THE HISTORY AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA IRVINE GIFT OF PROF. SAMUEL C. McCULLOCH THE HISTORY A M E R I C A N EPISCOPAL CHURCH 1587-1883 WILLIAM STEVENS PERRY, D.D., LL.D. BISHOP OK IOWA IN TWO VOLUMES Vol.. I THE PLANTING AND GROWTH OF THE AMERICAN COLONIAL CHURCH 1587— 17S3 PROJECTED BY CLAREXCE F JEWETT BOSTON JAMES R. OSGOOD AND COMPANY I SS =; V.I Copyright, 1885 James R. Osgood and Company M// rights reserved Pi-ess of Rock-.itfll anJ Churcliill, Boston €o THH RT. HON. AND MOST REV. EDWARD W. BENSON, D.D. IOtc, Ktc, I. OKI) ARrHltlSHOP ol* CANTKUnrKV. l'KIM.\TK <>F AM, KNdl.AVIl ANH .M KTK(>H(i|.H"\N ; THE MOST REV. ROBERT EDEN, D.D., I. OKI) HISHOP lir \rnHAV, KOSS, A\n (■AITHNESS, AXI> PRIMUS OF THE I'Himcll IN' -iroTI.ANT); THE RT. REV. ALFRED LEE, D.D., LL.D., BISHOP OP DELAWAKE, ANi" PRESIlUN'li BISHOP OE THE AMEKICAV i HI'HCH, ^1115 lUork /S RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED. PREFACE rriHAT the history of the American Episcopal Church is -*- not more widel}' known, and more generally accessible, is not from the lack of earnest and painstaking inves- tigators, nor from any want of abundant matei'ial. Pam- phlets and volumes, "broadsides" and papers, letters, records and manuscripts, beai'ing upon our history and illus- trating the annals of earlier or later days, exist in almost embarrassing profusion. Even the statutes at large of our jurists and the secular histories of our States or the N^ation cannot be studied, or even casually examined, Avithout the revelation of the connection of the Church of England with eai-ly maritime discovery and colonization, and the confession of the fact that the State and the Church grew up together among us from the first. In fact, our ecclesiastical history is necessarily coeval with that of the civilization and develop- ment of the continent. One cannot turn the dingy pages of the " Small, rare volumes, black with tarnished gold," — the coveted treasures of the bibliomaniac, ;uul thf "nuggets" of collectors of "Americana," — without finding in black lettei- or in plain Roman the stoi-y ol' the Church's })rogress through trials and difficulties IVom hvv first transplanting on American shores to her present independence and ]n-omise. VIII PREFACE. It is, nevertheless, true that with a rich and almost exhaustless store of material to draw from, and with a his- tory of which we have no reason to be ashamed, the narrative of the Church's foundation and growth has been but partially told. The labors of the late Francis Lister Hawks, D D., LL.D., first historiographer of the American Church, prose- cuted as they were among many discouragements, and received, as we must confess, with inadequate support, gave us the annals of the Church in A'irginia and Maryland, and, at a later date, and hi connection with the present writer, the documentary history of the Connecticut Church. The ven- erable Bishop White, in his invaluable "Memoirs of the Church," placed within our reach an authoritative resume of the facts and principles of our organization as an inde- pendent branch of the catholic Church of Christ. Others, whom it would be impossible to name, have supplied, in diocesan or parish histories, and in the biographies of our leading men, data of the greatest value and interest. But the only accessible history of the Church, as a whole, is the admirable sununary of our annals, written by the celebrated Wilberfoi-cc, Bishop of Oxford and Winchester, and since this admirable woi'k was prepared nearly half a century of growth and development has already passed. The scheme of this History originated with Mr. Clarence F. Jewett, who entrusted the i'uither development of the work to the writer, and it is now offered to supi)ly, for a time at least, the confessed lack of a record of the Church's progress during its earlier days of planting and struggling as a feeble and somewhat neglected branch of the Church of England, and its history aftci- tlie Avar of the Revolution as an organiza- tion which has now closed its first century of independent life. In tlic presentation of this story of church life and growth there have been added to the narrative numerous im- portant a)id valuable ninnogra])hs, ])i-e]iarcd by distinguislied PREFACE. IX writers of our communion, and serving to elucidate the state- ments of the text or to add to their fuhiess and accuracy. Other papers of this nature, of perhaps equal value and interest, were prepared; hut, with a view to condensation, the results of these investigations have heen incorporated in the narrative and illustrative notes. It is believed that by this division of labor a more satisfactory result has been attained than could possibly have been secured in any other way, and these noble volumes, which in their typography and careful illustration, attest the taste and liberality of the publishers, are therefore commended to the kind consideration of the members of our Church as the first complete history of our communion. CC/yyiy CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. Preface vii Eijc i^Ianttng auti (^i-ototl) of tijc ^mcfican ffl^olonial Cfjurdj. BV THE EDITOR. CHAPTER I. The Connection of the Ciiukcii of England with American Discovery and Settlement 1 Illustrations: Sebastian Cabnt, 3 ; Martin Frobisher, G; The Arms of England, 8; Cavendish, 11 ; Sir Francis Drake, 14. AnTOGRAPHS : Henry VII., Henry VIII., Edward VI., 2 ; Queen Mary, Queen Elizabeth, 4; Sir Francis Drake, 5; JIartin Frobisher, G; Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 8 ; Sir Walter Ralegh, 9 ; Ralph Lane, 10. Notes, Critical and Biographical 15 CHAPTER II. Services and Sacraments at Ralech's Colonies at Roanoke, on THE North Carolina Coast 18 Critical Notes on the Sources op Information 23 CHAPTER III. Fort St. George and the Church Settlers at the Molth of the Kennebec 26 Illustratioks : Smith's Map of Xew England, 2S ; .incicnt Fema- quid, ;!3. AuTOGKAPHS : George Wayniouth, i;" ; Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 29 ; Sir XH CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. John Popham, Rov. Kichard Hakluyt, 30; William Strachev, 34; Lord Bacon, 37. Critical Notes akd Illustkatioxs 38 CHAPTER IV. TuE Foundations of Church asu State is Vikgisia .... 42 Illustrations: Capt. John Smith, 43; Jamestown, 44; Lord Dela- ware, 51 ; George Percy, 55. Autographs: Capt. John Smith, 47; James I., 49; De la AV'arr, 53; Thomas Gates, 54 ; George Percy, 55. Critical Essay ox the Sources of Ixformation 63 CHAPTER V. TiiK I'NivERSiTy OF Hexrico, and Efforts for the Conversion AND Civilization of the Savages 66 Illustratiox : Fac-siraile Seal of Virginia, 72. Autograph : John Harvey, 72. Critical Notes on the Sources of Information 78 CHAPTER VI. Pioneers of the Church in New England 81 Illustrations : John Endieott, S3 ; Standish's Sword and a Match- lock, 84 ; John Winthrop, 88; St. Botolph's Church, 89; John Cotton, 91; AVinthrop's Fleet, 93; Fac-simile Letter of Thomas Lechford, 98; Petition of Robert Jordan, lOG. Autographs: Robert Browne, 81; Thomas Morton, 82; John Endi- eott, 83; Miles Standish, 84; William Blaxton, Thomas Walford, Samuel Maverick, 87; John Winthrop, 88; John Cotton, 91; William Hubbard, 94; Roger Williams, 95; Thomas Lechford, 98 ; Ferdinando Gorges, Captain Mason, Roger Goode, Thomas Gorges, 100; Robert Jordan, in4; Signers of Covenant " l"ir.Tohn Nelson, 188; Ministers, Wardens, and Vestry of lung's Chapel, 1700, 194; Rev. IVter Daille, 195. Illustr.ytive and Critical Notes 195 XIV CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. CHAPTER XI. The State of the Church in America at the Beginning ov the Eighteenth Centukv, and the Foundation of the Society FOR THE Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts . . 197 Illustration : Seal of the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 198. Illustrative and Critical Notes 205 CHAPTER XII. The Mission of Keith and Talbot " from New Hampshire to Cahatuck," North Carolina 206 Illustrations: Tlio King's Missive, Ififil, commanding the llelease of the Quakers, 207 ; Kev. George Keith, 209 ; Josepli Dudley, 211 ; Fac-simile Title-Page of Sermon preached by Kev. George Keith, 213; George Fox, 216; Increase Mather, 222. AuTOGRAnis : Cotton Mather, James Allen, Joshua Moody, Samuel Willard, 208; Joseph Dudley, 211; John Talbot, 215. Illustrative Notes 221 CHAPTER XIII. The Planting of the Church in Pennsyla'ania and Delaware, 223 Illustkations : William Penn, 223 ; Seal of Pennsylvania, 224 ; the Queen Anne Plate, Christ Church, 231 ; Christ Church, Philadel- phia, 23f); Interior of Christ Church, Philadelphia, 23S; Jacob Duche, 241; Old Swedes Church, Wilmington, Delaware, 244 ; Gloria Dei (old Swedes) Church, 245 ; Old St. David's Church, Kadnor, 246. AuTOGitAriis : William Penn, 223; Evan Evans, 226; Peter Evans, Robert Hunter, 232 ; William Keith, 233 ; Edmund Gibson, Lord Bishop of London, 237 ; Robert Jenncy, William Sturgeon, Ja- cob Duche, 239; Richard Peters, 240; John Kearslcy, Thomas Coombc, Jacob Duche, 241 ; I'hilip Reading, Thomas Barton, Charles Inglis, Hugh Neill, 242; William Thompson, Robert Jenncy, William Smith, 243. Illustrative Notes 244 CIIAFrEK XIV. The Conversion to the Chi-rch of Cutler. Rector of Yale Collk(;e, and other Puritan Ministers of Connecticut . . 247 Illustk.^tions ; Timothy Cutler, 24S ; Christ Churcli, Boston, 252. CONTENTS AND ILLUSTKATIONS. XV Autograph : Timothy Cutler, 248. Illustrative Notes 255 CHAPTER XV. The Tkial of John Checklet, and the Struggles of the CnuKCH IN Massachusetts and Rhode Island 257 Autographs : John Checkloy, Ezckiel Chccver, 257 ; William Dum- mer, Robert Auclmmty, 2G4. Illustrative Notes 271 CHAPTER XVI. Controversies 273 Illustration: Rcr. James McSparran, 280; Memorial Tablet to Kcv. John Beach, 282. Autographs: George Pigot, 273; Samuel Johnson, 274; Charles Chauncy, 270; James Wetmorc, 279; James JlcSparran, 281. Illustrative Note 282 CHAPTER XVII. Doctor Johnson, of Stratford, and the Growth of the Con- necticut Church 283 Illustrations : Samuel Johnson, 289 ; Christ's Church, Stratford, 297. Autographs : Timothy Cutler, 285 ; Samuel Johnson, 289. Illustrative Notes 302 CHAPTER XVIII. The Leading Missionaries and Clergy at the North and South : their Lives and Lauoks 304 Autographs: Hugh Jones, 307; James Ilonyman, 311; Matthias Plant, 312; Thomas Bacon, 317; Edward Bass, 321. Illustrative Note 321 CHAPTER XIX. Missionary Labors among the Mohawks and other Indian Tribes 322 XVI CONTENTS AXD ILLUSTBATIOXS. Illustrations : Sir William Johnson, 331 ; the Lord's Prayer from the Mohawk Prayer-Book, 334. Illcstrative Note 334 CHAPTER XX. TuE Wesi.eys and Geouge Whitefield, Missionaries of the Church in Georgia 335 Illustrations: General James Oglethorpe, 336; Fac-simile Title- Page of Wesley's Journal, 3-tG ; Rev. George AA'liitefielil, 3-19 ; Wliitefield's Orphan House or Bctliesda College, 351 ; Fac-simile Title-Page of Sermon Preached hy Rev. Edward Ellington, 358 ; Fac-simile Titlo-Page of Journal of Voyage from London to Georgia, 307. Autograph : George Whitefield, 349. Illustrative Notes 360 CHAFPER XXI. Commissary Garden axd the Church is Soorn Carolina . . . 372 Illustrations : St. Michael's Church, 374 ; Fac-simile Title-Page of Si.x Letters to Rev. George Whitefield, 389 ; Interior of the Goose- Creek Churcli, 391; St. Andrew's Church, 392; Ruins of St. George's Churcli, Dorchester, 393. Autographs: .Affra Coming, 375; Ale.xander Garden, 385; South Carolina Clergymen, 1724 (Thomas Hasell, John La Pierre, Benjamin Pownall, William Dawson, Alexander Garden. Brian Hunt, .\lbert Powderous, Richard Ludlain, Francis Varnod, David Standish), 394. Illustrative Notes 390 CIIAITER XXII. The Struggle for the Episcopate 395 Ilhstratioxs : Jonathan Mayliew, 411; -Vn .Attempt to Land a Bishop in .\inerica, 413. AuToonAPHs: Thomas Seeker, .Vrelibishop of Canterbury, 407; Jonathan Mayhew, 411; Thomas Brailbury Chandler, 414. Illustrative Note 426 CHAPTER XXIII. King's College, Nf.w York. am> thk ('(ii.i.k(.e and Academy of Philadelphia 428 CONTEXTS AXn ri.I.rSTRATIOXS. XVII Illustrations: Bcnjaniiii Franklin, fjil ; Hov. Uichard Peters. 131 ; Kov. William Sinitli. I;i4; Distant view (if Kind's (!()lle(;i' in 1"68, ■U3. AiiTO<;nAriis • Ridianl Peters, 131; Henjamin Franklin. 433. Illustuativk Note 446 CHAPTER XXIV. The Position of the Cler(;y at tiik Opexinc of the Wak for ixuependenoe 447 Illustration: Dr. Joseph Warren, 452. Autograph : William Stevens Perry, 4G8. Illustrative Note , . , 467 lUustratttir iHonograpijs. MONOGKAPH I. The Relations ok the Founders ok the Ma.-iis : John Hawkins, 480; Sanniel Maveriek, 4!)1 ; John Cotton, 493; James I., 494; Benjamin F. De Costa, 500. MONO(iRAPII III. Puritanism in New England and riiK Kuiscorvi, Ciiimii. Thomaa Whitfiroji Coil ;")01 win CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. AfTOGRAPiis : Hugh Peters, 503; Thomas Shepard, 505; Willinm IIL, 51-1; Thomas W. Coit, 518. MONOGRAPH TV. Dean Berkeley's Sojourn in America, 1729-1731. Moses Coif Ti/ler 519 Illustrations : " Whitehall," the Residence of Dean Berkeley wliile in Rhode Island, 520; George Berkeley, 523; Dean Berkeley's favorite Resort at Newport, now called Berkeley's Seat, 533. Autographs : George Berkeley, 523 ; Moses Coit Tyler, 540. MONOGRAPH V. TiiK NoN-jraiNG Bishops in America. John Fulton 541 Illustrations : Episcopal Seal bearing tlie Namo of Talbot, 541. Autographs: Charles Gookin.54'J: John Fulton, 5G0. MONOGRAPH VI. Yale College and the Chiucii. E. Edwards Beardsley . . . 561 Autograph : E. E. Beardsley, 57(;. MONOGRAPH VH. .Some Historic Churches. — New England 577 .St. John's Church, Portsmolth, N.H. Henry E. Hovey . . 577 Illustration : Interior of St. .lulin's Church. 579. Autograph. lirnry E. Uovey, 580. Union Church, West Claremont. N.H. Francis Civase . 580 Illustration ; Union Church, West Claremont, 581. AuTOGRAi'H : Francis Chase, 582. Christ Chuuch, Boston. Henry Burroughs 582 Autograph : Henry Burroughs, 588. Christ Church, Cambridge. Nicholas Hoppin 688 Illustration ; Christ Church, Cambridge, 589. AuToiiRAPliK : East Aptliorp, 588; Nicholas lloppin, 692. CONTENTS AND ILLUSTRATIONS. XIX Trinity Church, Newport, R.I., and St. Pail's CnuRrH. Kingston, R.I. Thomas March Clark 592 Autograph : Thomas M. Clark, 594. The Old Narragansett Church. Daniel Goodwin .... 595 Illustration : The Old Naragansett Church, .595. ArToGHAi'H : Danirl Goodwin, 597. Some Historic Churches. — The Middle States 598 The Historic and Ante-Revolutionaky Churches of Lonc; Island. Henry Onderdonk. Jr. 598 AuTOGEAi'H : Henry Onderdonk. Jr., 599. Historic Churches of New Jersey. George Morgan Hills . 599 Autograph : George M. Hills, 605. The United Churches of Christ Church and St. Peters, Philadelphia. Thomas F. Davies 605 Autograph : Thomas F. Davies, 610. Some Historic Churches. — Southern States 610 Maryland (Diocese of Easton). Henry C. L>v Widows axd Ciiildren OF Clehcymen of the Protestakt Knscop.vi, Church. John William Wallace 647 Autograph : John W. Wallace, fiiiO. Christ Church Hospital, Philadeli-hia. Edimrd A. For/r/o, 660 Autograph : Edward .i. Foggo, fiCil. The Orphan House at Bethesda, Ga. .lohn Watrom Beck- tvith .... (ilU AuTOGKAi'ii: John Watrous Beckwith, 665. THE HISTORY AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH 1587 - 1783. Bv WILLIAM STEVENS PERKY, D.n., L1,.D., Bishop of Iowa. CHAPTER I. THE CONNECTION OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND WITH AMERICAN DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT. TOWARDS the close of the sixteenth century the effort to found an empire in the New World, which had more or less occupied the mind of England since the discoveries of the Cabots, began to as- sume importance and promise results. It was an age of restless activitj^ and far-reaching enterprise. In all departments of life men were wont, as was said of Ralegh, to "toil terribly." No pains wei'c spared, whether the effort were to advance the glory of the State, or to increase the indi- vidual's wealth or power. The great dramatist of the day, and of all time since as well, reflecting in his plays the humor of the times, alludes to those who were not willing to spend their youth at home, but went . . " To seek preferment out ; Some to the wars, to try their fortune there; Some, to discover islands far away." ' So universal was this temper of the times that each ambitious s[>irit felt that it . . " Would be great impeachment to his age, In having known no travel in his youth." ' Although the fairest and most inviting portions of the continent, which had been first discovered by English expeditions nearly a centuiy before, were in the grasp of other and rival nations, and only ' Two Gentlemen of Verona. Act I., Scene III. * Ibid. 2 HISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. SIGN MANUAL OK HENKT \n. the Virgin's land, Virginia, remained for those who sailed in the service of the Virgin Queen, in which to lay the foundations of England's dominion in the West, the work was attempted as a " boundcn dut}' " of the State and Church. For Church and State went hand in hand in these eftbrts for discovery and settlement. Without doubt John Cabot, who, under the auspices of King Henry VII., on the Feast of St. John Baptist, 1497, first discovered the American continent, carried with him, in his ship "The Matthew," of Bristol, some minister of the Church of England, as j^et uni'e formed ; while a year later the royal bounty was extended to a priest going to the New-found-land ' of the western hemisphere. Earlj'^ in the sixteenth centurj' a canon of St. Paul's, London, Albert de Prato, appears upon the American coast, who addressed his patron, Cardinal Wolsey, in a letter not extant, from the harbor of St. John's, Newfoundland. But it was not destined that the Church of England, unre- formed, should people with her sons and daughters these distant lands. A new spirit was to animate the nation ere the settlement of a land, designed in the providence of God to be the home of civil and religious liberty, was to be successfully at- tempted. Itwastliusthatthe English Church, delivered " from the tyran- nye of the Bishop of Rome, and all his detestable enormities ; " ^ purified in the fier}' furnace of the iNIarian persecutions from Romish error, as well as freed from Romish rule, entered upon the work of adding new realms to the dominions of the Cross, with the same intrepidity and tire- less zeal which iaspii-ed the adventures of English captains sailing out in quest of mines, or fisheries, or furs. Discoveiy and settlement lie- came, in fact, acts of faith. The sj)irit in which these expeditions were undertaken is plainly dis- closed in the instructions prepared Ijy the vener- able Sebastian Cabot,asgovernor "of the mysterie and couipanie of the Marchants aduenturers for the discoueric of Regions, Dominions, Islands and places unknowen," under the direction of King Edward VI., for the expedition under Sir Hugii Willoughby, despatched, in 1553, to attempt the discovery of the northern passage to Cathay. These brave explorers, who ..." The jiassajje sought, attompteJ since So much in vain, ami eceminf; to be shut By jeaious nature witli eternal bars — " ' mtjif^ AUTOGRAPH OF HENRV VIII AUTOGRAPH OF EDWARD VI. ■ In Nicolas's " Exccipla Ilistorica," pp. don, upou a pi'cst fur his shipp goin^ towards the 8!)-l33i several curious entries compiled from Xcw Ilaiidc, £20." the Privy Purse Expenses of IviiiL' IlcurT VII., , ™.. ]-n„i|s|, refer to the patronafre exteude.l l.y the Kin},Mo yj_., p,avcr.book the voyo^'crs to the West. Ouc wc sid>ioin; ' 1498, March 24, to Lanslot Thirlkill, of 1-ou- book. Thomson's " .Seasons, Litany of 1549, King Edward Winter. CHUUCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVEltV AND SETTLEMENT. 3 had with them "Master Kiehard Stutlbrd, Minister ; " and the three ships of KiO, 12(1, and ^M) tons' l)urden, respectively, made ui), as Fuller in his "Worthies" tells us, "the tirst reformed Fleet, which had Eu<'lish fliUASTlAN CAliOT. prayers and i)reacliinirt]ier(Mn." Tt was strictly enjoined in Cabot's code of instructions "that the morning and c\ening j)rayer, with other com- ' This cut follows ii i)lii)tc);;nipli taken from lS2i, Vol. ii., ]>. 2n,S, ami .1 plioto-icdnction of the Ch:i|)in:ui copy oltlie ori^'inal. Tlie ork'iiial that eu;,'i'aviii)r appeals iu NiilioH's " Life of Se- was en^'iaved when owned by t'hailes .J. liar- bastian Uabol." Other enfnaviiij^s have appeared fold, Esq., for Seyci's '• .Memoirs of Bristol," iu Sparks's "Aiuer. Bio^'.," ^■oi. IX., etc. 4 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. mon services appointed by the king's majestic, and lawes of tliis realme, be read and saidc in every ship, daily, l)y the minister in the Admirall, and the march;int or some other person learned on the other ships, and the Bible or paraplirases be read devoutly and Christianly to God's honour, and for his grace to be obtained, and had liy humble and heartie praier of the Nauigants accordingly." ' Tragic as was the result of this ill-tated expedition so far as the " Admiral " and his hapless crew were concerned, all of whom were frozen to death while wintering in the har- bor of Arzina, in Russian Lapland, the great work of discovery, checked during the bitter and bloody reign of Queen Mary, was resumed with fUoJxyt \^t CjiAM^nc AUTOGRAPH OF QUEEN MARY. visor when the land was again free " Good from the rule of Rome order" in the "dayly service" and prayers unto God for success were enjoined in the instructions given to the voyagers sent out by the Rus- sian Trading Company, at the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, while the AUTOORAPH OF QUEEN ELIZABETH. incidental mention of this requirement, in the midst of other directions, proves that attendance u})on the church's daily prayers was a recog- nized duty incumbent upon all men. In the name and fear of God did these old explorers and advent- urers i)ut forth upon the almost unknown sea. The Body and 151ood of Christ was their viaticum, and the last home-words that fell upon their cars were the prayers and praises of the "Book of Common Prayer." The cross, with the arms of England at its foot, marked their discoveries and tiieir chosen sites of settlement ; and the words of their English Book of Prayer were said at morn and even, wherever these dauntless voyagers pursued their wa}', — North, till the impenetral)le ice barred their path; South, till the farthest points of both hemispheres were reached ; West, till in tlu; broad rivers and inland seas of the New ' .Vnderson's "Colonial < liiircli," I., p. 25. CHURCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVKHY AND SETTLEMENT. 5 World they dreamed of iinding a speedier way to Cathay and the spice- yielding East. Evorywherc these sailoi's and settlers went till the fame of England's Queen and the faith of England's reformed Church were known tiiroughout the world. Each new acquisition of the unknown land, lying in the direction of the sctfing sun, was so much virgin soil rescued from Spanish thraldom and Rome's inquisitorial sway. Each city sacked, each galleon captured on the Spanish JNIain, took somewhat from the luxm'ics of the pampered priests, or held in check Ihe growing rapacity of Philip's court. So thoroughly did this crusading spirit pos- sess the English mind that the very freebooters of the age, such as Drake and Cavendish, who kuew no peace with Spain " beyond the AUTOGKAPH OF SIR FRAJIOIS DRAKE. line " that marked the Pope's gift of the Western World to that king- dom,^ carried chaplains among their motley crews, and numbered in their train not a few who dared to die by the rack or in the flames rather than give up, at the bidding of the pitiless inquisitors of Rome, the little faith they had. Thus was it with all the captains sailing to the Spanish .Main, and finding amidst the islands and Ui)ou the seas of the West In- dies, and all along the coast of South America, the spoils of successful contests with the galleons of Spain. The exploits of the noted captains who sought gold and glory in ceaseless strife with Spain, the nation's formidable foe, have each their record of daily common prayer and solemn services and sacraments, conducted by the adventuresome priests of the Church of England, who were the chaplains of fleets that ruled all waters, and sailed fearlessly around the glol)e. We cannot wonder at the mingling of religion and politics shown in this hatred of Spain and distrust of Rome. Memories of the Smithticld and Oxford fu'es had not died out from the popular mind. The racks and thumb-screws, and all the appliances of the Inquisition, found in the shattered hulks of the "Armada," and borne in open view through the streets of Lon- don to the Tower, where they are still preserved, told plaudy of Romish intolerance and the Spaniards' cold-blooded hate ; and the humblest sailor of these ships of discovery felt that the victory or advantage of Spain would light anew the INIarian fires and burn out free- dom and faith from the laud. As these men were in earnest in theh" work, so they were ennoiiled by it, and they did well their part, daring ' In 1493 the western hemisphere was de- nius IV., in 1438, to the crown of Portugal, .luim- elarcd, by a decree of Pope Alexander VI., to aginary line was supposed to be drawn from pole belonfrto the united kingdoms of Castile and Ai'- to pole, a hundred leagues west of the Azores; ragon. In order not lo inlcrfcrc, however, with all discoveries to Uie east of which were assigned a previous grant made by a bull of Pope Eugc- to Portugal, ami all to the west to Spain. 6 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. danger and death in the strife, wiiose guerdon was a continent's redemp- tion. The old charters and letters-patent, the records of the trading companies, and the very log-books of the ships of adventure, displaj" a peculiar mingling of evangelizing and commercial projects. The printed accounts of these adventures, or the " advertisements," as they ^ra^^f^^^^ were often styled, designed to enlist the interest and sympathy of the public in the schemes for discovery and colonization, always refer to " the carriage! of God's AVord into tiiose very mighty and vast countries'" which is cxjiressly stilted as a primary object of the expedition of 8ir Humphrey GillK;rt in l.'')8.'>, — the lir.st attempt of the English lo colonize the New World. This deep, religious feeling was not suilV'red to ex- pend itself in words. In llie licet of" liftcon sayleof good ships" which left Ilarwicii on the i^lst of May, 1578, under the command of Martin CHURCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVEUY AND SETTLEMENT. 7 Frobisber, one of the most stirring spirits of the times, was, as Hakhiyt quaintly tells us, "one Maistcr W'olfall, a learned man, ai)pointed by her Majestie's Councell to be their Minister and Preacher," who, "being well seated and settled at home in his owno countrey, with a good and large liuing, hauing a good, honest woman to wife, and very towardly children, being of good reputation amongst the best, refused not to take in hand this painefuU s^oyage, for the onely care he had to saue soules and to refonne these infidels, if it were possible, to Christianitie." This worthy man was the first missionary priest of the reformed Church of England who ministered on American shores, and the record of his ser- vices among the ice-fields at the North, as given by the old chronicler we have already quoted, is full of interest, as indicating the spirit in which these adventurers essaj'ed the settlement of the Meta Incognita they had found : — Maister Wolf all on Winter's Fomace, preached a ffodlj- sermon, which Ijeing ended, he celebrated also a Communion vpon the land, at the partaking whereof was the Captain of the Anne Francis, and manj- other Gentlemen, and Souldiers, Mariners, and Miners with him. The celebration of the diiiine mystery was the first signe, seale, and confirmation of Christ's name, death, and passion euer knowen in these quarters. The said M. Wolfall made sermons, and celebrated the Communion at sundry other times in seuerall and sundiy ships, because the whole company could neuer meet together at any one place. AVhile this solemn service and sacrament were taking place far to the northward on the eastern coast, there were pressing on their way through the Straits of jNIagellan, and all alona; the western shores of the New World, the voj^agers in the "Pelican," under the adventure- some Francis Drake. The story of Drake's fulfilment of his purpose and prayer, when, at the first sight of the Pacific Ocean, "he fell upon his knees and implored the divine assistance that he might at some time sail thither and make a perfect discovery of the same," is written by his chaplain, Francis Fletcher, and the end and aim of this famous voyage, in which the world was circumnavigated, was, by capture, conquest, and sack, to wreak vengeance on Spain for injuries which diplomacy had failed to make good. It was while sailing to the north- ward that the great seaman discovered, in 1579, the coast of Oregon and that part of California which now belongs to the United States. On this coast, in "a convenient and fit harbor," on the first Sunday after Trinity, June 21, they landed for repairs. Here, at a gathering of the natives, who seemed to regard their visitors as superior beings, Drake called his company to prayers. In the presence of (he abo- rigines of this distant land, these rough sailors, who scrupled not to plunder or murder everj- Spaniard they met, lifted their eyes and hands to heaven, to indicate by these symbolic gestures that God is over all ; and then, following their chaplain's lead, thej' besought their God, in the church's prayers, to reveal himself to these idolaters and " to open their blinded eyes to the knowledge of Him and of Jesus Christ, the salvation of the Gentiles." It is interesting to note that this strange service took place on the eve, or else on the Feast Day, of St. John the Baptist.' Later, on leaving the scene of their sojourn, it was only by • J{;uiative and Critical Histoiy of America, m., p. 70. 8 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. THE ARMS OF ENGLAND. prayers and the singing of psalms that the departing voyagers were able to dissuade the simple natives from " doing sacrifice to them " as gods.' It was thus that the church's prayers were first heard on the Pa- cific coast ; and in taking solemn possession, by the planting of the cross with the arms of England aflixed thereto, of" New Albion," for England's Queen, the far west of our national domain was claimed for the Church of tlie English-speaking race. To Francis Fletcher, the priest of a motley crew, belongs the honor of being the first in English orders who ministered the Word and Sacraments within the temtor^^ of the United States; and if, as is probable, the "fayre and good baye" where he repaired his ship, and where the events we have referred to occurred, was the baj' of San Francisco, it was on this spot that the words of the Common Prayer were first heard on the Pacific coast. The attempt of Frobisher to mine for gold upon the inhospitable shores of Hudson's Bay failed, as did, a few years later, the efforts of Sir Huniphrej' Gilbert, to whom was assigned by the Queen letters- patent, bearing date of June 11, 1578, "for the inhabiting and planting of our people in America." This gallant Christian knight, nearly allied with that "prince of courtes}'," Sir Walter Ralegh, entered upon the work of peoi)]ing the New World with Englisli immigrants, with an honest purpose i)f securing "the full possession of these so amj)le and pleasant countreys for the Crown and people of England." Among the motives urging him to undertake this labor were " the honour of God " and " compas.sion of poore infidels, captived by the deuill, tyrannizing inmost wonderful and drcadi'ul manner over their l)odics and soules, it seeming prolwble that God hath reserved these Gentiles to be reduced into Christian civility by the English nation." It was for the spread of the Christian faith that Gil- bert hazarded life and fortune in these schemes o f settlement ; a n d the preg- nant clause of the first charter granted for the e8tal)lishmentof an English col- ony on American shores that the laws and ordinances of the settle- ment " be, as neere as conveniently may, agreeable to the forme of * Nan-ativc and Critical llistoiy of America, in., p. 70. ^yj AUTOGRAPH OF OF Sm HUMPHREY GU.UERT. CHURCH CONNECTION WII'II DISCOVEUY AND SETTLEMENT. 9 the laws and pollicy of England ; and also, that they l)e not against the true Christian faith or religion now professed in tlie Church of England," attest both his loyally and lovo of niothcr-ehureh. Al- though conceived and undertaken in this spirit, the expedition itself, in the familiar words of our prayers, (luoted l)y the old chronicler, was "'begun, continued, and ended,' adversly." At the outset great delays and disappointments were experienced, and when at length the expedition had set sail, it was driven hack by a Spanish lleet with loss of ships and men. A few years later the adventurers succeeded in reaching St. John's Harbor, Newfoundland, where Gilbert and his comi)any landed on the tenth Sunday after Trinity, August 4, 1583. On the following day Sir Humphrey took formal possession of St. John's and the neighboring country, and, in token of his feudal rights, received, "after the custom of England, a rod and a turfle of the same soile." Of the three laws he set forth for immediate observ- ance, the first provided that the I'eligion of the coloiij', "in publique exercise should be aecordin2; to the Church of England ; " the others enjoined the maintenance of the royal prerogatives. Having thus settled the government and religion of Newfoundland, Sir Humphrey undertook the exploration of the coast of the main-land to the southward, but the loss of one of his ships forced him to change his course for England. The little " frigat " of ten tons burden, which carried this iutrci)id navi- gator, foundered amidst the "outrageous seas," and Sir Humphrey, who was last seen by the crew of his companion vessel " sitting abaft with a booke in his hand," and crying out, " We are as neare to heaven by sea as by land," was prevented by this fate from being the first settler within the limits of the United States, and, possibly, from shaping the relig- ious history of New England in the direction of conformity to the Church of which he was a faithful member. But death and disappointments could not check the spirit of ad- venture now rife in England ; and the zeal for the evangelization of the heathen beyond the sea, which now animated the English Church and realm, soon found expres- sion in acts as well as words.' Ralegh, to whom may be given the proud title of " The Father of American Colonization," was impatient to win the prize autograph of sir walter ualegh. which his half-brother had failed to secure. The year following Sir Humphrey's loss a fresh patent was granted by the t^ueen to her favorite courtier, vesting in him and his heirs the powers and privileges which had been bestowed upon Sii" Humphrey. As before, provision was made that the laws ' "The carriage of God's word into those very Englaiul to plant a coluny, show clearly that a mighty and vast countrcys," to quote the word's moving cause iu the enterprise was the wish and of Ilaies, one of Gilbert's captains, andthechron- belief that it was destined, iu tlie counsels of the icier of his ill-starred fortunes, was a labor of so .Mmi^'hty, that England slioidil bear the evangel high and excellent a nature as should, indeed, of our IJord Jesus Christ to the savages of the " make men well advised how they handled it," western world. Thus is the first clfort to and Haies as well as Sir George PecUman, " the found a settlement nf the English race upon our chief adventurer and furtherer of Gilbert's American shores pl;iinly proved to be an attempt voyage," in their published reports of "the heavy to promote the spread of the Christian faith by siicceise and issue of" this "first attempt" of the evangelistic labor of the English Church. 10 HISTORY OF THK AMERICAN EPISCOPAF, CHURCH. "be not against the true Christian faitii nowe professed in the Church of England." These letters-patent bear the date of Lady-day, 1584, and on the 27th of the following month two harks, well furnished with men and provisions, commanded by Masters Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlowe, respectively, set sail from the west of England at the charge and by the direction of Ralegh. About two months were spent by these adventurers on the coast of North Carolina, which they reached on the 4th of July (old style) ; and, having kidnapped two of the natives, Wanchese and Manteo, and gained some vague infor- mation Mith respect to the natural productions of the country and the manners and customs of the people, they returned ty England, where they arrived about the middle of September. The story of this voyage, written by Barlowe, spread far and wide the fame of the paradise dis- covered in the New World. A rude map, made during the expedition by the adventurers themselves, a copy of which was afterwards published by De Bry, represents the large vessels riding at anchor outside the sound, while a single-masted pinnace, bearing at its prow a man holding an uplifted cross in liis hand, is making towards the shore as if to testify the desire of the adventurers for the propagation of Christianity in the lands they had discovered. That this desire was no mere passing thought subsequent events fully proved. The Queen, deeming her reign signalized by the discovery of so fair a land, gave to it the name "Virginia." Ralegh soon oljtained from the Parliament, in which he i-epi'csented his native Devon, a bill conlirming his patent of discovery. He was shortly afterwards knighted by his royal mistress, and the means were provided, by the grant of a profital)le monopoly, wliich enabled him to prosecute without delay his schemes of settlement. Seven vessels, under the command of Ralegh's cousin, Sir Richard Grenville, a brave and gallant knight, whose life and death were heroic, comprised the fleet that set sail from Plymouth, on Good Friday. April 9, 1585, to plant a colony in the New Virginia. Master Ralph Lane, afterwards knighted by the Lord Dejiuty of licland for his military services in that unhappy ^-^ r-7-2_ ^^- land, was .ipjiointed governor LJ/ n^KrL^ /CCv^_,^__ °^ ^^ ""*^ hundred and eight ■^^-v^ /7^ /y ^ colonists who were to found Ihe /^^^ (y ClZx~I^ first sett lenient in (he New World. C^ — Master I'iiilip Amadas, who was one of the discoverers of the site of settlement, was commissioned as "Admiral of the Country." First on the list of those, "as well gentlemen as others, that remained one whole year in Virginia," is the honored name of " Master llariot." the historian of the colony, and still rememl)ered as the inventor of the system of notation used in modern algcsbra. It is to the keen observa- tion of the natural products of the country by Tiiomas llariot that the world owes the knowledge of the value of the tubc^rous roots of the po- tato and thi^ "many ran; and wonderful" virtues of the tobacco-iilant. Among the "principal genth^men of the company" was Cavendish, its "High Marshall," who afterwards circunmavigated the world, and was knighted by the Queen ; and the wise forethought of Ralegh had CHURCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVEEY AND SETTLEMENT. 11 provided that John White, an artist of merit, should accompany the expedition, whoso water-color studies from life of the ahoii^ines, their hahits and modes of living, as well as of the plants, birds, and beasts of CAVENDISH. Virginia, are still preserved in the British Museum,' and were at the time reproduced in the fascinating pages of De Bry. Others, men of family and fortune, together with not a few " bad natures," as Hariot ' An interesting account of these one hundred collection in the British Museum, is found in the and twelve water-color drawings, in the Sloane "Arcliwolo^'ia Americana," IV., pp. 'iO-i'). 12 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. styles them, made up the expedition, which had, at least, its outward recognition of religion in the appointed " prayers " at which, as we learn from the same chronicler, the aborigines were sometimes present as interested attendants on the settlers' common prayer and praise. Anthony Wood, in his gossiping " Athenio Oxonienses," ' has at- tempted to impugn the orthodoxy of Hariot ; but this accusation is refuted, not only by contemporary authorit_y, but by his own words, which, as the tirst published record of missionary etibrt among the aborigines of our land by a member of our mother-church, are well worthy of our notice. Ia"ABriefe and Ti'ue Report of the New Found Land of Virginia," after descril)ing the undisguised wonder of the simple natives at tlu; siglit of the mathematical inslruuicnts, the lime-pieces, burning-glasses, tire-arms, and books of the colonists, Hariot proceeds as follows : — They thought they were rather the workes of gods than of men or at the least wise they liad l)ene giueii and taught vs of the gods. Wliieh made many of them to haue such an opinion of us, as that if they knew not the trueth of God, and religion already, it was rather to bee had from vs, whom God so specially louod, than from a people that were so simple, as they found theraselues to be in comparison of vs. Whereupon greater credite was giuen viito that wee spake of, concerning such matters. JIany times and iu euery towne where I came, according as I was able, I made declaration of the contents of the Bible, that therein was set foorth the true and onely God, and his mightie workes, that therein was conteined the true doctrine ol saluation through Christ, with many particularities of ^Miracles and chicle points of Religion as I was able then to vtter, and thought fit for the time. And although I told them the bookc materially and of itselfe was not of any such virtue, as I thought they did concciue, luit onely the doctrine therein conteined; yet would many be glad to touch it, to embrace it, to kisse it, to hold it to their breastes and heads, and stroke ouer all tlieir body with it, to show their hungry desire of that knowledge which was spoken of But even these evidences for God's Word were far from being the sole results of Harlot's zealous etlbrts iu behalf of the natives, — ertbrts designed, as he observes in the same narrative, that they "might live together with us, be made partakers of His truth, and serve Him in righteousness." A man of prayer him.sclf, both by example and teach- ing, he impressed these gentle savages with a sense of the value of prayer. The Wiroana (or chief) with whom we dwelt, called Wingina, and many of his people would bee glad many times to be with us at our prayers, and many times call vpon us both in his owno towno, as also in others, whither heo sometimes accompanied vs, to pray and sing Psalmes, hoping thereby to bo partiikers of the same elleet,s whicli wo by that means also expected. Twise this Wiroans was so grievously sicke that he was like to die, and as he lay languishing, doubting of any hclpe by Ills owne priestes, and thinking hee was in such danger for oO'ending vs, and thereby oiu" God, sent for some of vs to pray and bee a means to ovr God, that it would i)lcase Him that he miglit line, or after death dwell with llim in blisse: so likewise were the requests of many others in the like case. If (he leaders of the expedition had shiired the high and holy pur- poses and missionary zeal of Harlot its history would have; been far diflercnt. Its appointed head soon showed him.self unworthy of his < Bli<«'8 edition, II., p. 299. CHUKCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVERV AND SETTLEMENT. 1 ;^ position. Willi him words took the place of deeds, and his speedy desertion of iiis post appears in marked contrast with his professions of martyr-like devotion to the cause ho had undertaken. From "Port Ferdinando, in Vii'jrinia,"' tlic governor addressed the following words to Sir Francis \\'alsnighani, Ilcr Majesty's Secre- tary of State. We have modernized the orthography, which, in the original, is especially defective : — Myself have undertaken, with the fiivor of God :ind in His fear, with a good company more, as well of gentlemen as others, to remain here the return of a now supply; as resolute rather to lose our lives tlian to defer a possession to her m.ajesty, our country, and lliat our most noble Patron. Sir AValter Ralegh, of so noble a kingdom, as by his most worthy endeavor and infinite charge, as also of your honor and the rest of the most honorable the adventurers, an lionorable entry is made into (by the merey of God) to the conquest of; and for mine own part do find myself better contented to live with fisii for my daily food and water for my daily drink in the prosecution of such one action tlian out of the same to live in the greatest plenty that tlie Court could give me; comforted chiefiy hereunto with an assurance of Her Majesty's greatness hereby to grow by the addition of such a king- dom as this is to the rest of her dominions ; by means whereof likewise the Churcli of Christ through Christendom may, bj- the mercy of God, in short time find a relief and freedom from the servitude and tyranny that by Spain (being the sword of that Antichrist of Rome and his sect) the same hath of long time been most miserably oppressed with. Not doubting, in tlie merey of God, to be sufiiciently provided for by Him, and most assured bj' faith in Christ, that ratlier than He will suffer His Enemies the Papists to triumi)li over the overthrow of this most Christian action, or of us His poor servants, in the thorough famine or other wants. — beinc; in a vast country yet unmannered, though most apt for it, — that he could commantl even the ravens to feed us, as He did by His servant the Prophet Habakkuk ( !) and that only for His mercy's sake. . . . From the Porte Ferdinando in Virginia tlie 12th of August, 158.5. On the same day the governor wrote to Sir Philip Sydney some further "ylie fashioned lynes," proposing an expedition against the island of St. John and Hispaniola, as San Domingo was then called, by which the forces of the King of Spain could he diverted from England to the West Indies, and begging the gallant Sydney, who had earlier contemplated leading a colony of settlers to the New World, not " to refuse the good opportunity of such a service to the Church of C-'hrist, as the seizure of the mines of treasure, in the possession of Spain, would be." Deeply may we regret that these words of daring, and their promise of self-denying devotion to the mighty enterprise in hand, found so inadequate a fulfilment. A few weeks of loneliness in the wilderness unmanned both governor and colonists, and the high hopes of the moment of debarkation were forgotten in an overmastering longing to I'eturn to home and friends across the Atlantic. But little remains to mark the site of this first settlement upon American soil. The records of the colonists fix the location of the modest fort and village, erected by these early adventurers, not far from the northern point of the island of Roanoke, just enough removed from the shore to he sheltered from the ocean gales by the headlands and the forest, while the outlook upon the waters whence their sui)plies were to come was not obscured. Traces of the entrenchments are still 1 These iutcreTHtiu^ lettei'sare found in " Arclia?olo_i^ ia Aincrieana,"N'oI. rv., pp. 8-18. 14 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. to be S(5en, with here a gate-way, flanked by a deep trench, and there a bastion, thrown out at the angle of the fort. The pine, the live-oak, and other forest trees, draped with luxui'iant vines, and standing in the midst SIR KKANCI.S HRAKE. of a dense undergrowth, have tilled the ditch and overgrown the site. In the rank grass a moss-covered stone, or a fragment of briek, are all (he relies that remain of Italegli's settlement on lloanoke Island. At this spot Lane and his little company remained until the litth of .lune. 1 JS(). The governor, by this time, liad grown dissatisflcd with CHURCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT. 15 the site chosen for the settlement. There was no harbor in which the ships of Enffland, coming with succors and supplies, could ride at anchor in safety. To the northward the governor had found a fairer site. On the shores of Chesapeake Bay the difficulties and dangers environing them in their present location could be met and overcome. Lacking in sorely needed supplies, on ill terms with the natives, whom Lane liad harshly treated, it was with no little joy that, on the 8th of June, the colonists discovered the horizon lieckeil with the white sails of the fleet of Sir Francis Drake. The noted freebooter at once offered to his countrymen the needed supplies. He added the proffer of some of his prizes ; but a sudden gale drove one of these ships to sea, while the others were of too great burden to enter the nai'row roadstead, which was their only harbor. Suddenly the colonists determined to abandon their new home, and Drake assented to their request for transportation to the mother-land. A fortnight later the first supply-ship, sent by Sir Walter, reached the American coast, and shortly after followed Sir Richard Grenville, with three ships, bringing the promised stores. It was in vain that Sir Richard sought for the colonists, now half-way across the Atlantic, and, leaving fifteen men on the deserted island, amply provisioned for two years, he returned to England. Lane never revisited his American domain. By his inexplicable desertion he lost the opportunity of an immortality such as has fallen to but few. NOTES, CRITICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL. WE assume, as is generally conceded, that the C'abots' voyage of discovery took place in 1497, and was followed by a second voyage the following year. The patent granted by Henry Vn. to John Cabot, or Ziian Caboto, as his name appe.ars in the Venetian archives, his three sons, their heirs and assigns, provided that the expe- dition was to be " at their own proper cost and charge." The "prima tierra vista" was taken possession of by the formality of planting a cross, with the insignia of England and St. Mark, and by the proclamation of the right of the King of Eng- land to the new discovery. Though the discovery made by the Cabots was that of a continent, still the result of these voyages made imder the royal patronage and those on private account were followed by few results. The sending of the little fleet, under Willoughby, in the spring of 1553, to the north-east, and the subsequent incorporation of the merchant adventurers with Sebastian Cabot as their head, were undertaken by the merchants of London, with a view of checking the decay of ti'ado in England by opening a new outlet abroad for the manufactures of the nation. But this was not the only incentive urging Englishmen to attempt the colonization of the New World. Richard Eden, in his " Decades of the Newe Worlde or West India," etc., published in 1555, expresses the earnest desire that the faith of Christ may be extended by the conversion of the natives of these distant lands ; — " How much, I say, shall this sound unto our reproach and inexcusable sloth- fulness and negligence, both before God and the world, that so largo dominions of such tractable people and pure Gentiles, not being hitherto corrupted with any other false religion (and therefore the easier to be allured to embrace ours), are now known unto us, and that we have no respect neither for God's cause nor for our own commodity, to attempt some voyages unto these coasts, to do for our parts as the Spaniards have done for theirs, and not ever like sheep to haunt one trade, and to do nothing worthy memory among men or thanks before God, who may 16 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHIKCII herein worthily accuse us for the slackness of our dutj' toward him." The plans ripe in London ero the year had closed in which the discovery of America was made, contemplated the fitting out by the king early in the following spring of an expedition to colonize the new discovery. •• .Vll the convicts " were to be placed at the disposition of Cabot, and with the expedition there were expected to go "sev- eral poor Italian monks," wlio had " all been promised bishopricks." ' The gos- siping writer of these report-s to the Dnke of Milan thought the benefices in store for him "a surer thing" than the " archbishopric," which he felt confident of ob- taining through liis acquaintance with the " Admiral." This second voyage, evi- dently a scheme of colonization, proved a failure. One of the ships, in which a " Friar 15uel" sailed, returned to Ireland damaged, and the adventuresome ecclesi- astic failed to seciu-e the well-earned and promised mitre. For years all schemes of discovery and colonization in the distant west were substantially abandoned. It was lelt, as we have said, to the men of the reformation to undertake and carr}' out successfully the colonizing and Christianizing of the shores of North America. The religious spirit ot tlie reformation age pervaded literature and life. Even the slave-traders wcMit forth to their cruel work, as though it were a crusade. Sir John Hawkins, knighted by Queen Elizabeth for his success in this iniquitous traffic and for the wealth brought through his voyages to the realm, sailed in a ship named ••Jesus," and his sailing orders close with words expressive of his religious faith, as well as his practical good sense: "Serve God daily; love one another; pre- serve your victuals; beware of fire; and keep good company.' By the first in- junction was meant the daily morning and evening prayer of the church, and it was after the use of these solemn forms of wor.ship that they proceeded ilay by day to carry out their nefarious plans. In their reverses, as well as in their successes, they recognized the interposing of God, " who never suffereth his elect to perish." ' Even Hawkins's coat-armor, by its mingling of the pilgrim's scallop-shell in gold between two i)almer's staves, would seem to indicate that, in the judgment of the Herald's Office, the capture of Africans and the sale of human flesh was the " true crusade of the reign of Elizabeth."