuse, where he may have 
 been present (vv. 15 f.), the poet passes to a mention of the 
 golden tripods dedicated at Delphi by Gelon and Hieron. The 
 proem concludes with a sentiment which is the key-note of the 
 ode : Let a man bring choice gifts to the god ; that is the 
 surest pledge of prosperity. To this sentiment he knits on, as 
 an illustration, the story of Croesus. It is interesting to 
 remember that in an ode, then recent, for Hieron, Pindar had 
 pointed to the Lydian king as an example of generosity 
 rewarded by lasting fame : ov (j)0Lvei Kpolcrov fyikofypwv dpera 
 (Pyth I. 94, 470 B.C.). 
 
 2. (b) The story of Croesus is told in a form which 
 occurs nowhere else in ancient literature. According to our 
 other authorities, Cyrus dooms Croesus to the pyre 1 . Here it 
 is Croesus who voluntarily resolves to burn himself and his 
 family, in order to escape enslavement to the Persian conqueror. 
 The Croesus of Herodotus appeals on the pyre to Apollo 
 (l. c. 87), though he afterwards taunts the god with ingratitude 
 (c. 90) ; the Croesus of Bacchylides seems rather to invoke 
 Zeus (v. 37). The quenching of the pyre by rain is common 
 to both versions ; but here Zeus is expressly named as the 
 agent (v. 55). The Croesus of Herodotus, after his deliverance 
 from the pyre, figures as the friend and counsellor of Cyrus, 
 and lives to admonish Cambyses (ill. 36) ; when or how he 
 died, we are not told. Here Apollo transports Croesus, with 
 his wife and daughters, to the happy land of the Hyperboreans. 
 
 Ancient art comes to our aid where literature fails, and 
 proves that the version of the Croesus-myth followed by 
 Bacchylides was a current one before his time. An early 
 red-figured amphora in the Louvre, dating from the close of 
 the sixth century B.C. or the opening years of the fifth, 
 shows Croesus enthroned on a great pyre, which is beginning 
 to burn. He is clad in royal robes, and crowned with laurel ; 
 his left hand bears a sceptre, while with his right he pours a 
 
 1 Herod. I. 86ff.,and ill. 16: Ctesias have been indebted to the Av5ia/cd of 
 
 ap. Phot. cod. 72 : Nicolaus of Damascus Xanthus, circ. 470 B.C. (Miiller I. 36). 
 
 (in the Augustan age), frag. 61 (Miiller, Lucian, Callus c. 23. 
 Frag. Hist. in. p. 406). Nicolaus may
 
 196 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 libation. An attendant, who has the significant name of 
 ET<S)TMO2, i s bending in front of the pyre, and applying to 
 it, with both hands, objects which some critics explain as the 
 ' whisks ' (TrepippavTrjpia, aspergilla) used in sprinkling lustral 
 water, while others suppose them to be fans, or torches 1 . The 
 act of Croesus is manifestly conceived as voluntary. A majestic 
 serenity, or even gladness, is the sentiment indicated by the 
 picture 2 . 
 
 What were the sources of this version ? It is one which 
 dignifies Croesus by an intrepid resolve ; and that resolve 
 is of an oriental cast. These features point to a native 
 Lydian origin. It is also honourable to Apollo, who promptly 
 recompenses his faithful votary with a supreme reward. But 
 it is improbable that this account of Apollo's action came 
 from Delphi. The Delphian legend is rather to be recognised 
 in the answer of the Pythia to the complaint of Croesus, as 
 reported by Herodotus (l. 91). At the central shrine of Loxias 
 it was the interest of the priests to keep up the tradition that a 
 great Lydian king had been guided from Delphi, even though 
 they had only a lame defence for the ambiguous responses which 
 lured him to his ruin. But the Aegean seat of the god had no 
 such responsibility for oracles given to Croesus. Another trait 
 of the story should also be noted. Here, and here alone, the 
 Hyperborean land appears as a place to which pious mortals are 
 translated without dying ; and the Hyperborean legends had a 
 very special place in the Apollo-cult of Delos. It is ' Delos-born' 
 Apollo, says Bacchylides (v. 58), who carries Croesus to that 
 elysium. The Ionian poet of Ceos would know the Delian 
 temple-legend. He wrote for Delian festivals, and was no 
 stranger to the sacred lore of the island 3 . I should conjecture, 
 then, that the form of the Croesus-myth given in his ode 
 (468 B.C.), and attested by the somewhat earlier vase, was one 
 which originally came from Lydia, and was worked up at Delos. 
 
 1 They are, however, quite unlike has been published in Monumenti delP 
 torches as usually represented : see (e.g.) Institute, I. pi. xuv.: Baumeister, 
 the torches applied to Alcmena's pyre by Denkmaler, p. 796. See also A. H. 
 the attendant in Python's vase-painting Smith in Journ. Hellen. Stud. xvin. 
 (Journ. Hellen. Stud. XI. pi. 6). (1898) pp. 267 f. 
 
 2 The amphora (no. 194 in the Louvre) 3 See Introd. to Ode XVI, ad init.
 
 ODES III, IV. I97 
 
 Later in the fifth century, this version gave way to that found in 
 Herodotus, which represented the Asiatic Greek conception of 
 the manner in which a Persian conqueror would act, while it 
 also suited the interests of Delphi. Herodotus makes Croesus 
 survive in Persia during many years after the capture of Sardis. 
 For that account he presumably had some data furnished by 
 traditions current in Asia Minor: but such evidence would at 
 once dissolve the Delian myth, the free creation of Ionian fancy, 
 as to Apollo's prompt removal of Croesus to the seats of the 
 blest. 
 
 3. (c) From the Croesus-myth the poet returns to the 
 praises of Hieron a benefactor of Delphi unsurpassed by any 
 Greek ; ' lover of horses,' warrior, just ruler, and disciple of the 
 Muses. After some verses in a different strain, which suggest 
 that Hieron's end was believed to be near (75 92), the ode 
 closes with a forecast of renown for him, and for ' the nightin- 
 gale of Ceos.' 
 
 ODE IV. 
 
 For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in the chariot-race at Delphi. 
 Ol. 77. 3, 470 B.C. 1 
 
 This short song, in two strophes of ten verses each, con- 
 gratulates Hieron on the growing series of his victories. After 
 winning the horse-race at Delphi in 482 and in 478 B.C., he 
 has now. won the chariot-race ; a Pythian record which the poet 
 declares to be unequalled. At Olympia he has also won two 
 horse-races (viz. in 476 and 472). Hieron's brilliant fortunes 
 show the favour of heaven (18 ff.). 
 
 Hieron's new victory (celebrated by Pindar in his first 
 Pythian} was one of high importance. This song is exceedingly 
 slight : it resembles the brief greeting to Argeius (Ode II), and 
 to Lachon (Ode Vl). 
 
 1 According to the Pindaric .scholia would be 474 ; a view which Boeckh 
 
 (Argum. ad Pyth.} the date of the first accepted. Bergk, on the other hand, 
 
 Pythiad was 582 B.C., and this victory prefers the authority of the Pindaric 
 
 was won in the 2pth Pythiad, =470 B.C. scholia, and recent criticism has confirmed 
 
 Pausanias (x. 7 3) places the first Pythiad his conclusion, 
 in 586 B.C., so that the date of this victory
 
 198 
 
 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 ODE V. 
 
 For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in tJie horse-race at Olympia. 
 Ol. 76, 476 B.C. 
 
 i. A fragment from a copy of the Olympic register, 
 written in the second or third century, and found at Oxy- 
 rhynchus by Messrs Grenfell and Hunt, proves that Hieron 
 won with the KeXrjs at Olympia both in Ol. 76 (476 B.C.) and 
 in Ol. 77 (472) ; thus confirming the statement in the Pindaric 
 scholia 1 . The victory celebrated in this ode is the same which 
 Pindar commemorates in his first Olympian. As both odes 
 clearly indicate, this was the first race won at Olympia by 
 the horse Pherenicus. But Pherenicus had already won the 
 Pythian race at least once 2 , viz. in 478 B.C. These facts make 
 
 1 Schol. on Olymp. I, where ay (Ol. 
 73 = 488 B.C., obviously too early) was 
 rightly corrected by Bergk to o$~' (76). 
 
 2 Whether Pherenicus was the winner 
 at Delphi in 482 B.C., as well as in 478, 
 depends on the interpretation of Find. P. 
 III. 73 f., ffTf<pa.vois \ TOI)J dpiffretiuv 
 QeptviKos X* ev Kippy irorL Does the 
 plural <rTe<t>a.vo(.s denote more than one 
 victory ? If so, the victories are those of 
 482 and 478 : if not, the reference is to 
 478 only. The plural of ffre^avos could, 
 apparently, be used with reference to a 
 single victory ; see e.g. Find. Isthm. in. 
 1 1 tv pdffffaicriv 'I<r0/toC dei-afdvy <rTf>d- 
 vovs, where the reference is to Melissus, 
 who is not said to have won any Isthmian 
 victory other than that (in the pancration) 
 which the ode commemorates. But, in a 
 general reference, such as we find in 
 Pyth. ill. 73 f., to the horse's record, 
 ffreQdvois would more naturally denote a 
 plurality of victories. On the other hand 
 the allusion of Bacchylides to the success 
 of Pherenicus at Delphi does not imply 
 
 more than a single victory (ill. 41). 
 
 Bacchylides in III. 39 calls Pherenicus 
 TTU\OV. But if he won his first race, 
 let us say as a three-year-old, in 478, he 
 would in 476 have been already five years 
 
 old, a fonros reXetot, no longer properly 
 TrwXos. The use of the latter word, 
 which in poetry is sometimes a mere 
 synonym for teiros, cannot be pressed, 
 then, as an argument against supposing 
 that Pherenicus won his first race in 482. 
 
 If he did so, he would have been 
 nine years old (at least) in 476. But 
 modern horses of that age, or even of 
 an age considerably higher, have success- 
 fully borne the severest tests of endurance 
 and speed. Mr Kenyon quotes the case 
 of a celebrated steeple-chaser, the Lamb, 
 who won the Grand National (over a 
 course of 4^ miles) twice, viz. in 1868 
 and 1871, being six years old on the first 
 occasion, and nine on the second. The 
 same race in 1904 furnished some facts 
 not less noteworthy from this point of 
 view (see the Times of March 26). 
 Twenty-six horses started : the age of 
 four among these was 9; of one, 10; of 
 one, 13 ; and of one (Manifesto), not less 
 than 1 6. The last-named was one of 
 nine who alone completed the arduous 
 course. 
 
 Herodotus (vi. 103) mentions that 
 Cimon, the father of Miltiades, won the 
 four-horse chariot-race at Olympia with 
 the same team of mares on three succes-
 
 ODE V. 199 
 
 it probable that his Olympian victory belongs to 476 B.C., rather 
 than to 472 : for it is not likely that, while Pherenicus was still 
 in full vigour, another Ke\v)<> of Hieron's should have been the 
 winner in 476. The date 476 is confirmed by the circumstance 
 that neither in Pindar's first Olympian, nor in this ode of 
 Bacchylides, is there any reference to Hieron's foundation of 
 Aetna in 476, or to his victory at Cumae in 474. Pindar, at 
 least, would scarcely have omitted some allusion to one or 
 both of these events. His third Pythian, written for Hieron 
 in or about 473, refers to Aetna (v. 69), and his first Pythian 
 (470 B.C.) to Cumae. 
 
 Bacchylides sent this ode from Ceos to Syracuse. From 
 the tone of the opening verses, we may infer that it was the 
 first which he had written for Hieron ; and TreLdofiai in v. 195 
 seems to imply that it was written by invitation. In verse 1 1 
 the poet calls himself Hieron's ei>e>9. Simonides had been in 
 Sicily during some part at least of the years 478 476, and 
 Bacchylides may then have been introduced to the ruler of 
 Syracuse. 
 
 2. Verses i 55 form the first principal division of the 
 ode. Addressing Hieron as o-rparayos of the Syracusans, 
 the poet declares that no one can better estimate a gift 
 of the Muses. The exploits of Hieron and his brothers offer 
 a wide range to the singer, wide as the realms of air to 
 a soaring eagle (16 36). The running of Pherenicus at 
 Olympia is then described (17 49). Happy indeed is the man 
 to whom heaven has granted such a fortune as Hieron's [even 
 though, like Hieron, he suffers from disease] : for no mortal is 
 blest in all things. 
 
 This sentiment serves to introduce the beautiful myth which 
 occupies the largest part of the poem (56 '175). Heracles, 
 going down to Hades for Cerberus, meets the shade of Meleager. 
 
 sive occasions (viz., in Ol. 62 = 532 B.C., Pelagonius (circ. 410 A.D.) veterin. p. 32 
 Ol. 63 = 528, and Ol. 64 = 524, as appears (quoted by W. Christ and Blass) makes 
 from the context). He adds that the the following statement: ' It is main-, 
 same feat had been accomplished by a tained (adseverani) that horses are gene- 
 team belonging to a Spartan named rally fit for the circus and the contests at 
 Evagoras, but that (as we can easily festivals from their fifth to their twentieth 
 believe) it had never been surpassed. year.'
 
 200 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 Both those heroes, so victorious, and so great, illustrate the truth 
 that ' no mortal is blest in all things.' Just when the name of 
 Deianeira has been uttered by the spirit of her brother, and the 
 fatal resolve of Heracles to wed her is being taken, the poet 
 leaves his myth with a Pindaric abruptness, and returns to his 
 theme. 
 
 The concluding portion of the ode (176 200) touches once 
 more on the victory, and claims praise for Hieron as a debt 
 of candour (akddeia), which only envy could withhold. When 
 a man's fortunes have once struck root, just praise is as the dew 
 which brings leaf and flower. May Zeus grant that Hieron's 
 fortunes shall be stedfast and untroubled. 
 
 3. It is not without interest to compare the general attitude 
 of Bacchylides towards Hieron, as seen in these three odes, with 
 that of Pindar in the four poems which he wrote for the same 
 ruler (Ol. I, Pytli. I, II, III). From other accounts it would 
 seem that Hieron, in his government of Syracuse, presented 
 many of the characteristics of the typical rvpavvos, guarded by 
 foreign mercenaries 1 ; suspicious of the citizens, to the point of 
 setting spies 2 on their private conversation ; greedy of money, 
 which he raised by laying heavy burdens on his people ; and 
 not incapable of cruel acts 3 . Gelon had been a rvpawos only 
 in his way of seizing power, not in his way of using it : Hieron 
 exemplified the usual tendency of the Greek rvpavvls to de- 
 teriorate in the hands of the inheritor 4 . 
 
 Yet it would be unjust to the poets who praise him to regard 
 them merely as professional flatterers. They saw in him, not 
 merely the brilliant and munificent victor in the games, but a 
 man who fostered the cult of the Muses, and made his home a 
 centre of attraction to the foremost men of letters. A new 
 age of Greek literature was dawning : and just then there was 
 no one man in all Hellas who was doing so much as this ruler 
 of Syracuse to encourage and to honour poets. This was the 
 aspect of Hieron's reign which naturally appealed most forcibly 
 to his laureates : he was to them, in some measure, what 
 
 1 Diod. XI. 48 (cp. Xen. Hier. vi. 5). 3 Diod. XI. 67 <t>i\dpyvpos KO.I filaios. 
 
 2 Arist. Pol. v. 9 3 mentions his * See Freeman, Sicily n. 232 ff. 
 
 and araKOuffrai.
 
 ODE V. 201 
 
 Augustus was to Virgil and Horace, what Lorenzo de' Medici 
 was to the members of the Florentine Academy. As guests at 
 his court, they would not necessarily see much of what was amiss 
 with his system of government. Pindar and Bacchylides may 
 reasonably be acquitted, then, of any gross or deliberate per- 
 version of the truth about Hieron as they knew or felt it. 
 
 But let us now observe some points of difference between 
 them. It may be noted that Pindar speaks more strongly than 
 Bacchylides of Hieron's virtues, especially his gentler virtues : 
 there is nothing in Bacchylides so explicit or so comprehensive 
 as Pindar's jrpavs aarot?, ov (f)@oi>a)v dyadois, fetVoi? 8e QavftacrTos 
 irarrjp (P. III. /0> or as ^ ls S/37r&)i'...opi0a5 dperav UTTO iracrav 
 (Ol. I. 13). Bacchylides is less emphatic; though he describes 
 Hieron as a just ruler, of fine gifts, who owes- his high fortunes 
 to the favour of heaven (ill. 67 71 : IV. I 3, 18 20 : v. i 8, 
 191 193). But the main difference is of a broader kind. Pindar, 
 whose range of view is Panhellenic, does ample justice to Hieron 
 as the champion of Western Hellas against Phoenician and 
 Etruscan (Pytk. I. 72 80). Alluding to his intervention (in 477) 
 on behalf of the Epizephyrian Locrians, Pindar renders this 
 tribute, honourable and beautiful above any that Hieron is 
 known to have received : ' Son of Deinomenes, the maiden of 
 Locri in the West sings of thee before her door ; because, after 
 the bewildering troubles of war, thy power hath taken fear away 
 from her eyes'. (Pytk. II. 18 20.) Bacchylides once, indeed, 
 alludes to the victory of Himera, but only in a vague and 
 colourless phrase (v. 34, -)(a\Keocrrepvov r "A/j7/o<?). Hieron is, 
 among his other qualities, a 'warrior' (ill. 69): but Bacchylides 
 has no word of recognition for that aspect of his activity in 
 which he appears as the defender of Hellene against barbarian. 
 For Bacchylides he is only the ruler of Syracuse, upright and 
 wise, bountiful to gods and men, a warrior who is no stranger to 
 the Muses, a man fortunate in much, though there be one drop 
 of bitterness in his cup. It is to Pindar alone that Hieron's 
 memory is indebted for the larger and more splendid picture of 
 his place in Hellas. 
 
 There is also a marked difference of tone between the two 
 poets when they address Hieron. Pindar, the descendant of the 
 
 j. B. i4
 
 202 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 Aegeidae, the honoured guest of Delphi, is wont to speak in 
 lofty accents. Splendid as are his praises of Hieron, they 
 seldom have the note of deference, while occasionally they imply 
 something like equality : as at the close of the first Olympian, 
 ' Be it thine to walk on high throughout thy mortal life, and mine 
 to consort with victors all my days ; pre-eminent for my art 
 among Hellenes in every land.' Contrast with this haughty 
 utterance the gentle fashion in which Bacchylides intimates his 
 poetical claim at the close of his third ode, in which, it may be 
 noted, there is at least one distinct imitation of Pindar (vv. 
 85 87), so that Pindar's example may have prompted him 
 here also: 'And along with (Hieron's) genuine glories, men 
 will praise also the charm of the melodious nightingale of Ceos.' 
 But it is in the admonitory passages that this contrast 
 of tone is most marked. Take, for instance, the last twenty 
 verses of Pindar's first Pythian. Their character has been 
 well described by Mr Freeman 1 . 'The whole latter part of the 
 first Pythian ode is a sermon of advice to a ruler, which might 
 have been professedly meant rather for the young Deinomenes 
 than his father, but in which one cannot but feel throughout 
 that the father is glanced at. Elementary precepts of truth and 
 justice, warnings not to listen to deceivers, all winding up the 
 famous exhortation to make Croesus and not Phalaris the 
 model, certainly suggest that Pindar knew that there was 
 something not as it should be in Hieron's rule.' Hieron, who 
 unless he has been much belied, was far from admiring freedom 
 of speech, can scarcely have found it agreeable to be the object 
 of such a discourse. Even in the third Pythian, where Pindar 
 wishes that he could bring Cheiron to heal his ' Aetnaean guest- 
 friend,' the real solicitude which the poet evidently feels, and 
 which finds such noble expression, lacks the sympathetic note of 
 tenderness. But that is precisely the note which Bacchylides 
 touches in the passage of veiled consolation to Hieron which 
 closes the third ode (vv. 75 end). The tone is quiet, medita- 
 tive, soothing. Again, the opening of the fifth ode, the first, 
 probably, which Bacchylides addressed to Hieron, has a felicity 
 of its own ; the homage is simply rendered, and the tone 
 
 1 Sicily, II. p. 540.
 
 ODES V, VI. 203 
 
 (marked by the word ^09) is that of one who trusts that his 
 great critic will be friendly. An Ionian ease and grace belong to 
 Bacchylides, as the pride and the fire of an Aeolic temperament 
 can be recognised in Pindar. The poet of Thebes soars im- 
 measurably above the poet of Ceos. But, when they are 
 considered in their relations to the lord of Syracuse, it seems not 
 inconceivable that there should have been some ground for 
 the tradition preserved by the Pindaric scholiast 1 , -rrapa 'lepcavt 
 TrpotcpLve&Oai TO, Ratc%v\i8ov 7ronjfj,aTa. 
 
 ODE VI. 
 
 For Lachon of Ceos, victor in the foot-race for boys at Olympia. 
 Ol. 82, 452 B.C. 
 
 The Oxyrhynchus fragment of the Olympic register, already 
 mentioned (p. 198), contains lists of victors from Ol. 75 
 (480 B.C.) to Ol. 83 (448 B.C.) inclusive. Under ^J9 (Ol. 82) is 
 the entry : Aa/ccov Ke[to?] ira^wv araSiov. There can be no 
 doubt that it refers to the victory which is the subject of this 
 Ode. In the agonistic inscription of Ceos (see Introd. to Ode I ; 
 | 2), A]a^&>i/ Apto-ro/ieyeo? 7rai8w[v occurs in two successive lines 
 among the Nemean victors, the mention of the contest in each 
 case being lost in the fracture of the stone. The name Ad%cov 
 (further attested by the play on Xa^e in verse 2) occurs nowhere 
 else, whereas Adrewv as a proper name is frequent. Hence the 
 mis-spelling in the fragment of the Olympic register is easily 
 explained. 
 
 This short ode was sung before the house of Aristomenes, 
 Lachon's father, in Ceos (v. 14). Like the little song to Argeius 
 (Ode II), a similar greeting to the victor on his return, it 
 alludes to previous Cean successes at the same festival. That 
 trait would have a special point if we might suppose that, on 
 each occasion, former victors in the games were among those 
 who welcomed the young athlete. 
 
 1 On Pyth. II. 166. 
 
 142
 
 20 4 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 ODE VII. 
 For the same. 
 
 The ode begins with an invocation of ' Day, daughter of 
 Time and Night ' : but the personified Hemera is identified with 
 a particular date, viz. the prize-day at Olympia, which has set 
 the wreath on the brows of Lachon. There is a mention of 
 4 pre-eminence in speed of foot ' ; and clearly the victory is that 
 which was more briefly announced in Ode VI. This is the 
 regular epinikion, analogous to Ode I in the case of Argeius. 
 
 The first three verses are the last in column XII of the 
 papyrus. Column XIII has perished ; but the final syllables of 
 some rather long verses in the upper third of it have run on into 
 the left margin of column XIV. With the help of these, and of 
 some small fragments, verses 4 II of the ode have been partly 
 restored. 
 
 Column XIV begins with 16 verses, which formed the end of 
 Ode VII. The first verse is Hvdwvd re ^XoOvTav 1 . The poet is 
 enumerating the places where Lachon had been a winner before 
 his success at Olympia, viz. Delphi, Nemea, and the Isthmus. 
 No one, ' boy or man,' had won so many victories in an equal 
 space of time 2 . The poem closes with a reference to his 
 crowning triumph at Olympia. 
 
 The Cean inscription indicates (see Introd. to Ode vi) that 
 Lachon's two Nemean victories were gained either at the same 
 festival or at two successive festivals. 455 and 453 B.C. were 
 Nemean years. His Pythian victory must have been in 454. 
 For his Isthmian prize, the choice seems to be between 454 and 
 
 1 In the editio princeps Dr Kenyon odes for Lachon's victory (vi and Vll) 
 
 supposed that a new ode (his vin) began should have been on such a diminutive 
 
 in the lost column xili. Both that ode scale. In v. 49 (=n K.) TEAE22 
 
 and Ode vn must then have been ex- can be supplied as rAeo-o-as not less well 
 
 tremely short. If the verse Hvffuvd. re than as T^Xeavov : and there is therefore 
 
 /iijAo0i/Taj' was preceded by (say) i o verses no ground for assuming that the athlete 
 
 and that is a moderate estimate in the to whom these verses refer had not yet 
 
 poem to which it belonged, then only been victorious at Olympia. 
 some 28 verses would be left for Ode vn. 2 See note on verses 46 f. 
 
 But it is very improbable that both the
 
 ODES VII, VIII. 205 
 
 452: 456 would probably be too early. Thus his five victories 
 as a boy would have been gained in the years from 455 (or 454) 
 to 452. 
 
 In respect to metrical composition, Ode VII must have 
 formed a single system (strophe, antistrophe, and epode). If the 
 lost column XIII contained 35 verses (the most frequent number), 
 the ode consisted of 54 verses (3 + 35 + 16). If, then, there had 
 been two systems, part of the second antistrophe must have 
 come into column XIV ; but no metrical correspondence is 
 traceable between verses in that column and the first eleven 
 verses of the poem. 
 
 As in the case of Ode IX, the scale of the poem was too 
 small for the introduction of a myth. The analogy of passages 
 in Ode vin (27 39) and Ode IX (19 26) might suggest that 
 the lost portion in column XIII was occupied, at least in part, 
 with the circumstances of the victory at Olympia. 
 
 ODE VIII. [IX. ed. Kenyon.] 
 
 For Automedes of Phlius > victor in the pentathlon at Nemea. 
 Date unknown. 
 
 i. Phlius, a Dorian state, was situated in a hill-girt valley, 
 some nine-hundred feet above sea-level. To the north of it was 
 Sicyonia ; to the south, Argolis : on the west, its territory touched 
 the Arcadian highlands ; to the east lay the vale of Nemea, and 
 beyond that, the broader vale of Cleonae. Phliasia was a land 
 of vineyards and cornfields ; Dionysus and Demeter held the 
 foremost place among its deities. At Phlius, as at Sicyon, a 
 Dionysiac cult with satyr-choruses had existed from olden time. 
 The poet Pratinas, who won Athenian applause by his satyr-plays 
 in the earlier years of Aeschylus, was a native of Phlius ; and his 
 son Aristias, who excelled in the same kind of drama, had 
 a monument in the agora. 
 
 The river Asopus (now the Hagios Georgios), rising in 
 a mountain-range, the ancient Carneates, S. E. S. of the town, 
 flows northwards through Phliasia and Sicyonia into the
 
 206 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 Corinthian Gulf 1 . The lesser streams and springs of that whole 
 region were regarded by folk-poetry as 'daughters of Asopus,' 
 and were personified as nymphs who became the brides of 
 heroes or gods. Some of these, as Nemea and Cleone, dwelt 
 near their father. Others were the guardian heroines of cities 
 far away ; as Aegina, carried off from him by Zeus, Thebe, 
 Tanagra, Thespia (names transferred from the Boeotian 
 to the Phliasian Asopus), Salamis, Peirene, the fountain- 
 nymph of Corinth, Corcyra, Sinope, and many more. The 
 wide geographical range of the list is partly to be explained by 
 the fact that Asopus is one of those general river-names, like 
 Achelous and Alpheus, which occur in various parts of the 
 Hellenic lands. 
 
 The people of Phlius, intent on the vintage and the harvest, 
 and on the worship of the gods who gave them, found their chief 
 link with the heroic age of Greece in the renown of the river 
 whose upper course lay through their secluded valley. Bacchy- 
 lides has made an artistic use of this motive. Indeed it is the 
 charm of his ode that it takes us into the heart of these 
 Peloponnesian uplands. 
 
 2. Announcing that he will sing of Phlius and of Nemea 
 (vv. i 9), the poet tells the story of the Nemean games being 
 founded by Argive warriors in memory of Archemorus (10 24). 
 Simonides had already touched upon this theme (fr. 52). Three 
 feats of Automedes in the pentathlon are next described 
 (25 39). His return in triumph 'to the Asopus' gives the cue 
 for an elaborate passage on the daughters of the river-god 
 (40 65) 2 . This is the chief mythic embellishment of the ode. 
 
 1 The character of the flute-music used to those 'descendants' of Asopus whose 
 
 at Dionysiac or other festivals in the valley valour had been felt by the Amazons and 
 
 of the Asopus gave rise to a quaint piece by Troy. The mythical stemma was as 
 
 of folk-lore concerning the river itself. follows: 
 
 According to a local myth of Phlius and Zeus + Aegina (daughter of Asopus) 
 Sicyon, the Maeander, passing beneath 
 the sea from Asia Minor to Peloponnesus, 
 
 had ' generated ' (troit'iv} the Asopus (Pans. t ! 
 
 ll - 5 3)- The flutes of Marsyas, floating 
 
 down the Maeander, were transmitted to Telamon Peleus 
 
 the Asopus, which carried them to Sicyon 
 
 . . Aiax Achilles 
 
 (id. ii. 7 9). | 
 
 2 Special reference is made (vv. 42 46) Neoptolemus
 
 ODES VIII, IX. 207 
 
 The poet then turns to the rejoicings at Phlius (vv. 68 ff.), with 
 some mention of the chief deities worshipped there ; but the 
 text is much mutilated. In the closing part, some general 
 reflections are interwoven with a further reference to the 
 athlete's victory. 
 
 ODE IX. [X.] 
 For {Aglaos f ] of A them, victor in running at the Isthmus. 
 
 i. The athlete's name must have stood at the beginning of 
 verse 9 or of verse II, and in both places, unfortunately, the MS. 
 is defective. In v. 9 Blass supplies '\^\aS, and nothing more 
 likely has been suggested. This Athenian belonged to the tribe 
 Oeneis (v. 18) : his father's name does not occur 1 . 
 
 The ode begins with an invocation of <?7/u,a, who makes 
 tidings known ' even in the depths of the nether world ' (v. 4). 
 The poet then says that he has been moved by the victor's 
 brother-in-law to compose this tribute, a memorial of prowess 
 for ' all men living ' (e-mx^ovioia-iv). These traits might suggest 
 that the athlete was dead. But the words at the end (v. 52f.), 
 ' After victory, festal joy is appointed for mortals,' seem to cast 
 some doubt on that view. Do they mean merely that the 
 friends of the deceased victor held a banquet when this com- 
 memorative ode was sung? All that appears certain is that 
 some interval of time had separated the athlete's victories from 
 the date of the ode. 
 
 According to the most probable interpretation of a passage 
 in which some words have been lost (vv. 12 26), the athlete 
 had achieved a signal feat at the Isthmus by winning two 
 
 1 The mention of the </>iAiJ, without addressing him, should be the name of 
 
 the father's name, is regarded by Wilamo- his deme, and not of his father (Arist. 
 
 witz as indicating that the athlete's family Athen. Polit. c. 21 4). This athlete, he 
 
 was an obscure one. (From vv. 49 ff. it suggests, may have been of foreign extrac- 
 
 may perhaps be inferred, at least, that he tion. That is possible. But a simpler 
 
 was not wealthy.) Blass further refers possibility also remains open, viz. that 
 
 to the rule made by Cleisthenes, when he the father's name did not suit the metre. 
 
 introduced many foreigners and resident It seems less likely that this name has 
 
 aliens into the new Attic tribes, that the been lost after ^eiyvv^ev in v. 55. 
 addition to a citizen's name, used in
 
 2o8 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 consecutive foot-races. The first may have been the simple 
 stadion, or possibly the diaulos. The second was one in which 
 he traversed the length of the stadion four times, a race 
 technically known as the 'iirinos Spo/ios (v. 25, n.). He had also 
 won two wreaths at Nemea, to say nothing of successes at six 
 minor festivals (vv. 29 35). 
 
 2. The moderate compass of this ode (56 verses) renders it 
 instructive in regard to the manner of treatment adopted by 
 Bacchylides for his minor epinikia, i.e., for those of which the 
 scale was too small to allow the effective use of a myth. We 
 find that, after a proem of 18 verses, somewhat long in pro- 
 portion to the rest, he relies on two resources; first, an account 
 of the athlete's feats (vv. 19 35), and secondly, a 'gnomic' 
 element, general reflections on life and conduct. Here, a 
 part of the gnomic passage (vv. 39 45) is abridged from Solon. 
 The ode ends somewhat abruptly, with an apology for digression, 
 and a brief reference to the rejoicings which should follow a 
 victory. It leaves with us a sense that he has executed his 
 commission with sympathy and good taste, but without much 
 spirit or zest. 
 
 ODE X. [XL] 
 
 For Alexidamus of Metapontion, winner of the boys' wrestling 
 match at Delphi. Date unknown. 
 
 i. With the exception of Pindar's two odes 1 for Agesidamus, 
 the boy pugilist from the Epizephyrian Locri, this is the only 
 extant epinikion for a native of Magna Graecia ; though it is 
 known that Simonides wrote for Anaxilas of Rhegium and for 
 Astylus of Croton. Nowhere were the different branches of the 
 Greek race more conscious of their difference than in the 
 Italiote colonies; and it is perhaps more than a mere coincidence 
 that, while the young victor from the Aeolic Locri was celebrated 
 by Pindar, Ionian poets sang of feats belonging to Rhegium, a 
 foundation of the Chalcidians, and to the Achaean settlements 
 of Croton and Metapontion. The Ionian cities of the Aegean 
 
 1 01. x, xi.
 
 ODES , . 209 
 
 in many instances claimed Achaean heroes as their founders 1 ; 
 and we can feel that Bacchylides was proud of the legendary tie 
 which connected his own folk with the home of Alexidamus. 
 
 Metapontion (the Latin Metapontum), best known in Greek 
 tradition as the place where Pythagoras ended his days, was 
 situated on the Tarentine gulf, at a distance (measured by the 
 coast-line) of some twenty-eight miles south-west of Tarentum. 
 The period from about 740 to 680 B.C. was roughly that during 
 which most of the Greek cities in south-eastern Italy originated. 
 Rhegium, Sybaris, and Croton had already been planted before 
 Dorian colonists from Laconia, about 708 B.C., arrived at 
 Tarentum. Not many years later, it would seem, Achaean 
 settlers from the shores of the Corinthian gulf came to Meta- 
 pontion. Coins of that city bear the image of the oekist, 
 Leucippus, and, on the reverse, an ear of corn. For, while 
 Tarentum was the chief commercial centre in those regions, 
 Metapontion depended on agriculture, stock-raising, and horse- 
 breeding. 'A golden harvest' perhaps a sheaf of corn wrought 
 in gold was, according to Strabo 2 , the thank-offering which its 
 prosperous citizens sent to the Delphian Apollo. Metapontion 
 was indeed most favourably placed for such pursuits. The 
 country behind it, sloping up gently from the flat coast to the 
 Lucanian highlands, is irrigated by two nearly parallel rivers. 
 That which Bacchylides calls the Casas, Pliny's Casuentus, 
 now the Basiento, flows into the gulf at a point which was near 
 the south side of the ancient town. On the banks of this stream 
 stood a famous temple and grove of Artemis. The other river, 
 the Bradanus, still called the Bradano, enters the sea a few 
 miles to the north of the site. Well-watered, fertile, and 
 enjoying a good climate, these lands were suited alike for corn- 
 growing and for pasturage. 
 
 In the true spirit of an Achaean colony, the Metapontines 
 cherished a legend which carried back the first settlement 
 on that spot to the heroic age of Greece. Achaeans from 
 Pylos, it was said, had come thither after the fall of Troy, under 
 the leadership of Nestor. Had not the citizens, from time 
 
 1 See Appendix on Ode x. 119 f. 2 Strabo 6, p. 264.
 
 2io INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 immemorial, offered sacrifice to the spirits of the Neleidae? 1 
 Bacchylides does due honour to this venerable tradition, which 
 was in accord with all the feelings and beliefs of Magna Graecia. 
 There was no corner of Hellas where the memory of the 
 Homeric heroes was kept more fully alive. Achaeans, Chal- 
 cidians and Dorians alike had local cults and festivals of those 
 heroes. Stesichorus of Himera describes his epic hymns as 
 ' gifts of the Graces to the people 2 ,' to be sung ' as spring comes 
 on ' ; and at such festivals he would have found zealous 
 audiences. Even alleged relics were not wanting. Near Meta- 
 pontion, for instance, there was a temple of Athena Hellenia, 
 which boasted possession of the tools with which Epeius had 
 made the wooden horse 3 . 
 
 2. Our poet begins his ode with an invocation of Victory 
 (i 14), and then briefly describes the triumph of Alexidamus 
 in the wrestling-match at the Pythian games (15 23). If there 
 had not been a miscarriage of justice, he adds, the boy would 
 have been a victor also at Olympia. (As the Pythian festival 
 fell in the third year of each Olympiad, it would appear that 
 Alexidamus had visited Olympia two years before.) But now 
 his disappointment has been healed, and success has been given 
 to him, by Artemis, the soothing goddess ('H/Lte'pa, v. 39). This is 
 the link between the immediate subject of the ode and the myth 
 with which the poet adorns it. He proceeds to relate how the 
 cult of Artemis Hemera was established at Lusi in Arcadia by 
 Proetus, king of Argos, when the goddess had cured the dis- 
 temper of his daughters (vv. 40 112). From Arcadia (evOev, 
 v. 113) Artemis came to Metapontion with the Achaean 
 warriors, who founded it after the capture of Troy (113 123). 
 The ode closes with a brief tribute to the old renown of the 
 Achaeans. 
 
 3. The prominence of Artemis in the religion of Metapontion 
 would be sufficiently explained by her attributes as a goddess of 
 rural life, who blesses the produce of the earth and claims 
 the first-fruits, while she is also a protectress of flocks and 
 
 1 Strabo 6, p. 264. 3 See the Aristotelian treatise tre 
 
 - X.apirwv Sa^di/xara : Stesich. fr. 37. 6av/j.a<riuv aicova tuariiiv , p. 840, 108.
 
 ODE X. 211 
 
 herds 1 . But it is the specific cult of Artemis Hemera at Lusi 
 that provides the poet with a cue for the myth. His words 
 (in vv. 1 13 ff.) might naturally imply that this particular cult had 
 been carried from Arcadia to Metapontion. Whether that was 
 the case or not, we do not know. If not, then the appro- 
 priateness of the myth is reduced to this, that, by consoling 
 Alexidamus for his mischance at Olympia, Artemis has mani- 
 fested towards him the same quality which she had shown to 
 the Proetides at Lusi. The link, if it was only that, would be 
 rather slight and artificial ; but some latitude might be alloxved 
 to the author of an epinikion in search of such embellishment. 
 
 As to the treatment of the myth, we note, in the first place, 
 that it is an example of the leisurely epic manner. After relating 
 how the Proetides had angered the Argive Hera, and how she 
 drove them in madness from Tiryns, the poet pauses to explain 
 why Proetus was living there. Twenty-two verses are then 
 occupied with the feud between Proetus and Acrisius, and its 
 results, before the story returns to the frenzied maidens. Another 
 noteworthy feature is the absence of Melampus. In the best- 
 known form of the legend, Proetus, when his daughters become 
 insane, applies for aid to that priest and seer, son of Amythaon, 
 at Pylos. Melampus bargains for a portion of the king's realm, 
 and Proetus refuses : but things grow worse, other Argive 
 women go mad, and the monarch again turns to the priest. 
 This time Melampus demands a share for his brother Bias 
 as well as for himself; and Proetus yields. Melampus then 
 collects a band of youths, and chases the Proetides from the 
 hills to Lusi, where he propitiates Hera, and heals them by 
 mystic rites 2 . Whether Bacchylides had or had not mythological 
 warrant for ignoring Melampus, he certainly had a poetical 
 
 1 See n. on verses 1 15 f. The epithet Schreiberon Artemis in Roscher I. p. 566.) 
 dyporepa, which Bacchylides gives to 2 This story, which went back in sub- 
 Artemis when he first mentions her in stance to Hesiod, occurs with variations 
 this poem (v. 37), seems usually to denote of detail in Her. ix. 34, Apollod. I. 9. 12, 
 her as the huntress (as if it were taken Diod. IV. 68, Aelian V.H. 3. 42, etc. 
 from &ypa). But it may well be that in ThemythographerPherecydes, with whom 
 its original usage it had a larger sense, as Bacchylides agrees in at least one detail 
 though taken from dyp6s, denoting the (see n. on vv. 50 52), brought in 
 goddess of the fields and of rural life. (Cf. Melampus (schol. Od. 15. 235).
 
 212 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 motive. His aim is to magnify the beneficence of Artemis. No 
 priest is interposed between the goddess and the afflicted father. 
 It is directly to her that Proetus makes his prayer; and she 
 promptly grants it. 
 
 ODE XI. [XII.] 
 
 For Teisias of Aegina, victor in the wrestling-match 
 at Nemea. Date unknown. 
 
 The eight verses which remain from the beginning of this 
 ode are the last in column XXII. After that, there is a break in 
 the papyrus. The rest of Ode XI and the beginning of Ode XII 
 were contained in that part which has been lost between 
 column XXII and the column numbered XXIV. It is scarcely 
 doubtful that the part so lost consisted of more than one column; 
 but there is no other clue to its extent. The original length of 
 Ode XI is therefore wholly uncertain. 
 
 As the poet indicates (Ode Xll, vv. 75 f.), wrestling and 
 boxing were exercises in which Aegina was pre-eminent. Of 
 the ten Aeginetans, men or boys, for whom Pindar wrote, no 
 fewer than eight had won their wreaths either by wrestling alone, 
 or in the pancration. 
 
 ODE XII. [XIII.] 
 
 For Pytheas of Aegina, victor in the boys' pancration at Nemea. 
 Date, perhaps 481 B.C.: in any case, probably not later 
 than 479. 
 
 i. This is the victory commemorated in the fifth Nemean of 
 Pindar, who has also celebrated, in his fourth and fifth Isthmian 
 odes, two victories in the pancration won by Phylacidas, a 
 younger brother of Pytheas. Both Pindar and Bacchylides 
 signalise the hospitality of Lampon, the father of these youths ; 
 a man who is described as encouraging his sons, by example and 
 by precept, to excel in athletics. To this purpose he applied 
 Hesiod's maxim, 'study prospers work 1 '; and he spared no cost 
 
 1 Find. 7. V. 66 ff. AdfjLiruv 5e /ueXeraf] ITTOS, \ vioiffi re Qpdfav ira.pai.vei. (Hes. 
 rafav 'H<n<55oi> p.6.\a ri[i.q. TOVT Op. 410 /aeX^TT; 5^ roi Hpyov
 
 ODES XXIL 
 
 213 
 
 in engaging the best trainers, such as Menander of Athens. 
 From the three Pindaric poems we glean some further facts 
 concerning 'the family of Cleonicus,' for so Lampon's father 
 was named. It belonged to the clan (iraTpa) of the Psalychidae, 
 not mentioned elsewhere, but evidently of local distinction. 
 Lampon's brother-in-law, Euthymenes, had won the pancration 
 at the Isthmus. And when Lampon's sons entered the Aiakeion 
 in Aegina, they saw in the vestibule a statue of their maternal 
 grandfather Themistius, still decked with the garlands woven of 
 grass and flowers which recalled his victories, as boxer and 
 pancratiast, in the games of Asclepius at Epidaurus 1 . 
 
 2. The chronology of the odes for Pytheas and his brother 
 cannot be precisely determined; but there are some general data 
 which assist conjecture. Pindar's fourth Isthmian refers to the 
 later of the two victories gained by Phylacidas, and his fifth 
 Isthmian to the earlier. Both the successes of Phylacidas were 
 subsequent to that victory of Pytheas which is the theme of 
 Pindar in his fifth Nemean, and of Bacchylides in this poem. 
 Now the fourth Isthmian was certainly written not very long 
 after the battle of Salamis. Having alluded to the ancient 
 glories of Aegina, Pindar adds (Nem. v. 48 ff.): 
 
 ' And now Salamis, city of Ajax, could bear witness that she was saved 
 from shipwreck in war by Aegina's seamen, in that destroying storm of 
 Zeus when death came thick as hail on hosts unnumbered.' 
 
 The words ical vvv, with which the passage begins, could 
 scarcely have been used, if this addition to the achievements of 
 Aegina had not then been comparatively recent. The date of 
 the battle being September, 480, the second victory of Phylacidas, 
 to which the ode relates, may have been gained at the Isthmia 
 of 478. In any case, the festival of 476 seems to be the latest 
 that can be assumed, consistently with the tone of the reference 
 just cited. The first Isthmian victory of Phylacidas might then 
 be placed in 480 ; or, at latest, in 478. 
 
 Pytheas, whose victory preceded both those of his brother, is 
 thus described in the fifth Nemean (vv. 4 6) : Aa/xTrwz/o? u/09. . . 
 evpvadevris..-ov7ra) ryevv<rt <f>aivQ)v repeivav fiarep 1 olvdvOas ojrcapav, 
 
 1 Find. N. v. 52 ff.
 
 214 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 'as yet showing no sign on cheek or chin of the down that comes 
 with the delicate bloom of ripening youth.' It is clear, then, 
 that he did not compete among the adults, a fact which is 
 confirmed by the mention of his trainer, Menander. But Pindar's 
 words, though not incompatible with the supposition that 
 Pytheas was still a TTCUS, distinctly suggest an dyeveios. There 
 was an dyeveiwv as well as a jrai^wv iray/cpa-nov at Nemea and 
 at the Isthmus 1 . Unfortunately we do not know where precisely 
 the limits between the three ages, Trafr, dyeveios and dvijp, were 
 drawn for the purposes of those games. It would be natural to 
 suppose that the age of the 7rat<? was from fourteen to sixteen, 
 as the sixteenth year marked the attainment of physical r/{3r) 
 (puberty). It seems improbable that, where these three classes 
 of competitors were recognised, the dvrjp can have been less than 
 twenty years old. The period from seventeen to nineteen years 
 of age would then be left for the dyevetos. (It is possible that 
 where, as at Olympia and at Delphi in the fifth century B.C., there 
 was no separate class of dyeveioi, the limit for TratSe? may have 
 been placed somewhat higher, and that for avSpe* somewhat 
 lower.) The hypothesis that the limit for the dyeveios extended 
 up to nineteen agrees well enough with the passage in Plato's 
 Laws (p. 833 c), where he proposes that, in certain foot-races, the 
 course for the dyevetos should be two-thirds of the course for the 
 dvrip, while that for the irals should be only one-third. 
 
 In view of all the data, the following chronology seems 
 possible, though it cannot claim to be anything more : 
 
 Ol. 74. 4. 481 B.C. Victory of Pytheas as an dyeveios at 
 Nemea, at the age (say) of 18. (Pindar, Nem. V. : Bacchylides 
 XII.) See the table on p. 185. 
 
 1 This is shown by the agonistic in- suggests that A d/j.iruvos may have dropped 
 
 scription of Ceos, cited in the Introduction out before iraidi. D (Mediceus) has 
 
 to Ode I ; which Dr W. Christ seems to IlvOtq. vltf Adfj.Trui>os TrayKpaTiaffT-fj. 
 
 overlook, when he says (Pindar, p. Ixxv, But the word iraiSi in the title may have 
 
 1896) that there is no evidence for a been merely a grammarian's inference 
 
 traiduv (or ayeveiwv) wa.yKpari.ov at Nemea from vv. 4 6. W. Christ omits it, in con- 
 
 or at the Isthmus. The title of Nem. v., formity with his view stated on p. Ixxv. 
 
 as usually printed by editors, is Hvffeq. Blass does so, because he supposes (rightly, 
 
 MyivTyrri iraiSl irayKpanaffry. W. Christ as I think) that Pytheas was not a irats, 
 
 (p. 270) cites B (Vaticanus) as having but an d 
 IlvOea traiSi Aiyiv-^Tri ydr) e , where he
 
 ODE XII. 215 
 
 Ol. 74. 4. 480 B.C. First victory of Phylacidas, the younger 
 brother of Pytheas, at the Isthmus. (Pindar, Isthm. V. [vi].) If 
 he was then (say) 17, he would compete among the dyeveioi. 
 The traditional title of Isthm. V. is simply 3>uXa/a'8a Alyivr/ry 
 But that is not inconsistent with his having been 
 And on the other hand, the words in V. 62, where 
 Phylacidas and his brother, in contradistinction to their uncle 
 Euthymenes, are called dy\aol TratSe?, indicate that Phylacidas 
 was not yet dvrjp. (-/ratSe?, used in a general and not a technical 
 sense, would of course include dyeveioi.) 
 
 Ol. 75. 2. 478 B.C. Second victory of Phylacidas at the 
 Isthmus. (Pindar, Isthm. IV.) He would then be (say) 20, 
 and would compete among the avSpe?. 
 
 It remains to consider an objection raised by Professor Blass 
 to placing the victory of Pytheas as early as 481 B.C. There 
 had been hostilities between Athens and Aegina, which began 
 apparently about 488 or 487 B.C., and lasted for some time. It 
 was only in 481 B.C., on the eve of the Persian invasion, that 
 the two states were definitely and formally reconciled 1 . But 
 Menander, the trainer of Pytheas, was an Athenian. Would an 
 Aeginetan boy have been sent for training to Athens in 482 or 
 481 ? Would Pindar and Bacchylides in 481 have praised an 
 Athenian to Aeginetans ? We may reply, in the first place, 
 that we do not know whether, in 482/1, Athens and Aegina 
 were still actually at war, though it is probable that a hostile 
 feeling still existed. But it is not necessary to suppose that the 
 boy Pytheas was sent to Athens. It is more likely that his 
 father Lampon, a wealthy man, would engage the Athenian 
 trainer to visit Aegina. That this indeed was the case would be 
 a legitimate inference from Pindar's phrase, Xp^ 8' dtr 'AOavdv 
 retcTov deffX-rjTaiaiv e/M/j.ev (Nem. V. 49). Even if, in 482/1, the 
 relations between Athens and Aegina were still unfriendly, a 
 professional trainer, who had his livelihood to make, would 
 surely not be precluded from accepting such an engagement. 
 Nor would it be just to the Aeginetans, so often extolled for 
 their hospitality and fair-dealing, to suppose that they would 
 have felt resentment when the Athenian's services to the 
 1 Her. vn. 145 ; Grote c. xxxix, vol. v. p. 65.
 
 216 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 Aeginetan youth were commended by the poets of Thebes and 
 Ceos 1 . 
 
 3. The ode is mutilated at the beginning. The verses with 
 which column XXIV commences are the last two of a strophe. 
 In this ode the strophe consists of 12 verses, and the epode of 9; 
 the system, therefore, of 33. The question is : Was the strophe, 
 of which the last two verses stand at the top of col. XXIV, the 
 first strophe of the poem ; or was it preceded by (at least) one 
 whole system ? The answer is clear from the nature of the 
 subject-matter. At the words v/3pio<; vtyivoov, the first in 
 col. XXIV, we are already in the middle of a mythical narrative. 
 More than 10 verses must have preceded; and therefore not less 
 than 43. It seems unnecessary to suppose the loss of more than 
 one system before the strophe of which two verses remain ; and 
 the first of those, verses may therefore be numbered 44. 
 
 In verses 44 57 a speaker, who is watching the struggle of 
 Heracles with the Nemean lion, predicts his future, and pro- 
 phesies that in days to come Greeks shall strive on that spot in 
 the pancration. In a note on these verses I have given reasons 
 for conjecturing that the prophecy is uttered by Athena, the 
 guardian goddess of Heracles, in presence of the nymph Nemea. 
 
 The poet next describes (vv. 58 76) how Pytheas has 
 returned in triumph from the Nemean games. He then ad- 
 dresses the nymph Aegina (77 99). Her praises are chanted 
 by the maidens of the island, who link them with those of 
 Endei's, bride of Aeacus, mother of Peleus and of Telamon. 
 They sing also of Achilles and of Ajax. It is told how Ajax 
 bore himself in the fight at the ships, when Achilles had 
 withdrawn from the field, and had fired the Trojans with vain 
 hopes. The bodies of the Aeacidae have perished, but their 
 fame lives evermore. (100 174.) 
 
 Arete, whose light cannot be hidden, honours Aegina, in 
 company with Eucleia and Eunomia (175 189). Let due 
 praise be given to Pytheas and to his trainer Menander. Truth 
 upholds genuine merit against envy. (190 209.) The poet, 
 
 1 Blass (Praef. LXIV) thinks that the Isthmian victory of Phylacidas would 
 victory of Pytheas at Nemea may have then fall in 478 or 476, and the second 
 been gained in 479 or 477. The first in 476 or 474.
 
 ODES XII, XIII. 217 
 
 trusting in the Muse, offers this song to Lampon, the victor's 
 hospitable father. (220 231.) 
 
 4. It is interesting to compare Bacchylides with Pindar in 
 regard to his manner of rendering the indispensable tribute to 
 the Aeacidae. In each of Pindar's eleven odes for Aegina 
 such a reference occurs ; and his variety of resource is notable. 
 As a rule, he takes some one moment or incident in the story of 
 an Aeacid hero, and, with a few touches, paints a vivid picture, 
 often instinct with dramatic life : but he seldom insists or 
 enlarges on the theme. The fifth Nemean, written for this same 
 victory, supplies an example. Peleus and Telamon, with their 
 half-brother Phocus, whom they were destined to slay, are 
 standing in Aegina at the altar of their grandsire, Zeus 
 Hellanios : with hands uplifted to him they pray that the island 
 may be blest in her sons and famous on the sea 1 . It is all given 
 in five verses. More than sixty are here devoted by Bacchylides 
 to an episode, with Achilles and Ajax for its central figures, in 
 which he is on familiar Homeric ground. It is an epic narrative, 
 forming, indeed, a distinct section of the poem. 
 
 ODE XIII. [XIV.] 
 
 For Cleoptolemus of Thessaly, victor in the chariot-race at the 
 Petraia. Date unknown. 
 
 The position of this ode in the series is presumably due to 
 the fact that it relates to a minor festival. The only other 
 reference to the Petraia seems to be that of the scholiast on 
 Apollonius Rhodius, who mentions ' the Thessalian Petra ' as a 
 place 'where a festival of Poseidon is held' (see n. on vv. 19 
 2 1 ). The scene of these games is unknown : it is merely a 
 conjecture that it may have been somewhere in the region 
 of Tempe. 
 
 The waters of eastern Thessaly, gathered into the Peneius 
 (now the Salamvrias), flow to the sea through a narrow valley 
 between lofty peaks of Mount Olympus and Mount Ossa. This 
 outlet, called Te/iTTT? ' the cutting' was said in local legend 
 
 1 N. v. 913. 
 
 J. B. J 5
 
 218 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 to have been made by the earth-shaking god. He was called 
 Petraios as 'cleaving the rocks 1 .' The title Ai/rato?, also given 
 to him in Thessaly, was similarly explained as meaning that 
 he had opened a way for the river out of its rocky prison 2 . 
 Philostratus the Lemnian (c. 230 A.D.) describes a series of 
 pictures which he professes to have seen in a portico at Naples. 
 One of them, he says, showed Poseidon, with the trident in his 
 uplifted right hand, preparing to strike the hills, and to make a 
 passage for the Peneius, represented by the reclining figure of a 
 river-god ; while Thessalia, crowned with a wreath of olive- 
 leaves and corn-ears, was seen rising from the flood under which 
 her lower valleys had hitherto been submerged 8 . 
 
 The extant portion of the ode consists only of the first 
 system (23 verses), with a few words from the second strophe 
 and epode. After 18 verses of gnomic strain, the poet comes 
 to Cleoptolemus, victor in the chariot-race, who was probably a 
 rich Thessalian landowner. The large scale of the exordium 
 might suggest an ode of some length ; but the break in the 
 papyrus after column XXIX leaves that point in doubt. 
 
 B. DITHYRAMBS. 
 
 ODE XIV. [XV.] 
 
 The Sons of Anterior: or the Demand for tJie restitution 
 
 of Helen. 
 
 i. The subject is an embassy of Menelaus and Odysseus 
 from the Greek camp at Tenedos to Troy, for the purpose of 
 demanding that Helen should be restored. This mission is 
 supposed to take place shortly before the commencement of the 
 Trojan war. 
 
 The primary source used by Bacchylides was presumably 
 the 'Cyprian epic ' (Kinrpia), so called because its reputed author, 
 
 1 Schol. Find. P. iv. 138. See note 2 See note on ode xvn. 21. 
 
 in commentary on xm. 19 21. 3 Philostr. Imag. II. 14.
 
 ODES XIII, XIV. 219 
 
 Staslnus, was a native of Cyprus ; but the ancients knew nothing 
 definite concerning him, and the authorship must be regarded as 
 uncertain. The date of the Cypria cannot well be placed later 
 than the eighth century B.C. Its contents are known in outline 
 through the summary given in the Chrestomattieia of Proclus. 
 From this abstract, and from the fragments of the epic itself 
 (about fifty verses in all), it is clear that the author of the Cypria 
 knew the Iliad, and composed his work as a kind of introduction 
 to it, starting from the first cause of the war, and going down 
 to that moment in the tenth year at which the Iliad opens. It 
 was told in the Cypria how, after sailing from Aulis, the Greek 
 fleet first put in at Tenedos. On landing from their camp in 
 that island, the Greeks were resisted by the Trojans, and in the 
 first battle Protesilaus was slain by Hector. In a second battle, 
 Achilles routed the enemy, slaying Cycnus son of Poseidon. 
 Then (says Proclus in his summary) ' the Greeks sent an 
 embassy to the Trojans, demanding the restitution of Helen 
 and of her possessions. The Trojans refused to comply ; and 
 thereupon the siege of Troy began 1 .' 
 
 The Greek envoys, Menelaus and Odysseus, were hospitably 
 received at Troy by Antenor 2 , whose wife, Theano, was priestess 
 of the city's guardian goddess, Pallas Athena. He stood their 
 friend throughout ; and was said to have saved their lives, when 
 they were endangered by the hostility of certain Trojans 8 . 
 
 2. Bacchylides does not relate the arrival of the envoys, or 
 their reception by Antenor : that is presupposed. The first verses 
 describe how Theano, on the acropolis of Troy, opens the temple 
 of Athena to her guests ; perhaps in order that they may bespeak 
 
 1 KO! dicLirpea-pevovrai irpbs TOI>S TpcSas, words of Agamemnon in Iliad u. 138 
 '"&\evi)v /ecu TO. K-nj/uaTci airanTovvrer us 5<f 142 it appears that the Trojan Antimachus 
 otfx vir^Koua-av tKeivoi, evravOa dr] retxo- had urged in the assembly that the two 
 juaxoCcrw. Greek envoys should he put to death. 
 
 2 In Iliad $. 205224 Antenor him- The Ulysses of Ovid (Met. 13. 196204) 
 self refers to this. He goes on to com- briefly relates how narrowly he and 
 pare Menelaus and Odysseus as orators Menelaus escaped being murdered by Paris 
 in the Trojan agora. and his supporters. His appeal had moved 
 
 3 Proclus : Sre yap e/c HevtSou tirpeff- Priam, Priamoque Antenora innctum. 
 fievovro oi irepl Me^XaoK, rare 'Avrrivwp Tzetzes (Anle-homerica 158) also relates 
 6 'EXt/cdoi'os i>7re5<fdTO avrovs, /ecu SoXo^o- how Antenor befriended the envoys. 
 
 fj.i\\ovra.s Zffwaev. From the
 
 220 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 the favour of the goddess before making their appeal. Here 
 occurs a lacuna in the papyrus, which contained at least one 
 speech ; possibly both Theano and Odysseus spoke (vv. 8 36). 
 
 Next, we find the sons of Antenor conducting the envoys to 
 the marketplace of Troy, while Antenor himself proceeds to 
 inform Priam of their errand. Presently heralds summon the 
 Trojans to the assembly. ' Everywhere the loud rumour ran 
 abroad ; and men lifted up their hands to the gods, praying for 
 rest from their woes': an allusion to those hostilities, noticed 
 above, which had preceded the embassy. The agora is now 
 filled, and the debate is about to begin. (37 46.) 
 
 The poet proceeds in epic style : ' Say, Muse, who was the 
 first to plead the righteous cause ? ' Then comes the speech by 
 Menelaus. It occupies only 13 verses, breaking off with a 
 warning to the Trojans against insolence, which ruined the 
 Giants. So abrupt is the ending, that it would be natural to 
 regard the poem as incomplete. That inference does not, 
 however, appear certain. It should be observed that the 
 beginning of the piece is also abrupt. The little poem is, in 
 fact, a sort of epic vignette, finished in detail, but intended to 
 suggest a situation rather than to relate a story. In the next 
 piece (Heracles) this intention is still more evident. 
 
 3. The double title, written by the second corrector at the 
 top of column XXX, but now mutilated, was 'AvrrjvopiSai r) 
 'EXez/?;? 7ratT77o-t<> 1 . In the text, as we have it, the part of 
 the Antenoridae is limited to conducting the envoys from the 
 
 1 Among the titles of lost plays of of the Bacchylidean poem as making it 
 
 Sophocles are ' AvTrjvopldai (Nauck 2 , Trag. probable that the ' AvTyvopiSai. of Sophocles 
 
 Frag. p. 1 60) and 'EX6>7?s ciTratYijtris (ib. was only another name for his 'EX^cijy 
 
 p. 171). The subject of the latter was aTrairrj/ns. Such a second title for the 
 
 undoubtedly this embassy of Menelaus tragedy is intelligible, however, only if 
 
 and Odysseus. As to the ' AvrrivopiSai, the sons of Antenor formed the chorus ; 
 
 Welcker (GV. Trag. I. 4660*".), with whom but, in the case of such a drama, is that 
 
 Nauck agrees, recognises its subject in a probable? Welcker held that the chorus 
 
 passage of Strabo 13. p. 608. After the must have been composed of Phrygians> 
 
 capture of Troy, when Antenor's house who could mediate between the views of 
 
 was spared, he and his sons migrated, Antenor, the friend of the envoys, and 
 
 with their allies the Paphlagonian 'Everoi those of their foes, such as Paris (Gr. 
 
 (//. 2. 852), to the land afterwards known Trag. I. 121). But the question is one 
 
 as Venetia. On the other hand, Blass which we must be content to leave doubt- 
 
 and Wilamowitz regard the double title ful.
 
 ODES XIV, XV. 221 
 
 acropolis of Troy to the agora. It is known that Bacchylides 
 spoke of Theano as having borne fifty sons to Antenor (schol. 
 //. 24. 496), a mention which doubtless occurred in the lost verses 
 of this poem (32 36). Fifty was the number of a dithyrambic 
 chorus ; and if, when this dithyramb was produced, the 
 Antenoridae formed such a chorus, that fact would help to 
 account for the prominence given to them in the title. It would 
 also explain the number itself, which the Homeric scholiast 
 notes as prodigious. The Iliad recognises only ten sons of 
 Antenor 1 . 
 
 In verse 6 Menelaus is Atreides, but in verse 48 Pleisthenides. 
 The genealogy which made him and his brother sons of Plei- 
 sthenes, and only grandsons of Atreus, appears first with 
 Stesichorus (fr. 42), whose influence on Bacchylides is suggested 
 by this trait. The lyric treatment of epic themes, with occasional 
 speeches in epic style, is indeed a species of composition in which 
 Stesichorus was the earliest master. 
 
 ODE XV. [XVI.] 
 Heracles. 
 
 | i. The first eleven verses, which are much mutilated, form 
 a prelude to the theme of Heracles and Deianeira. The poet 
 says that he will betake him to the temple of Apollo at Delphi, 
 as Urania has provided him with songs fitted for the season. 
 Apollo is away in the north, taking his pleasure on the banks of 
 the Hebrus, until it shall be time for him to revisit his Pythian 
 home, and to rejoice once more in the paeans of the Delphian 
 choruses. 
 
 During the winter months, Dionysus was prominent at 
 Delphi. The paean was mute, since the Healer was absent, and 
 its place was taken by the dithyramb 2 . A^ tragic theme of 
 
 1 Acamas (//. 2. 822), Agenor (i i. 59), 2 Plutarch irepi TOV Et TOV iv AeX^ots, 
 
 Archelochus (2. 822), Coon (the eldest, 1 1. c. 9 : TOV tfv &\\ov tviavrbv ira.La.vi xpuvrai 
 
 248), Demoleon (20. 295), Helicaon (3. irepi ras 0vffias, apxo^vov de xM^"" 
 
 123), Iphidamas (u. 221), Laodocus ( 4 . tTreyeipavres TOV SiOupa^ov, TOV dt iraiava 
 
 87), Pedaeus (voOos, 5. 69), Polybus (u. KaraTra&raKres, rpets fj-rjva^ avr tKfivov 
 
 .\ TOVTOV Ka.TaKa\ovvrai rbv 0f6v.
 
 222 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 passion and anguish, such as that which Bacchylides touches 
 here, was congenial to the Dionysiac cult, but would have been 
 wholly alien from a festival of Apollo. 
 
 The treatment of the subject is very brief, occupying only 
 twenty-two verses. Heracles has sacked Oechalia in Euboea, 
 and has arrived at Cenaeum, the north-western cape of the 
 island, where he is preparing a sacrifice in thanksgiving to Zeus. 
 Then it is that destiny impels Deianeira to send him the robe 
 anointed with the gift of Nessus, on learning that lole is coming 
 to her home. 
 
 So ends the song, much as its predecessor broke off with 
 the hint that impenitent {5/3/ot? would prove the bane of Troy. 
 Here, however, the somewhat abrupt close has a clearer warrant 
 in poetical art, since Deianeira's resolve is a fateful turning- 
 point ; and the artist's aim in work on this scale can be more 
 distinctly seen. It is to mark a moment on the eve of a 
 catastrophe, a moment which will be the more impressive 
 because the sequel is left untold. 
 
 2. It is a feature of some interest in this poem that it 
 suggests certain older poetical sources to which Bacchylides may 
 have been indebted. The reference to Apollo disporting himself 
 in the north recalls a hymn of Alcaeus concerning the god's visit 
 to the Hyperboreans, some traits of which are preserved in the 
 prose of Himerius 1 . The Lesbian poet designated the Hebrus 
 as ' fairest of rivers 2 '; and his influence may probably be traced 
 in those exquisite lyrics of Aristophanes which describe how the 
 swans on the Hebrus chant their songs to Apollo 3 . A detail of 
 language seems to confirm the surmise that the thoughts of 
 Bacchylides may have been running on Alcaeus. Nowhere else 
 does he employ TreSd instead of perd, but here we find 
 
 The passage relating to Heracles at Cenaeum presents a 
 general parallelism with some verses in the TracJiiniae of 
 Sophocles 4 . But it affords no ground for supposing that the 
 
 1 Or. XIV. io = Alcae. frgg. 2, 3, 4, /rdXXioros 
 
 Bergk 4 in. p. 147. 3 Aves 772 ff. : see n. on v. 5. 
 
 2 Schol. Theocr. vn. 112 ( = Alcae. 4 Track. 750 762. See n. on Bacch. 
 fr. 109, Bergk 4 ) ; 'AX(cat6s jrqaiv 8ri"Eppos xv. 15 f.
 
 ODES XV, XVI. 
 
 223 
 
 dramatist imitated Bacchylides. Such resemblance as exists is 
 rather to be explained by a common source. That source was 
 probably the old epic, entitled the Capture of Oeclialia, popularly 
 ascribed to the Ionian Creophylus of Samos, a poem of which 
 the repute is attested by an epigram of Callimachus 1 . 
 
 ODE XVI. [XVII.] 
 Theseus, or the A thenian youths and maidens. 
 
 i. Servius (circ. 400 A.D.) found this poem, as we find it, 
 classed among the ' dithyrambs ' of Bacchylides, in the later and 
 larger sense of that term 2 . But it is, in fact, a paean to Apollo, 
 for a chorus of Ceans at Delos 3 . It seems probable that 
 Bacchylides wrote for Delian festivals on other occasions also 4 . 
 
 Minos, king of Crete, after reducing Athens, had imposed 
 upon it a periodical tribute 5 of seven youths and seven maidens, 
 to be the prey of his wife Pasiphae's monstrous offspring, the 
 Minotaur, whom he had immured in the labyrinth built by 
 Daedalus at Cnosus. On the third occasion when the tribute 
 fell due, Minos came in person to Athens and selected the 
 victims 6 . 
 
 1 See the editor's Introduction to the 
 Trachiniae, p. xviii. 
 
 2 Servius on Verg. Aen. vi. 21 
 (septena quotannis Corpora natoruni). 
 Quidam septem pueros et septem puellas 
 accipi volunt, quod et Plato dicit in 
 Phaedone et Sappho in Lyricis et Bacchy- 
 lides in Dithyrambis et Euripides in 
 Hercule, quos liberavit secum Theseus. 
 
 3 Cp. 128 ff. : I7if0eoi 5' tyytOev \ riot 
 iraidvL^av eparq. foiri. AdXte, xP o ' al 
 Kritwv K.r.X. The subject itself, so closely 
 connected with the Theseus- legend of the 
 Delian cult, might well suggest that the 
 poem was for Delos. 
 
 4 See frag. 42 ( = 57 Bergk); and fr. 
 12 ( = 31 Bergk). Pindar intimates in 
 hthm. I. 6 ff. that he is under a promise 
 to write an ode for the Ceans, 3?olpov 
 Xopevwv [ ev K^if) d/Kpipvrq. ffvv irovriois \ 
 dvdpdffiv. The scholiasts there say that 
 the Ceans had asked him to write a 
 A^XiaKW Traidva or a TrpoffoSta.KOi' Tra.ia.va. 
 
 At any rate Pindar thought of the poem 
 as one which was to be sung in Ceos. In 
 the splendid fr. 87, Xaip" w 6eo8fi6.ro. 
 K.T.\., he addresses Delos; and it can 
 hardly be doubted that the poem which 
 opened with those verses was to be sung 
 at a Delian festival. It seems therefore 
 very questionable whether fr. 87 can be 
 referred to the poem indicated in hthm. 
 l.6ff. 
 
 5 The period for the tribute was 
 variously represented as one year, three, 
 seven, or nine years: Plutarch Theseus 15 
 adopts the last. Preller (n. 295) thinks 
 that the nine-year cycle points to 
 expiatory rites, and that the young 
 Athenians, mythical food for the Minotaur, 
 were made hieroduli of a Cretan cult. 
 
 6 In the ordinary form of the story, 
 the victims are chosen by lot. Hellanicus 
 alone is mentioned by Plutarch (Thes. 17) 
 as saying that Minos came to Athens 
 himself and chose them.
 
 224 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 When our poem begins, he is on board ship with them, 
 sailing before a north wind to Crete. Besides the seven youths 
 and seven maidens, there is the young Theseus 1 , commonly 
 reputed the son of Aegeus, king of Athens. Minos makes 
 advances to one of the maidens, Eriboea 2 , and is rebuked by 
 Theseus, who threatens to oppose him by force, should he 
 persist. If Minos is the son of Zeus and Europa, the father to 
 whom Aethra bore Theseus is Poseidon. Minos, incensed by 
 the reproof, and still more by the implied doubt of his divine 
 parentage, prays to Zeus for the sign of the lightning, which is 
 granted; and then challenges Theseus, if he be indeed Poseidon's 
 son, to bring back a gold ring which he throws into the sea. 
 Theseus springs overboard : dolphins carry him to Poseidon's 
 palace beneath the waves, where the sea-god's wife, Amphitrite, 
 gives him a mantle and a wreath. Presently, wearing these 
 gifts, he reappears, to the dismay of Minos, at the stern of the 
 ship; and the young Athenians raise a paean. 
 
 There the poem ends. But those who heard it sung by the 
 Cean chorus in Delos would think of the sequel which linked 
 this story with the local cult. After slaying the Minotaur in 
 Crete, Theseus sailed with his companions for Athens. On 
 their way, they landed in Delos, a scene depicted on the 
 Francois amphora (now at Florence) by the vase-painters 
 Clitias and Ergotimus 3 ; the ship which the Athenians have left 
 is by the shore ; Theseus, as a citharist, leads the way, while the 
 youths and maidens (among whom Eriboea 4 is prominent) follow 
 him in couples. It was then that they performed, in honour of 
 Apollo, a dance known in Delian tradition as the geranos 
 ('crane-dance'), with movements symbolical of Theseus threading 
 the mazes of the Cretan labyrinth 5 . That dance was said to 
 
 1 The fact that there are fourteen Megara. (Cp. C. Robert in Hermes, 
 persons besides Theseus might suggest vol. xx. p. 355, 1885.) 
 
 that Bacchylides followed the tradition s Given from Man. delf Inst. by A. 
 
 according to which the young hero H. Smith in Journ. Hellen. Stud. vol. 
 
 volunteered for Crete, while the others xvm. p. 280. Cp. C. Robert in Hermes, 
 
 went perforce (Pint. Thes. 17). Theseus vol. xxxm. p. 144 (1898). 
 
 is usually counted as one of the fourteen. 4 j^e name on the vase is either 
 
 Hellanicus said that he was the first EPIBOIA or EIIIBOIA. 
 
 choice of Minos. 5 pi u t. Thes. 21. 
 
 2 Daughter of Alcathous, king of
 
 ODE XVI. 22$ 
 
 have been held at the ancient altar of the Delian god, the ' horn 
 altar,' near to the palm-tree where Latona gave him birth, and 
 to the oval basin on which floated his sacred swans 1 . The 
 geranos was still in Plutarch's time a regular feature of the 
 Delian festivals. 
 
 2. In the episode which Bacchylides relates with so much 
 beauty and spirit, two mythical elements can be distinguished. 
 One of these, and doubtless the older, is the welcome which 
 Amphitrite, the wife of Poseidon, gives to the young Theseus, 
 her husband's son by a mortal bride, Aethra. There is an 
 Ionian graciousness in this conception ; it might be contrasted 
 with the Dorian legend of Hera's relentless enmity to the son of 
 Alcmena. This part of the myth was current at least as early 
 as the beginning of the fifth century B.C. It is the subject of a 
 painting by Euphronius on a cup (kylix) in the Louvre, a very 
 fine red-figured vase found at Caere, of which the date is about 
 500 490 B.C." This is the earliest known document for any 
 portion of the story contained in the poem. Amphitrite, seated 
 in her home beneath the sea, as is indicated by three swimming 
 dolphins, extends her right hand in greeting to the young 
 Theseus, whose feet are borne up by a Triton. Athena stands 
 in the centre, a little in the background, wearing helmet and 
 aegis, holding an owl in her right hand, and a spear in her left; 
 her face is turned with a benign expression towards the smiling 
 sea-goddess. In this picture, however, Amphitrite bestows no 
 wreath on Theseus. Another and perhaps earlier story made 
 the wreath a gift to him from Ariadne, daughter of Minos 3 : the 
 substitution of Amphitrite as the giver may have been an 
 Attic touch, presumably somewhat later than the date of the 
 Euphronius cup. 
 
 1 Apollo's Delian altar, and the palm- Hellen. Stud. vol. I. p. 39 (1880). 
 tree beside it, are known to the Odyssey * See the article ' Illustrations to 
 
 (6. 162). The altar was called Kcparuv Bacchylides' by A. H. Smith in Journ,. 
 
 (Plut. Thes. 21), or /ce/>dni>os, because Hellen. Stud. vol. XVJH. p. 178; with . 
 
 Apollo in building it was said to have Plate xiv. 
 
 used the horns of she-goats slain by * C. Robert in Hermes, vol. xxxm. 
 
 Artemis on Mount Cynthus. The famous (1898), p. 132. He has also traced the 
 
 r/>oxoet5r;j Xi>i/T7 was in its neighbourhood. development of the myth in Archaeol. 
 
 See my article on 'Delos,' with reference Anzeiger, 1889, p. 142. 
 to M. Homolle's explorations, \\\ Joiirn.
 
 226 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 The other element of the myth is the quarrel between 
 Theseus and Minos on board ship, and the challenge given 
 by Minos when he throws his ring into the sea. This looks 
 like a free invention of poetical fancy, linked on to the older 
 legend of the welcome ; it is of stirring interest in itself, and also 
 serves to bring Theseus into the presence of Amphitrite. The 
 poetical combination had been made, at any rate, before 
 c. 474 470 B.C.; for the substance of that story was represented 
 by the painter Micon on a wall of the Theseion at Athens 1 . 
 The earliest extant representation in art is supplied by a 
 red-figured crater of the fifth century B.C., now in the Museo 
 Civico at Bologna 2 . There we see Theseus, supported by a 
 Triton, clasping the knees of Amphitrite in suppliant fashion : 
 she holds out in both hands the wreath which she is about 
 to place upon his head. Four Nereids stand or sit behind their 
 queen, not dancing, as in the poem of Bacchylides ; but one of 
 them plays a tambourine. In the lower part of the picture 
 Poseidon reclines on a couch, watching the scene, while a 
 winged Eros pours out wine for him 3 . On the left is seen the 
 stern of the ship from which Theseus has sprung into the deep ; 
 also the Sun-god's chariot rising from the waves, for the 
 painter's idea was to show in section both the sea-depths and 
 the upper world. Robert 4 holds that this painting on the Bologna 
 vase reproduces a part of Micon's work in the Theseion, 
 namely the central and the right-hand portion. In Micon's 
 
 1 Paus. I. 17. 3. a throne, takes the hand of Theseus, who 
 
 2 Ghirardini, Museo Italiano di Ant. stands before him. Behind Poseidon 
 Class. III. p. i, Plate I. A. H. Smith in stands Amphitrite (or a Nereid?), hold- 
 
 J. H. S. XVIII. p. 277 (fig. /), where ing up the wreath. (2) A vase of c. 450 
 
 other references are given on p. 278 (n. i). B.C., found at Ruvo, and now in the 
 
 3 This detachment of Poseidon from possession of the Princess di Tricase: 
 the reception of Theseus is in agreement J. H. S. xvili. p. 279, fig. 9. There are 
 with the poem, which does not mention five persons, all standing. Poseidon, in 
 the sea-god as greeting his son (vv. tooff.). the centre, clasps the hand of Theseus, 
 Amphitrite's welcome of him is the central who is on his left. Behind Theseus is a 
 incident. There are, however, two vases figure holding up the wreath. On the 
 on which Poseidon is the chief figure. right of Poseidon is Nereus, and next to 
 (i) A red-figured crater, of the early fifth Nereus a figure who is about to pour a 
 century, found at Girgenti, and now in the libation. 
 
 Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris: see/. 4 Hermes, vol. xxxm. pp. 234 fif. 
 
 H. S. xvm. p. 278, fig. 8. Poseidon, on
 
 ODE XVI. 227 
 
 picture, he supposes, the whole of the ship, with the company 
 on board, was shown on the left, but the vase-painter's limits 
 precluded him from bringing in more than the stern. This 
 hypothesis is at least quite consistent with the account given by 
 Pausanias of Micon's work. He observes that the story which 
 he relates is not quite clear from the painting, partly through 
 the ravages of time, and partly because Micon has not painted 
 the whole 1 . The meaning of that expression is at once intelli- 
 gible, if Micon's general scheme was the same as that of the 
 vase-painter : there is the ship, here is Theseus received by 
 Amphitrite ; but Micon could not also show Minos throwing the 
 ring, or Theseus in the act of diving. 
 
 3. The incident of the ring, as treated by Bacchylides, raises 
 a curious question. Pausanias is careful to let us know that 
 Theseus fulfilled the demand of Minos, and returned to the 
 surface with the ring as well as the wreath. Hyginus says the 
 same, adding the pretty touch that the ring was restored to 
 Theseus by the Nereids. Bacchylides, however, is silent as to 
 Theseus bringing back the ring. This omission has been re- 
 garded as deliberate. The poet, it is suggested, felt that it was 
 beneath the dignity of Theseus to give the proof of his birth 
 in precisely the form prescribed by the Cretan king 2 . Be that 
 as it may, the omission renders it unlikely that Bacchylides was 
 himself the inventor of the ring-motive. Had he been so, he 
 would presumably have treated it with more care, instead of 
 simply ignoring it after it had served the purpose of bringing 
 Theseus to the sea-god's abode. There must have been some 
 older source for the story of the challenge given to Theseus by 
 Minos, a source common to Bacchylides and Micon. Whether 
 that source was (as seems most probable) a poet, or a compiler 
 
 1 Paus. i. 17. 2 ToO Sf rplTov TWV es heischt, wiirde als des Heroen un- 
 
 rolxuv (of the Theseion) rj ypa<f>r) ^ wiirdig gelten.' And Weil: 'II legitime 
 
 irv6o/j.tvois a \eyovffii' 01) (TCI^TJS etrri, ra sanaissance divine sans se faire le serviteur 
 
 fiiv TTOV dia TOV xpb vov > & Mi/twi> ov du roi de Crete.' This may be the true 
 
 rbv irdvra. typtuf/e \6yov. explanation. At the same time it is 
 
 ThusGomperz observes that Theseus, difficult to feel quite sure that Bacchylides, 
 
 by bringing back the 6f&v StDpo, 'die preoccupied with the mantle and the 
 
 einleuchtendstenBeweise seiner gottlichen wreath, may not simply have forgotten 
 
 Abstammung erbracht hatte : sie gerade the ring, 
 in der Weise zu liefern, wie sein Gegner
 
 228 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 of myths in prose, or merely floating folk-lore, it is impossible 
 now to say. There is no trace of the ring-motive on the vases, 
 except in one very doubtful instance 1 . In two other particulars 
 also the vases differ from the poem. According to the poem, 
 Amphitrite's gifts are a mantle and a wreath : the vases know 
 only the wreath. Dolphins, according to the poem, convey 
 Theseus to his father's home. This may have been the invention 
 of Bacchylides himself, suggested by the legends of Arion, 
 Enalus, and Phalanthus 2 . On the Euphronius cup and the vase 
 at Bologna it is a Triton who renders this office to his mortal 
 step-brother. 
 
 4. It would seem that after the fifth century B.C. the story 
 told in this poem dropped out of sight. There are only two 
 traces of it in subsequent literature. One is the account, already 
 noticed, given by Pausantas of Micon's painting. The other is a 
 passage in the Poetica Astronomica (ll. 5) ascribed to C. Julius 
 Hyginus, a freedman of Augustus, and director of the Palatine 
 library 3 (founded in 28 B.C.). Hyginus agrees closely with 
 Bacchylides, down to the point at which Theseus reaches the 
 depths : thus he names Eriboea ; he mentions the dolphins ; and 
 he notes that Theseus springs into the sea ' sine tilla precatione 
 ant religione parentis' (i.e. without any prayer, or observance, 
 addressed to Poseidon) 4 . As to the wreath, however, which 
 he describes as 'brilliant with precious stones/ Hyginus says 
 that it was given to Theseus by Thetis. ' Others,' he adds, 
 say that it was a gift from Amphitrite 5 . It has been suggested 6 
 that the principal source of Hyginus was an astronomical epic 
 by Hegesianax of Alexandria Troas (c. 200 B.C.), and that 
 
 1 On the Tricase vase, mentioned * See verses 8 1 84. It has not been 
 above (p. 226, n. 3), Theseus seems to hold noticed (I think) how strongly this detail 
 in his left hand a small object, which some suggests an acquaintance with the text of 
 take to be a box containing the ring : Bacchylides, whether Hyginus knew it 
 others, however, explain it as merely a at first hand, or only through some older 
 fold of drapery brought over the girdle. source. 
 
 2 Arion, Her. I. 24: Enalus, Plut. 5 Alii atitem a Neptuni uxore accepisse 
 Mor. p. 163 A : Phalanthus (the legendary dicunt coronam. 
 
 founder of Tarentum), Pans. 10. 13. 10. 6 By Carl Robert, Eratosthenis Cala- 
 
 3 Suet. De illust. grarnni. 20: Prae- sterismorum relliquiae, pp. 221 ff. (1878): 
 fuil Palatinae bibliothecae. Cp. Suet. Arch. Anzeiger, 1889, p. 142. 
 
 Aug. 29.
 
 ODE XVI. 229 
 
 Hegesianax had used the poem of Bacchylides. But Hyginus 
 had also some secondary source, in which Thetis was substituted 
 for Amphitrite. After the fashion of the later mythographers, 
 he wove the variant into his story, and mentioned the version 
 given by his chief source as a variant. There is no doubt 
 that the Poetica Astronomica was mainly derived from Alex- 
 andrian sources 1 . If, however, Hyginus had no first-hand 
 knowledge of Bacchylides, we must infer that, in this story, 
 the adherence of Hegesianax to Bacchylides had been close. 
 
 5. In this poem Theseus is the son of Poseidon. In that 
 which follows it, he is on his journey to the seat of his putative 
 father, Aegeus, king of Athens. The mythological significance 
 of Theseus, as the embodiment of Ionian adventure and achieve- 
 ment on the sea, is illustrated by the double legend of his 
 paternity. Poseidon and Aegeus were originally identical, 
 Aegeus, ' lord of the waves ' (afye?) 2 , from being a title of 
 Poseidon, became an independent hero, with an Athenian 
 shrine. Aethra, daughter of Pittheus, king of Troezen, an 
 ancient home of Poseidon's worship, was the acknowledged 
 mother of Theseus. But while Athens maintained that his 
 father was Aegeus, Troezen asserted the claim of Poseidon. 
 In the first half of the fifth century, under the patriotic impulse 
 given by the victory at Marathon, followed by the development 
 of Athenian sea-power, the cult of Theseus became prominent 
 at Athens. His temple, the Theseion, was built circ. '474 
 470 B.C. His reputed relics were brought from Scyros by 
 Cimon, and deposited there, in 467. It is not surprising that 
 Theseus should hold a prominent place in the work of an 
 Ionian poet who lived at this period 3 . 
 
 1 Cp. Teuffel, Hist, of Roman Lit. I. Athenian Kv^epvftrris (Phereclus), and 
 257. varied from the usual story by saying 
 
 2 See n. on v. 36. that the sail given to him by Aegeus, to 
 
 3 Simonides, too, wrote on the voyage be hoisted in the event of success, was 
 of Theseus to Crete. His narrative must not white, but red. (Plut. Thes. 17 = 
 have been circumstantial, to judge from Bergk 4 fr. 54.) 
 
 the fact that he knew the name of the
 
 2 3 o INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 ODE XVII. [XVIII.] 
 Theseus. 
 
 I. The youth, already victorious over foes of superhuman 
 strength, is journeying as a stranger to Athens, the home of the 
 father whom he has never seen, the city which is hereafter to 
 know him as the most glorious of her kings. This situation, so 
 suggestive for an Ionian poet, is the true subject of Bacchylides. 
 The brief recital of the young hero's deeds is merely inci- 
 dental. 
 
 A few words will suffice to recall that earlier part of the story 
 which is here presupposed. Pandion, son of Cecrops, had been 
 driven out of Attica by his cousins, the sons of Metion, brother 
 of Cecrops and son of Erechtheus. He went to Megara, where 
 he was made king ; and there Aegeus and three other sons were 
 born to him. After Pandion's death, Aegeus, aided by his three 
 brothers, reconquered Attica, which the four shared among them ; 
 he himself became king of Athens. But he lived in fear of the 
 Pallantidae, the fifty giant sons of his brother Pallas, who had 
 designs on his throne. He was childless ; and on consulting 
 Apollo at Delphi as to his hope of issue, received an obscure 
 response, on which he resolved to seek light from the wise 
 Pittheus, king of Troezen 1 . Pittheus, who divined the meaning 
 of the oracle, was led by it to desire that Theseus should be 
 united with his daughter Aethra ; and he laid his plans accord- 
 ingly 2 . But Aethra had already been visited by the sea-god 
 Poseidon, whom Troezen worshipped ; and he (as the Troeze- 
 nians deemed) was the true father of the son whom she afterwards 
 bore. Before leaving Troezen, Aegeus left with Aethra his 
 
 1 Apollod. 3. 15. 5: Plut. Thes. 3. enjoin continence on Aegeus until he 
 Cp. Eur. Med. 674 686. should have returned to Athens. Pittheus, 
 
 2 Apollod. I.e. /iefltVaj airrbv ry inferring that his guest was not doomed 
 6i"fa.Tpl ffvyKar^KXivev : Plut. I.e. tireurev to be childless, wished that his own house 
 avrbv fj dnjirdrriffe TTJ \t6pq. ffvyyevtffOai. should furnish the heir to the Athenian 
 The purport of the oracle (der/coO rbv throne. 
 
 v6Sa . . /J.T) \ujrjs K.T.\.) was to
 
 ODE XVII. 231 
 
 sandals, and an ivory-hilted sword 1 , charging her to hide these 
 under a hollow rock 2 on a mountain between Troezen and 
 Hermione. When their son should have grown to such strength 
 that he could move the rock, she was to give him these tokens of 
 his birth, and send him to Athens. The day came at last when 
 Aethra brought Theseus, now sixteen years old, to that place in 
 the hills : he moved the great stone with ease ; she gave him the 
 sandals and the sword, and told him that he must now seek his 
 father Aegeus at Athens. She and Pittheus wished him to take 
 ship across the Saronic gulf. But the youth was bent on going 
 by land, though the road was beset with perils. The legend of 
 his journey from Troezen to Athens goes back to a time when 
 lonians were dominant on those coasts. Theseus was the hero 
 who had purged the seaboard of malefactors and monsters, 
 as the security of the route from eastern Thessaly to Delphi was 
 associated with like deeds of Heracles. 
 
 2. The dithyramb of Bacchylides is in four strophes, each 
 of fifteen verses. In the first an unnamed person, who must be 
 conceived as the leader of a chorus of Athenians 3 , asks Aegeus, 
 king of Athens, why a call to arms has just been sounded. 
 The speaker's anxious surmises reflect a time of unrest in Attica, 
 when danger from the Pallantidae was impending. Aegeus 
 replies, in the second strophe, that a messenger 4 from the 
 Isthmus has brought news of wondrous deeds done by an 
 
 1 It seems almost certain that in v. 48 which claimed Theseus as founder. 
 t\e<pavT&Kuiroi> is rightly supplied by 3 Neither of the persons is indicated 
 
 Desrousseaux as an epithet for the sword in the margin of the MS. The Mpiffrov 
 
 carried by Theseus. Ovid (Met. 7. Trp6ffuirov is an Athenian (v. 5 afierepas 
 
 421 ff.) speaks of the sword's 'ivory hilt' xOovb^), and his tone is much like that 
 
 bearing some device which Aegeus recog- of the elders in a tragic chorus (vv. 12 ff., 
 
 nised. Here, then, we should have a 41 ff-)- He represents the folk who in 
 
 slight but sufficient proof that Bacchylides time of perplexity have recourse to their 
 
 knew the story of the irarpfa ffv^oka king, as the afflicted Thebans turn to 
 
 given by Aethra to her son. A pointed Oedipus. 
 
 reference to the youth's irtdi\a was hardly 4 This messenger is designated as 
 
 lobe expected. Kapv^ (v. 17). It does not appear from 
 
 - The ir<h-pa OT/U^WS, which, according the text whether he is so called merely as 
 to Pausanias (2. 32. 7), was formerly being the proclaimer of the tidings, or 
 called the BWMOS ZOeviov At6s. Near it whether he is supposed to be a pro- 
 was the source of the river Taurius fessional 'herald' who had been sent by 
 (afterwards known as the Hyllicus), and Aegeus on some mission to the Isthmus, 
 ashrineof Aphrodite NymphaorNymphia,
 
 232 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 unknown youth, who is now approaching Athens ; and hints 
 that these tidings make him uneasy. In a third strophe, the 
 Chorus-leader asks for some further particulars. The fourth 
 strophe is a short description by Aegeus of the youth's equip- 
 ment and aspect. 
 
 Though the ending might seem somewhat abrupt, the poem 
 is unquestionably complete. Just as in the Antenoridae and in 
 the Heracles, the poet has presented a situation, and his purpose 
 is fulfilled. 
 
 3. Certain points in the mythology are noteworthy. (i)The 
 wife of Pandion and mother of Aegeus, elsewhere called Pylia 1 , 
 is here Creusa, who, in the Attic legend as given by Euripides, 
 is wife of Xuthus and mother of Ion. Bacchylides, whose poem 
 was undoubtedly destined for Athens, would scarcely have 
 made this use of Creusa's name, if he had been aware of any 
 positive Attic tradition which was against it : and we may infer 
 that in his time the tradition had not yet become fixed. 
 
 (2) Diodorus and Plutarch name six victims of Theseus on 
 this journey, Periphetes, Sinis, Phaia, Sciron, Cercyon, Pro- 
 crustes 2 . The ' club-bearing ' Periphetes, slain at Epidaurus, is 
 ignored by Bacchylides, who mentions the five others. This 
 omission might be explained by the fact that the poet's narrative 
 starts only from the Isthmus of Corinth. But it is more probable 
 that, when he wrote, the Epidaurian deed had not yet been 
 included in the cycle. Periphetes is absent, as Carl Robert 
 points out, from the earlier illustrations of the journey in works 
 of art, and first occurs on a vase of which the date is 
 c. 450 440 B.C. 3 . He may have been added in order to bring 
 the number of feats up to six, i.e. half a dodecathlos 4 . 
 
 (3) Theseus is described as having two comrades (verse 46). 
 It seems probable that the allusion is to Peirithous and 
 Phorbas, whom some vase-paintings associate with Theseus in 
 
 1 See note on v. 15. Hofer accepts Robert's view: see esp. 
 
 2 Diod. IV. 59: Plut. Thes. 8 11. pp. 1276^ 
 
 3 Hermes vol. xxxm. pp. 149 f. The * Epidaurus would be a natural choice 
 vase, now at Munich, is given by Gerhard, for the scene of the additional feat, as no 
 Auserl. gr. Vas.^ 232, 233 nr. 2: Jahn, other adventure occurs in the compara- 
 nr. 372, p. 119: etc. In his careful lively long interval between Troezen and 
 article on Periphetes in Roscher'sZ^.r/^w, the Isthmus.
 
 ODE XVII. 
 
 233 
 
 the act of carrying off the Amazon Antiope. There is also a 
 vase which gives him two companions in his encounter with 
 Sinis and with Procrustes 1 . Now the presence of such supporters 
 is distinctly alien from the spirit of the original legend. The 
 very essence of that legend is that the youth is alone on his 
 perilous journey, as he appears in the sculptures of the Theseion' 2 . 
 A vase-painter might introduce other figures for the sake of 
 balance or symmetry in his scheme, and would naturally select 
 heroes associated with Theseus in his later deeds : but such an 
 addition betrays the instinct of a painter rather than that of 
 a poet. The agreement of Bacchylides with the vases in this 
 detail is all the more significant. He was influenced by those 
 versions of current myths which the vase-painters popularized, 
 and which, within certain limits, they could modify by introducing 
 traits suited to the peculiar requirements of their own art. 
 
 4. A special interest belongs to this poem as the only extant 
 example of a dithyramb in the form of a dialogue. Aristotle 
 traces the origin of tragedy to the leader of the dithyramb 
 (6 egdpxwv rov &i0vpafj,/3ov). It cannot be doubted that in the 
 early dithyramb there was some element of dialogue between 
 leader and chorus, the subject being the fortunes of Dionysus, or 
 of a hero. Thespis is said to have introduced an actor, 
 distinct from the chorus-leader, who could give a distinctly 
 dramatic character to the part formerly taken by the leader. 
 The word for 'actor,' vTrotcpirr/s, is usually explained as the 
 ' answerer,' because his recitals were elicited by the inquiries of 
 the chorus, just as, in mature tragedy, a question by the 
 chorus often gives the cue for a narrative. In this poem of 
 Bacchylides, the chorus interrogates Aegeus, and he is the 
 'answerer.' But the tradition of dialogue is presumably the 
 only link between the early dithyramb, from which tragedy 
 originated, and this dithyramb written by Bacchylides in days 
 when Attic tragedy was mature. The coryphaeus and Aegeus 
 have alternate strophes of equal length. A result is that, while 
 the questions of the coryphaeus are somewhat diffuse, the replies 
 
 1 Robert in Hermes xxxni. p. 150: (Jahn). 
 
 WeizsackeronPeirithousinRoscher'sZ^. 2 Baumeister, Denkm. vol. in. pp. 
 
 p. 1783: Ar(h- Zfit- 23 (1865), fig. 195 1779 ff - 
 
 J. B. l6
 
 234 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 of Aegeus are closely packed. It is not to be supposed that 
 the older type of dithyramb was on such a model. This 
 artificial structure has the stamp of developed lyric art, and, in 
 the case of dialogue, is suited only to a poem on a small scale. 
 Bacchylides is seen here, not as the inheritor of the old 
 dithyramb, but rather as a precursor of the new. He illustrates 
 a tendency in form which was carried much further by dithy- 
 rambic poets in the latter part of the fifth century. The most 
 prominent of these was Philoxenus (c. 435 380 B.C.), in whose 
 hands the dithyramb, with florid music and scenic accessories, 
 approximated to the character of opera. One of his pieces, the 
 Cyclops, is parodied by Aristophanes in a passage of the Plutus 1 . 
 
 5. The subject, and the reference to Athens at the close, 
 make it probable that this dithyramb of Bacchylides was performed 
 by an Athenian chorus at an Athenian festival. Two of the 
 principal occasions on which dithyrambic contests took place 
 were the Great Dionysia, towards the end of March, and the 
 Thargelia, towards the end of May". At the Great Dionysia, 
 there was a competition between five cyclic choruses of boys, 
 and another between five such choruses of men. Each of these 
 ten choruses represented one of the ten Attic tribes, which 
 furnished the choregus, and all the fifty choreutae. 
 
 The Thargelia was a festival in honour of Apollo and 
 Artemis, especially as deities who bless the fruits of the earth 
 (0ap<yrj\t,a\ The first day was devoted to certain expiatory rites : 
 on the second, there was a contest of cyclic choruses. Now the 
 expiatory rites of the Thargelia were said to have been founded 
 by Theseus, when he visited the temple of Apollo Delphinius 
 
 1 Ar. Plut. 290 315. Carion per- 2 The Great Dionysia, Thargelia, 
 senates Polyphemus, while the Chorus Prometheia, and Hephaisteia are men- 
 are his sheep (a parody, as the scholia tioned in Corp. Inscr. Gr. no. 213 as 
 attest, on the Cyclops of Philoxenus, from festivals at which dithyrambic contests 
 which some of the words are taken) : then took place. From Dem. /;/ Mid. % 10 
 he is Circe, and the chorus are swine. it appears that there was then no dithy- 
 Carion and the Chorus sing alternate rambic contest at the Lenaea. At the 
 strophes of equal length, as do the persons Oschophoria in Pyanepsion (October) the 
 in the dithyramb of Bacchylides. But memory of Theseus, the reputed founder, 
 we cannot be sure that this feature of the was honoured : but there seems to be no 
 parody was taken from the dithyramb of evidence for a contest of cyclic choruses 
 Philoxenus. on that occasion.
 
 ODES XVII, XVIII. 235 
 
 at Athens before his departure for Crete 1 . A dithyramb relating 
 to Theseus would therefore have been especially appropriate at 
 the Thargelia. But, whatever the occasion of performance may 
 have been, this vivid little poem would doubtless have been 
 welcome to an Athenian audience. 
 
 ODE XVIII. [XIX.] 
 lo. For the Athenians. 
 
 r. The reference at the close to Dionysus and his cyclic 
 choruses clearly indicates a dithyramb ; and the place of per- 
 formance was Athens (v. 10). lo was the mythical ancestress 
 of Dionysus, the stemma being as follows : 
 
 Inachus + Melia (daughter of Oceanus) 
 
 lo + Zeus 
 
 Epaphus + Memphis 
 Libya + Poseidon 
 
 Agenor (Phoenician) + Telephassa Belus (Assyrian) + Anchinoe 
 
 Cadmus + Hartnonia . 1 1 
 
 Semele + Zeus Aegyptus Danaus 
 
 Dionysus 
 
 Aeschylus, in his Supplices (c. 491 490 B.C. ?) and Prometheus 
 Vinctus (probably later than 468), is the oldest authority for the 
 lo-myth. The maiden lo, daughter of the Argive king Inachus, 
 and priestess of the Argive Hera (Suppl. 291), was urged in 
 repeated dreams to visit the meadow by the marsh of Lerna, 
 where she was destined to receive the embraces of Zeus. Her 
 troubled father consulted the oracles at Delphi and Dodona. 
 At first the responses were dark : but in the end Apollo clearly 
 commanded him, on pain of destruction, to turn her out of 
 house and home. He obeyed ; for Zeus was driving him (Prom. 
 V. 671). Then the god's wrathful wife, Hera, whom lo had 
 
 1 A. Mommsen, Heortol. p. 421 : Preller, Gr. Myth. p. 209. Plut. Thes. 18.
 
 236 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 once served, transformed her into a cow (Suppl. 299) 1 , and sent 
 the hundred-eyed Argus to watch her. But Zeus sent Hermes ; 
 and by some sudden doom the lo of Aeschylus does not define 
 it (Prom. V. 698 f.) Argus perished. Even then lo was not 
 free : Hera's malice still pursued her. Vexed by a gad-fly 
 (otarpos), she roamed from land to land. At last Zeus guided 
 her steps to the Nile. There, by his touch (eVa^/?), she was 
 restored to the human form, and bore Epaphus, destined to be 
 lord of Egypt and founder of a mighty race. 
 
 The conception of the transformed lo in mythology and art 
 exhibits three phases. (i) In the earliest, she is a white cow 
 or heifer. (2) In the second, which dates from the early part 
 of the fifth century, she is a maiden with the horns of a cow, 
 the fiovfcepax; irapdevos of Aeschylus (Prom. V. 588). The 
 dramatist himself may have been responsible, at least in part, 
 for this compromise ; which was, indeed, inevitable, if lo was to 
 be brought on the scene as a speaking person. The language of 
 Bacchylides (verses 16 18) rather suggests that such an image 
 was in his mind. (3) In the third and latest phase, lo is once 
 more depicted as a white cow 2 . 
 
 2. Nothing could be slighter than the treatment of lo's story 
 by our poet, who scarcely fulfils the promise of his exordium. It 
 will be noticed that his hesitation between the different traditions 
 as to the death of Argus (vv. 29 36) is illustrated by the 
 mysterious vagueness of Aeschylus on that subject (Pr. V. 
 698 f.). Evidently lo interests Bacchylides chiefly as the 
 ancestress of Dionysus ; the god's birth is the climax towards 
 which he hastens. 
 
 Is the poem, as we have it, complete? It ends with the I5th 
 line of an epode, and with a completed sense. That epode 
 cannot have been much longer, or its length would be dispro- 
 portionate to that of the strophe (18 lines). If, then, any 
 considerable part of the poem has been lost, that part must have 
 contained not less than 5 1 verses ; and, since we have now taken 
 leave of lo, they must have been occupied with Dionysus. 
 
 1 According to another version it was (Apollod. i. i. 3). 
 Zeus who transformed lo ; then Hera 2 See Appendix on v. 16. 
 
 obtained the cow as a gift from him
 
 ODES XVIII, XIX. 2 57 
 
 That is possible ; but it seems hardly probable. Having regard 
 to the author's manner of breaking off other poems of this class 
 (as XV and XVli), we might well suppose that the lo is 
 complete as it stands. 
 
 ODE XIX. [XX.] 
 Idas. For the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 i. Only the first eleven verses remain. 'The maidens of 
 Lacedaemon sang such a song as this, when Idas was bringing 
 home Marpessa, after escaping death by the help of Poseidon ' ; 
 such is their purport. 
 
 Idas, son of the Messenian Aphareus and Arene, was a 
 suitor for Marpessa, daughter of Evenus, king of Pleuron in 
 Aetolia. Evenus compelled every suitor to contend with him, 
 and slew those whom he vanquished. Already he had covered 
 the roof of Poseidon's temple with the skulls of his victims 1 . 
 But Poseidon furnished Idas with a chariot drawn by winged 
 steeds 2 ; and in this, after defeating Evenus, he carried off 
 Marpessa. Evenus pursued the fugitives as far as the Aetolian 
 river Lycormas ; but, finding that he could not overtake them, 
 slew his horses, and drowned himself in the torrent, which 
 thenceforth bore his name 3 . Idas brought Marpessa to his 
 home ; which the older form of the legend placed in Messenia 4 . 
 Apollo, enamoured of Marpessa, carried her off 5 from her 
 husband ; but the undaunted Idas bent his bow against the 
 
 1 Bacchylides mentioned that detail, legend of the rape by Apollo, and of 
 no doubt in this poem: see n. on v. 7, her agonized cry, in memory of which 
 and fr. 49 (= 61 Bergk). her daughter Cleopatra had been called 
 
 2 He gave like aid to Pelops, in 'A\Kv6vrj. (There was a belief that the 
 carrying off Hippodameia from Oenomaus female halcyon, when separated from the 
 (Find. O. I. 86 f.). male, continually utters a plaintive cry.) 
 
 3 See n. on XV. 34. Cp. //. 9. 564 K\CU', ore fuv &cde/xyoj 
 
 4 At Arene, mentioned along with dv^pwaffe etc. : Paus. 5. 18. 3 (inscription 
 Pylos in //. 2. 591. Aphareus came on Cypselus-chest)'I5aj M.dpjri]ffffa.v ATO\- 
 ' Aprivrjdev (Ap. Rhod. 1. 152). In Apollod. \i<r<j>vpov , aa> oi 'AinSXXwx | dpirafff, rdi> eV 
 i. 7. 8 Idas brings Marpessa els MeinrTjj'T/p. vaov dyet ird\n> OVK d^Kovffav. (Apollo is 
 Theocr. xxn. 208 MecTo-di/ios "Idas. there supposed to have placed her for 
 
 5 Folk-lore connected the name Map- safety in his temple, pending the issue of 
 -irrjffffa with the words /*' apiraffe, 'he his strife with Idas.) 
 
 has carried me off ! ' Hence the
 
 238 INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES, 
 
 archer-god. Zeus interfered, and gave Marpessa her choice 
 between her two lovers. She chose the mortal, fearing lest the 
 god might forsake her when she grew old 1 . 
 
 2. The nature of this poem, when it was entire, can only 
 be conjectured from the opening words : 
 
 TTOT ev 
 
 roiovSe /ieXo? K\opai 
 
 the maidens sang ' such a song as this' We are reminded of the 
 hymenaeus with which, in the Birds of Aristophanes (1731 ff.), 
 the Chorus welcome the newly-married Peithetaerus and Basileia, 
 where the rhythm is somewhat similar : 
 
 TTOT 
 
 dpovcov 
 
 Motpat 
 
 9 t/v* / > f 
 
 (a I/jievai a>. 
 
 There, the words roteSS' vpevalw are immediately followed by 
 the refrain itself. But here Bacchylides proceeds to explain the 
 occasion of the maidens' song, 
 
 or ayero Ka\\i7rd[paov 
 Kopav 0paa-VKdp[8io<; "ISa? 
 
 when Idas was bringing Marpessa home, after escaping death at 
 the hands of Evenus. The poet's prefatory outline of the story 
 has not yet been finished when, at the eleventh verse, our 
 fragment breaks off: how much more space was given to it, we 
 cannot tell. But, at any rate, when this introductory passage 
 was complete, the poet much have returned to the theme 
 announced at the outset, roiovSe /zeXo9 tcopai vpvevv. If those 
 words could mean merely that the subject of the maidens' song 
 was the exploit of Idas, then, indeed, we might suppose that the 
 rest of the poem consisted in the poet's own narrative of the 
 deed. But manifestly the phrase roiovBe /teXo? promises that the 
 poem is to give us some idea of the manner in which they sang. 
 
 1 Simonides ap. schol. //. 9. 556 = fr. 216 Bergk : Apollod. i. 7. 9.
 
 ODE XIX. 239 
 
 A chant of welcome by maidens to a newly-married couple on 
 their home-coming would necessarily have the character of 
 a hymeneal strain. The eighteenth Idyll of Theocritus is an 
 epithalamium for Helen and Menelaus, sung by twelve Spartan 
 maidens at the doors of the bridal chamber. Its themes are, 
 praise of the peerless bride, congratulations to the bridegroom, 
 and good wishes for their future. The song of the maidens for 
 Idas and Marpessa need not be conceived as an epithalamium 
 sung outside the thalamos. But at least it must have been 
 somewhat in the style and tone of a hymenaeus : it must have 
 had some reference to the nuptials. This would by no means 
 preclude interwoven allusions to the details of the adventure by 
 which the bridegroom had won the bride. We might conjecture, 
 then, that the framework of the piece was of the following kind, 
 (i) Bacchylides began with a short sketch of the story, sufficient 
 to orientate his hearers. (2) Then he returned to the song of 
 the maidens. They greeted Idas and Marpessa with a joyous 
 nuptial strain, interspersed with references to the hero's contest 
 with Evenus, to his escape with his bride in the winged chariot, 
 and to the fate of the baffled pursuer at the Lycormas. The 
 poem of Bacchylides could not, of course, be classed as a 
 v/jievaios. It was a free effort of lyric fancy in the treatment of 
 the myth, so planned as to form a setting for the hymeneal song 
 of the maidens. 
 
 3. One point, which is of some mythological and even 
 historical interest, comes out clearly. The home to which Lace- 
 daemonian maidens welcome Idas must be in Lacedaemon. Now 
 Idas and his brother Lynceus, the Apharetidae, were originally 
 Messenian heroes. As is indicated by the name Avjfcevs, they were 
 primarily Messenian gods of light, as the Dioscuri were at Sparta 1 . 
 The best known episode in the story of the Apharetidae is their 
 deadly feud with the Dioscuri. Pindar is our oldest source for 
 it (Nem. X. 6072). The Dioscuri carry off the cattle of the 
 Apharetidae. Idas slays Castor. Both the Messenian brothers 
 are then pursued by Polydeuces, who overtakes them at the 
 tomb of their father Aphareus. He there slays Lynceus, while 
 
 1 See the article ' Idas ' by Weizsacker in Roscher's Lexikon n. 98.
 
 24 o INTRODUCTIONS TO THE ODES. 
 
 Idas perishes by the thunderbolt of Zeus 1 . Whether that 
 legend was shaped on the west or on the east of Mount 
 Taygetus, the sentiment which animates it reflects the history of 
 Spartan conquest. The cause of the Messenian brethren is 
 overthrown ' at the paternal tomb,' on the sacred soil of their 
 fatherland ; and the Spartan heroes, who have been the aggres- 
 sors, gain a victory which Zeus confirms. Yet, before the 
 beginning of the fifth century, the Apharetidae had been 
 annexed by the mythology of Lacedaemon. Simonides is said 
 to have described Idas as a Lacedaemonian ; though he mentioned 
 Arene in Messenia as the place where Apollo sought to deprive 
 him of Marpessa 2 . Pausanias saw a tomb of Idas and Lynceus 
 at Sparta, near the rotunda called the Skias 3 . He observes 
 that, according to a more probable account, they were buried in 
 Messenia ; and adds a pertinent remark. The overthrow and 
 exile of the Messenians had, he says, left their local traditions at 
 the mercy of any neighbours who wished to appropriate them. 
 Indeed, during the interval between the Spartan capture of 
 Eira, about 668 B.C., and the rebuilding of Messene in 369, the 
 name of Messenia, as a distinct country, was virtually blotted 
 out. That is the historical significance of the fact that Simonides 
 and Bacchylides could make Idas a Lacedaemonian. 
 
 1 Theocritus (xxn. 137 213) varies that, according to the scholiast, Simonides 
 the details. The cause of the quarrel is named 'Oprvylav rriv ev XaX5i, instead 
 that the Dioscuri have carried off the of Pleuron, as the place from which Idas 
 daughters of Leucippus, to whom the carried off Marpessa. 
 
 Apharetidae were betrothed. At the 3 Paus. 3. 13. i : cp. E. Curtius, 
 
 tomb of Aphareus, Castor slays Lynceus, Pelop. n. 220. Lycophron (559) places 
 
 while Polydeuces merely looks on. Idas the tomb of the Apharetidae at Amyclae, 
 
 (as with Pindar) is smitten by Zeus. some three miles s. of Sparta. Ovid 
 
 Theocritus had to provide an dpiffrda for (Fasti 5. 708) mentions the Laconian 
 
 Castor, as the first part of this Idyll had Aphidna as the scene of the strife be- 
 
 told how Polydeuces vanquished Amycus. tween the Apharetidae and the Dioscuri. 
 
 He makes the Apharetidae first cousins He follows Theocritus in representing the 
 
 of the Dioscuri (Aphareus having been Leucippides as the cause of the quarrel ; 
 
 a brother of Tyndareus) : v. 1 70. and Aphidna was their home. Cp. Steph. 
 
 2 Simonides fr. 216. The Homeric Byz. s.v. : "Afadva drjfj.os 'ATTIKTJS- fffn icai 
 scholiast's summary of that poet's story ACIK&W/O)*, oOev r/aav al AfVKLTnridfs K.T.\. 
 begins thus: "Idas, 6 'A^ap^wj /j.tv TTCUS Hyginus (Poet. Astron. II. 22) also says, 
 KO.T 4iriK\i]ffiv, 761/05 5^ Tloffetduvos, Aa*e- in oppido Aphidnis (so Lemaire, for 
 5cu/x6f<.os 5e TO ytvos. It is remarkable Ariadnis),
 
 BAKXYAI AOY 
 
 AEI YANA 
 
 J. B.
 
 ETTINIKOI. 
 
 I. 
 
 <APFEIQI KEIQI 
 TTAIAI TTYKTHI IZ0MIA> 
 
 ****** 
 
 4 . . cr rpircura /xe[ 
 s dfjiepa MtVoj? dp[rjo 
 
 f>1)\V 
 
 5 7 vavcri TrevTTJKOvTa <rvv 
 
 trrp. r'. ' Atos Eu/cXetou Se 
 
 2 rt 
 
 3 Aegif 
 
 4 /cat \F)oL \lrrev rj/jno'v Xaa)f, 
 10 5 cLvopas ctp>itu)tAou5, 
 
 I. 1 19 This fragment, representing 19 verses, is fr. i in Kenyon's ed. princeps 
 (p. 194). The column of the papyrus to which it belonged immediately preceded that 
 with which the continuous text now begins. Verse i was the 3rd of an epode, and, 
 according to Blass, the iiith of the Ode: see Appendix. Verse 19 was the 
 6th of an antistrophe. After it, 9 verses have been lost from the bottom of the 
 
 I. 2 TpiTaT<ji. The passage which im- 
 mediately preceded these verses probably 
 described how Zeus and Apollo, coming 
 to Ceos in human guise, were hospitably 
 received by Dexithea and her sisters. 
 (See Appendix.) One of the two gods 
 may have predicted the high destiny 
 which was in store for the maiden. 
 TpLTaTa.dfj.6pa is presumably the third 
 day after the divine visit. What letter 
 followed |i, is wholly uncertain. If it 
 was T, (itrd Keivav would be possible: 
 if v, 
 
 3 dp..s- If the second letter was p, 
 the word was probably dprjios, scanned 
 as dp-fjos. Such a scansion of dp-^tos does 
 not occur elsewhere; but Theognis (552) 
 has Si}luv (5ywv). Dialect forbids d'petos. 
 The other possibilities are apto-ros and 
 apwyos, but neither is so fitting. 
 
 4 aloXoTrpv|j.vois (only here), ' with 
 glittering sterns ' (cp. the Homeric cu'oXo- 
 ftlrprjs;), referring to the gilding or 
 painting of the ornamental a<f>\acrrov, 
 the high curved stern of the ship (//. 15. 
 717, = a.Kpa. K6pvfj.j3a of //. 9. 241). Cp.
 
 ODES OF VICTORY. 
 
 I. 
 
 For Argeius of Ceos, victor in the boys' boxing-match 
 at the Isthmus. 
 
 On the third day thereafter came warlike Minos, bringing epode 5. 
 a Cretan host, in fifty ships with gleaming sterns : 
 
 and by the favour of Zeus who gives glory, he wedded the str. 6. 
 deep-girdled maiden Dexithea ; and left with her the half of 
 his folk, warriors 
 
 same column ; viz., vv. 7 and 8 of that antistrophe, and the whole of an epode. 
 
 The continuous text then begins in a new column with iroX v fiaffv-, the first verse 
 
 of a strophe. 
 
 1 a<j>6e. Doubtful: only traces of the lower portions of the letters remain. 
 2 The faint traces of a letter before TPITO.TQ suit <r. It can hardly have been v. The 
 letter after pe may have been T or v. 3 AP...C. The traces of the letter after A 
 suit P best, but would also be consistent with F or II (ap-fiios Blass : ayav6s Platt). 
 S . ESI9EAN. The N was at first A. 
 
 Soph. Ph. 343 vrjl 7roiKtXo(rr6X<^, a ship 
 * with gaily decked prow.' 
 
 5 vaucrl ..6(j.CXo>. The MS. wrongly 
 divides this verse into two, the first ending 
 with ffvv. It does not, however, so divide 
 the corresponding verses, 51 and 70. 
 
 6 f. Aios EvK\tov. Zeus Etf/cXetos is 
 here the god by whose grace the union of 
 Minos with Dexithea is effected. The 
 epithet suggests the renown which might 
 commend the warrior to the maiden, and 
 also the glory which was in store for their 
 offspring. But some further associations . 
 were probably blended with this thought. 
 Among the Boeotians and Locrians Ar- 
 temis Etf/tXeta, the virgin goddess of fair 
 fame, received offerings from brides and 
 bridegrooms before marriage (Plutarch 
 Aristid. 20, /3w/xos yap avrr/ nal aya\fj,a 
 Kara iracrav dyopav idpvrai, /cat 
 
 atfri} at yattotifjievai Kal oi ya^ovvres). 
 Again, Efl/cXeta is found associated with 
 HfiOd) (C. I. Gr. 8364). There was a 
 Corinthian festival called E0/cXeta (Xen. 
 H. IV. 4 2), though we do not know to 
 what deity it p2rtained. EflxXetos is not 
 elsewhere found as a title of Zeus. It 
 occurs as the name of a month in the 
 Corcyraean calendar (cp. Boeckh C. I. n. 
 
 P- 93); 
 
 (F)tKaTi, by grace of: cp. v. 33 f. 
 The MS. divides the verses wrongly, 
 giving -/cart to v. 7. It has the same 
 metrical error in the corresponding places, 
 vv. 23 f., 37 f., 52 f., 60 f. : see also n. on 
 16. 
 
 9 Foi, lit. ' for her,' i.e., to protect her. 
 This form occurs eight times in the odes, 
 and always with /". 
 
 172
 
 244 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 air. r. 
 15 
 
 6 Tolcriv Tro\vKpr)[Jivoi> y 
 
 7 vet/xas d-TroTTXeaw VX T ' 
 
 8 KVOMTOV l/JiepTOLV TTO\IV 
 
 /SacriXet"? 
 Se/carw 8' 
 
 Te ']' c ' 
 
 Col. 
 
 aXXa]ai> Ovyarpes 
 
 30 2 eXov' [e/c ret]? 
 3 7 
 4 
 s $i/,oV ewf, oTTore 
 
 'Apyeto? 
 $iy/,o[V e^ 
 
 yeo? 
 
 14 Ei}pa>jTia5as Blass 2 . 17 The MS. has eicvdt: Blass 2 ascribes to it CKV&I: 
 
 but there is no trace which warrants the assumption of 'i. 2O AN] The v 
 
 alone is certain, (ay K.: eSx Bl. 2 , who suggests K]e5-[.). 
 
 ****** 
 28 ai> 6vya.rps fr. 34 K., placed here by Blass, the colour and shape of 
 
 11 iroXvKpTiiivov x^ova. Ceos is a 
 mountainous island, the highest summit 
 (now Hagios Elias) being near the site 
 of lulis, the birthplace of Bacchylides. 
 The ridges which traverse it, like those in 
 some adjacent islands, are a prolongation, 
 in a S.E.s. direction, of the range in 
 which the Attic peninsula terminates at 
 Sunium. 
 
 13 Kvcoo-ov, with a single <r, is the 
 more correct form. The MS. has KVUCTCTOV 
 here, but KVUVIOV in XVI. i 20. In Soph. 
 Ai. 699 the Laurentian gives Kvuffia, 
 while most of the other MSS. have 
 Kvdoaffia.. IfMprav Tr6A.iv. Greek legend 
 associated the embellishment of Cnosus 
 with works wrought by Daedalus for 
 Minos and his family. The recent ex- 
 cavations have shown that Minoan 
 Cnosus was a seat of rulers, whose 
 palaces were adorned with works of an 
 advanced art, at a period which Mr Arthur 
 Evans would place c. 2500 15008.0. 
 
 14 The MS. has ETPQ1IIA, the final A 
 
 having been made from A. We must 
 therefore read EvptotridSas. The normal 
 patronymic would be Eu/jojTrtS^s : but the 
 irregular formation, prompted by metrical 
 convenience, is analogous to that of 
 ~Ka\Kudoi>Tid8r)s (II. i. 541) for XaAioo- 
 dovrid-ys, and Te\a/j.wvid5T)s (ib. 9. 623) 
 for TeXa^wtST/s : see n. on Soph. Ph. 
 1333. 
 
 15 StKcrnt). Before this word, two or 
 three letters are lost in the MS. These 
 may have been the -as or -5as of Etfpw- 
 irtaSas, carried over from v. 15. Another 
 possibility is that ry, eV, or avv had been 
 interpolated before Senary. The division 
 between the first and second verses of the 
 . strophe and of the antistrophe is wrong 
 throughout in the MS. : see on /Varan in 
 v. 6. 
 
 Evgavriov : see Appendix. 
 
 17 Kenyon supplies Kovpa : Blass, 
 vvjufxi.. The fact that nbpav has occurred 
 in 7 is of no weight; Bacchylides, like 
 other Greek poets of his age, is not
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 245 
 
 to whom he gave the rocky land, ere he sailed away to Cnosus, 
 lovely city, 
 
 that king born of Europa. And in the tenth month the maiden ant. 6. 
 with beautiful locks bore Euxantius, to be lord of the glorious 
 isle. 
 
 ****** 
 
 the daughters (of Damon) had changed (their old abode) s tr. 7. 
 
 for the city steeped in sunshine. From that city sprang Argeius,- 
 strong of hand, with the dauntless heart of a lion, whenever 
 
 the fragment being suitable. 29 f. The second word of v. 29 ended in N, 
 
 and must have been an epithet of irbXiv (such as ifieprdv). AEIEAO] The first e has 
 been added by a corrector. Before MEN there is a slight trace which would suit 
 either C or T. 32 The letter after APFEI is lost in the rent of the MS., but a 
 
 faint trace points to 0. 
 
 careful to avoid repetition of a word. 
 K6pa or Kovpa (usually 'a maiden,' Soph. 
 Tr. 536 n.) is applicable to a young wife 
 and mother, though, in such a case, her 
 father is usually named : e.g. v. 137 
 Qeerriov Kovpa (Althaea), XVI. 31 f. $oivi- 
 Kos...Kopa (Europa): //. 6. 247 Kovpduv, 
 Priam's married daughters (Ilpid/uoio 
 standing in v. 246). Bacchylides uses 
 icbpa. or Kovpa some 18 times, but vu^a. 
 (as it happens) nowhere. And once, at 
 least, he uses K6pa where vvufa would be 
 more fitting, viz. in XIX. 4 f., or dyero 
 Ka\\nrdpaov \ Kopav Bpaffvicdpdios "I5aj. 
 Yet there is, I think, one reason for 
 preferring vvfj.<pa here. A measurement 
 of the space in the papyrus between 
 eicvSt and the point where the verse 
 began shows that vv/jufta 0ep- suits this 
 space (N and M being broad letters), while 
 Kovpa <ptp- would be somewhat too short. 
 
 <j>pK\>S"i vdo-w (Blass) : as in XII. 183 
 the poet calls Aegina (ptpenvftta. va.<rov. 
 The adj. is not found elsewhere. Each 
 of the corresponding verses (9, 32, 40, 55, 
 63) ends with a long syllable. 
 
 18 Trpuraviv : a term applied in xvni. 
 43 to Epaphus, ' lord ' of the Egyptians. 
 The lost word may have been an epithet 
 (as noipiSiov). 
 
 28 ff. aXXo|av Ou-yarpes- This is the 
 point at which the poet linked on his 
 myth the story of Dexithea to his 
 immediate theme, the victory of Argeius. 
 The family of Argeius evidently belonged 
 to the Cean town called Koprj<r<r6s or 
 Kopr)<ria, which was on the coast, near 
 
 the port of lulis (Strabo X. 486: A. 
 Pridik De Cei rebus p. 7). In a fragment 
 belonging to an earlier part of this ode 
 (13 K.), one of Dexithea's sisters proposes 
 that they shall leave their dpxaiav vo\iv 
 for a new abode by the sea, open to 
 the atfyats deXi'of (see Appendix). A 
 local legend doubtless connected the 
 name K.oprjcr(r6s with the migration of 
 the Af6pot. It seems almost certain that 
 in the verses lost between 19 and 28 the 
 poet mentioned or indicated Kopri<Tff&s, 
 adding that it was so called, 'because (or 
 after) the daughters (of Damon) had 
 migrated to that sunny loam. Thence 
 sprang Argeius ,' etc. 
 
 po.0v8euX.ov (found only here) probably 
 means 'steeped in sunshine.' ei/3eieXos, 
 of which the Homeric sense is ' far-seen,' 
 appears to mean ' sunny ' in Pind. P. IV. 
 76 (as an epithet of lolcus), and may have 
 that meaning in 0. I. r 1 1 (as an epithet 
 of the Kpoviov at Olympia). So the author 
 of the Hymn to Apollo (438) speaks of 
 'Kpiffrjv vdeif\ov d/j.irf\6e<Tffai>. 
 
 31 KapTpoxip, like 0pa.ff<JX et P* m 
 II. 4, indicates that the victory of Argeius 
 was gained in boxing, or perhaps in the 
 pancration (boxing and wrestling). 
 
 32 'Apycios ~-~ XCOVTOS. We might 
 supply tvv re or dei re, the re answering 
 to that after iroffffiv in 35. Or d*/iara, 
 'stubborn': Soph. Ant. 352 oCpetfo T 
 aKfj.fJTa ravpov (with initial a). L. Barnett 
 suggests 6X010 : but 6Xds rests only on the 
 doubtful (3 6X^ datpov in Alcman fr. 55 ( J 
 'Xe Bergk. oDXe?).
 
 246 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 45 eV. 
 
 Tt 
 
 35 7 
 
 s T' ou/c [ctTTOKXapos 
 
 2 ^bs 'A7ro[XXw^ 
 
 3 a//.<i T' laropia. 
 
 4 4 ^eivajv re fyiXdvopi Ti/j,a 
 
 5 et> Se Xa^wi' Xaptrw^ 
 
 6 TroXXots re $au/Aa<r$ei9 
 
 7 aiiov eXvcrev, TrevTe TTCU- 
 
 s Sas fJL.ya.iviJTOV<s XITTOJI/. 
 
 O.VT evtpyecnav, XLirapajv r aX- 
 
 34 The letter A has been deleted before XPE. After E there is a trace^of an accent, 
 consistent with either & ( = el, p. 137), or ei. The letters BOAOI are certain. 
 
 34 xpcto's Ti...|xa^as, some need of, 
 occasion for, fight ; some call to it. Ar. 
 Afh. 454 ET. Tt 5', w rdXas, <re rovS' %x el 
 P^ os ; Bion fr. 13. T. /j.rjd' eVt 
 fiXXw XP^O 
 
 oi (Aesch. 77/. 352 
 <f>poi>Ti), ' encountered him ' (Ar- 
 geius). Cp. Eur. /. T. 874 T/S Ti/x a M ot 
 ffvyKVpTfjfffi ; Soph. ^4z'. 313 Trap r6 
 ffwrvxov Trci^os. Plut. .$><//. 2 ffwrjv- 
 rrifffv atrip r6 TOIOVTOV. The optative of 
 indefinite frequency in past time is cor- 
 rect, since the principal verb frrXero is 
 in a past tense, and 0v(xov %\tav = 6s 
 8v/j.6v flxt (not x et )- These verses 
 (30 36) contain a retrospect of the 
 qualities shown by Argeius from early 
 boyhood, before his success at the 
 Isthmus. Next comes the eulogy of his 
 deceased father (37 44), and then the 
 reference to the Isthmian victory (45 48). 
 The MS. has -(3oXoi: but we should expect 
 -poXe'oi. The contraction may be due to 
 a transcriber. 
 
 Since \pei- is no less possible than 
 XP-. we might also suggest xP ' at(n 
 ffvfi(io\ol yuax< : ' when he (Argeius) 
 encountered the stress of fight' (Arist. 
 Pol. VI. 8. 14 ray TroXe/uiKas X/ 56 ' 05 
 Scph. Ai. 963 iv XP '9 Sopos). See 
 Appendix. 
 
 35 38 \a<{>p6s is better than eXa4>pois 
 here. irarpitav ... KaXiGv, 'his father's 
 noble qualities' (iraTpiuv irarp^uv), 
 'all those which Apollo gave to Pan- 
 theides.' The meaning is that Argeius, 
 as a boy, showed the promise of such 
 mental gifts as made his father an eminent 
 physician (v. 39), while he also mani- 
 fested that kindly and generous disposi- 
 tion which marked his father's hospitality 
 (v. 40). For airoKXapos (Housman), cp. 
 Find. P. V. 54. ( Blass- reads K arena xwra. 1 !, 
 a form which does not seem to occur, 
 though Aesch. Ag. 1363 has Ka.ra.ia-^vvr-^p.') 
 Note the following points. (i) The 
 reference to the origin of Argeius in 
 v. 30 (fK ras fjxv 7^0^^) is clearly the 
 first which occurred ii^mi ode ; and the 
 mention of Pantheides ' n \k 37 is also 
 probably the first. Hence^here is a 
 presumption that Trarpiuv announced his 
 relationship to Argeius. (2) TOO-O, as 
 relative pron. in v. 37 is illustrated by 
 xv. n, where TOCO, must be the relative 
 to which $.vdea. in v. 9 is antecedent. 
 Cp. r6()i in ill. 19 as=*where.' [This 
 use of r6ffos is, however, rare, except 
 where another rieros precedes, as in Pind. 
 
 JV. IV. 4 f. OV5 6fp/ULOV iJSwp TOffOV yf /J.O.X- 
 
 6a.Ka Tfvxei | 7wa, rixraov evXoyia : Callim. 
 ApolL. 93 ovSe TroXei Tier' Hveifj.fi' 6(pe\ffL/j.a,
 
 I] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 247 
 
 a call to fight came upon him, swift of foot, and not without a 
 portion in his father's noble gifts, 
 
 those which Apollo, glorious archer, bestowed on Pantheides, ant. ^, 
 in respect to the healer's art and the kindly honouring of 
 strangers. Favoured by the Graces, and much admired among 
 men, he passed from life, leaving five sons of high repute. 
 
 In requital of his good deeds, the offspring of Cronus throned epode 7. 
 on high has made one of those sons a victor at the Isthmus, 
 and has given him other bright wreaths for his portion. 
 
 39 AM4>I T' I AT] The second I has been added alx>ve the line by the first hand 
 48 EIUMOIPQX A, corr. A 3 . 
 
 r6ff<ra Kvprivri.] (3) If a full stop followed 
 KO.\WV, and r6<ra meant 'So many,' verses 
 37 ff. would not cohere in sense with 
 what precedes ; since the reference of 
 rbffa is limited by vv. 39 f. (4) The MS. 
 does not punctuate after AAftN in 36. 
 This fact is not, in itself, cogent ; but it 
 comes into account. These are the 
 reasons which decide me against inter- 
 preting ira.Tpiuv...Ka.\uv as 'the exercises 
 which Ceos holds in honour,' such as 
 boxing and wrestling: cp. II. 6 ff. KO\UI> 
 ...oar'...firfdfi^afJLfv, and VI. 5 if. Ktov... 
 irv re Kai ffrddiov Kpareuffav : when a 
 word in the sense of diraidevros or dyv- 
 fjLi>a.<TTos would be required. 
 
 The genitive IlavfltiSa is preserved in 
 II. 14. In the Cean inscription (Introd. 
 3), the vowels between 6 and 8 are 
 lost. For the form HavOeiSr)? see Fick- 
 Bechtel, Griech. Pet sonennamen, 229. 
 
 39 d|i4>i, with dat., ' in respect to ' : 
 so IX. 44 d/jL<f>l fioCiv dy^Xais. Apollo, as 
 llaiwv, can confer the gift of iaropia. 
 
 40 4>iXdvopi, 'kindly.' Pindar (fr. 256) 
 spoke of the <j>i\dvopa. . .fiioTdv of dolphins 
 ('friendly to man'). In Aesch. Ag. 411 
 the word refers to a wife ('loving her 
 husband'). Cp. //. 6. 15 ircicras yap 
 <pi\ffffKfv, 65tj5 efjri otVta vaiwv (' was hos- 
 pitable to all'). <j>i\oe>>ia. is a gift of 
 Apollo, in so far as he bestows the graces 
 of character which lend charm to it: while 
 Zeus ^fioj or (<f>i<rTios is the protector of 
 the guest. 
 
 41 tv 8e \a\wv Xapifwv : the sense is 
 strictly, ' having obtained a good portion 
 in (or of} the Charites,' those goddesses 
 being identified with their gifts : cp. 
 Bergk fr. adesp. 53 eyu tpafu ioTr\oi<d/j.ui> 
 Moiffdv ev Xaxet". If the literal sense 
 had been, ' having received a good 
 
 portion from the Charites,' an ace. 
 would have been added. Cp. vi. i f. 
 
 Pindar (O. xiv. i ff.), invoking the 
 Xdpires, says, ' By your help come all 
 things glad and sweet to mortals, whether 
 wisdom is given to any man, or come- 
 liness, or fame.' In particular, the 
 Charites give those qualities which win, 
 and adorn, victory in the games (Pind. O. 
 II. 55, vi. 76: N. v. 54, x. 38). With 
 Bacchylides (as with Pindar) they are the 
 goddesses who lend charm to poetry (v. 
 9, vin. i, xvin. 6), or to eloquence 
 (xiv. 49). If Pantheides had been a 
 successful athlete, that may be implied 
 here ; but the meaning seems at any rate 
 to include other things. He had received 
 ' the gifts of the Charites ' in a large 
 sense. There is a like generality in 
 IX. 39, Xapirwv rifj-dv \e\oyx<bs : where, 
 however, there is more reason than here 
 to suppose a reference to the games. 
 
 42 iroXXois : for the dat., cp. Thuc. n. 
 41 4 TOJJ re vvv /rat rots frreira 0av- 
 
 44 jtY alVT J TO ' l 'S' as in III. 64 fjaycuvrfre : 
 but in XVIII. ti evaivere. 
 
 45 Foi, 'for him," 'for his joy.' (Cp. 
 poi above, in v. 9.) The spirit of the 
 deceased Pantheides will rejoice. So 
 Pindar more than once speaks of the joy 
 which a departed kinsman will feel in 
 the victor's success : 0. xiv. 20 f. M- 
 \avreixea vvv 56/j.ov | 3>ep<rf<p6i>a.s t\0, 
 PO.XOI, warpl K\VTO.V (ptpoiff dyyf\iav : see 
 also O. VIII. 8 1 ff. 
 
 47 f. vpYriav : cp. 53 eo tpSw 0eovs: 
 III. 21 f. 0f6v, 6e6v TLS a-yXai'f^Tw. 
 
 aXXcov oTecfxivwv. The Cean inscrip- 
 tion (Introd. 3) attests that Argeius 
 won an Isthmian victory among the 
 TrcuSes, and a Nemean victory among the
 
 248 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [i 
 
 5 <f>O.p,l KO.I (f)O,<TO) 
 50 6 /CV&OS eyeLV dperdv, TT\OV- 
 
 7 TO? Se /ecu SetXotcriv dvOpajirwv o 
 
 0eOV<5 
 
 <rrp. ?/'. i eOeXei S' av^eiv 
 
 2 8/3OS' O 8' U 
 
 s eXTnSi Kv&porepa 
 55 4 (ralvei Keap' el 8' vyietas 
 
 7 TTpCOTOlS pi^l ' TTOLVTl TOt 
 
 60 
 
 . 77 
 
 y 
 
 Col. 2 
 
 6 e 
 
 2 Trewag r 
 
 ^> w > i \ e 
 
 3 ICTO^ o T a<pveo$ t- 
 
 4 p,eipei peyaXtDv o re 
 
 5 Travporepoiv ' TO Se 77av- 
 
 evfjiapelv ovSev y\VKv 
 
 7 Ovaroicriv, a\X' atei rd 
 s yovra St^^rai /ct^ett'. 
 
 49 51 The words from <f>dffu to ofu\et are quoted by Plut. <& aw</. poet. c. 14 
 (Mor. 36 c), who, instead of </><icra> ntyiarov Kvdos, has <f>daw/jiev TTICTTOV Kvdos (the 
 T of MEHCTON having become II, when X was added to ME). 51 avdpwiriav, 
 
 corr. by the first hand from dvOpuirois. Most MSS. of Plut. I.e. have the genitive, 
 
 dytveioi. If that Isthmian victory was the 
 same with which this ode is concerned, the 
 Nemean victory was still to come. These 
 'other wreaths' may have been won in 
 local games of lesser note. Had Argeius 
 already been a victor at Olympia or 
 Delphi, it is improbable that the poet 
 would have omitted to mention it. 
 
 6Trip.oi.pov. The only other place where 
 the word occurs is in an extract (Sto- 
 baeus Flor. 103. 27) from the treatise 
 Ilept Bioo by the Pythagorean Eury- 
 phamus : Btos dvOpdnru... d\t>yuv... ty<av 
 KaOvirep^xti T<? operas /cat euSai/xocrtVas 
 6Tfi/j.oipos yfJ-fv- Cp. eTrij/SoAos, firiK\rj- 
 pos. 
 
 49 74. The merits and circum- 
 stances of the deceased Pantheides sug- 
 gest reflections which occupy the rest of 
 the ode. 'Aperi? alone gives lasting fame; 
 any man should be content who has 
 health and a competence. The Ionian 
 poet flows on in his quiet moralizing 
 
 strain, a contrast to Pindar's abrupt 
 and pointed yvw/jMi. He has a some- 
 what similar passage in ix. 35 51 
 (/j-arefai S' ...\pijffT6v). There, how- 
 ever, he finally returns to his festal theme, 
 with an apology for the digression. Here 
 we have a singular instance of an eiriviniov 
 ending with twenty-five verses which are 
 wholly ' gnomic.' Pindar would have 
 brought in, before the close, some touch 
 of allusion to the victory. 
 
 51 f. K<xl SstXoitriv : and not with the 
 effdXoi alone. The best punctuation here 
 seems to be a comma after 6ni\et, and a 
 colon (as in the MS.) after dvdpos. 
 
 0\i does not necessarily imply a per- 
 Bonification of TrXoOros, but merely denotes 
 (as often) what happens in accordance 
 with a natural tendency or law: cp. Arist. 
 irepl aur#7;<rwj c. 5 (p. 445 a 21), eri 5' 
 ew5 rb vSwp eOeXei avrb fj-ovov &/JUKTOV ov 
 Tptfaiv. The form eWXw occurs also in 
 v. 14, 169; x. 73: and 0f\u in five
 
 I] 
 
 ET7INIKOI 
 
 249 
 
 The best glory is that of Virtue, so deem I now and ever : 
 wealth may dwell with men of little worth, 
 
 and will exalt the spirit ; but he who is bountiful to the gods sir. 8. 
 can cheer his heart with a loftier hope. If a mortal is blessed 
 with health, and can live on his own substance, he vies with 
 the most fortunate. Joy attends on every state of life, 
 
 if only disease and helpless poverty be not there. The rich ant. 8. 
 man yearns for great things, as the poorer for less; mortals find 
 no sweetness in opulence, but are ever pursuing visions that flee 
 before them. 
 
 but some the dative. 55 vytfias. The first i has been added by A 2 . 
 
 56 l\axff A 1 , i:\aKfv A. 57 x e< ] ^X fl> ' & ' but a corrector has transfixed v, 
 
 and added a comma after i. 58 IIPQTOC A: corr. A 1 ? 6O f. NOT|..N 
 
 (vovauv) MS.: vfowv Housman, Blass, etc. 65 ETMAPEI A: A 2 has added N 
 above the line. 
 
 other places. Pindar always uses e8e\u, 
 except in 0. n. 107 (Ok\uv) and P. II. 5 
 (0eXorres). 
 
 auiv 4>pvas. to ' exalt ' or ' elate ' 
 the mind, making the rich man ambitious, 
 proud, self-confident. So Pindar (fr. 218) 
 says of the power of wine, de^ovran 
 <f>pfva.s (' men are exalted in spirit ') dfj.- 
 TreXwus TOOIS Sa/x^res. Cp. IX. 44 f. 
 du(pi fioGov d-y^Xau Qvp&v aC^ovffiv (they 
 'enlarge their spirit,' i.e. 'take their 
 delight,' in herds of oxen). 
 
 53 ff. v p8<ov: cp. v. 47. KvSfxm'pa: 
 because imperishable fame (vv. 73 f.) is a 
 more splendid prospect than the honour 
 which ends with life. 
 
 oxuvci Kt'ap, ' cheers his heart ' : a 
 strange and scarcely felicitous use of the 
 verb, since the image involved in <raivei 
 ('fawning on,' 'caressing') so distinctly 
 implies an agency external to the person 
 soothed. The poet has used ffaivti, in 
 fact, much as he might have used 0t\yei 
 or eiHppaivfi. 
 
 v-yicias : cp. scolia fr. 8 (Bergk), vyiai- 
 veiv fj.ev Apiffrov dvdpl 6va.T<g. Arist. Rh. 
 II. 21 5 dvSpl 5' vyiaiveiv dpt<rr6c fffriv, 
 <1}S y' rj/uLtv 5oK(i. 
 
 57 i,<af\.v "f air' O'IKCICOV. We might 
 compare what Solon, in Her. i. 31, says 
 of Cleobis and Biton : Toi/roicrt.../3/oj re 
 
 dpK^UV I'TTTJV KO.I TTpOS TOVTip pll}fJ.r) CTW/iaTOS 
 TOlT}5e K.T.\. 
 
 58 f. irpwrois, the foremost in respect 
 to (real) happiness, the most truly for- 
 tunate. iravTl...pio), not 'every life,' but 
 rather 'all human life,' i.e. life in every 
 grade and phase. 
 
 6O f. vor<j>iv, 'apart' from them, i.e. 
 provided they are absent. The MS. had 
 vov<rtov : but the first syllable answers to 
 one which is short in the corresponding 
 verses (6, 14, 29, 37, 52), showing that 
 we must read votrwv. The corruption 
 may have been due to the incorrect di- 
 vision of these two verses in the MS. (see 
 n. on 6 f.), leading a transcriber to prefer 
 vou\ffuv, because it gave a long syllable 
 for the end of the verse. 
 
 irtvCos T' afiaxavov, helpless, desperate, 
 poverty. Alcaeus fr. 92 Trevia...dfuix av ^ 
 cruv ddfXfeq. : Her. VIII. 1 1 1 irev(.i\v re Kai 
 dfj.Tfix"-vir]v. The short initial d of a/ita- 
 xdvov answers to a syllable which is long 
 in w. 7, 15, 30, 38, 53. 
 
 62 terov, as in fr. 2 d<f>0tyKToiaa> laov. 
 Elsewhere the poet has only lam. 
 
 63 f. 6 re fieuov, the lesser in respect 
 to wealth; as in Soph. Ai. 161 fUKportpw 
 are the men of humbler station. iravpo- 
 Tpwv, though opposed to peydXiiiv, means 
 strictly 'fewer' (not 'smaller') things. 
 iravpos (sing.) can mean 'small,' but the 
 plural seems always to denote ' few.' (It 
 is otherwise with oXl^wv : II. 18. 519 Xaoi 
 5' VTT' 6\iovfs T/ffav, ' of smaller size.') 
 
 65 v|iapeiv, 'to have ease, abundance' 
 in all things : cp. Soph. Ph. 284 TOVTOV 
 5t TroXXijv evfjidpfiav, ' plenteous store ' of 
 that. The verb, which occurs only here, 
 takes a genitive, like irXoirreti', etc. 
 ov&v (adverb) y^wt'T is a thing nowise 
 sweet : opulence, however great, fails to 
 satisfy human desires. 
 
 66 f. rd <j>vryovra : objects which for 
 ever elude them ; i.e. as one prize after
 
 250 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [i, ii 
 
 T/. i ovTLva 
 
 2 Bvjjiov Sofeoucrt 
 7 s ocr<roi> av ^(oy Xa^e ro^Se y^povov TL- 
 
 4 ju.ai' apera 8' 
 
 s ju,eV, Te]Xeura#eura. 8' 
 
 6 dvSpl /c]cu cure ^avr? Xei- 
 
 7 Tret 7ro]Xv^X&)Tov euKXeta? dyaX/aa. 
 
 II. 
 
 TQI AYTQI 
 
 O-T/O. "A[iV-i> a] cre/xz'oSoYetpa, 
 e? Ke'oi> iepdv, ^aptrtu- 
 VV\LGV <e/3ov<r' dyyeXiai>, 
 on /A[dx]a<? dpacrvxeipos 'A/o- 
 5 yeios apa.ro VLKOV' 
 
 73 The traces before ETTE seem to he those of AI : Blass supplies 
 K. referred them to N. AEI (of \ei\vei) om. A, add. A-. 
 
 K]CU. 
 
 another is gained, and proves unsatisfying, 
 the vision of happiness continually re- 
 cedes. 
 
 68 f. Kov4>6Tarai...|j.pi|xvai, vain, 
 empty ambitions, in contrast with the cul- 
 tivation of cberi?. Cp. Soph. O. C. 1230 
 /coi;0cts d<t>pocrvvas. For fj^pifj.vai, thoughts 
 intent on certain objects or pursuits, 
 cp. fr. 16. 6 dvdpdffi 5' v^ordrw 7re/ot7rei 
 fj.fpifj.vas. 8ovovcri, as winds shake the 
 branches of a tree: //. 17. 55 ri> 64 re 
 irvoial dov4ov<ri. So stormy waves are 
 said Sovtiv 6v/ji6i>, to shake the mariner's 
 soul, Find. .V. iv. 58. 
 
 7O f. Xd\ rovSt x.povov. The normal 
 metre of the verse is , , 
 
 ~' , as seen in the corresponding v., 
 
 47 (the only one available for comparison), 
 BrJKfv O.VT' fvepyfffiaf, \t.ira.pCiv r' &\-. 
 But the MS. has ^povov rovSt Xdxv, so 
 that an epitritus (-77 xP vov T6v-) is here 
 substituted for the choriambus in v. 47 
 (-fpyfffiav). Blass holds this substitution 
 to be legitimate. In any case, the metri- 
 cal effect is intolerable. It is far more 
 probable that the poet wrote Xcix e r6vde 
 \pbvov, and that the words were wrongly 
 transposed by a scribe, either through an 
 
 oversight, or to obtain what he regarded 
 as a clearer and better order. Similarly 
 in IX. 20 raxeiav 6pfj.a.v (MS.), in XIV. 47 
 apxtv \6ywv OLKULUV (MS.), and in XVI. 72 
 Xelpas rtnffft (MS.), a transposition is 
 required. 
 
 Tifitiv. The MS. has a point after 
 \dxv, and another after p.dv. If we 
 read ri \uiv ', (quid vero?) the meaning 
 is, ' How could it be otherwise?' ' How 
 else ? ' Soph. Ai. 668 8.pxovres etoiv, 
 wffff' vireiKT^ov ' ri IJLTJV ; 'of course' (we 
 must yield). Aesch. Ag. 672 \yoi'<rn' 
 T//is us 6\w\oTos' ri fj."qv, 'of course' 
 (they do). The sense of the whole 
 passage then is : The man of frivolous 
 ambitions has only his life-time for his 
 portion, ri fjidv; How could it be other- 
 wise? How could he expect a lasting 
 renown ? But ri fidv, in such a context, 
 is weak : and the sense given to \dxf is 
 also somewhat forced ; since it implies 
 that the man who leaves an enduring 
 name could be said \ayxdveiv the space 
 of time during which his posthumous 
 renown lasts. 
 
 The true reading is clearly (I think) 
 : the man of light ambitions ' wins
 
 I, II] 
 
 EHINIKOI 
 
 251 
 
 He whose mind is blown about by ambitions light as air, epode 8. 
 wins honour only for his life-time. The task of Virtue is 
 toilsome ; but, when it has been duly wrought to the end, it 
 leaves the enviable meed of bright renown, outlasting death. 
 
 II. 
 
 For the same. 
 
 Fame, giver of glorious gifts, has sped to sacred Ceos str. 
 with a message of gracious import, that Argeius has conquered 
 in the strife of boxers ; 
 
 n. rwt oi'TWi] added (by A 2 ?) in the left margin, opposite v. r. 1 d[i'ei' d] 
 
 L. Levi, N. Festa, Blass, etc. : a[io <5] K. 2 Ipav conj. Headlam, Blass. 
 
 4 /j.dxa.s Blass, Festa: TrdXas Wil. (but p is certain). 
 
 honour only for his life-time' 1 (rovde xpovov, 
 ace. of duration of time), as opposed to 
 the man who wins a fame that survives 
 his death (73 f. ). n fiAv gives, too, the 
 normal long syllable at the end of v. 70 
 (cp. d\\wv in v. 47), so that there is a 
 metrical reason also for preferring it. 
 The erroneous punctuation after \dxf in 
 the MS. may have arisen from the division 
 of rt/j.dv between the two verses, leading 
 a scribe to read it as ri fidv; 
 
 71 dptro. 8' eirip.ox9os. Hes. Op. 287 
 TT?S 5* aper^s [Spur a #eot irpuirdpoidtv 
 HBrjuav | dOdvaroi. 
 
 72 TeXevraBtura. reXeuraJ' dperav is 
 a phrase like reXfin-av Zpyov, to 'ac- 
 complish ' dpfrri, considered as a course 
 of life-long effort. The epithet (iri/jLoxOos 
 serves to mark this. 
 
 74 iroXv^rjXwTOV : for the 17, cp. V..52 
 (Vif?;\<j>), x. 63 TroXi'fTjXtf). Pindar has 
 fa\ur6i>(0.\'m.6). a-yoXfia is something 
 which confers splendour or delight, as a 
 gift of honour, or an ornament : in v. 4 
 the ode is MowdV y\vKu8wpov dya\/j.a, as in 
 IX. ii aQdvarov Moinrai' ayaXfta,. 
 
 U. 1 di[iv a] seems the most probable 
 supplement. The good news has just 
 come, and this short song welcomes it; 
 the formal tiriviKioi' (Ode I.) was written 
 afterwards. If a'iov, <3 were read, it 
 would imply that the poet himself was at 
 the Isthmus. O. Schroeder (Blass 2 p. LV) 
 prefers this, arguing, ' de profi ciscendo apte 
 did difffffiv, non de veniendo.'' But, if 
 one who sees a person start could say 
 
 ij'ii;ei> ^KeTffe, one who sees him arrive 
 could surely say ijie Stvpo. The words in 
 1 1 f. icaXei 5^ MoDer atuOiyevris /c.r.X. imply 
 that the poet is in Ceos. 
 
 <r|ivoS6rcipa, 'giver of stately gifts'; 
 she announces victory, and so gives 
 renown. Cp. Aesch. Th. 975 Mo(/>a 
 ftapi'doreipa : Eur. Bacch. 419 6\fio56- 
 Tfipa : Orphic Argon. 354 'Epivvfs 
 alvobdrftpai. ^HK 411 : ^e Doric form 
 (always <j>dt*.a in Pindar) is modified to 
 avoid twofold a : so V. 47 KvffepvrjTav, 
 167 dS/xrJra, 200 flprivq.. 
 
 2 f. xapiTtowfiov. .dyyeXtav, a message 
 ' of gracious import''; lit., 'fraught with a 
 gracious name,' i.e. speaking of 'victory ' 
 (v. 5). A thought of personified X//oj is 
 implied. [Not, ' containing the welcome 
 name of Argeius.'] Another possible 
 explanation would be, 'a message in 
 terms of gracious omen ' (xapUvra 6v6- 
 fj-ara), so that the phrase would resemble 
 d5i/eirTjs 0dris in .Soph. O. T. 151. But 
 against this is the analogy of evwvv/j.os, 
 SvfftJiivvfjLos, fjya\ui>vjj.os, etc., which always 
 refer to a name. 
 
 4 fidx as - ^P aor "X 6t P os ' probably the 
 contest in boxing: cp. I. 31 Kaprep6xftp. 
 Pind. /". VIII. 57 vixav 'laOfioi Opa.<rvyvtov. 
 The letters n and -aj being certain, the 
 other possibilities are /xAos ('sunburnt,' 
 like ytteXayx/xxjjj in Od. 16. 175), or 
 fj^yas. Then (tpaffvxfipos would be a 
 nominative, like eKarbyxeipos in //. i. 
 402. But /xdx<w seems better.
 
 252 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 dvr. KO.\(t)V O OLV.H,VO.(T.V, OCT* CV /c 
 
 va- 
 
 crov 
 
 10 KOVTOL (TVV (TT(f>d.VOL(rw. 
 
 fir. KaXel Se Mover' av 
 
 av\u>v 
 
 iSa <j>i\ov vlov. 
 
 [n, m 
 
 III. 
 
 IEPQNI lYPAKOIIQI 
 
 innon OAYMTTIA. 
 
 ' ApiorroKoipTrov 2t/ceXict9 Kpeovcrav 
 Aci/xarpa (F)LOcrT<f)av6v re Kovpav 
 
 yXv/cuSw^e KXeiot, #oa<? r' 'O- 
 Xuyu,7rto8/)d/aou9 'le/aw^o? ITTTTOV?. 
 
 14 IUN9EIAAI A, corr. A 1 . 
 
 HI. The title, written in minuscule (probably by A 3 ), is in the left margin, 
 opposite to vv. i 3. 
 
 6 ff. xoXwv.. o<r'..ireS^a|X{v, 'the 
 goodly feats which we have displayed ' : 
 cp. in. 96 n. K\6Wb>, Aeolic, as in 
 v. 12, 182, while K\eiv6s is used in six 
 other places. avj^tvi Fwr6p.ov, a pleo- 
 nasm; like Pindar's in /. I. g TO.V dXiep/c^a 
 Fiff6/j.ou detpdd', where 5et/>as= ' neck.' 
 Cp. O. VIII. 52 Kopivdov Seipa.6', where 
 the schol. rightly explains the word by 
 rpdxijXos. The Isthmus itself is a narrow 
 plain, with hills N. and s. of it. In 
 Her. VI. 37 rbv av^va. TTJS ~Kepffovri<rov= 
 TOV Iff6fj.ov TT;J X. in vi. 36. But the 
 pleonasm is not felt, Isthmus having 
 become a proper name. Pindar pre- 
 fixes F to urrffytds not only in /. I. 9 
 (just cited, where a\ie/wc&>$ is unlikely), 
 but also probably in 7. v. 5 vvv avre 
 'lffB/M>u Seffirbrq., a reading which one of 
 the scholia supports, though the MSS. 
 have a5r' iv. Elsewhere, however, he 
 uses I<r8n6s without F, as in O. VIII. 48 
 ^TT' 'Iff0fj.<$ irovrlq.. 
 
 Xiirovrts K.T.X. : 'we,' the subject to 
 
 the verb, may include friends of the 
 competitors who went with them from 
 Ceos to the Isthmus. EvJjavTiSa va<rov : 
 cp. I. 15, and Appendix II. (Euxantius). 
 In a fragment belonging to the exordium 
 of Ode I., vaaoia r' Ev[%ai>Ttad]av is 
 conjecturally read: see Appendix. 
 
 J38o(ATJKOVTa <rvv <TT4>dvoio"iv, with 
 the result of winning seventy wreaths. 
 This can only mean that, before the 
 victory of Argeius, seventy others had 
 already been won at the Isthmus by 
 natives of Ceos. See Appendix. 
 
 11 ff. Ka\i 8i K.T.\. The Muse sum- 
 mons the flutes to accompany her strains ; 
 much as in Pind. /. vn. lof. the poet him- 
 self is said xP vff ^ av Ka\^crai yioiffav. These 
 verses, written when the news first came, 
 may have been sung to the flutes as a 
 welcome to Argeius on his return; his 
 presence is rather suggested by vv. i3f. 
 avOt-ytvijs: cp. Her. IV. 49 r<p avffiyevei 
 fffy. erriviKCois, sc. fj.t\e<ri. Note the 
 substantival use of the plural in this
 
 II, III] 
 
 EfTINIKOI 
 
 253 
 
 and has renewed the memory of all those goodly feats which ant. 
 have been shown forth at the famous Isthmus by us who came 
 from the beautiful isle of Euxantius, winners of seventy wreaths. 
 
 The native Muse summons the sweet clear sound of flutes, epode. 
 honouring with strains of victory the beloved son of Pantheides. 
 
 III. 
 
 For Hieron of Syracuse, victor in the four-horse 
 chariot-race at Olympia. (468 B.C.) 
 
 Cleio, giver of sweet gifts, praise Demeter, queen of fertile str. i. 
 Sicily, with her daughter of the violet crown ; and sing of 
 Hieron's swift steeds that ran at Olympia. 
 
 poetical phrase. (Pindar N. iv. 78 has 
 firiviKioiffiv doiScus.) A substantival use 
 of the singular, as a name for the ode of 
 victory, occurs first in scholia of the 
 Alexandrian age. 
 
 14 IlavfltiSa: cp. I. 37. 
 
 HI. 1 4 The names of Demeter 
 and Persephone, the guardian deities 
 of Sicily, lend majesty to this proem ; 
 though, considering the peculiar awe 
 which surrounded them, there is a certain 
 crudeness in their close conjunction with 
 the 'swift mares.' Hieron was the here- 
 ditary priest of these goddesses (lpo<pcu>Tr]s 
 TUIV xdoviu>v Oeuv, Her. vn. 153) : indeed, 
 it has been held that he took his name 
 from those rites of which the supreme 
 charge belonged to his house : cp. Pin- 
 dar's address to him, fr. 105 a.6euv 
 itpwv | 6fj.wi>vfj.e irdrep. So the poet says, 
 in effect : ' Sing the dread goddesses, 
 and the latest victory of their great 
 Priest.' Cp. Pind. O. vi. 93 ff. 
 
 His brother and predecessor Gelon, 
 who also was their hierophant, had built 
 for them at Syracuse twin temples (vaovs, 
 Diod. XI. 26), in the precinct called by 
 Plutarch (Dion c. 56) rb rdiv Qffffj.o<f>6pwv 
 rtnevos. This was the most famous of 
 all their Sicilian shrines, next to that at 
 Enna, the place from which Ai'doneus 
 was said to have carried off the Kore. 
 It is curious to find that Bacchylides had 
 somewhere made Crete the scene of that 
 rape (schol. Hes. Theog. 914), a 'heresy,' 
 as Freeman remarks (Sicily II. 266), 
 
 ' against all Sikel and Sikeliot belief. ' 
 
 1 dpioTOKapirov : so Pind. N. I. 14 
 describes Sicily as dpiffre^ovirav evudpirov 
 X0ov6s, and in his fr. 1 06 it is dy\a.6i<a.piros, 
 as in Aesch. P. V. 369 /coXXiVopTros. It 
 is still, as in ancient times, a rich grana- 
 ry, about three-fourths of the cultivated 
 surface being given to cereals (chiefly 
 wheat) ; the yield of fruit (especially 
 of oranges) is also large. Kpeowav, the 
 fem. (not elsewhere found, except as a 
 proper name) of icptwv (Pind., etc.), = the 
 Homeric Kpeluv : (rpeiowro. occurs only in 
 //. 22. 48. 
 
 2 FwxrT<f>avov, as in vm. 3 piofiXt- 
 ipapov and 72 fi6ir\oKov. But loffrapdvuv 
 (-ov) has no f in V. 3 or XII. 89, nor 
 wiTrXoKos in XVI. 37. So Pindar assumes 
 f in IbirXoKov O. VI. 30, but not in t'oirXo- 
 
 KO.fJ.Ul>, P. I. I. 
 
 3 f. KXeioi, with ft. The only other 
 example of this scansion is Pind. N. ill. 
 83 KXeoPs, as most edd. now write it, 
 with good MS. authority, though KXetow 
 is a v.l. It is tempting to write KXeoi 
 here. But there is no reason to doubt 
 that KXeio? could be -- (i.e. KXeyo?) : 
 cp. XVI. 92 n. 
 
 6oas. . IVirovs : mares were most gener- 
 ally used in racing : see, e.g., Pind. /. iv. 
 4f., N. ix. 52: Soph. El. 705. In the 
 Homeric chariot-race, however (//. 23), 
 there are three teams of horses, and two 
 of mares, and the horses win the first and 
 second places. 'OXv^irioSponovs only 
 here.
 
 254 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [m 
 
 5 O.VT. a', crevovjro yap &vv virepo^a) re NIK a 
 'Ay]\ata re Trap' evj 
 
 (Tr. a . 
 IO 
 
 Col. 3 
 
 \_yovov 
 
 Se A.[aos aireipcDV' 
 a T/H<rev8at/x[a)z/ avrfp, 
 o? Trapa Zyvos Kayaiv 
 
 'XA.aVoji' ye/oa? 
 TT\OVTOV fj.rj 
 
 o 
 
 Se 
 
 KpVTTTll> (TKOTCO. 
 
 15 <rrp. 
 
 6 f. [<rei;oi']ro K. 
 
 7 r60t Palmer. 
 
 fipvovcri <f>iXoevia.<; ayviat' 
 S' V770 
 
 . . 'A7\ai'^ Weil: vi/cp . . 07X01'^ K. criV (in v. 6) Palmer. 
 9 aireipuv Blass. 12 >e/)as] TENOC A, corr. A 1 . 
 
 5 IF. <TVOVTO. //. 22. 22 fffvd/J.fVOS c3s 
 
 ^' i'TTTros de^Xo^opos ffi)i' o\eff<piv: Pind. (?. 
 i. 20 (of the horse Pherenicus) Trap' 
 
 N{KO.. .'A-yXata: personified attendants 
 on the rushing steeds. The epithet 
 virp6x. might seem slightly in favour of 
 writing viitq. etc. : yet it is not unsuitable 
 to the goddess. 'AyXcua is with Pindar 
 esp. the glory of victiry: Ol. xiil. 14 f. 
 \jfj.(juv 5t, TratSes 'AXara, TroXXd fi.lv VIKO.- 
 <pdpov dy\aiav tZiraffav \ a/c/aais dperats 
 inrepf\66vTd}v iepois eV d^^Xots. /. II. 18 
 S' vpvff6fvr)S et5' ' 
 
 cvpvSivav 'A\46v: the Alpheus has 
 this epithet again in v. 38: in v. 181 it 
 is d/ca/uavTopoas, in VII. 49 apyvpoSivas, 
 in X. 26 /caXXip6as. Pindar in C>. v. 18 
 has 'A\<t>eov tvpv ptovTa., but elsewhere 
 dispenses with an epithet for the famous 
 river. E. Curtius (Pelop. II. 49) describes 
 the Alpheus, at its entrance into Pisatis, 
 as being about 180 feet wide. Leake 
 writes (Morea \. 23): ' It is now [Feb. 25] 
 full and rapid, but turbid : in summer the 
 stream, though much clearer, is scanty, 
 and divided into several torrents, running 
 over a wide gravelly bed.' 
 
 7 f. Aeivofu'veos. Before a vowel one 
 would prefer A(ivofj.tvevs, the form which 
 the MS. gives in v. 35 (where 
 
 follows) : though the synizesis is natural 
 before a consonant, as in Pind. P. i. 179 
 Aeii'OyU&'eos reX^irats. In Simonides fr. 
 141. 4 Aeico^j'ei's is read, where TOV (or 
 TOUS) follows. 
 