^ It should be borne in mind, in explanation of the creed and practices of Hawkins, Drake, and other "freebooters" of the age, that thei'e was •'no peace with Spain beyond the line"; and that both of these noted voyagers had been the victims of Spanish treachery when lying peaceably at anchor in the port of San Juan d'Ulua. Attacked both by sea and from the land, but two of the five ships composing tlie fleet escaped; and the captives, at least a hundred in number, fell into the hands of the Inquisition, where their sufferings, save in a few exceptional cases, were only terminated by death. As Dr. Edward Everett Hale forcibly puts the case in " The Narrative and Critical History of America " (Vol. iii., p. 6f) : " If Hawkins's account of the perfidy of the Sjjaniards at San Juan d'Ulua bo true, — and it hivs never been contradicted. — the S])anish ( 'rown that day l)rought down a storm of misery and rapine from which it never fairly recovered. The accursed doctrine of the Inquisition, that no faith was to be kept with heretics, (n'oved a dangerous doc- trine for Spain when the heretics were such men as Hawkins, Cavendish, and Drake. On that day Francis Drake learned his lesson of Spanish treachery ; and he learned it so well that he determined on his revenge. That revenge he took so thorougldy tliat for more than a lumdred years he is spoken of in all Spanish an- nals a-s 'The Dragon,' a play upon his name, ' Dracu^,' or ' Draco.' " Numerous relics of Frobishcr's voyages were obtiiincd by Captain Charles F. Hall in his first expedition to seek for traces of Sir Jolm Franklin, 180i)-18G2, some of which are deposited in the National Musiuni in Washington. The purpose of leaving a party to winter in these northern latitudes was shown by the erection of a house of lime and stone on the Countess of Warwick's Island, where numerous articles were deposited. Had the '■ ore," of which more than thirteen huiidreil Ions were taken iicross the ocean, proved of value, the chill of winter and the dan- gers of an almost unknown sea would not have deterred crowds of adventurers from seeking their fortune on these inhospitable shores. Lacking the slinnilus of gold, further cfl'ort lor the settlement of these lands was wanting, and the keen search of the sailors of England for the discovery of new territories in the Western World wa.s elsewhere directed. The chief authority for the famous voyage of Drake is "The World Encom- passed bySirFrancis Drake, . . . Carefully ('oUectod out of the notes of Master ' Nuri-otivo ttiid Critical History of Amcricii, in., p. 5^. ; Mi'./., |i. (;:). /hid. CHURCH CONNECTION WITH DISCOVERY AND SETTLEMENT. 17 Francis FU'lchcr, Prpachor in tliclr employment, aiul divcis otiiors, his followers in the same ; UflV-red now at last to publiciuo view, bolli lor the honour of the lulor. hut especially lor the stirring vp of licroick sjiirits, to benefit their country, and eternize their names by like noble attempts." London. -Ito. IG28. This vohnue of upwards of orie hundred pajifes was reprinted in 1603, and has been reissued l)y the llakluyt Society, in l.s."),5. The narrative of the V03-age is found in the general collections of Il.aklu'yt, Harris, and others. Mr. Fronde, in his History of England (\'oluine xi., chapteV 2'.>). gives a brilliant account of the expedition, with an amusing episode of an incident in the i)iiaeher's experience on tlic return voj-age, which illustrates the grim hiniior of the times. S. G. Drake, in the "Genealogical and Antiquarian Register," gives a partial list of the companions of Drake, and in the "American Historical Record " (Vol. in., pp. 3t l-0.5;5) , under the title, " The First EnglishnKin in North .\meriea," reexamines tlie whole suljject of the vo3age and voyagers. Ho pronounces "The World Kneomp.assed " "as a literary performance " to be "of the first rank of that jieriod." Ralegh is not only to be regarded as the founder of the transatlantic colonies of England, but also has the credit of securing for the colonists tliose guarantees of political rights and pvivilogos wliichforiucd the grounds on which, in later years, the people of North America made successful issue with the mother-land in the struggle which resulted in indejiendence. In the charter granted to him on Ladj'-day, 1584, not only was he empowered to plant colonies upon " such remote heathen and barbarous lands, not actually pos- sessed by any (Christian prince nor inhabited by Christian people," as his expedi- tions might discover, but the lands thus acquired by discovery were to be enjoyed by the colonies forever, and the settlers themselves were to "have all the privileges of free denizens and persons native of England, in such ample manner as if they ■were born and jiersonally resident in our said realm of England," and thej' were to be governed " according to such statutes as shall be by him or them established; so that the said statutes orlaws conform as near as conveniently may be with those of England, and do not oppugn the Christian faith or any way withdr.aw the people of those lauds from our allegiance." It was through the far-seeing wisdom of this accomplished soldier and statesman that the English in America were enabled from the very beginnings of settlement to claim all^'the jirivileges, franchises, and im- munities enjoyed and possessed by the people of England. The subjects alluded to in this chapter are fully and authoi'it.atively treated in the opening pages of "The Narrative and Critical History of America," Vol. m. To this exhaustive work we ^^•ould refer for the latest and most judicial treatment of the many disputed questions which have arisen with reference to our early annals of discovery and settlement. The positions assumed in the text are those so ably maintained by Mr. Winsor and his collaboraleurs. CHAPTER II. SERVICES AND SACRAJIENTS AT RALEGH'S COLONIES AT ROANOKE, ON THE NORTH CAROLINA COAST. THE pusillanimous desertion of the colony by Lane failed to dis- couraire the hiirb hopes and purposes of Ralegh. The governor himself had home testimony, iu the freshness of his tirst enthu- siasm, that it was "the goodliest soil under the cope of heaven; the most pleasing territory of the world." The climate was "whole- some," and, with the presence of people and the domestic animals, "no realm in Christendom Merc comparable to it." Hariot, also, in his " Brief and True licport of the New Found Land in Virginia," dedicated "to the adventurers, favorers, and Mcll-willers of the enterprise for the inhabiting and planting iu Virginia," which was published in Eng- land the following jear, had attested the fertility of the soil and the healthiness of the climate. It M'as not difficult, therefore, for Ralegh to collect another party of settlers, numbering one hundred and fifty. Of this colony, which for the lirst time numbered among its mcml)crs Avomen as well as men, John White was appointed governor ; and twelve assistants, spoken of in the charter as " gentlemen," and " late of Lon- don," were associated with him in the administration of the government. The charter of incorporation for the settlement contemiilated the cs- lal)lishmcnt of a municipality under the name of "The City of Ralegh, in Virginia," and a fleet of three transi)orts, chartered for the advent- urers, set sail from Portsmouth, on Frida3% the 8th of May, the da}^ fol- lowing the Feast of the Ascension. In the charter given by Sir Walter to the adventurers tliere is mention of a donation of one hundred pounds sterling, made by Sir AValter Ralegli, to be invested by them as they pleased, the profits of the venture to Ite applied " in })lantiug the Chris- tian religion, and advancing the same." This is the first gift on I'ccord for the evangelizing of our American shores. 15y the last of July, after various misliai)s, the colony Jiad disembarked, not on the slioros of Chesapeake Bay, as Sir A\'aher had proposed, but at ill-fated Roanoke, where the first sight that met their eyes was the l)ones of one of the fif- teen men left in the fort ])y Grenville, after Lane's desertion of both fortification and setth'mcnt. Tiic fort had l)ccn razed, the houses were tenanted only by the wild deer, attracted by the luxuriant growth of melons, wliicii had clambered through tlu; ojien doors and windows and covered the ruined palisade. Tlic unfortunate fifteen, as was subse- quently ascertained from the natives, had been attacked l)y the savages. Tlie survivors, l)ot;ilving tlicmsclves to tlicir boat, floated to a small island near Ilaltcras, and, on llicir r(>moval tlience, probably in search of Croatoan, were lost sight of forevci'. SERVICES AND SACUAMENTS AT ROANOKE. 19 " Tlic suiiclry necessary and decent dwelling-houses," left by Lane, were at once repaired, while "other new cottages" were built ; and the colon}' under White, which numbered ninety-one men, seventeen women, and nine children, was soon established in its New- World home. We can without diliiculty picture the daily lite of these strangers in a strange land. We cannot doubt but that the "daily prayer," which Hariot tells us was attended by those who founded the earlier settle- ment under liane, was not omitted now, when, as wo have every reason to believe, a priest of the Church of England formed one of the set- tlers, or at least transferred his duties as chaplain of the little tleet to the shore, while seamen and settlers sought to lay the fountlations of the city of IJalegh. The drum-beat was doubtless their sunniions to prayer, and the motley crowd of gentlemen and ycomi-n, the soldier in his light armor, the settler in his homespun, the friendly savage in his paint and feathers, the women thinking of the noble churches in the far-away home of their early days, the children wondering at all they saw and heard, — these made up the grouping as the simple matins and even-songs of mother-church were fervently said. The day thus opened and closed would be spent in the ellbrt to build and beautify the home, in striving to gain experience and alertness in the use of weapons of defence, in hunting the timid deer, or fishing from the I'ocks and in the little streams, or else in trafhc with the aborigines. Expeditions of discovery along the coast or into the interior ; meetings with the friendly Indians in council, or preparations against the sudden attacks of those who had been alienated from the English by the ill- judged severity of Lane; the cultivation of the virgin soil, or the preparation of the grateful narcotic so recently introduced to English use, — in these occupations the days went on. The kindred of Manteo, a chieftain who had been taken to England by the tirst discoverers, and had returned to his home with Lane, lived on the island of Croatoan, and with them friendly relations were at once estal)lished. In contrast to the kindly disposition of Manteo was the implacable hate of ^Van- chese, who had also been carried to England, but who, on his return, became the bitter foe of the colonists. Through his influence the eflbrts of the English to secure the friendship of the aborigines on the main- land failed. Shortly one of the settlers, straying incautiously from the fort, was killed l)y the hostile natives. In the attempt to avenge this loss, by a night attack, one of the friendly savages was unfortu- nately slain, having been mistaken for a foe. Thus untowardly the work of founding the city of Kalegli went on to its accomplishment. On the loth of August the faithful Manteo was adniittcil to Christ's Church by holy baptism. This administration of the sacrament had been provided for by Ralegh ere the expedition sailed from England, and, in accordance with the proprietary's will, the neophyte was made Lord of lioanokc and Dasinonguepeuk, in recognition of his faithful and untiring service. This act of christening took i)lace on the ninth Sunday after Trinity. On the following Sunday, Virginia, daughter of Ananias and Eleanor Dare, and granddaughter of the governor, White, who was born on Friday, the 18th of August, was christened, beiuu " the iirst Christian borne in Virginia." AVe do not know the name 20 HISTORY Of THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. of the faithful priest of the English Church to whom was given the honor of iulniittiiig to holy baptism, according to the English rite, the lirst Indian convert and the first child born of English parents in the New World. The list of those who remained at lloanoke is extant ; Vnit there are no means of ascertaining who was the priest of the set- tlement, if, indeed, a priest remained, to live and die with the unhappy settlers. But that there was some one in holj^ orders available for this solemnity is to be inferred, not only from the record of the administration of the sacrament, but also from the fact that Ralegh had, as we have seen, made provision for the baptism of Manteo prior to the departure of the expedition from England. It may have been the case that the clergj'mau who officiated at these baptisms was the chaplain of the fleet which brought over the colony, and siiortly after returned with the governor, John White, on board. The departure of the licet with the governor, who had reluctantly j^ielded to the urgings of the colonists in embarking, left i)chind eighty-nine men, seventeen women, and eleven children, two of whom had been born in Virginia. White certainly gave hostages for his speedy return, in leaving behind him his daugliter and grandchild. Already it had been decided to abandon the present site of the colony and to remove to the main-land. It was among (he last instructions of the governor that, in the event of this removal, the settlers should carve, on some post or tree, the name of the place of their new home, and if in distress to cut a cross above the letters. On the 28th of August the ships weighed anchor and set sail for Kngland ; and on the 5th of November the returning voyagers landed at Martasen, near St. Michael's mount, in Cornwall. It was at a time of api)rehension of invasion from Spain that White reached England. The "Armada" was afloat, and Ealcgh, Grenville, and Lane were busied in measures for the defence of the homes and altars of thcjir native land. Still, Kalegh found means to despatch two barks, under tiie connnand of White, M'itii supplies for his colony. But these ships were more anxious to tight the Spaniards than to relieve the settlers at Roanoke, and in their search for prizes one of the two fell in with men-of-war from Rochellc, and after a bloody encounter was l)oard('d and plundered by the foe. Both ships were forced to return to England, defeated in tlicir ])urpose of reaciiing the North Carolina coast. The delay proved fatal, for, in flic culmina- tion of f ho struggle, wliich shortly followed, in which the independence of Ensland and the existence of En<;land"s reformed Church were at stake, there could be no relief for the Roanoke colonists till after the final destruction of the "Armada." At length, whtn victory had been gained and security assured, in the complete overthrow of the Spanish fleet, Sir Walter Ralegh, who had already exjiended forty thousand pounds in his eflbrts for colonizing America, found himself foo nuK'h impoverished to renew the attempt. Availing himself of tiie j)ri\ileges secureil by his letters-jiatcnt he granted U> a com])any of merc-lianfs and advcnturets his rights of ])ro- prietorship in the Virgin's Land beyond the seas. But, notwithstand- ing his large concessions, the company proved laggard in its schemes of colonization, lacking fhe lavish supiiort and persevering counsels SERVICES AND SACRAMENTS AT ROANOKE. 21 of the father of American colonization. It was not till more than another year had elapsed that \\'hite was al)le to return to the shores where he had left his daughter and her child. Touching, indeed, is the glimpse given us, in White's own words, of the fate of these ear- liest English settlers on our American continent. The voyage had not been without misha[)s, and at the approach to the shore the most of a boat's crew were drowned by a heavj' sea : "This mischance did eo nnich discomfort the sailors, that they were all of one mind not to go any further to seek the planters ; but in the end, by the commandment and persuasion of me and Captain Cooke, they prepared the boats, and seeing the ca])tain and me so resolute they seemed much more willing. Our boats and all things fitted again, we put oil' from Ilatorask, l)cing the number of nineteen persons in both boats ; but, before we could • get to the place where our planters were left, it was so exceeding dark that we overshot the place a quarter of a mile ; thei'C we espied, tow- ards the north end of the island, the light of a great fire through the woods, to the which we presently rowed. AVheu we came right over against it, we let fall our grapnel near the shore, and sounded with a trumpet a call, and afterwards many familiar English tunes of songs, and called to them friendly ; but we had no answer. We therefore landed atdaj'break, and coming to the fire we found the grass and sundry rotten trees burning about the place. From hence we went through the woods to that part of the island directly over against Dasamongwepcuk,and from thence we returned by the water-side round aboutthe north point of the island, until we came to the place where I left our colouyin the year 1586. In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the savages' feet of two or three sorts trodden in the night ; and as we entered up the sandy bank, upon a tree, in the very brow thereof, were curiously carved these fair Ivoman letters, C. R. O., which letters presently we knew to signify the place where I should find the planters seated, according to a secret token agreed upon between them and me at ni}' last depart- ure from them : which was that in any ways they should not fail to write or carve, on the ti'ees or posts of the doors, the name of the place where they should be seated ; for at my coming away they wei"e prepared to remove from Roanoke fifty miles into the main. Therefore, at my depai'ture from them in An. 1587, Twilled them, that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places, that then they should carve over the letters or name a + i" this form ; but we found no such sign of distress. And, having well considered of this, we passed towards the place where they were left in sundry houses, but wo found the houses taken down, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisade of great trees, with curtains and llankers very fort-like ; and one of the chief trees or posts at the right side of the entrance had the bark taken off, and five feet from the ground, in fair capital letters, was graven CROATOAN, without any cross or sign of distress ; this done, we entered into the palisade, where we found many bars of iron, two pigs of lead, four iron-fowlers, iron locker-shot, and such like heavy things thrown here and there, almost overgrown with grass and weeds. From thence we went along by the water-side toward the point of the creek, to sec if we could find any of their boats or I 22 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. pinnace ; but we could perceive no sign of them nor any of tlie last falcons or small ordinance which were left with them at my departure from them. At our return from the creek, some of our sailors meeting us told us that they had found where divers chests had been hidden, and long sithence digged up again and broken up, and much of the goods in them spoiled and scattered about, but nothing left of such things as the savages knew any use of, undcfaced. Presently Captain Cooke and I went to the place, which was in the end of an old trench, made two years past by Captain Amadas, where we found iive chests that had been carefully hidden of the planters, and of the same chests three were my own, and about the place many of my things spoiled and broken, and my books torn from the covers, the frames of some of my pictures and maps rotten and spoiled with rain, and my amior ahuost eaten through with rust. This could be no other than the deed of the savages, our enemies at Desamongwepeuk, who had watched the depart- ure of our men to CVoatoan, and as soon as they were departed digged by every place where they suspected anything to be buried ; but although it much gi-ieved me to see such spoil of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly joyed that I had safely found a certain token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was born, and the savages of the islands our friends." The hopes of a speedy reunion with child and grandchild, and the revival on a new site, and with hai)pier auspices, of the cit}^ of Ralegh, and the scheme of colonizing on the American coast, so naturally excited l)y the results of this day of exploration, were to be crushed out for- ever. The skies were overcast. The sailors with difBculty r-egained their ship. In the morning, as they weighed anchor for " Croatoan," the cable broke, and the gale drove them towards the shore. After a narrow escape from wreck, with a sti'ained and leaking bark, and with not a single anchor left, they were forced to turn their course towards the AVest Indies, leaving the colonists to their fate. No further eflbrt availed for their relief. A century later, as the historian of North Carolina relates, the Hatteras Indians, at Croatoan, were wont to tell "that several of their ancestors were white people, and could talk in a book as wc do ; the truth of which is conlirmcd by gi'ayeyes being found frequently among these Indians, and no others. They value themselves extremely for their affinity to the English, and are ready to do them all friendly offices." The tradition of these Indians may shadow forth the fate of some of these unfortunate colonists, or possibly may eluci- date the mystery attending tiie disappearance of Grenville's liftecn men. But in the "History of Travaile into Virginia Ikitanuia," by William Stracliey, recently published ' from a manuscript in llu' Ilritish Museum, there are incidental references and statements, wiiich lead us to infer that the IJoanoke settlers survived amidst their savage friends till about the year 1G()7, at which time "the men, women, and children of the lirst ])lanfation at Koanoke were, by practice and commandment of Powhatan (he himself persuaded thereiuito by his ]n-iests), miser- ably slaughtered, without any oH'cnce given him, either by ihe first planted (who twenty and odd years had peaceably lived intermixt with 1 By the lUkluyt Society, 1S49. SERVICES AND SACRAMENTS AT ROANOKE. 23 those salvages, and were out of liis territory ") . In another I'cfcrencc to this matter 8trachcy tells us that "at Kitanoe, the AVcrouncc Eyaiioco preserved seven of the English alive, — four men, two hoys, and one young maid ( who escaped and ilcd up the river of Chanokc) , — to beat his copper, of which he had certain mines at the said Ritauoo." Vague and imperfect as these and other incidental allusions contained in Straelie\''s history are, the}' certainly imply that some of " these unfor- tunate and betrayed jjcople " escaped the " miserable and untimely des- tiny " which involved the major part of them in destruction, and com- municated in some way with the settlers at Jamestown. Certainly the "one young maid" may have been the first-born Anglo-American, Virginia Dare, or else the other child of Virginian birth, whose sur- name was " llarvic," and who was douljtless born just before the em- barkation of White. These arc the only two on the list of settlers given us by White, who could have been spoken of as " maids" in 1607. Possil)ly, though, from the lack of authority, there can be no cei'tainty of the tact, the scanty remnant of this unfortunate colony may have been incorporated with the Jamestown settlers. We may be thankful that there is even a gleam of hope that the iirst-ljorn of the Virginia Church and State, may have found her way back to civilization and Christianity, after many vicissitudes and hardships, and in the rude church at Jamestown, and amongthose of her own race, though stranger to her than the savages, heard, with interest and delight, the words of the same " Book of Common Prayer " out of which had been read the office of her christening. CRITICAL NOTES ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION. THE connection of Sir 'Wiilter Ralegh with American colonization forms the sub- jectof an interesting chapter in " Tlic Narrative and Critical History of America." The story of the voyages undertaken In' this gifted man in I'urtlici'anee of the task he had so much at heart is told from the original accounts, by the Rev. Increase N. Tarbox, D D., in his " Sir Walter Ralegh and his Colony in America," issued by the Prince Society tliis present year. This volume contains, besides a Memoir of Ralegh : I. Charter in favor of Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, for the Discovery and Planting of New Lands in America, 2.5 March, 1 5S4. II. The First Voyage to Amer- ica under the Charge and Direction of Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, 1.584 (by Arthur Barlowe). III. The Second Voyage to America under the Charge and Direction of Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, lyb-5 (chiefly furnished to llakluyt by Ralph Lane, Sir Richard Grenville possibly contributing a small portion of the narrative). IV. The Third Voyage to America under the Charge and Direction of Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, 1.^86. V. Introduction to the Narrative of Thomas Hariot, by Ralph Lane. Vr. Historical Narrative, by Thomas Ilarint. VII. TheFourtli Voyage to America under the Charge and Direction of Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, b587 (by John White). VIII. "The Fifth Voyage to America under the Charge and Direction of Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, l.JS)u. The annotations by Dr. Tarbox are pertinent and valuable. The original sources of information respecting the Colony of Ralegh are as follows: I. ArthurBarlowc'sDiaryof the Voyage (April 9-October 18, bJ84), printed by llakluyt, and reprinted Ijy Dr. Hawks in his " History of North Carolina," and by Dr. Tarbox, as noticed above. H. (jovcrnor Ralph Lane's two letters to Sir Francis Walsingham and liis letter to Sir Philip Sidney, August 12, 1.38.3, together with Lane's third letter to Walsingliam, of Sept. S, luSo, printed for the first time in " ArchiBologia Americana," iv, pp. 8-18, and edited by the Rev. Edward E. Hale, 21 raSTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. D.D. ; and an extract from Lane's letter to Richard Hakluyt, of the Inner Temple, dated Sept. 3, 1585, printed by Hakluyt and reprinted by Dr. Hawks. HI. "Harlot's Narrative ;" first issued in 1588, and published by Hakluyt the following year, and by De Bry in 1500. IV. Lane's Narrative, as given by Hakluyt. This account, and that by Uariot, -will be found in Ur. Ilawks's "North Carolina,"' and in Dr. Tarbox's "Sir Walter Ralegh and his Colony." V. " A Summarie and Trvo Discovrse of Sir Francis Drake's AVest Indian Voyage, wherein were taken tlie Towncs of Saint Jago, Sancto Domingo, Cartaijena, and Saint Augustine," by Tliomas Cates, Lon- don, IJS'J, and re])rintcd in the Iburth voliune of Hakluyt, 1600. VI. " The original Drawings of the Habits, 'I'owns, Customs of the West Indians ; and of the plants, birds, lislies, &c., found in Greenland, Virginia, Guiana, &c., by Jlr. John White," preserved in the Sloanc Collection in the British Museum. The " Critical Essay," appended to ^Ir. William Wirt Henry's cha])ter on Ralegh in " The Narrative and Critical History of America," gives in detail noticesof the various sources of infor- mation, both original and secondary. Between the years 1587 and 1 J02 Ralegh fitted out, at his own charge, five ex- peditions to Virginia. It "required a ])rincc's purse" thus to attempt the coloniza- tion of his Virginian domain, and he only ceased his labor and lavish expenditures in the prosecution of his plans when ho lost the royal favor and became a jirisoner under sentence of death. In the last year of Queen Elizabeth's reign be despatched Samuel Mace, a mariner of experience, with special orders to relieve the survivors of White's colony. On the return ot Mace, Ralegh's interest in the colony had es- cheated to the crown by his attainder. Still his faith in tlie ultimate success of the eflbrts for colonization he had inaugurated was unchanged. On the eve of his own fall he had written, " I shall yet live to see it an English nation ; " and. tliough it was from the towcr-ccll and the scaffold, he lived to see his words fullilled. It w.as provided in the charter granted to Ralcgli, on Lady-day, ].")84, that the statutes, laws .and ordinances be "as ncre asconucniently may bee, agreeable to the foi-me of the lawes, statutes, and gouernient, or pollieie of ICngland. and also so as they be not against the true Christian faith, nowc professed in the Church of England." — Tarbox's Sir Walter Ralegh and his Colonij in America, p. 100. Wo cannot doubt but that a priest of the English Church accompanied this expedition, and on occasion of the baptism of Mantco, as well as at the christening of Virginia Dare, performed the service as found in the " Book of Common Prayer." Although there is no indication of the name of this missionary priest in the list appended to White's narrative giving "the names of all the men, women and children, which safely arriucd in Virginia, and remained to inhabite there, 1587, Anno regni llcginaj Elizabetha3, 29,'' the absence of the title is no proof that there was no clergyman among the settlers. It may be th.at Roger Daily, whose name apjiears on tlie list ne.\t to that of the governor's, and before that of his son-in-law, Ananias Dare, was the one who ministered to the colony in spiritual I hings : — but this is only con- jecture. It is quite milikely that the mystery attending this question will ever be dispelled. Manteo, the lirst-lVuits of llio aborigines of our land to Christ .and his Church, had been twice in England, having been taken in the first jjlaco by Cajitains Amidas and Barlowe, in 1581. Returning to his native land with Sir Richard Gren- ville, in 1585, he again crossed the Atlantic with Sir Francis Drake, the following }'{!ar. In company with another savage, 'i'owaye, he accompanied the expedition of Wiite in 1587, and remained friendly to the Knglish. while AVanchese became tlieir implacable foe. There is reason to believe that in the removal of the Roan- oke settlers to Croatoan the advice of Manteo was followed, and that among his kindred and under his ])rotection the colonists patiently awaited the exi)eetcd relief Ironi ICngland, which never came. But for Powhatan's murderous interference, at the instigation of his priests, jealous, it may have been, of the inllucnee of the Lng- lish in leading others than Maiit(H) to Chri.st, there might have sprung up an .\nglo- Indian comniunily. Christianized and civilized, and inaugurating the con(iuest of the New World to Christ and his Clninh. The references in Slrachey's " Ilistorio of Travailo into Virginia" to the Roanoke settlers, are as follows: — I. In the author's " Cosmographic of Virginia," in his first chapter, he thus incidentally alludes to them: "This high land is. in ;ill likclyhoodcs, a pleasant tract, and the mowld fruictfuU, especi;illy wh;it may lye to the .so-ward; where, at Poccarccamek and Ochanaliocn, by the relation of lilochumps,' the pooplo have ' An Iiidiiin wlio liiul visited Enu'laml, tlic brollicr of \Vin?nniiskc, i» favorite Hife of Pow- liat.in, iiinl im ofra^iniial ^^iicst at tlie lioiisc of the governor, Sir Tliomas Dalo. Vijf Stracbcy's " lli,i..ri,-."ii,. JO, r.t.'Jl. SERVICES AND SACRAMENTS AT ROANOKE. 25 howses built with stone walles, and one stoiy above anotlier, so t;iught them by tliose Englishe whoo escaped the shiughter at llcaiioak. at what tymo tliis our col- ony, under tlie conduct of ('apt. Newport, hmdod within the Chesapeake Bay, where the i)ea])le breed up tamo turkeis about their howses, and take apss in llic moun- tains, and wliore, at Kitanoc, the Weroance Eyanoco' preserved seven of the Eng- iisli alive — tower men, two boyes, and one yonge niayde (wlio escaped and Hed up the river of Chanoke), to beat his copper, of wliich he hath certain myncs at tiie said Ritanoe, as also at ramawauk are said to bo store of salt stones," p. 26. It would appear from this reference that, at tlie time of the landing of Captain Newport, in IC07, there were " Englislie wlioe escaped the slaughter at Iloanoak " living at " I'eccarecamck and Oclianahoen," evidently incorporated among the In- dians in these communities, and conti'ibuting to the comfort and civilization of their captors and preservers. Still, as the Rev. Edward E. Hale, D.D., in commenting on this p;issagc in " Ardiwolngia Americana"' (Vol. iv., p. ;?C) observes, "it must be confessed that this tantalizing passage is very obscure." Another extract, " still more obscure," is as follows : — II. " Yet noe Spanish intention shalbe entertayned by us, neither hei'eby to root out the naturalls,^ as the Spaniards have done in Hispaniola, and other parts, but only to take from them these seducers, .... declaring (in the attem|)t thereof) unto tlie several weroances, and making the comon people likewise to un- derstand, how that his majestie hath bene acquainted, that the men, women, and children of the first plantation at Uoanoak were by practize and comaundement of PowhaUm (he liimself perswaded thereunto by his priests) misoraljly slaughtered, without any oft'ence given him either by the first planted (who twenty and od yeares had peaceably lyved intermi.\t with those salvages, and were out of his territory) or by those who nowe are come to inhabite some parte of his desarte land," etc. — Strachei/, pp. So, S6. In the third chapter of his " Historie," Strachey, describing " the great king," Powhatan, refers to the same massacre as follo^vs : — III. "He doth often send unto us to temporize with us, awayling perhapps a fit opportunity (inflamed by his furious and bloudy priests) to offer us a tast of the same cuppe which he made our poore countrymen drinck of at Ronoak." — p. 50. Again, at the close of chapter fourth of the second book of his "Historie," Strachey refers to the return of John White to England, in 15S9, in these words : — rV. " Howbeit, Captaine Wliite sought tliem no further, but missing them tliere, and his company havinge other practizes, and which those tymes afforded, they returned, covetous of some good successe upon the Spanish fleete to returne tliat yeare from Mexico and the Indies, — neglecting thus these unfortimate and betrayed people, of whose end you shall yet hereafter read in due place in this decade." — p. 162. From this reference, and another contained in the " Prosmonition to tlie Reader," to the effect that Ralegh " endeavoured nothing less then the relief of the poore planters, wlio afterward, as you shall read in this following discourse, came there- fore to a miserable and untymely destiny" (p. 9), it is evident that Strachey was aware of the particulars of the fate of the Roanoke colonists. Unfortunately tlio remainder of the " decade" is imperfect, and we can only, Ijy the careful compar- ison of the extracts we have cited, infer that a number of the Roanoke settlers survived the massacre incited by Powhatan and were living among the savages at the time of the arrival of Capt. Newjaort, in 1C07. It is possible that a second mas- sacre may have occurred after this date, occasioned by the fear of the Indian chief- tain that the later settlers might, if they learned of the liardships to wliich tlieir countiymen liad been subjected, avenge their wrongs. If this were so it would account for the silence in the early narratives of the Virginia settlement with ref- erence to tlie subject. It is not impossible, however, that some of tlie sur\ivors communicated with the settlers at Jamestown, if they did not escape from captivity and rejoin their countrymen in their new Virginiiui home. Certainly this is not an unreasonable supposition, and as such we have engrafted it in the text. We lind the following statement on the margin of p. 1728 of Vol. rv. of " Purchas Ilia Pilgrimes,''' — "Powhatan confessed that heo Iiad bin at the murthcr of that [Ralegh's] Colonic, and shewed a Musket barrell and a brasse Morter, and cer- taine pieces of iron which had bin theirs." Still, unless the missing portion of Strachey's "Historie" should be recovered, the fate of the Roanoke settlers will ever be shrouded in mysteiy. ' Commander or governor. ' Aborigines. CHAPTER in. FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS AT THE MOUTH OF THE KENNEBEC. THE beginniug of the seventeenth century witnessed renewed and more successful eflbrts for American colonization. In the spring and early summer of 1G02 Captain Bartholomew Gosnold, a mari- ner of the west of England, Avith a company of thirty-two persons in all, spent several weeks on the island of Cuttyhunk, situated at the south of Buzzard's Bay, on the Massachusetts coast. On this island, which was " overgrown with trees and rul)l)ish," a site was fixed upon for a settlement, a cellar was dug and stoned, and a house built, which was thatched with sedge and fortified with palisades. Here wheat, barley, oats, and peas were sown, and in a fortnight the young plants " were sprung up nine inches and more." But when a valua1)le cargo of sas- safras, cedar, furs, and other commodities had been obtained for the retui'n voyage, there arose dissensions among the adventurers, and the uuml)cr of those who had agreed to remain rapidly dwindled till " all was given over," and, on tlie 18th of June, the whole company set sail for England, where they arrived after a five weeks' voyage to find themselves involved in the meshes of the law for their violation of Sir Walter Ralegh's patent. The lack of Sir \Valtei''s permission would of itself have been fatal to the success of an attempted settlement, and the letter of Ralegh to Cecil, in which he invokes redress, clearly asserts that the expedition " went without ui}' leve and therefore all is confiscate." ' This letter indicates that a chief promoter of this unau- thorized enterprise was the notorious Henry Brooke, Lord Cobham. No later reference to the settlers at Roanoke than that neither Gil- bert, " Lord Cobham's man," who Avas Gosnold's associate, nor Mace, who had arrived at AVeymouth in Ralegh's ]iinnace, from Virginia, " spake with the people," appears in Sir Walter's correspondence. The toils were already enclosing him, which jn time bound him for the slaiiglitcr, the victim of royal faitiilessncss. The following year, l(i();5, .Martin Bring, under the patronage of the merchants of Bristol and with the formal consent of Ralegh, vis- ited the New England coast, and spent nearly two months in the har- bors of Plymouth and Duxbury.*^ Here Pring erected a "barricade," and, in cnndation of (iosnold's experiment, sowed " wheate, Barle}', Gates, I'ease, and sundry sorts of Garden seeds, which for the time of our abode, being about seven Weeks, although they were late sown ' Eilwank's " I-ife of Sir Wiillcr Ralccli," "Gosnohl nml I'linfr, 1602-3," in N.K. Ilisl.Gon. II., p. 2.'i.3. f'iile critical iiolcs nt cikI (if cliiiplor. Ticg., .X\.\1I., pp. 7G-80. Hilf, also. Ma;;, of Am. ' I'itU Uic Rev. Dr. DcCosla's article on Hist, Vllt., I'art II., pp. 807-Sl'.l. FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHUKCH SETTLERS. 27 came vp very well." Accompanying these expeditions of Gosnokl and Pring was liobert Saltcrnc, who, shortly after his return to England, took orders in the English Cluirch. As the sacred calling to which he so soon devoted his life was doubtless in his mind while seeking adventure or recuperation in these noteworthy voyages of discovery it is not an unlikely supposition that as a layman he conducted the services of the Church for his companions of travel, both at sea and on land. If tliis conjecture is correct — and there is every reason in its favor — tiu! pra3'crs and praises of the Leyden settlers, whose landing on Plymouth Rock has become historic, were anticipated by the forms of the Church of England in the very locality where the " Pilgrim Fathers " lived and died. Saltcrne's account of Pring's voyage, as con- densed in Smith's " General History," concludes with the following pious couplet : — " Lay hands vnto tliis worke with all thy wit, But pray that God would speed and profit it. " ' On Easter-day, the last day of JNIarch, KiOS, an expedition, under the command of George Waymouth, "weighed anchor, and put to sea in the name of God," from Dartmouth Ha- ff y~ ^^^^ . ui^j^^ /j r ven. The pro- ^^J^'"'^ "Zf^ ^^W<^^^, moters of this enterprise were Henry Wriothes- ley. Earl of autograph of george watmocth. Southampton, the accomplished patron of Shakespeare, and his brother-in-law, Thomas Arundell, Lord Wardoui*. " The sole intent of the honor- able setter.s-forth of this discovery," as we are informed by Rosier, the chronicler of the voyage, was " not a little present profit, but a public good, and true zeal of promulgating God's holy Church, by planting Chi-istianity." In the middle of May the adventurers reached the shores of New England, discovering, as they sailed along the coast, the island of Monhegan, which they hoped would be " the most fortunate ever discovered." " The next day," proceeds the chronicler, " being Whitsunday," they anchored in "a convenient harbor, which it pleased God to send us, far beyond our expectation," and "all with great joy praised God for his unspeakable goodness, who had from so apparent danger delivered us, and directed us upon this day into so secure an harl)or, in remenibrance whereof wo named it Pentecost Harlior." On " Whitsunmouday, the "iOtli day of May," they landed and dug wells, planted peas, and barley, and garden seeds, lingering for more than a fortnight among "the pleasant fiuitfulness." At length, on Wednesday, the 29th of May, the shallop, brought in pieces from England, was prepared lor use, and, as a mark of discovery and possession, the record tells us "we set up a cross on the shore side 'The Ti-vo TravcH, AcU-cntmes, and Ohservationg of Cajitain Jolm Smith. Richmond reprint of the original edition of 1GJ9, i., p. 109. 28 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. upon the rocks." On Thursday, May 30, "Waymouth, with thirteen men, " in the name of God, and with all our prayers for their pros- perous discovery and safe return," departed in the shallop on a voyage of exploration up the river, — doubtless the Kennebec, at whose mouth they had been riding at anchor. On Friday, the rjo; in'^nif^c/tDO Jcji SmitllS c^cis -to leai-L) ji^ tliy JatnCito mah.Bfdj'c Steck ou^watre.. ■iuw thou art Virtues, SourkHamptart As. Ja ""JafUiLsJcuIjuir. SMrru'S MAP OF NEW ENGLAND, 1814. voyagers returned, having a-scended the river for forty miles. Mean- wliile trade iiad befrun witli tiic savages, and a mutual good-will estal)lished. On Saturday the CJiptain had two of the natives at supper "in his cabin, to see their demeanor, and had them in presence at service : who Ixihuved themselves very civilly, neither laughing nor FOKT ST. GEOKGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS. 29 talking all the time, and at supper fed not like men of rude education." The following morning trade was intermitted, " because it was the Sabbath day ; "' but the week thus scrupulousl}' l)egun was not half over when Wa^ymoiith kidnapped " live savages and two canoes, with all their bows and arrows ; " while on " Sunday, the IGth of June, the wind being fair, and because we had set out of England upon a Sunday, made the islands upon a Sundaj', and as we doubt not (by God's appointment) happily fell into our harbor upon a Sunday; so now (beseeching him still with like prosperity to bless our return into England, our countrj', and from thence with his good-will and pleasure to hasten our next arrival there) we weighed anchor and quit the land upon a Sunday." The names of these enslaved savages were "Tahdnedo, a Sagamore, or commander; Am6ret, Skicowdros, i\Ia- neddo. Gentlemen ; Saflacomoit, a servant." ' "We are assured that they " never seemed discontented," but were " very tractable, loving, and willing." Their exhibition in England, together with the glowing recitals of the returned voyagers, who had seen the coast of Maine in the beautiful mouth of June, gave a new impulse to western ad- venture. The presence of the captives at Plymouth, where Waymouth had brought them, enlisted the interest of the royal governor. Sir Fer- dinando Gorges, who was thus incited to a lifelong and most persistent devotion to •^ / Z ^^-^/y IJi /\1^/J/1Q schemes of American coloui- / v^C^ijC ' / ^^^k'^^ zation. "And so it pleased our ^ ^^ -~>.^_L <^ --^ gi-eat God," wTote Gorges, ^ that AVajTnouth " came into the harbor of PljTDOUth, where I then commanded. adtocraph op sn? FERDrNAKo gorges. I seized upon the Indians ; they were all of ouc nation, but of several Parts, and several Fami- lies. This accident must be acknowledged the means under God of putting on foot, and giving life to all our plantations." Gorges took three of the savages into his home, was at pains that they should be insti'ucted in the English language, and " kept them full three years." From them he obtained information of the " stately islands and harbors " of their native country : " what great rivers ran up into the land, what men of note were seated on them, what power the}^ were of, how allied, what enemies they had, and the like." It was thus that he was led to become, in the words Dradtord, of PIjTiiouth, records, "not only a favorer, but also a most special beginner and furtherer of the good of this country', to his great cost and no less honor." ^ The condition of atTairs in England was now favorable to schemes of colonization. There was a redundancy of population throughout ' Of these unfortunate aborisines, the fii-st and — Mans. Hist. Soc. Coll., xxvi., p. 682. " Assa- third, also si ylcd Dehamda aiut Skitwan'cs, were cuniei" appeai-s to have come over with Capt. returned in the Popham expedition. Tlie two Hobsou iu 1614. — Drain's Old Ind. Chronielt, last, whoso names appear as Xlanuiilo ami Assa- p. 14. Vide, also. Me. I/Ut. Soc. Coll., v., p. 332, eomoit, embarked with Capt. lleniy Challous, and Sar.and Crit. fIist.,m.,p.lSO. Au^. 12, 1606, and were taken as prisoners into - Dradtbrd's Letter 15ook. — Alasa. Iliat. Soc. Spain with the i-cst of the ship'^ rompanv, whore Coll., first series, IU., p. 63. we are told that both of the uatives '* were lo**t." 30 HISTORY OF TUE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUKCH. the land ; the parishes found it difficult to maintain their poor, and the cessation of warlike operations by sea and land, which during the days of Queen Elizabeth had given occupation to man}- in all depart- ments of life and trade, threw out of employ a number of restless spirits, whose love of adventure led them to seize eagerly the opportunity to form a new empire in the "West. Gosnold, who could, from personal knowledge, attest the fertility of the American shores, and who doubtless remembered with chagrin that it was only the timid- ity or treachery of his associate, Bartholomew Gilbert, " Lord Cob- ham's man," as Ralegh styled him, that prevented his estaljlishment of a colony when on the JMassachu- setts shores, had already associated with himself in a scheme of coloni- zation a few brave spirits, afterward to be well and widely known in connection with the far-distant Vir- ginia. These were Captain John Smith, Mr. Edward-jNIaria Wing- ADTOGKAPH OF siE JOHN POPHAM. field, and the excellent Rol)ert Hunt, a clergyman of the church.' For upwards of a year these, and others of like mind, sought to effect their purpose, till, at length, reinforced by the assigns of Ralegh, among whom Richard Hakluyt, Prebendary of AVcstmin- ster, the promoter and chronicler of American discovery and settle- AtrroonAPH of rev. kichard haivluyt. ment, was preeminent, and gaining the countenance and support of the Lord Ciiief Justice of England, Sir John Popham, and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as similar schemers had earlier secured the sup- port of the Earl of Southampton and Lord Anindci. the king, James I., gave the first charter of Virginia, on the lUth of Aprfl, IGOG. At this i)eriod not an Englishman, save the captive sur- vivors of the Roanoke settlers, is kiiown to have l)een in the belt of land coni|)rising twelve dogrecs, and stretching from Cajx! Fear to Ilalifax. "The Great Patent of Virginia" assigned flic right of colo- nization between the ;$4th and 45tii degrees of north latitude to "two several Colonies and Companies." One of these, denominated in the ' William Simons, D.D., in " Smiili'^ IIi4or)-," i., p. 119. FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS. 31 charter the Fir.«t Colony, consisting of "certain Knights, Gentlemen, JMcnchants and other adventurers of our city of London, and else- where," was restricted to tlic territory lying between the 34th and 38th degrees of north latitude, that is, from Capo Fear to the south- ern border of j\lar3'land. To the Second Colony was given the exclusive right to occupy the country between the 41st and 45th degrees. This company was composed of " Sundry Knights, Gentle- men, ]\lerchants and other adventurers, of our cities of Bristol and E.xeter, and of our town of Plymouth, and of other i)laces." The religious nature of the scheme is expressed at the outset : " We, greatly commending, and graciously accepting of, their Desires for the Furtherance of so noble a work, which maj'-, by the Providence of Almighty God, hereafter tend to the Glor}^ of his Divine Maj- esty, in jn'opagating of Christian Ileligion to such People as yet live in Darkness and miserable Ignorance of the true Knowledge and \\'or.ship of God, and may in time bring the Infidels and Savages, living in those parts, to human Civility, and to a settled and good Government : Do, by these our Letters Patents graciously accept of, and agree to, their humble and well-intended Desires." A council in England was charged with the general superintendence of the whole colonial system, while the appointment of a subordinate council for each colony provided for the local administration. The members of the Supreme Council were appointed solely by the king, and held their ofSce at his pleasure ; the ultimat(! decision of all matters, whether grave or moral, rested with the monarch. The rights of free-l)orn Englishmen were secured to the colonists and their descend- ants. Provision was made for a revenue to be levied on vessels trading in the harbors of Virginia, while the colonists were permitted to import goods for their own use, free of duty. A tifth of the gold or silver, and a fifteenth of the copper, mini^d in either colony, was reserved for the Crown. The privilege of coining money was con- ceded, and the seals of the Superior Council and its local subordi- nates were miuutel}' prescribed. In the list of the original patentees to whom " the Great Patent of Virginia " M-as granted, the names of Goiges and Popham do not appear. Hakluyt was one of the incorporators of the London Com- pany, and the brother of the Chief Justice, George Popham, and Ralegh Gill)ei't, son of the eminent explorer Sir Humphrey, and nephew of Sir Walter Ralegh, were associates of the Plymouth Company. Although not included among the original patentees, the Lord Chief Justice despatched, within a month after the charter had passed the great seal, — " a tall ship belonging to Bristol and the river Seveme to settle a plantation in the river of Sagadahoc ; " and in the following August Sir Ferdiuando Gorges sent out a ship, under the command of Henry Challons, with two of the savages brought over by Way- mouth as pilots, with a view to the same end. Both of these ventures came to naught, as the Spaniards captured the ships ere the}" reached the American coast. But another vessel, sent two months later by Chief Justice Popham, of which Thomas Hanham, one of the patentees, was in command, and Martin Pring, the master, reached the shores of 32 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. jNIaine in safety, and, after making a careful survey of .the coast, returned with such glowing accounts of the land the}'' had visited that it was determined to send out planters the following sprmg to found a settlement at the mouth of the Sagadahoc. It was in consequence of the mishaps of these voyages of explora- tion that Virginia was settled a few months prior to the occupancy of the coast of i\Iaine. Sailing from Plyraoutli on Trinity Sunday, May 31, 1607, on the lirst day of June, the " JIary and John," under Captain Ralegh Gilbert, and the "Gift of God," under Captain Popham, left the " Lizard," on their westward journey. Parting company at the Azores, where the " ]\Iary and John " had a narrow escape from the Nether- landers, who detained Gilbert, under the charge of piracy, while the " Gift of God " sailed on without stopping to succor her consort, the two vessels met off the island of JNIonhegan on Friday, the 7th of 'August. At midnight of this auspicious day Gilbert, with a number of the adventurers and the native " Skidwarres," rowed to Pemaquid "amongst many gallant islands," the "weather being fair and the wind calm."" Landing in a little cove, to which the savage had directed their course, the explorers crossed Pemaquid Point, and after a march of three miles reached the Indian village of Nahanada, one of Way- mouth's captives who had returned with Pring the previous year. Received at the first with distrust, as was but natural, an interchange of kindly words and ofhces followed, and the English remained for nearly two hours, visiting the wigwams and receiving evei'y token of welcome. On the afternoon of Saturday the party returned to the ships. On Sunday, the tenth after Trinity, the settlers held a solemn service on Monhegan, where they had earlier found across, which thej"^ conjectured had lieen raised by Wayraouth, but which it is more likely was erected by Pring. The record of the voyage, in the Lambeth Librar3s^ whence we have drawn many of our particulars of this expe- dition, gives us in full the story of this Sunday service : — "Sunday being the 'Jth of August, in the morning the most part of our whole company of ])oth our ships landed on this Lsland, the which we call St. George's Island, where the cross standeth, and there we heard a sermon delivered unto us by our preacher, giving God thanks for our happy meeting and safe arrival into the country, and so returned al)oard again." Strachey, in his narrative of this event, alludes to the preacher by name as Mr. Seymour, and speaks of "the chief of both the shipps with the greatest part of all the company " as forming the congregation of this first service of the Church, of which we have record, in the Eng- lish tongue and on the New England coast. "With deep solemnity must the words of common prayer and common praise have sounded on the ears of that little company of worshippers. Those words remain as our heritage, and we can call up the scene under the tall cross, the symbol of our salvation and a proof of English occu[)ancy for Christ's > " A Ucliiliiin nf n Vovajic to Sft^,'iiil:ilinr," now (ir^t minted from the orijiinal MS., in the I-ttinl)Ctli Libriiiv. I'-ililcil with Prefarc, Notes, anJ Appendices, liy the Rev. IJ. F. DeCosta. 8*. Camhriilge, ISSO! Pp. 1.3. FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS. 33 Church as well as for a Christian State, and recite the verba ipsis- »ima, then for the first time echoing on tiic still air of our northern shores. Among tiie Psalms of the da^' was the Z)e«s noi^ter r?fn(jium, and its words of glad assurance must have had a meaning unknown before : " God is our hope and strength, a very present help in trouble. Therefore Avill we not fear, though the earth be moved, and though the hills be carried into the midst of the sea. Though the waters thereof ANCIENT PEMAQtriD. rage and swell, and though the mountains shake at the tempest of the same. ... Be still, then, and know that I am God : 1 will be exalted among the heathen, and I will be exalted on the earth. The Lord of Hosts is with us, the God of Jacob is our refuge." What more titting words could bo foiuid than those of the second morning lesson, for these worshippers in God's free temples ? — " Iiowl)cit the Most High dwelleth not in temples made witii hands ; as saith the Prophet, 'Heaven is my throne, and earth is my footstool: what house will ye build me? saith the Lord; or what is the place of my 34 HISTORY OF THE AJIERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. rest? Ilath not my hand made all these things ? '" ' It was hallowed "round where these few settlers for the lu-st time raised the note of praise or voice of supplication to heaven, and we may well rejoice that the words then used were those of our own common prayer, with the English Bihlc, which was brought to our shores by these devout colonists. The preacher, Richard 8eymour, there is reason to believe, was a great-grandson of thcDuko of Somerset, who, as"Lord Protector," ruled the kingdom during the minority of his nephew, the boy-king, Edward VI. : and was " related to Gorges, the projector of the colony ; to Popham, its patron; to Popham, its president; and to Gilbert, its admiral, all through the connnon link of the family of his mother."^ Who would be more likely to otfcr himself as chaplain for this expe- dition than this young priest of the English Church? To him belongs the honor of being the first English preacher of the glad tidings of our holy faith in our New England territory. Ilis name \\ill go down to posterity linked with that of the saintly Robert Hunt, the apostle of Virginia, who, at Jamestown, was at this very time using the same prayers and preaching the same salvation. The week following the solemn service was spent in effouts to secure a safe anchorage, which was at length successful, the two ships anchoring side by .side, at the mouth of the Sagadahoc, on Sunday, Aug-ist IGth. On the 18th of the month choice was made of a site for the settlement on the jieninsula of Sabino, and, as the Lambeth "Rela- tion " informs us, on " AVednesday, being the tilth of August, we all went to the shore, where we made choice for our plantation, and there wo had a sermon delivered unto us l)y our preacher, and after the sermon our patent was read with the oi'dcrs and laws therein prescribed ; then we returned aboard our ship again." ^ Sti'achey, in his " Historic of Travaile in Virginia," gives us further particulars of this solemn inauguration of the new settlement by the forms of divine as well as human law. 'HjJc/^xa.fn. ^fra. c-zf/c '^^^'^ " Pi"csident's commission " was read after _/ the sermon, "with tiie lawes to be observed AUTOGRAPH OF wiLLiAJi and kcpt," and tiiis having becu douc, " Gcorgc STKACUEY. Popham, gent., was nominated President, Captain Ralegh Gilbert, James Davies, Rich- ard Seymer, Preacher, Captain Richard Davies, Captain Harlow, were all sworn assistants." Thus was formally begun, in the fear of God and with due reverence to law, the first occupation and settlement of New England, and from this date, and by virtue of these acts, the title of England to this portion of the New \\'orld was assured. The "lawes to bo ob.served and kept," read on this interesting occasion, are still extiint ; they carcfull}' provide at the outset for the spiritual welfare of colonists and savages: "Wee doc specially ordainc, charge, and require, the said jjresidents and councills, and the ministers of the said several colonics respectively, within their several limits and < Acta vii. 4S-riO. » Up. (Joor^rc Itur^'css, in " The Popham Memorial Volume," p. 103. • A lU.'latioD, etc., p. 30. FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS. 35 precincts, that they, with all diligence, care, and respect, doe provide, that the true word, and service of God and Christian faith lie preached, planted, and used, not only within every of the said several colonies, and plantations, but alsoe as niucii as they may among tlic salvage people whirh doe or shall adjoino unto them or border upon them, according to the doctrine, rights, and religion now professed and established within our rcalmc of England, and that they shall not sutler any person or persons to Mitlidrawe any of the subjects or people inhal)iting, or which shall inhal)it within any of the said several colonies and plantations from the same, or from Ihoir due allegiance, unto us, our heirs and successors, as tlieir immediate sovcraigne under God." The conversion of the aborigines is again referred to in this document : " Wee doe hereby determine and ordaine, that every person and persons being our subjects of cverj' the said coUonies and plantations, shall from time to time well entreate those salvages in those pai'ts, and use all good means to draw the salvages and heathen people of the said several places, and of the territories and countries adjoining, to the true service and knowledge of God, and that all just, kind and charitable courses shall be holden with such of them as shall conform themselves to any good and sociable trafSque and deal- ing with the sul>jects of us, our heirs and successors, which shall be planted there, wherel)y they may be the sooner drawne to the true knowledge of God, and the obedience of us our heirs and successors," etc' In this Christian manner was the settlement on the peninsula of Sabino, at the mouth of the Sagadahoc, begun. The following day they entered upon the work of entrenching the site of their new home, and the building of a fort and storehouse. The carpenters busied them- selves in constructing a pinnace, and while these active operations were well under wa}', Gilbert, in his shallop, explored the coast, visiting Cape Elizabeth, noting the almost numberless islands in Casco Bay, and sailing up the Shecpscot and Penoljscot rivei's. Trade was carried on with the Indians, who were treated with kindness and consideration, even when threatening hostilities. A record, under date of October 4th, found in Strachey, gives us an interesting glimpse of the religious life of the settlers : "There came two canoas to the fort, in which were Nahanadaand his wife, and Skid- warres, with the Basshabaes l)rother, and one other called Amenqiun, a Sagamo ; all whomc the President feasted and cntertayned with all kind- nes, both that day and the next, which Ijcing Sondaye,^ the President carried them with him to the place of publike prayers, which they were at both morning and evening, attending y'- with great reverence and si- lence." ^ As the year drew to its close, the " Mary and John," under the command of Capt. Robert Davies, was sent back to England, " with let- ters to the Lord Chief Justice, ymportuninge a supply for the most nec- essary wants to the subsisting of a colony to be sent unto tliemltetymes the next yeare." On the 13th of Deeemljcr, the third Sunday in Advent, two days before the departure of the "Mary and John," the ' Vide Appendix to " A Vindication of the Claims of Sir Fcidinando Goi'frcs, as tlic FatUer of Enjrlish Colonization in America. By John A. l*oor.*' New York ; ISC'2. Pp. 134, 13G. 'The eighteenth after Trinity. ' Uistoric of Travaile, p. 178. 36 HISTORY OF THE AJtERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. president addressed a letter in Latin to the king, in which he writes : " Optima me tenet opinio, Dei gloriam facile in his rcgionibus eluces- cerc, Vestraj Majcstatis imperium ampliticari, et Britanuorum rempub- licam brevitcr augmcntari." "JNIy wcU-considored opinion is, that in these regions the glorj' of God may be easily evidenced, the empire of Your Majesty enlarged, and the public welfare of the Britons speedily augmented." ^ After the departure of the " Mary and John," the fort was com- pleted and fortified with twelve pieces of ordnance. Five - houses were built, besides a church and storehouse, and "the carpenters framed a pretty Pynnace of about some thirty tonne, which they called the ' Vir- ginia;' the chief shipwright being one Digby, of London." On Saturday, the 5th of February, the eve of Quiuquagesima, the president died. " He was well stricken in 3'ears," saj's Gorges, in his " Briefe Narrative," ^ " and had long been an infirm man. Howsoever, heartened bj' hopes, willing he was to die in acting something that might be serviceable to God, and honorable to his country." In the sonoi'ous Latin which he employed in his letter to his king, his epitaph, cut in en- during stone, records for all time to come, — " Leges literasque Anglicanas Et fidem occlesianique Christi In has sylvas duxit."* The loss of so noble a leader was fatal to the new enterprise. The winter had proved exceedingly severe. So extreme was the cold that " no boat could stir upon any business." Still, on the return of Captain Davies, "with a shipp laden full of victuals, armes, instruments, and tooles," all things were found " in good forwardness." The barter-trade with the Lidians had yielded "many kinds of furs ;" a "good store of sarsa])arilla," a root nuich esteemed at that time, had been gathered; and the new pinnace was "all finished." Gilbert, who had succeeded Popham as pi-esident, was compelled to return to settle the estate of his brother, Sir John Gilbert, who had latel^'died, and to whose property he was heir. Besides, the Chief flustice had dictl in England, ere his brother had passed away in America, and as there had Ijcen " noe mynes discovered, nor hope thereof, being the mayne intended benefit ex- pected to uphold the charge of this plantacion, and the fears that all other wynters would ])rove like the lirst, the comiiany by no means would stay any longer in the country," " wherefore they all ynibarked in the new arrived shipp, and in the new jnnnace, the ' ^'i^ginia,' and Bet sail for England." " And this," conchules Strachey, " was the end of that northern colony vppon the river Sachadehoc."* It must not l)e overlooked that no mention of the return of "The Gift of God" to England is found in any of the narratives of this ehort-lived settlement. It has been conjectured willi no little reason that upon the death of I'opham and the succession of the London inter- ' Popliam Memorial Voliunc, p. 224. * " lie brotiRlit into these wilils English laws ' Strachey says " fifty," — aa evuleut clerical and Iciirninvr, and the faith and the Cbuicli of error. C'hiisi." 'Maine Uist. Cull., II., p. 22. Mlistoilc ofTrnvaile, pp. 17!>, 180. FORT ST. GEORGE AND THE CHURCH SETTLERS. 37 est in the person of Gilbert to the presidency of the colony, the Bris- tol men, with the Po])Ii!Un hark, the "(iit't of God," left the peninsula of Sabino and Fori tit. Gcorj^c, where the hoslilily of the Sai^adahoo savages had been aroused, arid sought a new home atPeniaquid, under the protec'lion of Xahanada and his followers. This agrees with the statement of tlic painstaking and aeouralc Prince, in his " Chronology," that all l)ut forty-live jilanters de{)arti'd for England, on the breaking up of the colony, in two ships, of which the " Virginia," the lirst Ameri- can-built ship, was one. Thirteen j^ears after the abandonment of the Sagadahoc plantation there was a hamlet of "fifty families," known as the " Shcepscot Farms," on the banks of the Sheei)scot river ; while at Pemaquid there apjiear to have been settlers, or traders at least, almost, if not quite, from the time of the return of Gilbert and his followers to England. Year by year Sir Francis I'opham, who, as we learn from Gorges' "Brief Narrative," "cared not to give it over," sent ships " in hope of better fortunes," while the story of Gorges' own eflbrts to found a loyal and a churchly cohniy on the shores of Maine proves that his perseverance was not wholly fruitless, though finally the iron heel of the ]\Iassachusetts settlers crushed out at once both Episcopacy and independence. Still the claim of the English for the possession of the territory of New England rests upon this settlement on the peninsula of Sabino, at Fort St. George ; and even the Puritan historian, Hubbard, dates the occupancy of the English upon our northern American shores from the year 1G07. There has been no little discussion with reference to the character of the Sagadahoc colonists ; but nothing has been proved to their disparagement. Citations from a tract by Sir AVilliam Alex- ander, and from Lord Bacon's famous essay oii Plantations, have been adduced to prove that they were " pressed to that enterprise as endan- gered by the law, or by their own necessities;" * or, in the sti-onger lan- guage of Bacon, were convicted felons, who left their country for their coun- try's good. But the words of Alex- ander are far from implj'ing that these planters, or any of them, were crimi- nals, as the phrase he uses may, and AUTOGRAPH or LORD BACON. doubtlcss docs, rcfcr to poor debtors; and, at the timeof thcPophaniexiiedi- tion, there were nolaws in force authorizing the transportation of crimi- nals into Virginia. Besides, the great charter under which Ihey sailed provided only for the sailing of such as went " willingly." If eriminals, their return would have been to certain death, and even the "extreme ex- tremities" - of a New England winter would have been preferred to this. There is nothing in the stor}' of their al)ode at Fort St . George to indicate any want of principle or character from the first to the very last. They began their work with prayer and lessons of duty; they comj)Iied with all the forms of law ; the minister of religion was among tliem, and, by their reverent participation in the worship enjoined by their • Sir William Alexaiulci's " Encouragement ■ C:ii)laiu .lolin Smith's " (iencral Uistoric of to Colonics," London, 1024, p. 30. New England," Loudon, 1624, p. 201. 38 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. patent, even the ■wondering savages were impressed with the power of a faitli they could not comprehend. Industry and good order were maintained. The tendency to discontent, consequent upon the loss of their storehouses and provisions, was restrained. The change of presi- dents, on the death of the worthy Poijliani, was quietly and lawfully made. Their relations to the savages were friendly, and were main- tained in good faith, and their record is unstained by the shedding of blood. Short as was their residence on the bleak coast of Maine, they have won their place in history as the first settlers of New England. They laid the foundations of State and Church at the North a j'car before the nu-n of Leyden signed their solemn "compact" in the cabin of the " Mayllower," in Plymouth harbor, and began on a soil to which they had no claim, and without the presence of a minister of their own faith, tlie civil and religious history of Puritan New England. CRITICAL NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. WE are remindod by Dr. De Cost.a in liis intort>stiiig chapter on "Norumbega and its Englisli Explorers," in tho third vohnne of " The Critical and Nar- rative History of America," that tho first Englislnnan certainly known to have traversed the territory of Massachusetts and Maine was David Ingram. Landed in the month of October, 1.508, on the shore of the Gulf of Mexico, by Captain, after- wards Sir .John, Hawkins, with a large number of (^onipanions in misery, Ingram and two of his fellows traversed the continent, following the Indian trails, fording the intcn'cning rivers, .and tinding a pathw.ay through intcrniinablo forests till Cape Breton and the St. .John's river were reached. Here Ingram embarked in a Frencli shij), the "(iargarine," commanilcd by C.ajjtain (■hampagne, and reached his native land by the way of France. Of the narrative of this extraordinary jour- ney, which is embellished by marvellous tales of houses with pillars of crystal and silver, and cities Ihrce-tourtlis of ,a mile in length, we can only quote tho caustic words of Dr. Edward Everett Hale, in " The Critical and Narrative Ilistoiy of America" (Vol. ni., p. 04), as follows: — " It is a real misfortune for our early liistory that no reliance can be placed on the fragmentary stories of the few survivors who wore left by Hawkins on I lie coast of the (lulf of Mexico. One or two there were who. alter years of cajjtivity, told their wret9,-tG0, contains the latest reference to this controversy in which Mr. Bancroft defends tho statement in the 40 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. revised edilion of his '• History of the United States" : tliat the island Waymouth " strucic was Monhc^'an ; that'the <, whose disasterous designes (could they hauc prevailed) had even then overthrowne this businesse, so many discontents did then arise, had he not with the water of patience, and his godly exhortations (but chiefly by his true devoted example) quenched those flames of envic, and dissention."- Selected by the first ])resident of the colony, Edward-Maria Wingfield, with the approval of the Archbishop of Canterbury, tliecelehrated Dr. llancroft, as "a man not anywaie to be touched w"' the rebellious humors of a popish spirit, nor lilemished w'" y' least suspition of a factius scis- matick,"^ this first missionary priest of the Church of England resident on our Amci-ican shores, whose name is ))reservcd, well deserved the culogium of the famous Capt;iin Smith, wiio further speaks of him as "an honest, religious, and courageous Divine; dur- ing whose life our factions were oft (jualified, our wants and greatest ex- tremities so comforted, that tliey seemed casie in comparison of what we endured after his menior:il)lc death." ' Robert Hunt, A. ]M., who thus with tiie concurrence, and under the authority, of the primate of all England, went forth on the church's mission to Virginia, and whose homo ai)pears, from Smith's "Historic," to have been in Kent, was doubt- less the Vicar of Reculver, whose; ai)i)ointnient to that cure was dated Jan. 18, 1594, and whose resignation of tin- same took place in 1(102, at which lime he appears associated with Gosnold, Smith, and Wing- ' Smith's (icn. llisL, I., p. IMI, Uirlinioiul ccl. : Ibid. ' Wingficld'a "Discourse of Viii,'iiii:i," in " Arclurold^io Auuiiiunii, " iv., p. 102. * A(iverlisciiu'iits for the Uiu'viHTicnceil Pliuitcrs, p. X\. THE FOrNDATIOXS OF CHURCH AXD STATE IX VIKCilNIA. 4:5 tiold, ill plans I'or tlie scttloiiuiit of \'iri;iiii;i.' AVcll may (lio historian of" tlie Fniti'd States record his oi>iiiion of this cxccik'nt man as "a clergyman ot" persoveriiiii' fortitude and modest woitii."-' 'I'liere was need of every Christian virtue in the spiritual guide of so disorderly and ill-assorted a eompanv as the little fleet of Newport horo to the Vir- ginian shores. Tiiev were emhaiUed on an expedition to found an em- pire ill the West : luit the eoniposition of the colony was such that CAl'lAlN JOHN SMITH. "gentlemen" were largely in excess of artificers, and, unlike the " Colon}' of Roanoke," there were no women to ))ind in families, and cement in heart and home-loves, these founders of a eommonwealth. The long and tedious voyage was productive of discontent and dissensions, and it was not till Sunday, the third after Easter, April 2i!, that the voyagers entered the magnificent bay of the Chesapeake. Several weeks were spent in selecting a site for the settlement, but at length, on Wednes- * Vide Anderson's " Histoiy of the Colo- nial Chnirh," 2il cd., I., pp. 169,'l70. ' Baucioft's " United States, " I., p. 118. 44 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. day, the 13th day of May, the peninsula of Jamestown, about fifty miles al)Ove the mouth of the river, already named in honor of the king, was deterniined U|)()n. Thisdecision made, the uicml)ers of the " Coun- cil " designated in tlie sealed orders, whieh were opened immediately on the first landing of tlie expedition, were sworu into office, with the exception of Smith, who had aroused the ill-will of the chief of the colonists ; and Edward-]\Iaria AVingfield was chosen jn-esident. (Quaintly docs the ciivoniclcr ])roceed : "No\v falleth every man to worke, the C'ouncell conf riue the tbi't , tlio rest tait down trees to make place to pitch their tents ; some provide clapbord to relade the siiips, some make gardens, some nets, etc. . . . The President's o\erweeu- inir iealousie would admit no exercise at amies, or fortification, hut the JAMKSTOWN. l)Oughs of trees cast together in the forme of a lialfe moone, by the ex- traordinary paincs and diligence of Captain Kendall." - Agreeably to the directions of the council in England, on Thursday, the 21st of May, Cap- tain Newi)ort, with live gentlemen, Percy, brother of the Earl of Nor- thunil)erland. Archer, Sniilli. I'.rooks, and Wotton, four " mariners," and fourteen sailors, ascendeil llu' James river in the "shallop" as far as the falls of the river, where Kichmontl now stands. The record of this exploration remains, and its (juaint recital of tlie daily progress of this little band amidst the forest glades and along the water-courses of their new home, jmovcs that Newport and his men were not unmindful of the ' Tliis lilt fiillows n skcKli iiinilp iiliont IH.'i" liy ii travelling' Eii^'lisliwomiiu, Mi*" Cutliarine C. IIoplcv, and sbiiws the ronililimi t>( llii' niiiKif clinn-li ut that time. 'Smith's "(iciiciul Historic," liichiiioucl fil., I., p. I'l". THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHUHCII AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 45 fact thiit llicy wore both Christians and Enyiislnncii. Full of intorcst is 11h' mention of "May 'li, Sinulay, Whil-Siiiidny :"lollin!r of their kindl}' intercourse with the savages, and tiieir sinijjlo l)an(juet of '' two pecces of porlio to be sodd ashore with pease," witli " beere, aquavite, and sack," to wliich thesavagc cliicftain, I'owliatan, was an invited guest. As the day declined they raised a cross " upon one of tlie little iletts at the mouth of the tails," with the inscrijition, " lacobus, Ilex, 1(J07," and Newport's name below. " x\.t the erecting hereof, we prayed for our Kyng, and our owne prospex'ous succes in this his actyon ; and \wo- t'layniod him kyng with a great shoute." ' To the narrative of this expe- dition, which its gallant leadortrusted would "tend to the glory of God, his majestie's renowue, our countrye's protytt, our owne advauncing, and fame to all posterity," ^ is apjjended, " A Uriof Description of the People," from which we extract the following incidental proof of the religious character of the explorers : — I found they account after death to goe into another world, pointing eastward to the element ; ami, when they saw us at pi-ayov, they observed us witli great silence and respect, especially those to whome I had imparted the meaning of mir reverence. To conclude, they are a very witty and ingenious people, apt both to understand and speake our language. So that I hope in God, as he hath miraculously ))reserved us hither froui all daungcrs botli of sea and land and their fury, s') he will make us authors of his holy will in converting them to our true Christian faith, by his owne iuspireing grace and knowledge of his deity.' Among the turbident and discontented settlers who had been sent to Virginia to form the nucleus of a new Commonwealth and a new church there seems to have been but one common bond of union, — the faithful and devoted minister of the Prince of peace. Scanty and un- satisfactor}' as are the notices of the life and labor of this most estimaljle man, it is a satisfaction that we can picture to mind the scene of his iiub- lic services. In Smith's " Advertisements for the Unex|:)erienced Plant- ers of New England," dedicated to Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, we have a description of the rude house of prayer, where the colonists repaired for worship each morn and even, and beneath whose canvas roof the sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ was duly adminis- tered according to the use of our mother-church : — I liave been often demanded by so many how we beganne to preach the Gospell in Virginia, and by whatauthovily, whatChurcheswehail,ourorder of service, and maintenance for our Jlinisters, therefore I think it not amisso to satisfle their demands, it tieing the Mother of all our Plantations, intreating Pride to spare Laughter, to understand her simple beginning and )iroceedings. \Vhen I tirst went to Virginia, I well remember, wee did hang an awning (which is an old sailc) to three or four trees to shadow us from (lie Sumic, our walls were rales of wood, our seals unhewed trees, till we cut plankes ; our Pulpit a bar of wood nailed to two neighboring trees : iu foule we.ather we shifted into an old rotten tent, for wee had few better, and this came by the w.ay of adventure for new. Tliis was our ( 'hun-li, till wee built a homely thing like a barne, set upon cratchets, covered with rafts, sedge, and earth ; .so w.as also the walls; the best of our houses of the like curiosity, l)ut the most jiai'te faiTe much worse workmanship, that could neither well defend wind norraine, yet ' Newport's " niscoveiies iu Vii'ijiniu," in " Anli;rolo<;i;i .Vmciiniiia," IV., p. -47. = I6ul., p. .'io. '' Mil., pp. 64, Co. 46 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. wee had dailj- Coinmoii Tracer morning aiiil evening, every Sunday two Sermons, and every llnee moiietlis tlie lioly C'ommmiion, till our IMinister died. But our Prayers daily, with an Homily on Suudaies, we continued two or three yeares after, till more Preachers came. It was under this canvas roof that, on the third Sunday after Trinity, Juno 21, 1607, the lirst sacrament was adniini-stered. It was a memo- rable day in the history of this infant settlement. The wranglings and jealousies, which had been fomented during the voyage, were, for the moment at least, allayed. The kindly ofBces of the priest had re- sulted in the quelling of consciences ill at case, in the subduing of bitter strifes and envyings, and in bringing men to be of one mind in an house. " i\Iany were the mischiefes that daily spriuig from their igno- rant, yet ambitious spu'its, but the good doctrine and exhortation of our Preacher, Mv. Hunt, reconciled them, and caused Captain Smith to be admitted of the Councell." " The next day," continues the chronicler, "all received the Communion," drawing near, as we may well believe, with faith and penitence, to take this holy sacrament to their comfort in this their new home. Surely there was a lesson for these turbulent men in the opening words of tlie epistle for the day, — St. Peter's words to them, and to all men, — " All of you be subject one to another, and be clothed with humility." Doulitless there came, also, with telling force to these wanderers, tar from their homes, and in the midst of no mere figurative wilderness, the parable of the gospel of the day, — Christ's story of the lost sheep sought and found, and the joy in heaven over the one sinner repenting of his sin. Five weeks iiad elapsed since tlie landing, ere at the table of their Lord the contentions and animosities of the colonists were forgotten, and on the next day supplications were again offered at their rude altar in behalf of Captain Newport "returned for England ; for whose i)assage and safe retonu! wee made many Prayers to our Alniigiily God." ^ One huntlred and four colonists were left at Jamestown to elfect the begin- ning of the EuglisJi Empire in the New World. It was no easy task that these men had inidertaUen. The forests were to be felled ; the ground Avas to be brought under subjection by the will and lal)or of the agricultiu-ists. There were homes to be 1)uilt ; fortifications were recpiired ; ti'adci was to be opened with the crafty and treacherous savages. Meanwhile the midsummer heat was such that the fields coidd not bo filled. Disease, engendered by the damjincss of the climate, i)rosfrated nearly every one, and the hick of suital)le food le:»sened the possibilities of cure. " Our drink," writes the chronicler of these iml)ai)py days, " was unwholesome water ; our lodgings, castles in the air ; had we been as free from all sins as from gluttony and drunkeimess, we might have been canonized for saints." Still, though during the summer tiiere were not at any one time live aide men to guard the liulwarks, tlu^ ])rayers at morn and even were not omitted. Even wlien on Sundays liierc was ai)i)r(!hension of an attack by the savages, and the sermon was necessarily omitted, tlie service was in- variai)ly performed, M'hile "in the tyme of our hungar" when "the ' Winj^ficKl't* •* Discouiiic uf Vir;riui;i." in " Arclj:i'olo;^ia Amerioauii," IV.,]). 77. THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHUKCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 47 common store of 03'le, vinegar, sack, and aquavite were all spent, sauins; twot' gallons of eaih, tlic sack was rcscnicd for the Connnuiiion Table."' On the 22cl of August Captain liartliolomcw Gosnold died, — "a worthy aud religious gentleman." He was " honq^'ahly buried, having all the ordnance in the jjort shot oil', willi many volleys of small shot." One-half of the colonist shad died bcforcaultnun. and pitiful, indeed, is the record of Percy: "If it had not pleased God to have put a terrour in the savages' hearts, we had all perished by those wild and cruel Pagans, being in that Aveak state as wo were : our men niijhl and day groaning in every corner of the fort, most jntiful to hear. If there were any conscience in men, it would make their hearts bleed to hear the pitiful murnmrings and outcries of our sick men, without relief, every night and day for the space of six weeks ; some departing out of the world, many times throe or four in a night ; in the morning, their bodies trailed out of their cabins, like dogs, to be buried. In this sort did I see the modality of divers of our people." • "The living were scarce able to bury the dead," says Smith,* who, at no little risk, made expeditions among the — ^ savages for corn. Put even hunger was not the j only ill threatening the destruction of the infant jP^ (S^T^tif) ■ colony. Early in January the rude church and Ky ^ the rude town described liy Smith were de- autograph of stroyedby tire. In this disastrous contiagi'ation capt. .tohn sjiith. Good Master Hunt, our Preacher, lost all his Lihrarie, and all that hne had (but the clothes on his baekc) yet none ever saw him repine at his lossc. Upon any alarme he would be as reaJie for defence as any; and till he could not speake he nearer ecasseil to his utmost to animate us constantly to persist; whose soule que«tionlesse is with God.- The settlers, impoverished and homeless, wasted and worn by dis- ease and privation, disappointed of their hopes of speedy fortunes, and fearing, in their well-nigh defenceless state, the attacks of the savages, bcfliought themselves of abandoning so ill-starred an enterprise ; but the forliuiate arrival of C'a))tain Newport, with supplies, gave the colony a further lease of life. The sailors were employed, under their leader's direction, in the erection of a " faire store house." and the mari- ners, " aboute a church," which "they tinished cheerfully and in short tyme." Shortly after, Xewjiort sailed for England, taking with him AVingtield, whose consolation was, that his " trauells and dainigers " had "done somewhat for the behoof of Jcrusalcin in Virginia." * The church which Smith calls "a golden Church," built when the mariners were striving to load the ship with "golden dirt," as it proved to be, and of which the chronicler tells us that "the raine washed" it "neere to nothing ill fouilocn days," * short!}' re(juired rebuilding, ileanwhile, the saintly " Preacher " appears to have sickened and died. N'o nienl ion 'Purchas, iv., p. 1690. • Winefield's " Disoouise," in " Arclnvoloj^ia 'Historic, I., p. GS2. Ameiirnna," iv., p. 103. ' Piirch.i?, IV., p. 1710. Smith's "Ilistorie," '• Historic, i., p. IfiO. I., p. 168. 48 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. of him is found save the reference to his death we have already quoted from I'urclias. He may have lived to solemnize the first marriage in Virginia l)ctwcen John La^don and Anne lUu'ras, wiiich took place towards the close of the year 1G08 ; ])ut of this we are liy no means assured, and we cannot but agree with Anderson, " that, had he lived so long, some more distinct traces of his valuable ministrations would have been preserved." ' Doubtless he was " taken away from the evil to come" early in the second year of the; settlement he had labored so devotedly to found. His latest cilbrts appear to have been directed towards the rebuilding of the church, — a work undertaken coincidcntly with the I'cpair of tlie palisades and the planting of the cornfields and the re-covering of the storehouse; and then, his labors ended, his life- work done, he "felt asleep." That he died as he had lived, encourag- ing his fellow-settlers to persist in their effort to found a settlement, is on record, and we may, in adding our tribute to the memory of this jnoneer mission-priest of the mother-church, express our accoid with the old chronicler in th(^ pious confidence that his soul "is with God." "Prayers daily, with an Homily on Sundays," were continued for the "two or three years after, till more Preachers came," and e^en on the expedition sent into the interior under the command of the ad- venturesome Smith, " our order daily was to haue prayer with a Psalnie, at which solemuitie the poore salvages much wondered ; our Prayers being done, a wliih^ they were busied with a consultation till they had contrived their business."* It is interesting to notice these evidences of a devotional spirit animating the better portion of this wild com- munity. Amidst the strifes and wranglings of the office-holders and office-seekers, amidst perils and dangers threatening all alike, the words of common prayer were daily used, and in their iiallowed phrases the \vorship]iers were united with those of their faith and lineage across the sea, in sup})lication to a common Father in heaven. On Smith's return after one of these excursions into the country, to which we have referred, the offit'C of president was assigned to him, and it well a<-cords with other statements relating to this remarkable character, that we are told that "now the building of l\at.clif1e's (the former president's) pallace stayed as a thing needlesse ; and the church was repaired." In tiie autumn of 1008 more settlers came, and among them two females, "Mrs. Forest, and her maid. Anne Burras." The farce of a coronation of Powhatan was enacted, under the direction of Captain Xewiwi't, for lh(! third time on the Virginian coast, and the time of the settlers, which was not wasted in such senseless ceremonies :ls this, was devoted, by order of the council at home, to the search for gold. Search was also directed to be made for the recovery of the Koanoke settlers, but in vain ; and tlu^ coiniJany r<'(juired immediate refiu'ns for their investments, threatening tiie settlers tliaf. unless their orders were complied with, "they should be left iu Virginia as banished men." ' 'i'he threats of the London Pompany were as futile as their hopes. 'I heir anticipationsof finding an FA Hor.'ido amidst tiie luxuriant forest- glades of Virginia were not to be realized. Dissensions, privations, 'Colonial ClmiTli, I., pp. 181, 182. Mliiitoric, i., p. 182. ' nnncroft. I., 135. THE FOUNDATIONS OF CIIUKCH AND STATK IN VIRGINIA. 40 the " accursed thirst for gold," and the stubborn unwillingness of the ill-assorted "first planters of Virginia " to submit to any power or rule save that of self, brought this settlement in (ho far-distant west into disfavor and distrust at home. The colonists, lacking the sweet re- straint of the teachings and example of the saintly Ivobert Hunt , changed only from l)ad to worse, and the slory of their strifes and jealousies, their struggles for a miserable and precarious existence, and the failure of all the cherished expectations in England of the speedy reduction of the savages to civilization and Christianity, gave abundant occasion to the " enemy to l)laspheme." The " malicious and looser sort," says a writer, but a little later in the history of Virginia colonization, "with the licentious stage poets, have whet their tongues with scorntul taunts against the action itself, insomuch as there is no common speech, nor public name of anything this day, except it be the name of God, which is mon^ widely depraved, traduced, and derided by such unhallowed lips, than the name of Vii'ginia."' Still, no thought of al)an(loning the enterprise entered into the minds of the friends of colonization at home. The succession of misfortunes, which had attended every step of the scheme of settlement, served to deepen the enthusiasm and zeal of men who were determined to succeed. There rallied in support of the new plans for promoting the settlement of Virginia the leading men of the age. The royal assent to a new charter was obtained on Tuesday, in Rogation week, May 23, 160S), and "The Treasurer and Company of Ad- venturers and Planters of the City of London for the first Colony in Virginia " were duly ^ / _^ and formally created l)y the king's patent '' a I {A'^'^'^XjC /T)_^ corporation and Bod}' Politick." By this / f y^ instrument not only were the limits of the colony extended, but the company itself was enlarged l\y the addition of numbers AUTO(;RArii of .tames i. of the nobility, gentry, and tradesmen, so that, whether we consider the rank and character of its members, or the rights and privileges with which the company was vested by the royal authority, it claims a place in histoiy as one of the most important bodies ever created, either for trade or government. The names of twenty-one peers of the realm appear in the list of in- corporators, headed by the powerful Cecil, Earl of Salisbur}', the re- lentless foe, as he had earlier been the rival, of Ralegh, who, in his dungeon in the tower, doubtless felt a keen interest in these efforts for the successful acconi[)lishmont of a work to which he had long since given influence, wealth, and personal concern. The Bishops of London, the celebrated Abbot, afterward translated to Cantcrbur}', Lincoln, Worcester, and Bath and Wells, and Sutclifl'c Deau of Exeter, who had long been interested in the colonization of America, were associated in this scheme. Hakluyt, Prebendary of Westminster, was also a mem- ber of the company, with William Crashaw, B.D., and other clergy- men of the Church. The numerous companies of tradesmen of the ' Dcdicalorv Epistle to the " New Life in Viigiiiia." 50 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. city of London, the mercers, the drapers, the goldsmiths, the merchant tailors, the cntlcrs, and more tiian fifty others, were interested in this giiiaulie eor|)oration. jNIerchants, artificers, yeomen, were all repre- sented in a list which comprised, not merely the great, hut all sorts and conditions of men. To this compan}-, in which all gradations of rank were merged in a common equalit}', was transferred the powers which had been reserved to the king by the former patent. The execution of the i)ri\ ileges conceded by the charter was committed to a council of upwards of fifty, of w iiich Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, was at the head, — a position well deserved ])y the interest he had taken in the planting of Virginia from the first. To this council almost unlimited powers Mere intrusted. Under its direction the Governor of Virginia could exercise well-nigh despotic rule, while in the event of mutiny or rebellion he was empowered, at his discretion, to proclaim martial law, and to carry into force all the rigorous provisions of this stern code. The life, liberty, and property of the settlers were wholly in the power of an officer owing his appointment and allegiance to a com- mercial corporation. The lands heretofore conveyed in trust, or held in joint jiroprietorship, were now granted in absolute fee. But one restriction upon emigration was enjoined, and that was the requirement of the Oath of Supremacy from all voyagers previous to setting sail ; and the reason assigned for this injunction was as fo1k)ws : — Because the principal Effect, wliieli we can desire or expect of tliis Action, is the Conversion and reduction of the I'eople in those Parts unto tlie True Worship of God, and Oliristian Ucli;j;ion, in which Itcspect we should Ije lnlh, that any Person should be permitted to pass, Ih.at we suspected to effect the superstitions of the Churcli of Rome.' It was at this juncture in the a Hairs of Virginia that the name of the devout and aniial)le Nicholas Ferrar appears in connection with the enlarged and rc-chartered company. The father of John and Nicholas Ferrar had been a friend of Ealegh, Hawkins, and Drake, and from the fir.st had shown himself to be "a great lover and encourager of foreign l)lantafions."^ It is an evidence of the zeal of the dignitaries and mem- bers of the English (Jhiu-ch in the missionary work in the New World, that we find associated, in this renewed effort for colonization, men holding the highest positions in Church and State, whose names are fresh in remembrance after the lapse of nearly three centuries. With the Fer- rars, whose memory the Church of England has ever held dear, and whose services to the American Church we, in this \\'e.stern A\'orld, may well recall, we also find the name of Sir Edwin Sandys, son of an Archbishop of York, and pui)il of the "judicious" Hooker. Certainly, if patient, untiring, and abundant exertions, springing from a full and I'arnesf rec- ognition of tilt; bidding, soinidingdown the Cin-istian cent uries, from the Ma.ster's lips, — " (Jo ye into all the world and preach I he (lospel to every creature," — could have met the aspersion cast on England's reformed Church by the Church of Kome, "that she converts no believers abroad," I .Slilb's " HistoiT of Virginia," Siibin's Kc- ' McDouough's " Memoirs of Nicliolaa Fcr- priut, Appendix, p. 22. rar." THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 51 labors such as Hakluyt couiiselled. and the Feri'ars seconded, and a host of others aided and approved, wouhl have blotted oat this slander for- ever. With the grant of the new charter fresii intei'cst attached to the work. Thomas, Lord Dcla Warr, a man of "ajjproued courage, tem- per, and experience," was created Governor, or Captain-General, of Virginia, and an expedition of "Adventurers,"' under his leadership, was at once fitted out, the expense of which was largely borne by the com- PORTRAIT OF LORD DELAWAKE. mander-in-chief, while his zeal and interest were such as to " reuiue and quicken the whole enterprize by his example, constancy, and resolution." It was an age of pomp and circumstance, and yet it nuist have been an interesting pageant when the chivalrous Do la Warr, and the Council of Yirgima, with the "Adventurers," walked in solemn state to the Temple Church, where William Crashaw. the preacher of the Tem- ple, and father of the poet whom Cowle}" praised and Pope was will- ing to imitate, preached the tirst missionary sermon ever addressed by a priest of the Church of England to members of that church, about to bear that church's name, and carry that church's teachings to a distant land. The text was from St. Luke's Gospel, xxii. 32, and the true 52 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. missionary spirit witli which this unique discourse is filled may be judged by the following extract : — If there be any that come in, only or principally for profit, or any that would so come in, I wish the latter may never bee in, and the former out again. K the plant- ing of an English Colonic, in a good and fruitfull soil, and of an English Church in a heathen countrey ; if the eonuersion of the Heathen, if the propagating of the Gos- pell, and enlarging of the kingdome of Jesus Christ, be not inducements strong enough to bring them into this businesse, it is a pitie they be in at all. I will dis- charge m^' conscience in this matter. K any that are gone, or purpose to go in per- son, do it only that they may liue at ease and get wealth ; if others that aduenture tlieir money have respected the same ends, I wish for my pait, the one in England again, and the otlier had his money in his purse ; nay, it were better that every one gave something to make v)i his aduentuie than that such Nabals should thrust in tlieir foule feete, and trouble so worthie a businesse. And I could wish, for my part, that the proclamation which God injoined to bee made before the Israelites went to battell, were also made in this ease : namely, that whosoever is faint-hearted, let liim returne home againe, lest his brethren's hart faint like his ; (Deut. xx. 8) for the coward not only betraieth himself, but daunts and discourages others. Friuate ends haue been the bane of many excellent exploits ; and priuate plots for the gaine of a few haue given hindrance to many good and great matters. Let us take heed of it in this present businesse, and all jointly with one heart aime at the generall and l)ublike ends lost we finde hereafter to our shame and griefe, that this one flic hath corrupted the whole box of oyntment, though never so precious. Let vs therefore cast aside all cogitation of profit, let vs look at better things ; and then, I dare say vnto you as Christ hath taught me, that, if in this action wee seeke first the Kingdom of God, all other things shall be added unto us (Matt. vi. 33), that is (applying it to the case in hand), if wee first and principally seeke the propagation of the Gos- pel!, and conuersion of soules, God will vndoubtedly make the voiage very profita- ble to all the aduenturers, and their jjosterities, even for matter of this life : for the soile is good, the commodities manj% and necessarie for England, the distance not far ofTe, the jjassago faire and easie, so that there wants only God's blessing to make itgainfull. Now the highway to obtain that, is to forget om' owne afl'cctions, and to neglect oiu" own priuate profit in respect of God's glorie, and he that is zealous of God's glorie, God will be mindful of liis profit. Wise and fitting words with which to preface an effort for the glory of God and the extension of the Church of Christ. The preacher was far-seeing. Earnestly does he deprecate the allowance of any I'apists, "Brownists," and factious " separatists," — then beginning to excite no- tice and alarm at home, — among these founders of a daughter Church of England in ii New World. A touching reference to the leader of the " Adventurers" occurs at the close of this discourse. At the battle of Poictiers, as Froissart informs us, the Fi'cnch king was captured by an ancestor of the governor, Sir Roger la Warr, and John de Pelham. This incident of the family annals was thus "improved": — And thou, most noble Lord, whom (Jod hath stin-ed vp to neglect the pleasures of England, and with Abraham to goe from thy covmtry, and forsake thy kindred and thy father's house, to goe to a land whii-h God will .