 26T|Kav. . Kvprjcrai : the ace. and inf. 
 with ridi)/j.i is not rare in poetry: Pind. 
 fr. 177 ii'eirpu^va.v diJKe fj-otpav fj.tTa.Tpa.- 
 irelv. Eur. Her. 990 "Hpa MC K<ifu>ei.v Tr/vS 1 
 HOriKe rr)v voaov. 
 
 9 airdpiav : II. 24. 776 ori 5' ZffTfve 
 dr)fj.os airfipuv. Cp. VIII. 30 'EXXa^uw 
 5t' aireipova. KVK\OV. (Another possibility 
 would be dyuirOfis.) 
 
 10 The exclamation d is regularly 
 found in expressions of pity or reproof, as 
 in the Homeric a 5eiX' (//. 11. 441 etc.): 
 Soph. O. T. 1147 a, fj.Tj KoXafe : cp. /'//. 
 1300 (n.). This seems to be the only 
 classical example of it in an utterance 
 of admiration. We should expect to. 
 
 12 ir\<rTapxov ' EXAcivwv yt'pas, ' the 
 privilege of ruling over the largest number 
 of Greeks': i.e., over more than are 
 subject to any other ruler. TrX<rTap- 
 XOV = consisting in TrXe/crr?? dpx 7 ? (cp- 
 oi?xw a - tviinrov, Soph. O. C. 710 f.): 
 then 'E\\dvwv further defines the apx 7 ?- 
 Kenyan cp. Her. VII. 157 ftoipd rot 
 (Gelon)ri5s'EXXd5os OVK e'Xax''o"r7;, dpxovTl 
 ye r^s 2tAfeXt'as. 
 
 13 f. oI8. . fii]. . Kpvjrrtiv, knows how
 
 Ill] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 255 
 
 Pre-eminent Victory and Glory were with them as they sped ant. i. 
 by the broad tide of the Alpheus, where they won wreaths for 
 the blest son of Deinomenes ; 
 
 and a cry went up from the vast multitude: 'O thrice-happy epode 
 man, honoured by Zeus with the widest rule in Hellas, who 
 knows how to keep the lofty fabric of his fortunes from being 
 wrapt in a mantle of darkness.' 
 
 The temples are rife with festal sacrifice of oxen, the streets str. 2. 
 with hospitable feasting ; and the gold shines with flashing rays 
 from high tripods, richly wrought, 
 
 13 f. MEAAH A, MEAAM A 1 . 4>APEIX A, corn A 1 
 15 iepa] EPA A : i' has been added above the line (by A 3 ?), 
 conj. Blass. 
 
 Palmer. 
 
 18 
 
 not to hide it, = knows how to manifest 
 it : his instincts tell him what befits a 
 prince. irup-ywOe'vra. . irXovrov : the image 
 is that of a lofty and stately edifice (cp. 
 Ar. Ran. 1004 irvpyuxrat pri/j-ara <rf/j.vd), 
 made strong against assault: Weir Smyth 
 cp. Solon fr. 13. 9 f. TT\OVTOV 6" ov /xev Sucri 
 6eoi, Trapayiyverat. dvSpi 2/j.iredos (K vedrov 
 Trvdfj^vos els Kopvfiriv. (AtXafjupapti . . ertco- 
 TW : cp. Eur. Ion 1 1 50 /xeXdyiiTreTrXos Ni5. 
 Here, however, encores is scarcely per- 
 sonified ; the phrase rather means, 
 'enshrouding darkness'; i.e. the CTKOTOS 
 is itself the fdXav (pdpos. 
 
 Pindar's precepts against TT\OVTOS xpv- 
 <f>aios (/. i. 67, cp. JV. i. 31) occur 
 especially in odes which, like this, 
 concern the chariot-race, one of the 
 most popular forms in which wealth 
 could be shown. irXovros dperals dedai- 
 daX/j.tvos should be an dcrrrip dp/ffyXos (0. 
 II. 58 ff.)- 
 
 15 f. These two verses describe the 
 rejoicings at Syracuse, where Bacchylides 
 was perhaps Micron's guest. f3pvei.. 
 eoprais: here Ppvw takes the dat., its 
 more frequent construction, the primary 
 sense being to swell or burgeon (Zpvos 
 fipvti av6ei, 11. 17. 56): in v. 16 it takes 
 the gen., as a verb of 'fulness' (cp. 
 Soph. O. C. 16 f.), with no difference in 
 sense, unless it be that the dative is more 
 animated and picturesque. I would not 
 change 4>iXovias to -fats, though Plato 
 has that plur. {Legg. 953 A), and Pindar 
 eviais (O. i. 15). ppvti jj,4v. .ppvovcri. 
 Note the absence of cV. In such ' epana- 
 phora,' where fj.fr.. 5t is normal, the 
 omission of fjAv is frequent (Soph. Ant. 
 606 n.), but that of 5e very rare: Plut. 
 
 Mor. 965 C woXXots ptv evdXov, 6peiov 
 TroXXots dypas aKpodiviois [where the 
 chiasmus is against inserting 84, as edd. 
 do]. Platt cites Orphic hymn 11. 7 
 fJirJTfp fj.fv KvirpiSos, ftrJTfp vfrpewv tpe- 
 fievvuv. ayuiaC : cp. fr. 3. 12. 
 
 17 ff. XdfJLTrci 8* /f.r.X. While Syracuse 
 rejoices in Hieron's Olympic victory, his 
 munificence has a witness at Delphi also; 
 golden tripods, given by him and his 
 brother Gelon, shine before the temple of 
 Apollo, viro (j.apfj.apvyais, 'with flash- 
 ing rays' (Od. 8. 265 /J.ap/j.apvyds ffrjeiTo 
 iroduv) : for viro, cp. Find. fr. 48 ai&o^va 
 da's i>ir6 ^a.v6a~un TTVKO.IS : but the gen. is 
 more frequent in this sense. It seems 
 better to join 6 )^pv<r6s with rpiirdSwv 
 than to suppose a genitive absolute. 
 
 vt|/iSaiSdXr<ov. This compound adj. 
 signifies, 'curiously wrought to a (certain) 
 height' from the ground. The only 
 peculiarity is in the shade of meaning 
 thus given to v\f/i-, rendering the com- 
 pound equivalent in sense to v\}ti)\G)v /ecu 
 daiddXuv. In the few other verbal 
 compounds where it occurs, vij/t- means 
 'on high,' as in vij/ifiaTos, v\j/iTf\f<rros, 
 v\f/i<f>6prjTos. [Weir Smyth renders vif/i- 
 SaiddXrui' 'deep-chased,' as though I/p- 
 referred to ' high relief.' I cannot think 
 this possible.] The fourth syllable of 
 u\|/iSaiSdXTb>v answers to one which is 
 short in the corresponding verses, except 
 64 (w neyalvijTe ) : hence Blass con- 
 jectures vi|/i8ai8dXv. As, however, the 
 fourth syllable is ancefs when this verse 
 is used in the Sapphic stanza, so it 
 doubtless may be here also. 
 
 Tpiir68o>v araOt'vrwv. The French ex- 
 plorers of Delphi have found the in-
 
 256 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [Ill 
 
 20 
 
 TToipoL06 vaov, TO0L ^,.yi(TTOv aXo~o? 
 <J>oi^?ou Trapa KacrraXia? /oee^pots 
 AeX^ot SieVovcrt. Oeov, 0ov Tt<? 
 dyXai^eYco, d yd/o a/oto"TO9 oXySajf. 
 
 evret TTOTC /cat 8ayu,acrt7r7rov 
 
 evre rai^ 
 
 TeXe[tovo~at 
 ne/)crd[p' TTOp6evi>TO 
 Kpoi<rov 6 xpvcrd^opos 
 
 o-rp. y'. <^vXa^' 'ATToXXaji/. [d S' e? dJeXTrrov d/xap 
 30 fjioXtov 7roXv8[d/cpvo^] ov/c ejaeXXe 
 
 22 APICTON GABON A : corrected to Apiffros 6\pwi> by A 3 , who has written <r and 
 w above, also transfixing Q and the first X. 23 The MS. seems to have a circum- 
 
 flex on eiret. A later hand has sought to make the II of wore into K : so also in \. 72. 
 25 f. Trfirpa/j^vav . . r\eiovffai K. (reX^crcraj'Tos Wackernagel) : Kpiffiv Weil and others 
 (KTiffiv Kenyon, Tlow Sandys). Zr/vds reXeiou vevfuiaiv Blass. 27 firopdfvvro 
 
 scribed bases which supported the tripods 
 of Gelon and Hieron. These offerings 
 stood side by side, under the open sky, 
 before the E. front of the temple, a little 
 N.N. E. of the Great Altar. To a visitor 
 ascending by the Sacred Way, they were 
 most conspicuous objects. 
 
 Gelon's golden tripod, surmounted by 
 a golden Victory, was the work, as the 
 inscription on the base records, of an 
 Ionian artist, Bion of Miletus. It was 
 dedicated, doubtless in 479, to commemo- 
 rate his victory over the Carthaginians 
 at Himera in September, 480. Hieron's 
 offering was similar. From certain indi- 
 cations afforded by the bases, M. Homolle 
 infers that the two dedications were not 
 separated by any great interval of time. 
 On the other hand it seems probable that 
 Hieron's gift was made after his accession, 
 on Gelon's death in 478, to the rule of 
 Syracuse. See Appendix. 
 
 The key-note of the ode is Oeov ns 
 dy\ai$Tw. This links Hieron's victory 
 by the Alpheus with his gifts at Pytho. 
 His piety towards Apollo illustrates the 
 grace shown him by Olympian Zeus. 
 Our poet, aiming at the Croesus-myth, 
 thus brings in Delphi ; not, indeed, with 
 perfect art, yet by a coherent thought. 
 
 0X0-0$, a poetical word for the whole 
 
 sacred enclosure (ifpoV, T^uepoj), contain- 
 ing the various buildings of the sanctuary. 
 So in Soph. Ant. 844 the city of Thebes 
 is called dXcros, as ground sacred to its 
 gods. KaoraXias : fitly named in this 
 context, since its water was used by the 
 priests for sacred purposes. Rising in 
 the high cliffs above Delphi, the stream 
 descends to the site of the temple, below 
 which it joins the Pleistus. 
 
 2 1 . Ocov, 8edv : cp. Diagoras fr. i 
 (Bergk) 0e<5y, Of 6s wpo iravTos l-pyov 
 fipoTfiov | vu/ju} <pp(i>' 1 virepraTOLV. 
 
 The scribe of the MS. read cryXxulXOw 
 yap apioTov oXpov. The accus. must 
 have been taken as being in apposition 
 either with 6t6v or with the sentence. 
 But the correction by a later hand, 
 apioros oXfJwv, is doubtless right. And 
 this confirms the view (first propounded 
 by Otto Crusius in Philolog. LVII. N. F. 
 xi. p. 153) that 0<o in d-yXmtlOw is a 
 crasis of -TW with 6. F"or such a crasis 
 there is, indeed, no proper parallel ; and 
 here the slight pause in the sense after 
 dyXai'f^rw is a further objection to it : 
 but Alexandrian grammarians were some- 
 times bold in such matters. Crusius 
 proposed to read, dyXaiferu, o[s] yap 
 dpiffTos o\puv, supposing the w to be 
 shortened, and ----- to be substituted
 
 Ill] 
 
 EHINIKOI 
 
 257 
 
 set in front of the temple, where Delphians minister in the great ant. i. 
 sanctuary of Phoebus by Castalia's stream. To the god let 
 men bring their choicest gifts ; that is the best pledge of 
 welfare. 
 
 For Croesus, lord of horse-taming Lydia, was preserved ofepodea. 
 yore by Apollo of the golden sword, when, in fulfilment of the 
 doom decreed by Zeus, Sardis was being sacked by the Persian 
 host. 
 
 When he had come to that unlooked-for day, Croesus was str. 3. 
 not minded 
 
 Housman : fd\taffav Palmer, aXiffKovro Wackernagel. 28 xP vff - Ps Palmer : 
 
 Xpv<rdp[jiaTos conj. K. 3O The MS. has no\&i>. This mis-accenting of /xoXwv 
 
 (as of some other 2nd aor. participles) is very common in MSS. : see Appendix. 
 There is no point after the N. Blass 2 says, 'post quintam nunc punctum agnovi ' : 
 but the trace to which he probably refers seems to belong to the partly effaced right- 
 hand stroke of N. 
 
 for the --- found in the corresponding 
 verses. It seems better to suppose a 
 synizesis of -TW and o (Blass compares Ar. 
 Th. 269 'ATroXXw OVK). But it must be 
 
 allowed that such a synizesis, harsh at 
 the best, is made much harsher by the 
 slight pause before 6 yap. It is, indeed, 
 difficult to understand how so graceful 
 and facile a poet could have written such 
 a verse. For other conjectures see Ap- 
 pendix. 
 
 (XYXaicT<i>, honour, glorify (the god) 
 with gifts : a rare use ; but cp. Plut. 
 JMor. 965 C TroXXois . . aKpoOiviois dyXatffas 
 TTJV 'Ayporepav (Artemis). 
 
 6 -yap dpio-ros oXpv : for that (5X/3os), 
 viz. rb deov ay\aifu>, is the best. [6 
 should not be taken as = 0eos.] The 
 
 Elural of o\/3oj occurs elsewhere only in 
 oph. fr. 297. 
 
 23 f. ttrti. The story of Croesus is 
 introduced as an illustration of the general 
 truth just stated. As to the form of the 
 myth adopted here, see Introduction to 
 this Ode, 3. 8a(ia<Hinrov AvSCas : 
 Her. (i. 79) speaks of the Lydian cavalry 
 in the time of Croesus as unsurpassed in 
 Asia. Cp. Mimnermus fr. 14. 3 AvSwv 
 
 25 f. rdv jrtirpwfw'vav. . Kpuriv. The 
 genitive ZTJVOS makes it likely that the 
 last word in v. 26 was a noun agreeing 
 with rdv irfTrp(a/j.frai>, though the latter 
 could stand alone. Kpkriv seems slightly 
 
 J. B. 
 
 preferable to urifftv ( = a deed ordained 
 by the god, as in Pind. O. 13. 83), or 
 rifftv. 
 
 28 xpv<r<xopos, with golden sword. 
 The epithet suits Apollo as defender and 
 rescuer: cp. //. 15. 254 ff., TOIOV TOI 
 doff<rr)TTjpa Kpoviuv | ^ *I5r;j Trpo^ijKe 
 irapfffTd/J.fva.1 Kal dfjjjveiv, | Qfoifiov 'Air6\- 
 \ui>a xpvffdopov, 8s <re irdpos wep | pvop. 
 In the only other Homeric passage where 
 Apollo receives this epithet, it is again in. 
 his warlike character (//. 5. 509). [O 
 the other hand in Pind. P. v. 104,. 
 Xpvffdopa Qoifiov, Gildersleeve explains, 
 'hung with the golden <p6pniy' : and acc- 
 toschol. //. 15. 256 Pindar called Orpheus 
 Xpvffdopa.] Some vase-paintings arm 
 Apollo with the sword in the Giganto- 
 machia, and in his fight with Tityos 
 (Preller I. 232). xP vo "*Pl iaTOS would 
 also be suitable, since he bears Croesus 
 away (vv. 59 f.). In Pind. P. ix. 6 Apollo 
 bears Cyrene to Libya in a golden chariot. 
 But a regular epithet of the god is more 
 probable. 
 
 29 31 6 8'...8ouXo<ruvav. The re- 
 storation of this passage given above is 
 mine, and was adopted in the editio 
 princeps. A different restoration, by 
 Blass, is discussed in the Appendix. I 
 read 6 8', rather than TO 5', because the 
 subject to f/j.e\\e and var/ffar is Croesus, 
 and, after </>tfXo' 'AiroXXow, some in- 
 dication of this is needed. Then 6 8' S 
 
 18
 
 258 BAKXYAIAOY [HI 
 
 en &[ov\oo"u]vav ' Trvpav Se 
 rei^eo? Tr[pOTr<ipoi\6tv av[Xd<? 
 
 dvr. y', va^crar', evOa a~v\y dXo^w] re /ceSm 
 
 crvv evTrXo/ccfyxois r* eire/Saw* aXa[crrov 
 35 6vyarpd(Ti Supo/xeVcus X*) as ^' e ' s 
 aiTrvv aWepa cr^erepag deipas 
 
 7r. y'. yeycojj'ei' vnepftie Scu/iov, 
 
 TTOV 9e(t>v i(jnv ^apts; 
 TTOV Se AaroiSa? ava^; 
 4 TT(.Tvovcr\LV 'AXvarra 
 
 (rrp. 8'. Trepdovcri Mf)Boi Sopidka)TO\> acrru 
 
 (^otvtcrcreTat at/xart ^vcro]Stz/ 
 
 Col. 4 45 ITa/CTwXdg- det/ceXtw? yvi/at/ce? 
 
 e- evKTLTdiv -edtov aov 
 
 drr. S'. rd TrpocrOe S' e^^/od <f)i\a' Oavelv yXv/ctcrrov. 
 TOCT* etTre, /cat dy8^o/8drav /ce'Xevcrev 
 
 31 5oi/Xo<7i^i'a' J. 33 pai^ar' Blass. 34 trw evTTOK\d(J.ois r' (cp. v. 6) Platt : 
 (ri/v T' fvir\oKd/j.oLs K. 37 virtpfiie Blass. (There is not room for UTr^/yrare.) 
 4O Trirj'oucrijv Herwerden. The letter before N is uncertain: it may have been I. 
 
 is preferable to 6 "yap, because fioXetv is //. 9. 137, 279 : also in Ap. Rhod. i. 364, 
 
 seldom followed by an ace. without a and later poets. 
 
 preposition, except when the ace. denotes 34 f. trvv cvrrXoKafiois re : Platt seems 
 
 a place (or a folk) ; e.g. yijv, \aoi> (Find. right in thus placing re, on the ground 
 
 JV. x. 36). In Eur. Med. 920 f. , TJprjs that there is not room for NT between T 
 
 rAoj /toXoVres, the rAos is conceived as a and ET. tfXaorov, ' inconsolably ' : Od. 
 
 goal. 14. 174 vw av 7rcu56s aXa^rov 656pofMi. 
 
 fiifiveiv : the pres. inf. 0t5' follows 36 <r}>Tpas, =etis, 'his,' as often in 
 
 yotAXw in xv: 18 : the fut. tf>oivi^etv in posthomeric poetry. In Homer, and in 
 
 XII. 165 : in V. 164 reXe?? is ambiguous. classical prose, ff<j>repos is always a plural 
 
 32 xa\KOTi)^OS : plates of bronze possessive. dUipas : cp. the Homeric 
 are affixed to the walls; a mode of x 6 '/" 15 a.v4ff\ov (II. 3. 318, etc.). It is 
 ornament which came into Hellas from an epic trait in Bacchylides that he loves 
 Asia. Cp. Od. 7. 86 (in the palace of to mention this gesture, in connexion 
 Alcinous),x^X/ceot^v7a/)rorxo'^X7?Xd5ar' with prayer (xi. too, XIII. 35, XV. 9), or 
 ZvOa /cat Hv6a, The pyre was built in with appeal to a heavenly sign (xvii. 72). 
 front of the 0^X17, the courtyard of the 3 7 ff. yy<itvtv, = fy^ywvev, imperf. from 
 king's palace. Bacchylides, following yeyuvw, as in //. 14. 469 A?as 5' a5r' 
 epic precedent, forms compounds either eytyuvev. (Not from perf. ytyuiva., as a 
 with -xa\Kfo-, xp vffeo 't or with x a ^fo-, vivid present.) 
 
 Xpvao- : Pindar, with x^X/co-, xp vff - only. Saifiov: the Sky-father; it is Zeus 
 
 33 vaTJraT', rogum exstruendum cu- who sends the rain (v. 55). irov 6t<av 
 ravit : Doric for ^ijcraro, from vytu, 'to ...... \dpts ; In Her. i. 90 Croesus, after 
 
 heap up.' This midd. aor. occurs in his fall, sends a message to Delphi, asking
 
 Ill] 
 
 EHINIKOi 
 
 259 
 
 to await the further woe of grievous slavery. He caused a pyre 
 to be built in front of his courtyard with walls of bronze ; 
 
 he mounted thereon with his true wife and his daughters with ant. 3. 
 beauteous locks, who wailed inconsolably ; and, lifting up his 
 hands to the high heaven, 
 
 he cried aloud : ' O thou Spirit of surpassing might, where is epode 3. 
 the gratitude of the gods? where is the divine son of Leto? 
 The house of Alyattes is falling ; [and what recompense for 
 countless gifts is shown from Delphi ? The Persians are sacking 
 the city taken by the spear ;] 
 
 the gold-fraught tide of Pactolus runs red with blood ; women str. 4 . 
 are ruthlessly led captive from the well-built halls : 
 
 what once was hateful is welcome ; 'tis sweetest to die.' So ant. 4. 
 spake he, and bade a softly-stepping attendant 
 
 41 pvpLuv] Before the M was C, but a line has been drawn through it. 44 <f>oi- 
 
 vifffferai Blass : aifiari xP vffo ]^ va ^ K. 47 IIPOC6EN A A: vpbaOfv (without 5') 
 
 Fraccaroli: irptxrOe 5' K. txOpa. Palmer. vvv was inserted above <$IAA by A 3 ; a 
 notable instance of inattention to metre. 48 AB..BAOTAN A, but fi has 
 
 been transfixed (by A 3 ?). ' Appofidrav (as a proper name) Palmer, Jurenka. 
 
 Pactolo Asiat, Gauge Indiae. He might 
 have added the auro turbidus Hermus 
 (Virg. Geo. 2. 137), into which the Pactolus 
 flows. 
 
 45 f. YuvaiKS...a.-yovTai. Cp. //. 9. 
 591 4: /cat ol Kar^Xe^ev airatra | Ki^Se' 
 6V avBpuTToiffi ir4\fi r&v dffrv aXifo ' j 
 avdpas fjL^v KTfivovffi, Tr6\iv 54 re vvp 
 a.fj.a.6vvti, \ rtKva. df r' &\\oi ayovtri 
 
 fi dxapiffTOLffi v6fj.os elvai ToTffi ' 
 
 dfoicri. Cp. Eur. Tro. 428 irov 5' 'An-6X- 
 
 XWPOS \6yot; 
 
 40 ff. 'AXvaTTO, Sopot, the palace of 
 the Lydian kings at Sardis, TO. paaiXrii'a. 
 of Her. i. 30, comprising the treasure- 
 houses (Orjcravpoi) there mentioned. The 
 prominence given here to the father of 
 Croesus is historically correct. Gyges, 
 of whom Croesus was the fourth successor, 
 established the dynasty of the Mermnadae ; 
 but Alyattes, in his long reign (circ. 
 617 560 B.C.), became the real founder 
 of the Lydian empire. 
 
 41 f. The word (ivptuv clearly points 
 to some such context as that which I 
 restore (exempli gratia) above. The C 
 cancelled before MTPIiiX in the MS. 
 suggests an ace. plural (as d/uoi|3a.s) 
 written by error instead of a nom. 
 singular. 
 
 44 f. <j>oivio-(TTai : XII. 164 f. 
 apa irpOTfpov SLVO-VTO. (f>oivi^fiv 
 5pov. x.pvo-o8vas : the Pactolus (now 
 Sarabat) was said to carry gold-dust 
 down from Mt Tmolus : Aen. 10. 141 
 (Lydia) ubi pingnia culta | exercentque 
 uiri, Pactolusque irrigat auro. Pliny 
 H. N. 33. 21 i (gold is found) 
 fluminum ramentis (in the rubbish 
 brought down by rivers), ut in Tago 
 Hispaniae, Pado Italia*, Hebro Thraciae, 
 
 47 TO, irpoo-Ot 8* 
 
 the pains of death; ffaveiv 
 The MS. has rd. irp6o-flv 8', against 
 metre. It is rather more likely that the 
 poet wrote -irpoo-flt (as in xvi. 45, the 
 only other place where he has the word), 
 than that o was interpolated. irpoffOev 
 being much commoner than wpoaOf, the v 
 might easily have been added. 
 
 Fraccaroli supposes that v. 43 began 
 with vvv 8' eirre, that ayovrai should have 
 only a comma after it, and that TO. irptodf 
 8' (etc.) is the last clause of the pro- 
 tasis, daveiv yX^Kiffrov being apodosis : or 
 else that TO. wpbffdev (without 5') txOpa. 
 0i'Xa is the apodosis. Rather, I think, 
 we have a series of abrupt utterances, 
 enumerating the calamities, down to 
 ayovrai. Then, at ra irpbffde 5' fyOpa 
 <t>l\a, he turns (as 5^ marks) to his 
 conclusion. 
 
 48 dppopdrav, 'a softly-stepping 
 
 18 2
 
 260 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [ill 
 
 Se 
 
 50 irapOevoL, <f)i\a<s r O.VOL fjiarpl 
 
 7T. 8'. eySaXXov o yap irpofyav-qs 6va- 
 
 roicriv e^^tcrT 
 
 dXX' eVet 8eii>ov 
 
 \afjLirpov Sicu[ 
 
 55 Zev9 e7ricrracra[s 
 
 crrp. 
 
 o TI 
 
 OLiricrrov ouSeV, 
 
 rore AaXoyev^s ' 
 S 'Tnepfiopeovs yepoira 
 crw TavLcr(f)vpoL<5 /careVacrcre /covpcu? 
 
 St' eucre)8etav, on /xeytcrra dvaraiv 
 e? aya^eav ave-r 
 
 60 
 
 49 ^-Xa-y]oj'. The letter before ON was T or T. 51 EBAAAEN A, corr. A 1 . 
 
 51 f. 0/a-] A wrote 6IA, but then transfixed I, and wrote X above. 53 7ru/>6s] 
 
 The lower parts of the letters iy>os are on fragment 26 K. 54 
 
 attendant.' So in Eur. Tro. 820 Gany- 
 mede, the young cupbearer of Zeus, 
 is described as xp vff f ais * v olvoxoais 
 afipa. ftaivuv, 'softly moving' while he 
 ministers. (a/3po/3dr7;j occurs elsewhere 
 only in Aesch. Pers. 1072, where Xerxes 
 says to the Chorus of Persian elders, 
 yoaffO' d/S/jo/Mrcu, i.e. 'treading softly,' 
 as in a procession of mourners.) The 
 use of the word here is significant. It 
 shows that Greeks had noted a dainty 
 or mincing gait as characterizing the 
 effeminate palace-slaves of Asiatic princes. 
 That trait would strike a Greek by its 
 strong contrast with the manly bearing 
 and the freedom in movement which 
 Hellenic youth acquired in gymnasium 
 and palaestra. Hence it is easy to 
 understand how a-ppo/Sdri)* could denote, 
 with only such aid as the context gives 
 here, an Asiatic attendant. See Ap- 
 pendix. 
 
 49 Sofiov, 'structure'; Nairn cp. 
 Pind. /*. III. 67 dXX' iirtl rei'x Oeeav ev 
 v\iv<p | ffvyyovoi Kotipav (when they 
 placed Coronis on the pyre). 
 
 50 ff. dvcL..lpaXXov (tmesis), a stronger 
 dvelxov, lifted in supplication. Cp. 36 n. 
 
 irpo<j)avTJs : a violent death is bitterest 
 when seen beforehand (instead of being 
 sudden and instantaneous). Cp. Soph. 
 O. C. 1440 irpovwrov "AtSiji/ : Her. IX. 17 
 irpo6Trrtji davdriji. <J>6vcov. forms of violent 
 death (like 0a.va.ruv). The plur. <f>6i>oi 
 usu. = ' slaughters ' (O. C. 1235, etc.). 
 
 55 Ztvs, the cloud-gatherer, the giver 
 of rain or drought (Soph. fr. 481. 4), is a 
 fitter agent than Apollo here. On a red- 
 figured crater by Python (late 4th cent. 
 B.C.) Zeus appears as quencher of a pyre 
 on which Alcmena is about to be burned : 
 he has cast his thunderbolts, and the 
 Hyades are pouring rain on the pile 
 (Jottrn. Hellen. Studies, vol. XI. pi. 6 ; 
 see A. S. Murray ib. p. 226). In fr. 25 
 Bacchylides has fteXayKevBts eidw\oi> (the 
 shade of Odysseus), where the word seems 
 to mean, ' shrouded in gloom ' ; the spec- 
 tral form is dimly seen. If jieXa-yKeuOls 
 was the word here, the verbal element 
 was active rather than passive : 'a cloud 
 carrying rain in its dark bosom.' Our 
 choice is limited by the virtual certainty 
 that the penult, was long (which excludes 
 e.g. /teXa/i/3a^j). KeXaivavOc's, which 
 Herwerden suggests, had occurred to me
 
 Ill] 
 
 EniNIKOI 
 
 261 
 
 kindle the wooden pile. The maidens shrieked, and threw up 
 their hands to their mother ; 
 
 for the violent death which is foreseen is to mortals the most epode 4 . 
 bitter. But when the bright strength of the dread fire began 
 to rush abroad, Zeus brought a dark rain-cloud above it, and 
 began to quench the yellow flame. 
 
 Nothing is past belief that is wrought by the care of the str. 5. 
 gods. Then Delos-born Apollo carried the old man to the 
 Hyperboreans, with his daughters of slender ankle, and there 
 gave him rest, 
 
 in requital of his piety ; because of all mortals he had sent up ant. 5. 
 the largest gifts to divine Pytho. 
 
 The scribe erroneously placed marks of diaeresis on the first I as well as on the 
 second. 55 (AeXayKevdts K. 56 <j>\6ya Palmer. 58 rfvxei] rei/xs 
 
 Herwerden, Blass 2 . 6O Tavi<r<j>vpois MS. : rcwwr^tfpots Weir Smyth. 62 avt- 
 
 irejj.\[/f Housman and others (av- lost after -av) : ?Trefj.\f/e MS. 
 
 also: but it is not extant, though yiieXaj'tfTjs 
 is analogous. 
 
 5 7 amo-Tov K.T.\. : the yvufjL-r) prefaces 
 the incident, just as in xvi. 1170.: cp. 
 Find. P. x. 48 ff. 
 
 58 Tv>xa need not be changed to 
 Tevxfi, though a subjunct. stands in the 
 similar passage, xvn. 118. 5<ms often 
 takes the indicative (instead of subjunct. 
 with &v) in a relative sentence expressing 
 a general condition: Soph. Ant. 178 f. 
 OOTIS.. fj.T] rdiv dpiffTii}!' a.TTTfTa.1 j3ov\ev- 
 /juiTuv : Thuc. II. 64 6 o'iTivfs..TJKiffTa 
 \virovvrat. 
 
 Aa\oYvijs : the Ionian island-poet 
 might naturally associate Apollo with his 
 chief Ionian shrine. (In fr. 12 he says, 
 cS Tre/HArXeir^ ASX', ayvo-rjaeiv fj.ev oS ff 1 
 Z\TTOfj.ai.) But the epithet has a special 
 fitness here. Delian legend connected 
 Del os with the earliest offerings of the 
 'T7rep/36peot to Apollo (Her. IV. 32 35). 
 
 59 <{>epv s'Yirep|3opeovs. A passage 
 of some mythological interest. The 
 Hyperborean land is here (as nowhere 
 else) a paradise to which a pious mortal 
 is translated, without dying, by Apollo. 
 It takes the place of the Homeric 
 'HMffiov TTfdiov (Od. 4. 563), and of the 
 posthomeric (jLaKapuv vfjvoi (Hes. Op. 
 171, Find. 0. II. 78), in the Far West. 
 Pindar describes the Hyperboreans as 
 5a.fJ.ov 'ATToXXwi/os depdirovra (O. III. 
 
 13 16), who worship him with sacrifice, 
 feast, and praise (P. x. 29 fF.). He 
 clearly thinks of them as dwelling 
 ' beyond Boreas ' (cp. 7. v. 23). Among 
 them, Apollo passes his airodrifjiiai from 
 his southern shrines. Argive legend sent 
 Heracles, Perseus, and lo thither, but 
 only as visitors. As to the origin of the 
 'Hyperborean' legend, see Appendix. 
 
 6O Tavi<r<j>vpois, with slender ankles. 
 The MS. has the wrong spelling ravi- 
 (instead of the correct raw-) again in V. 59 
 (Tavi<T(ptjpov) and X. 55 (ravi<pv\\oi'). The 
 poet may have preferred that spelling in 
 order to avoid the occurrence of w in two 
 successive syllables, as he avoids such a 
 recurrence of a (see II. i, n. on $77^0). 
 In Od. 13. 102 (etc.) the MSS. have 
 Tav<u(pv\\os, and in Horn. hymn. Cer. 2 
 T0.vv<r<f>vpov. 
 
 62 d-yaOcav, 'divine': an epithet ap- 
 plied only to places connected with gods, 
 as to Pytho in Hes. Theog. 499, Pind. 
 P. IX. 77. It probably comes from d-ya 
 (a-ya-i', cp. ayrivwp) and Bfo. dvTrc|ij/, 
 as to a sacred metropolis (cp. Polyb. 
 I. 7 dvairf/jL<f>6frTwt> eis rrp> 'Pout??!'). 
 Herodotus (i. 51 f.), in speaking of the 
 gifts sent to Delphi by Croesus, says 
 dirtirc/juf/e (thrice) or airtirf flirt, the 
 fitting word from a Lydian point of 
 view, as a.vtirei>.\l/t is from that of a 
 Greek.
 
 262 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [in 
 
 OCTOL ye fiev 'EXXaS' eyovcrw, OVTI[S, 
 cS /xeyau/^re '\epoiv, 
 
 65 
 
 <rrp 
 
 <reo 
 
 a 7re/xx//at 
 
 Xey]eii> Trdpecmv, ocr- 
 TIS /AT) (j)06v(i) Trtat^erat, 
 ^eo^tjX^ <$>i\nnrov avS/3* dprjiov, 
 70 Te$/x]tov crKairrpov Ato? 
 
 r'. iO7rXo]/ccoi> re /xepo[s e^o^rja Movcrav 
 a>s 8' eV] MaXe'a Trore, [^et/xa Sat]ju,wv 
 
 75 aW. r'. SoXd]ecr<Ta 8' 
 
 U7r[6 /cea/3 
 
 6 )8ou/co]Xo5 
 
 vu- 
 
 63 6(Tot 76 ^v] ye added by Wilamowitz, Blass and others. The paragraphus, which 
 should follow 64, is wrongly placed in the MS. after 63. 65 (f>dfj.ev Thomas. There 
 is a faint trace of E before N. [<r]&> Palmer. 66 ftporuv Nairn : ftporf K. The 
 faint trace after w might belong either to I or to N. 67 f. eu | X^yeiv Blass, 
 
 Platt, a. o. : the trace before BIN suits either T or T. (eti\oyeiv Jurenka.) 8s \ rti /; 
 Palmer. 'iaiverai A: JT added above by A 3 . 69 6eo<t>i\ri Herwerden : so Jurenka, 
 and Blass 2 . (ev6a\TJ Bl. 1 ) aprffiov Blass : an apostrophe is traceable after S.vSp' : one 
 fragment supplies pijio and another (21 b) the final v. 7O ____ IOT] re6fj.]iov Blass (or 
 5a.fj.iov) : 6\j$]lov Jurenka, which is too little for the space. 71 The letters -a Mou, 
 
 63 o<roi ye fiiv EX.\a8' ?xovo-iv, as 
 distinguished from non-Hellenes; the 
 poet is not prepared to say that Hieron 
 had surpassed Croesus: hence -yc is right. 
 Remark that \Uv, added to Y* here, merely 
 emphasizes the limitation (as in fyu /JL^V, 
 etc.). This is not the Ionic yt fj.ev in the 
 sense of -ye /onjv ('however,' //. 2. 703 
 etc., Her. VII. 152), which occurs below 
 in v. 90. 
 
 64 w p.fya.ivTjT 'le'pwv. The hiatus 
 before 'le'pw, with lengthening of c, is 
 remarkable. A strong aspiration of I 
 would help to explain it ; and there may 
 be also a metrical reason, viz., a slight 
 pause after the fifth foot. In 92 (MoDcrcl 
 viv Tpffai. 'Itpuv, aii 5' o\/3ou) the hiatus 
 occurs at the same place; but there the 
 full stop after rpt<f>ei makes a difference. 
 That verse may, however, make us more 
 cautious in assuming that v. 64 is corrupt. 
 (Wilamowitz suggests w /j.fyaii>r]T' w: A. 
 Ludwich, (J /n.fy' aivydeis.) 'I'p<ov (like 
 
 Zep6s) never had p. 
 
 66 f. <f>afiv ( Aeolic) <j>ava.i, Pind. O. 
 I. 35, III. 38, N. vni. 19. Aoto.: a title 
 given to Apollo especially in his oracular 
 character, owing to the popular derivation 
 from Xo6s ('oblique,' in ref. to indirect, 
 ambiguous responses): Soph. 0. T. 853 
 (n.). 
 
 67 f. u Xryeiv iroptonv . . OO-TIS H 11 ! 
 K.T.X. The antecedent to Sans is rovrtf) 
 understood (cp. Soph. Ant. 35 f. 6j o.v 
 rotirwv TI dp$, \ <f>bvov vpoKeiffdai) : ' any 
 man who is not envious may well praise,' 
 etc. iriaCvcrai, battens on envy, feeds 
 his heart on it: Pind. P. n. 55 \f/oyepov 
 'Apxl\oxov, j3apv\6yois ?x^ ffl " I ifiaiif6- 
 fj.fvov. 
 
 69 0eo<J>i\TJ suits the space, and is 
 appropriate: cp. iv. i 3, and v. i 
 (efytoipe). Pind. /. V. 65 f. ir6\ii> | 
 ^eo<^>t\^: Plat. Phileb. 39 E 5i'/catos dvijp 
 /cat Vff{/3ris. . ap 1 ov deo<f>i\-f)t itrnv; 
 
 70 rcOptiov, Doric for OefffJiiov (Pind.
 
 in] ETTINIKO! 263 
 
 But of all who now live in Hellas there is not one, illustrious 
 Hieron, 
 
 who will say that he has sent more gold to Loxias than thou epode 5. 
 hast. Well may any man, who does not batten on envious 
 thoughts, praise the favourite of the gods, the lover of horses, 
 the warrior, who bears the sceptre of justice-guarding Zeus, 
 
 and has fellowship with the Muses of violet locks. [? But, as oft str. 6. 
 at Malea, the god sends sudden stress of trouble on the children of a day. 
 Thou lookest to the needs of the time : our life is short ;] 
 
 but deceitful Hope has crept into the hearts of men, children ant. 6. 
 of a day. Yet the lord Apollo [, the shepherd,] said to the 
 son of Pheres : 
 
 with uv (the last of v. 72) below, are on fr. 21 a : -adv on fr. 21 b (placed by Blass). 
 
 72 Tror(e) is certain : as in v. 23 a later hand has indicated a correction of II into K 
 (/core). Before ON (fr. 21 a) there are distinct traces of an upright stroke, with a 
 slight trace of a stroke joining this from the left ; M is possible, but doubtful. 
 
 73 The trace before OC is merely an upright stroke, | , but such as to suggest N. 
 On fr. 21 a, below the final ON of 72, there is a very faint trace (little more 
 than a dot) of the bottom of a letter which was the last of v. 73. Blass thinks 
 that it was I : but N is equally possible. 74 After <r/co7re something has been 
 deleted (o-?). 75 do\6efftra...viri> K^ap dtdvicev ].: 8o\6r<ra....viro<f>tpi fjLepl/jj>as 
 Wilamowitz. 77 ..... AOC] The A is not quite certain, but the traces point 
 to it. 6 fiovicbXos conj. K. : twv 0t\os Blass: e*ca/36XosJ. (Toi6v5' iros Wilamowitz: 
 TOIOVT' TTOS Jurenka : but even if II could be assumed, the space is too small for this.) 
 vli Platt, Wackernagel (vli Wilam.). 
 
 ^V. XI. 27 foprav "Rpa.K\tos r^&fuov) : the the Olympian festival of 468 : Hieron died 
 
 Zeus of law and justice, under whom of his disease in 467. At this time (as 
 
 Hieron is the guardian of civic order: verses 85 92 hint) it must have been 
 
 cp. IV. 3 offTvOefuv 6' ' \ipuva. : Find. O. known that he could not live long. 
 
 I. 12 (Hieron) de^taTetov 6s d/oi^iret Verses 72 f., as I tentatively restore them 
 
 ffKaiTTov, But Ofa/juos does not elsewhere above, would express a general yv&fj.ij 
 
 occur as an epithet of Zeus (nor does ('trouble oft comes suddenly on mortals'), 
 
 8a.fj.ios, the other word suggested by veiling a reference to the fact that Hieron 's 
 
 Blass). geiviov (Nairn) seems too special malady had lately become worse. cot- 
 
 for the context. put ovcoTreis would be a tribute to his 
 
 71 pepos lx OVTa Mov<rav : cp. n. on fortitude and resignation: he is calmly 
 
 I. 41. Hieron was said to have been, taking such measures as his state requires. 
 
 like Gelon, utterly indifferent to /IOUO-I/D) Such a context would certainly agree well 
 
 and literature, until the enforced leisure with the tone of 75 92. (i) If the word 
 
 of an illness gave him a love for them, in 72 was (8i)p.a\a (with xpO. the sense 
 
 which thenceforth was ardent. (Aelian may have been : ' formerly thy hand was 
 
 V. H. 4. 15: eirel 5e ai/ry ffwijv^x^ terrible in battle; but now thou lookest 
 
 voffrjffai, (j.ov<nKUTo.Tos avOp<lnruv tyfrfTo.) for solace from the Muses.' See Ap- 
 
 7274 All that is certain as to the pendix, where both alternatives are more 
 
 sense of these mutilated verses is that fully examined. 
 
 they formed a transition from the theme 75 8oXot<r<ra 8' IXirls K.T.\. In the 
 
 of Hieron's achievements (6971) to immediately preceding words the poet 
 
 that of the brevity and insecurity of life had said, in effect, ' life is short and 
 
 (75 92 ). It would seem that the letters uncertain.' But hope beguiles men into 
 
 MAAEAI must be either (i) MoXt'<j, or looking for an indefinite term of pros- 
 
 (2)partof5/aaX<f9orpw/^9- (i) Malea perity. 
 
 was a proverbial terror to sailors (Strabo 77 Apollo served as outf>op06j to 
 
 vm. p. 378). This ode was written after Admetus, son of Pheres, and king of
 
 ?r. r'. 
 
 80 
 
 264 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 Col. 5 dvaTov evvra \p7j 8iSu/oiovg deeiv 
 
 , on r avpcov orgeat 
 fjiovvov dXtou <aog, 
 
 TyKovr' erea 
 
 &)dv fia0vTT\ovTov reXel?. 
 ocrta S/DCOI' .v(f>pa.Lve Bv^ov TOVTO yap 
 /cepSeojf vTreprarov. 
 
 '. <f>poveovTi crvvera yapuar flaOvs 
 aWrjp d/xiavros' uSwp 8e TTOVTOV 
 ov craTreraf ev^pocrvva 8' d 
 i 8' ov 
 
 [in 
 
 85 
 
 '. yTjpa?, OaXeiav avrts dy/co/xtcrcrat 
 90 rffiav. dpeTct[5 ye /Li]e> ov n-ivvdei 
 fipOTtov a/xa cr[w/xa]ri, ^eyyog, dXXd 
 
 Movcra ftv rp[^>et]. 'lepuv, crv 8' oX/8ov 
 
 TTpa^a^yri\ 8' 
 
 78 ETTAN A a corrector (A 2 ?) added N above the line between T and T, and 
 transfixed the final N. 88 wap^vra J. 89 AFKOMICAI MS. : corr. K. 
 
 91 (TWyuan J. K. Ingram. 
 
 Pherae in Thessaly; having been doomed 
 by Zeus to become a mortal's thrall, 
 because he had slain the Cyclopes (Eur. 
 Ale. i 8). Kenyon's supplement, 6 
 POVKO\OS, is very attractive. vtt: the 
 last syllable of this verse must be short. 
 Cp. xii. 100 vlas. 
 
 78 vvra = fdvra : rare, but found in 
 Theocr. n. 3. Cp. xvm. 23 n. cUgeiv, 
 make to grow, ' nourish ': Od. 17. 489 fv 
 Hfv KpaSi-g fitya wevOos aee. 
 
 7982 OTU T' av'piov K.T.\. This is a 
 general precept from a friendly god. (It 
 was he who, when the time approached 
 for Admetus to die, persuaded the Moirae 
 to accept another life in exchange : Eur. 
 Ale. 914.) 'Be prepared to die to- 
 morrow: use your time as if you had 
 none to spare. But reflect also that you 
 may live for many years, and exercise 
 forethought accordingly.' ITVTTIKOVT' 
 ?rca, ace. of duration, 'for fifty (i.e. an 
 indefinite number of) years': there is no 
 allusion to Hieron's actual age. 
 
 (used by Aesch. and 
 
 Eur.) like a0i55ooj (Find. /. i. 66), etc. 
 Cp. Soph. At. 130 fjiaicpov irXovrov fidBei. 
 r\is, accomplish, carry on to its 
 goal. 
 
 83 oo-ia 8pu>v v4>paiv OVJAOV : i.e. so 
 long as you are doing your duty to gods 
 and men, keep a cheerful spirit, and enjoy 
 the present aright, without counting on 
 the future. This is in a higher strain 
 than carpe diem. 
 
 85 87 4>pov'ovri <rvvTa yap\n>>. 
 Veiled counsels of resignation and of 
 comfort to the moribund Hieron. 
 
 These three verses are remarkable for 
 the open imitation of Pindar. With 
 j>povovru K.T.\. cp. Quvaevra. ffweroiffLV 
 (Q.u. 93,4768.0.). ThT short clauses 
 (f rom ^Ovs to XP v <s) copy Pindar's 
 abruptness, and his splendour : cp. 
 Q. I. I ff. (also of 476 B.C.), apiffrov ^v 
 (JSwp- 6 5e x/>i'<^s aLOoiuvov wvp are 5ta- 
 T ^ K . T .\. But the strain hardly suits 
 Bacchylides: a lapse comes at the tame 
 wor d v<}>poo-uva (which has to mean, 'a 
 j oy for ever'}. Blass, indeed, in his
 
 Ill] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 265 
 
 ' As a mortal, thou must nourish each of two forebodings ; 
 
 that to-morrow's sunlight will be the last that thou shalt see;epode6. 
 or that for fifty years thou wilt live out thy life in ample wealth. 
 Act righteously, and be of a cheerful spirit : that is the supreme 
 gain.' 
 
 I speak words of meaning for the wise : the depths of air str. 7. 
 receive no taint ; the waters of the sea are incorrupt ; gold is 
 a joy : but for a man it is not lawful to pass by hoary eld, 
 
 and to recover the bloom of youth. Yet the radiance of manly ant. 7. 
 worth wanes not with the mortal body ; it is cherished by the 
 Muse. O Hieron, 
 
 thou hast shown to mankind the fairest flowers of good fortune, epode 7. 
 Toward one who has so prospered, 
 
 2nd ed., changes it to a word which is 
 not extant, evxpofffoa (as = ' a glory of 
 colour ') ; citing Theognis 451 f. rov (gold) 
 Xpon?s KaOinrepQe yuAas oi>x obrrerai t'6s, j 
 oi/5' ei)pu>s, aiei 5' &v6os <=x l fa6ap6v. 
 
 88 Traptvra : a mortal cannot pass by 
 old age, and enter (after middle life) on 
 a second youth. Cp. Plat. Rep. 460 E 
 eireiSav TJ]V d^vrdrr^v 5p6/j.ov ctKfirjv iraprj, 
 ' when a man has passed that moment 
 in life's course when the passions are 
 keenest.' Soph. O. C. 1229 e8r' av ri> 
 vtov irapy, when he has seen youth go 
 by. The initial IT being certain, the 
 only alternative is irpo^vra : which would 
 be required to mean, ' having let go,' 
 'having given up,' old age; a sense 
 which, even if it were satisfactory, would 
 rather demand irpotfj-evov. Further, the 
 space in the papyrus seems too large for 
 irpoevra : in this MS. the letter takes up 
 less room than A. 
 
 9O apcras -y* V* v - Here yt p.tv is 
 equivalent to the Attic ye /J.TIV, 'however': 
 cp. 63 n. 
 
 The MS. has |uvv6ci, --- where we 
 expect ---. The ode contains seven 
 strophes and seven antistrophes. There 
 are therefore thirteen verses which answer 
 metrically to this. In two of them (72 
 and 76) the ending is lost. In all the 
 
 other eleven, a bacchius ( ) and not 
 
 an anapaest, answers to /j.ivv6ei. And to 
 these eleven, verse 76 may be added, 
 since 'AiroXXwv is practically certain there. 
 The probabilities, then, are very strongly 
 against a solitary exception here ; even if 
 such a variation was admissible. Crusius 
 
 and Blass hold that the substitution of 
 -~~- for -~ in this place of the 
 verse was legitimate. They refer to 
 Alcman's partheneion (Bergk, vol. III. 
 30 ff.). There we have remains of seven 
 strophes. Of these, strophes i, 3, and 
 7 end with --~-, while 4, 5, and 6 end 
 
 with . (The close of strophe 2 is 
 
 lost.) Bergk suggests, however, that in 
 Alcman's poem these clausulae were not 
 freely interchangeable; but that he varied 
 the measure in the last verse of his strophe 
 by rule, on some plan connected with the 
 nature of the subject-matter. In any 
 case, it seems rash to take the Alcman 
 fragment (in which much is obscure) as a 
 sufficient warrant for the isolated anomaly 
 here. 
 
 I have little doubt that pivvOci is 
 corrupt. The poet may have written 
 (iivvv0T| or fuvvOr] (a gnomic aor.). tfuvutiri 
 is the vulg. reading, though a doubtful 
 one, in Hippocr. 3. 63 and 3. 219. Cp. 
 v. 151. No pres. /j.tvtivu or fuvvvOw is 
 extant. 
 
 92 ff. rptfyti. 'It'pwv. On the hiatus, 
 see v. 64 n. o\[3ov . . avflco. : cp. Find. P. 
 X. 17 f. ITTOITO nolpa... \ ..TT\OVTOV avOfiv 
 ff<pl<riv : P. 4. 131 ei)f(fiaj &wov. 
 
 94 irpcUjavTi 8' 5 K.T.\. Silence is 
 not meet in the case of (in regard to) one 
 who has prospered. Cp. v. 187 190, 
 Xpi) 5' aXaffflas X^P"* I alveiv... \ et rts eO 
 TTpdffffoi ppoTwv. The dative would more 
 naturally denote the person who ought 
 not to be silent (Soph. Ai. 293 
 KOffnov i] ffiyi) <t>tpei) : but e& -r 
 cannot here refer to the poet.
 
 266 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [m, iv 
 
 95 
 
 ov 
 
 Trct* 
 
 Kocr/Jiov crio)- 
 crvv 8' aXadeia 
 
 Kal jU,eX(,yXto<rcrov rtg v^vr^aei 
 
 IV. 
 
 TQI AYTQI 
 <ITTTTOII> TTYOIA. 
 
 1 Ert ^vpaKocriav <f)i\el 
 
 2 770X11; d ^/ovcro/cd/Acts 'A7rdXXeoj>, 
 
 3 dcTTvOefjiLv ff 'lepaiva 
 
 4 rpirov yap nap* 6fJL(f> 
 
 det8e]rat 
 
 )i' d^>era] crw LTTTTCDV. 
 7 Trapa S' evppoov 'A\<f>eov 
 
 Col. 6 
 
 96 
 
 yepa? 
 
 TO 
 
 e/coV]rt 
 S' eVa'/covei'J 
 
 1 K\.a$eovTa<;, ot9 icrop- 
 
 2 pOTrov e^ovra Ai/c]as 
 
 3 Aewo/xeVeos /c* eye/)a[t/Do])ae^ 
 
 v Jurenka. 98 In d^Soj'os the scribe had written O for A, but corrected it. 
 IV. The title, in minuscule letters, has been added (by A 3 ?) in the left margin. 
 IlinOIC is inserted by K. 4 The faint traces after TAP indicate II rather 
 
 than A, i.e. irap' (Blass) rather than a,fitf> . 6 apery Crusius, Kafjidr^ K. : 
 
 <rrf(/>dvois W. Christ. 8 AC AAEKTOP] Blass 2 , who writes ay, finds an 
 
 96 <ruv 8" dXa0ia xaXwv : ' and 
 along with his (Hieron'sj genuine glories' 
 (lit. ' reality of glories ') ' men will praise 
 also the charm of the melodious nightin- 
 gale of Ceos.' For this sense of Ka\d, 
 cp. II. 6 : for aXa^'p Thuc VI 33 i 
 rov wiir\ov TT,, a\r,e fia , the ' reality 
 of it. We have already found in this 
 poem a trace of Pindar s first Olympian 
 (85 ff., n.). In the last words of that ode, 
 Pindar links Jiis own fame with Hieron's: 
 ttr, at TtTOVTOv v+ov X P^ TTr, e^ 
 re ro(r<ra5e ; ^a06po o^Xe^, Trpo<j>a>>T OV 
 <ro^ ? /ca0 BXX^os ^ra Tra^r?. Bac- 
 chyhdes does the like here, only m his 
 gentler Ionian fashion. 
 
 If icaXwv were the participle, the sense 
 would be: 'and calling (the poet) so 
 with truth, men will praise the charm of 
 the . . nightingale of Ceos.' But then we 
 should expect KaXe'wv: cp. vn. 40 \>[j.i>e<av, 
 and (wkhout synizesis) v . ,^ 6\ t7 o^e- 
 ^ XH i jg KX<Wwi/ In j_ . certa inly, 
 we find ^ Xol (=/3oX ^ ot) . j pres ump- 
 ti ho ^ ever , is in favour of KO.\W being 
 the noun 
 
 IV _ 3 ' i^^taiv, 'just ruler of cities.' 
 
 of ^ 
 
 the com d means> 
 (upholding ) themis in the 
 rf Hom 
 
 X^^.-See on m. 70. 
 
 concerned with 
 ci ty ' : C p. 
 ^.re-
 
 Ill, IV] 
 
 EFMNIKOI 
 
 267 
 
 silence is not meet. And along with thy genuine glories men 
 shall praise also the charm of the sweet singer, the nightingale 
 of Ceos. 
 
 IV. 
 
 For Hieron, victor in the four-horse chariot-race at Delphi. 
 
 Still is Syracuse dear to Apollo of the golden locks ; still str. i. 
 does he honour Hieron, just ruler of cities, who now for the third 
 time, at earth's central shrine beneath the lofty cliffs, is hymned 
 as a Pythian victor, through the prowess of his swift steeds. 
 [Twice, too, by the fair stream of Alpheus, was the prize given 
 to him with good will by Hera's wide-ruling lord; and graciously 
 did Zeus hearken to those resounding songs 
 
 wherewith] we used to honour the son of Deinomenes, who str. . 
 holds the scales of Justice in even poise. 
 
 apostrophe before it: but Kenyon does not think that the faint trace suits an 
 apostrophe. 11 f. Blass inserts frag. 19 K., which gives parts of the endings 
 
 of two verses, viz. ICOP, and below that ACTAAAN. icrbppoirov Headlam : Blass 3 . 
 13 Aeivofdvefo K'] The K is clear and certain. tyepa.lpoij.ev] The letters E.EPA...MEN 
 are certain. After the first E, the top of F is also traceable. 
 
 4 Tprov. This victory with the 
 reOpnrirov was gained by Hieron at the 
 Pythia of 470 B.C. He had twice been 
 victorious there with the /cA^s, viz. in 
 482 and 478. He had also won with the 
 *f(f\7;j at Olympia in 476 and 472. 
 
 6fj.(J>aXo v : Pind. P. XI. 9 IlvOuivd re 
 Kal..ya.s f>^a\6v : Soph. O. T. 398 rbv 
 S.BIKTOV yas eir' 6fj.<f>d\6v. The omphalos 
 in the Delphian temple (Aesch. Eum. 40) 
 was a large white stone, supposed to 
 mark the centre of the earth (Pind. P. 
 IV. 74: Livy 38. 48 Delphos, umbilicuni 
 orbis terraritm). vuJnSeipou. with high 
 ridges or cliffs (Sfipri = dapds, Pind. O. 
 IX. 63 yiaivaXiauTiv ev Setpcus). Above 
 Delphi rise the cliffs which were called 
 <i>cu5ptd3es, with two peaks (the 8i\o<pos 
 TTfTpa of Soph. Ant. 1126). 
 
 6 dpera suits the space. It is slightly 
 prosaic here; yet cp. Pind. X. 23 iroo&v 
 dperp /rparTjo-aj. Another possible word 
 is <ie6\ois: cp. Pind. P. IX. 125 abv 5' 
 de?0Xots (~~-)..iro5iav, and N. IX. 9 
 iiririuv $.6\uv. We might prefer ffreipd- 
 vois, but it is too long for the lacuna. 
 Ka/j-drij) would be too suggestive of painful 
 toil. 
 
 For <rvv following its case, cp. Od. 9. 
 332 e/J.ol ffvv /j.ox\6v detpas : Pind. IV. X. 
 
 48 SpOfAlf) ffltV TToSClV. 
 
 7 13 Here there was doubtless a 
 mention of Hieron's two victories at 
 Olympia, parallel with the notice of 
 them in the seventh verse of the second 
 strophe (v. 17). In v. 8 dXltcrap was, 
 I conjecture, Hera's spouse ; as Apollo 
 (v. 2) gives the crown at Delphi, so Zeus 
 at Olympia. Cp. X. 51 f. |av^as tra.pe- 
 Spov | fftfivov Aids evpvf}ia, n. What 
 Blass takes for a mark of elision before 
 ay may be a trace of the accent on 
 fvpv/Bias. (For dX^Krwp = maritus cp. 
 Soph. fr. 767 cw/ids 5' d\6crwp avrdv rjye 
 irpis fj.<u\i)v : Lycophron 1094, where 
 Tzetzes explains &\eKT6puv by 6no\fK- 
 rpuv, crvtyyuv.) I show above, exempli 
 gratia, how vv. 7 9 might be restored. 
 
 In vv. 11, 12 Blass places fr. 19 K., 
 containing the letters I(?)COP, and below 
 them ACTAAAN, which he completes 
 thus : Iff6p-\poirov ZXOVTO. Afca? rd\av- 
 TOV. This collocation of the fragment 
 can scarcely be deemed certain ; but it is 
 possible. In v. 13 Blass deletes the K' of 
 the MS. after Aeipo/u^eos. But, even if,
 
 268 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [iv, v 
 
 4 TrdpecrTLV viv ay^tctXotcr[t K/ourjas 
 15 s P.OVVOV iTL)(0oi>i(t)v raSe 
 
 6 ^qad^evov orrefidvois 
 
 7 Svo T 
 
 rt (freprepov 17 deolcriv 
 eovra 
 
 ao 
 
 V. 
 
 <TQI AYTQI 
 KEAHTI OAYMniA. > 
 
 <rrp. a. 
 
 2 tTTTToStv^rajv crrparaye, 
 
 3 yj>a>cret /xei> locrre^dvwv 
 
 4 Mourav yXv/cuSw^ov ayaX/xa, ra)z> ye 
 5 at Ti? eiriyBovitov, 
 
 14 IIAPECTIAN] Trdp<rriv viv (with rplrov yap Trap' in 4) Blass : or Trdpea-rt vvv 
 (with...a.fjL<f> in 4): irdpecm fj.av Wilam. AFXIAAOIC. Between this word and 
 ACMTXOIC there is room for at least five letters; probably for six (assuming one or 
 
 as Blass thinks, K' was made from another 
 letter (e?), which is doubtful, we are 
 not warranted in deleting it ; least of all 
 in a mutilated passage. K' c-ycpaipojitv 
 may mean, 'we used to honour'; im- 
 plying that, on each of the two occasions 
 when Hieron won at Olympia, there were 
 several songs in his praise. The alter- 
 native explanation of K would be to 
 'understand it in the ordinary conditional 
 sense: '(If we had not been unavoidably 
 prevented,) we should have been honour- 
 ing Hieron.' The poet would then be 
 excusing himself for absence from the 
 celebration of Hieron's Pythian victory; 
 or, perhaps, for not having sent some 
 worthier tribute than this short song. 
 In view of the whole context, however, 
 this interpretation seems less probable. In 
 v. 10 vjivovs are presumably songs sung 
 at Olympia. With these data, vv. 10 
 and 1 1 might be tentatively completed 
 somewhat in the manner suggested above. 
 For l<r6ppoTrov . . AIKO.S rdXavrov cp. 
 XVI. 25 f. AiKaj pV7r Ta\avTov (with n. 
 there). Praise for even-handed justice 
 was naturally acceptable to a rvpawos, 
 
 more especially, perhaps, if his claim to 
 it was disputable; and in Hieron's case 
 that praise is frequently given or implied. 
 See above, .3: in. 70: v. 6 (e&ffvdticov): 
 Find. O. I. 12; vi. 930.: P. ill. 70 ff. 
 See Appendix. 
 
 14 18 irapeortv viv seems a true 
 correction of the MS. irap' (trriav. (The 
 form of A in the MS. would help a change 
 of N into A.) This assumes rpirov yap 
 trap' in v. 4. If, instead of Trap', dyu0' 
 stood there, irdpe<rri vvv could stand here. 
 But we note that the eighth v. of the strophe 
 also begins with - (v. 18, delSeiv). The 
 sense is: 'We can crown him with 
 wreaths as one who, alone of men, has 
 compassed these triumphs in the recesses 
 of Crisa near the sea ( = at Delphi); and 
 also sing of two Olympian victories.' 
 T<x8, three equestrian victories at 
 Delphi, a record which the poet avers 
 to be unique. The point of vvv is 
 exultation in the total of Hieron's vic- 
 tories at the two greatest festivals. 
 
 irap' rrav, if sound, would mean 
 either '/#' or 'at' (cp. ix. 29 f.) Hieron's 
 hearth. Intrinsically this is quite possible.
 
 IV, V] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 269 
 
 We can crown him with wreaths as one who, alone of 
 mortals, has compassed such deeds in the hill-girt vale of Crisa 
 by the sea, while we can sing also of two Olympian victories. 
 What is better than to find favour with the gods, and to receive 
 a full portion of blessings in every kind ? 
 
 V. 
 
 To Hieron, victor in the horse-race at Olympia. (476 B.C.) 
 
 Blest war-lord of Syracuse, city of whirling chariots, thou, str. i. 
 if any mortal, wilt rightly estimate the sweet gift brought in thy 
 honour by the Muses of violet crown. 
 
 more to be thin). The letter next before AC may have been either P or C : all that 
 remains of it is a short curving stroke from the top. a-yxidXowij' Afrcaj K. : dyxidXourt 
 Kotlas Wilam. : Kpi<ras J. : Kippas Blass 2 (Fcuaj, = Delphi, Bl. 1 ): yaias Jurenka. 
 2O (cre\ui> Wilam., Blass: M0\wv K. 
 
 V. The MS. omits the title, which is supplied by K. In the other cases (odes I, 
 ix, xn, xv) where the title is wanting the MS. is mutilated. 
 
 But pTtTiv and deiSeiv cannot tolerably 
 be made infinitives of purpose (' in order 
 to crown,' etc.). Given Trap' fffriav, they 
 must be governed by some verb or 
 participle of 'wishing' or 'purposing.' 
 But that must have preceded v. 13. And 
 on such a hypothesis, the sentence as a 
 whole becomes extremely complex and 
 cumbrous, in a manner foreign to this 
 poet. With irdptori, on the other hand, 
 the construction is clear and simple. 
 The diction is also characteristic: see 
 III. 65 e# \tyeiv irdptanv (a..). 
 
 Kpicras [ivxois, with fj.riffd/j.(voi>. Crisa 
 was about two miles w.s.w. of Delphi. 
 Cp. Find. P. VI. 17 f. e\}5ooi> dp/j.ari 
 VLKO.V I Kpiffalais frl Tm^cus. Soph. /. 
 1 80 (of Orestes at Delphi) 6 rdv K.piaai> | 
 fiovvonov fyuv OLKTOLV, which illustrates 
 (vyx lt ^ owr| " See Appendix. 
 
 17 6Xvp.irioviKas from oXvptirioviKT), a 
 word used by Antiphon, fr. 131 6\vfj.irio- 
 
 VlKCLl KO.I TTvBiOvlKO.1 KO.I Ol TOIOVTOI d.y&V(S. 
 
 18 ff. 9oi<riv <JH\OV lovra : such 
 prosperity is indeed enviable when it is 
 conferred by the favotir of the gods, and 
 not gained by unworthy means. iravro- 
 Sairuv . . r0Xu>v, 'good things of every 
 kind.' To power, wealth, warlike fame, 
 Hieron added success in the games. If 
 we read oc'dXuv, the range of the thought 
 would be too narrow, and Trcu>ToS<nru>i> 
 (bearing its local sense) too wide. Cp. 
 V. 50 (of Hieron) oX/Jios $TIVI 0eoj j 
 
 is very rare. //. 2. 699 r6re 5' jjdri tx ev 
 K&TO. yala fttXaiva. Aesch. Pers. 871 
 (7r6Xets) f\t)\a./jLfvcu irepi vvpyov (com- 
 passed with embattled walls) : Eur. 
 Bacch. 554 Tivd<r<rwv &va duptrov (where 
 dva should not be taken as vocative). 
 Cp. xvin. 7. 
 
 V. 2 tir7ro8ivT]Twv, whirled in chariots. 
 (In Aesch. Theb. 460 f. IITTTOUJ . . dtvei is 
 said of the driver.) The reference is to 
 the distinction of Syracuse in chariot- 
 races: it seems improbable that there is 
 any allusion to the Syracusan cavalry 
 (though in Find. P. n. 2, Syracuse is 
 
 a.iro\ayxa.vfiv (to receive & full portion). 
 The preposition after the verb in tmesis 
 
 Syracusan coins of the time of Gelon 
 bear a quadriga, with a winged Nhci; 
 above (Gelon was victorious at Olympia). 
 On those of an earlier date a quadriga 
 appears without the NiVrj. (P. Gardner, 
 Types of Greek coins, PI. II., and p. 107.) 
 
 oTpa.T<vy- This may be merely a 
 poetical title, ' war-lord ' : as OTpara-y^ras 
 is said of Minos (xvi. 121), or as Creon, 
 /3acri\ei>s of Thebes (Soph. Ant. 155), is 
 called ffTparriyfa (ib. 8). It is also pos- 
 sible, however, that Hieron held the office 
 of ffrparaybs avroKparup, as Gelon seems 
 to have done at one time. Whether Gelon 
 or Hieron was ever formally styled pa<n- 
 Xfi/s, is uncertain. Pindar calls Hieron 
 so (O. I. 23, P. in. 70): Bacchylides does 
 not; but the silence proves nothing. 
 See Appendix. 
 
 3_6 -yvw<ri...op8a>s. wilt rightly re- 
 cognize it for what it is, rightly -fudge
 
 2/0 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [v 
 
 " <f>peva 8' 
 dfJL7rav(ra<5 
 
 10 
 
 17 <rvv Xaptrecrcrt / 
 VJJLVOV dub a#e'a,9 
 
 11 vdcrov (pei/os vjjLerepav 
 
 12 Tret K\eevvav es TroA.w, 
 
 13 xpucrctjUTrv/co? Ovpavias /cXei- 
 
 14 i/os OepaTTwv eWXei Se 
 15 yapvv K <TT 
 
 v(f>di>a<; 
 
 avr. a', i alvelv 'lepaiva. 
 
 2 8* aWepa ov0aucrL rdp,va)v 
 
 3 ui/fov irrepvyecro-i ra^et- 
 
 8 eirdQpriffov H. Richards: a.Q(n)ffov MS. 9 H MS.: 5 K. : 17 Platt : ^ Blass: 
 
 ' conj. Palmer. 13 f. KXet-vis] KAINOC A, corr. A 3 . The MS. wrongly 
 
 it : cp. Aesch. Ag, 795 
 
 fiuv. ib. 1099 Oe<y(f>a.r<i)v yvwfjuav a^poy. 
 
 loo~r<}>dvft)v : epithet of Persephone in 
 III. i; of Thetis in xn. 122. Moio-dv. 
 This Aeolic form, always used by Pindar, 
 occurs only here in Bacchylides, who has 
 the Ionic and Attic MoOo-a nine times. 
 The Doric was Muff a (Alcman fr. 3, etc.). 
 
 -yXvKvSwpov aYoX|JLa, i.e. the ode: 'a 
 sweet gift brought in thy honour ' : for 
 &ya\/Mi, see on I. 74. TO>V Y wv K.T.\. : 
 cp. Find. O. i. 103 ff. (written for this 
 same victory), irtvoiOa. 8t tvov | /J.TI nv' 
 du.<t>&Tepa KO.\WV re fiSpiv a,ue Kal 
 dvva/ju.v Kvpi&repov | T&V ye vvv K\vraiffi 
 daidaXwfft pen vpvwv irruxaty. Thus both 
 poets say that Hieron has no living su- 
 perior as a judge of poetry. The scholiast 
 on Pind. P. n. 166 is the authority for 
 the statement that Hieron preferred the 
 odes of Bacchylides to those of Pindar 
 (wapa 'Itptavi TO. BaKXv\idov 
 
 6 f. cv0v8iKov: cp. in. 70, and iv. 3. 
 
 evffvdtKav would be possible, but is not 
 required by metre. A vowel at the be- 
 ginning of the seventh verse follows 
 irlffvvos in 21, fiopta. in 46, 'Aida in 61, 
 and apT]C<j>i\ov in 166. 
 
 drpep." dfinraveras : the adv. is proleptic, 
 the phrase being a compressed mode of 
 saying, tifj.ir. wtrre drp^a lx elJ/ - 
 
 8 The MS. reading, Sevp' dOprjo-ov vow, 
 
 gives -~ - - , instead of -~ ~ - , 
 
 which we find in all the corresponding 
 verses. Blass defends the text by sup- 
 posing that the second syllable of &,&p\aov 
 is prolonged. (He assumes the same 
 licence in IX. 15, where see n.) It is 
 far more probable that a syllable has 
 dropped out. Kenyon supplies <rvv (easily 
 lost after -<rov). The phrase ffiiv voqi is 
 usually found in negative sentences, as = 
 'without intelligence' (Her. vili. 86 otfre 
 ffvv i>6ij) iroie&vTuv ovdev : Plat. Crilo 48 C 
 TLOV pq.dib}S airoKTivvvvTti}v...ovdfvl %vv V(f). 
 Here the sense would be, ' with earnest 
 attention.' But there is a metrical ob- 
 jection, viz. the caesura after adp^crov: 
 see p. 97. I now prefer to read, with 
 Richards, tirddprjffov: cp. XII. 227 ^Tra- 
 6p-fi<rais. The sense of vt><? will then be 
 adverbial, 'attentively.' Another possible 
 emendation would be 8evp' dOptjo-ov v- 
 voecov. But we should then have to sup- 
 pose that, after the loss of ET, NOEflN 
 (written NOOX) became NOQI. Cp. 
 Pind. P. II. 69 f. rb Ka<rr6/)etof 5' ev 
 Alo\i5efffft xp5alj 6{\wv \ dBprjffov. 
 
 O f. The MS. has H. Should we read 
 (i)fl, (2H,or( 3 )fj? 
 
 (i) ^ is best. We must then suppose, 
 indeed, that in the MS. the letter I has 
 been lost after H : but such a loss would 
 be very easy. Seupo distinctly suggests TJ. 
 ' Look hither, with good heed, to the
 
 v] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 271 
 
 Suffer thy mind, ever upright in judgment, to have repose from 
 cares ; bend thy thoughts hither, and see where a song woven 
 with the aid of the deep-girdled Graces is sent from a lovely 
 isle to your famous city by a guest-friend, a servant not in- 
 glorious of Urania whose locks are bound with gold. Fain is he 
 to pour forth his voice 
 
 in praise of Hieron. The eagle, cleaving the deep ether on ant. i. 
 high with his swift tawny wings, 
 
 places K\fit>6s wholly in v. 14, though in the antistr. it rightly divides iri>o-\aifftv 
 between v. 28 and v. 29: corr. K. 16 aivtiv] AINEI A: but the final N 
 
 has been added above the line (by A*?). 
 
 quarter in which (17) a poet is sending 
 his song.' The present irtfiirti also sup- 
 ports the picturesque g : Hieron is invited 
 to note the advent of the poem, as if he 
 could see in imagination the fadta. i/dtros 
 afar, and the ship on its way. 
 
 (2) i] (proposed by Platt) is also 
 possible. Then there is a full stop (or a 
 colon at least) after vow. Pindar some- 
 times begins a sentence with r\ (0. I. 28 : 
 P. I. 47 : N. vm. 24). The objections to 
 T] are (i) that after verse 8, dtvp' aOprjffov 
 K.T.\. , a stop seems hardly fitting; and 
 (2) that r^ itself is here somewhat weak. 
 
 (3) TJ is read by Blass, who ex- 
 plains it as =' whether. ' But I can find 
 no example of ^ as ' whether ' ( = el) in a 
 single indirect question. In Homer we 
 find, indeed, (i) rrf...ij, ' whether '...'or': 
 Od. i. 174 6</>/>" ev eidui [ 17^ vtov /ueWirets, 
 77 Kai Trarpwtts iaai \ feivos. Palmer pro- 
 posed to read cl. 
 
 oniv XopiT<rcri f3a6vcovois : for the 
 Charites as inspiring song, cp. VIII. I, 
 xvm. 5 f. Pindar has the same phrase 
 in a like context, P. IX. i ff. i0t\u... \ ffiiv 
 fiaOvfiavoiffiv ayy^\\uv \ feXeffiKpar-rj Xo- 
 pirfffffi yeywveiv, written probably in 
 474 (see Schroder's ed., p. 67), i.e. 
 about two years after the date of this 
 ode. vc{>dvas: cp. xvm. 8: Find. fr. 
 179 v<palv(i} 5' ' A/J,a6vovl5a.LS TTOIKI\OV 
 avdy/j-a ('a wreath of song'). J 
 cp. II. 7, X. 24 : and see n. on 
 III. 62. 
 
 11 'vos, 'guest-friend.' We do not 
 know when Bacchylides first visited 
 Syracuse. The date of this ode is 476. 
 It was in that year, or in 477, that his 
 uncle Simonides, according to Timaeus 
 (fr. 90, Muller vol. I. p. 214), effected 
 a reconciliation between Hieron and 
 Theron of Acragas. It seems probable 
 
 that, before this ode was written, Bacchy- 
 lides had been the guest of Hieron, and 
 had thus become privileged to claim the 
 tie of evia. Pindar alludes to Hieron as 
 j-tvov in O. I. 103. 
 
 This verse, and the corresponding v. 
 of the antistrophe (26), are longer by a 
 syllable than those which hold the same 
 places in the other four systems. But 
 the text is probably sound. See Ap- 
 pendix. 
 
 13 f. xpvoxifiiruKOS : Pind. P. ill. 89 
 Xpvffa/jiiriJKwv | ...Motcrav. The a/ri/, a 
 head-band, worn to confine the hair, was 
 often plated with gold or silver, and 
 sometimes set with gems. Artemis in 
 Eur. Hec. 465 has a \pvffta.v afj-irvKa. 
 K\ivos, though we have just had 
 K\vvav : a strong example of verbal 
 repetition, which the change of dialectic 
 form scarcely palliates. For similar in- 
 stances in Sophocles, see n. on O. C. 
 554. 0\i: see on I. 52. 
 
 Verse 14, and the antistrophic v., 29, 
 are longer by a syllable than the corre- 
 sponding verses of the other systems. 
 Here again, as in the similar case of 
 verses 1 1 and 26, the text appears sound. 
 See Appendix. 
 
 16 f. paWv 8' aiO^pa K.T.\. Wide as 
 air is the path opened by Hieron's deeds: 
 strong as an eagle's is the poet's soaring 
 flight. The simile evidently involves 
 both points. But it is quite unnecessary 
 to suppose that this is a retort to Pindar, 
 who in 0. n. 95 97 (written in this same 
 year, 476) implies that he is an eagle, and 
 that two other poets unnamed are crows. 
 The eagle, as an image for the poet, 
 occurs also in Pind. N. v. 20 f. (481 B.C.?), 
 and A'. III. 80 ff. (circ. 469 459). 
 
 o v8cucr i . . . nrtpu-ytoxri : ' tawny. ' The 
 golden or mountain eagle (aquila chrys-
 
 272 BAKXYAIAOY [v 
 
 4 at? ateros evpvdva.KTO<s dyyeXos 
 
 20 5 
 
 6 Bapcrel Kparepa TTICTWO? 
 
 7 tcr^vt, TTTacrcrovrt S' opvi- 
 
 9 ov */; KOpv(j)al ^,eyaXa<? tcr^ovcrt yata?, 
 25 10 ovS' ctXos aKayaaYas 
 Col. 7 " SvcTTraiTraXa Kvp-ara' v(op.a- 
 
 12 rat S' ev dr/avrw X^ t 
 
 13 \eTTTOTpiya. &vv e<j)vpov TTVOL- 
 
 14 OLLCTLV eOeipav apiyvoi- 
 3015 TOS />ir' 
 
 . i TOJS vw /cat e/un fjivpa iravra 
 
 2 vfAtTepav dperav 
 
 3 vfAvelv, KvavoTrXoKaijjiov 6' exart Nt/cas 
 
 4 yakKeoa-repvov r "Aprjos, 
 35 s Aeti/o/xeVev? dye/aw- 
 
 TratSe?' ev cp$a)v Be pr) /cct//,ot 
 
 22 TACCONTI A: the first T corrected to II, and T added above the line (by A 2 ?). 
 
 23 </><$(f>] 4>OIBW MS. 24 MEFAAAIC A: I transfixed (by A' 2 ?). 26 NO- 
 MAI A: the I has been transfixed, either by the scribe himself (as seems probable), or 
 
 aetus) 'is of a rich dark brown, with the vo>|xaTai . . . \irTOTpixa . . . e'Gapav, he 
 
 elongated feathers of the neck, especially plies his wing of delicate plumage. The 
 
 on the nape, Ught tawny, in which imagi- place of the words aw e<f>vpov irvoi.a.laiv 
 
 nation sees a golden hue.' (Prof. Alfred shows that %0eipai> depends on the verb, 
 
 Newton in Enc. Brit. vn. p. 590-) and must not be taken as ace. of respect 
 
 2O epicre^apd-yov : epithet of Poseidon with dpiyvwros. The middle of v<i>/j.di> 
 
 (Taii)6xov) in Horn. hymn. 3. 187. occurs elsewhere only in Quint. Smyrn. 
 
 Pindar also used the word (Eustath. on 3. 439 ov yap ns Tri'<rw6s 76 crci/cos /a^ya 
 
 Od. i p. 1636. 7). ifufi.riffa.ff6a.i: but there is no reason for 
 
 22 8pvix.es. The forms from the stem suspecting it here. It was read by the 
 
 ^P^X-* always used by Pindar, occur schol. on Hes. Theog. 1 16 (see cr. n.). 
 
 also in Alcman (fr. 54), and Theocritus In Soph. fr. 855. n I would read i>u/j.$ 
 
 (5. 48, 7. 47). The Alexandrians called T' ev oluvoiffi irov Keivt) irrepbv (vulg. 
 
 this inflexion Aeolic (cp. Meister Gr. rovKeivrjs, but one MS. of Stobaeus has 
 
 Dialekte, p. 152): it was also Doric. rov Keivrf. and Kwrpis is the subject of the 
 
 26 f. SvorrafaraXa KvpaTa, waveswhich preceding sentences in. the frag.). Cp. 
 
 offer a rough and difficult path to the also Anth. 9. 339 Iv wore Tra^tpaivovrt. 
 
 mariner. (Compare Marlowe's phrase in /j^Xav irrepbv aiOtpi vu^Giv. 
 
 Dido ill. 3, '. Neptune's hideous hills.') a.rpvr<a, 'illimitable'; a sense derived 
 
 5vairaiira\os (formed from 7rcu7r<xXXa>, from that of 'inexhaustible.' Cp. VIII. 
 
 Hesych., =<relu) occurs in Archil, fr. 115 80 arpirrov xpb" " ('unending'). Arist. 
 
 /Sijffffoj 6pd)i> SvairanraXovs : Nicander De Caelo i, p. 284 a 35 'I|/o'6j TLVO. /j.oipav 
 
 Ther. 145 8vffTralTrd\os*00pvs. The Ho- ...atSiov Kal arpvTov. Theocr. XV. 7 a. 5' 
 
 meric iraiTraXoeis is similarly applied to 656s arpi/ros. In the citation by schol. 
 
 hills, rocky islands, and steep or rugged Hes. Theog. 116 drpvy^Tif) is evidently an 
 
 paths. error, due probably to the second T of
 
 v] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 273 
 
 messenger of wide-ruling Zeus the lord of thunder, trusts boldly 
 to his mighty strength ; the shrill-voiced birds crouch in fear 
 of him ; the heights of the wide earth stay him not, nor the 
 rough, steep waves of the unwearied sea ; he plies his wing of 
 delicate plumage in the illimitable void, sped by the breath 
 of the west wind, conspicuous in the sight of men. 
 
 And so for me a boundless course is open on every side epode i. 
 to hymn your prowess, ye lordly sons of Deinomenes, by grace 
 of Victory, dark-haired queen, and of Ares with bronze-clad 
 breast. May Heaven weary not of blessing you ! 
 
 by A'-'. 27 drptfry] Schol. Hes. Theog. 116 Eai<xv\i8r)s 5e x-s TOV &P* Avfoaffe, 
 
 \4ywv Trepi rouaeroO' viafj.arai 8' tv arpvy^Ttf x^'- 28 f. IINO|AICIN MS.: 
 
 iriKH\diffiv Weil, a. o. 31 MOI MS.: tfioi Blass. 33 TMNEI MS.: corr. 
 
 Palmer. 35 f. The MS. places dytpux 01 wholly in 35: corr. K. Cp. 75 f . : 115 f. 
 
 drpuTip having become F : drpvytf) would 
 lead to drpiryr<>. 
 
 X<i<t, the ' void,' as a poetical term for 
 ' space, ' or ' the air ' : a usage which 
 occurs first in Ibycus (flor. circ. 550 B.C.), 
 fr. 28 TTorarat 5" ev d\\orpiif> X"- fl - It ' s 
 possible, indeed, (though we can scarcely 
 assume this,) that the schol. on Ar. Av. 
 192, who quotes the words, confused 
 Ibycus with Bacchylides, and intended this 
 passage. Bergk suggests that dXXorpiy 
 may have been a slip of the scholiast's, 
 due to the verse on which he comments, 
 did TTJS 7r6\eojs TT)S d\\orptas /ecu TOV xdcws. 
 It might also be a corruption of d^rpif 
 (A A for M). 
 
 29 f. apivvco-Tos P.ET* dvOpwirois- In 
 v. 14 the 8 after e0e'\i seems clearly in- 
 dispensable, and is therefore presumably 
 genuine. An asyndeton there would be 
 unendurable. That is the reason against 
 deleting |iT* here, (f^y would be weak, 
 and oluvois for dvOp&trois is improbable.) 
 But the phrase dpiyvuros yuer' dvOpuTrois, 
 as applied to the soaring bird, can be 
 explained only as a bit of rather careless 
 writing. The thought in the writer's mind 
 is that the eagle's flight is ' much noted 
 among men ' ; i.e. a number of men follow 
 his course with their eyes. ISciv, not opav, 
 because the poet thinks of the moment at 
 which the eagle sails into view. 
 
 31 TS is used by the epic poets and 
 by Aesch. (cp. Suppl. 61 TWS /cat eyu), 
 but not by Pindar. |j.vpia iravTij, 
 
 K\V00S : Cp. VIII. 47 f. : XVJII. I 
 irdpeffrt. fivpia K.t\evdos | dfj-jSpoffiuv /xeX^wv. 
 In one of his Isthmian odes (in. i9 = iv. 
 i), composed perhaps in 478, and in any 
 
 J. B. 
 
 case before this ode of Bacchylides, Pindar 
 writes: tori /JLOI 6e(av ?/cori /j,vpia iravrq. 
 
 ydp 
 
 diwKeiv. This is the only instance in which 
 a verbal parallelism between a passage of 
 Bacchylides and an earlier passage of 
 Pindar suffices to prove imitation on the 
 part of the younger poet (cp. p. 65). 
 
 3336 KuavoirXoKcifjLov. merely a 
 general epithet for goddesses or heroines; 
 as for Thebe in vm. 53, and the Proe- 
 tides in X. 83. KtcaTi, 'by grace of: 
 cp. i. 6 f. NKO,S : here, more especially 
 victory in the games. \aXKtoa~rtpvov = 
 Xa-^KodwpaKos. As to the form, see on 
 in. 32. ^Aprjos, alluding chiefly to the 
 victory over the Carthaginians at Himera 
 (480 B.C.), in which Gelon's glory was 
 snared by his brothers. Simonides fr. 141 
 
 (iov\ov I iraiSas Ativo/j-tvevs TOV rpiiroS' 
 dv6/jvai (roi)y TpiiroSas O^fMvai, schol. 
 Find. P. -I. 155). Cp. Pind. P. I. 
 79 (470 B.C.), where he speaks of him- 
 self as having sung of Salamis and 
 Plataea, Trapd. 5* fCvSpov dKrav '1/j.tpa 
 (the river Himeras) iral&tffaiv vitvov A- 
 vofjifveos reXtffais \ TOV i8^S-ai>T d/j.<f> dper^t. 
 Hieron succeeded Gelon in 478. We do 
 not hear of any signal military exploits as 
 having marked the interval between that 
 year and the date of this ode (476). But 
 Hieron had intervened as the protector of 
 Sybaris against Croton (Diod. XI. 48), 
 and of the Italian Locri against Anaxilas 
 of Rhegium (477 B.C. : schol. Pind. P. 
 II. 34). See Freeman, Sicily n. 237 241. 
 Aivo|MVvs...irai8s. The collective 
 
 '9
 
 2/4 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [v 
 
 s 3 A\<f>ov Trap* evpv&ivav 
 9 fraikov a.eXXoSpd/Acu> 
 40 10 etSe viKo.a~o.vro. 
 
 trrp. /?'. 
 
 t T* eV dya#ea ' 
 
 a 8' TTiO-K1]TrTQ)V TT L(j>aVCT K(l) 
 
 3 OVTTCtt VIV VTTO 
 
 4 ITTTTCUV ev 
 45 s Trpo? reXos o 
 
 6 /DiTra yap uro? Bo/aea 
 
 Kare^pavev 
 
 9 VIKOLV 
 
 terat veoKporov 
 
 <f>iXoeiva> 
 
 39 
 
 PEAI 
 
 de\\o8p6fj.av] df\\odp6tAO" schol. Pind. O. i argum. (fr. 6 Bergk). 
 J A, corr. A 1 . 49 <t>IAO2ENOI MS.: corr. K. SO 55 
 
 46 BO- 
 
 address is interesting, because it shows 
 that, so far as the poet knew, and he 
 was doubtless well-informed, Hieron 
 was now (in 476) on good terms with 
 both his surviving brothers, Polyzelus 
 and Thrasybulus. But shortly before 
 this date (in 478 477) he appears to 
 have been at enmity with Polyzelus. 
 The latter, according to Diodorus (xi. 48), 
 had sought refuge with Theron of Agrigas, 
 who, on being reconciled to Hieron (in 
 477 "6)> T ^ v IlcXi/f^Xo? ei'j TTJV irpovirdp- 
 'Xovaa.v evvotav d.TroKa.TtffTTqfff. Thus Bac- 
 chylides indirectly confirms Diodorus. 
 For the fonn of the genit. Aeivo/dvevs, 
 cp. III. 7. 
 
 cvycpcoxoi : ' lordly.' The word has a 
 good sense in Homer (where it is an 
 epithet of the Trojans and other nations, 
 but only once of a single hero, Pericly- 
 menus, in Od. n. 286); also in Pindar 
 (who applies it to victory, high deeds, 
 wealth, but not to persons). Archilochus 
 (fr. 154) and Alcaeus (fr. 120) are said to 
 have used it in a bad sense ('overbearing'). 
 The derivation is uncertain : for the theo- 
 ries, see Leaf on //. 2. 654. 
 
 37 {javOoTpixa, 'chestnut.' In Soph. 
 El. 705 an Aetolian enters for the chariot 
 race l-avOaiffi irtiXois. Nestor speaks of 
 having carried off 1 50 ITTTTOVS j;cu>0ds from 
 Elis (//. n. 680). 
 
 38 'AX<f>t6v...cvpvSivav: cp. ill. 6 f . 
 
 39 ircaXov, not properly 'colt,' but 
 
 merely = lirvov : cp. Soph. El. 705 (n.) 
 748, where the word has this general 
 sense throughout. At Olympia no special 
 contest for irwXoi existed before 384 B.C. 
 dcXXoSpofxav, paraphrased in v. 46. 
 deXX67Toj is the Homeric epithet of Iris 
 (//. 8. 409, etc. ) : then Simonides (fr. 7) 
 and Pindar (N. I. 6) spoke of de\\oTr68uv 
 iirirwv: cp. //. 10. 437 fffiftv 5' dvt/j.oi<nv 
 6/j.otoi. 
 
 40 xpvo-oiraxvs 'Aos, who touches 
 the earth with gold. (Cp. po5o5d(cri;Xoj.) 
 Soph. Ant. 103 f. t3 xp vff t a * I o./j.epas 
 P\t<j>apov. In XII. 96 po86[ira.xvv is cer- 
 tain. The horse-races, like the chariot- 
 races (Soph. El. 699 n.), were held early 
 in the morning. 
 
 41 IIvOwvi T' v a-ya&a. Hieron had 
 won with a *cA7?s at Delphi in 482 and 
 478 B.C. Pherenicus was certainly the 
 *Ai?s in 478 ; perhaps also in 482 ; but 
 the only ground for thinking that this 
 horse had won twice at Delphi is the 
 plural ffre</>dvot.s in Pind. P. III. 73 f., 
 
 Kippg. irort : which could, however, refer 
 to a single victory. See Introd. to the 
 ode, i. For dyaOfy, cp. III. 62. 
 
 42 -y*? 8' Tri<rKT|irrwv, ' laying (my 
 hand) on the earth,' calling it to witness: 
 the full phrase occurs in vn. 41, -y^ 5' 
 firi<TK7firT(i>v x^P a K0fj.irdffofj.a.i. The act of 
 touching the sacred Earth meant that the 
 person who did so invoked the x^^" 101 to
 
 v] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 275 
 
 Morning with her golden ray saw Pherenicus, that chestnut 
 steed swift as the wind, victorious by the wide-eddying Alpheus, 
 
 as also at divine Pytho. And I call Earth to witness : never str. 2. 
 yet in a race has he been soiled by dust from horses in front of 
 him, as he sped to his goal. Like the rush of Boreas, he darts 
 onward, heedful of his pilot, winning for hospitable Hieron a 
 victory greeted by fresh plaudits. 
 Happy is he to whom the god 
 
 Quoted by Stobaeus Flor. 103. 2 (fr. i, Bergk): who cites 53 (from ov) 55 also in 
 Flor. 98. 26. Verses 50 53 (to Sid-yen/) are quoted by Apostolius xn. 65 e. 
 
 punish him if he swore falsely. Similarly 
 persons who invoke the help of the x^6">t 
 strike the earth : //. 9. 568 f. (Althaea) 
 ToXXd di KOJ. ycuav TroXvQ&pfirjv \epfflv 
 dXota, | Kiic\ri<TKOV<r' ' ' A-Wrfv Koi iraivTji> 
 Hepfff<f>6veiai> : Horn. hymn. Apoll. i. 162 
 (Hera, invoking Tata and the Tir^ces), 
 ws dpa <JHi}vrjO'aa' i/uaffe \66va. \eipl ira^eig* 
 ] KivTiffrj 5* apa Fata </>ep&r/3ios. Pindar, 
 too, often emphasizes praise by solemn 
 asseveration: O. II. 101 ai/5d<ro/u tv6pKioi> 
 \6yov : VI. 20 /cat fityav bpxov 6yu6cra p cus 
 rovro y4 foi <ra(f>4ws | fiaprvpfitru : N. XI. 
 24 vai /ua rbv opKOV. 
 
 The poet keeps the tj in cirunafirrwy, 
 though he has ffKairTpov in III. 70. Cp. 
 I. 74 n. 
 
 43 irpOTCpuv, in front of him. This 
 local sense of wpbrepos is very rare, except 
 when it is figurative (denoting precedence 
 in rank, etc., as in Dem. or. 3 15 TO... 
 Trpdrreiv TOV \yeu>... if p6repov rrj dvfd/j^t 
 Kal xpetTTOv cirri). But cp. Plat. Rep. 
 5160 T(J5 6%vraTa KaOop&VTi rd irapi&vra, 
 KO.I fivrj/jLOVfvovTi fj.d\iffTa o<ra re irpbrepa. 
 avr&v Kal vffrepa eiibOet Kal ana iro- 
 peveffdai. [In Od. 19. 228 irportpoiffi 
 Trb5fff<n = irpoff0iois. In //. 15. 569 (=17. 
 274) 7rp6repoi is temporal.] 
 
 46 piira ..Bopt'a: //. 15. 171 inrb 
 os Boptao. Soph. Ant. 137 
 
 47 ov Kv^(pvr\rav <}>wXd<r<rwv, 'heedful 
 of his pilot.' He rivals, the wind in 
 speed \ but his course obeys the hand that 
 steers him. <ftv\a.ff(rwv means not merely 
 ' bearing his rider safe,' but ' attending to 
 his guidance' : the word Kvfiepvfjrav brings 
 this out. The Ionic ij is retained in 
 Kvpepv-rfrav (cp. XI. i), as in ip-fifui (II. i) 
 and d5/j.rfra (v. 167). Pindar has Kvfiep- 
 fdraj (P. i. 91). 
 
 48 forai. The historic present here is 
 unusual, but intelligible. Verses 37 45 
 deal with the horse's record as a whole. 
 
 Now the poet comes to his latest victory. 
 The historic present, combined with 
 vebicpoTov, gives a touch of animation 
 which marks the transition. Cp. Pind. 
 O. I. ^20 ff. (of Pherenicus) ore rap' 
 'A\0e<j? airro 5f/uas | d^vrijTov iv dp6fj.oiffi 
 a-ap^xw. | Kpdrei Si irpo<r^ue Sfffir6- 
 rav. 
 
 vfOKporov, 'greeted with fresh plaudits.' 
 <cp6ros is the regular word for ' applause ' 
 (Xen. An. VI. i. 13 tmavOa. /cp6ros T\V 
 iroXtJj). In in. 9 the poet similarly refers 
 to the shouts which greet Hieron's victory 
 (Optirjffe 5t Xa6s d-reLpwv). The only other 
 extant compounds with Kp&ros refer to 
 sound, viz. (i) efaporos : Alciphron Epist. 
 3. 43 dvdiraiffra eCxpora: (2) ToXvicporos : 
 Horn. hymn. 19. 37, epithet of Pan, as 
 'making loud music' on his pipe: Athen. 
 p. 527 F epithet of the lyre \f\usvi^ (from 
 the comic poet Poseidonius). On this 
 view vetiKoorov is not merely a poetical 
 equivalent for 'new,' but means 'new 
 and popular.' 
 
 Others take vebuporov to mean 'newly- 
 welded? t.e. 'newly wrought,' veiyrevKTov, 
 comparing Pind. fr. 194 KeKporrjrai xpvffta. 
 KDrjirls. The only extant derivative of 
 KpoTtif in the sense of ' hammering or 
 welding together ' seems to be euKooTrjros 
 (though (rvyKp6Ti)Tos may also have been 
 in use), vftucporov in this sense would be 
 a clumsy epithet, made still more so by 
 the neighbourhood of TITVO-KWV, which 
 would serve to emphasize the metaphor 
 of 'welding.' No emendation is probable. 
 The easiest, vebxpirov, would be unsuitable 
 to this context : the race is being run. 
 
 49 <}>iXo^v<{>. Cp. III. 16: Pind. P. 
 III. 71 (of Hieron) lekou 
 
 . 
 
 5O 55 The yvwfj.ii which leads from 
 the proem to the myth. A man is happy 
 if he has (i) poipav . . KO\V, 'a portion 
 of honours,' such as those gained at 
 
 Ip - 2
 
 276 BAKXYAIAOY [v 
 
 re /cawv enopev 
 
 12 (TVV T' eTTL^TJXa) TV^a 
 
 13 atyveov PLOTCLV Stayetv ov 
 
 14 y^/ 9 Tt s eTriydovitov 
 55 is TraVra y evSatjutwi' e<v. 
 
 aVr. /3'. i /cat jadV TT]OT' epei^nrvXav 
 
 2 vratS' dvt/cjarov Xeyovcriv 
 
 3 Svvat Atos] apyiKepav- 
 
 Col. 8 4 i/ov Swyotara <&epcre(f)6va<s Tavicr(f>vpov, 
 60 5 Kap^apoBovra KVV a- 
 
 6 ^OPT' <? (aos e 'AtSa, 
 
 7 utov aTrXarot' 'E^tSvas' 
 
 s ev6a Sucrra^a)^ ftporcav 
 9 r/;v^as eSctTy Trapa KOJ/CVTOT) 
 65 10 ota re <f>v\X' at'e/AO? 
 
 11 *lSa? ava /x^XoySorov? 
 
 12 Trpaivas apyrjarTas So^et. 
 
 13 ratcrtv Se 
 
 14 ov pao"tyxe/Aj>oz'os ey- 
 7015 ^ecTTraXov Tlop0avL$a- 
 
 53 d.<f>veibv MS., Stobaeus, Apostolius : corr. K. 55 Trdi/ra 7'] Stob. omits 7 in 
 
 /"/<?;. 103. 2, but not in 98. 26. 56 KCU /udc add. K. : *ai 7ap Jurenka: SiVat 
 
 Weil, Wilam. (cp. n. on 58). epei\f/nr^\av] In the MS. the second E has been trans- 
 fixed, perhaps by the first hand. 58 dvvai Palmer : 7rctrp6s Weil : (pijuai W^ilam. 
 
 Olympia and Delphi; (2) wealth, ctyvcov The general sentiment of this passage 
 
 ptoroiv. combined with prosperous fortune. has a close parallel in Find. 7. iv. 12 ff. : 
 
 Hieron had now (in 476) been ruler of 5i>o 5^ TOL fwas awrov fj.ovva iroi/j.a.ivovri 
 
 Syracuse since 478 ; his position was a TOV &\irviffTov evavBfi avv o'X/Sy, ef rts ev 
 
 splendid one, and he had met with no ir&ff^tav \6yov ia\bv aKOvffr; ' \ n~t] fj-dreve 
 
 reverse: this is frrifaXos TI>XCL. But no Zeus yev^ffffai- iravr' 1 ?x LS > \ e ? ffe TOVTWV 
 
 mortal is iravra y cvSaC^wv: and Hieron fioip 1 f<piKoiro Ka.\&v. 
 
 had weak health. The illness mentioned 56 ical (itiv, 'and verily': as in xn. 
 
 by Aelian (see n. on in. .71) seems to 182. This formula implies that the myth 
 
 have occurred early in his life. He illustrates and confirms the general truth 
 
 suffered from an internal disease (XiBiwv, just stated. K<U /JL-/IV often introduces 
 
 Plut. Mor. 403 c : cp. schol. Find. 0. some new consideration, in support of a 
 
 I. i, P. I. 89, in. i). A strain of allusion view which has already been urged (e.g. 
 
 to his malady appears in Pindar's third Dem. or. 21 56 KCU /W.TJV t<rre ye TOUT' 
 
 Pythian (circ. 476 5 B.C.?), vv. i 8, ?TI: cp. Isocr. or. 4 185). So, in drama, 
 
 and especially 80 92, where the Theban (cai i>.-r\v announces a new comer on the 
 
 poet, like the Cean here, dwells on the scene (e.g., Soph. Ai. 1168). Pindar has 
 
 blending of glory with suffering in Hieron's /ceu fj,dv in P. IV. 289, N. II. 13, etc. 
 
 lot. In Pyth. i. 52 55 (474 B.C.) a It is, however, difficult to choose here 
 
 parallel is implied between Hieron and between Kal fiav and Kol "y^P- I' 1 favour 
 
 Philoctetes, the warrior avOevfl avv XP UT ^ f the latter, it may be noted that Pindar 
 
 fialvwv. See also above, in. 85 (n.). has Kal -yap ir<m in 0. vii. 27, and N. VI.
 
 v] 
 
 EHINIKOI 
 
 277 
 
 has granted a portion of honours, and a life of opulence, with 
 enviable fortune : for no mortal man is blest in all things. 
 
 And verily they tell how he who broke down the gates ant. a. 
 of cities, the unconquered son of Zeus, lord of the bright 
 thunderbolt, descended of old to the house of Persephone with 
 slender ankles, that he might bring up from Hades to the 
 sunlight the hound with jagged teeth, offspring of unapproach- 
 able Echidna. 
 
 There, by the waters of Cocytus, he perceived the souls 
 of hapless mortals, countless as leaves quivering in the wind, 
 where flocks graze on the gleaming headlands of Ida. And 
 well seen among them was the shade of the bold-hearted 
 warrior, the spear-shaker, sprung from Porthaon. 
 
 69 <?>-] EX A: y written above N by A 3 . 7O nOPGANl'AA A: o has 
 
 been added above, between the first A and N (by A' 2 ?). The short mark above I, 
 which at first sight seems to denote a long syllable, is like that on the t of tvKTlruv in 
 in. 46 and on the second i of eirix^ovlois in v. 96. In all three places it may have 
 been meant for": in v. 96, indeed, it shows a slight curve. 
 
 35, as a preface to mythical allusions. 
 The fact that here ov y*>P Tt s comes just 
 before, is a slight objection, but by no 
 means decisive : iteration of yap is 
 common. Kal -yapj as distinguished from 
 Kal |idv, would assert more directly the 
 logical connexion between the maxim 
 and the myth. On the whole, I prefer 
 /ecu fj.dy, because (i) it rather implies than 
 asserts such connexion ; and (2) is, partly 
 on that account, more impressive. 
 
 The yvufjir) links proem to myth by 
 the thought, 'even the most famous and 
 prosperous mortal is not happy in all 
 things.' Heracles had won great glory, 
 but also endured great trials. Meleager 
 is an example of fame and valour pre- 
 maturely struck down by fate. 
 
 pu|/nruXav : Heracles took the Troy 
 of Laomedon ; also Oechalia, and Pylus 
 (//. n. 689 f.). Cp. Aesch. Th. 880 f. 
 oujj.a.Ttiiv ipfi\l/iroixoi. 
 
 59 Tavi<r<j>vpov : cp. III. 60 n. 
 
 6O 62 KapxapoSovra : a general 
 epithet for dogs in Homer (//. 13. 198). 
 Heracles speaks of his descent to Hades 
 as the crowning a#\os laid on him by 
 Eurystheus (Od. u. 6236). //. 8. 368 
 e epefifwi a^ovra Kvva ffrvytpov 'AtSao. - 
 vlov..'Ex8vas, as in Hes. Th. 310 (the 
 father being Typhaon), Soph. Tr. 1099: 
 but in O. C. 1574 ne i s tne son f 
 Tartarus and Earth. 
 
 64 8dT] here = /xa0e in the sense of 
 ' perceived.' Similar, though not identical, 
 
 is the use of the word in Find. fr. 166, 
 dv5po8dfj.avra 5' ttrel 3>r)pes Sdev piirdv 
 ,ue\ia5^os otvov, ' perceived ' (i.e. ' felt ') 
 the impulse. 
 
 65 old T : i.e. if/v^as iddi]. (roiatiras) 
 old re 0i)X\* ave[j.os Sovel, = old re <f>u\\a 
 iffrlv a avffws Sovfi. The use of old rt 
 for the simple ola suits the epic manner. 
 //. 2. 468 fj-vpiot, ocrcr a Tf <f>v\\a Kal avffea 
 yiyverai (Spg. For the simile, cp. also 
 Ap. Rhod. iv. 216: Virg. Aeti. vi. 309 f. 
 (of the departed spirits), Quatn multa in 
 silvis autumni frigore primo Lapsa cadunt 
 folia. Seneca Oed. 600. Milton P. L. I. 
 30. ff. 
 
 67 irpwvas ap-y^o-ras, headlands 
 'gleaming' in the sunlight. dpyTjar-f)* 
 (from dpyris, dpyr/eis, ' shining,' esp. 
 ' white ') occurs as an epithet of foam 
 (Aesch. Th. 60), of a serpent (ib. 181), 
 and of swans (Theocr. xxv. 131). The 
 use of it here may have been suggested 
 by //. 1 6. -297 (when 'Zeus removes a 
 thick cloud from the summit of a great 
 mountain'), IK T' t<j>avfv waaai ffKoirial 
 Kal irp&ovts aKpot Kal vdirai. 
 
 Marlowe, speaking of a great host, 
 says, ' In number more than are the 
 quivering leaves Of Ida's forest' (Tam- 
 burlaine pt 2, III. 5. 3> quoted by 
 Headlam). 
 
 69 f. 0pao-Dp.(ivovos, of a brave spirit: 
 epithet of Heracles in //. 5. 639, Od. f i. 
 267. The -fJ.ffJ.fwv is usu. referred to 
 l^vw ('bravely steadfast'), but may better
 
 278 
 ITT. /8'. 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 rov 8' o>9 tSei^ 'AX/c/t^to? ^av/xacrro? 
 
 rev^ecrt Xa^Tro^evov, 
 vevpav e7re/3acre Xtyv/cXayyrJ 
 8' 
 
 [v 
 
 75 s etXero (F)iov dva- 
 15 <f>apeTpas 
 
 T<U 
 
 U 8' e 
 
 evavTia. 
 
 8 /cat vtv ev etStus 
 
 9 vie A to? /jteyaXov, 
 
 80 10 crTaBi T* eV ^(iipq., yeXavwcras re 6vp,6v 
 
 /AT Tavo~Lov irpolei 
 
 K eioJv oicrrov 
 
 4 OVTOL 8eo9. cS? <^aro' 
 
 8' 
 
 85 
 
 eTre re* rt? 
 
 OTtoV TOLOVTOV 
 
 s 6pe\liv eV TTOta yvovi\ 
 9 rt? 8' CKTOLvev ; r) ra^a KaXXt^cuvos 
 90 10 Ktlvov e<f> afjLerepa 
 
 71 AAKMHIOC MS. : corr. K. 75 f. The MS. divides the verses wrongly, as in 
 
 t XajSon' weip^aaro vevpfjs ' \ i) 5' inrb 
 
 be connected with fi^fiaa, nfros (cp. 
 'Aya^/jaxav). yxe<nroXov : epithet of 
 warriors in the 7/zW (2. 131 etc.). 
 
 IlopOavCSa. Meleager was the son of 
 Oeneus, and grandson of Porthaon, king 
 of Pleuron and Calydon. See the stemma 
 of the mythical genealogy in the Ap- 
 pendix. nopOavidrj* is from Hop66.v, a 
 compressed form of HopOduv, as 'A\K/j.dv 
 (Find. P. vin. 46) of'A\Kjjidwi>. The cor- 
 rector of the MS. wished to read IlopOao- 
 v8a, which would be possible, with a 
 synizesis of ao : but HopOavlda is confirmed 
 by the analogy of ' A\Kft.ain5S.v in Find. 
 
 P. VII. 2. 
 
 71 'AXKfi'qvios, son of Alcmena: cp. 
 VI. 11 f . 'ApiffTOfdveiov . .T^KOS : II. n. 
 562 TeXa/itivtoi' vl&v : Aesch. P. V. 705 
 'Ivdxfiov fftripfj-a. : Soph. O. T. 267 rf 
 Aa/35a/ce/v iraidt. 
 
 73 veupdv-AiYVKXayyTJ. He drew 
 the bow-string taut, so that it gave a 
 ringing sound at the touch. Cp. Od. 21. 
 410 f. (Odysseus proving his bow-string, 
 after stringing his bow) : SfZireprj S' apa 
 
 Kopwvas, the tip of the bow. A notch 
 or hook in this received the loop of the 
 string when the bow was strung. At the 
 other end the string must have been 
 fastened, either in a like way, or by 
 being passed through a hole in the xtpas. 
 Only the tip at the upper end of a bow 
 seems to have been called Kopuvt) : that 
 on the bow of Pandarus was gilt (//. 
 4. in). 
 
 75 f. |\TO lov. The hiatus indicates 
 that the poet attributed F to t'6s, arrow. 
 This t'6s (the Sanskrit ishas, Curt. Etym. 
 616) occurs in Iliad, Odyssey, and 
 Homeric hymns, but never takes F. See 
 (*.) //. 4. 116, the source of this 
 passage : avrdp 6 <rtf\a 7rtD/ua <j>ap^Tp7]s, 
 tK 5' 2Xer' I6v. But 26$, poison (Skt 
 visham, Lat. virus, Curt. 591)5 had F, 
 So also had tov, viola. The similarity of 
 form between these words might easily 
 lead to the false digamma which we find 
 here ; though the mistake shows that the
 
 v] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 279 
 
 But when the wondrous hero, Alcmena's son, beheld him epode ^. 
 shining in armour, he drew the shrill bow-string to the horn 
 of his bow ; then he raised the lid of his quiver, and took 
 out a bronze-tipped arrow. But the spirit of Meleager came 
 and stood before his face, and spake unto him, for he knew 
 him well : ' Son of great Zeus, stay where thou art, and calm 
 thy soul, 
 
 and speed not vainly from thy hand a fierce shaft against the str. 3. 
 souls of the dead. There is no cause to fear.' 
 
 So spake he ; but the princely son of Amphitryon marvelled, 
 and said : ' Who among immortals or among men, and in what 
 land, was the parent of an offspring so glorious? And who 
 was his slayer ? Soon will fair-girdled Hera send that man 
 
 epode a (35 f.) and epode 7' (115 f.): corr. K. 78 JIPOCEEIIIEN MS. : corr. K. 
 BO re] The first hand wrote A instead of T, but corrected it. 
 
 poet had not very closely observed his 
 epic model. Cp. xvi. 131 n. 
 
 78 clSws after ^vxd, constr. Kara 
 fffofffiv : Od. n. 90 y\6e 6" tiri ^vxn 
 Q-qfialov feiptffiao, \ xptfffov ffKrjirrpov 
 ^X ut> ' '6- 476 ifpi] Is Tri\jj.dx<HO | ^s 
 irar^p' 6<f>6a\fjioi<Tiv id&v : //. 1 1 . 690 
 e\6uv yap tKCLKWcre fiirj 'Hpa.K\T)eirj. 
 
 80 ev X'*?*?'' = where thou art. Xen. 
 ff. IV. 2 20 tv x^P a ttmrTOv (at their 
 post). Thuc. IV. 26 .i TO ffTparoiredov . . 
 Kara \(apav ifj.evev. 
 
 yc\av<o<ras. 7eXa'6w occurs nowhere 
 else : but Find. O. v. 2 has KapSiq. 
 ye\di>fi (and P. IV. 121 ffv(j.<? y.), 'cheerful.' 
 ye\dw and ya.\-fii>-rj show respectively the 
 stronger and the weaker form (>e\-, ya\-) 
 of a common root, expressing the idea of 
 ' bright ' or ' clear ' : cp. yd\a, and \j3A..gelu. 
 
 The primary sense of ye\S.v was 
 ' smiling,' not ' laughing,' as appears in 
 the figurative uses (e.g. KVIMTUV | avrjptd- 
 /J.QV yt\aff/jM, Aesch. P. V, 90). Thus 
 ye\av6w, to make -yeXaiofc, might well 
 mean, 'to tranquillize' ; and it is needless 
 to conjecture ya\av<i><ra.*. [The extant 
 verbs from 70X171'- are ya\rii>ifa (trans, in 
 Hippocr. and Eur., intrans. in Arist.), 
 yd\rjvid<i), and yaXijvtdfu (intrans.)] 
 
 81 TO.VO-IOV, 'vain.' This Doric form 
 occurs also in a corrupt fr. of Alcman, 
 no. 92. Cp. Od. 3. 316 Tijvffirjv oditv 
 X07js. Theocr. XXV. 230 Tijutriwj. The 
 deriv. is unknown : but the theory which 
 connects it with raus, ' big ' (through the 
 notion, ' too big to be practicable '), takes 
 some colour from Horn. hymn. Apoll. 
 
 2. 36 ft 8t Tl T1)VfflOV fTTOS i-fffffTCLl, ifi Tl 
 
 tpyov, where the sense is 'rash' (as 
 C/3pis in the next v. indicates) : cp. ^7' . . 
 ftros (Soph. Ai. 128). 
 
 82 rpa^vv, 'fierce ' ; properly, 'rough,* 
 ' harsh,' like war and the warrior's spirit; 
 cp. Find. P. I. 10 f. 
 
 83 tjfvxauriv liri 4>9t|i'vwv. For this 
 sense of liri with dat., denoting hostile 
 movement, cp. 90, 133 : it is frequent in 
 poetry, from the Homeric eir' dXX7}Xort 
 Ibvret (//. 3. 15 etc.) onwards. 
 
 84 OVTOI 8os, as we say, ' there is no 
 fear ' (i.e. cause for it). The phrase is 
 Homeric, //. 1-515, ^T* oO rot tici oVoj : 
 only that there TOI=<TOI (Zeus). Cp. //. 
 12. 246 ffol 8' ov 5^os far' dxo\t<r0at. 
 Here it seems better to write otfrot than 
 to take otf rot as = o0 (rot. 
 
 86 88 r(s...lv iroCq. X^ v ^ Cp. 
 XVII. 31 : Od. i. 170 ris irbdtv elj dv8pun> ; 
 pvos, like ^dXos and ofos: Find. N. 
 VI. 64 tpveai AOTOUJ (Apollo and Ar- 
 temis) : /. III. 62 f. Me\i<r<rv. . | tpvt'i 
 TcXecrtdS^t : and so in Tragedy. In 
 Homer a youth or maiden is sometimes 
 compared to an epvos (II. 18. 56 etc.), but 
 is not called so. 
 
 89 f. TIS 8' |KTO.VV ; Heracles assumes 
 that the slayer of Meleager was some 
 great warrior (icctvov, v. 90), whom Hera 
 will next send against himself. He is 
 presently to learn (136 ff.) that the death 
 of Meleager was the work of Althaea. 
 The touch of poetical art given by Ktivov 
 is like that of Sophocles in the Antigone 
 (v. 248), when Creon, never dreaming 
 that the breaker of his edict is a woman,
 
 2 8o BAKXYAIAOY [v 
 
 Tre/At/fet /cec^aXci' ra oe TTOV 
 Col. 9 12 IlaXXaSi av6a jue'Xet. 
 
 13 rov Se Trpoo~e(j>a MeXe'aypos 
 M 
 95 15 
 
 aVr. y'. i av^pecrariv 
 
 2 /cat yap ai^ TrXct^tTTTro? 
 
 4 crejavas ^dXov 'Apre/uSos 
 100 5 Xiaxrd/xez'os 7roXe&n> 
 
 6 r' cuyo3i> Bvcriaicn, TrarT/p 
 
 7 KOL /BoOJV <f>OWlKOVO)T(t>V' 
 
 >\ \ > ' ' /l v 
 
 s aXX avt/carov c/ea 
 
 9 ecr^e^ ^oXov ' tvpvfiiav 8' ecrcreve Kovpa 
 105 10 KOLTrpov avatSo/Aot^at' 
 
 11 e? Ka\\i^opov KaXuSa)- 
 
 12 v', ev^a TT\r)p.vp(t>v crdevei 
 
 13 6p^OV9 eTTKLp6V 6$OVTi, 
 
 14 <7<ae re /A^Xa, fiporcov 
 
 1O6 ^s Palmer: 6c MS. The rough breathing may be due to A 3 . 1O7 IIAH- 
 
 MTP11N MS. 
 
 asks, T ^>i}j; T(S avSp&v r/v 6 roX/XTjcras 94 f. ^aXfrrov /c.r.X. The inflexibility 
 
 Td5e; of fate is illustrated by that purpose of 
 
 91 K<f>aXa, 'my life' : cp. //. 17. 242 Heracles which is declared at the end of 
 ffj.fi KfQaXij wepidtidia : Od. 2. 237 Trapde- the myth (v. 169), to wed Deianeira. 
 fj-evoi Kt<pa\as ( =^i/x5 wapd^nevoi, 3. 74) : Cp. XV. 23 TOT' a/Jiaxos dai/n.uv | Aaiaveipq. 
 Soph. O. C. 564 Tj9\7iffa KivdwevfictT' v iro\v5a.Kpvv vfiave | /j.rJTii>. Qeav : for the 
 Tci/i5 xdpg. (at the risk of my life). In synizesis cp. 50. 
 
 other places, where the thought of 97 irXd|i7iiros: Homeric epithet of 
 
 danger is not present, Ke<pa\^ is merely Pelops (//. 2. 104), and other heroes, 
 
 an emphatic 'self,' as in //. 18. 82 T&V Cp. //. 9. 581 iTTTr^Xdrct Olvevs. 
 
 eytj} irfpi irdvTwv T~LOV eTaipuv, Iffov f/jLrj 98 f. Ka\uKocrT<|>civou, 'crowned with 
 
 Kf<pa\-fj. So Pind. 0. vi. 60 aiTtuv . .Ti/juiv flower-buds' (epithet in x. 108 of the 
 
 TIV' eq. Ke<pa\q. ('to crown him'): O. VII. Proetides). Plutarch Mor. 993 E quotes 
 
 67 f. e Kf(pa\qi | ..ytpas 2ffffe<T0tu. an unnamed poet, who spoke of "HXioj 
 
 92 IlaXXaSi, the hero's guardian- as eiriffT^as /cdXi/fos <rTe(pd.voi(rii> 'Qpas. 
 goddess, who in //. 8. 363 says of him, Artemis was a goddess of vegetation and 
 Teip6fJ.evov ffueffKov far' EvpvaQijos dtOXwv. fertility (Callim. hymn. Dian. 125 ff. : 
 Speaking in Od. 1 1. 626 of his descent to Anthol. Pal. 6. 157, 267: Catullus 
 Hades, Heracles says, 'Ep/ieta? 5^ p.' 34. 17). 
 
 irep.\l>tv 181 yXavK&Trts' Adr/vy. She often Of the three epithets here given to 
 appears as his protrectress on Attic Artemis, KaXvKoo-rc^cxvov denotes a con- 
 black-figured vases, and in other works ventional attribute; o-ejivas, divine rank; 
 of ancient art. Cp. Soph. Tr, 1031, and XcwcoXt'vov, a personal quality. A 
 where he invokes her in his agony. parallel series is that in xn. 194 f.,
 
 v] 
 
 EHINIKOI 
 
 281 
 
 to take my life ; but golden-haired Pallas, I ween, is watchful 
 against that.' 
 
 And to him spake Meleager with tears : ' It is hard for 
 mortal men to turn aside the purpose of the gods : 
 
 else would my father, horse-smiting Oeneus, have appeased the ant. 3. 
 wrath of Artemis crowned with flower-buds, the majestic, the 
 white-armed, when he entreated her with sacrifices of many 
 goats and red-backed oxen. 
 
 ' But the maiden goddess had conceived anger that could 
 not be overcome ; and she sped a wild boar, of vast might, a 
 ruthless foe, into the fair lawns of Calydon ; where, in the flood- 
 tide of his strength, he ravaged the vine-rows with his tusks, 
 and slew the sheep, and every mortal 
 
 XpvffdpfjLaros | ffe/jLvd iJ.eydOvp.os 'Affdva. 
 (Cp. also xvi. 109 f. aep.vdv..po(airiv .. 
 'A(j.<piTpirav.) 
 
 1OO iro\v, fern. The epic TroX&s, 
 iroX&jj', TroXfcri, iroXeas are always masc. 
 in Homer and Hesiod (though irovXvv e<f> 
 vyprfv occurs in //. 10. 27, etc.). But 
 Callimachus has iro\eas 5' fTre\e$a.ro 
 i>v/j.<pas (Hymn. Dian. 42), and iroX&s ere 
 Trepirpoxbuffiv doidai (Hymn. Del. 28). 
 
 1O2 <j>oiviKov<oTci>v. Cp. X. 105 (POVS) 
 <j>oiviKorpixa.s : Find. P. IV. 265 Qoivurffa. 
 de QprfiKiiav a.ye\a rcujpuv (a ' red ' herd). 
 In //. 23. 454 <f>oii>L% (ITTTTOS) is chestnut, 
 or perhaps light bay. 
 
 104 t'o-^ev, ' had conceived ' (aor.). 
 It is only the context which shows the 
 sense, as the word could also mean 
 'restrained' (Od. 5. 451 tffx e 5 /cu/xa). 
 Oeneus had failed to offer harvest first- 
 fruits (daXiVta) to Artemis (//. 9. 534). 
 
 105 avcu8ofj.dx.av (only here), ruthless 
 in fight. Several of B. 's new words have 
 this scansion, as d5eri/36aj (v. 155), 
 depffi/j.axos (XII. 100), drapffofidxa-s (XV. 
 28). 
 
 106 f. KaXXi\opov, ' with its fair 
 lawns,' or dancing-grounds. It is applied 
 to Olympia (x. 32) ; to the Phocian 
 Panopeus (Od. n. 581), Athens (Eur. 
 Her. 359), Thebes (Horn. hymn. 15. 2). 
 It is not merely a topographical epithet, 
 but one which suggests the civic life and 
 festivals. Thus Simonides (fr. 164, 2) 
 calls Apollo \r)Toidr]v dyoprjs Ka\\ix6pov 
 Trpvraviv. Here it depicts a city at peace, 
 with fair lawns around it. There is no 
 reason to suppose that it is (incorrectly) 
 used in the sense of KaXXlx^pos : see 
 Appendix. 
 
 KaXvSwv". The site of Calydon was 
 
 identified by Leake, doubtless rightly, 
 with a place called Kurt-aga, a little to 
 the west of the river Evenus (the Fidkari}. 
 The town stood on the lowest slopes of 
 Mt Aracynihus (now Zygos), the range 
 from which the coast plain of Aetolia 
 stretches to the sea. This accounts for 
 the Homeric epithets of Calydon (//. 2. 
 640 werprieffffav, 13. 217 aiircunj), though 
 its actual position was not lofty. The 
 territory of Calydon, in the plain between 
 Aracynthus and the marshy seaboard, 
 was fertile (Strabo p. 450 rrjsfj.tffoya.ias... 
 evKapirov re KOI ireSiddos). Cp. //. 9. 577 
 iri.bra.Tov wfdiov Ka\vdn>os tpavvrjs. 
 
 107 irXt)|ivpv. I retain the spelling 
 of the papyrus: good MSS. have the form 
 with a single fJ. in Hippocr. De sacro 
 morb. vol. I. p. 604 (ed. Kiihn) trXruj-vpfiv, 
 and De Diaet. Acut. 11. p. 60 ir\ri(j.vpida. 
 The same spelling appears in Archilochus 
 fr. 97 (as quoted by Eustath. Od. 1597, 
 28) Tr\T)fjLvpov. In Od. 9. 486 irXij/iuptj 
 too has the best MS. authority. If the 
 word was formed directly, as Buttmann 
 held, from the root TrXe (irfyorXi^ii), the 
 single fa. would be right : while the old 
 deriv. from ir\fjv and fivpu would account 
 for the doubling of fj.. 
 
 108 op\ovs, rows (of vines). Od. 
 7. 127 irapd vfiarov 6pxov (the furthest 
 row of vines). Xen. Oecon. 20 3 <&K 
 6p8iJJs rovs opxvs etjtvrevffav. 
 
 109 ar<j>dt< T (AtjXa. Wilamowitz 
 assumes that our poet's 'sheep' were 
 suggested by a confused reminiscence 
 of Homer's ' apples ' : //. 9. 541 f. (the 
 boar) X a M a ^ /3d\t dfrtipta [nanpd | avrrjffiv 
 pifrjffi Kdi avrciis AvOfffi yUTjXwv. A wild boar 
 (he says) would not attack sheep. Apollo- 
 dorus (I. 8. 2, 2) agrees with Bacchylides:
 
 282 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [v 
 
 1 10 15 6* OCTTIS elcrdvrav 
 
 1 TW Se crrvyepav Sypiv 'EXXavwv 
 
 2 crracra/ae^ eVSv/ce'w? 
 
 3 1 a/Aora <rwYW 7rel Se 
 
 4 Kapros AtrcwXoi? ope^ev, 
 
 5 0d7TTOfJLl> OV9 
 
 6 <DVl 
 
 7 'AyKalov e/xa>v r' 'Aye'Xaov 
 s <[e/>r]aToz' A 
 
 et f~\ 
 
 9 ov9 Tej/cei/ ei 
 1 20 10 770.7/30]? 'AX^ata irepiK^keLTolcTLv Otve'o? 1 
 
 >. 8'. J Tait' S' w]Xecre /noZ/>' 6Xoa 
 
 ov va/3 Tret) 8at(f)p(t)v 
 
 113 CTNEXEQC] A second N has been added above the line by A 3 . 115 f. rote 
 MS., Blass 2 : oOj K., Blass 1 . The MS. divides these two verses wrongly (cp. 35 n.): 
 
 /coi 
 
 affiropov 
 rov! i 
 
 Kal ra 
 
 6s ri]v 
 
 ff.iivlffa.ffa. TJ 6fb$ Kavpov 
 
 yjv 
 
 iara Kal 
 This boar 
 
 was a ai^vLov rtpas, which destroyed 
 all living things that came in its way. 
 
 110 l<rovrav. While eiaavra is 
 Homeric (//. 17. 334 etc.), elffdvnjv is 
 not found. But a.vri]v is epic no less 
 than avra, and flffavrav is certainly the 
 true reading here. ctoravr' av n6\oi could 
 be explained only as an archaizing imita- 
 tion of the Homeric 8s *ce with optative 
 in such places as Od. 4. 600, ScDpoi' 5' 
 STTI *c^ noi Soil] j, /cei/tiJXtoi' &TTW ( ' whatever 
 gift you might give me'); Od. 4. 212 
 iirrjv KprjTTJpi fjuyeir), ' whenever it was 
 mingled.' In Attic the simple Sorts /tt6\oi 
 would be normal : while 6'<rm a.v fj.6\ot 
 would be admissible only if av were joined 
 with fib\oi as a potential optative. 
 
 111 f. Brjoiv-.o-raardncO', //. 18. 533 
 OTTjcra/xevot 6 e/aaxovro fJ.a.X'n v ('set their 
 battle in array, and fought'). Her. 
 VII. 175 rjj re ffTTiffovrai fbv ir6\e/j,ov. So 
 too the active, Od. n. 314 <f>v\6irida 
 ffrr)ffeiv. Cp. also //. 17. 158 d,vdpdffi 
 Svffnev&ffffi irbvov Kal Sijpiv HOevro. The 
 phrase marks the gravity of the task. 
 
 evSvKcws (as again in v. 1 25), ' strenuous- 
 ly.' Hes. Scut. 427 (of a lion rending a 
 carcase), 6's re /ndX' fydvufos pivbv Kparepols 
 6vi>xfffff<- | (rx'Vcras K.T.\. The sense is 
 similar in Od. 14. 109, evdvxtws Kpea. T' 
 
 fjffOie irivt re olvov ('eagerly'). But in 
 Od. 7. 256 evSvK^us e<f>i\ei re Kal Zrpe<pev, 
 the meaning is softened into 'carefully,' 
 ' sedulously.' (The deriv. is uncertain : 
 one theory connects the word with SOK-, 
 so that the primary sense would be 
 ' reputably.') 
 
 113 o-vvcx^ws, with v. So //. 11. 26 
 ffvvex&, &<f>pa Ke Baffffov K.T.\. : Od. g. 74 
 Suo r' tj/j.ara crwex^s aUi : Hes. Theog. 636 
 (Twexfas ffjiaxovro. The v has been ex- 
 plained by the root <rex- (quasi ovffffex^} ' 
 and this is confirmed by the remarkable 
 scansion in Od. 19. 113, 0dXa<r<ra 5 
 n-apextl ix^us (quasi irapaextl}- Cp. also 
 //. i. 51 ^Xos exfTTfVKf* f<peiri. The 
 alternative would be to suppose that the 
 v is merely a licence excused by the 
 metrical ictus in arsis : cp. Ovyarepa 
 (//. 5. 37), dvvan^voio (Od. i. 276), 
 JleXon-fSr/s (Her. vil. 159, in a parody of 
 //. 7. 125), etc. 
 
 114 AlrwXots, instead of a simple 
 rj/juv, is in keeping with the diction of 
 vv. in f. ; this was the struggle of a 
 whole people against a supernatural pest. 
 
 115 0dirTO(iV ovs K.T.X. In his 
 second edition Blass reads TOVS (with the 
 MS.), assuming that - ~ - is here substi- 
 tuted for the - which stands in all 
 the corresponding verses (35, 75, 155, 
 195). This seems metrically impossible. 
 The MS. has many small errors like that 
 of TOI>S for oCs.
 
 V] ETTINIKOI 283 
 
 that crossed his path. 
 
 'Against him we, the flower of the Greeks, strenuously waged epodej. 
 grim fight for six days together. And when the god gave the 
 mastery to us Aetolians, we buried those whom the squealing 
 boar had slain in his violent onset, even Ancaeus, and Agelaus, 
 that bravest of my trusty brethren, whom Althaea bare in the 
 far-famed house of my father Oeneus. 
 
 ' But deadly fate destroyed more than these ; for the fierce str. 4 . 
 
 corr. K. 117 'A-yAaov K. : AITEAON MS. 
 
 u>Xe(re]..AECEN MS.; the X transfixed (by A 3 ?), 
 others; (irX^oi/os Smyth): irdxras Ludwich, Blass 2 . 
 
 131 TUV 5' J. : vvv V Blass 2 . 
 122 irXewaj Housman, and 
 
 116 rvs pippv\as, 'the squealing 
 boar.' ppvxa.ffOa.1 usually means to 'roar,' 
 'bellow'; it is said (e.g.) of a lion, a 
 bull, or a man in agony. Plutarch applies 
 it to the 'trumpeting' of an elephant 
 (Pyrrh. 33). 
 
 117 'AYKCUOV, son of Lycurgus, a hero 
 of Tegea; named in the Iliad (i. 609) as 
 father of Agapenor, leader of the Ar- 
 cadians. He was an Argonaut, and, in 
 right of his great strength, sat with 
 Heracles on the middle bench of the 
 Argo (Apoll. Rh. i. 531). The temple 
 of Athena 'AXea at Tegea displayed on 
 its pediment the Calydonian boar-hunt, 
 by Scopas; who had represented 'AyKaiov, 
 ^XOJra fft'i] rpav/JLara Kai cujttvTO. rbv irt- 
 \eicvi> (his characteristic weapon), sup- 
 
 Eorted in the arms of his brother, the 
 era Epochus. (Paus. 8. 45 6.) 
 'AY&OOV: mentioned (as 'AyAewj) by 
 Antoninus Liberalis (f. 150 A.D. ) in his 
 ~M.fTa./M>p<j>iI}ff<i}i> ffwaywyfj, c. 2 : who, 
 however, describes him as slain in the 
 later fight with the Curetes (125 f.), and 
 not by the boar. Apollodorus (i. 8 i) 
 does not name him. 
 
 118 dSX<j><dv : the other sons of 
 Oeneus and Althaea, ace. to Antoninus 
 Liberalis (/. f.), were Toxeus, Clymenus, 
 Phereus, Periphas ; while Apollodorus 
 (/. c.) omits Periphas, and substitutes 
 Thyreus for Phereus : the last name may, 
 indeed, have been merely an error or a 
 variant. 
 
 119 f. ofis TKv. . .' AXOaCa. Wila- 
 mowitz would read Sv (Goti. gel. Anz. 
 1898 Nr. 2, p. 130). But 08$ seems right. 
 The brothers of Meleager who took part 
 in the boar-hunt were all, like himself, 
 sons of Oeneus and Althaea. After her 
 death, Oeneus married Periboea, daughter 
 
 of Hipponoos, who bore Tydeus (Apollod. 
 i. 8 5: Diod. iv. 35: Hygm. fat>. 69). 
 Thus the plural pronoun has a point. 
 
 121 TWV 8'...ir\vvas : Fate slew 
 others besides Ancaeus and Agelaus ; for 
 the wrath of Artemis was not yet ap- 
 peased. (ir\cvvas is probably to be read 
 in vii. 46. For tv from eo, cp. evvra in 
 in. 78.) This suits the context better 
 than vvv 5'...irdiToj (cr. n.), i.e. 'but, as 
 it was, Fate slew them all ' (referring to 
 d5eX^>fu'). 
 
 iSXr...6Xoa : the tautology, so in- 
 elegant in a modern view, was perhaps 
 hardly felt, since the familiar phrase fwlp' 
 6\od was almost equivalent to a single 
 word. (fJ-oip' 6X017 //. 16. 849, 21. 83, 
 22. 5 : Od. 2. 100, 3. 238, 19. 145, 
 2 4- r 35-) A similar phenomenon occurs 
 where the stress is on the first element of 
 a compound adj., while the second is 
 identical with the verb ; e.g. Aesch. Th. 
 552 ira.vw\tis . . .6\oia.TO : and in epithets of 
 proper names, when the etymology of the 
 name is not present to the poet's mind ; 
 e.g. II. 2. 758 Hp66oos dobs: Soph. Ai. 607 
 atSrjXov "AiSav. 
 
 122 Satt^poiv, bent on strife, 'fierce.' 
 as in 137. In this sense the word is 
 usually referred to Sots, 'strife' (ii> dat 
 \vyprj, II. 13. 286). In the Iliad, where 
 it is an epithet of heroes, ' warlike ' is 
 everywhere a suitable meaning, except in 
 //. 24. 325, where, as applied to the 
 charioteer Idaeus, 'prudent' would be 
 fitter. As used in the Odyssey, where 
 it seems always to mean 'prudent' or 
 'skilful,' it is commonly referred to Sarjvcu. 
 Nitzsch would harmonize the divergent 
 senses by supposing that the word always 
 means ' skilled ' or ' wise ' (darjvai), 
 whether the 'skill' be that of the proved
 
 284 BAKXYAIAOY [v 
 
 3 Travcre^] ^6\ov dyporepa. 
 
 Col. 10 4 Aarov? Ovydrrjp irepl 8' aWawos So/aas 
 125 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 evd* eya) TroXXois crvv aXXois 
 
 8 "l<f>LK\OV KaTCKTCLVOV 
 
 9 cr6\6v T ' A(f)dpr)Ta, #oovs /Aarpwa?' ou yap 
 130 10 KapTep60vfjio<i 
 
 11 Kpivei (ftiXov ev 
 
 12 TixXa 8' e/< 
 
 14 ra Odvarov re <f>epL 
 135 15 Tolcnv av 8aifj.(t)v 
 
 avr. 8'. i ravr ov/c 
 
 2 ecrrtou Kovpa $ai(f>pa)v 
 
 3 fJLaTTrjp /ca/coTTor/AO? e/xol 
 
 4 ^SovXeucrev o\e0poi> drdp/BaKTo^ yvvd- 
 140 5 /cate re SatSaXea? 
 
 126 KOTPHICIA: the first I transfixed (by A 1 ?). 120 A4>APHATA MS.: the 
 
 third A transfixed by the first hand. This points to a z>. /. ' A.<f>aprja. (Herwerden). 
 
 warrior, or another. F. W. Allen (Amer. doubtful case) : Find. 0. xi. 20 
 
 Journ. of Phil. I. 133 ff.) would refer it in aXwirt}^. Cp. //. 9. 548 (they fought) 
 
 all cases to Sous, 'torch' (ocuw. to kindle); du0i <ri;6j Ke<f>a\-y /cat 8fpfj.ari Xax^^fri. 
 
 the warrior is 'fiery' ; Penelope is ' high- 125 cvSvKcus: ii2n. 
 
 spirited.' This last sense, however, does 126 Kovp^<ri : schol. //. 9. 529, 
 
 not suit the 'skilled' maker of the a<j>cupa. Koup^res rb edviKov, Koijpijres fit oi veaviai 
 
 in Od. 8. 373. [//. 19. 123 Kovprjras dpiffTrjas Havaxaiuiv]. 
 
 123 d-ypOTt'pa (&ypa), the huntress : But the ethnic was often written Kou- 
 //. 21. 470 f. irbTvta drjpwv, | "ApTefus pijrej : the MSS. and edd. vaiy ; see 
 dypoT^ptj. Under this name she had a Roscher Myth. n. 1587. These Curetes 
 temple at Athens in the suburb*A7pcu, on (distinct from the hieratic Curetes of the 
 high ground near the Ilissus. She is also Cretan Zeus-myth) appear in legend as a 
 (\a<j>r)p6\os, e\\o06vos, 0r)poKT6vos, lox^- tribe living in Aetolia at Pleuron. That 
 aipa. is what Bacchylides supposes here; for in 
 
 Cp. Paus. 4. 3r 7 KaXvdwviots i/ 149 roi refers to them, and Pleuron is 
 
 "Aprffus, TCVUTIJV yap 6e(av /idXicrra HfftjBoi', their city (151). A scholiast on //. 9. 
 
 firiK\rj<nv efye A.a<f>pia. This title (con- 529, Kovprjr4s T' /j.dxovTo /cai AtrwXoi 
 
 nected with Xa/?-, \d<pupa) probably de- yuevexap/" ') explains that At'rwXoi' is there 
 
 signaled her as the goddess who gives a more general term for KaXi/Soiwot : 
 
 the spoils of the chase. Aetolia, he says, was divided into two 
 
 124 oIOuvos So pas, fulvae pellis. regions, the Calydonian, ruled by 
 aJtOwv seems to denote colour (rather than Oeneus, and the Pleuronian (the seat 
 'fiery spirit') in //. 2. 838 f. tiriroi j aiduvts of the Curetes), ruled by Thestius. The 
 neydXoi : 15. 690 cu'eros alduv: 16. 487 Curetes were afterwards driven westward 
 ravpov | atduva /j.fyd6v/j.ov (a more into Acarnania (Strabo p. 464).
 
 v] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 285 
 
 goddess of the chase, Leto's daughter, had not yet stayed her 
 wrath ; and we fought strenuously for the beast's tawny hide 
 with the Curetes steadfast in battle. 
 
 'There slew I, among many others, Iphiclus and doughty 
 Aphares, gallant brethren of my mother : for the vehement spirit 
 of War discerns no kinsman in fight, but missiles go blindly from 
 our hands against the lives of foemen, fraught with death for 
 whom the god will. 
 
 ' Reflecting not on this, the fierce daughter of Thestius, my ant. 4 . 
 ill-starred mother, a woman without fear, planned my destruc- 
 tion. She lifted up a voice of wailing, and set about burning 
 
 oi> yap] Omitted by A, added by A 3 . 
 137 Kotpa] KOPA MS., corr. K. 
 
 134 6a.va.Tov] AGANATOX A, corr. A 1 
 
 127 iroXXois <ruv aXXois : whom he 
 slew. The words, by picturing a mttee, 
 add point to vv. 129 ff., oil ydp...Kplvet 
 K.T.\. 
 
 "I4>iicXov : for t before K\, cp. vn. 9 f. 
 Ke\K\i)Tai: XVI. 127 f. Hi<\ayev with initial 
 e. Iphiclus was said to have been the 
 first to hit the boar. On this ground 
 he and his brothers, the Thestiadae, 
 claimed the carcase. Hence the war 
 between the Curetes, to whom the Thes- 
 tiadae belonged, and the Calydonians 
 (Apollod. i. 8. 2, 2) : cp. v. 124 ff. 
 
 129 'Atjxxpifra, from 'A<j>dprjs. Plut. 
 Mor. 315 H (Parallela 40) "Idas 6 ' A<f>d- 
 pijros. Cp. 'Atpap-rfridai (Find. N. X. 65). 
 'A<papevs was the more usual form. No 
 son of Thestius is elsewhere so called. 
 The best-known Aphareus is a Messenian 
 hero, son of Hepiripr)s and Topyo<f>6vrj 
 (daughter of Perseus); Apollod. i. 9. 5. 
 Pindar's Apharetidae are his sons, Idas 
 and Lynceus; whom Ovid (Met. 8. 304) 
 calls duo Thesliadae, proles Aphareia : 
 showing that he, at least, supposed their 
 father to be this son of Thestius. The 
 sons of Thestius, ace. to Apollod. i. 7. 
 10, were Iphiclus, Euippus, Plexippus, 
 Eurypylus. 
 
 Homer (//. 9. 567) says of Althaea, 
 7r6XX' dxeovff' rjpaTO KafftyvriToio Qovoio, 
 as if only one of her brothers had been 
 slain. Since this contradicted the legend, 
 Aristarchus and others wished to write 
 Kaffiyv-riTo'io (adj., 'fraternal'). Apollo- 
 dorus (i. 8. 2) says merely, ^f\86vros 5t 
 ~Me\edypov, teal TIVO.S rwv Qeffrtov 
 iraiSuv <f>ovev<ravTO$,'A\6aiav apdaaadai 
 KO.T avrov. 
 
 Ooovs denotes 'dash,' the impetuous 
 
 valour of the warrior, rather than the 
 mere rush of war-chariot or horseman : 
 " 5- 536, 0ods HffKe HCTO. irpwroiffi /jui- 
 XfffOai: ib. 571 Boos vep tu>v iroXe/iuo-TTjj : 
 
 13- 477 PV v - 
 
 131 <fuXov, a 'friend,' meaning here 
 a kinsman. Meleager's uncles were now 
 fighting against him, on the side of the 
 Curetes (cp. 127 n.), as Svo-jitvewv (133) 
 indicates. But rv<j>X.a (132) implies that, 
 even so, he would not wittingly have 
 slain a Thestiad. 
 
 133 Jnxais ?iri : for the prep. cf. 83 n. 
 
 136 eiriXej;ap.'va = \oyi<rafj.evi), an 
 Ionic phrase ; Her. i. 78, etc. 
 
 137 Satypav, 'fierce,' as in 122 (n.). 
 Phrynichus called her cuVas, Ka.Koprixa.i'ov 
 (n. on 142). 
 
 139 ardppaKTos : Pind. P. IV. 84 
 yvd>fj.as dTap^a.KToio = dTapftarov : where 
 Hermann proposed drapfj-uKToio (Hesych. 
 Tap/J.vaff6ai, <t>oj37]0fjvai). 
 
 14O 142 The construction Kate 
 tf>irpov (K XdpvaKos is harshly compressed, 
 but not impossible. I should not retain 
 d-yKXauo-aa-a (my correction of the MS. 
 t-yxXaiia-ao-a), if any satisfactory emen- 
 dation could be found which would supply 
 a participle in the sense of ' having taken 
 out.' The least unsatisfactory would 
 be KXv<ra<ra (y\vffaffa, Wilamowitz) : 
 'having released' 1 the brand from the 
 chest, by undoing the fastenings of the 
 latter. But this is not likely to have 
 become tyK\avaao-a. The same may be 
 said of tXicvo-ao-a (Housman), which is 
 also metrically dubious, since the 
 answers to a syllable which is long in 
 7, 22, 47, 62, 102, 127, 167, 182, and 
 anceps only in 87 (the rot- of TOIOVTOV).
 
 286 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [v 
 
 6 K 
 
 7 fyirpov dyK\a.va'aa-a, rov 877 
 s fjiolp 1 eVeKXctXTev rdre 
 
 9 wa9 opov d/xerepas e/x/aev. TV^OV 
 145 10 AcuTruXov KXv 
 
 " TratS' aX/ct/xov t 
 
 12 &)i> dfj.wf 
 
 isTTvpyajv Trpoirdpoide 
 
 H rot 8e TT/JOS 
 150 15 <f>vyov dpyaiav iroXiv 
 
 fir. 8'. i nXev/Hoi/cr pivvvOr) Se 
 
 2 yf&>v 8' 6Xiyocr$ei/ea 
 
 3 atat* 7rv[jia.Tov oe irvetuv Sa/cyovcra 
 
 4 dyXaciv irjfiav 
 
 142 EFKAATCACA MS.: d-yKXa&raffa J. : exicXaffaffa or 
 Wilamowitz : e-y/cX^era^a or '7X<i!ci<ra Tyrrell : eXxi/ffaffa Housman : 
 
 Festa 
 
 Tyrrell's ^K\q[<rara is excellent as an 
 explanation of the MS. reading, and 
 gives a possible, though somewhat in- 
 volved, sense (she burned the brand... 
 ' which she had formerly locked up ' ; cp. 
 \vt ireSiJcras in Soph. Ai. 676) : but it 
 leaves the construction icdie K Xctpva/roj 
 unmitigated. tKicXq.a'cura (Wilamowitz) 
 would mean ' having shut out ' (not 
 'having unlocked'). 
 
 Weir Smyth defends yKXavra<ra 
 (though tyicXaiw is otherwise unknown), 
 as meaning that ' she shed tears over the 
 brand ' when she drew it from the chest. 
 In this sense, however, we should rather 
 expect (iriK\alu (used with a dative by 
 Nonnus 30. 114). tyK\aleii>, were it used, 
 would be rather to weep at something, 
 e.g. KO.KOVS. (In Aesch. Ag. 541 evSa- 
 Kpveiv o/j./j.affLv is strictly 'to have tears 
 in the eyes '.) 
 
 ScuSaXe'as. curiously carved : Simon, 
 fr. 37. I \dpva.Ki...v dcuSaXtq.. 
 
 <fiTpov: Homer does not mention Al- 
 thaea's brand, but only the curse which 
 she invoked on Meleager (//. 9. 567). 
 But the brand was probably a very old 
 element in the story, older, it may be, 
 than the epic sources used by the Homeric 
 poet of the Upeffptia. Phrynichus, says 
 Pausanias (10. 31, 4), was the first to 
 mention it tv dpdfMiTi: the drama was 
 his IlXevpuviai (fr. 6, Nauck 2 , p. 721): 
 
 Kpvepbv yap OVK | tfXvi-fv /jL&po 
 
 VLV <p\bl; Ka.Te8a.Lffa.TO | daXov 
 
 /J.O.TPOS VTT' abas Kaicofiaxavov. That play 
 
 was probably earlier than the date of this 
 
 ode (476 B.C.). Cp. Aesch. Ch. 604 flf. 
 
 See Appendix. 
 
 143 f. eircxXciMrcv, 'ordained'; here 
 with ace. and inf., as in Aesch. Eum. 335 
 TOVTO yap Xa^oj 8ia.vra.ia | palp tirfK\<i)afv 
 (fj.TT(5ws Z-xeiv.Tvrt, of yore. Apollod. 
 1. 8. i TOVTOV 8t (Meleager) OVTOS i)/jL(pwv 
 fiTTa Trapayevofjievas raj Motpas tfiaffiv 
 eiirfiv TOTf Te\evT7)ffft ~M.e\taypos, OTav 
 6 KatbfMfvos firl T^J eVxapas 5aX6s KaTaKarj. 
 TOVTO aKoi'ffaaa TW 8a.\bv dfetXero 'A\6aia 
 Kai KaTfOeTo els Xapca/ca. 
 
 ^wds opov dficrcpas: the limit or canon, 
 the ' measure ' of his life. Cp. Dion 
 Chrysost. or. 67 7 (MeXeaypcj)) Sa\6v nva 
 \tyovai T a, at eve iv rov T??J fw^ J XP " "- 
 Aesch. Ch. 607 ff. (Althaea) KaTaiffovcra 
 irai8bs 8a(f>oivbv | 5a\bv TI\IK' firel 
 
 re Sial fiiov | poipoKpavTov Is 
 
 145 AaiiruXou KXv^evov, one of the 
 Curetes, otherwise unknown. The name 
 KXuMevoj, a frequent one, was also borne 
 by one of Meleager's brothers (117 n.). 
 
 146 f. vapi&>v. The e^avapifav of 
 the MS. is a mere error: in no dialect 
 would the ev- become av-. 
 
 148 irvp-ywv irpoirdpoiOc, before the 
 battlemented walls of Pleuron, to which
 
 v] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 287 
 
 the brand of speedy doom, taken from the carven chest, the 
 brand which fate had ordained of yore to be the measure of 
 my life. 
 
 ' It so befell that I was in the act of slaying Clymenus, the 
 valiant son of Dai'pylus, a warrior of noble mien, whom I had 
 overtaken in front of the walls, for our foes were in flight to 
 their ancient city of Pleuron ; 
 
 when the sweet life grew faint within me, and I knew that epode 4 . 
 my strength was ebbing away. Ah me ! and as I drew my 
 latest breath, I wept, hapless one, at passing from my glorious 
 youth.' 
 
 (with date in 140), Desrousseaux (with er\e). 146 f. tfrvapifav] ESAXAPIZON MS. 
 151 MINTN6A MS.: fuvvvOa ( = fuvvv9ri) L. C. Purser: luvwdtv or tuvuvOtL Hous- 
 man : (jdvv6ev Wilamowitz. 154 wpoXeiiruv K.: nPOAHION MS. 
 
 the Curetes were being driven in flight 
 from Calydon. 
 
 149 ff. TO I St . . . nXevpwva : a paren- 
 thesis, explanatory of v. 148. Ancient 
 Pleuron (17 iraXaid, Strabo p. 451) stood 
 in the fertile peffoyaia of Aetolia, some 
 seven or eight miles N.W.N. of Calydon. 
 About 230 B.C. that site was deserted, 
 and a new Pleuron (rj veurtpa) was 
 founded more to the s. vv., not far from 
 the modern Mesolonghi. A schol. on 
 //. 9. 529 describes the Kovprjres as 
 oi TT)V nXei/pwvo oiKovvTfs, and Strabo 
 (p. 451) speaks of i) Kovprfruc/i as 17 avri) 
 rrj H\tvpuvia. He also mentions a moun- 
 tain named KoJpioc as ir\i)ffiov TTJS TraXaias 
 Tl\evpuvos. 
 
 151 If [iivvvOa 8c JAOI, the reading of 
 the MS., be sound, we have here - - - 
 where, in three of the other four epodes, 
 we find -- (vv. 31, 71, in). But 
 the fifth epode has the same metrical 
 peculiarity, if in v. 191 the MS. rd&t 
 be sound. Hence the case of /j.ii>vv6a is 
 different from that of an isolated metrical 
 anomaly like jj.ivv8ei in in. 90, or dtvp' 
 dOprjffov vo<f in v. 8. It is more like the 
 case of V. 1 1 and 14, where the metrical 
 peculiarity occurs also in the antistrophe 
 (11=26, 14 = 29). That is, we have to 
 ask : Did the poet, in these last two 
 epodes, deliberately modify the metre of 
 the first verse? In order to judge of this 
 question, the sense yielded by jj.ii>w(>a 
 must be considered. In //. i. 416 f. 
 Thetis says to Achilles : at0' o0e\es irapa 
 vyvaiv dd&KpvTos xai dirriijuav \ r/ffffai, tirfL 
 vv TOI. alffa fj-ivvvOa. wep, oO TI fj.a\a 
 Srjv : 'seeing that thy lot [is] very brief 
 
 (literally 'is only for a little -while' : cp. 
 //. 4. 466 fj.tvwffa dt oi yfreff' opt*-//, 'his 
 effort lasted only a little while'). In the 
 Homeric ^irei vv rot dlffa nivvvOa., the use 
 of the adverb with &TTI understood is 
 most unusual, if not unique : but the 
 sense, at any rate, is clear. Now, if 
 fjlvwda. be genuine in this verse of Bac- 
 chylides, there is the same singularity, 
 but in a far harsher form, since we have 
 to supply, not etrrl, but yv. And when 
 yv has been supplied, what is the sense ? 
 ' My life was but for a short while' 
 The meaning required, however, is : 'grew 
 feeble,' 'began to ebb away.' 
 
 The true reading may be jxivvvfrq. A 
 scribe may have changed this to nivtivQa, 
 wrongly supposing the latter to be the 
 Doric form; as in Theocr. I. 7 the MSS. 
 have iroi/juiv. A reminiscence of the adv. 
 nivvv&a in //. I. 417 may have helped. 
 In v. 191 ToSe is easily corrected to r^Bt. 
 Cp. in. 90 n. 
 
 152 oXi-yocHJcvt'wv : the verb is not 
 found elsewhere (though the adj. occurs 
 in schol. Oppian Hal. i. 623). The poet 
 may have felt that, in relation to the 
 sufferer's consciousness (yvav), this word 
 was fitter than the Homeric 6\iyo8pavtuv 
 or 6\iyriirf\tw (II. 15. 24, 246 etc.), 
 which are more objective. yvtv without 
 augment: //. 4. 357, Hes. 7"h. 551. 
 
 Cp. Swinburne, Atalanta in Calydon, 
 p. 88 (the dying Meleager speaks) : ' My 
 heart is within me As an ash in the fire'... 
 And the Semichonis, ib. p. 83 : ' He wastes 
 as the embers quicken ; With the brand 
 he fades as a brand.' 
 
 154 d-yXadv rjpav. Simon, fr. 105
 
 288 BAKXYAIAOY [v 
 
 155 s <f>acr\v aSeio'1/Joai' 
 Col. 11 6 *\ij,<f>LTpv(i)vos rratSa JJLOVVOV 877 Tore 
 
 7 rey^at fiXe^apov, TaXa.Trev6eos 
 
 8 TTOTH-OV OLKTipOVTCL <&)TOS ' 
 
 9 /cat i>w ajaeiySo'/u.ei'os 
 
 160 10 roi' e<a' ^arotcrt /x^ <wat (fre 
 
 a-Tp. e'. i ^S' aeXtov 77/30 crtSetJ^ 
 
 2 <eyyo9' aXX' ou yap rts ecmv 
 
 3 irpoi&s raSe /Avpo/xeVot?, 
 
 4 y/317 Keu'o Xe'yeu' o,ri /cat /xe'XXet 
 165 5 77 />a TIS eV /Aeyayoois 
 
 6 OtJ^os apr)i(f)LXov 
 
 7 ecrnv dS/xT^ra OvyaTpw, 
 s crot (frvav aXty/cta; 
 
 9 rav /cev XtTra/aav IBeXaiv 0Lfj,av a/cotrii/. 
 170 10 ro^ Se /xe^eTTToXe/aov 
 
 11 t/'v^a 7rpo(T6<f>a MeXea- 
 
 12 ypov \LTTOV ^\a)pav^va 
 
 13 ev Seo/xacn kdidveipav, 
 
 16O rot' Housman, A. Ludwich : TOIA A: but a corrector (A s ?) has altered this to 
 TAA' by transfixing I with a sloping line which at the same time converts into A. 
 T<i5' H(pa Blass : rod' l<f>a K. 16O 162 The words 6varotffi...<f>^yyos are quoted 
 
 by Stobaeus Flor. 98. 27, who, placing a comma after 0^770*, adds in the same line 
 
 oidf irap 'EvpvfitdovTa. TTOT' dy\abv u>\e<rav have only the plur. f}\<f>apa., Pindar only 
 
 TJjByv . Theognis 985 ai^a yap were v6i)/j.a y\t<j>apa.. TaX.airV0e'os, lit. ' bearing 
 
 irapfpxfTai dyXabs ^/Sij. grief (Od. 5. 222) : in XV. 26 it means 
 
 155 f. dSeurifSoav, only here and in X. ' grievous.' 
 
 61 : cp. ddeiffiSaifj-uv (Clem. Alex. p. 302) 16O rot* if<^a. The first syllable is 
 
 dSeiffldeos orac. ap. Julian, p. 297 D. long in three at least of the corresponding 
 
 ' Afj.<J>iTpuvos. This lengthening of the i verses (40, 80, 200): and presumably 
 
 in Amphitryo is very exceptional: it is long, though anceps, in the fourth (120, 
 
 short above in v. 85, and in xv. 15. Pindar, n-arpdr). And the first hand wrote TOIA, 
 
 who uses the name in six places (P. ix. which a corrector has changed into TAA'. 
 
 81; N. I. 52, IV. 20, X. 13: /. I. 55, VI. Blass (praef. p. XLll) defends rdd', 
 
 6) always has i. In the Amphitruo of holding that -' could be substituted 
 
 Plautus the i is regularly short, and no- for -~ at the beginning of the verse, 
 
 where appears to be necessarily long. To the ear at least, such a change in the 
 
 The name does not seem to be extant in rhythm is very unpleasing. It seems much 
 
 Greek iambic verse ; possibly we might more probable that the author wrote rot' 
 
 have found examples of this scansion in l-<pa. It is true, as the same critic ob- 
 
 the' Afj.<piTpvwv of Sophocles, of Aeschylus serves, that we do not elsewhere find 
 
 Alexandrinus (Nauck 2 p. 824), or of the rota as roidde, before a speech: but it is 
 
 comic poet Archippus. Cp- ' AnfiirpiTrj not doubtful that a poet could have so 
 
 (Od. 3. 91, etc.). used it. The objection would be met by 
 
 157 pX.e'<j>apov : the sing., as in XI. 17 ; reading Tq' (cp. 191 n.): but the MS. 
 
 twice in Sophocles (A nt. 104, fr. 645), and reading points rather to TOI". 
 often in Euripides. Homer and Aeschylus Ovaroto-i |ri] 4>vvai 4>picrrov : the first
 
 EHINIKOI 
 
 289 
 
 Tis said that then, and then alone, tears came to the eyes of 
 Amphitryon's intrepid son, in pity for the ill-fated hero's doom ; 
 and he answered him with such words as these : ' It were best 
 for mortals that they had never been born, 
 
 and never looked upon the sunlight. But, seeing that these str - 5- 
 laments avail not, a man should speak of that which he can 
 hope to accomplish. In the halls of the warrior Oeneus is there 
 a maiden among his daughters like in form to thee? Fain were 
 I to make her my queenly bride.' 
 
 And to him spake the spirit of Meleager steadfast in war : 
 ' I left Dei'aneira at home, in the fresh bloom of youth, 
 
 oX/3ios 5' oi)3eis fiporQiv wavra \p6vov, a fragment otherwise unknown (Bergk fr. 2). 
 161 HT)5' Stobaeus: MHT" MS. 164 xpv] KPH MS -> but with X written above 
 
 (by A-?). 169 GEAQX MS., corr. K. AKOITAX A : corr. A 1 ? 17O rov dt] 
 TONKE MS., with A written above (by A 2 ?). 173 x^ <a P a vx va ] The grave accent 
 
 was at first placed on the letter v, but two lines have been drawn through it. 
 
 half of the familiar maxim ; Theognis 
 425 ff. wdvTwv fjxv fiy (f>vvai firfxOovioiffiv 
 apiffTov, nyd' fffiSfiv airydy 6^os ^eXtou. 
 
 tpWTCL 5' O7TWS WKlffTO. TTvXaS ' AtSaO TTfpTJffCU. 
 
 K.T.X. : Soph. O. C. i225ff., etc. This 
 passage illustrates the pathetic power of 
 Bacchylides. It is impressive, indeed, 
 that this should be said by Heracles, 
 ' the unconquered ' (v. 57). Yet a subtler 
 poet would scarcely have made him say 
 it here, within the gates of Hades, to 
 Meleager, whose fate he pities. For 
 the first part of the adage, 'It is best 
 not to be born,' inevitably suggests 
 that other which is not spoken, 'and 
 next best, to die soon.' Contrast the 
 manner in which the whole yv&inj is in- 
 troduced by Sophocles (/. <-.). As uttered 
 by the men of Colonus, it is not only a 
 comment on the trials of Oedipus, but 
 also a thought which turns the mind 
 towards his approaching release. 
 
 161 irpoo-iSctv, aorist, like fffiSfiv 
 airyds in Theognis 426 (see last n.), be- 
 cause the moment of birth is meant : cp. 
 //. 16. i87f. afrrdp ewei dr/ rbv ye fjioyo- 
 ffToicos EiXeiOvia | if ay aye irpb 06w<r5e KO.I 
 -r)f\iov i5ev avyds. 
 
 162 f. dXX' ov yap irpd|is /t.r.X. : 
 Od. 10. 202 <iXX' ov ydp TIS Trprjis eyiyvtTO 
 fivpop-evoiaiv ('no effect,' no good). //. 24. 
 524 ov ydp TIS irpij^is irfXerai Kpvepolo 
 yooio. Bacchyl. fr. 1 2 ri yap e\a<t>pbt> IT' 
 (ffrlv &irpaKT' 1 65vpoiJ.tvov dovelv I Kapdiav ; 
 
 164 |ieX\i, sc. TIS, easily supplied 
 from the indefinite plural partic. in 163. 
 (Not: 'a word which is likely to have 
 
 J. B. 
 
 effect.') TXiv is here probably the fut., 
 though it might be the pres.: cp. in. 
 
 3 n - 
 
 165 r\ pa. interrogative, as in //. 5. 
 421 ; Find. P. IX. 40, /. VII. 3 ; Soph. Ai. 
 172 (lyric). Some edd. prefer to write 
 rfpet (i.e. ri + Hpa.) in this sense. 
 
 167 dSpiJTa : Horn. hymn. Ven. 82 
 wapOfvif) dSfiriT-ij : Aesch. Suppl. 149 (the 
 prayer of the Dana'ides to Artemis), 
 aSyodraj aS/Kara | pvffios yfveffdu. In //. 
 and Od. this form of the word is applied 
 only to cattle ; but irapGevos aS/uTjj occurs 
 in Od. f>. log, etc. The Ionic r\ is kept 
 here to avoid a double a sound; but cp. 
 X. 84 o5/iaToi. OvyaTpwv, partitive gen. 
 with TIS in 165. 
 
 169 Xnropdv. The notion of the 
 epithet is that of rich adornment, 
 splendid surroundings. It may perhaps 
 be rendered by 'queenly.' Cp. Hes. 
 Th. 901 devTfpov fiydyfTo \nrapT/v Qefuv. 
 Except in Od. 15. 332, where \tirapol 
 /ce^aXds is said of youths whose heads 
 are anointed with oil, Xtirapos is never in 
 Homer the epithet of a person, nor is it 
 ever so used by Pindar. 
 
 6<{|iav aKoinv. Od. 21. 72 ie/tevot 
 yfjfj.a.1 OeffOai re yvvdiKa. Aesch. Th. 930 
 irodiv avrq, 6(^.eva. 
 
 Pindar represented Meleager as pro- 
 posing the marriage with Deianeira to 
 Heracles, in order that he might defend 
 her from her dread suitor, Achelous 
 (schol. //. 21. 194). See Appendix. 
 
 172 f. x.Xpat>xva. with the freshness 
 (the fresh bloom) of youth upon her neck. 
 
 20
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 M vrfiv en 
 175 15 KvTrptSo? 
 
 KaXXioTra, 
 
 3 avrov ' Ata re 
 
 4 vfjivrjo'ov 'OXv/u,7noi' a 
 1 80 s TOI> r' a.Kap.avTopoa.v 
 
 6 'AX^eo^, IleXoTros re /3iai>, 
 
 7 /cat Iltcrav, ei^' 6 
 s TTocrcrl VLKOLG-O.S 
 
 185 10 era? 'lepcavL <f>epo>i> 
 ii ev8]ai/Aoi>ias irt 
 
 179 OATMFIIOX] w has been written by A 3 above the second : a notable instance 
 of a true reading depraved by this corrector, though metre clearly forbade. 
 