«Iiow tliee, glue mo leaue to speak the truth. Tliy ancestor manj' hundred years agoe gained great honour to tliy house; but by this action thou augmintest it. lie tooke a Icing prisoner in the field In Ills owne land; but by the godly managing of this businesse, thou shalt lake lliu Diucll i)i'lson(M' in open ilild, and in his owne kingdome; nay the Gospcll which thou cari'iost with thee shalt bind him in cliaincs, and his angels in stronger fetters than iron, and execute upon Iheni the jndgenient Hull iswrilten; yea, it .shall leade captiuilie capline, and redeeme the sonh's of men fioni liondage. And thus thy glory and honour of thy liouse is moi-e at iIk^ last than al the first. (Joe on therefore, and ])ro.>^per with this thy honour, whiih indeed is greater than euery eie discerncs, cucn sucli lus the present ages shortly will euioy, and the TIIIO FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. 53 f'uturo admire. Goo foi'ward in tlio strengjth of the Lord, and make mention of His rijjhteousnesse only. Looko not at the gaine, (he wealth, the honour, the aduance- nient of thy hon.se that may follow and i'all vpon theo ; but lookit at tho.sc hijjh and bettor ends (hat eoncerne the kingdom of (Jod. llenicmber thou art a gcncrall of Englisli men, nay, a general] of Cliristian men; therefore prineipally looke to religion. You goo to commend it to the heathen; then practice it yourselues; make the name of Christ honom-able, not hatefull vnto them. • 111 like burning words of high and holy encouragement had the Rev. Dr. Symouds, preacher at Saint Saviour's, in Southwark, a few months earlier, addressed the "many honourable worshipfull, the ad- venturers and i)lanters for Virginia," at White-chapel. The text was from Genesis xii. 1-3, the portion of Scripture which I'elates the call of Abraham and the promise of God's blessing on his going to a strange country. At the close of an earnest and imijassioned discourse we find these words : — What blessing any nation had by Christ, must be communicated to all nations ; the office of his Propheoie, to teach the ignorant; tlie office of his Priesthood, to give remis.sion of sinnes to the sinnofull ; the office of his Kingdome, by word, and sacraments, and spirit, to rule tlie inordinate; that such as are dead in trespasses, may bo made to sit together in heavenly places. . . . If it bo God's purpose, that the Gospell shall bo ])reached through the world for a witnesse, tlien ought ministers to bee carefull and willing to spread it abroad, in such good services as this that is intended. Sure it is a great shame vnto us of the ministery, that can be better content to sit and rest us heere idle, than undergoe so good a worke. Om- pretence of zeale is clearly discoured to be but hypocricy, when wc rather choose to mind unprofitable questions at home, than gaining soules abroad. These discourses illustrate the popular feeling with reference to the New World. The end and aim of the expeditions to the West was, as Crashaw declared, "the destruction of the deuel's kingdom, and propagation of the Gospell." "The planting of a ciiurch," ' the ■" converting of soules to God," these vvei'e the objects held con- stantly in view by the promoters and leaders of the successive schemes of colonization, and, if the same high and holy spirit failed to animate the rank and file of the settlers, the record tells us constantly of those who lived and labored for the Chris- autograph of de la ware. tianizing of the savages and the extension of Christ's Church in the New World. Circumstances prevented the entrance of De la Warr upon the duties of his ofBce at the outset, and, consequently, the tirst expedition despatched under the new charter sailed from Plymouth on the 1st day of June, IGU'J, in nine vessels ; Sir Thomas Gates, who had been in the service of the United Netherlands, being lieutenant-general, and Sir George Somers, admiral, of Virginia. Newport was in com- mand of the tleet ; and the three were empowered to administer the artairs of the colony until the arrival of Lord De la Warr. The ship ' Ciasljaw'd senuon, (juotcci in Aiulci-sou's " Colonial (church," I., p. 103. 54 UISTOliY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. "Sea Adventure" carried Gates, Somers, and Newport. In the "Diamond" were Captains Uatcliflo and King; in the "Falcon," Cap- tain I\hn-tin and jNIastcr Xolson. Tiie "Bless- ing," with Captain Archer and Master Adams, conveyed horses and marcs ; while the "Unity," ihe "Lion." the ';Swallow," a "Ketch," and "a l)oatl)niit intlu^ North Colony," at Sagadahock, ADTOGiiAiu Of ^y\lh C'aplain and ^Master Davies, who were THOMAS GATES. among the settlers of that northern colony, made up the fleet on which about five hundred colonists were embarked. The voj'agc was favoral>lc until the 23d of July, when the "Ketch" was lost in a hurricane, Avhilo the "Sea Vent- ure," driviiu before the slorni, was stranded, on the 28th, upon the shores of" — the still vex'd Bermoothes." Seven ships only reached Virginia. The lives of the shij)wrecked colonists at the Bermudas were mar- vellously preserved, and one and all were at once occupied in prepar- ing the means of escape from the ])lace of their detention. An excel- lent i^riest of the English Church, reconuuended by Dr. Ravis, Bishop of London, Avas in the company, and " publique Prayer, every moi'n- ing and Evening," was faithfully observed ; while on Sunday two sermons were jireached by the I\ev. Eichard Bucke, a graduate of Oxford, and "a verie good i)reacher," as John Kolfe characterized him in a letter to the king, a little later. The chronicler of tlu; e.\])edition further tells us that " it pleased Cod also to give vs opportunitie to performo all the other Offices and Rites of our Christian Profession on this Island." On the 26tii of November(thc twenty-fourth Sunday after Trinity )occurred a marriage. On the first of Ot'tol)er (the sixtcentli Sunday after Trinity) and on " C'hristmasseEve,"' which fell on Sunday, the fourth in Advent, the holy communion was celebrated, " at the partaking whereof our Governor was, and the greatest part of our Company." On the 11th of Fciburarv, Sexagesima Sunday, Bermuda, the child of "one John Kolfe," was christened ; Captain Ne\vp()rt, ^V'iliiam Strachey, and iMistress Horton being godparents ; and on the 2">th of jMarcli, which was both Passion Sunday and Lady-day, the son of Edward Easou, named Ber- mudas, was christened. Captain Newpoi't, William Strachey. and Ma.ster James Swift lieing godfathers. Six of the eomjiany were solemnly buri('d, with the ciuucirs rites. On leaA'ing tlic island in the rude c(Hlar ships they had buildcd, the; governor. Sir Thomas Gates, erected " a fairc J\Inemoiy the Governor and Council to the London Compan}-, dated "James Towne, July 7th, KJIO," the request is made for "anew supply in such matters of the two-fold physicke, which both the soules and bodies of our poor people hero stand much in neede of," and in the " Table of such as arc required in their plantation," issued by the Council at home, the foremost entry is, " Foure honest and learned Ministers." One of these was Alexander "\^'hilakcr, who arrived in the colony on the 10th of May, 1(511, with Sir Thomas Dale, the High Marshal of Virginia. He was the son of the celebrated William Whitaker, Master of St. John's College, and Kegius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge, and although, to quote the words of Crashaw, "seated in the North Countrcy, where he was well approued by the greatest and beloued of his people, and had competent allowance to his good liking, and was in as good possibility of better living as any of his time," having also " meaiics of his owne left him by his parents," he, " without any per- suasion (but Gods and his own heart) did voluntarily leaue his warme nest ; and to the wonder of his kindred, and amazement of them that knew him, undertooke this hard, Init to ni}' judgment, heroicall reso- lution to go to Virginia and help bearc the name of God unto the Gentiles." Of his faithfulness and zeal Ave shall have occasion to speak again and again. Wc can well understand the purpose of ^Vhitaker in leaving his " warme nest " to go to Virginia to assist that Christian i)lantati()n, in the function of a preacher of the Gospel. In the call for help, addressed by the Council to the people of England, the argument is employed that upwards of six hundred "of our Breth- ren b}^ our common mother the Church, Christians of one faith and one Baptism," have been exposed "to a miserable and inevitable death" in adventuring upon this plantation, whom it was the bounden duty of their counti'jinen to aid. At length, aware of the mistake of trans- porting men of loose morals and depraved character to Virginia, the Council announced that they would receive " no man that cannot bring or render some good testimony of his religion to God, and ciuil man- ners and behaviour to his neighbour with whom he hath lived." The spiritual wants of those already in Virginia, and the promised posses- sion of worthy and religious settlers in the future, made the " planta- tion of lieligion " in the New World a worthy olyect of desire to zealous men tilled with the love of souls, and of those who responded to this cry for spiritual help no one was more worthy of the work than M'as he who won the title of Apostle of Virginia, by his few years of devoted service. It was the glad response to the cheering words earlier I)orne across the ocean : " Doubt not God will raise our State and build our Church in this excellent clime. It is the arm of the Lord of Hosts, who would have his j)eople pass the Ked Sea and the wilderness, and then possess the land of Canaan." ' In June. 11)11, there accompanied Sir Thomas Gates, on his second voyage to \'irginia, " an approved Preacher in Bedford and Huntingdon- shire, a graduate of Cambridge, reverenced and respected,"- I)y the name of Glover. He was in easy circumstances and already somewhat 1 True Dcclai'ation, pp. 45, 46. ' Ci'asbaw's " Epistle Dedicatorie." 58 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHXn^CH. advanced in years, but so earnest in his desire for missionary ■work that he sought the opportunity, and being " well liked of the Counsell " he went bravely to his post. But, as Crashaw tells us, " he endured not the sea-sicknesse of the eountrc}', so well as younger and stronger bodies; and so, after zealous and faithfull performance of his ministeriall dulie, whilest he was able, he gave his soule to Christ Jesus (under whoso banner he went to tight ; and for whose glorious name's sake he luider- tooke the danger), more worthy to be accounted a true Confessor of Christ than hundreds that arc canonized ia the Pope's Martyrologie." In the beginning of the year 1(511 tlie health of the governor failed, under the cares and anxieties of his position, and the diseases inci- dent to the climate, and after a lingering illness he was compelled to commit the administration of the government to Geoi'ge Percy, and on Thursday, in Easter-week, March '2S, to sail for England. Necessary as was this step, it could not but have a disastrous etfect upon tho colony, while it produced " a damp of coldness " in the breasts of tho adventurers at home. Still " one spark of hope remained ; " for, l)eforo the depaiture of De la Warr was known at home. Sir Thomas Dale, " a woilhy and experienced soldier in the Low Countries," had sailed for Virginia, with three ships, with men and cattle for the settlement at Jamestown. In June, IGll, Sir Thomas Gates, who had been named lirst in the original patent for Virginia, embarked with his wife and daughter, in a fleet of six ships, carrying three hundred men, with large supplies of cattle and stores. The relief thus allbrdcd was most grateful. Already had the mishaps of the colonists excited the derision of the public. "And whereas we have Ijy undciiaking this plantation under- gone the reproofs of the base world," was the plaint coming from the dispirited and disa])pointed settlers, '' insomuch as many of our owno brethren laugh vs to scorne," and " i)apists and players, . . . tho scum and dregs of the earth," "mocke such as help to build up the walls of Jerusalem."' The new-comers were welcomed with general thanksgiving. For the first time the settlement began to extend be- yond the limits of Jamestown. A new plantation, seventy miles up the river, was founded, and a handsome church of wood Mas erected at the start. The " fair-framed Parsonage iin|)alcd for Master \V'hitaker," and the "hundred acres called llocke llall," set ai)artforthe future support of the ministry in this new settlement, are referred to in the story of the first ])lanting of Ilonrico. Sir Thomas Dale, inider whose leadership this step in the advance was taken, was a man of no ordinary character, and when, on the return of (Jates to England, the sole command of the tolony devolved upon him, he displayed the earnest, patient, persevering Christian devotion of oiu! who recognized "in whose Vineyard" he labored, "aiul whose chureh with greedy appetite" he desired "to erect." In a letter to a friend, still extant,- he jirofesscs that the end of his exertions was "to build God a church ;" and, although we may well condenni the spirit and letter of "The Laws Diuine, Monill and Martiall," which, as 'From "A Priior iliilv i-.M Moiniir,' aiiJ Evcuing Tpon the Court of Guard," appcmlcd to "The Laws Uiuinr, Monill ami Martial!.** > Purchas, iv., pp. 17G»-1770. THE FOUNDATIONS OF CHURCH AND STATE IN VIKGINIA. 59 drawn up by "William Strachc3% the sccrcUiry of the colony, were transmittod to Dale by Sir Thomas Smith, the troasiircr, we cannot doubt that even this code, which was both impolitic and inhuman, was administered by the "High Marshall of Virginia" with as much mercy as was possible. With these laws, so far as they arc "pubiique," or "mailiall," wo need not concern ourselves. Stern and inhuman as they appear, they rellect the spirit of the age, and their apin-oval l)y Gates, who lirst enjoined them on his arrival, iu IGIO, and by l)e la "Warr and Dale, will surely lead one to infer that the disorders rife in the colony required a rigorous repression, and the exercise of a prompt and sunmiary severity. This remarkable code is at the outset imbued with the religious temper of the time, and begins as follows : "First, since we owe our highest and supreme duty, our greatest, and all our allegiance to Ilim, from whom all i)Ower and authoritie is derived, and flowes as from the first, and onely founfaine, and being espeeiall souldiers cmprest in this sacred caase, we must alone expect our suc- cesse from Ilim, who is onely the blesscr of all good attempts, the King of kings, the Commaunderof commaunders, and Lord of hostes, I do strictly commaund and charge all Captaines and OiBcers, of what qualitie and nature soeuer, whether commaunders in the field, or in towne or townes, forts or fortresses, to haue a care that the Almightie God bee duly and daily serued, and that they call vpon their people to hearc Sermons, as that also they diligently frequent Morning and Euening praier themselues, by their owne exemplar and daily life and dutic herein encouraging others thereunto, and that such who shall often and wilfully absent themselues, bo duly punished according to the martiall law in that case prodded." Among the oflences punishable by the most severe penalties were speaking " impiously or maliciously against the Holy and blessed Triuitie, or against the knowne Articles of the Christian Faith ; " the utterance of blasjihemy or " unlawful oathes ; " "the derision or despite of God's holy word ; " and disrespect " unto any Preacher or ^Minister." It was strictl}' enjoined that "euerie man and woman duly twice a day, vpon the first towliugof the Bell, shall vpon the working dales repaire vnto the Church to hear diuine service." The Lord's day was to bo duly sanctified and observed by individuals and families " by jn-eparing themselves at home with private prayer, that they may Ijc the 1 setter fitted for the pul)li(iue, according to the commandments of God and tho orders of our Church." Every one was required to " re- paire in the morning to the diuine seruice, and sermons preached vpon the Sabofh day, and in the afternoon to diuine service and catechising." It was ordered that "All Preachers or Ministers within this our Colonic or Colonics, sliall in the Forts, where they are resident, after diuine Ser- uice, duly preach euery Sabbath day in the forenoone, and Catechize in the afternoone, and weekely say the diuine service twice cuory day, and preach euery Wednesday, likewise euery minister where he is resident within tho same Fort or Fortresse, Townes or Towne, shall chusc vnto him, foure of tho most religious and better disposed as well to inforuie of the abuses and neglects of the people in their duties and seruice to God, as also to the due reparation, and keeping of the Church handsome, and fitted with all reverent obseruanccs thereunto belonging ; likewise 60 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. euery minister shall keepe a faithful and true Record, or Church Bookc, of all Christnings, Marriages, and deaths of such our Peoi)lc as shall hap- pen within their Fort or Fortresses, Townes or Towue at any time, vpon the burthen of a ncglectfull conscience, and vpon painc of losing their Entertainment." Touching, indeed, Mas the prayer appended to these Laws and apj)ointcd to be "duly said jNIorning and l^ucning vpon the Court of Guard, cither by the Captaine of the watch himsclfc, or by some one of his principall ofEccrs." Words such as these, daily on the lips and in the hearts of the settlers, are of no little interest in determining the plans and purposes of the settlement. "And seeing Thou hast honoured vs to choose vs out to beare thy name vnto the Gentiles ; we therefore be- seech Thee to bless vs, and this ourjilanlalioii, which wo and our nation haue begun in thy fear and for thy glory . . . And seeing. Lord, the highest end of our plantation here is to set vp the standard and display the banner of Jesus Christ, eueu here where Satan's throne is, Lord, let our labor be blessed in laboring the conversion of the heathen. And because Thou vsest not to work such mighty works by vnholy means, Lord sanctifie our sjjirits, and giue vs holy harts, that so we may be thy instruments in this most glorious work . . . And seeing by thy motion and work in our harts, we haue left our warme nests at home, and jiut our lines into our hands, principally to honour thy name, and aduancc the kingdome of thy son. Lord giue vs Icaue to commit our lines into thy hands ; let thy angels be about vs, and let vs be as Angels of God sent to this people . . . Lord blcssc England our sweete natiue country, sane it from Popery, this land from hcathcuisme, and both from Atheisme. And Lord heare their praicrs for vs and vs for them, and Christ Jesus our glorious Mediator for vs all. Amen." ' The growth of the colony under the new regime was rn]iid and healthy. Its leaders were men of singleness of purpose, and no pains were spared to encourage mdustry, to extend the limits of the planta- tions, and to provide, as we learn from "The New liife of Virginia," published in 1(!12, "for the honour and seruice of God, for daily frequenting the Church, the house of prayer, at (he tolling of the bell, for preaching, catechizing, and the religious observation of the Sal)bath day, for due reverence to tlie Ministiu's of the AVord, and to all su- periours, for peace and love among themselves, and cufcn-cing the idle to paines and honest labour . . . in a word, against all wrongfuU dealingamongstthemselves.or imperious violence against (he Indians."^ The assignment of lands to the settlers for their individual use and ownership took the place of the former plan of cultivating the land in common, and good order and abundance were tlie result. The Indians were no longer hostile, and the strength of the colony was such that it no longer feared their assaults. In tiio quaint language of the writer of " The New Life of Virginia," "good " were " these beginnings where- in God is thus !)('f()rc." It was at this epoch in Virginian settlement that the devoted Whita- ker, who had now spent nearly two years in the New World, contrib- ■ Tliis " Praicr " is, witliotit I'orcu's " Historical Tracts," I., p. l.'i. THE FOUNDATIONS OP CHURCH AND STATE IN VIRGINIA. Gl uled to the London press, then teeming with tractates on colonization, a thin quarto, entitled, "Good News iVoni Viriiiiiia." ' It was "a j)ithio and liodly exhortation," as Crasliaw .staled it, comiiiir from one Avho " dilijj;ently preachcth and catcehizcth," i)eribrming" daily and diligent service, acceptable to God, and coinfortahlc to our peojilc."- It coun- selled sclf-sacrilicc on the part of those at home, to relieve "the pooro estate of the ignorant inhabitants df Virginia." It Ijespoke compassion- ate cllbrts in behalf of the " poorc Indians," " naked slaves of the devil." Simple, straightforward, homely even in its diction, it waxed eloquent in its appeals for English cooperation in the good work undertaken "for the glory of God, whose kingdom yon now ])laut, and good of your countrey, whose wealth j-ou scckc." "Awake, you true-hearted I'^ng- lishmen ! " is the impassioned cry ; " you servants of Jesus Christ, remember that the Plantation is God's, and the reward your countric's." We can readily understand Crashaw's testimony to the zeal and ability of the mission priests of the Church of England who had emigrated to Virginia. "We see to our comfort, the God of heaven fountl us out, and made us readie to our hand, a1)lc and fit men for the ministerial function in this plantation, all of them Graduates, allowed preachers, single men, hauing no Pastorall cures, nor charge of children ; ai«:l, as it were, every way tilted for that worke. And because God woidd more grace this busiuesse, and honor his owne worke, he prouidcd us such men as wanted neither lining, nor libertie of preaching at home. . . Hereafter, when all is settled in peace and plentie, what marvell, if many and greater than they are willing to goc? But, in the infancie of this Plantation, to put their lines into their hands, and, under the assurance of so many dangers and dilEculties, to denote themselues unto it, was certainly a holy and heroicall resolution, and proceeded undoubt- edly from the blessed spirit of Christ Jesus, who 'for this cause appeared that he might dissolve the works of the devill.' And though Satan visi- bly and palpably raignes there more than in any other knowne place of the world, yet be of good courage, blessed lirethren, 'God will trcade Satan under your feet shortly,' and the ages to come will eternize your names as the Apostles of Virginia." Foremost amongthese "Apostlesof Virginia," and worthy of honor- able mention and lasting rememljrance on the pages of the missionary amials of t he Church of Christ , was Alexander Whitaker, to whom we have alrcad}' referred. It was by him that Pocahontas, the child of romance and song, was instructed in the faith of Christ, and admitted loholy l)aptism. INIuch has been written with reference to this Indian maiden whose name is inseparably connected with the history of the A'irginia Church and State. There is little doubt but that the extravagant tales Mhich find their place in Smith's '' General Historic," and many of which have this simple Indian girl for their heroine, are exagirerations and of a piece with the marvellous stories which, late in lii'e, that egotistical writer tells at length of his own career on the couiincs of Christendom in the East; but, when the romance has all been eliminated, enough remains to make us grateful to God for the conversion of this gentle Indian ' rublishecl in 1C13. ' Crasliuw's " Episllc Dcilicatoiic." 62 HISTORr OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHXJBCH. maiden, and her subsequent marriage to a young Englishman of family and repute. The unsuspicious girl had been betrayed by some of her own people into the hands of Argall, in 1G12. Detained, witha view to secure from her father the return of men and stoi'cs which he had in possession, Pocahontas learned to love her captors, and in time an even more tender passion sprang up in her gentle breast for "an honest gentleman, and of good behaviour," named John Kolfe, a widower, whose struiTSi'le of mind in reference to marryinut the energetic captain had an eager passion for making tours of exploration along tlic coast and uj) the river; and after telling how he procured corn from the Indians and thus supplied the instant necessities of the starving colonists, he proceeds to relate the history of a tour of discovery m.ade by him up the Cliiekahominy, on which tour happened the famous incident of his falling into captivity among the Indians. The ' A nistorj- of American Literature. By Moses Coit Tyler. I., p. 21. 64 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUEOH. reader will not fail to notice that in this earlier book of his, written before Powha- tan's daughter, the Princess Pocahontas, had become celebrated in England, and before Captain Smith had that enticing motive for representing himself as specially favored by her, he speaks of I'owhatan as full of friendliness to him; he expressly states that his own life was in no danger at the hands of that Indian potentate ; and, of course, he has no situation on which to hang the romantic incident of his rescue by Pocahontas from impending death. Having ascended the Chiekahominy for about sixty miles, he took with him a single Indian guide, and pushed into the woods. Within a quarter of an hour, he ' heard a loud cry and a hallooing of Indians'; and almost immediately he was assaulted by two hundred of them, led by Opechancanough, an under-king to the ICmperor Powhatan. The valiant captain, in a contest so unequal, was certainly entitled to a shield; and this he rather un- generously extemporized by seizing "his Indian guide, and with his garters binding the Indian's arm to his own hand, thus, as he coolly expresses it, making ' my hind' 'my barricado.' As the Indians still pressed towards him. Captain Smith discharged his pistol, which wovmded some of his assailants, and taught them all a wholesome respect by the terror of its sound ; then, after much parley, he sur- rendered to them, and was carried off prisoner to a place about six miles distant. There he expected to be at once put to death, but was agreeably surprised by being treated with the utmost kindness. For supper that night they gave him ' a quarter of vonison and some ton pound of bread,' and each morning tliereafter tlirco women presented him with ' three gi-eat platters of line bread,' and ' more venison than ten men could devour.' ' Though eight ordinarily guarded me, I wanted not what they could devise to content me ; and still our larger acquaintance increased our better affection.' Alter many days spent in travelling hither and yon with his captors, he was at last, by his own request, delivered up to Powhatan, the over-lord of all that region. He gives a picturesque description of the barbaric state in which he was received by this potent chieftain, whom he found ' proudly' lying upon a bedstead a foot high, upon ten or twelve mats,' the emperor himself being ' rii'hlj" hung with man}- chains of great pearls about his neck, and covered with a great covering of raccoon skins. At his head sat a woman ; at his feet, another ; on eacli side, sit- ting upon a mat upon the ground, were ranged his chief men on each side the lire, ten in a rank ; and beliind them, as manj' young women, each a great chain of white beads over their shoulders, their heads ])ainted in red ; and with such a grave and majestical countenance as drave me into admiratiiMi to see such state in a naked salvage. He kindly welcomed me with good words, and great platters of sundry victuals, assuring me his friendship and my liberty within four days.' Thus day by day i)asscd in i>!easant discourse, with his imperial host, who asked him about ■ the manner of our ships, and sailing upon the seas, the earth and skies, and of our God ; ' and who feasted him, not only with continual ' platters of sundiy victuals,' but with glowing descriptions of his own vast dominions, stretching away beyond the river and the mountains to the land of the setting sun. ' Seeing what pride he had in his freat and sjiacious dominions, ... I requited his discourse in describing to im the territories of I^uropc which was subject to oiu' great Icing, . . . the innumerable multitude of his ships. . . . Thus having with all the kindness he could devise sought to content me, he sent me jiomi' with four men, one that usually carried my gown and knapsack after me, two others loailcd A\ith bread, and one to accompany me.' The author then gives a description of his Journey back to Jamestown, where 'each man, with truest signs of joy,' welcomed him; of liis second visit to Powhatan; of various encounters willi hostile and thievish Indians; and of the arrival from England of Caiitain Nelson in the Phccnix, April the twentieth, 1008, an event which ' did ravish ' them ' with exceeding joy.' Late in the narrative ho makes his lirst reference to Pocahontas, whom ho si)caks of as ' a child of ten 3-ears old, which not only for feature, countenance and ])roportion mucli cx- ceedoth any of the rest of his pco])le, but f:)r wit and S2)irit the only nonpareil of his country.' After mentioning some further dealings with the Indians, he con- cludes the" book with an account of the jircparations (cir the return to England of Cai>tain Nelson .and his sliip ; and describes tiiosc remaining as 'being in good health, all our mill v.cll contented, free from m\itinies, in love with one anothei', and as wo hop<^ in a continual ])cace with the Indians, where wo doubt not, by Cod's gracious assistance, an', and obstinate self-will rendered life insecure, and made property sub- ject to a rapacity which failed to discriminate bet^veen the possessions of the unhappy settlers whom he ruled, and those of the company he pro- fessed to serve. At length, after a l)itter struggle, the rule of Sir Thomas Smith, for twelve years treasurer of the company in Loudon, was overthrown, and, in the strife of rival and antagonistic factions, the influence and character of Sir Edwin Sandys pi'evailed. Argall was displaced, and the government was intrusted to the popular, though ineflicient, Yeardley. The new governor arrived in April, 1619. Scarce one in twenty of the emigrants, sent over at so great a cost, was still alive. In Jamestown there remained " only those houses that Sir Thomas Gates Ijuilt in the tyme of his government, with one wherein the governourallwayes dwelt, and a church, built of timber, being fifty foote in length and twenty in breadth." At Henrico there were only "three old houses, a poor ruinated Church, with some poore buildings in the islande." " For ministers to instruct the people only three were authorized ; two others had never received their orders." One of these was, as we learn from other sources, INIr. Kicliaid Buckc minister at Jamestown, "a veric good preacher." Mr. Alexander W'hilaker, "a good diuine," who iiad had " the ministerial charge " at l^crmuda Hun- dred, had been drowned early in 1617. Mr. Glover had died long before. Mr. William iSIease, the first minister at Hampton, had been in the colony since 1611. Mr. George Keith had arrived in the "George" in 1617, and was at Elizal)eth City.' ^Ir. William Wirkliam, "minis- ter" at Henrico, "who in his life and doctrine" gave "good examples and godly instructions to the people, "and j\Ir. Samuel Macock, "a Cam- bridge scholar," appear to haxe had only deacon's orders. VVickham had served as curate to the apostolic Whitaker, and succeeded him. Mr. Thomas Bargrave, who came over, in 161<>, with his uncle, (Captain John liargravc, and was also the nephew of the Dean of Canterl)ury. Dr. Bargrave jjrobahly succeeded Wickham at Henrico, and Wliita- ker at Bermuda Hundred. He died iu 1621, leaving his library, valued at one hundred marks, or seventy jjounds sterling, to the col- lege at Henrico, thus anticipating the act of the young Puritan min- 'Ncill, inhi3"IIi3ton'oftlic VirjfiiiiaCom- Irittor docs not nnpcar to have corac over before panj of London," nivcs t\ic names of the three 1G18, while Keith, aecordinj; to Ncill's " ViiTjinia ilerjfjmcnu^Uucke, Mease, mill Har)rravc;l)iittliu Colonial Clergj'," p. 17, urnvcd the j'car before. EFFORTS FOR THE CONVERSION OF THE SAVAGES. 67 ister of Charlestown, Massachusetts, who, a few years hiter, left his loved l)ooks to the strujigiiu;; college at ("ainl)ri(lge, and by that act jiained a name and remeuibranco wherever " Harvard " College is known. Would that "Henrico" had been as long-lived in its educa- tional career, and that Bargrave's gift had won for him a like immor- tality ! "From the moment of Yeardley's arrival dates the real life of Virginia," says the historian Bancroft.^ He brought with him, not only the authority, but the instructions, "for the better establishment of a commonwealth " in Virginia. By proclamation he announced the abrogation of "those cruell lawes" by which the colony "had soe longe l)een governed." He secured to the oppressed settlers the res- toration of their rights as Englishmen. With a view "that they might have a hande in the gouvcrning of themselves," the holding of a general assembly was provided for, comprising the governor and council, "M'ith two Burgesses from each Plantation freely to be elected by the Inhabitants thereof." The assembly was empowered "to make and ordainc whatsoever lawes and oi'ders sliould by them be thought good and profitable." In conformity with these instructicms, and in accordance with the new policy thus inaugurated by the company at home. Sir George Yeardley " sent his summons all over the country, as well to invite those of the Councell of Estate that were absente, as also for the election of Burgesses," and on Friday, July 30, 1619, the first electi^•e body convened upon this continent met in " the Quire of the Churche " at James City.^ The records of this initial legislative meeting have been preserved, and their quaint details bring vividly before the mind the scene witnessed on that midsummer day in Jamestown, so fraught with blessings for the ill-starred colony. The governor is seated " in his accustomed place." The councillors are ranged on either side. The speaker sits before the governor, with the clerk on the one side, and the sergeant-at-arms " standing at the barre, ready for any service the Assembly should command." "But," proceeds the record, "for as muchc as men's afi'aires doe little prosper when God's service is neg- lected, all the Burgesses tooke their places in the Quire till a prayer was said by Mr. Bucke, the Minister, that it would please God to guide and sanctifie all our Proceedings to his owne glory and the good of this Plantation." "Prayer being ended "the Burgesses-elect retired into the body of the church, from whence "they were called in order and by name" to take the oath of supremacy, and thus " en- tered the Assembly." Among the earliest measures which received the consideration of this body Mere provisions that the company at home should take care that the ministers' glebes should lio cultivated, and that the company should send " workmen of all sortes " for the "erecting of the Univer- sity and College." The first enactment of this assembly was for the protection of the Indians from "injury or oppression." Idleness and gaming were made punishable oflences. The minister was to reprove •nistorr of the United States, i., p. 153. "- Coloui'al Reuovdsof Virginia. Richmond, 1874. 68 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. drunkards, at first privately, and then " in the church," publicly. To restrain immoderate excess in dress it was provided that the rate for public contributions was to be assessed in the chm-ch, on the apparel of the men and women. Restrictions were placed upon the indiscrimi- nate commingling of the savages with the settlers ; but, at the same time, a special enactment provided for the education and Christianiz- ing of the children of the natives : " Be it enacted l)y this present Assembly that for laying a surer foundation of the conversion of the Indians to Christian religion, cache towue, citty. Borough, and particu- lar plantation do obtaiue unto themselves, by just means, a certaine number of the natives' children to be educated by them in true relig- ion and civile course of life — of w'^'' childi'en the most towardly l)oyes in witt and graces of nature to be brought up by them in the first elements of litterature, so to be fitted for the Colledgc intended for them, that from thence they may be sente to that work of convei'sion." ' It was further enacted that " All ministers shall duely read di- vine service, and exercise their ministerial function according to the Ecclesiastical lawes and orders of the Churche of England, and every Sunday in the afternoon shall catechize such as are not ripe to come to the Communion. And whosoever of them shall be found negligent or faulty in this kinde shall be subjectto the censure of the Govern' and Counsell of Estate." " Ungodly disorders " were to be " presented " by the minister and church-wardens. Persistence in open sin was to be punished by excommunication, aiTest, and seizure of property: "Pro- vided alwayes, that all the ministers doe meet once a quarter, namely, at the feast of St. Michael the Arkangell, of the Nativity of our Saviour, of the Annunciation of the blessed Vii'gine, and about midsummer, at James citty, or any other place where the Governo'' shall reside, to de- termine whom it is fit to excommunicate, and that they fii'st presente their opinion to the Governo"' ere they proceed to the acte of excom- munication." For swearing, after "thrise admonition," a fine of five shillings was imposed on freemen, while servants were to l)e whipped and were required to make public acknowledgment of the fault iu church. It was enacted that " all persons whatsoever upon the Sabbath daye shall frequcnte divine service and sermons, l)oth forenoon and after- noon, and all such as beare armes shall bring their pieces, swordes, j)Ouldcr and shottc." The " Great Charter of lawes, orders and privi- ledges" granted by the company at home was acce|ited by the "general assent and the applause of the whole assembly," professing themselves "in the first place most submissively thankful to Almightj' God" for "so many privilcdges and favours." Full of interest are the records of this first elective legislative body that ever convened on the continent; meeting, as it did, in the little church of the first settlers, with its proceedings begun with [)rayer by the church's minister, and providing for the preaching of the Word, and the administration of the sacraments, according to the church's usages and laws, more; than a year Ijci'ore the " Mayilower," with its company of Leyden Separatists, iell the harbor of Southampton to found upon the ))leak shores of New England the Puritan theocracy. ' Colonial Records of Virginia, p. 21. EFFORTS FOR THR CONVERSION OF THE RAVAOES. 69 In a plantation avowedly settled " for the glorie of God in the propagation of the Gospell of Christ," and for " the conversion of the savages," ' there could not fail to be, from the lirst, the wish and })ur- poso for the provision of some institution where the higher learning then deemed indispensable for the exercise of the ministry, could be obtained without recourse to the universities of the mother-land, three thousand miles away. The Church whose " form of sound words " was first heard on our American shores, conveying to heaven the devotions of men of English speech and lineage, was foremost in the eflbrt to meet this acknowledged want. In this attempt to lay tiie foundations of an educational system, by the provision of a public school and college, the cooperation of the colonists themselves was secured at the very outset. To that remarkable assembly in the choir of the church at Jamestown, on Friday, July 30, 1619, and from which, rather than to the cabin and " compact" of the "Mayflower," we may date the foundation of our popular government, we must look for the inauguration of eflbrt s for popular and the higher education. It was in the course of its proceedings that measures were taken " towards the erecting of the University and Colledge," as well as for the education of Indian children, for whom, as well as for the sons of the settlers, these seminai'ies of learning were designed. All this was in accordance with the will and purpose of the Council of Virginia in England, to which was intrusted the rule of the infant commonwealth. The govern- ment of the colony by Sir Thomas Smith, the treasurer of the Virginia Company, under which the settlers had languished for twelve hopeless years, was scarcely over, when, at the incoming of Sir George Yeardley as governor, orders were given for the establishment of a university in the colony, with a college for the instruction of the Indian youth. In letters from the council, previous to the accession of the new governor, reference is made to this design ; but we must date the beginning of active measures for its accomplishment to the accession of the excellent Sir Edwin Sandys to the treasurersliip of the com- pany. Soon after the return of Sir Thomas Dale, a "King's letter," addressed to the archliishops, had authorized four collections to be made within the two following years, in the several dioceses of the two {provinces of Canterbury and York, to enable the company to erect " churches and schooles for y" education of y'' children of the Barba- rians." This paper, which we give in full, in view of its interest and importance, both in an educational and religious point of view, was addressed to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York : — "Most Reverend Father in God, right trustie and well beloved counsellor, wee gi'eete you well. You have heard ere this time, of y" attempt of diverse worthie men, our subjects, to plant in Virginia (under y-' wan-ant of our L™ patents), People of this Kingdome, as well for y° enlarging of our Dominions, as for propagation of y" Gospel amongst Infidolls : wherein there is good pi'ogi'esse made, and hope of further increase: so as tlie undertakers of that riantation are now in hand with the erecting of some Churches and Schooles for y" education of y children of those Barbai-ians, w'^^ cannot but be to them a very great eliarge, and above the expence vf'^'^ for civill plantation doth come to them. In w''' wee ■ Vide "A Brief Declaration of tbe FUntatiou of Virginia," etc., in the "Colonial Records of Virginia," p. G9. 70 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. doubt not but that you and all others who wish well to the encrease of Christian Keligion will be willing; to give all assistance and furtherance you may, and there- in to make experience of the zeale and devotion of our well-minded subjects, espe- cially those of y* Clergie. Wherefore wee doe require you, and hereby authorize you to write y" Letters to y^ scverall IMshops of j-^" Dioceses in y"' Province, that they doe give order to the Ministers, and other zealous men of their Dioceses, both by their own example in contribution and by exhortation to others, to move our people w"'in their several charges to contribute to so good a worke in as liberall a manner as they may, for the better advancing whereof our pleasure is that those collections be made in all the particular Parishes foiu- seucrall times wthin these two years next coming: and that the seuorall accounts of each parish, together wth the moneys collected, be retourned from time to time to y' liishops of y= Dioceses, and by them be transmitted half yearly to you ; and so to be deliuered to the Treasurer of that Plantation, to be employed for the Godly purposes intended, and no other." ' In response to this appeal, said to be the first instance of the issuing of a " brief " in England for any charitable purpose connected with her foreign possessions, nearly £1,500 was received, and on the 18th of November, 1618, the company in England gave these in- structions to Yeardley, and placed them in full upon their records : — " Whereas, by a special grant and license from His IMajesty, a general contribution over this Realm hath been made for the building and planting of a college for the training up of the children of those Infidels in ti'ue Religion, moral virtue, and civility, and for other god- lyness, Wo do therefore, according to a former Grant and order, hereby ratefie, confirm, and ordain that a convenient place be chosen and set out for the planting of a university at the said Henrico in time to come, and that in the mean time preparation be there made for the buildins; of the said Colle'oloiiy, never before printed," Albany, 18(5'J, which was subsequently reissued abroad with changes, as " The English Colonization of America during tho Seven- teenth Century," London, 1871. Interesting and important as are the extracts of those records, printed in Mr. Neill's volumes, the publication of tho whole is still greatly to be desired. It is to bo regretted that a second effort to secure this end, made by Senator John W. Johnston, of Virginia, iu 1881, which passed the Senate, tailed in ' llistoi-y of the Virfjinia Companv, pp. 379, < Vide llio " Memoir of Nirliolas Fi'rrar," hy 380. ■ Peter Pccknril, Lonclon, 17i>0, a work full of lofor- ' IIa\vk9'a"EccI. Contributions,"!., Virginia, cncca to tlie early colonial history of Vircinia. p. 42. Compare Palfrey's •' New Englanif," i.. p. 192. EFFORTS FOU THE CONVERSION OF THE SAVAGES. 