 Nightingales, when they begin their song 
 in the early Greek spring, are called 
 xXwpauxeves by Simonides (fr. 73), who 
 meant (I think) 'with _/?// throat,' i.e. 
 with throat of fresh, youthful vigour, in 
 Keats's phrase, 'full-throated.' Thus for 
 both poets x\w/>ai>x'?>' implies xX&>/>os as 
 an epithet, not of colour, but of young 
 life ; though with diverse applications. 
 See Appendix. 
 
 Aaidveipav, see xv. 23 flf. The bare 
 mention of her name suffices here : enough 
 has been said. to enforce the truth, x a ^ e " 
 irbv | deCiv irapaTptyai vbov (94 f.). 
 
 174 f. xP vo " /a Sj w ith l "i as i xv - 2 > 
 Find. P. IV. 4 etc. This u was borrowed 
 from the lyrists by the dramatists, but 
 only in lyrics (Soph. O. 7'. 157, etc.). In 
 Homer the v is always long, and such 
 forms as xP l " r ^ 7 ? s are to be scanned as 
 two syllables (with synizesis) ; cp. //. I. 
 
 15 XP Vff ^V ^"^ ffK^TTTp^. 0cXl|lj3p6TOV, 
 
 the enchantress, who bewitches mortals. 
 In //. 14. 214 ff. is described the 
 embroidered cesties (Keffrbv 1/j.dvra) of 
 Aphrodite, wherein are ' all her enchant- 
 ments ' (6f\Krripia), 'love, desire, and 
 sweet converse, that steals the wits even 
 of the wise.' 
 
 176 ff. KoXXioTra is now bidden to 
 turn from the heroic myth to the im- 
 mediate theme of the epinikion. In xvm. 
 .13 she is the Muse who inspires a dithy- 
 ramb concerning lo. Above, in 13 f. , 
 the poet is Qvpavias...9epdir<i)i>, as in VI. 
 
 1 1 Urania again prompts his strain ; 
 while in xv. 3 she moves him to sing of 
 Heracles. In in. 3, xi. 2, and xn. 228 
 it is KXeici who presides over the ode of 
 victory. Bacchylides uses the names of 
 these Muses interchangeably, without 
 assigning a special function to each. 
 Pindar names Ka.\\i6wa only once (O. 
 x. 16), K\c once (N. III. 83), and 
 Oupavia nowhere : he usually speaks of 
 Mo?(ra or Mo?<r<u. In later mythology 
 Calliope was the Muse of heroic song, 
 Cleio of history, and Urania of astronomy. 
 
 177 errcurov K.T.\. : cease to pursue 
 the story of Heracles, and revert to 
 Hieron's victory. The example of an 
 abrupt return from myth to theme was 
 set by Pindar in the earliest of his 
 extant odes, written in 498 B.C., when he 
 was only twenty; P. X. 51 xunrav (rxo-^ov 
 K.r.X. : cp. JV. V. 15 f. ffrdffOfjLac : P. IV. 
 (462 B.C.) 247 f. /j.a.Kpd fioi VfiffOai KO.T' 
 afial-iTov wpa. yap ffvvdiTTei' Kai TWO. | 
 OL/J.OV iffa/j.i jipaxi'v ' where he adds, 
 iro\\oiai 5' ayr)/MLi ffo<pia.s tr^pois, words 
 which imply that other lyric poets (like 
 Bacchylides here) had imitated this trait. 
 
 i5iroit]Tov : Horn. Hymn. A poll. 265 
 apfiard r' evirolijra. apfxa : the ' chariot' 
 is Pindaric, but Pindar always gives it 
 to ' the Muses ' collectively, and never 
 materializes it by such an epithet as 
 ' well-wrought ' : he conceives the poet 
 as borne along in it (O. ix. 81 iv Moicrav 
 Sl(pp(f>) : the singers of old are they ot
 
 v] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 291 
 
 a stranger still to golden Aphrodite the enchantress.' 
 
 White-armed Calliope, stay thy well-wrought chariot there ; ant. 5. 
 and now sing Zeus, son of Cronus, Olympian ruler of the gods, 
 and Alpheus, of untiring stream, with mighty Pelops, and Pisa, 
 where the famed Pherenicus prevailed by his speed in the race, 
 ere he returned to the embattled walls of Syracuse, bringing 
 Hieron the leaf of good fortune. 
 
 184 f. rj\B]v and es are supplied by Housman (Kvper..es Ludwich). 2i>pa/ccwcr(ras 
 MS., K., Herwerden: ZvpaKOffaas Blass. 
 
 es di</>pov Moiadv tpaivov 
 (/. II. i) : the patron r6S' Ifei/fep ap/j.a 
 llifpiduv (P. x. 65) : in a poetic effort, 
 Iffffvrat... | Moitratoi' ap/j.a (I. VII. 61). As 
 the chariot is an image for the poet's 6p^, 
 and belongs to the Muses only in their 
 relation to the poet, it is not attributed 
 to the Muses, or to any of them, in 
 ancient art. 
 
 ISO aKajiavropoav : cp. III. 6 n. 
 
 181 neXoirds T PUXV : cp. VII. ad fin. 
 iv FleXoTTOs $pvyiov \ KXtivois <i^0Xois : X. 
 24 f. ei> fagots | ayvov IIAoTros 5o?r^5ots. 
 Hero and god are similarly linked in 
 Find. 0. X. 26 flf. : ' The ordinances of 
 Zeus have moved me to sing of the 
 peerless festival which Heracles founded 
 by the ancient tomb of Pelops, with altars 
 six in number ' (the /fo/xoiys l 5i5ufj.ovs 
 of O. v. 5, which Heracles dedicated to 
 six pairs of deities). In the altis at 
 Olympia, west of the great altar of Zeus at 
 which the lamidae divined by tuirvpa, was 
 the precinct called the IleXon-top, enclosing 
 the hero's traditional grave, a low tumu- 
 lus of elliptic form. A Doric propylaion, 
 with three doors, gave access from the 
 S.W. side. Here sacrifices, the ai/j.a.Kovpia.1 
 of Find. O. i. 91, had been offered to the 
 spirit of Pelops from early times : Pau- 
 sanias (5. 13 2) mentions the yearly 
 offering of a black ram. 
 
 182 IIi<rav, with i : so Pindar (O. 
 II. 3, etc.). But Simonides fr. 158 has 
 IIicrTj : cp. Theocr. IV. 29 irorl lITcrav. 
 Euripides (/. T. i and Helen. 393) has 
 Iliffav (so edd.), but in the fifth foot: cp. 
 /. 7'. 824 irapdtvov iliffdriSa, where the 
 quantity of the i is doubtful. The name 
 is probably connected with Trtcros (icivu), 
 ' water-meadow.' Pisa, the old Achaean 
 capital of Pisatis, the mythical seat of 
 Oenomaus and Pelops, seems to have 
 stood about three-quarters of a mile east 
 of the temple of the Olympian Zeus. 
 
 The site has been conjecturally identified 
 with a hill near the stream Miraka, an 
 affluent of the Alpheus. (Cp. E. Curtius, 
 Pelop. n. 51.) Pisa was destroyed in 
 572 B.C. by the Eleans, who then 
 succeeded to the presidency of the games. 
 Pindar uses Hiffa. as a poetical synonym 
 for Olympia: O. I. 18 Iluras re KM. 
 Qepev'iKov x<*P's : VI 1 1. 9 i3 Hlffas eOdevdpov 
 fir' 'AX^ey fiXo-os. So Herodotus (n. 7) 
 measures the distance from Athens fs re 
 Iliffav Kal ewl rbv vijbv rov Atds TOV 
 '0\vfiirlov. 
 
 184 f. ^XOfv. . s svirup-yovs K.T.X. We 
 must insert , lost after -os through the 
 recurrence of <re (-OCECETIITPrOrc). 
 eiiirtipyovs is inadmissible, because the i) of 
 &J- is always short before a single con- 
 sonant. There is, indeed, one apparent 
 exception, Od. 14. 63 K\7jp6i> re ttfj.op<f>l)v 
 Te yvvaiKa, but there the v.l. iro\vfja>r)ffTrjt> 
 is doubtless right. The v is long only 
 when the consonant is doubled, as in 
 ^iV/i/xeX/Tjs, (vppoos, ^tVireX/ioj. EvpaK<5<r- 
 <ras. The MS. has CTPAKOTCCAC, but 
 the double <nr indicates that the Doric 
 form should be restored by deleting v. 
 The forms were (i) Doric Zvpd/cocrai 
 (Pind. P. II. i), or metri gratia Zvpa.KO<r- 
 <rai : (2) Attic 2v/>aKorai : (3) Ionic 
 ^vpriKovffai. 
 
 186 cvSaipovtas irtraXov : alluding to 
 the garland of wild olive (/cdrtcoj) which 
 was the prize at Olympia. The singular 
 irtraKov is poetically substituted for the 
 plural, as in Soph. O. C. 701 <f>v\\ov 
 Acuas. It is a phrase resembling that in 
 III. 92 ff. 5X/3oi/ . . S.f6ea. Victory is the 
 leaf which ev6a.ifj.ovia puts forth. There 
 is a like metaphor in 198, trvQfjieves 
 0d\\ov<riv ea6\uv. The use of Tr4ra\ov , 
 instead of &v6os, is fitting, since the word 
 is intended to suggest the olive-wreath : 
 cp. Pind. N. i. 17 'OXi//x7rtci3(i>' 0wXXo 
 eXcuax xP u<r <?' s : O. VIII. 76 ffrtyavos
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [v 
 
 Col. 12 13 alveiv, ( 
 
 14 ^epcrlv TT(i)crfj.vov, 
 190 15 t ri9 ev irpdcro'OL 
 
 fir. f'. ' Boia)r6<? a^p raSe (/)a 
 
 2 'HcrtoSos TrpoTroXos 
 
 3 MovcraV, ov < af > dOdvaroi ri[ju,e5cri, TOUTOJ 
 
 4 /cat fiporutv <f)TJiJLa.v e7r[ecr$cu. 
 195 s TreLBojj.cn, ev/xapews 
 
 187 dXafletas Blass ; AAHOEIAC MS. 191 r3e Wilamowitz, for rd5e : see 
 
 comment. After <f><j)vr)<rev K. supplies 7raXcu6s: \Vilam., \iyeidv : Bruhn, y\vKeiav (so 
 Blass) : Pingel, pa.0v<ppwv. Housman conj. rdvSe (pwvyaev TTOT' 6fj.<pdv. 193 f. ov 
 
 <f>v\\o<p6pwv air' dywvuv : A 7 . VI. 65 di>6e' 
 '0\vfj,irtddos. 
 
 Some take TrtraXov as ' a voting-leaf, ' 
 Find. /. VII. 43 nyde Nijp^oj Ovydr^p 
 veiK^wv ireraXa. 5tj e-yyi'dXt^rw | dfj.fj.iv, 
 ' place leaves of strife in our hands ' 
 (force us to vote on opposite sides) : a 
 passage which shows that the use of 
 leaves in voting was known long before 
 the Syracusans employed the TrtraXov 
 eXat'a? (Diod. XI. 86) in the form of 
 ostracism called ireraXt(r^6s. (' Petalism ' 
 was instituted probably c. 454 B.C., and 
 abolished after no long interval : Diod. 
 XI. 87 : Freeman Sicily n. 332-) Leaves 
 were used in the Athenian BovX-h when 
 the senators voted on the question of 
 expelling one of their own number : 
 Aeschin. or. i 1 1 1 ^ j3oXr; Karayvovaa 
 Tovrovi dfiiKeiv KO.I eif>v\\o<opT]ffaffa. 
 What, then, would be the exact sense of 
 ev5a.ifj.ov las wtraXov ? It has been rendered , 
 ' a token of heaven's favour. ' But that 
 meaning can be reached only through 
 the literal one, 'a suffrage for (Hieron's) 
 happiness,' given by the god who de- 
 creed the victory. That, however, is too 
 artificial : it seems also too obscure, 
 without help from the context. There is 
 a further objection ; viz. that, on the 
 analogy of (ptpeiv \f/rj<j>ov (suffragium 
 ferre), <f>tpwv ireraXov should refer to the 
 voter. 
 
 187 dXaOcias: the MS. has dXq- 
 here, but the Doric a is found in all the 
 five other places where the poet uses the 
 word (in. 96; vn. 42 f.; IX. 85; xn. 
 204 ; fr. 10). 
 
 Bacchylides refers more than once to 
 the <f>6bvos which may put constraint on 
 
 a man's inward sense of merit in others, 
 and keep him silent, while 'truth,' 
 candour, makes the poet speak out : see 
 III. 67 ff. ; VIII. 85 ff. ffbv 5' d\a.0flq. 
 pporwv K.r.X. : XII. 199 ff. el fj.ri TLVO. 
 Oepffieirijs \ <f>6bvos /Starai, | aiveiru ffo<f>bv 
 dvdpa | ffvv SiK<f.... | a 5' d\a6eia <f>i\fi \ 
 VIKO.V /c.T.X. His tone is that of one who 
 praises because it is the plain duty of a 
 fair mind. 
 
 188 f. a.(i4>oTpaicriv \tp<riv, 'with 
 might and main.' Cp. the proverbial 
 phrase, ov r-g erepq. \i)irreov (Plat. Soph. 
 226 A). airtixrdjitvov. Housman would 
 write dirwffafj^vovs, as el follows. The 
 last syllable of the verse is, indeed, long 
 in all the strictly corresponding verses 
 (54, 69, 94, 109, 134, 149, 174). Verses 
 14 and 29, though holding the same 
 place, are, as we saw, metrically peculiar 
 in having an additional syllable : still, 
 tOeXei St in v. 14 suggests that here also 
 the final syllable could be anceps. As a 
 matter of idiom, the singular seems here 
 more natural than the plural. 
 
 19O ti TIS v irpa<r<roi, after \pj\ 
 (187). In general statements or maxims 
 the present indicative is sometimes thus 
 followed by el with the optative, where 
 we should rather expect a general 
 supposition expressed by ei with pres. 
 indie., or fdv with pres. subjunctive. 
 Od. 14. 56 $elv, 06 fj.oi 6f/j.is IffT,' ovb' el 
 Kaicicav aeOtv i-\0oi, \ %elvov dTi/j.rjffa.1. 
 Pind. P. VIII. 13 Kfpdos 5e (piXrarov, | 
 eKovros ei rtj fK dofiuv ipepoi. Similarly 
 when the condition is contained in a 
 relative clause : Soph. Ant. 666 dXX' &v 
 iroXis ffTTjcrfie, rovde XPV KXtieiv. 
 
 191 194 Hieron's success and glory
 
 v] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 293 
 
 We must give praise, for truth's sake, and thrust envy away 
 from us with might and main, if any man should prosper. 
 
 Thus spake the Boeotian, Hesiod, servant of the sweet epode 5. 
 Muses : ' Whomsoever the immortals honour, the good report 
 of men goes with him also.' Readily am I won 
 
 < SLV > . . TI/J.&O-I TovT<{>...J-ir[e<T0at Housman: and Wilamowitz (but with Ktlvtf instead 
 of Tovrtf). So also Blass 2 , but with xPWf after rt/xw<ri (Pingel having conjectured 
 . 195 ireido/j.ai] 7rei06/ue0' Blass 2 . 
 
 are so manifestly given by tlie gods, 
 that envy is put to silence, and men's 
 applause cannot be withheld. The poet 
 constantly refers Hieron's victories to the 
 favour of heaven : cp. above, 36 : iv. 
 i 3, and more especially 18 20, ri 
 
 <j)l\OV fbvTO. K.T.\. 
 
 BOIWTOS avi]p. Virgil's Ascraeus senex 
 (Ed. 6. 70) ; so Homer is Xtos dvrjp 
 (Simonid. fr. 85. 2) ; Simonides, doidbs 6 
 Kijibs (Theocr. XVI. 44) ; Pindar, Dircaeus 
 cygmts (Hor. C. iv. 2. 25) ; Alcaeus, 
 Lesbins civis (id. C. I. 32. 5) ; Anacreon, 
 6 Tijios KISKVOS (Antipater Sidon. in Anth. 
 
 7- 3)- 
 
 raSc, ' on this wise ' : cp. Soph. El. 
 643 T-ijSe yap Kayw Qpdffw (where, how- 
 ever, 'on this wise' means 'darkly,' 
 not, 'in these terms') : 0. C. 1300 Kaicb 
 fj-avreuv rai'TTj xXi/w ('and so I hear'...). 
 The MS. ra$t cannot be sound, if in 151 
 fjdvvvOa is (as it seems to be) corrupt : 
 see n. there. 
 
 4>wvT]o-v. All Dorian dialects have 
 -i7<rw, -ri<T a in fut. and ist aor. of verbs in 
 -&I. In Pindar N. v. 44 Boeckh read 
 <j>i\aff' (as also in other places of Pindar) ; 
 but recent editors agree in giving <pi\r)ff'. 
 In O. xin. 67 W. Christ and others give 
 <j>ui>a.(Tf, though tpwvrjffe in IV. X. 76, and 
 (/wcTjcrais in /. V. 51. The form ^>wfda>, 
 of which i(f>uivaffa. would be the Doric 
 aorist, does not seem to occur, though 
 it would be the natural form for the verb 
 from (puvd. 
 
 The word lost after Quvyfftv may have 
 been an epithet of Moi'trap (such as 
 y\vKfidv or \iyetdv). Both the poet's 
 style and the rhythm of the passage 
 suggest this as probable. 
 
 8v av dOdvaroi K.T.\. The supple- 
 ment given in the text seems the best 
 (see cr. n.). TOVTW is not grammatically 
 indispensable, since a dat. could be 
 understood (cp. Soph. Ant. 35 f., 5s &v 
 TOVTUV n 5pq., | <povov irp6Kei<r(>ai) : but it 
 makes the sentence clearer; and the 
 emphasis is fitting here. In Hesiod's 
 
 extant poems and fragments there is 
 nothing nearer to this sentiment than the 
 passage in Theog. 81 ff., Svnva Tt^auffi. 
 AIDS Kovpai ffeyd\oto | ,... | roO fitv irl 
 yXuxrff-g y\vKtpT]v xdovffiv ({payy, | ...ot 
 5^ vv Xaoi | irdvrej O.VTOV opufft C.T.\. : 
 where he says that the A/uses give 
 winning eloquence to kings, and fame to 
 poets. But Theognis v. 169 is exactly 
 apposite : tv 5k Oeoi Tifiiaff', &v KO.\ 
 /jLu}fj.tvfj.ei>os aivei, i.e., a man, though 
 inclined to blame, is constrained to praise. 
 I cannot think that Bacchylides was 
 alluding to Hes. Theog. 81 ff. Refer- 
 ences of this kind to other poets are, as 
 a rule, verbally close : see, e.g., Pind. /. 
 V. 67 Adpiruv dt /teX^roi' | tpyois 
 dirdfuv 'Kffiodov (JuiXa TI/JLQ. TOVT ?xo$ 
 (alluding to Hes. Op. 410 /ifX^n/ 5e re 
 kpyov 6<t>^\\fi). The saying may have 
 occurred in some lost passage of Hesiod, 
 possibly the source of Theognis 169: 
 or our poet may have meant the verse 
 of Theognis, and named Hesiod by mis- 
 take. 
 
 195 f. ir(0o|uu K.T.X. 'Readily do 
 I consent to send'... This is a phrase, 
 like many in Pindar, intimating that the 
 epinikion was written by invitation. Cp. 
 O. XIII. 96 ~yioLffan^yapa.y\a.o6p6vo^fKuv \ 
 '0\iyat6idaiffiv r tpai> eirlKovpos : P. V. 
 43 f. fKbvn roivvv irptirei | vo(f rbv tvep- 
 yfrav viravricurcu. VK\a. scanned : 
 Soph. O. T. 161 has (0p6vov) fVK\ta 
 (- - -). In Pind. P. XII. 24 evxXea (ace. 
 
 sing., for eikXe&t) is . (vicMa. y\ff- 
 
 irai> means ' an utterance fraught with 
 glory ' (for Hieron) : cp. Pind. N. vi. 29 
 firf(i>v...ovpov | evK\eia (=fVK\fta) : O.ll. 
 90 evn\eas ttarofa ('shafts of song, winged 
 by fame'). For yXwo-o-av, cp. Pind. 0. 
 IX. 44 (ptpois Se UpWToyfvflas | dffTd 
 y\wffffav (' lend thy voice ' to Opus) : N. 
 IV. 86 Kflt>os...tuai> | y\u<Tffav tvptru 
 KeXaSrjnv, 'Let him (in the shades) be- 
 come aware that my song is resounding. ' 
 So here the y\w<r<ra is a song sent from 
 Ceos.
 
 294 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 e ev/cXea KeXevOov yXaicrcrai' ou[/c e/cros 
 ? TrepTTf.iv 'leowvL' roOtv 
 
 [v, vi 
 
 g TOVS O 
 200 10 Zeus a/cu^Tov? ef etpT^a ^uXafrcrot. 
 
 VI. 
 
 AAXQNI KEIQI 
 <TTAIAI> STAAIEI OAYMHIA 
 
 Ato9 /xeytcrrou 
 <f>epTa.Tov TrdSecro't 
 
 77 \\(f)OV 
 
 OL ocrcra Tra.poiuf.v 
 5 dfjLTr\OTp6<j)ov Keov 
 aeurdV TTOT 
 
 196 After yX<r<rai' only the letter o remains, the rest of the verse having been torn 
 off. OVK CKTOS SiKas J. (1898), and (independently) A. Drachmann : OVK e/tros deCiv 
 Blass: OVK garbs wpotls Jurenka: oia.KOffTp6<pov K. : oluvbv KaXas Platt. 198 ecr^Xwi/ 
 Jurenka, Blass : eaO\oi K. 2OO <j>v\a<r<rot Wilamowitz, Platt. 0i'\d(r<Tf t was 
 
 supplied by Palmer. 
 
 OUK IKTOS (KeXeu^ou) Sheas : the poet's 
 strain of praise has not wandered from 
 the path of justice. Cp. X. 26 Stiras 
 xt\fv6ov: and for KTOS, IX. 51 f. ri 
 fj.a.Kpa.i' y\(affffav iOvffas t\a&rtt \ (KTOS 
 6Sov ; Both Bacchylides and Pindar fre- 
 quently claim that their praise is in 
 accord with 5tKa : XII. 201 f. atVet'rw 
 <ro(f>ov avdpa \ ffw dixy : X. 123 f. SiKaias 
 offTis lx ft <t>fKv<*-* evprjffei K.T.\. : Find. P. 
 VIII. 70 f. KUfMf fj^v a.Svfj.eXf'i \ Aixa irape- 
 ffraKf'. A r . III. 29 eVerat 8i \6-yij} 5t/cas 
 aa>Tos, 6<rX6j (ace. pi.) alveiv. 
 
 197 f. TO0v, 'thence,' referring to 
 fVK\ta yXwffffav : by means of the just 
 praise of the poet. As OdXXowriv indicates, 
 iru0|Xves <rfl\3v are (literally) ' the stof&s 
 or stems of happy fortunes' (iff6\d), here 
 compared to plants or trees. The just 
 praise of the poet is as the dew which 
 makes them flourish. The poet confers 
 a glory which is the flower and crown of 
 established prosperity. (For the diction, 
 cp. Aesch. Snppl. 104 f. ved.ei TTU^/XTJV | . . 
 T(6a\u>s, the old stock puts forth new 
 buds and blossoms.) Pindar has a like 
 thought in N. vm. 40 ff., aflfercu 5' opera, 
 
 tl)j ore Sevdpeov ^<rcre, | ev 
 ffO<(>ois dvSpuiv atpffflff' iv biKaiois re 
 irpos vypbv \ aidepa. : ' As, watered by 
 fresh dews, a tree shoots upward, so 
 grows the fame of manly worth, when it 
 is lifted towards the liquid air of heaven 
 by masters of song who give just praise.' 
 For o-9Xuv, cp. iv. 20 nolpav eff6\wv: 
 XVI. 132 (ff6\wv TV\CLV : Hoin. hyinn. 
 Cer. 225 0eot 5e roi effd\a trbpouv. 
 
 199 f. \Leyia~roTTa.T<ap neyiffros iraT-fjp: 
 so XVIII. 21 /j.fytffTua.vairffa : Soph. Ph. 
 1338 "EXevos apurrbnavTis. AKLVIJTOVS: 
 the trvBfdvfs of Hieron's fo6\d are 
 already well-set ; the prayer is that they 
 may never be uprooted. elprjvq. : for the 
 form, see on II. i. There is an allusion 
 to the security gained for Sicily by the 
 victory at Himera four years earlier 
 (480 B.C.). Cp. xn. 188 f.'(of Ei'ixyua) 
 currtd T*. . | ev etpjjva tf>v\6.ffaei. Here 
 4>vXcwro-oi is preferable. Find. O. vm. 
 ends with a like wish, . . . a.Trri/j.avTov aybiv 
 fiiorov | O.VTOVS T df^ot KO.I TTO\U> (sf. Zevs) : 
 while 0. xin. and N. IX. end with a 
 direct prayer to Zeus.
 
 V, VI] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 295 
 
 to send Hieron the song that tells forth his fame, without 
 swerving from the path of justice ; for by such praise it is that 
 happy fortunes, once firmly planted, flourish : and may Zeus the 
 supreme father, guard them steadfast in peace. 
 
 VI. 
 
 For L action of Ceos, victor in the foot-race for boys 
 at Olympia. (452 B.C.) 
 
 Lachon has won from great Zeus surpassing glory by his str. i. 
 speed, where the waters of Alpheus seek the sea; enhancing 
 those goodly deeds for which ere now vine-nurturing Ceos 
 has been sung at Olympia, 
 
 VI. The title has been added by A :) in the left margin. I1AIAI is inserted by 
 Blass, as the Oxyrhynchus fragment of the Olympic register shows that Lachon's 
 victory was in the Traidw ffrddiov. 3 AA*EIOT A: corr. K. After wpoxoalff 
 
 K. supplies -t cre^j/ats (and so Jurenka), Housman dt6\wi>, Blass -i VIKUV (with a full 
 stop): J., Ka\' aiffwv. 
 
 VI. If. Aa\v. In the Oxyrhynchus 
 fragment of the Olympic register the entry 
 referring to this victory gives the name as 
 AO.KUV. But \dx^v is confirmed by the 
 agonistic inscription of Ceos (see Intro- 
 duction to Ode i. 3), where [Ajdx&u' 
 'Api<TTo/j.{vfos iraiSuv occurs (twice) among 
 the Nemean victors. The origin of such 
 short names as \dxuv and Ad\ris is illus- 
 trated by the Attic Aaxfaoipos (C. I. A. 
 n. No. 1512 b 2 add.) : cp. Fick-Benseler, 
 Griech. Personennanifn, p. 184. The 
 play on words in Adxv...Xdx. is not 
 sportive; it brings out the omen of the 
 name, in this case a happy one. So 
 Pindar fr. 105 (of Hieron), {adtuv Itpuiv 
 ofj.ilji'vfj.e irdrfp. Cp. Soph. At, 430 f., n. 
 Aios...Xd\c, i.e. 7ra/><i Ai6j : cp. Soph. 
 O. T. 580 TTOLVT' e/aoO Kofj-l^erai : ib. 1163 
 fdft;d/jir)v 5t TOV. 
 
 3f. 'AX<jwov. The distance of Olym- 
 pia from the mouth of the Alpheus was 
 in ancient times about eight miles, and is 
 now about ten. But the poet's phrase, 
 irl -rrpo^oais, is correct in a broad sense. 
 Olympia is near the point where the 
 Alpheus, descending from the Arcadian 
 highlands, enters on the last stage of its 
 course amidst the sandy levels near the 
 coast, and then passes between lagoons 
 to the sea. 
 
 After IIPOXOAIC the MS. has lost 
 three syllables, ---. Compare II. 6 ff., 
 referring to the Cean victor Argeios : 
 KO.\V 5' dvi/j.vafffv, off' tv K\efvv$ | auxin 
 
 (f)iff8/j.ov...fTrf8ti$afj.fi>: 'he has renewed 
 the memory of all those goodly feats which 
 we (Ceans) have displayed ' at the Isthmus. 
 So, here also, o<r<ra clearly refers to the 
 whole series of victories won by Ceans in 
 the national games. Lachon had now 
 gained a signal success at the chief festival, 
 (i) The poet may conceivably have said 
 that this victory was the most brilliant of 
 all which had brought fame to Ceos: if 
 so, we might read irpoxa, d^6Xa>v 
 (Housman), or irpoxoatffi, irdvrwv (the 
 genitive, with either word, depending on 
 <t>fpra.Tov). (i) Or, as is perhaps more 
 probable, Lachon may have been de- 
 scribed as enhancing the previous glories 
 of Ceos. That sense would be given by 
 Ka\* avv, where *ra\d would have the 
 same meaning as in II. 6. See Appendix. 
 
 5 dprcXoTpoifrov. The word iro\v6.p.- 
 TreXoj, traceable in frag. 7 (K.), was also 
 doubtless applied to Ceos. Coins of that 
 island sometimes bore a grape (Brondsted, 
 Voyages I. pi. XXVII., quoted by Jurenka 
 here). 
 
 6 ff. Join 'OXvpnr{<j. with dcurav, not 
 with KpaTfO<rav. These tributes of song 
 were paid by young men of Ceos at 
 Olympia ; the occasion would be a festal 
 procession, escorting the Cean victor to 
 the temple of the Olympian Zeus, where 
 he would give thanks; or it might be 
 a banquet. The formal iiri.viKt.ov was 
 more usually sung after the victor's re- 
 turn to his home.
 
 296 BAKXYAIAOY [VI, vil 
 
 TTV re Kal oraStov 
 crai/] < 
 
 a-rp. ft. veaviai fi 
 10 <re Se vvi 
 
 Qvpavias v/xvo? eWart i>t/c[a9 
 
 re/cos, 
 
 ytpaipei 7r/3oSojaot9 dot- 
 15 Sats, ort crrdStoz' 
 tras KeW 
 
 VII. 
 TQI AYTfil 
 
 T n \LTrapa dvyarep Xpovov re /c[at 
 Nu/cros, ere 
 
 Col. 13 a 7r]ap[' 'A\<f)ei<a ITeXoTro? re ra</>6) X^P~ 
 5 ovjros at/w,[a/covptats 
 xpivziv Ta[^urara re] 
 "EXXacrt /cat yv'uav dptcrraX/ce? 
 w Se crv TrpearfivTOLTOv vet/t^s 
 VLKa<s CTT* avdptoTTOioriv e 
 10 rat /cat TroXv^Xwro?. 
 
 13 nOAANEMOX] has been deleted after A. 
 
 VH. The title has been written over an erasure of three lines, by A 3 , in the left 
 
 margin. 1 AIIIAPA corrected from AIIIAPO. 2 yu^ves 57070^ J. 
 
 (afj.4pav Blass): /ufijj'wi' <f>6ifj.4vui> Jurenka. 4 11 Column xn. ends with verse 3. 
 
 Ppvovres denotes the luxuriance of sung before the doors of his house : Find. 
 
 leaves or flowers in the wreaths. Cp. XII. /. VII. i 4 KXedj-SpCf) Tis...irapa. irpdOvpov 
 
 69 f. iravOaX^uv ffTfipAvoiffiv | avOfW iuv | dveyfiptru KUfj.ov : Neni. I. 19 ZaTav 
 
 X&iTav epetpOeii. Eubulus (a poet of the 5' fir' av\eiais 6vpais. 
 
 middle comedy), in his Kv^evrai fr. I. 6, 16 cvKXcias. The Doric aor. : so 
 
 describes a wreathed drinking-cup as X. 87 5o/ae: XVI. 129 ^aidvi^av. Cp. 
 
 Kiaffip Kapa fipvovffa.i'. Tyrtaeus 11. 24 aarv eiK\eiVaj: Simo- 
 
 1O f. dva^ifidXirov : cp. XVI. 66 dva%i- nides 125. 2 irarpid' eirfVK\ftffas. 
 /3p6vTas : Xix. 8 dvaftaXos. So Pindar 
 
 O. II. I dva^i(f>6p/jLtyyfs V/J.VOL Ovpavias : VII. 1 3 Xiirapd, 'resplendent' (cp. 
 
 see n. on v. 176. v. 169 n.). The 'daughter of Time and 
 
 12 f. 'Api<rTO(iViov...TKos : see n. Night' is Day: Hes. Theog. 124 Nwros 
 
 on V. 71. 8' avr' Ai0rip re Kai'}J.fjLepri e^ey^vovTo. 
 
 14 TrpoSopois. Aesch. fr. 388 'Biairi; | ircvTi^KovTa (fj.TJves) are the fifty lunar 
 
 TUV j3a.tn\fi<av irpodofjios neXdOptav. The months which have elapsed since the last 
 
 ode in honour of a victor was sometimes preceding festival at Olympia. There
 
 VI, VII] 
 
 EniNIKOI 
 
 297 
 
 as foremost in boxing or in foot-race, by youths crowned with 
 luxuriant wreaths. 
 
 And to thee now, son of Aristomenes, thou whose feet are str. 
 swift as the wind, the hymn of Urania queen of song renders 
 honour for thy victory, in strains chanted before thy house ; 
 because by thy triumph in the foot-race thou hast brought 
 renown to Ceos. 
 
 .VII. 
 
 For the same. 
 
 Radiant daughter of Time and Night, the fifty months have 
 brought thee, sixteenth day of the month at Olympia ; [thee, to 
 whom by the Alpheus, near the tomb of Pelops who rejoices in 
 blood-offerings, it has been allotted] to give judgment for the 
 Greeks on pre-eminence in speed of foot and strength of limb. 
 To whomsoever thou awardest the foremost prize of victory, his 
 name is thenceforth famous and admired among men. 
 
 Column xin. is lost; but a few syllables, belonging to the ends of verses in the upper 
 third of it, remain in the left margin of col. XIV. Verses 4-11 have been put together 
 by Blass from several small fragments; and, of these, verses 6-n have been com- 
 bined with the endings of verses left from col. XIII. 6 ra[xward re] Platt, 
 Wackernagel. 
 
 was an Olympic cycle of 99 lunar months, 
 making up eight years. The interval 
 between two Olympic festivals was al- 
 ternately one of 4y lunar months and one 
 of 50 such months. See schol. Find. O. 
 
 III. 5 yiverai 5f 6 dytiiif irort fj.ev did rfffffa- 
 POLKOVTO. evvea. fj-yvuv, irork 5 dtd iriVTr}- 
 Kovra. Hence the festival fell sometimes 
 in the Olympian (or Elean) month 'An-oX- 
 \uvios, sometimes in the month Happies. 
 
 In an old legend of Elis, the 50 
 lunar months of this cycle appear as fifty 
 daughters borne by Selene to Endymion 
 (Paus. 5. i 3). 
 
 cKKaiScKarav. The Olympian festival 
 began on the nth day of the month, 
 and ended on the i6th : schol. Find. O. 
 
 IV. 14 iri irivre rjfj.lpa.s eyevtro rd 'OXiV- 
 iria, diro fvSf Karris /uexpts fKKai^fKdrrjs. 
 On the ifith, the last day, the prizes 
 were given to the victors ; processions, 
 sacrifices and banquets took place. 
 
 This exordium suggests that the ode 
 may (like Pindars eighth Olympian) have 
 been sung at Olympia. 
 
 4 f. The letters TOCAIM in v. 5 
 
 recall Find. O. 1. 90 f. vvr 5' iv at/uaKor- 
 piou dyXadiffi ^/xi/crot | 'AX^eoO :r6/Xf> 
 AcXifleis, 'and now (Pelops) hath part in 
 the honour of blood-offerings at his grave 
 by Alpheus' stream.' Hence the supple- 
 ment which I suggest above. 
 
 6 1O Kpfvtivit.T.X. There is a general 
 parallelism between this passage and 
 Pindar O. I. 95 ff., Iva. Thirds Troduv 
 fpifera.1 | d,K/j.ai T t<rx^os Opaffvirovof 6 
 via wv Sf \oiv6v dfj.(pi (3iorov | ^x et He\ir6eff- 
 aav fv5iav | d6\uv y Zveicev. 
 
 api<TTa\KS <r6e'vos: note the adj. com- 
 pounded with a noun (dX*c^) akin in sense 
 to crOfvos: cp. Soph. O.T. 518 fiiov...rov 
 HCLKpaiuivos : Tr. 791 5vffirdpevi>oi> X^Krpov. 
 
 fir' avOpwiroKriv, 'among men': cp. 
 Soph. Tr. 356 rdiri Ai/Sois (\arpfv/j.ara), 
 his servitude in Lydia (nearly the same as 
 iv Ai'Soti ib. 248). This use of eirt with 
 dat., thougli rare, seems tenable. Blass 
 joins VIKO.S lir, i.e., 'on the occasion 
 of victory' ; a phrase which seems some- 
 what weak here. VIKO.S would naturally 
 go with ytpas. 
 
 *Apt<rrop'viov : vi. 12 n.
 
 298 BAKXYAIAOY [vii 
 
 vvv y]' Ko 
 TrcuSa] 
 
 . . OjJLO) 
 
 * * * * 
 
 (5) 
 
 HvOcovd re 
 Col. 14 40 v[jiv(t)v Ne/xeav re /cat ' 
 
 ya 8' ciri 
 KOfJiTrdfro/jiaL crvt* dXcc- 
 
 #eta Se 7rdi> 
 
 ouns dvOptoircov /c[a#' ""EXXa- 
 45 ^as * dXiKi y^p6v<p 
 7TCU9 <fa)i> di'T^) re 7r[Xev- 
 vas eSe^aro VLKO.S. 
 (10) w Zev Kepavvtyx^eS' /ca[t evr' d/)yu]/3o8tVa 
 
 oyOaucriv 'AX^etou re'Xecrcr[a5 /xey]aXo/cXea5 
 50 ^eoSdrov? ev^dg, Trept /c[^art r' o]7ra[cr(ra]9 
 
 yXav/coi^ AtrtoXtSo? 
 dv^rjfM eXata? 
 (15) ei^ IleXoTro? 
 
 11 vOj' -y'] Blass. e/coo'M^to'as o - re]^<ii'[oi(Tt Ewald, Bruhn, Housman, Wilamowitz. 
 14 OMOI] These letters were the last of the nth verse in the lost col. xni. 
 After that v., about 24. more were needed to complete col. xiu. Blass finds vestiges 
 of 14 of these in some minute fragments which he prints here, mostly single 
 words, or parts of two words. I give them in the Appendix. 44 f. Kad' 
 
 "EXXavas Blass. 46 ir\\fvv as Blass : irocrffi TrXevvas Sandys, Jurenka. 48 Ka[i 
 
 11 vvv y, though only conjectural, 41 ff. ya. 8" t'lrKrKiyjrrcov : see V. 42 n. 
 
 derives support from VIII. 25 Airro/uijSei ^KO|A7ra<ro|iai. The passive of this verb 
 
 vvv ye viKa.\aa,vTi vu> !)al/j.iai> tduicev. occurs in classical poetry ; but is there 
 
 39 f. IlvOwva T. After the verse (no. any other instance of the middle? For 
 
 14 of the ode, and no. n in the lost the fut., cp. X. 24 $<x<rw: Soph. Ai. 
 
 column XIII of the papyrus) which ended 422 f. ITTOS | ee/>oJ ju^ya: Find. 0. IV. 17 
 
 with the letters o|ia>i, 24 verses (15 38) ov \f/ev5fi ri^yfw \6yov. <riv dXaOcia (a 
 
 have been lost: see cr. n. The poet is phrase which recurs in vm. 85): it is 
 
 now singing (vfiWcov) of Delphi, Nemea, only 'with the aid of truth,' i.e. by 
 
 and Isthmus. The reference is doubtless speaking out frankly, that any matter 
 
 to successes gained by Lachon before his (XP^ 05 ) can De set in a clear, full light 
 
 victory at Olympia. }XT]Xo6vTav : an epi- (X.ci|J,ira). He means that anything short 
 
 thet of altars in Eur. /. T. r 1 16. At of the strong statement which follows 
 
 Delphi those who wished to consult the would be less than just to this victor's 
 
 oracle offered sacrifice before entering merits. Cp. n. on v. 187 f. 
 
 theadyton: id. Ion -229 TTCI/MT' e's 6v/j.t\as- 44 f. It is doubtful how the gap in 
 
 ^Tri 5' dff<f>d.KTois | /jLrj\oi<ri 86/j.uv p.ri irdpiT the MS. between K at the end of v. 44 
 
 s /JLVX^V. So Find. P. III. 27 /u.?7Xo56K<f> and NAG at the beginning of v. 45 should 
 
 HvOwvi. be filled. There is no clue to the exact
 
 VII] 
 
 EITINIKOI 
 
 299 
 
 And now thou hast given the honours of the wreath to Lachon, 
 son of Aristomenes... 
 
 ****** 
 
 ...singing of Pytho, where sheep are sacrificed, and of Nemea, 
 and of the Isthmus. And laying my hand on the earth as a 
 witness, I will make this vaunt ; for only by the voice of truth 
 can anything be set in a full light, no one among the Greeks, 
 as boy or as man, has gained more victories in an equal time. 
 
 O Zeus, whose spear is the thunder-bolt, on the banks of 
 silver-eddying Alpheus also hast thou fulfilled his prayers, for 
 his great fame, by gift divine ; and hast set upon his brow the 
 gray wreath of the Aetolian olive, in the glorious games of 
 Phrygian Pelops. 
 
 fir' dpyv~]podit>a Blass, taking podiva from frag. 17 (K.). 49 After TEAECC 
 
 in the MS. there is a lacuna equal to about n or 11 letters, and then C, the 
 final letter of the last word in the verse. rtXfffffov K. : so Jurenka, adding <fs 
 (dyiffTov ol ye pa > j, which is too long for the space. rt\e<ras Blass, adding fj.ey]a- 
 XosXeas (which fits the gap) from frag. 17 K. 5O Trepi /rf/xrri T' 8]?ra[<r<ra]y 
 
 Blass, taking ira from frag. 17 K. wepl K[pdrd rt ol riOei] K. : so Jurenka, but with 
 0es instead of riOft. 52 &v5i)fj."\ AN AH A: /x' added above the line by A 2 . 
 
 number of letters lost after K, nor to 
 the quantity of XAC. To the obvious 
 K[Xv]vds it might be objected that its 
 position in the sentence is awkward. I 
 prefer Blass's K[a0' "EXXajvas, though 
 without regarding it as certain. The 
 sense (''among the Greeks') might be 
 illustrated from Find. O.I. noirp6<pavToi> 
 
 e'v aXiKi xpovw. ^Xi = 'of the same 
 age': ^Xtf XP VO * here is 'a time of the 
 same duration,' 'an equal space of time.' 
 
 46 f. irats wv avTjp T, ' whether as 
 boy or as man.' Following OVTIS dvOpw- 
 irvv, this is a short equivalent for otire 
 irciis eui> o#r' dvrjp. The phrase in Aesch. 
 Etim. 521 ft", rts...^ TroXis /3/>or6s re ('who 
 be it city or be it man ?') is so far 
 similar that re there marks the second of 
 two alternative cases included under rls 
 (an interrogative implying a negative), 
 and must therefore, in our idiom, be 
 rendered by 'or.' But the irregular co- 
 ordination of ff and re is special to that 
 passage. Note that the words here 
 could also mean, ' as boy and man.' 
 This would imply that the subject of 
 fd^aro was no longer a boy. (See In- 
 troduction to the Ode.) 
 
 48 SO Kep<xvvfyx* S: a worf l found 
 only here : but cp. Find. P. IV. 194 
 tyXtiKfpavvov ZTJVCL. Kal eir' apyupoSiva. 
 The fragment (17 K.) which gives the 
 endings of 48 and 49, and the letters ira 
 
 of oiraor<ras in 50, has been rightly 
 pieced on here by Blass. It cannot be 
 an accident that it helps three consecutive 
 verses. And the word pryJoXoicXcas, 
 while suiting the sense, also fits the gap 
 in 49. 
 
 TEAECC in the MS. was probably 
 TtXe<ro-as. Blass writes r^Xtwas : but 
 there is at least a presumption in favour 
 of the <r<r, and there is nothing to show 
 that it is metrically inadmissible. (We 
 have no strophic test here.) The alter- 
 native TeXeoro-ov would imply that the 
 athlete concerned had not yet been vic- 
 torious at Olympia, and therefore that 
 the ode to which these verses belong was 
 distinct from Ode vn. (See Introduction.) 
 
 T'X<ro-as...vxis : 'thou hast fulfilled 
 his prayers, for his great glory (|wy a ' 
 XoxXcas), by gift divine (Otooorous).' 
 ei>x<is here are the things prayed for, viz., 
 victorious feats in the games. Cp. Find. 
 /. IV. 23 Oeodbrwv i-pyiav. 
 
 51 -yXavKOv: Find. 0. III. 13 dfj.<f>l 
 Kbpaiffi /SaXfl yXavKOxpoa. ic6<r/j.ot> eXat'as. 
 AlrwXCSos. The Aetolian Oxylus was 
 one of the leaders of the Heracleidae at 
 their return, and received Elis. Hence 
 the Eleans are poetically called Aetolians. 
 Her. VIII. 73 Awpt^wi' ptv TroXXaf re *cai 
 d&KL/j.oi TrdXees, Ai'raAwv 8e "HXu fJUHJvrj. 
 Cp. Find. O. III. 12 drpeKTjs 'EXXa^o5ka$ 
 ...A/rwXos dv/ip.
 
 300 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [VIII 
 
 VIII. [IX.] 
 
 AYTOMHAEI 0AEIAZIQI 
 TTENTAGAni NEMEA 
 
 1 &6av, at ^pvcraXoLKaroL Xa/otre?, 
 
 2 TrturCfjiftpOTOV 80077-', eVet 
 
 s Moucra^ ye (F)LOJ3Xe(f>dpa)V #eios irpo<j>dTas 
 4 evru/cos <l>Xio{Wa re Kai Ne/u,cuov 
 5 Ziyvo? evBaXes 
 
 6 vfjivelv, 061 /x^ 
 
 7 Optyev a Xev/cwXez/o? 
 
 9 irparrov 'H^a/cXei fiapiH^Ooyyov \eovra,. 
 
 O.VT. a. 10 
 
 The title written by A 3 in the left margin. 3 The first hand 
 
 wrote N instead of M in irenrt/x^o-roc : but the N has been retouched as if to 
 
 correct it (by A 3 )? Cp. v. 33. ird Blass and others: eirti K. 3 Mowac re MS., 
 
 K. : Mov<rai< 75 Blass 1 , -rot Bl. s 6 50t K. : 6Vi MS. 1O Ke[idi <poi]viKd:rTrides 
 
 VIH. 1 3 86|av...iri<ri[ippoTOV, the 
 
 'repute' that is gained by a poet who 
 'persuades' his hearers, i.e., carries them 
 with him, wins their favour. In Aesch. 
 Cho. 362 the Laurentian MS. has iri<rifj.- 
 PPOTOV, where the editors rightly give 
 jreiffL^pbr^ (epithet of /Sd^rpy, the sceptre 
 that wins reverence). If that was our 
 poet's source for the rare word, this ode 
 would be later than 458 B.C. : but we 
 cannot assume it. For the form with 
 euphonic (A inserted, cp. aXeffyt/Sporos, 
 fj.e\rjaifi^poTos, onfiptnos, etc. 
 
 Xpvo-aXciKaToi. The^Xaxdr^, 'distaff,' 
 is the attribute of a woman ; in the case of 
 a goddess, it is of gold. The epithet is 
 general, not distinctive of the Charites 
 as such. Pindar gives it to Amphitrite 
 (0. vi. 104 f.), the Nereids (N. \. 36), 
 Latona (./V. vi. 37 f.), etc. In the par- 
 ticular case of Artemis, however, the 
 sense is different (cp. x. 38 n.). 
 
 EIIEI in v. 2 is probably eirtf. If so, 
 the re after Movo-av in 3 must be cor- 
 rected, (i) lirti Y, a strengthened <Vet, 
 is not uncommon : in eirei . . ye, however, 
 ye normally emphasizes the word next 
 before it, as in //. I. 352, ft-r/rep, eirei y! 
 ?TeKes ye nivvv6a.5t.6v irep ebvra : Hes. 
 
 Theog. 171 iirel Trarpos ye dvcruvvnov 
 OVK dXeyifa. Here,. a stress could scarcely 
 fall on Mowrai'. (2) eire..TOi is also 
 frequent (Soph. TV. 320 f., etc.), and rot 
 might become re through less of t before 
 to-: but the sententious rot (little used by 
 this poet) is less suitable here than in 
 i. 58 or vin. 82. 
 
 The alternative for eirei is to write 
 Jhm (depending on doiijr'), the poet's 
 'word' or utterance. Cp. Find. P. II. 
 66 fiou\al 5e irpefffivrepai \ aKifdvvov e/uoi 
 feiros ffe TTOTL irdvra \6yov j tiraiveiv 
 irapexovTi. Then the rt after "Movcrdv 
 in 3 must be changed to TO (as Hous- 
 man proposed, assuming fiof3\f<j>dp(i)v) : 
 or to 8r' (as I formerly suggested, as- 
 suming lofi\e(pdp(ai>). For oV it may be 
 said that, if it had been written as ore 
 without elision (on an assumption of /"), 
 that would help to account for the actual 
 T. (As to the poet's inconstant use of f 
 before to-, see p. 82.) 
 
 Ocios, 'inspired'; cp. Oelos doi56? {Od. 
 4. 17, etc.). irpcxjxiTas, 11 i-e. the poet. 
 Cp. Plato Phaedr. p. 26-2 D (speaking of 
 the birds) oi T&V MovcruSi/ Trpo<pT)rai oi 
 virep Ke<t>a\T]s t^Soi. Pindar fr. 90 calls 
 himself doidifnov lliepiduv irpo(f>drav.
 
 VIII] 
 
 EniNIKOI 
 
 301 
 
 VIII. [IX.] 
 
 For Automedes of Phlius, victor in the pentathlon 
 at Nemea. 
 
 Graces of the golden distaff, may ye grant the charm that sir. i. 
 wins mortal ears ; for the inspired prophet of the violet-eyed 
 Muses is ready to sing Phlius and the verdure-clad domain of 
 Nemean Zeus ; where white-armed Hera nourished the deep- 
 voiced lion, slayer of sheep, first of the foes on whom Heracles 
 was to win renown. 
 
 There the heroes with red shields, an t. i 
 
 Housman, Wilamowitz, Blass: )ce?0i yap n/cdcriri5es K. (KivdffTriSfs Richards). *e<0i 
 yap xa\Kaairi5es Nairn : KfWi Kal \fvicdffiri5es Jurenka and others : but the letters 
 NI are certain. 
 
 4 f. CVTVKOS (supply tarl), i.e. ^.^,. ., 
 ZTOI/J.OS: with infin., as in Aesch. Suppl. 
 973 f. Tras rts fTTfnrelv if/6yov d\\o8p6ois 
 
 T K.r.X. The spelling in 
 the MS. here (with ) is confirmed by 
 <I>Xeiacrios in Corp. Inscr. Att. I. 45. 15 
 (421 B.C.), and II. add. 57^ 2. 15 (362 
 B.C.) : Meisterhans, Gramm. der Att. 
 Inschr. p. 26. As to Phlius, see Introd. 
 to this Ode. 
 
 N6fj.eo.iou Z-nvds- The vale of Nemea 
 is next on the east to that of Phlius, from 
 which it is divided by the ridge of 
 Trikaranon. Hence Pindar says of a 
 Nemean victor (N. vi. 47 ff.), fiordva rt 
 viv TTO&' a X&HTOS | viKwvQ' Tjpf<f>e da- 
 cr/c/ots <&\iovvros i>ir' uyvyiois 8pe<riv, 'the 
 lion's herb (the <r4\ivov or wreath of 
 parsley) shadowed his victorious brow 
 beneath the forest-clad primeval hills of 
 Phlius. ' The temple of the Nemean Zeus 
 stood on moist ground in the lower part 
 of the vale, surrounded by a grove of 
 cypresses. In the time of Pausanias (2. 
 J 5 2 )> <" "70 A.D., the roof had fallen 
 in ; though games and sacrifices were 
 still held in winter, the immemorial Zeus- 
 cult being maintained, doubtless, at /3w- 
 /j.ol viraiGpioi. Three columns are still 
 standing in the lonely valley. 
 
 Oj0aXe's. Doric for fvOrjXts (6ri\tu\: the 
 syllable answering to 6a is long in the 
 corresponding verses. So Pind. P. IX. 
 79 fv6d\fi rvxa: Ar. Av. 1062 ev8d\is 
 /capiroi's. Aesch. frag. 300. 5 has etyflaXijs 
 (0aXXw). Cp. XII. 69 irav6a.\twv : but in 
 XII. 229 i-avddXrit. Nemea was well- 
 
 watered (etfuSpoj, Theocr. xxv. 182); 
 wood throve there (fv<f>v\\ov Ne^^j, 
 Pind. /. v. 61), and the vale afforded cool 
 pastures. (Cp. E. Curtius Pelop. II. 506.) 
 
 6 9 fjL-r]Xo8aiKTav. Cp. Aesch. Pers. 
 104 TroX^uouj irvpyoSaiKTovs ('destroying 
 walled cities,' where we should perhaps 
 read irvpyodaiKras) : afiroddiKTos (Theb. 
 735) and \ovrpo5diKTos (Cko. 1071) are 
 passive in sense. 
 
 The Nemean lion was a fyov arpurov, 
 K T^oJvos yeytwrj/j^vof (Apollod. II. 5. 
 i) : a legend which symbolized the de- 
 structive force of the winter-torrent 
 rushing down from the hills. In Zeno- 
 bius vi. 39 the monster is x a P a ^P a ^ 
 \twv, from the Ne/teds xapd&pa. : cp. 
 Aeschin. or. 2 168. He is described 
 by Hesiod (Theog. 331) as Koipavtuv 
 TprjToio Xe/LcetT/s iJS' 'Airfffavros. Treton 
 (' the cavernous ') was a hill E. of Nemea, 
 in which the lion's cave was shown 
 (Pans. 2. 15. 2, Diod. Sic. iv. n): 
 Apesas, a rocky height on the X.E. of 
 the vale. Pindar denotes Nemea by the 
 phrase ^prois fv \tovros ('pastures of the 
 lion'), U. xni. 44. 
 
 d.0X<ov Trptorov. The order of the 
 twelve ddXoi of Heracles was probably 
 first established in legend by the Dorians 
 of Argolis. Peisander of Rhodes in his 
 "RpdnXeta (6th cent. B.C.?) may have 
 helped to popularize it. The Nemean 
 lion always comes first (see, e.g., Eur. 
 H.F. 359 ff. : Soph. Tr. 1092 f.). 
 
 1O <j>oiviKacrm8S is the only conjec- 
 ture which satisfies the data in the papy- 
 rus, if viKaffirides be rejected. In Tragedy
 
 302 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [VIII 
 
 2 irptoTicrTOv *\pyeLo)v Kpirol 
 s a6Xr)<rav eir' 'Ap^efJiopa), TOV 
 4 Trefyv dwrevovTa S/aa/cw^ 
 s tra/xa /Ae'AAoi/ros <f>6vov. 
 15 6 to jjiolpa. TroXf /cpare? ov 
 7 Tret^' 'OucAetSa.9 irakiv 
 s crreiytiv es evavSpous 
 
 a /cat TOT 
 
 ITT. a. 
 
 12 a,0\r)ffav iir 'Apxe/uopv, TOP] The scribe omitted E before II, wrote M instead of 
 X, and CTN instead of TOX. A 3 has corrected the last two errors above the line, 
 
 the Argive warriors have white shields 
 (Aesch. Th. go, Soph. Ant. 106, Eur. 
 Phoe. 1099). R ec ^ shields are nowhere 
 mentioned in classical Greek literature. 
 Pindar (P. vin. 46) describes the Argive 
 Alcmaeon, son of Amphiaraus, as dpd- 
 KOVTO. iroiKiXov al6as wttfutrT* eir <io"iri5os : 
 and Bacchylides (fr. 3. 6 f.) has aiOav 
 dpaxvav, where the sense seems to 
 be 'reddish-brown.' In the Pindaric 
 verse, however, aWds, as epithet of the 
 shield, would naturally mean 'bright,' 
 'glittering' (like ai6uv and aWotf/, said of 
 burnished metal), rather than 'of a bright 
 colour? (Quintus Smyrnaeus v. 27, 
 imagining a scene of slaughter depicted 
 on the shield of Achilles, says, wtdov 5' 
 d'-irav at/j-ari iroXX^ | devofifrtp fjiK.ro, as 
 if the ground were painted red ; but that 
 scarcely helps us.) On the other hand it 
 should be noted that Bacchylides has 
 <f>otviK&6pti- (X. 105), <j>ou>iKOKpdSe/j.vos (x. 
 97, XII. 222), and <t>oiviKt>WTos (v. 102). 
 
 As to viKao-iriSfs, it would clearly be 
 infelicitous: the heroes were not 'vic- 
 torious' at this moment, nor would that 
 epithet be suitable to 'shields': the only 
 question is whether it is possible. Our 
 poet has some strange compounds, such 
 as -jroXtfjiaiyis (XVI. 7), 'with warlike 
 aegis'; d^TatxM* (xv. 47), 'valiant with 
 the spear.' But vlKaffvis would be stranger 
 than these. There are such forms as 
 vtK6^ov\o$ and i/i/cojucixas, but no example 
 in which viKt; is compounded with a word 
 denoting the instrument of victory. 
 
 i]p.i0H, = i7/)a>es, as in x. 62, xn. 155, 
 Pindar P. iv. 12: the seven Pelopon- 
 nesian chiefs (including Adrastus king of 
 Argos, the leader) who marched against 
 Thebes to restore Polyneices (Aesch. 
 
 Theb. 377 ff., Soph. O.C. 1313 ff.). 
 .11 f . irpwrioTov. . .a6\T]<rav : these, ac- 
 cording to the legend, were the first 
 contests ever held at Nemea, and gave 
 origin to the festival. 
 
 tir' J Apxnopo). in his memory. Apol- 
 lod. III. 6. 4 01 5e edeffav fir' avrtj} rbv 
 TWV Xe/ueoH' ayuva. Marching from Argos 
 towards the Isthmus of Corinth, Adrastus 
 and his comrades made their first halt in 
 the vale of Nemea. Opheltes, the infant 
 son of Lycurgus king of Nemea by 
 Eurydice, was there in charge of his 
 nurse Hypsipyle (formerly queen of Lem- 
 nos). She guided the thirsty warriors to 
 a spring ; and meanwhile the child was 
 killed by a huge dragon. The heroes 
 came back in time to slay the monster ; 
 then they buried the child, and changed 
 his name from Opheltes to Archemorns, 
 because his death was a beginning of 
 doom. And in his memory they insti- 
 tuted the Nemean games. (Apollod. I.e. : 
 Statius Thebais v. 624 ff. : Hyginus Fab. 
 74, cp. Fab. 273.) Simonides alludes to 
 the grief of the warriors, fr. 52 : CEtipvSl- 
 /cas) loffTft^dvov \ y\VKftav tdd.Kpvffai' } 
 \pv\av diroTrvtovTa ya\a6i)vov T^KOJ. The 
 grave of Opheltes was shown at Xemea; 
 also a mound commemorating his father 
 Lycurgus; and a irrjyTj 'Adpacrrfia (Paus. 
 2 - '5- 3)- Pindar [A^.] x. 28 speaks of 
 the Nemean festival as held fv 'Adpacrr- 
 eiv vo/jiif), 'according to the institution 
 of Adrastus.' 
 
 av(?o8pKijs, with fiery eyes. Cp. III. 
 56 ^avQav <j>\6ya. Arist. De Color, p. 791 a 
 4, TO 8t Trvp na.1 6 17X10$ %av6d.. Statius 
 v. 508 (with reference to this dragon), 
 Livida fax oculis. 
 
 13 dwTtvovra, 'sleeping' (R. A. Neil's
 
 VIII] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 303 
 
 the flower of the Argives, held the earliest games, in memory 
 of Archemorus, who was slain in his sleep by the huge dragon 
 with fiery eyes, an omen of slaughter to come. Ah, Fate of 
 mighty power ! The son of Oicles could not persuade them to 
 return to the streets of the good city. Hope robs men of 
 prudent thoughts, 
 
 she who then sent Adrastus son of Talaiis 
 
 and may have written e above TT, where the papyrus is mutilated. 13 durevovra 
 
 R. A. Neil. ACAFETONTA MS. The letter T is a correction (from P?) by A 3 . 
 16 'OiVc\ei5aj] K\ from \\ by A 3 . 19 a KO.I A 3 : dy (without a) A. 
 
 epode i. 
 
 excellent correction), could have been 
 corrupted into the ACAFETONTA of the 
 papyrus through w being read as <ro. 
 Such a form of era, from a papyrus of 
 162 B.C., may be seen in Gardthausen's 
 Griec/i. Palaeographie, table 3 (at the end 
 of the book). The change of T to F 
 would do the rest. Hesychius has 
 dwrei/eij' a.Tra.vdi^eaQa.1. This suggests 
 that the word here might mean, 'while 
 gathering flowers': Eur. fr. 754 (from 
 the 'T\f/nrv\T), ap. Plut. Mor. p. 93 D) 
 described the child as thus engaged : 
 erepov t<f) Tfp<fj aipoftfvos | dypeviJ.' avOtuv 
 K.r.X. : though we do not know how 
 Euripides told the story of the death. 
 According to Statins (v. 502 504), 
 Opheltes was killed while sleeping on the 
 grass (cp. Paus. 2. 15. 2 Tfdtvra es TT\V 
 jroav). Now Simonides has dwrelv (with- 
 out the Homeric addition of VTTVOV) as 
 meaning 'to sleep' : fr. 37. 6 <rv 5' dwrets 
 yaXad-rivb} T' tfropi uvuffffeis. It seems 
 very probable, then, that his nephew 
 used duTevovra in the sense of durtovra. 
 Cp. farei/w (Alcman fr. 33. 8), dxevu, 
 oivoxoevta, at the side of the forms in 
 <&*. 
 
 of huge size and strength ; 
 cp. Hes. Theog. 670 fiinv virtpoir\ov 
 x.ovres. 
 
 14 (rdfj.a. 'omen' (as in Find. fr. 107): 
 4>6vou. their overthrow at Thebes. 
 
 15 f. ov viv Tri0" : ' could not persuade 
 them ' (impf.). viv is plural (referring to 
 the heroes), as in fr. 5 (K.), irpoff/>wvei. 
 Tf viv (placed by Blass as v. 76 of Ode I., 
 2nd ed. p. 25), where Apollonius De 
 fronom. p. 368 A noticed the use. The 
 plural viv occurs also in Pindar (fr. 7. 2), 
 Sophocles (O. T. 868 etc.), and Euripides 
 (Suppl. 1140). 
 
 16 'OiK\(8as. Amphiaraus, the great 
 
 warrior and seer (Soph. O.C. 1313), was 
 the son of Ot'/cXijs (an Argive hero who 
 had gone with Heracles against Laome- 
 don, Apollod. n. 6. 4). 
 
 17 eudvSpovs, in contrast with the 
 lonely vale of Nemea. dyvids, of Argos. 
 It is noteworthy that Pindar P. Vin. 
 52 If. (where Amphiaraus predicts the 
 return of Adrastus) denotes Argos by the 
 phrase *A/3acros evpv\6povs dyuids. 
 
 18 v<j>aiprrai : this rare middle occurs 
 in Eur. El. 271 ffiyfj rovO' vtj>aipov/j.e<r()d 
 viv. The middle of d<f>aipeiv is used by 
 Find. P. iv. 218, and /. I. 62. The lost 
 object of the verb ought to express the 
 idea of ' prudence, ' ' caution, ' or ' fore- 
 sight.' W. Christ reads irpovoiav (and so 
 Weir Smyth, Greek Melic Poets p. 104). 
 A long final would be preferable : for 
 that reason, and also on poetical grounds, 
 I suggest the plur. irpovoias, as used by 
 Aesch. Ag. 684 (' Helen ' was so named 
 by some one) wpovoiaiffi rov irewpu^vov, 
 'with forebodings of her doom.' This 
 ode shows distinct traces of Aeschylean 
 diction (see on v. 2 ireKrinfipOTov, and 
 v. 6 fn-riXodaiKrav). Blass gives vorifia. 
 (referring to X. 54): but its normal sense, 
 as there, is l a thought,' rather than 
 'thought' or 'forethought.' nfpi/j.vas 
 (Wilamowitz) also seems less suitable (cp. 
 n. on xvin. 34). Jurenka supplies Qptv' 
 dpQdv, which is possible, if somewhat 
 too general. Kenyon, reading v<t>aipfi, 
 suggests JJ.TJTIV e<rt)\dv. It is perhaps 
 worth noting that such a caesura as that 
 made by vipaipfi does not occur in any of 
 the corresponding verses. 
 
 19 TaXa'iovftav, son of Talaos (a 
 name ominous of suffering). The double 
 patronymic (-iwv combined with -idrjs) is 
 sometimes used by poets metri causa : 
 cp. 'lairenovldrj in Hes. Op. 54.
 
 304 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [vni 
 
 Col. 15 
 
 4 eV Ne/xe'a /cXetvot /3poTO)i> 
 s ot Tpierei o-Te<f>dvq> 
 
 25 7 AuTo/AT^Set z>w ye 
 s cravri viv Satyawv e 
 
 2 aL(TTp(ov Sta/c/ou'ei 
 
 3 vi>/cro9 Si^o/A 
 
 30 4 rotos 'EXXavwz' Si' direipova 
 s <f)alve OavfJLacTTOi' Seyaag, 
 e SicrKoi' rpo^oetSea /5t7rrc>v, 
 7 /cai /xeXa^i^uXXou /cXaSov 
 s a/cTea? e? alireivav TT poire (JLTTOJV 
 
 35 9 aWep' IK ^etyoos fioav u>rpvv. XatGv, 
 
 25 The final t of AvTo/j.rjS(i and the 7 of 7e have been added by 
 
 26 ^SwKev] The first hand wrote E . HKEN : A 3 wrote w over H. 
 
 A 3 above the line. 
 29 SIXOM^OS] 
 
 2O. After IIoX/uveiKe'i the letters ?rXa 
 alone are certain. irXo/yKTw irpofjevov 
 Blass, 'a patron' (or 'protector') for the 
 wandering (i.e. exiled) Polyneices. Cp. 
 Eur. Suppl. 961 where the chorus of 
 Argive matrons, who have come from 
 Thebes to Eleusis, say, TrXiryKTo. 5' tlxrei 
 rts ve<f>t\a | iriev/JuiTwv virb Sucrx'/^wc 
 atffffu. For irpotvov, cp. Aesch. Suppl. 
 418 f., yevov iravdiKUS e^cre^Tjs | jr^^epos 
 (' protector '). Blass takes the word from 
 fr. 35 (K.), wpo^fv : it is only a conjecture, 
 however, that it belongs here. There is 
 a metrical objection to this reading, viz. 
 the caesura after irXa-y/cry, which is 
 against the poet's usual practice (see 
 p. 97). No such caesura at that point 
 occurs in any one of the corresponding 
 verses (46, 72, 98). Nevertheless irXayurf 
 irp6i;fvov appears more probable than any- 
 thing else. The number of other possible 
 supplements is narrowly limited by ?r\a : 
 they are such as irXaG^vra ^vif), w\a^Linr(f 
 TrAas (or trapal), TrXd^ovra irrdXiv, w\a- 
 yX@^ VTl &vov : and not one is satisfactory. 
 In this context, (r^ya/xaxoc might seem a 
 fitter word than irpo^evov : but the ally of 
 an exile, who supports him with armed 
 
 forces, could be called his 'patron.' 
 
 22 f. Ne|Ae'a, -by synizesis, as in 
 XI. 8 (probably), and Find. N. iv. 75. 
 rpiTi : the fact that the MS. gives the 
 older Attic accent here seems a reason 
 for keeping it : the later rpierti is pre- 
 ferred by Blass. The Nemean games 
 were held in the second and fourth years 
 of each Olympiad. The older view, sup- 
 ported by Scaliger, that the season of 
 the festival was alternately summer and 
 winter, has been abandoned, since it has 
 been shown by G. Unger (Philol. xxxiv. 
 50 ff., xxxvn. i ff.) that in the fifth 
 century the Nemea always took place at 
 midsummer, in the Argive month nava- 
 fios (Ilci/'ij/iioj). The ffrtyavos was of 
 parsley, a symbol of mourning for the 
 death of Archemorus. 
 
 24 ept|/b>vTai : for the midd., cp. Eur. 
 Bacch. 323 /acrcraj r' {peif/6fj,eff6a xal 
 Xopfi'ffOfj.ev. 
 
 27 irevTewOXouriv, the competitors in 
 the pentathlon : Her. ix. 75 dvdpa wtv- 
 rde6\ov. 
 
 28 SiaKpivei. Only two interpreta- 
 tions are possible. (i) 'The moon 
 distinguishes the lights of the stars' (from
 
 VIII] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 305 
 
 to Thebes, as patron of the exile Polyneices. 
 
 Illustrious are the mortals who, from those famous contests 
 at Nemea, crown golden hair with the triennial wreath. To 
 Automedes the god has now given it for his victory. 
 
 For he shone among his rivals in the pentathlon as the str. 2. 
 brilliant moon of the mid-month night makes the rays of the 
 stars seem pale beside her own. Even thus, amidst the vast 
 concourse of the Greeks, showed he his wondrous form, as he 
 threw the round quoit, and roused the shouts of the people 
 when he sped the branch of the dark-leaved elder-tree from his 
 hand to the high heaven, 
 
 8ixofj.r]vi5os MS.; a wrong accent, it would seem. 32 pin-ruv Blass. : pfirrwy MS. 
 
 33 /j,f\a/j.<fj\\ov] The second M made by A 3 from N: cp. v. 2. 36 f. Housman 
 conj. fiodv T' wpive \a>v | ol TtXei/Tcuas /c.r.X. 
 
 her own) : i.e. 'makes them seem different 
 from her own,' and inferior to it. This 
 is forced ; to me it seems barely possible ; 
 yet, if SiaKpivti be sound, it is the view 
 in which I should acquiesce. (2) ' The 
 moon parts the stars,' i.e., 'moves a- 
 niong them.' For this sense of the verb 
 cp. Plat. Crat. 388 B /cep/a'fovres 8e ri 
 8p(afj.fv ; ov TT}v KpoKijv Kai TOI)S ffrTj/xovas 
 criryKexu/iecous Sia.Kpivoij.ev; But, as there 
 a movement of the things 'parted' is in- 
 volved, so here the phrase would imply 
 that the stars yield place to the moon 
 as she cleaves her path among them. 
 Blass writes SidKptvEi (adjective), a form 
 not extant, but analogous to etf/c/w^s, and 
 alters <J>O.T| to (jxici. This would mean 
 (I suppose), ' as the moon is conspicuous 
 (efj.irpeirei, supplied from tvewpeirev) amidst 
 the different light of the stars ' : or, ' is 
 conspicuous with a light different from 
 (that of) the stars.' The syllable answering 
 to the second of Siaxpivf? is, however, 
 long in the corresponding vv. ; and 5ta- 
 xpivfi is so accented in the papyrus. It 
 must be added that there is no reason to 
 suspect (jxtt]. The plural <f>dea. (as ' eyes ') 
 was familiar from the Odyssey (16. 15 
 etc.), and is not rare in later poetry 
 (Callimachus Hymn. Dian. 71, Anlhol. 
 8. 77, etc.). Aratus uses it in exactly 
 the sense which it has here, Phaenom. go 
 dXX' cu fj.ev (the constellation called XijXeu) 
 <pa.f<i3t> iiridevees, ovSev dyavai. 
 
 I would suggest 8io>xpaivi : ' the moon 
 spreads paleness over the radiance of the 
 stars.' Cp. the Orphic Argonautica 1315 
 5^os 6' wxpo-i-vf irapeids. If Siuxpaivei had 
 been partly mutilated or obscured in the 
 archetype, a copyist might have written 
 
 J. B. 
 
 , which occurs in v. 89 of this 
 ode. Tyrrell proposed Siaxpaivci, in the 
 sense ' blurs.' 
 
 29 WKTOS, gen. of time, rather than 
 depending on ye\dva. Si\o|U]viSos : 
 Find. O. III. 19 dix&W<-s M^a : /. VIII. 
 47 dixofHjviSfaffiv etrn-^patj. <rtXava : the 
 Doric a in two consecutive syllables is 
 against the poet's general rule (see n. on 
 &r)fj.a in II. i): but cp. XII. 195 'A&dva. 
 
 30 icvtcXov : so Find. O. IX. 93 Srfp- 
 Xro KVK\OV Sffffg. /3o. 
 
 32 8Co-Kov. The order of the contests 
 in the pentathlon was probably (i) jump- 
 ing, (2) quoit, (3) javelin-throwing, 
 (4) foot-race, (5) wrestling. So Eusta- 
 thius p. 1320 (//. 23. 621), quoting 
 ci'Xua Trodwv SiffKOv re /JoXij KCU AKOVTOI 
 tpwT] | KO.L 5p6,uos r/df ird\T), pia d' firXeTO 
 waff i reXevrri (i.e. ' one result? decided by 
 a majority of feats). Simonides fr. 153, 
 for metre's sake, puts no. 4 between r 
 and 2 : aX/wt iroSdiKfirjv SiffKov AKOVTO, 
 TraXyv. Here the poet mentions quoit, 
 javelin, wrestling: probably Automedes 
 lost the jump and the foot-race. Three 
 feats gave the prize: Aristeides Pana- 
 then. in. 339 (ed. Dind.) dpKei rotf 
 jrevrdOXois rpia. rdv irtvre irpbs VIKIJV. 
 
 phrTttv. The papyrus gives pitrriav 
 with the circumflex : but, on its own 
 evidence, B. regularly has -tuv in the 
 participle : see in. 96 n. (Cp. Soph. 
 Ai. 239, n. on piirrei.) 
 
 34 f. aKTf'as, the elder-tree. Theo- 
 phrastus Hist. Plant. II. v. 4 remarks 
 that its wood has few knots or branches 
 (fioa...Ta TTJS duTTJs), one of the qualities 
 which fitted it to furnish dxbvTia. 
 
 35 f. podv...iraXas. The MS. has
 
 306 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [VIII 
 
 avr. ft. i r} TeXevTdtas dfjidpvyfjLa 
 
 45 
 
 9 ICTTOpeS KOVpGLL 
 
 [77/305 y]cua 
 
 ['Acr(W7ro]i> Trapa 7rop<f)Vpo<$Lvav, 
 40 s rov >c[Xeo9 Trjacrav ^Bova 
 
 f> rjXOe[v KCU] en* ecr^ara NetXoir 
 7 rat T' eV e[w]aet TTO/KJJ 
 s oiKeucrt @e/3jaa>8ovro5, 
 
 StW^tTTTTOt' 
 
 cra>, w Trouwre (F)dva 
 
 2 iyyovdiv yevcravro, /ecu vv//i7rvXov T^otas eSo?. 
 
 3 trret^et Si' evpeta? Ke\evBov 
 
 4 jjivpia Travra ^>dVt,9 
 
 5 era? ye^ea? \nrapo- 
 
 50 e ^a>vft)v Ovydrpoiv, a? 
 
 irciXas] II made from T by A 3 . 37 Restored by K. 38 [n-pos 7]cu'p K. : TT^T' cup 
 Jurenka. weXdo-aaj] nEAACCO[N A: A 3 drew a stroke through w (also transfixing 
 the second a), and seems to have written ocr above; but the papyrus is mutilated. 
 
 no point either after \aut> or after iroXas. 
 (i) With the text as it stands, I should 
 place only a comma after Xawv, and 
 suppose that from irpoircjj/irwv we are to 
 supply some participle of a more general 
 sense (such as <f>aivuv or TrpoSfiKvijs) to 
 govern the ace. ajiapvyixa. ' He roused 
 the shout of the people as he sped (irpo- 
 irefjuruv) the javelin from his hand..., or 
 as he put forth (sc. <f>aLvwv or the like) his 
 flashing swiftness in the final wrestling- 
 match.' It is then a kind of 'zeugma,' 
 like that in Soph. Ai. 1035 ap owe 'Epivi)? 
 
 where for KOLKeivov (the girdle) we supply 
 elpyoffaro or the like. This view seems 
 to me, on the whole, the best. 
 
 (2) The construction would be clearer, 
 if we placed a comma after x et pfa> an d 
 read POO* [T'] vrpvve \a.wv | ol TeXevrcucts 
 dfj-apvyna TrctXas- as Prof. Housman pro- 
 posed (who also changed urrpwe to wpive). 
 But ol as a correction of the MS. i\ is not 
 quite satisfactory: still less so is 8rj (which 
 I formerly suggested); though 5ij can 
 commence a verse, and even a sentence 
 (Od. 13. 92 : Find. 0. III. 25). 
 
 (3) Blass puts a full stop after Xawv. 
 He does not, however, explain how he 
 takes 7}...7ro\aj. With that punctuation, 
 only two resources seem open, (a) To 
 
 regard v. 36 as a sort of exclamation : ' or 
 think of his flashing movement in the 
 wrestling-match!' (l>) to read r\v for 77, 
 with a stress on dfj.apvy/jui : 'Flashing 
 movement was there in the wrestling- 
 match...; with such might did he bear 
 his men to earth.' 
 
 wrpwt, as in //. 5. 470 urpvve pevos 
 KO.I 6v/j.6v eKiiffTov, or 12. 277 fJ.a.x r l v 
 urpwov: 'stirred up,' 'roused.' 
 
 d(j.ap\j-yfj.a, the 'flash' of quick motion: 
 Hes. fr. 225 Xapiruv dfj.apvyfj.aT J ^x ovffa 
 (in dancing) : Ar. Av. 925 olairep 'iiriruv 
 dfiapvya. (with epic i7, as in Horn. hymn. 
 III. 45). 
 
 38 irpos "ya.^9-. The redundant pre- 
 position, though only a conjecture, is 
 partly supported by X. 23 irpos yaiq. 
 ircff6vTa. As Jurenka observes, there is 
 no other example of a prep, being added 
 to the dative after TreXdfw. The only 
 objection to his ingenious irt'vr' atq. is 
 that cua is not elsewhere found in Bac- 
 chylides. 
 
 39 'AO-WTTOV. See Introduction to the 
 Ode. The long a in this name (//. 4. 383, 
 Find. IV. ix. 9, Ovid Amor. in. 6. 33, 
 etc.) is against connecting it with d<m, 
 'mud,' 'silt' (Etym. Af.), which has a 
 (//. 21. 321). 
 
 41 Kal tir' ?<r\ara NeiXov, i.e. to the
 
 VIII] 
 
 EniNIKO! 
 
 307 
 
 or put forth his flashing swiftness of movement in the wrestling- ant. i. 
 match at the end. Such was the mighty spirit and strength 
 with which he brought stalwart forms to earth, ere he returned 
 to the Asopus with dark-eddying tide ; that river whose fa,rfie 
 has gone out into all lands, even to the uttermost regions of the 
 Nile. 
 
 Yea, the maidens who dwell by the fair-flowing stream of 
 Thermodon, the skilled spear-women, daughters of horse-urging 
 Ares, 
 
 have tasted the valour of thy descendants, O thrice-glorious lord epode 
 of streams : Troy also has known it, city of lofty gates. 
 
 The vast fame of thy children goes forth on a wide path in 
 every land, those bright-girdled daughters whom the gods 
 
 39 ['Ao-wTToJj' Blass, Housman, Richards, Wilamowitz. 41 y\0e[v]. MAGE A: 
 
 corr. A 3 . 42 e\yv\a.el J. 43 Kovpai K. : K6pai MS. 45 TTO\V^\WT (f)dva.% 
 Housman and others: iroXt/fiJXwr' dva MS. 46 eyyovwv Jurenka, Weil, 
 
 Wilamowitz (ffoiv...iyybvoiv or Kj6t>oiv Housman): tyyovoi. MS. 
 
 remotest regions ; an image like Pindar's 
 in /. v. [vi.] 22 f. ('countless roads... are 
 cleft for the onward course of noble 
 deeds ') KOI irtpav NdXoto irayav nai St.' 
 "Tirepftopeovs. I scarcely think that there 
 is an allusion to Memnon and his Aethio- 
 pians at Troy, as having carried the fame 
 of the Aeacidae home with them. 
 
 42 ff. euvaei. ewaijs occurs nowhere 
 else, nor is etfvaos found : but cp. detvaijy 
 in a quotation by Athenaeus (p. 61 A) 
 from Nicander. 
 
 OepfjuoSovros, a river of Pontus, now 
 the Termth. Near its mouth on the coast 
 of the Euxine was the town of Oe/*i'<r/cupa, 
 with a fertile plain which fed great herds 
 of oxen and horses. This was the legend- 
 ary seat of the Amazons. (Aesch. P. V. 
 723 ff. : Verg. Aen. XI. 6=9: Apoll. 
 Rhod. II. 995 QefJUffK^peiai 'A/xafovts. ) 
 The Amazon-myth first came into Greek 
 poetry with the Cyclic epic AiOiowis (c. 
 775 700 B.C.?), ascribed to Arctinus. 
 -yx' w v io-ropes, skilled with the spear. 
 Poetry armed the Amazons, however, not 
 only with the spear and sword of the 
 Greek hero, but also with the bow (Pind. 
 0. XIII. 89 ro^orav arpardv}, and with 
 the axe, either single-edged (<rd.ya.pts, 
 Xen. An. iv. 4. 16), or double (vtarvr, 
 bipennis, Quint. Smyrn. i. 597). Their 
 shield was TrAra or ytppov (like that of 
 Thracians or Persians) . Koiipai. . . ."Ap^os. 
 Penthesileia, their queen, is called "A/>7?os 
 Ovydrrip in the verse which linked the 
 Aethiopis to the Iliad (schol. //. 24. 804). 
 
 The Amazons figure in legend as wor- 
 shippers of the war-god, sacrificing to him 
 at an island-shrine near Themiscyra (Ap. 
 Rhod. II. 385 f.), as on the "Apeioj ird-yoj 
 at Athens (Aesch. Eum. 689 ; cp. schol. 
 Ar. Lys. 191). 
 
 45 f. /"is assumed before &va here, 
 but not in in. 76 (6 5' &va%) or v. 84 
 (0dfj.prjffft> 5' 8.va%). Cp. III. 2 n. ovav... 
 eyydvwv -yevo-avro : ' the Amazons tasted 
 the valour of thy offspring, and so did 
 Troy.' Cp. //. 20. 258 yevffbfjtff' dXX^Xw*' 
 \a\KTipf au> iyxfirjfftv. The 'descendants' 
 meant are Telamon, Ajax, and Achilles ; 
 perhaps also Peleus and Neoptolenms. 
 Telamon (and according to one account, 
 Peleus) went with lolaus on an expedition 
 against the Amazons, and slew Melanippe, 
 the sister of their queen (schol. Pind. N. 
 in. 64 = 38). Telamon took part with 
 Heracles in his war on Laomedon. When 
 the Amazons came to Troy as allies of 
 the Trojans, Achilles slew Penthesileia 
 (as told in the Aethiopis]. Ajax fought 
 against Troy; and Neoptolemus was its 
 captor. (See Introd. to this Ode, 2, 
 note 2.) The MS. corruption of iyybvtav 
 into lyyovoi may have been prompted by 
 the desire of a subject for yevffavro (Kovpai 
 being so far back). te-yovwv (xvi. 16) 
 might seem preferable, but is not neces- 
 sary. 
 
 47 f. <JTX I *- T '^- : ' Everywhere on 
 a broad path goes forth the vast renown. . . ' 
 Cp. v. 3r fivpia iravrq. cAei>0oj, n. 
 
 49 f. <rds -ytvtas . . . 8u-yarpwv. 
 
 Dio-
 
 308 BAKXYAIAOY [vm 
 
 7 (TVV rv^at? ai/acra'av 
 
 yovs diropBriTtov ayuiav. 
 
 OT/>. 
 
 Col. 16 3 17 rai^ /xeyaXw^v]/xov Atytvav, jaeytcrrou 
 56 4 Zi-pos a 7rXa#ura XeJ^ei re/cei/ 
 s - Secrw -- oir 
 
 y]a,9 
 
 7 _ - - 
 
 60 8 ^ - 
 
 , o] 
 
 crai r aXXat 
 
 7r[a]Xai[ov 
 
 65 4 TrcuSe? at]Soiat Trora/Aou /ceXaSovros* 
 s roG vvi/ ap^at]av TrdXtv 
 
 6 KW/AOI Kare)(ow]o-t re fuca^s 
 
 7 /cat Xvpat? au]X&j^ ySoat 
 
 s o-vp.<j>(t)va Tr^etojucrat ' /xe[ytcrrov 
 7 9 ^/jj) Aio? irpwrov o~eySa9 #' f/ H/9ay r' aetoetjv 
 
 51 dpxo--] APXAI A: corr. A 3 . 55 88 These 34 verses were contained in 
 
 column xvi., of which only mutilated fragments remain. The fragments have 
 been combined by Kenyon and Blass, on the evidence of metre, contents, colour 
 of the papyrus, etc. : but the combination is necessarily in some measure conjectural. 
 55 f. -MXON A, corrected to -//.OP by A 3 : this (as K. saw) was from an adj. 
 ending in -V/JLOV, taken by the scribe for vfnvov. Blass supplies rj rav /j.eya\(avvfj.ov 
 
 dorus (iv. 72) says that Asopus, 'having these names (from Corcyra to Sinope) 
 
 made his home (/carotKTjffas) in PhKus,' illustrates the nvpla 0d.rtj of v. 48. 
 married Mer^Tr?; (Find. 0. vi. 84), In the mutilated text of this ode the 
 
 daughter of Ladon (the river of Elis), by names of only two daughters remain, 
 
 whom he had two sons, Pelasgus and Thebe and Ajgttur, who, according to 
 
 Ismenus, and twelve daughters, Corcyra, Pindar, were the youngest, 'Aawwiduv 
 
 Salamis, Aegina, Peirene, Cleone, Thebe, 67r\6rarat (/. vn. 17 f.): see, however, 
 
 Tanagra, Thespia, Asopis, Sinope, Oinia, n. on 61 65. 
 
 and Chalcis. (Inc. 73 Diodorus mentions 51 f. crvv TVXCUS. Cp. X. 115 avv... 
 
 a thirteenth, Harplna.) Apollodorus (ill. i"t/x9- Here the plur. is used because 
 
 12. 6) raises the number of daughters to several persons and cities are concerned: 
 
 twenty (but does not enumerate them). it is, in fact, a distributive cri'v rv\q.. 
 
 At Olympia the Phliasians dedicated a apxtryovs. This term is applied to the 
 
 group representing Asopus and five of founder of a city, or the eponymous an- 
 
 his daughters, viz. Nemea (not mentioned cestor of a family. Plat. Tim. 2 1 E rijs 
 
 by Diodorus), Aegina (with Zeus beside TroXews 0eos 0/3x77765 ris tffriv. Cp. Soph. 
 
 her), Harpina (the mother of Oenomaus O. C. 60 n. dnropfltJTwv is proleptic in 
 
 by Ares), Corcyra, and Thebe (Paus. \. sense : the gods decreed that the places 
 
 22. 5). The wide geographical range of founded by the Asopides should ever be
 
 VIII] 
 
 ETTINIKO! 
 
 309 
 
 established, with happy fortunes, as ancestral heroines of cities 
 which should defy the spoiler. 
 
 Who does not know the well-built town of dark-haired Thebe ? str. 3 . 
 Or Aegina of glorious name, who in wedlock with mighty Zeus 
 bore the hero ( Aeacus) ? . . '" , ., 
 
 fair-robed Cleone, 
 
 and Peirene with diadem on her brows, and all those other ant. 3. 
 gracious daughters of the ancient river-god, lord of sounding 
 waters, who became the illustrious brides of gods. 
 
 [Verses 66 81, as partially restored. Now is the ancient city of 
 Asopus filled with revelry for victory, and with the blended strains of 
 flutes and lyres.... It is meet to hymn first the majesty of great Zeus 
 and Hera; 
 
 (epa.Twvvjj.ov Wilamowitz)^ Piccolomini and others, Kal TCLV (ris d' ov Housman) 
 Xa.piTwvvtJ.ov: Ellis, rtj 5' ov 5o\ixripeTfj.ov (Find. O. VIII. -20). neyiffrov (^yiyrov 
 Housman) a Atos ir\a.0flffa. X^x Blass, Housman: peylffTw Zyvbs a. vXaffeiffa X^x 
 Wilam. 57 f. Blass supplies rou]de <ru[rTJpa ir<?5]ov, \ 6y y]ds paffd[voi<Tiv 
 
 'Ax]aiwv. 61 If the letters vw are rightly read, tvirfirXov (or efweirXov) is certain. 
 
 63 Blass prints K[ ]j, air' &\\ai: but the a belonged (I think) to &rai. Read 
 
 KOVOO.V, dcrai T' &\\ai. 65 Traidts cu]5o?cu J. : irapdtvot] Soiai Blass: but see comm. 
 
 virgin cities, unravaged by foes. Cp. 
 Lysias or. 33 7 (of Sparta) /JLJVOI... 
 oiKovvres diropdijTot Kal dreixiffToi.. Eur. 
 Hec. 906 (of Troy) TWV diropO^Tuv 7r6Xis 
 ovKeTi X^et. Below, in v. 99, the word 
 was probably applied to Phlius. 
 
 55 f. These verses refer to Aegina, 
 bride of Zeus, and her son Aeacus (iipu). 
 Verse 55 may have begun with teal rav 
 (Jurenka), rCs 8* ov (which is rather too 
 rhetorical), or i^ Kal (Blass, who com- 
 pares Find. O. xui. 20 ff.). 
 
 57 f. As to the conjecture roO]5e 
 ffw[TT)pa ir^5]ou (Blass), all the four letters 
 detrw (fr. 37 K.) are uncertain. The 
 syllable answering to the a of ffWTTJpa, 
 is long in all the corresponding verses 
 (5, 14, 31, 40, 66, 83). That might be 
 cured by changing 7r^5]ou to <rrpa.T]ov 
 (as = 577;uoi>). But the restoration seems 
 doubtful. In v. 58 |3cura(vouriv?) pro- 
 bably referred to some tests of valour or 
 wisdom which Aeacus had successfully 
 borne. He must have been the subject 
 of v. 59, if not also of 60. 
 
 61 65. In these five verses the 
 mention of the Asopides was continued 
 and ended. Verses 61 and 62 evidently 
 contained two proper names. I conjec- 
 ture with some confidence that v. 61 
 
 ended with KXtwvav, and v. 62 began 
 with i|8i Hcipdvav. For the place in 
 v. 61, Tavdypav or 2ivwTra.i> is also pos- 
 sible. But the poet would probably 
 prefer Peloponnesian names, appealing to 
 Cleonae and to Corinth. In 62 metre 
 would not admit K^pKvpav or (17 Kal) 
 " A.pwLv3.v (Lycophron 167 "Apirivvav ' Ap- 
 
 TTKtatS Iffljv). 
 
 63 f. oerai T'...KXd8ovros : i.e. and 
 all the other daughters of the ancient 
 river-god Asopus who became the brides 
 of gods. The conjectures tcovpav. oo-ai 
 T', and ireuSts al]8oiai, are (I venture to 
 think) hardly doubtful. Blass's irapfc'voi] 
 Soiai cannot be right, since, as the con- 
 text shows, -more than two maidens are 
 in question. 
 
 66 ff. Here the poet turned from the 
 Asopides to speak of the rejoicings at 
 Phlius for the victory of Automedes. 
 Sounds of revelry fill the 'ancient city.' 
 Praises are due to the gods. 
 
 69, 7O These and the next five or six 
 verses doubtless referred to the principal 
 deities worshipped at Phlius. I suggest 
 a partial restoration (exempli gratia) a- 
 bove. "Hpav r dtiSciv. There was 
 a temple of Hera at Phlius (Paus. 2. 
 13- 4)-
 
 3io BAKXYAIAOY [vm 
 
 fir. y. i r 'H/9ai/ T' 7riTa Zyvos pi<rd\veo<s 
 
 2 XP~] v(r * a [. v "n"po<r~]6VTa (F^ionXoKov v etTretv \_Kopav, 
 
 3 /cat aTe 
 
 75 s w - i _ 
 
 7 ^ j'acrtjamxf 
 
 8 - ^ - - - vyji, VfJU>OV, 
 
 S' "1 
 
 <TTp. . I W 
 
 Q_ v ' > 
 
 OO 2 rOV TTO.VT 
 
 3 /cat Tots eVtyltyw/xeVots atet TncpavcrKOL 
 
 4 crch> Xej/xea VIKO.V TO [ye] Tot KaXov epyov 
 s yvvjcritov vfjivotv TV^OV 
 
 6 VT//OU Trapa 8at/xoo~t /cetTaf 
 85 7 crw S' dXa#eta flporwv 
 
 s /cdXXto~Toi>, et7r[e^> /cat $dV>7 Tts, 
 
 9 XetTreTat Mov<raV [fifyatfXetTay a6v]pp.a. 
 
 avr. S'. i etcrt S' av^[cu7T6J^ aperaicrw 6Sot 
 Col. 17 2 TroXXat' Sta/cptVet Se ^ewi^ 
 
 90 3 ySouXa [TO /caXv7TTo]/xevo^ VU/CTO? [S^o^OMTiv; 
 4 Toy &e vetpft) T' avalye Kat TOV dpeta 
 
 Ar / J / 
 
 s Z?7i>o9 atcr' opcr^ryjTrou. 
 
 6 /CpUTTTO? 7<7/> O T' <r0\d 
 
 7 epya ^a> yu,?^ Trpii/ fj.o\etv 
 95 8 e? Treipav toiraacrav 8e 
 
 9 dvjdp[acrtv Motpat reKfiaipea-9aL\ TO 
 
 77 vocrtjwTaj' Henverden : AyTo^Ses, vcwtwraj/ Blass: but see p. 97. 81 [/cai rots 
 firi'y]i7>'0ju^'ots Headlam. 82 r6 [7^ TOI] Headlam. 83 After TTXOX the MS. 
 has a point, level with the bottom of the letter; cp. xiv. 47 cr. n. 87 dya.K\aTa>> 
 K. : pa0vui>iav Blass: /j.e\Kf>66yy<av Piccolomini and Jurenka. 89 94 Column 
 
 xvii. began with v. 89, but the upper part (containing 89-104 and ix. 1-5) was torn 
 
 71 f. Hebe, worshipped at Phlius given by B. not only to Aphrodite (v. 
 
 and Sicyon under the name of Ma 174), but also to Artemis (x. 117) and 
 
 (Strabo 8, p. 382), had an ancient to lo (xvm. 16). 
 
 shrine of peculiar sanctity (cryiwraroj' If, on the other hand, Aphrodite was 
 
 Pans. II. 13. 3) on the acropolis of the subject of these two verses, we could 
 
 Phlius. Dia-Hebe, then, would fitly be read in 71 Kairtira Kovpav ZTJVOS fpivd., 
 
 named here, after her parents (Hes. and at the end of 72, eu eiirelv Kvirptv. 
 
 Tkeog. 922) Zeus and Hera. Her I incline to think, however, that the 
 
 spouse Heracles was also commemorated first mention of her came in v. 73. 
 
 at Phlius, along with Cyathus, the cup- 73 ical [WITS' p' dyvdpTTTcov tpumav. 
 
 bearer whom he accidentally killed (Paus. Aphrodite: Pindar fr. 122. 4 calls her 
 
 /. c.). The epithet xP Vff ^ a ' s elsewhere fj.ar^p iptaruv. The KO.L, for which there
 
 VIII] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 then also to praise Hebe, daughter of mighty Zeus, maiden divinely epode 3. 
 
 fair, with violet locks, and the Mother of the pitiless Loves 
 
 Automedes, we have brought thee the song of the island Muse, 
 
 which shall remain for thee, in thy life and after thy death, for endless str. 4. 
 years, to tell all generations of thy victory at Nemea.] 
 
 A goodly deed that has won the strains of a true poet is laid 
 up on high with the gods. When mortal lips give honest praise, 
 there is a glory that survives death in song, the joy of the 
 [glorious] Muses. 
 
 [/ verses 88 104 the general sense is fairly clear: the details ant. 4. 
 are partly conjectural.} There are many paths for the excellences 
 of men : but it is the counsel of the gods that decides what is 
 veiled in the gloom of night. [The weaker man and the stronger are 
 alike led on their way by the doom of Zeus the thunderer. Who is to- 
 put forth high deeds, and who is to fail, is a secret, till they come to the 
 trial;] and to few mortals have the Fates granted the gift of conjecturing 
 the future. 
 
 away. The remains of 89-94 have been put together by Blass from small fragments, 
 metre giving the clue. 95 99 The endings of these verses are on a fragment 
 
 which K. placed here because the metre suits this poem and no other. 96 99 The 
 earlier parts of these verses, also the remains of 100 104 and of IX. i, 2, are on a. 
 
 is not room in 73 before .ar, may have 
 been added to v. 72 : something similar 
 has happened in vv. 101 f., and there are 
 other instances of wrong division (as in 
 IX. 15 f., 33 f., 43 f.). d-yvd|AirTttv, 
 inflexible, not to be resisted or subdued. 
 The older Greek poets are apt to speak 
 of Eros, not in his gentler aspects, but 
 rather as a stem and terrible power : see 
 e.g. Sappho fr. 40 "Epos.../*' 6 Xwn/xAijs 
 3<Wt : Ibycus fr. i *Epos...^7/cpaT^ws... 
 TLvafffffi : Soph. Tr. 441 f. : id. fr. 855. 
 13 (of Kvirpis) TIV' ov ira\aiovff' 's rpis 
 
 74 f. In these two verses there may 
 have been a mention of Demeter and of 
 Dionysus. Cp. 97 f. 
 
 76 87 The fame of the victor will 
 endure in song. va<ruorav...vjivov, the 
 Cean poet's ode : so IX. 10 va.aiGrnv . . . 
 fjA\iff<ra.v. 
 
 79 81 iri<j>avo-KOi in 81 cannot 
 have expressed a wish ('may it de- 
 clare ! '). We need, then, /ce, ntv, or &v. 
 This probably stood in 79 (e.g., KuSos 8s K 
 aC^uv Kai airo^di^v^) : or possibly in 80 
 (e.g., TOP iravra. K' S.rpvrov gpMw). 
 arp-uTov, 'unending' : see n. on v. 27. 
 
 82 84 TO -ye TOI Ka.\bv tpyov: cp. 
 XII. 83 r6 ye ubv icX^os aivei. 
 
 'of genuine strain,' i.e. genuinely in- 
 spired. vr\|ou...KiTai : 'is laid up on 
 high \vith the gods ' ; is consigned to 
 immortality. 
 
 85 87 crvv 8' dXa0aa PporcJv 
 K.T.X. : lit., 'and, with the help of truth 
 on the part of men, most glorious (for 
 the dead man) is that joy of the Muse 
 (the ode) which is left, even after his 
 death.' For <rvv d\a8dq., see vil. 41 ff. 
 n. ctircp . . Odvfl : the epic tl with 
 subjunct., found also in tragic lyrics 
 (Soph. O. T. 198 n.). <x8up(j.a : cp. the 
 poet's first epigramma, v. 3, fv affupnaffi 
 t/lovaav. In Pindar P. V. 21 the KW/UOS 
 is 'Avo\\wviov &6vp>j.a, his favourite 
 ' pastime,' Or ' delight.' So aOvptiv, of 
 the poet's efforts, /. ill. 57 : Lat. lustts, 
 ludere. 
 
 As regards the lost epithet of Mowrdv 
 here, d-ya/rXeiray or vo\VK\eira.v would 
 perhaps best suit the context. 
 
 88 96 lo-l 8'... TO (it'XXov. A 
 ' gnomic ' passage, consisting of general 
 reflections suggested by the athlete's 
 success in his special line of effort. 
 The hints in the mutilated text plainly 
 indicate the general tenor : the supple- 
 ments which I suggest may serve to 
 illustrate it. For the Doric d of a-ya-yc in
 
 312 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [VIII, IX 
 
 w. 
 
 2 /cjcu 
 
 3 vaieiv 
 
 TOO 4 VD 
 
 Be 
 
 5 os[] rt /caXov 
 
 Ato? 
 
 t cruv /cwjjxots ct/xap- 
 
 (F)e/cart. 
 
 IX. [X.] 
 <ATAAQI (?) AOHNAIQI 
 
 APOMEI IC0MIA> 
 
 <rrp. a , 
 
 <u]Xa, 
 
 CTV 
 /cat 
 
 Xa/A7r[o/xeVa 
 
 separate fragment, placed here by Blass (in K.'s edition). 97 The verse began with 
 . . MI. The letter before MI was M or I. The letter after MI had a base like that 
 of A or Ptolemaic 60. These traces suit TMMI(N)A. For omission of N in the MS., 
 see p. 128, i. (i). Blass (ist ed.) wrote &/j./jut> (Jurenka, fyi/u[i> 5e KO.I rai/rav 7rap^]5wKe 
 \dpiv). In 2nd and 3rd ed. Blass writes TI/JAQ [5' 'Hpa/cX6' 5]w*e \o.piv. As the verse 
 then begins with --* , he proposes in v. 19 to read 5rj r6r' for a KO.I rbr', and in 45 
 to omit w. 99 evvres A : A 3 wrote a over the second e. 1O2 The traces 
 
 before veoi indicate either X or AI. Blass (ist ed.) read them as w, and wrote vvv] 
 
 v. 91, cp. Ayero (a) in XIX. 4. In 
 v. 90 8vof>oi,<riv is hardly doubtful : cp. 
 xv. 32 f. Perhaps Horace, a student 
 of Bacchylides, had that phrase in mind 
 when he wrote, Pnidens fnturi tern forts 
 exitum Caliginosa node prewit dtus (in. 
 xxix. 29 f.). Theognis, indeed, has 6p<f>vr] 
 yap TtraTai (1077) m a l^e context, but 
 that is not so verbally near. There is 
 a close parallelism here with the train of 
 thought in IX. 35 ff., narevei \ 5' aXXoj 
 dXXotai' KtXfvOov... 45 ff. r6 yuAXov | 5' 
 
 CLKplTOVS TlKTfl Tf\VT(is, | Tfq. TVX& f3plffl. 
 
 97 1O2 The conclusion. Here the 
 poet seems to address the people of 
 Phlius. The general sense may have 
 been somewhat as follows: 'To you, 
 for the sake of (Demeter and) Dionysus, 
 Zeus has given to dwell in a city honoured 
 of gods and unravaged.' Then the ode 
 ends with another reference to the victory 
 of Automedes. 
 
 97 ff. The Kal Auuv- in 98 makes it 
 strongly probable that Demeter was named 
 
 in 97. These two were prominent among 
 the divinities of Phlius, which depended 
 on vines and agriculture. On the acro- 
 polis there was a sacred ire/nj3oXos of 
 Demeter, and within it a va6s containing 
 images of her and Persephone. A festival 
 in her honour, with a mystic ritual, was 
 held every fourth year at KeXeai, near 
 Phlius. In the lower town was an 
 ancient iepbv of Dionysus. Cp. Paus. II. 
 H. 5 7, and E. Curtius, Pelop. n. 
 47i ff. 
 
 Verse 97 must have begun with -, 
 like vv. 19 and 45, where there is no 
 reason to doubt the text : and v'(x[(ii]v 
 8i is most probable. A tentative restora- 
 tion is shown (exempli gratia) above. 
 
 99 diropfrrJTOvs : cp. 52. The absence 
 of an accent on o in the MS. affords a 
 presumption in favour of ace. plur. rather 
 than ace. sing. OoXwvras. 0aXe'a> was 
 an alternative form for 0d\\u : Pindar 
 has 6d\i)<re (/V. iv. 88, cp. x. 42) : 
 Hippocr. 6. 654 (Littre) &a\toi>ra. (v. /.
 
 VIII, IX] 
 
 ET7INIKOI 
 
 313 
 
 To you (of Phlius), for the sake of Demeter and of Dionysus, the son epode 4. 
 of Cronus has granted to dwell in a god-honoured city, unravaged and 
 prosperous. When a man wins a meed of honour from golden-sceptred 
 Zeus, let all give praise : attend ye with festal songs on the son of 
 Timoxenus, for his victory in the pentathlon. 
 
 IX. [X.] 
 
 For an Athenian [Aglaos?\ winner of foot-races 
 at the Isthmus. 
 
 Fame ! thou roamest with tidings o'er the tribes of men, and str. i. 
 declarest them to all, shining afar, 
 
 <a vtoi, supposing that, as there is not room for vvv in 102, it had adhered to 101. 
 He now accepts K.'s at (instead of w), and reads TOUT' euWoi. 1O3 f. Restored 
 
 by Blass. 
 
 IX. The title has perished with the lost part of column xvn. (see cr. n. on vm. 
 89 94). 1 f. Cp. cr. n. on vm. 96. Small parts of i 4 are supplied by a 
 fragment (23 K.) which Blass has placed here. df^epiuv vripidfj.' (irotxvfis \ 00Xa 
 Wilamowitz: d6a.va.Ttav dvaTuv r firoix"& \ </>OXo Headlam : dyye\4ov<r' tiri x^ov' 
 /caXd KOI iraffav 6d\a.ffffav Jurenka: aitv eir' dvOpuirovs (or ev dvOpuirois) 
 is ad\a Nairn. 
 
 6a\t6ovTa) : Quint. Smyrn. n. 96 0aX^- 
 ovffi : Nonnus 16. 78 0aXe. (In Mosch. 
 II. 67 6a\fe<TK is a v. I. for Ba\46ecrKe.) 
 
 1OO 1O2 Aios and <f>c'prrai seem 
 fairly certain. Before alve'oi I supply 
 irds ( Traj ru, as in Soph. O. T. 596, 
 O. C. 597, El. 972, and often), because 
 these words introduce the exhortation, 
 ffvv /cw/totj d/iapT&ure. The genitive XP- 
 Aibs recalls VI. i ff., Adxw Atos /neyi- 
 <TTOV \ \dx e <f>fpTO.Tov Tr65e<T<ri \ Kvdos : it 
 denotes the source from which the honour 
 comes. KoXov (rt) is the Nemean victor)-: 
 cp. n. 6, Find. P. vm. 88 6 de vtov n 
 Ka\bv \axuv ('a fresh honour'). If os 
 be read, <J>perai (midd.) is 'wins.' I 
 slightly prefer this to u (Blass), with 
 which (pepeTai (pass.) = ' is borne' : though 
 that is tenable. Blass supplies TOVT* 
 before cuWoi, i.e. 'to whomsoever an 
 honour is borne (from the gods), let him 
 be thankful for it.' < would naturally 
 mean the victor, who, on this view, is 
 the subject of cuWot. In this context, 
 however, the subject of alvtoi should be, 
 not the victor, but one who praises 
 him. The long syllable before cuWot, 
 whatever it was, must have been added 
 in the MS. to v. 101 : cp. 73 n. 
 
 1O4 f. d(jiapT oiTt : a probable sup- 
 plement. It is in favour of d- rather 
 than 6-, that the MS. has d/uapreTj' ( = d/co- 
 
 \ovBeiv) in xvn. 46. That form is found 
 also in Herodas iv. 95 and v. 43 : and 
 is attested by Eustathius (//. p. 592, 21) 
 as coexisting with bpapTelv. The adv. 
 dfj-apTrj occurs in //. 5. 656, etc. Cp. 
 Aesch. fr. 355. 2 /o/36a' irptirei \ diffv- 
 pa.fj.j3ov ofiapreiv | crvyKtafiOv \Lovvffy. 
 /Kart (supplied by Blass) as in I. 6 f. 
 Cp. V. 33 v(Avciv...%Ka.Ti vlKas (also VI. ir, 
 IX. 15). 
 
 IX.. 1 3 4>ii(ia bears far and wide, 
 even to the nether world, the tidings of 
 an athlete's victory : cp. in. I ff. $rma 
 ...<j>tpovff' dyye\iav. The supplements 
 suggested above are mine. For the dat. 
 dyyeXiais, cp. Theocr. XXV. 32 (dXwai) 
 
 o-Keis, vm. 81. Note that the last 
 syllable of the second verse of the strophe 
 is long in 12 and 30, though anceps in 
 40. iraoav : the papyrus has ird"..., as it 
 has irdffiv (irdcriv) in XIV. 54. 
 
 Blass writes : d/j,<(>' dpeT$ ('in the cause 
 of prowess ') OVO-TUV TTOI.X V & \ <t>v\a, xal 
 Trdffiv TlOrjffOa | Ti)\bffe \afj.iro/jL^vav. He 
 conceives <ij/xa as being here, 'noti... 
 HUH tins victoriae alicuis,...sed gloria.' 
 The two notions are closely akin : but 
 the personified ^^ta is surely, like fa ma, 
 a bearer of tidings.
 
 3*4 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [IX 
 
 4 teal 7a<? V]TTO /cev[$ecrf tcXeivol 
 5 s S' o? yejZ'cufTat. [^apyu,' e%ovcrtv 
 6 Travrl oja> wof , o,rt 
 
 s 7r[avX]av aTrpaKrav re 
 9 'A[yX]aoj /cat i/vi/ /cacrty^ra? d/cotras 
 10 yacria>TU> tKivrjo'ev Xiyu^oyyof 
 
 / o.6dvo.TOv 
 
 3 -^apfjia, Teav aperav 
 
 4 \LO.VVQV eiriyjdovi.oio'iv, 
 15 5 oo-cra/as Nt/ca9 e/cart 
 
 6 aivOecri ^avdav c 
 
 Ke<f>a\av 
 
 5 The v. ended with 'wi (from xwpy ?). The word belonged metrically to v. 6. 
 7 The first letter of the verse was certainly 0. 9 Between A and I there is 
 
 space for about four letters, of which the third may have been A ; but this is not 
 
 4 8 I give above (exempli gratia) 
 a tentative restoration. Kal -yds viro 
 Kcu0<ri : cp. Soph. El. 1066 f. w yQovio. 
 fipoToicri (t>d/J.a: and Find. 0. vili. 81, 
 where 'AyyeXta, daughter of Hermes, 
 brings news of an athlete's victory to his 
 father in the shades. For K\eivoi 8' | ot 
 ye'vwvrai, cp. Vili. 22 ff., K\eu>ol...ot... 
 
 occurs in 12 f., where the general 
 sentiment expressed here is applied to 
 the particular case of Aglaos (if that was 
 his name). It seems not unlikely that 
 the phrase in 12 f. was an echo from 
 5 f. x"Pf- The letters wi alone remain. 
 There is no trace whatever of the letter 
 before them, but only an acute accent, 
 showing that the word was paroxytone. 
 SdfjL<{> (the victor's people) is possible ; 
 but the context here and in 12 f. rather 
 favours x^PV- Fame creates a wide- 
 spread sympathy with the victor's triumph : 
 the tidings come even to the shades. 
 
 As to the rest of vv. 6 8, note these 
 points, (i) Verse 7 began with O. The 
 N of 04>0AAMOICIN, in connexion with 
 XPT in v. 6, suggests Nike. (2) In v. 8 
 the first word began with II or F, and 
 ended with AN. (3) After airpaKrav 
 the first letter was T, F, II, or I. The 
 next letter was almost certainly E. 
 
 I'Sov ei'oXpov. I had thought also of 
 tdtv ei'xovTat. Another resource would 
 be iroriXevffff ovffiv : but we rather require 
 an aorist. iravXav dirpciKTav, ' a restful 
 pause ' from the toils of the athlete. 
 Plut. Mor. 270 A (i)/j.tpa.s) diro<j)pd.5as 
 Kal dirpdKTovs (dies nefastos et otiosos). 
 Walz Rhet. vol. IV. p. 15 eoprijv dirpaKTov, 
 'a holiday on which no work is done.' 
 For the place of rt cp. Soph. O. T. 528 
 f 6/j.fj.dTwv 5' 6p0uv re *d dpdrjs <f>pev6s. 
 For the sentiment, Find. O. I. 97 ff. 6 
 VIKWV de \onrbv dfj.<pi fiiorov | ?x et Hf\t- 
 T6effcrav tvdiav | d6\u>v y' tve/tei' : O. 
 VIII. 5 ff. ao.LoiJ.evwv /j.eyd\av | dperdv 
 6vfj.<j} \apfiv, | T&V Sf ju6x#w' dfitrvodv, 
 ' (athletes) whose spirit is eager to attain 
 great glory, and a respite from their 
 toils.' Jurenka gives iravaav dirpaKrav 
 Hfpifj.vai', 'have made an end of ineffec- 
 tual anxiety ' (for victory) : but the initial 
 of the third word cannot have been 31. 
 
 9 14 For Aglaos, his brother-in- 
 law has commissioned the poet of Ceos 
 to write an ode, that his prowess (dperri) 
 may have a lasting record. On the 
 problem presented by the lacunas in 
 verses 9 and u, see the Appendix. In 
 v. 9 'AYX.a<5, supplied by Blass, is very 
 probable. In v. 1 1 his dxeipes seems less 
 so. The word occurs in Batrachomyo-
 
 IX] 
 
 ET7INIKOI 
 
 even in the depths of the nether world : and those who win 
 renown have a joy that is shared in every place, because their 
 eyes have seen golden, blessed Victory, and they have found a 
 restful pause from their toils. 
 
 Tis on behalf of Aglaos now that his sister's husband has 
 moved the clear-voiced singer, the island bee, 
 
 in order that the immortal tribute of the Muses, a monument ant. i. 
 not made with hands, might be a common joy for mankind, 
 that it might tell all men, Aglaos, of thy prowess, seen as oft as, 
 by grace of Victory, thou hast caused thy golden hair to be 
 crowned with flowers, and hast brought glory to spacious 
 Athens, with honour for the Oeneidae. 
 
 certain. 'A.y\aui Blass. 1O vaviwriv MS. K. doubted whether the first 
 
 letter was not II: hence Uacria, rlv (rlv d' Pearson) Wilam. and Platt. 11 The 
 
 letters eipes are certain. The letter before them may have been X or A. 14 navvov 
 made from pavoov by A 3 . 15 f. The MS. adds dv0e<riv av- to v. 15. The final 
 
 v of &vOf<riv, so ill-sounding here, is doubtless due to error. 
 
 machia 300 as = ' without hands ' : here 
 it is to mean ' not made with hands,' 
 To justify it, we must suppose that it 
 was meant to distinguish the poet's 
 &ya\fj.a from the sculptor's : that would 
 be Pindaric (N. v. i), but is less like 
 Bacchylides. 
 
 9 Kdl vvv, 'e'en now,' marking the 
 transition from the proem to the im- 
 mediate theme, just as in X. 9 f., creOev 
 5' e/can | /cai vvv. 
 
 10 The va<ruimv of the MS. shortens 
 a syllable (-iv) which is long in vv. 20, 
 38, and 48. The poet perhaps wrote 
 vao-iwrav : cp. Aesch. Ag. 1 1 1 x f pl 
 irpdKTopi, 664 TVKT\...G{aT-i\f>) Eum. 1 86 
 diKai KapaviffTrjpfs, etc. The correction 
 is such as a grammarian might have 
 made. fuXi(T(rav : cp. Pind. P. x. 53 f. 
 fyKwy-iwv yap dwros V/JLVWV | eir dXXor' 
 &\\ov wre fji^Kiffffa. Bvvfi \6yov, ' the glory 
 of songs of praise flits like a bee from 
 theme to theme.' The comparison of the 
 poet to a bee is frequent : Plat. Ion 534 A 
 Myowi yap...cl woirfral OTI...K llovffuiv 
 
 KTJTTOW TIVUV ...TO. nt\r) TJfJLlV fptpOVfftV 
 
 uxnrfp ai fj.e\iTrai : Ar. Av. 748 f. 
 uffirfpfl /xAiTTa I Qpvvixps K.T.\. i Leoni- 
 das of Taientum (Anthol. I. i) describes 
 Erinna as /*Aiercrai> . . . MowrtDp avffea dpeir- 
 rofj-^vav : Hor. C. IV. ii. 28 f. ego apis 
 Matinae | more modoque, etc. 
 
 11 Mov<rav ci-yaXixa, the ode: see 
 n. on i. 74. 
 
 13 Ttav dpsrav is better here than 
 Tf&v apfrdv (to go with xiipun.). Our 
 
 poet uses the plur. dperai only in xm. 8 
 (and probably vm. 88), and then with 
 reference to several men. If 'Ay\ay be 
 right in v. 9, there is a transition here 
 to the second person; cp. XV. 6 10. 
 
 15 f. The daffa of the MS. should 
 probably be OOXTOKIS, as several critics 
 have suggested. The syllable -m may 
 have been missed by the scribe through 
 its likeness to -*as. 5<r<rajrep or oova 8ri 
 would also serve. (Blass defends facra. 
 by supposing the first syllable of viVas 
 to be metrically i_: see n. on v. 8.) 
 NiKas i-tcari : cp. I. 6 n. 
 
 The MS. wrongly joins AvOfffiv i;ai>- to 
 v. 15 ; there is a like error in vv. 33 and 
 43. Here the hiatus after l/cort gives 
 a clue. (I indicated this in Kenyon's 
 editio princeps, p. 87.) 
 
 16 dvaST)<rd|Xvos K<f>aXav : Her. I. 
 195 ras Ke<f>a\as /uirpijo-i dvadeovrai. The 
 midd. is normal in this sense ; cp. Pind. 
 N. xi. 28, /. i. 28, etc. In P. X. 40, how- 
 ever, dva6ri<ra.vTfs has the same meaning. 
 
 18 OlvttScus. Oeneus, son of Pandion, 
 was one of the ten eirwvv/j.oi. of the Attic 
 tribes. OiVeFScu are the members of the 
 tribe OtVjjfs. Cp. [Dem.] or. 60 30 
 OVK tXaBtv OiveiSas K.T.\. In mythology 
 OivfiSrjs is a designation of Meleager, 
 Tydeus, or Diomedes. The fact that the 
 victor's tribe, but not his father, is named, 
 has been thought to indicate that his 
 family was an obscure one ; but this can 
 hardly be inferred: though vv. 47 51 
 suggest that he was not rich. The reason
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [IX 
 
 9 cV IlocretSavo? Trept/cXeirot? ae#Xoi9 
 Col. 18 20 10 ev#vs ei'Sei^Jas "EXXatrtv TroSaii' opp-av 
 
 ITT. a. i SevrepOi^ 8' OuJpOtCTtr 7Tt 
 
 2 0pjj^av Irt] irv4<i)v aeXXai', 
 
 3 ecrra[' jSpe'^w]^ 8' a^' avre 
 
 i / PJ j V/l "1*^ *^ \ 
 
 4 ape es ei'i/poojt' e^xTTtTvw^ o/xtXov, 
 25 5 rerp[aeXi/cro]^ eVet 
 
 6 /cajuTx//ev 8po]/xoi^. 
 
 7 8t9 ^[tv ay/cjapv^av ev^Sov- 
 
 Trap 
 
 o-rp. /3'. i 81? 8' e[i> Ne/>te]a KpoiaSa 
 30 2 y8&>/Ao[V - a /cXetj^a re 
 
 3 Se/cr[d i>iv ejvpuxopoi' 
 
 4 r' "Apyo[? St/cvw]^ re Kar' alcrav 
 
 19 TrcxriSavoj MS., as XIII. 20 iro<ri5ai'os, xvi. 36 TroertSai'i, XIX. 8 iroffi-: but XVI. 59 f. 
 7TO<rei5di't, 79 TroffetSav. 2O eu^i>y ?v5^]as Blass : opuav Taxeiav A. Ludwich, 
 Th. Reinach: ra.\fiav 6pfJ.av MS. 21 oCpoiffiv Blass. 23 (3/3ex wv ] ^' fit'fe Blass. 
 The letter before 5' was probably N, and cannot have been C. 5' o&re] A' AISE A. 
 
 for the absence of the father's name may 
 be simply metrical. Cp. n. on 54 ff. 
 
 There should probably be a full stop 
 (or at least a colon) after Sogav. For 
 verses 15 18 refer, as Sffffa indicates, 
 to all the athlete's victories, and not to 
 those won at the Isthmus alone. He 
 had been successful at seven other places 
 (vv. 2935). 
 
 19 IIoo-i8dvos...(u0\ois. Cp. Find. 
 
 0. XIII. 40 iv 5' a/j.ij>ia.\oi(Tt NoTeidavos 
 
 T0fJ.OtfflV. 
 
 Metre requires opfxdv raxtiav (not rax- 
 6pp.) : see vv. 10, 38, 47. Similarly in 
 xiv. 47 the MS. has apxev \byuv instead 
 of \6yuv apxev: and in XVI. 72 %/>as 
 TTfracro-e instead of Tr^racre x e ^ a ^- Cp. also 
 
 1. 70 n. 
 
 19 26 The restoration of this pas- 
 sage given above is tentative in some 
 details, but hardly doubtful as to the 
 general sense. See the discussion in 
 the Appendix. Here I note the follow- 
 ing points. (i) An inscription from 
 Thera, of the first cent. B.C., quoted 
 by Blass ( = Kaibel Epigr. Gr. 942), 
 concerns a boy who won a boxing match, 
 and then forthwith engaged in the pan- 
 cration, which he also won : ?rt B 
 jrvevfjLa <(>tp'j>v (r/cXTjpas Traty OTTO 
 
 tffTa tra.yKpa.riov jBapvv es irbvo 
 
 IUQ. 8' dwy | 5h Awpo\-\et5av eldev dfff\o- 
 <popov. This suggests that eerra in 23 
 is ?<rra. The signal exploit of this 
 athlete was that he ran in two consecu- 
 tive races, and won them both. Paus. 
 VI. 13. 3 mentions an athlete who at 
 Olympia won the 56\ixos, and then 
 forthwith (irapavriKa) the stadion, and 
 after that the SiauXos. oupouriv ?irt 
 <TTa8ov, ' at the bounds of the course,' 
 means, ' at the starting-line ' (ypa.fj.fi.ri), 
 from which the runners were despatched. 
 Ppt'xcov 8' . . avT : that is, again he came 
 in first, the sweat and olive-oil from his 
 naked body sprinkling the clothes of the 
 spectators who pressed near to him at 
 the finish. Setirfpov d' (21), ' avre (23), 
 and fs tfidpoov (24) are my conjectures : 
 for the last, cp. III. 9 6p6rifff 5 Xooj 
 direipuv. (2) The use of the second 
 person is made certain by -as in 20. 
 A transition to the third person is 
 certainly made in v. 23. The pronoun 
 of the 3rd person occurs in v. 27, 
 Sis viv d-yKcipv^av, when the poet turns 
 from the vivid picture of the race to 
 a list of the victor's successes. (3) My 
 tentative explanation of the fact that the 
 scribe's ai'e was corrected by A 3 to af>re 
 would be that the original reading, 
 8' q. avre, generated two others, (a)
 
 IX] 
 
 EFTINIKOI 
 
 317 
 
 In Poseidon's renowned games thou didst show thy rushing 
 speed to the Greeks at the outset : 
 
 then a second time did he take his stand at the bounds of the epode r. 
 course, still breathing a storm of hot breath, and again he 
 darted forward, the olive-oil from his body sprinkling the 
 garments of the spectators as he rushed into the cheering 
 crowd, after finishing the fourth round of the course. 
 
 Twice have the spokesmen of the prudent judges declared 
 him a victor at the Isthmus, and twice at Nemea by the holy 
 altar of Zeus son of Cronus : 
 
 illustrious Thebes too has duly welcomed him, and spacious str. 2. 
 Argos, and Sicyon ; 
 
 A 3 has changed I to T, transfixed 3, and written T above it (avre). 0ATHPOX A: 
 A 3 has added E above the line between and A. 27 dyica.pva.v ]. 5/3otf-] 
 
 ETBOI A (cp. 34): corr. A :! . 28 \uv] A superscript by A 3 : the letter written 
 
 by A is lost. 3O d /cXeiw J. 
 
 thin letters in the papyrus, dyuvapxav 
 (Soph. Ai. 572) would be slightly too 
 large. It may fairly be urged that 
 cvfioi>\<av is in favour of a word denoting 
 the actual judges. Then irpo^xxrai would 
 be the heralds. 
 
 3O 37 The following were some of 
 the festivals connected with the places 
 mentioned. I. Thebes : 'HpdxXeia, 'I6Xaia. 
 (Pindar's so-called 'second Pythian' re- 
 lates to a Theban festival.) 2. Argos : 
 "Hpaia, for which (according to a probable 
 view) ' EKar6/j.^aia was another name. 
 A bronze shield (xaX/c6j in Pind. O. vn. 
 83) was the prize. 3. Sicyon : Iiv6ia. 
 
 4. Pellene in Achaia, west of Sicyon : 
 0eo6>ia (to Apollo). The prize was a 
 cloak, x^ a '" a ( C P- Pind. O. ix. 97). 
 
 5. Enboea : Tepaiffna (to Poseidon), 
 ' Afj-apvvffia (to Artemis). 6. Aegina : 
 "Hpcua, AiaLKfia. All these places are in 
 Pindar's list (0. xm. 107 112), which 
 includes also Megara, Eleusis, Marathon, 
 the Arcadian Awccua (noticed also in O. 
 IX. 104), and Aetna. In Boeotia there 
 were other a.y(avts besides the Theban 
 (cp. 0. vii. 84 ff.). These local games 
 must have done more for the physical 
 training of Greeks at large than even the 
 four greater festivals. 
 
 31 f. SSKTO, from id^ynyv, 2nd aor. of 
 5^xA (-# 2. 420 : Pind. 0. i. 49 
 tdeKTo). Cp. the Homeric aorists dXro, 
 MKTO (' counted '), wpro, etc. Take S^KTO 
 with tear' alo-av (//. 10. 445), 'gave him 
 welcome due': i.e. his prowess won its 
 reward. cwpv^opov : see n. on vm. 17. 
 
 \<av 5' i'e, and (b) pp^xuiv d' avre. See 
 Appendix, p. 478. Oanjpuv. ffarrip 
 (from Doric Oato/nai) is attested by 
 Hesychius. 
 
 25 TTpa\iKTov (Jurenka and Platt) : 
 Anthol. VII. 210. 4 TfrpatXiKTOS 6<j>is (with 
 four-fold coils). The foot-race equal in 
 length to a double SiavXos was technically 
 called iTTTrtos. It was in use at the 
 Isthmian and the Nemean games (perhaps 
 at others also) : in the case of Nemea, at 
 least, there was a iiririos for boys. In 
 later times it dropped out of both fes- 
 tivals ; but Hadrian restored it to the 
 winter Nemea (Paus. vi. 16. 4). The 
 66X1x0* 'as longer still, but always con- 
 sisted of an even number of rounds. 
 
 27 f. vpouXwv.. irpo<j>aTai. There is 
 no metrical test, as only the words XPV Tiv ' 
 remain in v. 56. 
 
 (i ) If the metre of v. 28 was ~ - , 
 then the lost word was an anapaest. 
 W. Christ suggests ow&pwv : H. Richards, 
 fipafifwv. Kenyon and Jurenka read 
 ~Kapirwv. The Charites give victory in 
 the games: Find. 0. II. 50 Xcl/wes... 
 Sivdea. TeOpiiriruv dyayov : cp. N. VII. 54. 
 They are etf/JouXot as 'judging aright,' 
 giving the prize to the most deserving. 
 The Trpotpdrai would then be the judges 
 of the games. 
 
 (-2) If the verse was , then we 
 
 need such a word as dtOXapxwv, proposed 
 by Platt. It is not extant, but is a 
 possible word. A careful estimate has 
 now led me to think that there is just 
 room for it in the lacuna, as , 6 and p are
 
 318 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [ix 
 
 s ot re Il[eXXcu^]a,v ve/xovrat, 
 e afL<f>i r Ev/3otav 7roX[v\ato]^, ot 6' iepav 
 35 7 va.(To[y Atyti'JazA /xarevct 
 s S' aXX[o? aXXotJav Ktkevdov, 
 9 avTi\ya crrei^cov dpLyvtoTOLO Sonets 
 10 rev^erat. /xuptat 8' dv$pci)v evrtcrra/xat 
 
 7 . i 77 ya/3 (ro<f>b<s rj XapLrcov Tt/xaV 
 40 2 eXTrtSt ^pvaea 
 
 /3oa5*> dye'Xcus 
 
 3 17 Ttva 
 
 4 etStos* eVe/sos S' CTTI Tracrt 
 
 5 TTOiKl\OV r6^0V TLTOLlVeL" 
 
 6 ot 8' eV epyotcriV re /cat 
 45 7 Bvpov av^ovcrw TO peXXo 
 
 s S' ctK/DiVou? rt/cret reXevras, 
 9 Tra rv^a y8/)to~et. TO /xev /caXXtcrTov, e 
 10 dvSpa 7roXX(2f VTT' a.v6pa>TT(v TroXv&jXtoTOV et/xev 
 
 33 f. The MS. adds the syllables d/*# T' E<5|3ot- to v. 33. 37 t The MS. adds 
 
 Tei^erat to v. 37. 38 E1IICTATAI A: corr. A 3 . 39 17 70^] T added above the 
 line by A 3 . Tifj,av MS.: Tt y ota' K. 42 7ra<nBlass: IIAICI MS. 43 f. The 
 
 song, in music (P. IX. 89), and in other 
 arts. More generally, it is due to them 
 et (ro06j, et KO\OS, ei ns dy\a6s dvrip 
 (0. xiv. 7). 
 
 3. TJ nva 0virpoiriav tlSws : alluding 
 to the fidvris, who divines by augury or by 
 sacrifice (Zuirvpa), and to the xP^MoXifyos, 
 learned in old prophecies. The Homeric 
 deoTrpoirifi is concrete, ' a prophecy, ' or 
 'oracle' (//. n. 793 etc.): the neut. sing. 
 6foirp^iriov, used by Herodotus, occurs 
 only in //. i. 85: but here the abstract 
 sense is fitter. 
 
 4. ird<ri, the acquisition of wealth : 
 Hesych. TrScru' Krrjffis. The reference is 
 to the various forms of e/j.iropia and xP r l- 
 yuariffyucis. iroixCXov, 'wily' (in pursuit of 
 ictpdoi). [Or, 'of varied aim,' the modes 
 of traffic being diverse : but this is perhaps 
 too artificial.] 
 
 With the MS. iraio-l the sense would be: 
 ' Another aims at youths the cunningly- 
 wrought shaft of song.' Cp. Find. /. n. 
 i 3 01 /u^p iroXat... j pi/j.(fxi iraidfiovs eY<5- 
 evov ne\iydpvas &/JLVOVS, 'the men of old 
 lightly bent at youths their shafts of 
 honey-voiced song.' Pindar was think- 
 ing, as Bacchylides would be here, 
 of such poets as Ibycus and Anacreon ; 
 perhaps also of Alcaeus. Examples of 
 
 2f(cuwi' in Bekker Anecd. 
 p. 555, and on coins : as O. Rossbach 
 would read here. 
 
 34 iroXvXdiov (\-f)iov, a crop, or a 
 corn-field): //. 5. 613 pate iro\vKT^fi<av, 
 TroXfXTjibs. 
 
 36 f. K\v0ov: cp. VIII. 88 f. : Find. O. 
 IX. 104 ff. : evri yap fiXXeu | oStoc 65ot 
 -repair epai, \ pta. 5' ovx awavras afifie 
 6pt\l/ei j fj.e\tTa. After avn-, various 
 supplements are possible : O.VTLVO. ffreixuv, 
 Blass, Jurenka : a.v ns ev rd^vuv Kenyon : 
 av TIS tupaivuv Tyrrell, Richards. More 
 spirit would be given to the phrase by 
 O.VTLV' 6p/j.aivuv (intrans.), 'pressing along' 
 his chosen path. 
 
 39 45 TJ -yip <ro46s...av|ovtriv. If 
 in 42 we read ircuri (Blass, ist and 3rd 
 ed. ) instead of the MS. irauri, the enumera- 
 tion is as follows. 
 
 1. o-o<f>6s is the man of intellectual 
 pursuits, and especially the poet : cp. 
 Pind. 0. I. 9, II. 94, P. IV. 295, 7. I. 45, 
 etc. 
 
 2. XapiTuv Tijiav X\OYX<*S (the gen. 
 with \ayxdvu as in I. 55 f.). Here, pro- 
 bably, it is the successful athlete of whom 
 the author is chiefly thinking : evdywv 
 rijud (Find. N. X. 38) is the gift of the 
 Charites. But they also give skill in
 
 IX] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 319 
 
 also the dwellers in Pellene, and in the region of Euboea with 
 many cornfields, and in the sacred isle of Aegina. 
 ^V! Men seek various paths which they shall tread to the winning 
 of bright renown. And countless are the kinds of human 
 knowledge. A man is rich in golden hope 
 
 because he has wisdom ; or has been honoured with the gifts of ant. 2. 
 the Graces, or has skill in some manner of soothsaying ; another 
 aims his wily shaft at wealth ; while some there be who take 
 delight in the works of husbandry, and in herds of oxen. 
 
 The future brings forth issues which cannot be judged before- 
 hand, so as to tell how Fortune will incline the scale. The noblest 
 lot for a man is that his own worth should make him widely 
 admired among his fellows. 
 
 MS. adds the syllables ol 5' 4ir' Hpyot- to v. 43. 47 IIAI. The I seems to 
 
 have been added by A 3 . Ppiaei. rb tfv} BPICEXOMEN A (i.e. he read IT as N): 
 corr. A 3 . ECEAON A (e for 0). e<r0\6i> Wilamowitz, Blass. 
 
 such songs would be the ode of Ibycus 
 to Gorgias (fr. 30 Bergk) and those of 
 Anacreon to Cleobulus and Smerdias 
 (fr. 3, 5, 47). Cp. also Alcaeus, fr. 46. 
 This species of lyric poetry had become 
 very popular (largely through Anacreon) 
 before our poet's time. Bacchylides him- 
 self, in describing the joys of peace, says 
 (fr. 3. 12), TTdiSiKOi 6' vfJLvoi <f>\^yovrai. 
 The epithet iroiKiXov would denote poetic 
 art: Find. fr. 179 v<paivw 5' 'AfMvOaovi- 
 5ats iroiidXov | &vdri/j.a. : fr. 194 reix'T w / ;te> ' 
 TJ5-ri iroiidXov | KOffnov atiSdevTO. \6yuv. 
 But there are strong objections to iraiai. 
 
 (1) Poetry should clearly be included 
 under the phrase in 39, f) cro06s K.T.\. 
 
 (2) It seems almost grotesque that poetry, 
 as a pursuit, should be represented by 
 this one species of lyric. (3) The order 
 of enumeration is perverse ; since poetry, 
 if not included under the pursuits in- 
 dicated in v. 39, should at least be 
 mentioned in close connexion with 
 them. 
 
 5. Zpyoia-iv T KCU POOOV ivy&ais. 
 The conjunction shows that Zpya are the 
 works of husbandry. These are the 
 farmers and the herdsmen. (Otherwise, 
 the ?pya might have been those of the 
 craftsman or artist : cp. Find. O. VII. 52 
 ?pya 5 fuolffiv epir6vTffffi tf 6/xoia K- 
 \ev6oi (f^pov. ) 0u[i6v avova-iv, ' enlarge 
 their spirit,' 'take delight,' therein: see 
 n. on i. 52. 
 
 Headlam has well observed that in 
 vv. 39 45 B. concisely paraphrases 
 Solon fr. 13. 43 54, where we have 
 
 (i) the pursuit of wealth, 43 46: (2) 
 agriculture, 47 f. : (3) artistic handi- 
 crafts, 49 f., which would come under 
 the gifts of the Xdpires here : (4) poetry, 
 51 f., and (5) soothsaying, 53 f. This 
 further confirms ira<ri in 42. See Ap- 
 pendix. 
 
 46 f. axpirovs is explained by inj 
 rv\o. f3pi<ri : the future brings forth 
 issues which cannot be judged (before- 
 hand), (so as to decide) in what way 
 fortune will incline. That is, the future 
 is to bring forth success or failure ; but 
 no one can tell now which it will be. 
 fipifffi is a metaphor from the scales of a 
 balance. Cp. Arist. Problem. 16. ir 
 (p. 915 b 3) Srav fipiffri 6 KVK\OS firi 
 Odrepov fj^pos. 
 
 47 49 TO \ikv KoXXurrov K.T.\. The 
 MS. supports r6Xuv : but I think that 
 <r6Xov must be right. ' The fairest lot is 
 that one should be admired as a man of 
 worth by many of his fellows.' The 
 antithesis is between personal iper-fi and 
 wealth. 'I know also' the poet con- 
 tinues' the great power of wealth,' etc. 
 The train of thought is parallel with that 
 in I. 49 53 <pa.nl na.1 <f>dcru fifyiffrov \ 
 KvSos ^X ftv dperdv, irXoDJTOs 5^ KO.I Sfi\oiffii> 
 &vdpuiruiv 6/j.'.\ei. For ptv, cp. XVI. i. 
 
 If <r9Xwv were read, it would be 
 neuter (as the plural is in iv. 19 f., 
 v. 198, and xvi. 132), and might best 
 be joined with iro\\(av : ' the fairest lot is 
 that a man should be admired by his 
 fellows for many excellent things.' But 
 these f<r0\d would be too vague for the
 
 320 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [ix, X 
 
 7r. ft. i otSa KOI TrXovrov ju,eyaXaz/ Svvacnv, 
 50 2 a /cat TOI> d-^pelov rt[^(r]t 
 
 3 ^prfO'Tov. ri jAaKpav yX^crcrav Wv(ra<s 
 
 4 e/cros 6Sou ; TTe^arat dvarolcri vt/ca? 
 s ucrrejyooi' eixftpocrvva.- 
 
 Col. 19 6 auXa)i> \_Kav ayalcfi <y\vKiav 
 55 7 ^ety^[v/xv <p6p/jiiyyo$ o/j,(f>dv 
 
 r' oi8a9. 
 
 X. [XL] 
 
 AAEEIAAMQI METAnONTINQI 
 TTAIAI TTAAAICTHI TTYOIA 
 
 Nt/ca [yXv/cvSajpe, /xeytcrrav 
 
 erol 7raT[^p a7racrcre rt/xav 
 vv//t{vy[o5 Qvpavibav 
 
 S' 'OXu/x7ra> 
 
 reXo? d 
 <riv re Kal 
 
 49 S^ao-iv] ATNAMIN A : corr. A 3 . 51 tfwraj] I0TCAC (9 made from 0) A. 
 
 A 3 has written T over I, but what he meant is doubtful. K. thinks that a line was 
 drawn through -AC. This does not seem quite certain: there is a small blot between 
 A and C, but C is intact. 
 
 X. The title has been added by A 3 in the left margin. 1 7 The letter 
 
 after NIKA is read by K. as F: by Blass, as I with a stroke drawn through it. 
 
 context: they would not be specifically 
 ' worthy qualities or deeds,' marks of 
 dperri. 
 
 elp.v is a Doric form (also Boeotian 
 Aeolic, Meister I. 279), not found in 
 Homer: Bacchylides uses it only here, 
 but Ififiev in V. 144, XVII. 31, 56. 
 
 51 f. fiaKpdv, adv. y^" cr<rav I9wras. 
 'Why have I turned my strain to far-off 
 things? Why am I driving out of my 
 course?' Cp. Find. ^V. vn. 71 f. SutovO' 
 cJre xa.XKoirdpq.ov opvai \ Ooav yXCxraav : 
 see also above, v. 196 n. lOvtras. i0tiu 
 is elsewhere intrans. ; hence Robinson 
 Ellis conj. Wvvas. (lddas, Housman. ) 
 CKTOS 68ov. So Pindar (P. xi. 38) says, 
 after a digression, 17 p', u 0i\oi, KO.T 
 pov rpiodov tdivri6rii>, \ 6pOav K- 
 
 Xevdov liav TO vpiv. The poet apologizes 
 for the irrelevance of the gnomic passage 
 beginning with /^arei/ei in v. 35. The 
 metaphor in y\u<rffat> Wvffas, if it is to 
 harmonize with eXaww, should be from 
 guiding the course of a chariot (cp. //. n. 
 528 Aretcr' ITTTTOVS re Kal apu' idtivofifv), 
 not from launching a missile. 
 
 Tre'fjxxTai = ireffravTai (//. 2. 122 etc.), 
 'has been set forth,' 'appointed.' This 
 form occurs elsewhere only in an Ionic 
 excerpt from HepiKn6vri (Plato's mother) 
 in Stobaeus Flor. 85. 17. 
 
 54 57 The reference in the closing 
 verses to festal music and song resembles 
 that in vin. 102 ff. and xn. 230 f. The 
 context may have been somewhat of the 
 kind suggested above. For av\wv KO.VO.-
 
 IX, X] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 321 
 
 I know also the mighty power of riches, which can clothe even epode 
 the useless man with merit. But wherefore have I turned my 
 strain so far out of its due course ? After victory, festal joy is 
 appointed for mortals : blend ye the shrill sounds of flutes with 
 the clear voice of the lyre, and with tuneful songs. 
 
 X. [XI.] 
 
 For Alexidamus of Metapontion, winner of the boys' wrestling- 
 match at Delphi. 
 
 Victory, giver of sweet gifts, great is the honour assigned to sir. 
 thee by the Father of the Heaven-born, throned on high : standing 
 at the side of Zeus in golden Olympus thou judgest the issue of 
 prowess for immortals and for men. 
 
 Be gracious to us, O daughter of Styx with the flowing tresses, 
 
 Fulvius Ursinus (Carmina novem illustrium feminarum et lyricorum, Antwerp 1568, 
 p. 206) quotes from Stobaeus Flor. m. (Ilepi <poT7<rews) the following words, which 
 are not now extant in any MS. or edition of Stobaeus : Ba/cxuXfSijs S rty Nf/o/x 7\uci)- 
 8<jjp6v (prjffi KCU v iro\\i\pva(f 'OXis/*inp Ttt\v\ irapiffTafi.^i'ijv xpiveiv T^Xoj dOavdroiffl re Kai 
 OVTJTOIS dperrjs. Hence Neue (Bacchyl. Fragm. p. 18, 1832) and Bergk (fr. 9) gave Nka 
 
 y\vKtidwpos...ev iro\vxptiff(j) x.r.X Kptvei T\OS ddavdroifft re K.T.\. fieyitrrav Jurenka: 
 
 TifMu> J. (TI/J.O.V oirafffftv Jurenka) : OvpaviSav J. 8 /3a0inrXo/cd/iou J. 
 
 cp. II. 12 : and for <j>6p(ju.yyos 
 XIII. 13. Blass thinks that the name of 
 the victor's father may have stood in 55 
 (e.g., Act/uwj'os vitf) : cp. i8n. 
 
 X. 1 3 The first three verses pro- 
 bably spoke generally of the high honour 
 given to Nike by Zeus ; then vv. 5 8 
 define her function. Cp. //. 4. 166 
 
 4 f. iroXvxpv<rw, the epithet of rich 
 cities (Mycenae etc.), fitly applied by 
 Pindar (P. vi. 8) and Sophocles (0. T. 
 151) to Delphi, is too material for 
 (Dlympus : very different is the Homeric 
 aw' aiy\r)evTos 'OXtfyuTou [I I- ' 53^)- 
 Zrjvl irapwrTa}Xva : cp. Hes. Theog. 386 f. 
 (of NI'/CT; and the other children of Styx), 
 T&V OUK <tar dirdvfvfff Aids 56/u.os o65^ rts 
 ?5p?7, | dXX' at'ei irdp Tiyvi {Sa.pvKT<bir(? 
 
 6f. KpCveis rtXos.. .aprds, 'decidest 
 the issue of prowess ' (rather than ' ad- 
 judgest the prize' for it). Pindar indeed 
 sometimes uses rAos in a sense equivalent 
 to ' prize ' : the clearest case is O. XI. 67 
 A6pwcXos 5' tyepe irvy/Ms rAos, which 
 may fairly be rendered, he ' won the 
 prize for boxing' (lit., 'secured the 
 result'). Cp. /. I. 26 f. 01) ydp yv 
 
 ]. B. 
 
 aXX' i< 
 
 rAoj, 'a (separate) result was ap- 
 pointed for each feat ' (where it is usually 
 rendered ' prize ' ; and that is implied). 
 In P. IX. 118 the maiden is placed at the 
 end of the course, rAos k^nev aKpov : 
 where, as the adj. shows, it means 'goal' 
 (rather than 'prize'; though she was 
 that also). 
 
 8 ?XXa9i, 'be propitious.' On this 
 form see H. Weir Smyth, Greek Melic 
 Poets p. 418 ; and Meister, Gr. Dial. \. 
 413. It is the imperat. of an Aeolic 
 perfect (cited by Herodian II. 499. 19 
 and 605. 8). Two points should be 
 noted, (i) XX is from a\: the primary 
 form of the present (not extant) would be 
 ffiff\r)/j.i : and of the perf. stem, <76rXa. 
 Cp. Aeolic x^AXtoi (xtXiot), from x^fXtoi. 
 (2) The perfect ought to have a : cp. 
 Callim.fr. 121 IXXare : Theocr. XV. 143 
 ?Xa0i. The a here may be due to the 
 preceding long syllable (by levelling of 
 quantity): in //. i. 583 we have fXaos, 
 though in 9. 639 (etc.) iXaos. Or it may 
 be a simple imitation of the epic i) in 
 i\i)0i (Od. 3. 380). In Simonides fr. 49 
 (vulg. iXatft) t\\a8i should perhaps be 
 read : the quantity is there uncertain. 
 
 22
 
 322 BAKXYAIAOY [x 
 
 9 Kovpa [Srvyo? 6p]$oSt/cov creOev o e/cart 
 10 /cat vvv MerarrovTiov ev- 
 
 11 yvLoiv [/care'xJovcrt yeans 
 
 12 /coj/xot re /cat v<f>pocrvvai Oeori^ov acrrv 
 
 13 u/wevcrt Se nv^tovt/cov 
 
 M TratSa OarjTov <I>aicr/cov. 
 
 avr. a'. 15 i tXew i>u> 6 AaXoyev?)? vl- 
 
 2 05 fia.Bvt.tovoio Aarov? 
 
 3 Se/cro j3\e<f)dpa)' TroXe'es 
 
 4 8' a/w,^)' 'AXe^tSa/xoi' 
 
 5 eV TreSttw <rT(f>avoi 
 20 6 Ktppas TT<rov K 
 
 7 tfp a TTO. 
 
 s OVK eTSe mi> deXto? 
 
 9 Keivto ye (rw a/xart Trpo? yata Trecrdvra. 
 
 10 <acra) Se /cat ei^ a#e'ots 
 
 25 ii ctyvov IleXoTro? SavreSot? 
 
 12 'AX^eov Trapa KaX\ip6av, St/cas 
 
 13 et ^17 ri5 airerpaTrev opBas, 
 
 14 Tra^eva) aiTav eXata 
 
 7r. a'. i yXav/ca 
 
 9 Srirydj Fennell, Blass. 1O ET corrected from El by A 1 ? 11 
 
 Nairn, Bruhn, Blass, /ceXaSoim K. (cp. however 13 v^vfvffi). 15 IAEQ' is 
 
 due to correction (probably by A 1 ) : A seems to be written over C : and t is added 
 above the line. Had the scribe inadvertently repeated -KTKOV from the end of 14? 
 17 fi\f<jxipt0] The ending has been corrected (from -tav or -DIP?). 21 HANNIKOI 
 
 9 Kovpa Srvyos. Nike is the daughter 1O MerairovTiov is here the name of 
 
 of Styx by the Titan Pallas : Bacchylides the town, not the neut. of Meraw-wTtoy 
 
 epigr. i. i Kotjpa Hd\\avros iroXvdjvvue, (Thuc. VII. 33 4): the later form of 
 
 Tr^TTto NiVa. Hes. Theog. 383 ff. STI)^ the adj. was MercnrovTivos (Paus. , etc.). 
 
 d' ^TfK"^Keavov 0vydTr)pHd.\\avTi fj.iyeiffa\ Metapontion (Lat. Metapontum} was on 
 
 ZT/XOV teal yiicr)t> Ka\\ia<f>vpov v peydpoun, \ the west coast of the Gulf of Tarentum, 
 
 Kai Kpdros ^5^ Bii)i>. Styx and these her about 28 miles s.w. of that city. (See 
 
 children helped Zeus in his war with Introduction.) 
 
 their Titan kinsfolk, and were received 12 v<j>poo-vvai, 'festivities' (like 0a- 
 
 by him into Olympus. The mother had Xt'ai, xn. 187) : cp. Solon 4. 10 fv<t>po<r6vas 
 
 a further reward ; ai/rV ptv yap Z9i)K KOffpelv 5airos ev ijffvxiq., and Aesch. P. V. 
 
 6e&v fityav tfj.fj.ft>ai SpKov ( Theog. 400). 540. The sing. (ill. 87, IX. 53), alone 
 
 6p6o8iKov : Styx is such because the used by Pindar, is more frequent. 6cd- 
 
 opKos is a fence against wrong-doing. As rip-ov : so he calls Phlius deorinaTov v6\iv 
 
 opKos in its primary sense denoted the (vili. 98). 
 
 witness or sanction of the oath, rather 14 Oatjrov : said in XII. 115 of Troy. 
 
 than the act of taking it, Styx is herself Pindar often uses the word, in the sense 
 
 the 8/wcoj Oflav. of ' conspicuous ' (P. X. 58 Oartrdv ev
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 323 
 
 who guards the right. Tis due to thee even now that Meta- 
 pontion, city honoured by gods, is full of rejoicings, while festal 
 bands of stalwart youths hymn the Pythian victor, the brilliant 
 son of Phaiscus. 
 
 The Delos-born son of Latona the deep-girdled gave him ant. i. 
 welcome with kindly eyes ; and many were the wreaths of flowers 
 that fell around Alexidamus in Cirrha's plain, for his triumph in 
 the strenuous wrestling. Never in the course of that day did 
 the sun behold him brought to earth. 
 
 And I will avouch that in the glorious domain of holy Pelops 
 also, by the fair stream of Alpheus, if some one had not warped 
 the course of righteous sentence, he would have crowned his hair 
 
 with the gray olive for which all comers strive, epode 
 
 MS.: irawlKOLo K. IIAAAAC A, but a line has been drawn through the second A. 
 23 FE made from TE (by A 1 ?). The words avv...ireff6vTa have been added by 
 another hand, the same which supplied xvn. 16. 24 EIII A: EX A 2 . K tirl 
 
 Housman. 26 Slicav /ceXei/0ou conj. Herwerden. 28 IIArSEXfil A: 
 
 nAFHEIXOI A 1 ? EAAIAI] The final I has been written by a corrector (over C?). 
 
 aXii), or ; comely ' (yvia, P. IV. 80 ; 
 S^iaj, N. xi. 12). 
 
 17 2O SC'KTO: cp. vm. 31 n. 
 av0'wv...(rre'<}>avoi. Pindar P. IX. 123 
 describes a victor in olden days as thus 
 greeted by the spectators, TroXXd ntv 
 Kelvoi 8'iKov | 01/XX' fin. icai <rrf<j>dvovs : and 
 doubtless he took this from the usage of 
 his own time. So in P. vm. 57 he says 
 (figuratively) 'A\K/j.ava ffTe<pdvoun /3dXXw. 
 This custom was called <pv\\oj3o\ia. 
 Kippas. Cirrha, the harbour-town of 
 Crisa on the Corinthian Gulf, was de- 
 stroyed by the Delphians (with aid from 
 Cleisthenes of Sicyon) about 585 B.C. : 
 but the name, like that of Crisa, was still 
 used by the fifth-century poets in con- 
 nexion with Delphi: Find. P. XI. 12 
 dyuvi re Kippas : VIII. 19 Kippadev 
 
 21 Tjpa . iraXas. rjpa as = xdpi>', 'on 
 account of,' occurs in Callimachus fr. 41, 
 Tjpa <pi\ot;fviris : and in Anthol. Flannel. 
 4. 299 oi'ic eptw. rivos rjpa; ('why not?'). 
 In //. I. 572 pirrpi <pl\rj (irl rjpa tf^pwv, 
 ' doing kind service ' to her ( = (pitpwv 
 Xctpiv in //. 9. 613): 'a very ancient 
 phrase, appearing in iheVedicvdra bkar, 
 lit. to bring the wishes ' (Leaf ad loc.). 
 Cp. also //. 14. 132 0v/ji(f ripa. ^popres, 
 'indulging their resentment'; which (as 
 Smyth remarks) illustrates the origin of 
 the prepositional use. 
 
 23 Keivo) -ye <rvv ap.ari: 'in the course 
 of that day': avv denoting concurrent 
 
 duration. So XI. 125 avv atravTi 
 'through all the years' ('in the whole 
 course of history'): Find. fr. 123 avv 
 a\t.Kiq., 'while we are in our prime.' 
 Slightly different is the temporal use in 
 which ativ marks the arrival of a. moment : 
 Find. P. IV. 10 ffiiv SeK&rq. -yfvtq.: P. XI. 
 10 &Kpa <rvv effirtpq. irpos 'YctftJ : cp. 
 vm. 38. wwovro: for the aor. (instead 
 of pres.) part, after elde, cp. V. 40 fide 
 viKacravra: Her. IX. 22 irfabirra. elde. 
 
 24 (jxxcru), i.e. 'I will make bold to 
 say': cp. VII. 42 K0fj.ird<ronau. In pro- 
 posing K* ^irl here, Housman meant K 
 to go with 'iK^ffOat in 30 (where see n. ) : 
 but the interval would be a long one. 
 The scribe's lirl seems to have been a 
 mere error : v is the more natural word 
 here. 
 
 25 nXoiros : see n. on V. 181. 
 Sairt'Sois: cp. Find. N. vn. 24 4t> 
 NvOioiffi re SairtSois. SdirtSov (fdiredov = 
 didiredov) is a level surface or ground: in 
 the plur., 'grounds,' 'domain.' 
 
 26 f. SiKas KcXcvdov . . . opOds, 'the 
 course of righteous judgment.' As against 
 reading dlxav Ke\fv0ov ( = 'path') it may 
 be noted that hiatus does not occur at 
 the end of the corresponding verses, 
 except in v. 12, where it is excused by 
 the point after affrv. el fir/ TIS: 'some 
 one' (god or man). 
 
 28 f. Tra.y%ev(a...i\a.iq., as a prize open 
 to all competitors: cp. Soph. fr. 348 
 5' dyuva irdyfrvov Krjpvfffffrai:
 
 324 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 Trdr]pav 
 
 [x 
 
 30 2 7ropTLTp6(f>[ov av 
 
 3 \_OV Tt 8oXo<? Ka 
 
 Col. 20 4 TTatS' iv yQvvi 
 5 TrouaXcu? 
 
 e dXX' 17 #eos curios, 77 
 35 7 yvoj/Aat TroXvTrXay/CTOt f3poTa>v 
 s a]fAep(rav vTrepraTov IK 
 9 vw S' *A^>T/w,t9 ayporepa 
 \nrapav 
 
 t/ceV#cu. 
 
 yepa?. 
 
 40 12 ra TTOT 
 
 13 PGJJJLOV Karevao'cre TroXvX- 
 M Xicrrov euTTCTrXoi Te 
 
 3O N9' IKEC0AI is certain: before N is seen the top of a letter which 
 may have been A: and before this, again, a trace which is consistent with P. 
 
 Find. <9. VI. 63 vdyKoivov es x^P -" 
 (Olympia): 0. in. 18 (the Olympian 
 olive) <pvrevfM %vvbv dvOpuirois ffr^nvbv 
 T' dperav. y\a.\>K(i: VII. 51. <rTj>av- 
 <rd|xcvov: Pindar has the same use of this 
 midd. aorist (O. vn. 81, xn. 17). 
 
 3O iropTiTp6<|>ov...iKr9ai. The letters 
 v6* preceded c&r0cu. In considering 
 possible supplements, we have to provide 
 for the KC, Ktv, or dv which iKtaOau re- 
 quires. In the whole passage (24 30) 
 there are only three possible places for it, 
 one of which is very improbable as being 
 too remote (viz. 24, if K tiri replaced /ecu 
 iv): the other two are v. 28 (if x a ' ra " 
 K* were read), and v. 30. The last is 
 the most probable. iropriTpfyov may 
 have been followed by av: the other 
 possibility is K' in one of two places 
 (e.g., es x^va AC' eu irpdffffovt)' , or 'IraXiav 
 K' ZSpav 0'). av seems the more likely. 
 We might have, then, either irfSiov 
 irarpav ff (Blass), or (e.g.) iraTpld' eS- 
 Kapirbv 0' (Jurenka) : I prefer the former, 
 as yielding the fitter sense. ' The heifer- 
 nourishing plain* denotes the pasture- 
 lands of Messapia ( = Calabria) about 
 Metapontion; irdrpav is that city itself. 
 Cp. the Homeric hymn to the Delian 
 Apollo, v. 21, rifMev dv' tfweipov iropTiTp6<f>ov 
 ij5' dvd vrjffovs. In writing iropriTp6<f>ov, 
 was Bacchylides thinking of the etymology 
 which derived'IroXtafrom fiTa\6$,v/tu/us, 
 a calf? That etymology was adopted by 
 
 the Sicilian historian Timaeus, and was 
 therefore older at any rate than c. 300 B.C. 
 See Gellius xi. i. Timaeus (and Varro), 
 he says, terrain Italiam de Graeco vocabulo 
 appeliatam scripserunt, quoniam bcrves 
 Graeca vetere lingua traXol vocitati sint, 
 quorum in Italia magna copia fuerit, 
 buceraque ['horned cattle,' vulg. buceta, 
 'pastures'] in ea terra gigni pascique solita 
 sint complurima. 
 
 31 36 The general sense of the lost 
 verse would probably be represented by 
 o& TI S6\os KaK6<f>puv or the like. Verses 
 26 f. might seem to suggest corrupt con- 
 duct on the part of the judges : so the 
 poet hastens to guard against such an 
 inference. Some god may have warped 
 the minds of the judges; as Athena did 
 (according to one legend) when the 
 Greek chiefs preferred Odysseus to Ajax 
 in awarding the arms of Achilles. Or it 
 may have been purely an error of human 
 judgment. 
 
 Alexidamus, whose forte was wrestling, 
 may have gone in for the pentathlon, and 
 lost the odd event through being just 
 beaten in the foot-race, according to the 
 verdict of the judges (or a majority of 
 them), while he and his friends held that 
 he had won. Or there may have been 
 a question as to the fairness of a throw in 
 the wrestling-match. Pausanias (vi. 3. 7) 
 tells a story which is in point. Eupolemus, 
 an Elean, ran in the men's stadion at
 
 x] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 325 
 
 ere he returned to the horse-feeding plain of his own land. Not 
 that a malignant fraud made the boy a prey to crafty arts 
 in the fair precincts of Olympia: no, a god was the cause, or 
 else the oft-erring judgments of mortals snatched the supreme 
 prize from his grasp. 
 
 But now bright victory has been given to him by the Huntress 
 with golden shaft and bow of fame, Artemis, the Soother. 
 
 To her an altar, goal of many a prayer, was set up of old by 
 the son of Abas and his well-robed daughters. 
 
 &,v irfdiov irdrpav 0' Blass: av trarpiS' e&Kapirbv &' Jurenka: es \06va K' 
 evrvx^ovO' K. : 'Ira\iai> vixGivO' Platt (with ic' eiri in 74). 31 The verse 
 
 is lost. of) TL oo\o<ppoffvva con]. Festa: dXXd rux - <f>6ovfpd Palmer: avrnraXw 5i/' eirel 
 Blass, taking wcud' (32) as iraide. 35 iro\ijir\ayKoi MS.: corr. K. 36 
 
 Palmer. 39 rj/j^a Blass : d^pa Palmer. 
 
 Olympia. Three 'EXXavoSi/cat were the 
 judges. Two of them awarded the victory 
 to Eupolemus; but the third, to Leon, 
 an Ambraciot : and ' it was said ' that 
 Leon, going before the Olympic Council 
 (Pov\ri), had got a fine inflicted (xp-nfJ-drtav 
 Ka.Ta.5iKaffa.iTo) on each of the two judges 
 who had voted against him. The Eleans, 
 as presidents at Olympia, were sometimes 
 charged with favouring their countrymen : 
 Plut. Qtiaest. Platan, 2 'HXetouj TUIV ffo<pS)v 
 elire TU f3e\Tiovs ai> elvai T&V O\V/J.TTIWV 
 dywvoOtras et fj.T)dt efr 'HXet'ow r/v dy<a- 
 viffT-/)?. (Cp. also Diodorus I. 95.) It is 
 easy, then, to understand why our poet 
 may have wished to make it clear that he 
 did not impute fraud. 
 
 32 KaXAixopu>: v. io6n. Here the 
 idea of enclosure contained in xP s 
 serves to suggest the scenes of the 
 contests at Olympia. 
 
 33 iroiK&ais, in a bad sense ; cp. 
 Pind. O. I. 29, N. V. 28. irc'Xao-o-sv : 
 cp. //. 5. 766 6ovvTjffi. ircXdfftv : Aesch. 
 P. V. 155 5ecr/xoiS...7reXd<ras. 
 
 35 iroXvirXa-yKTOi, usu. 'much wander- 
 ing'; here 'often erring,' as in Epigr. Gr. 
 594. 4 (4th cent. A. D. ?) fipoTuv iroXv- 
 irXdyKTOurtv wpairlSfffffiv. Cp. Eur. Hipp. 
 240 Tra.peir\dyx.0Ti]t> yvw/tas dyaffds. 
 
 36 a|p<rav, Doric for -fjnepffav, like 
 dyero for f}yeTo in XIX. 4: the first syll. 
 of the verse should be long (cp. 78). 
 dfj.^pd<t) takes a double ace. in Horn, 
 hymn. V. 312 Ti/j.rjv \ ...ij/j-epffev 'OXv/J-iria 
 Siit/j-ar' Zx VTa *'- but not elsewhere a 
 simple ace. (instead of gen.) denoting 
 that which is taken away. 
 
 37 39 vvv 8' "Aprcpiis- So far as 
 appears, it is simply as the goddess of 
 
 Metapontion (116) that she favours him. 
 d-yporcpa : V. I23n. xP vo " a ^ < * KaTO 5> 
 'with golden shaft' (Hesych. *caXXiTo<w 
 r)\at(dTri yap 6 Tofiic6s Kd\a/j.os) : epithet 
 of Artemis in //. 16. 183, Soph. Tr. 636. 
 This sense is not incompatible with the 
 addition of To6K\vros, which is more 
 general ; ' renowned with the bow,' 'famed 
 for archery.' 
 
 i]|icpa, the 'gentle,' the 'assuager of 
 pain.' This (or Hpfpaffla, Paus. VIII. 18. 
 8) was the name under which Artemis was 
 worshipped at Aovffoi in the north of 
 Arcadia. She was so called because she 
 had healed the madness of the Proetides : 
 Tj/^pri, oftveKO. OvpJbv dir' aypiov eiXfro 
 TraLdwv (Callim. Dian. 237). See Introd. 
 Though ayttepos is found in the MSS. of 
 Pindar and the bucolic poets, the ^ of 
 yuepos seems to have been Panhellenic 
 (cp. Smyth, Melic Poets p. 420). The 
 fern, form is used by Pind. N. ix. 44 and 
 Her. v. 82. 
 
 4O 42 'Apa.vn.d8as: Proetus. Abas, 
 son of Lynceus and Hypermnestra, figured 
 in legend as the twelfth king of Argos. 
 He was the father, by Aglaia, of Acrisius 
 and Proetus; also of Kdvr)6os (eponymus 
 of a mountain near Chalcis in Euboea), 
 and of Eidomene. (Apollod. 2. 2.1: cp. 
 Roscher s. v.) 
 
 f3u>|i6v, at Lusi : cp. 1 10. tear*'- 
 vao-<re: aor., with caus. sense (here = 
 I8ptjffa.ro), on the analogy of tvaffffa, 
 (valu). Only the aor. (active and middle) 
 of icaTavaiw occurs. Elsewhere it always 
 denotes 'settling' persons in a place. 
 iroXvXXwrrov, 'of many prayers,' 'sought 
 by many worshippers ' ; Horn. hymn. 
 Pylh. Apoll. 169 tv vrjoiffi iro\v\\iffToiffi.
 
 326 BAKXYAIAOY [x 
 
 a TrayKpaTrjs "Hpa fjie\d0pa)i> 
 45 3 TlpoLTOv, TrapaTT\rjyL <j>peva<s 
 4 Kaprepa. evacr' dvdyKa- 
 s Trap $e via yap ert 
 
 6 V^X?- /a/0l/ ^ ? TfJL6VOS 
 
 7 Trop(f>vpoo)voio 6eas' 
 
 50 8 (f>d(TKOV Se TToXv (T<f)TepOV 
 
 9 TrXovrw Trpo<f>peiv Trarepa av6d<; irape&pov 
 
 10 trefjivov A to 9 evpvftia. 
 
 11 ratcrtv Se ^oXwcra/xeVa 
 
 12 crT77$ecrcri TraXivrpoirov 
 
 55 13 <f)evyov 8' 0^05 e? Tavi<f)v\\ov, 
 M (TfJiepSaXeav (fxovav tetcrcu, 
 
 '. i ^ipvvOiov cicrTV XtTrovcrat 
 
 2 Kal ^eoS/xarou? dyvta9, 
 
 3 1^817 ya/3 era 9 Se/carov 
 60 4 ^eo<^)tXe 
 
 s valov exSetcrtySoat 
 
 e xaX/cacr7riSe9 
 7 (rvv TroXu^Xo) 
 
 52 evpvfiia. K. : ETPTBIAI MS. : but the final t, which is very small, and slightly 
 above the line, may have been added by another hand, evpvfiiq, Nairn, Blass, 
 
 45 fc irapairXTJY'-.--KapTp(j...aveiYKf, to attend a 0wrta in honour of that goddess 
 
 'a strong overmastering frenzy' : dvdyica (irdtrat 8 ira.p "H\pav /JL\\OV<TI TrapOeviKol 
 
 is the resistless power of the divine ffretxeiv). At one such festival Hera was 
 
 plague. Note the i before 4>pf'vas : else- decked as a bride, her priestess enacting 
 
 where in this poet (as Smyth observes) the vvfiQetTpia (bridesmaid) : the maidens 
 
 4>p makes position. I hesitate to forsake of Argos attended in their best apparel, 
 
 the MS. and write irapairXo-yt with Blass, wearing wreaths of flowers. 
 
 because the TJ may be one of the poet's 5O 52 tjxuricov 5e K.T.\. The my- 
 
 euphonic compromises, like <p-fi(ia, aS^ra, thographer Pherecydes (c. 450 B.C.) 
 
 etc. : irXd^tiriros (v. 97) is different. agreed with our poet in assigning such 
 
 va<r' : Find. N. vn. 6 vbriup vytv6' : a boast as the cause of Hera's anger 
 
 Eur. Helen. 255 T'IVI. Trdrfjuf ffvve^iryTjv ; against the Proetides: wa.pa.yev 6 ftevai yap 
 
 47 49 Trop0Viq....?Ti 4 ru x4> 'while et's TOV rijs Geov ve<ai> tffKwiTTov airrbv 
 
 Still in virginal life,' while still young [avrrpJ], \tyovffai TrXoueriwrepov fj.d\\oi> 
 
 maidens: cp. Soph. Ai. 558 f. via.v | elva.i TOV TOV waT/>6s olicov (Schol. Od. 15. 
 
 fyv"XT\v aTdXXwv. The addition of In 225 = fr. 24 Miiller I. p. 74). They dis- 
 
 emphasizes their youth as aggravating paraged her temple as compared with 
 
 their presumption. KOV cs Tt'jwvos... their father's house. (Remark that this 
 
 8eds : their offence was not the fact of definition of the boast is, so far as it 
 
 entering Hera's precinct, but the spirit goes, against reading the dative cvpvfBia 
 
 which they showed. There were oc- here. 'Wealth of wide dominion' suggests 
 
 casions when maidens took a prominent a more general vaunt.) The logographer 
 
 part in the worship at the Argive Heraion. Acusilaus (c. 500 B.C.) said that the 
 
 The chorus in Eur. El. 173 invite Electra Proetides had ' slighted the ancient image
 
 x] 
 
 EniNIKOI 
 
 327 
 
 All-powerful Hera had driven those maidens from the fairstr. i. 
 halls of Proetus, their spirits in bondage to a strong overmastering 
 frenzy. For while yet in girlhood, they had entered the holy 
 place of the purple-girdled goddess, and boasted that their sire 
 far surpassed in wealth the golden-haired consort of Zeus, dread 
 lord of wide dominion. But she, in anger, smote their hearts 
 with a thought that turned them to flight; and with fearful 
 shrieks they fled to a forest in the hills, 
 
 far from the Tirynthian city and its god-built streets. ant. i. 
 
 It was now the tenth year since the dauntless heroes with 
 shields of bronze had left Argos, dear to the gods, and were 
 dwelling at Tiryns with their much-envied king. 
 
 Jurenka, Herwerden, Festa. 54 ar^e^yi K. CTH0ECIN MS.t(i.pa\ev vorifM K. 
 (EMBAAENOMMA MS.) 55 ravi(pv\\oi>] Tavv<pv\\oi> Jurenka. 
 
 vas 'Af/ivta, the hills of the region in 
 N.w. Arcadia called 'Afai/ta (from the 
 'Agaves, descendants of 'Afdv, son of 
 Areas) : it was the hill-district about 
 Cleitor (some 12 miles s. of Lusi) and 
 Psophis. ravv<j>vXXov (Theocr. xxv. 
 221) is the correct form, but B. may have 
 written ravtyvXXov to avoid v in two 
 consecutive syllables: see n. on m. 60. 
 
 56 4>(ovdv Uurai: Verg. Eel. 6. 48 
 Proetides implerunt falsis mugitibus agros 
 (they imagined themselves to be cows). 
 
 5981 The Proetides having fled 
 from Tiryns, the poet pauses to explain 
 how it had come about that they were 
 living there. 
 
 Nearly the same story is told by Pau- 
 sanias (ll. 25. 7 f.). He describes the 
 brothers as fighting a drawn battle, after 
 which they were reconciled, us ovStrepoi 
 /3e/3cUu>j Kpareiv idwavro. Apollodorus 
 (2. 2. i), on the other hand, says that 
 Acrisius drove Proetus out of Argolis. 
 Proetus took refuge with lobates (or 
 Amphianax) king of Lycia ; married his 
 daughter (the Anteia of the Iliad, the 
 Sthenoboea of Tragedy) ; and was restored 
 to Argolis by a Lycian army. Then he 
 and Acrisius divided the realm. The 
 dualism of royal seats is hinted in the 
 Iliad (2. 559); ol S' "Apyos r' flxov 
 TipvvOd re Tti~xii>fffffa.v. 
 
 61 f. dSci.o-i.poai., not quailing at the 
 /Sorj dur/Seo-Tos of battle : a new compound, 
 suggested by such words as Sfurijvtap, 
 betai.5a.ifj.wv. TjjuOeoi (cp. VIII. 10), the 
 heroes who had fought under Proetus 
 against Acrisius, the dvTldeoi...Tjputs of 
 vv. 79 ff. 
 
 63 iroXvT]Xu> here seems best taken 
 
 of Hera] rb -riyy "Hpas %6avoi> 
 (Apollod. 2. 2. 2 = fr. Acus. 19, Miiller I. 
 p. 102). Hesiod (ib.) said that they had 
 'refused to accept the rites of Dionysus.' 
 Rather the myth suggests votaries of some 
 new cult who show scorn for the older 
 deities of the land. 
 
 irXovTO) irpocfx'pciv : Her. VI. 127 irXotirip 
 /cat eide'i Trpo<f>fpwv ' A&tjvaiuv. irapt'Spov, 
 'consort,' intended to be statelier than 
 ffwfvvov. I would read (as K. does) 
 vpvf3ia, gen., not evpvpiej.: the MS. has 
 the latter, but the i may have been added 
 by a later hand, evpvpiq., follmving <rffj.i>ov 
 Ai6s, and referring back to TrXoi/ry, is (to 
 my feeling) intolerable : let any one read 
 the verses, thinking of the sense, and 
 judge. Further, a second epithet for 
 Ai6s is thoroughly in B.'s manner: see 
 (* &) v> 99 < re / ul/ tts XoXop 'AprffuSot 
 Xei/KwX^ov : ib. 1 74 xpvfftas Kuwpidos 
 0f\^i,a^p6rov. Of course fvpvfiias is, in 
 itself, a perfectly suitable epithet for TrXoOros 
 (cp. Find. P. V. i 6 TrXoOros evpvffOtvr)*) : 
 but that is not the point. fvpvfttas is said 
 of Poseidon in Find. P. vi. 58, and often of 
 heroes. B.- has <p06vos {vpvfttas in xv. 31. 
 
 54 iraXivrpoirov voT)(ia, 'an impulse 
 that turned them to flight,' from the 
 T^uepos. Elsewhere ira\ivTpoiros is found 
 (i) with 5/jL/j.ara, etc., as in Aesch. Ag. 
 778: or (2) with verbs of moving, as Hpireiv 
 (Soph. El. 1222). The accent here might 
 be Tra\tvrp6wov, but that is not required : 
 vorifjia TraXivrpoTTov is (strictly) the c6ij/xa 
 of a TraXiVrpoTToy. -Note the error in the 
 MS., BMBAABNOMMA (through change 
 of H into M, and loss of the second X). 
 
 55 Spos- Callimachus (Dtan. 236) 
 describes the Proetides as oCpea
 
 328 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [x 
 
 s vet/cos ya/a 
 
 65 9 /S\ir)'xj)a<s dVeTraXro /catrtyi^rot? air* 
 Col. 21 10 TLpoiro) re /cat 'A/c^otcrtar 
 
 11 Xaovs re St^ocrracrtats 
 
 12 rjpeLTrov d/AerpoSt/cot? /xa^at9 re Xuy/aat?. 
 
 13 Xtcro'oz'TO Se TratSas v A^8ai>Tos 
 70 14 ydv Tro\VKpi6ov \ayovras 
 
 r. /J'. i TipvvOa TOV oir\6repov 
 
 2 KTi^fiv, irplv e? dpyaXeav irecrelv 
 
 3 Zeug T' e0\ev Kpoi/tSas, 
 
 4 Ttjaalv AavaoO yeveav 
 
 75 s /cat Stw^tTTTroto Avy/ceos, 
 
 6 Travcrat crrvyeputv a^ecov. 
 
 7 ret^o? Se Kv/cXwTre? /cd/xov 
 
 s eX^ovres vTrep^taXot /cXetva TrdXet 
 
 65 /3\T)xa.s...dKpa.s (a primo vagitu) conj. Tyrrell. 66 'A^pi 
 
 the first t. 68 ypurov MS.: corr. K. rjpfiicov conj. Housman. 
 
 The MS. omits 
 69 IIAIAEC 
 
 as 'much-envied,' or 'all-admired'; as 
 in Soph. 7>. 185 TroXi/^Xoj is said of 
 the victorious Heracles. But it could 
 also mean 'greatly prosperous': as f?Xoj 
 sometimes = ' enviable happiness': Soph. 
 Ai. 503 oi'ay Xarptias avO' Scrov ^17X011 
 
 Tp<J>fl. 
 
 64 f. viKos...d[iaip.aKTov: a stubborn 
 feud. As an epithet of fire (Soph. 0, T. 
 177) or of the sea (Hes. Scut. 207) the 
 word expresses the notion of irresistible 
 force, while as applied in Od. n. 311 to 
 a mast it is taken by some to mean 'of 
 vast length' (from root /J.O.K-), rather than, 
 ' proof against any strain ' : that passage, 
 however, stands alone. 
 
 P\T]Xpas...air' dpxas, 'from a slight 
 cause' (which the poet does not name). 
 See however Apollod. 2. 4. i (speaking 
 of Danae, daughter of Acrisius) : raisrr)v 
 
 80ev avrois Kal i) ffrdffis. It is not likely 
 that B. had this story in his mind. For 
 p\r)xp6s, cp. xii. 227. Alcaeus fr. 16 
 applies the word to faint breezes (/SXijxpwv 
 dW/iwj' dxeifJ-o-VTot irvtiai), and Pindar 
 (fr. 129) to sluggish streams. Some take 
 the phrase here as = ' from a feeble be- 
 ginning,' i.e. 'from childhood.' (Apollod. 
 3. I. i *card yacrrpbt In ovres fffTaaia^ov 
 *7>ds dXXijXoDs.) That seems forced. 
 
 dWiraXro, 'had sprung up,' 2nd aor. 
 midd. of avaird\\w : see //. 23. 694 where 
 
 avtiraXro corresponds with dvaird\\eTai in 
 692. Not from dve<pd\\o/j.ai, of which the 
 only part found is dveiraXfievos in Ap. 
 Rhod. 2. 825. 
 
 67 f. Sixocrrao-iais : used in the sing, 
 by Solon fr. 4. 37, and Theognis 78, of 
 civil faction. dpieTpoSiKois, not observing 
 the utrpa 5t/o?s : ' feuds that broke the 
 bounds of law.' The peculiarity consists 
 in the fact that compounds with d^erpo- 
 usually mean ' unmeasured ' in respect to 
 that which is denoted by the subst. ; as 
 dn,eTpotir-r}S (//. 2. 212), dfJ.eTpoj3a.6ris 
 (Oppian Hal. i. 85, 'of immense depth'). 
 TJpciirov, ' they were ruining' the people: 
 cp. Soph. Ant. 596 (of the Labdacidae) 
 tpflwet | BeCiv TIS, some god is ever bringing 
 them to ruin. 
 
 7O 72 After Xaxovras, TOV oirXo- 
 Tpov is in partitive apposition: 'that 
 (the two brothers) should share the land 
 between them, and that the younger should 
 make a new seat at Tiryns': cp. Soph. 
 Ant. 21 TW KaffiyvriTw Kp^wv rbv /J.ev 
 Trporiffas TOV 5' drt/tduay l^ 61 ( n -)- 
 ap-yaXe'av . . avd-yKav. 'grievous straits,' 
 the last extremities of famine and misery. 
 
 74 f. Aavaov... AvyKos- Abas, the 
 father of Acrisius and Proetus, was son 
 of Lynceus, and maternal grandson of 
 Danaus. Lynceus succeeded Danaus as 
 king of Argos; Herodotus (n. 91) names 
 them together as ancestors of Perseus
 
 x] 
 
 ET7INIKOI 
 
 329 
 
 For a stubborn strife had sprung up from a slight cause between 
 the brothers Proetus and Acrisius ; and they had been ruining 
 their people with feuds that broke the bounds of law, and with 
 dire battles. But the folk besought the sons of Abas that they 
 would share the fertile land between them, 
 
 and that the younger should make a new seat at Tiryns, before epode i. 
 they all fell into grievous straits. Then Zeus the son of Cronus, 
 honouring the race of Danaus and of Lynceus, urger of steeds, 
 was willing to give them rest from their cruel woes. So the 
 mighty Cyclopes came and wrought a goodly wall for the 
 famous city ; 
 
 A, corr. A 1 . 7O \ax6vrat MS.: \ax6vra Wilamowitz, Herwerden, Blass. 
 
 77 Ka.fj.ovT conj. Platt. 
 
 (grandson of Acrisius). Lynceus was 
 reckoned also among the ancestors of 
 Heracles and of lolaus, who are meant 
 by Airy/njos yevf-q in Hes. Scut. 327. 
 A statue of him was dedicated by the 
 Argives at Delphi along with those of 
 his wife Hypermnestra and her father 
 Danaus (Paus. x. 10. 5). His grave 
 was shown at Argos (id. n. 11. 2). 
 Siujjbnroio : epithet of Ares in vm. 44: 
 Find. P. IX. 4 dKa^iirirov . . .Kvpdvas : cp. 
 the epic 'nnrrjXdTa. 
 
 77 f. rtixos. Tiryns was the most 
 impressive example of that prehistoric 
 wall-building which Greeks of a later 
 age ascribed to giants of superhuman 
 strength. The walls, which had a maxi- 
 mum thickness of 25 feet, were built of 
 limestone blocks, mostly polygonal, and 
 either unhewn or only roughly shaped, 
 piled on one another and bonded with 
 small stones and clay: the larger blocks 
 were from seven to ten feet long. Similar 
 remains exist at Mycenae (mixed with 
 later masonry), and at Argos (north of 
 the theatre). 
 
 KvKXunrts . . . virp4>taXoi, 'the mighty 
 Cyclopes.' The adj. clearly has no bad 
 sense here: cp. Od. 21. 289 OVK dyairg.s 
 5 eK^Xos vTreptpidXoiffi ptO' r)/juv | daivicrai ; 
 (' in our high company,' as Butcher and 
 Lang render). The derivation is still 
 doubtful : that from J3ia involves an ab- 
 normal change: while the old explana- 
 tion, 'overflowing the <j>id\ri, J seems too 
 artificial. Curtius, with Buttmann, refers 
 it to root <j>v ('overgrown,' 'luxuriant'). 
 
 The Iliad (2. 559) knows the walls of 
 Tiryns; but the legend of the Cyclopes 
 as builders is post-Homeric, though older 
 
 than the fifth century. It is found in 
 Hellanicus (fr. 179) and Pherecydes 
 (fr. 26 b); in Pindar (fir. 169); Sophocles 
 (fr. 207); Euripides (H.F. 15 KwcXonria 
 ?r6\tj, of Mycenae; I. A. 534 rei\i) 
 KwcXunria, of Argos; and often else- 
 where) ; and in some later writers. For 
 Tiryns in particular, see Paus. II. 25. 8: 
 Statius Theb. 4. 150 Cydopum ductas 
 sudoribus arces. 
 
 The poet leaves \96vrs (78) vague. 
 But the story which made Proetus go to 
 Lycia for help said that he summoned 
 the Cyclopes thence after his return to 
 Argolis (Strabo p. 372 ^Kfu>...fj.Ta.v^/j.ir- 
 TOUS K AvKlas). Another account brought 
 them from Thrace (schol. Eur. Or. 965). 
 Here myth was blended with a tradition 
 of foreign builders. The home of the 
 Homeric Cyclopes was popularly iden- 
 tified with Sicily (Thuc. vi. i i : Eur. 
 Cycl. 297). 
 
 Kap-ov. Objection has been taken to 
 the syllaba anceps here: v. 35 ends with 
 fipor&v, and in 119 f. irpbyo\voi is 
 corrupt. But Kd\u>vr' seems impossible. 
 The aor. midd. eKa.n6fj.ijv occurs only 
 twice in pre- Alexandrian Greek: (i) //. 
 1 8. 341, Tas airroi Ka./j.6fj.effOa, (the cap- 
 tives) whom we won by our toil: (2) Od. 
 
 9. I3O 01 K ff<f>lV KO.I VrjffOV (VKTlfJ^VrjV 
 
 eica./j.ovTo, ' who by toil would have gained 
 for them a goodly island home.' In both 
 these places the middle aor. has its 
 distinctive sense; it is not a mere sub- 
 stitute for the active aor. [In post-classical 
 Greek it may be otherwise: Ap. Rhod. 
 2. 718 ipbv...8 p tKa.iJ.ovTO afrroi: 4. 1321 
 virtppia fpy' ci/ir0e.] It may be added 
 that a corruption of KO.HOVT into Ka.ft.ov is
 
 330 BAKXYAIAOY [x 
 
 9 KO.\\I<TTOV, lv 
 80 10 vaiov K\VTOV 
 
 ii *A/3yo? Tjpcoes Tre/ot/cXeirot 
 
 14 (frevyov dS/^arot Bvyarpes, 
 <rrp. y. 85 i TOJ> S' etXev 
 
 2 i/a re 
 
 3 Sotafe Se (f>d(ryavov a/x- 
 
 4 c^a/ce? e^ crre/svotcrt Tr 
 s dXXd viz 
 
 90 e pvBoicrl re 
 7 /cat ySta ^et/owv 
 s r/3tcr/catSe/ca /xev reXeov? 
 
 9 fJLrjvas Kara Sdcr/ctot' 
 
 10 <f>evyov re /car' 'Aya/c 
 
 95 ii fjirj\orp6(f)ov dXX' ore 817 
 
 12 Aovtroi' TTort KaXXipoav Traryp utavev, 
 
 13 v6ev \poa ^ti//dja^o? <^>ot- 
 
 Aarou? 
 
 83 Kuaj'OTrXoKa/ios A, corr. A 1 . 86 MEPIMNAI A, corr. A 1 . 93 rj\vKTOiov 
 
 K. (^XyAcrafoi' MS.): dXiVrafoj' Blass (2nd ed. ), dXi'crKafoc (3rd ed.). 94 KOT' 
 'ApKadiav Palmer: KaraKapdiav MS. 
 
 improbable from a palaeographical point 87 f. 8oa|...Trd|ai, 'he was minded' 
 
 of view. It could hardly have been to do so. For the infin., cp. Ap. Rhod. 
 
 prompted by Trp6yo voi in 119 f., since 4. 575 ret 5' -fjepoetS^a Xewrcreo' ] oCpea 
 
 v - 35 would have shown that a long doidfovro Kepa^ta ('half thought that 
 
 syllable might stand at the end of the they saw'). The aor. denotes the moment 
 
 verse. at which the impulse seized him, as the 
 
 8O liriroporov, as in XVIII. 15 ITT- Homeric didvdixa ^ep/j-ripi^ev (II. i. 189) 
 
 TIOV (n.). shows the thought flashing on Achilles, 
 
 82 ff. The story of the Proetides is Shall he draw his sword, or still curb his 
 
 resumed from v. 58. aSparoi: cp. n. anger? It is thus more dramatic than the 
 
 on v. 167. imperfect would be. Remark the de- 
 
 85 f. TOV 5' tlXev &x os KpaStav : for signed series of harsh sounds here, %eiva. 
 
 the second ace. cp. //. i. 362 ri 6e <re ir\ai-ev 5ola%e: and contrast v. 90. 
 
 <j>pevas iKfro wtvOos ; Ar. Lys. 542 ovSe 89 alxH L c{ > oP ol > his body-guard (dopv- 
 
 ybvaT' &v KbTros e\oi fj.e. fyLva., foreign to <f>6poi) : the sense of the word in Her. I. 8 
 
 his saner moods. Cp. Soph. Ai. 639 and vil. 40. 
 
 OVK^TI <TWTp6<f>ois | 6pyais ?/iire5os, dXX' 92 f. rpio-KaiSsKa : this indeclinable 
 
 ^KTOS 6fj.i\ei ('he is true no more to the form is read in //. 5. 387, Ar. Ran. 50, 
 
 promptings of his inbred nature, but Xen. H. v. i 5, etc. In Thuc. 111.69 i 
 
 dwells with alien thoughts'). Cp. and vm. 88 i Hude reads rpeis ical 
 
 Aesch. P. V. 689 tfvovs .. .\6yovs (where deica, and in VII I. 22 i rpiffi KO.I 8eKa: in 
 
 fear or horror of them is implied) : those places all or most of the good MSS. 
 
 Timaeus Locrus p. 104 D rifjLwpiai i-^vat. have rptffKaideKo. (except that in vn 1.88 i
 
 x] 
 
 EfTINIKOI 
 
 331 
 
 where the renowned heroes were dwelling, after leaving glorious 
 Argos, nurse of steeds. 
 
 Thence it was that the dark-haired maidens, the daughters 
 of Proetus, had rushed in flight. 
 
 Grief took hold of their father's heart; a strange thought smote str. 3. 
 him, and he was minded to plunge a two-edged sword in his 
 breast ; but his spearmen restrained him with words of comfort, 
 and by force of hand. 
 
 For thirteen whole months the maidens roamed wildly 
 through the dense forest, and went in flight through the pastures 
 of Arcadia. But when at length their father came to Lusus 
 with its fair stream, he washed himself with water taken thence, 
 
 the Vaticanus B has rpels Kal 5e(ca). In 
 Ar. Plut. 194 and 846 and Pax 990 
 and Andoc. or. 3. 4 rptaicaiSeKa. is read : 
 in Isaeus or. 8 35 rpiwv KO.I dfna: in 
 Dem. or. 9 25 rpurl /cat 6e/va. The 
 result seems to be as follows. The in- 
 declinable form was current from the 
 earliest times, at least in poetry, and was 
 probably prevalent in post-classical Greek 
 generally: but classical Attic writers (of 
 prose at least) preferred the form in which 
 rpets was inflected. The number thirteen 
 probably had some mystic or symbolic 
 meaning here in relation to Artemis as a 
 lunar goddess^ In Soph. Tr. 164^ the 
 last period in the ordeals of Heracles is 
 Tpi/J.rjvos Kaviavcrios (xpovos). 
 
 TJ\VKTO.OV : I follow the MS. in keeping 
 the TJ : the poet may have wished to break 
 the series of a sounds. a\v<rKa.ov Blass 3 : 
 see Appendix. vXav : see n. on 55. 
 
 94 KO.T* ' ApKaSiav. The wanderings 
 of the Proetides over the hills of north- 
 western Arcadia ('A.a.via 55 n.) were 
 more especially associated by legend 
 with the Apodvia 8pri, now Chelmos. At 
 the southern foot of this range rises the 
 Aroanios, the chief tributary of the 
 Ladon : and in the upper plain of its 
 valley, in the N. E. corner, is Sudena, 
 which probably marks the site of Lusi. 
 In the Aroanian hills, above Nonacris, 
 which lay on their N.E. side, was shown 
 a cave to which the frenzied Proetides 
 had fled (Paus. vm. 18. 7). J. G. Frazer 
 (ad loc.) mentions two caves, very near 
 each other, ' on the brow of the mountain, 
 overlooking the profound glen of the 
 Styx.' 
 
 96 Aovo-ov : this accent, given in the 
 papyrus, is that which has the older and 
 better authority : Theophr. Hist. Plant. 
 
 9. 15. 8 Aov<ra : Callim. Dian. 235 AOIAT- 
 o-ots (implying Aovffffoi or -o) : Polyb. IV. 
 1 8 AoiATff&w. But later writers make 
 the word oxytone : Aowrot Paus., \ovff6s 
 Arcadius 75. 16, \ovaffol Steph. Byz. 
 
 AoOffos is here the name of the famous 
 K(>-(\VI\ near the town of Aowrot, at which 
 the Proetides were said to have been 
 healed (rw ei> Aowrois icprivriv, Theo- 
 pompus fr. 287, Miiller I. p. 327). 
 Those who tasted it were said thence- 
 forth to dislike wine : hence vijyTl fuff- 
 d/j.TTf\os, epigr. in Vitruvius 8. 3. 21 ; and 
 Ovid Met, xv. 322, where it is called 
 Clitoriusfons, as Lusi was in the territory 
 of Cleitor, being some twelve miles N. of 
 it. So Phylarchus (Athen. p. 43 F) 
 spoke of it as Kpi\vT\v 4v KXetropt. 
 
 A narrow valley opens southward just 
 to the west of Lusi. Three springs issue 
 from the western edge of it ; and at the 
 middle one there are traces of ancient 
 foundations. In winter these springs 
 form a large pool or small lake : this is 
 the Clitorius lacus of Pliny H. N. 31. 
 13. (Leake, Morea II. no: Curtius, 
 Pelop. I. 375.) 
 
 97 f. xP a vu|aH lVO S' Folk-lore of 
 course connected AoOffot with Xoi/e<r0at. 
 So Paus. vm. 28. 2 mentions an Arcadian 
 stream 6vonaf6fievos Aowrtos, eirl \ovrpois 
 STJ rotj Atos rexOfrros : and an Arcadian 
 epithet of Demeter was Aowfa, eirl T$ 
 \ovffaff6ai T$ \dSwvi (id. VIII. 25. 6). 
 4>oiviKoKpa8|ivoio, ' with red kerchief.' 
 The Kp-fiStnvov (worn by Hera in //. 14. 
 184) was a kerchief worn over the back 
 of the head, and hanging down to the 
 shoulders, but not veiling the face. (So 
 Hera's 'purple girdle' is mentioned in 
 49-)
 
 332 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [x 
 
 KiK\[r)(TK OvyCLTpa] 
 
 TT/DO? avyas 
 
 Col.22ioo 2 
 
 s iTTTTcJ/ceos deXtov, 
 
 4 TCKVa SuCTTCU'OlO 
 
 s Trdp<f>povos e^ayayelv' 
 e 0v(T(o Se rot et/cocrt 
 105 7 auya,9 <f>oiV 
 s rov 8' e/cXv' a 
 9 OrjpocrKOTros eir^pfjievov Tridovcra S' 
 
 ii Kovpas 
 1 10 12 rat S' avTiKa 
 
 /cat 
 
 (F)oi 
 re jau> cu/zari 
 
 Icrrav yvvaiKutv 
 
 re 
 
 B 
 
 evev Ka 
 
 2 OLV^pecrcrw < e? > ITTTTOT po<f>ov irokiv < r'>' 
 
 99 Before BOQIIIX there is a faint trace of A. 1O6 This v. was omitted by A: 
 
 A 3 wrote r<w 5' e*Xi/ apiffToirarpa at the top of col. XXII. 11O FAI MS. : rai 
 
 99 (Jocomv : the Homeric epithet of 
 Hera is nowhere else given to Artemis. 
 
 100 civTva)v : for the apocope, cp. 
 fr. 17. 4 dvTeivaffa : III. 7 a.fj.Trav<ras. 
 
 1O3 irdp4>povos : apocope as in wap- 
 <pa.fj.ev (Find. 0. 7. 66), Trdptpaats (A r . VIII. 
 32), irdpfivKTos (P. XII. 30). Cp. XIII. 
 10 irap xetp6s. 
 
 lla-ya-yciv depends on tci/cX-go-ice (99). It 
 is not infin. for imper. in oratio recta. 
 When, in a prayer, the infin. stands as 
 imperative, (i) a vocative, addressed to 
 the god, normally precedes; e.g., 11. 7. 
 1 79 ZeO ir&rep, rj Aiavra \ax f i" $ TuS^os 
 vibv : Aesch. Th. 253 Oeoi iroXirai, ny /j.e 
 6ov\eias rvxelv. (i) The subject to the 
 infin. is not usually the god: e.g., here 
 we should expect an infin. in the sense 
 of dira.\\ayrjvai, to which the subject 
 would be r^Kva. 
 
 105 4>oiviKOTpi\as : cp. v. 102 n. 
 
 106 apioToiraTpa. The mother of 
 Craterus was 'Apiffroirarpa (Strabo 15. 
 p. 702) : cp. the name KXeip67raT/>os 
 (Paus. vi. 2. 6). 
 
 108 KoXvKO(TTc<^avovs, crowned with 
 young flowers, in honour of Artemis ; 
 who herself, in v. 98, has this epithet. 
 
 109 fj.avi.av d0(ov. Pindar uses only 
 the plural of fj.ai>ia (O. IX. 39; N. 48; 
 fr. 208 iJ.avla.is T' aXaXcus T 6piv6fj.voi). 
 
 It suggests the ' throes ' or ' outbreaks ' 
 of madness. dOewv, god-forsaken, i.e. 
 due to the wrath of Hera : Soph. O. T. 
 66 1 f. a0eos, #0t\os . . .oKo'i^av . Not, ' in- 
 flicted on account of impiety.' 
 
 110 ral 8' seems right. For the MS. 
 ya it might be said that Proetus could 
 then be included among the subjects of 
 Tv\ov : but yq, would be weak ; and it 
 is natural that the foundation should be 
 described as a thank-offering on the part 
 of the maidens. 
 
 T(ivos (3<ofiov T. The temple of 
 Artemis 'H^pa or 'H/j.epacria at Lusi is 
 mentioned by Polybius as being N. of 
 Cleitor and s. of Cynaetha : IV. 18 
 irporjyov cos firl Aovffwv /cat Tra.payfv6/J.ei>oi 
 irpos TO TTJS 'ApTeftudos iep6v, 5 Ketrai fj.fv 
 /Mfra^v KXtiropoy Kal K.vvaiOtiiv K.T.\. He 
 notes its inviolable sanctity (&av\ov . . . 
 vevofj-iffrai irapd roZs "EXXTjcrij'). Leake 
 (Morea n. no) conjectured that the 
 remains at the spring (mentioned in n. on 
 96) marked the site of the temple ; and 
 Kiepert accepted this view, which has 
 been the prevalent one. Curtius, how- 
 ever (Pelop. I. 397), would identify the 
 shrine with a temple-cella found by Dod- 
 well (ii. 447) nearer Sudena (the probable 
 site of Lusi), at the upper end of the plain. 
 
 111 IAIV (i.e. Bu/j.b") was here preferred
 
 x] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 333 
 
 and invoked the ox-eyed daughter of Latona with purple ant. 3. 
 kerchief, stretching hands aloft to the rays of the Sun-god in 
 swift chariot, to deliver his children from the curse of raging 
 madness : ' and I will offer to thee,' he cried, ' twenty red oxen, 
 strangers to the yoke.' 
 
 His prayer was heard by the Huntress, daughter of a peerless 
 sire ; she prevailed with Hera, and healed the maidens, crowned 
 with young flowers, of the madness sent by angry heaven. But 
 they straightway made for her a precinct and an altar, and shed 
 the blood of sheep thereon, and set choruses of women around it. 
 
 From that place didst thou pass with Achaean warriors to epode 3. 
 their city, nurse of steeds, 
 
 Blass and others. TETETETXON A : corr. A 1 ? 114 <?j add. J. : to (=!j) 
 
 Jurenka: -<rcri irpos Housman. irb\iv MS. : irbXiv r' Blass 3 : woXivS' Ludwich: woiav 
 Housman, Hense : xupav Wilamowitz. I had conjectured irbXitrfi, but now prefer 
 ir6\iv T. 
 
 by the poet, who elsewhere always uses 
 viv, on account of the preceding XP *' 
 
 I'OV. 
 
 112 hrrav: cp. Find. P. in. 65 
 riffev : I. i. 75 Uv. The imperfects 
 (revxov xf> a ^ vov ttrrw) express the 
 series of acts. 
 
 113 fe'v0ev...apt]'u|>iXois. The dpiji- 
 <f>i\oi AvSpes are the Achaean warriors 
 who founded Metapontion (Strabo 6. 
 p. 264). They brought the cult of 
 Artemis with them from the old home. 
 She figures on a Metapontine coin 
 (British Museum, Italy no. 263 : noticed 
 by Smyth). See also Hyginus Fab. 
 1 86. The Metapontines dedicated an 
 ivory Endymion in their 6r)<ra.vpbs at 
 Olympia (Paus. VI. 19. n) ; which shows 
 that the lunar attributes were among 
 those of their Artemis (cp. 92 f. n.). 
 The Achaean settlement of the country 
 about the Tarentine Gulf is traceable in 
 the Arcadian name of the river AoiWas 
 near Thurii (Aelian N. A. x. 38) ; also 
 in the Kpatfts a little further s., a name- 
 sake of the river near Aegae in Achaia. 
 Arist. Mir. auscult. 106 no (p. 840) 
 notices a cult of the Homeric heroes at 
 Tarentum and Sybaris, and a temple of 
 'Adrjva 'Axo.tia in S. E. Italy. 
 
 114 av8p<r<riv...'Axaiois. The metre 
 is shown by 72. The -iv of wb\iv could 
 not be lengthened before 'Axcuots. 
 Housman supports his conjecture volav 
 by Eur. Andr. 1229 iwirofibrwv weSicav : 
 but that surely is very different. A 
 corruption of xtapav into ir6\iv is im- 
 
 probable; and in 72 we find -veaetv. 
 
 (i) The simplest remedy is ir6Xiv<T*>, 
 the T* answering to rt after dX<roj in 
 v. 118: ?ffire<5 T' ts irdXw . . , dXffos rt 
 roi (fffnv). The sub-clause, <rw Sf ruxq. 
 vaiets . . \aui> (115 117), then supple- 
 ments the first principal clause, Z<rire6 T' 
 fs TTO\U>. Or f<rweb r' might be co-ordinate 
 with <rvv 8 rvxq. vateis: for the irregular 
 sequence, rt . . 8^, is not rare, esp. when 
 the chief stress is on the second clause: 
 cp. e.g. Thuc. i. 25 10, Soph. Ant. 
 1096 f. (with my n.), Kuhner-Gerth 
 Gramm. ii. vol. II. p. 244. (2) irdXivd', 
 which Blass read in his 2nd ed., would 
 be satisfactory, if it could stand along 
 with es : for, except & (iv or ay>6s), the 
 only supplements possible seem to be 
 a.(i or W00', either of which would be 
 weak. The only parallel is Od. 10. 351, 
 Trora.ft.uv ot T eis d'XaSe wpop^ovffi : so 
 Aristarchus read ; but Zenodotus had 
 wished to eliminate eh by reading ol re 
 a\ade (Ludwich, Aristarch. horn. Texl- 
 kritik, I. 583). The redundant phrase 
 might be compared with diro Tpoiijfffi' 
 (Od. 9. 38). (3) Another resource is 
 TrbXiffn', freely used in poetry as an 
 equivalent for ?r6Xts. Aesch. Th. 120 
 TroXtfffia. Kd8/j.ov: Euripides applies it 
 to Athens (Med. 771, /. T. 1014, 
 H. F. 1323); Troy (/. A. 777); 
 Mycenae (ib. 1500); Thebes (Batch. 
 919). Those places where the word 
 precedes a vowel are suggestive in con- 
 nexion with the present passage, as 
 illustrating the metrical convenience of
 
 334 BAKXYAIAOY [x, xi 
 
 115 3 ecnreo, crvv Se TV^O, 
 
 4 vaieis MeraTTOVTiov, co 
 
 s xpvcrea Becnroiva Xacov 
 
 e aXcro? re rot ijjiepoev 
 
 7 Kdorav Trap evvSpov irpo va- 
 120 s o? ecrcraiJLevaiv, TLpidpoC eirel ^pova) 
 
 9 PovXcucri Oeatv (JiaKapcov 
 
 10 Trepcrav TTO\IV evKTip.evav 
 
 11 ^a\Ko6copdKcov /xer' 'Ar/oetSa^. Si/caia? 
 
 V * I / f 
 
 I2 5 13 prfcrei crvv avravrt 
 14 fjivpias d\Ka<s *j 
 
 XI. [XII.] 
 
 TEICIAI AiriNHTHI 
 
 nAAAICTHI NEMEA 
 
 cro(f)6<s, 
 cr' evBvve KXetot 
 
 118 re MS.: 75 Herwerden. 119 f. IIPOrOjNOI ECCAMENOI MS. : 
 
 w/xxy6|>'wi' iffffa^vuv Wilamowitz, Blass : 7r/)07o|j'oi tffffav ^yuoi Palmer, K. : TT/JO 
 7oy|>'ot' Platt : %ff<rav (fj.tv Housman. ^TTCI] EIII A : corr. A 3 . 
 
 this substitute for 7r<5\is : Bacch. 919 that Atcriroiva. was an Arcadian title of 
 
 ir6\i<r/j.' eirr6.arofj.ov : Heracl. 193 f. 'Axai- Artemis herself.] 
 
 K^V | irbXiap , oOev K.T.\. : ib. 957 ir6\ur(j.' 119 f. Kdo-av. The Kdcras is not 
 
 t\ev6epov. On the whole, I prefer TriXtv r'. mentioned elsewhere (unless it is to be 
 
 iTnroTp6j>ov hints the traditions of recognized in Suidas, K^cros- oVo/uct 
 
 Achaean chivalry, as iropTiTp6<J>ov (30) 7roTo/u.oO). But Pliny (H. N. in. 15. 3) 
 
 suggests the prosperous Metapontine mentions the river Casuentus near Meta- 
 
 stock-breeders. pontion, and this is doubtless the Kdo-as, 
 
 115fF. Q-VV . . .TV\< : cp. VIII. 51 n. the modern Basiento. Its course is 
 
 Xpv<r&x : vni. 72 n. 8&nroiva Xacov. nearly parallel with that of the Bradanus 
 
 Metapontion throve by agriculture (Stra- (Bradano) : both flow into the Tarentine 
 
 bo p. 264), cattle, and horse-breeding. Gulf near the site of Metapontion. 
 
 Artemis was concerned with all these etivSpov. ' Though here the coast is 
 
 (cp. V. 98 and 104 nn.). As to horses, everywhere perfectly flat, yet the land 
 
 at Pheneos in Arcadia she was worshipped rises gently from the sea, and, being 
 
 as TZuplirira (Paus. vill. 14. 4) : in Find. well-watered, is pre-eminently adapted 
 
 O. in. 26 she is lirirocrba., Artemis was for pasture and wheat.' (Curtius, Hist. 
 
 also in a general sense <ri6reipct (as at Gr. I. p. 445. Eng. ed.) 
 
 Pellene in Achaia, Paus. n. 31. i), vuffi- irpo vaoi* <r<ra(w'vv is the remedy 
 
 TroXis, etc. In Arcadia she was closely which I would suggest for the corrupt 
 
 associated with the cult of the &ffirou>a. irpo'yovoi, c<r<rap.tvoi of the papyrus. 
 
 (Persephone) and Demeter (Paus. vm. (The metre is shown by vv. 35 and 77.) 
 
 37. i etc.). Cp. Soph. El. 626 ri]v I suppose that in HPONAOI the letters 
 
 dtffiroivav''Apr(/j.iv. [Preller n. 243 held NA had been mutilated or partly ob-
 
 X, XI] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 335 
 
 and with happy fortune dost thou dwell in Metapontion, O 
 glorious mistress of her people and a lovely grove is thine, 
 which they dedicated to thee by the fair stream of the Casas, 
 [in front of thy temple,] when at last, in the counsels of the 
 blessed gods, they sacked Priam's stately town with the mail-clad 
 Atreidae. Whoso has a just spirit will find, through all the course 
 of time, countless deeds of valour wrought by the Achaeans. 
 
 XI. [XII.] 
 
 For Teisias of Aegina, victor in the wrestling-match at Nemea. 
 
 Like a skilful pilot, guide thou my thoughts, Cleio, queen str. 
 of song, 
 
 XL Title added by A 3 in left margin, opposite to vv. 1-4. TEICIAI Blass : 
 TICIAI MS. 
 
 literated, so as to leave IIPOJ 01 or 
 IIPO 01. This was taken to be some 
 nominative plural, and was conjecturally 
 restored as IIPOrONOI, causing ecrcra- 
 fjxvuv to become ecr<rd/j.evoi. On my 
 view, fffffanevuv is a genit. absolute, 
 referring to the Achaean warriors who 
 are mentioned in 113 f. (apiji^t'Xoty 
 avSpecrcriv), and who are the subject of 
 Trepaav in 122. ciXo-os is nomin., ttrrl 
 being understood ; 'And a lovely grove is 
 thine, (the Achaeans) having founded it by 
 the fair stream of the Casas in front of thy 
 temple.' For irpb vaoi', compare Alcaeus 
 fr. 9 (from a hymn to the Athena of 
 Coroneia) : a Trot Kopwceias eirl iricrtuv (so 
 Bergk) | vavw irdpoiOev anQifiatveis \ 
 KwpaXiw Trord/jui} Trap' o^Ouis : where, as 
 here, there is a sacred temenos (iricrea) 
 on the banks of a river, in front of the 
 temple. Speaking of the same Athena, 
 Callimachus says (Hymn V. 63 f.), 'iva. 
 ol TfdvwfjLtvov fiX<ros | Kai (Ju^iol TTOTO.H.^> 
 Kfivr ewl KovpaXiif). Cp.'also III. 19 f. 
 ira.poi.de vaov, r66i fj.eyiarov dXcroy | ^oi^ov 
 Trapd Kct<rT<xXias peeQpois K.T.\. rra|A- 
 vov (i'fw): the midd. is normal in this 
 sense: Find. P. iv. 204 IloffeiSdwvos ey- 
 ffavr' dva.\iov renevos: Her. I. 66 Ipov 
 eiad/jLevoi: Thuc. III. 58 5 (Bvarlas) rdiv 
 ecrffa.fj.evuv leal KTLcrdvruv : Eur. Hipp. 31 
 vo.ov . . eyKO.6eicra.TO. 
 
 Whatever the original reading may 
 have been, irpo-yovoi is impossible : irpo- 
 yovwv also seems impossible. A short 
 syllable in the middle of a word divided 
 between two verses could not stand as 
 a syllaba anceps (representing a long 
 syllable) at the end of the first verse. 
 
 See Appendix. 
 
 12Of. ITpidfioi' eirei Tre'po-av iro\iv : 
 Strabo says of Metapontion (p. 264), 
 Hv\ivi> 5^ X^yeroi Kria/aa r&v t% 'l\iov 
 jrXevffdvTwv fj.erd N^o-ropoj. The safe 
 return of Nestor to Pylus is mentioned in 
 the Odyssey (3. 182), and was told in the 
 Cyclic Nosti. Among the heroes from 
 Pylos (Hi/Xioi) who afterwards founded 
 Metapontion, the legend doubtless in- 
 cluded some of his sons ; possibly even 
 Nestor himself. Sacrifices (eva.yicr/j.6s) 
 to the spirits of the Neleidae (so called 
 from Nestor's father Ni/Xefo) were offered 
 at Metapontion down to Strabo's time. 
 Xpovw, after ten years' war : Aesch. Ag. 
 126 XP^ V V pl" <"/> Ilpidyuoii irbXiv aSe 
 Ke\ev()os. 
 
 123 SiKcuas : see n. on V. 196. 
 
 125 (rvv a-rravri XP V< P x> 2 3 n - 
 Some of the Achaean legends (such as 
 those of the Aeacidae) embraced many 
 successive generations of a family. 
 
 126 dXKas, virtutes : Find. N. VII. 
 12 ral fj.eyd\ai ydp dX^cai | CTK&TOV Tro\i>v 
 vnvuv ^x VTi 8e6fj.evai. 'Ax<uwv. The 
 Ionian communities of the Aegean islands 
 and coasts were very proud of their 
 legendary Achaean founders, especially 
 of the Neleidae (or Nestoridae). Timo- 
 theus of Miletus, in the newly-found frag- 
 ment of his nome, the Persae, vv. 246 ff., 
 speaks of the Ionian folk of the dode- 
 capolis as Xaou irpwr^os e| 'Axa-twv, ' a 
 foremost scion of the Achaeans'; Miletus 
 having been founded, according to tra- 
 dition, by Neleus son of Codrus. 
 
 XI. 1 3 KvptpvT]Tas with 77, as in
 
 336 BAKXYAIAOY [xi, xn 
 
 el 817 Trore KCU irdpos' e? yap 6A/3tcu> 
 5 ^eivoicri pe TTOTVLO. Ni/ca 
 vacrov Aiyu>as aTrdp^ei 
 eXOovra /cocr/x^o-ai BeoBfJiarov TTO\LV' 
 
 dvr. ? rdv T ev Ne/xea yvtaXicea fjiovvo 
 
 [The rest is lost.] 
 
 XII. [XIII.] 
 
 <TTY0EAI AiriNHTHI 
 TTArKPATIACTHI NEMEA> 
 crTp. a'. [Eight verses lost.] 
 
 Col. 23 -^^_ww -- 
 
 I0 _ 
 
 o-rp. yS'. [avr. a', CTT. a', and the first ten verses of o-rp. ^, are lost.] 
 
 Col. 24 IJ vy8/3to? vi/u^oov 
 
 45 12 Traucret, St/ca? dvarolo'i Kpaivaiv ' 
 
 6 a7T(ipx t ] awaipfi con]. Crusius, J. (dwatre? also J.) : eirdpKei ( = eirripKei, plpf- of tiraipu) 
 Tyrrell. 8 riv] r6v conj. Desrousseaux, W. Christ. After this verse, the last in 
 
 col. xxil, the papyrus breaks off. There is no clue to the extent of the lacuna, nor, 
 therefore, to the original length of the ode. vsnS 
 
 XII. In column xxm, the second verse ended with Xetw, and the 
 fifth with Sav : the third, with p . . or /3 . . (Blass traces /)). The rest of col. 
 
 v. 47 (n.) <ro4>ds, a frequent epithet of song: Anthol. 9. 189. 3 ZvQa KO\OV 
 
 this subst. : Archilochus fr. 45 KvfiepvfjTTjv ffrrjaeaOe 6efj \opbv fi/j.fj.i d' dirdp&i \ 
 
 ffo<p6v : Aesch. Suppl. 770 Kv^tpv-ffT-ri SOTT^W, xP vff ' ir l v X f P ff ' lv ^X ovtra Mft'rjv. 
 
 <ro<f>: Phaedrus 4. 17. 8 gubtrnator As fi/j./M there shows, we should expect 
 
 sophus. Cp. Find. P. iv. 274 el pi) Oebs here the dative p.oi,..e\66vTi, which, how- 
 
 dyfft6vfffffi Kvflepv&Trip ytvrjrai. ever, is excluded by metre. It seems 
 
 vnvoava<r<ra,like/ae7t(TToai'a<T(7a(xvill. scarcely possible that d-irdpxft should 
 
 21), implying Fdvaffva. (see vm. 45). govern the accus. (as = dwdyei). Blass 
 
 Cp. vi. lof. dvai/j.6\irov \ Qvpavias. compares d<prjyei<r0ai : which, when it 
 
 K\ioi : see n. on v. i76ff. In ill. 3 the governs a case, takes the genitive. The 
 
 name scans as : here it is , as in construction with the accus. can only be, 
 
 XII. 228. 'leads the way, (so that) I should go to 
 
 5 |voi<ru, dat. of interest after KOO- Aegina. ' This is awkward : but the 
 fj.rj<rai, 'for hospitable friends.' The only alternative is to suppose that dwapxei 
 poet doubtless had formed ties of w'a governs the ace. Kara o-tivfcnv, because 
 in Aegina. Cp. n. on 6<os in III. 11. felt as equivalent to dirdyfi. or the like. 
 
 6 dirapx*!-, if sound, must mean 'leads dircUpci, 'causes to set forth, ''despatches,' 
 off,' 'shows the way'; this use being is possible: cp. Eur. Helen. 1519 rls 84 
 borrowed from that in which the verb is viv vavicXrjpla. \ tic T-rj<rS' dirripe \6ov6s ; If 
 applied to one who leads a dance or the first i of diraipei had been lost, leaving
 
 XI, XII] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 337 
 
 now if ever before ; for divine Victory leads the way, bidding 
 me go to Aegina's happy isle, in honour of hospitable friends, 
 and do grace to that god-built city, 
 
 and to the sinewy strife of the wrestler at Nemea.... ant.? 
 
 XII. [XIII.] 
 For Pytlieas of Aegina, victor in the pancration at Nemea. 
 
 ...'He shall stay them from their arrogant violence, con- sir. 2. 
 firming the reign of law for mortals. 
 
 xxin is lost. If, as Blass thinks, these verses belonged to the first strophe of ode XII, 
 then at least one whole column (containing the end of XI and the first 7 verses of xn) 
 has been lost between columns xxn and xxin. (See Introd. to Ode, 3.) The title 
 is supplied by Kenyon from the internal evidence: nTGEAI AiriXHTHI vaiSl 
 irayKpaTiao-Trj Xe'yuea. Blass omits iratdi, inferring from Find. N. V. 6 f. that Pytlieas 
 competed, not among the iraides, but among the dytvfioi : see Introd. 
 
 dirdpet, this might have been altered by 
 conjecture to dirdpxci. Another possi- 
 bility is airairti, ' bids,' ' requires me.' 
 
 7 OcoSfiarov : epithets in 0eo- are 
 especially given by B. to cities : vm. 98 : 
 x. 12, 58 : xn. 163. 
 
 8 fiowoTToXav : the only certain in- 
 stance of the feminine form ; it is, how- 
 ever, possible in an epigramma found at 
 Delphi (Bull, de Corr. Hellen. 1898, 593. 
 3), viKtHiv fj.ovvoird\Tr)(v), which would be 
 in harmony, as Blass observes, with 
 companion inscriptions giving irayKpdriov 
 viK<f.s and VIKW 5e arddtov. The masc. 
 occurs in Paus. 6. 4. 4 (an inscription at 
 Olympia), /xoi'^oTrdXT/s VIKUI Sis 'O\v/J.iria 
 TivOid r' dvSpas. The epithet yviaXicta. 
 tells neither way; and it seems best to 
 keep the MS. T<XV. fwvt>oird\r) is the 
 simple wrestling-match as distinguished 
 from the wa.yKpa.riov, in which wrestling 
 was combined with boxing. For the 
 form cp. Paus. 8. 4 9 (inscr. recording 
 Hieron's victories) rtOpiiriry fjLfv awa, 
 fj.ovvoK4\Tjri 5e 5j. 
 
 XH. 44 57 After a large lacuna 
 (see Introd.), in which the first part of 
 the ode has been lost, column xxiv of 
 the papyrus begins in the midst of a 
 prophecy concerning Heracles...'//!? shall 
 put down violence, and establish the reign 
 of laiv. Behold htnu he grapples with the 
 Nemean lion ! In this place, some day, 
 Greeks shall strive for the prize of the 
 pancration.' 
 
 }. B. 
 
 Who is the speaker, before whose eyes 
 the struggle is going on ? Many vases, 
 both red- and black-figured, show Hera- 
 cles subduing the Nemean lion, in the 
 presence of the hero's half-sister and 
 guardian-goddess Athena, who stands on 
 the right ; over against her on the left, 
 behind Heracles, is another female form, 
 who (in many instances at least) pre- 
 sumably represents the nymph Nemea. 
 (See Roscher, Lex. Myth. s.v. : Bau- 
 meister, DenkmdUr p. 655, fig. 722.) It 
 is Athena, I conjecture, who speaks here, 
 addressing Nemea. At this, the first 
 labour of Heracles (vui. 8f.), she who is- 
 to protect him through all (//. 8. 363 ff.) 
 predicts his great destiny, to be the 
 purger of Hellas from pests and wicked- 
 ness. (Prophecy by Athena was not 
 strange to Greek poetry : cp. Aesch. 
 Eum. 685 ff.) Blass and \Vilamowitz 
 think that Nemea speaks : but the tone 
 seems too lofty and authoritative for the 
 nymph. Further, it can scarcely be 
 doubted that the poet would have fol- 
 lowed the tradition attested by art, in 
 conceiving Athena as present ; but, in 
 her presence, Nemea could not take such 
 a part. 
 
 44 f. vfSpios . . . iravcrci : so Teiresias 
 predicted of Heracles (Pind. N. I. 64 f.), 
 Kai nva avv ir\a.yi($ | a,vSp'2v KOpif arfl- 
 
 \OVTO. rbf l\Op&TO.TOV | <pS.a VIV 5(l)ffflV 
 
 fjiopif (' he should give to death those 
 hatefullest of men who walk in guile and 
 insolence '). 
 
 23
 
 338 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xn 
 
 (15) 
 
 oiav nva ov<r\o<f>ov a>- 
 Xeovri 
 
 5 s ov 
 
 6 
 
 Sa/xacrt/xySporos 
 
 e- 
 
 (20) s yvdfjJ](f)6r) 8' 
 
 9 <f>dcrycL]vov' 77 Trore 
 
 55 I0 TCtSe] 7T/3t CTT<f)dvOL(TL 
 
 11 7ray/c]paTtov TTOVOV 'EX- 
 
 12 Xcu'ecrcriji' tSpcoevr' ecrecr#cu. 
 
 ^.^.(25) i 69 i/Ov 7rap]a fitopov d/Dtcrrap^ov Ato? 
 
 2 Nt/ca9 e]/D[i/c]vSeos dv- 
 60 3 Se^e]tcrt.i/ avdea, 
 
 4 x/ ) u<re']ai' So^av 7roXv<f>avrov ev al- 
 
 5 WVt] Tp6<f>L TTCLVpOiS (BpOTO)V 
 
 (3) 6 at]et, /cai orav 6a.va.Toio 
 
 7 Kvdveov v<f>os KaXv^rf, XetTrerat 
 65 s dOdvarov /cXeog ev e/D- 
 
 9 \6evTOS dcr^aXet cruv atcra. 
 
 52 f. xupety Blass, Herwerden. eyvd^e-q Tyrrell, Blass. OHICCJi A : the 
 second C deleted (by A 3 ?). 55 r5e] So Blass. 56 f. 'EXXdveffffiv Blass, 
 
 S(KO.S ... Kpaivuv, 'confirming judg- 
 ments ' ; />. securing that justice shall 
 not be overridden by violence. Cp. 
 Solon fr. 4.. 37 (of Eunomia), evOvvti 5 
 6lt<as ffKo\ias vTrepr)<j>a.vd T Hpya. \ irpavvei: 
 Find. P. IV. 153 etidvve Xaots StVas. 
 
 46 49 ol'av. This eager exclamation 
 is illustrated by the vases (^. fig. 722 in 
 Baumeister, p. 655), on which Athena 
 and the other female figure are holding 
 up their hands in wonder and delight. 
 8iJ<rXo<J>ov, 'pressing heavily' (lit. 'heavy 
 on the neck'); Aesch. P.V. 931 SivXo- 
 (jxirrtpovs irbvovs. The vase just noticed 
 shows Heracles grappling with the lion, 
 who is erect on his hind feet; the hero 
 has his left arm round the monster's 
 neck ; his right hand is on the throat. 
 IlepcrckSas- Perseus was grandfather of 
 Amphitryon, Alcmena's husband, and 
 great-grandfather of Heracles. r^vais, 
 ' devices ' in grappling with the monster, 
 since the sword is useless. 
 
 51 airXdrow : Soph. TV. 1092 
 tvoiicov, /3ovic6\uiv aXdcrropa, \ Xeoir', 
 &ir\arov 6pt/j./j.a Kairpocrriyopov ('that no 
 man might approach or confront '). The 
 lion was invulnerable : n. on vill. 6 ff. 
 
 52 54 x.u>peiv : Blass cp. Xen. An. 
 IV. 2. 28 TO rbi-evfj.a ex^P^ ^ t( * T( ^'' 
 Owpdicuv. (irdpeiv is also possible, but is 
 usually said of the man, not of his 
 weapon; as //. 16. 405 Sid 5' avrov irelpey 
 odbvruv | l7xei'.) ryvd(Juj>0T] : //. 3. 348 
 dvyvdfj.<j>6ii dt oi alx/ J -'n- This is said by 
 the spectator of the struggle, which is still 
 in progress ; it is a parenthesis : ' see, his 
 hands are on the monster (for his sword 
 is useless, it was bent back' 1 ). Heracles 
 had thrown his sword aside before closing 
 with the lion. The aorist is another 
 indication that the poet had in his mind 
 some picture of the type found on the 
 vases. Heracles is there represented as 
 using his hands alone. In one example 
 (fig. 733 in Baumeister, p. 666) his sword
 
 XII] 
 
 EFIINIKOI 
 
 339 
 
 'See how that scion of Perseus, skilled in every resource, lays ant. 2. 
 a crushing hand on the savage lion ; for the gleaming bronze, 
 slayer of men, refuses to pierce the dread monster's body ; the 
 sword was bent back. 
 
 'Verily I prophesy that here the Greeks shall strive for 
 wreaths in the strenuous toil of the pancration.' 
 
 And now, for those who have been crowned with the flowers epode 2. 
 of glorious Victory at the altar of Zeus the peerless king, that 
 toil nourishes a golden renown, conspicuous in their life-time 
 evermore ; few are they among men. And when the dark cloud 
 of death enfolds them, there remains the undying fame of a deed 
 bravely done, with a fortune that can fail no more. 
 
 "E\\a<rlv TIV K. 58 63 For the supplements here see Appendix. 62 xai/pwj 
 Platt and others : wavpouri MS. 63 OTA0ANATOIO A, com A 3 . 64 Ka\v\fnj 
 
 A, corr. A 1 . 
 
 is hanging on the branch of a tree in the 
 background ; his bow and club have also 
 been discarded. 
 
 55 57 T^St is right : ' Here" in the 
 vale of Nemea. The strenuous wrestling 
 of Heracles with the lion foreshadows 
 the conflicts of wrestlers (and boxers) in 
 the pancration. 
 
 The traces 'EX v in the MS. seem 
 
 to leave only three choices : (i) 'EXXd- 
 vto-o-tv (Blass), which is the simplest. 
 Op. Find. /. III. 47 HaveXXdveffffi. (2) 
 "EXXcuriv TIV' (Kenyon). The MS. has 
 no apostrophe after the v before idpw(VT\ 
 and that must be considered : it is not, 
 however, decisive. TIV' might seem 
 slightly weak ; but, in a prophecy, might 
 be intended to add a touch of mystery. 
 (3) irbvov "EXXacriv TOV idpwfvr' ('that 
 arduous toil ') seems improbable here. 
 On the whole, I incline to (i). 
 
 58 63 In the lacuna before irapa 
 (v. 58) I insert 6s vwv. 8s refers to 
 vayKpariov irbvov in 56, and is subject 
 to rptyei in 62. The whole passage is 
 then clear. From Athena's prophecy 
 concerning the pancration the poet 
 passes to the victory of Pytheas, effecting 
 the transition by means of a relative 
 word, as Pindar often does (e.g. in O. I. 
 25 the relat. TOV links proem to myth ; in 
 95 iva links myth to conclusion). 'And 
 ncnv that toil (of the pancration), for men 
 who have been crowned with the flowers of 
 victory at the altar of (Neniean) Zeus, 
 nourishes a golden glory,' 1 etc. dvSeOcuriv 
 (Housman) seems certain: the first syl- 
 lable of v. 60 must be short, as it is 
 
 in all the five corresponding verses, 93, 
 126, 159, 192, 225. (Blass's dvBptairoiffiv 
 is therefore very improbable.) dv6ea. 
 ace. denoting the dvdorjfjui : cp. C. I. G. 
 ffTtfi.fi dva5r)ffd/j.tvos : Athen. p. 676 D 
 aTt\f/ovTa.i...po5a. The dat. AvOfffi (IX. 
 1 6) would be more usual. Iv alwvi, 'in 
 their life-time'; as opposed to /coi OTO.V 
 6a.va.Toio K.T.\. This reading is confirmed 
 by the fact that the syllable answering to 
 the second of aluvi is long in all the 
 corresponding verses where it remains, 
 viz. 95, 129, 194, 227; and presumably 
 was so also in 162. -iravpois pporwv, 
 a sort of afterthought, serves to explain 
 iroXv4>avTov : few there be that win such 
 glory. For other views of the passage, 
 see Appendix. 
 
 64 Kudvtov : the only example in B. 
 of Kva.il- with v. 
 
 65 f. tpxfo'vTOS, from ipdu : so in 207 
 tpynevov (perf. pass. part.). Both forms 
 are unique. Of the passive the only other 
 part extant is the pres. part, epo&fifvos 
 (Find. 0. via. 78, Her. iv. 60). In 
 //. 21. 282 tpxOtvT* fv /j.eyd\<f> TTOTO.^ 
 ('pent'), the word is from tpyw. Hippocr. 
 5. 384 has pex^h ' H- 9- 2 5 pfX^ vro ^ 
 and 20. 198 pexOtv- from p^w. It may- 
 be noticed, as Headlam remarks, that 
 some writers of Ionic prefer -tpKn)* to 
 -p^HTy* : as Herodas V. 42 iravTOtpicTfu 
 (but Anacreontea X. n TravToptxTa.) ; 
 Antipater of Thessalonica in Anth. ix. 
 92. 4 evtpKTais. 
 
 d<rcj>aXci <rvv aKo-g.. Thenceforth their 
 fame is beyond the reach of <f>66vos 
 
 232
 
 340 BAKXYAIAOY [xn 
 
 y. TO>V Kd crv 
 (35) 2 Adfjiirajvos vie, 
 3 TravdaXctov crrefy 
 7 4 dv0ea)v] yairav pe(f>0ei<;, 
 
 5 a#a>i/j 
 
 6 rj\v0e<; 
 
 (40) 7 auA.av VTTO 
 
 s K(ofj.o)v Trarpcoav 
 75 9 vacrov, vTrepftiov icryvv 
 
 10 nafjLjjLa^iav dva<j)aiva)v. 
 
 11 to Trora/xov 6vyarep 
 (45) I2 Sivcu>TO9 Aiyii/ r)Tri6 
 
 Col. 25 dvr. y. i y T0t jjLyd\av 
 80 2 eSw/ce n^av 
 
 3 eV Trdvrecra-Lv [aetfAot?, 
 
 4 irvpcrov cSs <i 'EXX[aa"t 
 
 (5) s <h(M>(i)V' TO ve crofv 
 / \ /r 
 
 6 /cat Tt? vyavxr)<s Ko\^pa, 
 
 85 ? [Xeu/cot? 
 
 8 TToSeCTCTl 
 
 71 74 For the conjectural supplements see Appendix. 73 a[8virv]6uv. The 
 
 letter after A was, Blass thinks, B, P, C, or E. But A is also possible. Kenyon 
 remarks that the top of A in this MS. often resembles that of the letter following A 
 here ; see e.g. the A of $va\o<pov in v. 46. aSvnv&wv will then serve. Blass formerly 
 conj. dfipoTrvbcw : now, depffivouv. See Appendix. 76 irafj.fj.axiav MS. : irafj.- 
 
 fj,ax<.av K. 78 divdvros] T made from E by A 1 . 79 Kpon'Sas Blass : 
 
 55e irais K. 81 dV0Xots K. : dywffiv Blass, Jurenka. 82 irdvra J. : 
 
 69 iravOoXeW, --- , being Doric for would be, 'illustrating thy native isle as 
 
 iravQr)\- (Anth. 9. 182. 6 C/\TJ TTOJ-^XTJS) : of great might in the feats of the pancra- 
 
 see n. on eutfaX^s in vill. 5. tion ' : but this is improbable; virtpfiiov 
 
 71 76 In the restoration tenta- should be the epithet of iax^"- (3) The 
 
 tively given above, these points may be ace. iroXiv vij/idYviav in 71 can hardly 
 
 noted, (i) The vestiges in 73 f. suggest have been in apposition with vaaov: the 
 
 (e.g.) av\&i> vir6 0' adirn-vouv \ K&HUV. interval is too long. It may have been 
 
 But, if such words stood there, a verb of governed by a participle such as a(>wi> : 
 
 coming or returning stood in 71 or in 72. cp. Find. 0. V. 4 rkv crav irtiKiv a8wv, 
 
 (2) In v. 75 NACO(N) is more probable P. vm. 38 av^div . . irarpav (said of vic- 
 
 than NACO(T), as the space between O tors). irafijiaxiav. Trafj.fj.axia occurs 
 
 and the T of inrtpfiiov requires a very elsewhere only in Eusebius De laud. 
 
 broad letter, and in this MS. N can be Constantini 7 init. : but Photius and 
 
 broader than T. In any case, irarp^av Suidas give Tra/j,/j.axtov irayKpanov. For 
 
 vdffov.-.lffxw ira/j.fjM.xi.S.i' would be awk- 7rdfj.iJ.axos as = Trcfytfpcmacmjj, cp. Plat. 
 
 ward, vdo-ov probably depended on a Enthyd. p. 27: C: Theocr. XXIV. in ff., 
 
 verb such as -IjXvBes (cp. I. 4 ij\v0ev) in where the Trd/j./j.axoi are those who have 
 
 72. If it depended on dva<paivwv, iffxyv learned all the <ro<pi<rfj.ara of wrestling 
 
 must be ace. of respect, and the sense and of boxing.
 
 XII] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 Such honours thou also, son of Lampon, hast won at Nemea ; str. 3. 
 wreaths of luxuriant flowers have crowned thy head ; for the 
 glory of the stately city, amidst the gladdening sound of flutes 
 and the choice strains of festal companies, thou hast returned 
 to thy native isle, illustrating her pre-eminent strength in the 
 feats of the pancration. 
 
 O daughter of the eddying river, Aegina of gentle soul, 
 
 verily the son of Cronus has given thee honour in all contests, ant. 3. 
 making it to shine everywhere as a beacon-light for the Greeks. 
 Yea, and thy glory is a theme for the high vaunt of some maiden, 
 as oft with her white feet she moves o'er thy sacred soil, 
 
 dXxav K., Jurenka: rij\e Blass. 84 t K ai TIJ] The I of KAI added by A 2 ? 
 
 T^ATXAC A : 17 written above the second A by A 3 . At the extreme right of v. 84 
 are the letters pav. (The p seems certain : though Jurenka finds lav.) They are 
 separated from KO by the space of some seven letters only. But a whole verse (85) 
 has been lost. That verse probably ended in -pav, and the mutilated remains of it 
 were pieced on to v. 84. 86 Tap<f^u[v] K. : but Blass thinks that the final letter 
 
 was s, and writes rap<ptws (with Headlam and Platt). 
 
 dvcufxuvwv : //. 20. 4 1 1 troduiv dperrjv 
 dva<f>aivu>v. Blass (3rd ed.) reads ira.fj.fj.a- 
 Xio-" &va (paivuv : but this does not seem 
 good. 
 
 77 f. iroraftov, the Asopus (vill. 
 47 fF.). Zeus, transformed into an eagle 
 (or according to Ovid Met. vi. 1 13 into a 
 fiery shape, igneus), carried off Aegina 
 from her father to the island formerly 
 called OiVwj'Tj, which thenceforth bore 
 her name. r|iri64>pov : Aegina's isle 
 was a place ZvOa. Swreipa Atos Zeviov \ 
 irdpedpos d<r*ce?rat QefJLis | lox' dvdptinruv 
 (Find. 0. VIII. 27): /. IV. 22 etvonov 
 rd\iv : cp. also Find. fr. i. It was 
 a centre of commerce at which visitors 
 from all parts of Hellas found hospitality 
 and upright dealing. 
 
 The passage on the glories of Aegina 
 which begins here fills the greater part 
 of the ode. Only at v. 190 does the 
 poet return to the victory of Pytheas. 
 
 81 dt'OXois is more euphonious than 
 d-yoJeriv here. Blass prefers the latter 
 because it will include sea-fights as well 
 as athletic games : but the poetical sense 
 of d^Xois covers both. 
 
 82 -n-vpo-ov <3s K.T.X. The fourth verse 
 of the strophe ends with a long syllable 
 in 49, 70, 136, 148, 181 (where OdXaffffav 
 is certain), 202 ; i.e. in every place where 
 it can be ascertained, except v. 115 
 (affrv). There is therefore a strong 
 presumption against TTjXt, which Blass 
 
 supplies. The word may have been 
 iravriji : cp. V. 31 fivpia iravrij. Kf\fv&oi. 
 As rifidv has just preceded, this seems 
 slightly preferable to dXicdv : but the 
 latter is quite possible. 
 
 84 86 KOU TIS wj/avxijs KOpa : 
 some daughter of the island, who exults 
 in its legendary glories ; one, perhaps, 
 whose family claims descent from the 
 Aeacidae. So Findar imagines Hieron's 
 praises as sung in Magna Graecia by 
 Locrian maidens: P. II. 18 ak 5', w 
 Ativofj-tvett TCU, Zf<j>vpia trpo Sofitav \ Ao- 
 Kpis TrapQtvos dwvei. ityavxiis occurs only 
 here : but Pindar and Aeschylus use 
 fwjwjpff. 
 
 rap<f>ws, 'frequently'; the Homeric 
 form of the adverb is rapfoa. (II. \i. 47, 
 etc.). iro8orri may have had an epithet 
 in the lost verse (85), such as XCVKOIS 
 (cp. Eur. Bacch. 863, Ion 221); it could 
 then go with 6pu><TKOu<r' (90). The rest 
 of v. 85 may have been something like 
 dvA, ydv lepdv, or ir\cuc' dvd x^ of / )aj '' 
 [I formerly thought of iroXXai' irpofapovffa. 
 Kopdv | TroSfffffi Tap^fwv, peJibus frequen- 
 tium (rapqivs ia fern, in Aesch. Th. 535) : 
 cp. Soph. O. C. 7i8f. T&V ckaTOMiroStoi/ 
 Xripyduv. But it seems more likely that 
 the companions were first mentioned in 
 89 f.] Blass would point after Kopa 
 (taking her to be Athena ;) and then 
 read, areix.fi.* 8' di-d 701' itpdv, referring 
 to the nymph Atgina, with dya.K\eiTai<n
 
 342 BAKXYAIAOY [xn 
 
 9 irjvT 
 (55) I0 dv^e/ 
 
 ii Kov(j)a crvv a 
 9012 BpuxTKovcr' dya/cXe traps e 
 
 eir. y'. i rat Se crre^>ava>crd/ze[i'at vrXd/cot? i/Je 
 
 2 dvdeajv So^a/co? r' e[7rt^w- 
 (60) 3 piav aOvpcnv 
 
 4 irapOtvoL fji.e\7rov(TL r[eoi' /c/aaYo?], cw 
 95 s SecrTrot^a Tray e[i vow y6ovo<s, 
 
 6 'EvSaiSa re /ooSd[7raxw , 
 
 7 a r[ov tTrTrefTa^ er[tKT Tl^Xea 
 (65) s Kal TeXa/xcwi/a \_Kopv<TT<iv, 
 
 9 Ata/cw /xet^^eto"' > e[wals* 
 
 o-rp.S'. ioo ' 
 
 T 
 
 s euetS^s r' 'Eyot/3oias 
 (7) 4 TrcuS' V7rep6v[jiov /3o 
 s AtaiTa o~aKcr<f)6pov 
 
 87 ye/3/m] NEKPOC A, corr. A 2 : noteworthy as showing how mechanically A 
 sometimes worked. 89 ayx^o/jiois J. 9O d-yaKXeiTtus eraipais K. : 070,- 
 
 K\rar<rt Nt//i^>ots Blass. 91 After crre^avttxrciyu.efvat there is room for about seven 
 
 letters before -e&v. The traces of <rv, which Blass supposes before euv, seem altogether 
 doubtful. 92 f. TTL-x<i)pia.v J. 94 In K.'s editio princeps (p. 118) I suggested 
 
 recv /cX^os w. For /cX^os Blass substitutes /cpdros : and this is preferable, as the space 
 between r and w admits about nine letters. rebv ybvov (so also Thomas), or yd/nov , 
 
 (the other nymphs of the island) mean merely, 'famed for beauty' : Pindar 
 
 in 90. But the comparison to 'a joyous P. IX. 105 calls the daughter of Antaeus 
 
 fawn ' suggests a mortal rather than a dya.K\fa Kotipav. But the word also 
 
 semi-divine maiden. suggests the idea of 'high-born,' 'illus- 
 
 87 For vtfJpos cp. Eur. Bacch. 862 ff. ; trious' (cp. Od. 17. 370 d7a*cXT^r 
 ap' ev iravvvxiots xP' y I 6^<ru iror^ Xeu- /3a<riXeir;s). 
 
 nbv | ir65' dva^aKxevovaa, Stpav \ eis at- 91 93 irXoKOis v^wv (or the like) 
 
 04pa dpoffepbv \ piwTovff', ws je(3/)os is a safer supplement than xpwavyto* 
 
 xXofpatj | iforalfoofm \ei/j,a.Kos ySovais or <f)oii>iK^uv. If either of the latter 
 
 K.r.X. oiirevfrijs : fr. 7. 2 6vnbv...a.Trevd^. words were read, the construction of <rre- 
 
 88 o^Oovs, 'hills': Eur. Heracl. 781 <pavuffd/J.eva.i. must be either (i) with ace. 
 dv6ffj.6fTi 7as eV" o%^V- The word dQvpffiv, 'crowned with festal wreaths 
 could also mean 'river-banks' ( = &x0as), of flowers and reeds," the genitives de- 
 as in Aesch. Ag. 1161, 'Axtpov<riovs pending on that noun: or (2) with gen. 
 6x&ovs. B. often associates flowers with dvfftuv, &6vp<riv being the ace. in appo- 
 rivers (XV. 5, 34; XVIII. 39): Sova/cos sition. A genitive with the simple <rre- 
 also (92) might suggest this. But then <f>a.vova6a.i or crtfaaOai. is not unexampled 
 we should expect some distinct mention (cp. Nonnus Dionys. 5. 282); but the 
 of a river, to define 6x0ovs. dative is normal. [We cannot properly 
 
 89 f. ci-yxi.S6ti.ois occurs only here: compare //. i. 470 KpijTTJpas ewfffT^avro 
 but cp. Theognis 302 ytlroffl T' dyxiOv- iroToio = i:ir\ i i)oa.v,norA\cma.nh.6ieiriffT4- 
 pois. ct-yaicXtiTais : the epithet might <potcrcu dprwv.] The fourth syllable from
 
 XII] 
 
 ErriNiKOi 
 
 343 
 
 bounding lightly as a joyous fawn towards the flowery hills, 
 with her glorious neighbours and companions. 
 
 And when they have crowned themselves with wreaths ofepode 
 young flowers and of reeds, in the festive fashion of their isle, 
 they hymn thy power, O queen of a thrice-hospitable land. They 
 sing also of Endeis with rosy arms, who in wedlock with Aeacus 
 bare chariot-driving Peleus, and the warrior Telamon ; 
 
 and also of their sons, the kindlers of battle, swift Achilles, and str. 4 . 
 fair Eriboea's offspring, the great-hearted helper at need, Ajax, 
 shield-bearing hero ; 
 
 conj. Housman. 05 HAIHE MS. : but the I may have been made from P. 
 
 iray^eLvov xOovos (irtSov Blass) Housman. 96 'EvdaiSa re po86wa.x vv Palmer and J. 
 97 TOV linrevTdv Headlam. ^n/cre IlijX^a J. 98 Kopvcrrdv J. (Kpa.Ta.i6v conj. K.) 
 
 99 After EN Kenyan read A (hence tv aX<ra Blass 1 ) : but the letter seems rather to 
 have been E. fv evvats J.: tvyel Blass 2 . 1OO 0' add J. vlas W. Christ, Blass : 
 
 vitas MS. 1O3 f3oa06ov K. : ftoarav Blass. fiodffw (reading TWV in 100 as relat., 
 
 without 0') Wilamowitz, Housman. 
 
 the end of the verse is long in 58 and 
 1 24, but short in 157 and 190. emxcopiav 
 aOvpariv, ace. in appos. with sentence, 
 'a local sport,' i.e. 'in the festal fashion 
 of the isle ' : affvptris (only here) from 
 dOvptLv, which was said of dancing, 
 singing, or other pastime : cp. Plat 
 Legg. 746 B i]... irap' T)fuv Kopy /cat A^- 
 ffiroiva, fv<f>pav0eiffa TTJ TTJS xppeias ircu- 
 5t, KCVCUS \epfflv OVK <f>i7077 Seiv dBvpeiv. 
 The local trait was the blending of reeds 
 with flowers in the wreath. 
 
 94 f. Kpdros, 'majesty': Aesch. Ag. 
 258 iJKU ff(j3ifd}v ffbv, K\vrai(J.vriffTpa, 
 Acpdros. invycvov : see n. on iray^vif 
 in x. 28. Pindar says of Aegina (O. vin. 
 25 fT.) re0fj.bs dt TIS dOa.vdTd)v KO.1 rdi>5' 
 d\iepKfa x^P - 11 I TravTodaTToIffiv vw^ffrafff 
 ti>ois | KLOVO. 5a,i/j.oviav . [I formerly pro- 
 posed Trot l-elvov 7rarp6s, supposing B. to 
 refer to the Phliasian legend that Asopus 
 was of Phrygian origin, Pans. i. 5 3, 
 'AeroJTroO TO vdtap firrjXv /coi OVK eyx^P 10 "- 
 But, as it seems that the first hand may 
 have written HAP, I now prefer vay- 
 %eivov. ] 
 
 96 "EvSatSa, the daughter of 'S.Kipwv 
 (a Megarian hero, xvn. 25 n.) and wife 
 of Aeacus, to whom she bore Peleus and 
 Telamon. (Apollod. III. 12. 6: Pindar 
 N. V. 12 'EvdatSos dpiyvwres viot.) See 
 stemma in Introd. poSoiraxw : Hes. 
 Theog. 247 "EwdKii poSoirrixvs (cp. ib. 251): 
 Horn. hymn. XXXI. 6 'H<2 re poSbinjxvv : 
 Sappho fr. 69 (SpoSoirdxees Ayvai Xd/XTs. 
 For T before podo-, cp. XV. 34 eirl poSo- 
 
 97 iirrrtwdv, the Homeric IirT6ra 
 IlT/Xei/j (//. 1 6. 33 etc.). Thessalians 
 were breeders and riders of horses. 
 Find. P. IV. 152 f. KprjOeidas (Aeson, 
 Jason's father)... tiTTT^rats f&Ovve Xaots 
 
 98 Kopvo-rav, helmed warrior (//. 4. 
 457 etc.). I propose this, rather than 
 a word like Kpa.Ta.t6v, because the last 
 syllable of this verse is always long 
 (see 44, 56, 77, no, 122, 143, 155, 188, 
 221). 
 
 99 tv tuvais (or tvvj) must, I think, 
 be right here. For the statelier plural 
 cp. Find. P. II. 27, ix. 12. 
 
 100 TWV 8". In adding 6' (which 
 Kenyon, Blass and Jurenka accept) I was 
 guided by the fact that uZds ought to 
 be governed by /tAirowt (94) : it is still 
 the maidens that sing of Achilles and 
 Ajax. If 0' is absent, then /3oa- in 103 
 must be read as fioaffw (cp. Eur. Helen. 
 no8f. ere... | ...dvapodffw, 'loudly hymn 
 thee'): but this is much less fitting or 
 probable. dpo-i|wix ovs : C P- 
 
 775 depffiiro-rtjTOS 
 
 Scut. 316 
 
 fp<mr6rai : Ap. Rhod. 2. 1061 dep<rt\6- 
 <povs. On the other hand dpffliroSas in 
 Horn. hymn. IV. 211 is exceptional. We 
 might suppose synizesis in vitas: but 
 vlas is mo're likely. Cp. III. 77 where 
 vli seems certain. 
 
 1O2 1O4 'Epipotas, daughter of 
 Alcathous, king of Megara; wife of 
 Telamon (Find. /. v. 45 : Soph. Ai. 
 569). 
 
 1O3 f. Poa6oov (/3orJ and rt 6ff), hast-
 
 344 BAKXYAIAOY [xil 
 
 105 e 09 T* erri Trpv^va 
 
 i>[o,as 
 
 [6/3- 
 
 (75) 9 Oeo-Trecrio) TTVJJH xravcrat 
 10 E/cro/m ^aX[/ceo/AtVpa]v, 
 1 10 ii oTTTrore n[r?XeiSas 
 
 12 rpa^elav ['A/ayeioion /A] 
 
 avr. 8'. i a^otrar[o, AapSaviSas 
 (80) 2 r' eXvcrev a[ra<s' 
 
 3 OL Trplv /xev [TTO\VTTV pyo^v 
 Col.26u5 4 'iXtov OarjTov acrrv 
 
 s ov Xetrrov, drv^d^e^ot [Se 
 
 e TTT^acrcroi' o^eiav 
 
 7 eur' ev 7reSta> 
 
 (85) 
 
 120 9 \ao(f>6vov Sopv 
 
 10 aXX' ore ST) 
 
 11 \ri^ev locrT6(j)dvov 
 
 (90) 12 N^^So? arpo^ro^ vios' 
 
 ir. S 7 . i cuoV ev KvavavOei @[/3a/ct 
 125 2 TTOI/TOJ Bo/3ea? VTTO KU- 
 3 
 
 1O6 ^crxfi'] foxe? Ludwich. *faD(Tot Blass ((ca/eti' K.). 1O9 The final N of this v., 
 the ANIN in nr, and the final N of 114, are found in a fragment (18 K.) which was 
 placed here by Blass. x a ^ Keo /^ 7 7 )ai ' K. (suggesting also x a -^ Kf0 X L Pt JLav ) ' 'X. a -^ KOKO P VffT - v 
 Smyth (conj. Blass). HO binrbre K. : oir6re MS. Ill rpaxftac Desrousseaux, 
 
 Blass: the letters A... A alone are certain. 'Apyeiouri Blass 1 ('Arpeidaiffi Bl.' 2 ). fj.dvii'] 
 HNIN A: but H has been changed to A by a corrector. 112 f. Aapdavidas \ 
 
 ing at the war-cry, prompt to aid (//. 1 3. vya. \ oOB' 6 r&v a\f> uxraffQat, ewd p' 
 
 477 17- 481)- The synizesis is harsh: iwtXafffft ye Saifiuv. Cp. Soph. Ai. 1273 
 
 but I hesitate to adopt poardv. which 12 79- 
 
 would be a strange substitute for fioriv 1O8 0<rrro-iw, 'terrible,' cp. Od. g. 
 
 dyadov. cra.K<r<f>opov, as in Soph. Ai. 68 \ai\awi 6ea-ireffLy : II. 12. 440 f. 
 
 19. Cp. //. 7-219 (of Ajax), fopwv 0-a/cos (Hector's cry to the Trojans) p-ftyvvffdt dt 
 
 fivre Trvpyov, | xaXKeov, eTrTaj36fiov. retxos | 'Apyeicav ical vrjvaiv evifTf 6e<r- 
 
 1O5 The Homeric relative 6s re (//. iriSats irvp ('fiercely blazing'). 
 i. 279 etc.) is freely used by lyric poets 1O9 x a ^ K0 P T P av : Pindar N. X. 90 
 
 (as Alcman fr. 26. 3, and Pindar pas- has \o.\KOfu.rpo. (gen.). The very fact 
 
 sim). rl irpvp.va orraOeis, at the stern that x a ^- KOKO P vffl "n^ i s a stock Homeric 
 
 of his own ship. These services of Ajax epithet of Hector seems rather against 
 
 are related in //. 15. 415 745. The supplying it here: B. might naturally 
 
 stubborn conflict between Ajax and wish to vary. x a ^ Keo X^P/ J - av (Find. P. 
 
 Hector is pithily described there in 417 f.: v. 82 x a -^ KO X^P/ J - ai ) would also serve. 
 
 086' 6 rbv ^eXcurai KGU fvnrpTjffcu irvpl Cp. //. 4. 187 fw/ua re nai plrprj TT]V
 
 XII] 
 
 EHINIKOI 
 
 345 
 
 who stood at his vessel's stern, and stopped bold Hector, the 
 bronze-girdled, when he was rushing on to burn the ships with 
 dread fire ; what time the son of Peleus had set up his fierce 
 wrath against the Greeks, 
 
 and had given the children of Dardanus a respite from doom. ant. 4 . 
 
 Hitherto they had forborne to leave the goodly town of 
 many-towered Ilion, and had shrunk in dismay from the keen 
 fight, so oft as furious Achilles, brandishing his deadly spear, 
 made turmoil in the plain. But when at last the intrepid son 
 of the violet-crowned Nereid had ceased from war, 
 
 as Boreas, on the dark Thracian sea, falls in with mariners by epode 4 . 
 night and buffets them with billows, 
 
 T' Z\v<rei> dras Desrousseaux (which had occurred to me also) : AopSovtSov | T' f\vff(v 
 &.TCO> is also possible. T/>w<ri 5 TTO.V\T' t\v<rev alvd Blass. 114 iro\<uirvpyov Blass : 
 Ofbrifj-ov Jurenka, Smyth. 116 [<w] \eiirov Blass. 117 Trraffa-ov Blass, 
 
 Plan, Thomas. 118 IIEAIOX A: corr. A 3 . 12O \a<xf>ovov] There has been 
 
 some correction between A and 4>: perhaps of 10 to 0. 124 6[p^ct vavfidras 
 
 Herwerden : 06uv vavv 6odv Blass : 6/nji| vav^dras Crusius. Qbtav vavfidra^ Smyth. 
 
 XaXjojes KO./JLOV avSpes. The nirpa. was 
 a metal girdle, protecting a part of the 
 body to which the 6&pa did not reach 
 (Helbig, Horn. Epos p. 200). 
 
 Ill 113 'Ap-ycCoio-i seems fitter 
 here than 'ArpeiSaiffi : the antithesis is 
 between Greeks and Trojans. wpivaro: 
 the aor. midd. is found nowhere else. 
 The impf. pass, occurs in //. 9. 595 rov 
 d' tbplvero Bvfji.6s, and the aor. act. in 
 ii. 792 dpivcus. aras, the 'destruction' 
 which was impending over them : cp. 
 Find. O. XI. 37 viro ffrepet^ irvpi \ irXayais 
 re ffiddpov fiaOvv fls trxerbv \ firaj ifoiffav 
 eav ir6\iv. (&\yovs is unsuitable here.) - 
 Another possible supplement is that of 
 Blass, Tpowt 5e irdv\r (\v<rev aivd: but 
 such a use of alvd seems questionable. 
 
 1 14 f. The lost word, ending in v, was 
 doubtless an epithet of Ilium. iroXv- 
 irvp-yov suits the context, as suggesting 
 the security of the Trojans within their 
 walls. The word occurs only in Horn, 
 hymn. II. (Apoll. Pyth.) 64. 6fori^ov, 
 however, is also possible: see n. on xi. 7. 
 ao-rv This is the only instance of 
 hiatus between verses 4 and 5 of the 
 strophe (cp. 70, 82, 136, 148, 181, 202): 
 but affrv < T' > . . . a.TV^6fjL(vol <re> is 
 improbable. 
 
 115 ou Xtiirov is certainly right. Cp. 
 141 f. , where their sally in force is de- 
 scribed by iraffffvdiq. St \iir6vres \ Tfixto-- 
 
 117 -irrdo-o-ov . . . pL<ixav : cp. Aesch. 
 P. V. 174 ofiiroT diretXas irn^aj: Ly- 
 
 cophron 280 7rr^<7<rwj' S6pv. So in //. 20. 
 426 f. oi)5" SLV frt 5V I dXXijXofj 
 
 118 K\OV&I>V, absolute, 'making tur- 
 moil': //. 21. 532 f. TI yap 'Ax'XXeuj | 
 tyyvs 35e icXovtuv. 
 
 122 ioorrcijxxvov, here the epithet of 
 Thetis, is that of Persephone in ill. 2. 
 It might seem to have a special fitness 
 for these dwellers in dark depths : but 
 such a theory fails when we find the 
 word applied also to the Muses (v. 3), 
 to Aphrodite (Horn. hymn. VI. 18), and, 
 in a late epigram, to the Charites (Anth. 
 vni. 127). 
 
 124 126 wor' = u>s, 'as,' an epic 
 use admitted by Aeschylus and Sophocles 
 not only in lyrics but also in trimeters : 
 Pindar, however, uses wore only with 
 infin., and in this sense employs ure. 
 
 KuavavOt'i (only here), 'of dark hue' 
 (cp. /AeXai'tfifc), under a stormy wind; 
 little more than KVCLV<?: for -avO-rj^ in this 
 compound could not refer to the white 
 crests of waves. Cp. Eur. /. T. 7 (the 
 Euripus) irvKvais \ abpais fXiaauv Kvcuttav 
 d\a arptyei. (In Helen. 179, Aci/avo5 
 ...vSup, the epithet is a general one.) 
 Dionysius Periegetes (c. 130 A. D.) 169 
 has Kvavavy/is of the sea. 
 
 OpqiKi: //. 23. 230 QpTftKiov.. Tr&yrov: 
 Boreas blows Qpi)K-rt6ev (ib. 9. 5). For 
 6p = 6p4/aos, cp. Simon. 31 Kprjra . . 
 Tpjtrov: Eur. Ale. 346 f. Af/3w . . av\6i>. 
 (Ovaiv Blass: but see p. 97-) vavfJaras
 
 346 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xn 
 
 (95) s X^ei' Se 
 
 6 'Aot, (TTOpecrev Se re 
 13 7 ovpia' VOTOV Se /cdX7r[ajcrcu> 
 icrTiov, a,p7ra\ea)<s T a- 
 e^iKovro ' 
 
 o~rp. e. i g /3GJ5, 7Tt /cvov CU- 
 (101) 2 ^jaara 
 T 35 3 JJLL-JLVOVT' eV 
 
 4 et^e/ce^ av6as ywat/cdg, 
 s BpicTTjiSo 
 (105) 6 Oeolcnv avreLvav 
 
 7 <f>OL@av ecrtSdvre? UTTCU 
 140 s ^et^w^os atyXav 
 9 TracrcrvSta Se XiTrdzres 
 1 ret^ea Aao/xe'Soi'Tos 
 
 127 dvrdffas ai>a-] ANTACAXTM A. The corrector (A 3 ) added CKT above the line 
 after AC, and altered T into A. Over M he wrote what has hitherto been read as II. 
 But this (as Blass was the first to observe, and as Kenyon recognizes) looks more like 
 T followed by E or O (the rest of the second letter having been torn off). 128 5e] 
 TE A : corr. A :! ? QaviriuppJTy Blass. 13O ovpia K. : OTPIAI MS., made from 
 
 OTPA.NIA (by A 1 ?). K6\7rwerai> Blass (eK6\Trwffai> irvoais E. Bruhn, -ev irvod Lud- 
 wich) : trvoq. J. (Class. K. ~x.il. p. 152, but with -77), Housman: so Blass 2 (TTVOCUS 
 
 (xvi. 48) is better than vavv flodv. 
 The reason is not KOVTO in 132, for 
 the 'ship' would imply the crew (cp. 
 Soph. O. C. 942 where avrovs refers to 
 ir6\iv in 939) ; it is rather the sense of 
 Sati. If vavv were read, that verb 
 must have its literal meaning, 'cleaves,' 
 'shatters'; but the ship comes safe to 
 land. With vav^dras, it is figurative, 
 'afflicts' : c\>. Od. 13. 32O?x w> ' Se6a'iy/j.4vov 
 TJrop. The notion of rough treatment is 
 combined with that of harassing anxiety. 
 viro Kvfj.a<riv: the waves rise above the 
 ship: cp. Soph. Ant. 335 ff. (man) KO.I 
 TroXiou wepav TTOVTOV xMfp^V VJT<$ \ xwpe?, 
 irepi/SpvxiotffU' \ ireptav vir' otdfj.a<nv. 
 
 127 VWKTOS, gen. of time: dvrdo-as, 
 sc. avTois. The correction in the MS. 
 points to ava,T- rather than to avair-: 
 see cr. note. I therefore conjecture 
 dvaTcXXofxcvq. (cp. Pind. /. III. 83 0\6 
 dvare\\o)j.^va). No exception can be 
 taken to the place of 8J as third word. 
 It often holds a place later than the 
 second: Aesch. Enm. 530 d\\' S.\\q. S' 
 
 eQopevei: Soph. O. T. 485 6 n \<?w 5' 
 dwopu : Ph. 959 fybvov <j>t>vov 5e pij<riov : 
 At. 116 rovroffoi 5' e^i'e/ucu : Eur.fr. 776 
 deivov ye, rots TT\OVTOV<TI TOVTO S' t/j.<f>vTov. 
 [In I. 6 we find Atos Evic\elov dt, and in 
 XVII. 47 irepl (j>ai8lfj.oi<ri. 5': these in- 
 stances, however, are of the still commoner 
 kind in which the words before 5^ are 
 instar unius\ as Aesch. Ag. 606 ywaiica 
 iriarr^v 5', P. V. 384 tv T<$ Trpo6v/j.fiff6ai 
 5^.] For the conjectures which have 
 assumed avair-, see Appendix. 
 
 128 X/qjjcv, like the aorists which 
 follow, is gnomic. 4>atcn,p.|3p6TW (with 
 synizesis) appears more probable in an 
 Ionic poet than the Pindaric <f>av<ri/j.- 
 fipbTtp (O. VII. 39). 
 
 129 132 o-ropta-tv . . . ovpia : the 
 gentle, favouring breeze ' lays' the sea 
 after the storm, i.e. allows it to subside : 
 Verg. Aen. 6. 763 placidi straverunt 
 aeqnora venti. The MS. has ovpia, pro- 
 bably an error due to irvoa : though 
 Bo/^as could be the subject to ffr6pefffv, 
 in the sense that, by ceasing to blow, he
 
 XII] 
 
 EHINIKOI 
 
 347 
 
 but ceases with the rise of light-bringing dawn, when a gentle 
 breeze smooths the deep, and the breath of the south-wind 
 swells their sail, till they joyfully reach the land for which 
 they had ceased to hope, 
 
 even so, when the Trojans heard that the warrior Achilles was str - 5- 
 tarrying in his tent on account of Brisei's, the golden-haired, the 
 lovely, they lifted up their hands to the gods ; for now they saw 
 a bright gleam of sunshine from under the shadow of the storm. 
 Leaving the walls of Laomedon with all their forces, 
 
 Bl. 1 ). 131 APIIAAEOTA A : but T has been altered to C (by A 3 ?). 133 <firel 
 K\VOI> was K.'s first reading, but in his ed. he gave firticXvov, with Otoiffi 5' in 138. 
 138 deoi<nv] QIC is written above an erasure : it is impossible to say what first stood 
 there. 139 (poifiav] Qoifiav K. 141 5 \w6vTes] A wrote MEAHONTEC : 
 
 A has been written above M, and I has been added above the line between A and n 
 (by A'?). 
 
 makes a calm (cp. Soph. Ai. 674 f. Stivwv 
 r' d-rju.a Trvevfj.dTWv fKolfUfff \ arevovra. 
 
 The epic 8 T occurs also in fr. 3. t 
 rlKTfi 5^ re, but (as Smyth notes) not 
 elsewhere in lyric poetry, except in 
 Sappho fr. 94. 2. In this formula, rt 
 marks the statement as general ; hence it 
 sometimes stands (as here) after a gnomic 
 past tense (Od. 6. 185 /j,a.\i<rra 8 T' 
 ZK\VOI> avroi). It was more especially 
 used to introduce an additional touch in 
 a simile: //. 2. 455 f. rjure irvp didri\ov 
 iri(p\tyei &airtTov ti\r)v \ ofipeos iv Kopv- 
 0]Js, enaffev B T <f>aiveTai a.vyq, \ uis 
 AC.T.X. : where the clause with 5^ re comes 
 next before the apodosis, just as it does 
 in v. 463 (#) fffJia.pa.yt -i 5^ re Xei/xcii'. In 
 Sappho fr. 94. 2 also it brings in the 
 second clause of a simile (o'iav rav 
 vaKivQov... | irboai KaTaffTeijSovffi, x^M* 1 
 8 T ir6p<f>vpov avOos but there the 
 fragment breaks off). 
 
 K<5Xirw<rav : so Meleager (<:. 80 B.C.) 
 in Anthol. IX. 10 (VO.VTO.I) Trvoi-fj dwrj/j.di'rtfj 
 Ze<t>vpov \iva KoXiruxravTes. Lucian Ver. 
 Hist. 2. 9 avepos (/n.Treffwt> rots itrn'ots 
 t<pepe, KoXTTuxras TTJV oQdvrjv. Apart from 
 our verse, the word is extant in no writer 
 earlier than Polybius. 
 
 dpiraXcws properly means ' eagerly ' 
 (Od. 6. 250 etc.), here 'joyfully.' In 
 Minmermus 12. 5 8, where the Sun's 
 voyage in his cup is described, (evvfj) 
 fapti fvdovd' dpTraX^ws, Bergk would 
 take the adv. with <j>ipti as = ' rapidly'; 
 but the context rather indicates that 
 Mimnermus meant, 'in welcome sleep,' 
 after toil. 
 
 133 138 tirel tcXvov is confirmed, 
 as against ir^K\vov, by the size of the 
 space in the papyrus between II and K. 
 tcXto-fiio-iv. B. has the epic --gffiv of 
 dat. plur. only here; but the Homeric 
 colouring of the passage sufficiently ac- 
 counts for it. Otouriv: cp. OtCiv as first 
 word of the verse in v. 95 (v. 50 ends 
 with 0e6j.) 
 
 139 f. I leave 4>oi|3dv oxytone, since 
 the papyrus indicates it (<t>oifiav) ; but we 
 should expect <t>olfiav (0oi)3os). 
 
 viral x l H u '' vos > !'* './ ;ww under the 
 storm': the bright sunshine flashes out 
 from beneath the rim of the storm-cloud 
 that passes away. Cp. //. 17. 645 ZeD 
 irdrep, dXXa <ru pvffai vir' rjtpos vlas 
 'Axcuuv, | woi^ffov 5' aWpijv, 56s 5' 6<f>0a.\- 
 jj.ol<riv IStffOat. 
 
 141 iraer<rv8i<j = ira.vyTpa.Tiq., sallying 
 forth (fffv6pevoi) with all their forces. 
 This is the regular sense of the word in 
 Attic writers : Xen. H. IV. 4. 9 waffffvdlg, 
 
 Tes : Eur. Tro. 792 iravvvdlq. 
 elv 6\t0pov did ira.vTt>s : Thuc. VIII. i 
 iravffvSl 8ie<}>6dp0at (where Hude gives 
 that form, with the cod. Vaticanus : 
 jraffffvSi and iraffavdcl are variants). In 
 //. 2. ii f., however, 0upr)al <r' tict\ev<re 
 Kdp-rj KOfi6ui>Tas 'AX&IOVS \ ira<rffv8iri, the 
 word is usually rendered, ' with all speed.' 
 On the other hand in //. u. 725 the 
 sense 'with all our forces' is fitter (as 
 vv. 723 f. show). 
 
 142 rx a Aao^Sovros: //. 7. 45 2 f. 
 (Poseidon speaking of the relxos of Troy), 
 TO ^yo> xal <fcoi/3os Air&XXwv \ rip<? \a.ofiA- 
 SOVTI iro\l<T<ra/j.ev dOX-riaavre. (In//. 21.
 
 348 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xn 
 
 (no) 
 
 Tre 
 
 SCov 
 
 dvT.f. i45 T copcrdv re <f)6(3ov 
 
 2 torpvve 8' * 
 
 3 euey^ 1 ?^' Awcuw re 
 (115) 4 Aortas aiva ' 
 
 Col. 27 1 50 e j/avcrl 8' 
 
 7 [La.pva.vT, 
 s 8' e)o]ev$e 
 (120) 9 cu/AaTJTi yala 
 10 'E/cro^eas VTTO 
 
 $aXacr era? 
 Trapal 
 
 o^etav] i(ro6e(i)v Si' 
 a TXa/x,]oi'9, T) ^teyaXatcrt^ ekwicriv 
 
 3 
 1 60 4 
 
 (130) 
 
 T/Daie]? tTTTrevrat /cuavwTTtSa? 
 s Trepcraicriv 'A/xyeMwl vea? 
 
 , - *\ T ' ' 
 
 6 Travpais %opov etAajTTtva? T e 
 
 e/c- 
 
 149 frtva K. : flelpa MS. (the spelling of Aristarchus, who derived it from 6tivw) : cp. 
 however IX. 10 tKeivijffev, XVI. 91 vv (^VM), etc. 15O Trapal Blass, with Platt 
 
 and Housman: cp. 139 irra/. 152 ZpevQe Palmer : ...ET6E A : TO added above 
 
 the line hy A 3 (tpevOero). 155 irrjfj.a fj.fy J. : Sei/io pey Jurenka. 156 6e?ai> ].: 
 Tetix ovros Desrousseaux : ^apelav Blass. Icro6twi>] The O is written above an erasure. 
 5t' op^dv] AI 0PM AN A : A'=^OPMAN a corrector (the horizontal lines being 
 
 446 457, where the king's fraud is told, 
 Poseidon alone builds, while Apollo is 
 serving as herdsman.) A pious gloss 
 associated Aeacus with Poseidon and 
 Apollo: the vulnerable point in the 
 stronghold was the work of man, and 
 not of gods (Pind. O. viu. 42). Heracles 
 'IXiov ^a\dira^f iroXiv (//. 5. 642); bis 
 periura capit sttperatae moenia Troiae 
 (Ovid Met. n. 215): but here, as in 
 //. 7 I.e., it is assumed that 'Laomedon's 
 walls' survived that capture. 
 
 146 "Apt]s- This is not Homeric; 
 nay, it is in marked contradiction to the 
 Iliad. The Homeric Ares takes no part 
 in the fight at the ships, being under the 
 general interdict which Zeus had laid on 
 the gods (//. 8. ioff.). But that is not 
 
 all. At one moment, stirred by the fall 
 of his son Ascalaphus, he arms himself 
 for battle, in defiance of Zeus; but is 
 detained in Olympus by the remonstrance 
 of Athena (//. 15. 113 142). 
 
 147 f. AVKUOV ... avo|. No other 
 Greek poet places Apollo in a personal 
 relation with the Lycians quite so definite 
 as is denoted by this phrase. His titles 
 Awaos (Pind. P. i. 39, Eur. fr. 700) and 
 \vKT)yevr)s (//. 4. 101) were popularly 
 explained as 'Lycia-born' (Hor. C. 3. 4. 
 62 qui Lyciae tenet Dumeta natalemque 
 silvani). Both epithets, like AvKeios, 
 originally denoted a god of light (Xwc): 
 the name A.vKla itself may have come 
 from the cult. The Lycians are pro- 
 minent in the Homeric fighting at the
 
 EniNIKOI 349 
 
 they rushed into the plain, intent on stubborn strife, 
 
 and roused terror in the Danai ; while Ares of the mighty spear ant. *. 
 urged them on, and the lord of the Lycians, the soothsayer, 
 Apollo. 
 
 So they came to the seashore, and fought at the sterns of the 
 good ships ; and the black earth grew red with the blood of men 
 slain by Hector's hand ; a grievous woe for the heroes, through 
 the keen onset of their godlike foes. 
 
 Hapless ones! Uplifted in spirit by great hopes, the chariot- epode 5. 
 borne warriors of Troy were sure that they would sack the dark- 
 prowed ships of the Greeks, and that in a few days dancing and 
 feasting would be the portion of their god-built city. 
 
 meant simply to fill the space : cp. XVIII. 48). 157 163 For other conjectural 
 
 supplements see Appendix. 157 f. The letters NEC ' HM in 157 and 
 
 ONTECTIIEP in 158 are supplied by a fragment placed here by Blass; who in 
 163 1 66 also fitted in a fragment giving the earlier portions of those verses; and in 
 167 169 a third fragment (rCiv el Kal...i) pa6v6\)(p. 
 
 ships (//. 15. 424 f.). Aortas, the title of 
 the oracle-god, is out of place here: 
 indeed it is seldom joined with 'Airb\\uv. 
 (In Aesch. Cho. 549 f., y Ktd Ao|/a$ 
 tOtffirifffv, | Hvai- 'Air6\\ui>, the second 
 title is in apposition with the first.) 
 
 149 lov (II. 5. 773 etc.), a weak (or 
 'sigmatic') aorist, formed with o (and e in 
 2nd pers.) instead of a. Cp. the epic 
 e-/3i7cre-TO (//. 14. 229), f-dvffe-ro (ib. 2. 
 578), imper. ofxre-o (ib. 3. 250), infin. 
 d.t-/j.tifat. (ib. 23. 50), H-ir(ffo-v, etc. 
 
 152 2pev0e: a solitary but certain 
 instance of the active used intransitively. 
 For the normal use, see //. 1 1 . 394 f. 6 dt 
 6' a'1/j.a.TL ~yaLia.v epttiffuv \ irvOerai. 
 
 155 inijfia fiy'> ace. in apposition 
 with the preceding sentence. -qfu&'ois, 
 the Greek heroes (vin. 10, X. 62). 
 
 156 It is possible that there has been 
 some corruption here. If, however, Uro- 
 (k'wv is sound, the sense seems to be, 
 1 owing to the fierce onset of the Trojan 
 heroes.'' The first syllable of the verse 
 is long in all the corresponding places 
 where it is preserved (45, 57; 78, 90; 
 in, 123; 144; 177, 189). We might 
 supply ojjeiav (epithet of tidxai> in 117), 
 or &T\O.TOV. TX,VTOS, referring Kara 
 ffvveaiv to 'EACTop^as...xp6j (cp. Od. u. 
 90 f.), is also possible; but a recurrence 
 to him seems less apt here : these two 
 verses speak of heroes pitted against 
 heroes. Uro(Mv after ^fuOt'ois (both 
 
 having the same sense) illustrates the 
 use of a synonym to avoid repeating a 
 word: so Soph. O. T. 54 dpeis.../tpa7s, 
 O. C. 1501 ffa<t>Tjs...fjj.<f>avTif (n.), etc. 
 Blass supplies ffapcuiv (in which, how- 
 ever, the first a is a drawback), and 
 understands, 'through the resentful im- 
 pulse of Achilles' (IffoOiuv), in refusing to 
 help the Greeks. 
 
 157 163 In the restoration of this 
 passage given above, the following points 
 may be noted, (i) 157 a Svaxppovcs 
 (Blass) is quite possible (Aesch. Theb. 
 174 id; SvaQpoves, ' alas, misguided ones ' : 
 Soph. Ant. 261 <(>pfvC>v dvff<f>p6vwv a^ap- 
 TrifMira) : but SiV^p&w more often means 
 either ' melancholy ' or ' malevolent ' ; so 
 that a T\a(w>vs (Kenyan) seems slightly 
 more probable. (2) 158 f. Before OVTCS 
 there is room for 4 letters, or for 5 
 if one of them was thin (like I). trvtL- 
 ovrcs (Jurenka, Ludwich) is more likely 
 than Trv&vTCS (Blass), because in all the 
 corresponding verses (59, 92, 125, 191, 
 224) the first syllable is long. inrtp^i- 
 oXov might be adv., but I rather prefer 
 virtp<t>ia\oi> <|>povT]|i'. (3) 160 f. iirircvral, 
 if it stood alone, would be too vague : 
 the insertion of Tps before it is a gain. 
 Kirp<rao-iv : the participle (whatever 
 it was) should be in the dative, if (as 
 seems almost certain) iroXiv was the 
 subject to Z|iv. A nomin., ^KT^p<ravrj, 
 would, in that case, imply that they
 
 350 BAKXYAIAOY [xn 
 
 s yu.e'XXoz' apa irpoTepov St- 
 165 9 VOLVTCL 
 
 ( J 35) 
 
 (l 4 o) 8 W 
 
 175 10 ov yap dXa[/x7recr]t ^v[/CTO9 
 ii 7racr(,(f>avr)<; 'Apera 
 
 <rrp. r'. ' Ova.<TKovT<; vif Ata/ctSats 
 
 2 e/3ett//[tXaots' 
 
 3 ra>i> ei /cat [S 
 
 4 17 y8a#uvX[<u 
 
 170 s- - W A- UP W 
 
 6 W _ _^_ 
 
 avr. r'. x dXX' e/xTreSov (^ 
 (146) 2 ftpvova-a So^a 
 180 3 crrp&j^arat Kara yav [re 
 4 /cat iro\VTT\a.yKTav ^[aXa 
 s /cat /xav (f)epeKV$ea v\acrov 
 (150) 6 Ata/cov rt/xa, crvv Ev- 
 
 7 /cXeta Se 
 Col. 28 185 s 
 
 175 
 
 AAAEIII A: but a corrector has cancelled IT, and written letters (MT?) 
 
 actually destroyed the ships. (4) 162 f. TrroXiiropffoi, as an epithet of heroes 
 
 iravpais...cv dfxcpais (Nairn) seems prob- generally. 
 
 able. Blass (whose own restorations are 168 174 T<OV cl KCU. The pronoun 
 
 given. in the Appendix) objects that the refers to the Aeacidae. Though their 
 
 space in 163 before P suggests more than bodies have perished, their names live 
 
 three letters (AME). But in this hand- evermore. pa9v(jvXos is elsewhere said 
 
 writing A and M are sometimes very of deep forest shades: Eur. Bacch. 1138 
 
 broad. I had thought, indeed, of <r6Xais iiX^s ev paOv&Xy 06/3J. Here (irvpa) 
 
 ...iv o~upt4>opats (Eur. Ale. 1155 xP^ s /3a0t5|i;\os is a pyre built high with wood 
 
 eir a6\cus <ru{j.<f>opaiatv iffTavai), but (ill. 49 i;i>\ivoi> 86fj.ov) ; as in Find. IX. 40 
 
 rather prefer a/j.tpcus. f3a0iJKpi<)u.voi a.Kra.1 are shores with high, 
 
 166 f. vir" AlcucCSais, under their steep cliffs. For the sentiment, cp. in. 
 
 hands : //. 10. 452 /j.rjs virb "Xfpffl 8a.fi.fis : 90 f. operas ye fitv ov /uvtiOei | fipordv 
 
 13. 98 VTTO Tpweffffi 6a./j.r)i>cu. For ep<i\|si- ana (rw/xan <peyyos (where ye /j.ev = the 
 
 Xdois cp. X. 67 f. \aovs re StxoffTafflais | Attic ye /u^v, ' however '). The TJ before 
 
 ijpenrov : V. 56 pei\fsiir ti\av. In Aesch. Pa0vv\w shows that a second clause with 
 
 Th. 880 f. the brothers are dufj-druv rj followed. The tenor of the passage 
 
 ^pei\f/iroixot (they destroy the rolxoi of may have been somewhat as follows : 
 their house) : but I doubt whether that row ft /cat 5i6Xw\e' 
 
 word could mean 'destroying re/x 7 ?/ ^7 fiafful-uXy irvpq. KO.V-
 
 XII] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 Ah, they were doomed, or ever that should be, to redden the 
 eddying Scamander with their blood, 
 
 as they fell under the hands of the death-dealing Aeacidae. str. 6. 
 
 And if [the bodies] of the Aeacidae [have perished, burnt] on 
 high-built pyre [or buried in the tomb, yet their names live for 
 ever...]. 
 
 For shining Virtue can never be hid from view in the murky 
 shades of night ; 
 
 hers is the unfading flower of a steadfast fame ; she goes abroad ant. 6. 
 over the earth, and with the wanderers on the sea. 
 
 And verily she honours the renowned isle of Aeacus ; with 
 Eucleia, to whom wreaths are dear, she rules that city ; 
 
 above, from which only a few dots remain. 177 Sv6<f>otffiv Tyrrell. 178 d*ca- 
 
 jj-drq. Blass, Platt : d/cd/xaros K. 181 nOATHAArKTAN A : -OX A 3 . 
 
 Otvr' -rj KeKaXv/j.^e'va ri^u/J 
 aij)p.a.r , dtfiffaprov ye fj.ev 
 fiiei K\^OS dOdvarov 
 yiovffdv \iyeidiV 
 evKtXddois ev doiSais. 
 
 175 177 dXap-Tre'cTL . 
 Cp. Plut. Phocion i (quoted by Kenyan), 
 TTJJ' de <$>ui<i<i)vos dperi)v...ai ri/xai TTJS 
 'EXXdSos d/j.avpdv /cat dXa/j.irfj irpbs 56av 
 eiroitjaav, where the verbal coincidences 
 with this passage are noteworthy. 
 'Aperd is here personified, as by Simo- 
 nicles (fr. 58) and by Aristotle in his hymn 
 in memory of Hermeias, ' Aperd 5roXifytox#e 
 ytvei Pporeiv (Bergk 4 n. 360). An epi- 
 gram ascribed to Asclepiades of Samos 
 (c. 300 B.C., Anth. VII. 145) refers to 
 a work of art in which she was repre- 
 sented as mourning by the tomb of Ajax : 
 a5' eyw a rXd/JLwv 'Aperd irapa ryde 
 
 P.OVS. ira<rw|>avi}S is not found elsewhere 
 in classical poetry. Svwjwioiv : for the 
 plur., cp. Aesch. Cho. 52. 
 
 178 aKO,|iaTq., not to be exhausted, 
 'unfailing.' Though dxafjAra might 
 naturally be the epithet of 'Aperd here, 
 the dative is more probable, as an 
 epithet for 56a seems needful. The 
 fern, form occurs in Soph. Ant. 339, 
 which also illustrates the sense ; (Foy) 
 &<f>0t.Tov, dKafj-drav : and in Hes. Th. 747 
 
 181 Poetical use justifies iroXvirXa-y- 
 KTav, the form given by the first hand, 
 as against the correction tro\vir\ayKTov. 
 Cp. n. on 178: IX. 8 dirpaKTav : Aesch. 
 Ag. iro\vK\a^T-r)v (Porson on Med. 822), 
 
 Ar. Pax 978 Tro\VTi(j.riTr}, Lys. 217 
 dTavpwnj. The sense of the adj. here is 
 passive, ' much-traversed ' ; in X. 35 it is 
 active. 'Aperd, the Virtue that survives 
 death and is never hid in dark oblivion, 
 'roams over land and sea'; i.e. the fame of 
 great deeds is spread throughoutthe world. 
 
 182 189 Kai juiv : V. 56 n. <fwpt- 
 KvSca : cp. I. 17. 
 
 'Aperd 'honours' Aegina as a home of 
 Themis: see n. on 77 f . : she 'governs' 
 the land in company with E0/cXa ' who 
 delights in wreaths ' (won by Aeginetau 
 athletes in the national games). Evvo/jua 
 also bears sway there, she who keeps 
 cities ev eiprjvq.. 
 
 Two points should be noted here, 
 (r) The association of EfoXeta with 
 EiVoyiua. In the theatre at Athens there 
 was in later times a seat for the iepeiu 
 EwcXe/as Kai Evvofjiias (C. I. A. III. 277). 
 (2) Eunomia was one of three *(2p<u 
 (daughters of Zeus and Themis, and 
 sisters of the Moirae), the other two 
 being AJ/CT; and Et'piji'j; : Hes. Th. 901 f. : 
 Pind. 0. XIII. 6 f. : Bergk 4 adespota 140 
 (perhaps by Simonides) ^vvofuav \iirapo- 
 6p6i>ovs r d5eX0d?. Auay | /cai areipavo- 
 (pbpov Wipdvav. As in the natural sphere 
 the Horae represent a fixed order, so as 
 ethical powers they are Loyalty, Justice 
 and Peace. Cp. Diod. v. 73 'ttpwv 
 e/cdcTTj; SoOfjvai rrjv e ir JIM/MOV rd^iv re Kai 
 /3/ou StaKOff/jLyffiv. 
 
 The same group of ideas is expressed 
 here, though elpriva, instead of being 
 personified, appears as a gift bestowed by 
 Evvonia. Cp. XIV. 54 f.
 
 352 BAKXYAIAOY [xn 
 
 9 vvo/juo, re 
 10 a $01X10,9 re 
 (155) " dared T evcreySeW 
 
 12 avftpcov iv elpyva <uXa<rcrer 
 
 r'.^ ' VIK.OV T epiKvSea 
 
 2 IIv$ea, /AeXe'rai' re 
 
 3 (f>e\a Mevdv&pov, 
 
 (160) 4 rat' eV 'AX^etov re poals OafjLa 8r) 
 
 s Tip.a<Tv a ^vcrap/xaros 
 195 6 crejJLvd jJLeydOvfjLOS ^Atfdva, 
 
 7 jjivpltov r 77877 /ur/oaicru> dvepwv 
 s eaTe^dvaxrev Meipa/f 
 
 (165) 9 eV IlaveXXai/a)^ de$Xois. 
 
 <rrp. ^. i et 
 200 2 ( 
 
 3 alveira) cro<f)bv dvSpa 
 
 4 crvv St/ca. Pporcov Se 
 
 (l7 ) 5 TrdvTO'<TL /AeV 6CTTLV TT 
 
 186 EiJj'o^a ffaoffl<f>p<i}v con']. Housman. 193 ^a^ua J., Nairn. 199 et] E is 
 
 lost : the short stroke above I is part of the paragraphus with coronis, ) - - , 
 written between 198 and 199 to mark the end of a system el ^ TWO. 6epaiew-qs. 
 Between the N and the A of nva. there is a mark like a very small and partly broken o, 
 perhaps intended to indicate that the words should be read as nv d^epcrteTnjs. 
 
 186 EvvojJiia T craoc^fHov, sc. Kvfiepvij.. w v4oi : the youths, wearing wreaths 
 The construction is harsh: but I follow (vi. 8 f.), who form the /cantos. So 
 the MS., rather than read EVVO/J.IO. (to Pindar /. vil. i KXedvdpy TIS...W vtoi... 
 depend on crtiv). With the dative, the avtyeiptrw Kwfj.ov : cp. N. III. 4 f . /ieXt- 
 position of ffa&Qpwv (referring to 'Apera) yaptitav T^KTOVCS j KU/J.UV vea.vi.ai : ib. 65 f. 
 would be awkward; though it might be v/j.vos...6iriv'wveirixupLOvxa.p/j.aKe\a.de'b)v : 
 regarded as practically adverbial ( = <rw- P. v. 103 ev doiSS. veuv. See also vni. 
 <f>p6v<ijs). Housman's Ewo/x/a <rao<ri<t>ptov 102 ff. 
 
 would meet the difficulty; but that 191 f. ficXerav is the ' care ' used by 
 form of the adj. is not found, and can the trainer, who, in preparing a corn- 
 scarcely be assumed from <rao<r//*/3/>oros in petitor for the great contests, not only 
 Hesychius. supervised his exercises, but prescribed 
 
 187 OoXias, ace. plur., 'festivities'; his diet (Arist. Eth. II. 5), and regula- 
 Her. in.. 27 r/ffav iv 6a\i-g<n. Eunomia ted his whole life. The scientific trainer 
 has these for her portion, because they of athletes was, so far, a physician. He 
 belong to the peace which she maintains. is called 7i//wcurr^s (Xen. Alem. n. i. 20), 
 Cp. fr. 3 (on the blessings of elpfya), 12 or d\eitrrtj^ (Arist. I.e.): while wcuSoTpiprjs 
 ai'lj-troffluv S' eparuv fipidovr' dyvtai. is properly the ordinary teacher of boys in 
 
 19O From the praises of Aegina and a palaestra. ppoToxjxXt'a : not found else- 
 
 the Aeacidae, which began at v. 77, the where; cp. dij/jLuQeXris. MevavSpov. an 
 
 poet now returns to his immediate theme. Athenian, mentioned by Pindar also in
 
 XII] 
 
 ET7INIKOI 
 
 353 
 
 as doth also temperate Eunomia, to whom festivities belong, 
 and who keeps the towns of pious men in peace. 
 
 Sing, O youths, the glorious victory of Pytheas, and the helpful epode 6. 
 care of the trainer Menander: oft has that care been honoured 
 on the banks of Alpheus by Athena of the golden chariot, 
 majestic queen of lofty soul, when ere now she has set garlands 
 on the heads of countless men at the great games of Hellas. 
 
 Let those who are not thralls of bold-tongued Envy give just str. 7. 
 praise to a master of his art. Disparagement waits on every 
 work of man : 
 
 6EPC .V IIHC : the letter after the first C seems to have been I, but is not certain. 
 Nairn conj. d0epiroeTn?is, 'disparaging in speech' (A&epifeiv): Housman, d/te/wteTriJs (envy 
 ' bereaves of speech,' when praise is due). Jurenka reads dtfe/wieirijs (0ep-/i6y, ' chill 
 of speech '), comparing Ov. Met. II. 763 (the domus Invidiae) ignavi plenissima 
 frigoris. 2O2 BPTfiTON A: corr. A 1 . 
 
 his ode on this same victory, N. V. 48 : 
 taOi, y\VKeidv rot "Mevavdpov ffvv Tv-%a 
 (' by Menander's happy aid ') /j.6x6ui> 
 dfioifiai' | firaupeo' XP*I &' alr ' 'A^ayav 
 TfKTov' ddXrjTaiffiv ?/j./jiif. Lampon, the 
 victor's father, is described by Pindar 
 (/. V. 66 f.) as neXtrav \ l/xyotj dirdfav, 
 ' bestowing care on feats of prowess ' 
 (i.e. on athletics), and recommending it 
 to his sons, thus observing Hesiod's 
 maxim (Op. 382 /wX^Tij 5^ rot tpyov 
 d0AXet). Pindar's meaning (or a part of 
 it) must be that Lampon, a rich man 
 (cp. 224 f.), procured the best training 
 for his sons. It was natural, then, that 
 both poets should pay a tribute to 
 Menander. 
 
 193 198 Athena has 'honoured' 
 the skill of the Athenian trainer by 
 giving several Olympian victories to his 
 pupils, whose successes in the four ' Pan- 
 hellenic' festivals, taken all together, 
 have been 'countless.' Oapd (the accent 
 given by Apollonius De adverb, p. 563. 3) 
 is emphasized by STJ, as in Pind. N. I. 17. 
 Of Athena's three epithets, \pwra.p- 
 P.O.TOS denotes a conventional attribute; 
 o-|ivd, divine rank ; and |iryd0u|j.os a 
 personal quality: cp. V. 98 f. 'AOdva: 
 cp. ffeXdva. VIII. 29. 
 
 196 ixfo-pauriv. This filrpa. was a 
 woollen headband to which the sprays 
 or leaves of the wreath were attached: 
 Pind. /. IV. 62 Xd/j-fiavt foi ffrtQavov, 
 <ptpe 8' etifJM\\ov fdrpav. Hence the 
 word is used as an equivalent for <TT- 
 
 J. B. 
 
 <f>avos: O. IX. 84 'Iff0/J.ia.iffi Aa.fj.ir po/j.6x ov 
 /j.irpais. avepoiv : this inflexion of dvyp 
 is not elsewhere extant in B. : Pindar 
 uses it freely. 
 
 198 IlcmXXavwv: Pind. /. in. 47 
 HaveXXdveffffi 8' epitfuevoi dcnrdtxf. \a.lpov 
 Lirirwv. /. II. 38 fv Ilai'eXXdj'wi' v6fUf>. 
 The four great iravrfyvpfis are ' Panhel- 
 lenic' as distinguished from minor local 
 festivals, such as those mentioned in 
 
 IX. 3035 (n.). 
 
 199 f. <j>96vos can bluster as well as 
 whisper: Ocpcricir^s denotes loud, im- 
 pudent detraction. The Aeolic 0(p<ros 
 (ddpaos) is found only in proper names, 
 such as Qtpffavdpos, Qtpa-ris, Qepffiinros, 
 0/)<riTTjs. For the connecting vowel i in 
 6ep<rieir-{)s cp. Oe/wiXoxos. (9e/xroX6xos 
 occurs, however, as the patronymic in an 
 inscription: see Pape-Benseler s.v.) The 
 sense of the word is illustrated by the 
 name Qepffayopas (Dem. or. 23 142), 
 'bold in debate.' ptdrai: B. pictures 
 <f>66vos as a malignant force within the 
 man, against which candour has to 
 wrestle: v. 187 f. \pr} S' dXaffdas x^P 1 " ' 
 aiveiv, (p06vov d/J.(poT^patffiv \ xepffiv dirw- 
 ffdnevov. Cp. XV. 31 <p66vos tvpv/lia.s. 
 Frag. trag. aa'esp. 547. 12 f. irpbs yap rt> 
 \a/j.irp6v 6 tpffovos /Staffrat, | (T^dXXei 5" 
 ficeivovs oOs av vif/dxry Ti/xiJ- 
 
 2O2 f. o-vv SiKa: cp. V. iy6(n.): 
 
 X. 1 23 f. |Mp,os : Smyth refers to Anth. 
 Planud. 84 vavrl 5' tw' tpyy \ MWMOS: 
 and Theogn. 1 184 (there is no man) < 
 fj.ufj.os firucptfjMTai. 
 
 24
 
 354 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xil 
 
 f ' 2> 
 
 6 a o a 
 
 205 7 VLKO.V, O TC 
 
 9 e]pyjaeVov atev 
 
 ( I 75) 10 ovcrae^eajy Se 
 
 \ * '-SM V 
 ii yAwcrcr atojT] 
 
 [The last v. of orp. ', and the first nine of dvr. %, are lost.] 
 
 Col. 29 aW.'-22o 10 eXTTiSt Ovpov laivf.i- 
 
 ii ra Kat eyco 7ri'crwo[s 
 
 Movcrat? 
 
 (191) 2 (cuV&), ^eviav re 
 225 3 yXaov yepaipct), 
 
 4 rav e/xol Aa/XTrw^ 
 
 s ySXi'jxpa*' eiraOpT/jcrais r[tet, 
 (195) e rai> et y' erv/xw? ci/aa KXetcu 
 
 2O7 tpyfdvov] Wackernagel conj. ap^fi^vov (cp. {nrapyp-tvov Her. VII. ii). 2O8 The 
 faint traces after M would suit either A or I. 2O9 An upright can be traced before 
 CMIN. Blass' J supplies yXwercr' di'5-fjs fj.ivvdfi from Cramer Anecd. Oxon. I. 65. 11 
 ( = fr. 46 Bergk 4 , 36 Bl. 2 ), Bapi/Tivtoj 5^ rb 'Aides' TO yap eiriOeTtKov 6^verai' 
 $vff(j,ei>t<ai> 5 di'57/s X^-et Ba/cxuXiSi/s. 22O f. tatif^- T ? K. : lali>[f\Ta.i ' *rai 
 
 Blass. 222 <fx>iviKOKpa8ttJU>oi<ri Mo^tratj Blass (-ois re Moi5<rais Nairn) : -oio 
 
 Moi5<ras Housman : -oio KXetoOj Jurenka. 223 i>fOTr\6Kwv d6<nv Blass: who 
 
 after TAXAE finds a small trace of N written above I (or P), as if i(oir\6Kwi>) had 
 
 204 oXaOcia. This may be merely 
 the Ionic poet's conventional Doricizing 
 of aXrjOfl-ri. See however Choeroboscus 
 (Bekk. Anecd. p. 1314). dX^eia KOIV&S 
 Kal d\ij0fla 'Arrtfcws. This was the older 
 Attic accent (Chandler 103, 2nd ed.). 
 Cp. Ar. fr. 29 (3 ira.pa.voia. Kal dvaiSfia 
 (instead of trapdvoLa etc.). 
 
 205 ff. -iravSaficxTup : epithet of XP OVO * 
 in Simonides fr. 4, 5. xaXuis with the 
 epic (and Ionic) a. which is not found in 
 Pindar. epyptvov : see on tp-x.6tvros in 
 65 f. de'i. 'exalts,' strengthens in re- 
 pute. In Od. 15. 372 Ipyov d^ovaiv 
 /wzKapes Ofol, $ tirifj.ifj.vw, the sense is 
 'prospers.' 
 
 2O9 du8t]S. In Hes. Scut. 477, arjn' 
 di'Sey irol-rifffv, the word is passive in sense, 
 as it must be here. 
 
 22O ff. cXirCSi, as in IX. 40, the 'hope' 
 or ambition of a man who aspires to win 
 
 fame by the exercise of some gift. The 
 ten verses lost before v. 220 may have 
 spoken of various pursuits, ending with 
 a reference to the poet's. In 221 the 
 MS. has no point after rat: and tavi- 
 rql Kal gives a far better rhythm than 
 lai\vfrai- teal etc., though the latter is 
 otherwise unobjectionable (cp. Archil. 
 fr- 36 dXXos dXXy Kapdi-r)t> iaivfrai). In 
 222 a dat. plur. is more probable than a 
 genit. sing, (which would go with v^ivuv). 
 The dat. will depend on irlffvvos: 'In (or 
 with) which hope, trusting to the Muses,' 
 etc. (We might read -ois T Mouircus: 
 but it seems less fitting that the Muses 
 should be thus subjoined to the Aa-ij. ) 
 cf>oi.viKOKpaS'p.v(Ho-i : a merely ornamen- 
 tal epithet, given to Latona in x. 97 (n.). 
 223 The letter after ravSt may have 
 been X: but it is very uncertain. As a 
 conjectural supplement, vto'irXoKov 86<riv
 
 XIlJ 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 355 
 
 but truth is wont to prevail ; and all-subduing time ever 
 
 strengthens the repute of fine achievement. The vain speech 
 
 of foes covertly detracts [from worth; but fails in the end...] 
 
 ****** 
 
 [Every one who works aright at his appointed task] has ant. 7. 
 a hope to cheer his heart. With such hope I also, trusting in the 
 Muses of purple kerchief, 
 
 now present a gift of newly-woven song ; thus honouring the epode 7. 
 splendid hospitality shown to me by Lampon, his tribute to the 
 Muse's charm, not slight, which has found favour in his eyes. 
 And if it be indeed radiant Cleio 
 
 been corrected to v(eoir\6icuv). 226 f. oil at the end of 226 was first proposed by 
 
 Housman : fwaffpriffais (as part.) by Platt (who after it placed Ttx"0-v) : Tap^x w " and 
 Xdpiv by J.: rifi by Blass. 228f. EIK'MS.: eryj.(in 1897), Blass, Platt: fix as=tl 
 W. Schulze (cp. OVK = OV), on analogy of Arcadian fticai>: Wilamowitz cp. Ar. Lys. 1099 
 aiK eldov, and the Cnidian verse in Her. I. 174, where he reads alx (vulg. el K') ^/Jot/Xe-ro. 
 KXeiw | tvfffTa[ev <ppa<rii>] : so I had conjectured (but with <J>prii>) from KA- and 
 ENEC, before EIQ and TAS were furnished by a small fragment, containing the ends 
 of vv. 227 230, which Blass identified as belonging here. <f>pa.alv Housman and 
 Blass. 
 
 is suitable: Blass gives vtoirXoKwv. I 
 rather prefer the ace. sing., on account 
 of TIVCI, which serves to soften the 
 figurative sense. vfj.vwv yde i/e6ir\ox-6s ns 
 56<ris seems better than the same phrase 
 with veoirXoKuv. Another possibility 
 would be vebopoirov. (Or, if the letter 
 after rdvdf was M, fj.f\i<pOoyyov or /te\t- 
 yKdiffffov.) For 86<riv cp. Find. O. vn. 7 
 Mourav dbaiv, and /. I. 45 Ko6<f>a Soerts 
 dvdpl ffcxpf K.T.\. 
 
 226 f. In the restoration of these 
 verses two points may, I think, be taken 
 as certain, (i) X*P IV must have stood 
 in 226, meaning the poet's 'charm,' as 
 in III. 97 KO.L /j.f\iy\6<ro-ov TIS vjj.i>rifffi 
 Xdpif | K.t]tas drjddvos. There is no other 
 word to which the rav in 228 could so 
 fitly refer. (2) tiraOprjorcus, aor. panic., 
 must be read in 227. The Aeolic form 
 in -a is not elsewhere used by B.: but 
 his \axotffav in XVIII. 13 f., and Mo?<ra 
 in v. 4, are also exceptional Aeolisms. 
 eiraBpriaai, with or without ice in 226, 
 would require after it a word beginning 
 with ffr: but the possible words (ffrttpuv, 
 arixuv, ffTOfjLo.) are all inadmissible. The 
 remaining question seems to be between 
 (i) irop'xv...Tui (Blass), and (ii) e.g. 
 (wXe'wv (xvin. 2) ...TtXti or rlvti. I 
 prefer (i), because, (a) after ^eviav, 
 Tra^x^" is fitter than reX or rivti : and 
 
 (6) riei, governing x^P^", is better in 
 that place than a verb governing fvlav 
 would be, since rav in 228 refers to x-P LV - 
 For the i in riti, cp. Aesch. Ag. 942, 
 Eur. Heracl 1013. 
 
 The meaning is, then, that Lampon, 
 in affording (irapexw) hospitality to the 
 poet, Honours the poetic charm, not 
 slight, on which he has looked with 
 favour.' ov /SXr/xpd" (cp. X. 65), as being 
 the Muse's gift. The compound eiraOptu> 
 recurs only in later verse (Ap. Rhod. 4. 
 497 tiradpjiffa.vTa.s, where <r- is a v. /., 
 and Quint. Smyrn. I. in, where Heyne 
 reads fffdffpyffa). Here the word denotes 
 favourable regard; as firif}\tTr(iv (nvi) 
 does in Lucian Astral. 20. Cp. V. 8 Sevp' 
 
 228 f. t Y'' siqiiidem: Plat. Phaedr. 
 242 D ef -ye <rii d\r]drj Xtyeis. iravBoXiis, 
 as giving bloom to the flowers of song ; 
 Pind. O. vi. 105 0/ww'...ei/repir^s ai/0os. 
 One of the Muses was 9dXa (Hes. Th. 
 77). Distinguish this form, with o, from 
 that with a (69 n.). VO-TO|V: Od. 2. 
 271 el Si) TOI ffov Trarpbs MffTtucrai /J.4vos 
 fiv: Her. IX. 3 dXXd oi deivbs evt<rTa.KTo 
 l>epos /c.r.X. <}>pa<rfv, Doric. This form 
 occurs in Pindar, either without a variant 
 (N. in. 62), or, as is far more often the 
 case, with the v. 1. Qpfa'iv (0. vil. 24, 
 P. n. 56, in. 108, iv. 109, 219). In 
 
 24 2
 
 356 BAKXYAIAOY [xn, xm 
 
 e/xat? eVe'<TTa[' <j>pacrLv, 
 230 s T/3i//t7ret9 viv dotSat 
 9 iravrl Kapv^ovn Xcuu. 
 
 XIII. [XIV.] 
 KAEOnTOAEMQI OECCAAQI 
 innoic 
 
 <rrp. a. T Eu fjiev eifAoipOai irapa at/xo^o5 av- 
 
 2 OpatTTOLS aplCTTOV' 
 
 3 <rv/A<opa 8' tcrd\6v T* d/zaXSv- 
 
 4 vet ySa/avrXaro? /xoXovcra' 
 
 18' v\fri<f>avYJ re[v- 
 ^(et /c]arop#a)#eicra ' 
 8' aXjXo? d.XXoiai> 
 
 dvT. a'. i jav/3t]at S' di>Spc3i> dperai, /xta S' e[/c 
 2 7ra(ra]f Tr/oo/cetrat, 
 
 XIII. The title added in the left margin by A 3 . 1 dai/j.ovos Platt and others 
 
 (Satfj.offtv K.). 3 fcr6\6v T' or e<r0\oi>s conj. J. (^cr^Xouj K.) : tffd\bv MS. 
 
 5 ..... ONH AHT^I4>ANHTE A : A 3 cancelled HAH and wrote KAI above. Kdyarbv 
 IS' v\f>t<f>avij conj. J.: rj KvSpbv r)8' Blass : see comment. revxei Blass and others. 
 
 P. in. 59, where the MSS. agree in (ppecriv, 2 6 The MS. has a point after |io- 
 
 Boeckh restored <f>pa.<riv. Pindar also uses Xowra. Fortune, when it comes in a 
 
 <j>peveffffiv (I. III. 5), as B. does (xm. n). grievous shape, crushes (d|ioXSvvi, weak- 
 
 If the Ionian's conventional Doricism was ens, brings low) even a brave spirit: but, 
 
 consistent, he would have written <f>pa<riv when it has a prosperous course (Karop- 
 
 here; and we are not justified in assuming 6w0i<ra), makes a man admired and 
 
 the reverse. eminent (v|/id>av]). 
 
 23O The stress is on Tp\|/ieiris. If After <r0Xov in 3 T' has dropped out : 
 
 Cleio has really inspired the poet, this unless, indeed, the poet wrote eaOXovs, 
 
 ode, which honours Lampon (viv), will but the transition from that plural to the 
 
 please. For the compound with ITTOJ as singular in v. 5 would be very harsh. It 
 
 epithet of aoidai cp. VII. 7 n. can hardly be doubted that the metre 
 
 here was the same as in the antistrophic 
 
 "XTTT. 1 elfxapOai, impersonal, irapa verse (10), ----- . [Blass, ac- 
 
 8ai(iovos : the best thing for men is that a cepting (<r&\6v without re, supposes that 
 
 good destiny should have been assigned ~~~- here is substituted for the ---- 
 
 (to them) by the gift of heaven: cp. xvi. in verse 10. But this seems very im- 
 
 24 tic Bewv fj.oTpa : Aesch. Ag. 1026 fj.oipav probable, even if it be metrically pos- 
 
 (K dewv : Pers. 101 OeWev /j.olpa: Xen. H. sible.] 
 
 VI. 3. 6 IK BeCiv vtirpu^vov tcrri: Find. S f. The first hand wrote ...ov TJ8T) 
 
 A^. IV. 61 rb fwp<rifj.ov Ai60ev irfirpu^vov. v\(/i<j>avr) : where ijdrj was doubtless a 
 
 P. III. 59 xpi] TO. feoiKora irap daifjAvuv corruption of TJ8', this, in turn, having 
 
 (jLa.aTfvttJ.ev. irapa Saipocriv is also pos- replaced the less common form, 18*. The 
 
 sible (mortal destiny is laid up with, the metre is shown by v. 1-2, ~- ~~ . 
 
 gods, is in their keeping) : but here the [Blass however reads ^ Kvdpbv r\&' v\f/t<f)avTJ 
 
 god is rather the dispenser of fate. retf-, assuming that --- - could be sub-
 
 XII, XIII] 
 
 ETTINIKOI 
 
 357 
 
 who has imbued my spirit with that charm, sweet will be the 
 strains that tell forth his name to all the folk. 
 
 XIII. [XIV.] 
 
 For Cleoptolemus of Tkessaly, victor in the cltariot-race at the 
 
 Petraia. 
 
 A happy destiny is heaven's best gift to mortals. Fortune str. i. 
 can crush worth, if she comes fraught with suffering ; she can 
 make a man admired and eminent, if her course be prosperous. 
 The honour won by men takes various shapes : 
 
 the forms of human excellence are countless ; but one merit has ant. i. 
 the foremost place among all, 
 
 8 f. The end of v. 8 (MIAAE) is contained in a small fragment placed here by K., which 
 gives also the last letters or syllables of v. 10 (A), n (N), 12 (APMO), and 13 (M*A). 
 con}. Richards (IK ira.(ra.v Jurenka) : e a\\ai> Housman : is rifiay R. Ellis. 
 
 stituted for the --~~ in v. 12: but here 
 again it seems more than doubtful whether 
 such a substitution is possible. The me- 
 trical effect is almost intolerably harsh.] 
 I regard 18* as well-nigh certain. 18 is 
 Homeric, but is not used by Pindar: it 
 is probable in .Soph. Ant. 969, but does 
 not elsewhere occur in Tragedy. (For 
 an instance of elided IS', see Od. 3. 10. ) 
 We might, indeed, read (ic\fivkv) 8i teal 
 v\j/i<f>avij (64 sometimes follows re : Soph. 
 O. C. 367 ff.) : or K\fiv6v TC K.T.\. Then, 
 however, the scribe's $01) would remain 
 without satisfactory explanation, since it 
 is unlikely that it could have arisen from 
 so familiar a word as 5^. 
 
 There is room before ov for four or five 
 letters. Five is the number required by 
 Blass's fj Kvdp]6v : but his TJ cannot (in 
 my opinion) be right. We need Kal, de, 
 or re. I would suggest KO/yo.T]6v (ayrjTos) 
 or KQ.ya.vov : for crasis of ical at the be- 
 ginning of a verse, see in. 81 x^ ri < ant l 
 XVII. 50 KijtirvKTov. In Class. R. xn. 
 p. 131 (Mar. 1898) I proposed Kal K\I- 
 vov, which still seems to me not 
 improbable. In KAIKAEINON the re- 
 semblance of KA to KA might have led 
 to the loss of KAI, leaving in our MS. 
 only KAEIXON. The number of letters 
 before ov for which this conjecture re- 
 quires space is. therefore, only the same 
 as that demanded by the emendations 
 noticed above, five. In objecting to it 
 
 as requiring too much room ('nimia pro 
 spatio,' 2nd ed. p. 121) Blass evidently 
 overlooked the fact that, on my hypo- 
 thesis, KO.I had dropped out. 
 
 ^Ttv\t\. = Ti0i]ffi: Od. 13. 397 dX\' aye 
 ff' ayvwffrov revl-u: so Find. N. IV. 83 ff. 
 v/jLvo^...iffooa.in.ovo. Tfv\fi | <j>ura: Aesch. 
 Eum. 668 rb ffbv ir6\ia^.a xal ffrparbv 
 Tfv<j) fdyav. 
 
 8 f. pvpiai S'...apTai. From the 
 importance of happy fortune for the 
 attainment of honour, the poet passes 
 to the various kinds of honour that men 
 may win, and the variety of excellences in 
 different aspirants. Cp. vin. 88 f., and 
 IX. 38 ff. 
 
 (iCa...TrpOKtTai. It seems possible, or 
 even probable, that irpbueiTai here means, 
 ' is set in front ' (of all others), ' holds the 
 first place 1 ; as irporiOfvai rl TWOS can 
 mean 'to prefer' (Her. in. 53, etc.). 
 Cp. Arist. Top. vi. 5 (p. 142 b 24) 4v oh 
 ov Trpo/ffircu roO \6yov TO rl fffnv (' where 
 the nature of the thing is not put first in 
 the account of it '). We might then read : 
 (i) CK irewrav, 'ranks first among them 
 all,' as suggested by H. Richards (writing 
 K iraatuv) in Class. K. XII. 76 (< d\\dv 
 Housman, ib. 73). Or: (i) tls oXfJov, 
 'in respect to happiness.' (& rtfjiav 
 Robinson Ellis, it. 65: but cp. 6.) I 
 slightly prefer (i), as better fitted to inter- 
 pret the sense of irp&Kfirai. [Blass writes 
 s {jvv6v w/xkeiTcu, i.e. ' is set before men
 
 358 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xm 
 
 io 3 O9 TO] nap ^et/3O9 Kvftepva- 
 4 Tat St]/cataurt <j>pV(rcrLv. 
 s OUT' e]v ftapvTrtvdecrw 
 
 7 KCU Xt]yv/c\ayyt5 \opoi, 
 fir. a. 15 i OVT' e]i> #aXtcus 
 
 aXX' e^>' 
 v epy^an /caX- 
 
 8e /cat 
 
 s KXeo7TToXe/io> Se XP^ 
 20 e j/{iv x/ 91 ? noo~et8avo5 TC 
 7 ov Tp,evo<s KeXa&rjcrai, 
 s Hvppixov r evSo^ov i7T7r6V[iKoz' vloV, 
 
 1O f. 8s r6 Headlam, Pearson : 6s rd Wilamowitz : at TO. Blass : et rb Richards : 
 6's ye K. KTBEPNAI A: corr. A 1 . Kv^epvarai K. : Kvfitpvafffv Wilamowitz. 
 13 oiV' 6] OI)K ^v K. : oCrot Ellis: owe ay (with dp^foi) Platt. 13 yticixats J. 
 
 for their common good,' whatever the 
 special Apery of each may be. My former 
 conjecture, accepted by Kenyon and 
 Smyth, was ei)5atjuw< ir/>6*cetTat, ' is set 
 before men,' ' is proposed to their 
 efforts,' 'as truly happy,' i.e. 'with a 
 sure promise of happiness.'] 
 
 lOf. os...KvfitpvaTai, a relative clause 
 serving to define the dperij meant in 8 f . ; 
 equivalent in sense to et (or 6Ve) ris 
 Kv^epvdrai. Thuc. II. 44 i TO 5' 
 etfruX^s, otciv ri)s etiirpeireffTdTr)s (lu/u^opas) 
 XdXtoo-t : VI. 14x6 KaXuis Api-ai TOVT' elvat, 
 8s aV rr\v TrarpiSa &<f>e\'/iffr) u>s vXeiara. 
 Cp. also vn. 68 i : Od. 24. 286. 
 
 TO imp x l Ps, ' his immediate task ' ; 
 the act which is next to come from his 
 hand. The phrase resembles TO irap 
 TToSos : Pind. P. in. 60 (a man should 
 pray for things which befit men), yv6vra T& 
 va.p 9ro56s, oi'as elfttv afcras, 'aware of what 
 lies in front of him, and of our mortal 
 destiny.' There, rb irap xo56s is the 
 thing to which one will come at the next 
 step from where his foot now is : i.e., 
 what lies directly in front of him, 
 decay and death. Cp. also P. x. 62 f. 
 Tvy&v Kev apira.\t'av (rxjtOoi <f>povrlda TO.V 
 trap iroSos- | TO. 5' ei'j eviavTbv dr^K/jtaprov 
 irpovo^ffai : ' if he succeeds, he will seize 
 with rapture on his immediate desire ; 
 but what a year may bring forth, no sign 
 can foreshow.' As rd Trap iro86s suits 
 
 Pindar's thought of men moving on their 
 appointed paths, so TO irdp \eipds suits 
 our poet's thought here. Happy is he 
 who is guided by a just mind in that 
 which his hand finds to do at each 
 successive moment. 
 
 12 16 (xdxais is on the whole much 
 more probable in \. 13 than \a\ais, the 
 conjecture of Blass (2nd ed.). Hesychius 
 gives Xax^ (sic) X^fts, diro/cX^pcofftj. 
 (In Aesch. Th. 914 rd^wv irarpifuv Xaxa 
 are their ' portions ' in those graves. ) It 
 may be granted that B. could have used 
 as = Xdxos. And at first sight 
 is distinctly commended by |3apv- 
 Compare, however, x. 68 
 /tdx<x(s...Xt;7pats. The reasons which 
 weigh with me in favour of (id\ais are 
 chiefly these. (i) The antithesis be- 
 tween joyous music and Kava\d...6KTi>7ros 
 (i5f.). With Xax'S) we must there read, 
 as Blass does, ffTepv6KTviros. But KO.VO.XO. 
 denotes some sharp sound, esp. the 
 clanging of metal: //. 16. 105 irT?Xr; 
 ^a\\o/j.^vi) Ka.va.xrjv ?x e ' Soph. Ant. 130 
 Xpvffov Kavaxr)*- In II. 11 B. uses 
 y\VKeiav av\wv KO.VO.XO.V to describe the 
 brisk, high-pitched notes of flutes. Ka.va.xa. 
 ffrepvtiKTViros could not well denote the 
 sound made by beating the breast (cp. 
 Soph. Ai. 631 ff. x f P^ lr ^ aKTOi & | ev 
 ffTepvoiffi ireffovvTai | 5oC7roi). It would 
 have to mean, ' a shrill sound (of 7604)
 
 XIII] 
 
 ETTINIKO! 
 
 359 
 
 his, who is guided by just thoughts in each thing that his 
 hand finds to do. 
 
 The voice of the lyre, the clear strains of choral song, accord 
 not with the grievous stress of battle, 
 
 as the clash of arms has no place amidst festivity. To every epode i. 
 work of man the fitting season lends the fairest grace; and 
 heaven prospers him who works aright. 
 
 Now, in tribute to Cleoptolemus, 'tis meet to celebrate the 
 sacred domain of Poseidon Petraios, and the glorious son of 
 Pyrrhichus, victor in the chariot-race... 
 
 (so K., and Blass 1 ) : Xaxots Blass 2 . 6/j.<f>& J. (a conjecture afterwards confirmed by 
 the letters M<A in the fragment mentioned above in n. on 8 f.). 16 x^X/cd/tri/ros K.: 
 iros Blass 2 . 17 /coupes J. 18 EPAONTI A: corr. A 3 ? <5p0ot J. 
 
 accompanied by beating of the breast ' : 
 this, however, would be a forced sense.- 
 On the other hand Kavaxa xa\KOKTviros 
 (the clash of arms) is a natural phrase : 
 and it is strongly confirmed by xvn. 59 
 Xa\KeoKTvwov /xd^as. (i) In i6f. the 
 poet adds that jcaipos should be observed 
 i n every deed or work of man , etf> ' eKdcrry . . . 
 ZpynaTi. This is suitable if the anti- 
 thesis to festivity is fighting; but less so, 
 if it is mourning. (3) Music and choral 
 song are prominently named by B. him- 
 self (fr. 4. 2) among the gifts of Elpriva. 
 Cp. //. 1 8. 490 ff., the city at peace, 
 with its festal music of av\oi and <f>6pfity- 
 7, contrasted with the city at war. 
 
 XiYfKXayyeis (only here) : cp. ix. 10 
 \iyu<j>0oyyov. \iyfa is notably frequent 
 as an epithet of the Muse, the lyre, or 
 song (e.g. Od. 24. 62, Terpander fr. 6, 
 Alcman fr. i, Stesichorus fr. 44, Find. 
 O. ix. 47, etc.). 
 
 17 Kaipos : from Theognis 401 fjujdtv 
 &yai> aTTftidfiv Kaipbs 8' eirt irdffiv dpicrros \ 
 Hpyfj.a.ffu' dvOp&irwv : cp. also Hes. Op. 
 694 Kaipbs 8' fvl iraffiv dpiffros : Find. O. 
 XIII. 47 f- frrerat 5' ev eKdary \ fUrpov 
 vorjffai 8t vaipos 5pi<TToj ('a just measure 
 goes with every deed ; and to discern it 
 is the highest opportuneness'). 
 
 18 eu IpSovra: suggested by tpy/jiaTi. 
 Each deed should be done in season ; 
 and if a man does it aright, the god, too^ 
 prospers him. Cp. Eur. fr. 432. 2 rip 
 yap TTOVOVVTI KCLI Otbs ffv\\a/j.l3dvei. 1 here 
 is an allusion to success in the games (cp. 
 in. 94 irpdavTi d' e5), which smooths 
 the transition from the prefatory moraliz- 
 ing to the proper subject of the ode. 
 
 1921 X*P IV: the poetical tribute. 
 
 The ace. is in apposition with the sen- 
 tence (XPT . . . T^UVOS KeXaS^orai). An 
 exact parallel is afforded by Find. 0. xi. 
 
 78 ff. (484 B.C.) KOl VW fTTUVV/J-iav X-P iv I 
 
 V^ACOJ ayep<j)xov KeXa.8riff6tJ.eOa \ fipovrav 
 xai irvpira\afjLov /3Ao$ etc. : where x^-P 1 " 
 has a like sense, and is similarly in ap- 
 position with the sentence. vvv, as so 
 often, when B. passes from proem to 
 theme : IX. 9 n. 
 
 rJVrpafov : schol. Find. P. IV. 138 
 (where Pelias, king of lolcus, is addressed 
 by Jason as irat Hofftidavos nerpalov), 
 Tlerpatos Ti/Mrat IloffeiSuv irapa QerraXoTs, 
 OTI diarefjujv ra opy TO, QerraXwcd, \^>a> 
 5rj TO. Ttfiirri, ireirolijKe Si aiTuv etrtTptxeiv 
 rbv Trorafibv Hr)vei6v, irpbrepov Sid ueffys 
 T^J iriXetos (sic) ptovra KO.I iroXXa rtav 
 Xwpiw 8ia<t>6eipovra. Her. vn. 129 gives 
 the legend, without mentioning the cult. 
 Cp. schol. Ap. Rhod. 3. 1244 (on verpriv 
 6' Alfwvtiiv) : rty QevffaXlav Rtrpav 
 X^piov 54 fffTiv (v f HoaetSwvos ayerat 
 dyd>v. It is only a conjecture that the 
 scene of the HerpaTa was somewhere 
 near Tempe. 
 
 22 fc Ilwpp(xo v probably the victor's 
 father. Cleoptolemus has been named 
 in 19 as the recipient of the poetical 
 offering. But there is no unfitness in 
 this second reference to him as ^victor. 
 Blass 's supplement iinroviKov vlov may 
 therefore be accepted. In v. 23 8s refers 
 to vibv, i.e. Cleoptolemus, and the two 
 epithets refer to his father Pyrrhichus. 
 Verse 24 may have been, as Herwerden 
 suggests, Trarpds ireipvKws. Jurenka, sup- 
 posing Pyrrhichus to be the charioteer, 
 supplies iirir6v[wfi.ov opudv] : but see on 
 v. 43-
 
 360 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY ETTINIKOI 
 
 [xin 
 
 crrp. 
 
 OS 
 
 T KOL 
 
 [The last six verses of a-rp. ft', the whole of dvr. (?, and the first three 
 verses of fir. (?, are lost.] 
 
 eo~o-a[X ^ - - 
 
 fir. /?. 4 4 
 
 7 _ w w - w w -wv 
 
 [The rest of the ode is lost] 
 
 33 This verse, the first of the second strophe, is the last in column xxix. After this 
 at least one whole column has been lost, as ode XIV begins at the top of the next 
 column which has been preserved. 4O 43 These words belonged, as metre 
 
 indicates, to verses 4 7 of an epode (probably the second). They are supplied by 
 a small fragment (no. 1 1 ) which K. placed here. 
 
 4O 43 Metre indicates that these 
 vestiges belonged to verses 4 7 of an 
 epode. cvuSca was probably the epithet 
 of Poseidon's temple or altar (cp. Find. 
 O. vu. 32 evudeos e ddtiroio : Eur. Tro. 
 1061 f. Bvbevra ftufjibv). -yvdXois must 
 denote the valley in which the chariot- 
 race was held. Thus (e.g. ) : fiunbv d/u.0'] 
 evwdta 0eff<raX[tas ev5al/j.ot>os] ev 71/0X01$, 
 if in v. 19 there was synizesis in KXeoTrro- 
 : if there was not, the epithet of 
 might be iiriroKvStos, or iir- 
 (Find. /. VI. 9). The letters 
 
 KTA??S belonged, as the accent in the MS. 
 shows, to a proper name, doubtless Ilav- 
 r^Xrjs- (The names IlcwreXeios and 
 Havr4\tos are extant.) This was pre- 
 sumably the charioteer. The K might 
 suggest Kv^pva\ffev or Kv(3epi>-j)\Tas : see 
 V. 47. We might conjecture that the 
 poet, having no myth available which 
 would suit his Thessalian theme, had 
 recourse to description of the chariot-race 
 itself, such as Simonides is known to 
 have used in some epinikia.
 
 362 BAKXYAIAOY [xiv 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 XIV. [XV.] 
 ANJTHNOPIAAI 
 H EAENHJC ATTAITHCIC 
 Col. 30 or/a. a', i 'AvTijvopos] avTiOe 
 
 3 wigev dyvov Il]aXXaSo9 o 
 
 4 vaov Ovpas re ^]puo"ea9 
 
 s dyyeX.ois St<r<roicrtjv 'Apyeicoi> Oovo~crei 
 e Aa/cmaSa MeveXJaw r' 'ArpetSa 
 7 w - - - y8a#v]eui>os 
 
 - - W - w 
 
 10 3 ^ - W _ _ _w \VKTL[J,VaV 
 
 4 _ _W_ _ _v^_ 
 
 s w - - <-> - 
 
 r-u-.--.w- -- ^ -]ovs 
 
 [CTT. a', and the first v. of arp. /?', are lost.] 
 
 'Ai']TT;i'o/oi5at [17 'EX^^]s airaiTijffis. The title was written by A 3 , not, as 
 usual, in the left margin, but at the top of the column, since this ode, the first of the 
 extant At0y/>a/u/3ot, began a new volume or a new section. See Introduction to the 
 Ode. 1 'Avr^vopos is certain, agreeing with such vestiges as remain before (frrtWow. 
 3 The letters before C A9ANAC were almost certainly HI : the epithet must then 
 have ended in -WTTU. Blass further thinks that ENfil (or EPfil ?) preceded II : but 
 this is wholly uncertain : he supplies 5a.fj.ap repevwiris. The first syll. of the v., however, 
 
 XIV. 1 9 With regard to the vv. i 5. Probably she has taken them 
 
 embassy of Odysseus and Menelaus to thither in order that they may sup- 
 
 Troy, and the treatment of the subject plicate Athena to prosper their mission. 
 
 by Bacchylides, see the Introduction to Their hospitable reception at the house 
 
 this Ode. The poem begins somewhat of Antenor is presupposed. The traces 
 
 abruptly. Theano, wife of the Trojan in verses 2 4 favour some such con- 
 
 Antenor and priestess of Athena, is with jecture as that of Crusius (see cr. n.) : 
 
 the two envoys at the temple of the she opened the temple of Pallas, with 
 
 goddess on the acropolis of Troy. So its golden doors, to the Greek envoys. 
 
 much is clear from the remains of No point occurs in the MS. before that
 
 XIV] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 DITHYRAMBS. 
 
 XIV. [XV.] 
 
 THE SONS OF ANTENOR 
 OR THE DEMAND FOR THE RESTITUTION OF HELEN. 
 
 God-like Antenor's [wife of grave mien], priestess of Athena, str. i. 
 deep-girdled Theano, [opened the holy temple] of battle-rousing 
 Pallas with its golden doors [to the two envoys] of the Greeks, 
 Odysseus, son of Laertes, and Menelaus, the prince sprung from 
 Atreus... 
 
 is long in 44 and 51. I suggest <n!>^ i/ 6f/j.epuwis. 3 f. Crusius supplies w$fv ayvov] 
 IlaXXdSoj 6pffifj.dx.ov [vabv irtfXas re x]pwr6xs : perhaps 6vpas would be better; //. 6. 297 f. 
 at 5' ore vrjbv 'inavov 'AOritnjs ev ir6Xet aKpy, \ rrjffi Otipas wie Qeavw /caXXiirdpjjos K.T.\. 
 5 ayytXois iKovffiv Crusius : --- irpfofieffffiv Blass. 6 AapridSq. MeveX^y Crusius, 
 Nairn, Wilamowitz. r' added above line by A 3 . 7 paMfavos K. 12 The 
 
 letter before i2N seems to have been A or A. [irap' dXX-fi]Xuv n^Wes? TTXONTAC 
 A: corr. A 3 . 13 <rvv 0eoZs] These words answer to -g. fiaffiXei in 6, 0eXiret 
 
 in 48, and -as G^/UTOJ in 55. Probably ye, re, or 5^ has dropped out after <ruv. 
 14 After this verse all the rest of column xxx is lost. Column xxxi begins with 
 v - 37 (o-yov K.T.\.), the second v. of epode /3'. The number of verses lost is 
 therefore 12 (15 36). 
 
 which follows irpoorrjvtirev in v. 9. 
 There was certainly no break in the first 
 sentence before pcuriXci in v. 6, and 
 perhaps none before 0cavw in v. 7. 
 But, whether she or Odysseus was subject 
 to wpocn?iveirei>, a new sentence or clause 
 must have begun in the lost part of v. 8 
 or of v. 9. 
 
 2 'A6avas irpdo-iroXos : //. 6. 297 ff. 
 at 8' 8re vr)bv t/cacoc 'AOfyrjs tv 7r6Xei 
 &Kprj, | Trjfft (tvpas <3ie Qeavu Ka\\nrd- 
 
 fj.ot.0' | TTJC yap T/)ui(s HOy/cav 'AOrjisairis 
 iepeiav. Her father Kiffffrjs, a Thracian 
 prince, to be distinguished from He- 
 cuba's father Kurcrevs (Eur. ffec. 3), is 
 mentioned in //. n. 223. The epithet 
 ended in -coins (see cr. n.). 0^.cp<oiris, 
 'of grave mien' (epithet of aldus in 
 Aesch. P. V. 134), would be not unfitting 
 for the priestess. Blass (2nd ed.) gives 
 repevunris (not extant). 
 
 5 Possibly dyyAots 5iff<roiffti> : cp. //. 
 11. 140 dyyeXirjv (of this embassy). 
 
 [Trp^fffitffffiv Blass: there is, however, no 
 instance in classical poetry of ir^j/Seu 
 as = 'ambassadors.' In Aesch. Suppl. 
 727, where irpkafii) is commonly read, 
 irptapvs could mean only settex.] 
 
 9 irpoo-TJveirtv, impf., a form given by 
 MSS. in Pind. P. iv. 97 and ix. 29, where 
 some edd. read irpofftvvtire. Was the 
 subject to this verb Theano or Odysseus? 
 It might seem fitting that she, as priestess 
 of the temple, should speak here. In any 
 case, a speech by Odysseus presumably 
 occurred before v. 37. A fragment, not 
 unsuitable to a speech by him, is con- 
 jecturally placed in vv. 30 and 31 (n.). 
 If that conjecture be right, several lines 
 before v. 30 must also have been spoken 
 by him. Supposing, then, that a speech 
 by Theano began at v. 10, it cannot 
 have been long. TVXOVTCS in 1 2 may have 
 referred (whoever was the speaker) to 
 the ' obtaining ' of satisfactory terms by 
 the Greek envoys.
 