79 the House of Ivepreseutativus. As Mr. Thointon saya : "The rcpublioalion of this work would open a now volume of our earliest e.xistence, a most valuable ehaptcr in Anglo-American histoiy, in its moral and social aspect; a phase, though most important, yet most difficult to preserve, because of its evanescent character; it is not, cannot be, set forth in record and in diplomacy — always and necessarily more or less deceptive — and its spirit is only feebly discerned by the most elaborate analyses of the wisest student." The same authority refers "to Nicholas FeiTar as deserving our grateful remembi'ance and demanding our highest regard, " as the very «02// of Virginian colonization," adding that his life is " of unparalleled in- terest;" and closes his argument with these words: "As these volumes are of national rather than local interest, reaching back to the very foundation of the Enc]- lisk coinpanu.i fur colonizing America ; as they have escaped the chances and mis- haps of two centuries, on either side of the Atlantic ; as they have not been used by our historians, — lying virtually unknown ; and as Provide^ice has now jjlaced them in the keeping of our National Congress, — is it not our National dutij to have than appropriatdij edited and published^ " — Ilist. Mag., ii., p. 05. The spirit in which the intelligence of the massacre was received in England is indicated in a noble sermon jireached before the Virginia Company by the cele- brated poet and divine. Dr. John Donne, Dean of St. Paul's, on the liith of Novem- ber, 10:^2, from the text, Acts i. 8. We give some extracts of this quaint but excel- lent discourse : " Those of our profession, that goe ; you, that send them who goe, doe all an Apostolic function. What action soeuer hath in the first intention thereof a purpose to i)ropagate the gospcll of Christ lesus. that is an Apostolicall action ; Before the end of the world come, before this mortalitie shall put on immor- talitie, before the creature shall be deliuered of this bondage of corruption, vndcr which it groanes, before the martyrs vndcr the Altar shall be silenc'd, before all things shall be subdued to Christ, his kingdom profited, and the last encmie (death) destroyed, the Gospel! must be preached to those men to whom ye send ; to all men. Further and hasten you this blessed, this ioyful, this glorious consummation of all, and happie re-vnion of all bodies to their soulcs, by preaching the Gospcll to those men. Pieach to them doctrinally, preach to them practically, enamore them with yonrlustice, and (as fari-e as may consist with your secmitie) your Ciuilitic ; but mfiame them with your Godlinesse and your Religion. Bring them to loue and reverence the name of that King that sends men to teach them the waycs of Ciuilitie in this world ; but to feare and adore the Name of that King of Kings, that sends men to teach them the wayes of religion for the next world. Those amongst you that are old now, shall passe out of this world with this great comfort, that you con- tributed to the beginning of that Commonwealth, and of that Church, though they liue not to see the growth thereof to perfection. Apollos wati'od, but Paul planted ; he that began the worke was the greater man. And you that are young now, may liue to see the enemy as much impeached by that place, and your friends, yea children, as well accommodated in that place, as any other. You shall haue made this Hand, which is but as the suburbs of the old world, a bridge, a gallery to the new; to ioyne all to that world which shall nouer grow old, the Kingdorae of Heaucn. You shall adde persons to this Kingdome, and to the Kingdome of Heauen, and add names to the Boqkes of our Chronicles, and to the Booke of Life." The laws of the House of Assemblj', drawn up at the time when the king was seeking to cft'cct the dissolution of the company at home, begin with the regulation of church aH'airs, and the first seven of the thirty-five articles in which they wore comprised are wholly concerned with ecclesiastical matters. Those enactments provide : " That in every Plantation, where the ijcoplc wore wont to meet lor the worship of God, there should be a house or room, set apart for that purixxso, and not converted to any temporal use whatsoever; and that a ])lace of burial bo em- paled and sequestered, only for the burial of the dead : That whosoever should absent himself from Divine Service any Sunday, without an allowable excuse. should forfeit a pound of tobacco, and that he who absented himself a month, should forfeit fifty pounds of tobacco : That there should be an uniformity in the Church, as near as might be, both in substance and circumstance, to the Canons of the Church of England ; and that all persons should yield a ready obedience to them, upon pain of censure : That the 22nd of March (the day of the massacre) should be solemnized and ke])t holy : and that all the other holidaj's should be observed, except when two fall together in the summer season (tho time of their working and crops), when the first only was to be observed, by reason of their necessities and employment: That no Minister should be absent iVom his cure above two months 80 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. in the Avholo year, upon penalty of forfeiting liaif his sahiry ; and whosoever was absent aljove four months should forfeit his whole salaiy and eure : That whoso- ever should disparage a Minister, without sufficient proof to justify his reports, whereby the minds of his parishioners might be alienated from him, and his min- istry prove the less elTectual, should not only pay five hundred pounds of tobacco, but also should ask the Minister's forgiveness, publicly licfore the Congregation : That no man should dispose of anj'of his tobacco, before the minister was satisfied, upon forfeiture of double his part towaril the salary ; and that one man of every Plantation should be appointed to collect the Minister's sahiry, out of tlie first and best tobacco and corn." — Stith's Virr/inia, Sabin's reprint, New York, 1805, p. 319. These laws, doubtless taken, as Stith suggests, from the Articles sent over by Sir Thomas Smith, thougli in some respects severe and arbitrary, are far more equitable and milder in tone than any preceding enactments They are, we are assured Ijy Stith, the oldest recorded statutes of the " Old Dominion." From the "Lists of the Livinge & Dead in Virginia, Feb. 10th, 16:20," pub- lished from tlie original MSS. in the State Paper Office (Colonial, Volume v.. No. 2), by the State of Virginia (Richmond, ISTi). we find the following clergymen recorded as living at that time, viz. : — Grivell (Grcville) Poolcy, Minister at FloUrdieu Hundred, Sir George Yeai'd- Icy's Plantation ; Hant Wyatt, Minister at James City ; David Sanders (or Sandys), Minister at Hogg Island ; " Mr. Keth " (George Keith), Minister at Klizabeth City. Neill, in his "Notes on the Virginia Colonial Clergy" (Philadeljihia, 1877), gives the names of the clergy in Virginia up to the time of tlie massacre, as follows : Robert Hunt ; Glover ; Alexander Whitakcr ; Richard Bucke ; William Wick- ham ; George Keith ; William Mease ; Thomas Bargrave ; David Sandys (or San- ders) ; Jonas Stockton (or Stockham) ; Robert Paulet ; Robert Bolton ; Hant Wyatt ; William Bennett ; Thomas White ; William Leate (or Leake), and Greville Pooley. A list such as this aifords ample evidence of the interest taken by the clergy of the English Church in the work of ministering to the colonists and savages of Virginia. This solicitude for the spiritual wants of the settlers in America, sliown by the mother-church of England, appears in striking contrast with the absence of any provision for months on the part of the Plymouth " pilgrims" for a minister's presence among them, although their coming to this country was professedly on religious grounds. CHAPTER VI. PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. THE New England coast, M'liich, during the eventful winter of 1607-8, echoed the familiar words of the church's "Common Praj'er" in the little chapel in which Richard Seymour ministered, at (he mouth of the Sagadahoc, recei\ed, thirteen j'ears later, Ihc Ley den Brownists at Plymouth. Separatists fi"pm the Church, as they were, they, nevertheless, in their famous Lcyden Articles, professed that " the authorj'ty of y'^ present bishops in y"" Land wee do acknol- idg so far forth as y'^ same is, indeed, derived from his Majesty untto them." • But it is unnecessary to say that the first visitor to tliis cradle home of New England Puritanism, in holy orders, tiic Rev. William IMorell, who came over in 1623, with Robert Gorges, saw no opportunity for the exercise of his ministry. Though armed with a commission from the ^-yj p^^, 'l^u\\». -nC^ ecclesiastical authorities at home to exercise -^<^(iC3f «^ a qjia^i episcopal authority over the religious organization of the infant colony, Morell occupied his leisure in Plym- outh in the composition of a Latin poem, closing with the expression of a natural aspiration, — " To see here built, I trust, An English kingdom from tliis Indian dust," — and only revealed the nature and extent of his commissarial power when on the eve of returning to his native land. Morell was " a modest and prudent priest," and during his year's residence contented him- self with collecting such information as was within his reach ; and then, weary of living as a stranger in a strange land, where the strong ten- dency to " separatism " could not well be resisted, he returned to England, balHcd and defeated. There were churchmen among the early settlers at Plymouth ; but the ministrations of an English priest would hardly be permitted in behalf of those whose attempt at keep- ing Christmas in default of prayers by out-door sports appropriate for a holiday had been received with evident disfavor by the authorities of the settlement.^ ' N.E. Hist. an.liiiuld play it others workc. If th' y made ' Ihid., p. Hi). y* kcepin;; of it mater ol devotion, let them kepc ' Morion's " \i\v I')ii;;li»h Caiiaiin," p. 9.3. their hnnupq, hnt tlier sliould he no ;;aiiieiii^ or ■'• M/'/., p. l.'>. revelling; iii y^ ^itrcctd. .Since whicli lime nothing I'lONKKHS OF TIIK CIIUIU'II IN XKW ICNGLANI). 8;^ to look Ihor should be hetler walking."' Tlic "Lord of Afisrulc," llu" imuTy ".Sachem of Passoiiagcssel," was aiTcsled l)y tin; riiritans, under the command of tlie choleric Captain Miles Standish. wlinm Morton facetiously styled " Captain Shrimp" Left with scanty pro- vision for his wants to winter on the Isle of Shoals, and succored by the Indians, whomhe found more "full of humanity "Uiaii "these Christians," Morton made his way to England, where, as Bradford acknowledges, he was "not so much as rebukte."- and whence he shortly returned, ' Bradloiil's " History of I'lyiuoulli I'laiitiilimi," |>. 238. ' Ibid., p. tiX 8-1 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. under the protection of one of the leading Puritans, Isaac Allerton, who, ais Bradford cuniplaiiis, seems 1o have brought liim "to y'= towne (as it were to nose them) and lodged him at his owne house and for a while used him as a scribe to doe his bussiness."' But the opposition of the authorities compelled the friendly Allerton "to pack him away," as Bradford informs us, and " so he went to his old nest in y" Massa- chusets." This "nest" was his by patent, and but for the implacable hate of the Puritans it might long have been said of him, "Our mas- ter reades the Bil»le and the Word of God, and useth the Booke of Common Prayer" within the limits of the jNIassacIuisetts Bay. But charges were made against this "proud insolent man," as M^inthrop styles him, of "injuries done I)y him ))oth to the English and Indians; and amongst others, for shooting hail-shot at a troop of Indians for not bringing a canoe unto him to cross a river withal ; wherel)y he hurt one, and shot through the garments of another." - This, of course. ^ STANDISn's SWOUD AND A MATCHLOCK. is the testimony of his foes. If wc may judge from liis book, and from the fact that, tliough living near Weymouth, where Weston's men had been massacred by the savages, ho was unharmed, and lived evi- d(uitly without fear, we should regard him as a friend of the red men, who were welcomed to i\Fa-rc Mount, and there, initiated in a superior woodcraft, and dissuaded from the excessive use of aijiia rike, were instructed in the kindly religion of the "Book of tlonunon Prayer." But the court decreed on the 7tli of September, 1();^(», " that Thomas Morton, of Mount Wolliston, shall i)resently be set into the bilboes, and after sent prisoni^r into England, by the ship called the '(lift,' now re- turning thither ; that all his goods shall l)e seized upon to defray the charge of his transportation, i)ayinent of his del)ts, and to give satis- faction to the Indians for a canoe he unjustly took away from them ; < Itrailfoi'd's " Hi«toiy of I'lymouth Plautii- Liiicnln, ignnlcil in linnlfonrs " Hist, of I'lyiii- tioii," |>. 2^)3, oiUh I'lnntaliDii," p. ^M, iiofe. " l>inllov, in hi** letter to iUc CouuIcbh nl' PIONEKUS Oi' TllK CUUKCU IN NliW lONGLANl). «,5 and tliat liis liouse, nftor that his goods aro takcni out, shall be burnt dowu to llie ground in the sight ot" the Indians, for their satisfaction, for many wrongs he hath done them from time to time." ' In the words of a recent investigator, " these were higii-handed acts of unmis- taivable o[)pression.""^ Evidently, to quote the same authority, "the probabilities in the ease would seem to be that the Massachusetts mag- istrates had made up their minds in advance to drive this man out of Massachusetts."^ The cruel sentence was fully carried out, and, by a refinement of cruelty, it was ordered that Morton should " saile in sight of his howse " '' " fired " by order of his pitiless foes, and thus be a witness of the ruin of his hopes and home. The captain of the "Gift" I'efused to carry him agreeably to the order of the court, and it was three months before the authorities could rid themselves of the distasteful presence of the ofifender. In England he naturally sought redress for the injuries he had received, and committed the further offence of writing what Bradford styles "an infamouse and scurillous booke against many godly and cheefe men of y'" cuntrie ; full of lyes and slandei's, and fi'aight with profane callumnies against their names and persons, and y" ways of God." * Returning " after sundry years," as Maverick tells us, " to look after his land for which he had a patent," he was, to quote the testimony of Bradford, "imprisoned at Boston for this booke and other things, being grown old in wickedness." ^ Maverick testifies as to the severity of his treatment at the bands of his relentless and unscrupulous persecutors, by whom he was refused bail, and imprisoned in the common gaol without fire or bedding through a cold winter, "although there was nothing laid to his charge but the writing of this book."' Even Winthrop's account would be sufficient to convict the Massachusetts authorities of the grossest disregard of justice. " Hav- ing been kept in prison about a year, in expectation of further evidence out of England, he was again called before the court, and, after some debate what to do with him, he was fined £100 and set at liliertv. He was a charge to the country, for he had nothing, and we thought not fit to inflict corporal punishment upon him, being old and crazy, but thought better to fine him and give him his liberty, as if it had been to procure his fine, l)nt indeed to leave him opportunity to go out of this jurisdiction, wliich ho did soon after, and went to Agamenti- cus, and, living there poor and despised, he died within two years ' M:ts3. Col. Records, quotcJ in Bradford, hoisted by a (atklc, aud ncarc starued in the p. 233, note. passage. No thiiisc was said to liim hearo : in •i Mr. Cliarles Francis Adams, -Ir., in the the tyme of his alinde heave, he wrote a booke eu- " Atlantic Montlily," 1877. titled New Caiian, a good description of the 3 Ibid. Cuntcry as then it was, only in the end of it he ' Coll. N.Y. llist. Soc., 1869. rnblication pinched too closely on some in aiithoritie tliere. Fund, " Clarendon Papers," p. 40. We have the for w' some ycares after comin^re oner to look followintf account of Jlorton in a letter to the' after his land for w'"" he had a patent many Earl of Clarendon by .Samuel Maverick, reciting yc.ares before, be found bis land disposed of and the acts of injustice done by the Massachusetts madealowncsbip, and hiniselfe sborilv after ap- authorities: "One M' Morton, a gen' of good prcbended, put into the gaolo w"' out lire or hed- qualitie, vpon p'tence that he bad sbott an Indian, dinge, no bayle to be taken, where he remained wittingly, W" was indeede but accidentally, and aveiy cold winter, nothing laid to bis cliarge no hurt donn, tliey sentenced him to be sent fo' but the writings of this booke, w"' he confessed Kngland prisoner, as one who hail a desiijne to not, norcoulil ibeyproue. He ilicd shortlyafter, sett the Indians at varieuce w"" vs, they further and as he saiil, and may well bo supposed on bis ordered as be Wiis to saile in sight of his howse hard vsage in prison." that it should be fired, he refnsinge to goe iu to '; Bradford, p. 2'A. the shipp, as havin^'o no busines there, was " JbiJ., p. '2jj. 86 HISTORY OF THE AMRRICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. Sifter."' lie liiul IxH'ii robbed of his land, lii.s liou.se had been burned before his eyes, his goods had been distrained, he had been banished from a territory to which lie had, by virtue of his patent, as good a right of eminent domain as those who sat in judgment upon him, and now, wiien "old mid crazy," ho is considerately spared "corporal ])unishnienf at the hands of those who winced boiicatii the lashes of his wit, and with Ihc burden of a fine resting u]ion iiini. — " poor " l)erause spoiled of all he had by those in j)ower, and "despised" only by those who were smarting under the lash of liis sarcasm, — the worn-out old man sought refuge in the royal province of Maine, and died at Agamenticus. His " infamouse and scurillous booke" is .still extant. Its perusal will not bear out the charge of the Puritan historian. If not better than iiis foes he "was no worse, and churchmen may well remember that even if there were the j\Iay-time revels of Old England at Ma-re Mount, the reading of God's word and the use of the " Dook of Common Prayer" were not forgotten by this motlej' crew of sportsmen and savages who foil under the displeasure of the zealots of Plymouth and the Massachusetts Bay. Meanwhile there had been other attempts to introduce the Church upon the New England coast, and within the limits of the patents of Plymouth and the Massachusetts Bay. In lG2o the London advent- urers sent over " a preacher," though, to quote Bradford's words, " none of the most eminent and rare," to minister to the colonists at Plymouth. This was the Rev. John Lyford. He had been in Ireland before his coming to New England, and "had wound himself," as Bradford writes, "into y'' esteemc of sundry godly and zclous profcssours in those parts, ■who, having been biu-dened with y ceremonies in England. Ibund there some more liberty to their consciences."- Here he had fallen into gross immorality, the proofs of which were readily furnished when he sought to " set u]i a publick meeting aparte, on y"^ I^ord's day," .Mnd " would goe minister the sacrements by his E})isco]iall caling." There was no disposi- tion at PlyuKuitli to tolerate a schism, and Lyford and his friend Oldham were promptly banished from the colony, lie became the minister, first of the little company at Nantasket, of which Roger Conant was one, and, later, of the unsuccessful settlement at Cape Ann, from whence he went lo ^'il■ginia. There is no evidence tiiat Lyford was any more of a con- formist than to rely upon his ministerial commission impiirtcd by the English Church. The records do not speak of his use of the prayer-book forais, or of his exercise of his ministry in Virginia, where none but conformists Mere admitted to ])arislies. Besides, the only charges of immorality brought against him were made during his espousal and advocacy of separatist views and jji-actices, while of his career while in the " Ei)i.scopal calling," ifwc know little or nothing, wo know nothing ill. About the y<'ar KVi.") the present site of Boston was occupied by a "clerk in Holy Orders," and a graduate of lOmannel Coll(\u:e, Cam- bridge. The Rev. A\'illiam Blaxton took the Bachelor's degree at the University in 1G17, and his Master's degree in 1(')21 ; and we are told ■ Wiiilliroii'ii " Hist, of New Euglaiul," II., ' liist. of Plymouth Pluntatiou, p 1U3. p. 190. PIONKERS OF THE CliriiCII IN NEW ENGLAND. NT that when lu> apiieiircd in Aiiiciiuii he was still less limn thirty yrars old.' The researches ot" Mr. Charles Francis Adams, ,Ir., leave little or no doubt but that Blaxtou, with his friends, and neighbors at a later date, Maverick and A\'alturd, acconiiianicd IJobert Gorges in the expe- dition whitli irl'l Plymouth, England, in the midsunnner ()fl(i2;:i. wliich, to quote the words ot" this aeeomplished and accurate writer, "repre- sented the whole power and dignity of the Council lor New England." - It was but natural that the Rev. AVilliara Morrcll, the ecclesiastical head of tlu; new government, should be ac- couipaiiieil by a clerical assist^int, the Rev. ^ . William Blaxtou. That there was a close '^Hn/^'^ ^B-Ta^tor^- counection existing between Blaxtou and Gorges is evident from notices of business tran.sactions still extant. IMaxton's occupancy n^jj^ '^ZB^o^h*r\^ of "Shawmut" was known and recognized by ^ the Puritans, who assessed him twelve shil- lings towards the charges of arresting Thomas Morton of Ma-re Mount. This was on the Uth of June, 1628. Later, on the 29th of Ajn-il, 162!), he was empowered 1)}' Gorges to put John Oldham, T>yford's tVicud and companion in exile trom Plymouth, in possession of lands near Boston, and in 1681 a similar authority was given him in favor of a settler at Dover, New Hampshire. Prior to 1629 Blaxton seems to liavc lived in solitude, apart from his kind, with only nature as his study, and the savages as her in- terpreters. At l(Migth a churchm.'ui like himself, Thomas Walford, is re- ferred to as occupying a palisadoed and thatched house at Mishawum, now Charlcstown. Later, iSamuel ^laverick, an uncomproniising church- man, is found living at Noddle's Island, now East Boston, where he had built a small fort, " placing thereon some Murtherers, to protect him from the Indians." Thus the three poninsulas. now covered l>y the city of Boston, and part of the pat- ent of Gori^es, himself a churchman, a ^ aa ■" Z' were occupied by men of the same O^"^ u3C .yvv. ,^-*,e^L(Ji^ faith, who thus, as it were, took possession of this important territory in fealty to the crown and church of the mother-land. Maverick was, as Savage informs us, " a gent Icinan of good estate,"^ but, as we learn from Johnson's " Wonder- Working Providence,"'' "an enemy to the reformation in hand, being strong for the Lordly prelaticall power," "though a man of a very loving and courteous behaviour," and "very read}^ to entertaine strangers." " AVorthy of a perpetual remembrance " is the testimony given of him by Winthrop,* forhis lovingministrations, andthose rendered iiyhis wife 'Dr. Do Costa's " Monograpli on William ' Winthrop's "Xcw En;a;laiiil," i., l'. ;i2. Blackstonc, in liis relations to Massachusetts note. anil Rhode I-hmil," p. 4. * Lib. I., Chap, xvir., in " Mass. Hist. See. ■ Mcmori;il Ilistoiy of Boston, I., p. 7r>. Coll.," n, p. 88. Priiceeilin^s of the Mass. Hist. Sec, 1878, ' i., p. 143, .Savage's cil. pp. 194-2U0. 'X^t-y^ ^xT^lJ '>^^l^ 88 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CnUKCH. and servants, when the Indians in his neighborhood sickened and died of the small-pox. He " went daily," we are told, to the sufferers, " minis- ^':l^^/> tercd to their necessities, buried their dead,- and took honic many of their children." Josselyn, who visited this nol)le-hcarLed philanthropist, iu ' Tlic l>usl portrait of Govcruor Wiiitlirop is tliat iu llic .Senate Cliambci- of Massachiisclts, — always asciibcil to Van Dyck. There is a mar- ble Matue of liim, in a s'lttiu^' posture, in the chapel at Mount Auburn, and unullier, stand- ing, in the Capitol at Wa-shington. A lliiid, standing and in bronze, has been recently ci'Ceted in the cily of Boston. All the statues arc by Ricbaid t>! Ilreenough. .See R. C. Win- throp s " IJIe .ind Letters of .John Winlbi-op," II., p. 408. 'J'bc iiortrait in the Senate Cham- tier i» that referred to in Malber's "Magnalia." A descendant in Now York has another likeness, much inferior, of which there is a copy, or duplicate, in the hall of the .'Vntiquariau Society at Worcester. The family has also a miniature, thought to be an original, but it is in very bad condition. There arc two e(»pies of the Senate Chamber likeness in Memorial Mall at Cambridge; another in the Boston .Mhenieura, and one in the gallery of tbe Massachusetts Ilislorieal Society. '"Above thirty buried bv Mr. Maverick, o( Wiuescnictt in one day." — iVinlhroji, i , \>. 1 12. PIONEERS OF THE CIURril IN NEW KNCLANU. 89 July, 1038, speaks ofhiiu as " the only hospital)lo man in all tho country, giving entertainment to all Comers, •«/**•." ' He lived in liis island home for many j^ears, falling from time to time under the animadversions of the authorities, for the too free exercise of the apostolic virtue, " given to hospitality," and apparently continuing steadfast in his devo- tion to the church of his baptism and early love. In UiSOthe quiet possession of the peninsula of Boston was broken by the appearance of Governor Winthrop and his followers at INIisha- wum. In their journey of exploration made on foot from Salem "to Mattachusetts, to tind out a place for our sitting down," Winthrop re- cords 2 that they " lay at Mr. Maverick's," and it was not long before they ST. BOTOLI'H S CUURCH. had established themselves at their new home. The story of their change of location from Charlestown to Boston is recorded in the Charles- town Records : — In the meantime, Mr. Blackstone, dwelling on tlie otlicr .side Charles River alone, at a place by the Indeans called Shawnmtt, where he only had a cottage, at or not far oil' the place called Blackstone's Point, ho came and acquainted the Gov- ernor of an excellent Spring there ; withal inviting him and soliciting him hither. Whereupon, after the death of Mr. Johnson and divers others, the Governor, with Mr. Wilson, and the greatest part of the church removed hither : whither also the frame of the Governor's house, in preparation at this town, was also (to the dis- content of some) can-ied; where people began to build their houses against winter ; and this place was called Boston.' 'Two Voyages to New Englaod, p. l.^. "Quoted in the ''Memorial Ilistoiy ot Boston, 1865. Boston," i., p. 116. » New England, i., p. 32. 90 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. To this spot — "a paradise," ' as Winthrop styles it, wheu, tbitiie first time sondiiiga letter, daivd from "Boston," to his wife — the solitary Blaxton welcomed his countrymen. His humble home was situated on the west slope of Beacon Hill, from which he commanded au unob- structed view of the mouth of the Charles. Around him were culti- vated grounds, and, it is said, an orchard. It was on the 7th of September, U.S., — the 17th as we now reckon it, — intheyear lO.'iO, that the Court of Assistants ordered " thatTrimountaine shall lie called Boston," — a name endeared to the new-comers from its associations with the Lincolnshire town of Boston, England, named for St. Botolph, from which the daughter of the Earl of Lincoln, the Lady Arbella .fohnsou, and her husband, had come to die in this distant land, and where one whose name was long to be held in honor in the new home of his adoption — the Rev. John Cotton — was still ministering as vicar of the noble parish church. The settlers at Shawmut were of the company which sailed from Southampton on the 22d of March in the year (KiSO), bringing both the governor and " the Company of JNIassachusetts Bay," and liearing with them the charter of Massachusetts. In the principal ship, the "Arbella," with the governor, were the Lady Arbella, from whom the vessel took its name, and her husband; Sir Richard Saltonstall, the Rev. George Pliillips, the minister ; Thomas Dudley, the deputy-gov- ernor, and others ; while John Wilson, subsequently the first minister of Boston, was in one of the other vessels, which bore the names of the "Tall)ot," the " Ambrose," and the " Jewel." Detained by unfavorable winds at "the Cowes," and again while otf Yarmouth, it was not until the second week in April tiiat this memorable voyage, which brought to our shores "The Great Emigration," as it was called, was fairly begun. The delay had given opportunity for the members of the comiiany on board the " Arbella'" to address "The Huml)le Request of His iMajesty's Loyal 1 Sul)jects, the Governor and the Company lately gone for New England, to the rest of their brethren in and of the Church of England, for the obtaining of their Prayers, and the removal of suspicions, and Misconstruction of their Intentions." In this touching farewell and address, evidently prepared for the correction of misapprehensions wliicli were rife as to designs of these emigrants, occurs the following striking profession of their intentions and belief : — Howsoever your charity may have met with some occasion of discouragement through tlie misreport of our intentions, oi- tlu'ough tlio disaflection or indiscretion of some of us, or r.athcr anionjrrit us (for we arc not of those that dream of ))crl'L'c- tion in tliis worlil), yet wo desire yon would bo pleased to take notice of the principals and body of our company, as those who esteem it our honor to call the Church of England, from whence we rise, o\n- dear mother ; and cainiot i)art from our native country, where she specially rcsidcth, without much sadness of heart, and many tears in oiu- eyes, ever acknowledging that such liopo and part as we have obtained in the common salvation, wo have received in her bosom, and sucked it from licr breasts. Wo leave it not, therefore, as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished there ; but, blessing God for tlie parent;\g(! and education, as members of the same body shall always rejoice in her good, and unfeignedly grieve for any son-ow that ' Mcmorinl Iliitory of Bustoa, i., p. 117. PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 91 shall ever betide her, and while we have breath, sincerely desire and c;iuleavor the continuance and abundance of her welfare, with the enlargement of her bounds in the Kingdom of Christ Jesus.' Words such as these are conclusive as to the attitude of the Icader.s of " Tiio Great Emigration " towards the Church on the " Easter Moii- day, Anno Domini .1630," when the excellent Winthrop began on the " ArhcUa," " riding at the Cowes, near the Isle of Wight," the iiivaluahle journal wiienoe we derive our fullest knowledge of the colony for nearly a score of years. It was not till the ocean was ci'osscd that those stigmatized in this "Address" as indiscreet or disatrected wore found to he in tiio ascendant in number and inllucncc, and speedily I Quoted in tlic " Mom. Hist, of Boston," i., p. lOS, I'i'rfe, o/so, Hutchinson's "Hist, of Mass.." r., pp. 4S7. 4SS. 92 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHITRCH. drew to their side the very writer of this admirable "Address." It hud been urged that " faction and separation from the C'huroli " had been " secretl}' harboured " l^y those who were projecting this trans-Atlantic settlement, and that the colony was intended to become "a nursery of ftiction and rebellion, disclaiming and renouncing our church as a limb of Anti-Christ." White, in "The Planter's Plea,"' ansv/ers this ol)jec- tion by a reference to " the letter subscribed with the hands of the Governour and his associates," as affirming the contrary ; and this "patriarch of New England colonization," as he is called, proceeds to defend the settlers from the imputations of " non-conformity " as well as " separation." " Some variation from the formes and customes of our church " might be hoped for or expected, but that the promoters of this enterprise were " pi'ojectiug the erecting of this colony for a nursery of Schisma ticks"" was mdignantly denied. The assertion was made that at least "three parts of foure " of the planters were "altlo to justifie themselves to have lived in a constant course of conformity unto our church government and orders," and that the governor, "Mr. lo. Winthrop," kid " beene every way regular and confoimable in the whole course of his practise." " Neither all nor the greatest part of the jNIiuisters are unconformable,"^ it \vas added. Thus earnestly did the adventurers themselves, at the outset of their enterprise, and their friends whom they left behind, disclaim the chai-ge of separation or non-conformity. It is certainly noteworthy, in view of these profes- sions of conformity and acquiescence in the teachings and practice of the mother-church, that ])ut a few weeks elapsed after they had landed in the New A^'ol■ld ere their "faction and separation from the Church" were openly confessed. The fleet tliat Ijorc the company and charter of Massachusetts Bay and tlicir fortunes had but l)arcly reached (he New England I'oast when, on the wOth of July, six weeks after their landing at Salem, the governor, his dc})uty, Mr. Isaac Johnson, the husband of the Lady Arbella, and Jolin Wilson, the minister, organized, at their new home in Charlcstown, a separatist, non-conforming "congregation or church." Sickness and death made havoc in the little connnunity at Charles- town. The lack of fresli-water was sorely felt, and the invitation of the solitary Blaxton to the other side of the peninsula doubtless prevented the extermination of the colony. On the l!)th of Octol)cr, Rlaxton and Maverick were admitted as " Freemen" ;■• but the following May, Thomas Walford, the Charles- town blacksmith, a churchman who was not a freeman, was fined 40s., and, with his wife, banished from the " pattent." for " his contempt of authority and confrontinge officers, &c.,"* and it was ordered, at the next meeting of tiic General Court, that " for time to come noe man shalbe admitted to the freedome of this body pollitickc, but such as • Tlic Plnntn's Plea, London, 1G30. Re- sympathy with the Piiiitan parly, of which lie printcil in roicc's " Hist. TnicU," II., pp. 33,34. aubscouenlly licrame ii pi'oniiucnt mcmhcr. "The Pluntcr's Plea" vv.at wiilleu by the -'//«'od."- Nor only this; our critic waxes eUxiuent in his ami)liiication of Johnson's words. "For any one," proceeds Hubl)ard, "to retain only the outward ])adge of his functions, tiiat never could pretend to any faculty therein, or exercise thereof, is, though no honor to himself, yet a dishonor and disparagement to the order he would thereb}' challenge acciuaintance with.'"'' AVe cannot wonder that lioston soon became too strait for this churchman, who so ])crtinaciously clung to his " canonical coat." As thither tells us, " this man was, indeed, of a particular humor, and he would never join him- self to any of our churches, giving this reason for it : 'I came from England, because I did not like the Jord-bi'slinps; hui I cannot join with you, because; I would nol ])c uuilcvWw lord-/j}-p/./in>n.'"'* Consequently. in 1G34, he turned liis back upon orchard and garden and spring, receiv- ing "satisfaction" from the Bostonians he left behind, for his landed estate, to the amount of £30, every householder jiaying six shillings,'' and with his books and. tradition tells us, a herd of cattle, he j)enc- 'Rccorils of the Col. of the Muss. Bay, i., ' flii,l. p. tot. 'Mii'.'iialiii, Book IIt.,.\I. Mliiliburil, ill II. Miw-ii. Hist. Soo. Coll., 'MLMUOiial Histoiy of Boston, I., p. S.'i, v., p. 11-1. Iinlf. PIONEERS OF THE CUURCU IN NEW ENGLAND. 95 tratcd fiu-thcr into the wilderness, and among "God's first temples" set up his sanctuary and home. A few 3'cars later, in 1041, Leciiford, a churchman, and the author of "Plain Dealing," writes as follows : — " One Master Blakeston, a Minister, went from Boston, having lived tliere nine or ten ycarcs, because he would not joyno with the Church," adding " he lives neere blaster Williams, but is far from his opinions. " ' It was to a sjiot to which he gave the name of " Study Hill,' within the limits of the present town of Lonsdale, Rhode Island, that Blaxton removed, thus becom- ing the first white inhabitant, /~t as well as minister, of that X/ /7 /I r, a' lAy,' lit /^ >>, ^ State. From time to time he J\f^^ rVj ^ G. TUS visited Boston, where he mar- ^""^ ried Mistress Sarah Stephenson, Jnly 4, 1659. He is said to have occasionally oiSciated at Providence, when he was old, gathering about him the children by gifts of fruit ; and, without doubt, the words of the Common Prayer were heard at stated times by the little community at "Study Hill." Hopkins, of Providence, who gives us traditionary talcs of this simple-minded, gentle-hearted recluse, speaks of him as "an Exemplary Christian." Fond of tilling the earth, fond of the " low- ing herd," fond of study, and fond of children, as these old chroniclers depict him, we may l)e proud of Boston's first inhabitant and Rhode Island's earliest settler, — the Rev. William Blaxton, A.M. He died at Cumberland, Rhode Island, May 26, 1675, the Wednesday after Whit- sunday, being upwards of fourscore years old, and having survived his wife nearly two years. His library, numl)ering uearl}^ two hundred vol- umes, together with his "paper books," ten in number, and inventoried at five sMllings, were destroyed by the Indians shortly after his decease. In the " First General Letter of the Governor and Deputy of the New England Company" to the settlers at Naumkeag, or Salem, in Massachusetts, under Endicott, written from Gravesend, April 17, 1629, and beginning with the pious ejaculation, "Laus Deo," appear the names of "Mr. John and Mr. Samuell Browne," as members of "the Councell of the Mattachusetts Bay," - following next to the names of the ministers, Francis Higginson, Samuel Skeltou, and Francis Bright. In a postscript to this important official communication the writers ap- pend a special recommendation of " two Brethren of our Comp : Mr. John and ]\Ir. Sam.: Browne, who, though they bee noe adventurers in the generall stock, 3'ett are thej' men wee doe much respect, being fully perswaded of their sincere affeccions to the good of o"' plaiifacion. The one, Mr. John Browne, is sworne an Assistant heere, and by vs chosen one of the councell there — a man experienced in the lawes of o'' kingdomc, and such an one as wee are perswaded will worthylie de- serve yo'' tauor and furtherance, w"-'" we desire he may haue, and that in the first devision of land there may be allotted to either of tlieui 200 acres." ^ > Plain Dealiiifr, or News fiom Xcw En;;- - RpconU of Massachiisctls, i., p. 3S7. lauil, Boston, 1867, p. 97. 'Ibid., I., p. 33S. 96 HISTORV OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. The story of the Brownes, as given by the Puritan authorities, is as follows : — Some of the passengers that came over, observing that the ministers did not at all use the bofik of Common prayer, and that they did administer baptism and the Lord's supper without the ceremonies, and that they professed, also, to use disci- pline in the congregation against scandalous persons, by a personal application of the word of God, as the case might require, and that some that were scandalous were denied admission into the church, they began to raise some trouble. Of these, Mr. Samuel Browne and his brother were the chief, the one being a la^vyer, the otlier a merchant, both of them amongst the number of the first patentees, men of party and post in the place. These two brothers gathered a company together, in a place distinct from the public assembly, and there, sundry times, the book of Common prayer was read unto such as resorted thitlier. The governour, Mr. Endi- cot, taking notice of the disturbance that began to grow amongst the people by this means, he convented the two brothers before him. They accused the ministers as departing from the orders of the Church of England, that they wei'e separatists, and would be anabaptists, etc. ; but for themselves, they would hold to the orders of the Church of England. The ministers answered for themselves, that they were neither separatists nor anabaptists ; they did not separate from the Church of Eng- land, nor from the ordinances of God there, but only from the con-uptions and dis- orders there ; and that they came away from the common prayer and ceremonies, and had suffered much for their nonconfonnity in their native land, and, therefore, being in a place where they might have their liberty, they neither could nor would use them, because they judged the imposition of these things to be sinful coiTup- tions in the worship of God. The governour and council, and the generality of the people, did well approve of the ministers' answer ; and, therefore, finding those two brothers to be of high spirits, and their speeches and practices tending to mutiny and faction, the governour told them that New England was no place for such as they ; and, therefore, he sent them both back for England, at the return of the ships the same year ; and though they breathed out threatenings, both against the gov- ernor and ministers tliere, yet the Lord so disposed of all, tliat there was no further inconvenience followed upon it.' The records of the colony^ show, in addition to the story as told above, that the letters of the.se brothers to "divers of their private ft-iends in England," notwithstanding their official position and standing in the company and community, were " opened and pul)liqucly read." Those of Mr. Samuel Browne were not delivered, by order of the com- pany, " but kept to bee made vse of against him as occasion shalbe offered." Banished as " factious and evil-conditioned ; " their goods, left behind them in their summary and forced departure, were, as they alleged, " undervalued and divers things omitted to be praised ; " and, on their presentation of "a wrytingof grevances," desiring recompence for " loss and damage sustained by them in New England," it need not surprise us that it was voted that, on their submitting their case to the comjjany's " fynall order," two of the comjmmj should "sett downe what they in tlieir Judg'"' shall thinke requisite to bee allowed them for their pretended damage sustained, and soe to make a fynall end accordingly." The records contain no report of a committee thus constituted. The " fynall end " does not appear. Driven from their new home, the expenses of the outfit, voyage, and settlement were, of course, a total loss. Though they had remained in New England but five or six ' Morion's " N.E. Memorial," p. H7. ni., pp. 50-54, 5fi, C.'), 76. rt4, 60-69. PIONEERS <1F I'lIE CHUKCH IX NEW ENGLAND. 97 weeks, the sacrifice of property was doubtless consi(loral)le. A learned Ainoricau archaeologist,' in annotating on this portion of the Massa- chusetts Records, says, that "it is ])rohal)lc thata rcasonal)I(' remunera- tion was allowed thctu; " but of this tlierc is no jjroof. In tlic view of those who perjjctrated this llagrant outrage on personal libcjty and freedom of conscience, the behavior of the Brownes was "oflcnsive," and their loss and damage but "pretended." Careful to have "an obsequious eye " to " the State," the authorities at home were willing to caution the ministers and magistrates of Salem to l)e waiy of their " scandalous and intemperate speeches," in " publiquc sermons or lu'ayers in N. England," and "rash innovations begun and practised in the civil and Ecclesiastical Government;"^ l)ut for the aggrieved and injured brothers there was no redress, either for the wrong done to their persons, or the injury to their property. AVith their forcible ejectment from the settlement at Salem, the use of the Common Prayer and all eiforts for conformity, of which any record is extant, ceased. The Rev. Francis Bright, either to escape a like tate, or despairing of any success with the determined separatists under the leadership of Endicott, Higginson, and Skelton, removed to Charlestown, and shortly afterwards sailed for England. During the years 1638-1641, Thomas Lechford, " of Clement's Inne, in the County of Middlesex, Gent," who had earlier, as he tells us, " sutfered imprisonment, and a kind of banishment . . . for some acts construed to oppose, and as tending to subvert Episcopacie, and the settled EcclesiasticaU government of England," resided in Boston. The offence to which he i-efers, as we learn from a passing allusion in Mr. Cotton's " Way of Congregational Churches Cleared," was his " wit- nessing against the Bishops, in soliciting the cause of Mr. Prynne." Lechford landed in Boston a little more than a year after Prynne's trial in the Star Chamber. He was accompanied from England, it is sup- posed, by his wife. Almost from the very hour of his landing he was regarded with distrust by those of influence and authority in church and commonwealth. His profession was objectionable, "no advocate being allowed" in matters requiring legal process ; and his views in ecclesiastical matters were soon found to be diametrically opposite to those which obtained in the Massachusetts Bay. ^ The " divine right of Episcopacy," which he maintained in conversations witli the leading men of the colony, he sought to prove in a manuscript treatise, which he submitted to the deputy governor, Dudley, a man of marked conscientiousness, narrow vision, and intense prejudices, who saw in the toleration of novel opinions in theology "a cocatrice's egg," — " To poison all with heresy and vice." Dudley pronounced the book " erroneous and dangerous, if not he- reticall," and sent it to Winthrop with the suggestion, "that instead of puttinge it to the presse as hee desireth, it may rather l)e putt into the fii'e as I desire."'' This manuscript, with another of Lechford's theo- 1 S. F. Haven, LI.,.D., etlitov of a por- = R»cord3 of M.-nsachiisetts, i.. p. 407-t09. tionof the "Records of the Company of the Ma8- "Winthrop's "New Euj;laad," il., p. 43. saehusetts Bay." — Architnlogia Americana, m., «.!. HamTnoud Triimbull's Reprint of p. 78. • " Plain Dealing," pp. 22. M. 98 HISTORY OF TILE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CUURCH. y- o^ « 1^mi«/j6M»v-^ a^u^iitmi «^», cu^ivB*^ ^^pou^ i^^^ ,aJ apaiths ■ */ 1Ci~ h fnffvy*ri~m /X •iOHS. tfm^^"^^' J ^p i~I lcTijf1tr>-t4 Jtufuf PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 99 logical essays, was siilnnittcd to a council of the Kidcrs ; hut nciliicriu conference nor in wrilini; could the author he convinced of error, while the Eiders would not admit that the opinions he advanced could he held "saint liiJp " Conscquendy the friend and su|)])ort('r of Pryime was compelled to remain outside of tlie i)ale of the New Kn^land "church," and exclusion from church fellowship carried with it exclusion from the l)rivilegcs of a freeman, and disqualification for civil office. " Kept from all places of jircferment in the Commonwealth," he was "forced to get his liviiis; hy writing petty tilings, which scarce found iiim bread."' 13y plying his pen as a conveyancer, scrivener, or draughts- man, he eked out a scanty livelihood ; hut regular employment as a clerk, or i)ublic notary, for which his studies and experience peculiarly (jualilicd him. was denied him Ity the court, as he states, "for fear of offending the churches because of" his " opinions." Debarred from llie exercise of his profession for his injudicious and unprofessional exer- tions in behalf of a client's cause, bis apology was received by the court, and he was suffered to practi-se again, with, it would appear, but little improvement of his " low and poor estate." In his capacity as a- copy- ist he was employed in writing " The court booke " for jNlr. Endicott, and among other things, the " l)reviatof laws," subsequently adopted, with some amendments, as the Body of Lilierties. It was during the execution of this latter work, which, as Mr. J. Hammond Trumbull says, " in his hands, we maybe sure, was something more than that of mere transcription," he "conceived it his duty, in discharge of his con- science," and " as Amicus curia, with all faithfulness to present," to the governor and magistrates, his objections to certain laws proposed to be embodied in the code. But, though industrious, and evidently honest in his convictions of duty, and in his conscientious devotion to his opin- ions, it was evident that ho was daily becoming more and more dissatisticd with both church and commonwealth as they existed in New England. That his prelatical views, and his zeal in advocating them, made him obnoxious to the magistrates, to the ministers, and to the members of the Puritan church, is evident. The wonder is that he was tolerated at all. He was neither a freeman nor a church-member. He was not even a householder. In the eye of the law he was merely a " transient person," who could be warned out of the jurisdiction of the magistrates, if need l)c, without the assign- ment of a reason. He questioned the validity of non-episcopal orders, and disapproved of the exercise by the "freemen," as they were con- stituted in the Massachusetts Bay, of the right to elect their own rulers. These opinions he complacently communicated to Governor Winthrop, the deputy-governor Dudley, and the preachers, Mr. Cotton and Mr. Wilson ; and those views, with possibly some reserve in the expression of his "full mind in some things," he doubtless expressed to all who came in his way. At length the General Court was " pleased to say something to him, as for good counsel about some tenets and disputa- tions which he had held, advising him to bear himself in silence and as became him." The records show Ihaf he coufesscd that " hcc had over- shot himselfe," and was " sorry for it," and on his promise "to attend ' Plain Dealing, p. 69. 100 UlSTOKV OF Till'; AMERICAN El'ISCOPAL CHURCH. liis (■ailing, and not to meddle w"' controversies," he was dismissed.' The controversies in which he had " too far meddled " concerned " matters of church fjovernment and the like ; " " the foundation of the church and the ministry, and what rigid separations may tend unto." Shortly after these experiences he returned to England. It was sup- posed that Prynne sent the money for his passage. He sailed from Boston on the 3d of August, 1G41, touching at Newfoundland on his homeward route. On the Kith of November he was again an inmate of Clement's Inn, and had returned "huinbl}'" "to the (Church of England, for whose peace, purity, and prosperity" his daily prayers went up to heaven. His book was an attempt to prove that "all was out of joint,, both in church and commonwealth," in Massachusetts. The book was not written in a wholly unfriendly spirit, and certainly does not deserve the sweeping criticism of Mr. Cotton, that it might be called "false and fraudulent." Dr. Hammond, his latest editor, pronounces him "conscientious, jiainstaking. tolerably exact, and almost always reliable." We know nothing of Lechford's career after his return save a single sentence in j\Ir. Cotton's " Way of Congregational Churches Cleared," which tells us that " when he came to England, the Bishops were falling, so that he lost his friends, and hopes, both in Old Eng- land and New : yet put out his Book (such as it is) and soon after dyed." - The "Plain Dealing " is his sole legacy. It is certainly the work of an honest man, whose churchmanship was (he result of con- viction, and had the merit of being avowed at a time most ino])por(un(; for the convert's fortunes. But a lit tic later than the settlement of (lie i-cyi/;H. Society's cililiu]!, p. 97. ' Williamson, r., p. 209. 104 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. lislimcnt of tho Church of England, and gave to the patentee the nomination of the ministers of all churches and chajicls which might be built in the province. In the autumn of 16;5() "a book of rates for the minister to be paid quarlcrly, the first jjayment to begin at IMichaelmas next," was drawn u|) at 8aco, and subscrij)- tions to the amount of £31 15s. were raised among the few settlers at this spot. The pioneer clergyman was accompanied by his wife, JNIary Gibson, and the taithfubiess of his ministrations, and his fidclit}' to his convictions, are both matters of record at the hand of the keen and observing historian of Puritan .Massachusetts. The his- torian of Maine, Williamson, although destitute of ecclesiastical affili- ations with Gibson, speaks of him as " a good scholar, a popular speaker, and highly esteemed as a gospel miniftter."' Gibsou was succeeded, in part of his field, by the Rev. Robert Jordan.'-^ The _^ "> i5" / V church interest in 2^ y >vt^^ A^c^d^v^ ^ -txCxcA- New Hampshire ' (/ had faded out before the re- pressive measures of the Massachusetts authorities. Rut at 8car- boro', Casco, now Portland, and at Saco, Jordan, who arrived about the year 1640, labored assiduously and with success. He was l)ut twenty- eight years of age when he undertook the work from whii'h Gibson had been practically' banished. But the aggressions of tlu^ Puritan magis- trates were not to cease with the obliteration of churcli ministrations in Now Hamjjshire. The restless longing for further accjuisitious of terri- tory, and a wider range of power, could not be satisfied, while, as the author of "Ancient Pemaquid" asserts, "INIaine was distinctively Episco- palian, and was intended as a rival to her Puritan ucighljors."-' But the task of sul)jugation was not an easy one. Jordan bore no inconsiderable part in the opposition to the policy of Massachusetts and the Puritans ; and as by his marriage with Sarah, the only child of John Winter, tile leading settler at Rithmond's Island, he became one of the great landed proprietors and weaitliy men of the colony, the faithful mission priest of tlicM'-oast of Maine was in a position to wield a powerful infiu- eucc in I'avor of tiie Church, as well as to contend against the intrigues of those who sought to overthrow the indejiendence of Maine. At the time of Jordan's arrival on tiie coast Richmond's Island was an important conunercial plantation. It is ])rol)al)le that a church was erected there. In an inventory of the |)ro])erty on the plantation at Richmond's Island and Spurwink, taken in October, 164S, mention is made of" The minister's bedding ; the communion vessels ; one cushion ; one tal)le doth ; H pint pot, £4."