 364 BAKXYAIAOY [xiv 
 
 <rrp. (?. -- ww _ w^ _ 
 
 23 2 - - <-^ _ ^crOI/u]/CTtOS Kap 
 
 [The last five vv. of <rr/>. (?, and the first v. of dvr. (?, are lost.] 
 
 vr. p. -- ww _ w^ _ 
 
 30 2 ^ - ^ vj < ov ya/9 VTTOK\OTTOV <f>opel 
 
 3 PporolcTL (j)O)vdevTa Xoyov <ro(f>Ca.> 
 [The last four w. of avr. ^, and the first v. of CTT. (?, are lost.] 
 
 ^TT.^. 36 -- ^ --- ww_ww_ 
 
 Col. 31 2 ayov, Trarrjp 8' ev^ouXo? ypcDS 
 
 3 irdvra crdp.au'ev Tlpia/zoj /SacriXet 
 
 4 TTcuSecrcri re ^vdov ' 
 4 s v#a KoipvKes Si' ev- 
 
 e pelav TTO\IV o 
 
 ' </>aXayyas 
 
 y. j eLcrTpaTov et? ayopv. 
 
 2 iravra Se SteSpa/xet' avSaetg Xoyos* 
 45 s Oeols 8' a^tcr^ovTes ^epa<; d 
 4 ev^ovro TTa.vcrao'Ba.i Svav. 
 s Mouo-a, ris Trp&jTO? Xoywv dp^ev 
 6 IlXeKr^evtSas Me^eXaog ydpvl 
 
 33 ^lecrovyJ/ifTios /cfap is fr. 9 K., conjecturally placed here by Blass ; though (as he 
 says) the colour is darker than that seen in the extant part of col. xxx. A similar 
 tint is found, however, in parts of col. xxxi. These two words ended v. 2 of 
 a strophe, as is shown by the large vacant space above them (the last three verses of 
 an epode, as well as the first of a strophe, being short). 3Of. On the suggestion 
 
 of G. F. Hill, Blass places here fr. 35 (Bergk), preserved by Clem. Alex. Paedag. in. 
 
 23 [Ajo-ovvKTios K&ip. If (which is poet's odes. It seemed best, on the 
 
 doubtful) the words belonged to this whole, to print the words here, with 
 
 place, Odysseus may have been con- a due indication of the doubt. If they 
 
 trasting the bliss of peace with 'the were spoken by Odysseus, what was the 
 
 midnight fear ' which torments the heart context? Possibly he was deprecating 
 
 in war-time. Cp. what the poet says the suspicion that his plea for a peaceful 
 
 of peace in fr. 3. 10: ovdt auXarat /xeXi- settlement veiled some insidious design: 
 
 <t>puv | OJTVOS airb ^\f<f>dpwv. <ro<pia would then be the art of the 
 
 3O f. ov -yap viroicXoirov. Metre is orator. That word might, however, 
 
 the only definite ground for placing these suggest rather the art of the poet, as 
 
 words here. Clement quotes them in though B. were saying that there is 
 
 his Paedagogus, as in his Stromateis he nothing 'furtive' in the 'clear utterance' 
 
 quotes vv. 50 56 (cr. n.). The fact of poetry. (Contrast Find. O. n. 91 ff. 
 
 that this ode was familiar to him may <f>ii>vdevTaffwfToiinv s dt r6 irav ep^veuv 
 
 be viewed as slightly strengthening the xartfei.) 
 
 conjecture based on the metre. On the 37 ff. a-yov : (the sons of Antenor) 
 
 other hand, verses of this measure may proceeded to conduct Odysseus and 
 
 have occurred in more than one of the Menelaus to the Trojan agora. Mean-
 
 XIV] 
 
 AIOYPAMBOI 
 
 365 
 
 [ Verses 30 f. ?...for no guile lurks in the clear utterance that ant. *. 
 wisdom brings to mortals.] 
 
 ****#* 
 
 [The sons of Antenor] then led [the envoys to the market- epode i. 
 place of Troy] ; while their father, the sage hero, went to declare 
 all the word of the Achaeans to king Priam and his sons. 
 
 Thereupon heralds, hastening through the wide city, began 
 to gather the array of Trojans 
 
 into the marketplace where warriors muster. Everywhere the str. 3. 
 loud rumour ran abroad ; and men lifted up their hands to the 
 immortal gods, praying for rest from their woes. 
 
 Say, Muse, who was the first to plead the righteous cause? 
 Menelaus son of Pleisthenes spake with winning voice, 
 
 310, ot> yap vir6K\oirov tpopel \ fipoToiffi (puvdevra \byov <ro<f>ia : but he writes ftporols 8t 
 instead of pporoiai. As metre shows (cp. 44 f.), these words formed v. 2 (latter part) 
 and v. 3 of a strophe or antistr. ; so, if fr. 9 is rightly referred to str. /3', they belonged 
 to antistr. /3'. ^ 38 <rdfjMivei>] ffdfMvev Blass. Cp. XVI. 51. 47 \6ywv dp\ev 
 
 K., with Purser: APXEN AOrQX MS. The inroffTiyftri after AIKAIQN is abnormally 
 placed on a level with the bottom of the letters. (Cp. vm. 83 cr. n.) 
 
 while their father (tufSovXos rjpws. as 
 in //. 3. 148 ireirvv/jrfvos) 'went to lay' 
 (imperf.) 'all the word of the Achaeans 
 before Priam,' and to obtain his sanction 
 for the calling of the assembly. There- 
 upon (v0a, v. 40) the heralds went 
 forth to convoke it. (I can see no need 
 for changing the <ra(wiivv of the MS. 
 to ff6.fw.vfv, with Blass.) 
 
 Somewhere, then, in the course of the 
 lost verses the sons of Antenor came 
 on the scene. Antenor himself (we may 
 suppose] had previously learned the wishes 
 of the envoys : there is nothing to show 
 that he is imagined as present here. 
 
 According to the schol. on //. 24. 
 496, B. represented Theano as having 
 borne fifty sons to Antenor (only ten are 
 named in the Iliad). This mention may 
 have occurred in the verses lost between 
 31 and 37. Was his choice of that 
 surprising number connected with the 
 requirements of a KiyxXtos XP^ S which 
 consisted of fifty members (Simon, fr. 
 147, 476 B.C.)? The Antenoridae, as 
 such a chorus, may have formed a 
 spectacular element in the production 
 of this dithyramb. 
 
 42f. (Jw-Xayyas: a term applied in 
 the Iliad only to the 'ranks' of men 
 drawn up in battle array, or engaged 
 in righting. But the poet may have had 
 in mind the phrase describing how the 
 
 Achaeans 'marched forth by companies 
 to the place of assembly,' f<TTi\()<i}vro j 
 i\a8ov et's dyopriv (II. 1. 92). 8t<rrpaTOV 
 only here : cp. 5ei5wpos, 5ef0eo$, 5et- 
 /XT/XOS, degiirvpos. cis (instead of it) is 
 extant in B. only here and in elffdvrav 
 (v. no). 
 
 44 f. avScUis, 'loud': Aesch. Eum. 
 380 avSarai ((tans. dvkr\ovTS X*'?* 15 : 
 III. 36 n. 
 
 46 iravo-eurflai Svav. Weil observes 
 that B. seems here to conceive the 
 embassy as occurring in the middle 
 of the war, and not before its com- 
 mencement. Rather, I think, he is 
 following the Kinrpia, which must have 
 been his chief authority. According to 
 the summary of that epic given by Proems 
 in his XpriffTondOeia, two battles between 
 Greeks and Trojans occurred soon after 
 the landing of the invaders, and before 
 the embassy. In the first encounter the 
 Trojans were victorious ; in the second, 
 they were defeated. 
 
 47 Movo-a, TIS irpwros...; in the 
 epic style (//. i. 8 etc.). Find. P.iv. 70 
 T!S yap dpxd S^aro vavriXias ; Xo^wv... 
 SiKaUv, 'righteous pleas' for the restora- 
 tion of Helen. The MS. places ap\tv 
 before \itywv. cp. ix. 19 n. 
 
 48 nXcio-flsvCSas. According to a 
 post- Homeric genealogy of the Pelopidae, 
 the father of Agamemnon and Menelaus
 
 3 66 BAKXYAIAOY [xiv 
 
 7 <f>0eyaT y , euTreVXoto-t /cotvojo-a? Xa/otcrcrtv' 
 
 2 Zev9 ui/a/xeSajv, 09 airavra. Se/3/cerat, 
 
 3 ov/c atrtO9 Ovarols 
 
 4 dXX' ev ftecra> /cetrat 
 
 5 7rcurii> avOptoTTOis At/cav Welav, ayva.<s 
 55 6 Evi>o/iua9 a.Ko\ov6ov /cat Trtvvra? 
 
 7 6Xy8ta>v 7rat8e9 vtv aipevvrau CTVVOIKOV. 
 
 1 a 8' cuoXois /cepSeo"cri /cat a(f>pocrvvai<s 
 
 2 eatcrt(H9 OahXovcr d#g/j,ffi)9 
 
 3 *T/8/ot9, a 7rX[oi)rov] Svva/xiv re #00)9 
 60 4 dXXoT/Hov (Diracrev, 
 
 s 8' 9 (3a6vv TrefJLireL 
 
 6 K.LvOL /Cat V7T6p(f)Ld\OV$ 
 
 5O 56 These seven verses are quoted by Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 731, without the 
 poet's name (6 \vpiicfo (fnjffi). Sylburg and Boeckh rightly gave them to B. , though 
 for a wrong reason, viz. because B. had made Cassandra predict the fall of Troy 
 (Porphyrion on Hor. C. I. 15, and schol. Statius 77i. vn. 330) : Bergk 4 fr. 29. 
 Clement supplies the defects of our MS. in 51 53. 54 AtKav ideiav] 
 
 AIKAAH0HAN (AH instead of NI) A : A 3 wrote NI above, and altered the second 
 
 was not Atreus, but his son Pleisthenes. than song; thus an epigram (Anth. vn. 
 
 This occurs first in Stesichorus fr. 42, 416) describes a poet who was also an 
 
 where Agamemnon is (StwiXevs II\et<r- orator as rov viiv "Epom | Ka.1 Movcrais 
 
 ffevidas. Aesch. Agam. 1602 irav rb Kepa.ffa.vT TjSvXdyovs Xdpiras. 
 
 HXeiffOfrovs ytvos: id. 1569 SaL^ovi T< 5O 56 Clement's citation of these 
 
 HXeurOevidav. verses (cr. n.) is introduced by the words, 
 
 In 6\iim the second part of the KCLKUV yap 6 Oebs ofiirore airios. 
 
 compound denotes the 6e\KTpov (and not, 52 OVK airios : cp. the words of Zeus 
 
 as in 6e\j-lvoos, the object): cp. Epigr. to the gods (Od. i. 32), w wbirot., olov 5?J 
 
 Gr. 10^3 0e\i;itJ.e\r)S...<j>6p/uyl-. vv deous /Sporol alribuvTai- | e^ Tjf^iav yap 
 
 49 KOLvojcras Xapwr<ri,v, having taken <f>a.<rt KO.K' tfj.fj.evai- ol 5 K al avrol \ fffifjffiv 
 
 counsel of the Graces, i.e. happily in- draff 0a\ir)ffiv virep /u.6pov a\ye fx ol ' ffLI '- 
 
 spired by them. The object of KOIVUXTCK Eur. fr. 254 ir6\\', w TKVOV, (T<f>d\\ovffu> 
 
 is left to be understood from the context : avdp&irovs Ofoi. rb bq.ffTov eliras, airid- 
 
 it is <pOtyfj.ara, \ayov, or the like, suggested cracrdai Beofa. 
 
 by <pOyaTo. (Jurenka, less well, supplies 53 55 <v fxe'cru) Kcirai, it is 'open to 
 
 yapvv.) In Find. P. IV. 115 the object all men,' like a prize proposed in a 
 
 is expressed, VVKTI Koivdffavres 6S6t> ('when competition for which all may enter. 
 
 Night alone knew the secret of their Dem. or. 4 5 a0Xo rov wo\tfj.ov Kei/j-eva 
 
 way'). The use of the middle voice, iv iday. Cp. the fragment in Clem. 
 
 however, illustrates the ellipse here. The Alex. Strom. 5. 654 (Bergk 4 adesp. 86 B), 
 
 full phrase is KoivovffOal nvi n, ' to con- ou yap ev /j.fffotffi Kelrai \ 8wpa dv<T/u.dx 7 ] Ta 
 
 suit one about a thing' (Xen. H. vn. i. 27 Moiffdv \ Ttl)wiTvx.6vTi <ptpft.i>. KI\CIV, 
 
 r<f5 fjiev 6 f$ ovdtv fKoii><i3cravTo > ...avToi 8c ' reach,' ' attain to, ' as to a goal. Hesiod 
 
 j3ov\evot>To) : but KoivovffOai TIVI (without (Op. 289 ff.) and Simonides~[ir. 58) place 
 
 an ace.) also occurs (Xen. An. v. 6. 27). 'A/jer^on a height which men must climb 
 
 The Charites gave eloquence no less with toil. AIKO.V LOetav 'straightforward'
 
 XIV] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 36; 
 
 counselled of the fair-robed Graces : 
 
 ' Warriors of Troy, Zeus, who rules on high and beholds all ant. 3. 
 things, is not the author of grievous woes for mortals. No, 
 open before all men is the path that leads to unswerving Justice, 
 attendant of holy Eunomia and prudent Themis : happy the 
 land whose sons take her to dwell with them. 
 
 ' But Insolence, the spirit, void of reverence, who luxuriates epode 3. 
 in shifty wiles and illicit follies, who swiftly gives a man his 
 neighbour's wealth and power, but anon plunges him into a 
 gulf of ruin, she it was who destroyed the Giants, overweening 
 sons of Earth...' 
 
 H to El. Ai/cav offlav Clem. ayvas] ayvav Clem. : corrected conjecturally by Bergk. 
 55 aKoXovdov omitted by A : added alx>ve line by A 3 . O^AUTOS] 6^u5oj Clem. : corr. 
 Bergk. 56 viv] w vu> Clem. : w deleted by Neue. aipcvvrai] evp6vre$ Clem. 
 
 ffvvotKov] CTXAIKON A: corr. A 3 . 57 ripSffffft Blass : \j/f68t<rffi K. (Palmer): 
 
 the traces before AECCI seem to suit the former best. 59 a J. : a K. irXovrov 
 
 Palmer. 61 5'] The slight traces before EC suit A', as I noted in Class. Rev. 
 XII. 131 (Mar. 1898). a<t>' conj. Platt. 63 u\eff<rev K. : OAECEN MS. 
 
 Justice (v. 6 evffiiSiKos) : contrast Hes. 
 Op. 219 ffKoXifjai dtKr/ffi. Justice is 'at- 
 tendant on holy Eunomia and prudent 
 Themis' : i.e. justice as between men is 
 secured by good laws administered in 
 a righteous spirit. At/ci; guards the rela- 
 tive rights derived from a principle of 
 Right, 61/us. Hence Themis was called 
 the mother of Eunomia and Dike : see 
 n. on XH. 18-2 186. 
 
 56 6Xf3i(ov iraiSes : //. 6. 127 dvyr-/)- 
 v<av 5^ re ircuSes ^/ty ^vei avnowffiv. 
 CTVVOIKOV: Soph. Ant. 451 ovS' 77 GVVOIKOS 
 ruv KO.TW Be(Jov Auci?. Smyth refers to 
 Ariphron (of Sicyon, c. 410 B.C.?), fr. 
 of a paean to 'TyUia (Bergk 4 III. p. 596), 
 ffv M fj.oi irp6<pp<j)i> ffvvoiKOS e(t)s. 
 
 57 63 In v. 59 we should read d 
 TT\OVTOI>, not d. Two views of the con- 
 struction are possible : I prefer the first, 
 (i) Place a comma only after <|>66pov, 
 when KCIVO. will serve merely to resume 
 the subject "T/3pis : ' Insolence, ...who 
 enriches and then ruins men, she too 
 it was who destroyed the Giants.' (2) A 
 colon or full stop might stand after 
 <f>66pov. The 8* after avris would then 
 bring in the apodosis. 'Insolence,... 
 who enriches men,. ..then presently (a&rts 
 5e) ruins them. She too it was,' etc. 
 For this use of 6^, cp. //. 5. 438 dXX' 
 ore 5ij TO T^Taprov twtffffvro daifJ.ovi Iffos, | 
 deiva d' 6/Ju>K\ri<ras irp<xrt<J>ri (Kaepyos 
 'Air6\\wv: and Thuc. I. II i eireidri 
 (aivovrai. 5' K.T.\. 
 
 57 f. aloXois, ' shifty ' : Find. N. vm. 
 25 eu'6X<fj \f/fv5ei. KtpSto-o-i, 'wiles': //. 
 23. 709 K^pSea etSus : Pind. P. I. 92 
 fvrpaire\ois Ktpdtcn. c|aur(ois, exceed- 
 ing ultra, breaking the bounds set for 
 mortals: 'illicit,' 'lawless': Od. 4. 690 
 pf^'as ei-aiaiov. In ou|>poorvvcus i^aiffiois 
 there is a reference to Paris, led by his 
 mad passion to sin against Zeus Xenios. 
 cL0a|i.pijs, devoid of awe, reverencing 
 nothing: cp. dvait>ri7. Tbycus fr. i ("Epwi) 
 qtffffkjv Trapot K^irptSoj dfaX^ais (iavlaiffiv 
 tpetJ.vbs d^a/i/3i?s- Phrynichus fr. 2 <TW/JM 
 d' a#a/tj3es "yviodbvifrov. Plut. Lye. 16 
 /3p^0i; . . dOanprj ffK&rov ('unawed by'). 
 
 61 8' 4s: for 5^ as first word of 
 the verse, cp. xvi. 13, Pind. P. iv. 
 1 80. 
 
 62 virp|>iaXoxis : here in the bad 
 sense, ' overweening ' : see on x. 78. Fas 
 7rai8as...rfrya.VTas. The Tlyavrfs, who 
 are unknown to the Iliad, appear in the 
 Odyssey as a ' haughty ' race (virepdvuouri.), 
 ruled by Eurymedon (an ancestor of the 
 Phaeacian king Alcinous) : ' he destroyed 
 his infatuate (oik (\abv a.Ta.<rda.\ov), and 
 was himself destroyed ' (Od. 7. 60), 
 how, we are not told. The Odyssey 
 says nothing of a Giants' War with gods. 
 Neither does the Theogony, though it 
 describes the Giants as the fierce sons of 
 Gaia, rtdxein \afj.irofj.ti>ovs, SoXix tyx ta 
 Xepfflv txovras (i8jf.). Here, however, 
 B. must be alluding to their war against 
 the Olympians. Xenophanes refers to
 
 368 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xv 
 
 XV. [XVI.] 
 
 [HPAKAHC] 
 TT cr\' r * * ? ~i > > 
 
 llvC/JlOV \_TT CLfJL J, 7Tt 
 
 / / -v v < tf V 
 
 ,^e[^ eu^]povo5 Qvpavia, 
 7roAv<]aTOJi> 'ye/jLovcrav V^VCDV 
 e? ^eoy,] etr' ap' CTT' avOeyLoevn 
 
 rt 
 
 V 
 
 XV. The title [HPAKAHC] is conjecturally supplied by K. The left margin 
 of the papyrus, in which it may have stood, has been torn off. The rent begins 
 at XIV. 61, and extends to the bottom of the column (xv. 8), being widest in 
 xv. 4 8. 1 The letter before OT is either I, or a letter ending with an upright 
 
 stroke, such as N. The space before OT would not suffice for more than 4 letters, 
 even if one of them was thin. The space between ov and tirei corresponds to 4 letters 
 (AACO) in the line above (XIV. 63), and again to 4 (EIIEM) in v. 2: but there would 
 be room for 5, if one or more were thin (as E, I). The first letter after OT is torn 
 out: the second may have I.een H or F: the third, which Blass makes 0, might (as 
 Kenyon agrees) equally well be E. Hence HvQiov ay' olu (Blass), or ?ir' el/u" (J.), is 
 possible. But Aa6s fj.ov &KOV' (Crusius) requires too much space before ov: while iras 
 
 this, fr. I. 21 ^ia%as ditireiv TLTTJVWV oi)5 
 TiyavTuv : but the earliest source for a 
 definite myth is Pindar IV. I. 67 f. orav 
 " 
 
 dvriafuffiv : Heracles fought on the gods' 
 side. This Phlegra was identified with 
 the isthmus of Pallene (Her. vn. 123). 
 The TiyavrofiaxLa was a sequel to the 
 fiTavo/j.a\la : Earth brought forth the 
 Giants to avenge the Titans (Claudian 
 Gigantom. 2 Titanum...crebros miserata 
 dolores). Zeus was TiyavroX^rup (Lucian 
 Timon 4), and Athena TiyavToXtrftpa 
 (Suidas s.v.). The Giant-saga was a 
 product of local folk-lore rather than a 
 poetic creation, being associated with 
 places where volcanic forces were or had 
 been active : eruptions and earthquakes 
 were ascribed to datfj-oves imprisoned 
 under ground. The Piyavrofiaxia often 
 supplied motives to vase-painting and to 
 sculpture, as on the pediment of the 
 Megarian thesaurus at Olympia (Paus. 6. 
 19. 3), the metopes of Selinus, and the 
 metopes of the Parthenon. 
 
 The ancients took yiyas as = ' earth- 
 born' (Etym. M., Eustath. on //. 4. 159, 
 p. 1490. 19) ; a derivation which Lobeck 
 sought to support by assuming 71* as = 777. 
 G. Curtius (i. p. 204) refers the word to rt 
 ya (ye-ya-us), yi-ya(i>r)-s: and Schwenck 
 (ap. Roscher p. 1653) regards yi as a re- 
 
 duplication. The primary sense might 
 then be merely, ' of mighty growth ' ; as 
 Hesych. explains yiyas by ya^as, icrx"/><5s, 
 vwep<f>vris. At any rate no awkward tau- 
 tology was felt in such a phrase as Fas 
 ircuSes TiyavTfs, or ytjytvTis 
 Ttydt>Tb)i> (Soph. Tr. 1058 f.). 
 
 XV. 1 12 On the text of this 
 passage see Appendix. 
 
 14 IlvOfov ir' et(x'. At Delphi 
 during the three winter months, when 
 Apollo was supposed to be absent, the 
 cult of Dionysus was in the foreground, 
 and dithyrambs took the place of paeans 
 (Plut. irepi TOV E rov ev AeX0ots, c. 9). 
 This ode seems to be a dithyramb written 
 for performance at Delphi, probably to- 
 wards the end of winter. The TroMcparoi 
 V/JLVOL which Urania has sent to the poet 
 must be such as suited the Pythian cult. 
 There is perhaps a special reference to 
 hymns of the kind called K\r)riKoi, by 
 which Apollo would be invited to return 
 from the north to Delphi. Menander 
 of Laodicea (c. 200 A.D. ?), in his Ilepi 
 ^mSeiKTiKwv c. 2 (Walz Rhet. IX. p. 132), 
 mentions Bacchylides as a writer of the 
 kindred class called aTroirefj-irriKol, hymns 
 by which a god was sped on his journey. 
 Thus the poet says, in effect : ' I will 
 repair to Apollo's temple, for the Muse
 
 XV] 
 
 AIQYPAMBOI 
 
 369 
 
 XV r [XVI.] 
 HERACLES. 
 
 I will go towards the temple of Pytho's lord, since fair- str. 
 throned Urania has sent me from Pieria a golden argosy 
 freighted with songs of fame [concerning the god], whether, 
 on the flowery banks of Hebrus, 
 
 fiov rts O.KOV' (Jurenka) inserts too much between ov and iirfl. 3 6X/cdS' Sandys. 
 3 Hifpia6ev Blass: evOpovos J. (Class. J?. XII. 132), and now Blass (who first proposed 
 firl tfrpevas). 4 The space before -druv suffices for 5 letters. iro\v<f>dTuv K. : see 
 
 comment. 5 8 For the conjectural supplements see Appendix. 5 At 
 
 a distance of about six letters from the beginning of the verse, E is clear. The letter 
 before it was probably N. The right-hand vertical stroke is traceable ; also a spot of 
 ink in a position which would correspond with the middle of the cross-stroke. A space 
 of about 6 letters separates this E from av6en6fi>Ti "Ej3/)w[i. The letters after E seem 
 to have been IT (or ir). The next (4?) letters are uncertain. Blass gives efr' dp' 
 ex', and there is nothing in the traces which excludes this. Between di>6e/j.6fi>Ti and 
 "E/3/Jwi Blass inserts irov. 
 
 has given me themes meet for this season 
 at Delphi.' Cp. fr. n (ov% 5pas K.r.X.), 
 the beginning of a vir6pxTU*a : ' 'Tis no 
 time for sitting still or tarrying; we must 
 go to the rich temple of Itonia with 
 golden aegis, and show forth some choice 
 strain.' fivfliov, neut.: 4ir with gen., 
 'towards' (Her. IV. 14 MVTI tiri Kvt- 
 KOV). 
 
 2 oXicdS'. Poets not seldom compare 
 themselves to voyagers (Find. P. II. 62, 
 Verg. G. iv. i i6ff., etc.) ; and Pindar says 
 of an ode, r65e ph /card. Qoiviaffav tfiiro- 
 \dt> | juAos virep iro\ids dXds Tr^tTrercu (P. 
 II. 67). But the image used here, that 
 of an argosy sent by the Muse, is novel. 
 The word oXtftis is used by Pindar with 
 reference to his song, but in a wholly 
 different context : his work is not fixed 
 in one place, like a statue, but is to 
 go forth from Aegina eirt irdffas oXKctSos 
 ft> r a.Ka.T(j>, 'on every ship of burden 
 and in every boat.' oXKcis there is not 
 figurative but literal. xP v<r *' av w i^ l ~> 
 as in IX. 6. 
 
 3 IliepCaOtv] Pieria, a narrow district 
 in the s.w. corner of Macedonia on the 
 w. coast of the Thermaic Gulf, between 
 the Peneius and the Haliacmon. It was 
 the cradle of a primitive poetry linked 
 with a cult of the Muses (' Pierides '), 
 and was the legendary birthplace of 
 Orpheus. OvpavCa : see v. 176 n. 
 
 4 iroXu^aTwv seems probable (Find. 
 O. I. 8 6 7roXtf<aTos fywos : N. VII. 81 
 
 J. B. 
 
 Tro\ij<t>a.Tov 6p6ov fifj.i>wv). After Ovpavia, 
 a word beginning with a consonant is 
 wanted, since in the corresponding vv., 
 15 and 1 6, the division of $&& between 
 the two verses shows synaphea. 
 
 5 About six letters, of which the last 
 was probably N, formed the dactyl lost 
 before ctr'. I suggest Is 0ov, to go with 
 vfivwv, hymns 'relating to the god.' Such 
 would be (.") C/wot /cXr/rtKof, praying 
 him to return (see on i 4). A reference 
 to Apollo is not indispensable here, since 
 the subject to d-yaXXerai in v. 6 might be 
 II^ioj, supplied from Hv6iov (v. i); but 
 it is desirable. 
 
 frr', followed by if, as in Eur. 7. T. 
 272 f. efr' ovv eir' durais Odfffffrov Aio<r- 
 /c6po>, | ^ XT?/)^WS d7aXyua0' : conversely 
 7)...etre in Soph. At. 177^, Eur. Ale. 114. 
 "Eppa> : now the Alaritza. It rises in 
 the N.w. of Thrace, s. of the Haemus 
 range, and flows into the Aegean: the 
 broad mountain wilds of Rhodope (Despot 
 Pianino) lie s.w. of its upper course. 
 dv9(i6VTi: a purely conventional epithet 
 (cp. 34 poSotvri, and xv 1 1 1 . 39 f.) . Classical 
 poets more often associate the Hebrus 
 with wintry cold (Theocr. vn. no, Verg. 
 Aen. XII. 331, Hor. Epist. I. xvi. 13). 
 Alcaeus was our poet's authority for 
 naming the Hebrus in connexion with 
 Apollo'snortherndiro5^/a. Schol. Theocr* 
 I.e., 'A\Kai6s <t>T)oiv 5n "Epoj AfdXWros 
 TTora/uwc: this occurred no doubt in his 
 hymn (of which Himerius or. xiv. 10 
 
 25
 
 370 
 
 [XV 
 
 6 0r)p<rlv dJydXXerai rj 
 
 7 OTTI dJSeta <j>pcva. 
 s ^%pt> Tlvdcovafi' 
 
 Col. 32 9 avdea 
 
 
 ii rcra 
 12 crov 
 
 y 
 
 a/c 
 
 Xea 
 
 * TT/CHV ye 
 
 2 Ol^aXiav Trvpl 
 
 15 3 
 
 4 $', IK6TO 8' 
 
 s evd* ciTro XaiSog evpvvefal 
 
 6 Zrjvl 6vev ftapva^ea<s ivvea ravpovs 
 
 B Before A]FAAAETAI there is room for 6 letters, if at least two of them were thin 
 (as B, E, 6, I, or C). The letter after dy&XXfrat is H (17), not H (y K.). 7 After 
 AEIA there has been an erasure. Blass thinks that the scribe wrote I, that a corrector 
 cancelled it, and that finally it was made into N. What now stands there looks like 
 N with a line drawn through it. Before [A]AEIA(I) there cannot have been room 
 for more than four letters, of which one at least must have been thin. 8 irat^dvuv 
 
 gives a brief abstract in prose) describing 
 Apollo's visit to the Hyperboreans. Aris- 
 tophanes, too, may have had Alcaeus in 
 mind, Av. 772 ff. : roidde KVKVOI... \ l-vfj.- 
 fJiiyT) jSoow' 6/uoO | Trrepois KpfKovres lanc^ov 
 'A7r6\Xw,... | oxOi? t<f>f$/J.ei'oi Trap' "Efipov 
 
 In dv8n<>VTi "Eppw (* - - -^ - - -) the 
 hiatus is excused by the aspirate. In 
 vpwe<f>ei KTjj'a/y (v. 17) -* --- is substi- 
 tuted for -^~ . 
 
 6 I suggest 0r)p<rlv as a possible 
 supplement. In the passage of the Aves 
 just quoted, the <j>v\a...TroiKi\a. OripCov are 
 mentioned (777). As to Apollo the Imnter, 
 often associated with Artemis Agrotera, 
 see Aesch. fr. 200 dypevs 5' 'A.irb\\uv 
 6pOov lOvvoi /3Aos : Soph. O. C. 1091 
 rbv dypevrdv 'A7r6XXw: the Xenophontic 
 Cynegeticus i, i rb fjLev evpy/jLa. 6eu>v, 
 'ATr^XXwvoj Kal'AprtfjuSos, &ypat KO.I Ktivfs: 
 ib. 6. 13 (the hunter should pray) ry 
 ^AiriXXwn ical 'Apr^iSt rrj 'Ayportpq. /aera- 
 dovvat rris 6r/pas. At Megara there was 
 a temple dedicated to "Apre^is 'Aypor^pa 
 and 'A7r6XXwv 'Aypaios (Paus. I. 41. 3). 
 KVKVCO : the swan was sacred to Apollo, 
 being probably a symbol of the spring-god. 
 A chariot drawn by swans was the gift of 
 .Zeus to him (Alcaeus fr. 2). 
 
 7 dSe'tq. : there is no other example of 
 
 diaeresis in this word; but it is certain 
 here. 
 
 B f. The lacuna in the MS. before 8* 
 I'KT) could not hold more than six letters. 
 But the scansion required for the lost 
 syllables is ~- ~ (cp. v. 20). To find 
 six letters which shall give that metre, 
 and also fit the sense, seems impossible. 
 The corresponding syllables in v. 20 
 contain thirteen letters. The hypothesis 
 that syllables belonging to v. 8 had been 
 wrongly attached to v. 7 is excluded by 
 the space in the MS. after repirbfjievos. It 
 seems, then, almost certain that the text 
 of the papyrus was defective here. A 
 defect may have existed in the MS. which 
 the scribe copied ; or, as is perhaps more 
 likely, he inadvertently omitted something. 
 He did so not infrequently; thus in v. 12 
 he left out the letters ya of crya/cX&x, and 
 in xiv. 55 the word aKbXovOov. I suggest 
 p.\pi IIv0wvei8' VKT). The last syllable 
 (-POS) of v. 7 must be long, and therefore, 
 as there is synaphea (cp. 19 f.), v. 8 must 
 begin with a consonant. For fn^xP 1 with 
 a simple subjunctive, cp. Her. iv. 119, 
 Thuc. I. 137 2 : for the e, Ar. Vesp. 700. 
 See Appendix. 
 
 ITuOwvaS* (IIii06a5' Blass, see Ap- 
 pendix): cp. Find. 0. VI. 37 IlvOuvdS' . . . 
 tf>x er ' 1& V ' IX. 12 let yXwctV Hvd&vdd'
 
 XV] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 he is taking his joy [in the chase], or in swan with slender 
 neck, charmed in soul by its sweet voice ; [until,] O Pythian 
 Apollo, thou returnest [to Pytho], to seek those flowers of 
 song, those many paeans, which choruses of Delphians are 
 wont to uplift at thy glorious shrine. 
 
 Meanwhile, we sing how Amphitryon's son, the adventurous ant. 
 hero, left Oechalia a prey to fire : then came he to the sea- 
 washed cape, where he was to offer from his spoil nine bellowing 
 bulls to Cenaean Zeus, lord of far-spread clouds, 
 
 (Wilamowitz, Desrousseaux) is certain : in the MS. the top of the II has been effaced. 
 The letters before Tranjovwv are IKHI (of H only n remains). The letter before 
 IKHI must have been A or A. The space between A and the beginning of the verse 
 may just have held 6 letters (if one at least was thin), but not more. 11 rtxra K. : 
 
 TOCCA MS. 12 dya K \<?a] AKAEA A : ya added above line by A 3 . 13 
 (inf.) Blass. 
 
 6l'ffT6v. iraiTjovwv av0a : Find. O. ix. 48 
 avdfa. d' v/j.vui> vewrtpuv. ir8oi\viv, 
 infin. of purpose after tefl (cp. Thuc. vi. 
 50 4 5^/ca TU>V Vfu>v Trpoiiirf/J.if/av...Ka.ra- 
 trKfif/aaOai). The Aeolic ircB- does not 
 occur elsewhere in B. : was he influenced 
 here by a reminiscence of Alcaeus? (See 
 on v. 5.) 
 
 11 f. TOCTO,, relative; a rare use (i. 
 37 n.), admitted here, perhaps, to avoid 
 a syllaba anceps at the end of v. 10 (cp. 
 v. 22, ending with fioSv). KXd8r]<rav, 
 gnomic aor. 
 
 13 trpiv -ye K\o(Jiv. The meaning of 
 irplv is shown by the preceding verses 
 (8 12), which speak of Apollo's return 
 (in spring) to Delphi, irplv is the adverb. 
 'Before (that moment)' i.e. 'Ere thou 
 comest,' while Delphi yet awaits thee, 
 and it is still the season of dithyrambs, 
 'we sing how Heracles left Oechalia,' 
 etc. The emphasis given by -yc is thus 
 appropriate. For ? before icX, cp. ill. 3, 
 VII. 9 f., xvi. 127 f. 
 
 14 Ol\aXCav, the city of Eurytugj 
 father of lole. The Euboean Oechalia 
 was placed by legend in the territory 
 of Eretria (Hecataeus ap. Paus. 4. 2. 3: 
 Strabo 10, p. 448). After sacking 
 Oechalia, Heracles marched some fifty 
 miles N.w. to Kfyaiov, the dfj.<f>iKVfj.uv 
 dKrd of v. 1 6. This promontory (now 
 Cape* Lithada) forms the end of a 
 peninsula which runs out westward, at 
 the N.W. extremity of Euboea, towards 
 the mouth of the Malian Gulf. Zeus 
 KTJVCUOS was worshipped on the hill-tops 
 near it : Aesch. fr. 29 'Evj3oi8a Kd/j-irruv 
 
 ~K.Tjva.lov Aidj ] d.Kri]v : Soph. Tr. 
 
 238. At Cenaeum Heracles prepared sacri- 
 fices to Zeus from the spoils of Oechalia. 
 But meanwhile he had sent lole, in 
 charge of his herald Lichas, to his home 
 at Trachis. Deianeira, seeing that she 
 had a rival, then resolved to use the 
 'philtre' given her by Nessus. The 
 fatal \LTUV, steeped in it, was brought 
 by Lichas to Heracles at the moment 
 when he was about to begin the sacrifice; 
 and he put it on. As soon as the flames 
 blazed up on the altar at which he stood, 
 the tunic became glued to his flesh, and 
 'the venom began to devour him' (Soph. 
 Tr. 771) : he was carried across the strait 
 to Mount Oeta, and there, by his own 
 command, burned on a pyre. 
 
 15 f. 'A(i4> lT P' uw vici8av : V. 156 n. 
 foctro with i (cp. v. 4),^ in //. 13. 837, 
 19. 115. d|X(^i.KV(i.ov' diCTCiv: Soph. Tr. 
 752 d/c-nj rts dfj.<f>iK\vffTOS : the only point 
 which distinctly suggests that these verses 
 were in the mind of Sophocles when he 
 wrote Tr. 750 762. The epithets were, 
 however, obvious. The epic Olxa-\ias 
 aXwo-is, attributed to Creophylus of Samos, 
 must have been one of the sources from 
 which Sophocles derived his material, 
 and may have been also used by B. This 
 would suffice to account for a general 
 resemblance between our passage and 
 that in the Trachiniae. As to the details 
 of the sacrifice, those given in vv. 18 20 
 differ from Tr. 760762. It would be 
 gratuitous to assume that /tAXovrt... 
 rei^ctc in Tr. 756 was imitated from 
 6vV...|A&X here, or \ftas dirapxyv ib. 
 761 from diro XatSos- 
 
 17 f. Kt]vaw: n. on 14. 0vtv, 
 
 252
 
 372 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xv 
 
 20 s 
 
 7 Suo T opcriaXw SafJLaa-L^6oi>L 
 
 Xe KO^O, r' oyS^ijuoSep/cei avya 
 
 
 11 TOT' ayaa^o? Sat/xwv 
 
 12 Aai'avetpa TroXvSa/cpw vf 
 
 25 i TtV wpOV, TTe 
 
 2 TTV$T' dyyeXtav TaXairevOea, 
 
 3 'IdXav on XevKwXevov 
 
 4 Ato? vios drap^ofjid^a<5 
 
 s aXo^ov Xurcty>o[V TT]OTI Sd/xo 
 30 e a, Svcr/xopO9, a raXatv', otbi> e/xifcraro 
 
 7 <f>06vos evpvflias v(.v aircoXtcrev, 
 
 s Sv6<f>ov re KaXv/x/xa 
 
 9 vcrrepov ep^o/xeva>v, 
 10 6V eVl /aoSdevrt 
 35 ii Se^aro Necrcrou irdpa 
 
 2O KOPAIA A: T written above A (by A 2 ?). 
 24 AAIANEIPA A: I added by A 1 . 29 XiTro 
 
 22 tyuctpav sic MS. 
 \urapav Platt (cp. v. 169). 
 
 Doric inf.; cp. epvicev xvi. 41, 
 0vXdcrcrej' XVIII. 25. jjAXt with pres. : 
 III. son. 
 
 19 Neither epithet for Poseidon oc- 
 curs elsewhere. 8afia<r\0ovi, ' earth- 
 subduing,' having earth in his power; 
 as he is able to upheave it with his 
 rplaiva : the notion is the same, then, 
 as in ffeiai\6<av, frvocriyaios. From 
 another point of view he is yanj^xos, 
 'earth-encircling' (or perhaps 'earth- 
 upholding,' as though it rested on his 
 waters). 
 
 20 6(3pi|io8epKi (only here), 'of fierce 
 aspect' (cp. 6ppi/j.oepy6s, the notion of 
 'strong' passing into that of 'violent'). 
 So it is said of her in //. i. 199, deivw 
 5t ol Save <f>da.v6fv : Soph. At. 450 i] 
 Aibs yopywiris dSd^aros 6ta (yopy. also 
 in fr. 760. 2). The attribute of flashing 
 eyes suits her as a war-goddess (irepfft- 
 TroXts etc.), but really points to her older 
 meaning as a weather-daimon, the Athena 
 who springs armed from the head of Zeus 
 
 (the lightning that splits the storm-cloud). 
 The hiatus is unobjectionable, since 
 the syllable before ajvya, though corre- 
 sponding with one which is long in v. 8, 
 might equally well be short. (The -y' 
 which Blass adds after oftpinoStpKei is 
 undesirable.) 
 
 fi^vya: so, in the sacrifice to Athena 
 prescribed by Helenus (//. 6. 94), the 
 oxen are to be f]K^<rra.s, such as 'have 
 not felt the goad.' 
 
 22 vxjnKe'pav (like Ka\\iK^pav in XVIII. 
 24), as if from a fern, nomin. v\j/iKtpa. 
 If it were contracted from -Kepaav, the 
 accent should be -KtpS.v. Pindar fr. 325 
 has V^LK^PHTO. Trlrpav, as if from a nomin. 
 v^inepas. 
 
 23 TOT' refers to the time denoted by 
 6vv . . . p.eXX, when Heracles, having 
 reached Cenaeum, 'was intending to 
 sacrifice.' It was from Cenaeum that 
 he sent Lichas with lole to Trachis, and 
 then Deianeira made her plan. Thus 
 rfyre, though not clear, is correct. In
 
 XV] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 373 
 
 and twain to the god who rouses the sea and shakes the earth : 
 also a high-horned ox, untouched by the yoke, to the maiden 
 with the flashing eyes, the virgin Athena. 
 
 Then it was that the God with whom none may strive wove 
 for Dei'aneira 
 
 a shrewd device, fraught with sorrow ; when she learned the epode. 
 bitter tidings that the dauntless son of Zeus was sending to 
 his goodly house the white-armed lole, his bride. 
 
 Ill-fated, hapless one, what a plan did she conceive ! Potent 
 jealousy was her bane, and that dark veil which hid the future 
 when, on the rose-clad banks of Lycormas, she received from 
 Nessus his fateful gift of wondrous power. 
 
 32 ANO*EON MS.: Svo<t>tpt>v K. 
 corr. Ludwich and Wilamowitz. 
 
 3* Bill HOTAMQ . POAOENTI MS.: 
 35 HAP A : a added above line by A 3 . 
 
 Tr. 756 fj,t\\ovn (unlike /nAXe here) 
 refers to the moment just before the 
 sacrifice when Lichas returned with 
 Deianeira's gift. 
 
 ajia^os Saifiwv, irresistible Destiny. 
 (Jurenka, less well, I think, understands 
 the <f>06vos evpvfilas of v. 31, where he 
 prints QObvos.) 
 
 25 (iTjTiv 4ir^>pov', the 'shrewd de- 
 vice' that was to work woe. eirl<ppuv = 
 ' in possession of <pp-fjv ' (cp. ^Trirt/tos) : 
 in Od. 19. 325 f. Penelope says, ef TI 
 yvvaiKuv \ d\\dui> irepieifu vbov Kal firl- 
 tppova. firjTiv. Cp. 23. 12 (the gods have 
 power) a<ppova iroirjecu KCU eirl<ppova. -rep 
 fj.d\' i6vra. In Soph. Tr. 554 Deianeira 
 speaks of her plan as \vrripiov, and the 
 Chorus say (589) So/eel's Trap' TJ/JLIV ov 
 /3epov\f\)(r6a.i. KO/CWJ. 
 
 26 ToXairtvO^a, here merely = 'griev- 
 ous,' 'cruel': but cp. V. 157. 
 
 28 f. drappofjidxas, a word peculiar 
 to B., like d5etcri/36as (v. 155 etc.). 
 aXo\ov...irniroi, was sending her (to be) 
 his bride. In Soph. Tr. 365, where 
 Lichas speaks with Deianeira, Heracles 
 is described as sending lole 'in no care- 
 less fashion,' 86fj.ovs u>s rofaSf Tre^Truv 
 OVK 6.<ppovTiffTU'5 , yvvai, \ ovS' wore dov- 
 \T)v. It is safer to keep the Xiirapov of 
 the MS. as a conventional epithet of 
 86/j.ov ('opulent' or 'stately'). It may 
 serve to suggest a contrast with lole's 
 
 own home, a prey to sword and fire 
 (v. 14). \nrapav (cp. V. 169) would be 
 unsuitable here. 
 
 3O ToXaiv' gives the more probable 
 metre, and is confirmed by the space 
 in the MS. between A and N. (So far 
 as the form is concerned, ra.\av could 
 stand: it is fern, in Ar. Eccl. 124, etc.) 
 
 32 Svo<f>cov is supported by Hesych. 
 5vo<pty ffKOTtu>fj. Nicander Alex. 501 
 
 34 or'] ore is relative to the moment 
 implied in KoXvp.|ia : ' the veil which 
 rested on the future' at the time when 
 she received the gift : TO. ip\6fi.fva. KO.\VW- 
 rero 8re fSQaro K.T.\. Before poSoevTi 
 the papyrus has wora/Mf, which mars 
 the metre, and was evidently a gloss 
 on A.vK6p/juf. For the epithet cp. v. 5 
 
 i, the older name of the Evenus 
 (Fidhari), which rises in the Oeta-range, 
 and flows through Aetolia to the Corinthian 
 Gulf. Strabo 7. 327: 6 Eifyvos, Au/ri/o/uaj 
 trpttTepov Ka\ovfj.fvos. Tozer (Geo. of Greece, 
 p. 96) describes it as 'one of the jiercest 
 and most treacherous torrents in Greece.' 
 AvKopfj.as expressed the 'wpjf-Uke rushj 
 of its waters. 
 
 35 Tt'pas : a term applied in //. 5. 742 
 to the Topytir) Ke<f>a\ri of Athena's aegis, 
 and in Find. 0. XIII. 73 to the golden 
 XaXt^j given by Athena to Bellerophon.
 
 374 BAKXYAIAOY [xvi 
 
 XVI. [XVII.] 
 
 HIOEOI 
 H] 0HCEYC 
 
 <rrp. a. i vavoTTptopa. fj,ev vav<; 
 
 2 <dr)crea Sis eTrra T' dyXaovs ayovcra 
 
 3 Kovpovs 
 
 4 Kpr)TLKov rapine 
 
 5 Tf]\avyei yap [eV] <f>dpe'i 
 
 6 floptjiai TTITVQV avpcu 
 
 7 K\VTOL<S e/cart TrfVJAe/xatyiSo? ' 
 Col. 33 s Kvicrev re Mu>an /ceayo 
 
 9 IfJiepdiJLTrvKos 6ea<s 
 10 KvTjynSos atva SaJpa- 
 " ^elpa 8' OVKTL Tra- 
 
 12 are/30' zpdrvev, Biyev 
 
 13 Se Aey/cai; TTapr)i<i>v 
 H ySoacre T' 'Ept/8ota 
 
 XVI. The title was added in the left margin, opposite v. i, by A 3 : I6EOI 
 
 remains, with 9HCETC below it : the rest has been torn off. Before Grjo-etfs, 
 
 ^ is supplied by Blass : KO.I by K. 1 KTANOIIPflPA A: KTAXOIIPfllPA A 1 . 
 4 rd.fji.ve K. : TAMNEX MS. 6 /3o/)iji'ai] The - placed over A in the MS. 
 
 meant that the word was nom. plur., not dat. sing. 7 TroXe/uafyiSos] 
 
 XVI. 1 Kvavoirpwpa, contracted from Cyclades behind. It has the north wind 
 
 Kvavoirpdjfipa (spelt -irpwipa in Etym. M. astern, the course being now due south. 
 
 s. v. irpfpa, where the word is ascribed to 5 rqXavYti. According to Attic 
 
 Simonides). A different form is read in legend, the ship had a black sail ; but 
 
 Od. 3. 299, f^aj Kvavoirpypdovs. jiiv Aegeus, confident that his son would 
 
 without a following &/: cp. IX. 47, and triumph, gave a white one also to the 
 
 n. on III. 15 f. fwv^KTuirov (only here), Kv/Je/w^rijs, telling him to hoist it on his 
 
 steadfast in the din of battle: cp. Orph. return, if all had gone well. Simonides 
 
 Argon. 541 nevtSoviros 'Adrivrj. So p.eve- varied the story by describing the sail 
 
 Sryi'oj, fievfiTToXfuos, jj.tvex&pna-s- of good omen as red (<j>oivlKfov Pint. 
 
 2 f. oyXaovs, of youthful beauty: cp. Thes. 17): TijXavyfi here rather suggests 
 
 103 f. dyXauiv ... yviwv. v. 154 07X001' a white sail. 4>dpt'i with d, as in Homer 
 
 rifioLv. icovpovs, the seven youths and and Aesch. Ch. 1 1 (but a in Soph. 7V. 
 
 seven maidens: #0eot is similarly col- 916: cp. ib. 662). 
 
 lective in 43, 93, 128. 'ladvcov, Athe- 7 iroXc}ia6yiSos, 'with warlike aegis." 
 
 nians, as in XVII. 2. A cup (now in the Louvre) by Euphro- 
 
 4 KpT|TiKov...irc'\a-yos, the part of the nius, a painter of red-figured vases, 
 
 Aegean south of the Cyclades and north shows Theseus received by Amphitrite 
 
 of Crete, often a stormy sea; Soph. TV. beneath the sea (w. 109 ff.) : Athena, 
 
 117 wo\{nrovov wffirep irtXayos Kpr/ffiov: who stands in the background, has aegis, 
 
 Hor. C. I. 26. 2 f. The ship is sailing helmet and spear: see Introd., p. 225. 
 
 from Athens to Crete, and has left the For the compound with ir6\e/j.os, cp.
 
 XVI] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 XVI. [XVII.] 
 
 THESEUS 
 OR THE ATHENIAN YOUTHS AND MAIDENS. 
 
 A dark-provved ship was cleaving the Cretan sea, bearing str. i. 
 Theseus, steadfast in the battle din, with seven goodly youths 
 and seven maidens of Athens ; for northern breezes fell on 
 the far-gleaming sail, by grace of glorious Athena with warlike 
 aegis. 
 
 And the heart of Minos was stung by the baneful gifts of 
 the Cyprian goddess with lovely diadem ; he could no longer 
 restrain his hand from a maiden, but touched her fair cheeks. 
 Then Eriboea cried aloud 
 
 ireXe/tcuyiSos conj. Housman, Headlam, Wackernagel : and so Jurenka. 8 Mbou" 
 
 J. (K.) : MIXQ MS. 10 cuva. K. (Jurenka, Smyth) : ayvk Blass 2 (<i|3pa Bl. 1 ). 
 
 The faint traces before NA are indecisive : but the letter was either I or a thin F. 
 14 f. p6a<re T Blass (who found the letters T' EP on a small fragment): /36a<re S' K. 
 
 \ivo OJjpaKa conj. Wilamowitz. 
 
 (i) Batrachm. 475 HaXXctSa irt/ji\{/(i)fj.ei> 
 iroXe/uoitXoj'OJ' : (2) Dionys. De comp. verb. 
 17 Bp6/ue...iroXe/io/cAa5e : (3) schol. Od. 
 i. 48 iro\f/j.6<ppuv. For the accent, cp. 
 /j-fXavaiyit in Etym. Magn. 518, 54 
 (cited by Headlam). In fr. 23 (Bergk), 
 where the MSS. give xpwreuy5os ('Irwv/as), 
 Xpv<raiyt5os should be written. The in- 
 genious conjecture ircXcjiafyiSos would 
 mean 'aegis-shaking' (ireXe/zi'foj as = 
 jrdXXw). The aegis of Athena, however, 
 is usually depicted as a short cape or 
 mantle, with Gorgon's head anoT snaky 
 fringes: she can spread it to the breezes 
 as a sail (Aesch. Eum. 404), but is 
 never described as shaking it like a 
 shield. 
 
 8f. Kvfcrcv (i), 'stung': Her. VI. 62 
 TOP 5e 'Apicrruva i-Kvife apa TTJS ywoiKos 
 TOirrijs 6 pws : Find. P. X. 60 Ipws 
 vTr^Kf^e 0p<?ca5. Mv'i ( ~) is required 
 by metre (cp. 31, 74, 97). That form 
 of the dative occurs in Diod. 5. 79, 
 Aelian Nat. An. 5. 2, Nonnus 7. 361, 
 etc.: but MiV^ in [Plat.] Minos 319 C. 
 B. follows the same account as Hellanicus 
 (Plut. TAes. 17): Minos came to Athens 
 and himself chose the fourteen victims, 
 whom he is now taking to Crete in an 
 Athenian ship. ifipa(iirvKos : cp. V. 
 13 n.: Pind. ;V. vn. 15 ~Mva.tJ.o<rtvas... 
 Xtira/Kt/xTTi'/coi. 
 
 1O alvci Swpa : she gives desires that 
 
 work woe. //. 24. 30 (Paris) rty 5* 
 gvrjff' (Aphrodite) TJ ol irbpf /jLax^offvvijv 
 d\fyfivrii>. Soph. Ant. 791 (of *E/>s), 
 fffi KO.I diKdiwv dSiKovs <f>ptvas ira.pa.ffir$s 
 irl \wfiy.. For alvd the only alternative 
 seems to be dyvd, which is unsuitable 
 here. (The traces in the MS. exclude 
 <x(3pa, which would otherwise be pos- 
 sible.) In v. 40 the C/3pts of Minos is 
 
 llf. irap6viKas = Top^^ou: as Hes. 
 Op. 699 irapOtviKriv. These are rare 
 instances of the sing, used as a subst. 
 (though irapOv<.KTJ...t'fr)V(.5i occurs in Od. 
 7. 20) : but the plural rapOfvuial is 
 frequent (//. 18. 567, Od. 11. 39, Alcman 
 fr. 21, Theocr. xvm. 2). ipa-nxv, epic 
 (//. 2. 97 tpyTvov, but 8. 345 IpijruQvro 
 with v). 
 
 13 For 84 as first word of the verse, 
 cp. XIV. 61 n. XcvKotv, 'fair,' as probably 
 in Eur. Med. 923 \evnijv ...... irapiftda: 
 
 though there it might be 'pale,' as it 
 certainly is in Soph. Ant. 1239 \tv*rj 
 -irapeiq. (of the dead Antigone). The 
 pallor of fear is expressed by x^ u p6*- 
 
 14 f. 'Ep(f3oux : so Hyginus, Astron. 
 II. 5: the Fran9ois amphora (see p. 224) 
 has 'Epipoia or 'Eirt/3ota. The wife 
 of Telamon and mother of Ajax is 
 called Eriboea by Pindar (/. v. 45) and 
 Sophocles (Ai. 569); but Periboea by 
 Apollod. 3. 12. 7 and Paus. i. 42. i.
 
 376 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xvi 
 
 15 
 
 16 eKyovov tc Se 
 
 17 fjieXav 8' VTT' &(f>pvot)v 
 
 is Su/afrev ofjifjia, Kapbiav re 
 19 cr^eVXtov apv^ev aXyos, 
 
 elpev re' AIOS vie <j>epTaiTov, 
 21 ocrtov ou/ceri reat' 
 
 ecra) Kvfiepvas <f>peva>v 
 
 25 
 
 Tt /A> CK 
 
 KOLTeveva-e KCU At/cas peireL ra- 
 
 4 alcrav 
 
 iSa? 
 
 orav 
 
 s ey crv Se ftapelav Koire- 
 6 ^e ^nv. el /cat ere /ceS 
 30 7 reKev Xe^et Atog VTTO 
 s /Atyetcra 4>otVt/co? epa- 
 
 9 TCt>VV/XO9 KOpa (BpOTtoV 
 
 3O ei/sep] etTrej' conj. Wilamovvitz. QepraroC Wilamowitz, Platt. 33 KTBEP- 
 
 NAC A : i added after A (by A 2 ?). 35 f. rd|Xavro'. The letters TA were repeated 
 
 Xa.XKo0wpa.Ka : B. thinks of the youth- 
 ful Theseus as hero and warrior, wearing 
 the usual armour. (Ace. to Hellanicus, 
 Plut. T^J. 17, Minos stipulated at 
 Athens that the -IjOeoi should go on 
 board unarmed; but this detail, if it was 
 known to B., is ignored.) IlavSiovos. 
 Pandion, son of Cecrops, was father of 
 Aegeus, the reputed father of Theseus. 
 See on v. 36. 
 
 ^-~"i7 19 jieXav probably refers simply 
 to colour. Smyth renders it 'sombre,' 
 'indignant,' remarking that jtAos is 
 seldom (as in Anacreont. 16. 12) an 
 epithet of the eye. See, however, Arist. 
 Anim. Gener. 5 a 34 ra 3 rwv dvOpwwwv 
 5fj,fj.ara iro\i/xpoa. <rvfj.fifiriKev elvai' KO.I 
 yap y\avKol KO.I -^apoirol Kal fj.f\ai>6- 
 <p&a\noi TIV& eiffi. vir' <>4>pva>v, lit., 
 'from under...'; cp. xn. 139 f. viral | xt- 
 fttHvos. 8Cva<rv, if sound, must be from 
 jtvda> (cp. v. 191 n. on Q&vrjfftv): we 
 snould have expected 5lvr)<rei>, from 
 Sivtb}: cp. 107 Sivr/vTO, and V. 2 'nriro- 
 divriTuv. Eur. Or. 837 Sivevwv /3Xe</>d/30is, 
 'wildly rolling his eyes' (in madness), 
 o-xc'rXiov, 'cruel'; the only instance 
 of the word in B. 
 
 30 tlptv, imperf. of etpu, as again 
 in 74. This part of dpu occurs nowhere 
 else. B. sought variety, having flire(i>) 
 in 47, 52, 81. j>pTaTov. As v. 21 
 begins with a vowel, it is tempting to 
 read ^epraToi' : cp. 43 f., 86 f., 109 f. 
 But if there was no synaphea, Qeprarov 
 could stand. 
 
 31 f. o<riov . . . Kv|3tpv<js, keepest it 
 within the moral law. Cp. Aesch. Pers. 
 767 <f>pfves yap avrov 0Vfj.bv q>aKoaTp(xf>ovi'. 
 
 33 [AryoXoiixov (only here), if sound, 
 means lit. 'possessing great things' (fie- 
 ya\o + t>xos), as a king of wide dominion 
 might be so called; hence 'lordly,' and 
 then, in a bad sense, 'arrogant,' 'over- 
 weening.' Kenyon suggested fifyaX.- 
 av\ov, which Blass and Jurenka adopt : 
 cp. Pind. P. VIII. 15 /Si'o 5e /cat /j.tyd\avxot> 
 H<T<t>a\tv & xpb v V- That word would be 
 fitter if a vaunt had accompanied the 
 act; but Minos has not yet spoken. 
 Further, Hesych. has peyaXovxia- 
 fj.eya\avxio.- v\jsr)\o<f>p<xrvt>T]. Headlam, 
 indeed, suggests that the true reading 
 there may be fj.fya\oyida (a word used 
 by Democritus, Stob. Flor. 103. 25) : 
 here, he would read /j.eyd\avxov or
 
 XVI] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 377 
 
 to Pandion's grandson with breastplate of bronze ; Theseus saw, 
 and wildly rolled his dark eyes beneath his brows, and cruel 
 pain pricked his heart as he spake : 
 
 ' O son of peerless Zeus, the spirit in thy breast no longer 
 obeys righteous control ; withhold, hero, thy presumptuous force. 
 
 ' Whatever the resistless doom given by the gods has decreed ant. i. 
 for us, and the scale of Justice inclines to ordain, that appointed 
 fate we will fulfil when it comes. But do thou forbear thy 
 grievous purpose. If the noble daughter of Phoenix, the maiden 
 of gracious fame, taken to the bed of Zeus beneath the brow 
 of Ida, bare thee, peerless among men ; 
 
 by mistake in 26 init, : corr. A 1 ? Cp. 58. 29 After /H/TII a full stop is placed 
 by K., Jurenka, Smyth ; a comma by Blass. 31 Housman would transpose 
 
 fuyeiffa and 3rXa#et<ra (35). 
 
 /j.tyd\oyKov. But the MS. reading here and 
 the traditional reading in Hesych. must 
 be considered together. On the whole, 
 I think it safer to retain p.eya\ovxov. 
 
 24 27 o TI is governed by perm 
 as well as by KaTvtv<r. AtVas raXavrov 
 ptirei rt when one of the two scales, by 
 sinking, shows that the doom which 
 it carries is preponderant, and so decides 
 that it shall be operative. This transitive 
 sense of p4iru is implied in the use of the 
 passive by Aesch. Suppl. 405 Tuv5' ^ 
 laov peiroiJ.tv(j)v, 'these alternatives being 
 evenly balanced.' Otherwise it occurs 
 only in compounds ; as Aesch. Enm, 
 888 06 T&V diicaiws rrjd' lirtppeirois 
 ir6Xei | fjL^viv TIV' (cause wrath to descend 
 on the city'): Ag. 250 f. AtVa 5e rots iv 
 ira.0ov\ffit> /MiOe'iv fvipp^Tret : Soph. Ant. 
 H.sSf. TUX*! Karapp^irfi \ rbv fVTv\pvvTa. 
 ('depresses,' 'humbles'). If p^irci were 
 taken here as intransitive, it would be 
 necessary (i) to supply Siroi from 8 rt: or 
 (2) to take K.a.1 Ai/cas ptirei raXavrov as 
 a parenthesis (the so-called Sia fiioov 
 construction) : ' whatever fate has decreed 
 (the scales of justice inclining thereto'). 
 But either of these two would be harsh. 
 For the image, cp. //. 22. 210 ff. : 
 Zeus puts 5vo Krjpf...Oai'a,Toio in the 
 scales, one for Achilles, and one for 
 Hector; the latter proves the heavier 
 (pfirf 5' "Ex-ropes aftri/xof y(j.ap), and so 
 Hector is doomed to die. In Anth. 6. 
 267. 4 it is said of a just man, Iffeiijs 
 oldf rdXavTa 5iKT]s. K 6ev fioipa: XIII. 
 i n. KirXtj<ro|iv, a frequent phrase, as 
 with fj.otpav (Her. III. 142), /Lcox^Mara 
 (Eur. Helen. 741), KivSvvov (I.T. go). 
 
 29 f. f3aptiav...n.TJTiv, 'thy grievous 
 
 purpose' (in regard to Eriboea: vv. 8ff.). 
 A full stop (or at least a colon) should be 
 placed after fJ-iJTiv, and only a comma 
 after ^prarov in 33. By placing only 
 a comma after fj-rfrtv, and a colon after 
 (ptprarov (as Blass does), the spirit of the 
 sentence beginning with A ica r is much 
 impaired. 
 
 3O VTTO Kporcu^ov, ' beneath the brow ' 
 of Ida. virt> with ace. normally means, 
 'along under': //. 5. 27 ocnroi taffiv 
 vir' i)C> T itf\i6v re: Her. V. 10 ret 
 viro TTJV dpKrdv: id. VI. 137 TTJV xwprriv... 
 inrb 'Tfirjffffbv tovaav (but presently KO.TOL- 
 iciifj.fr ovs...vTrb rip 'Tfj.ijffff(f, with ref. to 
 the fixed abode). Here the accus. (not 
 elsewhere used by B. with inr6) seems 
 to have been prompted by metrical 
 convenience, and hardly differs in sense 
 from the dative. Kp6ra<f>os is the side 
 of the forehead, in plur. the temples: 
 said of a hill, it denotes the cliffs just 
 below the summit (cp. 6<f>pvs). Aesch. 
 P. V. 721 (6povs) Kpord(f>wv air' avrHav : 
 Anthol. append. 94 traiov virb 
 
 . 
 
 31 f. <lofviKos. The father of Europa 
 was Phoenix, ace. to //. 14. 321 (Zeus 
 speaks), <j?oivu<os Kovprjs rr]\eK\eiToio, | ij 
 T^KS (tot, MiVw re na.1 dvrideov 'PaSd- 
 (j.a.v6vv: and Hesiod gave the same 
 account (schol. //. 12. 292). Apollo- 
 dorus (3. i. 3) makes Agenor the father 
 of Europa, Phoenix, and Cadmus ; but 
 recognizes the other version. Sidon or 
 Tyre was named as the place from 
 which Europa was carried off by Zeus. 
 The legend points to the blending of 
 Phoenician with Hellenic elements in 
 Crete.
 
 378 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xvi 
 
 a\\a 
 
 a(f>veov 
 
 35 12 
 
 13 DocreiScu'i, 
 
 14 re (F)ot SOOTOU; to 
 
 15 /caXv/z,/Aa N^^tSes. 
 
 16 TW ere, iroKepapyjE. Kvcocrtwv, 
 
 4 '7 K6\Op,ai TTO\V(TTOVQV 
 
 1 8 epvKev v/Bpiv ' ov yap av 0eXoi- 
 
 Col. 34 19 //-' ajjifipoTov Ipavvov 'Aous 
 >pi * i / > / 
 
 20 ioeu> <pao5, CTree 
 
 21 cru Sa/xacreta? 
 
 4522 rcr irpocrOe ^et/oaiv y8tai> 
 23 Seio/xei>- ra S' eTTtoVra Sat/xa>v 
 
 39 
 42 
 
 UJ Platt : r<j) K. Kcw<ne Blass. 4O 
 
 Wilamowitz: AMBPOTOI' MS. 43 
 
 Wilamowitz. 
 ?T', et conj. Herwerden. 
 
 paTww|xos, ' of gracious fame ' : cp. 
 Hes. Theog. 409 'Kyrepit^v eviawftov. 
 This is the sense of the adj. in Stesich. 
 fr. 44 (in his proem to the love-story 
 of Rhadina and Leontichos) &pov dotda; 
 tpa.Tuvvfji.ov | Sa/u/wi/ irepi iraiduv. (Cp. 
 II. 2 f . x a P lTt ^' /l 'A tol '> n -) 
 
 33 ^prarov, 'peerless' (epithet of 
 Zeus himself in v. 20), here emphasized 
 by its place. aXXd introduces the apo- 
 dosis after cl KO, (79): Sappho fr. i. 22 
 at Se 5>pa fir) dtxtr', dXXa Suffft : Soph. 
 fr. 854 et' (Tw/ua dov\oi>, dXX' 6 voOs (\tv- 
 ^epoy. This use of dXXcl after el n^ 
 occurs in the Iliad (i. 181 f. ), where 
 avrap also is so used (22. 389). 
 
 34 IIiT6&>s. Pittheus, son of Pelops, 
 king of Troezen, was the father of 
 Aethra (v. 59), the mother of Theseus. 
 He was said to have founded Troezen by 
 a ffvvoiKifffJios : hence his name has been 
 explained as the 'Persuader' (rt iriff-: 
 Schneidewin De Pittheo Troezenio). A 
 monument, near the Troezenian temple 
 of Artemis Soteira, showed him sitting 
 in judgment, with two assessors. At the 
 TAovcreiov there he 'taught the art of 
 words' (Paus. 2. 30. 9, 31. 3: Plut. 
 Thes. 3). d<j>vov, ~~-: the same scan- 
 sion is found in Pind. fr. 218. 4 6? f*.ev 
 dxp^MWj &4>vcfa r6re: Aesch. fr. 96. 3 
 \iireiv d<f>veoiffi 86/j.oiffii>. Cp. dpaxvav in 
 fr. 3. 7- 
 
 35 irXaOswra: the first syllable is short 
 
 in all the corresponding places, 12, 78, 
 101 ; but as it might be anceps, there is 
 no reason to suspect the reading. It is 
 very improbable that this word should 
 have changed places with (ii-yfura in 
 v. 31. (The syllable answering to the 
 first of fjuyeiffa is long in 74, but short in 
 8 and 97.) 
 
 36 IIo<rciSdvi. Isocr. or. 10 18 
 Qr)fftvs, 6 \eyonevos fj.ev Alytus (15 f. n.), 
 yev6fj.evos 5' CK HofffiSuvos. The story 
 was that Poseidon had been the lover of 
 Aethra either before or just after her 
 union with Aegeus (Paus. 2. 33. i : 
 Apollod. 4. 15. 7, Hyginus Fab. 37). 
 The key to the confused legend is that 
 Aegeus and Poseidon were originally 
 identical. Ai'-y-euy is connected with cuy- 
 es, 'waves^ (Artemidorus 2. 12 TO. fitydXa 
 KVfj-aTa alyas iv rfj ffvvrjOela \tyo/j.fv), 
 aly-ls 'storm-wind,' 0171-0X6-5 'shore': 
 Curt. Etyin. 140. Poseidon has his 
 deep-sea palace at the Euboean Alyai 
 (II. 13. 2 iff.): he is Aiyaios, Alyaiuv. 
 Then Aiyevs, from being a name for the 
 Sea-god, became an independent hero, 
 with a iip^ov at Athens (Paus. i. 22. 5), 
 where he was the eponymus of the Aiyijts 
 <j>v\ri. The legends of Aegeus embody 
 the oldest traditions of an Attic and Ionic 
 Poseidon-cult. Troezen, where Poseidon 
 was peculiarly honoured (Plut. Thes. 6), 
 claimed Theseus as the son of her own 
 Sea-god ; and Athens did likewise.
 
 XVI] 
 
 AIOYPAMBOI 
 
 379 
 
 yet I, too, was borne by the daughter of wealthy Pittheus, in 
 wedlock with the sea-god Poseidon, and the violet-crowned 
 Nereids gave her a golden veil. 
 
 'Therefore, O war-lord of Cnosus, I bid thee restrain thy 
 wantonness, fraught with woe ; for I should not care to look 
 on the fair light of divine Eos, after thou hadst done violence 
 to one of this youthful company : before that, we will come 
 to a trial of strength, and Destiny shall decide the sequel.' 
 
 128. 
 
 (with the MS.) Crusius, Blass, Jurenka, assuming synizesis of (w: cp. 93, 
 twv K. 
 
 Hence the double paternity in the 
 myth. 
 
 37 f. Verse 37, ri (f)ot Bdorav ioirXo- 
 KOI, lacks a short syllable at the end, as 
 compared with each of the three corre- 
 sponding verses, 14, 80, and 103. Verse 
 38 begins with a short syll. (/caX), where 
 a long is found in 15, 81, 104. (i) These 
 two facts might suggest lbir\oKot Ka\\v/Ji/ji 
 -*. (2) If Ka\vfj.fj.a belonged wholly to 
 38, one short syllable might be supplied 
 after ioirXoKoi. But no satisfactory emen- 
 dation, on either plan, has yet been 
 made. See Appendix. 
 
 38 NrjptjtScs here are the same as the 
 
 ic6pai of 102 f. In his commentary 
 on our poet's eiriviKoi, Didymus mentioned 
 a distinction drawn by some gramma- 
 rians: eiffl roivvv 01 <f>acri diafapetv ras 
 yrjptiSas TU>V TOV Nij/^ws Ovyartpuv, Kal 
 rdi /JLV en Awpioos [the wife of Nereus] 
 yvrjffias avrov Ovyartpas vofil freer &ai, ras 
 8 ^ dXXow rjdr] KOivbrepov (as a more 
 general term) N?;pei5as /caXetcrtfai. These 
 words are quoted in the treatise vepl 
 0/j.oiuv Kal dia<pop<*>v \Qewv, p. 79, which 
 bears the name of the Alexandrian 
 Ammonius (c. 39OA.D.); Bergk, Bacchyl. 
 fr. 10. Nairn pointed out the neglect of 
 the distinction here (Class. R. xi. 453). 
 
 39 TW (//. i. 418 etc.) is the spelling 
 given by the codex Venetus (roth cent.) 
 in all Homeric passages where the sense 
 is ' therefore.' This was the Alexandrian 
 tradition (cp. Lenz on Herodian I. 492, 
 10). Leaf regards this epic TW as 'a 
 genuine relic of the old instrumental.' 
 The Attic poets probably wrote r$ 
 (Soph. O. T. 511 n.). iroXc'napxt : 
 Aesch. Ch. 107 if. 'h^mdv | iro\ffj.apxos 
 dvrip. Kvo-a>v, scanned (see vv. 16, 
 82, 105) : for the synizesis, cp. Od. 14. 
 263 AlyvTrTLUf (also //. 9. 382 -Las, Od. 
 4. 83 -lovs, etc.): //. 2. 537 'Icrriaiav: 
 Find. P. iv. 225 ytwbuv (--) For the 
 spelling of Kvwo^s, see I. 13 n. 
 
 41 f. epvKev: XV. 18 B 
 Pporov. Keeping the MS. 
 Blass supposes the last syllable to be short ; 
 he compares 92 and 129 (-at in ' A.0avaiui> 
 and iraidvi^av). But a shortening of 01 
 in the genitive-ending -oio is unexampled. 
 Others defend d/u/S/xSrot', holding that 
 --'- could replace the -~~ found in 
 19, 85, and 108. Ipavvov (an epic 
 epithet of places) is used by Simonides 
 fr. 45 (Ipaivbv vSup) : Pindar has only 
 eparos and tpaTfi.v6s. 
 
 4345 i8iv. As the sense is, 'I 
 should not wish to live longer, ' we should 
 have expected the present inf. opav. But 
 the aor. infin. may perhaps be explained 
 in connexion with the clause tirtl... 
 da.fj.dfftias. ' After any such deed of 
 thine, I should not care to look again on 
 the sunlight,' or 'to live one moment 
 longer.' Cp. the Homeric Oavfta IdfoOai, 
 expressing the way in which the object 
 strikes the beholder; as contrasted (e.g.) 
 with &rei oOrru rX^<70/u.' opaffffat | fiapvii- 
 nevov tf>i\oi> m6v (//. 3. 306). 
 
 irl...8a(ia<rias : the optative in the 
 relative clause corresponds to the hypo- 
 thetical optative with &v in the principal 
 clause : cp. Soph. 0. C. 560 Seivrjv yap 
 nv' av irpa^iv TI^OIS | X^|aj, oiroias 
 tZa<j>iffTalfj.rit> eyu : II. 13. 343 /idXa Kev 
 OpaffVK&pdios eti) | fiy r6re yt]6ri<rfiei>. 
 ijidcwv here, as in 93 and 128, includes 
 both youths and maidens. The word 
 usually denotes unmarried youths only : 
 //. 18. 593 TjWfoi Kal irapBfvoi. : Plut. 
 Thes. 15 rjOfovs eirra KOI wapfttvovs 
 roffatras. dtKovra : the masc. is used in 
 the general statement, though the special 
 reference is to Eriboea and the other 
 maidens : Soph. El. 771 Setvbv 
 Iff-rlv of>Sf yap /ca/co)j | Trdffxo 
 uv T^KTJ irpoffylyverai. 8a|id<rcias : //. 3. 
 301 aXoxoi 5' 8.\\oi<ri Sa/xetev: Od. 6. 
 109 irap 
 
 45 f.
 
 380 BAKXYAIAOY [xvi 
 
 7r. a'. i Tocr 3 ei\Trev 
 2 rd(f)ov Se 
 
 5 4 6a.p<To<s' 'AXtov re 
 
 5 V(j)GLLV T 
 
 <5 P.TJTW, elTrev re 
 7 Zeu TraiTep, dKovcrov eiTrep ja[e 
 s <I>ouncrcra, Xev/cwXei^o? crol re'/ce, 
 55 9 vw TT/ooTre/xTr' 0,77' ovpavov 6[oav 
 
 " era/ pyvwTov e 
 
 12 Se Kat (re Tpoiijrjvia 
 
 13 <f>VTtvcrei> A.Wpa Ilocrci- 
 60 14 Savt, rwSe 
 
 15 
 
 16 eveyice KOCT/XOV <e/c> fiaOeias a\o?, 
 
 17 SIKWV Opdcrei crw/aa 7rar/3O9 e? 
 
 18 etcreat 8' at K' e/xa.9 
 
 49 $WTOS Blass : avSpbs K. The only trace of the word in the MS. is a long stroke 
 which goes below the line, decidedly suggesting P rather than T : on the other hand 
 the space before it seems scarcely large enough for ANA. TIIEPA<t>NOX A : after $ 
 the letter a has been written above the line by A 3 . 5O x o ^[ (raT ' ^ TO / ) K. : 
 
 "' ^ro/> Jurenka : xoXQdf) Ktap Blass: cp. 116. 51 #0cuce] vQave Blass. 
 
 i.e. we two will come to a trial of impossible (cp. /36ri;5, /3<wr>7s) : and it is 
 
 strength. (?</. 20. i8of. Trdvrws oi)/c^n not likely that d/oeraixMos was B.'s 
 
 PWI diaKptv^fffdai 6t<i) | ?r/)ic x l P^> v 7 e( ^* attempt to Doricize apfoaixf*- *- 
 
 ffaaBai. 49 f. <f>a>T6s is more probable than 
 
 47 dptraixp-os : probably a compound avdpbs, in view of the space (cr. n.) : and 
 
 of the same class as jroX^uaryts : i.e. the a consonant is preferable after va.vfia.Tai. 
 
 notions of apery and or^Luj were present (cp. H4f.). </><s is a favourite word 
 
 to the poet's mind, and he simply con- with B., who often uses it of heroes 
 
 joined them, meaning, 'valiant with the (v. 158, Meleager : xv. 15, Heracles: 
 
 spear.' [The Homeric verb aperav, 'to xvii. 19 and 30, Theseus). vircpdufxivov, 
 
 prosper' (Od. 8. 329, 19. 114), might 'lofty': Plat. Symp. 217 E ZuKpdrovs 
 
 suggest the sense, ' successful with the Hpyov inrep^avov : Phaedo 96 A (avry 
 
 spear'; but this seems too artificial.] i) <ro<f>ia) VTrepTr)<f>a.vos...(56Kei elvai, -yvdivai 
 
 According to Wackernagel (cited by rds at'rtas fKdffrov. This good sense is 
 
 Blass) dperaixpos is = apfoaixnos, i.e., much rarer than the bad ; but the primary 
 
 apffK6nevos rfj alxf-rj, ' delighting in the meaning of the word was merely = 
 
 spear.' He compares ' Aptyavtipos. [Add virtpQavfy. Curtius Etym. 392 explains 
 
 'A^fijjffaixyuos, a proper name given by the form by supposing that virepr) contains 
 
 Pape-Benseler from an inscr. in Keil the adj. stem virepo with epic lengthen- 
 
 Analecta Epigraphica p. 108 : also 'A- ing (cp. verjyevris, Aa0r//36Xos). 
 
 p^rtTTTros, 'delighting in horses.'] For 'AXiov -yajippw : the wife of Minos was 
 
 the T, Wackernagel compares puridveipa Ha<ntp6.ti, daughter of Helios : Apoll. 
 
 (Alcman fr. 40) ; but a would there be Rh. 3. 999: Patts. v. 25. 9. (The name
 
 XVI] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 Thus far the hero valiant with the spear : but the seafarers epode i. 
 were amazed at the youth's lofty boldness ; and he whose bride 
 was daughter of the Sun-god felt anger at his heart ; he wove 
 a new device in his mind, and said : 
 
 ' O Zeus, my sire of great might, hear me ! If the white-armed 
 daughter of Phoenix indeed bare me to thee, now send forth from 
 heaven a swift flash of streaming fire, a sign for all to know. 
 And thou, if Troezenian Aethra was thy mother by earth-shaking 
 Poseidon, cast thyself boldly down to the abode of thy sire, 
 and bring from the deep this ring of gold that glitters on my 
 hand. But thou shalt see whether my prayer is heard 
 
 Cp. XIV. 38. 53 ftirep [/lie Kovpa] Festa, Blass : [pe ci^i<a] conj. Jurenka : [/*' 
 
 dXatf^ws] Palmer, K. A vestige of the last letter remains in the left margin of 
 col. xxxv : it cannot have been C, but may have been A. 55 Boav Palmer. 
 
 58 El was wrongly repeated cut init.'. corr. A 1 ? Cp. n. on 25 f. fpoftvia Blass. 
 62 f. dpda-fi] written (by A :1 ?) over another letter, perhaps I. After Qpaaei K. inserts 
 TO, Jurenka <rbv (<rv conj. J., Headlam, R. Ellis). dtKwv Opdffd ffCip.a. irarpos ^s 36/tous | 
 tvfyice K0fffj.ov ^affdas a\6s MS. : Blass transposes 62 and 63, adding IK before paftdas. 
 
 originally denoted a moon-goddess : Paus. 
 III. 26. I ScXijj'Tjs {irlK\r)<Tis...fffTli> i) 
 IlaffKpdr).) xoX<6<raT' tjrop is the most 
 probable supplement, if in 1 16 epcpvov is 
 sound : see n. there. (Blass, reading 
 eipptvov there, writes xo\(adr] K^ap.) //. 
 I 5- ^55 txo\wffa.TO Ovfjiiji: Od. 9. 480 
 %o\t6<raro Kypbdi (t.a\\ov. Hes. Th. 568 
 i-xfauat 5e fj.iv ij>i\ov rjrop ('he angered 
 him at his heart '). 
 
 51 f. jroTcuvtav, 'of a new kind,' 
 'new and strange,' as in Soph. Ant. 849 
 rd<pov iroTfuviov ('a strange tomb'): 
 id. fr, 153. 4 ydovas iroTai.vlovs. (MJTIV : 
 he would invite Theseus to show his 
 trust in Poseidon (v. 36) by jumping 
 overboard. If Theseus should decline 
 the challenge, he would be humiliated ; 
 if he should accept it, he would be lost. 
 Cp. 86. 
 
 55 f. irvpi'0ipav : the ZOeipa is the 
 shimmer of the lightning. 
 
 58 Tpoii]vta. I follow the MS. in 
 keeping the usual spelling. Blass writes 
 Tpotrivia (referring to Klihner- Blass, 
 Gramm. I. 13, 137). T/jo^ctot occurs in 
 C. /. G. I. 1 06, n. 5. 10. (Pape-Benseler 
 s. v. cites no other evidence for that 
 form.) In //. 2. 561 Tpoitfv', and 847 
 Tpoifrivoio, are traditional. 
 
 62 f. There are several reasons for 
 transposing vv. 62 and 63, as Blass does, 
 and adding IK before Pa9ias. (i) If 
 the order of these two verses is correct 
 in the MS., then v. 62, SIKWV K.T.\., is 
 
 shorter by a syllable than v. 128. It has 
 been proposed to insert arv, rb, or ffbv 
 before <r<o|xa. Some critics, however, 
 hold that no such remedy is needed, and 
 that - (-KWV 6pd<rei) here answers to 
 ---- (-tv 52 irbvros) in 128. (2) A 
 graver objection to the MS. order is the 
 well-nigh intolerable awkwardness of 
 TovBt \pv<Tov | \ipos iryXaov | separ- 
 ated by a whole verse (diK&v...86/j.ovs) 
 from KOO-JIOV: and this is made still worse 
 by the fact that cryXaov (v. 2, n.) might 
 equally well be the epithet of crwpa. 
 (3) vfyi...pa9ias dXos is in itself 
 admissible : cp. Soph. El. 324ff. d6fj.uv... 
 evTd<pia...(ppovffa.v : Ph. 613 dyoivro VT]- 
 <rov. But the addition of etc is here a 
 decided gain in clearness. (4) With 
 the MS. order, -fas dXos in 63 answers 
 to Iparg. (f)oiri in 129: while, if v. 63 
 ends with irarpos s 86[iovs, the corre- 
 spondence is exact. (5) Minos hints a 
 doubt as to whether Theseus is Poseidon's 
 son ; that is the sting. The ironical 
 Trarpos e's 56/j.ovs comes most forcibly at 
 the end. The MS. order may have arisen 
 from the verse 5iKuv...86fAovs (which is 
 not necessary to the sense) having been 
 accidentally omitted, and then inserted 
 in the wrong place. 
 
 64 el'<reai . . . at K...KXvfl: //. 4. 249 
 oQpa. fSr/r' at K Hfifuv virtpffxrj \etpa 
 Kpovluv: tb. 15. 32 5<(>pa. TSgs fy rot 
 </>tX6r>;s re iced fvvr).
 
 382 BAKXYAIAOY [xvi 
 
 65 19 Kovios 
 
 20 cu>aippoi>Tag o 
 
 <rrp. /3'. ! /cXve o afjieTpov 
 
 2 Zevs, virepoyov re Mivan 
 
 3 TLfJiCLV <^>lX& 
 
 70 4 TrcuSi 7rcu'Sep/ce / a 
 
 s <xcrr/3cu//e $' 6 Se dv^dp^evov 
 
 6 iSan> repots Treracre ^eZpa? 
 
 7 /cXvrav e? aWepa /xe^eTrroXe/xos yptos, 
 s eTpeV re* 17 (rev, <crv> raSe 
 
 75 9 /xez^ /3XeVetg (ra<j>rj Atog 
 
 10 Saipa- crv 8' opvv' e's y8a- 
 
 11 pvpy>o|uoi> Tre'Xayos* Kpo 
 
 fini 3^ ' NV dr\ /> 
 
 uoi. oo I2 5 e TOt TraTrjp avag reAet 
 
 13 ITocretSav virepraTov 
 80 14 /cXeos yOova, /car' 
 is c3g etTre* raJ 8' ov 
 
 16 0VJJLOS dveKdfJL7TTT > , clXX' CV- 
 
 66 a.vaippei>Tas MS.: corr. K. 67 The papyrus has AMEITPON, but a short 
 
 stroke has been drawn through the middle of I. (The sixth letter is clearly P, 
 not T. ) So veiv for viv in 91, tKeivr)<rei> for fidvr}(ret> in IX. 10. &/j.frpov K. Blass, 
 who thinks that the MS. has &fj.firTov, writes &/j.efj.irTov, with Herwerden ; so also 
 Jurenka. 68 M/vou K., Wilamowitz, Jurenka: Mkon (~MiVy) Blass, Housman. 
 
 66 dvo|i.pp6vTas (only here): cp. VI. (i) As , which corresponds with 
 
 10 dva.i/j.o\tros, XX. 8 avaftaXos. B. has vv. 2 (ayXaovs), 25 (/cai 5i/cas), and 91 
 
 i before Pp only here and in V. 109 fj.ij\a (-iv irviovff'). This is supported by Wila- 
 
 fipor&v. mowitz, who remarks that the lengthening 
 
 67 djxtrpov vx.olv. To ask Zeus for of i may be partly compensatory for the 
 the sign of the lightning was to pray shortening of . For the i cp. //. 1.283 
 for a very extraordinary mark of favour ; Xiffvofj.' 'Ax^XX^i' /ue0^uei> x6\oi> (in thesis) : 
 the evxn was S./j.erpos as exceeding the for w before another vowel, Od. 6. 303 
 ordinary limit of a mortal's prayer. ijpwos. (2) As ( = M/'(f)) : so Housman, 
 There is a similar phrase in //. 15. 598, and (in his 2nd ed.) Blass. The syllables 
 where the prayer of Thetis, that the -t>v re Mic-, ---, then answer to -~ 
 Greeks might suffer defeat until they had in the other places. (3) As *-: so 
 made amends to Achilles (i. 508 ff.), is Blass (ist ed.), assuming that -~ 
 called Qaiffiov &p^v, an 'exorbitant' or (MtVwt <f>vr-) could answer to -~-~ 
 'immoderate' prayer. The TI^ which elsewhere. The first of these three views 
 Zeus gave to Minos was, as the poet seems to me the most probable, though 
 says, a 'surpassing ' one : thus vir^poxov the i can be justified only by a metrical 
 confirms d'p.Tpov. The conjecture a|t|iir- stress on that syllable (assisted, perhaps, 
 TOV is against the MS., and gives a weak by the shortening of w). A transposition, 
 sense; Zeus heard the ' blameless ' prayer ; Qfrrevae MiVy, is unsatisfactory, because 
 i.t. heard it without disapproval. the last syllable is short in 2 and 25, and 
 
 68 7O The Mvwi of the MS. has probably in 91 also (see n. there). It is 
 
 been scanned in three different ways. possible that Mivwi is a gloss; but it
 
 XVI] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 383 
 
 by the son of Cronus, the all-ruling lord of thunder.' 
 
 Mighty Zeus heard the unmeasured prayer, and ordained a str. 2. 
 surpassing honour for Minos, willing to make it seen of all men, 
 for the sake of his well-loved son. He sent the lightning. But 
 the steadfast warrior, when he saw that welcome portent, stretched 
 his hands towards the glorious ether, and said : 
 
 ' Theseus, there thou beholdest the clear sign given by Zeus. 
 And now do thou spring into the deep-sounding sea; and the 
 son of Cronus, king Poseidon, thy sire, will assure thee supreme 
 renown throughout the well-wooded earth.' 
 
 So spake he : and the spirit of Theseus recoiled not ; 
 
 69 f. 0t'X<f>...7rcu5i] (f>i\oi>...Traida Housman, Blass 2 . 72 Trtracre x/>as Wilamowitz, 
 Christ, Richards (who suggests also xtpa. irtraffffe), Ludwich : -n-traaae x/>< Blass 2 : 
 Xpas Treracrffe MS. (x/>e Trtraffe K.). 74 f. <crv> rdde \ /j.ft> /JXewets J. (K.), 
 
 and so Jurenka, Smyth: rd.5' <e/ia> | fj*v /3\^rs conj. Platt : rddt fj.ev | /3Xeirej 
 Richards, Blass 2 . SO ETAEXAPON MS.: rjvdfvdpov K., Blass 2 (evpvedpov 
 
 Herwerden formerly, but he now accepts rjvdevSpov). 
 
 does not seem likely. The obvious /$ 
 y6vtf would be too near 0\y...irai5t : 
 foi K\^OS would be scarcely compatible 
 with Tifidv. Verses 39 and 120 might 
 suggest Kvuffiif): but this also is im- 
 probable. 
 
 (})VTvor TI|A<XV: remark the early re- 
 currence of the verb used in 59. Find. 
 P. IV. 69 OeoTTOfj-irol ff^iffiv Ti/j,al <f>tiTev0v : 
 I. V. 12 <rvi> r4 ol daifiuv <f>vrevei do^av.- 
 4>iXw...Trai8, 'for (the sake of) his dear 
 son,' to be taken with Ot\wv...0tnev. 
 iravSepKca, 'seen by all.' Elsewhere, 
 'all-seeing' (Anth. 9. 525. 17, Quint. 
 Smyrn. 2. 443). 
 
 72 f. repas: the lightning had come 
 from a clear sky (atWpa, 73). So in 
 Od. 20. 114, Zeus having thundered, at 
 the prayer of Odysseus, from a cloudless 
 sky, the hero says, ovde iro6i vtyos earl- 
 r^pas vv reif r6Se 0aiWu. ir^ra<r x<ipas 
 answers metrically to irirvov avpai in v. 6, 
 Kai ere KeSvd in 29, and 6/j./j,aTwi> 5a- in 95. 
 The MS. has xpas ireraffffe : cp. IX. I9n. 
 
 74 fc A short syllable is wanting after 
 Q-rjfffv: cp. 8, 31, 97^(i).The best remedy 
 would be to read rclS* < tpd > , and that 
 may be what the poet wrote. In our MS., 
 however, nothing has been lost after 
 TAAE, with which this v. ends. If 
 TAA'EMA was the original reading, the 
 letters MA must have dropped out at 
 some earlier stage in the transmission of 
 the text. (2) Another resource is to 
 insert <rv after Qr)<rev, where it might so 
 easily have dropped out. The <ri> d' 
 
 opvv in 76 is not a decisive objection. 
 When ffv 5t precedes an imperative, the 
 stress on the verb is much stronger than 
 that on the pronoun, as is seen when it 
 follows a protasis with the same person 
 as subject: e.g. Her. VII. 159 5' dpa 
 ft.r) 8i.Ka.iois ipxecrOai, <rv 5 fJ.r)8f /3o7j#ee 
 (where <rv de is merely 'Men'): cp. Her. 
 in. 68, //. 9. 301 f., Aesch. Ag. 1061, 
 Xen. Cyr. 5. 5. 21. (3) Others read 
 rdSe fj,v | /3\res (see cr. n.). An 
 aorist, referring to the moment just past, 
 might be substituted for the present : thus 
 efoides would be analogous to tirfive<ra. 
 (Soph. Ai. 536), t<t>pi$a. (ib. 693), etc. 
 But the imperfect ?)3Xres is surely im- 
 possible. 
 
 76 f. opw', opvvo, = opvvffo, pres. im- 
 perat. midd. of opvvfj.i. Neither the act. 
 nor the midd. present imperat. of that 
 verb seems to occur elsewhere, though 
 the aor. imperat. is not rare (op<ro, opffto, 
 opffev). For the dropping of <r in 2nd 
 pers. sing. pres. imperat. middle, cp. 
 //. 10. 291 irapiffrao, 16. 497 /mdpvao, 
 Od. 1 8. 171 <f)do ('speak'}. f3apv(3po|i,ov : 
 Eur. Helen. 1305 /3ap6pponoi>...Kuft. dXiov. 
 When KpoviSas or Kptvios is said of 
 Poseidon, he is always named (as here 
 and in Corinna fr. i, Find. O. vi. 29), 
 or indicated, as in xvn. 21 by Avratov | 
 
 8O 
 
 iivStvSpov: Find. P. IV. 74 tv- 
 5frdpoio...fJ.a.Ttpos (Earth). 
 
 83 aveKdn/jn-rr', like a bending sword 
 (xil. 52 ff. eyvdfj.<f>6ii 5' tnriffow tpdcryavov).
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xvi 
 
 VIV 
 
 TTCLKTtoV 7T 
 
 l<; OpOV(T, TTOVTIOV 
 
 85 19 Se'^aro 0\f)fj,ov aXcro?. 
 
 20 ra[<]> Se A to? vios 
 
 21 /ce'a/3, /ce'Xevcre re /car' ov- 
 
 22 poi> loyev euSai'SaXof 
 
 23 vacr fj,olpa 8' erepav i-rropcrvv 6Sov. 
 
 avT. /3'. 9 i tero S' W/CVTTO/XTTO^ So^u croet 
 
 2 vu> ySopedg e^QTTiv TT^COVCT' a/^rcr 
 
 3 Tpecrcrav S' 'AOavaicov 
 
 4 rjWeaiv < Tra^ > yeVo?, eVet 
 s 17/3^9 66pev TrovrovSe, K<X- 
 
 95 6 ra XeiptW r' oaxara)^ Sa- 
 7 K3 
 
 86 Ta</>^ Pearson, Weil, Blass 2 (wos 5^ At6j Zv5o6ev K^ap rd(f>e con'). Richards): 
 Ttt^ei/ K. : TOKC Bl. 1 87 f. /caroO[/)]oj' MS. : xar' o&po? K., Jurenka, Smyth : 
 
 KaTovpov Housman. ffrxf K. : firx 1 ' MS. Karovr6pov (Pollux I. 82) ff~xe v Blass 2 
 (' Remis navis cohibenda erat ; hinc epitheton '). 91 f. viv Housman and others : 
 
 83 85 Ixpuov, a raised half-deck at 
 the stern, on which, in the Homeric ship, 
 the chiefs have their place (Od. 13. 72; 
 15. 282, 557): beneath it there was room 
 for storage (ib. 15. 206). An equivalent 
 term was e5u>Xia (Soph. Ai. 1277 n.): 
 Her. I. 21 describes Arion as ffrdvra ev 
 Totffi eStaXloiffi when he sang, before 
 springing into the sea. <rra0is is here 
 a poetical substitute for oTtis, as in Pind. 
 iv. 84 i ffTa.07} = tffTTj. [In Od. 17. 463 
 6 5' IffrdOri rjvre irtrpt) | HfjnreSov, the 
 pass, perhaps emphasizes the idea of 
 fixity.] 0X.Tj|iov (the accent prescribed 
 by the MS.), from ^e\i;^6j: Hes. Op. 118 
 f6e\7jfj.oi : Callim. Dian. 31 iBf\i]^. 
 Arcadius 61. 3 TO 82 6e\efj.6s dirb TOV 
 Ot\-r)fi.fc d^vvtrai. [Aesch. Suppl. 1027 
 0e\efj.bv TTw/ia (of the Nile) is usually 
 explained with Hesych. as = rj<rvxov. ] 
 jr6vriov...aX<ros: the phrase of Aesch. 
 Pers. in, suggesting the sacredness of 
 the sea as the domain of Poseidon 
 (Neptunia prata) : it is thus peculiarly 
 fitting here. 
 
 86 f. T<uj>cv (cp. v. 48)...2v8o6v K'ap, 
 'felt a secret awe in his heart.' Minos 
 had expected that Theseus would decline 
 his challenge. The prompt and dauntless 
 manner in which Theseus had accepted 
 it filled him with amazement ; though he 
 
 seemed to have got rid of his foe, he felt an 
 inward misgiving. But he did not allow 
 his feeling to appear. [TOKV (or TO|V) 
 ...K^ap would mean, 'he wasted his heart 
 within him'; i.e. 'he felt his soul melt 
 within him,' the emotion being one of 
 surprise and fear. Cp. Od. xix. 263 ^5' 
 ?TI Ovfibv | rrJKe wtxriv yodovaa. But the 
 word is more suitable there than it would 
 be here.] 
 
 87 89 KttT* ovpov l'<rxv...vaa, 'to 
 keep the ship before the wind.' When 
 Theseus sprang overboard, the impulse 
 of the Kvj3epvr)T-ris (an Athenian, cp. Plut. 
 Thes. 17) would naturally be to bring up 
 the ship, which was running before the 
 north wind (v. 6): but Minos ordered 
 him to keep on his course. Secretly 
 disquieted by the confidence of Theseus, 
 Minos did not care to wait at that spot. 
 If he went on, at any rate so he thought 
 (v. 121 n.) he should see Theseus no 
 more. 'Fate,' however, ' was preparing 
 a different issue.' The ship sped on 
 its way; but Theseus reappeared at a 
 later moment (119). For frrxev (Dor. 
 inf., 41 n.) = x e "'> sa 'd of steering a ship 
 on a certain course, cp. Od. 10. 91 ?vff' 
 oi-y' efcrw Trdvres %x. ov "^oj: Her. VI. 95 
 ov Trapd T7)i> fiireipov el^ov rds p^aj. 
 
 Reading Karovpov, Housman under-
 
 XVI] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 385 
 
 he took his place on the well-built stern, and sprang thence, 
 and the domain of the deep received him in kindness. 
 
 The son of Zeus felt a secret awe in his heart, and gave 
 command to keep the cunningly-wrought ship before the wind ; 
 but Fate was preparing a different issue. 
 
 So the bark sped fast on its journey, and the northern breeze, ant. 
 blowing astern, urged it forward. But all the Athenian youths and 
 maidens shuddered when the hero sprang into the deep ; and 
 tears fell from their bright young eyes, in prospect of their 
 grievous doom. 
 
 vf iv MS. BOPEOTC A : a written above OT by A 3 . t&irti> K. : tbiri0e Wilamowitz, 
 Blass: e&iriQtv MS. d-rjra] OTJTCI Housman, Smyth (dr/Ta. Wilamowitz). 83 -gOtuv 
 
 <Trov>K. : < -yets ;> Weil. 94 t Oopev] l&ope Purser, Christ. Richards conj. 
 
 irovTovSe 06pev ijpus, Kara \ re \fipiuiv 6fj.fj.drwv. 95 f. dd\Kpv xtov J., and so Blass, 
 Jurenka, Smyth: Sdicpv \ x^ ov MS - eiri.5e~fii.fvoi. Jurenka, Smyth: ^n-iSe-y/ueVoi Blass. 
 
 stands, 'he ordered them to stop the 
 ship which was running before the wind.' 1 
 But, even with xdrovpov, the sense would 
 be, 'to keep the ship before the wind': 
 xdrovpov could not stand for TT\V KOT' 
 ovpov irMovffav. Blass, also, supposes 
 that fox*" means ' stop ' ; but of Kdrovpov 
 he says, l non sufficit,' and has recourse 
 to a much bolder emendation ; /cAeixre' 
 6' fKarovropov v)( v -v<i- a i 'to stop the 
 hundred-oared ship.' 
 
 90 uKiriro(iirov: Eur. /. T. 1136 vaos 
 il>Kvir6fj.irov. Sopv, 'ship' (like trabs, 
 Hor. C. I. i. 13 etc.): Aesch. Pen. 411 
 fV' &\\r)v (sc. VCLVV) 5' fiXXo? ijSOwfv dopv 
 (cp. Ag. 1618). Find. P. iv. 27 dvdXiov 
 dopv, and 38 etc dovparos. The v is 
 lengthened before troci as v before ffff 
 in dopvcrffoos. Cp. also //. 17- 463 ore 
 fffvairo SiwKetv (and 23. 198). ffbei is 
 imperf. of <roew: with the augment it 
 would be effffbei (cp. eWet-a, tffffv/j.ai, 
 e<7cri'6r)v). The only other part of aotw 
 extant is preserved by Hesych., tffffor)- 
 fj.evov- TeOopvprjuevov, upfj.ijfJ.fvov. 
 
 91 t^oiriv occurs only in Aesch. Ag. 
 115 (though KO.TOWIV = KaroiriffOev is fre- 
 quent): and its rarity would account for 
 the egoirUkv of the MS. It is decidedly 
 preferable on metrical grounds to efjomOe, 
 which would weaken the rhythm ; nor is 
 the long syllable answering to -i#e re- 
 solved in 2, 25, or 68. diJTa is the 
 accent in the MS., indicating the Doric 
 form of CUJTTJ (Hes. O/. 643, etc.). a^ra 
 (with Aeolic accent) would be preferable, 
 since in all the corresponding verses (2, 
 25, 68) the last syllable is short. The 
 Aeolic form is probable (if not certain) 
 
 J. B. 
 
 in Simonides fr. 41, oi)5e yap fvvocrl<f>v\\os 
 S.IJTO. r6r' wpr' dv4/j.uv (dr/ra Bergk 4 , 
 though formerly arjra). But arp-a (or 
 d^ra) would be masc. ( = dijri;s): and 
 the fern, ^opcds (attested by the accents 
 in the MS.) is certain. No such form as 
 fiopfos (for j36/>eioj) was in use. Cp. 
 Aesch. frag. 195. 2 flopedSas ^f|s irp6s 
 irvods. For this reason alone I refrain 
 from altering the MS. accent on dr/ra.. 
 
 92 'A6avaiiov with ai: so 128 iraid- 
 vi^ar : Ar. Vesp. 282 ^tXatfjjj'cioj, Eq. 139 
 fc&acof: Eur. H. F. 115 yepait: Anth. 
 9. 281. 3 ira\at6s: Orph. fr. 2. 2 SiKaiuv. 
 
 93 The corresponding verses (4, 27, 
 
 70) begin with . A long syllable is 
 
 therefore wanting between TJ'iOcwv and 
 y^vos- Kenyon inserts irav, and nothing 
 better has been proposed. 
 
 94 96 The iambus Oopcv answers to 
 -" - in 5, 28, 71. This discrepancy would 
 be removed by the transposition which 
 Richards suggests, irbrrovSe 6&ptv ypws, 
 nard | re \eipiwv : and the emphatic 
 place given to irbvrovbe would also be 
 fitting. I hesitate to adopt it only be- 
 cause it presupposes that T had either 
 (i) been shifted to its place after \eipiwv, 
 which seems improbable: or (2) lost, and 
 then wrongly inserted there ; which we 
 are not entitled to assume, since the MS. 
 text is metrically possible, ~ - (66ptv) 
 being an admissible substitute for ~~~. 
 
 Xciptav . . . OJIJWITWV, eyes of delicate 
 beauty, the bright eyes of youth. Cp. 
 Shakespeare's ' young-eyed cherubins ' 
 (Merchant of Venice, v. i. 62). In //. 
 13. 830 xp a Xeipiocj/ra is 'delicate' skin : 
 and in //. 3. 152 the chirping sound 
 
 26
 
 386 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xvi 
 
 100 ii 
 
 ov 
 
 <$>4pov Se SeX^t^e? dXt- 
 vaierai p.eyav 0oa><s 
 /cre'a Trarpos ITTTU- 
 
 v, fjieyapov re 6ea>v 
 9i /cXvrds iSo)^ 
 'toio N'jy- 
 
 0,776 yct/o dyXa- 
 yviuv cre'Xa? 
 d,jU,(^>t 
 
 eSetcr* o 
 /Deo? 
 aiv 
 
 Se 
 
 is 
 
 105 16 
 17 
 18 QlvnVTO TO.IVIOLI' XP ( t ) ^ ere / 
 
 Keap vypolcrL Trocrcriv 
 
 *o o"[j.vdv re Trarpo? 
 VPI n ^ * ^ 
 
 no 21 toe po(i)7riv eparot- 
 
 22 cru> 
 
 97 f. dXivai^rai K. (deleting e? before aXi-), Jurenka, Smyth ; 4va\i\vai^Tai MS., Blass. 
 lOOf. 86fj.oi>, ntyaphv Tf...^6\tv Housman, Wilamowitz, Blass, Richards, Smyth, 
 and others: Sofji6vS' i-/jio\tv re...fj.^yapov Jurenka: 56/j.ov ?fj.o\fr re.../j.fyapov MS. 
 1O2 f. ISeio-' 6\fiioio N^lp^os Richards, Ludwich, Blass 3 : ibeiffev K-qpTJos 6\\fiiov K. 
 (tdeicre Nijpijos 6\\{}iov Bl. 1 , Smyth) : tdeifff, Nrjptos 6\\[iiov MS., the diastole marking 
 the division of the words. 1O5 wre] The MS. seems to have had SITE. wore K. 
 1O7 dim)VTO Blass: divevvro K. : AEINHNTO A, but the E has been cancelled (by 
 
 avd/YKav, the 'doom' of becoming victims 
 to the Minotaur. 
 
 97 f. 8\<f>iVS, the usual agents in 
 the miraculous conveyance of mortals 
 through or beneath the sea : pseudo- 
 Arion (Bergk 4 III. p. 80) nf. oi' /*' els 
 He\oiros yav...iropf6ffaTe : Plut. Mor. 
 p. 163 A (Enalos of Lesbos and the 
 maiden whom he rescued from drowning) 
 Trl 5e\(f>ii>ci)v <popr]Tol Sia 6a.\a,TTr]s. Some 
 of the vase-painters, however, depicted 
 Theseus as borne up in the arms of a 
 Triton. (See Introd.) dXivau'rai (only 
 here) : pseudo-Arion 9 f. 5eX<iVes, HvaXa 
 6p^/j.]u.ara \ Kovpav TSrjptidwv 6eai>. The 
 MS. lias tvoXivaUrai, which Blass retains, 
 comparing tfiirvpi/SriTris (II. 23. 702) and 
 eyxeipideros (Her. V. ro8). But it seems 
 scarcely doubtful that, as metre indicates 
 (cp. 8 f. and 3 1 f.), ev was written by 
 error. 
 
 99 1O1 lirmov, Poseidon, as creator 
 of the horse, and as horse-tamer (5a^atos, 
 f/Ai/aos) ; Soph. O. C. 71 iff. He is ITTTTUV 
 Trp^ravis (Stesich. fr. 49), iirirapxos (Find. 
 P. IV. 45). Poseidon I'TTTTIOJ had an 
 altar at Colonus Hippius near Athens 
 (0. C. 55). Greek poets use constant 
 epithets without regard to their fitness in 
 
 made by the cicada is called oira 
 <rav, a 'delicate' voice. Find. N. vn. 
 79 calls the white coral \eipiov &vdenov 
 TTovrias . . . ^pffaj (where the notion of 
 delicate beauty is joined to that of the 
 colour). Suidas gives \fip6<f>0a\fji.os 
 
 TOIIJ 6<f>8a\/j.ofa, 'with gentle eyes.' The 
 idea of ' gentle ' may have been first 
 associated with \fipi6fis, Xei'/nos as an 
 epithet of the voice : thus Ap. Rh. 4. 903 
 calls the chant of the Seirens OTTO, \eipiov. 
 Here, in reference to the youths and 
 maidens collectively, \eipiwv can hardly 
 mean 'gentle'; a more general sense is 
 needed. 
 
 Sducpv x^ ov - The division of the verses 
 given above (and suggested by me in 
 Kenyon's edition, p. 169) is required 
 by the metre : see 6, 29, 72. 
 * expecting.' In //. 9. 191 
 Ala.Kidi)i> , where the sense is ' awaiting ' 
 {as in 18. 524), the word is accented as 
 the partic. of 2nd aor. fd^yfjLrjv, while its 
 meaning indicates the perfect partic. (//. 
 4. 107 dedeyfdvos Iv TrpoSoKrjffii'). B. 
 would probably have kept the irregular 
 Homeric accent of 8ty/j,evos, and it is 
 therefore better not to write ei
 
 XVI] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 387 
 
 Meanwhile dolphins, dwellers in the sea, were swiftly bearing 
 mighty Theseus to the abode of his sire, lord of steeds ; and he 
 came unto the hall of the gods. There beheld he the glorious 
 daughters of blest Nereus, and was awe-struck ; for a splendour 
 as of fire shone from their radiant forms ; fillets inwoven with 
 gold encircled their hair ; and they were delighting their hearts 
 by dancing with lissom feet. 
 
 And in that beautiful abode he saw his father's well-loved 
 wife, the stately, ox-eyed Amphitrite; 
 
 A 2 ?). Wilamowitz conj. Sovevvro. 1O8 vypolai iroff<r'u> K., Jurenka, Smyth: 
 
 vypoiffiv ev irofflv MS., Blass. 1O9 f. IA . X A: eidev A 3 . BOQIII A: 
 
 v written above I (by A 3 ?). ae^vdv re TTOT/WS S.\o\ov <j>[\av \ tde conj. Housman : 
 fft/j.vav r6r' &\oxo" irarpos (plXav \ ide Richards, fldev re irarpos a\oxov <pi\a.i> | 
 MS. 
 
 the particular context ; sleeping birds are 
 called Tawirrtpvyes by Alcman (fr. 60. 
 7), and ships drawn up on shore can 
 still have the epithet doai (Soph. Ai. 
 710). Sofiov, the palace of Poseidon in 
 the depths of the sea : //. 13. 21 f. ZvBa. 
 5e (near Aegae) oi K\VTCL dwfj.ara pei>6e<n 
 
 &tj>6iTa aiei. The second syllable of 
 86(iov should be long (see u, 34, 77). 
 Two remedies are possible. (i) To 
 write SofiovS* with Jurenka, keeping the 
 MS. Hfj.o\ei>...tdyapoi'. (i) Keeping 80- 
 jxov.to write (j.yapov...fj.o\ev. This seems 
 best. Of the three verses corresponding 
 to ioi,t\vo (12 and 78) begin with --, 
 and the third (35) with : hence /j.6\fv 
 is more probable than n^yapov as the 
 first word of 101. \Ltya.pov is the great 
 hall in Poseidon's 56/uos. The plur. 0<3v 
 refers to Poseidon and Amphitrite : per- 
 haps it is meant to include the ' bright- 
 throned Nereids' also. On the cup of 
 Euphronius Athena too is present (see 
 p. 225). 
 
 lO2f. oXpioio Niip&s- The trans- 
 position (see cr. n.) brings the metre into 
 agreement with that of 13, 36, and 79. 
 It may be regarded as certain. xdpas : 
 cp. n. on 38 ^ijprjtSes. 
 
 105 art: Auptfuis avrl TOV werre, schol. 
 Pind. N. vi. 47. Pindar has it frequently 
 (P. IV. 64, x. 54, etc.): cp. xil. 124 n. 
 irvpos : //. 19- 366 (the eyes of 
 Achilles) \a/j.ir^ffffr]v ws ft re irvpfo creXas. 
 dfj.<j>i \arais : for the dat. , cp. 1 24, 
 XVII. 53 : Pind. O. XIII. 39 d.fj.<f>l K<5/uats. 
 
 106 f. XP v<r - Taivtai, 'fillets inwoven 
 with gold,' i.e. with gold thread. The 
 ratvia, was a ribband worn by maidens 
 (and matrons) round the head, to confine 
 
 the hair (crinales villas Verg. Aen. 7. 
 352). 8ivT]vro. (i) This must be (I 
 think) for fdeSivrjvro, pluperf. of Sivtu, 
 ' had been twirled ' round the hair, 
 ' encircled ' it : cp. //. 23. 562 (a Owprjg) 
 
 $ TTfpl X e ?M a <f>O-fl"OV KCLffffirtpOtO | dfJ.(f>i- 
 
 SfSivriTa.i, around which a casting of 
 bright tin has been carried (i.e. which 
 has been overlaid with tin-plate). (2) If 
 5lvi)i>To were taken (with Blass) as imperf. 
 of an Aeolic 8ivri/j.i ( = 5tj^w), the sense 
 must be, ' were being twirled.' But the 
 close-fitting head -band, ratvia, would not 
 be shaken by the movements of the 
 dance. Cp. 18 divcurev, n. 
 
 108 vYpouri, supple, ' lissom.' vyp6s 
 in this sense is opposed to <rftXi;p6j ('stiff'), 
 Plat. Theaet. p. 162 B. So of horses, 
 vypa ?x et " T <* ffK^Xt] (Xen. Eq. i. 6). 
 Arist. H. Anim. 6. 35 (6 0u>s) ra-^vriJTi 
 5ia<j>tpfi...8ia TO vypbs elvai. Pollux 4. 
 96 vypbs opXTjcrrfc. The use of the word 
 in reference to Nymphs of the sea is not 
 very felicitous. 
 
 109 fc The scansion of the syllables 
 before fJowmv in no ought to be either 
 ~~ (as in 21, 44), or else - (as in 87, 
 Keap with synizesis). The -- given by 
 <rc|xvdv seems metrically impossible. 
 Sitzler (quoted by Jurenka p. 128) regards 
 ffe/jLvav as a gloss on fjowTrtv, and would 
 substitute T&V. But then the words 
 tpa.roiffit>...d6/Jio<-*' which go with the verb, 
 would be locked into the clause rav... 
 'A./j.<t>iTpiTai>. In 109 the first hand wrote 
 I A . X, not elSev. The transposition 
 <r|ivdv...f8 (Housman) is the only satis- 
 factory remedy. Verse 109 still differs 
 
 from 10, 43, and 86 in so far as 
 
 (a-arpos aXo*-) here replaces ~~-~ in 
 these verses. This difference would be 
 
 26 2
 
 388 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [xvi 
 
 v yp,a) 
 
 23 a viv djji<f>e/3a\i> al6\av 7rop<f>vpav, 
 
 77. ft'. i KopaKTi T ire0r)Kev ovXats 
 Col. 36 3 dfJLjJL<f>ea 
 3 TOI> TTore ( 
 116 4 Sai/ce SdXio? 'A^/JoSira /5dSoi? epepvov. 
 
 5 aTnCTTOV O Tl Sai/MOI>5 
 
 6 0a)(TLv ouSev (Jtpevodpais 
 
 7 veto, napa \tTTTOTrpvpvov 
 
 120 8 OICUOUV et* <j>pOVTL<TL KvCOCTLOV 
 
 9 ea-^acrev crr/DarayeVav, eVel 
 jo ^idX' dStai'TO? e^ dXos 
 ji OavjJia TTavrecrcri, \djji- 
 12 ?re 8' d/A(i yvtot? ^ewz' $a> 
 125 13 6povoi re Kovpai crvv ev- 
 
 M 0V/JLLO. veOKTLTOJ 
 
 15 coXoXvai', e- 
 
 <j)ev, 
 
 dyXad- 
 
 112 a^i^^aXef K.: d/j.<j>fpa\\tv MS. di'ij'a irop<t>vp4a.v MS. For conjectures see 
 Appendix. 116 56\tos] AOAIS A : o written above I (by A 2 ?). e/se/tvoi'] eep/j.evov 
 Weil : elpnvov Blass : epavv6v Piccolomini. 118 Otucriv Cnisius, Richards, 
 
 removed by reading, with Richards, 
 fffta>av TOT' aXoxop irarpos <f>l\av (-Trarpds 
 as in v. 63). rbre is fitting, since the 
 approach of Theseus to Amphitrite is the 
 crowning moment of the scene. And the 
 placing of irarpos before S,\QXOV might 
 easily have caused the shrinkage of TOT 
 into . 
 
 POWITIV. This epithet of Hera is given 
 to mortal women in //. 3. 144, 7. 10, 18. 
 40. 
 
 111 'A(i<|>iTptTav. The wife of Posei- 
 don (Find. O. VI. 105) is the Sea that 
 ' moans around the shores of earth ' 
 (rptfw, Tpvfti)) : cp. Od. 12. 97 dydffTovos 
 'Afj.(f>iTpiTr). She is unknown to the Iliad, 
 and in the Odyssey is scarcely more than 
 a symbol for the sea (as in the phrase 
 /ifTtt KVfLaaiv 'A/j.<f>tTpiTr)s, 3. 91). Hes. 
 Th. 243 makes her a daughter of Nereus, 
 and her connexion with the Nereids was 
 always close. In art Poseidon and Am- 
 phitrite were often associated with Hestia, 
 the goddess of terra firma (cp. Paus. v. 
 26. 2). 
 
 112 didva in the MS., if sound, is an 
 otherwise unknown name for some kind 
 of garment. It is possible that rjiuv, 
 guv, 'sea-bank,' ' margin,' may have been 
 used to mean the 'border' of a robe, and 
 that 'purple border' here may have 
 
 meant a robe with such a border. But 
 there is no evidence for this ; and it 
 seems very improbable. Far the best 
 emendation is that which Tyrrell was the 
 first to propose, aioXav irop4>vpav. ' gleam- 
 ing purple.' The corruption of aio\av 
 into di'6va can be explained in either of 
 two ways, (i) In AIOAAX the A A 
 may have become NA, when the final X 
 would be deleted. Or (2) the similarity 
 of A to A may have led to the loss of 
 A, leaving AIOAN : then X would be 
 transposed, so as to make AIOXA. 
 Housman illustrates this process from 
 V. 117, where 'AyeXaov became #776X01' : 
 i.e. A was lost after A, leaving AFEAOX, 
 and then this was made into a Greek 
 word by adding a second P. The change 
 of irop4>ijpav into Trop<j>vpav would follow 
 the change of al6\av into dl'6va. For 
 other conjectures see Appendix. 
 
 113 ouXais : Od. 6. 230 (Athena 
 changing the aspect of Odysseus) udd 
 dt KdpyTos | otfXas ^/ce ic6/j.a.s ('thick, curly 
 locks'). 
 
 114 116 ap.e(u{>'a irXoKOv, 'a choice 
 wreath.' Pausanias (l. 17. 3) describes 
 it as ffr<j>a.vov xpi'vovv : Hyginus (Astron. 
 II. 5) as coronam...comphiribus liicentem 
 gemniis. B., too, doubtless conceived it 
 as a wreath of gold ; the word Xdjiire in
 
 XVI] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 389 
 
 who clad him in gleaming purple, 
 
 and set on his thick hair a choice wreath, dark with roses, given epode i. 
 to her of yore at her marriage by wily Aphrodite. 
 
 Nothing that the gods may ordain is past belief to men of a 
 sound mind. Theseus appeared by the ship with slender stern. 
 Ah, in what thoughts did he check the war-lord of Cnosus, 
 when he came unwetted from the sea, a wonder to all, his form 
 resplendent with the gifts of the gods! The bright-throned 
 Nereids cried aloud with new-born gladness; 
 
 Weil : 0\uffiv MS. : \<nv Palmer, K. 119 vaa] AAA A: v written above A 
 
 (by A- 1 ?). 12O (ppovria-i] <j>6t>Ticrffi A : corr. A 1 ? 124 yvloit... ay\a6- K. : 
 
 rroiz...ArAo MS. 
 
 123 refers to wreath as well as robe. 
 poSois tpejivov, the reading of the MS., is 
 right : the golden wreath was 'dark with 
 roses,' i.t. thickly entwined with dark- 
 red roses, the flowers of Aphrodite, 
 when she gave it to Poseidon's bride as a 
 wedding-gift. When Amphitrite gave it 
 to Theseus, the roses may still have been 
 there ; but the words do not require us to 
 assume that. Modifying Weil's emenda- 
 tion ppvov, Blass reads elpfuvov, ' strung 
 with roses.' (Cp. Od. 18. 296 (opuov) 
 Xpi'fffov, -f)\eKTpoiffiv i(pfj.evov, ' strung 
 with amber beads. ') The phrase ir\i>Kov... 
 poSois eippevov, however, would suggest, 
 not a golden wreath 'twined' with roses, 
 but simply a chaplet formed by 'string- 
 ing ' roses together ; and the gift can 
 scarcely have been such, [fpi^vov, it 
 may be added, would be closer to the 
 MS. than elpntvov. In Her. iv. 190, 
 evepfjievuv has good warrant (tveipntvuv 
 Stein) : cp. id. 1. 154 dtrepyfjievos, II. 121 
 HpyaffTa.i.\ 
 
 86\ios, fern., as in Eur. Ale. 35, Tro. 
 530, Cycl. 449, Helen. -20, 242, 1605. 
 Sappho addresses Aphrodite as 5oX67rXo(ce 
 (fr. i. 2) : Simonides fr. 43 5o\6fj.t]ns 
 Sira : Eur. /. A. 1301 do\i6<f>ptav 
 
 . 
 
 117f. dirio-TOv /c.T.X. : in III. 57 a 
 like phrase comes between two miracles. 
 After relating the deeds of Perseus, 
 Pindar's comment is, ffj.ol 5 dav^daa-t \ 
 QtCiv re\<rdvTwv ovdfr wore (paiverai [ 
 
 ?WX' &TTlffTOV (P. X. 48 ff.). OtWlV, 
 
 'ordain' : Od. 8. 465 OVTW vvv Zei'S deiij. 
 This is a certain correction of the MS. 
 OeXwfftv. With regard to Palmer's XJxriv, 
 the verb \i)v was in common use in 
 Laconian (Ar. Lys. 1 162 f.) as in other 
 Doric dialects ; and, in the Alexandrian 
 
 age at least, it was not confined to Doric 
 poetry (thus Callim. Dian. 19 has Xjjs). 
 But it is not likely to have been used 
 by an Ionian of the classical period. 
 4>pevodpcus, 'of sound mind': so Qptvripiis 
 is opposed to ^aai'ijs (Her. ill. 25). For 
 the form cp. Pind. /. IV. 41 M^wova 
 XaX/codpai' : P. \. 35 x ( P la P* v racrbvuv. 
 
 119 Xfirr6irpv|ivov : the conjecture 
 \eirT6irp<$pov is improbable. The stern 
 is mentioned, because Minos would be 
 there. (Cp. n. on tKpiwv in 83.) 
 
 12Of. oia.\.<r\.v...&r\a.<rtv K.T.X.: 'In 
 what (exultant) thoughts did he check ' 
 Minos. 0"xdfw, ' to ^ et loose,' means 
 (r) 'to split open,' (2) 'to let drop,' 
 (3) then 'to stop' by relaxing a tension : 
 Pind. P. X. 51 Kwirav a\i(fov, 'ease the 
 oar,' 'stop rowing': Eur. Ph. 454 <r\iffov 
 5f dtivbv ofj.fj.0. Kai 6v/j.ov trvodf, 'remit 
 thy frown and thy blustering wrath.' In 
 Pind. A r . iv. 64 the victory of Heracles 
 over monsters is described by ff-xavais : 
 he ' stayed ' their violence. So here the 
 apparition of Theseus 'gave pause' to 
 Minos in his secret exultation. 
 
 122 aStavros, 'unwetted.' Simonides 
 fr. 37. 3 oiV aSiavroiffiv irapfiais : Pind. 
 ^V". VII. 73 cr&fvos ddiavrof (schol. dvev 
 ISparot). 
 
 124 f. 6(wv Swpa: the mantle and 
 wreath bestowed by Amphitrite are re- 
 garded as coming also from Poseidon. 
 According to Pausanias and Hyginus 
 (n. on 114), Theseus brought back also 
 the ring of Minos : it was given to him, 
 says Hyginus, by the Nereids. B. ignores 
 the ring. The 'gifts of the gods' suffice 
 to prove the origin of Theseus. ' II 
 legitime sa naissance divine sans se faire 
 le serviteur du roi de Crete' (Weil). 
 
 d-yXaoOpovoi . . . Kovpai : ' the bright-
 
 390 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [XVI, XVII 
 
 16 K\a.yev Se TTOVTOS' rjWeoi S* 
 
 17 veot Trcua.vi^ai' epara f 
 is AaXte, yopoicri Kr^twv 
 19 <f>pva iavfleis 
 
 XVII. [XVIII.J 
 0HCEYC 
 
 . a. XO. i BacriXeu rav lepav 'A6avav, 
 
 2 raiv appoftiuv ava ' 
 
 3 rt i>eW e/cXaye 
 
 4 (rdX.TTi'Y^ Tro\fJLrjtav 
 
 131 0p^a MS. : 0p6/as conj. J. 
 
 ..XVII. The title added in the left margin by A 3 . 2 ABPOBIKflX 
 
 ...IBPfiNQX A: corr. A 3 ? The words r&v appopiiuv 'luvuv ava are quoted from 
 Bacchylides in that order (which Wilamowitz had already corrected, Isyllos p. 143) by 
 (i) Maximus Planudes (i-fth cent.) in his scholia to Hermogenes irepl ISeuv a, Walz 
 
 throned maidens ' are the Nereids : Find. 
 N. IV. 65 (Peleus) (ya/j.ev vij/idpbvuv /uav 
 Nr;pet5wv. The epithet d.y\a6()poi>os is 
 given by Pindar to the Muses (O. xill. 
 96), and to the Danaides (N. x. i). The 
 Horae, and the semi-divine daughters of 
 Cadmus, are etOpovoi (P. ix. 60, O. n. 22). 
 
 126 129 vtOKTirw, the form used 
 by Nonnus 18. 294, while Pindar and 
 classical prose have J^KTIO-TOS. Cp. the 
 Homeric etf/criTos (in. 46). The glorifi- 
 cation of Theseus gave the Nereids a 
 sudden emotion of delight. co\oXvav : 
 the word usually denoted a cry of women, 
 and especially a joyous cry (Od. 22. 408, 
 Eur. El. 691). ?K\a i yV...irovTos. The 
 sympathy of the sea with Poseidon is 
 more than once marked in the Iliad: 
 as when it joyously makes way for his 
 chariot (13. 29 yriBoaiLivt) Sf OaXaaaa. 
 Mffra.ro), or is stirred by his champion- 
 ship of the Greeks (14. 392 K\vff8rj de 
 6d\acrffa K.T. X.). For I before K\, cp. 
 XV. 13 n. 
 
 i^iOeoi, both youths and maidens, as 
 in 43, 93. Here vfoi is probably adj., 
 not subst. ; cp. Kovpoi vt'oi (//. 13. 95). 
 But we find other phrases in which ydeos 
 is clearly adj., as Eupolis fr. incert. 
 
 40 Kbpi)...rj(>fos, Pint. Thes. 17 riff tot, 
 jrcudes. Yyv0v, 'hard by,' i.e. near 
 Theseus, who was now beside the ship ; 
 while the cry of the Nereids was heard 
 from the depths. 
 
 129 Traicivi|av: for the at, see n. on 
 92. Ipara (f)onl : XV. 7. The hiatus 
 is excused by the tradition of /" (//. 3. 
 221 d\\' 8re drj ova. re peyfaqf, Od. 14. 
 492 6X173 owi, etc i )^-^' 
 
 130 AdXic : this paean to the Delian 
 Apollo may have been sung in Delos. 
 Xopouri: the reference is peculiarly fitting 
 here. Theseus, returning with his com- 
 panions from Crete to Athens, touched 
 at Delos, and there e^opevae fiera ruiv 
 yOewv x o P f i av (Plut. Thes. 21), the 
 dance called ytpavos. (See Introd.) 
 
 131 4>pe'va Iav0is. There is a strong 
 case for writing <j>pe'vas. since the similar 
 Homeric phrases are so frequent that 
 it is difficult to understand how B. could 
 have assumed /" before the verb : //. 1 9. 
 174 <f>pfffl afjffiv lavffrjs, 23. 600 Ovpos 
 idvdr), Od. 4. 840 ijTOp idvffr), 23. 47 
 Ov^bv Idv6r]s, etc. [In 24. 382, Qpevas 
 Zvoov fyrjOfts, Eustath. read idvffris.] But 
 on the other hand B. could write ei'Xero 
 fibv (v. 75), in face of //. 4. 116 4x
 
 XVI, XVII] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 39i 
 
 the deep resounded ; while the youths and maidens hard by 
 raised a paean with their lovely voices. 
 
 God of Delos, may the choruses of the Ceans be pleasing to 
 thy soul ; and mayest thou give us blessings for our portion, 
 wafted by thy power divine ! 
 
 XVII. [XVIII.] 
 
 THESEUS. 
 
 CHORUS. King of sacred Athens, lord of the delicately- sir. 
 living lonians, why has the trumpet lately sounded a war-note 
 from its bell of bronze ? 
 
 Rhet. Graeci v. 493 ; and (2) by an anonymous scholiast on the same work, ib. vir, 
 982. (3) A third commentator, Joannes Siceliota (gih cent.), ib. vi. 241, quotes from- 
 B. a.pp6n)Ti vvta<Tiv "luves /ScunXTjes. Bergk (fr. 42) took this last to be the original 
 source of the citation r&v appofiiwv 'Iwvwv Aval;, but used the latter in changing "Iwyes 
 into 'Iwvuv. 3 ri A : ff added above by A 3 . XAAKOAiiAftX A: K written 
 
 above the first A (by A 3 ?). 
 
 5' ?\er' i&i>, the very passage which was 
 his model. [In in. 68, where A wrote 
 <p6bvq iaiverai, A 3 's Triaiverai is clearly 
 right.] This warning instance is my 
 sole reason for leaving <ppfra in the 
 text. 
 
 132 oira: so the Homeric hymn 
 to Demeter ends (v. 494) with the prayer 
 PIOV BvfjLrjpe' dirafeiv : as does also Hymn 
 XXX. 6oiro|iirov, 'sent to us by divine 
 power.' Pindar's 0f6wo/j.iroi <r<pi<Tiv ri/j.ai 
 <t>trev0ev (P. IV. 69), which perhaps 
 suggested <f>vrevffe Ti/uuiv in 68 f., may have 
 prompted this word also. r6Xv TV- 
 yjo.v : cp. IV. 20 fj.oipav euOXCiv. The 
 genitive with TI>X<I in Pindar usually 
 denotes the giver (as in N. iv. 7 ffbv 
 Xapiruv TI/X?). but can also denote the 
 gift, 0. XIII. 115 rtix av Ttpirvwv y\v- 
 Ke?a.t>. 
 
 Invocation of a god at the close of the 
 ode occurs in Pind. O. vi. 176 (Poseidon), 
 XHI. 115 (Zeus), 7. vi. 49 (Apollo). 
 Sometimes, again, there is a prayer 
 without invocation (O. vin. 84: P. v. 
 114). 
 
 XVII. 115 A Chorus of Athe- 
 nians, addressing Aegeus, ask why a call 
 to arms has just been sounded. (See 
 Introd.) 
 
 1 UpcLv. a frequent epithet of Athens : 
 Soph. Ai. 1221 (n.), Ar. Eq. 1319, Pind. 
 fr. 75. 4 , etc. 
 
 2 TWV d|3po|3uov. The epithet means 
 that from early days the Athenians had 
 prided themselves on their union of 
 refinement with valour (cp. v. 13), 
 Thucydides (i. 6, 3) speaks of rb- 
 aflpodlaiTov as a trait of the wealthier 
 Athenians down to a time not long 
 before his own; instancing the long 
 linen tunic, from which lonians were 
 called eXxex'Twi/fs (//. 13. 685 etc.), and 
 the use by men of golden r^myes as 
 brooches to fasten up the hair. Cratinus 
 (Kfipwvts fr. 239) adds some touches, 
 such as the wearing of a flower 'at the 
 ear,' and the carrying of an apple in 
 the hand. Heracleides Ponticus (in 
 Athenaeus p. 512 B) insists that Athens 
 had been greatest when most luxurious : 
 Kai i] ' AOrivaiuv ir6\ts, ?ws trpij<pa, /J.fyi- 
 ffr-r] re rjv /cat /j.eya\o\f/vx,OTa.Tovs frpttftff 
 Avdpas. 'Iwvwv, Athenians: cp. XVI. 3. 
 
 3f. vt'ov, 'lately,' as in 16. (Not 
 'afresh.') x a ^ KOK '"^ <ov : Soph. Ai. 17 
 XaXico<rT6/uou /cwScovos ws TvpffyvtKijs. 
 acnSav: an unexampled use of the 
 term in reference to such a sound as 
 that of the trumpet. The meaning of 
 the verb is wider than that of the 
 subst., so that oeicre ffaXiriy would seem 
 less strange. It was perhaps some reason 
 of euphony that restrained B. from using 
 the fitter word employed by Aesch.^/Vr.r. 
 395 <ra\irt-y 5' avrfj iravr' ttcfw' tirt- 
 <j)\eyft>.
 
 392 BAKXYAIAOY [xvn 
 
 
 5 17 ris fJLTepa<; 
 
 6 
 
 vyp; 
 
 s 77 \Tyo"rat 
 9 TTOipevtov de/cart 
 
 crevovr' dye'Xa? /3t'a; 
 " ^ rt rot Kpa&iav dfJLV<T<T6i ; 
 
 12 (frOeyyev ' So/cecu yap et TII/I 
 
 13 d\KLfj.ajv 
 
 14 /cat TO* jJLfj.vai ve<i>v, 
 15 ai nafStovos vie /cat 
 
 <ny>. jS'. AIF. i Ncjcw rfkBev SoXt^av d/xeti//as 
 Col. 37 3 Kapv iToariv 'Icr^/xtav 
 
 3 d(f>ara 8' epya Xeyet Kparcuov 
 
 4 (f>o)TO<;' rov vTTepf$L6v r ene^ 
 20 5 'Zlviv, os tcr^vt (^epraTos 
 
 6 Bvarwv rjv, KpovtSa Avratou 
 
 7 cretcrt^^ovos re/cos* 
 
 8 (TVt' T* OLV^pOKTOVOV V ^CtTT 
 
 9 Kyoe/A/xva>^o9, ardcrOaXov re 
 25 10 ^KLpa)va 
 
 6 5p t '] OPEI A : corr. A 3 ? 8 \r?<rrai] AHTAI A, AHCTAI A 1 ? 9 ae/can] 
 
 A' EKATI MS.: corr. Palmer, van Branteghem. 1O CETONTI A: corr. A 1 . 
 
 12 <t>etyytv Blass, Wackernagel : <f>6^yyov MS. 13 oX^ow] AAKIMOT A : 
 
 5 The interrogative i] is followed observes that disyllabic fw in the ist 
 by TJ (8)...rj (n), as in Find. /. vn. pers. sing, of contracted verbs is nowhere 
 3 12, Soph. At. 172 182. else proved by metre in Ionic verse 
 
 6 d|J.4>if3aXXci, 'besets,' with the (Ionic Dialect, 638. 2). 
 
 ffrparos implied by ffrparcryeTas. Eur. 13 f. ciriKovpiav, 'aid': Aesch. Pers. 
 
 Andr. 706 f. 'IXidSa re ?r6Xtv...6 Aios Ivis 731 w TT&TTOI Kfdvrjs dpu~yfjs KairiKovpias 
 
 dfj.<f>tj3a\e <f>6v(j> ('encompassed'). ffrparov. In Kal rlv, after ft nvi, the 
 
 8 X'goTaf, not the Doric Xqarai, to /cai is normal according to Greek idiom, 
 
 avoid double at; yet in xv. 17 \ai6os: though redundant for ours: 'if any man 
 
 so v. 194 0T7M a ) but viu. 3 7r/)o0aTcis : has, thou also hast,' Antiphon or. 5 23 
 
 V. 167 dS/UTjra, but X. 84 aS/ttarOi. ^ijretTO 01)5^ rt /j.a\\oi> vtrb rCiv a\\uv 
 
 10 o-tvovr', 'drive off.' For the / Kal vir' e'/uoO. (Cp. Soph. O.C. 53 n.) 
 elision of i in Doric 3rd plur., cp.fr. 3. 12 : 6'p.jievai is used by B. only here: 
 Find. O. VII. 10 KO.T^OVT' : P. iv. 241 tfjt.fj.et' in 31, 56, and V. 144: el/iej> only 
 dyairafrvT ' . d-y'Xas. distinguished from in IX. 48. 
 
 Trot/was in Hes. 7/4. 445 f. as 'herds' from 15 Kpov<ra$. It is only here that 
 
 'flocks,' but here a substitute for it. Creusa figures as wife of Panclion and 
 
 11 d|u><r<rci, 'gnaws': //. i. 243 <ri> mother of Aegeus. In the ordinary 
 5' i-vdoOi Ovfji&v d/uiyeis: Aesch. Pers. Attic legend (as old at least as Euripides) 
 161 Kai /ue xapdiav a/Avo-ffei <f>povris. she is daughter of Erechtheus, wife of 
 
 12 8oK6co. ^-^ (cp. 27), as (caX^o; Xuthus, and mother by Apollo of Ion. 
 is scanned in Aesch. Ag. 147. Smyth The mother of Aegeus is elsewhere IlvXta,
 
 XVII] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 393 
 
 Is the leader of a hostile army besetting the borders of our 
 land ? Or are robbers, devisers of evil, driving off our flocks of 
 sheep perforce, in despite of the shepherds? Or what is the 
 care that gnaws thy heart ? Speak ; for thou, methinks, if any 
 mortal, hast the aid of valiant youth at hand, O son of Pandion 
 and Creusa. 
 
 AEGEUS. A herald has lately come, whose feet have traversed str. 2. 
 the long road from the Isthmus ; and he tells of prodigious deeds 
 by a man of might. 
 
 That man has slain the tremendous Sinis, who was foremost 
 of mortals in strength, offspring of the Earth-shaker, the Lytaean 
 son of Cronus. He has laid low the man-killing sow in Crem- 
 myon's woods, and the wicked Sciron. 
 
 corr. A 3 . 16 This verse, the last in col. xxxvi, has been added by another 
 
 hand, the same which supplied the latter part of x. 23. vtov Palmer: ..0\ MS. 
 ri\0ev K. : HA9E MS. 18 AEFEIX A: corr. A 1 . 24 KPEMTQXOZ MS. : corr. K. 
 
 daughter of Ili/Xas, king of Megara, 
 Apollod. 3. 15. 5 (where IleXia was a 
 false reading) : Paus. i. 5. 3, where she is 
 described as 'daughter of Pylas,' but not 
 named. The mention of Creusa by B. 
 suggests that there was as yet no fixed 
 tradition. 
 
 16 f. d|iei\(/a$, 'having traversed': 
 Aesch. Pers. 69 Trop6/j.6v dfj.ti\f/as (having 
 'crossed' the Hellespont): so Eur. Or. 
 1295 dyuet/3w Kf\fvOov. 'Lrfljxiav Kt- 
 XtvOov: the road along the coast from 
 the Isthmus of Corinth to Athens, a 
 distance of about 45 miles. 
 
 18 fc'pYO" The five feats here ascribed 
 to Theseus on his journey from the 
 Isthmus to Athens are given in the same 
 order by Diodorus IV. 59 and Plutarch 
 Tkes. 8 ii. Those writers, however, 
 relate another a0Xos, which was the 
 first, the slaying of the robber Hepi<f>r]- 
 TTJJ, called Kopw/irris from his club, 
 at Epidaurus. This feat may have been 
 a later addition (C. Robert, Hermes 1898, 
 p. 149). At any rate it is only the journey 
 from the Isthmus (v. 17) that falls within 
 the scope of the poem. In enumerating 
 the feats, T is five times repeated (19, 
 23, 24, 26, 27). 
 
 2O 22 2viv : he dwelt at the Isth- 
 mus, and was called irirvoKafj.-*^? from 
 the manner in which he rent his victims, 
 Diod. /. c. : dvo Trims Kdfj.irTwt>, KO.I irpbs 
 eKOLrepav rbv Hva fipaxiova irpoffdeff/Mfvuv, 
 a.(pvu rds Trirus ri<f>ifi. Ovid Met. VII. 
 441 f. qui poterat curvare trabes, et agebat 
 ab alto | ad terrain late sparsuras corpora 
 
 pinus. KpovtSa, of Poseidon: xvi. 77 n. 
 AvTafou, a Thessalian title of Poseidon, 
 popularly explained as the ' looser ' or 
 ' opener,' because he had cleft a passage 
 for the Peneius through the vale of 
 Tempe : Steph. Byz. s.v. Avrai (the 
 name of a place in Thessaly), Sia rb XDtrai 
 TO. TY/uirty Iloffeidwva. See xiii. 20, n. on 
 Ilerpaiov. At/ran? is cited as a name of 
 Thessaly by Hesychius. <reurix9ovos 
 T'KOS. Hofer observes in Roscher's 
 Lexicon (p. 1973) that all the robbers 
 slain by Theseus on his way to Athens 
 are somewhere connected with Poseidon 
 as father. 
 
 23 25 <rvv T' dvSpoKrdvov : Plut. 
 T/ies. 9 17 Kpofiftvuvia <rvs, rjv 4>atac irpoff- 
 wf6/uofoi'. In some vase-paintings which 
 depict this feat, a woman is seen, horror- 
 stricken at the creature's fate : this is 
 explained by a passage in the Vatican 
 epitome of Apollod. n. 54 (published by 
 R. Wagner, and cited by Hofer s.v. 
 Krommyon in Roscher n. p. 1450) avv 
 
 ypabs avr-fiv. Kpcp.(xv<avos : Crommyon, 
 on the Saronic gulf, about 12 miles E. of 
 Corinth, and about 14 w.s.w. of Megara. 
 Strabo (p. 380) reckons it to the Corin- 
 thian territory (as Paus. does, 3. i. 3), 
 but says that it formerly belonged to the 
 Megarid. The form is 'K.ponfj.vuv in 
 Thuc., Kpoftviav in Paus. ; but Steph. 
 Byz. attests Kpe/J.fJ.vwi' : Crtnimyon in 
 Plin. ^V. //. 4. 7. n, Hyginus Fab. 38. 
 
 ardo-OaXov denotes reckless evil-doing ; 
 in //. 22. 418 it is joined with 6j3pifj.opy6v,
 
 394 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 rcu> re KepKvovos T 
 
 [xvn 
 
 re xaprtpav 
 
 13 cr<j>vpav e^ejSaKtv 
 
 14 TTTtt?, aptLOVOS 
 
 30 15 </>&>T09. ravra SeSot^' OTTO, reXetrai. 
 
 >. y'. XO. i Tu>a 8' efjifjiev TroBev avSpa TOVTOV 
 
 2 Xeyet, rtva re crroXdi/ e^ovra; 
 
 3 TTorepa <rvv TroXeyu^iois o- 
 
 4 TrXotcrt (TTpaTiav ayovra iro\\dv ; 
 
 35 5 17 flOVVOV (TVV OTTO.CXTIV 
 
 6 crre'iytiv e^Tropov o'C dXdrai> 
 
 7 7r' 
 
 s cr^vpov re /ca 
 9 w8e feat Opacrvv, os re TOVTWV 
 40 10 dvSpwv Kparepov c 
 ^ ^eo? avrov 
 St/ca? aSucoMrcv 6<f>pa 
 
 13 ou yap yoaStov atet' ep- 
 
 14 Sovra /XT) Vru^etv /ca/cw. 
 
 26 Kep/c^vos] KEPKTNOC A: corr. A s . 28 EHEBAAAEX MS.: corr. K. 
 
 34 CTPATAX A : corr. A 3 . 35 <TI^ ^Trdoff^ Weil, Festa, Goligher : so Blass, 
 
 Smyth. CTNOIIAOICIN MS.: rw&rXMJ vti' Ludwich: /j.6vov T' avoTrX^v re ^tv K. (So 
 
 and in Her. Vlll. 109 with dvoyiov. SK- 
 pwva, a robber who used to throw travellers 
 from the ' Scironian rocks' into the sea. 
 The coast-road from Megara to Corinth 
 was called ^SKi/KtwiAnjoSoj (Her. vm. 71), 
 because, according to a Megarian legend, 
 Sciron had first made it practicable (Paus. 
 I. 44. 6). A few miles w. of Megara, 
 this road passed along the cliffs known as 
 ZxipwviSes (or S/ct/xiSej) irtrpai, formed 
 by the end of a rocky spur which runs 
 down from Mount Geraneia to the coast. 
 While in Ionic legend Sciron was a 
 malefactor, in the Megarian he was a 
 warlike hero, father of Endeis the wife 
 of Aeacus (Plut. Thes. 10): cp. xn. 96 n. 
 26 KtpKvovos : Diod. IV. 59 rbv Sia- 
 va\aiovra rols wapiovffi, /ecu rbv rjmjd^vTa 
 (.a.<t>dtlpovTa. He dwelt near Eleusis. 
 Theseus ' closed his wrestling-school ' 
 (iraXaierrpav). Ov. Met. VII. 439 Cer- 
 eyonis letum vidit Cerealis Elensin. Pau- 
 sanias (i. 39. 3), speaking of a place on 
 the road from Megara to Eleusis, says, 
 
 6 r6jros oOros ira\aiffTpa KO.I es fyiie 
 eAcaXeiro Kep/cuivoy. 
 
 27 3O XloXviri^fjiovos. Procoptes 
 (or Procrustes) is here his successor, 
 perhaps his son. Ovid Ibis 409 Ut 
 Sinis et Sciron et aim Polypetnone natus : 
 where the 'son' is almost certainly 
 Procrustes, whom Ovid associates with 
 the others in Met. vn. 436 ff. and Heroid. 
 11. 69 fF. According to Paus. i. 38. 5 
 Procrustes was merely a surname of 
 Polypemon. But there may have been 
 different versions. B. supposes that Pro- 
 crustes had received the atj>vpa, and 
 learned the use of it, from Polypemon. 
 For other views of the passage, see 
 Appendix. 
 
 c'|3aXv : //. 14. 419 (Hector falling) 
 ^etpds 5' Ix/faXey eyx os : Eur. Andr. 629 
 e/c/SaXwv t<os. IIpoKoirTas (only here) 
 is 'he who cuts short' (though irpo- 
 ic6irTeti> regularly means ' to make pro- 
 gress'), while IIpoKpovffTrjs is 'he who 
 beats out' (as on an anvil). This brigand
 
 XVII] 
 
 AIOYPAMBOI 
 
 395 
 
 He has closed the wrestling-school of Cercyon. The mighty 
 hammer of Polypemon has dropped from the hand of the 
 Maimer, who has met with a stronger than himself. I fear how 
 these things are to end. 
 
 CH. And who and whence is this man said to be, and how str. 3. 
 equipped? Is he leading a great host in warlike array? Or 
 travelling with his servants only, like a wayfarer who wanders 
 forth to a strange folk, this man so vigorous, so valiant, and so 
 bold, who has quelled the stubborn strength of such foes ? Verily 
 a god is speeding him, so that he shall bring a rightful doom on 
 the unrighteous ; for it is not easy to achieve deed after deed 
 without chancing upon evil. 
 
 Jurenka, but with [JLOVVOV.) 36 CTIXEIN MS. : corr. K. 39 os rt rotiruv 
 
 Palmer, K. (5s rb rovruv Blass 1 ) : 8s rotrofrruv Platt, Blass 2 (8s roiovruv conj. K.). 
 OC TOTTON MS. 40 Kparepov] KAPTEPON MS.: corr. K. 41 
 
 EXEX A: corr. A 3 ? 
 
 adjusted the length of his victims to his 
 K\lvrj : Diod. IV. 59 rCiv fj.fv fjiaxpor^puv 
 TO. irpo^ovra. ^pt) rov ffufMros dir^- 
 Koirre, ruv d' {\arr6fuv rovs 7r65as 
 IT pot K paver. B. may have used the new 
 word because he did not wish to shorten 
 the first o of II/DoxpotfoTijs. 
 
 The scene of this feat, the last on the 
 hero's journey, was always placed in 
 Attica ; either at Hermos, an Attic deme 
 in the part of Aegaleos called HOIKI\OV, 
 now the pass of Daphne (ef "Ep/xei Plut. 
 77ies. n); or in Corydallos, the region 
 of Aegaleos nearest the sea (Diod. iv. 
 59) ; or close to Athens, on the banks 
 of the Cephisus (Ovid Met. vn. 438, Paus. 
 I. 38. 5). 
 
 30 OTTO. T\iTai, ' how all this will 
 end' (' where' would be 8iroi). Aegeus 
 fears that this hero may reach Athens, 
 and prove no less invincible there. For 
 the fut. midd. of reX^w used as passive, 
 see //. 2. 36, Od. 23. 254. In Aesch. 
 Ag. 68 rfXeiTcu is better taken as a 
 present ; cp. 45 n. 
 
 31 riva....ir69tv : see on v. 86 ff. TI'S... 
 ii> woiq. ~x_dovl ; 
 
 33 f. irorepa K.T.\. : a question like 
 that asked in Soph. 0. T. 750 f. con- 
 cerning Laius: irbrepov tyupft fiaios ('in 
 small force'), i? TroXXous (x ul> i \ ^"dpas 
 Xox'^as, ol* dvi)p apxyy^rris > oirXowri, 
 the arms borne by the ffrparid, not merely 
 by the leader. 
 
 35 P.OVVOV <ruv oirao<riv, ' alone with 
 his attendants' ; i.e. not leading a host, 
 but merely followed by one or two 
 servants, such as even a private traveller 
 
 might have with him. The relative sense 
 of povvov is illustrated by Aesch. Pers. 
 734 p.ova.00. ot S^ps 1 ?" <=PT)/J-OI> <f>a.aiv ov 
 TroXXcDv fj.4ra. The emendation <rwoirci- 
 o<riv (ffvv i)ir\oiffiv MS.) is palaeogra- 
 phically easy : for others, see Appendix. 
 
 36 |nropov, viatoron (as in Soph. 
 O. C. 25, 303,901): not 'merchant.' 
 dXdrav = dXw/tej'ov : in tragedy often said 
 of a roaming exile (Aesch. Ag. 1282 <j>vyas 
 5' rXTjTTjs, rijffde yrjs aTrdfevos). 
 
 37 aXXoSajxiav, properly ' residence 
 abroad ' : Plat. Legg. 954 E iv d\\o6i)fj.iq., 
 as opposed to living in Attica. Here the 
 word denotes the foreign place : cp. //. 
 24. 480 f. ivl irdrpr) | <f>ara KaraKTfivas 
 a\\wv f^iKfro dTJ/j.ov. For tirl, cp. Od. I. 
 183 ir\t<jiv eirl oivoira. Tr6vToi> fir' dXXo- 
 6p6ovs avOpJiirovs. 
 
 39 os TC, as in XII. 105. TOVTWV = 
 TOIOVTUV : Find. 0. IV. 26 ouros tyu 
 ra.-xvra.Ti : talts ego pernicitate. The 
 conjecture 6s rototiruv (which would be 
 slightly preferable here to roaovruv) 
 deserves to be weighed ; but it seems 
 rather more likely that re dropped out 
 between 8s and rovruv. 
 
 42 6'cf>pa [iTJereTai: for the fut. indie. 
 in the final clause, cp. //. 16. 242^ 
 ffdpffvvov 8 oi ffrop ivl <f>peffiv, 6<f>pa /cot 
 "Eitrwp | etfftrai. Od. I. 57 ^X-yet, SITUS 
 
 43 f. aUv ^pSovro: the unbroken 
 series of his victories argues that Theseus 
 is under divine protection. This is better 
 than to refer tpSovra, (as = 'doing evil') to 
 each of the vanquished.
 
 396 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 45 j s Trdvr* iv roJ SoXt^w yj. 
 
 [XVII 
 
 TeXeiTcu. 
 
 arrp. 8'. AIF. i Avo (/ r )ot ^>a>re [JLOVOVS a 
 
 2 Xe'yei, 7re3t <cuStaoicri 8' 
 
 Col. 38 
 
 ^ecrrov? 8e Sv' ei^ ^epecrcr' a/covra? 
 5 s K-rjvrvKTOV Kvveav Aa.Ka.i- 
 
 6 vo.v Kparos irtpi 
 
 7 crrepvoLS re iropfyvpeoy 
 
 8 ^ITCiil'' a/X<l, KCU OvXlOI' 
 
 9 ecrcraXav ^Xa/AuS'' 6/-i/xara>j> Se 
 55 10 (rTiXfteiv airo Aa/Avtav 
 
 8' et 
 
 46 djotapreti'] bpapTftv K. 48 t</>os 2x ei "] Nothing has been lost in the MS. : the 
 
 rest of the verse was probably wanting in the archetype. e\f(t>avTOKunrov, supplied by 
 Desrousseaux, is read by Blass, Jurenka, Smyth. K. conj. Kopvvav re irvKv&v. 
 5O f. KrjSrvKTOv] Kr)tfrvKoi> K. irtpt J. (Class. A'. XII. 155, Apr. 1898), Blass, Sitzler: 
 
 45 TW 8oXix<? XP<* V< P : f r l ^e art., 
 cp. Her. V. 9 ytvoiro 5' dv irav tv rtp 
 fj,a.Kpif XP^V ' Soph. Ai. 646 6 /aa*cpds... 
 \povos. T\iTai (pres.) : an inten- 
 tional echo of reXeirai (fut.) at the close 
 of the preceding strophe (30). 
 
 46 8v!o...<J>u>Te. Are these merely 
 attendants of Theseus ; or does the poet 
 indicate two heroes as his comrades ? 
 The latter is the view of C. Robert 
 (Hermes, 1898, p. 150), who thinks that 
 Peirithous and Phorbas are meant. As 
 to Phorbas, son of Triopas, a famous 
 boxer, see Horn. hymn. Ap. Pyth. 33 : 
 Paus. vn. 26. 12 : schol. //. 23. 660. 
 These two heroes are sometimes associ- 
 ated with Theseus, as in the carrying off 
 of the Amazon Antiope (Weizsacker, art. 
 Peirithoos in Roscher's Lex., p. 1783). 
 According to the usual legend, Theseus 
 journeyed alone from Troezen to Athens : 
 and in the sculptures of the Theseion, 
 depicting his feats on the way, he has 
 no companion (see Baumeister, Denkm. 
 vol. in. pp. 1779 ff.). But on a vase at 
 Munich (Arch. Zeit. 23, fig. 195) Theseus 
 has two comrades with him in his slaying 
 of Sinis and of Procrustes. Such an 
 addition is foreign to the spirit of the 
 original legend, the very point of which 
 is that Theseus braves the perils of the 
 road without support. It seems pro- 
 bable that the innovation may have 
 been due in the first instance to vase- 
 
 painters (p. 233). As to the word 
 <j)iOT, cp. n. on XVI. 49. povovs, plur. 
 adj. with dual subst. : Plat. Euthyd. 
 p. 273 D tye\a.ffa.T-r]i>...&/J.<t>(*) Q\tya.vTes 
 els dXXiyXouj. djJiapTtiv o^apTelv : n. on 
 VIII. 103 f. 
 
 48 \4>avTOKwirov is aptly supplied 
 by Desrousseaux. According to Ovid 
 (Met. vn. 421 ff.) Theseus, after reaching 
 Athens, was about to drink the poisoned 
 chalice prepared for him by Medea, when 
 the ivory hilt of his sword revealed him 
 to Aegeus, who dashed the cup from his 
 lips : Cutn pater in capnlo gladii cognovit 
 eburno Signa sui generis, facinusqne cx- 
 cussit ab ore, 
 
 49 8x>' O.KOVTO.S: the duo dovpe of the 
 Homeric warrior (//. 3. 18 etc.), the 
 cu'xM a ' Sidvfiai of Pindar's Jason (P. IV. 
 79). x^pecnr' : epic elision of i in the 
 dative : //. 5. 5 acrtp d-jrupivf. 
 
 5Of. KTJVTUKTOV: for the crasis cp. III. 
 8 1 X<Z TL: a l so xvi. 33. The syllable 
 answering to the second of eCrvKrov is 
 long in 35 (povvov), though short in 5 
 and 20. It is unnecessary to write KtjS- 
 TUKOV. Kwe'av AaKaivav. The word 
 Kwtrj, Kwrj ('dog-skin') denoted (i) a 
 helmet, made either wholly of skin 
 (which might be ox-hide, marten-skin, 
 goat-skin, etc.), or of skin strengthened 
 with metal; hence xaX* 1 ?/"?* (^ 3- 316). 
 In Od. 1 8. 378 Kvvt-r) Trdyx a ^ K s is one of 
 which leather forms merely the lining.
 
 XVII] 
 
 AIOYPAMBOI 
 
 397 
 
 In the long course of time all things find their end. 
 
 AEG. Only two men attend him, says the herald. Hestr. 4 . 
 has a sword, with ivory hilt, slung from his bright shoulders : he 
 carries in his hands a couple of polished javelins; a well-wrought 
 Laconian bonnet covers his ruddy locks ; around his breast he 
 wears a purple tunic and a thick Thessalian mantle. A fiery 
 light, as of the Lemnian flame, flashes from his eyes : a youth 
 he is 
 
 so Jurenka, Smyth. TIIEP MS. 53 f. artpvou re... xirura transposed by Wilamo- 
 witz and Platt: so also Smyth. (rrfyvois (rightly) A.: artpvoiai A 1 . 66 67 omitted 
 by A, and added by A 3 in the upper margin of col. xxxvin. 66 fyt/ue?] EMEX MS. : 
 corr. K. 
 
 (2) But KVVTI meant also a broad-brimmed 
 travelling hat (^Xrtwrepijy, Soph. O. C. 
 313), such as was called 'Thessalian' or 
 'Arcadian' (id. fr. 251). Here the epithet 
 Ad.Ka.iva probably denotes some kind of 
 KVVTJ worn by warriors. 
 
 Kparos ire'pi. The MS. /cparos tiirtp 
 gives ~ (-its vwep) where in 6, 2 1 and 
 36 we find - --. Crusius (Philol. LVII. 
 N. F. XI. p. 175) defends the variation 
 as a case of anaclasis, permissible in 
 Ionics: but it seems far more probable, 
 if not certain, that virtp should be cor- 
 rected to ire'pi. When irepl denotes 
 ' position around,' the case is usually the 
 dative ; but the genitive also occurs : 
 Od. 5. 130 irepl Tp6irios (3e/3awra, 'be- 
 striding the keel' (cp. ib. 371 d/uj>' evl 
 dovpari fidivf) : also 5. 68 rtrdwaro irepl 
 (rirfiovs y\a<pvpolo \ Tjfj.epi3 (^about the 
 cave trailed a garden-vine'). Smyth 
 suggests that Kparbs wtpi here =' above 
 the head.' For this old use of irtpl 
 a.s = virtp, cp. Alcaeus fr. 93 Keitrffai irep 
 Ke<pd\as... Xi'0os, Sappho fr. r. 10 f. trepi 
 705 (jie\aivas \ irvKva divvevres irr^p' aw' 
 updvta ai6e pos Sid (teffffw, and fr. 92 
 tr^ppoxos = virepoxos : also Trtpieifju, irepi- 
 yiyvoftai as = 'to excel.' But, in re- 
 ference to a helmet, the sense 'around' 
 is fitter. irvp<ro\a.irov : of a golden red 
 tint, which the Greeks admired: the 
 Daphnis and Menalcas of Theocritus (Id. 
 vin. 3) are irvpporpix^- 
 
 52 f. In the reading of the MS., XITUVO. 
 irop(j>upeov | ortpvois r' an<f>i, the place of 
 re, as 4th instead of 2nd word, is im- 
 possible, fjurenka defends it by referring 
 to Find. O. III. 18 (0i}rei>yua) vvbv avOpu- 
 TOIS ar^(f>av6v T dperdv. but i;vv6i> there 
 belongs to <pvreviM, which he omits to 
 quote, and not to <rrt(j>avov.] The trans- 
 
 position o-rpvois re . . .)^ITWV' is certain. 
 The error in the MS. was due, I suspect, 
 to some one who had noticed that two of 
 the three verses corresponding with 52, 
 viz. 7 and 37, begin with an iambus, 
 which he wished to obtain here by 
 shifting XIT&V' from 53 to 52: though 
 the third, verse 22, might have shown 
 him that a spondee was equally ad- 
 missible. All the three verses (8, 23, 38) 
 answering to 53 begin with a spondee; 
 but there, as at the beginning of v. 52, 
 an iambus was also correct. 
 
 53 f. ouXiov here = ou\d^, 'woolly,' 
 ' thick.' Everywhere else in classical 
 Greek otfXios means 'destructive.' Qr- 
 <ra\dv \Xajiv8'. The x^ a A"^ J ' a short 
 mantle, was especially Thessalian (Pollux 
 vii. 46, x. 124), a fact connected with 
 its fitness for riders on horseback. It 
 was often worn by soldiers : thus, in a 
 story told by Aelian (V. H. xiv. 10), 
 Demades asks Phocion for the chlamys 
 which he was wont to wear irapd rr^v 
 ffTpar-qylav. The mention of it is the 
 more suitable here, in connexion with. 
 Trpt!>6r)j3oi', as it was worn by the 
 Athenian t<jnifloi: cp. Antidotus (of the 
 Middle Comedy) IlpwT&xoP * fr- ' 2 
 Ttplv eyypa(f>T)vai. Kal Xo/Setv TO ^Xo/J5<o', 
 where the 'enrolment' is that of the 
 ephebus in the register of his deme 
 
 55 f. Aafiviav, i.e. fierce. The 
 volcano Mc<rixXos in Lemnos (Soph. 
 Phil. 800) gave rise to the proverbial 
 Arinvioi> irvp (Ar. Lys. 299) : cp. Hesych. 
 A.-ri/ju'iov /SX^Tretv. <j>o(vir<rav, fulvam, 
 the tawny-red hue of fire : Pind. P. I. 24 
 (of Aetna) ipolvuraa Kv\iv8o/di>a 
 Eur. Tro. 815 vvpbs <(>clviKi 
 cp. I4n.
 
 398 BAKXYAIAOY [xvn, xvm 
 
 i TrpdtQrjftov, dpr)ia)v 8' 
 13 /xe/x^aor^at TroXe/xou re feat 
 14 
 60 15 St>cr$at Se 
 
 XVIII. [XIX.] 
 
 IQ 
 
 A0HNAIOIC 
 <ny>. i IIape<rTt /xiyna /ce'Xeu#os 
 
 2 dlMJ3pOCri<i)l> {JL\O}V, 
 
 3 69 ai> irapd HiepiSuv Xa- 
 
 5 toy8Xe<apot re /cat 
 
 6 <f)epecrT<j)avcn, Xa/nres 
 
 7 /3aX<WCTtI> dfJL<f)l TifMOLV 
 
 s VH.VOKTLV' vfyaive vvv iv 
 
 9 rats Tro\vr)pdTOL<s TL K\LVOV 
 
 ii euatvere Ki^ta 
 " Tr/DeVet o~e < 
 
 13 686^ napd KaXXtOTras Xa- 
 
 14 ^otcrav e^o^ov ycpas. 
 
 15 V *AO09 O#' tTTTTtOI/ Xt7TOV(Ta 
 
 59 xaX/ceoKruTroi/] XAAKEXTTHOT A : corr. A 3 . 6O SifrffBai 8t] Blass thinks 
 
 that all the letters after A were written by A 3 in a space left vacant by A. has been 
 made from A. 
 
 XVHI. The title added in the left margin by A 2 . 'A0HXAIOIC] 'Atf^cuWt 
 K. : but his final I may (as Ludwich and Blass think) have been part of a coronis 
 
 57 Trpu0T|pov : the Homeric form is 59 xa\KOKTvirov : n. on xiil. 15 f. 
 irpu&ri/3ris (II. 8. 518 etc.): but a fern. 6O 4>iXa,"yXaovs. 'splendour-loving,' 
 irpu0T?ipT) occurs once (Od. i. 431). 'brilliant.' Pindar, who perhaps in- 
 dpTjtwv aOvpjiarwv : cp. Hor. C. I. i. vented the word, applies it (P. XII. i) 
 37 f. (of Mars) ffeu nimis longo satiate to the tutelary nymph of Acragas, KO\- 
 ludo, Quern iuvat clamor galeaeque leves. \i<rra Pporedv iro\iui>. 
 
 See n. on VIII. 87 Mov<rav...&6vpfj.a. 
 
 58 |iE)ivacr6ai, 'gives heed to,' 'is XVIII. 1 f. jivpia KcXcvOos: v. 3 in. 
 intent upon ' : Find. fr. 94 /teyuvatar' d|j.f3po<rui>v : Find. P. IV. 299 7ro7ai' 
 doiSas, '(that they might) be mindful a/j.^poffi<av eirtuv. 
 
 of song.' The use of the perfect n^fiv-rj- 3 f. 6s av: the antecedent to be 
 
 /tat in such phrases is distinct from that . supplied is TOIT<P, as in Soph. Ant. 35 f. 
 
 of the aorist in the Homeric fjusriffacrBe St 3$ &v TOVTWV ri Spqi, | <p6vov irpoKeicrOai. 
 
 KT)S (II. 6. 1 12, l bethink you..?}. IIupiSwv : cp. 35: XV. 3 Ili
 
 XVII, XVIII] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 399 
 
 in earliest manhood, intent on the pastimes of Ares, on warfare 
 and the clangour of battle ; and he seeks brilliant Athens. 
 
 XVIII. [XIX.] 
 lo. 
 
 (FOR THE ATHENIANS.) 
 
 A thousand paths of poesy divine are open to him who has str. 
 received gifts from the Muses of Pieria, and v/hose songs have 
 been clothed with worship by the dark-eyed Graces who bring 
 the wreath. 
 
 Weave, then, some glorious lay in Athens, the lovely and the 
 blest, thou Cean fantasy of fair renown. A choice strain should 
 be thine, since Calliope has given thee a meed of signal honour. 
 
 There was a time when, by the counsels of wide-ruling Zeus 
 
 marking the end of ode XVII. 3 HEIEPIAQX MS. 9 K\eiv&v K., 
 
 Blass, Jurenka. KAIXOX A : but A 3 has written e above AI, though without 
 changing A into A. 15 TIHX MS.: see Appendix. -86'] OT A: corr. A s . 
 
 IIIIIEIOX A : corr. A 3 ? 
 
 epic for \dxy: so fr. 16. 3 
 
 5 8 From 6s av we supply $ ^v for 
 this second clause ('and for whom'). 
 iop\4>apot, epithet of the Muses in 
 vin. 3. <^p<TT<jxivoi, here with re- 
 ference to victory in poetical contests : 
 epigr. i. 2 f. TroX^as 5' v dffvp/jLaffi 
 
 <f>dvovs. Xdpirts inspire song; v. 9n. 
 (JaXiDcriv ap.<f>i = d/j.<j>ij3d\waiv : cp. IV. 
 20 n. wv with v (cp. 21), the only 
 instance of the enclitic in B. 
 
 9 It is not easy to decide between 
 KO.IVOV, the scribe's reading, and K\IVOV, 
 the corrector's, (i) Konvbv is illustrated 
 by Pindar's frequent claim of 'newness' 
 for his song (O. m. 4, ix. 48: /. iv. 63, 
 etc.). But the ear of Bacchylides, pe- 
 culiarly sensitive to recurrent vowel- 
 sounds, might have disliked Katv6v so 
 soon after v<f>aive. (2) For K\eivov it 
 may be said that it is in good keeping 
 with the lofty tone of this proem; cp. 
 /J.f\eui> rifjidv (ptprdrav 6d6v 
 ^paJ. In V. 13 f. the poet is 
 Qvpavias K\(ivbs Otpdiruv. On the whole, 
 I accept K\civ6t>, though without feeling 
 certain that it is right. 
 
 11 cvaCvcTf: cp. III. 64 
 
 Find. P. IV. 177 evatviiTos '0/>0ei5y. But 
 aiverbs was used by Alcaeus and Anti- 
 inachus (Steph. TAesattr.); as also by 
 Arist. Rhet. n. 25. 7. Pindar has ai- 
 vtiTfa. Ki]ta: cp. III. 98. fUpipva is 
 the musing, the fantasy, of the poet, 
 here half-personified. (This is somewhat 
 different from Pindar's use of the word to 
 denote a 'pursuit,' sttidium, e.g. in O. 
 vin. 92 Kp^ffffova. irXovrov /jLtpifjufav, 'an 
 ambition above wealth.') 
 
 13 f. 68dv, the course, or flight, of 
 poetry; cp. i: IX. 51 f. Aaifrw | ^/rrds 
 65oO. KaXXioiras : v. 1 76 n. Yc'pas, 
 the 'meed of honour,' is the glorious 
 theme (lo), which the Muse has assigned 
 to the poet. 
 
 15 The MS. TIHX, if sound, must be 
 T^V...; 'How was it? ''What befell?' 
 when lo was fleeing from Argos ; and 
 must be explained as an old formula for 
 beginning a story. There is, however, 
 no other trace of such a formula, though 
 a question to the Muse is, of course, a 
 common exordium, as in xiv. 47 Mowro, 
 TI'S TT/WTOS \6yuv apxev diKaiuv; Neither 
 the hiatus nor the metre (~- instead of 
 the -- found in 33) need in itself cause 
 doubt. Yet I find it very difficult to 
 believe that rl Jjv is right. The easiest
 
 40O 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [XVIII 
 
 Aid?, 
 
 /5oSoSa/cruXo9 Kopa' 
 
 i or Apyov ojjLfjia(TLi> 
 20 2 7rdi>TO0ev d/ca/Aarot? 
 
 Ke'Xevcre 
 
 5 O.KOLTOV CLVTTVOV 
 
 6 ra Ka\\LKepav 
 25 7 <f)V\do-(rev' ovSe Maias 
 
 tV / > * 5 > 
 
 8 via? ovvar ovre /car ev- 
 
 9 (^eyyea? a/xeyoa? \a6eiv viv 
 
 Col. 39 
 
 21 
 
 by A 3 . 
 
 ovre i^v/cra? 
 eir' ovv yever' 
 
 ay^ 
 e[z> 
 
 yvi 
 
 Platt : K\fva-ev MS. 22 Omitted by A, but added in the lower margin 
 28 oiVe] OTAE A : corr. A 3 ? d^cls J., Sandys. 29 fir' oiV J. 
 
 correction rCtv (G. E. Marindin), Doric 
 inf., would go with ytpas, 'a choice 
 theme for thee to celebrate'; but there 
 is a point after ytpas in the MS. The 
 most probable emendation (I think) is 
 ^v (W. Headlam), 'There was a time 
 when,' 'Once upon a time.' As Kenyon 
 observes (p. 187), TI is very like H in the 
 MS. A mis-reading of H as TI (TI') would 
 naturally have led to EN being changed 
 to HX (rjv). See Appendix. 
 
 'iiririov: the epic iirirbfioTov (II. i. 287 
 etc.) : cp. X. 80 f. K\vrt>v iirirbfioTov" \pyos. 
 The 'hill-girt' plain (rb KolXov "A.pyos, 
 Soph. (2. C. 378) afforded excellent pasture. 
 Strabo 8, p. 388 OTI 5 /rat TO yfros T&V 
 ITTTTUV Apiarov rb 'ApKa5iK6v, Ka.6a.irep KO.L 
 TO 'Apyo\ixbv Kai TO 'ETridavpiov. 
 
 16 favyt refers to the moment after 
 the slaying of Argus by Hermes, when 
 the gad-fly (olorpos) sent by Hera was 
 driving lo forth from Argolis on her 
 wanderings. Aesch. Suppl. 540 ff. X- 
 fjiCova f$ofrx<.\ov (the meadow where the 
 cow was pastured), (v6cv 'Iw | OICTT/W^ 
 ipfffffopAva. | (pevyei d/ttapriVooy. 
 
 ^pvcrea, 'precious' or 'peerless' (in 
 the sight of Zeus) ; as the word so often 
 denotes the beauty and charm of a goddess 
 (v. 174 Aphrodite; X. 117 Artemis; 
 Pindar/, vn. sf. the Muse). It seems 
 probable that, like Aeschylus, Bacchylides 
 imagined lo as a maiden with cow's horns 
 (/Sowce^ws irapOtvos, Aesch. P. V. 588), and 
 
 not as completely transformed into a 
 heifer. The word dd/j.a\is (24), like 
 fiovs, could be applied to the horned 
 maiden. Such a conception gives greater 
 fitness to xpvcrta.. See Appendix. 
 
 17 vpvo-0Vos : his power protects 
 her in her wanderings far and wide. 
 <f>paSai<ri, 'counsels,' a sense derived 
 from the active <ppdfa : the god indicated 
 the path of her wanderings. Cp. Aesch. 
 941 (of Orestes) OeoBev ev tppadaiffiv 
 wpfj.ruj.tvos (as in Eum. 245 (f>pa.Sa.is are 
 the ' hints ' given to hounds by the 
 scent) : Eur. Phoen. 667 <f>pa.Sal(n Tia\- 
 Xd5oj. On the other hand in Find. 0. 
 Xli. 9 TWV . . . /j.6\\6trruv . . . <f>pa5ai ('per- 
 ceptions,' yvuireis schol.), the sense comes 
 from the midd. 0pdf6/ucu. <J>PTCITOI>, 
 though <t>epra.Ta.v occurs in v. 12: cp. 
 XVI. 59 and 68, <pi>Tev<re(v). 
 
 18 'Ivdixov. The Inachus (now the 
 JBonitza), rising in the highlands on the 
 Arcadian border, flows through the Argive 
 plain into the Gulf. This river-god, son 
 of Oceanus, figured as the earliest king 
 of the land, ptya. irpea^evwv I'Apyovs re 
 yvais "Upas re irdyois (Soph. Inachus, 
 fr. 248). 
 
 19 f. "Ap-yov, son of Earth; Aesch. 
 P. V. 678 fl". j3owc6Xos 5e yr;yei>7]S [ &Kparos 
 bpy^v "Apyos to/JuipTei, TTVKVOIS | ocrerois 
 Sedopxus : ib. 567 f. 0o/3of>/iai | rbv /mv- 
 piuwbv flffop&cra fiovTav. The poets and 
 vase-painters of the fifth century imagined
 
 XVIII] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 401 
 
 most high, the heifer precious in his sight, the rosy-fingered 
 maid born to Inachus, was flying from Argos nurse of steeds : 
 
 when Argus, looking every way with tireless eyes, had been ant. 
 charged by the great queen, Hera of golden robe, to keep 
 unresting, sleepless ward o'er that creature with the goodly horns. 
 Nor could Maia's son elude him in the sun-lit days or in the holy 
 nights. 
 
 Did it befall then that the 
 
 (C/ass. R. xii. 156), Blass, Jurenka: elr' otv K. The letter of which a vestige remains 
 after yfrfr' is taken by Blass for E, by K. for A. It might be either ; but the former 
 seems slightly more probable. (Bl. supplies eire /tutfos dXXus.) 
 
 him as having eyes all over his body : 
 Eur. Phoen. 1115 STIKTOIS voiv(tTm\v 
 ofj.p-o.ffLv dtdopKora (schol. KVK\tjj TO aCifj-a. 
 8\oi> w/j.fj.aTwcr6ai) : Ovid Met. I. 664 
 Stella fits... Argus. It has generally been 
 assumed that Argus is the starry sky, 
 as lo is the moon. Cp. Plato epigr. 14 
 (Bergk II. p. 303) et6e yevoi^v \ ovpa- 
 vos, u)S TroXXoFs ofi/naffif f j <re fSXeiru. 
 
 21 f. (j.eyurrodvao-0-a (like vfivoa.- 
 vaoffa XI. I, n.),=./j*yiffTT) S.vaff<ra: V. 
 199 fj.eyiaToira.Tup, n. x.pv<r6irir\os : 
 here, a general epithet for a goddess. 
 In Find. /. V. 75, xp vffolr eir\ov Mva/no- 
 <rwas, it has a special fitness : Memory is 
 robed in golden hues. 
 
 23 avirvov. In the older and simpler 
 myth all the eyes of Argus were sleepless : 
 the notion that they watched by relays 
 appears first in Euripides (Phoen. ui6f.), 
 who is followed by Ovid (Met. i. 686 f.), 
 and by Quintus Smyrnaeus 10. 191 : 
 Apyof, 5s 6<f>8a\/j.oiatv d/j.oi^a56v virvti)- 
 fa-Kfv. The first two syllables of tovra 
 must have been scanned as one (cp. v. 5) : 
 unless, indeed, B. wrote euvra, as in 
 in. 78. 
 
 24 KaXXiKcpav: see n. on XV. 22 
 inf/iKlpav. 
 
 25 <{>vXd(ro-v : cp. XV. 18 6vfv (n.). 
 Aeschylus imagines Argus as closely 
 following lo's steps, wherever she moves 
 (P. V. 678 ff.). This is the conception 
 seen in some vase-paintings of lo, Argus, 
 and Hermes: Roscher's ZfiJuVwz II. p. 271 : 
 Baumeister, Denkm. 1. p. 752. The story 
 that Argus tied her to an olive-tree in a 
 grove (Apollod. n. i. 3, Plin. N.H. 16. 
 239) was suited to lo the complete heifer, 
 but not to the horned maiden. 
 
 Maias : Hes. Theog. 938 Z-rjvl 5' a/> 
 'ArXavTis Man; r^/ce KvSifj.ov ''Etpfj.TJv. 
 Ovid Fast. V. 663 Clare nepos Atlantis, 
 
 ]. B. 
 
 ades, quern montibus ohm Edidit Arcatiiis 
 Ple'ias una lovi. Cp. Hor. C. 1. 10. i. 
 
 28 d-yvas, 'holy'; the word expresses 
 a religious feeling for the beauty and 
 majesty of night, like the Homeric Kvtyas 
 itpov (II. u. 194), vfi a/j.j3poffir) (2. 57 
 etc.). The epithet ayvfa is applied by 
 Aesch. P. V. 28 to aiO-f)p: by Pindar to 
 the sun (O. vn. 60), to water (/. v. 74), 
 and to fire (P. I. 21). 
 
 2936 AT' otvii pa (33) fl (35). 
 For efre followed by i) (instead of a 
 second eire), see Eur. El. 896 f., Plato 
 Phaedr. 2770. Conversely ^ pa...etr, 
 Soph. Ai. i77f. 
 
 Argus was slain by Hermes: about 
 that there was no doubt. But accounts 
 varied as to the manner of the slaying. 
 Some said that Hermes attacked him 
 openly: others, that Argus was first sent 
 to sleep, and then slain. Our poet sub- 
 divides this second alternative ; Argus 
 may have been sent to sleep (i) by sheer 
 exhaustion, or (2) by the lulling sounds 
 of music. The sense of the whole passage 
 is, in effect, as follows: 'Now (ovv) 
 whether Hermes slew Argus [in open 
 fight]; or whether Argus was exhausted 
 by his anxieties, or lulled to sleep by 
 music. for me, at any rate (37 ffu>l ttev 
 ovv), it is safest [to pass on to the end 
 of the story,] lo's arrival in Egypt.' 
 
 The hesitation of B. between different 
 forms of the story makes it likely that he 
 knew some authority, poetical or artistic, 
 for each. It is noteworthy that Aeschylus 
 also, while recognizing that Argus was 
 slain by Hermes (Suppl. 305), avoids 
 committing himself as to the manner of 
 the deed. lo says mysteriously (of Argus), 
 a.irpoffooKTiTO'i 5' O.VTOV al<f>vi8ios fj.6pos | TOU 
 rjv dirfaTfpr)(Tfv (P. V. 680 f. ). 
 
 29 -yc'vcr', impers. (like ffw^rj), with
 
 402 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [XVIII 
 
 30 12 TroSap/ce" ayye\o\y Ato 
 13 Kravelv Tore [Fas vTrepoirXov 
 
 15 *A.pyov ' r\ pa Kal [o/i/iar' aiVa 
 
 16 
 
 35 17 ^ TTte/otSes <urev[crai> adu/i 
 
 e/xo /u,e> 
 
 ee 
 
 40 
 
 31 Fas inrtpoirXov J. : Fas dva<pvvr' e Jurenka. 32 6j3pifj.o<nr6pov] fj. has been 
 
 written above, between 6 and , by A 3 . Jurenka finds after this word a trace of A, 
 and supplies \exevs ' X6x" Blass. (YO^OI- conj. K. : T^A-OJ formerly J.) 33 51 For 
 the conjectural supplements in these vv., see Appendix. 33 77 pa J., Herwerden, 
 
 inf. KTaviv, 'it came to pass that...': a 
 constr. used by Xen. H. v. 3. 10, who, 
 however, adds Jjcrre before the inf. (ovS' 
 av yevevOai u>crre afj.a d/jLcf>or4pov j . . . ?fw 
 STrdpri/s elvai). The Homeric epithet of 
 Hermes, d/ryei'^6j'ri;s, was traditionally 
 explained as ' Argus-slayer,' though its 
 real sense may have been 'swiftly ap- 
 pearing' (<f>av). The words lost after 
 ysVer' probably expressed the idea, l byan 
 open attack? as distinguished from an 
 assault on the sleeping Argus. The first 
 letter after ytver' seems to have been E 
 rather than A. Perhaps, then, ev (jAx a * 
 dy&vi (or es X^pa-s no\6vra). If the first 
 letter were A, d/j.<f>ad6v fiaXbvra. would be 
 possible. The open attack is shown on a 
 vase figured in Roscher n. 279: Argus is 
 prostrate; Hermes slays him with a sword. 
 According to Apollod. II. i, 4, Hermes 
 killed him \16($ paXuv. 
 
 31 Fas: Argus is called 'the son of 
 Earth' by Aesch. P. V. 678 (n. on 19 f.); 
 Suppl. 305 ; also by Acusilaus (c . 500 B.C. ), 
 fr. 17 (Muller I. p. 102), whose source may 
 have been Hesiod. Others made him a 
 son of Agenor, of Arestor (Ov. Met. i. 
 624), or even of Inachus: Apollod. n. r. 
 2, 3. vWpoirXov : cp. vm. 13 : Argus 
 is described by Apollodorus I.e. as virep- 
 pd\\<i)v...dvi>dfj.ft., and by Quintus Smyrn. 
 10. 190 as /i^yas. 
 
 32 The letter after 6j3pifj.o<rir6pov seems 
 to have been A ; hence Blass supplies 
 Xoxov. That word occurs only in the 
 sense of 'parturition' (Aesch. Snppl. 676 
 
 \6xot yvvaiKwv, Ag. 137 irpb \bxov), but 
 doubtless might be used (like Lat. parttis) 
 in the sense of 'offspring,' as \oxeia. is in 
 Anth. Planud. 132. 3, dvoKa.i5ficdwa.ida. 
 \oxfifiv (Niobe's children). If synaphea 
 could be assumed, Xoxeufj.' would also be 
 possible. 
 
 33 f. TJ pa : as to the accent of %, see 
 Appendix. ounreTOt |Mpipivai are 'the 
 immense cares,'' 'anxieties,' of Argus. 
 This is the normal sense of the plural 
 fj.epi/j.vai : cp. V. 7 : Theognis 343 : Find. 
 /. VII. 13, fr. 218, fr. 248: Aesch. Theb. 
 270,831; Euni. 340: Eur. Heracl. 594, 
 Bacch. 380 : Diphilus incert. 5 \inras, 
 fj.epifj.vas. (In another, but rarer, use 
 fj.epifj.vai refers to objects of pursuit or 
 study: see I. 69: Emped. 113 SoXt^o- 
 <t>poves...n.tpifi.vai, 'penetrating thoughts'; 
 Ar. Nub. 1404.) It seems improbable, 
 then, that fj.eptfj.vai here can mean either 
 (i) 'the unceasing efforts,' or 'devices,' 
 used byHermes against Argus as Kenyon 
 takes it: or (2) 'the ineffable counsels' of 
 Zeus.as Wilamowitz suggests. Thegeneral 
 sense of the words which followed rf pa 
 Kal in 33 must have been, 'exhausted 
 him,' 'made him succumb to sleep.' \Ve 
 might conjecture (e.g.} avSp' virvto 8a- 
 ftacro-av, or ofifiar' alva Xvcrav ('re- 
 laxed,' 'caused to close,' Soph. Ant. 1302 
 \vei Ke\aivd f3\e<f>apa). 
 
 35 f. TJ FlttpiSes K.T.\. It seems 
 hardly doubtful that xaSe'uv are the 
 troubles of Argus, not those of lo. The 
 death of Argus brought no dvdiravffis to
 
 XVII I] 
 
 AIOYPAMBOI 
 
 403 
 
 swift messenger of Zeus slew huge Argus, Earth's fierce offspring, 
 [in combat] ? Or did the watcher's unending cares [close his dread 
 eyes ;] or was he lulled to rest from weary troubles by the sweet 
 melody of the Pierian sisters ? 
 
 For me, at least, the surest path of song [is that which leads epode. 
 me to the end]; when lo, driven by the gadfly, reached the flowery 
 banks of Nile, 
 
 Jurenka: ?? pa K., Blass: H PA MS. 34 nfpifUKu J., and so K., Jurenka, Blass 2 . 
 
 [In his ist ed., BL, with K., read an accent on the I of MEPIM, which would be 
 against the nomin. ; but he now recognizes that there is no such accent.] 38 The 
 letters AH are certain. A faint trace after II points, I think, to P. So Blass also 
 holds; and Kenyon (who formerly suggested E) now inclines to this. 
 
 her: then came the olo-rpos. dSvpu: a 
 word used by the poet's uncle Sitnonides 
 (Eustath. //. p. 163. 28). |iir'S(i>v: cp. 
 //. 8. 521 <pv\a.Kr)...<:/u,Tre8os: Soph. O. C. 
 1674 TTOVOV Zftirfdov. I had thought also 
 of VO-TO.TO.V (since he was to wake no 
 more) ; but a simple epithet for Kadewv is 
 perhaps more in this poet's manner. 
 
 The story was that Hermes disguised 
 himself as a shepherd, and lulled Argus 
 to sleep by playing on the ffvptyt;. Ac- 
 cording to Ovid Met. \. 673 719, while 
 some of the watcher's eyes were closed 
 by the music, others remained open; but 
 these finally yielded to a discourse by 
 Hermes on the invention of the instru- 
 ment : -Talia dictnrus vidit Cyllenius 
 omnes Succubuisse oculos, adopertaque 
 htmina somno. Hermes then deepens 
 the slumber by waving his charmed wand 
 above the sleeper's face. Nee mora, 
 falcato nutantem vulnerat ense Qua collo 
 confine capiit, i.e. he decapitates Argus 
 with a sickle (apiri)). Valerius Flaccus 
 Arg. iv. 384 390 tells the tale more 
 briefly, but with a similar ending ; 
 langiientia somno Lumina ctincta videt, 
 diikesque sequentia somnos, Et celerem 
 mediis in cantibus exigit harpen. Lucan 
 also arms Hermes with the harpe {Phars. 
 9. 663). Until this ode was recovered, 
 the story was known only from the 
 Latin sources. It is the subject of a 
 wall-painting at Herculaneum (Baumeister 
 I. p. 752, fig. 802), suggested by Ovid 
 Met. i. 687 f. : Hermes, who has just 
 been playing the syrinx, is holding it out 
 to Argus, who looks at it in wonder. 
 
 37 cfiol |Av ovv, 'for me, at any rate' 
 (i.e. whatever may be the truth as to 
 the slaying of Argus). \Uv emphasizes 
 ifj.ol: ovv marks the return to the main 
 
 thread of the discourse (after vv. 29 36) ; 
 a sense which it often has in the formula 
 5' oSv (Aesch. P. V. 226, Ag. 224, etc.). 
 These three words always formed a 
 complete verse in the MS. 
 
 38 a<r<j>aXrTa,Tov. The general 
 sense is clear from the context. ' For 
 me, at any rate, it is safest to pass (from 
 disputed points) to the end of the story, 
 which is certain.' The first two letters 
 after aff<pa\e<TTa.Tov were air. The third 
 letter, of which only a slight trace 
 remains, was, according to Blass, p : 
 Kenyon read it as . If it was p, 
 then d was certainly the definite article : 
 and this affords the easiest line of 
 restoration. As to metre, verses 15 and 
 
 33 might lead us to suppose that the 
 measure of the lost words was - ~ - - ; 
 and this would at least be metrically 
 fitting. (It cannot, however, be deemed 
 certain : -~- = -~-is another possibility.) 
 Such being the data, we might con- 
 jecture (e.g.), d irpos l<r\aT' otjux, l the 
 strain that brings me to the close.' Or 
 a irp6<ro) xe'Xcvdos ' the onward course 
 (of song, v. i), (telling of the time) 
 when,' etc. For other suggestions, see 
 Appendix. 
 
 39 dvOciiwSca. : cp. xv. 5 (Hebrus), 
 
 34 (Lycormas). 
 
 40 The letter after d^iKer 1 was o: 
 olorpoirXdl (Blass) is fairly certain. 
 Aesch. P. V. 68 1 oi<rTpoir\r)% d e-yw I fid- 
 ffnyi 6fl$ yijv Trpb yfjs t\awo/juii : cp. 
 Soph. El. 5. A Pompeian wall-painting 
 (figured in Roscher's Lexicon, n. 275) 
 depicts lo's arrival in Egypt. She has 
 been carried by Nilus to the hank of his 
 stream. The goddess of the country 
 (Aegyptus) greets lo with outstretched 
 right hand, while the left holds the 
 
 27 2
 
 404 
 
 BAKXYAIAOY 
 
 [XVIII 
 
 42 <?i>0a 
 
 'itu (frepovcra 7rcuS[a yacrrpl rov Aid?, 
 "Enaffrov' ev6a vi[v TCK evtcXea 
 \ivocrr6\wv Trpv[ra.viv 
 VTrepo-^a) (3pvovT[a 
 45 /xeyiVrav re 6va[ra)v fyavev 
 oOev /cat 'Ayavopt[Sa? 
 eV 7rra7n;Xotcr[t 77/8011$ 
 
 50 TiKrev AtoVuo-ov, 
 
 EX9EXI A: corr. A 3 ? 
 
 46 ' AyavopiSas Crusius, Wilamowitz. 
 
 47 KdS^os] KAAOC A: corr. A 3 . Ze/uAaf] Between CE and MEA there is a space 
 
 Uraeus snake; beside her is the child 
 Harpocrates, giving the sign of silence 
 with finger on lip. In the background 
 stand two women with rattles (ffeiffrpa), 
 symbolizing the association of lo with 
 Isis. lo is described by Valerius Flaccus 
 4. 418 as Aspide cincta comas et ovanti 
 persona sistro. 
 
 41 'Lo 4>poucra iraiSa. To complete 
 the verse I suggest yatrrpl rov A 165, 
 because: (i) <j>tpovaa alone could not 
 well mean 'carrying in the womb'; on 
 the other hand cp. //. 6. 58 f. /J.i)5' ovriva, 
 yaffrtpi /j.rirrip...^poi: Plat. Legg. 792 E 
 TO.S (pfpotiffas tv yaffrpi. (2) A mention 
 of Zeus as the father is here indis- 
 pensable. 
 
 42 "Eira<j>ov. Aeschylus derives the 
 name from lira.<j>-f]. When lo reached 
 the Canopic mouth of the Nile (P. V. 
 846), Zeus by the tottch of his hand 
 restored her natural form and her reason : 
 tvTOivOa. Si) fff Zei)s riffrjffii' ifji<f>pova, \ fira- 
 <j)(av aTapfifi X e 'P' Ka ' Oiyiiiv (ihvov (ib. 
 848 f.). Hence Epaphus is pvvluv ww- 
 vv/j.os (Suppl. 314) because the eira<f>-q 
 was ID'S 'deliverance.' Aeschylus further 
 
 Herodotus (n. 
 Kara rrjv 
 (cp. II. 27 
 
 conceived that the child was engendered 
 by this touch: Suppl. 312 Kal Zevs y' 
 t<t>a.TTTup X/H (pirevei y6vov, and P. V". 
 850 f. iw(bvvfj.ov de rdiv AIDS yvvi)fj.a.Tuv 
 (the fatherhood of Zeus) | r^fets KeXaivbv 
 "Eira^ov. Bacchylides, on the other 
 hand, imagines lo as already great 
 with child when she reaches Egypt. 
 153) says, 6 5e 
 p y\G)craa.v iffri " 
 
 But the Greeks who 
 thus connected the names would never 
 have identified the Epaphus of their 
 myth with the sacred calf of Egypt. 
 
 ^v0a viv TK' : Apollod. II. i. 4 
 (lo) reXei>Taioi> rJKfv et's AtyvwTov oirov 
 rrjv apxaiav /uo/x^Tjf d7roXa/3oC<ra yevvq. 
 irapa T< Ne/Xy TroTafj.if "ETra^ov 7rat5a. 
 For TeK'-.-irpuraviv, cp. I. ijff. Sewn? 
 d' fjii^avnov \ /j-rjvl TK' ei^TrXoAcayUos | vu/j.- 
 0a ipepeicvSei vdcrif} \ ...wpvraviv. evK\a 
 would be scanned , as in v. 196. 
 
 43 Xivoo-roXwv, epithet of the 
 Egyptians: Her. II. 37 ei'/uara 5e \ivea 
 <J>O(>Q\JCL alfi vebirXvTa. Kaibel Epigr. 
 Gr. 1028 (an Egyptian hymn to Isis, 
 of c. 350 A. D.), Alyinrrov J3a<ri\eia \iv6-
 
 XVIII] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 405 
 
 bearing in her womb Epaphus, child of Zeus. 
 
 There she brought him forth, to be glorious lord of the linen- 
 robed folk, a prince flourishing in transcendent honour ; and 
 there she founded the mightiest race among men. From that 
 race sprang Cadmus, son of Agenor, who in Thebes of the seven 
 gates became father of Semele. And her son was Dionysus, 
 inspirer of Bacchants, [king of joyous revels] and of choruses 
 that wear the wreath... 
 
 of about half an inch, through which a horizontal line was drawn: cp. XII. 156. 
 SO f. See Appendix. 
 
 CToXe. iroXirav seems a fitting supple- 
 ment, since Epaphos was the legendary 
 founder of Memphis: Apollod. II. i. 4 
 "ETTO^OS 5f (3a.<ri\fvu>v Myvtrrluv ya.fj.tl 
 Me/U(/>ij' TIJJ' NeiXov 6vyarepa, Kal dirb 
 TO.VTTJS Krlfci M.ffj.<t>iv w6\iv. (Note that 
 Aeschylus, though he deemed Canopus 
 to be the scene of lo's healing, is careful 
 to bring in Memphis also: Kal /xrjc Kd- 
 vwfiov KO.TTI M^/u^w i'/cero : Suppl. 311.) 
 
 44 ri|xa is better here than irXotfr^. 
 Aesch. Suppl. 581 f. describes Epaphus 
 as iralS' d./j.e/j.Q'fj, \ SC cu'tDi/os paKpov ndv- 
 o\j3oi>. 
 
 45 [i.(^icrTo.v T 0varwv, ' the mightiest 
 (race) among men' (cp. in. 61 ntyurra 
 (JVCLTUV). These two hacchii suggest that 
 the form of the complete verse may 
 have been ~ - -, ~ - - | - , ~ - -, like 
 Ti's d^w, rts 6d/j.d irpoaewTOL ^ d(f>eyyfis ; 
 (Aesch. P. V. 115): see W. Christ, 
 Metrik p. 415. If so, we might supply 
 <f>avcv (or KTIO-* avrov) ytveOXav. 
 Epaphus was the father of Aiftvrj (Aesch. 
 Snppl. 317), from whose union with 
 Poseidon sprang Agenor (father of 
 Cadmus), and Belus (father of Aegyptus 
 and Danaus) : see the stemma in Introd. 
 to this Ode. 
 
 46 ' A-yavopiSas : Agenor was king 
 of Phoenicia. Eur. Phrixus (fr. 819) 
 
 o/Kijcras Tr^Soc. Cp. Roscher 
 Lex. ii. p. 833. Hence to the Euripidean 
 chorus of Phoenician women lo is trpond- 
 rwp (Phoeti. 676), as she is also to the 
 Argive Danaidae (d irpbyovos /3oOs, Aesch. 
 Suppl. 43 f., TraXatoyudrwp Eur. Suppl. 
 628). 
 
 48f. Se(x\av, daughter of Cadmus 
 and Harmonia (Hes. Theog. 975 f.). 
 TOV opo-ipdKxav (only here) : cp. the poet 
 cited by Plut. De exsilio p. 607 C, Effiov 
 opffiyvvaiKa SI&VVCTOV /j.aivofj.tvat.$ Ovovra 
 Ti/xais: Soph. O. T. 21 iff. oivuira 
 
 vopos TTCUS, r/\9 
 Tre^u/cwy, K 5' d/ 
 
 5Of. Aiowrov in the MS. is pre- 
 sumably sound : Blass changes it to AZov 
 vibi>, but this seems unwarrantable. The 
 MS. rlxre should probably be T(KTV : no 
 verse in this ode begins with -~~~. 
 After riKTev Aiovvffov Jurenka supplies 
 dy\aui> re KW/J.UV. A possible substitute 
 for dy\a.Q>v would be eixppbvuv: cp. X. 12 
 KdfjLoi re Kal eixfipoffwai. In 51 ffTftpava- 
 (popuv dvaKTa. (Wilamowitz) gives a fitting 
 sense. As this is a dithyramb for Athens, 
 Xopwv probably refers to the contests of 
 dithyrambic choruses at the Dionysia. 
 Wreaths of ivy were worn by the mem- 
 bers of a (ctficXios xopbs: cp. Simonides 
 fr. 148 (which some ascribed to Bacchy- 
 lides, Bergk 4 m. 496), iroXXd/ct 5^ 0uX^s 
 ' A/ca/icu'TiSos fv xopoifftv'fipai | dvw\6\vav 
 Ki(rcro(p6po<.s firl didupd/j.j3ois.
 
 406 BAKXYAIAOY [xix 
 
 XIX. [XX.] 
 
 IAAC 
 
 AAKEAAIMONIOIC 
 TTor iv 
 
 yero 
 
 5 Kopav 0pa<TVKdp[$io<s 
 MdpTrrjo-crav ior[pix' e? 
 
 OITOV, 
 re Sitypov O7rdcrcra<; 
 
 T (F)ot tCTCU'[e)aOUS 
 
 10 IlXevpwv' e? ei;KT[t/xeVa^ efropevae Trapal 
 ^vcrdcrTTtSo? vto[^ *A.prjo<s 
 
 [The rest is lost.] 
 
 XIX. The title added in the left margin by A 2 . 1 11 For the conjectural 
 
 supplements see Appendix. 6 After I are seen the remains of 0. The third 
 
 letter must have been T: there are slight traces of the left part of the cross-stroke. 
 
 1 Idas, son of Aphareus, B. would have written deidov. The fact 
 
 carried off Marpessa, daughter of Evenus, that K6pav occurs in v. 5 is scarcely an 
 
 from Pleuron in Aetolia, Poseidon having objection to Kopai. But a possible alter- 
 
 given him a chariot with winged horses. native is AaKeSai)j.6viai...KX.dST)(rav : in 
 
 See Introduction to this Ode. evpvx.6po>, xv. 12 that verb refers to choral singing, 
 
 epithet of Argos in IX. 31. See Appendix. 4 aYro: cp. Her. r. 5qyvva.'iKa....a.ye- 
 
 etpvayviq. is also possible. Cp. the be- aOai...ts TO. olda. The home to which 
 
 ginning of the v/j.^vatos for Peithetaerus Idas brought Marpessa was, according to 
 
 and Basileia in Ar. Av. 1731, "Hpp TTOT' Simonides (schol. //. g. 556), 'Apr/vy in 
 
 '0\v/j.irlq., K.T.X. : also that of Theocr. Messenia (//. 2. 591, u. 723: Ap. Rhod. 
 
 XViu. (the Epithalamion of Helen), ti> 1.152); Apollodorus also (i. 7. 8) says els 
 
 TTOK' apa ^irdprq. S-avOoTpixi trap MeveXdy, Mfffarivrjv. But B., as these verses indicate, 
 
 K.r.X. must have placed that home at Sparta. 
 
 2 f . AaKtSaip-ovi-'cov.. .Kopai iip.vvv. I 6 lorpi)('. The letter after to was 
 
 prefer vfjivevv to the $5oi> of Wilamowitz : certainly T. t60pi, though not extant, is
 
 XIX] 
 
 AI0YPAMBOI 
 
 407 
 
 XIX. [XX.] 
 
 IDAS. 
 (FOR THE LACEDAEMONIANS.) 
 
 In spacious Sparta of yore the golden-haired maidens of 
 Lacedaemon chanted such a song as this, when bold-hearted 
 Idas was bringing home the fair maiden, Marpessa of the violet 
 locks, after escaping the swift doom of death ; when Poseidon, 
 lord of the sea, had given him a chariot, with steeds swift as 
 the wind, and had sped him on his way to well-built Pleuron, to 
 the son of Ares with golden shield. . . 
 
 loTpix' es O(KOVS J. 7 The letter after 6a.va.Tov seems to have been T. TO.-XVV 
 
 ol-rov Jurenka. 8 Uoveidav] IIACI A. : O written above A. (by A 2 ?). Sre dl(f>pov 
 
 oTrdcrtras conj. J. 1O {ir6pevffe irapai conj. J. 
 
 fully warranted by e<j0pi%, 
 \evK00pii;, fjLf 
 
 v. 28, 
 (v. 37), 
 
 7 e|>vy<* v Qo.va.rov . . . otrov. As we learn 
 from the schol. on Find. /. III. 72 ( = iv. 
 54), Bacchylides said, doubtless in this 
 poem, that Evenus roofed a temple of 
 Poseidon with the skulls of competitors 
 for the hand of Marpessa whom he had 
 defeated in a contest. (The skulls of 
 Hippodameia's vanquished suitors were 
 put to the same use by her father, ac- 
 cording to Sophocles in his Oenoniaus.) 
 <pvywv refers, then, to the escape of Idas 
 from this doom at Pleuron ; not (as Blass 
 takes it) to his escape from pursuit after 
 crossing the river Lycormas. Having once 
 started from Pleuron with Marpessa in 
 his magic chariot, Idas had nothing more 
 to fear. 
 
 8 civaijCaXos (only here) : cp. vi. ion. 
 The iroffi- of the MS. was doubtless 
 IIoff(e)i8ai> : as to the inconstant spelling 
 of that name, see crit. n. on IX. 19. The 
 metre of dvaftoXos llofffiddi', (~)-~~ , 
 was a permissible variation on (~)-~~- 
 ---(=) in the prosodiacus (p. 120). No 
 
 supplement is metrically necessary. But, in 
 view of the whole context, it seems pro- 
 bable that some words followed, with the 
 rhythm, perhaps, . of ~~-~ (-): e.g. 
 ore 8i<ppov dirdffffas, or tird apfjta iropdiv. 
 Apollod. I. 7. 8 Mdp7n7<rtrai'..."I5os... 
 rjpirafff, \aj3uv vapa, IloffeiSwvos ap/j.a 
 inrbwTepov. Poseidon gave like aid to 
 Pelops, in view of his contest with 
 Oenomaus, Pind. 0. I. 86 f. rbv fttv 
 ayd\\<i}i> Otbs | i-dwKev 8l<f>pov re xpv ff0t ' 
 irTfpoiaiv T' aKd/jLavTas I'TTTTOVS. B. may 
 similarly have imagined the i'ir7roi;s Iffavt- 
 fjtovs (9) as winged. 
 
 10 IlXtvpwv' : see V. 151 n. The 
 context indicates that a verb meaning 
 'sent,' to which Poseidon was subject, 
 stood in this verse (or in 9). &ir6pv<re 
 irapai would serve. Cp. Pind. O. I. 77 
 (Pelops to Poseidon) fat 5'^iri raxv- 
 TO.TUV ir6pev<rov apudrvv | ej 'AXiv. Or 
 irtntytv iro.pa.lj which would give a verse 
 like that in Ar. Ran. 220. For irapaJ., 
 cp. XII. 150. 
 
 11 vlov"Apr]os: Evenus, son of Ares 
 by Demonice, daughter of Agenor of 
 Pleuron (Apollod. I. 7. 7).
 
 FRAGMENTS OF BACCHYLIDES, 
 
 AND NOTICES OF HIS POEMS, 
 FOUND IN ANCIENT WRITERS. 
 
 In Bergk's Poetae Lyrici Graeci, vol. in. pp. 569 588 (4th ed. 1882), 
 69 passages are collected, which contain either fragments of Bacchylides 
 or references to his works. Of the fragments, the following occur in the 
 lately-recovered poems : 
 
 Bergk's fr. i = v. 50 55, oA/?ios . . u. 
 
 2 (verses I and 2)=V. 160 162, OVO.TOL<TL . . <eyyos. 
 6 = V. 37 40, av$orpi;(u . . viKacraira. 
 
 8 = Kenyon's fr. 5, 1. 5, Trpo(r<j><ai>(i TC viv, and certainly belonged 
 to Ode i. (See Blass, 3rd ed., p. 25, v. 76.) 
 
 9 = X. I and 4 7, Nixa . . d/aeras. 
 29 =XIV. 50 56, (3 Tpwes . . (TvvoiKor. 
 30= I. 49 51, <eura) TC . . 6/juAei. 
 
 47 = V. 26 f. VWp.0. TO.L . . X^ t - 
 
 Further, fr. 41, Iloo-eiSavioi/ . . <o/>wre?, is partly preserved on a small 
 piece of the papyrus, fr. 2 (Kenyon). See below, fr. 6 in my edition. 
 
 Fr. 17 (Servius on Aen. vi. 21) refers to xvi. 2 : see Introd. to that 
 ode. 
 
 Fr. 52 (Apollon. De Synt. 186) refers to a.pL<rra.pxov AIDS in xn. 58. 
 
 Fr. 59 (Schol. //. 24. 496) refers to a statement probably contained 
 in the lost part of xiv (see n. on xiv. vv. 37 ff.) : and the same may be said 
 of fr. 61 (Schol. Find. /. iv. 92) relatively to xix (see n. on xix. v. 7). 
 
 There are also three of the old fragments which are conjecturally 
 connected by Blass with the newly-found odes. 
 
 These are : (i) fr. 7 (Bergk), w Ile'/Wos . . TruAcu, which may well have 
 belonged to the lost exordium of Ode i : Blass (2nd ed., p. 21 f.) places 
 it there as vv. 1 3 f. 
 
 (2) Fr. 35, ov yap vTTo/cXoTTov . . o-o^>t'a, which, on the suggestion of 
 G. F. Hill, Blass (p. 127) refers to xiv, as vv. 30 f.
 
 FRAGMENTS AND NOTICES. 409 
 
 (3) Fr. 46, SvoytevtW S' dio^'s, used by Blass (p. 119), with the 
 support of some slight traces in the papyrus, in supplying xn. 208 f. 
 
 Lastly, with regard to Bergk's fr. 5, Blass (p. i6on.) seems right in 
 rejecting it*. On the other hand, no. 86 of Bergk's fragmenta adespota 
 is assigned by Blass to Bacchylides : see below, no. 32. 
 
 The principle adopted in my edition has been that of distinguishing 
 'Fragments' in the proper sense, i.e. citations giving the actual words 
 of the poet, from notices which do not give his words, but merely 
 report the substance of what he said. There may be instances in which 
 it is hard to say whether, or how far, a notice embodies a fragment. 
 But in the case of Bacchylides there is, I think, only one such 
 instance, viz. Bergk's no. 15 (my no. 5); and that should probably be 
 reckoned among the fragments proper. Again, notices (as distinguished 
 from fragments proper) may conveniently be brought under two distinct 
 heads, according as they do, or do not, specify the class of the composi- 
 tion (such as dithyramb, paean, etc.) to which they severally refer. 
 
 I have therefore arranged these relics of Bacchylides as follows : 
 A. Fragments : B. Notices which specify a class of poem : C. Notices 
 which do not specify a class. Under C it has been possible to facilitate 
 reference by recognising two chief groups of subject-matter, the mytho- 
 logical and the geographical. 
 
 The subjoined table shows the correspondence between the num- 
 bering of the fragments and notices in (i) Bergk's Poetae Lyrici, 4th ed. : 
 (2) Blass's 3rd ed. of Bacchylides : and (3) the present edition, denoted 
 by 'J.' For reasons which will appear from what has been said above, the 
 following fragments of Bergk are omitted ; i, 2 (verses i and 2), 5, 6, 
 7, 8, 9, 17, 29, 30, 35, 46, 47, 52 : but 41, 59 and 61 are included t. 
 
 * It is Schol. Aristid. III. p. 317, referring to the origin of the chariot (op/Mi) : 
 XXoi di \tyouffiv Sri K St/ceXtas ((pavy TTJV ap-^v. Ba.Kxv\ldr)s yap /cat TlivSapos 
 'lepwva Kai reXwva TOVS SiKtXias dpxovTas vfj.vf)<ravTes KO.I irXflcrra 6av[t.a.ffavTfs tv liririj- 
 \acriq. irpbs xdpiv avruv elwov us ZiKeXiwrai irpuroi apfj.a t^evpov. So C. But the 
 Iliad alone would have forbidden such a statement. Pindar, in fr. 106, merely praises 
 
 t Five of the items in" my list of 61 are absent from this table, as they have no 
 numbered counterparts in Bergk. These are: (i) No. 32 = Blass 37 A. This is 
 reckoned by Bergk, not among the fragments of Bacchylides, but among the adespota. 
 (2) No. 37 ; cited by Bergk in a n. on his fr. 11, p. 572, and by Blass in a n. on his 
 fr. 2, p. 1 60. (3) No. 40, which I do not find in Bergk : Blass has it on p. 165, but 
 without a number. (4) No. 46 ; cited by Bergk in a n. on his fr. 29, p. 580, and 
 noticed by Blass on p. 159. (5) No. 50, the passage of Natalis Comes, which Bergk 
 gives at the end (p. 588), but without numbering it : so also Blass, p. 176.
 
 4io 
 
 BACCHYLIDES, 
 
 Bergk. 
 
 Blass. 
 
 J- 
 
 Bergk. 
 
 Blass. 
 
 J- 
 
 2, verse 3 
 
 37 
 
 28 
 
 39 
 
 3 
 
 22 
 
 3 
 
 25 
 
 21 
 
 40 
 
 3i 
 
 23 
 
 4 
 
 i 
 
 I 
 
 4i 
 
 (P- J 59) 
 
 6 
 
 10 
 
 (P- J 37) 
 
 35 
 
 42 
 
 32 
 
 26 
 
 ii 
 
 2 
 
 i 
 
 43 
 
 33 
 
 27 
 
 12 
 
 3 
 
 36 
 
 44 
 
 34 
 
 2 4 
 
 '3 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 45 
 
 35 
 
 3 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 48 
 
 Ep. i, p. 176 
 
 33 
 
 15 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 49 
 
 Ep. 2, ,, 
 
 34 
 
 16 
 
 7 
 
 39 
 
 50 
 
 38 
 
 41 
 
 18 
 
 8 
 
 38 
 
 51 
 
 39 
 
 si 
 
 19 
 
 ii 
 
 7 
 
 53 
 
 40 
 
 60 
 
 20 
 
 12 
 
 8 
 
 54 
 
 41 
 
 45 
 
 21 
 
 13 
 
 9 
 
 55 
 
 42 
 
 54 
 
 22 
 
 M 
 
 10 
 
 56 
 
 JO 
 
 49 
 
 2 3 
 
 15 
 
 1 1 
 
 57 
 
 (p. i66n.) 
 
 42 
 
 24 
 
 I? 
 
 13 
 
 58 
 
 43 ., 
 
 59 
 
 25 
 
 18 
 
 '4 
 
 59 
 
 (p. Ixvii) 
 
 56 
 
 26 
 
 J 9 
 
 15 
 
 60 
 
 44 
 
 47 
 
 27 
 
 20 
 
 16 
 
 61 
 
 (p. 158) 
 
 48 
 
 28 
 
 21 
 
 i? 
 
 62 
 
 45 
 
 44 
 
 3i 
 
 16 
 
 12 
 
 63 
 
 46 
 
 S 2 
 
 32 
 
 9 
 
 5 1 
 
 6 4 
 
 47 
 
 53 
 
 33 
 
 22 
 
 18 
 
 65 
 
 48 
 
 58 
 
 3 2 
 
 23 
 
 9 
 
 66 
 
 49 
 
 . 57 
 
 36 
 
 2 4 
 
 20 
 
 67 
 
 5 
 
 61 
 
 37 
 
 27 
 
 29 
 
 68 
 
 5i 
 
 43 
 
 38 
 
 29 
 
 25 
 
 69 
 
 52 
 
 55 
 
 A. FRAGMENTS. 
 
 ETTINIKOI. 
 1. [Bergk 4: Blass i.] 
 
 8' ana^ etTreu', (frpeva KOL 
 os dv0pa>ira)v yStarat. 
 
 Stobaeus, Flor. 10. 14 : T$a.Kxv\i5ov 'EiriviK&v (sic A : Ba.Kxv\i5ov simply, Trin- 
 cavellus, ed. 1536). 'Be it said once for all, even wise minds are overmastered by 
 love of gain. ' s 8* aira e'wrciv, to sum up the matter in a single broad statement 
 (without taking account of exceptions) : a phrase practically equivalent to ws d.7rXws 
 (or Kat)6\ov) etireTv, but more sententious and emphatic. Cp. XII. 199 f. , el p.-f} TLVO. 
 Oepffieirris | <f>66vos /3tarai. 
 
 YMNOI. 
 2. [B. ii : Bl. 2.] 
 
 Atcu 
 
 re/cos 
 
 KO.KOV, 
 
 Icrov. 
 
 Stob. Flor. 122. i : ~BaKxv\iov"T/ju>wv. 'Alas, my child, a sorrow has come, too 
 great for tears, one of those that can find no voice.' Cp. Her. in. 14 rot /lev oiK-rfCa. 
 -r\v M^f w K.O.KO. ?f Wffre ava.K\aieiv : Thuc. VII. 75 4 / ueifw^ Kara da.Kpva...TreTroi>06Tas. 
 For atj>6tyKTOi<ni> cp. Find. P. IV. 237 a<t>uvqT(f . . ctx. Metre : dactylo-epitrite.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 411 
 
 TTAIANEZ. 
 3. [B. 13 : Bl. 4.] 
 
 Turret 8e re dvarolcrw elprfva /xeyaXa 
 TT\OVTOV /xeXiyXcocrcraji' T doiSai' dvBea, 
 
 re 
 
 5 yvfAvacricov re veois avXa>^ re /cat KOIJJLCOV [j.e\iv. 
 eV Se (TiSayooSe'roi? Tropira^cv 
 icrrol 
 
 re oy^wra i<>ea r / 
 
 S' OUK ecrrt craXTuyycoz' 
 10 ouSe (TiAdrcu fjL6\i<j)p(t)v VTTVOS diro j3\e<f)dp(t)i>, 
 05 0d\7TL Ktap. 
 
 8' cpaTuv fipiBovr clyvtat, TratSt/cot ^' 
 
 Stob. /%r. 55. 3 : B<uc%vX^ov ITcuaj'wi'. The paean to which our fragment 
 belonged was presumably composed in strophe, antistrophe, and epode : but critics 
 differ as to the place which the extant verses held in the scheme of the triad, (i) M. 
 Schmidt (Find. Ol. p. LXXII) thinks that vv. i 5 form a complete antistrophe, the 
 epode beginning at v. 6. (2) Hartung finds the epode in i s, and the strophe in 
 6 ii. (3) Bergk, Poet. Lyr. Gr. 4 m. 573, regards vv. i 5 as the last part of the 
 antistrophe, and 6 12 as a complete epode. (4) Blass, in Rhein. Mus. xxxn. 460, 
 gives an ingenious reconstruction, according to which v. i is the last of an epode ; 
 vv. 2 9 (as numbered by him, i.e. from irXoOroc down to Tr^Xovrai) constitute the 
 strophe ; and the remaining lines complete the antistrophe. To obtain this corre- 
 spondence, however, it is necessary to make two assumptions, (i) That in v. 8 (=11 
 Blass) a dactyl beginning with a vowel has been lost between 8dfj.va.Tai and evpus. 
 (E.g. l-/j.ire5oi> would serve.) (ii) That in v. n ( = 15 Bl.) the MS. 3,/j.os or a/xoj is 
 corrupted from a word of which the scansion was ~. Blass writes dyos, comparing 
 Find. P. IX. 23 ff. , TOV df avyKoirov yXu/ciV | iravpov eiri y\e<f)a.pois | VTTVOV ava\L<rKoi<ra 
 p^irovra irpbs a.Ci : and [Eur.] Rhes. 5541. dtXyti 5' o/txjtaros eSpav j CTTVOS' aSfcrros yap 
 <-j3a j8Xe0dpocs irpos aovs. This may be accepted. The s of the corrupt S./JLOS (or d/uos) 
 is a strong point in its favour. We have to suppose a form of coi which could be 
 mistaken for M. (iii) That dpaxvav (''-) in v. 9 (Bl.) answers to Trat.8i.Koi in the 
 last verse : Blass holds this to be legitimate (Praef. p. XL). 
 
 On the whole, I incline to think (with Weir Smyth, Melic Poets p. 448) that 
 Blass's arrangement, though worthy of careful consideration, is somewhat too hazardous. 
 Our data, in fact, do not suffice to determine the question of structure here. I there- 
 fore print the verses without any attempt at indicating divisions. The metre is 
 dactylo-epitrite. 
 
 ' Yea, and Peace, mighty goddess, brings forth wealth for mortals, and the flowers 
 of honied song ; her gift it is that thigh-flesh of oxen and of fleecy sheep is burnt to 
 the gods in the yellow flame on carven altars ; and that youths disport themselves with 
 bodily feats, and with flutes and revels. 
 
 ' The webs of red-brown spiders are on the iron-bound handles of shields ; sharp- 
 pointed spears and two-edged swords are a prey to rust. No blast of bronze trumpet 
 is heard; sleep of gentle spirit, that comforts the heart at dawn, is not stolen from the 
 eyelids. Joyous feasting abounds in the streets, and songs in praise of youths flame 
 forth.' 
 
 1. B re : cp. xn. 129 n. Stephanus and Ursinus omit re. Bergk would prefer
 
 412 BA CCHYLIDES. 
 
 TOI. |icydXa is, as Smyth remarks, a somewhat rare epithet for a goddess (though it 
 is given to Demeter and Persephone, to Moira, and to the Erinys) : but it seems not 
 unsuitable here, where the poet insists on the beneficent pouter of Eirene over human 
 life. In any case it is not endurable to take it as ace. neut. plur., in apposition with 
 the following accusatives. Bergk would prefer fityav : Hartung, n^yav re. 
 2. irXovToy (jLeXi-yXucrcrcov T Boeckh, Neue, Blass : irXovrov Kal /j.e\iy\uxrffiav MSS. of 
 Stobaeus : so Bergk, Smyth. Cp. Philemon, Hvppos 7 ff. (of Wifyqvy} , w ZeO (pi\ra.rf, | rfjt 
 4ira<ppo8iTov Kal<pi\avdpwwov 6eov' \ ydfiovs, eoprds, avyytvfis, TrcuSas, 0t\ous, | TT\OVTOV, 
 vyitiav, fftrov, olvov, rjSovriv \ avrr/ didwffi. In the marketplace at Athens (Paus. i. 8 
 2, 9. i62) there was a statue by Cephisodotus (c. 3708.0.) of Peace nursing the 
 infant Wealth, whom she supports on her left arm, the original, as Brunn recognised, 
 of a statue now at Munich (Ernest Gardner, Greek Sculpture, II. 352 f.). 3. ail6<r9ai 
 L. Dindorf and Schneidewin : iffecrQe the better MSS. of Stobaeus, whence Gesner 
 TiOtvTcu (correcting it, however, in the margin to riBtadai) : alfffrai P. Leopardus 
 Emend, iv. 21. The inf. aWfff&at, like /j.4\fiv in 5, depends on T/KTEI as = 7roiet, 
 rid-qa-i. 4. av0a <J)XoYi, as in Ode in. 56. ptTJpaTavvrpC^wv. The MSS. of Stobaeus 
 agree in evrpixtav, but before it have pepirav, uripirav, or /j.rjpvrav. These traces clearly 
 point to fjujpia. (/u%>a) ravvrpixuv. It is possible that fJ.rjpi' cvrpixwv was another old 
 reading; and Blass prefers this on the metrical ground ('soluta autem thesis parum 
 cum Bacch. convenit '). But it should be remembered that, when rav had once been 
 absorbed into fj-fpirav (etc.), -vrplxuv would have generated (tirpixuv- That is, while 
 the existence of ravvrpixuv prior to the corruption in the MSS. is reasonably certain, 
 that of fVTpixuv is not so. Gesner and Grotius wrote fj.epidfs evrpi-^uv : Leopardus 
 (and Stephanus), /mr/pia rCiv evrpixwv : Buttmann, fir/pa dayvrpix^v, which was received 
 by Boeckh, and (in preference to his own /j.r/pi' evrpixuv) by Neue. 5. -yvjivao-iwy, 
 athletic exercises : Pind. fr. i 29. 4 Kal rol /mev 'iinrois yv/j.va<rioiS re, rol 5e ireffffois, \ rol 
 d (popfjdyyfffffi repirovraL. Cp. Ar. Nub. 1002, where the Atjccuos Aoyos describes the 
 healthy pleasures in store for the Athenian youth, if he be well advised ; d\\' oftv 
 Xiira/j6j -ye Kal evavB^ ev yv/j.va.(rioLS diarptyeis. avXeov : associated with a /cw.uos in 
 II. 12 and in vrn. 68. 
 
 6 1O Plut. Numa 20 quotes these verses, without the poet's name. The 
 blessings of Numa's reign were such, d.We Kal ras TTOLIJTIKOLS vireppoXas evSeiv irpbs TTJV 
 r6rf KO.Ta.ffra.ffiv \fyovfftv, ev 5i (ridapodtrois irbpira^iv alOav dpax"^" tpy&j 
 Kal evpus ddfjLvarai tyxfd re \o>x wr ^ (and the rest, down to J3\f<pdpuv)^ This 
 inexact quotation, evidently made from memory, suggests how well-known the poem 
 was in Plutarch's time. 6 iropira^iv. The irbpira^ was a leathern thong, carried 
 round the inner edge of the shield, and fixed at intervals by the -jropirai or pins from 
 which it took its name, so as to form a succession of loops : hence yiSapoSeros. A 
 figure from a Greek vase (Smith, Diet. Ant. I. 459, clipeus) shows a warrior whose 
 left arm is passed through a band (&x a - vov or oxdvr/) traversing the diameter of the 
 shield, while his hand grasps the iropira^. Cp. my ed. of Soph. Ai., App. on 575 f. 
 The context here implies that the shield is hung up with the irt>pira% attached ; but the 
 latter could be removed (cp. Ar. Eq. 849). In Ar. Pax 662 Eirene is addressed as 
 a yvvaiK&v /juffOTropiraniffTdTri. alBdv, of a reddish-brown colour: cp. n. on vill. 10. 
 7 dpaxvoiv, an unusual scansion, possible also (though not certain) in Eur. fr. 369 
 Keiffffw 55pv fjLoi nirov dij.<j)iir\Kfiv dpdxvais. Cp. the ot in dx^r/ (Eur. Or. 115). Smyth 
 compares (inter alia) Theocr. XVI. 96 dpdxvia 5' et's on-X' dpdx^ai \ XeirTa diacrTYiffaivro : 
 Nonnus Dionys. XXXVIII. 13 i-Kfiro 5^ Trj\60i \dpfj.^ | Ba\'X'as e^atrr/pos dpaxviouffa 
 fiofiri, ireXovrai, a word used in IX. 38; here somewhat weak, but not doubtful. 
 (Ursinus conjectured TrXe/covrat.) 8 Y\a, like i<pfa, is scanned as . Xo-yx wTt i : 
 Eur. Bacch. 761 \oy\urbv /3e\os (the sharp-pointed a.Kt>vriov). \6yx~n is the spear-head 
 ( = ot'xM 1 7). ^7X OS here the shaft (d6pv). 9 OUK <rri Plut. Num. 20, Bergk: OVKTI 
 MSS. of Stob., vulg. 11 Most MSS. have a//os (a/xos Vindob.) : dfj.6i> Heyne, Bergk: 
 d/jibv ( =i]fjL4rfpov) Smyth, duos Blass (see p. 41 1). 12 pptOovr*. When the i of the 
 3rd plur. is to be elided, B. uses the form in -OVTI : cp. xvn. 10 ffevovr'. cvyviai: 
 cp. III. 16. irqiiSiKoi 6' i'jivoi : probably songs addressed to youths, the traideioi v^voi 
 of Pind. /. n. 3 ; see n. on ix. 42. The words could, however, mean 'songs sung by 
 youths' : cp. iraidix^ XPV m Lys. or. 21 4. 4>X-yovTai : Aesch. Ag. 91 Pupal 
 dupoiffi <f>\tyovrai. (Bergk conj. <p\4ycn>Ti : but B. would probably have written 
 <p\tyovai, as in V. 24 he has tirxovffi.) Cp. Pind. 0. IX. 21 f. 7r6\t^ | (ia\epais 
 doioai's.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 413 
 
 4. [B. 14: Bl. 5.] 
 
 "Ere/305 e erepov <ro<o9 TO re TrctXat TO TC 
 ovSe ya/3 pacrTov apprjTwv eVecov 77^X0,9 
 
 Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 687 : "Erepos 5e...r6 re vOv, ^ijc 
 oi>5 yap K.T.\. The metre is logaoedic. 
 
 ' Poet is heir to poet, now as of yore ; for in sooth 'tis no light task to find the 
 gates of virgin song.' appTjrwv eirtwv, verses, poetry, ' unuttered ' before, original : 
 cp. Soph. Ant. 556 d\X' OVK tir' dppjjrois ye rots e/j.ois \6yois. iruXas, Pindaric: O. VI. 
 27 Trv\a.s vnvw a.va.ir(.Tva.fj.v. Contrast Find. O. II. 86 crocpbs 6 iroXXa feidus <pvq,' 
 HaOovres 6t Xd/Spot | Trayy\w<rffig., Kopa/ces a!s, a/cpavra yapverov | Atos Trpos fipvixa Ofiov. 
 On this and the similar passages in O. IX. looff. and N. III. 40 ff., see pp. 15 17. 
 
 It seems not improbable that, in writing the words quoted by Clement, Bacchylides 
 was thinking of such Pindaric utterances, which express scorn for the man who has 
 learned from others, as distinguished from the man of original genius. If, however, 
 that be so, the tone of the reply is gentle and modest. See pp. 23 f. 
 
 5. [B. 15 : Bl. 5 .1 
 "ApKTOv Trapova-rjs i\vr) /nr) {ifrei. 
 
 Zenobius III. 36 : 'ETTI TWV dei\wv KvviftGiv efpijrcu i) Tra.poip.La.- fj.efj.vriTa.1 Se O.VTTJS 
 ~Ba.Kxv\i5ris tv Tlaiaffiv. ' Do not look for the bear's tracks when he is close by.' 
 As ^/u.vriTa.1 does not necessarily imply more than an allusion to the proverb, it seems 
 doubtful whether, or how far, the words quoted can be assumed to be those used by 
 the poet : but dpKTov Trapotfcnjs, at least, might well be his. 
 
 AIOYPAMBOI. 
 6. [B. 41: Bl. p. 159.] 
 
 7rd[Xto5... 
 
 Schol. Pind. O. XI. 83 : '0 AlSvpos 8 ovrw Ka.9'ujr-i]<ji rbv \6yov' ryv M 
 <pt](rlv iepav TOU IIocrfiScDvos /cat irapariderai TOV Ba.KXV\i5r)v \lyovra. OVTU ' Ilocr fiddviov 
 (Gott. Vrat. D., vulg. -wviov) cij ItlavTiveis Tpi6Sovra x a X^'o5at5<iXot<7t' tv 
 avtriffi <popevi>Tfs. The citation is now supplemented by a fragment of the papyrus, 
 which gives the letters printed above between ] and [ in each verse. The occurrence 
 of the words in our MS. makes it certain that they come from a dithyramb, as 
 Neue (p. 24) had conjectured, comparing Servius on Aen. xi. 93. (See below, no. 36.) 
 Blass supposes that the dithyramb was Ka.ffcrd.vdpa., containing her prophecy of the 
 Trojan War, from which Horace (according to Porphyrion) imitated that of Nereus in 
 C. I. 15. These words occurred (Blass suggests) in an enumeration of the Greek 
 forces. ' (Seest thou) . . how the Mantineans, bearing the trident of Poseidon on their 
 finely-wrought shields of bronze, . . (come) . . from their horse-nurturing city?' Metre, 
 dactylo-epitrite.
 
 414 BA CCHYLIDES. 
 
 TTPOIOAIA. 
 7. [B. 19: Bl. ii.] 
 
 /XUX /3pOTol(TLl> (TTLV CVTV^ta? 68o5, 
 
 L rts e^utv aTrevOrj SiareXeu' Swarcu ft LOP 
 os Se fjivpia (j.ev a/x^tTroXet <f>pevi, 
 TO Se vra^o' d/u.a/3 re /cat i/u/cra / ueXXoWci)i' yapiv 
 ov laTnerai Keap, aKapirov e^et TTOVOV. 
 
 Stob. /%>r. 108. 26 : BaxxtAIdov IIpoo'wSiwi' (jzV A), z.^. UpoGodiuv. The metre is 
 logaoedic. 
 
 ' One canon is there, one sure way, of happiness for mortals if one can keep a 
 cheerful spirit throughout life. But he whose thoughts are busy with countless cares, 
 and who afflicts his soul day and night about the future, has barren toil.' 
 
 1 opos is the canon, the rule or standard, by which true evrvxla is to be measured : 
 686s, the course to be followed. 2 8iaT\iv Svvarai Bergk, Smyth: dvvarai StareXe?^ 
 MSS. 3 |xvp(a jj.4v MSS. : pvpiav nevoivav Bergk. 4 TO 8J Trap* dfxap re] 7ra.p6yua.pre 
 MSS. : corrected by Grotius (who, however, wrote rode Trap' ij/idp re): rb d wav T)fJ.dp 
 re Stephanus. 5 6v IdirrtTai Grotius: ativ taxr., Boeckh, Blass 2 : aovi (aovi 
 Vindob.) airrerat MSS. For aTTTfrai Stephanus conjectured SaTrrerai, and so Ursinus, 
 Brunck, Ilgen, Jacobs, the two latter changing d6vi to avia. taTrrerat lit. 'is hurt': 
 cp. Od. 2. 376 (is at> /UTJ K\aiovcra Kara xpia KO.\OV iairrri ('mar'). Moschus 4. 39 
 lairro/JLai a\yeaiv -rjTOp. aKapirov MSS. : aKdpirurov Bergk. 
 
 8. [B. 20: Bl. 12.] 
 rt yap eXa<j)pov er' eo-rlv airpaKT o^vpo^evov Sovelv 
 
 Stob. Flor. 108. 49 : Ba.Kxv\idov Hpo<rw8iuv (sic A). Metre, logaoedic. These 
 words belong to the same poem as fr. 7, and may, as Neue thought, have immediately 
 followed it. 
 
 'What ease is left to him who agitates his heart with vain laments?' eXa^pov 
 here is strictly 'ease-giving' : 'what alleviation (Koi''0t0-/ua) is there any more (4'n) in 
 lamenting?' etc. : i.e., no comfort remains to him who indulges in it. Bergk says, 
 'fr' displicet, fort, tp' legendnm'' : I cannot agree. effrlv Blass: tffr MSS. Bergk, 
 keeping &TT', inserts w5' before 65vp6/j.evov. Soveiv: cp. Ode I. 69. 
 
 9. [B. 21 : Bl. 13.] 
 Ilai'Tecrcri BvarolcrL Satyu,a>v lirera^e TTOVOVS aXXotcrtv aXXovs. 
 
 Stob. Flor. 1 1 8. 25: BaKXi'XiSoi; Upoa-uSiSiv (sic A). Metre, dactylo-epitrite. 'On 
 .all mortals hath the god laid toils ; each man bears his own.' 
 
 YfTOPXHMATA. 
 10. [B. 22 : Bl. 14.] 
 
 yap 
 v, av$>ptov 8' aptrav crofyia re TrayKparys r eXey^et
 
 FRAGMENTS. 415 
 
 Stob. Flor. 11.7: T}aKxv\i5ov '^iropxnu-druv. The verses are found also on a gem 
 in Caylus' Kec. <F Antiq. vol. v. pi. 50, 4. Metre, logaoeclic. 
 
 'The Lydian stone reveals gold ; the worth of men is evinced by the poet's art 
 and by all-powerful truth.' 1 A 1)810. . . XiOos (lapis Lydius), the pdaavos or touchstone 
 (a flinty slate, black, grey, or white), on which pure gold is tested by rubbing : 
 Theognis 449 fvprjffeis 64 fte iraffiv STT' cpyjj.a,<nv wffTrep 8.ire(p0oi> \ "xpvcrbv, epvOpw 
 ISew Tpi/36/jLfvov fiacrdiXj}. Find. P. X. 67 treipuivTi d Kal xpvvbs ev fiaadvip irpeiru ' 
 Kal voos dpdos. In Soph. fr. 732 Avdia Xt#os = iilayvrjris Xt0os (Eur. fr. 567. 2). [lavvei 
 with v, as in Find. P. I. 93 etc. (in Attic always v). 2 o-o<jna re ira-yKpaTijs T'... 
 dXdOcia. This reading is found in several MSS. of Stobaeus (see Bergk 4 in. p. 576), 
 and on the gem of Caylus. It seems to me clearly the right one. The poet's faculty 
 (<ro<pia) evinces, brings out (eX^yx ') tne aperri of men (as in the case of victors in the 
 games), and the poet's just tribute is confirmed by dXdfttta. That is, candid men 
 recognise that the poet has spoken truly ; and, even if there be some detraction at the 
 moment, the true estimate prevails in the end. The strongest corroboration of this 
 reading is (to my thinking) afforded by the poet's own words in Ode vin. 82 ff. : T& 
 y4 TOL KO\OV epyov | yvrfffiwv v/j.vwt> TVXOV | v\f/ov irapd oai/j.o<n Ketrai' \ ovv 5' d\a6fia 
 jSporuip | KaXXiffTov, etwep Kal Gdfrj rts, | \fiirerai Moi/trac dyaK\iTav dOvpna. There, 
 as here, <ro<pia renders the due praise, and dXdfffia ratifies it. See also XII. 202 ff. : 
 QpoT&v de /JLUI/ULOS \ iravreffffi. ft.v eanv iir' i-pyois' \ a. d' d\a6eia <f>i\ei \ VLKO.V, o re 
 Trav5a.fj.dTwp \ xpfoos T <> f aXws | epyfj-evov alev de^ei. Compare, too, Find. O. X. 4 ff., 
 where the agencies of Poetry and of Tmth are invoked together : (3 Motir', dXXd. <ri> 
 Kal (tvydrrjp \ 'A\d6(ia At6s, 6p6a x*pl \ fpiJKerov \f/ev5euv | fvnrdv d\irbfvov. It is to 
 the credit of Xeue (Bacchyl. Cei Fragmenta, 1822, p. 32) that he supported this 
 reading at a time when most critics, indeed he says, ' re centiores critici...omnes,' were 
 against it. 'Sicutanrumprobatur lapide Lydio admoto, ita virorum virtntem arguit poetica 
 faciiltas cutn z>eritate.' Weir Smyth also adopts this view. The alternative reading is 
 <ro4>tav T ira-yKpaTTis cXe'-yx* 1 aXd8ia. The ace. ao<t>iav is in some MSS. of Stobaeus 
 (see Bergk I.e.). So Salmasius read, followed by Grotius, as now by Bergk and Blass. 
 The sense given by this reading is, in itself, satisfactory enough ; whether crofaav be 
 taken as 'wisdom' generally, or (as seems better) with reference to the poet's art. 
 On the latter view, Bacchylides will say that the man of worth, and the genuine 
 poet, are ultimately recognised by the voice of truth. There is, however, much less 
 point in such a sentiment than in that afforded by the other reading. The alliance of 
 poetry with truth in securing recognition, even though tardy, for dper-f) is a thought 
 specially characteristic of Bacchylides. Cp. frag. 27. 
 
 [In Stob. Flor. n. 2 ( = 20 Hense) we read: 'OXuMTidSoy. 'AXci0eta de&v 
 OjUOTToXis, fjiova (-1) MSS.) Beats (fjporwv conj. Bergk) ffwdiaiTw/ntva (-17 MSS.). Bergk 
 conjectures that this fragment belongs to Bacchylides, observing that Damascius 
 places it immediately after the verses Avdia fie? yap \i6os K.T.\. The lemma 
 'O\v/j.Trid8os may, he thinks, be due (as Meineke surmised) to the fact that Stobaeus 
 here cited Find. O. x. 65, which occurs in Damascius ; he would change Oe&v to 
 jSporwi'. ] 
 
 11. [B. 23: Bl. 15.] 
 
 e'Spa? epyov ovS' 
 dXXa xpvcrai'yiSo? 
 
 nap vScu'SaXoi> vaov eX- 
 
 dfipov TL Set^at < yu-eXo? > . 
 
 Dionys. De Compos. Verb. c. 25 : irapd BaKxvXiSrj. That the poem was a hypor- 
 cheme is shown by a grammarian in Keil Anal. Gramm. 7. 21 : <f>i\ei 52 rd U7ropx l )/ Ltara 
 rouTtfi T(f> irodi KaTa/j.(Tpeiffdai, olov Oi/x ZSpas Zpyov ovS' d/a^oXas; also by Athen. 
 p. 631 C i) 8' yTropxW 1 "^ 1 ? ( Sf - opxyffis) taTiv ev rj a5wv 6 xpos 6/>x e ' ral " <t"l ff ^ yovv 6 
 BaK'xi'Xt'STjs Oi'x ?Spos...dya/3oXas. The first verse, which had become quasi-prover- 
 bial, occurs also in Aelian Nat. Anii. vi. i, Lucian Scyth. n ot>x ^Spas rolvnv ovd 
 d/ujSoXas Zpyov, ws 6 Kelos (ptjcriv, Achilles Tatius v. 12 oi>x ?5paj <Zpyov> ovd 
 dvapo\Tjs. The rhythm is paeonic, the verses consisting of a series of cretics.
 
 4i 6 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 'This is no time for sitting still or tarrying: we must go to the richly-wrought 
 temple of Itonia with golden aegis, and show forth some choice strain of song.' 
 2 'IrwvCas. The cult of Athena Itonia seems to have had its earliest seat in 
 Thessaly, where there was a temple of the goddess between Pherae and Larissa, and 
 another at a town called "Irwv or'Irw^os (Strabo 9. p. 436). Her festival, 'Iruvia, at 
 Crannon is noticed by Polyaenus (2. 34). But the cult was ancient in Boeotia also ; 
 and perhaps the most famous shrine of the Itonia was that in the neighbourhood of 
 Coroneia. This is the temple to which Alcaeus refers (fr. 9) in a hymn to Athena 
 where she is called TroXe/xaSctaos. The Itonia was a war-goddess, the presiding 
 deity of the Pamboeotic league, whose meetings were held at her sanctuary (Strabo 9. 
 p. 411 : Paus. 9. 34. i). Hence the epithet -^pvaaiy^ is appropriate (cp. Ode xvi. 
 7 .). Her cult was also connected with that of Hades (Strabo /. c.). The title 
 'Iruvia was derived by some from Itonus son of Amphictyon ; by others from the 
 town Iton. Its meaning is uncertain. Can it have been popularly associated with 
 livai (the onset)? According to Paus. 10. i. 10 'Atfijpa 'Irtafia was a watchword of 
 the Thessalians in battle. The head of the goddess is found on silver coins of 
 Coroneia (Brit. Museum, Catal. of Coins, Central Greece, p. 47, n. 12). 4 The 
 iambus lost after Seiai may have been p.Aos : though the simple d|3p6v TI would 
 be parallel with v<f>a.ii>t...Ti K\fiv6v in xvm. 8f. With the exordium of this hypor- 
 cheme, cp. that of Ode xv (n. on vv. i 4). 
 
 12. [B. 31: Bl. 16.] 
 
 OV (T 
 
 Hephaestion p. 76 : dfdriXucrdu 8 OTI nal 0X0 qifffj-ara KprjriKa. avi>ri0Tcu, uxfirep /ecu 
 irapd ~Bai<xv\i5ri, w Trepi/cXetr^ 5' dXX' K.T.\. Neue (p. 35) inferred from the cretic 
 metre that the verse probably belonged to a hyporcheme. Blass, who shares that 
 view, has corrected the corrupt 5" aXX' to AaX'. (Bergk follows Turnebus in reading 
 T&\\' , placing the fragment among those e adri\uv eld&v.) The intrinsic probability 
 of AaX' is strengthened by the presumption that the poem was a hyporcheme, a fitting 
 tribute to Apollo. We know at least one other instance (Ode xvi) of a poem written 
 by Bacchylides for the Delian god. The poet expresses a hope that Delos 'will not 
 regard him as a stranger' (or, perhaps, 'will not fail to judge kindly of his tribute'). 
 Cp. yvuffd in the exordium of Ode v, v. 3. See no. 42. 
 
 The fragments of yTropx^aTa quoted in Plut. Quaest. Conv. ix. 15. 2, and com- 
 monly ascribed to Simonides (fr. 29, 30, 31, Bergk in. p. 400), are claimed for 
 Bacchylides by M. Theodore Reinach in Melanges Weil p. 420 ff. The discussion is 
 acute and interesting ; but the style of these verses seems hardly such as to suggest 
 Bacchylides. 
 
 EPGOTIKA. 
 13. [B. 24: Bl. 17.] 
 
 ...evre 
 
 rr^v cur' cly/cuA^s 117 crt 
 rourSe rot? 
 
 Athen. 15. p. 667 C : Ba/cx^X^Tjs tv "EpuriKois- eCre K.T.\. (Also XI. 782 E, where 
 rolffde is omitted in v. 2, and evreivovaa. stands in v. 3.) Metre, trochaic. 
 
 ...'when, lifting her white arm, with bent elbow she makes the cast, at the bidding 
 of these youths.' In the game of cottabos the player sought to throw a little wine 
 (Xd>a) from a cup into a bronze saucer (ir\dffTiy) : if this was done with skill, the wine
 
 FRAGMENTS. 417 
 
 struck the saucer smartly, making it descend (in some forms of the game) and ring on 
 the head of a small bronze figure (fidv^) placed beneath it. 
 
 An omen of love, prosperous or the reverse, was often drawn from the throw, 
 according as the sound of the \o,Ta on the saucer was clear or dull. rr\v air' <vvKvXT]s 
 (sc. j3oX-f)v), the throw made with the arm bent ; Athen. 15. p. 667 B, ^coAow 3' 
 dir' ajKV\r}s TT]V TOV KOTrdfiov irp6e<rtf, Sid TO dirayKvXovv TTJV Se^idv x^P* ('arm') 
 b> rots diroKOTTa.piff/j.ois. To bend the arm gracefully was a mark of the accom- 
 plished pla3'er : Hesych. s.v. dyicvXi) ...}) Ka/jLirrj TOV dyKu>vos...ol yap TOVS Korrdfiovs 
 wpoiefj-fvoi TTJV Sf^iav xetpa TjyKiiKovv, KVK\ovvres avrr]v ws ivfjv jrpeir&StffTa.Ta, ical 
 <re/j.i>vi>6fj.evoi tl>s e<^' fvl TWV Ka\uv. The dat. Toi<r8 rots v., 'for' them, goes with 
 fyfft, not with avTeivaoa. : i.e. the girl (perhaps an avX-^rpia) makes the throw at their 
 request. 
 
 14. [B. 25 : Bl. 18.] 
 
 'H /caXos eoKyotro?' ov H.QVOS avBponrtov 6pa<s. 
 
 Hephaestion p. 1 30 (as corrected by Westphal) : *E<m 5^ TWO. ical TO. Ka\ovfneva 
 fTTKp6eyfj.aTLKa, a Sia<f>fpei TWUTT) T>V eQviw'nav , OTI TO. fjv i<f>vfu>ia. ex irepiTrov ws 
 Tpos TO \fy6fMfvov Ty <TTpo<f>f} wpdffKfiTcu, TO. Se tiri<j>(>fy/j.a.Ti.Ka. KO.I Trpoj Tbv vovv avvTt\ei ' 
 olov Tb BaKxv\i5ov, *H Ka\6s...6py.s' /cat ird\u> Trapd T$ avT(f ~BaKXV\idr; ' 2i> 5' Iv 
 XITWV i...<peijyis [fr. 15]. Both the lirKp6eyfj.aTi.K6v, then, and the tyvftviov are kinds 
 of refrain, repeated at the end of successive strophes. But the f-irt<f>0ty/jMTiK6v 'con- 
 tributes to the sense ' ; it is a sentence, as in the two examples cited from our poet. The 
 f(j>tfj.viov, on the other hand, is 'a superfluous addition, so far as the meaning of the 
 passage is concerned' ; i.e. it may be a mere exclamation, like at\ivov a.'CXivov dirt, or 
 tiji'e Haidv. opqs Hephaestion: eps Ursinus (p. 342, also suggesting epq.), Bergk. 
 Metre, dactylo-epitrite. 
 
 15. [B. 26: Bl. 19.] 
 
 v ev 
 Trapa TJJV (f>i\'r)i> yvvaiKo, 
 
 Hephaestion p. 130 (see on fr. 14). Metre, iambic. 
 
 [TTAPOINIA.] 
 
 16. [B. 27: Bl. 20.] 
 crrp. a' 
 
 KV\LK(DV 
 S' eXTris SiaiBvcrcrri (f>peva<;, 
 
 5 Oju./u.etyi'v^eVa Atoi/fortotort Scots' orp. 
 
 dvBpdcn, 8' vi//orarw Tre/XTret /xept/xva?* 
 
 CLVTLKO. [JLCV TTO\IO)V Kpd$6p.VCL \VL, 
 
 vracrt 8' dv6 MTTOIS ovaTcr^iv So/cei* 
 
 at 8' ekefyavrl re /xap/nai'/oovcriv oT/cot- a-rp. y 
 10 Trvpo(f>6poL 8e /car' aly\devra. < TTOVTOV > 
 dyovcriv dii AtyvTrrou /ney terror 
 - c3? TTIVOVTOS 6/3/xatVet Keap. 
 
 J. B. 28
 
 4 i 8 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 Athen. 2. p. 39 E: Ato Ba/cxi'Xt^j <j>t]ffi' T\vKfi' K.T.\. There is no extant 
 mention of Hapoivm or Sc6Xia as forming a separate class among the writings of 
 Bacchylides : but that may well be an accident. Another possibility is that his 
 convivial pieces may have been subjoined, without a distinct heading, to the 'EpwriKci. 
 Metre : dactylo-epitrite. 
 
 ' ...[when], as the cups go swiftly round, a sweet subduing power warms the heart, 
 and, blending with the gifts of Dionysus, a presage of the Cyprian goddess flutters 
 the mind. That power sends a man's thoughts soaring ; straightway he is stripping 
 cities of their diadem of towers, he dreams that he shall be monarch of the world ; 
 his halls gleam with gold and ivory ; over the sunlit sea his wheat-ships bring wealth 
 untold from Egypt : such are the raptures of the reveller's soul.' 
 
 2 The missing first verse, or the lost part of the second, probably contained a 
 temporal conjunction, such as frrav, on which 6d\Trr)ffi and diaiOtiffffj] depended. 
 yXxiKti* dvd-yKd : Hor. C. III. 21. 13 Tit lene tormentum ingenio admoves Plerutnqiie 
 duro, 3 <rruo|ivdv Blass : ffevofjLeva (v.l. yevoneva) MSS., vulg. : crevofj-fva <'K> 
 Kv\iKUf Herwerden : effffvpevav Bergk. The choice seems to lie between (i) <revo/j.evdv 
 KvXiicuv as gen. abs., and (2) ffevo/j.eva KV\LKWV as = ' rushing /r<?/ the cups,' which, 
 though possible, would be harsh : we cannot join dvdyxa KvXiKuv. I prefer (i). Cp. 
 Phocyl. 1 1 XPV ^' ^ v yvfj-rroffitj} KV\iKd)v irepiviffffo/jLtvauv | ijdta KuriXXovra Ka6rj/j.evov 
 oivoTroTafciv. 6aXiTT)<ri Weir Smyth : 6d\irr)<n MSS. 4 KvrrpiSos 8' IXiris 8ieu0v<r(ri 
 Erfurdt (-T) Blass) : Ki/Trpi'Soj eX^rts 6' alOvffffei MSS. : Kvirpis us eXiris yap 
 aiOvffffei Bergk. Smyth takes the 5^ after KtnrpiSos as introducing the apodosis 
 (' then... ' : see my n. on Ode xiv. 61). It may be, however, that the apodosis was 
 contained in the lost part before y\vKei' dvdyKa, and that a new sentence begins with 
 dvdpdffi 5' in v. 6. 6 dvSpdtri 8' MSS. : dvSpdtri 0' Bergk. v\|/OTa.Tw irepim |Xpi|xvas, 
 exalts their thoughts or ambitions [not 'dissipates their cares'] : cp. Find. fr. 218. 5 
 de^ovrai <ppevas d/.nre\ivoi$ robots Sa/x^vres. F6r /tiept^was cp. Ode I. 69 n. 7 avriKa 
 \&v : avrix 6 fjxv Bergk (avro&i ftev formerly Meineke) : ai/rds [itv or avrij /JLV MSS. 
 Blass writes ttKTinevav. -rroXiuv conj. Bergk (who, however, keeps the vulg. 
 iri}\e<i)v) . Kpo.5ep.va Xvi. //. 16. 100 Tpotiys itpd Kp^5e/j.va \vwfj.fv (cp. Od. 13. 388). 
 The u of the pres. \\><a is regularly short in Homer, as it is in Find. /. vn. 45 (Xwu) 
 and probably in fr. 248 (Xtiovri, where the text is doubtful). But the Attic v of Xi/w 
 (taken from the fut. \vffu) occurs in Od. 7. 74, veined \vei : and it may be supposed 
 that B. could have used it here. I should not, then, alter \vti to \<j<reiv, with Blass : 
 the vivid Xi/ei is intrinsically much better. 8 irdcri 8'. The dat. with apx^ (*"fgo) is 
 poetical, and comparatively rare. In the Homeric use it is limited to the sense of 
 leading in war (II. 2. 805 ; Od. 14. 230, 471) : cp. rjye'ia-Gai TIVI. But later poetry 
 ignores this limit: Aesch. P.V. 940 5apoi> yap OVK dpfi Beats. [.In Find. P. III. 4 
 pdffffaicri T' dpxfu' the dat. may be local.] 1O Between aly\dfvra and dyovffiv the 
 text of Athenaeus has lost a spondee. Erfurdt supplies iro'vrov, which seems clearly 
 right. Cp. //. 14. 273 aXa fj-ap/jLap^v. For this votary of Bacchus, everything is 
 radiant, his house with gold, the sea with sunshine. Bergk and Blass supply 
 Kapirbv. But is aiyXaevra an intelligible epithet for a cargo of wheat? The fragment 
 of a skolion by Pindar (fr. 218) should be compared : 
 
 'Aviic' dvOpwirwv Kafj.aTti>dees ofyovTai /j.fpi/j.vai 
 ffTr)6ed)v %<i), ire\dyei 5' ev iro\vxpu<roio TT\OVTOV 
 irdvres taa veofjiev \jsev5r) irpbs aKrdv 
 6s /J.ei> dxpTl/J-^f, d<f>vebs Tore, rot 5' av irXovreovres... 
 ...deovTai (f>pevas d/j.ire\ivoi.s r6^ois dafj-evres. 
 
 ' When the weary cares of men have passed from their bosoms, and on a wide sea 
 of golden wealth we voyage, all alike, to a visionary shore,- then is the poor man 
 wealthy, and the rich [dream that they are great] Men are exalted in spirit by the 
 piercing power of the grape.' Pindar excels in splendour of imaginative diction; 
 Bacchylides, in vivid detail and playful fancy. Cp. also Ar. Eq. 90 fF.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 419 
 
 17. [B. 28: Bl. 21.] 
 
 Ov /3oa)v rrdpeo'Ti crw/>tar', oure 
 
 oure 
 
 aXXa 
 Mover a re yXu/ceta, /cal Bota)rioio"w 
 
 eV a~KV(f)oiO'Li> olvos 
 
 Athen. u. p. 500 B : liivrtfjiovevei d r&v Boiavri/cuJi' fficuQuv 'BaKxv\i5ris t.v 
 TTOIOV [Afvos rbv \6yov irpbs TOI)J Aiocr/co^pous, KO.\UV avrovs eirl i;tvia. 
 Was the entertainment (Bfo^via) to which B. thus invited the Dioscuri a public one, 
 on the occasion of some festival in their honour? That seems the more natural 
 supposition. On the other hand, the language (recalling Horace's in C. I. 20. i, 
 Vile potabis modicis Sabinum Cantharis) would perfectly suit a private invitation to a 
 modest home. From another passage of Athenaeus (4. p. 137 E) we learn a fact 
 which illustrates this fragment. At Athens, where the Dioscuri were styled "Apa/ces, 
 their festival was the 'Aca/ceio. : and the meal then set forth for them in the Prytaneion 
 was of a frugal and old-fashioned kind. The authority of Athenaeus for this state- 
 ment goes back to the time of Bacchylides. It is a play entitled the Uruxol, ascribed 
 to Chionides, one of the earliest poets of the Old Comedy : TOVS 'AOrivaiovs <f>r]ffiv, 
 OTO.V TO?S Aio<rKOi>pois fv Tlpvravfiy apicrrov irporiQGjvTai, ewl TUJV Tpa.irtGiv TiOevcu rvpbv 
 xal (fjvffrriv (barley-cake) SpuTrerety r' eXaas *cai Trpatra (leeks), inrbiwriffiv 
 iroiov^fvovs TTJS dpxatas dyuyrjs. Metre : trochaic. 
 
 ' No flesh of oxen is here, nor gold, nor purple carpets ; but a kindly spirit, and 
 the sweet strains of the Muse, and good wine in Boeotian cups.' If. OU..OVTC.. 
 ovre : see my n. on Soph. Tr. 1058 f.- cure x.P vo "os K.T.\. Hor. C. II. 18. i Non 
 ebur neque auretitn Mea renidet in domo lacunar. 3 Ov|ids V(JLVIS : cp. Minucius 
 Felix 32 Est litabilis hostia bonus animus et sincera sententia. 4 BOUOTIOKTIV : the 
 first 01 is short, as with Corinna fr. 2 (ed. Hiller-Crusius, Anth. Lyr. p. 270) TI> 
 Se, fj.a.Kap Kpovida, TV Horeidduvos, &,va^ Boiwr^ : in the Iliad it is always long. 
 5 a-Kti4>oio-i.v. The ffKijfios of which there were Boeotian, Rhodian, Syracusan, 
 Attic, and other varieties was a large drinking-cup, generally with two handles 
 projecting just beneath the brim. It appears in poetry as especially a rustic cup, such 
 as was used by shepherds and peasants : Alcman fr. 34 /dyav <rKv<f>ov, | ota. re iroifjieves 
 &vdpes tx ovfflv ' it is used by Eumaeus (Od. 14. 112): cp. Theocr. I. 143. Owing 
 to its large capacity, it was specially the cup of Heracles (Stesich. fr. 7). 
 
 EH AAHAOON EIAGON. 
 
 18. [B. 33 : Bl. 22.] 
 v Eo"ra 8' eirl \divov ov$6v, 
 
 ^ ^^ A ' * *S ' *J 
 
 rot oe UQIVO.S evrvov, a>oe o etpa- 
 Avro/xarot 8' dyaQwv 
 Scuras evo^6ov<s eirepyjovrai St/catot 
 5 
 
 Athen. 5. p. 1788: BaKXuXt'dijs 5^ irepi 'Hpa.K\tovs \yuv ws yXQev CTTI rbv TOV 
 K^i'/cos OLKOV, (priffiv "'Effrrj [?<rra Neue] K.T.\. Ki?^, the powerful and gentle king of 
 the Malians. dwelt at Trachis : Swd/oa 5 ical aidoi | Tpyxivos irpo^^Ke, Hes. Scut. 
 354 f. He was a kinsman of Heracles, being the son of a brother of Amphitryon 
 (schol. Soph. Tr. 40). Once, when Ceyx was celebrating the marriage of one of his 
 children by a feast (7^0$), Heracles, being in those parts, presented himself, an 
 
 282
 
 420 BA CCHYL1DES. 
 
 uninvited guest. This was told in Hesiod's KJJVKOS ydfjios, from which only a few 
 words remain (Rzach, frgg. Hes. -179^, p. 199)- That poem was doubtless the 
 original source of the verse, avr6fJMToi 8' dyadol dyaOwv firl 5a?ras tatriv, quoted in 
 that form, as a ira.poiiJ.ia., by Athen. 5. p. 1788. Zenobius II. 19 quotes it with i'evrat 
 in place of faffiv. But see Cratinus IluXata fr. i : ot'S' av6' T)t*-eis, ws 6 iraXaibs \ \6yos, 
 avTO/j-drovs dyaftotis ttvai \ Ko^dv firl Saira. dearuv. (Cratinus alludes to it again in 
 fr. incert. 6: rJKov effriw/j-evos \ dyaObs wpbs dyaffovs.) Athenaeus (I.e.] says that there 
 was another form of the proverb, avrdftarot 5' dyaftol dtiXuiv firl dairas facrtv. Bergk 
 thinks that this parody was due to Eupolis. The schol. on Plat. Symp. p. 174 B, at 
 any rate, cannot be right in supposing it to have been the original form of the verse. 
 Metre: dactylo-epitrite. 
 
 'He came and stood on the threshold of stone, while they were preparing their 
 feast, and spake thus : 'Just men come unbidden to the plenteous banquets of the 
 good.' ' 
 
 3 avTojiaTOi : paraphrased by CIKXTJTOS in Plat. Symp. p. 174 B, C. 4 i>6)(6ovs : 
 Eur. Ion 1169 ev6x&ov fiopa.s. Cp. Hes. Op. 475 evoxQtw 5' i'eat iro\ibv la/3 ('with 
 good store'). The use of Siicaioi by B. as a substitute for the original dyaffoi 
 indicates that he took the latter as referring to character, and not (as epic usage would 
 permit) to birth. 
 
 19. [B. 34 : Bl. 23.] 
 
 Ot p.v aS/xare? ctei/ceXtaV 
 vovcrw eicrlv /cat aVarot, 
 dv0pa>7roi<s 
 
 Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 715: 'A/coiVw/iej' <&v irdXiv BMC%vXftmi rov fj.e\oTroiov irfpl 
 TOV Oflov \tyovTos~ Oi fJ.v ddfifJTes del /cat \iav vovffwv elffi /cat dvalrioi 
 K.T.\. For the corrupt dtl /cat \iav Euseb. Praep. Ev. XIII. 679 gives aet/ceXiW 
 (whence Neue detfceXictf). dVaroi Neue. Bergk reads etcri v6<rwv. Metre: dactylo- 
 epitrite. 
 
 'Cruel maladies subdue them not, nor harm them; they are in no way like to 
 men.' 
 
 20. [B. 36 : Bl. 24.] 
 
 i 8' OVK O.V0aipTOl 
 
 ovr' 0X^809 our' ayva//,7rro? *Aprj<s cure 7ra/>t(^^ep(Tt5 (rracrt?, 
 aXA.' iTTi^pifJiTTTei ve<f)o<; aXXor' eTr' aXXa*> 
 yalav a Tra^Sajpo? atcra. 
 
 Stob. Eel. Phys. l. 5, 3 : Bai<xv\i8ov. Metre: dactylo-epitrite. 
 
 'Not by their own choice comes prosperity to mortals, nor stubborn war, nor 
 civil strife, the all-destroying ; but Destiny, who gives all things, brings down a cloud 
 now on this land, now on that.' 
 
 1 flva,Toi<ri Neue, for <WTCHS. OVK av6cupT<H. This is the popular view, which 
 in Ode XIV. 51 f. Menelaus controverts. (Cp. Plat. Rep. 617 E atVfa f\ofj.frov Oeft? 
 dvamos.) 2 &yva|iirTOS Bergk (formerly; but now oVa/iTi-ros with the MSS.) : cp. Yin. 
 73 dyvdnirruv fpwTuv. Api]? has <jt here, as in XII. 146: but a in v. 34, 130, vin. 
 44. irci^Oepcris : cp. Aesch. Eutn. 976 rcti' 5' a.ir\^ffTov KO.KUV j /XT/TTOT-' ev irb\fi 
 ffrdcriv | T<j8' tireijxo/j.ai fiptfjitiv. 4 irdvSwpos, giver of good, as of evil. But, since 
 the mention of troubles came next before dXXct, the varying incidence of trouble alone 
 is noticed.
 
 FRAGMENTS. 421 
 
 21. [B. 3 : Bl. 25.] 
 
 HavpoLcri oe 9var<i)v rov anavTa ~xjpovov 
 eV Kaipq) TroXto/cporac^o^ 
 L, irplv tyKvpcrai Sva. 
 
 Clem. Alex. Strom. VI. 745: BaKX^Xi'Sou re eiprjKOTOs- Havpoiffi /c.r.X. Metre: 
 dactylo-epitrite. 
 
 'To few mortals is Fate wont to grant that they should have happy fortunes 
 through all their years, or come to the first grey hairs of age without encountering 
 woe.' 1 Satfxcov gSwictv Neue (6 5. 3. Ursinus): T$ 5ai/j.oi>i S&Kfv MSS. 2 irpa.tr- 
 o-ovras cv Kaipw, lit. 'faring opportunely J i.e. as they would wish at each successive 
 step in life. For tv icaip$ cp. Aesch. P. V. 379, Plat. Crito 44 A (with TIVL added), 
 etc. TroXioKpoTacjjov, with gray hair on the temples, where it usually appears first : 
 Theocr. Xiv. 68 curb KpordQuv 7reX6/tieo-0a | Trdcrej yripaXtoi. 
 
 22. [B. 39 : Bl. 30.] 
 re 
 
 /ecu So^a/cwSea 
 
 Athen. i. p. 20 D : Mt/j.<pLi>...irepl ^j Ba/cx^XiSr/s ^cri' rr)i> (rdv Neue) *f. T. X. 
 'Memphis, unvexed by wintry storms, and the reedy Nile.' Blass observes that, with 
 rbv inserted before oova.K&8ea., these verses might be the 4th and jth of a strophe or 
 antistrophe in Ode xu, where there are several lactinae in the papyrus. The possible 
 places are (i) str. a' 4 f. : (2) ant. a' i6f. : (3) str. /3', 37 f. : (4) ant. f 214 f. But 
 no one of these collocations seems really probable. In xvm. 39 Nile has the epithet 
 dvOfftudea. Metre : dactylo-epitrite. 
 
 23. [B. 40: Bl. 31.] 
 
 'E/ccxra SaSoc^ope, Nv/cros 
 Qvyarep. 
 
 Schol. Ap. Rhod. III. 467 (where Hecate is addressed as irdrva Oea. Hepff-qi), Ba/c- 
 X^X^Tjs 5 Ni>KT<5$ <f>ri<riv avrrjv Ovyar^pa- 'E/cdra /c.T.X. The metre seems to be 
 paeonic. Weil, however, who inserts u before /jLe\a.i>oic6\irov, regards it as cretic. 
 
 'Torch-bearing Hecate, daughter of dark-bosomed Night.' Sa8oc|>6p. As a 
 moon-goddess (akin to "E/caros, Apollo the sun-god) Hecate carries a torch, her 
 regular symbol. 8q.8o(j>6pos is actually the title under which she was worshipped, along 
 with Zeus Tlavrju^pio^, at Stratoniceia in Caria, C. I. G. 2715, 2. 2720 (see Spending's 
 art. in Roscher's Lex., p. 1885). So also she is 0w<r06/>os, \a./j.irTeipa, Xayuira5oi/x os ' 
 etc. : and in the Homeric hymn to Demeter (v. 52) she appears ereXas ev xe/peeraij' 
 ?XOffa- As the moon was supposed to rise from and descend into the underworld, 
 Hecate is also the TrpoOvpala. or KXetSoi/xos (Orphic hymn 2. 5) of Hades: cp. Verg. 
 Aen. vi. 255. She is a goddess of darkness (wKTiir6\os, Ap. Rhod. IV. 1020 : 
 /j.ovvvx.ia. Orph. Argon. 938). Bacchylides seems, however, to be the only extant 
 authority for making her the daughter of Night. In the older mythology (followed by 
 Apollonius Rhodius) she is the daughter of the Titan Perses (or Persaeus) and 
 Asteria (herself the daughter of the Titan Koios) : Hes. Theog. 409 ff. In a later 
 genealogy her parents are Zeus and Hera (or Zeus and Demeter). juXavoKoXirov 
 Ursinus, Bergk, Smyth. The text of the scholiast has / ue7aXoic6Xiroi>, a decidedly 
 inferior reading, due probably to mere error.
 
 4 2 2 BA CCHYLIDES. 
 
 24. [B. 44: Bl. 34-] 
 
 dvOpwiratv Sta/ce/cpt/xeVat 
 
 Zenob. ill. 25: Af^oXoi yvufiai- irapa TO SixH idi&Tpowoi, Kara. 
 X6Xos yap 17 <3p777, 6/yyr; 6 rpbiros. Bcur xfXt5?jj 'Op7at /c.r.X. The fragment is 
 also in Hesych. j.t>. a/x^ ot - Metre : dactylo-epitrite. 
 
 'There are varied tempers, past numbering, in mankind.' Nearly the same words 
 are ascribed to Alcman by schol. Hippocr. v. 484 (ed. Littre) : 'Opyas yap roi>s 
 Tpbirovs ti<d\ovv ol dpxaioi, (ij Kal 'AXic/iav <f>ri<nv iv nv dvOpuTry opyal KKpi/j.frai 
 /jLvptai. Bergk (ill. p. 193) supposes that a grammarian had quoted both Bacchylides 
 and Alcman. After the words of Alcman had dropped out of the text, his name was 
 erroneously connected with the words of Bacchylides. 
 
 25. [B. 38 : Bl. 29.] 
 cu/Spos ' 
 
 Etym. M. 296. i : Bachmann Anecd. I. 208. 13 : Cramer Anecd. Par. iv. 168. 30 : 
 Schol. //. 5. 449 : Apostolius III. 37 : Suidas s.v. ei8u\oi>. Metre: cretic or paeonic. 
 
 'The phantom of the man of Ithaca, shrouded in gloom.'- (AtXa-yKcvOes Neue : 
 /j,e\ayK0es Etym. M., etc. But /ueXa/i/3a<^j is read by schol. //., Apostol., and Suid., 
 whence Bernhardy conj. //eXa/ot^apes [cp. III. I3f.]i or fj.e\a/ji.<pa{s. In Ode III. 55 
 is probable. 
 
 26. [B. 42 : Bl. 32.] 
 
 Iwve? SacrtXe?. 
 
 Joannes Siceliota in Walz Rhet. Gr. VI. 241 : 'Afipoi TO waXaibv oi "luves, wj TTOV 
 Kal BaKxvXldys (prfffl, TOV <r<f>(av avrCov pv0/j.bv S^XtDv ' AfiphTijTi K.T.\. Comparing 
 the other citation, rGiv afipopiuv 'Uvuv aval; (Walz V. 493 and VII. 982), now identi- 
 fied with xvn. 2, Bergk read 'l&vuv here, Wilamowitz (fsyll. 143) supposes 
 'AppbTijTi K.T.\. to be a mere figment of Joannes Siceliota. 'The Ionian princes dwell 
 with luxury.' See n. on xvn. 2. 
 
 27. [B. 43 : B). 33.] 
 Xpvcrov j3pora)v yvun-aiCTL pavvei Ka.6a.p6v. 
 
 Priscian Metr. Terent. (Keil, Grammatici Latini III. 428. 21): Similiter Bacchylides : 
 K.T.\. Hie quoque iambus in fine tribrachium habet. Bergk formerly con- 
 jectured that this fragment should be used to complete fr. 10 (his fr. 22), thus : AvSia 
 fjv yap \L6os \ xpvabv fipoTwv yv&fjiaiiri fj-avijet Ka6ap6v \ avSpCiv o' dpeTav K.T.\. 
 The sense would then be : ' The Lydian stone reveals pure gold to the judgments of 
 men.' In his 4th ed. , however, he keeps the fragments distinct. The context being 
 unknown, it must remain doubtful whether the meaning of this fragment was such as 
 that just noticed (which seems the more probable), or the following: ('Truth' or 
 'Time') 'reveals the pure gold in the minds (or dispositions) of men,' xP vffov being 
 metaphorical. 
 
 28. [B. 2, v. 3 : Bl. 37.] 
 *OX/3tos 8' ouSeis j3pora)i> Travra y^povov. 
 
 Stob. Flor. 98. 27, where the words are added to a citation of Ode v. 160 ff. 
 (6vaTo?<ri...<f>tyyos). The lemma prefixed is 'Ep T<J5 aury, referring to that of the
 
 FRAGMENTS. 
 
 423 
 
 citation (Ode v. 53 ff.) which immediately precedes, ToO avrov 'Eirtviicuv. If the lemma 
 meant, 'in the same book' it would appear that the words o\/3tos 5' K.T.\. , though 
 wrongly attached to Ode v. i6off., occurred in another of the poet's epinikia. 
 But this cannot be deemed certain. 
 
 29. [B. 37 : Bl. 27.] 
 
 Et Se Xeyet rt? aXXeos, TrXareta / 
 
 Plut. Num. 4 : Ei 5 Xe^et (\yot C) rts aXXws, /caret BeucxvXUqy, TrXareta 
 *cAep0oj. 'If any man saith otherwise, the path is broad.' Sintenis may well be 
 right in thinking that the words et 5e...d'XXu>s are Plutarch's own, and that the quota- 
 tion is confined to TrXartta K^XfvGos. 
 
 30. [B. 45 : Bl. 35.] 
 TrXij/jifjiVpiv TTOVTOV <f>vyo>v. 
 
 Etym. M. 676. 25 : Yl\r)fi>j.vpls...ft H^VTOI oVo/zct fffriv, efiXoyov fiapvveadai avrb dta 
 TTJV Trapa Bai<xv\idri aiTiariKriv, olov' H\r)fjifj.vpiv /c.r.X. Cp. Od. 9. 485 TJ]V 5' a.\j/ 
 ij-jTfipovSe ira\ipp68iov (p^pe Kv/j.a, \ ir\-r)/j./j.vpls ^K w6t>Toio : the backward rush of the wave, 
 'as a flood-tide from the deep,' bore the ship to land. For the spelling with /u/u, or 
 /u, see Ode v. 107 n. 
 
 31. [B. 51: Bl. 39.] 
 TrvpyoKepara. 
 
 Apollonius De Adverb, (in Bekker Anecd. II. 596. 12 14): Sv rp&wov Kal tir' 
 ovofMTUi' /j.TaTr\acr/j.oi yivovrai, Ka6cnrfp...r6 TTV pyoxtpara Trapa. T3aKXV\idTj. The 
 sense may have been, ' with towering horns' : cp. the figurative irvpywdevTa (TT\OVTOI>) 
 in Ode III. 13. Bergk suggests that B.'s phrase was irvpyov v^iK^para (comparing Pind. 
 fr. 325, V\J/LK. irtrpav), but this seems very improbable. 
 
 32 (?). [B. adesp. 86 : Bl. 37 A.] 
 
 Ov yap *v /xecrottrt 
 
 Motcrav 
 
 Clem. Alex. Strom, v. 654 quotes these verses without the poet's name. Blass 
 conjectures that they belong to Bacchylides. There is at least one certain instance in 
 which Clement quotes B. without naming him, viz. in Strom, v. 731, where the 
 words 6 \vpii<6s <pri<n introduce vv. 50 56 of Ode XIV. Blass also compares XIV. 53 f. 
 iv /jL^ffif Kftrai Kix^tv | TrcLffiv dvdpwirois Aiitav K.T.\., and 5(apa. Mouffav in XVIII. 4. 
 These points are perhaps not very cogent. But the general style of the verses 
 resembles that of Bacchylides: and we know that his poetry was one of Clement's 
 favourite sources of quotation. Soopa Movo-dv are the gifts of poetical faculty which 
 the Muses bestow : these are 8o-(xdx r 1 Ta because poets vie keenly with each other, 
 as in competing at the festivals. (Sucr/xax^Ta should not be taken with 01; . . Acetrai, 
 as though the sense were, 'are not proposed as prizes to be keenly fought for.') 
 ' The keenly-contested gifts of the Muses are not prizes open to all, which the first 
 comer may win.'
 
 424 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 EflirPAMMATA. 
 i. 33. [B. 48: Bi. p. 176.] 
 
 Kovpa IlaXXa^TO? 7roXvw^v/xe, TTOTVLCL Nuca, 
 
 np6(f)p(t)v Kap6aiQ)v l^epoevra ^opov 
 alev 7T07TTvoL<s, 7ro\a<s 8' iv dOvpfjiacTL MoucraV 
 
 Anthol. Pal. vi. 313: Ba/cxuXiSov A. 
 
 ' Renowned daughter of Pallas, queenly Victory, mayest thou ever look with good 
 will on the beauteous chorus of the Carthaeans, and crown Bacchylides of Ceos with 
 many a wreath in the contests of the Muses.' 1 IldXXavTOs, a Titan: the mother of 
 Nike was Styx : see x. Qn. iroXvwwfic, of wide fame : cp. Hes. Th. 785 iro\vuvv/j.ov 
 tiSwp (Styx); Find. P. I. 17 K.i\iiciov . . iroXvuvv/jiov avrpov. So Soph. Ant. 148 
 /j.eya\uvv/jios . . Nt'/ca. Not, 'of many names' (as e.g. Dionysus is iro\v<avvfj.os, ib. 
 1115, being variously styled Bakchos, lacchos, Zagreus, etc.): there was no variety 
 of cult-names in the case of Niicr], and the epithets given to her are usually of 
 a general kind. 
 
 2 Kap9auov, a conjecture of Bergk (received by Blass in his 2nd ed.). The town 
 of Kdpdaia or ~K.ap6a.ia, on the S.E. coast of Ceos, had a temple of the Pythian 
 Apollo, and near it a x o f >1 ty^ ov m which Simonides, when living in Ceos, used to 
 teach choruses (Athen. 10. p. 456 F). His nephew, then, might feel some special 
 interest in the place. Ode xvi was a paean written by Bacchylides to be performed 
 by a Cean chorus at Delos. Similarly he may have composed a dithyramb with 
 which a chorus from Carthaea competed successfully at a Delian festival. The 
 addition of Kr)i<^ indicates that the contest did not take place in Ceos. This 
 epigramma would have been placed on the dvddr]/j.a. dedicated as a thank-offering 
 for the victory. [Bergk and Blass accent thus, Kap6aiuv (as from Kap0aietfs?). 
 See, however, Pape-Benseler s.v. Kdpdaia, where r/ Kapdaiuv TroXts is cited from an 
 inscr.] The traditional reading here, Kpavvauuv, is corrupt. The other emendations 
 which have been proposed are: (i) irpocppovtus Kpa.va.wv, Schneidewin. (2) irpbppuv 
 tv Kpava&v, Hartung. (3) KpavaiS&v Meineke (so Bergk 4 ), a form not found, = 
 the Athenians (TraiSes ~K.pa.va.ov, Aesch. Eum. 1011). But could the first syllable 
 be long? Further, if the chorus was Athenian, we should expect the name of 
 a tribe, such as (4) Keicpo-iriSiav, suggested by Bergk. (5) Kapveiwv, Stadtmiiller. 
 3 tv dOvpfiacri Movcrav, i.e. iv fj.ovffi.Kois dy&ffiv : cp. XVII. 57 dpijiwv . . 
 
 2. 34. [B. 49: Bl. p. 176.] 
 
 EvS>7/AOS TOV VTJOV 67T* dypov rovS' 
 TCO TTOLVToiv aven-tov TTtcrToraraj 
 
 yap oi r/XOe f3or)06os, 6(f>pa ra^tcrra 
 Treirovoiv KapTrov O.TT 
 
 Anthol. Pal. VI. 5 : ~BaKxv\ibov. dvd6r)/j.a rtf c<pvp<f> dv^/j.tf> trapd EvSrinov yeupyov 
 A and corrector. Blass observes: 'Non habet fidem inscriptio, nisi alius est 
 Bacchylides.' But at least there is nothing in the verses themselves which could 
 warrant us in rejecting the traditional ascription. Suidas s.v. 7rt6raroj quotes the 
 words from TOVO' in v. i to Ze0i5/>({j without the author's name (tv tiriypa.fj./j.a.Ti). 
 
 ' Eudemus has dedicated this shrine on his land to Zephyrus, trustiest of winds, 
 who hastened to help him at his prayer, so that he might winnow his grain from the 
 ripe ears of corn.' 2 The MS. reading moTaTw is defended by Stadtmiiller, who 
 quotes Theocr. X. 46 f., ^j fioperiv dve^ov TO.S Kbp6vos d rofj.d O/JL/AIV \ 17 ^<f>vpov
 
 FRAGMENTS. NOTICES. 425 
 
 TrtcuWrcu 6 crraxi'S OI/TWS : i.e., 'let the cut end of the stalks in your sheaf be turned 
 towards the north or west wind; for thus the corn-ear is filled out.' But is this 
 relevant? (i) In the first place, it is hard to conceive how Tribraros could be said of 
 a -wind, in the sense of 'fattening' or 'nourishing' : at any rate there is no example 
 of it. (2) But, granting that 7ri6raros could be so used, it would be wholly out of 
 place here. The maturing of the grain is not in question. The matter in hand is 
 simply the winnowing (see on v. 4). What Eudemus wanted was fine weather, with 
 a wind which should not bring rain (as the south often did), nor yet be too violent. 
 Unger and Schneidewin long ago suggested what I hold to be the true reading, viz. 
 iri(o-T)oTaTw, which might so easily have been corrupted. There is a touch of playful 
 fancy in it, alluding to porjOoos in the next verse: Zephyrus was the trusty ally who 
 came at need when he was called. Other conjectures are irp^vrdr^i (' Schneider Saxo ' 
 ap. Bergk, also Headlam) : XeioTcmp (Meineke). 3 In his Dorian lyrics, with their 
 epic colouring, Bacch. always assumes p before 01: but it does not follow that he 
 would do so in writing Ionic elegiacs. I prefer -yap ot here to Meineke's -ycip o -y', 
 which Bergk (though retaining ot) thinks right. J3or]66os Planudes: fioaOdos vulg. 
 (but cp. EflS^/Aos and i>T)6v). 4 XiKfitfcrg, the more vivid subjunct., instead of the 
 optative, after ijX0e: cp. Xen. An. I. i. 18 (TrXota) Kar^Kavaev, 'iva yttrj KOpos Sta/SjJ. 
 After threshing, the corn was put into a broad basket (\IKVOV, vannus) : it was then 
 thrown up into the wind, so that the chaff (#xi/pa, paleae') might be blown away from 
 the grain. Verg. G. ill. 123 f., Cum graviter tunsis gemit area frugi bus, et cum 
 Surgentem ad Zephyrum paleae iactantitr inanes. Columella also (2. 21) says that 
 a west wind is best for the operation of winnowing. 
 
 B. NOTICES WHICH SPECIFY A CLASS OF POEMS. 
 
 ETTINIKOI. 
 35. [B. 10 : Bl. p. 137.] 
 
 The commentary of Didymus. Ammonius p. 79: 
 rov N^peo)? Owyarepwv 8ia(f)epei. AtSu/io? o/io/&>9 evvjro- 
 
 a/c^yXiSou emviiccov (frrjal yap Kara \eiv 
 roivvv ol fyacri 8ia(f)epeiv ra? Nrjpe'l'Sas rwv rov N^pew? 
 Kal ra<? fjiev etc Ato/oiSo? <yvrjcria<; avra>v dvyarepas 
 ra? 8e e^ aXXtof ijSrj tcoivorepov N^petSa? Ka\eicrdat K.T.\. 
 See n. on XVI. 38. 
 
 YMNOI. 
 36. [B. 12: Bl. 3.] 
 
 Schol. Ar. Ach. 47 : rov Se KeXeoO fj,e/Avr]rai Ba/c^yXi'S^ 
 8i(i rwv flr Tfjivwv. Celeus, the king of Eleusis ; whose wife 
 Metaneira received the disguised Demeter into her house, as a 
 nurse for her son Demophon : Horn. Hymn to Demeter, vv. 96 ff. 
 Celeus built the first temple of the goddess at Eleusis (ib. 296 ff.), 
 and was one of a small group, including Triptolemus and 
 Eumolpus, whom she taught to celebrate her rites (ib. 473 ff.).
 
 426 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 37. [B. in. p. 572, n. on fr. n : Bl. p. 160, n. on fr. 2.] 
 
 The rhetor Menander in Walz Rhet. Gr. IX. 140: EtVt roivvv 
 KCU TO) BaAc^uXiSj? v/jLvoi a7ro7r fjLTTT t Ko 1. These were hymns 
 addressed to a god who was supposed to be leaving his temple 
 on an excursion (a-rroS^fjita) to some other haunt ; as the 
 K\i)TiKoi were hymns which besought him to return. See n. on 
 Ode XV. i 4. 
 
 AIOYPAMBOI. 
 
 38. [B. 18: Bl. 8.] 
 
 Servius on Verg. Aen. XI. 93 : Versis Arcades armis.~\ 
 Lugentum more mucronem hastae, non cuspidem contra terram 
 tenentes, quoniam antiqui nostri omnia contraria in funere 
 faciebant, scuta etiam invertentes propter numina illic depicta, 
 ne eorum simulacra cadaveris polluerentur aspectu, sicut habuisse 
 Arcades Bacchylides in dithyrambis dicit. Servius may be 
 referring to the dithyramb from which fragment 6 comes, and 
 which Blass supposes to have been entitled Kaaa-dv&pa. 
 
 39. [B. 16 : Bl. 7.] 
 
 Schol. Find. P. I. IOO : Tavrrj rfj icrropia KOI Ba/r^fXi'S?;? 
 crvfj:(j>a)Vi V roi? 8i6vpdjj,{3oi<;, ori Srj ol r/ EA,A,77i/e<? etc Ar)fj,vov 
 fAerecrreikavTO TOV ^L\OKTrjrr)v 'EXevou ^avTevaa/Jbevov e'lfjiapro 
 yap avev TU>V 'Hpa/cXeitui' TO^WV /j,rj Tropdrjdfjvat TO "l\iov. The 
 story of Philoctetes being brought from Lemnos to Troy, at the 
 bidding of Helenus, was told in two of the Cyclic epics, the 
 'lA.ta? Mi/cpd and the 'IXi'ou Ile/oo-t?. Bacchylides may have 
 known also the Philoctetes of Aeschylus. The Pindaric scholiast 
 does not enable us to decide whether (as seems most probable) 
 Bacchylides had written a dithyramb called ^>t\o/cTijTrj<;, or had 
 merely referred to the story in a dithyramb on some other subject. 
 
 TTAPOENEIA. 
 40. [Bl. p. 165.] 
 
 Plutarch, De Musica c. 17, after saying that Plato's prefer- 
 ence for the Dorian ap^ovia was due to its fitness for martial or 
 stately strains, adds that, as Plato knew, it could also be used for 
 compositions of a lighter kind : OVK ^yvoei 8e em TroAAa &a>pia 
 TLapdeveta apa 'AX/c/iavt KOI Hiv8dpa> KCU 
 K.T.\.
 
 NOTICES. 427 
 
 C. NOTICES WHICH DO NOT SPECIFY A CLASS. 
 
 41. [B. 50: Bl. 38.] 
 
 Ammianus Marcellinus XXV. 4. 3. The Emperor Julian used 
 to quote with approval the saying of Sophocles in old age (Plat. 
 Rep. I. p. 329 C), that he was glad to have escaped from the 
 tyranny of amorous passion: Item ut hoc propositum validius 
 firmaret, recolebat saepe dictum lyrici Bacchylidis, quern legebat 
 iucunde id adserentem, quod ut egregius pictor vultum speciosum 
 effingit, ita pudicitia Celsius consurgentem vitam exornat. The 
 context here makes it probable ftaA. pudicitia was a rendering of 
 cr axfrpoa' vvrj. 
 
 42. [B. 57 : Bl. p. 166.] 
 
 Schol. Callim. Hymn, in Del. 28 et Se \ivjv TroXee? <re Trepirpo- 
 %(!0)criv aoiStu] At HivSdpov KOL Ba/r^iAiSou. In Pindar's case 
 the reference must include the Trpo&oSiov (called A^Xta/cov 
 traiava by schol. Pind. /. I. init.\ fr. 87, 88 (Ei<? A^Xoi/), Xatp' w 
 0o8^dra K.T.\. Had Bacchylides written some similar poem in 
 praise of Delos ? Cp. no. 12. 
 
 43. [B. 68: Bl. 51.] 
 
 Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 973 : opet^aX/ecx? eZSo? %a\Kov' 
 /jLvrjfj.ovevei real SrT/crr^opo? teal Ba/c^uXiS?;?. The metal or alloy 
 called opei'xaX/eo? (' mountain-copper') is first mentioned in Greek 
 poems dating probably from about 600 B.C. The Aphrodite 
 of the Homeric hymn (VI. 9) wears as ear-rings av6ep opei- 
 %d\icov ^pvaolo re Tt/jLr/evros. Heracles, in the Hesiodic ' Shield ' 
 (122), has greaves ope^d\KOLo <pctivov: and the same words are 
 applied by Apollonius Rhodius (IV. 973) to the shepherd's 
 crook carried by Lampetia, daughter of the Sun-god. For 
 Callimachus (Lav. Pallad. 19), orichalcum is a metal which can 
 serve as a mirror. Plato frankly speaks of it as something which, 
 in his time, was ' merely a legend,' TO vvv ovof^a^o/jievov povov 
 (Critias p. H4E). It flashed with fiery rays (/Aap/j,apvya<;... 
 TrypwSet?) from the innermost of the walls surrounding the 
 citadel in the Island of Atlantis (ib.p. u6c). Spenser is at once 
 classical and medieval in the vagueness of his reference to ' costly 
 orichalch from strange Phoenice' (Muiopotmos 8l), where it 
 figures in company with the steel of Bilbo and the brass of 
 Corinth. But in the orichalc of the Greek classics the most 
 distinctive quality is brilliant lustre. The mentions of it by 
 Stesichorus and Bacchylides were probably connected with the
 
 428 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 equipment or adornment of some hero or heroine. [Strabo 
 (13. p. 610) mentions a blend of tyev&dpyvpos (zinc?) with copper, 
 'which some call orichalcum ' ; but the interpretation and the 
 authority of that passage are doubtful.] 
 
 The following notices, relating to points of mythology as 
 treated by Bacchylides, are arranged in the alphabetical order of 
 the mythological names. 
 
 44. [B. 62 : Bl. 45.] 
 
 Aristaeus, Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 498: TW? reo-crapa? 
 'ApiaTaiovs yeveaXoyovcriv, e!>9 ical Ba/c^uX/87/9' rov fj,ev Kapvarov, 
 rov 8e Xetpcovo? [Xep&>i/o9 Laur.], a\\ov 8e Fr}? KOI Ovpavov, KOI 
 rov <reraprov Bergk> Kvpr/vrj^. 
 
 'Apto-rato? is the name, very ancient in Greece, of a god who 
 prospers agriculture, cattle-breeding, and hunting : it expresses 
 the pious faith that he is apto-ros (cp. "Apre/^t? apiary, Zei? o 
 Xtoo-ro?, etc.). Among the earliest seats of his cult were the 
 Thessalian plains about lolcus and Pelion ; Arcadia ; and 
 Cyrene. In the Cyrenaic legend (Find. P. IX. 5 ff., following 
 the Hesiodic 'Hotat) he is the son of Cyrene, a great-grand- 
 daughter of Poseidon and Gaia, by Apollo, who carried her off 
 to Libya. 
 
 The worship of Aristaeus existed in Ceos, the island of 
 Bacchylides. He was said to have come to the help of the 
 islanders, bringing with him Parrhasians from Arcadia, at a 
 time when Ceos was afflicted by the parching summer heat of 
 Seirius, which had caused a plague in the Cyclades : he taught 
 the Ceans to erect an altar to Zei<? 'I/c/u.aZo9, and was himself 
 afterwards worshipped there as Zeu<? 'Apto-raio?. Two of the 
 three namesakes whom, according to the scholiast, Bacchylides 
 distinguished from Aristaeus son of Cyrene, were probably 
 identical with him. (i) The 'son of Carystus' may be this 
 rural god in his relation to the nymphs of Carystus in Euboea. 
 (2) The 'son of Cheiron' is a designation easily explained by the 
 fact that Aristaeus, who was a healing god, was said to have 
 been taken as a child by Apollo to Cheiron, in whose cave he 
 was brought up. With regard to the third namesake, the ' son 
 of Gaia and Uranos,' this may have been an allegorical de- 
 scription of the god who blesses the fruits of the earth ; that, 
 however, is more doubtful. Suidas has 'Aptcrrato?' el? ru>v 
 Tiydvrwv. The bearded head of Aristaeus appears on coins 
 of Ceos and of the Cean town Carthaia. (See Schirmer's 
 article in Roscher's Lexikon, esp. p. 550.) 
 
 Blass suggests that the Bacchylides cited by the scholiast
 
 NOTICES. 429 
 
 on Apollonius may be a writer distinct from the poet (3rd ed., 
 p. 174, fr. 45 : Nisi alius hie est Bacchylides}. In the Cean poet, 
 however, we are prepared to find the current popular mythology 
 of his day faithfully reflected, without any attempts at criticism 
 or reconciliation. If, then, there were different local cults which 
 assigned different genealogies to the rural god Aristaeus, it 
 is quite conceivable that these discrepant accounts should have 
 appeared in different passages of the poet's writings. 
 
 45. [B. 54: Bl. 41.] 
 
 Athena as a giver of immortality. Schol. Ar. Av. 1536: 
 JLv(f>p6vio<i [?the Alexandrian writer of tragedy mentioned by 
 schol. Hephaest. c. 9, see W. Christ, Gesch. d. Gr. Lift., p. 539 
 n. 2], OTt Ato<? dvydrijp 77 BacrtXem, KOI BOKCI ra Kara rrjv 
 dQavaaiav avrtj OLKOvofj,eiv, rjv e^et /cal Trapd Ba/c^uXtS?; 77 
 'AOrjvd, TO) TvBei Saiaovaa rrjv ddavacriav. Baxrovcra, 
 because she did not fulfil her intention. Tydeus, son of Oeneus, 
 was wounded in the war of the Seven against Thebes. Athena 
 was going to heal him and make him immortal with a fydppaKov 
 which she had obtained from Zeus. But Amphiaraus, who 
 hated Tydeus for having persuaded the Argives into the war, 
 cut off the head of Melanippus, whom Tydeus had slain, and 
 brought it to him. Tydeus cut it in two, and ate the brains; 
 when Athena, in disgust, left him to die. (Apollod. 3. 6. 8.) 
 
 46. [B. p. 580 n. : Bl. p. 159 n.] 
 
 Cassandra. Porphyrion on Hor. C. I. 15: Hac ode Bac- 
 chylidem imitatur ; nam ut ille Cassandram facit vaticinari 
 futura belli Troiani, ita hie Proteum [written by error for 
 Nereum]. The same error occurs in the schol. on Stat. Theb. 7. 
 330 : Hie Bacchylides Graecus poeta est, quem imitatus est 
 Horatius in ilia oda in qua Proteus Troiae futurum narrat 
 excidium. Cp. fr. 6. 
 
 47. [B. 56 : Bl. 10.] 
 
 Europa. Schol. //. 1 2. 292 : EU/OCWTTT/Z/ ryv OotW/co? Zet? 
 8eacr<i/uivo<; ev rivt \IIJLU>VI fierd Ni//,^xwy dvdrj dvaXeyovaav 
 r/pdcr0r), Kal KaT\0o)i> rj\\a^ev eavrbv et9 ravpov /cat airo rov 
 crro/iaro? KpoKov eirvei. ovra> Se rrjv EupwTr^y aTrar^cra? e'/3acrracre 
 Kal SiaTroptf^vaas els Kprjrrjv tytpyq avrrj- eW ovrw crvvwiucrev 
 avrrjv 'AaTepitovi TO) TLprjrtav /3acriXet. yevoftevr) Se ejfcvos 
 Kivrj rpet? TratSa? e^evvrfcre, Mivcoa, ^apTrrjbova Kal 'TPaSd/juavdvv. 
 rj Icrropia Tiapd 'HcrioSo) Kal Ba/r^fTuS//. Bacchylides may have 
 written a dithyramb E^WTTT; : though the story is one which 
 might also have occurred in a hymn.
 
 43 BACCHYLIDES. 
 
 48. [B. 60 : Bl. 44.] 
 
 Eurytion. Schol. Od. 21. 295: Ba/r^uXi'S?;? 8e Sid 
 (distinct from the Eurytion in v. 295) oterai TOV EvpvTiwva' 
 'yap eTTi^evwOevTa Aea/u.evc3 ev "HXtSt v/3pi<TTiK(ii)$ e-m^ei 
 rfj rov ^evoSo^ovvTO^ dvyarpi, ical Sia TOVTO VTTO 'H/oa/ 
 dvaipeOrjvai /catpiw? rot? OLKOIS [rot? eet Eustath. 1909. 6l] 
 
 Eurytion figures as an unruly Centaur in two stories, (i) At 
 the wedding of Peirithous and Hippodameia on Mount Pelion 
 he tries to carry off the bride, thus provoking the fight between 
 the Lapithae and the Centaurs : Od. 21. 295 ff. (2) As a guest 
 at the house of Dexamenus in Elis [or, ace. to Apollod. 2. 5. 5, at 
 Olenus in Achaia] he insults his host's daughter ; Heracles 
 appears opportunely, and slays him. This story is found, with 
 some variations, in Apollodorus I.e., Diod. IV. 33, and Hyginus 
 Fab. 31. 33. The name of Eurytus is substituted for that of 
 Eurytion in the first story by Ovid (M. 12. 219), and in the 
 second story by Diodorus (IV. 33). The timely appearance of 
 Heracles at the house of Dexamenus followed his visit to the 
 Centaur Phoius on mount Pholoe (between Arcadia and Elis). 
 That visit was told by Stesichorus in his Tijpvovrjfc (fr. 7), which 
 related the adventures of Heracles on his way back from the far 
 West. That poem may have been the source, or one of the 
 sources, from which Bacchylides derived his material for the 
 story of Eurytion. 
 
 49. [B. 6 1 : Bl. p. 158.] 
 
 Evenus. Schol. Find. /. III. 72 (=IV. 54): ISiax; TOV 'AvTaiov 
 <f>r)o~i (T\ivoapos) TCOV ^evcav TU>V rjTTOj/j-evwv rot? tcpaviois epecbeiv 
 TOV TOV IlocreiSwz/o? vaov TOVTO 'yup i&Topovcri TOV %paKa 
 Aio/j,ijST)v Troieiv, Ba/c^uX/S?;? Se ^VTJVOV evrlTwv TTJS Map- 
 77770-0-779 [Ma/97rto-o-77<? Heyne, for Mapo-wr-Trr??] fjivrjo-Tr)pwv' ol 
 Be Olvopaov, a>? 2o<o/cX%. See note on XIX. 7. 
 
 50. [B. p. 588: Bl. p. 176.] 
 
 Galateia. Natalis Comes Mythol. IX. 8, p. 987: Dicitur 
 Polyphemus non modo amasse Galateam, sed etiam Galatum 
 ex ilia suscepisse, ut testatus est Bacchylides. Bergk, with 
 whom Blass concurs, justly remarks that the worth of this 
 statement is doubtful. Later mythology, however, knew a son 
 FaXa9 (Appian Illyr. 2) or FaXarT;? borne by Galateia to Polyphe- 
 mus (see Roscher's Lex. s. vv. Galas and Galateia); and it is 
 possible that such a son may have been mentioned in some 
 poem of Bacchylides.
 
 NOTICES. 431 
 
 51. [B. 32 : Bl. 9.] 
 
 Laocoon. Servius on Verg. Aen. II. 201 : Sane Bacchylides 
 de Laocoonte et uxore eius vel de serpentibus a Calydnis insulis 
 venientibus atque in homines conversis dicit. Laocoon, priest 
 of Apollo at Troy, had incurred the god's wrath by marrying 
 [hence the words ' et uxore eius ']. Two serpents, sent by Apollo, 
 swam over from the neighbouring islets of Calydnae, then changed 
 into men, and killed the two sons of Laocoon, but not the 
 father. This was probably the outline of the story as told 
 by Bacchylides, perhaps in a dithyramb : and Sophocles in his 
 ACIOKOWV seems to have followed him (so far at least as these 
 particulars are concerned). See Robert, Bild und Lied, pp. 192 ff.; 
 who, however, thinks that the two destroyers came over as 
 men from the islets, and afterwards changed into serpents. 
 Engelmann, art. Laokoon in Roscher (p. 1840), justly lays 
 stress on the words in the Apollodorus fragment, Epit. Vat. 21. 
 15, 'ATToXXcor 8e avroi<? crrj^eiov 7rt7re/i7ret Bvo <ydp SpaKovres 
 Sid -ri}? OaXdcrcrrjs etc TGOV 7r\ijaiov vijcratv rovs 
 inoi>9 tcarecrO lover iv. 
 
 52. [B. 63 : Bl. 46.] 
 
 Niobes children. Gellius N.A. XX. 7 : Nam Homerus pueros 
 puellasque eius (Niobae) bis senos dicit fuisse, Euripides bis 
 septenos, Sappho bis novenos, Bacchylides et Pindarus bis denos. 
 
 In giving the number of the Niobidae as 20, Bacchylides and 
 Pindar followed Hesiod (Apollod. 3. 5. 6); as Mimnermus also 
 did (Aelian, Var. Hist. 12. 36). The number 14, given by Eur., 
 had been given before him by Lasus of Hermione {ib.\ Alcman 
 went below Homer's 12, naming only 10 (ib.). The earliest 
 known authority for the tradition that two of Niobe's children 
 escaped is Telesilla (c. 510 B.C.), fr. 5 (Bergk III. p. 380). Enmann 
 (art. Niobe u. Niobiden in Roscher, p. 373) connects this legend 
 with the fact that Hesiod's 20 and Homer's 12 are numbers 
 from which the others (18, 14, 10) differ respectively by two. 
 
 53. [B. 64 : Bl. 47.] 
 
 Persephone. Schol. Hes. Theog. 914: 'Hpirdcrdai 8e rr/v 
 (fraatv ol fiev e/c St/ceXta?, Ba/c^uXtS?;? Se e 
 'Op</>eu<? e/c T<av irepl TOV 'H/ceafoz/ TO-TTWV, QavoSij/jLos Se 
 CLTTO rr/9 'ATTi/c?79, K.T.\. See n. on Ode III. I 4. Bacchylides 
 seems to be the only known author of the classical period who 
 placed the rape of Persephone in Crete. That view is noticed, 
 but corrected, by the pseudo-Eudocia p. 109 (ed. Villoisin) : e'r
 
 43 2 BA CCHYLIDES. 
 
 KprjTT)? 77 ftaXXov K Sfc/ceXia<?. Writers of the Alexandrian and 
 of the Roman age usually localise the story at Enna in Sicily. 
 The Sicilian tradition must have been, in our poet's time, already 
 old, but not yet so dominant as to exclude other versions. 
 In the Homeric hymn to Demeter, the scene is ideal, the Ni/o-toy 
 TreSiov. In the 4th century B.C. it was possible for Phanodemus 
 (Atthis, fr. 20, Miiller I. 369) to say that Persephone had been 
 carried off from Attica. Even in the Roman age Propertius 
 (IV. 22. 4) can connect the legend with Cyzicus ; and Appian 
 (De Bell. Civ. IV. 105), with Crenides, the later Philippi. 
 
 54. [B. 55 : Bl. 42.] 
 
 Rhea. Schol. Pind. O. I. 37 : C O Se Ba^uX/Siy? rov HeXoTra 
 rrjv 'Pear Xeyet vyidaai icadelcrav Sid rov Xe/rfyTO? (eytcadeicrav 
 ird\Lv rw> \e/3r)Ti coni. Bergk), d$> ov fcal vyirjs dveS66rj. 
 Tantalus cut his son Pelops to pieces, and served up the flesh to 
 the gods ; they, however, were not deceived, and shrank from 
 tasting it, all of them except Demeter, who consumed a 
 shoulder. The remains were then boiled in a cauldron, from 
 which Pelops came forth restored, with an ivory shoulder in place 
 of the lost one. Pindar (O. I. 26 f.) makes Clotho the agent in 
 this restoration ; Bacchylides assigned the part to Rhea, the wife 
 of Cronus (and so schol. Aristid. p. 216); a third version named 
 Hermes (schol. Pind.). 
 
 55. [B. 69: Bl. 52.] 
 
 Telchines. Tzetzes Theogon. 81 (Matranga An. 580): etc Se 
 rov tcaTappeovTos at/taro? TWV fjioplcav ev p,ev rfj yfj yeyovacri rpet? 
 'E/Hi/ue? TrpaiTov, r) TeicrKfrovr), M.e<yaipa, ical 'AX^KTft) crvv Tavrais, 
 KOI crvv avrais 01 recrcrapes ovofjuaarrol TeX^ti/e?, 'Arato9, 
 Me7aX?7(Tto9, "Op/j,ev6s re KOL A.VKOS, ovs Ba^uX/&?7<> fj.ev (frycri 
 Ne/ieo-e&>9 Taprdpov, aXXot Tij/e? 8e \eyov<ri r^<? F^9 re KCU rov 
 Tiovrov. As to the Telchines, see Introd. to Ode I, p. 188. It is 
 possible that this reference to them occurred in the lost part of 
 that Ode (cp. p. 446). 
 
 56. [B. 59 : Bl. p. Ixvii.] 
 
 Theands sons. Schol. //. 24. 496 : HiOavov piav re/cetz/ 
 evveaKaiSefca, ov% OK Ba/r^uXf'S?;? rrevrrjicovra rrj<f eai/oO? 
 V7roypd<f>i TratSa?. See n. on XIV. 37 ff. 
 
 The following notices, relating to geographical names, are 
 arranged in the alphabetical order of those names.
 
 NOTICES. 433 
 
 57. [B. 66 : Bl. 49.] 
 
 The river Caicus. Strabo 13. 616: 6 8e Kai'/eo9 OVK atro T?}? 
 "18779 pet, KaOd-rrep elpr^Ke Ba/c^uXtS^?. The sources of the 
 Caicus, Strabo says, are in a plain, west of the range of Temnus 
 (T-fj^vov 0/909). The general line of the river's course is from 
 N.E. to S.W., through the plain of Mysia, to the Gulf of Elaea. 
 
 The cause of the Cean poet's error was that the non- 
 Asiatic Greeks of his time had no clear notions as to the 
 extent of the Ida range in a S.E. direction. They probably 
 regarded the mountain system which later geographers called 
 Temnus as an offshoot or continuation of Ida. A much more 
 striking illustration of the vagueness with which the name "ISrj 
 was used is the fact, also noticed by Strabo (l.c.\ that Euripides 
 actually described the town of KeXatiW in Phrygia, near the 
 sources of the Maeander, as being situated eV^arot? "18179 
 To?roi9 (Eur. fr. 1085 Nauck 2 ). 
 
 58. [B. 65 : Bl. 48.] 
 
 I os. Vit. Homer, v. p. 28f. Westermann (Cramer, Anecd. 
 Par. III. 98. 15): "O/i 77/309... /cara 8e ^aK^v\iBrjv /cat 'Apicrro- 
 re\rjv rov <pt,~\.6cro<f)ov '177x779. 
 
 According to the pseudo-Plut. De Vita Horn. I. 3 (p. 101 
 Dubner), Aristotle said, in the third book of his Hepl TIoirjTiKrjs, 
 that the mother of Homer was a native of los (the small island 
 S. of Naxos and N. of Thera) ; but that the poet himself was 
 born at Smyrna. Gellius N.A. 3. 1 1 says of Homer: Aristo- 
 teles tradit ex insula lo nattim. This may be only an inaccurate 
 version of the other statement. It cannot well be reconciled 
 with it by supposing that ' ex ' refers merely to the mother's 
 origin. The claim of los to be Homer's birthplace was never 
 prominent. More credence was given to the tradition that it 
 was the scene of his death and burial. Indeed, no rival of los 
 seems to have succeeded in establishing a claim to the possession 
 of his grave. (See the pseudo-Herodotean 6109 ' 
 
 59. [B. 58 : Bl. 43.] 
 
 The town lulls. Himerius, Orat. XXIX. (speaking of ' 
 Kat 2tfj,(0viSr) Kal Ba/c^iAt87? ea-rrovbacnai rj 7roXi9 : both poets 
 ' have made much of the city,' i.e. have paid tributes to it in 
 their verse. It was the native place of both. The town (now 
 Tta) is still the chief place in Ceos. It stands on the slopes of 
 Mt. Hagios Elias; as Strabo (10. p. 486) says of the ancient 
 
 j. B. 29
 
 434 BACCHYLIDES. NOTICES. 
 
 town, KeiTai 8' cv opei. It was distant about 3 or 4 miles from the 
 N.w. coast, where its port was near the town called Ko/o^o-o-o? 
 or Koprja-ia. Besides the two poets, lulis produced Erasistratus 
 the physician, Ariston the Peripatetic, and Prodicus the sophist. 
 Plutarch Dem. I associates lulis with Aegina in the repute of 
 ' producing good actors and poets.' (Cp. Pridik, De Cei Insulae 
 rebus, pp. 6f.) 
 
 60. [B. 53 : Bl. 40.] 
 
 Phoenice. Athen. 4. p. I74F: riyypaivoia-i (sic A) yap 01 
 9 <f>rjcriv 6 < 5<vo(f>a)v [Xez/o</>az/T79 coni. Bergk] e^poovTO 
 , <T7ri,dafjitaloi<? TO neyedos (about 7i inches long), o%v tcai 
 ryoepov <f>6e<y<yo/j(:vot<>' royrot? 8e teal ol Kape? ^pwvrai ev roi<? 
 Bprjvois, et prj dpa KOI rj Kapia ^OCVLKIJ e/caXetro, co? Trapa 
 Koptvvr) KOL T&aK'%v\i8r) ecmv ei/pelv. The suggestion here is 
 that this small flute or fife (the yiyypas or ryiyypdivos auXo?) may 
 have been altogether Carian, being called ' Phoenician ' merely 
 because the name 'Phoenice' was sometimes applied to Caria. 
 Apart from this passage, there seems to be no extant evidence 
 for such a use of <&oiviKij, though the Carians had much inter- 
 course with Phoenician traders, and seem to have taken part in 
 Phoenician colonies. 
 
 61. [B. 67 : Bl. 50.] 
 
 The river RJiyndacus. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 1165 : 'PvvSafcos 
 Trora/io? ecrrt (Sppvyias, ov /bt,e/j,vr)Tai Ba/c^uXt'S?;?. This river of 
 northern Phrygia, rising in the district called Azanitis (from the 
 town of Azani, Strabo 10. p. 5/6), flows in a generally N.w. 
 direction to the Lake of Apollonia, and thence into the Propontis. 
 Schneidewin conjectures that the words quoted by schol. //. 5. 
 335, 'PvvSaicov afjifyl ^adva-^OLVov, may be those of Bacchylides : 
 Hecker ascribes them to Callimachus (fr. anon. 335).
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ON THE PROBABLE COMPASS AND CONTENTS OF 
 ODE I, WHEN ENTIRE. 
 
 That portion of the Ode which has been preserved in a 
 coherent form begins with the arrival of Minos in Ceos, his 
 union with Dexithea, and the birth of Euxantius. It is evidently 
 the last part of a mythical narrative. The probable nature of 
 the part which preceded it will be discussed presently. One 
 thing is certain, that it was of considerable length. 
 
 The verse with which my text of Ode I begins is numbered 
 as verse in of that Ode in the edition of Professor Blass. 
 He supposes that, of the 1 10 verses which originally came before 
 it, 64 are wholly lost, while 46 (not all consecutive) can be 
 partly reconstructed from small separate fragments, with the aid 
 of conjectural supplements. 
 
 This reconstruction is given below. The element of con- 
 jecture involved in it is so very large that (in my opinion) it is 
 inexpedient to print it as if it formed part of the ascertained 
 text. But it is interesting and suggestive. I will endeavour to 
 state clearly the scope of the reconstruction, and the nature 
 of the evidence on which it rests. 
 
 A metrical 'system' in this Ode consists of 23 verses (a strophe 
 of 8, an antistrophe of 8, and an epode of 7). The number of 
 lines in a column of the MS. varies from 32 to 36, 35 being the 
 commonest total, while 34 is also frequent. Thus three systems 
 (23 x 3 = 69) answer roughly to two average columns (34+35). 
 And the first column of the continuous MS., as we have it, begins 
 with a strophe (the second strophe from the end of the Ode, 
 
 7r6\i(v) ftaOv-}. These are the data from which Professor 
 
 29 2
 
 436 APPENDIX. 
 
 Blass sets out in estimating the extent of the lost portion. But 
 his estimate further assumes that the first strophe of the Ode 
 began at the top of a column, as would have been the case if 
 this Ode stood first in the papyrus. This being granted, it 
 follows that the number of systems which preceded column I 
 (of Kenyon's edition) must be either three (= 69 verses), or a 
 multiple of three. And, from an examination of the fragments 
 which he refers to this Ode, Prof. Blass infers that the number 
 of such systems is six (23 x6= 138 verses), equivalent to four 
 columns of the papyrus. 
 
 By combining and supplementing small fragments, he has 
 conjecturally restored parts of the first four of these systems, as 
 follows : 
 
 JEAEHN 
 
 ]THN 
 ]EPIAEZ[ 
 ]ENY4>AI[ 
 5 ]OYZ'INAK[ 
 
 ]rAIASIS0MI[ 
 ]AMO|NEYBOYAOYN[ 
 ]AM|BPONNHPE[ 
 lAINEIlNAIOIOT EY[ 
 10 ]AN'EN0[ 
 
 19 JAZINITTTTOYI 
 
 20? ]TONTOA[ 
 
 ]EISINAN[ 
 ]TONAYT[ 
 ]AAAAIIIN[ 
 ]NA' ETE[ 
 25 ]fONnT[ 
 
 ]TTA[
 
 ODE I. 437 
 
 8' 
 
 5 - ^ '-'Jous, i^a. K[V- 
 Sau^re] yatas ' 
 
 re 
 
 dvr. a'. vroJXtv, et vdcroio r' Ev 
 10 rta8a 
 
 ['A/>yetos, e/^tev re jae 
 
 eXoTToq XtTra/Da? 
 vdcrov ^eo8/xarot 7rvXcu> 
 
 7r. a . Zt>j/, fo /aj 1 / /t/o z/w. of ant. i, aW the first tivo of ep. i. 
 
 20 ot 8e 
 
 avr[- 
 
 ^ J aXXatcrtt' [- ^ 
 o-rp. /3'. ^ ^ --- ]^ 8' eref- 
 
 25 ^ w -Jyof/WT^ - 
 
 M 
 
 avr. /3'. Zw/, //w r/ of str. i, and the first three of ant. i. 
 
 * Verse 12 ('A/xyeros /c.r.X.) is conjecturally supplied by Blass: verses 13, 14 = 
 frag. 7 (Bergk).
 
 438 APPENDIX. 
 
 35 TOION[ |TAI 
 
 KAA[ |vac. 
 
 |EM|E|NOTA[ 
 ITEIZ|Y|NEY 
 
 |AZ|vac. 
 
 46 ]EOI[ 
 
 ]NTTYK[ 
 
 ]roiKOP[ 
 IATOPA 
 50 ]MEAI<J>PONO!Y[ 
 
 ]EPAN 
 
 IXAIANHOAIN 
 
 ]rOIMENOI 
 ]ANAHPOI!AAOZ[ 
 55 ]YAIIAEA..Y 
 
 ]ZATOPAI[ 
 ]. EAHAET[ 
 ]AAAKATOI[ 
 75 A' ETTEYNAH[ 
 
 ]A-npoi<t>nNE . ITEM 
 
 ]!AINOYF On|l 
 ]. ENTEPOMIAI 
 ]4>AKEIAY|AI 
 
 80 ]ENIAI 
 
 . !HAMHA[ 
 
 JOMOI
 
 ODE I. 439 
 
 35 rolov |~w u v u -]rat 
 
 Z0.T/, /. 2. 
 
 46 ]cos[ 
 
 orp. y'. ^ w ~\V TTVK\JLV 
 ?]yot Kop 
 
 50 
 
 TTO\IV 
 ot- 
 
 eif~\ 01^817/0015 ct\o9 
 55 dvT. y'. VTTO T' a]uyat? cteXtov 
 
 w. of ant. 3, //%^ whole of ep, 3, 
 o .) yi'rj-/ /wo fy. of str. 4. 
 
 -]crayo/>a 
 
 -\ &y 3 y > " P ' 
 
 75 - -J o 77 evvar) [^no 
 
 Jet' irpocr^Hiivei re 
 
 crati'ovcr' oirt" 
 
 8'.) *-"- 
 ^ 
 80 - w ^ _ vr 
 
 ^ ^ ^>e]wyere Trct 
 v ~>^' ^^las 
 
 W Jo/XOt
 
 440 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Verse 83 was followed (as Prof. Blass supposes) by 27 verses 
 of which nothing remains (vv. 84 no). Then comes the frag- 
 ment which supplies vv. in 129 (= i 19 in my text); after 
 which 8 verses, and part of a ninth, are lost. (129 + 9 = 138, or 
 six systems.) Verse 139 is the first in col. I (Kenyon's ed.), and 
 the first of the seventh system. 
 
 It may now be convenient to the reader if I show in a tabular 
 synopsis the whole scheme of the Ode, as conjecturally completed 
 by the reconstruction given above ; indicating (a) the corre- 
 spondence of the verses with the fragments which have been 
 combined, and with the several parts of each metrical system ; 
 (b) the position and extent of the supposed lacunas ; (c) the 
 more salient points in the subject-matter, so far as they can be 
 made out. 
 
 No. of verse in 
 Ode I 
 (ace. to Blass 3 ). 
 
 No. of fragment 
 (ed. Kenyon). 
 
 Place in metrical 
 system. 
 
 Subject-matter, so far as it can be 
 traced or surmised. 
 
 Column I. 
 
 
 
 Verse 3. Hi]epids. Exordium : in- 
 
 I, 2 
 
 i6a 
 
 ) strophe I ; 
 
 vocation of Muses. 
 
 3-10 
 
 6 
 
 \ antistr. i. i, 2 
 
 6 ff. yaias 'IcrflyUt'aj | 6<f>da\/j.6v K.T.\. 
 
 
 
 
 Corinth : Isthmian festival. 
 
 
 
 
 9 f. va.ffoib T' Ev[a'Tta5]cu' . Ceos. 
 
 11-18 
 
 Lost. 
 
 antistr. I. 3-8 
 
 
 
 
 epode i. i, 2 
 
 
 19 
 
 24 
 
 epode i. 3 
 
 19 f. tevt-ei> vtf> apfJ.]a.<riv iirirovs' \ 
 
 20-26 
 
 15 
 
 ep. i. 4-7 
 
 ol de ire]TovTo. Some one starts in a 
 
 
 
 str. n. 1-3 
 
 chariot ; perhaps Zeus ? 
 
 27-34 
 
 Lost. 
 
 str. II. 4-8 
 
 
 
 
 ant. II. 1-3 
 
 
 Column II. 
 
 
 
 
 35 
 
 1 6 b and 28 
 
 ant. n. 4 
 
 38 f- X^] Tei wveij vwv. Does this 
 
 36 
 
 i6b 
 
 ., 5 
 
 refer to the forlorn state of the maidens, 
 
 37 
 
 39, 40, 28 
 
 ,, ,, 6 
 
 Dexithea and her sisters, after their 
 
 38 
 
 39, 40, 28 
 
 7 
 
 father Damon and the other Telchines 
 
 39 
 
 4 o 
 
 8 
 
 had been slain by Zeus ? 
 
 40-45 
 
 Lost. 
 
 ep. n. 1-6 

 
 ODE I. 
 
 441 
 
 46-56 
 
 U 
 
 ep. n. 7 
 
 49~55- O ne f the maidens, on 
 
 
 
 str. III. 
 
 awaking from sleep, speaks to another 
 
 
 
 ant. in. i, 2 
 
 about quitting their apxo-ia.v ir6\iv, and 
 
 
 
 
 seeking a new abode ' on the verge of 
 
 
 
 
 the sea' (ivS-qpois d\6j), in the full 
 
 
 
 
 'rays of the sun.' 
 
 57-7 1 
 
 Lost. 
 
 ant. ill. 3-8 
 
 In the next strophe, one of the 
 
 Column III 
 
 
 ep. in. 
 
 maidens accosts certain visitors, prob- 
 
 began about 
 
 
 str. IV. i, i 
 
 ably Zeus and Apollo (Nonnus 18. 35). 
 
 v. 70. 
 
 
 
 Their arrival in Ceos may have been 
 
 
 
 
 related in the course of these 16 lost 
 
 
 
 
 verses. 
 
 72-83 
 
 5 
 
 str. iv. 3-8 
 
 73. From -Xw in the MS., Bl. conj. 
 
 
 
 ant. iv. 1-6 
 
 MajcJeXw. 
 
 
 
 
 76. Macelo (or some other maiden) 
 
 
 
 
 ' addressed them,' 1 fj.a\6a.Kq. <raii>ova' 6irl. 
 
 
 
 
 The pron. viv here meant oi/roi/s (Apol- 
 
 
 
 
 lon. de pron. 368 A); probably (the 
 
 
 
 
 disguised) Zeus and Apollo. In 79 f. 
 
 
 
 
 she spoke of di*<j>a.Ki dva and wtvia, 
 
 
 
 
 presumably in excuse for inability to 
 
 
 
 
 provide better entertainment. 
 
 84-110 
 
 Lost. 
 
 ant. iv. 7, 8 
 
 This large lacuna of 27 verses must 
 
 Column IV 
 
 
 ep. iv. 
 
 have comprised some further account 
 
 began about 
 
 
 str. v. 
 
 of the interview between the maidens 
 
 v. 105. 
 
 
 ant. v. 
 
 and their visitors. Zeus or Apollo may 
 
 
 
 ep. v. i, 2 
 
 have foretold the high destiny in store 
 
 
 
 
 for Dexithea. 
 
 111-129 
 
 i 
 
 ep. v. 3-7 
 
 111 ff. 'On the third day ' (after 
 
 
 (With which 
 
 str. vi. 
 
 the visit of the gods to the maidens ?) 
 
 
 I begin my 
 
 ant. vi. 1-6 
 
 Minos arrives. He weds Dexithea. 
 
 
 text.) 
 
 
 ' In the tenth month' is born Euxantius, 
 
 
 
 
 the future lord of Ceos. 
 
 130-137 
 
 Lost. 
 
 ant. vi. 7, 8 
 
 
 
 
 ep. vi. 1-6 
 
 
 138 
 
 34 
 
 ep. vi. 7 
 
 aXXo]ac fftiyarpfs. Bl. connects this 
 
 
 
 
 with the maidens' change of abode (see 
 
 
 
 
 above, 49-55). If Dexithea and her 
 
 
 
 
 sisters are the 'daughters,' this implies 
 
 
 
 
 a reference to their father Damon. 
 
 Column V 
 
 = Col. I 
 
 str. vii. 
 
 139-146. The boy Argeius his 
 
 139-174 
 
 (Kenyon) 
 
 ant. vii. 
 
 spirit and athletic skill. 
 
 Col. VI 
 
 = Col. II 
 
 ep. vn. 
 
 1 47-1 $4- His father Pantheides. 
 
 175-184 
 
 (K.) 
 
 str. vm. 
 
 155-158. The Isthmian victory of 
 
 
 
 ant. vm. 
 
 Argeius. 
 
 
 
 ep. vm. 
 
 159-184. Praise of apery.
 
 442 APPENDIX. 
 
 For the purpose of piecing together the small separate 
 fragments in vv. i 83, three tests have been available ; viz. 
 (i) metre ; (2) sense ; (3) the colour of the papyrus. 
 
 As to metre, when a single fragment contains even very slight 
 remains of a series of verses, such traces may suffice to make it 
 certain that those verses belonged to a strophe, an antistrophe, 
 or an epode, as the case may be. A good example is afforded 
 by verses 47 55 (as now numbered by Prof. Blass), all contained 
 in fragment 13. We may be certain that there we have the 
 traces of a whole strophe, and of the first verse of an antistrophe. 
 Even then, however, we have still to determine where that 
 strophe (etc.) came in the Ode. In many other cases the 
 metrical test is ambiguous: e.g. fr. 34 (= v. 138 Blass), -%av 
 Qvyarpes, might belong either to the 7th verse of an epode, or to 
 the 5th. 
 
 As to the sense, there is at least one instance in Prof. 
 Blass's reconstruction where he has justly deemed this 
 second test to be conclusive. There can be no doubt that 
 fragment 6, containing ITtjepi'Se?, yaias 'Io-0/it'a? j 6<f)6a]\fj,ov, etc., 
 belonged to the exordium of the Ode, and presumably to its 
 first strophe. But, on the whole, there is very little coherent 
 sense to be extracted from the mutilated words or phrases 
 in these fragments ; as an inspection will show. And where 
 such sense is traceable (as in verses 19 f., 50 55, and 75 80), 
 it does not suffice to exclude doubts as to the order in which 
 the several groups of verses stood when the Ode was entire. 
 
 The third test is that afforded by the colour of the fragment 
 of papyrus. Colour alone is a very uncertain guide, though 
 it may be useful in suggesting a juxtaposition, or in confirming 
 other evidence. There are, however, some instances in which 
 colour is the principal or only test on which we have to rely 
 for the position assigned to fragments. It is on this ground 
 that fragments 24 and 15 (=vv. 19 26) are now referred to the 
 first of the lost columns. Again, Prof. Blass and Dr Kenyon 
 are agreed (and are doubtless right in thinking) that fragments 
 39, 40, and 28 cohere. But colour is the reason for assigning 
 them to the second of the lost columns. Then as to fragment 13. 
 In his first edition, Prof. Blass placed this (= verses 46 55 as
 
 ODE I. 443 
 
 now numbered) after fragment 5 (= vv. 72 83 as now numbered). 
 But in subsequent editions he gives fragments 13 and 5 their 
 present respective places, because the colour and condition 
 (color habitusque p. 22, n.) of fragment 13 indicates that it 
 belonged to one of the first two (lost) columns. And after 
 all three tests, metre, sense, and colour, have been used, so far 
 as the data permit, with the utmost sagacity and patience, large 
 room for doubt remains, as the editor frankly recognises. Take, 
 for example, three groups of verses, as numbered in his later 
 editions, (i) vv. 19 25 : (2) 47 56: (3) 35 38. He observes 
 (p. 23, note on v. 19) that it may be questioned whether, after all, 
 the order of these groups should not be (3), (2), (i). 
 
 What has now been said will serve to make it clear why 
 I have not printed Prof. Blass's ingenious reconstruction as part 
 of the text. It must be regarded as very largely hypothetical : 
 that follows from the nature of the case. But his acuteness and 
 industry have not therefore been expended in vain. Several 
 fragments have been rightly combined ; the context of some 
 passages has been elucidated. And these fragments afford 
 interesting glimpses of the matter which they contained, justifying 
 the belief that the Ode, when entire, contained a large and highly- 
 wrought mythical story. 
 
 The legend of Minos and Dexithea, which Bacchylides 
 treated in this Ode, is epitomized in the scholia on the Ibis of 
 Ovid 1 . It is there said that Macelo and her sisters, the daughters 
 of Damon, had once been hospitable to Jupiter. On this account 
 he spared them, when he slew the Telchines, of whom Damon 
 was chief, for blighting the fruits of the earth by evil arts. 
 Minos came to the sisters, wedded ' Dexione ' or ' Desithone ' 
 (Dexithea), and begat Euxantius, ancestor of the Euxantidae. 
 The longer of the two scholia which give this story cites the 
 poet Nicander (c. 150 B.C.) as the source 2 . A verse in the 
 
 1 Robinson Ellis in Class. Rev. xn. filia Damonis dicitur cum [here, I may 
 
 p. 66 (Feb., 1898): v. Wilamowitz in observe, E. Rohde would insert II or III, 
 
 Gott. gel. Anz. 1898, 126 f. which could easily have dropped out after 
 
 - See Robinson Ellis's edition of the m] sororibus fuisse : harum hospitio usus 
 
 Ibis (Oxon. 1881), p. 83. (i) The shorter lupiter, cum Telchinas quorum hie prin- 
 
 scholium on v. 475 runs thus : Macedo ceps erat corrumpentes inuidia successus
 
 444 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Dionysiaca of Nonnus, which unfortunately is followed by a 
 lacuna, says that ' Macello entertained Zeus and Apollo ' at the 
 same time 1 . The scholia, and this verse of Nonnus, are our 
 only authorities (other than Bacchylides) for the myth. It has 
 
 omnium fructuum fulmine interficeret, 
 seruauit. ad quas cum uenisset Minos cum 
 Dexione concubuit: ex qua creauit Euxan- 
 tium unde Euxantidaefuerunt. (2) The 
 longer scholium is as follows : Nicander 
 dicit Macelonfiliam Damonis cum sorori- 
 bus fuisse. harum hospitio lupiter sus- 
 ceptus cum Thelonios [Thelginas = Tel- 
 chinas ?] quorum hie Damo princeps erat 
 corrumpentes uenenis successus omnittm 
 fructuum fulmine interficeret seruauit eos 
 [sic: leg. fas], sed Macelo cum uiro 
 propter uiri nequitiam periit. ad alias 
 vero seruatas cum uenisset Minos cum 
 Desithone [Desitone ed. Paris.] concubuit, 
 ex qua creauit Eusantium unde Eusantiae 
 fuerunt. Cp. Otto Schneider, Nicander, 
 p. 133 f., frag. 116. Nothing is known 
 about Nicander's treatment of the subject 
 beyond what is stated here. 
 