^ In an account against "The |)lan- tation," rendered liy Jordan at this time, we find as follows : "Dr. for his charge, ^ a year, £20 ; for bis ministr}' as by composition, \a year, ' Williamson's '* HiHt. of Mninp," n., p. 201. The signature of .Jordan is copied from ■ Xotices of tlic fiiniilv of .Jordan, conIi-iI>- un originnl \leed executed by him in IGfiO, and iitcd by .John Winsalo Thornton, are to be prcscrvi-d in the " Willis " rollectiou of MSS., foundinthcfii'StvolnmoofIhe" Hist. Ma^'azinc" in the I'uhlio Ijihrary in Portland. for 18.*(7, p. fil. rfV/r, rt'ji'?, W. II. \\'hilmore*s ■■ Thornton's " Pemaquid, " j). 17r> article, on tiie same subject, in the " N. V,. Hist. * Mainu Hist. Snr. Coll.. i., p. '2'ia. Uencai. lleciatcr," xni.. pp. 221. '222. PIONEERS OF THE CHL'KCII IN NEW ENGLAND. 105 £10." Charge is also made for his tithe ol'" train or inackorel," and "share ofti.sh."' In lti4>i Jordan removed iVoni Hiclimoiurs Jshiiid to a phice on the Spurwink river, adjoininji^ tiie proper! 3- ot his lute i'athcr- in-law. OnthclSthof l)eceml)er, by virtue ofa "Deerec ofthe (ienerai Assembly of the Pro\ inee of Lygonie, holden at Caseo Bay," the jjre- ceding September, Mr. Jordan beeame ])o.sscssedof "all thegoods, lands, eattle, and chattels l)e!onging to l\ol)'. Trelawny, dec'd," in payment ofa debt of £(!()9 0,s-. 10|(/. The settlement of the estate which he inherited from his father-in-law involved Jordan inmuch litigation, but the respect shown to him by his fellow-settlers is attested by his frequent choice as assistant and justice. He lived in Falmouth thirty-one years, preach- ing and administering the sacraments according to the usages of the Church of England, save when silenced by the Puritan authorities of Massachusetts. The baptismal basin brought from the old home, and used by this devoted churchman and colonist, is still preserved in the family of one of his descendants, and is an interesting memorial ofthe ministrationsthat proved so distasteful to the Puritan rulers. The" Kec- ords of the Colony of the Massachusetts IJa}- in New England," under date of October IG, 1G60, contain the following proof that the frontier priest was not forgotten in his exercise of his sacred calling : — AVboreas it appenves to this Court, by scruoal testimoneys of good repute, tliat M^ Robert Jordan did, in .July last, after exeercise was ended vpon the Lord's day, in tlie house of M". Mackworth, in the touno of Falmoutli, then & there bap- tize three children of Nathanell Wales, of tlie same touue, to the offence of the gouornnient of this Coiiionwealtb, the Court jndiretli it necessary to beare wittnes ao-' such irregular jiractises, doe therefore order that the secretary, by letter, in the name of lliis Court, require him to desist from any such practises lor the future, and also tliat he aiijieare before the next (ienerall Court to ans" what shall be layd ag' him for what he hath doune for the tyine past.' That the General Court did not confine itself to w'ords may be in- ferred from the testimony of Col. Cartwright, one of the Royal Com- missioners in 1G(J5, who, in his oflicial report, preserved among the "Clarendon Pa jiers," •^states that "They did imprison, and l)arliarousiy use M''. Jordan for ))aptizing children, as himselfe complajued in his petition to the Commissioners." A few years later, in 1671, a warrant was is- sued against him, requiring his presence at the next court, "to render an accoimt why he presumed to marry Ivichard Palmer and Grace Bush, contrary to the laws of this jurisdiction."'^ There is little doubt, from the documents of the period, tliat this intolerance and persecution pro- duced its natural I'esult. Exasperated at the treatment he had received, and im|)atient of the rule of the Puritans, whom he despised, bitter speeches of his against the ministers and magistrates of the Massachu- setts Bay are on rec-ord, and charges of falsehood and profanity* were made against him by men who scrupled at nothing to silence, or even annoy, a man so iniluential and so difficult to control. It is but just to state that the witnesses to these charges were Falmouth men, who had 'Slainc Hist. .Soc. Coll., I., p. 230. = Piil)lishoil I>y the New Yoik Historical ^Sliuilleff's "Records," Vol. rv., Ft. i., Socielv, "Cnlliclions," lS(i;i, p. 8-1. p. 43f>. * fiallaid's " CUuucli in Maine," p. 16. » ^uiuc Hist. Soc. Coll., 1., p. 108. 106 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CUURCH. little or no reputation, and their violence was discountenanced even by those whose interests they sought to serve. Complained of and silenced by the usurpers, he, in his turn, brought a complaint to the court against the Puritan minister at Scaibo rough, for " preaching unsound doctrine y~ %-iUvn.S- ^fi^ TTi^rMji , h^ jj4wife"-ii c-«fajt«v>»lj>t'^ l'^^/^^. A^- 7l>^^^.^i^. etc PETITION OF ROBEKT JORDAN TO TIIK COURT OF ASSISTANTS, AT BOSTON, SEPTEMBER 4, 1GG3. to the settlers." But enough of these recriminations. It is pleasant to turn to other representations giving us a kindlier view of this stout- hearted and fearless champion of the Church. AVhen even the cele- ))rated Ijord Chief IJaroii, Sir Matthew Ilale, and Sir 'I'lionias Browne, the famous physician of his t imc, were not superior to the belief in witch- craft, and favored the punishment of those supposed to liave dealings ■ PIONEERS OF THE CHUKCU IN NEW ENGLAND. 107 with familiar spirits, the clear-headed and sensible minister of Spur- wink, when a " drunken preacher " sought to convict a witness of his unfaitiifuliioss of this offence, " unriddled the knavery and delivered the innocent."' In the Indian war, excited by the Chieftain Philip, Jordan's house was attacked by the savages. The aged clergyman, with his family, barely escaped the furj' of the assailants. Ilis house was destroyed, and he and his family were forced to take refuge on Great Island (now New- castle), near Portsmouth, N.H. Invited, in 1(377, by the Governor of New York, to settle at Pemaquid with his friend, Giles Elbridge, he prefeiTcd to remain in his quiet retreat. Old age had crippled his phj'sical powers, and, after a residence of four years at Great Island, he died, in the sixty-eighth year of his age, in 1G79. His will was made on the 28th of January, and proved on the 1st of July, 1G79. Enfeebled and intlrm, he had lost the use of his hands before his death, and was unable to sign the will that divided betw-eeu his widow and his six sons a landed domain comprising several thousand acres. " Weak in body, but of sound and perfect memory, praysed be God," the old preacher professed himself to i)e at the time of making his last will and testament, and the document in which he bequeaths his " soule to God, hopeiug by the merit.s of Christ " his " Saviour, to enjoy eternal life," recognized the fact that the tem])oralities he possessed were his "all by y" providence of Almighty God." He died as he had lived, the sole priest of the Church on New Knglaiid soil who was faithful to his ordination vows, and when his utterance of the words of Common Prayer was hushed in death, there was no voice to take up the familiar words, and the century drew near its close ere their sound was heai'd again. In April, 1088, a l:ij^ reader, John Gyles, reported that " ever since June last " he " had read pra3'ers at the garrison, on Wednesdays and Fridays, and had not received anything for it."^ No further reference to Church, to clergy- men, or to the common prayer, appears in the history of the times. Thus ended for years the Church's possession of the coast of New Hampshire and ]\Iaine. CRITICAL NOTES ON THE SOUKCES OF INFORMATION. "lyrU. CH.\RLES FRANCIS ADAMS, Jit. , who had already, in one or t>vo ex- jSi. ceedingly clever papers, referred to the points at issue betvveen Jlorton and his a.ssailants, has recently (188:5) edited for the "Prince Society," of Boston, a reissue of "The New English Canaan." The volume is carefully jjrcpared, and the annotations throw no little light on obscure allusions and metaphorical subtleties of this " most careless and slipshod of authors." But Mr. Adams, who, in his ' Vide "A Modest InquiiT into the Nature Encland Historical Genealogical Ecirister," xill., of Wilclicraft " Bv John Hale. p. 19. Quoted by W". H. Whitmorc, iii the "New " Ballard's " Church in Maine," p. 22. 108 HISTOUY OK THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. earlier notices of Morton, Iiail shown some sympatliy for his liard usage, in this later and more elaborate treatment of tlui subject essays the eomplete vindication of Morton's opponents, and has only unstinted blame for this ill-staiTed adventm-er. So ])lainly does >fr. Adams recognize the fact that the I'uritans themselves are on trial, even by their own showing, that he feels it requisite to reproduce the ungener- ous surmises and slanders respecting Morton that have no foimilation other than the testimony of the men who j)erseeuted him to death. The charge that Morton had lied to New Kngland "upon a fonle suspition of murther,'" is dwelt upon at length and jironomieed not "improbable,'' although JMr. Adams is forced to acknowledge that, " though he was subsequently arrested and in Jail in England, the accusation never took any fomial shape." Forced to disavow nnich of Bradford's abuse of Slorton's views, as well as his mode of life, jMr. Adams is certainly in- consistent in his charge that " he cared little for either law or morals," and tlien in confessing that he was " better versed in the law of England than those who ad- monished him," and in one of the tivo points at issue with Eradford and his people was " clearly right." Kor is this all that Mr. Adams is forced to concede. In regard to the second point in question, ''that the King's proclamation died with him." he ailmits that " this tlistinetion was, a century and a half later, stated bj' llume to have existed in James's time." Confessedly v.rong in their legal exceptions to Morton's practices in his trade with the Indians, the defence is urged that " the (piestion with the settlers was one of self-presei'vation." It is diflieult to see why the necessities of self-preser\-ation did not apply as well to Jloiton's smaller colony, and, in fact, to all the scattered representatives of the Corges interest, as to the compact and well-fortified settlement at Plymouth. Bradford admits that, so far as the I'lj-mouth people were concerned, they "had least cause of fear or hurt." But for the "straggling plantations," as Brailford says, of "no strength in any place," tlie Ph-mouth settlers were willing to interfere, carefully assessing the costs of tlieir undertaking on those whom they proposed to aid. Even Blaxtm, the church cler- gyman who fu-st settled upon the site of the present city of Boston, was assessed twelve shillings tow-ards this martial exploit of which the doughty Captain Standish was the leader, and life as well. There is no jjroof, however, that lUaxton paid this arbiti'aiy ;issessment, or had any share in tlie persecution of his fellow-churchman. There is not a little reason to infer that Morton's success in the peltiy trade was a moving cause in this interfei'cuee on the part of the Puritan settlers, quite as much as their dislike of the Maypole reveliy. Sent to 1-^ngland witli Cldham, whom, as Bradford intimates, lie "foold," there is no question that Mr. .\dams is correct in stating lliat " Bradford's letter and complaints were quietly ignored ; and his ' lord of misrule,' and head of New England's iirst ' schoole of Atheisme,' cscajjed without, so far as could be discovered, even a rebuke for his misdeeds." And yet this was not an age when oll'ences were likely to be condoned or lightly punished. The inference is certainly strong that Bradford's charges were found to be too trivial or too much exaggerated to be made the foundation for legal i)i'ocess, and "that unworthy man and instrinuente of mischeefe, .Morton," was almo.st imme- diately fomid domiciled in Allerton's house in Plyinoulh, brought over, as Bradford admits, "as it were to nose them." From Plyiuoutli Jlorton returned to Mount WoUaston. and was soon embroiled with Endiiott in his controver.sy with the "old planters." Keijuired, in common with the other " old planters," to subscribe the articles drawn up by Skellon, to the effect " that in all causes, ecclesiastical as well as political, the tenor of (lod's word .sliould be followed," on i)ain and penall v of banish- ment, he refu.sed to set liis hand to these [lajiers without the proviso, " .'^o tliat nothing be done contraiy or repugnant to tlie laws of the kingdom of England.'' Thus were the very words of the roj-al charter made use of in thwarting the establislmient of t'le Massachusetts Tlieoeracy. Morton also refused compliance to the dictation of Endicott with reference to trading witli tlie natives. For a lime he was unmolested. But Endicott was not a man to forget one so open in his opposition to the ^lassa- chusetts " Church and State.'' Apprclicnded by order of tlie court, " set into tlio bilboes," his house burned before liis eyes, "that the habitation of the- wii;ked should no more appear in Israel," sent to England in a slii|), as Adams states it, " unseaworlhy and insiiHiciently supplied," we can certainly agree with the editor of tlie " Xew English ('an:uin," though not in the meaning he intends, that this •• second arre.st of Morton was ei|ually defensibh- with tin; first." Ccrtainlv, the st;ilement that " lie had systematically made himself a thorn in ICndieotl's sidi;," or tliat lie had ' refused to enter into any covenants, whetlicr for trade or govem- nienls,'' or even the charge that " he hail openly derided the magistrate and eluded PIONEERS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW ENGLAND. 109 his messengers," are not a sufficient warrant for the high-handed measures of Endicott and his followers. That even the fonns of law were disregardc^l may be infirred from ^Ir. Adams's words, that " he was apparently ent short in his dofenee and protest by impatient c.xelamalioiis and even bidden to hold his peaee and hearken to his sentence." \Vc may furlher quo(e Mr. Adams, whose si,-m])alhics arc; wholly with the Puritan authorities, and acquiesce in his judgment of the proceedings of the so-called "court": "Nothing was said in tlie sentence of any disregard of authority or disobcdienee to regulation. No reference was made to any illicit dealings with the Intlians or to the trailo in fire-arms. Olleneos of this kind would have justified the extreme severity of a sentence which went to the lengdi of ignominious physical punishment, complete confiscation of property, and banish- ment; leaving only whipping, mutilation, or death, uninllictcd. No such offences were alleged. Those which were alleged, on the conti'aiy, were of the most trivial character. They were manifestly trumped up for the occasion. The accused had imjnstlj' taken away a canoe from some Indians ; he had fired a charge of shot among a troop of them who would not feiTy him across a river, wounding one and injuring the ganuents of another ; he was ' a proud, insolent man, against whom a nudtitude of complaints were received for injuries done by him both to the English and the Indian.' Those specified, it may be presumed, were examples of the rest. They amoimt to nothing at all, and were afterwards vei-y fitly characterized by Maverick as mere pretences." It was " a serious blunder," Jlr. Adams confesses, to send JNlorton to England; but "the Jlassachusetts magisti-atcs had made up their minds before he stood at their bar." They " proposed to purge the country of him," and in doing it they regarded, as in other eases, neither law nor right. In England 'Morton naturally sought redress. His Puritan foes had underes- timated his abilities, and they soon found reason to tremble for themselves. It was in evidence that "the ministers and people did continually rail against the state, church and bishops," and among the men of note aiTayed against the Puritan theoc- racy was the celebrated Laud, Archbishop of Canterbmy. To jMorton's testimonj-, and that of others who, like him, had felt the relentless persecutions of the Puritans, was added this significant fact, that Endicott had dared to cut the red cross from the standard of England. The apologists for the Puritan settlers were styled " impos- terous knaves." Winslow was imprisoned, and the charter, which had been sur- reptitiously taken to Massachusetts, was declared void. Morton was in a fair way to be avenged. It was at this juncture that the "New English Canaan " appeared. Bradford, with characteristic strength of expression, is pleased to style it as " an infamouse and scuiTillous booke against many godlj^ ar^d cheef e men of the cunti'ie ; full of lyes and slanders, and fraightwith profane callumnies against their names and jiersons, and the ways of God." Written before the close of 1C35, the " New English Canaan" was printed at Amsterdam, by Jacob Frederick Stam, in 1G37. It was reprinted by Peter Force, in the second vohuue of his " Tracts on American Ilistoiy." ilr. Force, following the " BibliotheciB AmericantB Primordia," of AVliite Kennett, erroneously assigns the publication to the year 1632. Tins is disproved bj- internal evidence. It was not entered in the " Stationers' Register," in London, until November 18, 1033, and was. doubtless, incomplete at that time. Copies appear to have been issued with the imprint "Printed for Charles Greene, and are sold in Paul's Churchyard." The work is of exceeding rarity. In the summer of Kif 3 Morton again appears in New England, and at Pl\Tnouth. The civil war had begim. Gorges was a royalist, and it may have been in the interests of the kmg that this restless churchman and politician revisited the scenes of his earlier experiences and trials. Edward AVinslow, ■\\hom eight years before he had " clapte up in the Fleete," on the 11th of September, ■\\Tote to Winthrop as follows : " Concerning Morton, our governor gave way that he should winter here, but before as soon as winter breaks up. Captain Standish takes great offence thereat, espe- cially that he is so near him at Ditxbuiy, and goeth sometimes a fowling in his ground. He cannot procure the least respect amongst oin- people, liveth meanly at four shillings per week, and content to drinli water, so he may diet at that jirice. But admit he hath a protection, yet it were worth the while to deal Avith him till we see it." A^'inslow proceeds to stj'le him one of " the aiTantest known knaves that ever trod on New England shore," — devoted "to the ruin of the countrv,'' — "this serpent," and "the odium of our people." Winslow feared lest " God, who hath put him in our hands," might make them " sufl'er for it" if they fostered him. 110 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. In June, 1644, Morton -was in the vicinity of Casco Bay. In August he was in Rliode Island, advocating his royalist views, and indulging, as Coddington wrote to Winthroj). in " bitter complaints," that " he had \\Tong in the Bay [to the] value of two hundred pounds." He professed his willingness to " let it rest till the gov- ernor came over to right him, and did intimate he knew whose roasts his spits and jacks turned." Five weeks later, on the 9th of September, he was in custody in iioston. We turn to Jlr. Adams for his explanation or extenuation of this arrest. His accoimt of the h'ansaction is as follows : — '• The prisoner now arraigned before the magistrates had, fourteen years before, been aiTested and banished ; he had been set in the stocks, all his projjerty had been confiscated, and his house had been burned down before his eyes. He had been sent back to England, under a wan-ant, to stand his trial for crimes it was alleged he had committed. In England he had been released from imprisonment in due course of law. Having now returned to Massachusetts, he was brought before the magis- ti'ates, ' that the coimby might be satisfied of the justice of our proceedings against him.' As the result of this proceeding, which broke down for want of proof, the alleged offender is again imprisoned, heavily fined, and naiTowlj" escapes a whip- ping." There is a grim sarcasm in this rhumi of the case, of which Jlr. Adams, in his anxiety to befriend the caiLse of the Massachusetts authorities, is evidently uncon- scious. The sequel is soon told. Kept "in prison about a year in expectation of further evidence out of England," as "Winthrop informs us, he was finally arraigned, and " fined one himdred pounds and set at liberty." " Old and crazy," Winthrop styles him ; " imprisoned manie moneths and laide in irons to the decaying of his limbs," as he complains in his petition to his oppressors for release, the only mercy meted out to him by these vindictive men of ]\Iassachusetts, was to refrain from the inflic- tion of " corporal punishment upon him," and to connive at his removal to Maine, where, " poor and despised," he shoi-tly died. It will require a more ti'enchant pen than that of Mr. Adams to refute the charge that Morton's chunhmanship did not enter into the account in the vindictive freatment he received from the Puritans, or to prove that he was not unfairly dealt with in life and most foully slandered when dead, by the men who persecuted him to the bitter end. In connection with Winthi'op"s testimony to the devotion of Maverick to the Indians when sick and dying, it should Ix; noted that in the manuscript there ajipcars to have been an attemi)t at the erasure of the epithet " worthy of a xicrpctual re- membrance." A\'e append the words of Mr. Savage, Wintlirop's editor, " that Mav- erick was not in full communion with our churches, was not, wc may ho])e, the cause of sticking a ]wa. through this honor.able ejiithet. Xo man seems better enti- tled by his deeds to the character of a Christian. The WS. appears to testify that the nuitilation was not Wintlirop's." — Note to Savage's Ed. of Winthrop" s History, i., p. 14;!. In the "Memorial History of Boston " (i., pp. S.^-SC), Mr. Charles Fr.aneis Adams, Jr., gives, in his chapter on " The Earliest Settlement of Boston Harbor," an interesting account of Hiaxton, to which Mr. Justin Winsor eontribntes annota- tionsof great value. Dr. l)e Costa's monograjih on " William Ulackstone in his rela- tion to Massachusetts and Uhode Island " (New York, 188u) is a reprint of articles originally published in "The Churchman" ne\vs])aper, and is interesting and accui'.ato. A ])ampiilet pulilished in Pawlucket, K.I., ISo,"), liy .S. G. Newman, l)cars the fol- lowing title: " An addiess delivered at the formation of the Blackstone Monument Association, together with the i)reliminarics and proceedings at Study Hill, July 4, IS-Ou." This address eulogizes tlie first settler of Boston, and gives many inter- esting details of his life and labors. No lustory of Boston can ignore the c.xistenco of this amiable recluse and simple-hearted ch\uchnian. His name must live forever with that of the city of which he was the earliest inhabitant. We cite from " The Memorial History of Tjoston" (l., p. Ill) the following notice of the organization of " The First Cluuch in I'.oston " : — "Here, in Charlestown, on the DOth of July, six weeks after their landuig at Salem, after a])pro[)ri;ite religidus exercises, (iovernor Winthrop, n(-puty-(iovcrnor Dudley, Isaac .Johnson, and John Wilson adopted and signed the following simple, l)ut solenm church covenant ; — " ' In the name of our Lord Jesus (~'hrist, and in obedience to his holy will, and divine onlinanccs: We, whose names are hero underwritten, behig by liis most wise and good providence brought together into this p.art of America, in the Bay PIONEEUS OF THE CHUUCII IN NEW EX(iI,AXD. Ill of Massachusetts, and desirous to unite into one conjrrerration or cliurch, under tin; Lord Jesus Clirist, our liead. in such sort as beconieth all those whom he hath redeemed, and sanetilied to hims';lt', do licreby solemnly and relifriously, as in his most holy presence, promise and bind ourselves to walk in all our ways aecordino; to the rule of the Gospel, and in all sincere conformity to his holy ordinances, and in mutual love and respect to each other, so near as God shall give us grace.' ^»^- -.:^/Ql ^^^^^.., AUTOGRAPHS OF THE SIGNERS. " The church thus formed is now known as the ' First Church of Boston.' Winthrop, in his 'History' (i., pp. 36-38), thus records the completion of the or- ganization the following month : — " ' Friday, 27. We of the congregation, kept a fast, and chose Mr. Wilson our teacher, and Mr. Nowell an elder, and Mr. Gager and Mr. Aspinwall, deacons. We used imposition of liands, but with this protestation by all, tliat it was only as a sign of election and confirmation, not of any intent that Mr. Wilson should renounce his ministry he received in England.' The Rev. John Wilson was a graduate at King's College, Cambridge. He was ' ordained' again the following year (1632), as appears from Winthrop (i., pp. 114, 11.5), November 22. ' A fast was held by the congregation of Boston, and Mr. Wilson (formerly their teacher) was chosen pastor, and [Thomas'] Oliver, a ruling elder, and both were ordained by imposition of hands, first by the teacher and the two deacons, (in the name of the congregation) upon the eUler, and then by the elder and the deacons upon the pastor.'" Dr. Henry Marlyn Dexter, in his admirable volume, entitled " Congregation- alism, as seen in its Literature," gives us further light upon what he styles "the curious change which the New England air wrought." Besides citing the words of John Higginson, as given by Cotton Mather in the " Magnalia," iis f(5llows : — " We will not say as the Separatists were wont to say at their leaving of Eng- land, Farewell Babylon! Farewell Rome! But we will saj-. Farewell dear Eng- land! Farewell the Church of (jod in England, and all the Christian friends there! We do not go to New England as Separatists from the Church of England ; though we cannot but separate from the Corruptions in it ; but we go to practise the positive Pai-t of Church Refonnation, ami propagate the Clospcl in America." Dr. Dextor calls attention to the fact that "the company which came over to Salem in 1629 was non-conformist, but not separatist, in its tastes and intentions. So rigid, in foct, on this point was the ])oliey of the New England Company, that the Rev. Ralph Smith, who afterwards became the first pastor on this side 'of the sea of the church at Plymouth, having desired passage in the shijis with the Salem people, and his request having been granted, and it afterwards coming to the knowl- edge of the Governor and Council of the Company that his views inclined towards separatism, or, as they phrased it, that he had a 'difference of judgm' in some things from o' ministers,' it was at lirst thought best to forbid his coming, but afterwards judged better to let him come, with the order that vnlcss hee wilbe con- formable to o' governm', yo" sufl'er him not to remaine w^in the limitts of o' graunt.' " Quoting the strong expressions of the " Arbella" letter. Dr. Dexter pro- ceeds to state that " the Rev. George Phillips was one of the signers of tliis ' Humble Request,' and he acted as a chaplain, preaching twice on Sund:iy, and catechising on board of the " Arbella," during the voyage over; and yet, within sixteen days after 112 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. his landing, we find him privately telling Deacon Doctor Fuller, wlio had been ajrain siunnioned from Plymouth to atteiul the sick among these ucw-comfrs, that ' if they will liavc him stand minister, by that calling which he received from the prelalei in ICnjrhiiid, he will leave them ; ' and Winthrop — another signer — hoping that the Plvmoiith church will 'not be wanting in helping them' toward their necessaiy churcli organization ; and four ^^■eeks later we lind Fuller, who hail been at Mattapan, letting l)lood and talking l)olity till he was weary, writing from Salem to Bradford and llrewster, that after counselling with Winslow, Allerton, and himself, and with tlie Salem brethren. AVinthrop's company had decided to form a church by covenant on the next Friday, and that the company do ' earnestly entreat that the church at Plymouth would set apart the same day ' for fi'atemal prayers that God would ' establish and direct them in his ways.' " — Congregationalism, etc., p. 417. The development from non-confomiity to separatism, imder the persuasive in- fluences of the Pljinouth settlers, proved easy and speedy. The Uev. John Cotton had advised the IMassachusctts settlers "that they should t.ake advice of them at Pljnuouth, and should do nothing to oft'end them ; " and, in accordance with the advice thus had, a separation from the ( 'luu'ch was cU'ected almost as soon as the New World was fairly reached. In what light this was reg.%rded by the company at home Ur. Dexter iiifoniis us. In letters fi'om the home autliorities, of date some months later, we find alarm exijrcssedat ' some innovacions attempted by yo",' with the intimation that they ' vtterly tlisallow^e any such passages,' and entreat them to look b.-ick upon their ' miscamage w" repentance ; ' while they add that they take ' leav to think that it is jiossible some vndigested councells haue too sodainely bin put in cxeeucion w* may haue ill construocion w"' the state lieere and make vs obnoxious to any adver- sary. The plain English of all which was, that the patentees in England were surprised and oflended that the colonists should so suddenly and so wdely have dejjarted from the Climxh as by law established ; and were apprehensive of the royal dis- pleasure therefor, and of consequent harm to the secular interests they were seeking to promote." — p. -ll'.t. In the words of Cotton, as addressed to Skelton, we have the whole story simplj' told: " You went hence of another judgment and I am afraid yom- change hath sprung from New Plyiuouth." In 1S82 an interesting and most valuable contriljution to our knowledge of the pioneer mission-priest of IMaine appeared under the following title: — Tlie Jordan Memorial. Familij Records of the Uev. Robert Jordan, and Ids Descendants in America. Compiled bg Tristram Frost Jordan. (Boston, 1882.) From this painstaking and accurate work we cite the followng introductoiy notice of its subject: — " The Rev. Robert .Toi-dan, a priest of the Chui'ch of England, came to l\Iainc about the year ll)4(). In that ye;ir he became the successor of the Itev. Kieh;ird Gibson. It is evident th:it he found but little countenance as a representative of the Church of ICngland. The exercise of his functions led to imprisonment, and he sought a maintenance liy Hie emploJ^ncnt of his talents in the w:iv of business. Alarrying Saridi, th(i daughter of .John Winter, prominent in the settlement of the Spurwink river, and himself a hu'ge ))roprietor and merchant, he sueceeilcil to a portion of Winter's estates, and developed great c:ipaeities as a manager and trader. For many years he held a i)rominent position in all the aflairs of Itiehmond's Island and the adj:iecnt region, and the early histon- of Maine shows liim to liave Ijeen a man able to conduct dillieult enterprises, and to administer important trusts at a time when the un.scttU'd condition of a new country, the imiierfcet exciaition of the hnvs, and the (errors of warfare with savage Indians, were comldnedand f irmidable obslach;s to success. The nature and magnitude of the trusts connnitted to him, the journeys, law-suits, and contests to which he was subjected, and the fact that, at the conclusion of a long life, lie left to nniuerons heirs a largi' and very valuable estate, sunieicntly exhibit him as a man of no (irdinary powers." It is evident tliat the testimony of ICdward (iodfrev, who was long :issoi,-iated witli Jordan as a magistrate, given in a letter to the anthorilies at Imnie under date of March 14, KiOli, that he was " equ;vl with any in P.oston," and that he was " an orthodox divine of the ( 'hnreh of Enghmd, and of great p:irts .and estate," is fully borne out by the ri^cords of the time. As Godfri'y proceeds, we may not diuibt but tliat " he Wiis conceded by idl to \y tlicm ov tlieir heirs, as they sliall liiink litt. and lliat they also take tlie s\ibscriplions of sui'h other persons at their said courts who shall be willing to contribuli^ toward the same. Ami that alter such subscriptions lakiMi, they send (n'dcrs to thi' vesLrys of the si'verall parishes in their seveiall counlys for the suliscriptions of such inhabitants and others who have not already subscribed, and that the same be returned to Eraneis Morrison, Esq. Thus do we find the ( 'liiircli and the college again, tis from (he first, in fact, in closest coiincclion. 'I'lu^ Irotililcd diiys of tlie i'tuitan rule — felt, indeed, but lightly in the " Old Dominion," when- ( iiiiicli and Slato alike resisted the edicts of the English Commonwealth, W'hen all other opposition hiid been crushed out, but yet felt — had passed, and in the THE COLLEGE AT WILLL4M8BURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR. 115 rccstahlisliineut of the iiuthority of the Crown :iii colony, and tiie "rebellion " of Uacon, which for a time engrossed all thought, these endowments and subscriptions, coupled with the legishitive ajjjjroval, were not followed by inuuediate and noticeable results, still we find from the i)rcamble to the royal charter, granted, in 1G93, to William and Mary College, that a site was actually selected, which was afterward changed, dou])tiess after some trial as to its fitness for collegiate use, to that of A\'illiamsljurg. Thus " the Colledge " was created by legislative act, and endowed by individual and ]iulilic charity, as early as 1()60— (U. Possil)ly there may have been at "Townsend's Land," the site already referred to as origi- nally named in the charter of IGD^, and doubtless ])urchascd with the original sultscriptions authorized in 1 600-61, some earnest of the future College of William and Mary. Be this as it may, the action of the Assembly, and the favorable reception accorded to the plan throughout the colony, are gratifying proofs of a wide-spread interest in church education at this early date. In the year 1685 the Eev. James Blair, a graduate of one of the Scottish Universities, and a priest of the (Episcopal) Church in Scot- land, came over to Virginia at the suggestion of Dr. Compton, the a Bishop of London, and became the y ^ ga ^/P rector of Henrico. Here he con- V^^'^'Z-'^^ ^Cet^^ tinned in the exercise of his ministry C^ for nine years, removing thence to Jamestown, and finally to Bruton parish, that he might be near and useful to the college which owed its very corporate existence to his zeal and patient toil. Traditions of the earlier promise of Henrico, the scene of his first ministerial labors in Virginia, may have inspired the restless brain of this indefatigable clergyman to plan the realization of these hopes of the past. In any event, in 1688-89 the further sum of twenty-five hundred pounds sterling was subscribed towards the estab- lishment of " The Colledge " l)y a few wealthy Virginians, aided by the benevolence of some English merchants. The Colonial Assembly, in 1691, approved the scheme, and sent the Rev. Mr. Blair to England to solicit a charter from the crown. In these etforts, both in ^'irginia and in England, the assistance of the lieutenant-governor, Francis Nich- olson, was freely given, and no little encour- asremcnt was found in the will of the Hon. Robert Boyle, Esq., dated July 18, 1691, which directed his executors, "after debts and legacies paid," to disjjose of the residue of his personal estate "for such charitable and pious uses as they in their discretion should think fit." These executors agreed to lay out five thousand four hundred pounds sterling in land, and to apply the yearly rent thereof " toward propagating the Christian religion 116 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. amongst Infidels," and after some delays, assigned the annual rents of their purchase, subject to a charge in perpetuity of ninety pounds per annum to be paid to the company for Propagating the Gospel in New England, to the president and professors of the College of William and Mary, in Virginia, for the maintenance and education of Indian pupils. The agency of the Kev. Mr. Blair in securing both the charter and this appropriation ina}' Ijc inferred from the interesting letters we print from the original MSS. in the Lil)rary of the Bishop of London at Fulham. They were addi-essed to the governor of the colony, whose unfriendly offices, at a later date, were made the subject of more than one "me- morial" for his removal, addressed to the home authorities by the zealous commissary : — London, Doer. 3d, 1G91. JIay it please Your Honor : In my last from Bristol I gave your Honour an account of oui- passage, our lauding in Ireland, my passage from thenee lo Bristol, witli all the news I had then heard. This letter I left witli 1\I' Menr^' Daniel, who promised to take care of it & to send it by a ship that he said was there, almost ready to sail from Bristol to Virginia. M'. Randolph, of New England, & M'. Sherwood, who arc now both bound for Virginia, will save me llie trouble of writing news, so that I shall need only to give j-our llonour an account of my proceedings in tlie afl'air of the College. When I came lirstto London, which was the first day of September, there were many things concurred to hinder my sudden prcsentmg of I he address about the College, for M'. .(eofiVeys was in Wales & did not come to Town to present the address upon their majesties' accession to tlie crown ; the Bishop of London thought it not so proper to present an address about business ; then the King was in Flan- ders ; my friend, the Bishop of Salisbury, was at Salisbury ; the Bishop of St. .\saph at his diocese in Wales, and before M'. Jeollrej'S came to Town the Bishop of Lou- don was taken very sick, so that lor a month's time he was not able to stir abroad; ui)on all which accounts I found it necessary to delay in the beginning, for whicli I had one reason, whicli was enough of itself if there liad been no more, anil tliat was that I found the court so much altered, especially among the lUshops (wlio were the most proper i)er.sons for uk; to ajjply myself to), that really I found myself obliged to take new measures from what 1 had projioscd to mysidf. The Bishop of London was at this time under a great cloud, and mighty unwilling to meddle in any court business, for notwithstanding liis great merit from the present government, he had been passed by in all the late promotions, & the two archbishopriiks had been bestowed upon two of his own clergy, viz., D'. Tillottscm & 1)'. Sharp, so y' not- withstanding the Bishop of London's great kindness to Virginia, yet I found he was not at this time in so lit circumstances to manage a business at coiut as we e.\])ectcd. I found that the Archliishop of Canterbury was the man who was wholly entrusted by the King and Court for all Ecclesiastical atlairs, & 1 was told by everybody who had skill in Business that it was absolutely necessary to get him to bo our friend. Thus the time past on, & I did nothing ijut make friends in private against tho King's coming over, which was expected about the beginning of October, but hap- pened not tillthe null of that mouth. All this while I waited ducly on the Bishop of London, as knowing well that whenever this business came to be done he must appear cordially in it, or else no interest that I could make could prevail to get it done without him, it belonging so entirely to his iirovince. I both discoursed him at large, and plycd him with me- morials till I got liim to be very perfect in the business of the ( 'oUege, but at tho same lime I disliked tho method in which ho was going to put it, which was this. He advised mo to put in the address by way of iietitioii to tlu' King in Council, & the council he said would defer it to the comniiltee for phiutations where he articular account of what I am doing here. Since that linn; my patience has been sufficiently exercised, for our college business (as indeed .all business whatsoever), has been at a stand, the King being so wholly taken up with the thoughts of the war & the trans])ortation of the household & the army, that for a long lime he allowed not llu; Lords of the Treasury to lay anj- other business before him till all alTairs of that kind were dispalehcil. There was another reason loo why my business was delayed, tfcy' was that my Lord .Vrchbishop of Canterbury, who is the )ierson I depend upon for mauaglngof it with tlu; King & Queen, was lor five weeks frozen up at Lambeth so that he could neither get to Court nor Parliament but by coming round by the bridge, which he found to be so long and so bad a way that he choose for the most part to stay at home. But to THE COLLEGE AT WILLIAMSBURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR. 119 make up this loss of time there hajipeneil two accidents in it, by wliidi I believe I shall get £.")00 to oui" collejie, of which I should not liave liad one farlhinp^ if I had been out of the way. M'' lioylc died about Ihe bcgiunin;:^ of the last month, & left a considerable Lcg;icy fur pious uses, whiili, when I understood, 1 made my inter- est with iiis executors by means of the ISisliop of Salisburj-, and I am i)romised£200 of it for our college. The other is y' Davis »& his partners having been long kept in suspense about tliat money which Captain Uoe seized in Virginia, & their friends being quite tired interceding for tliem, & no money was like to come at last, I undertook to get them their money provided Ihey would give a considerable sliare of it to our Virginia College. 'I'liey engaged to give oOU pound, & I presently em- ployed llie .Vrchbishop of Canterbury & Tiislioj) of London who have so managed it with the council that the council is very glad of the expedient & lam assured it will take cllect. This day their ju'tition was read before a committee for plantations & I subscribed it signifying that the pelitionersIiaddevoted£oUUof the money towards the carrying on the design of a college in Virginia if tliey might have an order for the rest," and the tiling would have jiast but y'the Lords Ihouglit tliey offered too little money ; so I am desired to try if I can bring them up to £.500. So y' tho' my main business is not yet finished, yet I make use of my time for some thing else than mere waiting. But 1 confess tlie trouble of managing the affair is so vastly great beyond ex|)eet;xtion, that I doubt, could I have foreseen it, I should never have had the courage to have imdertaken it. The chief news here since tho Virginia fleet sailed is the disgrace of my Lord Marleborongh. The reasons of it are not divulged, but it is said lie is suspected by the King to have made his peace with France. His jilace of I^ieutenant-General of the English & Scotch forces is bestowed upon Coll. Talmagh, his troop of Guards upon my Lord Colchester, his regiment of fusilcers upon 1/ George llamiltoune, one of Duke lIamiltoun"s Sons, & his place of the bed chamber, for aught I know, is still void. My Lady Ahirleborough was likewise forbid the court, & the Princess Anne was desired Ijy the Queen to dismiss her from her services, wliich the Prin- cess took so ill that shi; has left the coekpit ujion it & gone out to live at Sion house. But the news which concerns your Honour most nearly to be informed in is y' my Lord Effingham has suddenly laid down the Crovin'nment of Virginia which was im- mediately conferred upon Sir Edmund Aiidros who is to sail from hence with all expedition along witli Coll. Elelcher, Gov' of New York. M' Bhilliwayt is agoing for Flanders with the King's Secretary of War. On Wednesday last tlie Parliament was adjourned till the 1-J"' of April, CunpbeU'B Va., pp. 361, 362. > Uist CoU. Am. Col. Ch., i., p 126. THE COLLEGE AT WILLIAMSBURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR. 123 Royal College of William and Mary," from 1700 until 1705, when, to- gether with the library and philosophical app;in»tus, the college l)uild- ing was destroyed by lire. This occurred dmiiig the first year of Gov. Nott's administration. " The fire broke out about ten o'clock at night, in a public time. The Governor, and all the gentlemen that were in town, came up to the lamentable spectacle, many getting out of their beds. But the lire had got such power before it was dis- covered, and was so tierce, that there was no hope of putting a stop to it, and therefore no attempts were made to that end." The college was not rebuilt until Gov. Spotswood's time. To accomplish this end it was found necessary to hoard the revenues, which else would have gone for salaries, while the president " freely parted " • with his i "n ■^v " ' i"inrii:i i -jUiaw ^::jl^Il^-,.. '■'-■.r\^ y. ■■ ,... ^' '""'"'■'"iiwii^I'X I -J . , f ' '■■■ fi- ;v.;.">"'''.^;^ Mil \ '■ • ■ " ' ■ Vt THE COLUIGE OF AVILLIAJI AND MABY AS IT APPEARED A CENTOKY AND A HALF AGO. salary for this purpose. But during this period of depression the care of the Indians was not forgotten. An expedition against the aborigines, under the command of the gallant Spots wood, re- sulted, as the governor reported to the General Assembly, in November, 1711, in compelling the Indians "to give pledges of a faithful i)eace by yielding up several of their chief ruler's children to be educated at our college."^ " This fair step towards their conver- sion," as the governor styled it, which was " the more valuable by how mueii all attempts of this kind have hitherto proved ineffectual," was undertaken with the conviction, we arc assured, that " whilst by kind and gentle means we endeavor to change the savage nature of their youth, they will imbibe with the iMiglish language, the true principles of our Excellent Church, from whence will arise two of the greatest benefits, the salvation of many poor souls, and withal the best of se- curities to our persons aud estates, for once make them good Christians 1 Hist. Coll. Am. Col., Cli. I., p. 183. 'Ibid., p. 129. 124 HISTORY OF THE AMEKICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. and you may confide in them." The worthy governor was as good as his word. At no little pains and personal cost he established an Indian school, at Christanna, on the south side of the Meherriu river, in Southampton county. Here, under the protection of a fort, l)uilt on rising ground, in the form of a pentagon and enclosed with palisades, on which five cannon were mounted, and where twelve men kept guard, a school-house was erected. The Rev. Charles Gi'iffin was appointed to the charge of this school, in which, the governor writes to the Bishop of London, there were in 1712 fourteen Indian childi-en and six more expected. In 171G Mr. Griffin reports to the Bishop of London, as follows : — We have here a very handsome school built at the charge of the Indian Company at which are at present taught 70 Indian children, and many others from the ^V'estern Indians, who live more than 400 miles from hence, will be brought hither in the spring to be put under my care in order to be instructed in the religion of the holy Jesus. The greatest number of my scholars can say the Belief, the Loid's Praj'er and Ten Command' perfectly well, they know that there is but one God and they are able to tell me how many persons there are in the Godhead and what each of those blessed Pereons have done for them. They know how many Sacraments Christ hath ordained in his Church and for what end he instituted them. They behave themselves reverently at our daily rraycr and can make their re- sponses ; which was no little pleasure to their great and good benefactor the Gov'., as also to the Re^'*'. M'. Jn°. Cargill, M'. Attorney General and many other gentle- men who attended him in his progress hither.i The celebrated William Byrd, of Westover, in his "History of the Dividing Line," ^ attests the excellence of Grifiin, who was " a Man of a good Family who by the innocence of his life, and the sweetness of his temj^er, was perfectly well qualified for that pious undertaking." Byrd, whose only idea of christianizing the Indians was, as appears from repeated allusions throughout his work, their intermarriage with th(i settlers, speaks of " the bad success Mr. Boyle's charity has hitherto had towards converting any of these poor Heathens to Chris- tianity." On the return of the pupils to their tribes, whether from the school from Christanna, or from tlic college at ^Villiamsburg, " they have innnediatel}^ relapsed into inlidelity and l)arl)arisui Uicmseives." He adds, tliat "as they unhappily forget all tiie good tliey learu, and remember the ill, they are apt to 1)0 more vicious and disorderly than the rest of their Countrymen." * VVe cannot but hope that the testi- mony of (he worthy surveyor may have been a little colored by preju- dice. The new building was sufllciently advanced for occupancy by the convention of the clergy, which met in April, 1719, and in 1723 it was completed, the delay arising from the want of means and the scarcity of skilled workmen. The Kev. Hugh Jones, in his " Present State of Virginia," published in 1722, gives the following deserii)tion of the edifice : — The ('i)llege, which looks due east, is double and is one hundred and thirty- six feet long. At the north end runs back a long wing, which is a handsome hall, answerable to which the Chapel is to be built. The buihling is beautiful and cora- ' Hist. CoU. Am. Col. Ch., I., pp. 190, 197. ' Dividing Line, i., pp. 74, 70. 'Ibid. THE COLLEGE AT WILLIAMSBURG AND PRESIDENT BLAIR. 