 This scholium says that, while the other 
 sisters were spared, Macelo was killed, 
 along with her husband, on account of 
 the latter's wickedness. The verse of the 
 Ibis (475), to which these scholia belong, 
 is Ut Macelo (v. 1. Macedo) rapidis icta 
 est cum coniuge flammis. Two other 
 scholia on that verse say merely that 
 Macelo and her husband were struck with 
 lightning by Jupiter at their marriage- 
 feast because he (or they) had invited all 
 the gods except Jupiter. It is surprising 
 to learn that Macelo, one of the sisters 
 whose hospitality to the god saved their 
 lives, perishes for an act of the opposite 
 kind, albeit the guilt was her husband's. 
 The hospitality to Zeus (and Apollo) is 
 ascribed by Nonnus (xvm. 35), not to 
 several sisters, but expressly to MareXXw. 
 There may have been a contamination of 
 myths here. In one (probably the older) 
 form of the story, Macelo was simply the 
 foremost of the sisters in offering hos- 
 pitality to the god (or gods). Then, 
 perhaps by some confusion with a similar 
 
 name, she became the bride who was in- 
 volved in the punishment of the bride- 
 groom for a sin of that type so common 
 in mythology, omission to ask a par- 
 ticular god to a feast. Thus a foreign 
 and discordant element was interwoven 
 with the original myth. 
 
 1 Nonnus xvm. 35 ff. : 
 ZTJVO, Kal ' AiroXhuva fM-Q ^elimrat Ma- 
 K{\\UV [leg. MaseXXw] 
 
 Kal $\eyvas ore iravras dveppifacre 
 
 6a\dffO"rj, 
 vrjo'ov 6\r)v TpibSovri diapprii-as 'Evo- 
 
 The substantive which went with /xiij is 
 lost in the lacuna. A. Kochly, in his 
 edition (Teubner, 1857-8), has altered 
 Ma/cAXwi' (very unwarrantably) into 
 rpair^Tj, the conjecture of G. Falken- 
 burg (ed. princeps, Antwerp, 1569) ; and 
 has also changed the d/juportpas of the 
 MSS. into a/j.<f>oTtpovs. The subject to 
 %eiviffo-e was, he supposes, one of the 
 Phlegyes, who, with a companion, was 
 spared by Poseidon, when he destroyed 
 those savage islanders. E. Rohde (Der 
 griech. Roman und seine Vorlciufer, p. 506 
 2nd ed.) has judged more soundly of this 
 passage. The traditional reading MatcA- 
 \<jiv (i.e. Ma/ceXXw) is corroborated by the 
 /foy-scholia. Nicander had told her story, 
 which was connected with the destruction 
 of the Telchines by Zeus. Euphorion of 
 Chalcis (c. 220 B.C.) had related the de- 
 struction of the Phlegyes by Poseidon 
 (Servius on Aen. vi. 618: Euphor. fr. 
 CLV. p. 154 Meineke). Nonnus alluded 
 in this passage to both legends: the 
 verses lost after v. 35 contained the end 
 of the first, and the beginning of the 
 second.
 
 ODE L 445 
 
 three principal features: (i) the hospitality of the sisters to 
 Zeus (and Apollo) ; (2) the slaying of the Telchines by Zeus ; 
 (3) the visit of Minos to the sisters, his union with Dexithea, 
 and the birth of Euxantius. 
 
 This last part of the story, the vital one for the Cean poet, 
 is contained in the first large fragment of the Ode. But how 
 had Bacchylides conducted the mythical narrative up to that 
 point ? The fragments, though too scanty to help us far, afford 
 some gleams of light which are suggestive. One of the sisters, 
 on awaking from sleep, proposes (it would seem) that they shall 
 quit their dp^aiav iroXiv, and seek a new abode ' on the verge 
 of the sea ' (<eV> dvSrfpois 0X09), and open to the rays of the 
 sun (<JTT'> avyais de\iov). The words (A^f acra ?) /z.eX/<pof09 
 VTTVOV suggest that the maiden's projects like Nausicaa's, had 
 been prompted by a dream, sent to her in order that she and 
 her sisters should meet visitants who were on their way to Ceos. 
 (That all this happens in Ceos, may safely be inferred from the 
 fact that Ceos is plainly the TroXvKp-rjfj.vos ^Btov of verse II, in 
 which Minos finds Dexithea.) Then in fragment 5 one of the 
 sisters is found addressing certain persons ' in a soothing voice ' 
 (...a-aivova- 1 OTTt), near some stream which has the epithet evvafj. 
 This meeting occurred, no doubt, after the migration of the 
 maidens from their ' old city ' to the abode near the sea ; and 
 may have been placed by the poet near the mouth of a river. 
 Are the persons whom this maiden accosts the disguised Zeus 
 and Apollo ? It is possible, or even probable : we can say no 
 more. But it is interesting to note that the speaker touches on 
 ' anguish sharp as a two-edged sword' (dp^d/cei 8va), and on 
 ' poverty.' Probably she is apologizing (as Prof. Blass suggests) 
 for being unable to provide better entertainment for the strangers, 
 and favyere (in v. 81) was preceded by a negative: 'yet do not 
 altogether decline what we can offer.' No stronger proof of 
 <>i\oj;ei>La could be given than to offer hospitality in a season 
 of private sorrow (cp. Eur. Ale. 512 567). But what was the 
 cause of this dfj,(j)d/c^ 8va to which the speaker refers ? The 
 sisters are, it is apparent, in affliction and distress. This might 
 be due to the knowledge that their father Damon, with the other 
 Telchines, had incurred the wrath of Zeus, and that the divine
 
 446 APPENDIX. 
 
 chastisement was about to descend upon him. A warning of 
 such peril, by dream or oracle, may have been the motive of their 
 removal from their dp^aiav tro\iv which must have been also 
 their father's seat to the new abode by the sea. The scholia 
 on the Ibis, at any rate, imply that the hospitality of the sisters 
 to Zeus preceded the slaying of the Telchines. If the a^a/cys 
 Sva is grief for Damon's death, then Bacchylides has followed 
 a version according to which the danger of destruction menaced 
 the sisters, not at the moment of their father's fall, but soon after 
 it : their hospitality to Zeus and Apollo averted the peril, and 
 brought, instead of it, a great reward. 
 
 With regard to the Telchines, we know that Bacchylides 
 somewhere named four of them, 'A/rrato?, M eyaXijaios, "Qp- 
 fievos, AvKo<f, and described them as the offspring of Nemesis 1 . 
 If this Ode was the place where the mention occurred, we might 
 conjecture that a good deal was said about the Telchines. That 
 must remain wholly uncertain : the fragments tell us nothing. 
 One thing, however, may be said. Rhodes was the primary 
 seat of the Telchines ; but it was not there (according to legend) 
 that they perished. They quitted Rhodes (driven out by the 
 Heliadae 2 , or, according to another account, foreboding a 
 deluge 3 ) : and then, as legend told, they were scattered (Bia- 
 <nrapfjvai) 4 . There was nothing, therefore, to prevent a poet 
 from supposing that the Telchin Damon had established himself 
 in Ceos, and was there slain by the bolt of Zeus. 
 
 A small town on the coast of Ceos was called Koprja-ia 
 (Strabo 10, p. 486), Koprjaos, or K 0/9770-0-0 9 5 . Near it was the 
 
 1 Tzetzes, Theogon. 81: see p. 432 Poseidon. Are the words Xe/uecrews 
 
 (fr. 55). The words as to the origin Taprdpov sound, or should a /rai come 
 
 of the Telchines are, oJ>s BaicxvMSrjs between them? Nemesis is usually called 
 
 (dv ff>r/ffi Ne/u&rews Taprdpov, aXXot rtc^s a daughter of Night (Hes. Theog. 223: of 
 
 5e X^yoixri TT)J Trjs re KO! rov H6vrov. Erebus, in Hygin. Fab. praef. ) : in Attic 
 
 The singularity of the version which mythology the Rhamnusian Nemesis was 
 
 Bacchylides followed is that it does not a daughter of Oceanus (Paus. 7. i 3). 
 
 connect the Telchines with the sea. z Nonnus xiv. 42 ff. 
 
 These volcanic daemons were essentially, 3 Diod. v. 56 ad init. irpoaLaQo/dvovs 
 
 as Nonnus calls them (xiv. 42), dai/j.oves ...rbv /j^\\ovra yiveffOai Ka.Ta.K\vcr/j.6v. 
 
 vypov6fiot : he makes them children of 4 Ib, 
 
 Poseidon, whose trident they wrought 5 The little that has been ascertained 
 
 (Callim. Del. 31). According to Dio- or conjectured about this place is brought 
 
 dorus (v. 55) they were vloi...9aXd<rcr77s together by A. Pridik, De Cei Insulae 
 
 (no father is named), and were reared by rebus (Berlin, 1892), p. 7 f.
 
 ODE I. 447 
 
 port of lulis, the latter town itself being about three miles 
 further inland. It has been ingeniously suggested by N. Festa 1 
 that a local legend, deriving Kopya-ia from Kdpat, may have 
 connected it with the migration of Dexithea and her sisters 
 from their former home (the ap^aiav 7ro\iv) to the coast ; and 
 that KoprjcrLa is the Tro'Xt? /3a6vSeie\o<; of vv. 29 f., of which 
 Argeius was a native. Some allusion to the foundation of that 
 town may have occurred in the lacuna which now exists 
 between v. 18 and v. 23. 
 
 To sum up : the fragments, supplemented by conjecture on 
 the lines indicated above, might suggest that the argument of 
 the Ode was somewhat as follows. It began, so much is 
 reasonably certain, with an invocation of the Pierides, a 
 reference to Corinth, 'eye of the Isthmian land,' 'the city which 
 worships Poseidon, wedded to the daughter of wise Nereus ' 
 (Amphitrite), and then a mention of Ceos, ' isle of the 
 Euxantidae.' This last served to link the prelude with the myth 
 of Minos and Dexithea, which occupied the larger part of the 
 poem. In Ceos was dwelling, with his daughters (Macelo, 
 Dexithea, and others), the Telchin Damon, guilty, in the sight 
 of Zeus, along with his brethren now scattered in many lands, of 
 practising the malign arts by which they had once blighted the 
 fruits of the earth in Rhodes 2 . A dream comes to one of the 
 daughters, warning them of a disaster impending on their house, 
 and counselling them to leave the city of their father for a place 
 on the sea-coast. They do so ; and there meet two strangers of 
 noble mien, who have just reached the island. Though in deep 
 sorrow and distress, Macelo, on behalf of the sisters, offers them 
 such hospitality as they can give. One of the visitors speaks 
 words of comfort ; and predicts that, though the maiden's father, 
 Damon, must presently be smitten by the wrath of Zeus, a great 
 hero shall come anon to Ceos, who shall wed one of the sisters, 
 and that the offspring of this union shall in future days be lord 
 of that land, and founder of a famous line. The strangers 
 
 1 Leodee i frammenti di B. (Florence, xiv. 46 f. : 
 
 1898). X P ff '- fia-pvfri\oi<riv apvoftevoi 2-riryos 
 
 2 They drenched the crops with the C5o;p 
 
 sulphurous waters of the Styx. Nonnus aairopov (VKdpiroio"P6doviroir)<Tavd\wfiv.
 
 448 APPENDIX. 
 
 vanish. Storm-clouds gather in the sky ; and from their 
 dwelling by the sea the sisters behold the lightnings which 
 show where the doom of Zeus has fallen. But, on the third day 
 thereafter, Minos arrives with his Cretan warriors ; he weds 
 Dexithea ; and, when he departs for Crete, leaves the half of his 
 host to protect her. In the tenth month her son Euxantius is 
 born. And in after days he, or a descendant, founds a goodly 
 city in the place by the sea where of yore Macelo and her 
 sisters entertained Zeus and Apollo unawares ; and calls it, in 
 memory thereof, Coresus, ' the city of the maidens.' There was 
 born the young victor at the Isthmian games, Argeius, son of 
 the hospitable physician, Pantheides. 
 
 Thus, or somewhat in this fashion, following the hints in 
 the fragments, and the other evidence, might we conceive the 
 outline of the form which Bacchylides gave to the legend of his 
 island. At any rate, we may be sure that those passages of 
 which the fragments afford glimpses, the scenes in which 
 Dexithea and her sisters bore part, exhibited to advantage 
 the poet's most attractive gifts, his graceful ease in narrative, 
 his skill in bright and picturesque detail, his simple pathos. 
 Few mutilations in the papyrus are more to be regretted than 
 those which have rent away the earlier portion of this first ode. 
 
 Ode I. 15. EUXANTIUS. 
 
 1.15 According to the scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (i. 186), 
 Euxantius was the father of Miletus. The source used by the 
 scholiast may have been Aristocritus, the author of a work on 
 Miletus, who mentioned the EvgavriSai (Miiller, Frag. Histor. 
 IV - P- 33 0- The renown of the Milesia vellera points to a 
 connexion between RvgamiSai and gdvTiy;, carminator, ' wool- 
 carder.' Such patronymics were often borne by hereditary 
 guilds, in which the exercise of some art or craft descended 
 from father to son. But it is easy to conceive that, when the 
 Euxantidae of Miletus had become a clan of wealth and dis- 
 tinction, they should have aspired to the honours of heroic 
 ancestry. It has been remarked by Prof. v. Wilamowitz-Moel- 
 lendorff (Gbtt. gel. Am., 1898, no. 2, p. 128) that Evgdvrios is 'a 
 strange formation.' He suggests that it means, 6 tear ev^rjv 
 e\.6(av. He thinks that, in the original form of the
 
 ODE I. 449 
 
 legend, Aef tOea (' she who receives a god ') became a mother, 
 not by Minos, but by a god (Zeus or Apollo), whose welcome 
 epiphany was commemorated by the name Euxantius, given to 
 the offspring of that union. Forced interpretations of tra- 
 ditional proper names were frequent enough in popular Greek 
 mythology. It is not inconceivable that Et/ai/Tto<? should, at 
 some time or other, have been explained as meaning, o /car' ev^v 
 dvrios e\d(i)v : but is it at all probable that it should have been 
 invented to express that idea ? I cannot think so. Surely 
 it is far more likely that Et5ai>Tto? was a name suggested 
 by the patronymic EvgavriSai, and invented, in order to 
 provide the ' sons of the good wool-carders ' with a heroic 
 ancestor. This hypothesis is confirmed by the comparative 
 obscurity in which the Euxantius -myth remained. That 
 legend, so far as we know, had only what may be called a 
 domestic currency, viz., at Miletus and in Ceos. The learned 
 Alexandrians, of course, knew it. Herodian has preserved part 
 of a verse of Callimachus, alpa TO fiev yeverjs EiJ^ai/ri'So?. But 
 there is no reason to suppose that the Alexandrian knowledge 
 of the myth was derived from any sources other than those 
 which Ceos and Miletus themselves had furnished, the poem of 
 Bacchylides, and the prose-work of Aristocritus (with possibly 
 other writers of local mythography). It is significant that 
 pseudo-Apollodorus, usually so full and precise in regard to 
 every mythological person of any importance, simply mentions 
 Euxantius as a son whom Dexithea bore to Minos, and has 
 not a word more to say about him (3. i 2). 
 
 To sum up, the conclusion to which I am led is as follows. 
 The Euxantidae were a clan at Miletus in whom the craft of 
 wool-carding was hereditary. Ceos had an ancient local legend 
 which made that island the place where Dexithea became the 
 bride of Minos. Minos was associated in legend with Miletus 
 also. It was an easy combination to call the son of Minos and 
 Dexithea ' Euxantius,' and to represent him as the ancestor of 
 the Milesian Euxantidae. The myth would be welcome to the 
 Euxantidae themselves, whom it furnished with a lineage so 
 illustrious ; it would also be gratifying to the Ceans. A further 
 embellishment of the legend was to make Euxantius the father 
 of Miletus. 
 
 j. B. 30
 
 450 APPENDIX. 
 
 Ode I. 32 34. 'Ap-yu>s...(iaxas. 
 
 I. 3234 It i certain that verse 34 began with the letters XPE. The scribe 
 had written the letter A before these, but this has been deleted. As 
 verse 33 ends with OTTOTC, and its final syllable must be long, verse 
 34 must have begun with XP> before which c could be lengthened. 
 There is no room for ZA before XPE. 
 
 The letter after E must have been I, and the only question is 
 whether this I had the circumflex or the acute accent (the trace 
 admits of either): i.e., whether the word was (i) xP 's or XP*LOV: or 
 (2) XP"?J or some part of xP ta - I ne ^ act that A. was written by error 
 before XPE is decidedly in favour of (i); since a transcriber, who had 
 XPIOS (or -ov) before him, might easily, by inadvertence, have written 
 the much commoner word dxpeios (or -ov): whereas such a slip would 
 have been less likely, if xP "/ or some part of xP l/a na d stood in 
 the text. 
 
 -fBoXoi is certain. This must be pres. optat. from a verb in -4e> : 
 for no verb ending in -/3oAo'o> is discoverable. Dialect would lead us to 
 expect -cot in the optat, not the contraction -01. It is, of course, 
 possible that the poet wrote -po\&>i, and that -0X01 is due to transcription. 
 
 What was the verb of which -0X01 formed the latter part? Blass 
 reads Kp|3oXoi (' irritate, provoke '). ' Kep/SoAetv idem est atque KepTcyteiv ' 
 (praef. p. xiii). He cites Horn. //. 16. 261 where aid KepTo/tAt'on^s is 
 said of children who are teasing wasps. The form KepfBoXfiv occurs in 
 Hesych. S.V. KepfioXova-a- XoiSopovcra, f3Xa(r<f>r)[jLOi!(ra.. Cp. Ar. Eq. 822 
 fj.rj o-Ke'pySoAAc Trovypd (= AoiSopei). Prof. Blass further supposes that, as 
 the contraction in -fioXol is strange, and as the syllable /3oX answers to 
 one which is long in the corresponding place, the word in the text was 
 originally KepfJoXXoi.. In his first edition, he read xP^oV n Kep/3oAoi 
 /u.a'xas, '(whenever) any creature ( l sive canis sine homo'), desirous of 
 fight, provoked (the lion).' In his later eds., he reads XP " * [= F f ] 
 KcpftoXol /xaxas, '(whenever) any need of fight provoked him' : adding; 
 ' si litt. F positionem non facit, habemus w w - [xpeio's e xep-] pro 
 
 w .' In any case, I should prefer XP ^OS Tt to XP '? ^ e - But I 
 
 cannot think that KcppoXoi has any probability. Neither Hesychius nor 
 Aristophanes warrants the supposition that Kep/?oAtv or crKepfioXXeiv 
 was used in any sense except that of 'taunting' or 'reviling.' Prof. 
 Blass assumes that /ccp/SoAeiv = /ccpro/Aeiv, and relies on //. 16. 261 to 
 prove that KepTOfuiv could mean to ' provoke ' or ' worry ' otherwise than 
 by words. Now, that verse was suspected by Alexandrian critics
 
 ODES 7, //. 451 
 
 precisely because /cepro/Aciv seemed to be used in an unexampled sense. 
 See the scholium of Aristonicus upon it : a'^eretTcu, on TO Kcprop-flv ov 
 riOrja-iv 7rt TOV 8C cpyov pe$ieiv, dAAa Sta A.oya>v. If indeed, that verse 
 be genuine, Kepro/xeovrcs may best be referred to the jeering cries of the 
 children, since noise would contribute to the irritation of the wasps. 
 In -poXoi, I can find nothing but n(ipo\oi (see commentary). 
 
 Ode II. 9 f. tpSojiTJKOVTa <rwv <rT4>avoioiv. 
 
 The context makes it clear that these ' seventy victories ' had been n. 9 f. 
 won by Ceans at the Isthmus alone. The Isthmiads were reckoned 
 from 580 B.C. This Ode is of unknown date, but was probably among 
 the poet's earlier works. Suppose, for the sake of illustration, that 
 Argeius won in 4703.0. The Isthmiad of that year was only the 56th. 
 If we assumed a date as low as 440 B.C. (the yist Isthmiad), the record 
 would still be a distinctly good one for so small an island as Ceos, 
 competing with all Hellas. Still there is nothing marvellous about it. 
 In the first place, it would not seldom happen that a victor at one 
 Isthmian festival would repeat his success at one or more subsequent 
 festivals. The fragmentary Cean inscription (noticed in the Introduction 
 to Ode i) records two men, each of whom had won three Isthmian 
 victories. Again (though this case would be much rarer) the "same 
 competitor might win more than one wreath at the same festival. 
 Pausanias (6. 15 3) mentions a Theban who, on the same day of 
 the Isthmia, was victorious in three contests, boxing, wrestling, and 
 the pancration. The greater number of the 'seventy wreaths' must 
 have been gained in boxing and running, for which Ceos was especially 
 noted (vi. 7). Two inferences, at least, may safely be drawn from this 
 passage. First, that Ceos was exceptionally prolific in athletes of these 
 classes : secondly, that the Isthmian festival was that which Cean 
 competitors more especially frequented. It was the most readily 
 accessible from their island, and traditional associations had doubtless 
 confirmed the preference. 
 
 Find. O. xin. 98 100, speaking of the clan of the 'OAtyai0iS<u at 
 Corinth, to whom Xenophon (winner of stadion and pentathlon at 
 Olympia in 464 B.C.) belonged, mentions that they had won thirty 
 victories at the Isthmus, and thirty at Nemea (c^KovraKi Brj a/xe^ore- 
 
 302
 
 452 APPENDIX. 
 
 Ode III. 1 8 f. ityi.SaiSaXTwv TpiiroSwv 
 irdpoiOc vaov. 
 
 III. 18 f. The French exploration of Delphi has shown that a tripod dedicated 
 by Gelon, and another dedicated by Hieron, stood side by side before 
 the east front of the temple. No votive offering in the entire sanctuary 
 of Apollo held a more conspicuous position. (See the Bulletin de 
 Correspondance Hellenique, vol. xxi. 1897, plate xvn, the spot marked 
 Ex-voto de Gelon.} This fact alone suffices to explain the reference of 
 Bacchylides. 
 
 I. The monumental evidence has been set forth with great 
 clearness and precision by M. Theophile Homolle (Bulletin de Corre- 
 spondance Hellenique, vol. xxi. pp. 588 if., 1898 : Melanges Weil, 
 pp. 207 224, Paris, 1898.) Here I can but briefly indicate the more 
 essential facts. The explorers found a large quadrangular base of 
 limestone, on which was superimposed a high limestone step, carefully 
 wrought. This in turn carried two stands or pedestals (socles), re- 
 sembling bell-shaped capitals inverted, and placed a meter apart from 
 each other. Each of these pedestals once supported a metal tripod, as 
 is shown by the cavities in which the three feet were once secured. 
 One of the pedestals bears the following inscription : 
 
 TEAONOAEINOMEN 
 ANE0EKETOIIOAAONI 
 
 TONTPinOAAKAITENNIKENEPrASATO 
 BIONAIOAOPOYI02MIAE2I02 
 
 So Gelon dedicated a golden NtVcr; along with his tripod, both 
 being the work of the same artist, Bion, son of Diodorus, of Miletus [as 
 to whom see Bull. Corr. Hellen. 1896, pp. 654 6]. 
 
 The inscription on the other pedestal is mutilated : all that remains 
 of it is the following : 
 
 NEO2ANE0EKE EA 
 B EIITAMNAI 
 
 The dedicator was, then, a son of Deinomenes ; certainly not Gelon, 
 who, if both the tripods had been his, would not have placed two 
 separate inscriptions on offerings supported by the same base, but 
 rather one inscription on the base itself. Further, we know (from 
 Athenaeus) that Hieron dedicated a golden tripod at Delphi : and there 
 is no record of such a gift by Polyzelus or Thrasybulus. It may be
 
 ODE III. 453 
 
 regarded as certain, then, that this second tripod was Hieron's. The 
 inscription is thus restored by M. Homolle : 
 
 [Hta'pwv ho Aeivo/Ae'Jveos <W$e/c' [A]?A 
 [KC 8t To.Xa.vTa Se/caj/ieTTTa. fj.vai. 
 
 (The nominative ftvai, instead of the accus. /xvas, is strange, as 
 M. Homolle says, in so short a statement of the weight ; though the 
 Delian inscriptions afford instances of nominatives mixed with accu- 
 satives in longer statements of the same nature.) 
 
 The base on which both the tripod-pedestals stood was probably 
 designed at first for one pedestal only, that of Gelon's tripod ; and 
 was afterwards enlarged to receive Hieron's (Melanges Weil, p. 220). 
 
 II. The literary evidence may be summed up as follows. 
 
 i. Diodorus (xi. 26), following Timaeus, mentions only one tripod, 
 that dedicated by Gelon after the victory at Himera : xpvo-ow 8e 
 TpnroSa Troi^'cras airo TaXdvTwv eK/cat'ScKa eveOrjKev eis TO Te'^evos TO ev 
 
 2. Athenaeus (6. pp. 231 232 c) makes certain statements con- 
 cerning the votive offerings generally at Delphi. For these statements 
 he quotes two authorities, viz. (i) Phanias of Eresus, a pupil of Aristotle, 
 who wrote Hepi TWV eV StKeAio. Tvpdvwv (see Miiller, Frag. Hist. in. 
 p. 297): (2) Theopompus, L\nnriKd, book 40 (written in the second 
 half of the fourth century B.C.). 
 
 Phanias and Theopompus, says Athenaeus, state that, after Gyges 
 and Croesus, Gelon and Hieron were the next donors of silver or gold 
 ava.6rijJLa.Ta. at Delphi : TOV fj.ev (Gelon) TpiVoSa /cat viKrjv xpv&ov TTCTrotr;- 
 ficva. ava^eyTOS, KO.6* ovs \P < ' VOVS H^P|TIS ^wtorpaTeve Tfj 'EXXaSt, TOV 8f 
 
 "lepwvos TO, ofjioia. [Observe that the date is here appended to the 
 notice of Gelon's gift, and separates it from the mention of Hieron's : 
 whereas, if both gifts had been of the same date, the clause KaO' ovs.. 
 'EXXaSt should have followed o/Aoia.] 
 
 Then Athenaeus goes on to quote verbatim a passage of Theo- 
 pompus. After relating that the Lacedaemonians, when they wished to 
 gild (xpuo-djo-cu) the face of the Amyclaean Apollo, were directed by the 
 Delphic oracle to buy gold of Croesus, the historian proceeds : 'leptav 
 8' 6 SupaKocrto?, /JovAo/xepos ava$etvai TW $w TOV TphroSa al T^V NIKIJV e 
 aire'c^Oov xpixrov, errl iroXvv \pdvov airoptov xpvo-iov, vorTepov eTTffuf/e TOVS 
 
 aVa^Ti/'o-ovTas eis T^V 'EXAaSa. Hieron's emissaries (Theopompus goes 
 on to say) finally discovered a man at Corinth, one Architeles, who had 
 large stores of gold, and who allowed them to buy as much as they
 
 454 APPENDIX. 
 
 desired, adding a bonus on the purchase, a large handful of the 
 precious metal : avO' wv 'Itpwv irXoiov trirov KO,I oXXa iroXXd 8upa 
 
 This extract from Theopompus is instructive in three respects. 
 (i) Hieron, like Gelon, dedicated both a tripod and a Victory, and 
 Hieron's were of refined gold. (2) 'A long time ' elapsed before he could 
 procure a sufficient quantity of such gold. After search (presumably) 
 in Sicily and Magna Graecia, he ' afterwards ' (iVrepov) sent messengers 
 to Greece. (3) Hieron rewarded the Corinthian gold-merchant with 
 princely munificence, sending him ' a ship-load of corn,' and ' many 
 other gifts.' 
 
 All this clearly suggests that, when he dedicated his offerings at 
 Delphi, Hieron was already ruler of Syracuse. The details of the story 
 indicate a prince who wields large resources, whose commands are 
 executed without stint of cost or trouble, and who royally repays those 
 who serve him. Hieron became ruler of Syracuse in 478. 
 
 According, however, to an ingenious theory propounded by M. 
 Homolle, Hieron's offering was placed beside Gelon's in the latter's 
 life-time. The scholiast on Find. Pyth. i. 155 records the tradition that 
 Gelon, from affection towards his brothers (Hieron, Thrasybulus and 
 Polyzelus), dedicated his thank-offering at Delphi in their names as 
 well as in his own : <aori 8e TOV FeAwva TOUS a'ScX^ous <j>(Xo<$>povo\}p.f.vov 
 dvaOfivai TO) 0<j) xpwovs rpiVoSas, cTTiypai/'avTa ravra 
 
 TrcuSas Aeivo/xeVeus, TOVS rpiiroSas Ocjicvai, 
 ySa'pySapa j/iK^Vavras Z6w) ' TroXX^v Se 
 
 This inscription is ascribed to Simonides in the Palatine Anthology 
 (vi. 214), where in verse 2 the reading is rbv rpiiroS' dv6t'|iv<u, as it is 
 also in Suidas s.v. Aapcrtov. [The Anthology and Suidas further insert 
 the following couplet after verse 2 : c CKOTOV Xirpwv nal 
 TttXavrov AapcTi'ou (Aa/xaperou Bergk) xpv<rov, ras Scffarac 
 
 M. Homolle holds that the reading of the scholiast, TOVS 
 Of/Afvai, is the true one. At Delphi, besides the two pedestals, standing 
 on a common base, which supported the tripods of Gelon and Hieron, 
 the French explorer found also two smaller pedestals, which bear no 
 inscriptions. These smaller pedestals (C and D} have the same form 
 (that of a bell-shaped capital inverted) as the two larger (A and B} ; a 
 form which is exceptional at Delphi, and does not seem to occur 
 elsewhere. One of them (Z>) shows the three cavities intended to
 
 ODE II I. 455 
 
 receive the feet of a tripod; in the case of the other (C), the upper 
 surface, where such cavities, if they existed, would have appeared, has 
 been broken away. 
 
 The history of the relation between the four tripod-pedestals (A, , 
 C, D] is conceived by M. Homolle as follows, (i) Gelon dedicated 
 A after the battle of Himera. (2) Hieron, ambitious and self-assertive, 
 afterwards contrived that his offering, , also dedicated on account of 
 Himera. should be set up beside that of his elder brother ; and the base 
 which supported the pedestal of A was enlarged for that purpose. 
 (3) Then the kindly Gelon caused the two smaller tripods, C and Z>, 
 to be erected on the same spot, in order to associate the younger 
 brothers (Thrasybulus and Polyzelus) with his renown, while at the 
 same time he thus administered a mild reproof to Hieron. C is 
 somewhat larger than D and M. Homolle suggests that Gelon in- 
 tended this gradation of size to correspond with the gradation of age 
 in his younger brethren. The pedestals of C and D may have stood 
 on a common base, and this base may have borne the inscription by 
 Simonides, 3>?7/xt TeAon/', 'lepcot/a K.T.X. It could have been set, facing 
 westward, at right angles to the larger base which carried the offerings 
 of Gelon and Hieron. 
 
 This theory that C and D were set up by Gelon in order to give 
 Thrasybulus and Polyzelus a share in the glory of Himera presupposes, 
 as we have seen, that Hieron's tripod, B, was set up by him, beside 
 Gelon's, in Gelon's life-time. But the latter hypothesis appears very 
 improbable. In 480 Hieron was regent of Gela under his elder 
 brother, then ruler of Syracuse. (Herod, vn. 155 : Freeman, Sicily n. 
 p. 129.) At Himera Gelon commanded in chief against the Cartha- 
 ginians. Alike in a military and in a political sense, Gelon was 
 paramount ; Hieron's position was a secondary and a dependent one. 
 Now, the position of Hieron's Delphian tripod, at the side of Gelon's, 
 and the similarity of scale, imply (as M. Homolle has recognised) a 
 claim of equality. Such a claim would be perfectly intelligible if 
 Hieron's gift to Delphi was made after Gelon's death, when Hieron 
 had succeeded him as ruler of Syracuse. But in 480/79, and with 
 reference to the victory at Himera, the regent of Gela would have been 
 strangely ill-advised, if, at the central sanctuary of Hellas, he had 
 ostentatiously asserted such equality with his elder brother and over- 
 lord. 
 
 Prof. Blass has quite a different way of explaining the two smaller 
 pedestals (Preface to the 3rd ed. of his Bacchylides, pp. lix. f.). He
 
 456 APPENDIX. 
 
 supposes that Hieron dedicated three tripods at Delphi. The two 
 smaller ones, C and D, commemorated his Pythian victories with the 
 KC'XT/S in 482 and 478 ; the largest, B, his victory at Delphi with the four- 
 horse chariot in 470. But, as we have seen, the authorities quoted by 
 Athenaeus speak of Hieron as having dedicated only one tripod (with 
 a NI'KTJ). On the view of Prof. Blass, we should have to assume that 
 his other two tripods were ignored because they were smaller. 
 
 There are, however, certain considerations which seem to render it 
 very improbable that Hieron's tripod, which stood beside Gelon's, can 
 have been a thank-offering for Hieron's success in the Pythian games, 
 (i) The conspicuous spot where these two tripods stood, before the 
 east front of the temple, was peculiarly associated with the great national 
 victories, those of Salamis, Plataea, and Himera. The bronze mast with 
 gold stars, which the Aeginetans set up after Salamis, stood close to the 
 gold crater of Croesus (Her. vm. 122), which itself was on the right 
 hand of one entering the temple (id. i. 51), i.e. near the N.E. angle. 
 The Panhellenic thank-offering for Plataea, the golden tripod on a 
 three-headed serpent of bronze (Her. ix. 80), was in the same 
 neighbourhood, close to the Great Altar. Gelon's tripod and Nike, as 
 we know, commemorated Himera. The memorial of a mere personal 
 success in the games would have seemed strangely intrusive amidst such 
 surroundings. (2) Further, the base on which Gelon's tripod stood 
 was enlarged to receive Hieron's. Community of base suggests com- 
 munity of purpose. Hieron had fought at Himera. When his tripod 
 and Nike were placed at the side of his brother's, and on the same 
 plinth, can we doubt that the meaning was to assert his equality with 
 Gelon as a champion of western Hellas? That significance would be 
 enhanced, if we could suppose that the date was subsequent to Hieron's 
 naval victory over the Etruscans at Cumae in 474. 
 
 Another question remains. If the epigram of Simonides (or at least 
 the first couplet of it) was really used at Delphi, where was it placed ? 
 
 i. We now know that it was not placed on the pedestal of Gelon's 
 tripod. The inscription there names Gelon only. That inscription 
 also speaks of TOV rpiVoSa *ai rr)v Ni/o/v : which clearly suggests that this 
 pedestal supported both, the tripod being surmounted by the Victory. 
 This seems almost conclusive against the hypothesis that Gelon's Nike 
 stood on a separate pedestal, which bore the epigram of Simonides, the 
 speaker (<f>r)p.t) being the Nike herself (as suggested by v. Wilarnowitz, 
 Getting. Nachr., pp. 313 ff.). Further, it would be strange that an 
 inscription speaking of the tripod (or tripods) should be placed on a 
 pedestal which supported only the Nike.
 
 ODE III. 457 
 
 2. M. Homolle supposes that the epigram of Simonides was 
 engraved on a lost base which once supported the two smaller tripod- 
 pedestals (CandZ>), those for Thrasybulus and Polyzelus. In that case, 
 the epigram referred to four tripods. But, as I have sought to show, it 
 is not probable that Hieron's tripod was placed beside Gelon's till after 
 the latter's death. We should have to suppose, then, that Hieron was 
 originally represented by a tripod which stood on a separate pedestal, 
 a tripod presumably of smaller size than that which he afterwards 
 caused to be set up. 
 
 It seems to me that, with the existing data for the problem, we must 
 be content to remain in doubt with regard (i) to the history of pedestals 
 C and D; and (2) to the place of the Simonidean epigram, if it was really 
 used at all. But two things appear strongly probable : viz. (i) that the 
 tripod and Nike of Hieron, which stood beside Gelon's, commemorated 
 the victory at Himera ; and (2) that they were placed there after he 
 succeeded Gelon at Syracuse in 478. 
 
 Ode III. 21 f. 0OV, 060V TIS 
 
 <vyXcuTco, 6 "yap apio-ros 6'A.p<ov. 
 
 In verse 22 Kenyan reads, ayXai^eVw yap, apurrov oA/3ov. (For them. 21 f. 
 position of yap, cp. Soph. Ph. 1450.) Housman and Richards, dyAai^ero) 
 Trap api<TTov oA/3ov (' in the time of greatest properity '). But the change 
 of T into 6 in the MS. reading ayXa'ie#w is then unexplained. 
 
 Others read ayAai'e. Marindin, dyAa'i^e, $ea> yap apiOTOS oA/3(ov (i.e., 
 
 the god has the best happiness in his gift). Tyrrell, a'yAdi'' !#', <5 Trap' 
 apicrros oA/3wv. Butcher, dyAdi'^c, SwTop' aptcrrov oXfiiov. The use of TIS 
 here with the second person of the imper. is, however, difficult to justify. 
 Tras, indeed, is often so used (e.g. Ar. Pax 555 Tras xV t ^po? Ipyov). 
 In Ar. Av. 1187 ro^eue, Traie, a V.I. for Trait is Tras TIS : and in [Eur.J 
 Rhes. 687, where Dind. gives ur^e Tras 10-^', some MSS. have ur^e Tras TIS. 
 But, even if the use of TIS with the second pers. imper. could be proved 
 authentic in some passages of this special kind, where a hurried 
 command is addressed to several persons, it would not follow that TIS 
 could be so used in a case like the present, i.e. in a general moral 
 precept. 
 
 Ode III. 25 31. Blass gives this passage as follows: I print in III. 25 31 
 black type the parts of the restoration which are his own : 
 
 25 evTe TO.V TrTr[p<i>p.evai/ 
 
 T\t[lOV
 
 45 APPENDIX. 
 
 Tifpcra.lv vir' cxirCpirXav 
 Kpourov 6 xpiwaopos 
 
 <J>vXa. > 'ATroAAan/. [TO yap aJcATrrov d/uap 
 30 n<JX' wv' 7roAi)8[a/<puov] OVK e/AeAAe 
 
 fiifJLveiv en 8[v<r<j>po<rvvav], Trvpav 8e (/c.r.A.) 
 
 (a) The sense of the first three verses then is : 'When, by decree 
 of Zeus who brings the end, Sardis was fulfilling its doom VTTO o-Tparu) 
 Hepo-oV, under the hands of the Persian host.' He compares xvi. 26 f., 
 TreTrpw/xevav atcrai> tKTrAr/o'op.ev : and for VTTO, XII. 1 66 Ovacr KOVTCS inr' 
 Aia/ct'Sais. But verse 27 is not a good one; the position of viro is 
 awkward. And in verse 26 the plural veu/tao-iv (used once by Aesch., 
 Suppl. 373 /Aoi/oi/o^oio-i veuyu.ao-iv o-e#ev) seems neither quite fitting nor 
 very probable. The caesura after rcAet'ov is also against the rule usually 
 observed by Bacchylides : see p. 97. It is surely much more likely 
 that the government of TreirpwfjLevav was provided in v. 26 by TeAeiouo-ai 
 (or reAecrcravTOs). 
 
 (/>) From TO yap K.T.A. in v. 29 onwards, the sense is: 'For the 
 unexpected day had come indeed (<3v) : he (Croesus) was not minded 
 to await a further doom of tears and anguish,' etc. This suggests some 
 remarks, (i) Blass's reading fj.o\' <5v is prompted by the indication in 
 the MS. of w. But yuoAtoV for /xoAcov was one of the commonest errors in 
 accentuation. Headlam has collected the following (among other) 
 passages where p.o\<av is so accented in one or more of the MSS. : Eur. Ale. 
 1153, Hipp. 656, Med. 246, Phoen. 480, 663: Lycophron, 824, 1312, 
 1370, 1376 (noAtoVres 925, 956). Cp. CTTCI for CTTCI in v. 23 of this Ode. 
 In his 2nd and 3rd editions (p. 36) Prof. Blass further observes that, after 
 the letter N, he has found a point in the MS. Of this I can perceive no 
 trace. The right-hand stroke of N has been partly effaced, and one of 
 the vestiges of that stroke might, indeed, be taken for a point ; but it is 
 in the line of the upward stroke, and not to the right of it. (2) The 
 form <5v occurs nowhere else in Bacchylides ; whereas in xvm. 29 and 37 
 he uses ovv. Did he here prefer wv as Pindaric? It seems unlikely. 
 The sense given to it is such as it would bear if (e.g.} the sentence had 
 been, TO ap.ap aeX-n-rov plv -rjv, /noAe 8' MV. This is (to my apprehension) 
 a little forced. (3) The asyndeton after //.oA' cJV is somewhat harsh, and 
 certainly is not in this poet's narrative style. (In his note Prof. Blass 
 suggests, as an alternative, TroAu Be o-Tvyos. . Svcr^pocrwav.) (4) The 
 subject to 2ft\\ is Croesus : but, after two clauses with other subjects 
 ('ATroAAwi/ and a/x.ap), this needs to be indicated. (5) 
 ' trouble of mind,' seems too weak a word here ; the epithet
 
 ODE III. 459 
 
 prepares us for some word expressing a dire calamity, such as Sou- 
 Xocrvvav. 
 
 Ode III. 48 dppoparav. There is perhaps only one instance in III. 48 
 which a classical Greek writer applies the term d/3po's to the movement of 
 men without implying the reproach of effeminacy : viz. Eur. Med. 829 f. 
 (the Athenians) euet 810. Xap.Trpora.rov I /JatVovres d/2pws ai$e'pos, where, as 
 Verrall says, 'it denotes the soft motion of the body, luxuriating... in the 
 genial air.' The normal sense of df3pov /foiWv is illustrated by verse 
 1134 of the same play, where the young bride Glauce, conscious of her 
 radiant beauty and splendid attire, is described as aftpov 
 TraAAeuKw 77-081. Cp. Helena 1528, <ro<f><araO' afipov TTOOO. riOtitr 
 (where Helen is moving with the gentle tread of a mourner) : and /. A. 
 614 (Iphigeneia) afipov n^eio-a KwAov. Jurenka compares Clem. Alex. 
 Paedcig. III. 294 TO afipooiatrov Trjs Trept rov irepiTrarov KtvT/o-ews /ecu TO 
 (rauAa. /Saivew, a"s ($>T)o-iv 'Ava/cpcwi/, Ko/uSrj eraipi*ca. This is relevant in SO 
 far as it illustrates the display of a^p6r-q<; in movement. But Clement 
 there has in view something much coarser than Euripides (e.g.) meant 
 by aftpov f3aivovcra. : this is shown by TO a-avXa fiaiveiv ('a swaying gait'), 
 as also by tTcuputd, and, indeed, by TO aftpooiairov, which might be 
 rendered 'voluptuousness.' The idea which aftpov ftaivtiv expresses, 
 and the antithesis which it implies, might be illustrated by the words of 
 Shakespeare's Portia, when she is about to enact the part of a man, and 
 says that she will 'turn two mincing steps into a manly stride' (Merchant 
 of Venice in. 4. 67 : which might be rendered in Greek, dySpov p.lv ov 
 , /3-fjfJia. 8' apcrevos ] TpoVots CTre/cmVouo-a). Prof. J. B. Bury explains 
 as ' a slippered eunuch.' But, as I understand the word, it 
 refers to a delicate gait, rather than to soft coverings for the feet (as 
 though d/3po/3ar7s meant 'walking on d/3pa'). It maybe added that 
 the phrase of the oracle given to Croesus (Her. i. 55), AuSe -n-ooafipf, 
 though verbally similar, is not really relevant. The oracle, very 
 unjustly, chose to assume that the Lydians were already what they 
 became after their subjection, an effeminate race. The ' Lydian with 
 delicate feet ' is merely the ' effeminate ' Lydian, the epithet being 
 ironically adapted to the counsel given, viz., ^euyeiv. It was only after 
 his fall that Croesus advised Cyrus to enervate the Lydians by requiring 
 them Ki$cova's TC VTTOOVVCIV Tots etjaacri xai KoOopvov? twoSeW&u (Her. 
 
 I- 155)- 
 
 Some critics write c A/3po,fiuTav, and take it as a proper name, like 
 in Her. vn. 224. This is surely improbable.
 
 460 - APPENDIX. 
 
 III. 59 Ode III. 59 es 'Yireppopeovs. Otto Crusius, in Roscher's Lexikon 
 der gr. und ram. Mythologie (pp. 2805 2835), exhaustively discusses 
 the Hyperborean legends. He adopts and enforces the view of H. L. 
 Ahrens as to the original meaning of the name. That view may be 
 summed up as follows, (i) In the Apollo-cult of Delos, it was said 
 that the Hyperboreans had sent two maidens with offerings of first-fruits 
 to Delos. (2) These maidens were escorted by five men, TTO/ATTOI, 
 whom the Hyperboreans sent with them. The Delians called these 
 men IIep(/>epees: high honours were paid to them. (See Her. iv. 32 35.) 
 (3) c Y7rep/3pTos was the name of a month (=July) in the Cretan 
 Calendar : and 'YTrep/JcpeTcuos (= September) in the Macedonian Calendar. 
 In these months there were harvest-festivals of Apollo. (4) In some 
 North-Greek dialects, as in those of Macedonia and of Delphi, </> became 
 /8. Thus VTrcp/Se'peros leads back to V7rep<peVr?s ; and VTrep/SepfTaios to 
 vTrcp^eperaio?. So vVe/xopos would in those dialects become viripfiopos. 
 Thus would come in a popular (or hieratic) derivation from /3opeas. 
 (5) The bringers of offerings over (land and sea) would originally have 
 been a designation applicable to pious votaries of Apollo anywhere who 
 sent offerings to his shrine. These votaries were transformed by the 
 etymologizing legend into a people dwelling beyond the north wind, a 
 separate and blessed folk, devoted to the god's worship. (6) This 
 explains how it happens that e.g. the Argive Perseus-saga places the 
 ' Hyperboreans,' not in the far North, but in the far West, near the 
 dwelling of the Gorgons. (See Crusius in Roscher, p. 2816, 22.) 
 
 Bacchylides, who was in touch with Delos (cp. Ode xvi) and its 
 Apollo-cult, treats the land of the "Yirepfiopcoi as a paradise to which 
 Apollo can transport pious mortals ; a place like the 'HAvVioj/ TreSiW or 
 the fjidKapuv vrjvoi in the far West. Doubtless he, like Pindar, thought 
 of the ' Hyperboreans ' simply as ' dwellers beyond the North Wind.' 
 But unconsciously he has introduced a touch which is in perfect 
 harmony with the derivation from vVep^epo), and with the view that the 
 name originally denoted pious votaries of Apollo in whatever region 
 they might dwell. It is very possible that here he may have been 
 influenced by Delian traditions which he knew. The Hyperborean 
 legend was a temple-myth, developed at the sanctuaries of Apollo, 
 and doubtless first of all at Delphi, whence it passed to Delos, and to 
 other Aegean seats of the cult.
 
 ODE III. 461 
 
 Ode III. 72 
 
 73 .... yos<f>a[iepova[ 
 
 74 
 
 What was probably the general sense of the three mutilated verses, in. 7274 
 72 74? This question must be viewed in the light of the whole 
 context. 
 
 Verses 67 71 are an epitome of Hieron's glories, as victor in the 
 games, warrior, just ruler, and votary of the Muses. In verses 73 74 
 there was clearly some reference to the shortness of life : and that strain 
 was continued in verses 75 84. The general purport of the whole 
 passage, from v. 74 to 84, was to this effect : ' Life is short and un- 
 certain ; a man must be prepared either to die to-morrow, or to live for 
 many years : do your duty day by day, and be cheerful ' (83). What 
 we do not know is the nature of the transition by which, in verses 
 72 74, the poet passed from the theme of Hieroris glories to reflections 
 on the brevity and insecurity of human life. 
 
 This ode was written after the Olympic festival of 468 B.C. ; and 
 Hieron died, in 467, of the disease from which he had long suffered. 
 Pindar's third Pythian (written in or about 474 B.C.) shows that even 
 then Hieron was a sufferer. The whole strain of Pindar's ode is, indeed, 
 strikingly similar to that of Bacchylides here : it dwells on the shortness 
 of life ; and consoles the invalid with the thought that the Muse can 
 give lasting fame. Compare especially verses 90 f. here, operas ye //.ei/ 
 ov fJuvvOei | /JpOTouv a/xa (rco/xari <eyyos, with Pind. P. III. ll4f., a 8* 
 apera KAetvcus aotSats | xp ol/t ' a TeA.e'#ei. When Bacchylides wrote his 
 verses, it was perhaps known to him that Hieron had not long to live. 
 
 Two lines of restoration are possible, according to the view taken of 
 MAAEAI in v. 72. 
 
 I. If ScipaXcq, (or pw/xaAe'a) be assumed, the subst. agreeing with it 
 must certainly have stood in the same verse ; and nothing seems possible 
 except \tipi. This suggests that the passage contained a contrast 
 between Hieron's former activity in war (cp. v. 34) and his present 
 state. The word o-Koims in 74 is clearly addressed to him : it could 
 mean either ' lookest for' solace from the Muses, or ' contemplatest' 
 the approach of the end. Compare ix. 13, where reav aperav, ad- 
 dressed to the victor, rather abruptly follows the mention of him in v. 9. 
 Similarly in xv. 6 Apollo is the subject of ayaXXerai, and then is 
 suddenly apostrophised in v. 10.
 
 462 APPENDIX. 
 
 Prof. Blass restores thus : 
 
 72 05 Sei/xaXea TTOTC 
 
 73 yaAavos <f>d/J.fpov dSovav <i- 
 
 74 Xdvopa erKoirets. ySpa^vs COTIV aiwv, 
 
 />. ' who of yore didst rage with terrible hand, (but now) in tranquillity, 
 lookest for some kindly enjoyment, sufficient unto the day ' (i.e. for the 
 pleasure afforded by the kindly Muses). The following remarks suggest 
 themselves, (i) c<f>d|upov is here used as by Pindar in /. vi. 39 ff., 
 6 8' a.@ava.Twv p.rj Opacrcrfrw <f>(tovo<s | o n Tfpirvov (<f>d/j.epov Siw/cwv | e/caXos 
 ITTCI/U y?7pas. That sense of ((pd^fpov is suitable to Pindar's prayer for 
 himself. It is also suitable to Hieron's probable condition in 468 B.C. : 
 but it may be doubted whether Bacchylides would have so openly 
 referred to that condition. His allusions to Hieron's illness are else- 
 where veiled. Ppa\- in v. 74, and t^ajicpiwv in 76, might incline us to 
 surmise that e<a/xepov in 73 meant 'short-lived,' rather than 'sufficing 
 for the day.' (2) I greatly doubt whether there is room for the letters 
 FAAAN before OC in 73. A careful measurement of the letters FEAAN 
 (of yeXavw'o-as) in Ode v. 80 will show that they exceed the space avail- 
 able before OC here; afortiori^ then, TAAAN is too large, for A in this 
 MS. is much broader than E. (3) aBovav 4>iXavopa would more naturally 
 mean ' the pleasure of being hospitable ' (cp. i. 40 ^civwv re faXdvopi 
 n/xa) than ' the kindly pleasure ' given by the Muses. 
 
 The following modifications of Prof. Blass's reading have occurred 
 to me as possible : 
 
 (i) os Sei/xaXe'a TTOT X t P' Ovvtav 
 ytpatos f(f>a.[Aepov avrc repif/iv 
 
 or/coTrets. Saus axjtiv altav' 
 
 With regard to yepcuos, it may be remarked that the word connotes 
 the reverence due to years; and also that in verses 88 91 the poet 
 clearly refers to Hieron's physical decay. This conjecture implies, like 
 that of Blass, that i^d^pov ' sufficing for the day.' 
 
 (2) If, on the other hand, e^a'/xepov meant 'short-lived,' we might 
 conjecture : 
 
 ycpcuos ftpdfjiepov avSpos atcrav 
 
 (For the sing. aVSpos cp. 88.) 
 
 II. Let us now turn to the other line of restoration, that which 
 presupposes MoX^a. If that was the word, the reference was to the
 
 ODE III. 463 
 
 dangers of that stormy cape for sea-farers, owing to the conflict of 
 currents and winds. Cp. Strabo (8. 378): the sea off Malea is dreaded 
 by sailors, Bio. TO.S avrnrvoias' a<f> ov Kal 7rapoi/Aiaovrai, 
 MaXeas Se Ka/u.i/'as eTrtXdOov TOJV oiKaSe. 
 
 That proverb was doubtless made by Greeks living in the islands or 
 on the coasts of the Aegean. If you have once got safely round Malea, 
 be thankful, and do not tempt the gods by returning that way. (Cp. 
 Curt. Pelop. n. p. 298 and p. 330.) 
 
 Od. 9. 80 (Odysseus speaks) : dXXa p.* Kiifj.a poos re Trcptyva/ATrrovra 
 MuAetav KCU Bopoys aTrewo-e, 7rap7rXaye'v re KvOtjptav. Her. IV. 179 (Jason 
 and the Argonauts) : /cat fj.iv ws TrXtaovra yevo-0eu /cara MaXer/v, VTroXa/Jciv 
 ave/AOv Bope'r/v KCU aVo^epciv Trpos Tr/v A.i(3vr)v. Statius Theb. 2. 33 : 
 Qua formidatum Maleae spumantis in auras It caput. Virgil (Aen. 
 v. 191) and Ovid (Am. n. 16. 24) also allude to Malea's terrors. The 
 name of Malea was thus proverbial, and might easily have furnished 
 a poet with a simile. A simile from the perils of the sea is used by 
 Bacchylides in Ode xn (124 132). 
 
 There is something to be said, then, in favour of such a restoration 
 as that which is given, exempli gratia, in my text. ' But, as erenow at 
 Malea, the god suddenly brings stress of storm on the children of a day. 
 Thou lookest to the needs of the time : our life is short.' The reference 
 to Malea would be a veiled, not an open, allusion to Hieron's state. It 
 would be a general sentiment concerning unforeseen vicissitudes in 
 human fortunes. The special application of it would be left to the 
 hearer. This would be quite in the manner of Bacchylides (as of 
 Pindar), when he glances at the element of adversity in Hieron's 
 otherwise brilliant lot (see e.g. Ode v. 50 -55). 
 
 In v. 74 a possible variant for xcupia o-KOTreis' /Spa^vs a/t/xiv al<av' 
 would be : curu^a o^KOTreis jBpa^v /xerpov aura?. No point after cncoTreis 
 now appears in the MS. : it may, however, have been obliterated in the 
 correction made after that word (see cr. n., p. 263) ; or it may have 
 been omitted by error. 
 
 It is not easy to choose between the two lines of restoration, that 
 which assumes Sei/zaXe'a and that which assumes MaXe'a. If any one 
 contends that the former is the more probable, I shall not gainsay him. 
 My object has been to state the data of the problem as clearly as I 
 could, and to indicate such tentative solutions as I have been able to 
 find.
 
 464 APPENDIX. 
 
 Ode IV. 7 13. In his third edition Blass prints this passage as 
 follows : 
 
 w w w w], as 
 
 w \j w e/coVJTi VOOM 
 
 IO w \j \j w] V/AI/OVS, 
 
 www t^'Auei/, ols] urop- 
 
 POTTOV l^ovra AiKJas TaXav[rov 
 Aftvo/xeVeos eyepa[ipo]juci/ vtoV. 
 
 IV. 713 The supplements in verses 9, n, 12, to the left of the bracket ], are 
 his own; except that, in n f., where in his 2nd ed. he read Sis opj#ov 
 dvexovra, he now receives Headlam's la-op poirov l^ovra. The letters 
 1C OP . . and ACTAAAN in v. n and in v. 12 are found on a small 
 fragment (no. 19 Kenyon) which Blass refers to this place. He 
 thinks that the same fragment shows the lower part of the first Y in 
 V/AVOVS (v. 10). This collocation of the fragment is possible, but it 
 cannot be regarded as certain. Then in verse 8 Prof. Blass finds traces 
 of an apostrophe in the MS. before AC (I fail to do so), and reads as. 
 He thinks that the sense of the whole passage was to the following effect. 
 Verse 6 contained some reference to Arethusa; as dXeWtop, "whose 
 husband (the Alpheus) with willing soul (l/coWi vow) was wont to hear 
 the songs with which we honoured the son of Deinomenes, who holds 
 the balance of Justice in even poise." 
 
 Now, I agree with Prof. Blass in thinking that the earlier part of 
 this passage referred to Hieron's two victories at Olympia. It seems 
 improbable, however, that the dXeWop was the Alpheus. I should 
 rather surmise that he was the epiySovrros iroVis "Hpas. Such a designa- 
 tion would be the more appropriate, since at Olympia the temple of 
 Hera was next in importance to the temple of Zeus. 
 
 In verse 13 Prof. Blass now deletes the K' which the MS. exhibits 
 after Aeivo/xeVeos. In his first edition he retained it, explaining it as 
 iterative (p. 41 ' K repetitionis est'); i.e., he took K eyepaipo/ti> as 
 meaning, 'we used to honour.' But in his second edition (p. 44) he 
 writes : ' Non est iustum K : sed si omnino est, putandum ex alia littera 
 (e?) corrigenda factum.' By the words, 'non est iustum K,' Prof. Blass 
 means that it differs from the regular form of K in this papyrus. That is 
 true. The K is somewhat narrower, more compressed, than usual ; as if 
 at this point the scribe was doubting whether he would have space 
 enough in the column for the words eyepaipo/xej/ vto'v which he had still 
 to write. There are, however, many similar instances in the MS. of a
 
 ODES IV, V. 465 
 
 slight difference between the forms of the same letter in different places. 
 And on the other hand the K' here is perfectly distinct. I cannot 
 perceive any ground for the suggestion that it has been made by 
 correction out of some other letter. To delete it seems a wholly 
 unwarrantable proceeding. 
 
 It remains to speak of verse 14. In his first edition (1898) Prof. 
 Blass wrote Tafos /AV^OIS, meaning Delphi, the seat of nq 
 Talai' (Aesch. Eum. 2). In his second edition he gives KCppas 
 My own conjecture, Kpfo-as p-v^ois, was made independently (in 1898), 
 and before the appearance of his second edition. Cirrha was the 
 ancient port of Crisa : if a-yxwiXouri better suits Cirrha, jivxois is more 
 suggestive of Crisa: cp. Find. P. vi. 18 Kpwaiais evl Trials. Wilamo- 
 witz proposed Kovpas /xv^ots, i.e. Syracuse, as the city of Persephone. 
 But here we clearly need a mention of Delphi, to balance that of 
 Olympia (6Aw/x7rtovt/cas) in v. 17. An indication of the Pythian victories 
 merely by the word raSe would be too obscure. 
 
 Ode V. 2 orpaTa-^. See Freeman, Sicily, vol. n. Appendix in. V. 
 pp. 499 502, on 'Gelon as General and King': also pp. 135 137: and 
 as to the title of fiao-iXtvs given to Hieron by Pindar, pp. 540 542. 
 In Class. Rev. xiu. p. 98 (March, 1899) Prof. J. B. Bury holds that 
 cnyxrraye is 'a definite reference to the formal title orparayos avro- 
 Kpartap.' 
 
 It is well to keep the following points clearly in view. 
 
 1. Gelon reigned at Gela from 491 to 485 B.C. In 485 the 
 Gamoroi (oligarchic land-owners), who had been driven out of Syracuse 
 by the democrats, and had established themselves at Casmenae, asked 
 help from Gelon, who undertook to restore them. 'When he drew 
 near to the city, the new democracy at once submitted, and Gelon 
 became lord of Syracuse' (Freeman, Sic. n. 127). He reigned at 
 Syracuse from 485 to his death in 478. 
 
 2. That Gelon at some time held the office of erTpar^yos avTOKparwp 
 is a belief which rests on the following authorities, (i) Diodorus 
 xiu. 94 says that, in 405 B.C., the elder Dionysius was made orpem/yos 
 auTOKparaip against the Carthaginians. One motive for this measure 
 was that in 480 the Carthaginians had been defeated at Himera, crrpaTy;- 
 yowros Te'/Wos auro/cparopos. (ii) Polyaenus I. 27 i says that, for 
 the war against the Carthaginians in 480, Gelon was elected 'general 
 with full powers' (o-Tpan/yos avTOKparwp xeipoTov^ets). He 'rendered 
 his account ' of that office to the people (eu#was Sous r^s 
 
 j. B. 31
 
 466 APPENDIX. 
 
 dpX>7s), and, having thus laid it down, appeared unarmed before the 
 armed people in the agora. They re-elected him general ; and ' so ' he 
 became rupavvos. (OVTW ST) Trapa/cA^eis Stvrepov o-rparriyfjo-ai rupavvos 
 eyeVeTo 2upaKou<nW.) This, as Freeman observes, is 'evidently the same 
 scene as that which Diodorus (xi. 26) describes on Gelon's return from 
 Himera, which ends with the people saluting Gelon as king' Polyaenus 
 has misconceived the circumstances, but must have had some definite 
 authority for the title cnyxxr^yos auTOKparwp. (iii) The Schol. on 
 Find. O. n. 2<) cites Timaeus of Tauromenium (d. circ. 256.6.0.?), who 
 wrote a history of Sicily (SiKeAuca) down to 264 B.C. : TOV 8e FeAwvos 
 TcXfVTav rov (3iov /u,eAAovTOs, IIoAu^Aos dSA<os Trjv crrpaTT/yiav KCU rr/v 
 ya/j.Tr)v TOV aoeX<f>ov 8ta8e'xeTat. (Frag. 90, Miiller, Frag. Hist. L. 
 p. 214.) 
 
 3. It is probable, though it cannot be proved, that Gelon was 
 made o-rparayos <nm>KpaTo>p, not for the first time in 480, with a view to 
 a war against the Carthaginians, but in 485, when he became master of 
 Syracuse. It may have been the official title under which his virtual 
 kingship was veiled. (See Freeman, Sic. n. p. 137.) 
 
 4. After his great victory at Himera in 480, Gelon was saluted by 
 the Syracusans as ' benefactor, saviour, and king ' (/Sao-iAeo. : Diod. 
 xi. 26). Freeman doubts whether Gelon was ever 'clothed with any 
 formal kingship' (Sic. n. p. 203). Diodorus, however, in xi. 38 styles 
 him 6 yScuriAevs TcXtav. In Her. vn. 61 the Athenian envoy addresses 
 him as <S /3a<riAev Svpr/Koo-iW. (Freeman regards this address as ' more 
 or less sarcastic ' ; which seems to me improbable : though it may 
 readily be granted that no stress can safely be laid on the use of the 
 word fiao-iXev there.) 
 
 5. In regard to Hieron, there is no direct evidence that he was 
 ever Styled o-rparayos avTOKparwp. The interpretation of o-rparaye in 
 that sense here rests entirely on the hypothesis that the title was 
 transmitted from Gelon to Hieron ; as Timaeus states that it passed 
 from Gelon to Polyzelus. Prof. Bury ingeniously observes that Pindar 
 in P. n. 58 'addresses Hieron as Trpuravt Kvpi...<rTpaToi5, an accurate 
 paraphrase of o-rparaye avTOKparujp.' It is well, however, to consider 
 the whole of Pindar's phrase : irpvTavi Kvpic iroXXSv p.cv evo-Tj)dvwv 
 dymav KCU orpaTot), ' sovereign prince of many streets encircled with 
 goodly walls, and of a great host.' cn-parou is used as in verse 87 of the 
 same ode, 6 AaySpos arparos, = Sa/xos : cp. Aesch. Eum. 566. Hieron, 
 in this passage of Pindar, is not specially the l general with full powers' 
 but the lord of a strong and fair city, of Syracuse and its people. 
 
 6. On the whole, I should be disposed to think that o-rparayc' is
 
 ODE V. 467 
 
 merely a general designation, ' war-lord,' and does not refer to a special 
 office. But I do not regard the latter view as inadmissible. My object 
 has been to define the amount and the limits of the evidence for that 
 view. 
 
 7. I would only add that the fact of Pindar styling Hieron 
 /foo-iAtv's, in Odes designed for performance at Syracuse (O. i. 23, 
 P. m. 70), proves much more than the poet's belief that the title was 
 one which Hieron would like. It shows that Hieron felt no danger in 
 being publicly so styled. That being so, the motive for -veiling royal 
 power under the title of o-rparayos avTOKpdrwp cannot, in Hieron's case, 
 have been very strong, whatever it may have been in Gelon's earlier 
 years of rule at Syracuse. Whether Hieron ever formally became 
 /3aaiA.v9, we cannot say. But, if he was styled o-Tparayos auVo/cpaTwp, 
 it would not follow that he was not also styled /focnAetk. The former 
 title came down from Gelon : if the latter was also taken by Gelon, or 
 by Hieron, the military title might well remain associated with it. 
 
 Ode V. 1 1 f. vd<roi) e'vos vfier^pav ir^jx- 
 irti tcXtevvdv s iroXiv 
 
 26 f. 8v<nraira\a KV|xara vwjia- 
 rai 8' V drpvTw \<iti. 
 
 Verses n and 26 are longer by a syllable than the corresponding V. ilf. r 
 verses in the other strophes. It is easy to correct verse 26 by reading 
 voyta instead of vw^arai. (The first hand had originally written NliMAT, 
 though the I has been deleted.) And vw/xa would be intrinsically 
 preferable to vw/xarat. But verse 1 1 resists emendation. The following, 
 conjectures may be mentioned. (i) R. J. Walker, ir\ei for Tre/xTrei, 
 (2) A. Platt, irXeW for Tre'/ATrei (deleting, in 14, Se after 0e'A.ei). H. 
 
 Richards, 7re/u.7r es Bciav Tro'Xtv. The easiest correction would be Tre/juj/e 
 K\ewav cs iroXiv, but W/ATrei is clearly right. u/n/u TrpoTre/xTrei would 
 depart too far from the MS. The conclusion must be, I think, that 
 verse 1 1 is sound. If a corruption exists there, it is deeper than can 
 now be traced. But if v. n is sound, verse 26 is so also. 
 The same phenomenon recurs in verse 14, =v. 29 : 
 
 13 xP vo " ( M 1 ' irvKO s Ovpavias K\I- 
 vbs Ocpairuv eOe'Xet 8e 
 
 28 XerrroTpixa <riv <j>vpov irvoi- 
 
 aCcrLv f0ipav dpfyvto- 
 30 TOS (AST* avOpwirois I6eiv. 
 
 31 2
 
 468 APPENDIX. 
 
 Now in v. 30 p.fT is certainly awkward (though, as I have tried to 
 show in the commentary, quite intelligible) ; Weil suggested p-ty, or 
 (keeping /ter') ouovols instead of avOpw-jrois. R. J. Walker would delete 
 /ACT' (a remedy which Blass approves, p. xin, and p. 49, 3rd ed.). This 
 would doubtless be preferable to altering apiyvwros into dpiyvws (Find. 
 JV. v. 12). But here, just as in the former case, it is the verse in the 
 strophe which resists emendation. There is only one way of shortening 
 verse 14, viz., by deleting Se after c6e\i. But an asyndeton there 
 would be intolerable. If 8 is to be removed, a participle must (as 
 Platt saw) replace Tre/ATrct in nf. ; but this, again, is an improbable 
 change. 
 
 Thus the first strophe and antistrophe present two instances (v. 
 11 = 26, and v. 14=29) in which the metre varies from that of the 
 subsequent strophes and antistrophes. In neither case does it seem 
 possible to find any really probable emendation. And it would be a 
 very singular coincidence if corruption of the text had produced 
 precisely this peculiarity in two passages of the first strophe and 
 antistrophe, but nowhere else in the other 170 verses of the ode. 
 Again, it is evident that the anomalies cannot be explained by supposing 
 that, in all the pairs of strophes after the first, the final long syllable of 
 the verses corresponding with n and 14 was protracted, so that e.g. in 
 v. 51 p-olpdv TC icaXwv tiropev the last syllable was equivalent in time to 
 ^. I incline, then, to believe that in v. n (=26) and 14 (=29) the 
 text is sound ; and that for some reason or other the poet varied from 
 this model in the corresponding verses of the later strophes. It seems 
 possible that the slight variation was due to mere inadvertence. 
 
 Ode V. 56175. THE MELEAGER-MYTH. 
 
 V. 56 175 The mythical genealogy, so far as it appears in Bacchylides, is as 
 follows : 
 
 Thestius of Pleuron, 
 Porthaon (v. 70) kin g of ^ e Curetes 
 
 Oeneus of Calydon, king 
 
 of the Aetolians, + Althaea Althaea Iphiclus Aphares 
 J (v. 128) (v. 119) 
 
 i ! I 
 
 Meleager Agelaus Deianeira 
 (v. 117) 
 
 After the narrative in the Homeric Upeafteta (II. 9. 529 599), that 
 of Bacchylides is the oldest complete recital of the story which we 
 possess. Certain points are deserving of notice.
 
 ODE V. 469 
 
 The Homeric version is in outline as follows. Oeneus, king of 
 Calydon, had angered Artemis by withholding the harvest first-fruits 
 (OaXva-ia) due to her; and she sent the wild boar to ravage his land. 
 His Aetolian subjects were aided by their neighbours, the Curetes, in 
 the boar-hunt. Meleager slew the boar. Then the Aetolians fell to 
 fighting with the Curetes for the boar's head and hide. In the fight, 
 Meleager slew some of Althaea's brethren, his uncles. Thereupon his 
 mother cursed him (567 TroAA' dx^ovar' r/pdro Kacriyvifroto <ovoio), calling 
 on Hades and Persephone to avenge her brothers. Meleager, in wrath 
 at her curse, withdrew to his house. Meanwhile the Curetes were at 
 the gates of Calydon, pressing the town hard. The Aetolian elders 
 sent priests to Meleager, beseeching him to come forth and help them ; 
 his father Oeneus, his sisters, even Althaea herself, implored his aid ; 
 but in vain. The Curetes were already climbing the walls and firing 
 the city, when Cleopatra, Meleager's wife, prevailed with him. He 
 donned his armour, and repelled the foe. But, so tardy had he been, 
 he won no thanks. That is the point which Phoenix, in telling the 
 story, wishes to urge : If Achilles delays too long, then, even if at last 
 he saves the Greeks, the service will have no grace. The Homeric poet 
 was not concerned to tell how Meleager eventually died. He merely 
 says that Althaea's curse was heard by ' the Erinys who walks in 
 darkness' (571). And there is no allusion to the story of Althaea's 
 brand. 
 
 But we know from Pausanias (10. 31 3) that, in two other epics, 
 the Miwas and the 'Hoicu, Meleager was slain by Apollo. The Homeric 
 poet was probably conscious of that version. Ernst Kuhnert, in his 
 excellent article 'Meleagros' in Roscher's Lexikon, supposes, indeed, that 
 the Homeric poet conceived Meleager as slain by the arrow of Apollo 
 just when he had repelled the Curetes (597), so that 'he bought the 
 victory of the Aetolians by his death' (p. 2592). That, however, would 
 destroy the force of TW 8' ovxen StS/aa reXeo-o-av (598). The point is that 
 he had to yield at last, and then missed the reward which a timely 
 compliance would have won. But if he died before the reward could 
 in any case have been given, the moral which Phoenix wishes to draw 
 is lost. The poet of the Il/sea/Jeta must have imagined his death as 
 occurring later. 
 
 The version of Meleager's death which made him fall by the shaft 
 of Apollo was evidently well-suited to any epic poem which aimed at 
 exalting the Aetolian hero. That was a glorious end for him. To 
 perish with the wasting of Althaea's brand was a tragic, but not a
 
 470 APPENDIX. 
 
 glorious, death. Such a doom was fitted, by its pathos, for lyric 
 treatment ; while, as illustrating the power of destiny, it was a suitable 
 motive for drama. And it is in Attic drama that the earliest extant 
 notice of Althaea's brand is found. The verses of Phrynichus have 
 been quoted in the commentary (on (frirpov in v. 142): they occurred in 
 his IlXevpwviai. Pausanias (10. 31 4) prefaces his citation of the 
 verses with these words : TOVTOV TOV Aoyov (the story of the brand) 
 4>puvt^os 6 I3oAv<pa8/AOV09 TT/OOJTOS ev Spa/xart !Seie IIAeupwviais. And 
 he adds this comment : ov (trjv ^CKVCIW y 6 ^pwt^o? Trpoayaywv TOV 
 Aoyov es TrXcov, tos evprjfjLa av TI? oiKtov, Trpocrcuj/a.fj.fi'O'; Se avrov jaoVov, are 
 es airav Tjfo'i? Sta/Je/Jorj/xeVov TO 'EXXrjvLKov. ' It does not appear, however, 
 that Phrynichus developed the story at greater length, as a man would 
 naturally do if the invention was his own ; he has merely touched upon it, 
 as if it were already notorious throughout Hellas.' So, according to 
 Pausanias, the reference to Althaea's brand in the lyric passage of the 
 Pleuroniae was merely a passing allusion, just like that of Aeschylus to 
 the same story in the lyrics of the Choephori (604 ff.). Kekule', indeed 
 '(Fabula Meleagrea, p. 13, 1862), holds that the word eSe, used by 
 Pausanias in reference to Phrynichus, implies that the story of the brand 
 was a principal incident of the play. But I do not see how that view 
 -can be reconciled with the comment just quoted. 
 
 What was the subject of the Pleuroniae'? It has been conjectured 
 that the play dealt with the Calydonian boar-hunt ; that the scene was 
 laid at Calydon ; and that the chorus was composed of handmaids whom 
 Althaea had brought from her paternal home at Pleuron. Carl Robert 1 , 
 however, has lately re-affirmed the view of Welcker 2 , that the scene of 
 the play was laid at Pleuron, and that its theme was the siege of that 
 town by the Aetolians. 
 
 Bacchylides relates how the Aetolians, among whom Meleager was 
 foremost, drove the Curetes in flight to Pleuron. It was under the walls 
 of Pleuron that Meleager expired (iv. 149 154). The rout of the Curetes 
 was followed by the siege of their city. In the Pleuroniae of Phrynichus, 
 Carl Robert suggests, the persons may have been Thestius, one or two 
 of his sons, and two messengers, who narrated the boar-hunt, the fight 
 for the trophies, the slaying of the Thestiadae by Meleager, and Althaea's 
 vengeance on her son. At any rate, Robert thinks it certain that the 
 outline of the story, so far as Bacchylides gives it, follows substantially the 
 same version which was used by Phrynichus in the Pleuroniae. That 
 
 1 Hermes, vol. XXXIII. (1898), pp. 151 ff. 
 
 2 Die griech. Tragodien, I. 21 ff.
 
 ODE V. 471 
 
 seems probable enough : though, in the absence of more data, it seems 
 difficult to speak with any confidence on the subject. One remark, 
 however, at once suggests itself. Pausanias says that the lyric reference 
 in the Pleuroniae to Althaea's brand was merely a passing allusion. 
 And he may be right, even though, in his day, that play was known 
 only through fragments or notices. But, if he is right, then the death 
 of Meleager through the burning of the brand cannot have been narrated 
 in a messenger's speech. In any case, it is clear that the story of 
 Althaea's brand is older than Phrynichus, i.e. goes back to at least the 
 sixth century B.C. The common source of Phrynichus and Bacchylides 
 may have been some epic poem of which no trace remains. 
 
 With regard to the significance of the brand, Kuhnert has collected 
 (Rhein. Mus. 49. pp. 40 ff.) a number of illustrations and analogies. The 
 essential idea, that of a link between the light of life within the man, and 
 some external light on whose existence the other depends, is frequent 
 in mythology. A writer on modern Greece notices a belief existing 
 among the peasants of Zacynthus, that in the other world there are 
 countless little lights or tapers, each of which controls a human life ; 
 when the taper goes out, the life is quenched (B. Schmidt, Volksleben d. 
 Neugr. p. 246). The legend that Meleager perished by the wasting of 
 the brand may, indeed, be regarded as the element which connects the 
 Meleager-myth with Aetolian folk-lore. 
 
 One thing must be added. The Iliad knows Althaea's curse only, 
 not her brand. The curse is, in fact, a delegation of vengeance to the 
 divine powers invoked. The burning of the brand is a mode of 
 vengeance which the mortal could wreak without aid. But the curse 
 and the brand cannot properly be regarded as alternatives, characteristic 
 respectively of two versions in which the story was current. For the 
 burning of the brand might naturally be conceived as preceded or 
 accompanied by some form of imprecation. The chanting of a spell 
 is a normal adjunct of evil magic. Bacchylides says, 
 
 Kaif. re 8cu8aAe'as 
 
 K AapVttKOS WKV/J-OpOV 
 
 </>irpov uy/cAaucrucra. 
 
 If ay/cAavaao-a be the right reading (see n. on v. 140 ff.), this con- 
 sideration may help to explain it. In her passionate anguish for the 
 deaths of her brothers, she invoked a curse on her son. So the 
 Antigone of Sophocles (vv. 4271!.), when she saw the corpse of her 
 brother denuded of the dust which she had sprinkled on it, yootcriv 
 v, CK 8' apas Ka/cas tjpaTo K.r.X.
 
 472 APPENDIX. 
 
 Bacchylides, like the Homeric poet, is silent concerning Atalanta. 
 It is certain that Atalanta had a place in old forms of the Meleager- 
 myth. Her absence from the Iliad (which merely refers generally to 
 hunters 'from many cities,' 9. 544) is certainly not significant in a 
 contrary sense. She appears on some black-figured vases in the 
 Calydonian hunt : where, however, she is not especially associated 
 with Meleager, but with another hero, Melanion. Euripides, in his 
 Meleager, was the first who made Meleager the lover of Atalanta. 
 That love was the leading motive of the play. He gave her the 
 trophies of the boar. His uncles, the Thestiadae, took them away 
 from her; and he then slew them. The siege of Pleuron did not come 
 in. (Cp. Ovid, Met. vm. 428 461.) 
 
 The scholiast on Iliad 21. 194 quotes Pindar for a itrTopia. to 
 the following effect. Heracles, when he visited Hades to bring up 
 Cerberus, was besought by the shade of Meleager to wed Deianeira. 
 Heracles afterwards obtained the consent of her father Oeneus, and 
 delivered his bride from the pursuit of Achelous. In the version given 
 by Bacchylides, Heracles first expresses the wish to marry a sister of 
 Meleager : it is only then that the latter mentions Deianeira. At first 
 sight a modern reader might be disposed to think that, in telling the 
 story thus, Bacchylides has the advantage of Pindar. Surely it is fitting 
 that Heracles should make the proposal, rather than that it should 
 proceed from Meleager ? But further consideration will show that the 
 version followed by Pindar is in a truer and finer harmony with the 
 spirit of the myth. The significance of the scene in Hades depends on 
 the antithesis of the two great heroes, the living and the departed. 
 There is no longer a Meleager on the earth ; but a Heracles has 
 succeeded to his renown. Deianeira is beset by a suitor whom she 
 abhors. Meleager, in the shades, asks protection for his helpless sister 
 from the only living champion who can worthily fill her brother's place. 
 In this conception there is a higher poetry, a deeper pathos, than in 
 that which Bacchylides adopts. The Heracles of his ode seeks 
 Deianeira's hand partly through admiration for Meleager, partly through 
 pity for him. There is, however, no ground for assuming that Bacchylides 
 was the first to tell the story in this way. And, given this form of the 
 story, his manner of telling it has a great charm of its own. It is also 
 impressive that the fateful marriage should spring from an impulse 
 originating in the mind of Heracles himself. 
 
 There are some traces of Bacchylides in the later literature of the 
 myth. Apollodorus i. 8. 2. 2 follows him in the description of the 
 boar (cp. verses 107 no). As the sisters of Meleager, who bewailed
 
 ODE V. 
 
 473 
 
 him, were changed into /ucXeaypi'Ses (guinea-fowls), compilers of meta- 
 morphoses treated his story. Nicander told it in the third book of his 
 'Erepotov/jieva. That source was one of those used by Antoninus 
 Liberalis (c. A.D. 150) in his /u,eTayu.op<wcre(ov crwaywyr?, c. 2; but he drew 
 also on Homer, Bacchylides, and Euripides (see Carl Robert, I.e. p. 
 
 Ode V. 1 06 f. KaXXfyopov KaXvSwva. 
 
 is sometimes so used in poetry as to confirm the view of V. 106 f. 
 Aristarchus that the old poets made it serve, metro cogente, for eupv^wpos : 
 the strongest instance is //. 9. 478 Si 'EXXaSos evpvxopoio. Cp. Find. P. 
 vni. 55 and Eur. Bacch. 77 evpvxopous aywas. This was an illegitimate 
 use: xpo i s ' an enclosed place' (akin to x o/ P TOS > 'courtyard,' and 
 hortus, but unconnected with x^P 05 )- But ' s there any good reason for 
 supposing that KaXXt'xopos was ever used in the sense of KaXXi'xwpos? 
 This verse is more favourable to such a supposition than perhaps any 
 other extant passage ; yet even here it is quite unnecessary to assume 
 that sense. 
 
 Ode V. 172 f. x\topaij)(va...A<udvipav. 
 
 The sense of x^ w po?> as a word of colour, is that which it derives v. 172 f. 
 from x^-ov;, young vegetation. It means properly pale green. Then it 
 is applied to verdure or foliage generally (xXwpav dv vXrjv, Eur. Hipp. 17). 
 But pale green may have a yellowish tinge ; and x^ w P 0/s came to be 
 used (in poetry at least) to mean simply ' yellow ' : y\upa.v ^a/^a^ov in 
 Soph. At. 1064 is the clearest instance: x^ a} P v A 1 ^ 1 (# ri - 631) is 
 probably another, though ' fresh ' is a possible sense there. As an 
 epithet of the human complexion, the word means 'pale,' especially 
 with the greenish tint of sickness or fear: x^P "? ^ 7ro " Seibvs (//. 10. 376). 
 Evidently, then, -^X^pav^v, as an epithet of Deianeira, cannot mean 
 ' with fair neck.' 
 
 Nor can x* Lta P a *>X' r l v > as an epithet of the nightingale (Simonides, 
 fr. 73), refer to colour : that bird's neck is not pale green or yellow. 
 The phrase x^P^"-? a-rj8<av in the Odyssey (19. 518) has, indeed, been 
 understood by Buchholz (Horn. Real. i. 2. 123) as denoting plumage of 
 that tint ; then, however, he is obliged to suppose that ar/8wv is not the 
 nightingale, whose hue is a reddish-brown, but a bird of some other 
 species, perhaps the serin finch, akin to the canary. A more refined 
 and poetical interpretation of x^- w p^? is that propounded by Mr W. 
 Warde Fowler, writing in the Classical Review (vol. iv. p. 50) on Verg.
 
 474 APPENDIX. 
 
 Geo. iv. 511 f. ; viz., that it means 'green-tinted,' by the shadows of the 
 thick foliage falling on the bird. Mr Marindin again (Class. Rev. vol. iv. 
 p. 231) takes x^ w P?7is as =' fresh, living, gushing': 'liquid' nightingale 
 in the sense of ' liquid-voiced.' Yet I cannot help thinking that 
 there is more probability in the simple explanation of x^prf^ given by 
 the scholiast, 17 Iv x^P ^ ^oantfuv^ (or Siarpi'/Jovcra). ' haunting the 
 green covert? The bird is described just afterwards as 
 
 SevSpe'cov i/ TreTaXottri K.a.0 it,op.evt) TTUKIVOWTIV. 
 
 The interpretation of x\u>pa.vx^v must be sought through the other 
 sense which x^wpo's takes from x^- ' 7 ?? that f ' fresh,' without any direct 
 reference to colour. That sense appears in such phrases as x^P^s 
 ecpcrcus (Find. jV. vin. 40), x^wpov...SaKpu (Eur. Med. 906, 'the welling 
 tear'): sometimes connoting vigour, as in Theocr. 14. 70, as yoVv 
 xAwpo'v, ' while the knee is nimble ' (dum . . virent genua, Hor. Ep. 13. 4). 
 When Simonides spoke of the vernal nightingale as x^- a) P a ^X r ] v ) he 
 meant, I think, 'wfafresk throat'; i.e. with a throat of fresh, youthful, 
 elastic vigour. Thus the sense which I attach to x^ w P'? m the com- 
 pound is less special and definite than that which Mr Marindin gives to 
 it, when he suggests, as one rendering of x^ 0) P au 'x 7 7 l/ ' ' w ith supple or 
 flexible neck ' (Class. Rev. xii. 37): but it is equally expressive of that 
 quality which the Homeric poet describes; 6dp.a rpwTrojo-a x' TroAurjxe'a 
 <f>wijv, 'with many a trill she pours her full-toned song' (Od. 19. 521). 
 An alternative version, which Mr Marindin proposes, is, ' with liquid 
 throat ' ; but this gives to the throat an epithet which belongs rather to 
 the voice. The idea of x^- w P a ^X r ? v > as I conceive it, is contained in the 
 phrase of Keats, when he speaks of the nightingale as singing ' in full- 
 throated ease.' It is in favour of this explanation that, if it be right, 
 the primary sense of x^P a ^xn v > as applied to the nightingale by 
 Simonides, is the same which it bears when applied to Deianeira by 
 Bacchylides. In both cases it means 'with fresh young throat (or 
 neck) ' ; the reference, in the case of the bird, being to the fresh life 
 with which the throat pours forth song ; and, in the case of the maiden, 
 to the fresh bloom of youth on the neck. 
 
 VI. 3 f. Ode VI. 3 f. Blass supplies the syllables ^ - - , lost after IIPOXOAIC, 
 by reading irpoxoaur[i VIKWV], with a full stop. He then takes Si' ocra-a in 
 v. 4 as exclamatory: 'For how many victories' has the praise of Ceos 
 been sung ! That seems too jerky for our poet's style; his sentences are 
 wont to flow on smoothly. I cannot doubt that oo-o-a is here the 
 relative. Dr Kenyon writes irpoxoaicr[i o-(xvats], and takes oo-cra as
 
 ODES F, VI, VII, VIII. 475 
 
 referring to Lachon's feats: i.e., 'L. has won glory, on account of all 
 which deeds (of his) young men lately sang his praises at Olympia.' 
 But 7rapoi#ev, followed by TTOTC, could scarcely denote so recent a 
 moment. oWa must (I think) refer to the whole series of victories 
 gained by Ceans. 
 
 Ode VII. 14. Verse 14 (which was the eleventh verse of the lost VII. 14 
 1 3th column) ended with the letters ofjua. After that verse, from 21 to 
 24 verses were needed to complete column 13. Two fragments, 
 a (=Kenyon's frag. 7, pp. iQQf. of his ed.), and b (= Kenyon's frag. 12, 
 p. 202), are placed by Blass after v. 14. The appearance of the 
 papyrus makes it probable that these two fragments belonged to 
 column 13. They supply minute fragments of 14 verses. (See above, 
 p. 298.) Blass edits them, with a few small supplements, thus (3rd ed., 
 p. 69): 
 
 (a) <tAayA]ae (?) XaipoXav[ 
 
 />t]cVOV U<T/3[ 
 
 ]TOK $av[aTu>]i? 8[ 
 (5) 
 
 * # # * 
 
 () ]iou aywv[ 
 
 ]rav Xi7ra[pav 
 ]vaicr7ra[ 
 TraJtSas c EAAa[va>v 
 (5) 7r 
 
 Jarov 
 Z]T;VOS? ev K[ 
 
 The XatpoXas of the first verse was (Blass conjectures) some kinsman 
 of Lachon, after whose death (v. 2) Lachon has brought fresh honour to 
 the family. At any rate 7ro\vdp.irf\o- (5) was the epithet of Ceos : 
 cp. vi. 5. 
 
 Ode VIII. 99 102. Given atvu in v. 102, two views of the context VIII. 99- 
 are possible. (i) A point may be placed after -ewras in v. 99, so that 
 a new clause shall begin with ^pvo-eocr/caTrrpov. That seems the more 
 probable construction. (2) Or a point may be placed after Aids in 
 v. 100, when the word ending in ewras must be construed with Aid?.
 
 476 APPENDIX. 
 
 Thus Blass writes, O.T cuvras | ^pvo-eoa-KaTrrpov AIOS. | <S TI KaXov 
 <e]pTai, | TOUT'] cuveoi. 
 
 Seeing that a/AapreWe follows (1035.), the most natural reading 
 in V. 102 would be vvv <5 ve'ot. (Cp. XII. 190 viKav...p.f\trT, w ve'ot: 
 and Find. /. vn. 2 d> vc'ot, addressed to the youths of the comus.) But 
 the traces in the MS. seem to prove that the letters NEOI were preceded 
 either by AI or by N. It is possible, indeed, that the poet wrote vvv <3 
 ve'oi, and that <3 afterwards dropped out, leaving NYNNEOI. If that 
 could be assumed, it would follow that there was a stop after <j*pT(u. 
 Verses 99 101 might then have run somewhat as follows : ^iXewras 
 I xpvo-coo-KaTTTpov AIOS | i TI icaXov <f>cpTa.i (' welcoming, cherishing, any 
 good gift that is borne to them from Zeus '). 
 
 Ode IX. 914. 
 
 9 a..a?t /cat vvv KacriyvT^ras d/cotras 
 
 10 vaviwriv CKivrjacv \iyv<$>6oyyov yu-eXtcrcrav 
 
 11 . . eipes "iv a@dva.Tov Moucrav ayaX/x.a 
 
 12 vvov avOputTTouTiv flrj 
 
 13 x^p/Aa, reav aperai/ 
 
 14 p.a.VVOV TTL')(doVLOL(JLV CtC. 
 
 IX. 914 From Tfav in v. 13 it is certain that a mention of the victor's name 
 had preceded. That mention must have occurred either in v. 9 or 
 in v. 10. 
 
 (i) If it occurred in v. 9, 'AyXaw (Blass) seems to be the only 
 name which agrees with all the traces in the MS. 'AyXaos occurs as 
 a mythological name (a son of Thyestes, schol. Eur. Or. 5, 812 : a son 
 of Hermione, schol. Eur. Andr. 32), though not otherwise. There are, 
 of course, several other names, beginning with A, which would scan 
 here ; as Aio-iw, 'A/cn'o), 'AXxia, 'Avn'a, 'Ap^ia, Auye'a, all of which occur 
 as Athenian proper names ; but none of them satisfy the indications of a 
 perispomenon vowel (w or a) before the final t, and of A (or A, or A) as 
 the letter before it. If the name stood here, I think that 'AyXaw is most 
 probable. 
 
 Assuming 'AyXaw in 9, we must infer that the letters -ipts in 1 1 
 belonged to an epithet of ayaX/xa. The first letter of the verse is quite 
 uncertain, but the slight trace would suit A, A, or A. The second letter 
 was (as Kenyon thinks) X or A; and so Blass (who had thought of K) 
 now holds : all that remains is a trace (little more than a dot) of the top. 
 The space between eipes and the beginning of the verse is about the 
 same as that which is usually filled by the letters AX (e.g. in '
 
 ODES VIII, IX. 477 
 
 x. 126). But there would be room for three letters, if two of them 
 were thin. 
 
 B lass's dxiph therefore suits the data in the MS. The word occurs 
 only in Batrachomyomachia 300 as an epithet of crabs (dxeipe'ts); here 
 Blass takes it as dxf<-poiroLijTov. 
 
 (2) The other possibility is that the proper name stood in v. n, 
 -eipes being the end of a vocative. Eflxcipts is Jurenka's conjecture; and 
 I can find nothing better. Eu^eip and Eu^eipos occur as names ; 
 EuxeipT/s does not : in view of axeip^'s, however, that may be waived. 
 A stronger objection is that the trace of the first letter in the MS. does 
 not suit E. If the name stood in v. n, then the word or words before 
 KOL vvv in v. 9 must have marked the transition from the poem 
 concerning 4^/xa to the immediate theme. 
 
 Ode IX. 1926. 
 
 19 tv IlocreiSavos TrepiKAerrois 
 
 20 tvdvs 2v8ei]as "EAAao-iv TroSuJv op/xav 
 2 1 Seirrcpov 8' ovjpotcrtv ITTI oraStov, 
 
 22 6(.pp.\av eri] Trvtw aeAAav, 
 
 23 <TTO.[. f3pe)((i)]y 8' 
 
 24 <pdpe^ S ii0poo]v 
 
 25 TTp[a'AlTOV CTTCt 
 
 26 Ka.fj.\{/fv Bpofj-ov. 'Icr@/j.iovtKa.v etc. 
 
 With regard to this passage, the following points seem fairly certain. IX. 19 26 
 (i) A sentence begins with v. 19. (2) A sentence ends with Spd/tov in 
 26. Verses 25 and 26 complete the description of the athlete's running; 
 they stand in close connexion with vv. 23 and 24. (3) In 21 ovpounv.. 
 a-raUov denotes the end of the course from which the runners started. 
 (4) In v. 24 ofjaXov is the crowd of spectators, and not (as Blass takes it) 
 the throng of competitors. e/ATriVvcov expresses how the victor rushed into 
 the crowd of spectators who pressed around the goal, as he completed 
 the fourth round of the course. (5) In v. 22 the supplement ^ep/x[av 
 en] is scarcely doubtful. That being so, the word I, and a comparison 
 with the epigram quoted in the commentary, render it certain that this 
 athlete ran with success in two consecutive foot-races. In v. 20 the -as 
 before "EAAao-tv indicates the second person singular of an aorist. 
 Blass well supplies cvOvs ?v8i|]as. By er#vs I understand ' at the 
 outset] i.e. in the first foot-race in which the athlete was engaged. 
 Accordingly in verse 21, before ovjpoio-tr, I supply Scvrspov 8', which 
 exactly fits the gap in the papyrus.
 
 478 APPENDIX. 
 
 The most difficult question is that raised by verse 23. The first 
 
 hand wrote ECTA NA'AIEE ATHPON EAAISil. Of the A in ECTA 
 
 only a small trace remains. The space between that A and N would 
 admit not more than about five letters. The second corrector (A 3 ) 
 changed AIHE to AYTE. We may be fairly sure that avrc was not a 
 mere guess by A 3 . The first hand made several gross errors in this 
 ode, as Ev/?ot.u)v for ev/3ouA.u>v in 27 f., 7riorTaTai for eTrtcrra/xat in 38, 
 ppio-evofjiev for (3pto-ci.ro p.tv in 47 : the true reading is in each case due 
 to A 3 . (In 51, indeed, A 3 seems to have tampered with a sound reading; 
 but what he meant there is doubtful.) (i) Now suppose that the 
 original reading was pp^x wv 8> ** a ^ T : our P oet nas elsewhere, of 
 dwro-to, only aioi/ (n. i) and aiav (xn. 144) : but Pindar IV. vin. 40 
 uses ao-o-et : and Bacchylides could certainly have written cu' (a'). 
 The word suits a runner darting forward from the starting-point : cp. 
 Soph. El. 711 (of chariots),' VTTCU a-d\iriyyo<; 7jav. From /3pe'xwf 8' ' 
 may have come two readings, (a) ftp^x wv $' <*ie, and (b) /3pe'x<ov o" 
 The latter violates metre ; but A 3 regarded metre as little as the 
 scribe did (p. 134). It also mars the sense, a finite verb being wanted ; 
 but /fye'xwv may have become /fye'xev. If, then, A 3 found avre in his 
 copy, we can understand his substituting it, as he did, for ai'e. 
 (2) There is another possibility. Suppose that the original reading 
 was Siavcjv 8' avr. For movable v before a consonant, cp. v. 10, and 
 xn. 128 Xrjcv Se. The scribe, heedless as he was of sense (p. 127), 
 may have misread avrc as aie, owing to the Ptolemaic forms of Y and 
 H (p. 125), especially if the letters VT had been slightly damaged. But 
 in this obscure matter I incline at present to the former hypothesis. 
 
 It remains to notice the transition, in the course of verses 1926, 
 from the second to the third person. The second person is proved by 
 the ending -as in v. 20, whether the word was evSei^Jas or another. But 
 in v. 23 the verb of the clause introduced by Se cannot have been in 
 the 2nd pers., since the traces of the letter before A' suit only N. Hence 
 it appears that, in v. 20, the poet continued to apostrophise the victor, as 
 he had been doing in the immediately preceding verses (13 rcdv, 
 1 8 ftpjcas); but, when he came to narrate the victor's exploits, glided 
 into the third person (23 eoro. K.T.X., 26 Ka/A^ev). 
 
 Prof. Blass gives vv. 19 28 as follows : 
 
 19 ev Iloo-eiSavos 7rcptK\iToT? ae'^Xots 
 
 20 V#vs !vSei]as "EAA.a<ru/ 
 
 2 1 K<J>avt!s OV^pOlCT 
 
 22 6fp[p.av 8* !TI]
 
 ODE IX. 479 
 
 23 <TTa[, Ppxwv] 8' oii^f. 6a.TT/jp<t)v eXat'wi 
 
 24 <f>dpe [' es fcmriojv Ip-irirvwiV OjUiXov. 
 
 25 TTp[aeAtKTOI' 7Tl 
 
 26 Kayu.i/'ev SpofJLor, 'Icr^/uovt'/cav 
 
 27 Sis v[tv ayK]apvav evfiov.- 
 28 
 
 The words printed in thick type are those which he supplies. 
 As to punctuation, he has a point after oraSiov in 21, and a full stop 
 after o/xtAov in 24. The sense (if I understand it aright) is as follows: 
 
 ' In Poseidon's renowned games thou didst show thy rushing speed to the 
 Greeks at the outset, when thou earnest to the front (enffratxis) at the bounds of 
 the course (at the goal). Then, still breathing a storm of hot breath, he took 
 his place [at the starting-line], and darted forward, sprinkling the garments 
 of the spectators with olive-oil, as he dashed into the throng of runners in the 
 fourfold stadion (tiririov o/uXop).' 
 
 ITTTTJOS Spo/xos was the technical name for a foot-race in which the 
 course was four times that of the stadion : Paus. 6. 16. 4: 8p6/j,ov 8e curt 
 TOV ITTTTLOV /x,^/cos SiavXot 8vo. But the technical term is scarcely felicitous 
 here : and o/xiXov is surely the crowd of spectators. 
 
 Then it seems far better to place the full stop after 8po/*of than after 
 0/w.iXov. The mention of the athlete's two victories at the Isthmus 
 (26 ff.) is linked with that of his two victories at Nemea (29). The 
 word 'lo-fyuoviKav ought therefore to begin a new sentence. 
 
 Ode IX. 39 45. rj yap <ro<f>{>s . . . Ovjxbv a<Sov<riv. 
 
 The parallel passage of Solon (fr. 13. 43 54) is as follows : IX. 3945 
 
 43 cTTrevSet 8' aXXo^ev aXXos' 6 yaev Kara TTOVTOV dXarai 
 
 ev vrjva'lv ^p^wi/ oucaSg jcepSos ayetv 
 45 I\0v6(.v^ ', dve/u.oi(ri <opt'ju.fos dpyaXeocaiv, 
 
 aXXos yfjv refj.v<av TroXuSei/Speov ets Iviavrov 
 
 XurpVt, T0i<riv Ka/tTrvX' aporpa yueXet- 
 aXXos 'A.6r)vair]<; re /cal c H<at'0Toi> 
 50 py a Saeis xeipotv ^uXXeyerai ftiarov 
 aXXos 'OXv/tTTia'Swv Mouo-tW Trdpa S(3pa 
 lfj.prrj<;
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 aXXov fjLavTLV ZOrjKtv ava tKaepyos 'A7roXXa>v, 
 yva> 8' dvSpi KaKov TTjXo'^ei/ epxo/u.vov... 
 
 (i) Verses 43 46, on //fe pursuit of wealth, correspond with 
 verses 42 f. of Bacchylides, crepes 8' ri Wo-i K.T.X. (2) Verses 47 f., 
 on agriculture, = Bacch. v. 44. ('3) The artistic handicrafts in verses 49 f., 
 are included under XapiVcov rt/xav in Bacch. v. 39. (4) The gift of 
 poetry (0-0^1775) in verses 5 if. is represented by <ro<os in Bacch. v. 39. 
 (5) Verses 53f., on soothsaying, answer to Bacch. v. 41 f. 
 
 Ode X. 93. Kara Saarxiov f|XvKTaov iiXav. 
 
 X. 93 The only other passage in which the verb dXvKTau> occurs is Her. 
 IX. 70 : oi Se /3a'py3apoi ovSev In a-ri^os eTrotrycravTO TreaoWos TOV 
 ouSe TIS avTtov dXK^s ffjLfp.vrjTO, dXvKTaov re ota ev 6Xiyu> 
 T Kal TroXXai /AvpiaSes KareiXr/^evat dv^pwTrwv. The sense there is, 
 zy^r<? distracted? dXvw, dXuKTa^w, aXvcro-w (//. 22. 70), dXuKTe'w, a 
 (Hesych.), are verbs in which the root dX (dXao//.ai) takes the special 
 sense of mental wandering, unrest, distress. This notion is very easily 
 associated with that of bodily unrest ; as e.g. in //. 24. 12 So/eveo-*' dXucov 
 rrupa 6lv dXos. In Lucian, Dial. Mar. 13, TTC/DI ras ox^as aXvouo-a (said 
 of the lovesick Tyro) means ' wandering forlorn.' Here Bacchylides has 
 used T^XvKTa^ov in a way which blends the notions of mental and 
 physical unrest : ' roamed wildly.' 
 
 Blass in his ist and 2nd editions read dXiWa^oF, but now, in the 
 3rd, he changes it to dXuo-Kaov. The use of aXvo-Kaa> in the Iliad may 
 be seen from //. 5. 253f., ov yap p.ot ycvvaiov aXvo-Ka^ovrt p.a.\e(r6ai. \ 
 ovSe KaTaTTTojWav, ' Not in my blood is it to fight a skulking fight, or 
 cower down' (so Leaf). Similarly in //. 6. 443, at /ce /ca/cos <3s v6a-<$>iv 
 aXvo-Ka^a) -n-oXf'/xoio. In the Odyssey the verb takes an accus., 17. 581 
 vfipiv aXuo-Kao>v ai/8pwi/ vTreprjvopeovrwv, ' avoiding,' ' shunning.' If, then, 
 we read here, Kara Sacr/aoi' aXvo-/ca^ov v\av, the meaning will be, ' they 
 went stealthily ' through the forest, seeking to shun observation. But 
 that is much less suitable to the case of the frenzied maidens than the 
 sense given by rJXvKra^oy. 
 
 It is not probable that aXwKaw could mean merely 'to wander'; 
 though Apollonius Rhodius once so uses the form aXuo-Kw (4. 57) : OUT' 
 dp' eyo> [Jiovvq Kara Aar/xiov avrpov aXva/cw. Elsewhere aXva-Kw is used 
 like
 
 ODES IX, X. 481 
 
 Ode X. Il8 I2O. dXtros . . . o-<ra|it vwv. 
 
 In the three epodes of this ode the MS. gives the 7th and 8th verses 
 as follows : 
 
 (1) Epode i, vv. 35 f. 
 
 yv<ap.ai TroXvTrXayKTOt fipor&v 
 ap.fparav inrip-rarov *K 
 
 (2) Epode 2, vv. 77 f. 
 
 Se Kv/cXwTres Ka, 
 
 (3) Epode 3, vv. ngf. 
 
 Kaerav Trap' euvSpov rrpoyo- 
 VOL f(T(Ta.fj.evoi, Ilpta/xoi' eVel 
 
 It is admitted on all hands that irp(tyov<H to-o-dpcvoi is corrupt : this is X. 118- 
 proved (a) by the construction, since there is no verb for the nominative ; 12 
 and (fr) by the hiatus. 
 
 Prof. v. Wilamowitz writes irpo-y<5vv co-o-a^vcov, which Prof. Blass 
 adopts. There can be no doubt that co-o-a/ucVwy is right. The only 
 question is whether TrpoyoVcov also is right. 
 
 In support of Trpoyovwv, it has been pointed out by Prof. v. Wila- 
 mowitz that, if we assume synaphea between the 7th and 8th verses of 
 the epode, we have w w in 35 f. (-01 /2por<3v a-) answering to w ^ 
 in 77 f. (-es Kap-ov eX0-) and in 119 f. (-ov Trpoyovwv). The 'apparent 
 choriambus ' in 77 f. and ngf. can be regarded, Wilamowitz observes, 
 as a Styncrpoi/ 8a*cTvXiKov KaraXrjyov is (rvXXa/S^V, or as anaclasis of the 
 trochaic metre - ^ - ^ (i.e. of the so-called epitritus). We have before 
 us, he says, a kind of metrical correspondence which must in any case 
 be allowed for ionics and dochmiacs, though no exact parallel to this 
 example in Bacchylides can be produced. 
 
 Such an opinion is entitled to careful consideration. It is, however, 
 difficult to believe that Trpoyovwv is metrically tenable. Ingenious as is 
 the theory just stated, there is an objection which it does not meet. The 
 whole metrical structure and rhythm of the epode in this poem render it 
 natural to think that verse 35, yvw/xat TroXvirXayK-rot /?p<ml)v, is to be read 
 as a verse complete in itself; and that in v. 77, re^os S KuKXwrres Kap.ov 
 (where KO.P.OVT is most improbable), the second syllable of KO./JLOV is to 
 be regarded as a syllaba anceps. Now the defence of Trpoyovwv rests 
 essentially on the view that, given synaphea, w w is a permissible 
 substitute for - w w. But this, in turn, implies that the two verses, 
 
 j. B. 32
 
 482 APPENDIX. 
 
 between which synaphea exists, form, to the ear, a single verse \ since 
 a division of ' the apparent choriambus ' w w which placed w w (-ov 
 ?rpoyo-) at the end of the first verse, and (-vtov) at the beginning of the 
 second, would evidently be intolerable. But verses 35 f. certainly (and, 
 to my feeling, verses yyf. also) are strongly against the hypothesis of 
 such absolute rhythmical continuity in vv. 119 f. It is the teaching 
 of the ear which demurs to acquiescence in the technical apology for 
 irpoyovwv. 
 
 As to my irpb vaoi', it is a tentative suggestion for which, in a difficult 
 case, one may venture to ask a hearing. It may be observed that 
 it has, at least, one slight recommendation : that of serving to explain 
 how ecro-o/Aevoov came to be corrupted into eVo-a/xepoi. If the true 
 reading was Trpoyovwv eo-o-a/xeVwi/, such a corruption becomes very 
 difficult to understand. The case is wholly different from that in 
 viii. 46, where eyydrwv, immediately preceding yeixravro, was changed 
 into lyyovoi. Here the nearest verb is irepcrav in 122; and that verb 
 stands in a new clause introduced by rei. 
 
 Professor A. Platt (Class. Rev. xn. 61, Feb. 1898) proposed wpJ> 
 yowoi*. This would be excellent if only it yielded a satisfactory sense, 
 yowds is usually explained as ' fruitful land ' (from st. yev) : but Her. 
 iv. 99 has TOV yowbv TOV SouiaaKoV, where it clearly means 'the hill- 
 region of Sunium ' (Etym. M. Aeycrai 8e yowos 6 tn/nfAos TOTTOS). So 
 Trpo yowot* might mean that the oA.cros by the river had rising ground 
 behind it. But, while the mention of the river is natural, the other 
 detail seems rather lacking in point ; there is nothing distinctive about 
 it. As to the vao<s, a mention of it was not, of course, necessary ; but it 
 would certainly be natural. (See the passages quoted in the com- 
 mentary.) 
 
 Can irpo-yovwv have been a gloss on some other word, scanned w , 
 meaning ' ancestors ' ? Dr W. Headlam thought of irarpwcov, referring to 
 Stesich. fr. 17, Trdrpw" tfj.bv avridtov MeAa/ATroSa, on which Eustathius says 
 (316. 1 6) TraVpwa TOV Kara Trarepa Trpoyovov eiirev. But that seems hardly 
 probable. Still less so is irpoirairn-wv, though Trd-inroi can mean 'ancestors' 
 (Arist. Pol., in. 2, i) : and iroXauSv would (of course) be too vague. 
 
 [The late Prof. Arthur Palmer's emendation, irpoyo-\voi ta-a-av fp-oi, was 
 adopted by Dr Kenyon in the editio princeps. It was supported by Dr Otto 
 Crusius in Philol. LVII. N.F. XI. p. 179. In the Class. Rev. XII. p. 126 
 (March, 1898) I endeavoured to show what could be said in favour of it. 
 Two objections (the hiatus, and eo-vav instead of ta-a-avro) could be removed 
 by reading Qivvav. Even with 0Wai/, however, I now regard the emendation
 
 ODES X, XII. 483 
 
 as metrically untenable. But, in justice to the memory of a brilliant 
 scholar, I still desire, in one respect, fiorjdf'iv ro> Xdyw 6p<pavtp oi/rt. Some 
 scorn has been cast on the idea that Bacchylides could have alluded to the 
 Achaean founders of Metapontion as n-poyoi/oi . . e'/iot. I still hold that it was 
 perfectly possible and natural for him to do so. As Crusius said (quoting 
 Mimnermus fr. 9), ' Neleus und Nestor sind die wichtigsten KnVrai der 
 ionischen Inselwelt.' We have lately acquired a fresh illustration. Timo- 
 theus (Persae 246 ff.) thus speaks of his native city : 
 
 Ml'X^TOS 1 8f TTciXt? VIV & 
 
 X*s Xaov, 
 The people of the Ionian dodecapolis is 'a noble scion of the Achaean race.'] 
 
 Ode XII. 5863. 
 
 I. Prof. Blass restores this passage as follows : 
 
 58 OdXXci Trapja /Jco/xov apio-rap^ou Atos 
 
 59 NiKas ]p[iK]v8eos o.v- 
 
 60 Gpcoiroicriv ur$ea, 
 
 6 1 a K\VT]av B6av 7ro\v<f>avrov fv al- 
 
 62 8pi] Tpe<j>ct Traupois ftpoTwv 
 
 63 atjei* /cat orav Qa.va.TOiQ K.T.A.. 
 
 1. With regard to di/I^pwTroio-tv, it should be observed that the xn. 68 
 
 second syllable of the word represents a syllable which is short in all 63 
 
 the corresponding verses, 93, 126, 159, 192, 225. This is not a decisive 
 objection ; a long syllable may have been allowed there : but, so far as 
 it goes, it is a reason for preferring a word which would give - w - w . 
 
 2. In v. 6 1, a, after oVfea at the end of 60, is questionable, seeing 
 that hiatus does not occur at the end of any one of the verses which 
 correspond with v. 60: 93, 126, 159, 192. This objection would be 
 removed by reading TO. (cp. viu. 42 where rat serves as relative pron., 
 v. 41 ending with NeiXou). There is room for TO. /cAvr in the lacuna 
 before -dr. 
 
 3. In 6 1 f. al&pi seems very improbable. The sense intended is : 
 ' The flowers of victory cherish renown for those few mortals in heaven 
 evermore'; i.e. their fame, exalted by poetry, dwells on high with the 
 immortals: cp. vin. 82 ff. TO ye rot /caXov epyov . . .tyov Trapa Saifuxri 
 KfLTai. Blass compares also Find. fr. 227 Aa/ATret Se xpovw | Ipya /*' 
 aitfe'p' afp^eWa. Now this sense is intrinsically good enough : but it does 
 not suit this context. The poet is evidently saying, in effect: 'The 
 
 322
 
 484 APPENDIX. 
 
 victors are famous for the rest of their days ; and then, OTO.V 6o.va.roio 
 ve<os KaAvi/a/, they have KAe'os aOavarov.' Clearly we need, instead of 
 cilOf.pi, some word which denotes the mortal life. Further, the second 
 syllable of alOtpi answers to one which is long in all the corresponding 
 places, 95, 128, 161, 194, 227. It cannot be doubted, I think, that 
 we should read 4v alwvi, as I proposed in Kenyon's edition (p. 115, 
 note). 
 
 II. Prof. v. Wilamowitz would read as follows : 
 
 58 &c TOW] Trapo. /3w/x6v api(TTdpx ov 
 
 59 viKas picuSeos av- 
 
 60 8ffi<riv avOta, 
 
 6 1 Kal K\VT]O.V &oav TroXu^avrov ev ai- 
 
 62 OWl] Tp^l TTdVpOlS )8pOTU)V. . . 
 
 'Thence' [from the pancration? or 'From that time onwards'?], 
 ' by the altar of Zeus, flowers of victory spring up, and nourish fame,' etc. 
 The intransitive use of avaotoovat seems to be somewhat rare in Greek 
 of the classical age. In both places where Pindar uses it, it is transitive : 
 fr. 133 (Persephone dvSiSoi i/a>xas), and / v. 39. But Herod, vn. 26 
 has iva Trriyal dvaSiSovon MaiavSpov. In V. 6 1 KO\ K\vr]dv is slightly too 
 large for the space : KO.I KoXjdv would suit it better. 
 
 III. Prof. Housman proposes : 
 
 58 T^ &f| 7rap]a /8coyu.ov dptcrrap^ov Ato? 
 
 59 
 
 60 
 
 6 1 OY^adv Sofav 7roA.v<avroi/ ev al- 
 
 62 wvi rpttfrei Travpois ^Sportov... 
 
 'There,... for men who have been crowned with the flowers of 
 victory, [that wreath, or Zeus] cherishes,' &c. The drawback here 
 is that there is no evident subject for Tpe'^et. (It is hard to supply Zevs 
 from Aio?, or the nom. avOea from the accus.) In 60 f. the hiatus 
 between av&ea and dyXaav is undesirable (see above). 
 
 Adopting Housman 's dv8e$elcriv, I read os vvv in 58, and \pva-fav in 
 6 1 (see commentary).
 
 ODE XII. 485 
 
 Ode XII. 7176. 
 Prof. Blass now restores the passage as follows (3rd ed., 1904): 
 
 71 
 
 72 AiaKOv] Tepi/a/A/?poTa)V 
 
 73 auA.toi' Kai] d[pcrivdcov 
 
 74 K<i)/f[(i>v], 7raTp[(iKa]v 
 
 75 vacro[v] virepySiov it 
 
 76 7ra/i/ia^iav ai/a 
 
 ' Through thee, the stately city of Aeacus tastes the delight of flutes XII. 71- 
 and exhilarating revels, as thou showest thy paternal isle to be of 76 
 exceeding might in the feats of boxer and wrestler' (dvo. Tra/i/ta^iav). 
 [I suppose Prof. Blass to intend that v>7rep/3iov should be the predicate 
 of vacroj/, and icr^w an ace. of respect : since, if virepftiov were taken with 
 7ra/x/xa^iav, </>aiva>i/ vacrov could not mean 'glorifying' it.] 
 
 In v. 73, where the MS. has only A....O!}N, he thinks that 
 
 the traces after A point to B, or P, or C, or E. He supplies dwpo-uxW, 
 citing oTvov atpaivoov in Ion fr. 9 (= Athen. 2. 35 E), where, however, it 
 is only Casaubon's conjecture : most MSS. have cUpcriVvouv, one has 
 acpa-iirvoov. The word aeptriVoos is used by Nonnus : (i) in his para- 
 phrase of the Gospel of St John, ch. viii. v. 44, where, in rendering v/teis 
 CK rot' Trarpos TOV 8ia/3oA.ov etrre, he has the phrase Trarpo? ap<rivoov. 
 The word was there translated by superbi ; but might also mean, 
 'inciting' to evil. (2) In Dionysiaca xxxni. 68 f., dep<rivoov...Ovpai>Lr}<;, 
 the Muse who inspires and elevates the mind. Here, then, aepaivowv, 
 as an epithet of KW/ZWV, could mean ' exhilarating ' ; but I cannot think 
 that the word is at all probable. 
 
 I rather hold, with Kenyon, that the letter which followed A here . 
 may have been A (only a trace of the top remains) : and I would read 
 avXwv VTTO ff cuWvowv. (Blass, in his first ed., suggested aftpoTrvwuv.} 
 
 In his second ed. (1899) he read ais in v. 71, a far better word 
 (in my opinion) than -yvis. But, having decided to read aepoWwv in 
 73, and having also reverted in 74 to K<O[J.<J)V (which in his second ed. he 
 had changed to xojpyav), he desired to find a verb which could govern 
 a genitive as well as an accusative ; since, with aepo-ivowv, avA.wv VTTO r 
 was impossible. For my part, if that adjective was to be used at all, 
 I should have preferred av^ets.-.avXoJv VTTO T' dp<riv6<j)v. 
 
 With regard to 76, Tra/i/xaxtav dva <t>aiv<av, the anastrophe of the
 
 486 APPENDIX. 
 
 prep, does not seem quite happy, since, in this context, the hearer 
 would rather expect dva<f>aivo>v ('illustrating': see commentary). 
 Dr Jurenka, in his edition (1898), restores thus : 
 
 aves TrdXiv vi/adywav 
 
 vvv 8* 6/jas Tpi^i/A/JpoTa>v 
 
 fj.oX.Trav VTTO 6' a.8v7rvoa>v KbJ/ia>v TraTpwav 
 
 vacrov, virep/Siov t 
 
 Ode XII. 127. WKTOS dvrdo-as K.T.\. 
 
 XII. 127 It seems certain that the letters after drrdo-as are to be read as dvart-, 
 and not as dvair-. But it may be of interest to record one or two of 
 the conjectures made on the latter hypothesis. Crusius proposed 
 dvaircirrapc'vas (to go with WKTOS as gen. abs.), 'when night is spread 
 abroad.' The phrase is, however, more suitable to the diffusion of light 
 than to that of darkness : and, in fact, the strictly similar phrases always 
 refer to light : e.g. II. 17. 371 TTf.Tr-ra.ro 8' auyr) | j/eXiou 6tta : Od. 6. 44 
 aWpi) | TrtTTTaTat dv<eXos : II. 23. 227 VTrclp dXa KiSvarai T)WS : Her. VIII. 
 23 a/Aa 17X101 crKiSvaAieVa). 
 
 I was more disposed to read dvairrTa|Xvw (with irovra>), 'the open 
 sea,' which gives just the needful sense. Cp. Her. vin. 60 eV TreXdyet 
 dvaTTCTTTa/AeVw vow/Aa^r/Veis : Aratus, Phaen. 287 f. /AT) KiVo> Ivl p.r)vl 
 7TpiK\voto 6aXd<rcrr), \ TreTTTa/Aevw rreXdyei Ke^r/iuVos (' at the mercy of the 
 open sea '). The whole phrase from cv KvavOii to dVaTreTrTatu'vw would 
 be one, without a pause. Blass formerly read WKTOS avrdaracrav a7rex$o- 
 /Lie'vas (with vavv Qoav in 124), 'having fallen in with hateful night.' 
 (Find. N. x. 83 yr/pas dVex#o'/Avoi>.) [My earliest suggestion was 
 dva.7ravop.v(i)v : they were resting, on a calm sea, in fancied security, 
 when the storm burst upon them.] 
 
 Ode XII. 158 163. 4 T\d|xovs...iroXiv. 
 
 Xii. 158 158. Before vTre'p^iaXov Jurenka and Ludwich propose irveiovrc; 
 
 (Blass TrveovTcs). Kenyon, xaipovres or KXd^ovrcs (so also Nairn, Tyrrell). 
 Platt, 0dXXovTcs. 
 
 159. Nairn supplies /AcytoV tOdpveov (Jurenka, /AaXioV ). Blass, 
 8oKov 'A^aiwv. Tyrrell, eOpetyav fv^dv. Platt, <f>p6vr)/A ZOpeif/av. 
 
 i6of. Nairn, Jurenka, and Tyrrell supply Tpwes. Blass, vaas. 
 Nairn and Jurenka, eKJ^Xe'facrtv CVO-C'X/AODS ve'as. Tyrrell, cK<Xe'avTas 
 (or -ao-av) 'EXXdvwv reas. (Desrousseaux, cKKavo-avTcs...) Herwerden, 
 
 \ / \ / ' 
 
 K7repcrao-tv tvrrpv/j.vov<i v'as. Blass, eKTrepffai/Tes ^ dp^as veas (from veos).
 
 ODES XII, XV. 487 
 
 162 f. Nairn, Travpais ^opov eiXaTTiVas T* ev \ d/ie'pai? (and SO 
 Jurenka). Herwerden, Xev<ais xptv('joy') . Tyrrell, XoiTrals x^P lv 
 Desrousseaux, Saira's re Trap' eiAaTTivas T' ev | eurropois eeiv (i.e. 7rape'eiv). 
 Blass*, ev wi /ACT' etXaTTiVas T' ev | ff d/zepats eeiv (/.. /ie0eeiv). Blass 3 , 
 
 ^ p-ei-' etAaTTiVas T' ev | KOI ^opois eeiv. (Depots Headlam : ev KOL = 
 
 KOI ev.) 
 
 Ode XV. i 12. 
 
 I. Verse i. Blass writes Hv6iov ay dip, referring to Find. O. ix. XV. 112 
 47, eyeip' eVeW o-<tv ot/xov AtyuV. He does not, however, define the 
 
 sense which he intends, (i) If Ilufliou (masc.) is construed with ot/xe, 
 the meaning will be, ' Lead me onward, thou Pythian strain ' (lit, ' strain 
 concerning the Pythian god'). But the construction seems somewhat 
 harsh. (2) On the other hand, the words could not well mean, 'Lead 
 me, my strain, (to the temple) of the Pythian god.' For that, we should 
 expect e's TlvOiov. 
 
 The only letter between -ov and eVei which is (approximately) certain 
 is the third letter after -ov, which must have been either E or O. The 
 first letter after -ov is torn out. The faint traces of the second letter i 1 
 after -ov seem to suit FI at least as well as F. At present I can find 
 nothing more probable than HvBiov ITT' ei/u.'. 
 
 II. Verse 5. The traces in the papyrus (see crit. n.) exclude such 
 supplements as oto-iv 6 AaXios (Crusius), and KCU yap 6 AaAios (Jurenka). 
 Blass leaves a lacuna, writing - w w], e?r' etc The only supplement 
 which he mentions is 0eoJ) xP lv (Desrousseaux): but this is of nine 
 letters, whereas, before E, there is room only for about six. 
 
 III. Verse 7. dSeia may be regarded as certain. The space before 
 it might have sufficed, at the most, for a word of four letters (if one of 
 them was thin), but a word of three letters is more probable. Crusius 
 and Jurenka supply 6-n-i, rightly, as I think. 
 
 IV. Verse 8 ended with 3' 1*77 TraiTjoVwv. Before these words there 
 was just room for six letters (if one at least of them was thin). In the 
 antistrophe (v. 20) the syllables which answer metrically to those lost in 
 v. 8 are -Xe wpat T' 6/3pip>, ww ^, and consist of 13 letters, i.e. of 
 more than twice the number for which there was space in v. 8. Now to 
 obtain ww ^ with only six letters is extremely difficult, even when 
 the only condition imposed is that these six letters should form some 
 Greek word or words, as, for example, <uw Sia. But in verse 8, besides 
 the requirements of the sense, this further condition is present, that the 
 first of the six letters must be either a consonant or a digammated vowel.
 
 4 88 APPENDIX. 
 
 For there is synaphea between verses 7 and 8 of the strophe (as verses 
 19, 20 prove); and therefore the last syllable of TCPTTO'/ACVOS in v. 7 must 
 be long. To find six letters giving w w w, which shall satisfy all these 
 conditions, is (so far as I can see) impossible. The space after Tcp-n-o- 
 /ievos at the end of v. 7 excludes the possibility that syllables metrically 
 belonging to v. 8 had been tacked on to v. 7. There is therefore the 
 strongest probability (to my mind it is a certainty) that verse 8, as 
 originally written in our papyrus, was defective. The defect may have 
 existed in the archetype, or the scribe of our papyrus may have 
 inadvertently omitted something. In verse 12 of this same ode, he 
 omitted the letters ya of aya/cXta : in Ode v. 129, ov yap: in xn. 55, 
 Verse 8, as written by the scribe, may have been IIv#ajva]S' 
 But in the verse as written by the poet, about 5 letters, 
 forming two short syllables, came before HvOwdS'. All the conditions 
 of sense of metre are fulfilled, if we suppose that the lost letters formed 
 the word p^xpi. 
 
 That is not, however, the only possible restoration on the lines which 
 have been indicated. We might also suggest in verse 8 Is 6 \ dSeia 
 (cp. //. 16. 455 5 o K 8rj Aim'?;? evpci?;? 8rj/jiov IKWVTCU, 'until'): and in 
 V. 8 (f)oirl H.vd(DvdB' K.T.X. But I prefer oirl aSeia.../jLCXpL IIv0wvaS', 
 because, in view of the synaphea, a consonant is preferable to (/r)o 
 after repTro/Acvos at the end of v. 7. 
 
 A minor question remains. Is focjj to be taken as 2nd pers. sing, of 
 IKW/JMI, or as 3rd pers. sing, of ucw (subjunct.)? 
 
 (1) If it is the 3rd pers., then there should be a stop after TreSoi^vcii' 
 in v. 9 ; for, immediately after the 3rd pers. 007 (to which Apollo is 
 subject), the vocative HvdC "ATroXXov in v. TO would be intolerable. 
 A new sentence will now begin with HvOi "An-oXXov. And therefore 
 ToVa in v. ii would mean, 'T/ius much, Apollo, the Delphian choruses 
 are wont to sing,' etc. The reference would be to the passing notice 
 of Apollo's earo&qpla in verses 5, 6. But such an interpretation of ro'o-a 
 would be forced and unsatisfactory. 
 
 (2) It seems far more probable that, after v. 6, where the absent 
 god is spoken of in the 3rd pers. (dyaXXcrat), there is a transition to the 
 2nd person (t^fl), as the thought of his return to Delphi rises in the 
 poet's mind. On this view, only a comma will stand after TreSoi^^etv, 
 and roa-a will be the relative, with avfaa for its antecedent. See n. on 
 Ode i. 37. 
 
 I subjoin the text of verses 5 12 as given by Blass (3rd ed., 1904, 
 pp. i2 9 f.) :
 
 ODES XV, XVI. 489 
 
 5 w w], CIT' ap' ITT a.v0ffj.6evTi <TTOU> "E/Jpau 
 8d<j>va.L a]yaXXTai 
 otfrp' av d]8i 
 
 OTTI Ilv0oa]S' iK 
 
 T0(7a 
 
 croi/ Kf\a.8r)(ra.v trap aya^'Xea vaov. 
 
 A few observations may be offered, (i) The insertion of TTOV in 
 v. 5 seems undesirable: see above, p. 114. (2) In v. 6 there is 
 scarcely room in the papyrus for AA<NAI, as I is the only thin letter. 
 In HPCIN [my conjecture], H and N are the only broad letters. (3) In 
 v. 7 the papyrus certainly has not space for o<p' dv before dSeio. : see 
 above, under III. (4) In v. 8, as Blass himself justly remarks (p. 131), 
 l pro spatio etiam oimruQoa (sive -Ota fuit] paene nimia sunf.' In fact those 
 words require eight letters, where there is room only for six. Nor does 
 HvOoaB* furnish ^, which Blass's own scheme of the metre (p. 13) 
 requires. Again, as he notes (p. 131), 'oVi (foTri) eo laborat, quod 
 producenda est -vos jry//., quam vim p ap. hos poetas [i.e. the lyric] habere 
 non solet? 
 
 Ode XVI. 36 38. 
 
 re pot Bocrav 
 
 (1) On the hypothesis that verses 37 f. were divided thus, lOTrAo/coi XVI. 36 
 Ka-\\vfjLfji -^ N^pr/t'Ses, the difficulty is to fill the gap. Neither aSv 3e 
 
 (A. Ludwich) nor ftfia (A. Platt) will serve. Slightly better, perhaps, 
 would be 2v6a (' on that occasion '; cp. TTOTC in the similar mention of a 
 wedding-gift, v. 115 f.). But this, too, is unsatisfactory. 
 
 (2) The other mode of emendation would be to supply a short 
 syllable after toVXoKoi. As Theseus is vaunting, toVAoKoi yc is not 
 impossible : ' she was the bride of Poseidon, aye, and the Nereids gave 
 her a golden veil.' The only alternative which I can think of is loVXoKoi 
 <r<j>i (= avT-r?), with TOI instead of f ot after re. But o-^i is not elsewhere 
 found in Bacchylides, while f<w is frequent. 
 
 Others hold that it is unnecessary to suppose the loss of a short 
 syllable after IOTT\OKOI, and that ^ can stand here as a substitute for 
 the w w found in verses 14, 80, and 103. This is the view of Prof. 
 Housman (Class. Rev. xn. p. 138). But he suspects KaXv/x/na (since 
 ^ stands in 15, 81, 104), and suggests Ku'XXvoyta in the sense, not
 
 49 APPENDIX. 
 
 found elsewhere, of an ornament. [Hesychius has crap/xara' 
 (sweepings).] 
 
 Ode XVI. 112. 
 
 XVI. 112 The emendations of auJva fall into two classes ; (A) those which 
 substitute for it a word denoting some article of apparel; and (B) 
 the rest. 
 
 (A) i. wtav is suggested by Robinson Ellis (Class. Rev. xn. 66), 
 'a purple hem,' i.e. 'a robe with a purple border.' [C. I. G. 2554. 126, 
 TTJV cTravco aJiav ras WT/DCIS, its ' upper edge.' In Attic oa or 6a meant 
 the 'fringe' of a garment: Ar. frag. 27, etc.] 2. -rrop<f>vpcav <riv8ova, 
 H. Richards (C. R., xn. p. 134). 3. 'laovtSa irop<j>vpav, O. Crusius 
 (Philol. LVII. N. F. xi. p. 182. 'A purple Ionian cloak'?) 4. W. 
 Headlam (C. R. xn. 67) suggests 'some feminine substantive meaning 
 "raiment," formed like d/iTrexdi/r;, and from the same root as el/xa, 
 t/iariov : e.g. (ifjiova, i/u.ora, eioVa, eiava.' 5. raivfav, A. Ludwich and 
 J. A. Nairn. 
 
 (B) i. a-yXatav, Sitzler (quoted by Jurenka, p. 129). 2. aSovav 
 (in the sense of x"P lv > 'grace,' or 'charm') L. Barnett. 3. 'Airfva 
 R. Walker (C. R. xn. p. 436), i.e. 'AoVa, Doric for 'HioVr;, one of the 
 Nereids (Hes. Theog. 255). 'We thus arrive at the reading, a viv 
 dfjnftffta\v 'Aio'va Trop^vpe'av,' ' where Eione threw a purple cloak about 
 him.' But the dvtv of the papyrus may have been (Walker suggests) a 
 corruption of aXXi/c', ace. of uXXi, a word used by Callimachus and 
 Euphorion, one sense of which (ace. to Etym. Magn.} was 
 
 Ode XVII. 27 30. IIoXv7ri]n.ovos.. . IIpoK&rras K.T.\. 
 
 XVII. I. ' Procoptes dropped the hammer of Polypemon? This, the most 
 natural interpretation of the words, has been generally accepted. But 
 is Polypemon here the father of Procoptes ? On the strength of Ovid, 
 Ibis 409, ut Sim's et Sciron et cum Polypemone naius, that view is adopted 
 by Robinson Ellis (C. R. xn. p. 66), Housman (ib. p. 74), Jurenka 
 (p. 135), and H. Weir Srnyth (Greek Melic Poets, p. 443). C. Robert, 
 however (Hermes xxxni. p. 149), does not think that such a paternal 
 relation is implied. Polypemon, he suggests, may be either (i) the 
 maker of the hammer, a smith-daimon like Hephaestus and Palamaon ; 
 or (2) the former possessor of the hammer, which Procoptes has somehow 
 inherited. Robert does not refer to the passage of the Ibis. In Apol- 
 lodorus 3. 1 6. 2 the son of Polypemon is Sinis; but as Sinis is 
 mentioned in the verse of the Ibis, the natus there can scarcely be
 
 ODES XVI, XVII. 491 
 
 other than Procrustes (= Procoptes) : cp. Met. vn. 436 ff., and Heroid. 
 ii. 69 ff. 
 
 This is, however, a detail. C. Robert agrees with the other 
 scholars above-mentioned as to the meaning of the words. ' Procoptes 
 dropped the hammer of Polypemon.' 
 
 II. Other explanations have been proposed, (i) Blass places 
 a point after a-<j>vpai>, making it depend on TXV, and not on e^eySaXev : 
 'Theseus stayed... Polypemon's hammer; Procoptes let it fall.' Poly- 
 pemon is thus identical with Procoptes (Procrustes). But it is awkward 
 to denote the same person by different names in two successive clauses. 
 Festa's view is similar; only he would read e'fe'/foA.' &v. He ingeniously 
 suggests that a corrector had written E over the second A in EHEBAAAN 
 (= efe'/3aX' at/), and that this second A became A, thus generating the 
 EHEBAAAEN of the MS. (2) Herwerden would make Theseus, not 
 Procoptes, the subject of e^e'/SaXey, and would change TV^WV to rv^ev. 
 ' Theseus struck the hammer from the hand of Polypemon ; Procoptes 
 met a stronger than himself 
 
 Ode XVII. 35. 
 
 Emendations of the MS. % /xotvov <rw o-rrXoicrtv. xvii. 35 
 
 In the editio princeps Dr Kenyon read rj p.6vov T avoir\6v | re | viv. 
 The other conjectures may be classed as follows. 
 
 I. Those which retain the letters <rvvoir\oi-. i. A. Platt : <nv 
 oTrXoio-t viv. 2. Sitzler : aw oTrXoio-iv ols ('with his own weapons' 
 merely, as distinguished from those of an army). 3. Stahl : o-w oTrXots 
 viv ols. 4. A. Ludwich : ^ /JLOVVOV crvvoTrXoio vw, ' without a comrade 
 in arms.' A very ingenious emendation. Eur. H. F. 127, has woirXa 
 So'para, ' allied spears ' : but the adj. is very rare in classical Greek, and, 
 so far, improbable here. 
 
 II. Emendations which suppose that the A came from A. i. Weil, 
 Festa, Goligher : a-vv oirdoa-Lv (accepted by Blass and H. W. Smyth). 
 The change of A into A led to the insertion of I after the second O, 
 producing truv oTrXotcriv. 2. Housman : r? p.ovvov crwoTraovtov ('without 
 companions '). This also gives good sense, but does not so well account 
 for <rvv oTrXouriv.
 
 492 APPENDIX. 
 
 Ode XVIII. 15. 
 
 xviii. 15 The MS. has TIHN ("Apyos off l-mnov XtTrovo-a). I. Can rt TIV be 
 retained ? (i) The hiatus is, of course, quite defensible. (Cp. Aesch. 
 Theb. 704 rt ovv: Ar. Nub. 82 rL l<mv : Av. 149 TI ou : 7Vw/. 80 TI, w, 
 etc.) (ii) As to metre, a trochee stands in the corresponding place of the 
 antistrophe (33) : but there is no reason to doubt that an iambus was 
 admissible here (cp. the verse of Catullus in the same metre, meas esse 
 aliquid putare nugas). (iii) The real question is as to the phrase itself. 
 (a) It is assumed that TI ^V...OT was an old formula in beginning a 
 story ; and that is possible. ' How was it, when the heifer fled from 
 Argos...?' But there is no other trace of that formula, (ti) Jurenka 
 (p. 142) takes TL as a predicate: ' what (= how pitiable) was lo, when, 
 as a heifer, she fled,' etc. (wie elend war]. He compares Plat. Charm. 
 p. 154 D TL (rot <^ati/TGu 6 vcavt'cTKOs ; and Plut. Oth. 3 TL ycyovacrw 01 
 Kaurapos TToXe/Atoi; I doubt that interpretation, (c) W. Christ would 
 write, TL; rjv OT" " Apyos K.T. X. 'How then? There was a time,' etc. 
 That would be intolerably jerky. 
 
 II. Emendations, (i) ritv (G. E. Marindin, cp. Nairn in C. R. 
 xi. p. 453) is attractively simple. The construction would then be, 
 Xa^oio-av l^o^ov ytpas n'ev, quae rem eximiam celebrandam acceperis. 
 The point after yepas in the MS. is not a grave objection ; it would have 
 been added when TIEN became TIHN (TI i/v). The difificulty which 
 I feel as to TICV arises rather from its relation to the words which follow. 
 The sentence, or'* Apyos... <evy.../3oCs, has now to be taken as defining 
 either 68ov (the strain of song), or (better) yep**?, the choice theme, 
 (namely, that) time when lo was fleeing. This is not impossible ; but it 
 seems slightly harsh. (2) On the whole, I prefer ifw (W. Headlam, 
 C. R. xii. p. 68). The form rjev (from ija, epic form of Ionic la) occurs 
 in //. 12. 9, Hes. Scut. 15. Our poet might certainly have used it. 
 Kenyon's remark (p. 187, n. on this passage) must be borne in mind : 
 ' TI is very like H in the MS.' If HEN had once been mis-read as TIEN, 
 TIHN (TI ^v) would follow. 
 
 The formula rjv or' is most often used in contrasting the past with 
 the present: Anthol. 8. 178 fjv ore r\v a.TivaKTo<;...vvv &f p.e 6r]p cTtva^ev 
 (cp. ib. 12. 44; 14. 52; 9. 344 (r/v OTTOTC) : Find. fr. 83.) But that 
 formula could also be used, of course, simply to introduce a story, 
 when no such contrast was involved, as in Anth. i. 92 ^v ore Xpurros
 
 ODE XVI II. 493 
 
 Ode XVIII. 1518. 
 
 . . . "Apyos oO' ITTTTIOV Xitrovaa 
 a. ySovs, 
 
 <pa8auri tf>epra.Tov Aids, 
 SaKTvAos Kopa. 
 
 (i) According to the oldest version of the story, lo was changed xvm - 
 into a cow, usually described as white (Apollod. 2. i. 3 ; Ovid, Met. 
 i. 652, etc.). (2) In the fifth century, she was commonly depicted as 
 a maiden with the horns of a cow. (3) At a later period, she was once 
 more represented as a cow. R. Engelmann illustrates this third phase 
 by a gem from Mon. d. Inst. 2. 59. 9 (Roscher's Lexikon, n. p. 275). 
 He had previously discussed the whole subject in his essay, De lone 
 dissertatio archaeologica (Halle, 1868). 
 
 It seems probable that Bacchylides was here thinking of lo as the 
 horned maiden. The epithet \pvaia. is one which he elsewhere gives to 
 Aphrodite (v. 174), to Artemis (x. 117), and to an uncertain goddess 
 (Hebe or Aphrodite?) in vin. 72. In such cases the word denotes 
 a divine beauty or glory, or the preciousness of the deity in the eyes 
 of her votaries. Here, whatever image of lo was in the poet's mind, 
 Xpvo-fa means ' precious ' to Zeus. But, if the poet imagined lo as 
 transformed into a cow, the word would not be happily used ; we should 
 have expected rather some epithet, such as \evxij, which should be dis- 
 tinctive of her new form. Further, xpucrca /?ovs is in apposition with 
 "Iva^ov po8o8a*cTvXos Kopa, a fact which seems to strengthen the 
 probability that Bacchylides was thinking of the horned maiden. 
 
 That compromise was inevitable for a dramatist who wished to bring 
 lo on the stage as a speaking person. Aeschylus adopted it in the 
 Prometheus Vinctus : 588 xXvcts ^>de'y/xa ras (3ovKfp<i> irapOevov ; the date 
 of that play is uncertain, perhaps between 467 and 458, but indu- 
 bitably later than the Supplices, which may be as early as c. 491/90. 
 
 Engelmann (in Roscher p. 271) assumes that the Aeschylean 
 conception of lo in the Supplices (where she is only mentioned, not 
 exhibited) is the same as in the Prometheus, viz., the horned maiden. 
 He infers that, if the Supplices was earlier than the Prometheus, some 
 dramatist must have preceded Aeschylus in bringing lo on the scene in 
 that shape. But it can (I think) be shown that the lo imagined in the 
 Supplices is not the horned maiden of the Prometheus. The decisive 
 passage on that point is Suppl. 299 301 :
 
 494 APPENDIX. 
 
 XO. flow TTJV yvvaiK ZOrjKev 'Apyeia 
 
 BA. OVKOW 7reAaei Zeus ITT cvKpaipta /3ot; 
 
 XO. <ao-iv, irpTroi>Ta. fiovOopw ravpw 
 
 When he wrote the Supplices, Aeschylus thought of the transformed 
 lo as a monstrous form, half cow, half woman ; see verses 567 570 : 
 
 florov co-opwvTts Sucr^epes 
 
 TO.V p-f.V \V. /. TO, /JUV] /?0o's, 
 
 rav 8' [TO. 8'] av yuvaiKos' Tepas 8* lOdp-f^ovv. 
 
 With /u.io//./3poTov we may compare the description of the Sphinx in 
 Eur. Phoen. 1023 f., [j.io7rdp0wov \ 8d'iov repa?. The words in the 
 Supplices manifestly would not apply to a being whose form was wholly 
 human, save for horns springing from the head. On the other hand, 
 the (3ovKp<a<i TrapOevos of the Prometheus cannot have been also 
 (3ovKf<f>a\o<> : that would have been too grotesque for a speaking 
 person in tragedy. 
 
 It is probable, as Engelmann says (I.e. p. 271), that the extension of 
 lo's wanderings to Egypt dates from the time when the Greeks recog- 
 nised her in Isis. See Herodotus n. 41 : TO yap T^S "lo-io? ayaX/^a cov 
 yvvaiKrfiov ftovKepwv eori, KaraVep 'EAAr/ves r^v 'low ypa<ouo-i. At the 
 time, then, when Herodotus visited Egypt (probably between 449 and 
 445 B - c -) * ne horned maiden was already the form under which Greek 
 artists commonly depicted lo. On the older Greek vases, the black- 
 figured and the earliest red-figured, lo is still the cow. (Engelmann I.e. ; 
 cp. Preller, Gr. Myth, n. 2 p. 40, n. 5.) 
 
 Engelmann further remarks that, before the Greeks could have 
 associated lo with Isis, they must already have been familiar with the 
 representation of lo as the horned maiden. But can we be sure of that ? 
 Might not the horns of Isis have suggested such an association, even at 
 a time when Greeks were still wont to think of lo as changed into a cow? 
 Egypt was open to Greeks from about 5506.0.; and they must have 
 known the Isis of the monuments long before any dramatist (whether 
 it was Aeschylus or a predecessor) had brought lo into a play. Painters 
 of red-figured vases in the early part of the fifth century might have 
 derived the new type of lo directly from Isis. On this hypothesis, that 
 type need not have originated in the exigencies of drama. The Pro- 
 metheus may have been the first play in which the /Sov/ccptos irapOfvos 
 figured ; and Aeschylus may have been using a type which had already 
 appeared in Greek art.
 
 ODE XVIII. 
 
 495 
 
 Ode XVIII. 33. i) pa. 
 
 The MS. has HPA. The cause of this is that some Alexandrian critics xvni. 33 
 wrote if or r\t, instead of 17 or ye, when that word introduced the second 
 (or any later) question of a series ; as in //. 16. 12 f. : 
 
 ye TL MuppuSoveoxri 7ri<aucrKai, -^ I/JLOL avrw, 
 3>6ir]<; e 1/cXues oios; 
 
 Cp. //. 6. 378f. And so also where the question is indirect; Od. \. 
 i 74 rT.:- 
 
 o<p' eu eiSeu 
 i;e ve'ov /At^cVeis if KCU Trarpwios ro-i 
 
 Thus 7] or ife, after ^ or 17 e in direct or indirect interrogation, was 
 distinguished from the simply disjunctive 17 (i/e)...^ (V), either. ..or (as in 
 II. I. 53 f-j i TTOTC 8r^ ere /^ter' aOavdrourw ovrfcra | ^ ITTCI rj Ipyw). But 
 the refinement was an arbitrary one ; and it is discarded in some modern 
 texts of Homer. 
 
 Blass writes if pa here, and ^ in 35 (where the MS. has simply H). 
 I prefer if pa...fy 
 
 Ode XVIII. 3351. 
 
 The following are some of the supplements which have been xvin. 
 suggested in these verses. 
 
 33. Jurenka : alva. yut' eXvo-av. (Blass thinks that the general 
 sense was, quamvis fortem delassaverunt. But he makes no suggestion.) 
 
 35 f. Wilamowitz : rj IIicpiScs <f>vrev[(ra.v 'Iva^ov Kopa \ KaSecjv ava- 
 7rauo-[tv dfj.fpav. Jurenka adopts d/j-epav in 36, and my dSv//.a> ficAci 
 
 in 35- 
 
 38. Wilamowitz : ao-^aXeo-Tarov a.ir\_ep fKpdvQr) \cyciv (' to tell how 
 
 the matter was finally ordained '). This assumes that the MS. has lost 
 the letter I between A and II. Blass : ao-^aXeWarov a TrpjYv tor' dotSa. 
 i Acquiesdt poeta in eo quod extremum proposuerat [i.e. in vv. 35f.]; 
 ea enim fuit vetus traditio.' Jurenka, aV^aXeo-Tarov x7r[Aws (with e/xoi 
 /xev ovv [\f-yfiv in 37; but the first three words stood alone in that 
 verse). 
 
 40 f. Jurenka : owrrpoStWros cvre'pois | 'Iw tfripovaa TraiSa p;eya- 
 
 42 f. Blass suggests IvQa vt[v TCK dvSpwv. Jurenka : tv6a viv varrjp 
 Kpon'Sa? | XtvotrroXwv Trpvraviv T (.BrjKf Xawv. 
 44. Blass and Jurenka : j3pvovr[a
 
 496 APPENDIX. 
 
 45. Jurenka : //.eyurrav re ^varwv KTUTCU yeveav (where KTi'aat 
 depends on e^ in 43, 'caused him to found...'). 
 
 50. Jurenka: TI'KTCV Aidvwov, [dyAawi/ re KW/IAWV. Blass writes 
 TIKTC Aiov vtov (instead of the MS. Aidw<rov) as the complete verse. 
 
 51. Wilamowitz: or<a[va<dpwv avaxTa (adopted by Jurenka; and 
 approved by Blass, who, however, does not place it in his text). 
 
 Ode XIX. i n. 
 
 Xix. i n i. In support of evpvxdpa), Headlam refers to Anaxandrides, 
 IIpwT<nAaos 1 9 ff. : 
 
 fj.\TTfiv 8' u>3a; 
 
 TOTf fJ.(V STTCtpTT/V T^V filpV^OpOV, 
 
 TOTC 8' au tj/3a<; ras 7rTa7rvA.ovs... 
 
 Gomperz and Jurenka conj. evpuayvia. 
 
 2. AaK8ai/xoi'tW Wilamowitz : AaKeSai/xoi'uu Headlam : 
 fjioviBfs Jurenka. 
 
 3. KeAaSiycrav Gomperz, and so Jurenka. Ka.ra.pxov (or 
 Headlam. 
 
 4. KaXXurdpaov Kenyon : so Platt and Blass. /caXXiVa^vi/ also 
 conj. Kenyon, and so Jurenka : KaXXtVa^ui/ es So/nous Headlam. 
 
 6. Iorp6<j>ov Trap Trora/xou Blass (referring to the river Evenus : but 
 see commentary). toTrXofca/Aov Rossbach : loVAoKov, aTo-av Sandys : 
 ioo-refavov Platt, Jurenka. But it seems certain that the letter after 
 IO was T. 
 
 7. ra\vv olrov Jurenka: re'Xos aliru Pingel (quoted by Blass). 
 TeXeura'r, CTTCI conj. Blass. 
 
 8. (after IlocreiSav) cTTci ap/xa Jurenka : aprjyfv conj. Blass. 
 
 9. (after wrave/Aous) Trdpei/ Jurenka : Tropes, rat viv conj. Blass. 
 
 10. euKTifteVai/ Kenyon, Wilamowitz, Jurenka. eu/cTt/Ao-av iroptwav. 
 rj fj.av conj. Blass. es evKTirov wpo-ev Sandys. 
 
 11. vlo[v "Ap-rjo's Reinach and others. vio[s *Apr/os Jurenka: vT 
 
 Tyrrell.
 
 497 
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 * denotes a word found only in Bacchylides ; f, a word which seems corrupt. 
 
 a, III. 10, XV. 30 (bis) 
 'A/SaimdSas, X. 40 
 "A/3as: -pros, X. 69 
 
 Saras: d/3/)o/3drav, III. 48 
 Jios: -twv, XVII. 2 
 6s: -OP, fr. 11. 4 
 : -T?rt, fr. 26 
 cryafleos: -^a?, III. 62: -ta, V. 41 
 a7a(?6s: -aw (masc.), fr. 18. 3 
 dyaK\er)s: -ta, XV. 12 
 d7a/cXem>s: -a?s, XII. 90 
 d7aXXa>: d7aXXerai, XV. 7 
 dya\fj.a, I. 74, V. 4, IX. 1 1 
 'AyavopiSas, XVIII. 46 
 a77eXta: -ap, II. 3, XV. 26 
 dVyeXos, V. 19: -ov, XVIII. 30 
 dyt\a: -as (ace.), XVII. 10: -ats, IX. 44 
 aos: -ov, v. 117 
 -01, V. 35 
 
 'A7Ka?os : -ov, v. 117 
 dyKv\7j: -rfs, fr. 13. 13 
 'A7Xai*a : -a, III. 6 
 ayXaifa): -^rw, III. 22 
 dy\a60povos: -01, XV I. 124 
 d7Xaos: -bv, XVI. 61 : -di/, V. 154: -otfs, 
 
 XVI. 2: -tDj', 103 
 
 *A7\a6s (proper name): -y, IX. 9 (?) 
 ayvajj-TTTos, fr. 20. 2 (d/ca/x7rros MSS. ) : 
 
 -WP, VIII. 73 
 07^060; : --fiffeiv, fr. 12 
 a7f6s : -6j, IX. 29: -ov, X. 25: -as, XIV. 
 
 54: -as, xvni. 28 
 a7opd : -dv, XIV. 43 
 <i7p6s: -ov Epigr. 2. i (fr. 34) 
 dyporepa, v. 123, X. 37 
 erywd: -at, III. 16, fr. 3. 12: -ds, X. 58, 
 
 VIII. 17 : -5.V, 52 
 a7X^aXos: -idXoicri, IV. 14 
 dyx<-dofj.os : -56/iots, XII. 89 
 ayu: -ovffiv, fr. 16. n: -oucra, XVI. 2: 
 
 -ovra, XVII. 34: 0701' (3rd pi.), XIV. 
 
 J. B. 
 
 37: afovra, V. 60 : d^cwTai, III. 46: 
 
 07670, XIX. 4 
 
 07^: -wi>t, V. 44: -&vtav, VIII. 21 
 * d5ei(ri/36as : -av, V. 155: -at, X. 61 
 d5eX</>e6j: -wv, V. 118 
 dSlavros, XVI. 122 
 
 s: -oio-iv (masc.), XVII. 42 
 : -ares, fr. 19. i 
 dS/uaros: -aroi, X. 84: dSfjL~rfra, V. 167 
 "AS/rao-ros: -o', VIII. 19 
 dSyTrj'oos: -wv, XII. 73 (?) 
 dSvs: dSefa, XV. 7 
 &e0Xos: -w**, VIII. 8: -otj, VII. 54, IX. 19, 
 
 XII. 198 
 aet'ow: -j', IV. 18: aeiffav, VI. 6: de/5erai, 
 
 i v - 5 
 
 s: -a^, fr. 19. i 
 s, III. 46 
 
 : -pas, III. 36: Aparo, II. 5 
 i, XVII. 9 
 v: -ovra., XVI. 44 
 d<?Xtos, X. 22: -Jov, V. 161, X. 101, p. 439 
 
 (1.55 Blass). See a'Xtos 
 deXXa: -av, ix. 22 
 de\\u8p6fj.as : -av, v. 39 
 deXTTTOs: -oc, III. 29, XII. 131 
 d^w: d^|, XII. 207: -eiv, III. 78. ^^ 
 
 avt-eiv 
 
 * depffifj.axos : -/xdxofS, XII. JOO 
 oif ^ : -71*, xv. 20 : -7as, X. 105 
 dt)8<i)t> : -6^os, in. 98 
 dijra, XVI. 91 
 d^a,U(8^s, XIV. 58 
 'Afldva, XII. 195: -as, XIV. 2, XVI. 7: -a, 
 
 XV. 21 
 'A0a>ai: -as, XVII. 60: -av, XVII. i: 
 
 -dpais, IX. 17, XVIII. 10 
 'Atfavatos: -aiwv, XVI. 92 
 d^dcaTos: -ov, IX. u, XII. 65: -01, V. 
 
 193: aruv, 86: oio-(tv), x. 6, xiv. 45 
 dfleos: -^wc, X. 109 
 
 ^w: a6\r)ffav, VIII. 12 
 w : &8pr)<rov, V.8 (MS. : but cp.e'Tra^pe'a)) 
 
 33
 
 498 
 
 VOCABULARY, 
 
 &9vp/j.a, vin. 87 : -druv, XVII. 57 : -eurt 
 
 Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33) 
 *&6vp<ri$: -iv, XII. 93 
 at ( = et) : of rts, v. 5 : of *ce, XVI. 64 
 aiat, v. 153, fr. 2. i 
 AfaKt'Sas: A&w'Sats, XII. 166 
 Aianc6s: -oC, xn. 183: -<?, 99 
 Afas: -JTO, XII. 104 
 Atyiva, XII. 78: -av, VIII. 55, IX. 35: 
 
 -fras, XI. 6 
 af7\a: -ai>, XII. 140 
 aryXdets: -tvra, fr. 16. 10 
 Af-ywTos: -i/irrou, fr. 16. n 
 'At5as : -a, V. 6l 
 di'SiJs, XII. 209 
 at'Sotos: -at, VIII. 65 (?) 
 at'et, I. 66, VIII. 81, XII. 63 
 aUv, xil. 207, xvil. 43, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 
 
 33) 
 
 at'eros, V. 19 
 atOrip, in. 86: -<?pa, 36, V. 17, vin. 35, 
 
 XVI. 73: aiffepi, XII. 61 
 al66s: -Oav, fr. 3. 6 
 Alffpa, XVI. 59 
 ar0a> : -effOai, fr. 3. 3 
 aiBwv, XII. 50: -vos, V. 124 
 alfia: -an, X. in, XII. 153 
 atWw: atWt, xn. 83: -eoi, viu. 102 (?): 
 
 -eiru, XII. 2OI : -cIV, V. 16, 188 
 alv6s: -vd (neut.), XVI. 10? 
 af: alyuv, V. 101 
 atoXoTrpu/xvos : -ots, I. 104 
 at'oXos: -ots, xiv. 57 
 alireivbs: -dv, VIII. 34 
 atVtfs : -vv, in. 36 
 
 atp^w : -evvTai, XIV. 56 : el\ev, X. 85 
 ai/>u>: J^ deipu 
 alffa, fr. 20. 4: -ay, IX. 32, XVI. 27: -a, 
 
 xn. 66, 99 
 dt<r<rw: 8,i'%ev, II. i : ai'|av, XII. 144. See 
 
 also IX. 23 n. 
 afnoj, X. 34, XIV. 52 
 AlrwXU: -f5oj, VII. 51 
 AiVuA6j: -otj, v. 114 
 afy/uards: al\nardv, XII. 133 
 at x/to06pos ; -ot, X. 89 
 fdiwi': aWva, XVI. 112 
 at'toi' : -aw, XII. 61 f. (?): -wra, I. 43 
 * a.Ka.fi.a.i'Top6a. j : -ai', V. 180 
 d/cd/taros : -drou, XVIII. 20: -dras, V. 25: 
 
 -ara, XII. 178 
 d/capiros: -oc, fr. 7. 5 
 cucivrfTos : -^TOI/J, V. 2OO 
 d/coiraj, IX. 9 
 d(coins: -iv, V. 169 
 d/coiros : -oi', XVIII. 23 
 6.K6\ovffos : -ov, XIV. 55 
 O.KOVIJ) : aKOVffov, XVI. 53 
 'AKpiffios: -lip, x. 66 
 d/cpiTos: -irouj, ix. 46 
 d/icrd: -dr, XV. 16 
 
 d/cr^a: -eaj, VIII. 34 
 
 O.KUV : -ovras, XVII. 49 
 
 dXatfeta, XII. 204: clXdfleta, fr. 10. 2: 
 
 -etas, v. 187 (where see n.): -eta, ill. 
 
 96, vn. 42, vin. 85 
 dXa/KTTTjs : aXa/wr^u, XII. 175 
 dXaffros: -<TTOV, III. 34 
 dXdras: -rav, XVII. 36 
 0X705, XVI. 19 
 dXeKTWp, iv. 8 
 ' AXet5a/uos : -ov, X. 18 
 'AXffaLa, V. 1 20 
 d\t"yKtos : -ta, V. 168 
 *dXi'at^Tas: -at, xvi. 97 f. 
 aXt| : -IKI, VII. 45 
 aXtos: -iov, III. 80: 'A\iov, XVI. 50 
 dX/cd: -ds, X. 126 
 dX/ct/tos: -ov, V. 146, XVII. 38: -tfj.uv, 
 
 XVII. 13 
 'AX(c/M7J'ioj, V. 71 
 dXXd, i. 66, etc.: after ei Kai, xvi. 33: 
 
 d\\' ov yap, V. 162 
 dXXo5a/xt'a: -iav, XVII. 37 
 dXXotos: -otax, IX. 36, XIII. 7 
 dXXos, IX. 36, XIII. 7: -av, fr. 20. 3: -at, 
 
 vin. 63 : -ovs, fr. 9: -uv, I. 4?f. : -oto"(tv), 
 
 v. 127, fr. 9: -ai(TH', p. 437 (i. 23 
 
 Blass) 
 
 dXXore, fr. 20. 3 
 dXXorptos : -ov, XIV. 60 
 dXXws, fr. 29 
 
 dXoxos: -ov, XV. 29, xvi. 109 
 aXs: dX6s, v. 25, xvi. 62, 122, p. 439 
 
 (i. 54 Blass) 
 
 a\ffos, III. 19, X. 118, XVI. 85 
 'AXiidrros: -TTO, III. 40 
 dXuAcrdfw : riMKra^ov, X. 93 
 'A\<pe6s or 'AX^>et6s: -eov, VI. 3: -t6v, III. 
 
 7(?), V. 38, 181, X. 26: -tiov, VII. 49, 
 
 xn. 193 
 
 a/J.a, III. 91 
 
 d/jLaifj-aKeros : -ov, X. 64 
 
 dfj.a\dvvta : -vvei, XIII. 3 
 
 Syitap, in. 29, fr. 7. 4: -rt, x. 33: -TO, v. 
 
 "3 
 
 afJMpreta ( = 6/0.): a/J-apTfoire, VIII. 103 f. 
 
 (?) : -ety, XVII. 46 
 d.fj.dpvyfj.a, VIII. 36 
 d/J-avpou : -oOrat, XII. 177 
 d/ndxavos : -cu/oii, I. 171 
 XV. 23 
 
 : -as, fr. 11. i 
 dn[}p6(nos: -luv, xvm. 2 
 : -6roi;, xvi. 42 
 u: -e^as, XVII. 16: -eifidnevos, V. 
 
 t: -ea, XVI. 114 
 u.f^yii: -as, XVIII. 27: -g, I. 3 
 dfiepdw : apepffav, X. 36 
 d/JLerepos: -ov, fr. 2. i: -as (gen.), V. 144, 
 XVII. 5: -a, v. 90: -as (ace.), XI. 3
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 499 
 
 * dfj,erp68iKos : -ots, x. 68 
 &/j.fTpos: -ov, xvi. 67 (?) 
 afj.ia.vros, III. 86 
 df>.ire\oTp6<pos : -ov, VI. 5 
 
 djuwnrw : -et, XVII. n: afj.vev, XVI. 19 
 dfj.<pdKijs : -es, X. 87: -ea, fr. 3. 8: d/u0d;cet, 
 
 P- 439 (* 79 Blass ) 
 d;it0t, with ace., IX. 34, X. 18: with dat., 
 
 I. 39, ix. 44, xvi. 105, 124, xvn. 53: 
 
 in tmesis, xvm. 7 
 d[j.<pif}d\\u : -/3dXXet, XVII. 6: -t[3aXfi>, 
 
 xvi. 112: fidXuffiv an<pi, xvm. 7 
 diJ.<t>iKUfj.uv : -ova, xv. 16 
 d/40t7roX^w: -Xer, fr. 7. 3 
 dfj.(j)iTiffr]/j.i : -r/0et, Epigr. 1. 4 (fr. 33) 
 ' A/jupirpira : -av, XVI. in 
 ' Afj.(j>iTpvuv : -vuvos, V. 156 
 'Afj,<pLTpvuviddas, V. 85 : -ai, XV. 1 5 
 dfj.<p6repos : -aicriv, V. 188 
 d/j.di/j.rjTos : -ov, V. 147 
 av, i. 70, v. 97, 135, I93(?), X. so(?), 
 
 xvi. 41, xvm. 3 
 dvd, with ace., v. 66: with dat., ill. 50: 
 
 in tmesis, in. 50 f. 
 dvafidXXu: dva . . ZfiaXXov (tmesis), III. 
 
 50 f. 
 
 dvaftoXd : see dfufioXd 
 dvdyKa, fr. 16. 2: -av, X. 72: -a, X. 46 
 dvaotu: -5r)ffd/j.fvos, IX. 16 
 dvddijfj.a : see &v8i}fjui 
 
 * di>ai8ofj,dxas : -ay, V. 105 
 dpa/cd/uTTTW : dpe/fd^TTTeTO, XVI. 82 
 dvaKapvffffu : dyKapv^av, IX. 27 
 dvaK\aiu>: dyKXavaava, V. 142 (?) 
 dvaKO/i^w: d-y/co/utWat, III. 89 
 avafj.eiyvvfj.1. : dfifj.eiyvvfj.fva, fr. 16. 5 
 dvafj.ifj.vg.ffKu: dvtfJ,vafffv, II. 6 
 
 dVal, III. 39, 76, V. 84, VIII. 45, XII. 148, 
 
 XVI. 78, XVII. 2 
 *d*<a/aXos, XIX. 8 
 
 * dv ai{3p6vTas, xvi. 66 
 
 * dxaf i/j.oXiros : -ov, VI. 10 
 
 d^aTraXXw : dce'iraXro, X. 65 
 
 dxdTrai/ffis : -iv, XVIII. 36 
 
 dvairavu : d/UTraiVas, V. 7 
 
 dvairt/jLiru: dvtirf/J.\f/e, III. 62 
 
 dpaTTrwrerw: -i)|as, V. 75 
 
 dvareivd}-. dvrflvuv, x. 100: &vreivav, XII. 
 
 138: dxTeiyaffa, fr. 13. 4 
 dxareXXw : -T\\o/J.eva, XII. 127 (?) 
 dvariOij/ju: dv^OrjKe, Epigr. 2. i (fr. 34) 
 dcaros: -01, fr. 19. 2 
 dva^aivw: -wv, XII. 76 
 dvdrjfia, VII. 52 
 
 avSrjpov: -Jipois, p. 439 (i. 54 Blass) 
 dvopoKTOvos : -ov, XVII. 23 
 dvefj.os, V. 65 : -fiwv, Epigr. 2. 2 (fr. 34) 
 dvrip, V. 191, VII. 46, XVII. 7: avopa, III. 
 
 69, ix. 48, xii. 201, xvii. 31: -6$, i. 
 
 52 f., fr. 25: -I, in. 88: -as, I. 10: -G>v, 
 
 ix. 38, xn. 189, xni. 8, 17, xvii. 40, 
 
 fr. 10. 2: dvtpuv, XII. 196: av8pffffi(v), 
 
 v. 96, x. 114: -dffi, fr. 16. 6 
 avdenbeis: -tvn, XV. 5: -eyras, XII. 88 
 dv8e(j,(!}8r]s: -Sea, XVIII. 39 
 avffos: -ea, ill. 94, XII. 59, XV. 9, fr. 3. 
 