125 modious, being first mocklleil by Sir Christopher Wren, adapted to the nature of the country by the ";cntlcnion there, and since it was Ijurnt down, it has been rebuilt, nicely contrived and ailornctl by the ingenious direction of Governor Spotswood, and is not altogether unlike Chelsea IlospiUil. The college being fully equipped for its work, the transfer of cor- porate rights contemplated in the charter was made to the faculty, and the trustees became in form and in fact " the visitors and governors of the College of AV'illiam and Mary - /"-^y in Virginia." The first entry in the ^n /f^ffj If jh i\a / y-f/t^ oldest record book of the faculty J /(^u/fULO ^Z'U/^V/u » begins with the pious invocation, "in nomine DEI, PATRIS, FILII ET SPIEITUS SANCTi. AMEN." Its presidents were the Commissaries of thc Bishop of London till the war of Independence ; and the names of Dr. James Blair, William Dawson, William Stith, the historian of Vir- ginia, Thomas Dawson, William Yates, James Horrocks, and John ^ -, Camm, who tilled this honorable post j/iy^L'^^ ^}x^»-»^ •-»-i_ prior to the breaking out of the war, ^ have their place in a list which after the war comprised two Bishops of Virginia, James Madison and John Johns. Thus closely connected with the Church was the nursery of religion and learning from the first. The chapel to which reference has been made, in the quotation from Jones's description of the college buildings, was opened on Wednesday, June 28, 1732. The Bresident, Dr. James Blair, preached from -^^ rrg f ^^ ^ j^ ^ ^ the text : "Train upachild in the -~ way he shouldgo, and when he is old he will not depart from it." Prov. xxii. 6. At this time Will- iamsburg was a copy of the Couitof St. James, the seat of the royal gov- ernment and of learning. The culturing influences of the college were felt throughout the colony. Its scholars became men of mark in all departments of letters and life. To W^ashington, William and !Mary gave, in his untried youth, the commission by which he bore the sur- veyor's statY into the trackless wilds of his native State, while the father of his country gave back in turn to her the latest public services of his honored and reflective age. She was the alma mater of Jefferson and Monroe and Tyler, Presidents; of Marshall, Chief Justice ; of Peyton Randolph, first President of the American Congress ; of Edmund Ran- dolph, who drew up the original draft of the Federal Constitution ; of Madison, the first bis^iiop of Virginia, and of countless others, distin- guished on thc field, at thc bar, as divines and men of letters. Her records note the bestowal of academic honors onBenjaminFranklin, who received the degree of A.M., conferred upon him in person on the 2d of April, 1756, — the first instance in which an honorary degree was given by the col- lege. But the highest praise of this ancient institution of learning, second alone in point of years to Harvard, is the testimony of Bishop Meade, the historian of the Churcii in Virginia. " One thing is set forth in praise of 126 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. William and Mary which we delight to record ; namely, that the hopes and designs of its founders and early bcuefsictors in relation to its being a nursery of pious ministers were not entirely disappointed. It is posi- tivelj' affirmed by those most competent to speak that the best min- isters in Virginia were those educated at the college and sent over to England for ordination." The names of Indian students educated at "Brafterton " appear in the list of alumni before the breaking out of the war for Independence ; and in connection with the names of Boiling, BjTd, Carter, Harrison, Page, and Randolph, in the class graduated in 1776, are the suggestive names of Baubes, Gunn, and Sampson, who were the last of the long list of aborigines to receive the fi'uits of the pious bounty of Robert Boyle. ILLUSTRATIVE AND CRITICAL NOTES. GEORGE SANDYS was of hiffh social connection in England, his father being Archbishop of York and an elder brother being the Sir Edward Sandys refeiTcd to in the text as tlie ti-easurer of the Virginia Company. As Tyler, in Iiis " History of American Literatiu-e " (l., pp. 51-58), informs us, " Attlictime of his arrival in America, George Sandys was foi-ty-four years old, and was then well known as a traveller in Eastern lands, as a scholar, as an admirable prose ^\Titer, but especially as a poet. His claim to the title of poet then rested cliiefly on his fine metrical translation of tlie first five books of Ovid's Metamorphoses, the second edition of which came from the piess in that very year (1G21) in which the poet sailed away to America in the rctimie of Sir Francis Wyatt. This fragment was a specimen of literary workmanship in many w.ays creditable. The reiulei-ing of tlie orio;inal is faithful ; and though in some places the .version labors under tlie burden of Latin idioms and of unmusical proper names, it often rises into freedom and velocity of movement, and into gihich set forth the iinclerical hilarity of the gathering, and depicted the participants in the meiTjTuaking in most unfavorable colors. This piquant brochure soon apijeared in London, and contributed towards the downfall of the governor, whose supporters were represented in so disgraceful a light. Although Ijut six of the clergy espoused the side of the commissaiy, while seventeen arrayed themselves on the side of the governor, the integrity and indom- itable energj' and perseverance of Dr. Blair triumphed, and upon the complaint signed bj' six of the council and the coumiissary, the governor was recalled in Au- gust, 17U5. After several years of active military service, the governor received the honor of knighthood in 1720, and as governor of South Carolina, Sir Francis Nicholson conducted himself so as to throw a lustre over the closing j'cars of his American career. Retm-ning to England in 172.J he died in INIarch of the following year. His character is summed up by Campbell, the historian of Virginia, as " brave, and not penurious, but narrow and irascible ; of loose morality, yet a fervent sup- porter ot the Church." — Ilistory, p. 369. The eflbrts for the instruction of the Indians were productive of but little per- manent results, though the names of a number of Indian students appear on the catalogue of the College of William and Mary. In 1754 there were seven scholars at the Indian school. The name of one is found recorded as attending the college in 1704, another in 1765, and two are enrolled in 170!). One appears in 1771, two in 1775, and three in 1776. At Christanna, there were at one time, according to Jones's "Present state of Virginia," seventy-seven Indian children at school, and on the removal of the master, Jlr. C^harles Griffin, and his school to the college, there continued, from year to year, a number of the natives under instruction. " These children could all read," says Jones, " say their catechism and praj'ers tolerably well, but this pious Design being laid aside thro' the Opposition of Trade and In- terest, Mr. Griffin was removed to tlie College to teach the Indians instructed there by the Benefaction of the Honourable Mr. Boyle. The Indians so loved ami adored him, that I have seen them hug him and lift him u)) in their arms, and fain would have chosen him for a King of the Sapony Nation." The success so evidently attained at Christanna was not maintained at Williamsburg. In 1728, Col. William Byrd, in the " Westovcr Manuscripts," laments the "bad success Mr. Boyle's charity has hitherto had towards converting any of these poor heathens to Christianity." "Many children of our neighboring Indians," he proceeds to say, "have been brought up in the College ot William and Mary. They have been taught to read and write, and have been carefully instructed in the principles of the Christian religion, till they come to be men. Yet, after they returned home, instead of civili- zing and converting the rest, they have immediately relapsed into infidelitj' and barbarism themselves." This testimony is accordant to that of the Rev. Hugh Jones, who, at the same time, gives them credit for "admirable capacities, when their humors and tempers are perfectly understood." CHAPTER VIII. COMMISSARY BRAY AND THE BEGINNING OF THE CHURCH IN JIARYLAND. PRIOR to the foundiug, on the 27tli of March, 1634, of St. Mary's, by the " Pilgrims nf Mnrvlaiid," under the Icadersliip of Leonard Calvert, or even the earlier landing on St. Clement's, and the raising of the Cross after "Mass" had been said on " Lady-day," the 25th March, and the formal occupancy of " Terra Mariae,* in the Name of the Saviour of the World, and the King of England," a settlement had been made by Virginians and churchmen on the " Isle of Kent," on the eastern side of the Chesapeake Buy, at the mouth of Chester river, opposite the city of Annapolis. Here ministered the Rev. Richard James, who, at the age of thirty-three years, embarked for Virginia in August. 1(535.^ But not only on the Isle of Kent were there church- men. It is evident, from records and documents still existing, that a large number of the " Pilgrims of jNIaryland " were members of the National Church of England, and, although no clergyman appears to have been sent over to care for their souls, the ordinances of the re- formed laith were not neglected, even at St. .Mai-y's. A chapel was erected, and the more zealous members of the reformed church met from time to time for worship and the reading of sermons. In July, 1638, some "redemptiouers,"^ or servants of Captain Cornwaleys, a member of the council, were in charge of a zealous Romanist named William Lewis, in whose house they were quai-tered. Among the number were Francis Gray and Robert Sedgrave. While reading aloud from Ilenrie Smith's sermons, where the writer alludes to the Pope as Anti-Christ, and to the Jesuits as Anti-Christian ministers, Lewis in- terrupted them with the assertion "that it was a falsehood, and came from the devil, as all lies did, and that he that writ it was an instru- ment of the devil, and he would prove it, and that all Protestant min- isters were of the devil," and forbade them reading any more. At the request of Gray, Sedgrave drew up a petition, to be signed by the Church of England members on the following Sunday, at the chapel, couched in the following language : — Beloved in the Loi-d, etc. — This is to give you notice of the abuses and scan- dalous reproaches which God and his ministers doe daily sutler by William Lewis, of St. Maries, who saith that our ministers are the ministers of the divell, and that our books are made by insti'uments of the divell ; and further saith, tliat those servants 'Named for Queen Henrietta Maria, wife islandbyClaibonic, between the veal's 1631-1636, of Cbarles I. iuclusivo. — Allen's Marylantl Toleration, p. 25. 3 N.E. Hist. Geneal. Register, xv., 141. .\llcn gives (pp. 29, 30) an interesting aceount The Rev. Mr. James may not have been the first, of Jlr. .Tames. aud was not the only, reinisior of tlie Church at ' Settlei-s who had sold themselves for a the Isle of Kent. In the depositions taken in term of yeai-s to pay the expenses of the voyage Virginia in 1610, " :iUowances for rainistci'S " are over, sworn to as among the expenses incuiTcd on the 130 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. which avo under liis charge shall keepe nor read any booke which doth appertaine to our religion, within the house of the said William Lewis, to the great discomfort of those poor bondmen, which are under liis subjection, especiallj- in tliis heatlieu country, where no godly mhiister is to teach and instruct ignorant people in the grounds of religion. And as for people which cometh unto the said Lewis, or other- wise to passe the weeke, the said Lewis taketh occasion to call them into his cham- ber, and there laboreth with all vehemency, craft, and sublety to delude ignorant LOKU BAI/riMOUE. persons. Therefore, webesecchyou, brcllnvn in our Lord and .Saviour Christ Jesus, that you wlio have power, that j'ou will doe in what lioth in you to liave these absurd abuses and the rediculous crimes to be rcclaymcd, and tliat (lod and his Ministers may not be so heinously troden dowuo liy such ignominious speeches: and no doubt hut he or they, which strive to uphold God's ministers and word, lie shalbe rccomiii'iiced with i;terna]l joy ami felicity, to reigne in that ctcrn;ill Idng- dome, with Chri.st .Icsus, inidcr whose biiiuicr we light for in'crinore. (All wliich words aforesaid, which hath been spoken against Wni. Lewis, the parties hereunder written wilbe deposed when time and opportunity shalbe thought meete.) Chris- BEGINNING OF THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. 131 topliev Carnoll, Ellis Beache, Ro. Sedgnive, and others which hereafter may be brouglit forth.' On the morning of the sixth Sunday after Trinity, July 1, 1(338, Lewis informed Capt. Coruwaleys that some of his servants had pre- pared a paper with a view of eft'ecting a combination of the Church of ?^ ffs.JZ.t^. England men in a petition to Sir John Harvey and the Council of Vir- ginia, for the arrest of himself, on the charge of having spoken dis- respectfully of the clergy of the J]stablishment, and forbidden his servants to read authorized productions of divines of the English Church. Secretary Lewger,- himself a convert to the Church of Rome by the persuasions of his friend the celebrated William Chillingworth, was sent for, and, as Sedgrave and Gray were passing the house on their way to the chapel, they were brought face to face with their accuser. Sedgrave acknowledged the preparation of the paper which he had given to Gray, with the purpose of communicating its contents to some of the freemen, through whose intervention the redress of these grievances was expected. At a formal investigation before the gov- ernor and secretary the latter pronounced Lewis " guilty of an ofl'ensive and indiscreete speech in calling the author of the booke read in his house an instrument of the divill ; and in calling Protestant ministers the ministers of the divill ; " that he had exceeded his authority in for- bidding the reading of " a book otherwise allowed and lawful to be read l)y the State of England ; " adding, "and because these his offensive speeches and other his unseasonable disputations in point of religion, tended to the disturbance of the publique peace and quiett of the colony, and were committed by him against a publique proclamation sett forth to prohibito all such disputes ; therefore he fined him 500 weight of tobacco to the Lord of the Province ; audtoremaine in the Sheriff's custodie untill he found suffi- cient sureties for his good be- haviour in those kinds in time to come." 3 The Governor, Leonard Calvert, concurred wholly in this sentence with the Secretaiy, although both, and Corn- waleys as well, were Eoman Catholics themselves. 1 Sti-cetcr's Papers relatinff to tbc Eaily or Lewgar, is found in Streeter's Papers, quoted HistoiT of Manianil. Mil. Hist. Soc. Fund above, pp. 218-276. Vide, also, pp. 147, 148. PnbUcation No. 9, pp. 212, 213. » lUd.. p. 216. - Au interesting Memoir of John Lewger, £i 'mfm/ ^ of St. Mary's," with other CT!^ — 7-/- . / ^_^/-r A^.y buildings and land adjoin- ^ ^^"^ ' Ly^nn/eolitical changes at home, consequent upon the overthrow of the mon- archy, prevented or inter- fered with the adjustment of this matter, and wo hoar nothing more of the " Prot- estant Catholics" or their chapel . In a few years the 1 ) 1- o p r i etary goveri^inent was overtinxiwn. Oflicers were appointed of Protes- tant, if not Puritan, i)ro- clivities ; a large immigra- tion from Virginia was encouraged ; the principles of religious toleration were recognized by legislative enactments, and the pre- ponderance of Komanists in ]iositions of power or trust was gradually overcome. Years passed, and in tli(( rei'stablisluncnt of tlie monarciiy .and the restoration of the authority of the Proprietary' in Maryland we iind l)ut THE BAI.TIMORIv ARMS. ■ Sti-ccter'9 Papcm, pp. 164, ICa, 235, 266. »/6t Griffith's "Annals of Baltiraoie," p. 9. by Anderson's " Col. Ch.," ii., pp. 397, 398. ' 1 lawks's " Eccl. Contrib." Md., pp. 51, 52 13G HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. May it please your Or ace : — . . . . Our want of a minister, and the many blessings our Saviour de- signed us by tliem, is a misery, wliicli 1 and a numerous lamily, and many otiiers iu Marj'land, have groaned imder. We are seized with extreme horror when we think, that for want of the Gospel cm- children and posterity are in danger to be condemned to infidelity or to apostasy. We do not question God's care of us, but thinlj your Grace, and the Kight Reverend your Bishops, the proper instruments of so great a blessing to us. We are not, I hope, so foreign to your jurisdiction, but we may be owned your stray flock; however, the commission to go, and baptize, and teach all nations is large enough .... I question not but that your Grace is sensible, that without a temple it will be impracticable, neither can we expect a minister to hold out, to ride ten miles in a morning, and before he can dine, ten more, and from house to house, in hot weather, will dishearten a minister, if not kill him. Your Grace is so sensible of our sad condition, and for your place and piety's sake, have so great an influence on our most religious and gracious King, that if I had not your Grace's promise to ilepend upon I could not question jour Grace's inter- cession and prevailing. £500 or £G00 for a church, with some cncour.agcment for a minister, will be extremely less charge, than honor, to his Majesty. Our Church settled according to the Church of England, which is the sum of our request, will prove a nursery of religion and loyalty through the whole Prov- ince. l)Ut your Grace needs no arguments from me, but only this, it is in your power to give us many happy opportunities to praise God for this and innumerable mercies, and to imimrtune His goodness to bless His IMajesty, with along and prosperous reign over us, and long continue to your Grace, the great blessing of being an instrument of goodness to his Church. And now th.ati may be no longer troublesome, T hum- bly entreat your pardon for the well-meant zeal of Your Grace's most obedient Servant. MARY TANEY. Accompanying this letter was a petition to the archbishop and bishops, reciting that the province of Maryland was "without a church or any settled ministry," and that the minister whom King Charles II. had sent (together with a " parcel of Billies and other church books of considerable A'aluc") was dead, and i)raying " that a certain parcel of tobacco, of one hundred hogsheads or thereabouts, of the growth or product of the said Province may be custom free, for and towards the maintenance of an Orthodox Divine, at Calvert Town." To this was added the request that their lordships, to whom the petition was ad- dressed, would " contriljutc towards the building of a church at Calvert Town." Shortly after this earnest petition was received, on the 20th of September, 1695, an allowance was granted, from the secret-service fund of the king, to defray the passage of the Kev. Paul Bertrand to Maryland. Tiie report of the clergv'nau, written in French, addressed to the Bislioj) of London, under date of Seplenil)er 12, KitSU, is still extant, dcscril)ing liic condition of religion in the jjroviuce at that time. A little later, among the host of "grievances" forwarded to King AVill- iain by a self-appointed convention, the outgrowth of the so-called " Protestant Revolution, "' was the allegation that " this church, which, by the charter, should be consecrated accordingto the eci'lesiastical laws of England, wa.s converted to the use of popish idolatry." The revolu- tion was successful. "The convention" meeting in 1G89, and again in 1G90, did not attempt to organize the gov(>rnment, but sought the in- terference of tli(^ crown. In June, 1()91, King "W' illiam coni|ilicd with the jiopular wish, and .Marvl;ini1 was constituted a royal colony. The following year, on the arrival of the royal governor, Sir Lionel Coi)ley, BEGINNING OF TFIE CHUKCH (N MARYLAND. 137 the crown was finally recognized as lK'(l, and witli it " tiie invioiahilit y of Ihc rights and iVane-liiscs of the churcii ; " tlic ten counties were divided into thirty-one parishes ; the constitution of vestries was provided for, and a poll-tax of forty pounds of tol)acco was laid, as a fund for the build- ing or repairing of ciuirclies, tlic support of tlic clergy, or other pious uses. In July, KiDl, .Sir Francis Nicholson succeeded Copley. The new governor was a lilteral and devoted patron of the Church, liasty in temper, utterly lacking in self-restraint, naturally imperious and arbi- trary ; in demeanor, vain and conceited, and often tyTannical. There were still many redeeming qualities in his characlci-, which inatlc him pojjular among those over whom he l)ore rule, and secured for iiim the respect and admiration of men of widely differing opinions and beliefs. The purse and pen of Nicholson were ever at the service of the Church. More than a score of churches scattered throughout the colonies owed in great part their existence to his encouragement and lil)erality. His letters, man}' of which are still extant, manifest a solicitude for the church's welfare, and a disposition to further her growth, (|uite unusual among the correspondence of the times, ^^'llile his foes were not backward in Ijlazoniug his faults and in ex[)osing to ]iublic gaze the in- lirmities of a temper far from iierfect, his friends, in e(jual numbers aud with equal devotion, ascribed to him "every virtue under heaven." Energetic, intelligent, refined and courtly in manners, and possessing a statesman-like wisdom, he would have deserved wcUof the Church, ot which he was so ardent a supporter, had his life been more in accord- ance with her holy teachings. At the coming of Governor Nicholson there were but three clergy- men of the Church in the province. These three clergjanen had, to quote their own language in a representation to the Bishop of London, "made a hard shift to live" "some time after they came" over, but "did afterwards marry and maintain their families out of the })]anta- tions they had with their cures."' These three representatives of the Church had to conteudwith double their number of priests of the Church of Rome. Half-a-dozen clergymen accompanied the governor on his coming to the province, or were at once attracted by the new life of the Churcii, consequent upon the favor of vice-regal authority. Eight clergymen were speedily settled in the newly formed parishes, and at Annapolis, which was made the provincial capital in place of St. JIary's, the governor began at once the erection of the only brick church in the provini'C. The establishment of a "free school " at the new ca])ital of IShiryland was another result of the change in administration which thus, in the language of the Council and House of Bui'gesscs addressed to the Bishop of London, sought "to make learning an handmaid to devo- tion."*^ Addressing the same source, recognized by the House of Burgesses as "our Diocesan,"' the clergy represented "the great and urgent necessity of an ecclesiastical rule here, invested with such ample power and authority from your lordship as may capacitate him to re- dress what is amiss, and to supply what is wanting in the church."^ ■ Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Church, iv. (Maiy- =//,/,/., p. 1. land), p. 9. 'J/Ad-.p-Vl. 138 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. This prayer for more direct episcopal supervision, which was not new, and whicli was heard continuously during the centurj"- just about to open, till in the "upper room" at Aberdeen, nearly a hundred years later, Samuel Seabury was made a bishop of the Church of (Jod, was listened to so far as to secure the appointment by the Bishop of London of a commissary for Maryland. The choice fell on one most worthy of the office, and most willing to undertake the work. Dr. Thomas Bray, first commissary of IMaryland, was born at Marton, in Shropshire, in 165G. Prepared for the University at Oswestry, he was entered at Hart Hall in Oxford ; l)ut narrowness of means required his removal from college soon after he had commenced Bachelor of Arts. Enter- ing upon the work of the ministry, his zeal and abilities commended him to the notice of Lord Digby, from whom he received the living of Sheldon. In this parish he prepared and published a scries of Cate- chetical Lectures, which, by their popularity and merit, won for the author the notice and patronage of the highest dignitaries of the Church. It was at this time that the Governor and Asseml^ly of IMaryland had unanimously agreed upon "a petitionary act" for the appointment and support of a "superintendent, commissary, or suffragan," and had ad- dressed the Bishop of London, Dr. ('ompton, with the request that he would appoint and send to the province some experienced and unex- ceptionable clergyman for this purpose. In April, 1(39(5, the bishop oflcrcd the appointment of connnissary to Dr. Bray. In accepting this post, which he did at no little soi'ial and jiccuniary sacrilice, he made as a condition the provision of i)arochial libraries for the ministers who should be sent out to the province. It was by means of this provision that he hoped to be able to secure from among the unl)encticed and poorer clergy studious and sol)er men to undertake the service of the Church in America. The wisdom of this plan was a|)i)arcnt. In the library at Lanil)etli is still preserved a paper bearing the signatures of Tenison, Archbishop of Canterbury ; and Sharp, Archl)ishop of York ; of Compton, Bishop of Ivondon ; of Lloyd, Bisho|) ol'Lichficld ; of Still- inglleet, Bisho}) of AVorccster ; of Patrick, Bislioj) of Ely; and of Moore, Bishop of Norwich, expressing the readiness of these eminent divines and scholars to " contribute cheerfully towards these Parochial Libi'arics," and adding the hojie that " many pious persons, out of love to religion and learning," would do the same. The wish thus expressed was fully realized. Nor this alone. The indefatigable commissary spared neither laljor nor time in ."securing mission-i)ries(s for the work of the Church .•il)road. Detained for several j'cars from visiting the prov- ince under his spiritual charge he was l)y no means idle. Through his exertion the lumibcr of the clergy was increased to sixteen ere ho set foot upon the soil of Maryland ; and besides other labors of love and devotion he formed the design of a Churt-h of England "congregation, jjro Jidc ])wj)a(/anda l>y charter from the king." This design, out of which grew within a few years the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, was laid aside for a time, while the busy brains of its author were occupied in another sidicmc, which, ere luj left Eng- land, took form in the estalilishnicnt of tlu^ Socict}' for Promoting Christian Knowledge. The original sketch in manuscript, i)rcpared by Ri:r,i\xixG 01- THE church in Maryland. 139 ApoftoJick Charity, CO N S ID EK'D. DISCOU RSE Upon Da^H Ja. 5>. Preacfied at St. Paulsy at the 07(lJn3.Uon of fome Protefun'c MiT/cmd^es t(? be fmtfntQ the Tla.nta,tions. To wh'ichts P?^fij(ty /iGt^mm I Vter cf ili^ ETig ft';?i Col On/eS" / Jt /A msnc^ With, h^Jfx^l- ^ Tleliglon j in crda- to Jhfkyvrltat Trovrfon ij wi/mtmgjor tfie Pro- pagat^ion of ChrifTi'S^mty en tlicf^ Parts. Tosethrr yn'th Pfabof^bjlr The Provtotiv^ rhcfcyfnc : /ind fa induct Jcu:/iof lheC(e7g;f ^J t/iis Khi^doi!i.j ns an-e P-erfo7]S of'Soln-ifly Mid Ab\(kies to autpc of AMiffon AriCiO vyh('(h is{libiO(ni[ TfhiAit thor'S Ci'rcaldr tdUr Loiyfn t to t/u Cifygyi-hi^hC . LO N D M^ h'iTitfd for W////a,/>t^/a}vfS, a^ r//« S!g/i of rhc 'Rofe i-n Ludgatb ' A copy of this exceedingly rare tract is in that the above f:ic-simile has been furnished by the libi-nrv left by the late Bishop \\Tiittinsham, the accomplished custodian of the libraiy, Miss of Maryland, to the diocese of which he was for Whittinsham, of Baltimore, Md. years the honored head. It is from this copy 140 niSTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCORAL CHURCH. the Jlaryland Commissary, detailing the ])lan .of tliis now vcncr- alile organization, is still extant in the Library of Sion College, London ; and Dr. Bray was one of the five memhers who met together for the lirst time, March 8, l()98-9, to inaugurate tliis noble charity. On his return from his lirst visit to Maryland, charged with imiiortant business for the IMarylaud Church, the opportunity offered for entering upon the department of labor earlier marked out, and the unwearied commissary lost no time in soliciting and securing from the king a charter for the incorporatitm of a society whose special duty should l)e to pro])agate the gosjicl throughout the colonies and foreign dependencies of the British empire. The intiuencc of Tcnison, Arch- bishop of Canterl)ury, and Compton, Bishop of London, was exerted in behalf of this application ; but nothing can take from Thomas Bray the distinguished honor of being the originator and founder of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Ecaching Maryland on the 12th of March, 1700, the commissary directed his attention at the outset to the settlement and maintenance of the parocliial clerg}'. Convening the clergy on the western shore for consultation, at a time when their assembling was feasible, the commissary then pro- ceeded on a visitation, throughout the progress of which he was received by the communit}' with every demonstration of respect and regard. 'J'he result of his inquiries and observation was that but a twelfth of the entire population were Romanists, and a similar proportion were (Quakers ; while almost the entire i-esidue wei'c at least nominal adherents ol' the lOstaljlishment, including many of the leading families of the province. That this was the case might be inferred from the imaniniity with which laws for the establishment of the Church had been again and again adopted by the assembly. When the assembly convened, and the question of the establishment of the Church was inider discussion, the course of the conmiissary was so judicious and conciliatory that the formal thanks of the body were tendered him, and the attorney-general ordered to advise with him in preparing a draft of the bill desired. The act jn-ovided " that the Book of Common Praj^n- and administration of the Sacraments, with the rites and ceremonies of the Cliurcli. according to the use of the Church of Kngland. the Psalter and Psalms of David, and iNIorning and Evening Prayer therein contained be solemnly read, and l)y all and every min- ister, or reader in every church or other place of public worshij) within this ])rovince." Tlu^ closing words of this clause proved fatal to the apjiroval of the act by the crown. To reijuire the use of the common prayer " in every church or other place of jjublic worship" in the prov- ince was to deny all toleration to dissenters from the Kstablislnncnt. Upon the completion of this act of legislation, by the Legislature, the connnissary sunnnoiied all the clergy of the province to a visitation at Annaiiolis, on Thursday, in Whitsun-weck, the 2;kl of May. Seven- teen clergymen answered to their names at the opening of the session, to whom the connnissary delivered a charge enforcing his views with reference to catechising, jireaching, and private ministerial instj-uction. It was resolved by the clergy that tiny wotdd i)rcacii to tlicir respective (locks a " scheme of divinity ;" thai they would "more religiously BEGINNIXr, OF THE CHURCH IX MATJVL.VXn. 141 observe tho proat festivals of the ( 'Iiurcli" ])y ]ireaehinii " upon tlie sub- jects proper to such days : as at Christmas, upon the Inearnation of the Son of God ; on Good Frida5% on the Death, SutTerings, and Satisfac- tion of (^hrist ; on ICaster-day. on tiie Resurrection ; an/ fjjirit. having an ardent zeal for God's glory and the salvation of men's souls." Strength, learning, and youth were required for a work, the im])ortance of which could not be over-estimated. The fertile mind of tlu' connnissary de- vised a scheme for the selection of missionaries and their support, and although the plan thus originated was not literally carried out, the end proposed was attained, through the agency of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, which, on Dr. Bray's petition, was incorjioratcd by the king, and of which the eommis.sary W.MS both the foniulcr iuul a life-lonLT friend. Of these exertions in Marylantl and at home he was at length, after expending the greater BEGINNING OF THE CHURCH IN MARYLAND. 143 part of his private fortune, constrained to say : " The expense as well as fatiiiuc had been insupportable. But us what has been hitherto done does but let me into the view of so much more which is still wantinii' to propagate and maintain Christianity in those parts ; if any ett'ort of mine shall contribute anything to i)romote the design, I shall obtain an end, to accomplish which I could bo content to sacrifice my life, with the remainder of my small fortunes."^ The issue of circular letters to the clergy, enforcing the subjects discussed and approved at the recent visitation, occupied a portion of the commissary's time ; but these official communications and subsequent eflbrts in the direction of the appointment of others in his place poorly supplied the lack of Bray's return to the Province of INIaryland. It was in no spirit of shrinking from duty that he remained at home, l)at in deference to the judgment of those, his superiors in the Church, who thought his in- fluence would be more wisely exerted in England than in America. His efibrts to secure the blessings of the Episcopate for America ; ^ his untiring interest in missionary work of every kind ; his connection with charitable efibrts for the education of the negroes, out of which grew the chartered body known as the "Associates of Dr. Bray ; " and his labor for the relief, release, and colonization in Americaof poor debtors, from which the colony of Georgia took its origin, added to his literary and clerical work, made up an honored and most useful life, the memory of which is still fragrant, after the lapse of years. What might not have been the story had the Church of England, instead of retaining the devoted Bray in London, sent him back, not merely with commissarial, but with episcopal, powers, to win to Christ and his Church the province and the people he so patiently served and so ably vindicated ! In 1702 the law drawn up under the direction of Dr. Bi'ay, and approved in England, and then transmitted to ^Maryland to be enacted by the Assembly there, was duly returned, and received the royal as- sent. Then, at length, was the Church'in Maryland established by law. By the provisions of this act the "Book of Common Prayer" was ordered to be read in all the churches of the establishment, and every place of worship or congregation, for the maintenance of whose min- isters a certain revenue or income was directed by law to be raised, was to be deemed part of the established church. Every minister having no other benefice, and "presented, inducted, or ap[)ointed" by the governor, was to receive forty pounds of tobacco per poll, out of which he was to pay yearly a thousand pounds to the parish clerk. For the prevention of "all illegal and unlawful marriages, not allowable by the Church of England, but forbidden by the Table of Marriages," copies of the Table of Affinity were to be set up in the churches ; jus- tices and magistrates were forbidden to solemnize matrimony, and the exaction of a fee of "five shillings sterling, and no more," was author- ized, " provided such persons come to such parish church or chapel at time of divine service, for solemnizing such marriages." The sheriffs • IntiO'lnctiontoDr. Bray's " Apostolic Char- in Marj'land, with a proposal relating; to his sup- ity Considored," pp. 9, 10. P"rt, and aa aci'oiiiit, alsr>. hnw far the latter U 2 Dr. liray's *' Memorial, showing the neces- advanced," is priutcd in full in the "Hist. Coll. sity of one to superintend the church and clergy Am. Col. Ch.,' iv., pp. 01, 02. 144 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. of the several counties were required to collect and pay over the min- isterial toliacco to the incumbent of the cure. Select vestries, of at least six members, were to l)e chosen for each parish by the free- holders who " contribute to the public taxes and charges of the said parish," the incumbent, being ex officio, "one of tlie vestry, and prin- cipal" thereof. On the death or resignation of a vestryman the free- holders supplied the vacancy, and on every Easter ]\Ionday two of the vestry who had served the previous year retired, and two were chosen to till their places. Provision was made for a regist;'ar of the vestry, and " the true and fair registry " of the proceedings of the vestry, "and of all Births, Marriages, and Burials (Negroes and ^lulatoes excepted"). Kccord l)ooks were to be provided. Vestries were ordered to hold monthly meetings under penalties for uuexcused absences. Chui'ch- wardens were to be appointed yearly, who were to take the oaths of ofhce, and to serve under penalty of tine. The church-wardens and vestry were to provide for the "Parochial charges," and "all necessary rei)airs," and improvements of cluirclies, chapels, or church-yards, for which purpose all tines and forfeitures were to be appropriated; and, if required, rates were to be levied on the taxables of the parish, not exceeding ten pounds of tobacco per poll in any one year, to be col- lected by the sheriff', and paid over for the uses named. No clergjanan was to hold more than two livinijs, and the consent of both vestries was necessary for the union of two. A " sober and discreet person " might serve as lay-reader in the case of there being no incuml)cnt who should be approveil by the Ordinary, and to whose use a portion of the min- isterial tobacco might be api)lied. The licensed lay-reader, on taking the oaths, was permitted to "read Divine Service, Homilies and such oilier good authors of i)ractical divinity as shall be ajjpointed." Eleven o'clock A.M. of the tirst Tuesday in each month was appointed as the time for vestry meetings. The vestry Iiooks and accounts were to be open to inspection of the parishioners. The acts of toleration were extended to Protestant dissenters and Quakers, ))rovided that they respectively conformed to the provisions of the at'ts, and their places of meeting were certitied to, and registered at, the county courts.' Such was the nature of the " Establishment" in ^Maryland, under which the Church existed, until the war for inde)iendencc placed all religious bi^liefs and organizations on the same footing, in the e3'es of the law. Somi! features of this carefully drawn act ha\e siu'vived the dis-establishment of the Marvlimd Church, and have become i)art and parcel of the "connnon law" of the American Church. AVe owe a dcl)t of lasting gratitude to the life and i)ublic services of Dr. Thomas Dray. ' lJacon'3 " Laws of Mai-j-land," 1702, Clmp. i. Hist. Coll. Am. Cli., iv., pp. 1,19-118. BEGINNING OF THE CIIUUCII IN MARYLAND. 145 CRITICAL AND ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES. TO Maryland belongs the honor of having been the fii-st government which pro- clainicil and put in practice the novelty of religious toleration. This grant of religious freedom was secured by the Charter given by Ch.arlcs I., in 10:32, to Ceeilius, second Lord Baltimore. It will be borne in mind lliat this Char- ter, though given to a jirofessed mem- ber of the Roman Catholic (!'hurch, was gi-auted by the head of the ro- fonned Church of England, and that the two references to religion, con- tained in this important patent, were the exact phrases earlier used in the Avalon gi-ant, issued to Sir George Calvert, when he was still a member of tlie English Communion. These references to religion in the Charter are found, in the first instance, in the fourth section, giving tlie jn-oprietaiy the liberty of erecting churches, and the advowsons of all that should be built, and requiring the conse- cration of the said churches according to the ecclesiastical laws of England; and, in the second jilace, the X ,C^ — ^^ (j twenty-second section [ y /7 /vy^/^yyy y yyy^^^Z> provided that no law ^^ '^ i^/ ^-<-^ ^'^-^^^U C/^$i should be made preju- dicial to God's holy and ti-ue Christian re- ligion. The original is as follows: Proviso semper, quod nulla fiat inlerpretaiio, per qnam sacro sancto Dei, el vera Christi- ana reliyio . . ■ imrrmtalione, prejtidicio vcl dispendio patiantur. Certainly the holy service of God and tlie true Christian religion, as imderstood by the power using these words to limit rights and privileges elsewhere confen-ed, could only mean that which was held by the established Church of England. The very exer- cise of the Romish faith at this time was conb-.ary to law. The Charter, by this somewhat vague proviso, secured, though it by no means directly enjoined, tolera- tion, and the "Protestant Catliolics," as we have seen, were not slow in claiming the protection of law, in the exercise of their religious freedom, and the Romish authorities were equally prompt in allowing and enforcing their claim of right. The Assembly of 1G39 declared that the " Holy Church witliin this Province shall have her rights and liberties." A similar law was enacted the following year. Each of these provisions is founded on the first clause of Magna Charta, which expresses the same idea, .and applies, of course, to the Church of England. This could not be otherwise in a legislative enactment, made by subjects of the English crown, who were, by their veiy common law of the kingdom, required to recognize the establishment as the national church. Besides, the continuity of the Cluu-ch of EnHand as reformed, with the Church of England prior to the Rofomiation, was asserted by the highest authorities of the realm, both legislative and legal. In these very references to " Holy Church," the church settlers of Maryland found their rights protected and their religious faith acknowledged. In April, 1649, the Assembly met under the new governor, AVilliam Stone. The faith of the membei's of this body, which passed " the first law securing religious liberty that ever passed a legally constituted legislature" (Narrative and Critical History of America, III., p. SOi), has been a matter of dispute ; but it is certain that out of the sixteen members, including the governor, nine bur- gesses and six councillors ; the governor, three of the council, and at least two of the burgesses, were Protestant, while of the rest the faith of two is doubtful. If the governor and council sat as a sejiaratc house, as is prob.able, the claim of the Roman Catholics to the enactment of this law is [jlji^a^ i^ytA^ 146 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. overthrown, and, in any event, the Romish element in the Assembly is not likely to have been in majority. The words of this act, so far as it relates to toleration, are as follows: — "Whereas, the enforcing of the conscience in matters of religion hath fre- quently fallen out to be of dangerous consequence in tliose commonwealths where it hath been practiced, and for the more quiet and peaceable government of this province, and the better to preserve mutual love and unitj- amongst the inhabitants here " it was enacted that no person " professing to believe in Jesus Christ shall, from henceforth, be any waies troubled, molested, or discountenanced for, or in respect of, his or her religion, nor in the free exercise thereof within this province, .... nor any way compelled to the bcleefe or exercise of any other religion, against his or her consent." By other sections of this act of toleration, blasphemy and the denial of the divinity of Christ, or the Trinity, were made punishable with death, and those using reproachful words concerning the Blessed Virgin or the Apostles, or applying epithets to anyone in matters of religion, were punished by a fine, and in default thereof by whipjjing or imprisonment. It does not appear that these penalties were ever inllictcd, and they were tar less severe than those attached to an act of Parliament passed the year before for preventing the spread of heresy and blasphemy. Later, when the rule of the Commonwealth w:is extended over Mar3'land, the Puritans, who had been welcomed to a liome by Governor Stone in 1649, when fugitives fi'om penal laws in Virginia, exempted the Romanists from the innvilege of tol- eration. On the restoration of the monar- chy there. was a return to the previous state of things. Followmg Chalmers, who was the earliest historian of Maryland, the Assem- bly of 1C49 has been gener.illy regarded as containing a Roman Catholic majority. Sebastian F. Sti'ceter, in his " Alarj-- / lY^/a&e^h- INDORSEMENT OF TUE TOLEKATION ACT. i^md Two Hundred Years ago," claimed that this Assembly was Protestant by majority. This question w-as carefully discussed bj' Mr. George Lynn-Lachlan Davis in his " Day Star of American Freedom ; or. The Birth and luarly Growth of Toleration in the Province of Jlary- land ; " a work based on an examination of wills, rent-rolls, and other records. Dr. Richard McSherry, in an article originally published in the "Southern Review" and afterwards reprinted in his " Essays and Lectiu-es," attacked the position of Streeter. The Rev. Edward D. Ncill contributed an article on tlie rela- tions of Protestants and Roman Catholics to the spirit of toleration in his " Lord Baltimore and Toleration in Maryland," printed in the " Contemporary Review," September, 1870. The Rev. B. F. Brown has added a valuable contribution to the discussion in his " Early Religious History of JIaiyland ; Maryland not a Roman Catholic Colony," 187C." The Rev. Dr. Ethan Allen, Historiographer of the Jlai^- land Church, in his " Wlio wore the ICarly Settlers of Maryland?" published by the Historical Society in 1806, shows that tlie vast majority of the settlers from the very first were Protest.ants. The late .Inlni P. Kennedy, in his discourse on the " Life and Character of the First Lord Baltimore," 181.'/, delivered before the His- torical Society, maintained th.at toleration was in the Charier and not in the Act of 1019, and that as much honor was duo to the king who granted this boon as to the nobleman who received it. Reviewed in 1810, by Mr. B. U. Campbi'll, Mr. Kennedy felt called upon to reply. In lyor) Dr. JCthan Allen iiublished in ])aniphlet form his ".Maryland Toleration." which had earlier appean>d in the " Church Review," in which he denied that Maryland was a Roman Catholic colony, and claimed that protection lo all faiths was guaranteed bj- the royal charter. The subject received attention in the aiiy," p. 22S. VI., pp. G7-7-1. 150 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. serving and administerinjr of the Sacraments in a Uutoh Congi-egation belong- ing to llis Majesty's Dominions, having promised to conduct himself in his service according to the constitution of the Reformed Chm-ch of Holland. Noble, High, Honorable Sir, Your Excellency's servants and subjects, The Consistory of this City of New Yokk, In the Name of An,, WILHELMUS VAN NIEWENHUYSEN, Pastor. New York, October 1, 1675.' On the following daj^ Van Rensselaer j^ielded the point in contro- versy, by subscribing the following agreement : — I, the undersigned, have pi'omised, and hereby promise, to conduct myself in my Church service as Minister of Albany and Rensselaerswyck according to the Low Dutch Church, conformably to the ))ublic Church seiTice and discipline of the Reformed Church of Holland, pursuant to that which I have solemnly promised in my public installation before the whole congregation of Albany, etc. Done in tlie presence and \icw of Domine Wilhelnuus Van Nieuwenhuysen, minister of the \Vord of God within New York, and Jeronimus Ebbing, Elder, afid the Burgomaster Oloff Sleveusen Van Cortlandt. NiooLAUs Van Rensselaer, Minister of the Word of Ood of New Albany and Rensselaerswyck. New York, October 2, 1676. The subject of all this controversy, a minister on whom the vows of ordination seemed to rest but lightly, was shortly brought before the court for " false preaching." On being imprisoned by the magistrates at Albany for " some dul)ious M'ords in his sermon or doctrine," the court required accuser and accused 'to " forgive and forget." In l(i77 Andros deposed Van Rensselaer from his ministry " on account of his bad and scandalous life," - and the following year he died. It being evident that little good to the (Jhurch could be expected from the services of tiic eccentric Van Rensselaer, on the I'eturn of Governor Andros to New York, in August, 167(S, he was attended by a Cambridire graduate, in holy or- (^^^ Jy^^/:^. d<^!-«' ^}^ Kev Charles W,,i . \_^ ' ^r"^ pomtedbj' the DuKoor lork,chaplam of the forces at Fort James. The handwriting of it. a. degree, place of worship was the chapel in the fort, shared as it -was for many r P /^ /I 9^ /^ years with the Dutch minister and / rlOb^Lli fl/ cCi\J. — his congregation, and, doubtless, the \_y (/ i)lace in wliicli the Episcopally or- dained Van Rensselaer was forbid- UANDWRiTiNG IN M.A. DEGREE.' dcu to luinistcr tlic sacfamcut of baptism. Among the first acts of llic new incumbent was the compliance with the governor's " Brief" ' Hist. Mat.'., IX., ])p. 3f)l-.'i.'j4. siziii, i:i June, 1G70." He wiis matiiculatcd ii " Unxlliciid, " Ilisl. of N.Y.," II., p. 300. sizar of ICmmaniicI Cnlli;.'!', on (lie tltli of .lulv, - 'J'lie si;;natuivs copii'd aUovc arc from llie l(i70. He tottk the H.A. deforce in Jiiinniry, •• iie;;i'ee-l»ook " at the I'nivei-sity of (,'aiid)ri(l;;e, 1(J73— 1, and proeccdod Master of Arts iu July, wlieix;, as we leuru from the records, " Ch. Wol- 1C77. ley of Line." (Lincolnsliirc) was *' admitted BEGINNINGS OF THE CHUKCII IN NEW YOKK. 151 of the 17th of August, 1(578, iuithoriziug and rcfjuiriiig the collec- tion of the charit}' of the well-disposed towards the redemption of Jacob Lcisler, and several other inhabitants of New York, who had been taken captive b3' Turkish corsairs. The appeal was successful, and the captives were speedily released from slavery. An interest- ing, if notUattoring. account of Mr. AVolIcy's ministrations is furnished us in the journal of two Dutch " Labadists,"' Jasper Dankcrs and Peter Sluyter, who had come from Wicwerd in Friecdand, to select in the New World a site for the settlement of a colony of their people. Shrewd and observing men as these luiml)le travellers were, tlicir quaint narrative of the church service at New York, on the 20th Sunday after Trinity, October IT), 1679 (N. S.) is well worthy of reproduc- tion in our pages : " 15th. Sunday. We went at noon to-day, to hear the English Minister, whose services took place after the Dutch Church was out. There were not above twenty-five or thirty people in the church. The first thing that occuired was the read- ing of all their prayers and ceremonies out of the prayer-book, as is done in all Episcopal Churches. A young man then went into the pulpit and commenced preaching, who thought ho was performing wonders ; Init he had a little book in his hand out of which he read his sermon, which was about a quarter of an hour or half an hour long. With this the services Avere con- cluded, at which we could not be sufSciently astonished. This was all that happened with us to-day."- Peter Sluyter is reported by Dankcrs, the writer of the journal, as having attended the church service again and again, with a view of "exercising him- self in the English language."^ On the return of these simple-minded enthusiasts to New York they had occasion to call on the govern- or, which they did on the afternoon of Palm Sunday, about five o'clock, "who was still engaged, at our coming, in the Common Prayer; but as soon as it was finished he came and spoke to us." * But, in spite of his use of "a little book" in preaching and his failure to win the praise of the critical Labadist missionaries. Chaplain WoUey is entitled to kind remem- brance for a contribution to the literature of the time, which, though encumbered with pedantr^^ and fuller of notices of the savages than the European settlers, still gives us valuable infor- mation of the state of the city and province at the j^eriod of its composition. " A Two Years' Journal in New York, and paxt of the Territories in America," by C. W., A.M., published in London, in 1701, assures us with respect to his American home that it is "a place C^i, £ejjs MiHi sot AEMS OP SIR FEANCIS NICHOLSON, 1G93. ' Followers of .Teaa De Labadie, a Fiench enthusiast. ' lyons Island Hist. See. Coll., I., p. 1 18. » md., pp. 160, 164. r the great seal, such a patent was, in February, 1727, given to IJishop Edmund Gib- son, and another in April of the following year.^ It is interesting to note, iu passing, that owing to dill'erences arising l)ctween the arch- bishop and the king, the su[)erintendency of Sancroft over the colonies in ecclesiastical atVairs was but short-Iivcid, and the king ordered ''that the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the Plantations" should be exercised by the Bishops of Durham, Rochester, and Peterborough, who adniin- THE rOKT ASSl) LUATLL, OLD NEW YORK. istei'ed the See of London, in commission, during the suspension of Com])tou.