 2: -fwv, X. 18, XII. 92 : AvOfffiv, IX. 16 
 avOpuTros: -uv, i. 51, 59, vn. 44, vill. 18, 
 
 88, IX. 48, fr. 1. 2, 14. 24 : -oiff(tv), V. 30, 
 
 VII. 9, IX. 12, XII. 59, XIII. i, XIV. 54, 
 
 fr. 16. 8, 19. 3 
 dviKaros : -arov, V. 57 
 avnriros (?), p. 475 
 dvi(rx u ' -ovres, XIV. 45 
 avrdbj; -d<raj, XII. 127 
 ami, l. 147 
 
 dvrWeos : -ov, XIV. I : -01, X. 79 
 dot5d: -dv, XVII. 4: -at', XII. 230: -av, 
 
 fr. 3. 2: -ats, VI. 14 
 doXX/fw: doXXtfof, XIV.' 42 
 d'jra|, fr. 1. i 
 airdp"xu: -et, XI. 6 
 
 airas: -PTI, X. 125: -ra, XIV. 51, fr. 21. i 
 direlpiav: -ova, VIII. 20 
 dvevffris, XII. 87 : -07j, fr. 7. 2 
 aTTtirros: -ov, ill. 57, XVI. 117 
 aTrXaroj: -ov, XII. 51: -oto, V. 62 
 dir6, i. 57, v. 10, vin. 21, X. 65, xv. 17, 
 
 xvi. 55, 103, fr. 3. 10, 13. 2, 16. n: 
 
 diro, xvn. 55: in tmesis, iv. 20, Epigr. 
 
 2.4 
 
 dTroXayx^dveiv : Xayxo-ff^" airo, IV. 20 
 dTr6XXii,ut: air<i>\t<rtv, XV. 31 
 'A.ir6\Xwv, I. 18, III. 29, 58, iv. 2, XII. 
 
 148: 'AiroXXo*', XV. to 
 diroTrX^w: -uv, I. 12 
 dir6p8t]Tos: -uv, vin. 52: -ouj, 99 
 diroffevu: dirffffvjj,evai, X. 82 
 aTrorpfiru: dtrfrpairfv, X. 27 
 diro<p6ivu: -(pOifttvu, VIII. 79 
 airpaKTOt : -av, ix. 8: -a/fra, fr. 8. i 
 aJTTto: -eix, III. 49 
 diruOtu: -u<rdfj.evov, V. 189 
 Spa, XII. 164, 228, XV. 5 
 dpd\va: -av, fr. 3. 7 
 dp^aX^os: -tav, X. 72 
 'Ap7e?os (Argive) : -eiwj', VIII. n, XIV. 5 
 'ApyeTos (proper name), I. 32, II.. 4 f. 
 dpyriffTris: -dj, V. 67 
 dpyiKtpavvos: -ov, V. 58 
 "A/0-yos, 6: -o^, xvm. 19, 33 
 "Apyos, rb, IX. 32, X. 60, 81, XVIII. 15 
 dpyvpodlvas : dpyvpodiva, VII. 48 
 dpetuv: -u, VIII. 91 : -ovos, XVII. 29 
 dperd, I. 71: -dp, 22, V. 32, IX. 13, fr. 
 
 10. 2: -as, in. 90, x. 7: -at, xni. 8: 
 
 'Aperd, XII. 176 
 *dp^ratXM* XVI. 47 
 dpijtbs: dpijos, I. 3(?): ijiw, III. 69: -yiuv, 
 
 XVII. 57 
 
 dpr)t<pi\os : -ov, v. 166: -ot, xiv. 50: -ouj, 
 i. to: -ots, X. 113 
 
 332
 
 500 
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 "Api;s, V. 130, XII. 146, fr. 20. 2: -rjos, v. 
 
 34, viii. 44 
 dpiyvwros, v. 29: -OP, xvi. 57: -oto, ix. 
 
 37 : -ois, vin. 64 
 * d/H<rra\/O75 : dpicrraX/c^s, VII. 7 
 dpiffrapxos : -ov, XII. 58 
 *dpi(TT&Kapiros : -ov, in. i 
 AptffTOfj.4vti.ov (T^/KOS), VII. 10 
 *dpio~ro7rdrpa, X. 106 
 
 Apta-ros, III. 22: -ov, XIII. 2: -01, V. ill 
 'ApKadla : -av, x. 94 
 
 ap/ua, v. 177: -ao-iv, p. 437 (i. 19 Blass?) 
 dp/*6fw: -fet, xin. 12 
 dpTraXews, XII. 98 
 appTjros : -wf, fr. 4. 2 
 "Apre/ws, X. 37: -tSos, V. 99 
 dpxd : -as, X. 65 
 apxaytras : -av, in. 24 
 dpxayos: -6v, v. 179: -oiJs, viii. 51 
 dpxaibs: -ay, V. 150, p. 439 (i. 52 Blass) 
 'Apx^/iopos: -<;>, vin. 12 
 dpxw: apxe", xiv. 47 
 ^dffayevovra, VIII. 13 
 dWeros: -01, xvni. 34 
 do-irh: -krw, XX. 3 
 do-Taxus : -wo?, Epigr. 2. 4 (fr. 34) 
 derrpaird : -d?, XVI. 56 
 dffrpdwTu: dffTpaif/e, XVI. 71 
 &ffrpov : -uv, VIII. 28 
 
 dVru, in. 43, X. 12, 57, XII. 115 : -ea, 188 
 *d(rri;#e/us : -iv, IV. 3 
 d<r0aXiJs: -e?, XII. 66: -foraTOv, XVIII. 38 
 'Affwiros: -6v, VIII. 39 
 drdp/3aKTOs, V. 139 
 *drap/3o;U.dxas, XV. 28 
 drdo-^aXos: -ov, XVII. 24 
 arex-vos : -ov, p. 475 (?) 
 arepBe, XVI. 12 
 
 'ArpetSaj: -eifS^t, XIV. 6: -av, X. 123 
 dr/x^a, V. 7 
 drpo^Tos, XII. 123 
 aVpi/ros: -ov, VIII. 80: -<y, V. 27 
 dri/fw: -6fJ.evoi, XII. 116 
 ay-yd: -dy, X. no: -aij, p. 439 (i. 55 
 
 Blass) 
 
 avSdeis, XIV. 44 
 avOalpfros : -01, fr. 20. i 
 avdtyevTis, II. 1 1 
 ay\d: ay\ay, III. 32 
 
 aX6s: -wv, II. 12, vin. 68, IX. 54, fr. 3. 5 
 a#a>: -ovfftv, ix. 45: -ety, I. 52 
 diiirvos: -ov, XVIII. 23 
 aSpa: -at, XVI. 6 
 aCpiov, III. 79 
 a5re, IX. 23 
 
 aVTlKO., X. I IO 
 
 a&m, III. 89, XIV. 60 
 avT6/j.a.Tos : -01, fr. 18. 3 
 AI/TO/U^ST/S : -et, VIII. 25 
 ai)r6s: -6i, XVII. 41 : ai/r-, p. 437 (I. 22 
 Blass) 
 
 airrou (adverb), v. 178 
 
 airxfiv : -tvi, II. 7 
 
 'A<f>dpris: -rjra, V. 129 
 
 d^aros: -a, XVII. 18 
 
 a<f>deyKTos : -oiffiv, fr. 2. 2 
 
 d<piKvtofW,i : dtf>iKTo, XVIII. 40 
 
 d^veos, I. 62: -6y, V. 53: -ov, XVI. 34 
 
 'A<ppodira, XVI. 116 
 
 d<ppoffvva.'. -ais, XIV. 57 
 
 'Axaios: -wv, VIII. 58(?), X. 126, XIV. 39: 
 
 -ots, X. 114 
 
 dxfifJ-o-vTos : -ov, fr. 22. i 
 dxftp^s: -4$, XI. n(?) 
 
 nff, xn. 119: -^a, 101, 134 
 s, X. 85 : -^wv, 76, XIV. 52 
 
 : -ov, IX. 50 
 dos, fr. 3. ii (?) 
 dtas: doOj, XVI. 42: 'Atij, V. 40: 'Act, 
 
 xn. 129 
 dwrevw : -ovra, VIII. 13 (?) 
 
 B 
 
 *(3a.0vdeif\os : -ov, I. 29 
 
 /3a0itfwco5, Xiv. 7 (?) : -ov, I. 7: -oio, X. 
 
 16: -ois, v. 9 
 Pa0vv\os: -y, XII. 169 
 f}a.0VTr\OKdfJ.ov, X. 8 
 fiaOvir\ovTos'. -ov, III. 82 
 /3a0<5s, III. 85: -vv, v. 16, XIV. 61 : -et'ar, 
 
 XVI. 62 
 
 BaKxv\i5rjs : -y, Epigr. 1. 4 (fr. 33) 
 /SdXXw : see under ava/SaXXw and d/j.<pi- 
 
 /SdXXw 
 
 /Sapuax'js: -^as, XV. 18 
 jSapiy/Spo^tos : -ov, XVI. 76 
 Papvirev6r]s : -ifftv, XIII. 72 
 /3api/y: -etai', XVI. 28, 96 
 ^api/rXaroy, XIII. 4 
 j3apv<f>6oyyos: -ov, VIII. 9 
 fidffavos: fiaffdvouriv, VIII. 58 (?) 
 /Sao-iXeivs, I. 14: -eO, XVII. i: -e?, X. 63, 
 
 XIV. 6, 38: -fcj, fr. 26 
 /3Aos: -17, V. 132 
 t'a: -av, v. 181, XVI. 23, 45: -a, V. 116, 
 
 X. 91, xvn. 10 
 /3tdw: -arat, XII. 200, fr. 1. 2 
 tos: -ov, fr. 7. 2: -y, I. 59 
 /Siord : -dv, V. 53 
 )3X<hrw: -eis, XVI. 75 
 P\(<f>apov, V. 157: -y, X. 17: -dpuv, fr. 
 
 3. 10 
 
 : -dv, XII. 227: -as, X. 65 
 
 j3od: /3o^, VIII. 68: -dv, 35 
 oa06os Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34) 
 fioadoos: -ov, xn. 103 (?) 
 /Soda;: j36a<Tt, XVI. 14 
 Boturrios: -ioi<ru', fr. 17. 4 
 BOI&JTOS, V. 191 
 Bop^as, XII. 125: -a, V. 46 
 opeds, XVI. 91
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 /SopTjibs: -at, xvi. 6 
 
 /3oi/#i>ros: -ois, ill. 15 
 
 /3ouXd, vni. 9o(?): -ateri, X. 121 
 
 j3ov\euw. j3ov\(v<Tfv, V. 139 
 
 /SoDs, xvni. 16: /3oGo, XV. 22 : /3oPs (ace.), 
 
 x. 104 : jSowo, v. 102, ix. 44, fr. 3. 3, 
 
 17. i 
 
 /JOWTTIS: -to, x. 99, xvi. no 
 Ppaxfo, in. "4 
 ppiOw. -Oovn (3rd plur.), fr. 3. 12: /3ptV, 
 
 IX. 47 
 
 Spirts : Bpt<T77t5os, XII. 137 
 /Spores: -w, III. 66: -wo, I. 42, III. 66, 91, 
 
 v. 63, 87, 109, 190, 194, VIII. 22, 85, 
 
 x. 35, xn. 62, 202, xvi. 32, xvn. 2, 
 
 fr. 26. 28: -ot<r(i), vni. 74(?), xiv. 31, 
 
 xvi. 118, fr. 11. i 
 */3porw0eX7js : /Sporw^eXea, XII. 191 
 /Sptfw: -et, in. 15: -own, 16: -ovtra, XII. 
 
 179: -oora, XVIII. 44: -cores, VI. 9 
 w/aos: -60, ix. 30, X. 41, no, XII. 58: 
 
 -wo, fr. 3. 3 
 
 ya: yav, x. 70, XII. 180: 7as, XIV. 63: 
 
 79, V. 42, VII. 41 
 yaia, XII. 153: -ao, fr. 20. 4: -aj, V. 24, 
 
 p. 437 (1.^6 Blass) : -a, vni. 38 
 7a/xp6s: -<, xvi. 50: -60, p. 437 (i. 8 
 
 Blass) 
 
 yd.fj.os : -w, xvi. 1 1 5 
 ydp, in. 5, etc.: placed between a prep. 
 
 and noun, xi. 4, xvi. 103 f. 
 yapus: -w, V. 15: -v'i, XIV. 48 
 yapuw, in. 85 
 ye, with /*eV, III. 63 (?), 90 (?) : after ei, 
 
 XII. 228 (el Ke MS.): oOo, vill. 25: 
 
 trpiv, xv. 13 
 7e7woeo, IIJ. 37 
 *ye\avou: -uxras, V. 80 
 yt/Jito): -ovffav, XV. 4 
 7eoed: -do, x. 74: -as, VIII. 49 
 yeoos, I. 30, XVI. 93 
 yepaipu, XII. 225: -et, IV. 3, vi. 14: 
 
 -oi/tra, II. 13: tyepa.lpoiJ.ev, IV. 13 
 7epas, in. 12, vn. 8, x. 36, xvni. 14 
 yepuv. -oora, III. 59 
 yei/w: -ffavro, VI 1 1. 46 
 YTjpas, III. 89, fr. 21. 3 
 Ftyas: -aoras, XIV. 63 
 ylyvo/juu : ytvero, XVIII. 29 
 yiyvwffKu: yvuffei, V. 3: yvuiv, 152 
 7\an/v6s: -60, VII. 51: -g., X. 29 
 y\VKvdupos : -e, III. 3, X. I : -oo, V. 4 
 7Xi'Kt/s: -i/, I. 65: -eta, V. 151, fr. 16. i, 
 
 17. 4: -etao, II. 12 : -terror, III. 47 
 y\wffffa: -ao, V. 195, IX. 51 
 yv6.fj.TTTW. eyva.fj.<pOri, XII. 52 
 7<i7<nos : yvr)ffiwv, VIII. 83 
 Touijua: -a, X. 35: -aj (ace.), III. 79: 
 
 -aia-i, fr. 27 
 
 71/0X00 : -Xots, XIII. 41 
 
 7wa\K7js: -^a (sing.), xi. 8: (plur.), vni. 
 
 38 
 
 7i>too: -wo, xvi. 104: -ois, 124 
 yvfjLvdo-iov : -iwi>, fr. 3. 5 
 7wd, v. 139: -at/ca, fr. 15. 2: -ai/c6s, XI I. 
 
 136: -atxes, III. 45: -aifcwo, X. 112 
 
 5a-: dSdrj, v. 64 
 
 Aataoetpa : -ao, V. 173: -a, XV. 24 
 
 SatSaXeos: -as (gen.), v. 140: -e"wo, fr. 
 
 3- 3 
 
 *5a3o06pos : -ope, fr. 23. i 
 5atfa>: -et, XII. 126 
 Satjuootos : -oo, XV. 35 
 daifwv, V. 1 13, 135, VIII. 26, XV. 23, XVI. 
 
 46, fr. 21. i: -oo, ill. 37; -ooos, XIII. 
 
 I : -ooes, XVI. 117: -oo-i, VIII. 84 
 AatTrvXos: -ov, V. 145 
 5atj: -ras, fr. 18. 4 
 5a.i<t>pwv , v. 122, 137 
 ddicpv, xvi. 95 
 5a/cpu6ets, v. 94 
 SaKpvu : -wa, V. 153 
 AdXtos: -e, XVI. 130 
 AaXo7eoTjs, III. 58, X. 15 
 AaXos : -e, fr. 12 
 5ajudfw, oa.fj.vafu: ddfiaffev, I. 118: da/jui- 
 
 o-eias, XVI. 44 : Sd/^arat (midd.), fr. 3 : 
 
 tddftrjo-av, VIII. 64 
 Sd^taXts: -to, XVIII. 24 
 SufjMffifj.^poros, XII. 50 
 8afj.d<rnnro! : -ov, III. 23 
 *Sa/j.afftx&<^v ' -oot, XV. 19 
 Aajudnjp : Aa/uarpa, III. 2 
 Aaoaol : -ots, XII. 145 
 Aaoa6s: -oO, X. 74 
 SdireSoo : -ots, X. 25 
 Sdirrw: -ofjAvav, XV. 14 
 5do"Ktos : -oo, X. 93 
 5e", passim (occurring about 160 times ; 
 
 cp. KO.I and re) : as third word of a 
 
 sentence, I. 6, xvil. 47, cp. xn. 127 n. : 
 
 Se" re, XII. 129, fr. 3. i: re.. 5e", xil. 
 
 n 5 n.(?) 
 5e (enclit.): vbvrovoe, xvi. 94: cp. X. 
 
 114 n. 
 Setfw: ?5et<reo, XVI. 102: dedoiKa, XVII. 
 
 3 
 deiKvvfu : deli-ofifv, xvi. 46: 5et|at, fr. 
 
 11. 4 
 
 5etX6s : -oiffiv, I. 51 
 
 : -a? III. 72 n. 
 : -oeos, III. 7, IV. 13: -oei/s, V. 
 
 35 
 
 5eto6s: -oC, III. 53 
 SeVaros: -oo, X. 59: -drw, I. 15 
 AeX0ot, III. 21: -u>v, XV. II 
 0^/uas, V. 147, VIII. 31
 
 502 
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 At0<fa: -av, I. 8 
 
 *5f Jicrrparos : -ov, XIV. 43 
 
 5eos, v. 84 
 
 StpKOftai: -erat, XIV. 51 
 
 Sfffiroiva, X. 117, XII. 95 
 
 devpo, V. 8 
 
 8exonai: eSe'laro, VII. 47: 3earo, XV. 35, 
 
 xvi. 85: SeVro, IX. 31, x. 17 
 3^, v. 142, 156, X. 95, xi. 4, xil. 121, 
 
 <93 
 
 OT/pts : -tv, V. Hi 
 
 did with gen.: vin. 47, xn. 52: with 
 
 ace.: in. 61, vi. 4, vin. 30, xn. 156, 
 
 xiv. 40 
 Std-yw: -fiv, V. 33 
 
 Ovcrffw : --g, fr. 16. 4 
 ffu: -ffffev, III. 54 
 ivw: -ivei, vin. 28, 89: -KeKpifdvai, 
 
 fr. 24. i 
 
 StoreXe'to: -etf, fr. 7. 2 
 Starpe'xw: 5tt5pa.fj.ev, xiv. 44 
 didvfios: -ous, HI. 78 
 SiSufju: Z5wKe(v), VIII. 26, X. 39, XII. 80, 
 
 fr. 21. i: 5w/ce(i'), xvi. 116: Sio-av, xvi. 
 
 37: doi-rjre, VIII. 2 
 SieVw: -oufft, III. 21 
 Sifrjyuai: -TJVTCU, I. 67: -<r0at, XVII. 60 
 8i/c- : 6iKwt>, XVI. 63 
 5hca : -as, X. 26, xvi. 25 : -9, xn. 202 : 
 
 -as (ace.), xn. 45, xvn. 42 
 Al/ca: -as, IV. 12 
 SlKcuos: -01, fr. 18. 4: -as (ace.), X. 123: 
 
 -tav, XIV. 47: -cuffi, XIII. ii 
 divdeis: -dvra, XII. 165: -dVros, 78 
 5<^a> (-dw): Sivacrev, XVI. 18: Sivrjvro, 
 
 107 
 
 Atopikrtos : -irloiffi, fr. 16. 5 
 AIOVWTOS: -ov, XVIII. so: Aiowi/crou, VIII. 
 
 9 8(?) 
 
 5t's, ix. 27, 29, xvi. 2 
 : -ov, Vin. 32 
 
 s : -5os, vin. 29 
 raffia : -iats, X. 67 
 tw|t5r7ros : -ot(o), VIII. 44, X. 75 
 5vo<pfos : -ov, XV. 32 
 Sotdfw: 5oia|e, X. 87 
 8oKw, XVII. 12: -et, fr. 16. 8 
 56Xtos, xvi. 116 
 8o\(.xav-)(T]v : -fvt, XV. 6 
 SoXix^s: -av, XVII. 16: -y, 45 
 5o\6ets : -e<r(ra, III. 75 
 56/j.os: -ov, in. 49, xv. 29, xvi. 100: -01, 
 
 in. 40: -ouj, xvi. 63: -ots, in 
 SoyaKwSiys : -Sea, fr. 22. 2 
 56va : -OKOS, XII. 92 
 dovtw. -ei, V. 67: -^owri, I. 69: -elv, fr. 
 
 8. i 
 56^a: -av, vill. i, IX. 18, XII. 61 : -as 
 
 (gen.), IX. 37: -a, xn. 120 
 oopd : -as, V. 124 
 56pv, xn. 120, xvi. 90 
 
 SpaKuv, vill. 13 
 
 Spaa: Spwv, ill. 83 
 
 8p6fj.os: -tf>, v. 183: 5p6fj.ov, ix. 26 
 
 5i)a: -a, p. 439 (i. 79 Blass), fr. 21. 3: 
 
 -a, XIV. 46 
 
 5vva.fj.ai: -rat, fr. 7. 2: -ro, xvin. 26 
 5i^va/uis: -iv, xiv. 59 
 Swaerts: -ii>, IX. 49 
 Si5o, iv. 17, XV. 19, XVII. 46, 49 
 Svpo/jMi: -tvais, III. 35 
 5i;<T\o^>os: -ov, xn. 46 
 *8vfffMa.xi]Tos : -TO., fr. 32. 2 
 dvfffifvris, xvil. 6: -^wv, v. 133, XII. 208 
 5v<T/j.opos, XV. 30 
 SucnratTraXos : -a, V. 26 
 Swrravos: -oto, X. 102: -wi', v. 63 
 5tD/xa : -ara, V. 59: -a<rt, 173 
 S&pov : -a, xvi. ro, 76, 124, vin. 4, fr. 
 
 32. 2: -ots, fr. 16. 5 
 
 E 
 
 vTa, II. 9 
 : -<f>, XV. 5 
 lyyoi/os: -wv, VIII. 46 
 eyyiidev, XVI. 128 
 fyKvpw: eyKtipffai, fr. 21. 3 
 eyx^ffva^s : -ov, V. 69 
 fyX os: ' ea ! f r - 3. 8: -^wi', VIII. 43 
 eyu, V. 127, XII. 221 : ifut, XVI. 33 (/fd/xe) : 
 /xe, xi. 5, XVI. 53: ^ot, V. 31, 138, 
 
 XII. 226, XV. 2, XVIII. 37: /tot, 151: 
 
 &/J.HI, XVI. 25 
 25os, vin. 46 
 edpa: -as, fr. 11. i 
 
 : -av, v. 29: -as, VI. 8, XII. 197 
 : -ei, i. 52, V. 14: efftXuv, v. 169: 
 
 t0e\ev, X. 73: cp. 0eXw 
 et, with indie., I. 55, X. 27, xn. 168, 199, 
 
 228, xvi. 28 f. (et' Kal), 57 f. (do.), fr. 
 
 7. 2, 29, p. 437 (? i. 9 Blass) : with 
 
 optat., v. 190: with ellipse of indie. 
 
 verb, XI. 4 (et TTOTC), xvil. 12 (et TIVI). 
 
 Cp. ai and efn-ep 
 elSov : el5e(v), v. 40, X. 22, XVI. 109: 
 
 ISev, v. 71, xvi. 16: t'5eti', V. 30, XVI. 
 
 43: I56i>, xvi. 72, 101 
 et8u\ov, v. 68, fr. 25 
 er*o(ri, x. 104 
 
 eiXaTuVa: -as (ace.), XII. 162 
 flfii : tfj.ev, xvill. 12 
 etjut: (ari(v), ill. 38, V. 162, 167, XII. 203, 
 
 fr. 3. 9, 7. i, 12. i: etVt, vin. 88, 
 
 fr. 19. 2 : eti), ix. 12 : fyfievat, XVII. 14 : 
 
 t/j-Hev, V. 144, XVII. 31, 56: clpev, IX. 
 
 48: euv, I. 56, vil. 46: eovra, IV. 19, 
 
 XVIII. 23: efora, III. 78: fy, XVII. 21, 
 
 xvin. 15: efftffOai, xn. 57 
 eivfKfv, xil. 136 
 efrrep, VIII. 86, XVI. 53 
 elTToy : eljre(j'), III. 48, 77, V. 86, xvi. 47, 
 
 LII. 81: eiireiv, vin. 72, fr. 1. i
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 53 
 
 -a, V. 200 
 Eiprjva, h. 3. i : -a, XII. 189 
 eipw (dico) : elpfv, XVI. 20, 74 
 ej's, xiv. 43 : see <-s 
 
 e&, fr. 7. i : /u/a, z'^., XIII. 8 : %va, I. 45 
 *elcrdvTav, V. no 
 eire . . }), XV. 5 f. : efr' off?. .97 pa.. 17, XVIII. 
 
 29 ff. 
 er, V. 15, 82, 132, 141, VIII. 35, X. 36, 
 
 xm. 8, xvi. 24, 62 (?) : ^, in. 46, v. 
 
 61, x. 43, xvi. 122, fr. 4. i 
 Ka<TTos : -<f}, XIII. 16 
 'E/cdra, fr. 23. i 
 &<aTi, I. 6f., V. 33, VI. ii, IX. 15, X. 9, 
 
 XVI. 7 
 
 eV/SaXXw: e&pa\ev, XVII. 28 
 %Kyoi>ov, XVI. 1 6 
 fKKo.ioeKa.Tos : -o.v, VII. 3 
 fKTrifj.TT\rifj.i : e Kir\riffofj.ev , XVI. 27 
 EtfTopeoj : 'E/crop&ij (gen.), XII. 154 
 r6s, IX. 52 
 "E/rra>p : -opa, xn. 109 
 Aa/a : -as, vn. 52: -a, X. 28 
 H\atov : -if, IX. 23 
 eXaww, IX. 51 
 \a<ppos, I. 35 : -6i, fr. 8. i 
 e\eyxu : -, fr. 10. 2 
 tX^aj : -avri, fr. 16. 9 
 *e\iKO<rTe<pa.vos : -ov, VIII. 62 
 XXa0i (i'XT/yiu), X. 8 
 "EXXav : -d^aw, ill. 12, V. in, vill. 30: 
 
 -a<Ti(v), VII. 7, IX. 20, XII. 82: 'EXXd- 
 
 veffffiv, 56 f. (?) : "EXXavas, VII. 44 
 'EXXdj : -5a, III. 63 
 eXTrt's, in. 75, VIII. 18, fr. 16. 4: -idi, I. 
 
 54, IX. 40, XII. 220: -Iff iv, 157 
 f\Trofj.at, fr. 12 
 eyitjSdXXw : tfj.j3a.\fv, X. 54 
 tfjibs: -as, XVI. 64: -uv, V. 117: -a, 
 
 XII. 229 
 
 ZfjureSov, XII. 178 
 ifjLiriTvw. -lav, IX. 24 
 ^iropos . -ov, XVII. 36 
 e/jLTrp^Trw : eveirpeirev, VIII. 27 
 ev, ii. 6, v. 27, 41, 44, 80, 88, 119, 131, 
 
 165, 173, 200, vii. 3, 45, 53, vin. 22, 
 
 ix. 19, 29, x. 4, 19, 24, 32, 88, xi. 8, 
 
 xn. 61, 81, 99, 118, 124, 135, 162, 
 
 189, 198, xm. 15, 41, xiv. 53, xvi. 5, 
 
 108, 115, 120, xvn. 23, 45, 49, xvin. 
 
 8, 47, xix. i, fr. 3.6, 15. i, 17. 5, 21. 2 , 
 
 32. i, Epigr. i. 3 (fr. 33) 
 fvavrios : -a, v. 76 
 evaptfw : -oftfruv, XII. 151 
 'EvSais: 'E^SaiSa, XII. 96 
 ZvdoOev, XVI. 86 
 evSvK^us, V. 112, 125 
 tvQa., in. 33, v. 63, 107, 127, 182, xiv. 
 
 40, xv. 17, xvin. 42 
 Zv6ev, x. 82, 97, 113 
 &Wa, XV. 1 8 
 
 fa: tv<TTatv, XII. 229 
 XVII. 44 
 
 evrtiti) : I-VTVOV, fr. 18. 2 
 
 evv<pa.ivd) : -i/ere, p. 437 (i. 4 Blass)? 
 
 , v. 113 
 
 : ^ayayeiv, x. 103 
 : -el\fro, V. 74 
 s: -j'ois, XIV. 58 
 
 l;ei>aplf(i) : -lav, V. 146 
 
 efvpiffKti> : -evpetv, fr. 4. 3 
 
 eiici>o/j.ai: e^'iKovro, XII. 132 
 
 efoTrtv (or &f67ri0e), xvi. 91 
 
 ?|oxos: -ov, XVI II. 14 
 
 copra : -ais, III. 15 
 
 tiraOptw. -rfffov, v. 8(?): --/iffais, XII. 227 
 
 tTraiffffb) : -uv, V. 116 
 
 *E7ra0os: -ov, XVIII. 42 
 
 eirei, III. 23, 53, 113, VIII. 2, IX. 25, X. 
 120, xn. 133, xv. i, 25, xvi. 43, 93, 
 ni, xvin. 39 
 
 lireiyiu : iiridvra., XVI. 46 
 
 iTreira, V. 74 
 
 eirtpxonai : -ovrai, fr. 18. 4 
 
 ewi, with gen., VII. 9, IX. 21, XV. i (?), 
 xvi. 83, fr. 3. 3 , Epigr. 2. i (fr. 34) : 
 with dat., v. 83, 90, 133, vi. 3, vin. 12, 
 42, ix. 21, 42, 44, xii. 105, 193, 203, 
 xm. 16, xv. 34: with ace., i. 76, vin. 
 41, xii. 88, 149, xvn. 37, fr. 18. i, 
 20. 3 
 
 firifialvta : ewf^aivt, III. 34 : r^/3acre, 
 
 V. 73 
 
 i: -yiyvofjitvois, VIII. 81 
 
 : ire5ela/j.ev, II. 9: &re5etao, 
 
 in. 93 
 
 firiS^xoV-o- 1 ' -S^yfJifvoi, XVI. 96 
 eiriffyXoj : -<j>, V. 52 
 iiriKelpu : firfKcipev, V. 108 
 iriK\u0<>} : fTr4K\w<Tv, V. 143 
 eiriKovpLa : -ai>, XVII. 13 
 eirtXeyw : -Xf^a^va, V. 136 
 eirifj.oi.pos : -ov, I. 48 
 eTrfyiox^os, I. 71 
 eirivixios : -lots, II. 13 
 fTriffKriirTta : -tav, V. 42, VII. 41 
 firtffrd/jM : -a.ucu. IX. 38 
 f, fr. 9 
 ev, xvi. 113 
 
 ) fr- 32. 3 
 twi(pp<j)v : -ova, XV. 25 
 firixOovios : -iuv, IV. 15, V. 5, 54: -tois, 
 
 V. 96, IX. 14 
 e7rixp*M lrT ' J ' : " et > fr- ^O. 3 
 iiri-xupia.v, XII. 92 
 e7roix'f'w : -Si IX. i (?) 
 Trofj.a.i: eirerai, I. 60: tireffOai, V. 194: 
 
 tffTTfO, X. 115 
 
 firoirrevu : -ei^ois, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33) 
 
 ?iro* : -^aw, fr. 4. 2 
 
 eirrd, XVI. 2 
 
 eTrrdiruXos : -ots, xvin. 47
 
 54 
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 tpavvbs: -6v, xvi. 42 
 
 epar6s: -, XVI. 129: -(av, X. 43, fr. 3. 12 : 
 
 -oicriv, XVI. i (o 
 eparuu : Ipdrvev, XVI. 12 
 *fpaTibvvfju}S, XVI. 31 
 ua: -an, XIII. 17 
 OJ', vm. 82, fr. 11. i : -a, xvil. 18 : 
 
 -oiff(iv), IX. 44, xn. 203 
 tpSu : -uv, i. 53, v. 36: -OVTCL, xili. 18, 
 
 XVII. 43 : fpy/j^vov, XII. 207 : tpxO&Tos, 
 
 XII. 65^ 
 
 e'peiTrw : ijpfnrov, X. 68 
 ^pet^iXciois, XII. 167 (?) 
 *epi\{/nrij\as : -av, V. 56 
 epe/jLvds: -6v, xvi. 116 
 iptirTw. -ew, iv. 16: -c\f/uvTcu, vm. 24: 
 
 tpe<f>6d$, XII. 70 
 epeudw. epeutfe, XII. 152 
 
 ia, XVI. 14: -ay, XII. 102 
 uxas, V. 116 
 ipifa: -et, I. 58 
 ipiKvdfy : tpiKvStos, XII. 59 : 
 
 (sing.), 190 
 tpur<pdpayos : -ov, V. 20 
 Ipcos, V. 87 
 
 tptiKw : -ev (inf.), XVI. 41 
 ZpXOfMi : p\o/j.v<av, XV. 33 : -ffXvffev, I. 4 : 
 
 i7\^e('), v. 184, vm. 41, XVII. 16, 
 
 Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34): X0T?, xvi. 28: 
 
 A0<Wa, XI. 7: -es, X. 78: -as, fr. 11. 
 
 3 f- 
 
 Kpws: 4puTd)v, VIII. 73 
 es, i. 12, n. 2, III. 59, 62, V. 12, 61, 106, 
 
 vm. 17, 20, 34, x. 48, 55, 72, XI. 4, 
 
 xii. 143, xni. 8, xiv. 61, xvi. 63, 73, 
 
 76, xix. 10 : probably to be inserted in 
 
 v. 184 and X. 114. See e/s 
 efffidov : e<nd6vres, XII. 139 
 &r0X6s : -6c, v. 129, ix. 47 (eireXwj' A), 
 
 Xili. 3 : -uv, iv. 20, V. 198, xvi. 132 
 &rxaroj : ?<7xara, vm. 41 
 ?<rw, XVI. 22 
 ?T/)os, IX. 42, fr. 4. i : -ou, fr. 4. i : -av, 
 
 xvi. 89 
 
 ?n, in. 31, iv. i, v. 174, X. 47, fr. 8. i 
 fros, X. 59 : -ea, III. 81 
 ^riy/twj, XII. 228 
 e5, I. 41, 53, III. 94, V. 36, 78, 190, 
 
 vm. 72, xii. 65, xin. i, 18 
 * evalveros: -e, xvill. n 
 eCavSpos: -ow, VIII. 17 
 EfySota: -av, ix. 34 
 etf/3oiAoj, Xiv. 37 : -ov, p. 437 (i. 7 Blass) : 
 
 -i, ix. 27 
 *etfywoj: -wj*, X. 10 
 eySa^aXoj: -ov, xvi. 88, fr. 11. 3 
 fvdaifiovia : -aj, V. 186 
 evSaifj.wv, V. 55 
 {fi8fv5pos '. see iju- 
 E^TJ/UOS, Epigr. 2. i, (fr. 34) 
 v5/j.a.Tos: -arov, VIII. 54 
 
 , VII. 9: -ov, Xili. 22: -aw, VIII. 21 
 ^y, XII. 147 
 ei)et5?7s: -&>s, xii. 102 
 fvepyeffia: -av, I. 47 
 evOaXfy: -&, VI II. 5 
 ^vffpovos, XV. 3 
 eu^yStKos: -ov, v. 6 
 eiOvftla: -a, xvi. 125 
 etffl&'w: e&Ovvf, imper., XI. 2 
 ewcXeiys: -ea (ace.), V. 196 
 eOicXeia: -as, I. 74: EikXe/a, XII. 183 
 ei)/cXetfw: -|as, VI. 16 
 E(5/cXeios: Atos Ey/cXei'ou, I. 6 
 fVKrlfjievos : -av,V. 149, X. 122, XIV. 10: 
 
 4'vKTi/j.frav, XIX. 10 (?) 
 VK TITOS: -wv, ill. 46 
 *v/j.apu: -f.lv, I. 65 
 ev(J.api:(i}$, V. 195 
 ei}yu e(/ ' ) 7S I fr- 17. 3 
 
 evvd: -aij, VIII. 64 (?), XII. 99 (?) 
 *evva-fi*: -et, VIII. 42: -ij, p. 439 (i. 75 
 
 Blass) 
 
 Ewo/i/a, xii. 186: -as, xiv. 55 
 E^aiTidSas : -a5av, p. 437 (i. 9 f . Blass)? 
 EyfapTios : -oi', I. 15 
 Euaj/Ti's: -i5a, II. 8 
 tfiox&os: -ovs, fr. 18. 4 
 evTrarros: -wv, XVI. 82 
 eforeTrXoj : -ov, VIII. 61: -oi, X. 42: -otat, 
 
 XIV. 49 
 
 eu7rX6Ka/xos, I. 16: -ots, III. 34 
 evTrolr)Tos: -ov, V. 177 
 eGirpvfjivos: -oty, XII. 150 
 tvwvpym : -ovs, V. 1 84 
 evpiffKti): evpr/ffet, X. 124 
 
 * evpvdval; : -a/cros, V. 19 
 
 evpvfiias, XV. 31: -/3t'a, X. 52: -fiiav, V. 
 
 104 
 * evpvStvas : -av, III. 7, V. 38 
 
 * evpvvt<pris : -et, XV. 17 
 
 e^pys: -eiav, XIV. 40: -eiay, VIII. 47: 
 
 -etats, IX. 17 
 evpv<T0fvfis : -e"os, XVIII. 17 
 
 ftptiX Ps ' - v i IX - 31 
 
 Ei)/3W7rtd5ar, I. 14 
 
 etjpws, fr. 3. 8 
 
 evfftfieta: -av, III. 61 
 
 e^o-e/S^s: -^wv, xn. 188 
 
 ei5re, I. 73, ill. 25, XII. 118, fr. 13. i 
 
 tfiTVKOS, VIII. 4 
 
 etfruKTos: -ov, XVII. 50 
 eiyrf^a: -as, fr. 7. I 
 evvdpos: -ov, x. 119 
 eiKpeyy-fis, VIII. 29 : -e"as, XVIII. 26 
 ev<f>paivw: e&<ppati>e (imper.), III. 83 
 ev<t>po<rvva, III. 87, IX. 53: -tivai, X. 12 
 i>xa : -dv, XVI. 67: -as, 65: -as, VII. 50 
 e#xM at : fOx VTO > XIV. 46: (vxofdvov, X. 
 107: ei5a/ieV<), Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34) 
 : -Sea, XIII. 40 
 s: -Luv, in. 76
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 505 
 
 <pa.fj.fpos : -ov, III. 73 
 t<t>iri/u: -ffi, XII. 48 
 f<pi(TTT)fj.i: ^irtcTTdffas, III. 55 
 
 os: -d (neut.), III. 47: t^Bur-ros, 5 2 
 
 a: -ay, v. 62 
 
 : ., i. 57, x. 124, XIII. 7, fr. 7. 5: 
 -ov<riv, III. 63: -etJ', I. 50, XVII. 48: 
 -tav, fr. 7. 2: -ovra, XVII. 32: foxw, 
 V. 104, XII. 106, XVII. 27, 41: ^civ, 
 XII. 163 
 
 fdtfeos: -^ov, II. 7: -^as, V. 10: -&>, 
 X. 24 
 
 fcvyvvfjii: fei5acra, X. 46 
 
 Zei'-s, in. 55, v. 200, x. 73, xiv. 51, xvi. 
 68: ZeD, VII. 48, XVI. 53: Zrjvds, III. 
 n, 26, v. 20, viil. 5, ix. 29: Zijvt, 
 x. 5, xv. 18: Atos, i. 6, in. 70, v. 79, 
 vi. r, x. 52, xn. 58, xv. 28, xvi. 20, 
 30, 75, 86, xvin. 17: Aa, v. 178 
 
 Z6i>pos : -oi/, v. 28: -<>, Epigr. 2. 2 
 (fr. 34) 
 
 fwd: -dr, III. 82: as, V. 144 
 
 ftiw: -77, i. 70: -eti>, 57 
 
 H 
 
 ij, 'or,' (r) single, v. 87, viil. 36, xn. 
 
 169: (2) repeated, 'either '...'or,' x. 
 
 34, ix. 39-41 : (3) after an interrogative, 
 
 97. .7}..^..; XVII. 5-11: Trbrepa.. .?}. .; 
 
 XVII. 35: (4) after efre, XV. 6: efr' ouv 
 
 ..7}pa..T).., XVIII. 33-35. 3, 'than,' 
 
 iv. 1 8, fr. 2. 2 
 17, (i) affirmative, XII. 54, 71, 147, 157, 
 
 XVII. 41 : (2) interrogative, xvn. 5 
 7j, ' where, ' v. 9 
 rj/Sa : -av, III. 90, V. 154 
 75577, x. 59, XII. 196 
 7?5i/s. fr. 17.. 5; cp. dStfs 
 riWeos: -oi, XVI. 128: -&, 43, 93 
 ^epoj : 7jM<?pa, X. 39 
 T#u0eos: -oi, Viil. 10, X. 62: -^ots, XII. 
 
 /I55 
 
 ijfiiffus: -v, I. 9 
 
 riiri6<j>pwv : -ov (voc.), XII. 78 
 
 ?7pa ( = xapLv), X. 21 
 
 "Hpa, V. 89, VIII. 8, X. 44, XVIII. 22: 
 
 -av, X. 107 
 
 "B.pa.K\rjs: -K\fi, VIII. 9 
 ijpus, v. 71, xiv. 37, xvi. 47, 73, 94: as 
 
 voc., 23: -w (ace.), vin. 56, xn. 104: 
 
 -wes, X. 8 1 
 'H<rfo5os, V. 192 
 f;v8fi>Spos: -ov, xvi. 80 
 fjvre, XII. 87 
 
 
 
 6a.T]Tbs: -ov, X. 14, xn. 115 
 6d\a.ff<ra : -aj, XII. 149: 6d\affffav, 181 
 : -tiav, III. 89 
 
 6a\ia: -tas, XII. 187: -t'atj, XIII. 15 
 0d\\w: -ovo-H', V. 198: -owra, XIV. 58: 
 
 Tt0a\ev, ix. 40 
 6d\iru : -ei. fr. 3. n : OdXirrjo'i (subjunct.), 
 
 fr. 16. 3 
 Odfj.0., XII. 193 
 ffafAfttu : Od/j.pr)<rei>, V. 84 
 6dvaros: -ov, v. 134: -ou, XIX. 7: -oto, 
 
 XII. 63 
 
 ffdirru: -o/j.ev (impf.), V. 115 
 dapa-fu: -fT, V. 21 
 0dpffo<;, XVI. 50 
 * OcLTrip: -rjpuv, IX. 23 
 6av/Mi, XVI. 123 
 6au/j.dfa: -affOeis, I. 42 
 ^au/ua(TT6j, V. 71 : -ov, VIII. 31 
 ^ed, V. 103: -as, X. 49, XVI. 9 
 Qeavu, Xiv. 7 
 0etos, VIII. 3 
 *0\T)/j.6s: -6v, XVI. 85 
 *0\|ieiri7s: -et, xiv. 48 
 0eXi^$>OTO$ : -ou, V. 175 
 0Aw: -et, xn. 51: -77, v. 135: -ot/u, 
 
 XVI. 41 : -aw, V. 169, XVI. 69: -i?(rei, 
 III. 64 : cp. e0Aw 
 
 0^is, in. 88: Qt/MTos, xiv. 55 
 0e65yuaros : -ov, XI. 7, XII. 163 : -ot, 
 
 p. 437 (i. 14 Blass) : -ovs, X. 58 
 BeoSoros: -ous, vn. 50 
 Oeo/cpiros, fr. 14 
 0e67ro^.iros : -OP, XVI. 132 
 0eos, V. 36, 50, X. 34, XIII. 18, XVII. 41 : 
 
 -6v, in. 21 (6is): -oi, vin. 50: -ous, I. 
 
 53: -S>v, in. 38, 57, v. 95, 179, vin. 
 
 63, 89, x. 121, xvi. 24, 100, 124: 
 
 -OI<T(IV), iv. 18, XII. 138, XIV. 14, 45, 
 
 fr. 3. 3 
 
 0eoTiytiaros : -ov, VIII. 98 
 0e6n/j.os : -ov, X. 12 . 
 0eo0i\7js: -&, X. 60: -XT;, III. 69(7) 
 Oepdirtav, V. 14 
 6ep/j.6s: -fuiv, ix. 22 
 Qepfjui)dwv : -OVTOS, VIII. 43 
 *06/xrte7r^s, XII. 199 
 6nrtffios: -i(f), XII. 1 08 
 6e<T(raXta: -as, XIII. 4o(?) 
 9effcraX6s: -dv, XVII. 54 
 Q6rrtos : -toy, v. 137 
 Ofinrpoiria: -av, IX. 4! 
 
 ix. 30: -as, VIII. 54 
 ai: -as, VIII. 20 
 
 S, X. 1O7 
 
 Gijcrei/s, XVI. 16 : -eO, 74 : -6x, 99 
 
 Btyydvu: OLyev, XVI. 12 
 
 0ts: fftva., XII. 149 
 
 6vq.ffK<a: OvqffKovres, XII. 1 66: Odvrj, I. 73: 
 
 ffaveiv, III. 47 
 Qvaros, I. 56: -6V, ill. 78: -wv, III. 61, 
 
 XVII. 21, fr. 21. i: -o?<r(iv), I. 66, III. 
 51, 93, v. 160, ix. 52, x. 7, xn. 45, 
 xiv. 52, xvin. 45, fr. 3. i, 9. i, 20. i
 
 5 6 
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 Bolva. : -as, fr. 18. 2 
 
 0o6s: ffodv, XVI. 55: 6oovs, V. 129: -ds, 
 
 in. 3 
 
 flows, xiv. 59, xvi. 98 
 Qpdffos : -ei, xvi. 63 ; cp. 0d/xros 
 Opaffvicdpoios, XIX. 5: -OP, XII. 106 
 6paffvfi4/j.v<i3v : -ovos, V. 69 
 8pao-v/j.ridr)s: -ea, XV. 15 
 Qpavs : -vv, XVII. 39 
 *6paffvxeip: 0pao-vx-pos, II. 4 
 dpotu: 6p6r)fff, III. 9 
 OpVffKu: -ov<ra, XII. 90: 06pev, XVI. 94 
 ffvydrrjp, V. 124, XVI. 34: duyarep, VII. 1, 
 
 XII. 77, fr. 23.2: Ovyarpfs, I. 28, X. 
 
 84: -wv, V. 167, VIII. 50: -dfft, III. 35 
 Ov/jidp/jifvos : -ov, XVI. 71 
 0vfji6s, xvi. 82, fr. 17.3: -6i, i. 33, 69, 
 
 in. 83, v. 80, ix. 45, xn. 220, xvi. 23, 
 
 fr. 7/2, 16. 3 
 Qvffla: -aiffi, V. 101 
 Bvia: ffvev (inf.), XV. 18: Ovffw, X. 104 
 
 laivu: -, XII. 220: lavffeis, XVI. 131 
 
 Idwrw : -erai, fr. 7. 5 
 
 iaropia : -a, I. 39 
 
 'Idcop : -6vav, XVI. 3 : cp. "Iwf 
 
 "I5a: -as, V. 66, XVI. 30 
 
 idt ( = i76V), XIII. s(?) 
 
 *iS/>c&ets: -evra, XII. 57 
 
 tepw (subst.) : iepd, III. 15 
 
 iepos: -av, II. 2, IX. 34: -av, XVII. I 
 
 'I^pwp, III. 64, 92: -awa, iv. 3, V. 16: 
 
 -wvos, III. 4: -aw, V. 49, 185, 197 
 t fa> : fffffa/M^vuv, X. 120 
 i'ljyow : 'tTjcrt, fr. 13. 2 : teurat, X. 56 : i'erat, 
 
 V. 48: Zero, XVI. 90 
 '1 Oax-fjffios : -ov, fr. 25 
 iOvs: -elav, XIV. 54 
 IBiju: iOvffas, IX. 51 
 iKdvu : iKavev, X. 96: ll-ov, XII. 149 
 r/reXoi, fr. 19. 3 
 'iKv^ofjiai : -eiaOat, fr. 21. 3: '(aero, VIII. 39, 
 
 XV. 16: IKTQ, XV. 8 : ii(tff6<u, X. 30 
 fKptov : -w>', XVI. 83 
 ZXews: -y, X. 15 
 "I\iov : -ov, XII. 115 
 IfieLpu : -, I. 62 
 *i/jLepd/j.irv!- : -ITVKOS, XVI. 9 
 *i/j.ep6yvioi : -ov, XII. 137 
 ifj.tp6fis : -ev, X. 118: -evra, Epigr. 1. 2 
 
 (fr. 33) 
 
 Ifieprbs : -dv, I. 13 
 &a, (i) 'in order that,' IX. n, p. 437 
 
 (l. 5 Blass) : (2) ' where,' x. 79 
 "Ii/a^os: -ov, xvill. 18 
 iofi\t<j>apos : -01, XVIII. 5: -ow, VIII. 3 
 'I6Xa: -o.v, XV. 27 
 
 : -ov, VIII. 72: -ot, XVI. 37: -uv, 
 
 III. 71 
 
 /6s (' arrow ') : iov, v. 75 
 
 ioffT^avos : -ov, III. 2: -ou, XII. 122: -we, 
 
 v- 3 
 
 tirireurds: -a/, XII. 160 
 farTnos: -oj', XVIII. 15: -ov, XVI. 99 
 Z7T7r6^oros : -OP, X. 80 
 
 *i7T7To5J'7;TOS ! -Wf, V. 2 
 
 tir7r6't/cos : -ov, xill. 22 (?) 
 
 ITTTTOS: -ovs, III. 4, XIX. 9, p. 437 (i. 19 
 
 Blass) : -uv, IV. 6, V. 44 
 iiriroTp6<pos : -ov, x. 114 
 *iirirwKr)S : -eos, X. 101 
 iffdvffj.os : -ovs, XIX. 9 
 'IffOfJuoviKas : -av, IX. 26 
 'Iff0fj.i6viKOS : -ov, 1. 46 
 "Icr0/uos : -faf, XVII. 17: -/as, p. 437 
 
 (i. 6 Blass) 
 
 'Lr0/ti6s: -6i, vn. 40: -oO, II. 7 
 s: -twv, xn. 156 
 oiros : -ov (neut.), iv. n f. (?) 
 fffos, V. 46 : Iffov, I. 62, fr. 2. 2 
 t<m;ytu: w-Taf (impf. ), x. 112: Icrra, IX. 
 
 23, fr. 18. i : ffradi, V. 80 : ardcrov, 177 : 
 
 ffTa(rdfj.e0a, V. 112: crra^et's, XII. 105, 
 
 XVI. 84: ffTo.0tvT<av, in. 18 
 Itrriov, XII. 131 
 i<TT6s: -o/, fr. 3. 7 
 
 : -opes, VIII. 44 
 vpbs: -6v, XVII. 38 
 
 x^s: -w, XII. 75: -vi, V. 22, XVII. 20 
 : -ow7i, V. 24 : i<rxe (imper.), XVI. 23: 
 
 icrxfv (inf.), 88 
 'Iruvia. : -as, fr. 11. 2 
 "I0i*cXos: -ov, V. 128 
 'Iw, XVIII. 41 
 "Iwc : -es, fr. 26: -uv, XVII. 2; cp. 'Idwc 
 
 s, XVIII. 48 
 : -^wv, xvill. 36 
 os: -6v, fr. 27 
 
 /, passim (occurring about 70 times ; 
 
 cp. 5^ and re) : in crasis, Kd/j.4, xvi. 33 : 
 
 KIJVTVKTOV, XVII. 50: XWTI, III. 8t 
 /caip6s : -(p, fr. 21. 2 
 KO.IU : Kale, V. 140 
 Ka.KOfj.dxa-vos : -ot, XVII. 8 
 fcaf67roT/Ltos, V. 138 
 /ca/c6s: -iv (nom. neut.), fr. 2. 2 : -a? (neut.), 
 
 XVII. 44 
 
 /coX^w: -et, II. II : K^KXrjrai, VII. 9 
 /caXX/fawos, V. 89 
 Ka\\iKfpa (fern.): -av, xvill. 24. Cp. 
 
 KaXXt6jra, v. 176: -as, XVIII. 13 
 AcaXXtTrdpaov, XIX. 4 
 */caXXtp6as : -av, x. 26, 96 
 Ka\\ixopos : -ov, v. 106: -tf>, X. 32 
 /caX6s, fr. 14: -6v, vm. 82, 101 : -(av, 
 I. 146, II. 6, III. 96, v. 51: KO.X-,
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 57 
 
 p. 439 (l. 36 Blass) : /cdXXt<rros, XIII. 
 
 17: -ov, YIII. 86, ix. 47, x. 79: xctX- 
 
 Xurra, ill. 93 
 KaXi/5aiv : -iDva, V. 106 
 Ka\VKOffTf<t>a,vos : -ov, v. 98 : -ovs, X. 
 
 108 
 
 Kd\v/j.fj.a, XVI. 32, XVII. 38 
 /caXt/Trrw : -i5^77, XII. 64 
 /caXwj, XII. 206 
 KO.IJ.VU: Kdfj.ov, x. 77 : (ca^toi, V. 36 
 
 KO./JLTTTU : KOLfUJ/fV, IX. l6 
 
 Ko.va.xa., XIII. 15: -dv, II. 12 
 
 Acd-rpos : -ay, V. 105 
 
 /cdpa : /cparis, xvn. 51 
 
 Kapdia: -av, xvi. 18, fr. 8. 2; cp. /cpaSia 
 
 ~Ka.p0a.Tos : -aiwv (Kpa.vva.itav MS.), Epier. 
 
 1. 2 (fr. 33) ? 
 
 Kaptrbs : -6v, Epigr. 2. 4 (fr. 34) 
 KaprepoOv/jios, V. 130 
 /caprepos: -dv, XVII. 27: -, X. 46 
 Kaprfpoxfip, I. 31 
 /cdpros, V. 114 
 
 /capuf, XVII. 17: -u/ces, XIV. 40 
 Kaptiffcrw: -i>ovrt ($rd plur.), xil. 231 
 Kapxapodovs : -ovra, V. 60 
 Kdcras : -av, x. 119 
 Kafftyvr/ra : -as, IX. 9 
 KdffiyvriTos : -ots, X. 65 
 KaffraXta : -as, in. 20 
 Kara, with gen., xvi. 94: with ace., vil. 
 
 44f.(?), IX. 32, x. 93, 94, xn. 180, 
 
 xvi. 80, 87, xviil. 26, fr. 16. 10 
 KaraKTeivu] : Ka.rfKTa.vov, V. 128: -vev, 
 
 XVII. 25 
 
 Karavai w : Ka.Ttva.ffae, III. 60 
 Ka.Ta.vfvu) : Ka.Tfvevff, XVI. 25 
 Ka,Ta.(pfv - : Ka.T^ve<pvfv, V. 115 
 
 * KCLTaxpaivd): Ka.Tfxpo.vev, V. 44 
 KaTexu: -exov, X. 91: -e^e, XVI. 28: 
 
 Kar^xowri, X. 1 1 
 KaTopdou: KaTopOuOflaa, XIII. 6 
 ice(v), IV. 13, V. 169, XVI. 64 
 /c<?ap, I. 55, xiv. 23, XVI. 8, 87, 108, fr. 
 
 3. ii, 7. 5, 16. 12 
 Kedvos : -a, XVI. 29: -, III. 33: -wi', V. 
 
 118 
 
 KfWi, VIII. 10 
 
 : KeZrat, VIII. 84, XIV. 53, fr. 32. i 
 : -a, XIV. 62: -ov, V. 90: -o, 164: 
 X. 23 : -uv, vin. 21 
 
 : -drja-av, xv. 12: -S^crat, XIII. 11 
 Ke\ddb}v: -Sovros, VIII. 65 
 KeXeoy, fr. 36 
 
 /ceXei/^os, V. 31, xvill. i, fr. 29: -ov, IX. 
 36, X. 26, XVII. 17: -on, V. 196, VIII. 
 
 47 
 Kf\firu: Kt\fVffe(v), 111.48, XVI. 87, XVIII. 
 
 21 
 
 Kf\o/J.ai, XVI. 40 
 K^os: -ov, ii. 2, vi. 5, 16 
 
 * Kepawe-yxiyj : -^j, VI 1. 48 
 
 s, fr. 1. 2: -^wv, in. 84: -fffffi, XIV. 
 
 57 
 
 KepKvuv : -ovos, XVII. 26 
 
 KcO^os: KftiOetri, IX. 4(?) 
 
 >ce0oXd: -dv, IX. 16: -9, V. 91 
 
 Kifcbs: -?a, XVIII. n: -taj, in. 98: -fy, 
 
 Epigr. i. 4 (fr. 33): -fov, xvi. 130 
 Krjvatos: -<f>, xv. 17 
 Kiyxdvu: Kixea 1 , I. 67, XIV. 53: Kixr/ffa.^, 
 
 V. 148 
 
 *ci)fX5(r/rw: /a/cX^ovre (impf.), x. 99 
 ACIV^W : fKivr/o-ev, IX. 10 
 Kippa: -as, x. 20 
 irfw: -itfov, x. 48 
 /cXdSoy: -ov, vin. 33 
 /cXdf a; : &cXa7ev, XVI. 128, XVII. 3: 
 
 1/cXa-yov, III. 49 
 
 /cXeevvoj, V. 182: -dv, V. 12: -$, II. 6 
 (cXetvos, V. 13: -a, IX. 30: -6v, XVIII. 9: 
 
 -dv, VIII. 74(?): -?, X. 78: -of, VIII. 
 
 22 : -ots, VII. 54 
 KXetw, XII. 228: -o?, III. 3, XI. i 
 K\foTTTo\fj.os : -<f, XIII. 19 
 /cXeos, VIII. 40, XII. 65, XVI. 80 
 K\tu : /cX^o^iev, XV. 13 
 K\iffiri: -rjffiv, XII. 135 
 KXov^w: -wv, XII. 118 
 KXi^/xevos: -ov, V. 145 
 /cXirr6s: -ov, x. 80: -dv, XVI. 73: -aj, XVI. 
 
 7: -dj, 101 
 AcXirroro^os, I. 147 
 /cXi/w: ^/cXue, X. 106: /cXi/e (impf.), XVI. 
 
 67 : K\6ov, XII. 1 33 : /cXtrg, XVI. 74 
 Kvifa: Kv'urev, xvi. 8 
 Kvw<rtos: -ov, xvi. 120: -wv, 39 
 Kv&)ff6s: -6v, i. 13 
 *cotv6w: /coivoKras, XIV. 49 
 KoKirod): Ko\iruffa.v , XII. 130 
 K6fw.: -or, VIII. 24: -at<ri, XVI. 113 
 KO/f7rdfw: -dffo/Mi, VII. 42 
 /c6vty, v. 44 
 *c6pa, xvi. 32, XVIII. 18: -av, I. 117, 
 
 xix. 5: -g, XV. 20: -at, p. 439 (i. 48 
 
 Blass)?: -as (ace.), xvi. 103: cp. 
 
 Kot/pa 
 
 Kopv<pd: -at, V. 24 
 Kopuva : -as, V. 73 
 KOfffj^u: KO<Tfj.rjffai, XI. 7: ^KOfffiijffa^, VII. 
 
 II 
 
 *c60>os: -ov, in. 95, xvi. 62 
 Kotfpa, V. 104, 137, X. 9, XVI. 53: -av, 
 
 III. 2: -at, VIII. 44, X. 42, XVI. 125: 
 
 -as, X. 109 : -ats, III. 60 
 Koi/pijs: -ijffi, V. 126 
 KoCpos : -oi/s, XVI. 3 
 *oD0os: -a, XII. 89: -oraTat, I. 68 
 KpddffjLvov : -a, fr. 16. 7 
 KpaSLa: -av, X. 85, XVII. ii: cp. KapSia, 
 Kpaivu : -wv, XII. 45 
 t Kpavva^wv : see Kaptfatos 
 Acparat6s : -oO, XVII. 18
 
 58 
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 Kparepbs: -6v, XVII. 40: -dv, XII. 143: 
 
 -aj, X. 20: , V. 21 
 Kpartw. -fvffav, VI. 7: Tjo'as, VI. 15 
 Kpfj./j.v(i}v: -uJvos, XVII. 24 
 Kpeou<ra: -as, XVII. 15 
 Kpftav : Kptovffav, III. I 
 Kpifc : -TUV, I. 5 
 KpT7Tt(c6s: -6V, XVI. 4 
 KpLvu: -ew, X. 6: -, V. 131 : -etv, vil. 6: 
 
 -et, XVI. 46 
 K/>t<ra: -as, IV. I4(?) 
 /cptros: -o, VIII. i r 
 Kpotcros: -ov, III. 28 
 Kptw'das, i. 45, x. 73, xvi. 77: -av, V. 
 
 178: -a (gen.), ix. 29, XVII. 21 
 Kpjvtos, xvi. 65 
 K/x>ra0os: -OP, XVI. 30 
 KpvTTTw: -civ, III. 14: Kpv<p0eiffa, XII. 177 
 KTelvu: eVravev, V. 89: /crave?v, XVIII. 31 
 Krifw. -eiv, X. 72 
 KTITJTOS, fr. 3. 9 
 * Kva.va.v6-f)* : -e"i, XII. 124 
 Kvdveos : -ov, XII. 64 
 Kvavoir\6Ka/JLOS : -ov, V. 33, VIII. 53: -01, 
 
 X. 83 
 
 /cwivoTr/Xfjpa, XVI. i 
 Kiiavwiris : -i5as, XII. 160 
 Kvfiepvdu: -s, xvi. 22: -, XII. 160: 
 
 -arat, XIII. IO 
 Kvpepv/iras, XI. i: -av, V. 47 
 (cOSoy, I. 50, VI. 3, IX. 17 
 KvSpbs : -orepa, I. 54 
 KI/K\OS: -ov, VIII. 30 
 Kt^Xw^: -ires, X. 77 
 /cwcvos: -y, xv. 6 
 Ki^Xtf : -iKUv, fr. 1G. 3 
 KVfia: -OTO, V. 26: -Offiv, XII. 125 
 icw^a: -cu-, XVII. 50 
 Ki77rpts: -5os, v. 175, xvi. 10, fr. 16. 4 
 Kvptv. -prjcrai, III. 8 
 KVUV: Ktiva, V. 60 
 Ka>Acur6s: -oO, V. 64 
 (cw/ios: -01, X. 12: -uv, fr. 3. 5: -ots, VIII. 
 
 \ayxo-vw. -veiv, IV. 20: Aaxf, I. 56: 
 \&Xf("), 70, VI. 2: \dxy<ri, XVIII. 3: 
 Xaxwv, I. 41, III. ii : Xaxojn-as, X. 70: 
 Xaxoro-av, XVIII. 13: \t\oyx f "i xn - 
 187: XeXoYx^J, IX. 39 
 
 XctiVoj : -ov, fr. 18. i 
 
 \ats: -Sos, XV. 17 
 
 Xat^->?p6j: -Civ, VII. 6 
 
 Ad/caiva: -af, XVII. 50 
 
 Adfivios : -Lav, XVII. 55 
 
 Xa/i7i7>6s: -6J*, III. 54 
 
 Xa/ru>: -et, III. 17, VII. 43: Xa/re 
 (impf.), XVI. 104, 123: \a/j.Tr6/j.evov, V. 
 72: -itfra, IX. 3(?) 
 
 Ad^Tw. XII. 226 : -wvoy, 68 
 
 : \a6f~iv, XVIII. 27 
 Aao/J.t8wv: -O^TOJ, XII. 142 
 Xa6s : -y, XII. 231: -ovs, X. 67: -&v, I. 9, 
 
 VIII. 35, X. 117 
 Xao</><Ws: -ov, xn. 120 
 \dpvai-: -ancoy, V. 141 
 AarotSas, III. 39 
 Aarii : -oCs, V. 124, X. 16, 98 
 Adxw, VI. i : Adxwva, VII. n 
 Xe7w: -et, xvn. 18, 32, 47, fr. 29: -own, 
 
 V. 57: -eiv, in. 67, V. 164 
 Xe^Trw : -ei, I. 73: Xeiiroi' (3rd plur.), XII. 
 
 116: \iirov, V. r/2: \lwev, I. 9: XITTCH', 
 
 XV. 13: \iirwv, I. 44: XiiroOo'o, xviil. 
 
 15 : XtTroi/res, II. 8, X. 60, 81, XII. 141 : 
 
 XiTToOercu, X. 57: XeiTreroi, VIII. 87, XII. 
 
 6 4 
 Xe/ptos : -(ov, xvi. 95 
 
 Xe7rT07r/)i;/oij'Oj: -ov, XVI. 119 
 Xeu6s: -ov, XVII. 3: -av, XVI. 13 
 XewcwXevos, VIII. 7, XVI. 54: -e, V. 176: 
 
 -ov, XV. 27: -ov, V. 99 
 Xexos: -ei, vill. 56, XVI. 30 
 XeW: -ovra, VIII. 9: -OVTOS, I. 32: -ovn, 
 
 xn. 47 
 
 XTJ^W: X^ev, xil. 122, 128 
 XTJCTTCIJ: -of, XVII. 8 
 * Xt7i>/cXa-yyj7J : -^, V. 73: -e?s, XIII. 14 
 \iyv<p6oyyos : -ov, IX. 10: -ot, V. 23 
 Xi0os (fem.), fr. 10. i 
 Xi/c/x.dw : -fj.r)ffri, Epigr. 2. 4 (fr. 34) 
 XicooroXos: -6Xwv, XVIII. 43 
 Xi7rap6wvos : -wv, VIII. 49 
 Xurap6s : -a, VII. i : -ov, xv. 29 : -av, v. 
 
 169, X. 38: -as, p. 437 (I. 13 Blass): 
 
 -wv, I. 47 
 
 \iffff ofiai : -6fj.evos, V. too : \ifftrovro, X. 69 
 X6-yoy, xiv. 44: -ov, xiv. 31: -wv, xiv. 
 
 47 
 
 Aortas, xn. 148: Aoip, in. 66 
 
 AoOo-os: -ov, X. 96 
 
 X6xos: -ov, xvin. 32 (?) 
 
 Airy*cei5s: -^os, X. 75 
 
 \vyp6s: -cuj, x. 68 
 
 Au5ta: -aj, III. 24 
 
 Atf5ios: -la, fr. 10. i 
 
 AIJKIOS: -l<av, XII. 147 
 
 Au/c6p/uaj: -9, XV. 34 
 
 Xtfo'era : -aj, X. 102 
 
 *AiTO?os: -ov, XVII. 21 
 
 Xi)w: -ei, fr. 16. 7: Xv<rev, I. 43, xn. 113 
 
 M 
 
 Maia: -aj, XVIII. 25 
 fjialvo/JMi: -OLTO, XII. 119 
 /j.aKap : -pwv, X. 121 
 Ma/ceXti, p. 439 (i. 73 Blass)
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 59 
 
 ftaxpdv (adv.), ix. 51 
 
 fidf, XII. 182 
 
 fiavia: -av, X. 109 
 
 /tavis: /J.O.VLV, XII. ill 
 
 Mavnveus: -^es, fr. 6. 2 
 
 /taww: -tvet, fr. 10. i, 33: -Dov, IX. 14 
 
 fj.apfj.aipu : -ovaiv, fr. 16. 9 
 
 (Mpfj.apvyd : -ats, III. 17 
 
 fj,dpvafj.at: -dfifda, v. 125 (impf.) : -avro, 
 
 xii. 151 
 
 MdpTTTjcrtra: -ay, xix. 6 
 fj.arfvu : -et, IX. 35 
 fj.drr)p, V. 138: fJ.arpi, III. 50 
 fjidrpw. -was, V. 129 
 jud^a : ' av i XII> 117: -* (gen.), I. 34, II. 
 
 4, xvii. 59: -ats, x. 68, XIII. 13 
 jj.eydOvfj.os, XII. 195 
 *fj,yaivrjTos: -vTjre, III. 64: -oi>j, I. 44 
 *if.ya\oK\erjs: fj.eya\OK\4as, VII. 49 
 *^e - ya\6/co\B'os : -ov, fr. 31. 2 
 jj.eya\o<Tdfvris : -ffBevts (voc.), XVI. 52 
 */jya\ovxos : -ov, XVI. 23 
 fj,tyapov, XVI. 100: -wv, III. 46: -ois, V. 
 
 119, 165 
 fuyas: -a, XII. 155: -av, XVI. 98: -dXou, 
 
 V. 79 : -dXa, fr. 3. i : -dXav, IX. 49, 
 
 XII. 79: -dXas (gen.), V. 24: -dXwv, I. 
 
 63, XIV. 52: -dXat(Tiv, XII. 157: fJ.eifri>, 
 
 fr. 2. 2: fj.tyurrov, i. 49, III. 19, fr. 16. 
 
 ii : -av, xvni. 45: -ou, vi. i, vm. 55: 
 
 -a, in. 61 
 
 fieyaffOevris, XVI. 67 
 *fj,ytffTodvaffffa, XVI 1 1. 21 
 */j.eyiffTOTrdT<i)p, V. 199 
 fifiyvv/j.1 : fifiyvvftev, IX. 65 : fj,eixQfio~a., 
 
 XII. 99 : myewa, XVI. 31 
 /ietXt^tos: -ots, x. 90 
 jj.eipofj.ai : elfiapQai, XIII. i 
 /lets: /UT/vi, I. 16: ^ves, VII. 2 (?) : fj.rjvas, 
 
 X- 93 
 
 fj,eiuv, I. 03 
 
 V^7/cei-^j: -^s, III. 55 (?), fr. 25 (?) 
 /Ji\adpot> : -uv, X. 44 
 * fj.e\a/J,(t>apJis : -i, III. 13 
 fi,e\d/j.(pv\\os : -ou, VIII. 33 
 /iAas: -atva, XII. 153: -av, XVI. 17 
 MeXea7pos, V. 93: -ou, 77, 171 
 /ueXera: -av, XII. 191 
 fj.f\iy\wff<ros: -ov, III. 97: -aw, fr. 3. 2 
 /iAicrcra: -av, IX. 10 
 (ie\i<f>pwv , fr. 3. 10: -ovos, p. 439 (i. 50 
 
 Blass) 
 AXw: -et, v. 164: /x<?XXov (part.), vm. 
 
 96, IX. 45: -OVTOS, vm. 14: -bvTdiv, fr. 
 
 7. 4: yueXXe, III. 30: /*eXXe (impf.), 
 
 XV. 19 : nt\\ov (impf.), XII. 164 
 /tfrXos, XIX. 3: -twv, XVIII. 2, p. 437 (i. I 
 
 Blass) 
 fj.4\Tru: -own, XII. 94: -ere, 190 (imper.) 
 
 Xw: -et, v. 92: -etv, fr. 3. 5 
 < : -*". fr- 22 - ' 
 
 M^i', i. 30, in. 15, 63, 85, 90, v. 3, 37, 
 
 144, ix. 47, x. 92, xn. 114, 203, xin. 
 
 i, xvi. i, 24, 75, xvni. 37, fr. 7. 3, 
 
 10. i, 12, 19. i, 24. i 
 Me'vavSpoj : -OK, XII. 192 
 fj-ev^KTviros : -ov, XVI. I 
 MevAaos, XIV. 48: -if, 6 
 peveirroXenos, XVI. 73: -ov, V. 170: -ou, 
 
 126 
 fj,tvos, ill. 54 
 
 ., III. 57, X. 86, XVIII. ii : -at, I. 
 
 69, xvni. 34: -as (ace.), fr. 16. 6: -av, 
 
 v. 7 
 
 /xepos. III. 71 
 
 /dcros: -({>, xiv. 53: -owri, fr. 32. i 
 /xerd, with gen., X. 123: with dat., V. 30 
 MeraTrovriov, X. 10, 116 
 /zeraTrp&rw : fj-er^irpeirfv, V. 68 
 nil, III. 13, 68, V. 36, 81, 160, X. 27, XII. 
 
 1 99, XVII. 44 
 ft-ijoe, v. 161 
 fj.7ldofj.ai: fj.r)fffTai, XVII. 42: ^w^aTO, XV. 
 
 30 : fj.i)ffdfj.(vov, IV. 16 
 fj.rj\6^oTos : -ovs, v. 166 
 * /j,r]\o5a.iKr as : -av, VIII. 6 
 fj,r)\o6iJTas : -av, VII. 39 
 fj,rj\ov: -a, v. 109: -wv, X. in, XVII. 9 
 /j.T)\orp6<pos: -ov, x. 95 
 /J.-TIV, see pels 
 fj,rjpa, fr. 3. 4 
 
 AM?T($: -tv, xv. 25, xvi. 29, 52 
 fj.ifj.vq.ff KM: fj.ffj,vaff6ai., XVII. 58 
 pifjurw: -eiv, III. 31: -OVTO, XII. 135 
 fuv, X. in; cp. viv 
 
 fuvvdu: -ei, III. 90 (? fuvtivB y), XII. 209 
 ^plvvvOa., v. 151 (? nivtivOij) 
 Mivws, I. 3: -wi', XVI. 8, 68 
 fj-irpa: -atcriv, XII. 196 
 fj.olpa (fate), V. 121, 143, vm. 15, xvi. 
 
 27, 89: -av ('portion'), IV. 20, V. 51 
 Moi<ra: -av, v. 4, fr. 27 A 2; cp. Mouera 
 /toX-: /t6Xe(v), XVI. 101, 122: /i6Xot, V. 
 
 no: /toXtiv, in. 30: /J.o\ov<ra, XIII. 4 
 yuovapx^w: -ijcreiv, fr. 16. 8 
 /i46vos, fr. 14: -ous, XVII. 46 
 */xowo7rd.Xa : -av, XI. 8 
 /wwvos: -ov, III. 80, IV. 15, V. 156, XVII. 
 
 35 : -if, fr. 15. i 
 MoOo-a, n. n, ill. 92, xiv. 47, fr. 17. 4: 
 
 -av, III. 71, V. 193, VIII. 3, IX. ii, 
 
 xvni. 4, Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33): cp. 
 
 Mo or a 
 
 /U.D00S: -ov, XIV. 39: -oiffi, X. 90 
 ^t/pios: -ia, V. 31, VIII. 48, XVIII. i: -iai, 
 
 IX. 38, XIII. 8, fr. 24. 2: -id, fr. 7. 3: 
 
 -ias, X. 126: -itav, III. 41, XII. 196 
 fj.vpw: -o/aevois, V. 163 
 /ii/Xos: -o?s, IV. 14 
 
 fJ.UfJ.OS, XII. 2O2
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 N 
 
 vaiu: -s, X. 116: -r, vill. 99: valov 
 
 (impf.), x. 61, 80 
 vaos: -bv, XV. 12, fr. 11. 3: -oO, III. 19; 
 
 cp. vr)6s 
 
 VOTTO : -ais, XVII. 23 
 pofftarras : -ov, vin. 77 (?) 
 j>a<nwTis: -tv, IX. 10 
 vdaos: -ov, n. 8, IX. 35, xi. 6, xn. 75 (?), 
 
 182: -ov, V. u, p. 437 (i. 14 Blass): 
 
 -oto, ib. (i. 9 Bl.) 
 va.vj3a.Tas: -at, XVI. 48 
 vavs, xvi. i: vda, 89, 119: va.es, fr. 16. 
 
 ii : vdas, XII. 74: vavffi, I. 5, XII. 150 
 veapfas : -at, VI. 9 : -ais, fr. 13. 3 
 vefipos, XII. 87 
 vetKos, X. 64 
 NttXos: -ov, XVIII. 40, fr. 22. 2: -on, 
 
 VIII. 41 
 Ne/ula: -tav, VII. 40: -<:a, VIII. 82, XI. 
 
 8, XII. 67 
 
 Ne/*ea?os: -cu'oi', VIII. 4 
 vt/j.u: veluris, VII. 8: vei/j.as, I. 12 : vt/j.ov- 
 
 Tat, IX. 33 
 
 * ve&KpiTos : -ov, p. 475 (fr. of VII.?) 
 *veoKpoTos: -ov, V. 48 
 i>e6/criTos: -y, XVI. 126 
 v<?os : -ov (neut.), xvn. 3, 16 : -01, xil. 
 
 190, XVI. 129: -uv, X. n, 12, 91, XVII. 
 
 14: -otj, fr. 3. 5 
 Xe'traos : -oi, XV. 35 
 vevpd : -dv, V. 73 
 veQos, in. 55, xn. 64, fr. 20. 3 
 VTJ^W: va.-ftffo.TO (Dor.), III. 33 
 vrjis: vrjiv, V. 174 
 
 VTj6s: vr)6v, Epigr. 2. i (fr. 34): cp. vabs 
 Nijpevs: -^os, xvi. 102: N^os, I. 8 
 NT/PT/IS: -jjSos, XII. 123: -?3es, XVI. 38 
 vifu: vi\j/dfjievos, X. 97 
 vlica: -av, n. 5, v. 49, vin. 82, X. 39, 
 
 XII. 190: -as (gen.), VI. n, vu. 9, 
 
 vin. 67, ix. 52: -os (ace.), vii. 47: 
 
 -or, XII. 205 
 Nko, x. i, XI. 5, Epigr. 1. i (fr. 33): 
 
 -as, v. 33, ix. 15: -a, III. 5 
 viKdu: -dv, XII. 205: -a<ras, V. 183: 
 
 -dffavTa, 40: -daavri, VIII. 25 
 viv (sing.), in. 92, iv. I4(?), v. 24, 43, 
 
 78, 159, vin. 26, IX. 27, x. 15, 22, 86, 
 
 89, XII. 230, xiv. 56, xv. 31, xvi. 84, 
 
 91, 112, XVIII. 27, 42: (plur.), vin. 
 
 ! P- 439 (i- 7 6 Blass). Cp. fuv 
 v6^fj.a, X. 54 
 
 vbos : -ov, v. 95: -<f, IV. 9, V. 8 
 voffos: -uv, i. 60: cp. vovffos 
 voff<f>iv, I. 60 
 VOTOS: -ov, XII. 130 
 vovffos : vovffuv, fr. 19. 2 
 vvv, v. 4, 31, VI. 10, VIII. 25, IX. 9, X. 
 
 10, 37, xi. 3, xin. 20, xvi. 55, fr. 4. i 
 
 vvv (enclitic), xvin. 8 
 
 vv : vvKTa, fr. 7. 4: -6s, VIII. 29, 90, XII. 
 
 127, 175: -ay, XVIII. 28 
 Ni/ : Nwcr6s, vu. 2, fr. 23. i 
 vwfj.au: vunaTai, \. 26 
 
 * av6o5odepKris, vin. 12 
 av066pi: -Tptxa, V. 37 
 ZavOds: -dv, III. 56, VIII. 24, IX. 15 : -as, 
 
 X. 51, XII. 136: -, V. 92, fr. 3. 4 : -at, 
 
 XIX. 2 
 
 cos: -a, x. 85: -uv, I. 40: -oifft, XI. 5 
 evia : -av, XII. 224 
 ^vos, V. 1 1 
 fe<rr6s: -ovs, XVII. 49 
 |t'0oy, XVII. 48: -ea, fr. 3. 3 
 ov66s: -atfft, v. 17 
 %u\ivos: -ov, in. 49 
 Zuvei/j.i: -taaiv, fr. 26 
 vv6s: -6v, ix. 6, 12 
 
 6: (i) As definite article, passim. (2) As 
 demonstrative pron., always the first 
 word of the sentence, and (a) often 
 followed by 8(4): 6 84, xvi. 71 : TOV 5', 
 x. 106: T$ 8', v. 76, in, xvi. 81: 
 TOV 8(4), V. jt, 93, 170, x. 85: oi 5', 
 IX. 44, and Tol 54, V. 149, fr. 18. 2: 
 rai 8(4), X. no, XII. 91: TO. (nom.) 54, 
 V. 91 : Taiffiv 54, V. 68, X. 53: but also 
 (6) with asyndeton, T TOT', X. 40: TO.V, 
 v. 169: TOS, X. 42: TUV, xii. 100. (3) 
 As relative pron., in the oblique cases: 
 ToO, vin. 40: TOV, v. 142. vm. 12, 
 XVI. 115: TO.V, XII. 193, 226, 228: TUV, 
 XII. 67, 168: ToTffiv, I. ii, v. 135 
 
 * dfipijioSepicfis : -ft, XV. 20 
 
 *6ppi/jffiropos: -ov, xvin. 32 
 
 &8e: TovSe, i. 70, XVI. 60, Ep. 2. i 
 (fr. 34) : TdvSe, XII. 203 : TaSe, vill. 
 89: TctSe, iv. 15, YTi*<3p, 163, 191, 
 xvi. 74: ToiffSe, fr. 13. 3 
 
 656s, fr. 7. i: -6v, xvi. 89, xvm. 13: 
 -oO, ix. 52 
 
 dSovs: -6vTi, v. 108 
 
 dSvponai : -6/j.evov, fr. 8. i 
 
 'OSi'cnretfs: -ei, XIV. 5 
 
 ofav, xvin. 46 
 
 odi, vin. 6 
 
 ol, dat. pron. 3rd pers. ( = avr$), I. 19, 
 45, x. 1 10, xvi. 18, 37, 115, xvn. 46, 
 xix. 9, Ep. 2. 3 (fr. 34) 
 
 oI5a, ix. 49: oI5e, III. 13, vill. 53: flSws, 
 V. 78, IX. 42 : ttfftai, XVI. 64 
 
 otKeios: -uv, I. 57 
 
 oiic4u : -fvffi, VIII. 43 
 
 v, VIII. 51
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 5 11 
 
 'OiVcXetSas, vin. 16 
 ol/coj: -ot, fr. 16. 9 
 
 OlKTipClt: -OVTOL, V. 158 
 
 OtVe/Sos : -ats, IX. 18 
 
 OiVetfs, V. 97: -^os, 120: -^oj, 1 66 
 
 oii/os, fr. 17. 5 
 
 ofos : -ov, XV. 30: -av, xn. 46 : oZa (adv.), 
 
 XVII. 36: old re, V. 65: -aifftv, XVI. 
 1 20 
 
 : -bv, v. 82 
 -". XV. 14 
 (fS^ero, 1 . 12 
 
 s, V. 50, fr. 28: -OP, III. 8: -ov, 
 xi. 4 : -oto, xvi. 102 : -<av, xiv. 56 : 
 
 -<HS, XVIII. IO 
 
 o\/3os, fr. 20. 2: -on, ill. 92 : -w^, 22 
 oXetfpos : -01*, V. 139 
 *6\ryoffOevi<j} : -tav, V. 139 
 6\K<is : -d8a, XV. 2 
 
 oXXv/u : wXeo-e, v. 12 1 : ufXefftrev, XIV. 63 
 (JXoXyfw : wX6Xi>a', XVI. 127 
 6Xo6s: -od, V. 121 
 'OXi<AHa: -a, VI. 6, VII. 3 
 *'OXiyt7rio5p6/aos : -ous, III. 3 
 'OXi'jitn-toi'tKa : -as, IV. 17 
 'OXt/yUirtos : -ov, V. 1 79 
 "OXuyiiiros : -<f>, X. 4 
 : -e, I. 51 
 
 : -ov, IX. 24: -v, I. 5 
 , XVI. 18: -drwv, 95, XVII. 54: -curt, 
 
 XVIII. 19 
 6/u<d, xill. 13 
 6/tt0aX6s : -iv, IV. 4 
 <5fys: -eiop, XII. 1 17 
 
 6-irdfa: oVafe (imper.), XVI. 132: urrraffev, 
 
 XIV. 60 : 6Vaffo-as, VII. 50 
 6Vg, XVII. 30 
 birduv : -offiv, XVII. 35 
 oviffffw, XII. 53 
 OTrXoYepos: -ov, X. 71 
 OTrire, I. 143: oirvore, XII. HO 
 opdw : 6pq.s, fr. 14 : o^eai, III. 79 
 6/ryci : -a, fr. 24. i 
 <5p^yw : 6p^ev, v. 1 14 
 6p666iKos : -ov, x. 9, xill. 23 
 (5p06s: -aj, x. 27: 6/5^6', iv. n 
 <5/>0ws, I. 72, iv. 6 
 opivu: wplvaro, XII. 112 
 opiov : -a, xvn. 6 
 opfid : -dv, ix. 20, XII. 156 
 opfj.ai.vu : -ei, fr. 16. 12: -oi'Ta, XII. 106 
 6p/j.du : -g, xvn. 41 
 6pvil-: -ix e *> v. 22 
 opvv/ju: upffav, XII. 145: opvvo, XVI. 76: 
 
 opvvfjLtvov, V. 45 : -ot, XIV. 41 
 opoj, X. 55 
 
 opos, fr. 7. r: Spov, V. 144 
 dpovtii : &povffe, XVI. 84 
 *(5p<rtaXos: -y, XV. 19 
 *6pffif}dKx<>-s ' -o-", xvin. 49 
 *6ptrifj.axos '. -ov, XIV. 3 
 
 opxoj : -ouy, V. 108 
 
 oj, relative pron., in. n, xin. 23, xiv. 
 
 51, xvn. 20, xvin. 3, fr. 4. n, 7. 3: 
 
 a (fern.), vin. 19, ix. 50, xn. 97, 187, 
 
 xvi. 1 12, xvin. 49: OP, v. 193: as, iv. 
 
 8 : <J5, vn. 8 : o?, vin. 23, ix. 33, 34, xn. 
 
 114: as, vin. 50. Also os re (epic), 
 
 XII. 105, xvn. 39(?) 
 6's, possessive pron. : ov, v. 47 
 oVios: -ov, xvi. 21 : -ta, III. 83 
 offos: -01, III. 63: -at, vin. 63: -a, II. 6. 
 
 Also So-o-os: -ov, i. 70: -a, vi. 4, 
 
 IX. 15 
 
 OffTtS, III. 67 f., V. IIO, X. 124: OTl, III. 
 
 57, V. 164, IX. 6 : ovriva, I. 68 : avriva, 
 
 IX. 37 : $TIVI, v. 50 
 OTO.V, xn. 63, xvi. 27, p. 439 (i. 37 
 
 Blass) 
 ore, X. 95, xil. 121, xv. 34, xvin. 19, 
 
 50, xix. 4 
 
 Srt, II. 4, in. 61, 79, 81, vi. 15, xv. 27 
 brpiivta: wrpvve, vin. 35, XII. 146 
 ov, OVK, ovx: i. 36, III. 30, 87, 88, 90, 95, 
 
 v. 24, 53, 84, 122, 129, 136, 162, vin. 
 
 15, 53, x. 22, xn. 175, xiv. 30, 52, 
 
 xvi. 41, 81, xvn. 43, fr. 3. 9, 11. i, 12, 
 
 14, 17. i. 20, 32. i 
 
 otf6V, v. 25, xvin. 25, fr. 3. 10, 4. 2, 11. i 
 oi)5e/s, fr. 28 : -iv, I. 65, in. 57, xvi. 118, 
 
 fr. 19. 3 
 
 oi)56s : -bv, fr. 18. i 
 OVKTI, XVI. ii, 21 
 *o#Xtos = o5Xos : -tov, XVII. 53 
 o5Xo-: -ats, xvi. 113 
 ovv, xvin. 29, 37 
 otiwu, v. 43 
 
 Ovpavia, XV. 3 : -as, V. 13, VI. n 
 ovpavbs '. -ov, XVI. 55 
 otfptos : -a, XII. 130 
 oupos: -ov, XVI. 87 
 ofrre . . o&re, XVIII. 26 ff. : otfre . . o&re . . 
 
 oSre, fr. 20. 2 : ov . . o&re . . o&re (instead 
 
 ofovSt), fr. 17. if. 
 otfm, in. 63, vn. 44 
 oi/roi, v. 84 
 oCros: ToOro, III. 83: rovrov, XVII. 31: 
 
 raOra, V. 136, XVII. 30 
 6<j>0a\fj.6s : -bv, p. 437 (i. 7 Blass): -olviv, 
 
 ix. 7 
 
 6"0pa, xvn. 42, Ep. 2. 3 (fr. 34) 
 6<f>pvs: -fov, xvi. 17 
 ox^a : -auriv, VII. 49 
 6\fs: biri, xvi. 129, p. 439 (i. 77 Blass) 
 
 , X. 44, XVI. 24, fr. 10. 2 
 irayKpdnov : irayKparlov, XII. 56 
 irdyvv/u : iral-ai, X. 88 
 jra-ylevos or -|etvos : irayfrivov, XII. 95 (?) : 
 -tv(f, X. 28
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 ix. 47 
 
 tavifw: Traidvi^av, XVI. 129 
 
 : -oi, fr..3. 12 
 TKU-^UV : -bvuv, xv. 8 
 Tats, VII. 46: TraZSa, \ r . 146, 156, X. 14, 
 32, xii. 103, xvii. 56, xvin. 41: -81, 
 VIII. 103, XVI. 70 : -5es, V. 36, XIV. 56: 
 -8as, I. 43, X. 69, XIV. 63: iraldas, 
 p. 475 (fr. of VII.): -5e<r<7i, XIV. 39 
 Ha.KTw\6s, III. 45 
 vd\a: -as, vin. 36, X. 21 
 wdXat, fr. 4. i 
 jraXat6s: -oC, VIII. 64 
 ira\a.Lffrpa : -a.v, XVII. 26 
 TrciXii', VIII. 16, XVI. 8r 
 Tra\ivrpoTTov, X. 54 
 IldXXas : -OJ-TOS, Ep. 1. i (fr. 33) 
 TlaXXds : -d5os, XIV. 3 : -d5t, V. 92 
 Trafj.fj.axio- ' -ta>, XII. 76 
 irdfj.irav, p. 439 (i. 8 1 Blass) 
 *irdfj.(p6epffLS, fr. 20. 2 
 iravdafj.drup, XH. 205 
 vavSfpKris : -to., xvi. 70 
 nation' : -OPOS, XVI. 15, XVII. 15 
 rdvdupos, fr. 20. 4 
 IJavAXcwes : -wi, XII. 198 
 *7ra'0dXT7S, XII. 229 
 TraptfdXTj- 'Dor. for rav6i}\-) : -tuv, XII. 
 
 69 
 
 navtfeiSas : -a, II. 14: IIac0ei3a, I. 37 
 *Trdvvucos: -oto, X. 21 
 iravrq., V. 31, VIII. 48, XIV. 44 
 iraiTo3a7r6s : -uv, IV. 19 
 irdcTotfei', XVIII. 20 
 Trafrojos : -ato-t, XII. 49 
 jraod, with gen., III. n, XIII. i (?), 10 
 (irdp), XV. 35, XVIII. 3, 13 : with dat., 
 III. 20, V. 64, VIII. 84, XII. 150 (irapai): 
 with ace., in. 6, iv. 4, v. 38, vm. 39, 
 ix. 29, x. 26, 119, XII. 58, xv. 12, 
 xvi. 119, xvin. 39, fr. 7. 4, 11. 3, 
 15. 2 
 
 irapair\r) : -ijyt, X. 45 
 vaparptirii) : -rptif/ai, V. 95 
 irapd<f>pwv : see wdptppuv 
 vdpedpos: -on, X. 51 
 irdpetfii: -ean(v). III. 67, IV. I4(?), 
 
 xvin. i, fr. 17. i 
 iraprits: -iSwv, XVI. 13' 
 irapBevtKd : -as, XVI. 1 1 
 irap64t>ios: -ia, X. 47 
 
 jrapfftvos: -y, XV. 21 : -ot, III. 50, XII. 94 
 vaplrifu: Traptvra, ill. 88 
 iraplffTT)fj.L: -irapiffra/J.^va, X. 5 
 Td/jot^e^), III. 19, VI. 4 
 irdpos, XI. 4 
 trdp<ppuv: -o^os, X. 103 
 ^ras: TTOJ', VII. 43: ifdvra, V. 55, XIV. 38, 
 XVII. 45, fr. 28: iraaav, VIII. 40: 
 Travri, I. 58, XII. 231: rdvruv, 1.64, 
 xvi. 66, Epigr. 2. 2 (fr. 34): vdvrfff- 
 
 o-t(v), XII. 81, 203, XVI. 123, fr. 9. i: 
 
 7ra<rt(j'), XIV. 54, fr. 16. 8 
 Tracrts: irdcri, IX. 42 (?) 
 ira<ri<pavr)S, XII. 176 
 ira(r<rv8ia, XII. 141 
 irarrip, V. lor, X. 96, XIV. 37, XVI. 78: 
 
 irdrep, XVI. 53: irartpa, X. 51 : irarp6s, 
 
 XVI. 63, 99, 109 
 irdrpa : irdrpav, X. 30 (?) 
 Trdrpios: -iwv, I. 35 
 ?rarpis: -t5os, p. 475 (fr. of vn) 
 trarpipav, XII. 74 
 TraCXa : -av, IX. 8 (?) 
 TraOpos: -oio-(t), VIII. 95, XII. 62, fr. 21. i: 
 
 vavw. iravtret, XII. 45: wavtrtv, v. 98, 
 
 X. 108 : iravcrai, 76 : TravcraaOai, XIV. 
 
 46 
 
 TTfdiov, xii. 143: -<p, x. 19, XII. 118 
 * iredoixveiv, XV. 9 
 ir^o^, VIII. 5 
 iret'0w: veWe (impf.), VIII. 16: irt^owa, 
 
 X. 107 : Trei66fj0' , V. 195 
 ireiaifj-flpoTov, VIII. 2 
 71-^X0705, XVI. 4, 77 
 TreXdfw : ire\a<r<rev, X. 33 : 7reXacr<ras, 
 
 VIII. 38: Tr\at)eT(ra, XVI. 35 
 IleXXdj'a : -av , IX. 33 
 IleXof : -OTTOS, v. 181, vn. 53, x. 25, 
 
 p. 437 (I. 13 Blass) 
 >: irf\ovrai, IX. 38, fr. 3. 7: ftrXeTO, 
 
 . -ei, V. II, XIV. 6l, fr. 16. 6: -ot, 
 XV. 29: eti', V. 197: -tv, VIII. 20: 
 Zirf(j.\f/cv, XV. 2 : TTffj.\f>ai, III. 66 : 
 ireyu^et, V. 91 
 
 irtvOtu: -elv, fr. 2. 2 
 
 TTfvia : -as, I. 61 
 
 irevraetfXos : -ouriv, VIII. 27 
 
 wtvTa.6\ov : -irfvrdOXov, VIII. 104 
 
 irfrre, I. 43 
 
 irevrriKOVTa, I. 5, III. 8x, VII. 2 
 
 VfTTpu/j^va : see irop- 
 
 ireTruv : -ovuv, Ep. 2. 4 (fr. 34) 
 
 w^pdiJi: irepaav, X. 122 
 
 Tept, with gen., V. 124, XVII. 51 (vvep 
 MS.): with dat., VII. 50, xn. 55, xvn. 
 
 47 
 irepi/cXetros : -^, fr. 12: -ot, X. 81 : 
 
 K\(irwv, Vill. 8: -ouri(y), V. 12, IX. 19 
 Ilepo-os: -av, III. 27 
 Hepfffidas, XII. 48 
 ir^raXov, V. 186 
 irerdvvvfj.1'. TT^Tatre, XVI. 72 
 IIeT/)aros : -aiov, XIII. 20 
 n^Xet6as, XII. no 
 Trjjxv*' -vv, fr. 13. 4 
 TTiaivw : -trai, III. 68 
 Iltpi5es, xvin. 35, p. 437 (i. 3 Blass): 
 
 -uv, xvin. 3 
 
 s . -as, XI\ r . 55
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 TrtVw: -ofros, fr. 16. 12 
 
 iriTTTu: eVeerof, X. 20: Treacly, 72: ?re- 
 
 vbvTO., 23. Cp. Trtrfw 
 Hicra. : -av, V. 182 
 7ri<ri'fos: v. 21, XII. 221 
 Ilirdevs: -e"os, xvi. 34 
 irtYpw: -ioi (impf. ), XVI. 6 
 irKpavffKu, V. 42 : -ot, VIII. 8t 
 Tn'wf : ^ irioTdrif , Epigr. 2. 2 (fr. 34) 
 TrXa-yKTos: -<j5, VIII. 20 (?) 
 7rXdt7r7ros, V. 97 
 TrXdffcraj: irXafef, X. 86 
 irXaTi/s : -eta, fr. 29 
 IIXei<r0eft5as, XIV. 48 
 
 * TrXet'aTapxos : -ov, HI. 12 
 
 TrXetajf : -ova, III. 65: TrXeOfas, VII. 46 
 
 HXeupwf : -u>va, v. 151, XIX. 10 
 
 TrXij^u/pts : -iv, fr. 30 
 
 jr\i]fj.vp<i) : -cof , V. 107 
 
 7rX6cos : -of, XVI. 114 
 
 TrXouros, I. 50: -of, III. 13, XIV. 59, fr. 
 
 3. 2, 16. 12: -on, IX. 49: -if), X. 51 
 Trfe'w: -ow, v. 153, IX. 22: -owa, XVI. 91 
 TTfotd: irvoiaunv, V. 28 
 iroda.vefj.os: -ov, VI. 13 
 iroddpKrjs : -ea, XVin. 30 
 irbdev, XVII. 31 
 
 TTot/dXos: -of, VII. 43: -ats, X. 33 
 Troi/J.riv : -eVwf , XVII. 9 
 Trotos: -a, v. 88 
 
 * TroXeVtaiYis : -5os, XVI. 7 
 TroXeVapX 05 : ~ e > XVI. 39 
 TToXe/iijtbs : -ay, XVII. 4: -ois, 33 
 TriXe/uoj: -oio, XII. 121: -ov, XVII. 58: 
 
 -V> V. 131 
 
 TroXto/fpora^os : -of, fr. 21. 2 
 
 7roX6s : -6v, in. 88 
 
 ir6Xtj: -tv, I. 13, 29, IV. 2, V. 12, 150, 
 vin. 54, 66, 98, x. 114, 122, xi. 7, 
 XII. 71, 163, 185, XIV. 41, pp. 437-9 
 (i. 9, 52 Blass) : -ei, X. 78 : -luv, 
 fr. 16. 7 
 
 7roXi'<fyi7reXoj : iroXva/u.7reX-, p. 475 (fr. of 
 
 VII) 
 
 Kpuos : -of, III. 30 
 i'5a(cpuj : -w, XV. 24 
 
 : -y, X. 63 
 TroXufTjXwTos, VII. 10: -e, VIII. 45: -ov, 
 
 I. 74, IX. 48 
 
 TToXi'ifaaTos : -ois, XVIII. 9 
 TroXuAcpanJs : -e"s (voc.), VIII. 15 
 iro\vKprinv oj : -oc, 1. n 
 iroXy/cpi^oy : -of, X. 70 
 TroXvXdibf, IX. 34 
 7roXi''X\(crros : -ov, X. 41 
 IloXwetaijs: -ei', VIII. 20 
 llo\VTrrifj.wv : -Of OS, XVII. 27 
 7roXiy7rXa7/cTOS : -of, XII. 181: -01, X. 35 
 7roXt'>s : -6, X. 50: TroXXdf, XVII. 34: 
 
 TroXees, X. 17: TroXXat, VIII. 89: -ifas, 
 
 Epigr. 1. 3 (fr. 33): -twv, v. 100: 
 
 J. B. 
 
 aJf, IX. 48: -otj, I. 42, V. 127. 
 
 Cp. TrXei'wf 
 
 TToXlATTOfOS: -OV, XVI. 40 
 
 * TroX^of ros : -of, XII. 61 
 
 iroXvxpvffo^ : -<f, X. 4 
 
 iroXuwf vfjios : -e, Epigr. 1. i (fr. 33) 
 
 Trofos: -of, XII. 54, fr. 7. 5: -ovs, fr. 9 
 
 TTOfrtos: -of, xvi. 84: -if, 35 
 
 7r6fros, XVI. 128: -ov, XII. 129: -Of5e, 
 
 xvi. 94: -ou, ill. 86, fr. 30: -<p, xil. 125 
 Trop-: tiropev, V. 51: treirpw/j^vav, in. 25, 
 
 XVI. 26 
 
 nop0aft'3as: -5a, v. 70 
 Tr6pos: -if, VIII. 42 
 7rop7ra: -fif, fr. 3. 6 
 iropffvvu: tirbpffwe, XVI. 89 
 TropTiTpbtpos : -ov, x. 30 
 iroptpvpeos: -eov, XVII. 52: -e'af, XVI. 112: 
 
 -eot, fr. 20. 2 
 
 * irop<t>vpooiv as : -af, VIII. 39 
 iropipvpofav os : -oio, X. 49 
 IIoo-et6df, XVI. 79, XIX. 8: -Sfos, IX. 19,. 
 
 XIII. 20: -apt, XVI. 36, 59 
 IIoo"et8df 10$ : -ov, fr. 6. i 
 irorat'vtos : -af, XVI. 51 
 7roTa/u6s : -oO, VIII. 65, XII. 77: -G>v r 
 
 VIII. 45 
 irort, III. 23, 72, V. 56, VI. 6, X. 40, XI. 
 
 4, xn. 54, xvi. 115, xix. i 
 irdrepa, XVII. 33 
 
 iron', with acc., X. 96, XV. 29 : cp. TT/OOS 
 TroVuos: -of, v. 158 
 iroTvia, XI. 5, Ep. 1. i (fr. 33) 
 TTOV, v. 91 : jroC, III. 38, 39 
 TTOI/J: TroSuv, vn. 6, ix. 20: -fff<ri, vi. 2, 
 
 XII. 86: woo-o-i(f), I. 35, V. 183: irocri'f, 
 
 xvi. 108, xvn. 17 
 7rpa|is, V. 163 
 Trpaffffti) : -01, V. 190: -Ofras, fr. 21. 2: 
 
 7r/>dafT, in. 94 
 irptiriii: -ei, XVIII. 12 
 Trpecr/SyTOTos : -of, VII. 8 
 Hpia^os: -oto, X. 120: -if, XIV. 38 
 irplv, X. 72, XII. 114, XV. 13, XVIII. 38, 
 
 fr. 21. 3 
 
 irp6yovos: -01, X. 119 
 irpboonos : -otj, VI. 14 
 vpoi-ij/u: -lei, v. 8 1 
 Hpon-oj : -ov, X. 45, 83 : -if, 66 
 jrpdKtifjLai : -Tat, XIII. 9 
 IIpo;t67rTas, XVII. 28 
 TrpoXetTTw: -Wf, V. 154 
 ?rp6 ef os : -of, VIII. 20 
 7rpo7ra'pot0e(f), III. 32, V. 148 
 TrpoTre'/otTTw : -e (imperat.), XVI. 55 : -7r^/t- 
 
 irwf, VIII. 34 
 7rp67roXos, V. 192 
 Trpos, with dat., X. 23: with acc., v. 45, 
 
 149, X. 100 
 
 irpoffftSov: irpoffiSetv, v. 161 
 irpofffiirov : -tv, V. 78 
 
 34
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 7rpo<re vveVw : irpoff^vfirfv, XIV. 9 
 
 7rp6(T0e(v), ill. 47, XVI. 45 
 
 7rp6<T7roXos, XIV. 2 
 
 TTpoffrieijfii: irpoodtvra, VIII. 72 (?) 
 
 7r/)6<r0a/xi : Trpofft<f>a, V. 93, 171 
 
 7rpo(T0wve'w : -ft (impf.), or -ei, p. 439 
 
 (i. 76 Blass) 
 
 Trporepos : -OP, XII. 164: -paw, V. 43 
 Trpo<paivu : Trpo<pd,vr), V. 77 
 Trpotpavfy, III. 51 
 
 irpO^draS, VIII. 3: -ttTttt, IX. 28 
 
 irpo<j>tpu : -eiv, X. 51 
 
 irptxppwv, Ep. 1. 2 (fr. 33) 
 
 irpoxod : -ais, VI. 3 
 
 wp6/ju>a: -a, XII. 105 
 
 Trpi/ravis : -iv, I. 18, XVIII. 43 
 
 Vpw0??os : -ov, XVII. 57 
 
 irp(j)v : -uvas, V. 67 
 
 ?rpu)Ti<rTos : -ov (adv.), VIII. it 
 
 Trpuh-os, XIV. 47 : -ov, VIII. 9: -ois, I. 58 
 
 TTT&ffffu : -OVTI, V. 22: irraaaov, impf., 
 
 XII. 117 
 
 7TTepu: -tiyeirffi, V. 18 
 IIv0eas: -ia (gen.), XII. 191 
 IIi/0i6viKos, IV. 5: -ov, X. 13 
 Hvdios: -e, xv. 10: -iov (neut.), XV. i (?) 
 Trv6/j.riv : -eves, V. 1 98 
 Hv66 (ace.), in. 62 
 Hv8<l)v : -uva, VII. 39: -wvi, V. 41 
 7rwav6s: -dv, fr. 1. i 
 irtyXa: -at, p. 437 (i. 14 Blass) : -as (ace.), 
 
 fr. 4. 2 
 
 JTV/J.O.TOS : -ov, V. 153 
 wvB6.vofj.ai : 7rt)0ero, XV. 26 
 in}, VI. 7 
 ffDp: -6s, in. 53, XVI. 105: -/, XII. 107, 
 
 xv. 14 
 
 irfpd: irvpdv, III. 31 
 *irvpyoictpas: -ara, fr. 31 
 irtip-yos'. -<av, V. 148 
 Trvp-yooj: -udivra, III. 13 
 *irvpit6(ipa: -av, XVI. 56 
 irvpo<f>opos : -01, fr. 16. 10 
 niypptxos: -ou, XIII. 22 
 7rup<r6s: -iv, XII. 82 
 *irvpff6x alTOS ' -fov, XVII. 51 
 irw, V. 1 22 ; cp. oforw 
 irwXos : -ov, v. 39 
 a, V. 76 
 
 pa, XVIII. 33 ($ pa) 
 
 p^tSios: -ov, xvn. 43: pifffTov, fr. 4. 2 
 
 pteOpov: -ots, III. 20, V. 64 
 
 &rw: -et, XVI. 25 
 
 piird: -^t, V. 46 
 
 piirrw: -<av, VIII. 32 
 
 ^od : -ais, XII. 193 
 
 po8o5dKTv\os, xviii. 18 
 
 poSoeis: -fvri, XV. 34 
 
 poSov : -ots, xvi. 116 
 po56?raxi'S : -vv, xil. 96 
 
 ivu: -ei, I. 55: -vouaa, p. 439 (i. 77 
 
 Blass) 
 
 : -OP, XII. 104 
 f, XVII. 4: -tyyuv, fr. 3. 9 
 o-o>a, vni. 14, xvi. 57 
 o-a/j.aivu : crd/uatvev, XIV. 38 
 <ra6<ppuv, XII. 1 86 
 (rairw : -erai, III. 87 
 2dp5tes, III. 27 
 o-a^Tjs: -^ (ace. pi.), XVI. 75 
 <rj3<tvvv/J.i: ff{3tvvvev, III. 56 
 fffiffi-)(6uv. -ovos, XVII. 22: -ovi, XVI. 58 
 cretw: -wv, XII. 120 
 O"e\dva, VIII. 29 
 o-Aas, XVI. 104 
 2e/u^a: -av, XVIII. 48 
 *<refj.vodoTetpa, II. i 
 o-e/xv6s: -d, XII. 195: -dv, XVI. no: -ov, 
 
 X. 52: -as, V. 99 
 <revw: aevovri (3rd plur.), XVII. 10 : 
 
 i-fffffve, V. 104: crevofievdv , fr. 16. 3 
 (T0<-vos, vii. 7, xvn. 40: -ei,v. 107, viil. 37 
 <7i5ap65eros : -ois, fr. 3. 6 
 ZiKeXt'a: -as, III. i 
 ZIKI/WV, ix. 32 
 Zivts: -tv, XVII. 20 
 ffiwTrd, III. 95 
 ZKa/ocavSpos: -ov, XII. 165 
 ffKairrpov, in. 70 
 S/cipwi': -wva, XVII. 25 
 aKOTreu: -ets, III. 74 
 o-/c6ros: -<j, in. 14 
 o~Kv<t>os : -oiffiv, fr. 17. 5 
 OTtepSaX^os : -^av, X. 56 
 cro^w: o"6et (impf.), XVI. 90 
 o-6j: o-6v, XII. 83, XV. 12: aas, VIII. 49: 
 
 ff&v, 45 : cp. re6s 
 ffotf>ia, XIV. 31, fr. 10. 2 
 o"o06s, IX. 39, XI. i, fr. 4. i : -ov, XII. 201 
 2?rdpTa: -a, XIX. I 
 ffrdStov, VI. 7, 15: -Iov, IX. 21 
 o-rd<ris, fr. 20. 2 
 
 arei'xw: -, VIII. 47: -eiv, 17, XVII. 36 
 ffrtpvov: -otcr(i), X. 88, XVII. 53 
 o-r^avos: -y, VIII. 23: -ot, X. 19: -ons, 
 
 Ep. 1. 4 (fr. 33): -wv, i. 48, in. 8: 
 
 -ow(tv), n. 10, iv. 16, vi. 8, vii. 11, 
 
 xii. 55, 69 
 crre^avow : effrffidvuffev, XII. 197: ffTf<pa- 
 
 vuffa.ft.fvov, X. 29: -ficvai, XII. 91 
 ffTetpava<f>6pos : -uv, XVIII. 51 (?) 
 O-T^^OS: -^wv, V. 15: -e<r(rt, X. 54 
 o-riX^w : -eiv, XVII. 55 
 (rroXd : -dv, XVII. 32 
 crropeVvii/xi : 0"r6pe<rev, XII. 129 
 
 s, XVII. 7 : -av, XVI. 121
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 ffTpa.Ta.y6s: --ye 1 , v. 2 
 
 ffrpaTid: -dv, XVII. 34 
 
 <TTpa.T6s: -$, III. 27 
 
 ffTpu<f>du: -3.TO.I, XII. 1 80 
 
 ffTvyep6s: -dv, \. 111 : -WP, X. 76 
 
 <rv, in. 92, VII. 8, XII. 67, XVI. 28 (?), 44, 
 76, fr. 15. i : <rto, III. 65 : atOev, X. 9 : 
 (TCI (orthot.), v. 168, x. 2, xvi. 54: 
 rt'p (orthot.), xvii. 14: rot (enclit.), x. 
 104, 118, xn. 79, xvi. 78, xvii. ii : 
 <rt (orthot.), vi. 10, VII. 2, xvi. 58: 
 fff (enclit.), xvi. 29, 39, xvm. 12, fr. 
 12 
 
 ffvXdu: -Sprat, fr. 3. 10 
 
 ffi'fj.ir6ffiov : -luv, fr. 3. 12 
 
 <rvfji<j>opd, XIII. 3 
 
 ffvv, I. 5, n. 10, in. 5, 6, 33, 34, 60, 96, 
 iv. 6, v. 9, 28, 52, 127, vn. 42, vin. 
 51, 85, 103, x. 23, 63, 115, 125, xii. 
 66, 89, 128, 183, 202, xiv. 13, xvi. 
 125, xvii. 33, 35 
 
 vvveTfa: -a, III. 85 
 
 cri'pewos: -WP, p. 439 (i. 58 f. Blass)? 
 
 <rwexe'w$, V. 113 
 
 cruvoiKos : -ov, XIV. 56 
 
 vpciKoffLos: -lav, iv. i: -KOVLUV, V. i 
 
 SfpOKCKrerat : -ocreras, v. 184 
 
 o-Os, V. 116: o-w, xvii. 23 
 
 cr<dfw : <r0dfe (impf.), V. 109 
 
 o-^eVepos: -ov, X. 50: -as (plur.), III. 36 
 
 <T<j>vpa: -av, XVII. 28 
 
 crxdfw: j-ffxacrev, XVI. 121 
 
 <7XeVXtos: -ov, XVI. 19 
 
 . XVI. 63: -TOS, XII. 52: -rt, 111.91: 
 -TO, VIII. 38, fr. 17. i 
 
 raivia : -a, XVI. 107 
 TaXaiVmSas : -ax, VIII. 19 
 rdXapTOP, IV. I2(?), XVI. 25 
 ToXaireptfTjs: -fa (sing.), XV. 26: -^os, V. 
 
 J57 
 
 rdXas : -aiva, XV. 30 
 
 TdfjLvw. -PWP, V. 17: rd/we (impf.), xvi. 4 
 
 Ta.viff<pvpos: -ov, V. 59: -ots, III. 60 
 
 raw0i/XXos : -OP, X. 55 
 
 : TavvTpi\(i3if', fr. 3. '4 
 s: -rrres, fr. 17. 2 
 
 ra^&js, XII. 86 
 
 raupos: -oi;s, XV. 18 
 
 raiVios: -ov, v. 8 1 
 
 Ta0- : rd^ei', xvi. 86: -ov, XVI. 48 
 
 rdxa, V. 89 
 
 rax^s: -/", XII. 201 : -eiav, IX. 20: -eiats, 
 V. 18: rdxiffTa, Epigr. 2. 3 (fr. 34) 
 
 Tax^ras: -ara, VII. 6 
 
 re (6'), passim (occurring about 157 times; 
 cp. 5^ and nal): fivefold, xvii. 19-27: 
 Te. . KOI, in. 79 ff., x. 90 f., fr. 22. i f. : 
 re. .re (cat, VII. 39 f . : 5^ re, XII. 129, 
 
 fr. 3. i : placed after art. and noun, rbv 
 
 virtppibv T', XVII. 19; or after prep. 
 
 and noun, in. 5, avv vwepoxv T(, cp. 
 
 id. 6, 34 
 
 rtyyw: Ttyfrt, V. 157 
 T<:0ycuos: -lov, III. 7o(?) 
 reixos, X. 77 : -ea, XII. 142 
 rixvov: -a, X. 102 
 
 T<r/COS, VI. 13, XVIII. 22, fr. 2. I 
 
 TeAa/xwv : -fiuva, XII. 98 
 
 re\ei6u: TeXetowai, in. 26(?) 
 
 reXeos : -^oi;s, X. 92 
 
 T\evrd : -as, IX. 46 
 
 TeXevratos: -as (gen.), VIII. 36 
 
 T\evrdu: TtXevraBeiffa, I. 72 
 
 reXew: -e?s (fut.), III. 82: -et (fut.), XVI. 
 78: -evv (probably fut.), V. 164: rAwaf, 
 VII. 49: TeXetTai, XVII. 30 (fut.), 45 
 (pres.) 
 
 r^Xos, v. 45, x. 6 
 
 TfytVOS, X. 48, IIO, XIII. 21 
 
 Te6s: Tfdv, ix. 13: reap, XVI. 21: cp. 
 
 cr6s 
 
 re/xis, XV. 35, XVI. 72 
 Te/wrw: -TOP (3rd plur.), XVI. 107: -r6- 
 
 /xe/os, XV. 7 
 
 *Tep\f/ieir^s: -ets, XII. 230 
 rep^t'/x/3poros : -WP, XII. 72 
 r^i/'is, I. 59 
 
 rerpaAtAcros : -OP, IX. 25 (?) 
 Tevxos: -eai, V. 72 
 Teuxw: , III. 58: reOxop (3rd plur.), 
 
 x. no 
 
 rexpa: -ats, X. 33, XII. 49 
 njXairyiJs : -^i', XVI. 5 
 TiOrifju: TlBriffi, IX. 50: #17*0$, 18: Orjicer, 
 
 1.47: ZffyKav, in. 7: 0eWip, xvi. 118: 
 
 0e>ep, xvi. 70: OeiiMv, v. 169 
 T//CTW: -et, IX. 46, fr. 3. i: Irticre, XII. 
 
 97: There (impf.), XVIII. 50: reVe(p), I. 
 
 16, v. 119, vin. 56, xvi. 30, 35, 54 
 Tifj.d: -, i. 40: -dp, i. 70 f., ix. 39, xn. 
 
 80, xin. 6, xvi. 69, xvm. 7 
 TifJtdu: -, XII. 183: -WP, x. 74: -a<rep, 
 
 XII. 194 
 
 Ti/Aoferos: -ov, VIII. 102 
 Ti/>i/p0jos : -OP, x. 57 
 Ttpi/ps :. -0a, X. 71 , 
 
 rts (interrog.), v. 86, 89, vin. 53, xiv. 
 
 47: rtva, xvii. 31, 32: rl, iv. 18, IX. 
 
 51, xvii. 3, 11, 15, fr. 8 
 rts (enclit.), in. 21, 97, v. 5, 54, 162, 
 
 165, 190, x. 27, xn. 84, xvii. 5, fr. 7. 
 
 2: TtPi, XVII. 2: rwd, IX. 41, 56, XII. 
 
 46, 199, 223, xvi. 43: TI, vin. 101, 
 
 xvm. 9, fr. 11. 4 
 Tiratpw: -et, IX. 43 
 TtTWTAcw : -wi>, v. 49 
 T\dfj.wv, V. 153: -opes, XII. 157 (?) 
 r60ep, v. 197 
 T00i, III. 7(?), 19, XVI. 101
 
 5*6 
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 TOI (particle), I. 58, vin. 3 (?), 22 : 77 TOI, 
 Xii. 79. Cp. otirot. For rot tibi, see 
 
 under <n5 
 
 TWOJ./VIII. 30: -or, p. 439 (i. 35 Blass)? 
 rotoffSe: -6v5e, XIX. 3: roi^St, VIII. 37 
 TOIOUTOS: -oy, v. 87 
 TofAjcXiTos, x. 39 
 r6|o>', IX. 43 
 r6o-oj: -df, III. 48: as relative, I. 37, xv. 
 
 II 
 -j-ire, in. 58, V. 143, 156, VIII. 19, xv. 
 
 23, xvm. 31 
 
 Tpaxik: -ifrj V. 82 : -tiav, XII. in 
 rptQij): -ei, III. 92, XII. 62: Optyev, V. 
 
 88, VIII. 7 
 
 rp&o: rptffffav, xvi. 92 
 rpienjs: -et, VIII. 23 
 rpibdovs: -dovra, fr. 6 2 
 rpiTrovj : -65wv, ill. 18 
 Tpiffev5ai/J.(i>v, III. 10 
 rpifficaiSeKa. (ace.), X. 92 
 rpLraros : -a, I. 2 
 rp/Tos: -OP, IV. 4 
 Tpoifqj/ios : -t'a^xvi. 58 
 Tpofa: -as, VIII. 46 
 rpoxoeiSris: -e"a (sing.), VIII. 32 
 Tpws: -wes, xn. 133, xiv. 50: -av, xiv. 
 
 42 
 
 avu: Tei$erai, IX. 38: r6\ov (ist 
 
 pers.), v. 144: TUX<", xn. 67, xvir. 
 
 29: TVXOV, VIII. 83: -wres, XIV. 12 
 n>0X6j: -ct, V. 132 
 TI)X. IX. 47: -eu/, XVI. 132: -a, V. 52, X. 
 
 115: -a, VIII. 51 
 TW ('therefore'), xvi. 39 
 rc6s, V. 31 
 
 v/3pis: -to?, xn. 44: -tf, xvi. 41 
 
 "T/3pis, xiv. 59 
 
 vyieia: -ei'as, I. 55 
 
 i>yp6s: -oiffiv, XVI. 108 
 
 ii5wp, III. 36 
 
 w6s, x. 15, xn. 123, xv. 28, xvi. 86, 
 xviu. 26: -<?, v. 79, xii. 68, xvi. 20, 
 xvii. 15: -6v, n. 14, iv. 13, v. 62, 
 xix. n(?): vli, in. 77(?): vlas, xn. 
 
 100 
 
 CXa : -av, X. 93 
 
 {i/j.{rfpos: -av, V. n, 32 
 
 fyw&o: -eOo-t, X. 13: -e?^, V. 33: -^wc, 
 
 Vli. 40: iJfJ.vei (imper.), ill. 3: v/j.v^- 
 
 ffti, III. 97: v/j.vr)ffov, V. 179 
 *vfj.i>oava.ff(ra, XI. i 
 vfivos, vi. n: -o', v. 10, vin. 78, p. 475 
 
 (fr. ofvn)?: -oi, fr. 3. 12: -ovs, iv. 10: 
 
 aw, VIII. 83, XII. 223, XV. 4: -ouru', 
 
 XVIII. 8 
 
 i-Trai, with gen., xii. 139 
 v-n-tp: see n. on xvii. 51 
 
 vTTfpd(f>avo$: -ov, xvi. 49 
 
 virtpfiios: -ov, xn. 75, XVII. 19: -e, III. 
 
 37 
 
 T7rep/36peoi : -&>vs, III. 59 
 VTrtp6v/j.os : -ov, xii. 103: -y, VIII. 37 
 
 VIII. 13 
 : -OP, xvi. 68: -y, in. 5, xvm. 
 
 44 
 
 virtpTaros: -ov, III. 84, X. 36, XVI. 79 
 vireprf>ia\os: -ov, xn. 158: -oi, X. 78: 
 
 -ous, XIV. 62 
 
 VTTVOS, fr. 3. 10, p. 439 (i. 50 Blass) 
 virb, with gen., v. 43, IX. 48, XII. 154, 
 
 xvi. 17: with dat., in. 17, xn. 125, 
 
 166: with ace., XVI. 30. Cp. inrai 
 vTrbicXoiros : -ov, xiv. 30 
 vfffjLiva: -av, XII. 144 
 Vffrepov (adv.), IX. 53, XV. 33 
 v<paivw. v<j>aive (impf.), XVI. 51: v^taive 
 
 (imper.), xvm. 8: v<f>avf, xv. 24: 
 
 v<j>avas, V. 9 
 
 ixpaipeu: -emu (midd.), VIII. 18 
 *v\//avx-ris, XII. 85 
 *vif/idyvia : -av, XII. 71 
 *v\l/idai5a\ros: -uv, III. 18 
 *i'^5etpos: -ov, IV. 4 
 v\f/ifvyos, I. 46, X. 3 
 fyiKtpa (fern.), -av, XV. 22. Cp. KaX- 
 
 XiKlpa 
 
 v\j/i/j.t8uv, XIV. 51 
 vifsivoos : -6ov, XII. 44 
 v\J/'tTrv\os : -ou, VIII. 46 
 v\j/i<f>avris : -ij, XIII. 5 
 in/'oD, v. 18, Vin. 84: V\J/OTO.TU, fr. 16. 6 
 
 rt/A/3poros : -a>, XII. 128 
 : -Ipoiffi, XVII. 47 
 'w, XII. 224: ^aire (impf.), VIII. 31: 
 
 (pavT?, XVI. 119: (f>dvt], fr. 2. 2 
 4>di'(r/coj: -OK, X. 14 
 0aX<ry: -7705, XIV. 42 
 <j)a/j.l, I. 49, XII. 54: <j>a<rLv, V. 155: 
 
 (pdfjifv (inf.), III. 65 : <acrw, I. 49, X. 
 
 24: <a, fr. 18. 2: 0aro, V. 84: ir^- 
 
 <j>a.ra.i, IX. 52 
 0aos, III. 80, V. 67, XVI. 43 : (pay, VIII. 
 
 28 
 
 (paptrpa : -as, V. 76 
 <;&apoj: -ei', XVI. 5: -ea, IX. 24 
 (pcuryavov, X. 87, XII. 54 
 <pd<TK(Lv: (pdffKov (3rd plur.), X. 50 
 0aTts, vin. 48 
 fayyos, III. 91, V. 162 
 <pev-: irtyvev, VIII. 13: ^ire(f>vv, XVII. 17 
 *(pepeKvdfy: -fa (sing.), xii. 182: -^i', 
 
 I. 17 
 
 QepeviKos, V. 184: -ov, 37 
 <ppeffTt<pavos: -oi, XVIII. 6 
 : -T;TOJ, III. 77
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 <j>tpiaTos: -ov (neut.), v. 160 
 
 &cpfff<p6va: -as, V. 59 
 
 ipe'praToj, XVII. 20: -ov (masc.), V. n8, 
 xvi. 33: (neut.), vi. 2: -ov, xvi. 10, 
 xvin. 17 
 
 ^prepos: -ov (neut.), IV. 18 
 
 0epw : -et, ill. 95, V. 134 : -etv, fr. 32. 3: 
 -we, in. 59, v. 185: -ovffa, II. 3, XVIII. 
 41: -ovres, xii. 144: <ppov (impf.), 
 XVI. 97: eve-y/ce (imper.), XVI. 62 
 
 0eO, XVI. 119 
 
 (f>tvyw. -eis, fr. 15. 2: <f>etiyere, p. 439 
 (i. 8 1 Blass): <pe<jyovra (neut.), I. 66: 
 0ei>ye (impf.), XVIII. 16: <pevyoi> (yd 
 plur.), v. 150, X. 55, 84, 94: (pvyuv, 
 xix. 7, fr. 30 
 
 <prnj.a.\ -av, V. 194 
 
 4>^/xa, II. i, ix. i 
 
 <t>6tyyofj.ai: -cv, XVII. 12: <p6tya.TO, XIV. 
 
 49 
 
 tpBivw : </>0t/uevwv, v. 83 
 
 <f>66vos, xii. 200, xv. 31: -OP, v. 188: 
 
 -V, III. 68 
 <j>06pos: -ov, xiv. 61 
 
 0tXa7Xaos: -ov, XII. 224: -ovs, XVII. 60 
 0iXaXd/caros? p. 439 (i. 74 Blass) 
 <pi\dvwp : -opt, I. 40 
 </>iXe"w: -ti, iv. i, XII. 204 
 0tXi7T7ros : -ov, ill. 69 
 (/uXo^etvos : -eivov, XIII. 23: -y, V. 49 
 <pi\o$evla: -as, III. 16 
 cjfriXos: -ov (masc.), II. 14, IV. 19, V. 131: 
 
 av, xvi. 109: -rfv, fr. 15. 2: -y, XVI. 
 
 69: -a, III. 47: -as (acc.), III. 50 
 <pi\oaTt<pavos: -w, XII. 184 
 </>trp6s : -ov, V. 142 
 0Xe^yw : -ovrat, fr. 3. 12 
 4>XeioOs: -vra, VIII. 4 
 0X6 : -7*, fr. 3. 4: <f)\6ya, III. s;6, xvil. 
 
 56 
 
 0o/3^w : e<f>6firi<rf, X. 43 
 </>6/3os: -o^, XII. 145: -y, V- 23 
 <j(>oi/3<5s: -civ, XII. 139 
 fccu/Sos: -01;, III. 20 
 *0oii'uacr7ris : -t5es, VIII. 10 
 *<f>oiviK&6pii; : -6rpix as ' x - IO 5 
 *<poii>iKOKpd5efjLvos: -oio, X. 97 : -OJ<TI, XII. 
 
 222 
 
 ^oici/covwros: -wi/, V. 102 
 ^)0?^(f : (poiviffffav, xvn. 56 
 4>o?j'i|: -IKOJ, xvi. 31 
 &oivt<r<ra, XVI. 54 
 (poivicffu: ipoivi^etv, XII. 165 
 (potrdu: -ci, V. 133 
 061/os: -oi, vin. 14: -uv, III. 52 
 <poptu: -tl, xiv. 30: -ewres, fr. 6. 3 
 <p6pfjuy: -tyyos, xill. 13 
 (fipadd: -atcrt, XVIII. 17 
 * <f>pevodpas : -ais, XVI. 118 
 </>/3ij' : <f>pevl, fr. 7. 3 : tpptva, V. 6, XV. 7, 
 
 XVI. 131, fr. 1. i: tppeviav, XVI. 22: 
 
 tvfffffiv, xill. ri : <f>paalv, xii. 
 ^as, I. 52, X. 45, XI. 3, fr. 16. 
 tu : -OVTI, III. 85 
 Tis: -la i, XVI. 1 20 
 
 s: -/ou, vn. 43 
 <t>v6.: -6.v, v. 1 68 
 ^fryXdffcrw: -et, xii. 189: -ev (inf.), XVIII. 
 
 25: -tav, V. 47: -e, III. 29 
 tpti\\ov: -a, v. 65 
 0urei5w: -eyo-e(i'), XVI. 59, 68: -aav, 
 
 XVIII. 35 
 
 <(5w : #0u, v. 55: (pvvat, v. 160 
 <pui>d : -dv, X. 56 
 0wcdets: -decra, XIV. 31 
 <l>wvii>j'. (pui/rifffv, V. 191 
 0ws: ^>wr6s, V. 158, XVII. 19, 30: ^wra, 
 XV. 15: 0wre, XVII. 46: ^wres, fr. 18. 
 5: <f>&Tuv, XII. 152 
 
 Xat/w5Xas : -av, p. 475 (fr. of VIl) 
 Xalra: -av, x. 28, XII. 70: -as, XVI. 105 
 XaXeTTos: -6v (neut.), V. 95 
 XdX/cacriris : -5es, X. 62 
 
 * xaX^Kpacos : -ov, V. 74 
 *Xa^fe6""'"i''7ros: -ov, xvil. 59 
 Xa\Kfofj.lTpav, XII. 109 (?) 
 %dX(ceos : -eai', fr. 3. 9 
 XaX/ce6<rrep'os : -ou, V. 34 
 
 os : -ounv, fr. 6. 2 
 
 -a*fa, XVI. 14: -dcwv, x. 
 "3 
 XaX/c6KTi;7ros, XIII. 1 6 (?) 
 
 * xctX(coKt63wi', XVII. 3 
 XaXjf6s, XII. 51 
 
 * x a ^ K oreix^ : -^os, III. 32 
 %dos: -et, v. 27 
 
 Xdpis, III. 38: X^P'^t I 11 - 97> v - '87, Via. 
 
 97, xin. 19, fr. 7. 4 
 Xdptres, VIII. i, XVIII. 6: -Irtav, I. 41, 
 
 IX. 39: -treffffi, V. 9: Xdpt<r<rtj', XIV. 
 
 49 
 
 ia, IX ; 13 
 
 : -tDvos, XII. 140 
 
 Xef/>: x/>^ viil. 35, XII. 154, XIII. 10, 
 XVI. 61 : x^pa. vii. 41 : \ftpo., xn. 49, 
 XVI. ii : \eipuv, V. 82, 132, X. 36, 91, 
 XVI. 45: x^P e<r<rt > XVII. 49: x e P <r ' I ' v - 
 189: x^as, "I- 35. xn - 138, XIV. 45: 
 Xetpas, III. 50, X. 100, XVI. 72 
 
 X^/xros: -ov, XII. 132 
 
 Xe"a>: xttav, v. 15: x^o" (impf.), xvi. 96 
 
 X0uv : x6ovfa, IV. 4, XVII. 5: x^ "^ v - 
 88, x. 32 : x0<W, i. ii, vin. 40. xvi. 
 80 
 
 riov: -wva, XVII. 52: -uvi, fr. 15. i 
 y5a, XVII. 54 
 
 X<iXos: -ov, V. 99, 104, 123 
 
 343
 
 5 i8 
 
 VOCABULARY. 
 
 O, XVI. 5o(?): -uffa/j.fva, 
 x. 53 
 X<>p6s: -$, xvi. 107: -6v, Epigr. 1. 2(fr. 33): 
 
 -of, xni. 14, xv. n: -wv, xvin. 51: 
 
 -oiffi, xvi. 130: -ovs, x. 112 
 Xpa-ivu: \pa~ivov (3rd plur.), X. 1 1 1 
 Xpetos ('need'), I- 34 (?) 
 Xp^os, VII. 43 
 X/"?, in. 78, v. 164, 187, IX. 56, XIII. 20, 
 
 fr. 11. 3 
 
 X/n?ffT<Ss: -6v (masc.), IX. 51 
 Xpovos, xil. 206: -v, VII. 45, X. 120, 125, 
 
 xvn. 4^: -ov, i. 70, vni. 80, fr. 21. i, 
 
 28 
 Xp6*oj: -ov, vn. i 
 
 S' -t5os, fr. 11. 2 
 cctTos, X. 38 : -o, VIII. I 
 Xpvffd/J.irv!; : -UKOJ, V. 13 
 Xpvvaopos, III. 28 (?) 
 Xpv<r<fp/iaTOS, XII. 194 
 \pvffaa"iris : -iSos, XIX. 1 1 
 *Xpwf6?rXoKos, XVI. 106 
 Xptfo-eos: -<?a (nom.), XVIII. 16; (voc.), 
 
 X. 117: -<?ay (gen.), V. 174; (ace.), XIV. 
 
 4: -tg., IX. 40: -eoi' (masc.), XVI. 60; 
 
 (neut.), 36: -tav, vui. 72, xn. 6j (?), 
 
 xv. 2 (with v) : -tois, ix. 6 (with v) 
 *Xpvffe(xrKaTrTpos: -ov, VIII. 100 
 XpueroSivas, III. 44 
 XpvffbOpovos ? v. i of a small fr. numbered 
 
 by Kenyon (p. 206) as 22, and referred 
 
 by Blass (p. 126) to xiv. 
 
 S, IV. 2 
 
 *' v> 4 
 
 XpUO^TTfTrXoS, XVIII. 22 
 
 Xpv<r6s, in. 17, 87, fr. 17. i: -(J3, fr. 16. 9 
 
 -6/, in. 65, fr. 10. 2, '27 
 Xpws: x/>6, X. 97 
 Xwpa: -9, V. 80 
 
 48: -a?cr(t'), 
 
 v - 77, 'S 1 , r 7 I: -? 
 V. 83, 133 : -ds, V. 64 
 
 u, in. 64, vi. 13, vn. i, 48, vin. i, 15, 
 45, 102, x. 116, xn. 77, 94, 190, xiv. 
 50, xvi. 15, p. 437 (i. 13 Blass) 
 
 i3Se, xvn. 39, fr. 18. 2 
 
 ii/ct5/uopos : -ov, V. 141 
 
 wKvirofiiros : -of, xvi. 90 
 
 WKVTTOVS: uKviroduv, IV. 6 
 
 w/ar/cTTCij : -, XII. 40 
 
 o>,uos: w/xots, xvn. 47 
 
 ws, (i) 'as,' VIII. 27, XII. 82 (n-upo-ov uis): 
 (2) 'when,' v. 71; (3) 'how,' fr. 6. i 
 (unless there the sense was 'when'): 
 (4) with inf., fr. 1. i (ws . . et-irdv) 
 
 ws, 'thus,' v. 84, xil. 133, xvi. 8r, fr. 
 
 16. 12 
 
 uxref, XI. I 
 
 wore, 'as' ( = ws), XII. 124 
 
 WTC, 'as,' XVI. 105
 
 5^9 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Abas, king of Argos, X. 40 
 
 accents, use of, in the Bacchylides papy- 
 rus, p. 135: noteworthy, in particular 
 instances, p. 137 
 
 accusative, cognate (avaSeOelffiv dvOea), 
 xii. 5Qf. : in apposition with sentence, 
 XII. 93, XIII. 19: double (rbv 5' et\ev 
 dxos Kpadiav), X. 85 
 
 Achaean settlements in Italy, p. 209, 
 x. 113: ancestry claimed by lonians, 
 
 P- 483 
 
 Acusilaus, the logographer, x. 50 if. 
 
 adjectives, compound, peculiar to B., 
 pp. 68 ff. : verbal in -TOS, of 3 termina- 
 tions, xii. 181 : denoting the parent 
 ('AAKyuijpios), v. 71: compounded with 
 a noun akin in sense to the subst. 
 (dpi<TTa\Kts ffdtvos), VII. 7 
 
 Adrastus, vill. 19 
 
 Aeacidae, Pindar's tributes to, p. 217 
 
 Aegeus and Aethra, legend of, p. 230 
 
 Aegina, boxers and wrestlers of, p. 212: 
 festivals at, ix. 3: the nymph, daughter 
 of Asopus, vin. 55, xn. 77 : repute of 
 the island for just dealing, il>., and 
 182 ff. 
 
 aegis of Athena, xvi. 7 
 
 Aeolian lyric poetry, p. 29 
 
 Aeolic forms, p. 81 
 
 Aeschylus, in Sicily, p. 9; his Aetnaeae, 
 ib. : lyrics of, p. 45 : traces of, in the 
 work of B., p. 67: treatment of lo's 
 story, p. 235 
 
 'Aetolian' as='Elean,' vn. 51 
 
 Agelaus, brother of Meleager, v. 117 
 
 Agenor, father of Cadmus, p. 235, xvill. 
 4 6 
 
 Agla'ia, personified, m. 6 
 
 Ajax, p. 206, n. 2 : and Hector, XII. 105 ff. 
 
 Alcaeus, p. 29: on Apollo's visit to the 
 Hyperboreans, p. 222, xv. 5 
 
 Alcman, his partheneia, p. 31 
 
 Alexandrian scholia, citations of Bacchy- 
 lides in, pp. 74 f. : sense of 'dithyramb' 
 in Alexandrian age, p. 39 
 
 Althaea's brand, v. 142 ff., pp. 470 f. 
 
 Alyattes, father of Croesus, in. 40 
 
 Amazons, the, vill. 43 
 
 Amphiaraus, vin. 16 
 
 Amphitrite, her place in the Theseus- 
 myth, p. 222 : xvi. in 
 
 Amphitryon, i or Tin, v. 156 
 
 Anacreon, p. 29 
 
 Ancaeus, of Tegea, v. 1 1 7 
 
 antecedent, to be supplied in dat. (irdpeari 
 
 [T0lh-<f>], Sj K.T.X.), XVIII. I ff. 
 
 Antenor, the Trojan, and his sons, 
 
 pp. 2i9f. 
 aorist partic. after elSe, x. 23: infin., as 
 
 dist. from pres. infin., v. 30, 161, XVI. 
 
 43 
 
 Aphares, a son of Thestius, V. 129 
 
 Apharetidae, the (Idas and Lynceus), 
 Messenian heroes, p. 239 
 
 apocope of prep., p. 84 
 
 Apollo, bestows the gift of <j>i\oi-fvia, i. 
 40: shepherd to Admetus, in. 77: 
 'king of the Lycians,' xii. 147 f.: 
 styled Loxias, though he is acting as 
 a war-god, ib. : the hunter, xv. 6 
 
 apposition, partitive, x. 70 ff. 
 
 Archemorus, vin. 12 
 
 Archilochus, his KO.\\IVIKOS, p. 36 
 
 Arete, personified, xii. 176 
 
 Argos, i7rir6/3oToi', XVIII. 15 
 
 Argus, son of Earth, xvin. 19, 31 
 
 Aristaeus, cult of, p. 428 
 
 Aroanian hills in Arcadia, x. 94 
 
 Artemis, as a goddess of vegetation, v. 
 98 f.; of agriculture and cattle-breeding, 
 X. U5f. : dyportpa, V. 123, p. 211 
 n. i: r)fj.pa ('the soothing'), X. 39, 
 p. 210 
 
 Asopus, the Phliasian river, p. 205 : his 
 daughters and descendants, p. 206, 
 vin. 45 ff.
 
 520 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Atalanta, not mentioned in V. 56-175, 
 
 p. 472 
 Athena, protects Heracles, v. 92 ; watches 
 
 his struggle with the Nemean lion, xn. 
 
 44: present when Amphitrite receives 
 
 Theseus, p. 225 : meaning of her epithet 
 
 6(3pi/jio5epKris, xv. 20: Athena Itonia, 
 
 fr. n, p. 415 
 Athenaeus, familiar with the poems of 
 
 Bacchylides, p. 75 
 Athenians, afipofiioi, xvu. 2 : called 
 
 'lonians,' ib. XVI. 3 
 augment, temporal, the Doric (a), xiv. 
 
 37, XIX. 4 : the Ionic (ij) probably to 
 
 be retained in x. 93, p. 80 
 Azenia, a district of Arcadia, X. 55 
 
 cottabos, game of, fr. 13, p. 417 
 
 crasis of xal with e, XVI. 33 (KO./J.^), XVII. 
 50 (KTI^TVKTOV) ; with o, III. 81 (xwrt) : 
 not marked by an apostrophe in the 
 MS., p. 138 
 
 Cretan sea, the, xvi. 4 
 
 Creusa, mother of Aegeus, xvu. 15, 
 p. 232 
 
 Cnsa, iv. 14 
 
 Croesus, the story of, as told by Bacchy- 
 lides, p. 195 
 
 Crommyon, xvn. 24 
 
 Curetes, the, v. 126 
 
 cycle of the four lepd dyuves, p. 184 
 
 Cyclopes, the, x. 77 
 
 Cypria, the epic, used by Bacchylides, 
 p. 219, xiv. 46 
 
 Boeotian cups, fr. 17, p. 419 
 Bologna, vase at, showing Theseus, Am- 
 phitrite, and Poseidon, p. 226 
 breathings, signs for in the papyrus, 
 
 P- '37 
 
 bronze, used to adorn the walls of rooms, 
 III. 32 
 
 Cadmus, xvm. 48 
 
 Cai'cus, river, fr. 57, p. 433 
 
 Calliope, v. 176 
 
 Calydon, v. io6f. 
 
 Carthaea, a town in Ceos, p. 5, 424 
 
 Casas, river, X. 119 
 
 Castalia, stream of, in. 20 
 
 Cenaeum, prom, in Euboea, xv. 14 
 
 Ceos, position and associations of the 
 island, pp. 4ff. : hills of, I. 1 1 : agonistic 
 inscription of, p. 186: athletic victories 
 won by natives of, p. 451 
 
 Cerberus, V. 60 ff. 
 
 Cercyon, the wrestler slain by Theseus, 
 xvu. 26 
 
 Cey'x and Heracles, fr. 18, p. 419 
 
 Charites, the, I. 41: iv. 9: ix. 39: xvm. 
 6 
 
 Cirrha, harbour-town of Crisa, X. 20 
 
 Clement of Alexandria, quotes Bacchy- 
 lides, p. 73 
 
 Clitias and Ergotimus, the vase-painters, 
 p. 224 
 
 Clymenus, one of the Curetes, v. 145 
 
 Cnossus, more correctly spelt Cnosus, I. 
 
 >3 
 comus, members of, addressed by the 
 
 poet, xn. 190 
 contraction in verbal forms, practice of 
 
 the MS. as to, p. 84 
 Coressus or Coresia, a town of Ceos, I. 
 
 28, p. 446 
 coronis, use of in the MS., p. 140 
 
 dactylo-epitritic metre, p. 92 
 
 Damon, chief of the Telchines, p. 443, 
 446 
 
 Danaus, X. 74 : a descendant of lo, p. 235 
 
 dative, epic --Qffiv in plur., XII. 135: of 
 interest, a peculiar use of the, in. 94 
 
 Day, personified as daughter of Time and 
 Night, vn. i 
 
 Deinomenes and his family, p. 189 
 
 Delos, and the Hyperborean legend, 
 p. 196: poems of Pindar and Bacchy- 
 lides for, p. 223 
 
 Delphi, omphalos at, iv. 4: Gelon's and 
 Hieron's tripods at, ill. i8f., pp. 452- 
 457: winter cult of Dionysus at, p. 221, 
 xv. i ff. : the epithet yuijXo^^ras with 
 reference to, vn. 39 
 
 Demeter and Persephone, cult of in 
 Sicily, in. i ff . : Demeter and Diony- 
 sus, cult of at Phlius, vni. 97 ff. 
 
 Dexithea and Minos, legend of, pp. 443 ft". 
 
 dialect of Bacchylides, p. 79 
 
 digamma, p. 82 
 
 Dike and Themis, xiv. 54 f. 
 
 Dionysus, cult of at Phlius, vill. 98: at 
 Delphi, p. 221, XV. iff. 
 
 Dioscuri, the, fr. 17, p. 419 
 
 dirge (Opijuos), as treated by Simonides, 
 p. 40 
 
 dithyramb, of Lasus, p. 46: of Simonides, 
 pp. 39, 46 : ode xvu of Bacchylides, a 
 dithyramb in the form of a dialogue, 
 p. 233: dithyrambs at Delphi, p. 221, 
 n. 2 : the new school of dithyramb, 
 beginning with Melanippides, pp. 46 ff.: 
 a dithyramb of Philoxenus parodied by 
 Aristophanes, p. 234: sense given to 
 the term 'dithyramb' in the Alexan- 
 drian age, p. 39 : reference of Servius 
 to the 'dithyrambs' of Bacchylides, 
 p. 223
 
 INDEX. 
 
 521 
 
 dithyrambic choruses at Athens, p. 234 
 division of verses in the MS., p. 95 
 dolphins carry Theseus to Poseidon's 
 
 abode, xvi. 97 ff. ; cp. pp. 22$ and 
 
 228 
 doors of the victor's house, songs sung at 
 
 the, vi. 14 
 
 Dorian choral poetry, pp. 30 ff. 
 Doricisms of Bacchylides, pp. 79 ff. 
 drama, rise of Attic, p. 43 
 dual subst. with plural adj., xvn. 46 
 
 eagle, as an image for the poet, v. i6ff. 
 Earth, called to witness, v. 40 
 Echidna, mother of Cerberus, v. 62 
 Eirene, gifts of the goddess, fr. 3, p. 411 
 elder-tree, the (dxr^a), VIII. 34 
 Eleans, as judges in the Olympian games, 
 
 x. 31 ff. 
 elision of t in the dative, and in the 3rd 
 
 plur. ending -OVTI, p. 83 
 Endei's, wife of Aeacus, xii. 96 
 enkomion, the, created by Simonides, 
 
 P- 33 
 
 Eos, xpv<Tbira.-xys, v. 40 
 
 Epaphus, xvin. 42 
 
 epic manner of Bacchylides in narrative, 
 p. 58; in speeches, p. 61; in apostro- 
 phizing the Muse, xiv. 47 : epic and 
 Ionic forms used by him, p. 81 
 
 Epicharmus and Hieron, p. n 
 
 epinikion, the, developed by Simonides, 
 
 P- 34 
 
 epithets, use of by Bacchylides, p. 62 ; 
 compared with Pindar's, pp. 70 ff. 
 
 Eriboea, one of the Athenian maidens 
 with Theseus, xvi. 14, p. 224: wife of 
 Telamon, xii. 102 
 
 Eros, how conceived in the older Greek 
 poetry, vin. 73 
 
 Erotes, the, offspring of Aphrodite, ib. 
 
 erotica as a lyric class, p. 42 
 
 Euboea, festivals at, IX. 34 
 
 Eucleia, the goddess, associated with 
 Arete and Eunomia, xii. 183 f. 
 
 Eunomia, <ra60/3o>c, xn. 186; as one of 
 the three Horae, n. on i82ff. ; asso- 
 ciated with Dike and Themis, xiv. 
 
 54 f- 
 Euphronius, the vase-painter; his cup 
 
 showing Theseus welcomed by Am- 
 
 phitrite, p. 225 
 Europa, xvi. 3[f. 
 Eurytion, the centaur, pp. 48, 430 
 Eusebius, on the date of Bacchylides, p. 2 
 Euxantius, son of Minos and Dexithea, 
 
 I. 15, p. 448 
 Evenus, king of Pleuron, p. 237, xix. 
 
 festivals, cycle of the four great, p. 184: 
 
 local, ix. 30 ff. 
 foot-race, the, called iiririos 5/>6/xos, ix. 
 
 25 n. 
 
 Fran9ois amphora, the, p. 224 
 future tense, as used in K0fjnrdaofj.ai, <d<7w. 
 
 etc., vn. 42: after o<f>pa, xvn. 42 
 
 Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, pp. 8, 190; his 
 tripod at Delphi, p. 452 
 
 genitive and dative, both used vfithftpvetv, 
 III. 15 f.: gen. plur. corrupted into 
 nomin. plur., vin. 46, X. 120 
 
 Georgius Syncellus, on the date of Bac- 
 chylides, p. 4 
 
 Giants, the, xiv. 63 
 
 gnomic style of Bacchylides, p. 59 
 
 gods, the, declared blameless for human 
 woes, xiv. 52 
 
 hands, the several in the papyrus, pp. 
 127 ff. 
 
 Hebe, cult of at Phlius, vin. 71 f. 
 
 Hebrus, river, xv. 5 
 
 Hecate dq.do<f>opos, fr. 23, p. 421 
 
 Hemera ('day'), personified, vn. r 
 
 Hemera ('soothing'), title of Artemis, 
 p. 210, x. 39 
 
 Hera, the Argive, cult of, X. 47 ff. 
 
 Heracles, tpei^iirtiXas, v. 56 : twelve 
 labours of, vin. 8: his career pro- 
 phesied, during his struggle with the 
 Nemean lion, xn. 44 ff.: at the mar- 
 riage-feast given by Ceyx, fr. 18, p. 
 419 
 
 Hermes, various legends as to the manner 
 in which he slew Argus, xvin. 29-36 
 
 heroes, festivals of the, in Magna Graecia, 
 pp. 32, 210 
 
 Hesiod, v. 191 
 
 hiatus, p. 83 
 
 Hieron, tyrant of Syracuse, his family, 
 p. 189; annals of his reign, pp. 1906.; 
 his priesthood, III. 1-4; styled csrpo.ro.- 
 761, v. 2, p. 465; as a patron of letters, 
 pp. 8ff. ; his taste in poetry, v. 3-6, 
 cp. p. 2 1 ; his illness, v. 53-55, in. 72- 
 74; attitude of Pindar and of Bacchy- 
 lides towards him, pp. 200 ff. 
 
 Himera, battle of, p. 10; allusion to, 
 
 V. 34 
 
 Horace and Bacchylides, pp. 77^ 
 Horae, the, XII. 182 ff. 
 Hyginus, C. Julius, reputed author of 
 the Poetica Astronomica ; the story of
 
 522 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Theseus and Minos as told by him, 
 
 p. 228 
 hymeneal song in Ar. Aves, 73 iff., p. 
 
 238 
 hymns, diroire/jLTTTiKoi and K\rjTiKoi, XV. 
 
 i-4 
 
 Hyperboreans, the, in. 59, p. 460 
 hyphen, use of in the papyrus, p. 139 
 hyporchemes, p. 28: of Simonides, p. 40: 
 
 of Bacchylides, i6., pp. 
 
 Ibycus, p. 29: xiv. 58 
 
 Ida, Mount, v. 66, p. 433 
 
 Idas and Marpessa, the legend of, pp. 
 237 ff., xix. i ff. 
 
 Iliad, the, points in which Bacchylides 
 varies from, v. 75 f . ; xn. 146: story 
 of Meleager in, p. 468 
 
 imagery of Bacchylides, p. 62 
 
 Inachus, xvm. 18, p. 235 
 
 infinitive, for imperative, in prayer, X. 
 103 : of purpose, xv. 9 : after the im- 
 personal t-y&fTo, xvm. 29: Doric form 
 of, p. 8 1 
 
 inscription, an agonistic, of Ceos, p. 186 
 
 interrogative, double (ris..tv irot^x^ ot ''')> 
 V. 86 ff. 
 
 lo, the story of, as told by Aeschylus, 
 p. 235: modes of conceiving the form 
 into which she was changed, p. 493: 
 associated with Isis, xvm. 40, p. 494 
 
 los, island of, fr. 58, p. 433 
 
 Iphiclus, a son of Thestius, v. 127 
 
 Isthmian festival, the, pp. 35, 184 
 
 Isthmus of Corinth, II. 7 
 
 Italy, Greek settlements in, p. 209: deri- 
 vation -of from /iTa\6s may have sug- 
 gested the epithet iropTLrptxpov in X. 30 
 
 Itonia, a cult-name of Athena, p. 416 
 
 lulis, the chief town of Ceos, fr. 59, 
 P- 433 
 
 Julian, a reader of Bacchylides, p. 73 
 
 Lycurgus, king of Nemea, vin. 12 
 Lydian cavalry, in. 23 f. 
 'Lydian stone,' the, fr. 10, p. 415 
 Lynceus, king of Argos, x. 75 
 
 M 
 
 Macelo, sister of Dexithea, p. 443 
 
 Maia, mother of Hermes, xviu. 25 
 
 Malea, Cape, in. 72, p. 463 
 
 mares as racers, ill. 3 
 
 Marpessa, p. 237, xix. 6 
 
 masculine adj. in a general statement, 
 
 though referring to a woman, xvi. 44 f. 
 
 (dfKovTO.) : masc. partic. construed /card, 
 with a fern, subst., V. 77 f. 
 
 Medea, xvn. 48 n. 
 
 Melampus, not mentioned by Bacchylides 
 
 in the story of the Proetides, p. 2 1 1 
 Melanippides, dithyrambic poet, p. 46 
 Meleager, legend of, pp. 468 ff. : his 
 
 brothers, v. 118 
 Memphis, fr. 22, p. 421: said to have 
 
 been founded by Epaphus, xvm. 43 n. 
 Menander, trainer of athletes, p. 215, 
 
 xn. 192 
 Messenian legend of Idas, appropriated 
 
 by Sparta, p. 240 
 Metapontion, p. 209, x. 10, 116 
 Micon, painting by, on a wall of the 
 
 Theseion, p. 226 
 middle forms of verbs, rare examples of, 
 
 p. 87 
 Minos and the Athenian rjWtoi, p. 223 
 
 name, omen conveyed by, vi. i (Adxw) 
 Nemea, value of, vm. 4f. : lion of, 6ff., 
 
 XII. 46 ff. 
 
 Nemean festival, the, pp. 35, 184 
 
 Nike, her parentage and office, x. i ff. ; 
 
 cp. Epigr. i (fr. 33), p. 424 
 Niobe, the children of, fr. 52, p. 431 
 
 Laocoon, fr. 51, p. 431 
 
 Laomedon, king of Troy, xil. 142 
 
 Lemnian fire, xvn. 55 
 
 lightning from a clear sky, as a sign, 
 
 xvi. 72 f. 
 
 lion, the Nemean, vm. 6ff. 
 logaoedic metre, p. 97 
 Longinus, the pseudo-, on Bacchylides, 
 
 p. 76 
 Lusi, a town in Arcadia, and the spring 
 
 (AoCffos) near it, X. 96 
 Lycormas, river, xv. 34 
 
 Oechalia in Euboea, XV. 14: the epic 
 OtxaXias ciXaKris, ib. ipf-, p- 223 
 
 Oeneidae, members of the Athenian tribe 
 Olvtjis, ix. 1 8 
 
 Oeneus, king of Calydon, v. 97 
 
 Olympia, vi. 3 
 
 Olympian festival, the, pp. 36, 184, cp. 
 vii. i ff. ; instances of exception being 
 taken to awards by the judges, x. 
 
 3!-36 
 
 Olympus, the epithet TroXi/x/wcros as a p- 
 
 plied to, x. 4 
 Olympus the flute-player, p. 27
 
 INDEX. 
 
 523 
 
 optative with ei, after a present indicative, 
 V. 190; in a relative clause, after optat. 
 with a.v, XVI* 44 
 
 orichalc, fr. 43, p. 427 
 
 Pactolus, river, in. 45 
 
 paean, p. 28: the paean of Bacchylides 
 
 (xvi) for Delos, p. 223 
 Pallas, the father of Sixr), Epigr. I. i 
 
 ( f r-. 33). P- 4 2 4 
 
 Pandion, son of Cecrops, xvi. 15 
 papyrus of Bacchylides, the, pp. 121 ff. : 
 
 Ptolemaic traits of, p. j 25 : approximate 
 
 date of, p. 126: the scribe and the 
 
 correctors of, pp. 127-135 ; the signs 
 
 used in, pp. 135-141 
 paragraphus, use of in the MS., p. 140 
 Pasiphae, wife of Minos, xvi. 50 
 patronymic, forms of, in -idrjs and -idSrjs, 
 
 I. 14 
 Pausanias, on the story of Theseus and 
 
 Minos as painted by Micon, p. 227: 
 
 on the legend of the Apharetidae, 
 
 p. 240 
 
 Peace, the gifts of, fr. 3, p. 411 
 Peirithous, associated with Theseus, xvn. 
 
 46, p. 232 
 
 Pellene in Achaia, festival at, IX. 33 
 Peloponnesus, traces of, in the poems of 
 
 Bacchylides, p. 25 
 Pelops, cult of at Olympia, V. 181, 
 
 VII. 4f. 
 pentathlon, order of contests in the, 
 
 vm. 32 
 Periphetes, not mentioned by Bacchylides 
 
 among the victims of Theseus, p. 232 
 Persae, of Aeschylus, performed in Sicily, 
 
 p. 10: of Timotheus, p. 48 
 Persephone, the rape of, placed by 
 
 Bacchylides in Crete, fr. 53, p. 431 
 Perseus, ancestor of Heracles, xii. 48 
 person, transition of second to third, IX. 
 
 13, 19-26; xv. 6-10 
 Pheme, the goddess of rumour, II. i, 
 
 IX. i ff. 
 Pherecrates, comic poet, his 'Keipuv, 
 
 p. 50 
 
 Pherecydes, the mythographer, X. 50 
 Pherenicus, Hieron's race-horse, p. 198 
 Philoxenus, dithyrambic poet, pp. 47, 
 
 234 
 
 Phlius, p. 205 : deities worshipped at, 
 
 vm. 69 ff., 97 ff. 
 Phoenice as = Caria, fr. 60, p. 434 
 Phoenix, father of Europa, xvi. 31 
 Phorbas, associated with Theseus, xvi I. 
 
 46, p. 232 
 
 Phrynichus, the lyrics of, p. 44; his 
 p. 470 
 
 Pieria, xv. 3 
 
 Pindar, his supposed allusions to Bac- 
 chylides, pp. ijff.; his temperament, 
 p. 15; stamp of his genius, p. 41; 
 traces of in the work of Bacchylides, 
 pp. 65 ff. : his attitude towards Hieron, 
 compared with that of Bacchylides, 
 p. 200: his verses on the power of 
 wine (fr. 218), compared with the 
 similar verses of Bacchylides (fr. 16), 
 p. 418 
 
 Pisa, quantity of the i in, v. 182: the 
 name used as a synonym for Olympia, ib. 
 
 Plato on the decline of lyric poetry, p. 50 
 
 Pleisthenes, in post- Homeric genealogy 
 the father of Agamemnon and Mene- 
 laus, xiv. 48 
 
 Pleuron, in Aetolia, v. 151 
 
 plural adj. with dual subst., xvii. 46 
 
 Plutarch, on the exile of Bacchylides, 
 p. 24 : his other references to the poet, 
 
 P- 75 
 
 Polyneices, vni. 20 
 Polypemon, xvn. 27 
 Porthaon, father of Oeneus, v. 70 
 Poseidon "Iiririoj, xvi. 99 : Airatos, XVII. 
 
 21 : Ile-rpeuoj, XIII. 20 f., p. 217 
 prayer at the end of an ode, v. 200: 
 
 xvi. 132 
 prepositions, use of by Bacchylides, pp. 
 
 89 ff. 
 
 Procoptes (Procrustes), xvn. 28, p. 490 
 Proetides, the, and the Argive Hera, 
 
 X. 47 ff. 
 Proetus, king of Argos, X. 40 : his strife 
 
 with his brother Acrisius, ib. 59 ff. 
 pronouns, personal and possessive, forms 
 
 of used by Bacchylides, p. 86 
 Psalychidae, the Aeginetan clan of, p. 2 13 
 punctuation in the Bacchylides papyrus, 
 
 p. 1 4 o 
 Pythian festival, the, pp. 35, 184 
 
 quantity, marks of (- and -), in the 
 Bacchylides papyrus, p. 138 
 
 refrains, in singing, p. 417 
 
 relative clause in definitions, where os = 
 efrty, or ore rts, XIII. lof. 
 
 repetition of a word, V. 12 (K\ffvvdv), 
 13 f. (K\eiv6s) : XVI. 59 (pvrfVfftv), 68 
 (0i/rewre) : XVIII. 12 (<f>tpTa.rai>), 17 
 
 (<f>pTO.TOv) 
 
 Rhea, fr. 54, p. 432 
 Rhyndacus, river, fr. 6r, p. 434
 
 524 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 s 
 
 Sappho, p. 29 
 
 Sciron, xvn. 25 
 
 sculptors, the earliest who made statues 
 of athletes, p. 37: Pindar's sense of the 
 analogy between their tributes and his 
 own, p. 38 
 
 sea, sympathy of with its king Poseidon, 
 xvi. 128 
 
 Semele, xvm. 48 
 
 Servius, cites the 'dithyrambs' of Bac- 
 chylides, p. 223 
 
 shields, red, vin. 10 
 
 Sicily, fruitfulness of, III. t 
 
 Sicyon, festival at, ix. 32 
 
 Simonides, early life of, 5; fame of, in 
 the period of the Persian wars, p. 8 ; 
 with Hieron, p. 1 1 : as a creator of new 
 forms of lyric poetry, pp. 33 f., 40 f. : 
 his epinikia, pp. 34-37: influence of on 
 the work of Bacchylides, pp. 64 f. : his 
 inscription for Gelon's tripod, pp. 4540". 
 
 Sinis, xvn. 20 I 
 
 skolia of Pindar, p. 42 
 
 Solon, a paraphrase of, IX. 39-45, p. 479 
 
 Sophocles, his Antenoridae, p. 22on.: 
 his Trachiniae (750 ff.), xv. i$f. 
 
 Sparta, poetry and music at, in the 
 seventh century B.C., pp. 28, 30 fF. : 
 protests against the corruption of lyric 
 poetry, p. 52 : poem of Bacchylides for 
 (xix), p. 237 
 
 Stesichorus, epic hymns of, pp. 32, 210: 
 his probable influence on Bacchylides, 
 p. 33: the relation of the two poets 
 respectively to the mythography of the 
 vase-painters, p. 73 
 
 Stobaeus, his quotations from Bacchy- 
 lides, p. 76 
 
 Styx, X. 9 
 
 subjunctive after 5s, vin. 24 
 
 swan, the, sacred to Apollo, XV. 6 
 
 synizesis, use of by Bacchylides, p. 83 
 
 synonym used, instead of repeating a 
 word, XII. I55f. (wu#eois . . iffoOtwv) 
 
 Syracuse, distinction of in chariot-racing, 
 v. 2 (cp. iv. i f.) : dialectic forms of the 
 name, ib. 184 
 
 Telchines, the, pp. 188, 446 
 Terpander of Lesbos, p. 27 
 
 Thaletas, p. 28 
 
 Thargelia, the, at Athens, p. 234 
 
 Theano, wife of Antenor, xiv. 2 
 
 Thebes, festivals at, ix. 30 
 
 Themis and Dike, xiv. 54 f. 
 
 Theognis, traces of in the work of Bac- 
 chylides, v. i6off. n., 191 ff. n., p. 64 
 
 Thermodon, river, vin. 43 
 
 Theseion, painting by Micon in the, 
 p. 226: sculptures of, representing feats 
 of Theseus, xvn. 46 
 
 Theseus, the ambiguous paternity of, 
 p. 229: prominence of his cult at 
 Athens in the poet's day, ib. : legends 
 of his earliest deeds, pp. 231 f. 
 
 Thessalian chlamys, xvn. 54 
 
 thrones of Nereids, Muses, etc., xvi. 
 
 Timotheus, names of, p. 4: his Persae, 
 ib. : on Achaean ancestry of lonians, 
 
 P- 483 
 
 Tiryns, walls of, X. 77f. 
 tmesis, p. 91 
 
 trainers of athletes, xii. 19 if. 
 transposition of verses, xvi. 62 f., roof., 
 
 109 f. : cp. p. ii- 
 tripods of Gelon and Hieron at Delphi, 
 
 III. i8f., pp. 452-457 
 Troezen, p. 230, xvi. 34: spelling of the 
 
 name, ib. 58 
 Troy, walls of Laomedon's, XII. 142 : the 
 
 war of, vin. 45 f., p. 219 
 
 vase-painters, relation of Bacchylides to 
 
 the, p. 72 
 
 verses, division of in the MS., p. 95 
 vowels, long or short, before mute and 
 
 liquid, p. 84 
 
 Xenophanes, p. n 
 
 zeugma, a species of, vin. 36 (a word 
 such as (paLvwv to be supplied from 
 irpoTTf/j.iruv in V. 34) 
 
 Zeus, EtfitXetoj, I. 6: quenches the pyre 
 of Croesus, in. 55: guardian of law, 
 ib. 70: the Nemean, vin. 4f. 
 
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