^ In the humble chapel within Fort James, New York, the Rev. Alexander Innes succeeded Mr. Clarke, as the " orthodox " chaplain of the garrison. ^Ir. Innes's commission bears date of April 20, 1686.^ The population of New York was now about eighteen thousand, and yet the sti-aitened chapel of the fort was the onl}' jjlace of worship possessed by the Establishment, and a garrison chaplain was the onl}^ one in holy orders to minister the word and sacraments to the small number of Englishmen who had come to this portion of the New World. Colonel Dongan writes, in 1687, "here bee not many of the Church of England;'"' and states that for the "seven years last past," ^Vide an iuteie^tinpr foot-note ia Bioilhead's ■' Book of Deeds, vrn., pp. 13, 31, 39, quoted " Hist, of New Yoi-k," u.; p. 4.'iO:. ia " N. V. Pol. Pocs.," ni., p. 415. 'IbiJ., II., pp. iX, 457. * N.Y. Col. Docs., in., p. 415. 156 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. there had not come over into the province "twenty English, Scotch, or Irish familys."* Still there was need of a church in New York, as we learn from the same authority. " The Great Church which serves both the English and the Dutch is within the Fort which is found to bee vei-y inconvenient. Therefore I desire that there may bee an order for their building another, ground Ijeing layd out for that pur- pose and they wanting not money in Store where with all to build it."^ The prevailing religious opinion of the inhabitants was " that of the Dutch Calvinists." There were few Roman Catholics ; abundance of Quaker-preachers, men and women especially' ; singing Quakers ; ranting Quakers ; Sabbatarians ; Anti-Sabbatarians ; some Anabap- tists ; some Independents ; some Jews ; in short, of all sorts of opinion there are some, and the most part, of none at all."^ The observing governor reported that it was the endeavor of all " to bring up their children and servants in that opinion which themselves profess ; but this I observe that they take no care of the conversion of their slaves. It was, so fin- as "the king's natural-born subjects" were concerned, "a hard task to make them pay their ministers."* This was the testi- mony of a Eomanist, who, under the instructions of a Roman Catholic king, was busying himself in " establishing " the Church of England in a province where the prevailing opinion was that of the Calvinists of Holland. The fort that held the jointly occupied chapel, in which the Dutch and English worshipped, had also its Romish oratory, with its altar and "images ;" and the "two Rooiish priests, Fathers Thomas Harve}' and Henry Harrison, that attended on Go^'ernor Dongan, said mass there, while one of the two, or else the third, of the number, Charles Gage, taught the Latin school, which Jameson had relinquished, and which Dongan sought to inHuence the monarch to endow with the "King's Farm."* On his expeditions the governor was attended by Chaplain Innes and Father Harrison, and, with chaiacteristic impartial- ity, while openly seeking to replace the French Jesuit Fathers, who were Christianizing the Indians in the interest of France, with English mis- sionaries who would labor in the interest of their own country, he re- ports to his superiors at home that the French priests " make religion a stalking-horse to their pretence."® The king was seeldng to establish the supremacy of England in the New World by opposing to the unity of the French in Canada the consolidation, so far as Avas possible and needful, of all the Nortii American possessions of Great Britain under one vice-regal rule. To this end Andros had unified the independent and often jarring colonial governments of New England. The monarch next proposed to add Now York, and East and West Jersey, which had just been sur- rendered l)y the Crown, to tlie " Dominion of New England," tiuis con- solidating the colonies north of the fortieth degree of latitude with the single exception of Pennsylvania. It would have been antecedently l)robable that the chosen viceroy of James would have been Governor Dongan. Of noble birth, a nephew of Tyrconnell and heir-presumptive ■ N.y. Col. Docs., III., p. .399. • /W., p. 415. » Ibid., p. 41.5. •Urmllicnd, ii , p. 487. » Ihid. ' !/>>''■, V- 195- BEOINNINGS OF IMIK ClIUHCll IN NEW YORK. 157 it is no slight to the Earl of Limerick, and, besides, an Irish Romanist, pi'oof of the astuteness of the king that, Avilh these recounnendations to favor, Dongau was passed by, and Andros, a strong, uncompromising churchman, connnissioned Governor-General of His Majesty's whole SIR EDMUND ANDROS. " Teri'itory and Dominion in New England." ' In the " Instructions " given to the representative of the crown nothing appears about the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of London in the Anglo-American province. This had been carefully provided for in June, 1686 ; but the "Defender of the Faith," the temporal head of the Church of England, was now seeking to ' Biodhead, ii., p. 501. 158 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. bring about the aubversion uf the church he had sworn to protect. The change of governor was not unacceptable, especially to those who had been troubled at the influx of Papists in New York, " under the smiles " of the governor. Domine Selyns wrote to the classis at Amsterdam, with evident satisfaction and pride, tliat " Sir Edmund Andros, Governor at Boston, and the like, and now stepped into this government of New York and Jersey, — as such having charge ti'om Canada to Pennsylvania, — is of the Church of England ; and, understanding and speaking the Low Dutch and French, he attends service and Mr. Daille's preaching."' At the same time it would not be fair to the superseded Dougan not to note the testimony borne to him by the Puritan Hinckley, Governor of Plymouth, that he " showed himself of a noble, praiseworthy mind and spirit, taking care that all the peojile in each town do their duty in maintaining the minister of the place, though liiinself of a differing opinion from their way."" Andros being called to Boston " to prevent a second Indian war," Francis Nicholson, his deputy, was left in command at New York. Work A\as begun on the fort, where the artisans had shown "great joy," on the arrival of Andros, be- cause they were delivered from a " Papist Gov- ernor," and had Nicholson as deputy at the fort, whom they relied upon to " defend and establish the true religion." The Romish chapel and " images " provided by Pongau were in danger ; l)ut Nicholson, animated hy the same spii-it that had led his chief to respect the altar and emblems of the faith of the Baron Castme on the coast of Maine, ordei'cd the Avorkmen to assist the priest, who had assumed the nom deplume of John Smith, to remove the sacred emblems and furniture to a better room in the fort, and to arrange eveiything for him "according to his will." In the midst of the gradual settlement of State and Church in the colonies news came of the fall of James, and the accession of William and Alary to the tlironc of England. In New York the dramatic epi- sode of Leisler's usurpation and overthrow marked the change from one dynasty to another. In the mass of papers still ext^mt, relating to Leisler and his administration, we catch occasional glimpses of the Church and its representatives. Cha))lain Innes was naturally accused by the fanatical adherents of Leisler of being a Papist.^ An affidavit was pre))ared, wherein Peter Godfi'ey and Henry Carmer deposed " concerning the person and behaviour of the jNIinister Alexander Enis, by outward jjretence a Protestant, but in efl'ect a nieore Papist, whoe dec^eitfuUy lias jjrovided him with a certificat of the Ministers of the Dutch and French Churcli, as if he Avas a true Protestant."'' Leisler liimscif addressed the king and (|ueen to the effect that "M'. Ennis, the late Englisii Minister, lately departed from the place with testimony of the Dutch and French Ministers, has since been known to be of opinion contrary to our religion, whereof I have testimony in good ARMS OF ANDROS. ' Bro.llieittl's X. Y. = IMd., II., p. .IIO. II., pp. filS, 516. •New York Col. Dors., in., p. 010. ' Ihid., p. 630. BEGINNINGS OF Till: CIIUKCII IN NEW YORK.. 159 forme." ' Addressing the Bishop of Salisbury, Dr. Burnet, Leisler asserts that "one Francis Nicolson, Lieu'. Gov'," "together with M^. Innis the pretended protestant Minister, and their accomplices, sent to England :i formal submission to their Majesties Government notwith- standing which in their Assembly they did continue praying for the Prince of Wales, and that God would give K. James \iclory over his enemies."^ Xor was this all. In examining Capt. McKenzie, who had openly defied the usurper's authority, Leisler asserted that the accused was " Popishly aifected." The captain's answer cannot be better told than in his own words : — I answered that is not true, I am as mucli a piotestiint as yuu or any man in the countiy ; wliy, said he, have T not hoard you call Father .Smith ^ a very good man ? Yes, replyed I, and so I do still ; he is a very good-humoured man, but I never called him so because he was a Papist, and I was so tar from haveing any friendship for his principles that in all the six years I had known New Yorkl never so much as out of curiosity looked into their Ohappcll. lie told me I kept with D'. Innes, I went to hear him, and praj'ed with him and that he was a Papist. I replyed, that is not ti'ue. lie then told me that one had sworne it. I told him I will not believe it if ten of them should sweare it, but not one word of yuur honour •• all the while, but after a great deal of their discourse which what I liked not I alw.ays contradicted, he at last said I might call him what I pleased, he would Pray God to bles3 me, and then I prayed God might bless him. in which holy sort of complem' we continued a pretty while and at last said he would never do me any prejudice, and I made answer after the same manner, and so was dismissed very civilly, which I Tery much wonder at. The lieutenant-governor and chaplain reached England before Leisler's emissary arrived. The latter was at a further disadvantage in view of the loss of the voluminous " packetts " which had been taken by the French. This enabled the refugees, in Leisler's words, "not only to .show a fliir face of so ill a cause, but to render it in an other shape than in truth it is." Foiled in his attempt to secure the royal confirmation for his usurpation, mainly by the re{)resentations of Nicholson and Innes,® the reign of Leisler was shortly afterwards ignominiously terminated. Colonel Sloughter received his " In- structions " for his new appointment on the 31st of January, 1690. The former orders respecting the Church were renewed.^ The Bishop of London again appears as the Diocesan of the Colonial Church, certi- fying ministers and licensing school-masters. Liberty of conscience granted to all by King James was renewed by liis successors with the exclusion of "papists." The "Book of Common Prayer" was to be read and the " lilessed Sacrament " administered according to the rites of the Church of England in the province, which at the time these in- structions were given had neither a clergyman nor a church. The Church was thus " established " anew, so far as royal authority could do it, among former subjects of Ht)lland, l)y the Dutch Stadtholder as King of England. Sloughter, on his arrival, made the establishmeut of religion an object of special care. On the 18th of April, 1691, the ' New Yoi'k Col. Docs., in., p. G16. ci? Nieholsou. The whole is in "N.Y. Col. 2 liid., p. 655. Docs," lit., pp. Bia-614. ' One ot the Jesuit Fathers. = Brodhcad's " Hist, of New York," ii., p. ' The letter of MrKenzie, from which this 696. extract is taken, w aa adcUcssed to Lt.-Gor. Fiaii- " New York Col. Docs., ii., p. 6S8. 160 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. Assembly, on the recommendation of the governor to introduce a " bill for settling the INIinistry and alloting a maintenance for them in each respective City and Town within the Province, that consists of Forty Families and upwards," instructed the attorney-general to prepare the bill. The act, as reported on the 1st of May, was rejected, ' " as not answering the intention of the House." The occasion of this action on the part of the Assembly was, doubtless, that the draft, as reported by the attornej^-general, provided for the establishment of the Church of England in conformity with the governor's " Instructions." The death of Sloughter left the matter in abeyance. On the 23d of August, 1692, the Assembly ordered that a bill be drawn for the better observance of the Lord's day, and that each respective town within the province have a minister or reader to read divine service. On the arrival of Colonel Benjamin Fletcher, with "Instructions" similar to those of his predecessor, the settle- ment of the ministry and church was strongly urged bj'^ him upon the attention of the Assembly. The House took up the matter with evident reluctance, and the session came to a close without any satis- factory action in the matter. A sharp rebuke from the governor failed to secure any other result. On the coming together of the new Assembl}^, in September, 1693, the governor, who was an ardent churchman, so stronglj^ urged action that the subject could not be longer overlooked. A "Bill for settling the Ministry and raising a Maintenance for them," was reported on the 19th, passed two readings, and was referred. On the 21st it was adopted as amended, and trans- mitted by the governor. The following day Colonel Fletcher and the council returned the bill with a proposed amendment, requiring the minister, when called by the wardens and vestry, to be presented to the governor, agreeably to his insti-uctions, for approval and collation. To this the House replied, " that they could not agree thereto, and pray that it may pass without that amendment, having, in drawing up the Ijill, due regard to the pious intent of settling a ministry for the benefit of the people."^ The governor replied with warmth to this very respectful, and, in view of the lack of clergy' and churches of the English communion, not unreasonable request ; and, although referring to his right to collate to, or suspend from, any benefice the clergyman who might be chosen, still signed the bill. This act of September 22, 1693, did not, however, in express terms establish the Church of England. It provided that a good, sufiicient Protestant minister, to officiate and have the cure of souls, should be called, inducted, and esta1)li.s]ied within a yeiiv in the city and county of New York, one in Richmond, two in Westchester, and the same number in Queen's ; that New York and Westchester should each raise £100 for the maintenance of their respective ministers ; that ten vestrymen and twociuirch war- dens should be annually chosen l)y all Ihe frcclioldcrs, and tliat the wardens should pay the ministers' stipend in (piartcrly iiistahnonfs. Under this act the Rev. John Miller, chajjlain to the troops in the fort, and the sole church clergyman in the colony, who had arrived • Journals of the Assembly, quoted in " Hist. ? Smith's " Hist, of New York," i., p. 130. Mag.," v., p. IM. BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YOHK. 161 the year of its passage, claimed, the following February, 1(59-1, to be inducted into the "living" of New York. In this view the governor seems to have coincided ; but the council refused to allow the claim, and Miller failed to secure I'ecognition as the first minister of Trinity. It is probal)le that Miller remained in New York until June, 1695, when, "obliged by several weiglit}' motives," to return to England, he was captured on his homeward voyage by a French privateer. He destroyed his papers lest they " should have given intelligence to an enemy to the mine of the province;" hut on his return he published his recollections of his experiences in New York to testify his earnest desire " to promote the glory of God, the service of his sovereign, and the benefit of his country." These recollections, printed in London, and dedicated to the Lord Bishop of London, contain the assertion that, of the " sevcn'al chaplains successive to one another," " some have not carried themselves as to be, and that deservedly, without blame." ^liller urged as a means for " the settlement and improvement of religion and unity," the conversion of the Indians and the conquest of Canada ; " that his Majesty will graciously please to send over a Bishop to the Province of New Y^ork." The plan contemplated the charging the bishop, who was to be a suffragan to the Bishop of Loudon, with the secular government of New York. Contributions for the building of a church at New York were suggested. The revenue of the New England Society for the conversion of the Indians was to be ex- pended under the bishop's direction. The "King's Farm" was to be assigned to him " for a seat for himself and successors ; \\hich though at present a very ordinary thing, yet will it admit of considerable improvement." "Five or six sober young minister's, with Bibles and Prayer Books, and other things convenient for churches," were to be brought over with the bishop, who, with "these powers, qualifications, and supplies, would, "in a short time (through God's assistance), be able to make a great progi'ess in the settlement of religion and the correction of vice." While the quondam chaplain was thus planning and publishing his visionary schemes for the introduction of bishops as pioneers of the Church in America, the Assembly Act went into force, and wardens and vestrymen were elected. In 1695, on the 12th of April, the five church-wardens and vestrymen of New York applied to the Assembly to know whether they could call a dissenting minister ; and the Assem- Iily ga^'e it as their opinion that they could. In the meantime the churchmen, under the encouragement of Governor Fletcher, began to tiike steps to organize and liuild a church on ground they had se- cured.' On the 6th of May, 1697, Caleb Heathcote, and others, " present managers of the aftiiirs of the Church of England in the Citty of New York " petitioned the governor for a charter. This petition- 1 Fz<7e" Petitiou for leave to purchase fii'ouutl were Tho: Clarke, Robert Lurtiuf^, Jeremiah for an En<;lish Chureh in New York." — Doc. Tuthill, Caleb Heathcote, .lames Evctts, Will: Hist, of New York, in.,\>. 407. The petitioners Moiris, Ebenez' Willson, \VillMcrret,.Ja. Emott, asked a license " to purchase a small piece of R. Ashfiekl. License was also granted by the land lyeiuK without the north gate of the said governor for '• the s Foote's " Aiiiiiils ofKiiiir's ('li;i|wl," I., p. 120. BEGINNINGS OF THE CHURCH IN NEW YORK. 165 Excellency Edward Loixl Conihury and Colonel Francis Nicholson,' which wc append fo tlie chaj)tcr as indicating the strides made l)y the Cinirch under the favoring inllucuces of the Royal governor and others high in station and inlluence. The history of Old Trinity, and incidentally the annals of the prog- ress of the Church in New York, will be given elsewhere. We turn to notice the introduction of the Church into New Jersey. In the year 1700 Colonel Lewis Morris addressed a memorial to the authorities at home "concerning the state of religion in the Jerseys." "The province of East Jersey has in it ten towns, viz. : JNliddletown, Freehold, Am1)oy, Piscataway, and Woodbridgc, Eliza- beth Town, Newark, Aqucchenonck and Bergen ;andIjudgeinthewiiolc province there may be about eight thousand souls. These towns are not Hke the towns in England, the houses built close together on a small spot of ground, but they include large portions of the country of from four, live, eight, ten, twelve, tifteen miles in length, and as much in breadth. . . . These towns and the whole province was peo- pled mostly from the adjacent colonies of New York and New England, and generally by persons of very narrow fortunes, and such as could not well subsist in the places tliey left. And if such persons could bring any religion with them it was that of the country they came from." At Elizabeth Town and Newark there were "some few Churchmen." Perth Ambo3% "the capital city, was settled from Europe, and we have made a shift to patch up the old ruinous [court] house and make a church of it, and when all the Churchmen of the province are got together we make up about twelve communicants." In Freehold was a Keithian Congregation, " most endurable to the Church." In West Jersey the number of Quakers had " much decreased since Mr. Keith left them. In Pennsylvania, which was "settled by people of all languages and religions of Europe," " the Church of England gains ground ; " and " most of the Quakers that came out with ilr. Keith are come over to it." "The youth of that country are like those in the neighboring Provinces, very debauch' and ignorant." Tlie measures suggested by Colonel Morris " for In-inging over to the Church the people in tlie Countrys," were the appointment of no one " but a pious Churchman " as governor, and confining, if jiossible, the membership of the council and magistracy to churchmen ; the granting of " some peculiar privilege above others " to chuivhmen I)}' act of Parliament; the adoption of measures " to get ministers to preach gratis in America for some time till there be sufficient number of converts to bear the charge ; " and, finally, the restriction of the great benefices for a number of years to "such as shall oblige themselves to preach three years gratis in America." " By this means," concludes the colonel. " we shall have the greatest and best men, and in human probability such men must, in a short time, make ' There is yet one generous Patron and bene- these part.s, nor contributed so universally towards factor to V' whole infant church in North y" erection of Christian Synagogues in different America, t'wcre a crime to forget or conceal; and distant plantations in America. — An Account we mean the Hon"" Col' Fran. Nicholson, Esq'., of the /listori/ nf Ihf Buildiny ff St. Paul'a whose liberality to this and other churches on Church, Chester, "Hist. Coll.' Am. Col. Ch.," this main deserves y" highest encomium. We h , pp. 79, 80. may safely say no man parted more freely w"' his 2 X. J. MSS., 1700. money to promote the interest of the Church in 166 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. !i wonderful progress iu the conversion of those Countries, especially when it's perceived the good of souls is the only motive in the under- taking." Keith, for whose coming Colonel Morris has expressed the wish, held his first service as a mission-priest of the Church of England at Amboy, in East Jersey, October 4.^ "The Auditory was small," writes Keith, " but such as were there were well eflected ; some of them, of my former acquaintances, and others who had been formerly Quakers but had come over to the Church, particularly Miles Forster, and John Barclay (Brother to Robert Barclay, who published the Apology for the Quakers) ." Keith preached on the following Sunday, October 10, at Toponemes in Freehold, and a week later at Middle- ton, and on numerous Sundays at Shrewsbury, and at Burlington. On the Sunday after Christmas, December 27, he again oiBciated at Shrewsbury. On the Feast of the Circumcision he was at Freehold, where he remained over the second Sunday after Christmas. On the First Sunday after the Epiphany he preached at Burlington, and admin- istei-ed Holy Baptism. On the thirteenth Sunday after Trinity, Au- gust 13, on his return from the southward, Keith " preached at the New Church at Burlington, on 2 Sam. xxiii. 34." Lord Cornbury was present. " It was the first sermon that was preached in that Church." On the sixteenth Sunday after Trinity, September 12, Keith was again at Burlington, and on the following Wednesday preached at the house of "Will Hewlins in West Jersey." In Sep- tember, October, and November he was again at Burlington, Shrews- bury, and Amboy, preaching, disputing, and baptizing. The last Sunday in Advent, Christmas day, the Sunday following the feast of St. John the Evangelist, and twice in the same week besides, and on the first Sunday in the year 1703, he was still busied in his ministerial and priestly work in the Jerseys. At the close of January, and the beginning of February, and, in fact, during much of the winter and spring, his labors were continued, and many converts to the Church from Quakerism were the results of the efibrts of this able and per- sistent " JMissioner." In connection with the laliors of Keith, we note the services of the Eev. Alexander Innes, who oiBciated in the Jerseys prior to Keith's coming, and the Eev. John Talijot. who accompanied the Quaker convert, and became the apostle of the New Jersey Church. The labors of these three men, wi'ote Colonel Morris, in the summer of 1703- h;ul " I)roughtovcr to the Church so many ijcrsons" as to render the appointment of a raissionarj'^ to Monmouth advisal)le. In 1705 the excellent and amial)le John Brooke was at Elizabeth Town and Amboy. A year later this devoted priest was officiating "at seven places, viz. : Elizabeth Town, Rahway, Amboy, Cheesequake, Piscataway, Rocky Hill, and a congregation near Page's, in Freehold." His cure was fifty miles in length.^ In 1707 the Rev. Thoroughgood Moor, who had como to Burlington, was silenced by the governor "• for refusing the 'On the eighteenth Sunday after Trinity. 'In view of his Ire.itmeiit of the clergy, In the printed iuiirnal (p. 30 of tlio Reprint m it is intcrestin^r to read tlie followinfr refercEiee the I'rot. lipis. I list. Coll., I.) the date is incor- to the (jovcrnor from one who w;is ceitainly well rccUy Kiven October .3. informed: " Jyord Cornlmrv comes npon the » N..T. MSS., 1703. ■ /Aiatterj^ well provided with the means of repelling hostile attacks ; while the third was crowned with the lofty beacon. At the wharf there was the ceremonious reception of the accredited representatives of the crown ; and then the mission-priest, to whom all was so new and strange, must have walked or driven up the short street to the market- house and town-hall of wood, — " built upon pillars in the middle of the town, where their merchants meet and confer everyday,"^ — which was the business and official centre of the rising town, and thence, it may be, to the "Blue Anchor Tavern," — a famous hostelry near by. The houses on either side, stretching north and south well-nigh a league, were " generally wooden," and the streets were " crooked, with little decencj^ and no uuiibrmity," in the judgment of the commission- ers who wrote in 1G64 ; but, in Dunton's eyes, "their streets" were " many and large, paved with Pebbles ; the Slaterials are Brick, Stone, Lime, handsomely contrived, and when any Xew Houses are built, they are made conformable to our Xew Buildings in London since the tire." * There were upwards of a thousand buildings in the town, with "stately houses" built of stone amouoj them, and " three fair and large meetina:- houses or churches, commodiously built, in several parts of the town." ' " Gardens and orchards " adorned the south side of the growing capi- tal. " On the north-west and north-cast two constant fairs "were kept for daily traffic. On the south was the" small but pleasant Common." This " rich and very populous " town Duntou compares to Bristol, in England. It was to this Xew World and to a new life that the English priest had come. He did not wait long ere he entered upon his work. Dun- ton, the Ijondon bookseller, who was in Boston at the time of the coming of " the Charter and the Common Prayer," thus records the in- auguration of the sei-vices of the Church at this critical period of Mas- sachusetts history: "The next Sunday after he Landed, he preach'd in the Town-house, and read Common-Prayer in his Surplice, which was so gi-eat a XovcUy to the Bostonians, that he had a very large Audience." Dunton was present at this initial service and tells us that "the Parson " was "a vciy Excellent Preacher, whose JNIatter was good, and the Dress in which he put it. Extraordinary ; he being as well an Orator as a Preacher." This was, if Dunton is correct, on the Sunday after Ascension, May IGth. On the following Tuesday, the 18th, the Puritan diarist. Chief Justice Scwall, records "a great wed- from Milton, and are mar- y Mr. Pandolph's (.'liajjlain at Mv. Slnini])ton's, according to y" Scrvicc-Book, a little after Noon, when Prayer was had at y° ' Dunton, in hU " Letters fi'om Now England," Prince Society, 1867, describes the approacli from the sea, p. C7. > Jbid. • Jbid., p. 68. THE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 177 Town House ; was another married at y" same time ; the former was Vosse's son. Borrowed a ring. 'Tis s** tlicy having asked Mr. Cook and Addington, and y' declining it, wont after to y'^ President, and sent y™ to y" Parson." The following Sunday, May 23d, was A\'hit- sunday. There is no record of the service on this high festival. Dun- ton, the son-in-law of an eminent non-conformist, is careful to write, "for my own part, I went but once or twice at the lirst, tho' Mr. Rat- clili" (as I have said before) was an Extraordinary good Preacher." ' On Tuesday, in Whitsun-weck, the next government was inaugu- rated, the president and council taking their i)laces on the bench after the oaths had been administered. The day following, as Sewall re- cords, " Mv. Eatcliffe, the minister, waits on the Council. Mr. Ma- son and Randolph propose that he may have one of the three houses to preach in. This is denied ; and he is granted the cast end of the town- house, where the Dejjuties used to meet, uutill those who desii'e his ministry shall provide a fitter place." Randolph, who neglected no opportunity for putting forward the church, " desired Mr. Ratcliffe, our Minister, to attend tho ceremony and say grace, but was refused."* Dudley had not forgotten that he had been of old a non- conformist minister, and that his introduction of tho services of the Church at his inauguration would never be forgiven by the fanatical people over whom he had been placed. The " small room in y'^ town-house," of which Randolph speaks, was all that could bo had for the woi'ship of the Established Church ; and, on Trinity Sunday, Sewall I'ecords in his diar}' : — Sabbath, May 30* 1686. My son reads to me in course y* 26" of Isaiah — In that day shall this song, etc. And we sing y" UI Psalm both exceedingly suited to y' day wherein there is to be AVorship aceording to y' Ch"'' of Eng"'' as 'tis call'd in y' Town House by Countenance of Authority. 'Tis defer'd till y° C" of June at what time y' Pulpit is provided. Tlie Pulpit is movable, carried up and down stairs as occasion served. It seems many crowtlcd thither, and y° jSIinisters preached fore- noon and afternoon. Charles Lidget there. This minute is somewhat obscure, but evidently the meaning of the watchful annalist is that the " company increasing beyond the expectation of the gou"'," as Ran- dolph writes, the change from the " small room " to t he " Exchange " was deferred till the " Pulpit was provided," the services being still maintained where the^' had begun. The " Ministers " who i)reached were Pax'son Ratclifle and Chaplain Buckley, of tho "Rose" frigate. On Tuesday-, tho 15th of June, "the members of the Church of England, as by law established," assembled for organization. The record book is still extant, and gives the names of the following gentlemen as the founders of the Church in Boston: " M". Ratclitie, our minister; Edward Randolph, Esq^, one « Letters, p. 138. See, also, Dunton's Tannci- MS., iu " Hist. Coll. Am. Col. "Life anil Eirors." Ch.," IU., p. G33. 178 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. of his Majesty's Councell ; CaptaincLydgett, M\ Luscoml), M\ White, M^ Maccartie, M^ Ravenscroft, Doctor Gierke, M^ Tiirfery, M'. Bankes, Doctor Bullivaiit The lirst action of this body was the pro- visiou of the weelvly ott'ertory, or " publique collection by the Cliui'ch- wai'dens for the time being for the service of the church." Doctor ■M-n a.^ UJ try/ ^-^^ FAC-SIMII.K UK KAIJLIEST UECORD BOOK OF lUHo's CHAPEL, 15USTON.' Benjamin Bullivant, Mr. Richard Bankes, were elected church-wardens. An address to llie king and letters to the Archl)ish()p and Bi.slio]) of London, praying for iuvor were onkax'd ; and " Sniilh the Joyncr," was dircclcd to make "twelve formes for the service of the Clhurc^h, for each oi' which he sludl be paid 4s. 8d." The provision of a sexton was the first action of this meeting, which gave corporate existence to the ' FroraUcv. Hciiiy W. I'oote's " AuviuUnf Kini^'s Chapel, "by the kind iiuriuNsiou of the autlior. THE BUILDING OF KTXP/S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 179 first Church of Eiijjliiinl hi Miissachusotts Hay. At the next meeting, held on Sunday, I ho -Itli of July, with inci'eased numbers, the salary of Mr. Ratclitl'o was fixed at £.")() per annum, "besides what y° Counsell shall t hinke titt to Settle on him.'' Provision was made for his assistance, and Smith the Joyn' was ordered to make a "readding table and Desk." A cusiiion was ordered for the pulpit; a "Clarke," a sober and fit per- son, Avas to be sought for ; a sacrament was appointed for the; scscond Sunday in August, the 8th of the month and the 10th after Trinity ; the Council were to be addressed for a " brief" for the building of a church ; and "the Prayers of the Church" were to be said every Wcdnes- tlay and Friday, at seven in the morning in the summer, and at nine in the winter. On Thursday, the 5th of August, W'". Harris, boddice- maker, was the first " buried with the Connnon Prayer Book in Boston. He was formerly Mr. Randolph's landlord. " ^ On the 8th the same authority writes: "'Tis s'' y'^ Sacram' of y'' Lord's Supper is administered at y'^ Town-H." From this interesting source we catch glimpses of succes- sive marriage and burial services, of the observance of November 5, the day of the gun))owder-plot, when the preacher, the Rev. Josiah Clarke, spoke " much against the Presbyterians in England and here," and of sacraments and sermons so carefully noted as to prove that nothing was done by the little band of church-folk in their straitened accommodations at the Town-House, without the knowledge and care- ful observation of the leadinij memljers of tiie " Standins; Order." There was no attempt at keeping back any of the distinctive features of the church's system for the avoidance of oli'ence. When the com- missioners visited Boston, in 1GG5, they had a Church of England chaplain in their train, but he had l)een directed not to wear his sur- plice ; but now this " rag of Popery " was flaunted in the sight of all who cared to attend the services and sacraments at the Town-House Chapel. The "whole service of y" church," Randolph writes," was read at theear- ly prayer on AVednes- days and Fridays, ^ -- . «->. ^ and," proceeds this ^^"yT ' /y^ J ,>.-/^^ r interesting chroni- \^;;pZ. ^^^'^vIL CC'9't^ CrXyLfi^ — -^ cler, " some Sundays // ^^_^ seven or eight per- *ry. v. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. orij:. cd. Vol. II., pp. 294, 293, of flie Prince v., p. 146. " Society Reprint. "- nntcl)insou's"Coll.ofPapers,"pp. 552, 0.53, 180 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. unjustifiable measures for the support of the Chureli in Boston, again urged the confiscation of one of the Puritan meeting-houses for the use of the new congregation, or the appropriation of the funds of the corporation for evangelizing the Indians for building a church. The authority of the king was sought for laying a levy upon the weekly offerings at the Puritan meetings, and the Council was again and again approached with a view to the passage of an ordinance making the support of the Church a pul)lic charge. It was happily all in vain, and, akhough Randolph ingenuously confesses. " 'twas never intended that the ciiarge should l)e supported 1)y myself and some few others of oure communion," the answer of the Council, "those that hire him must maintain him, as thej' maintain their own ministers, by contri- bution," was not to be gainsaid. The Church of England, as by law established, found itself possessed of no exclusive rights and privileges in its transplanting to Boston, and when put to the test it was found both capable of self-support and ready for it. Interesting glimpses of the progress of the Church in Boston are found in Randolph's voluminous correspondence with the authorities in Church and State; at home. He speaks freely of his o\vn unpopu- larity, and confesses that he has to all his "crimes added this one as the greatest, in bringing the liturgy and ceremonies of the Church of England to l)e observed amongst us." ' He narrates a story of the coming of the Indian converts, those "called ministers," to Mr. Rat- cliffe, with a complaint of their meagre allowance. The interference of Ratclifle and Randolph seems onl^- to have pi'ocured "the })romise of a coarse coat against winter." The fact is stated that the commissioners "would not suffer Aaron, an Indian teacher, to have a biljle with the common prayer in it, but took it away from him," and the assertion is made that the funds of the society were "now converted to private or worse uses." The number of "daily frequenters" of the church is stated as four hundred. " Many more would come over to us, but some being tradesmen, others of mcchanick professions, are threatened by the congregationail men to be arrested by their creditors, or to be turned out of Ihcir work if (hey otl'er to come to our church'." In a letter to Al)p. Sant-roft, ]\andolph refers to the " small artifices the}' have used to prevent our meetings on Sundays, and at all other tymes to serve God." " I cannot," he says, "omit to acquaint your grace, how tender-conscienced, members of our old church, for soe they are dis- tinguished from Ihe other two churches in IJoston. are. Not long since I desired them to let tlicir clerk toll their bell at 9 o'clock, AVednes- days and Fridays, for us to meet to go to prayers. Their men told me, in excuse for not doing it, that Ihey had considered and found it in- trenched on (heir liberty of conscience granted them l)y his Majestyes present counnission, and could in noc wise assent to it." Doubtless this stiitemcnt is not at all exaggerated, and we maj^ judge somewhat 'Mr. Footc, in his "Annuls of Kind's ortho^rraphy " to the transcriber, statinjj; Uiat Chapel," in quotinjr one of Uantlolpli's letters tlie orifjinals nrc in this respect not very cx- froiu the Ilutcliinsoii I*n|>crs, intluli^cs in a wiU ccptiouablc.^ OnV/. (?(^., p. ri.')2. Reprint, p. 294. ticism at the expense of tlic writer's spcllinj;^ This assertion ol" Hutchinson is eonlirme\as the foremost man of Massachusetts. His son Cotton, then a young man, but full of pai'ts and j)roniise. has left a name which will never l)e forgotten in the liistory of Iiis beloved New England. At the South Mceling-IIouse was the Rev. Samuel AVillard, a theologian of no mean al)ility, as his jionderous I'olio, the jirst published in New England, proves, and also a Vice-President of the collesre. These were th(^ ministers of Boston at the time of Andros's coming. The names of the twelve laymen are not preserved. Sewall, who records in his diary the (piaint but striking minutes of the events then passing under his eye, was, doubtless, one. Simon Bradstreet, " an old man, quiet and grave, dressed in black silk but not sumptuously," as the Labadist missionary ' describes him in 1()S2, was probably another. It is not unlikely that " Eliot, Frarye, Oliver, Savage, and Davis," mentioned a little later as miiting with Sewall in remonstrating with the governor for sending for the keys of the Old South, were among th<; number. But, whoever the laymen were who united with their ministers in tiiis meeting at Mr. Allen's, their opposition was for the time eflecliial. The Rev. Messrs. Mather and \\Mllard, as we learn from Sewall, met tiie governoi "at liis lodgings at .Madame 'i'aylor's," and " thorouglily disconr.sed iiis Excellency about y meeting-houses in great plainness, shewing they could not consent. He seems to say ■ Ijong Island Ilist. Soc. Coll., I. THE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 183 will not impose."' Although his oommi.ssioii from tho kiiiir provided "that siK'h o.specially as shal l)o coutoriiiaMi^ to th(! rites of the Chureh of Enij-laiul, ho parliciiiarly count enaiReii and encouraiied,"" the gov- ernor preferred not to " impose " for several months, uniting with the little baud of fellow-ehurehmen in tho services at the Towu-House, while the all-ol)servant Puritan diarist noted down, day after day, his attendance upon prayers and sacraments : — Tuesday, Jnmiary 25. This day is l^ept for S' Paul, and y° Ko.W was rung in y" UKirnintC ti> call |)erst)ns to service; the (iov' (I am told) was tliere. IMoiuiay, January 31. There is a meeting at y° Town-house forenoon and alternoon. Bell rang for it; respecting y* beheading Charles y* first. The Gov' there. It was not till the Tuesday before Easter, in the midst of the solemnities of that week which brings to churchmen so many cherished associations, that the governor, who had waited patiently, Init in vain, for some sign of yielding on the part of the Puritan ministers, determined to carr}' out his cherished plan. The observing Sewall thus writes : — Tuesday, March 2l', ICS"/;. This day his Excellency views the three Meeting Houses. Wednesday IMarch 2;). The Gov' sent Mr. Randolph for y° keys of our Meetingh. y' may say Prayers there. Mr. Eliot, Frary, Oliver, Savage, Davis, and myself wait on his E.xcellency, shew that y'' Land and House is om's, and tliat we can't consent to jiart with it to such use ; exhibit an e.xtract of Mr. Norton's Deed and how 'twas built by particular persons us Hull, Oliver, 100£ a piece, etc. Friday, March 25, 1687. The Gov' has service in y° South Meeting house. Goodm Needham, [the Sexton] tho' had resolv'd to y" contrary was prevau'd upon to Ring y* Bell and open y' door at y' Governom-'s command, one Smith and Ilill, Joiner and Shoemaker, being very busy about it. Mr. Jiio. Usher was there, whether at y" very Begiiiing, or no, I can't tell. This was on Good Friday. On Easter-day, as we learn from Sewall : — Gov' and his retinue met in our Meetingh. at eleven; broke off past two, bee. of }'• Sacrament and Mr. Clark's long sermon ; now we were appointed to come half hour past one, so 'twas a sad sight to see how full the street was with people gazing and moving to and fro, bee. had not entrance into y* house. ^ The story is best told in the words of the Puritan annalist : — Tuesday, May 10. l\Ir. BuUivant having been acquainted that May l')"" was our Sacrament day, he wrilt to Mr. Willard that he had acquainted those principally eoncern'd, and 'twas judg'd \cry improper and inconvenient for j-° Gov' and his to beat any other House, it being V\'hit-Sundav, and they must have y° Coiiiunion, and y"twas expected should leave off by 12, and not return again till y' rung y° Bell y' might have time to dispose of y" I'^lcmcnts. So remembering how long y' were at Easter, we were afraid 'twould breed much confusion in y° Afternoon, and so on Wednesday concludc'd not to have our Sacrament, for saw 'twas in vain to urge their promise. And on y° H"' of May [Sunday after Ascension] were bid past One a pretty deal. May lo. — (Joes out just i hour after one; so have our Afternoon ' Quoted in appendix to Wisnci-'s " Ilidtory ■ III. Ma.ss. Hist. Sec. Coll., II., p. 147. of the Old South Church iu Boston," p. 93. ' Wisncr's " Old South," p. 94. 184 HISTORY OF THE AMEKICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. exercise in due Season. But see y' have y' advantage to lengtlien or shorten y' Exercises so as may make for y' purpose. The postponement of the Puritan sacrament, and the peculiar cir- cumstances of the " South-Church " in consequence of " the Church of England's meeting in it," were the occasion of a day of fasting and prayer on the 1st of June. In the exercises of this occasion Messrs. Willard, Moody, and Cotton ^Mather participated. On the 12th of the same month, the third Sunday after Trinity, the Puritan sacrament was celebrated, and Sewall notes the fact that the " Ch'' of E. Men go not to any other House ; yet little hindrance to us save as to ringing the first Bell, and straitning y° Deacons in removal of y° Table." The suiumer passed without giving occasion for comment. Evi-" deutly the opposing elements were somewhat held in check, if not by a spirit of mutual concession and tolerance, at least l)y an unwilling- ness to precipitate a quarrel, the result of which could not but be un- fortunate to both. But on October IG, the twenty -first Sunday after Trinity, there was a slight conflict, the arrogant churchman, if we can credit Sewall, — a by no means unprejudiced witness, — ordering the venerable minister of the South Meeting-house " to leave off sooner " for his accommodation. The issue could not be other than that which Sewall records, — "To w"''' Mr. Willard not consenting. Gov"' sent for him in y° night." The following day the attention of Sir Edmund was pleasantly diverted from ecclesiastical quarrels by the arrival of his wife, " a right good and virtuous lady," who came to Xew England only to die. The New Year had hardly opened when, after alterna- tions of hope and fear, the diary that had noted her coming records her death : — Sabbath 22' (January 1087/8) . My Lady Andros was prayed for in Public, who Las been dangerously ill ever since the last Sabbath .... About the beginning of our afternoon Exercises the Lady Andros expires.' On Friday, February 10, were the impressive funeral rites. Sewall thus describes the scene, which, in all its impressive details, must have looked strangely enough to a people unused to any pomp and circumstance at the last of earth : — Between 4 and 6 1 wont to y° I'uueral of y* Lady Andros, having been invited ^y* Clark of y* South-Company. Between 7 and 8 (Lychus- illuniinatingy' cloudy air) the Corps was carried into the Horse drawn by six Horses, Un: Sonldiers mak- ing a Guard irom y° Govoriiour's House down y" Prison Lane to y° South-M. House, there taken out and carried in at y° western dorc, and .set in y° Alley befun? y" pul- pit w"" six Mourning women by it. House made light with candles and 'I'orches ; was a great noise and clamor to licep jjeople out of y° House, y' miL:ht not rusli in too soon. 1 went liorae, where about nine a clock I heard y° Bells toll again for y* funcraL It seems Mr. llatclille's text was — Cry, all flcsli is (irass. I'hc Jlinisters turn'd in to Mr. Willards. The Meelnig nonsv tlie Prince So- was ' The maiden name of tlie CJovernor's wife Aiiili'os Tracts, piililixhc Marie C'nivcn, sislpv of Sir William Craven, ciety, I., pp. xi.-xiii. WHa iVlUriU V- rilVIJIl, nisitri ifi t:>M ,, iiiiuiii ,^iii«,;u, ciulv, i., {'['. .\i.— viJi. and oldest daughter of Sir Thonitui Oavcn, of '' Lyncha ? i.«., links or torches. Appletrcfwich, in the county of YorU. Vide Tlu- THE BUILDING OF KINT.'S CIIAPEI., BOSTON. 185 It was not Ion": after this solomn service that a " Brief" was au- thoi'ized hy the council for asking and reccivin;; " the free and volun- tary contributions of any of the inhabitants in the town of Boston towards the l)uilding and erecting of a house or place for the service of the Church of England." Nearly a hundred names are alB.xed to this document. No little difficulty was experienced in securing a site. Sewall was approached, Ijut in vain. On Wednesday, March 28, 1688, we have the record : — Oapt. Davis spake to lue fur Land to set a Ch'' ou : I toUl him could not. Would not, put Mr. Cotton's Laud to suuh au use, and besides 'twas entail'd. After, Mr. Randolph saw me, and had me to his House to see y* Landscapes of Oxford Colled"es and Halls. Left me with Mr. Ratclift', who spake to me for Land at Cot- ton Hill for a Chuieh W'' were going to build. I told him could not, first because I would not set up that w"'" y° people of N. E. came over to avoid; 2'' y' Land was entail'd. In after discourse, I mentioned chiefly the Cross in Baptism and Holy Dayes. Friday, Apr. (5. The Exposition of y° Ch' of Engl'' Catechism, by y* Bishop of Bath anil Wells, [Iven] comes out printed ^ Rich'' Pierce, with y" 39 Articles. Saturday, Apr. 14. Mr. West comes to Mr. Willard from y° Gov' to speak to him to begin at S in y° morn, and says this shall be y" last time ; they will build a house. We begin ab' 4 hour past 8, yet y° people come pretty roundly together. 'Twas Eastor-day and y' Lord's Supper with us too. Thursday, ilay 24"". Bell is rung for a Meeting of y° Ch'' of EngP Men, being in their language Ascension day. On Trinity Sunday there was an altercation growing out of the lengt h of the Puritan sacrament, which culminated on Saturday, June 23, when, to quote the marginal note of Sewall, there was "Hott Dispute with Gov'': about ^Meeting-House South." The following day through mutual forbearance, Sewall notes, " so we have very convenient time." A little later there was a conflict over the grave of Edward Lilley, one of the subscribers to the new church, between a Puritan deacon, Frary by name, who forbade the reading of the "Common Prayer" at the grave, and Parson Eatcliflxi who, in the satirical language of Increase Mather, " came with Gown and Book to settle a Laudal)le Custom in tiiat Bar- barous country." It is evident that Lilley had connected himself with the Church, or the parson would not have been at such pains to bury him with the Church's prayers. On Tuesday, October 1(5, "the ground- sills of y'= Ch'' arc Laid, y° stone foundation being finished.'" On the following day, Wednesday, October 17, "this day a great part of y'' Church is raised." Note is made of the absence of Cotton Mather at the house-raising, which would indicate that the ministers generally, and doubtless the annalist himself, with other prominent citizens and oiHcials, were in attendance, testifying, if not their personal interest, their satis- faction at the approaching redemption of the governor's promise to terminate the joint occupancy of the South ileeting-hoiise. The site fixed upon by the governor and his little band of churchmen was the corner of the old burying-ground, which was doubtless duly conveyed to the " rector, church-wardens, and vestry of the King's Chapel," as the little wooden structure was proudly styled, though the deed, if any were given, is not on record. That the proceedings on the part of the authorities in ceding the land for this use were in accordance with 186 IIISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CIIUKCn. law is evident from the fact that on the overthrow of Andros the act was uot annulled, and, indeed, its legality has lle^■cr been impugned. The charges incurred in the erection of the King's Chapel were £284 10s. The major part of this sum, £25lj 9s. was raised by the gifts of nearly one hundred subscribers, a list of whose names appears on the records, and is thus prefaced : — Boston, July, 1G89. — Laus Deo. A memorandum of suc-h honest and well- disposed persons th.at contiibuted tlieir assistance ior, and towards erecting a Chmx-li for God's Worship in Boston, according to the constitution of the Cliureli of Kng- land, as by law established.' The balance of the cost was borne by Andros, who gave £30, and Nicholson who contributed £25. Plain in its exterior, bare within. THE FIRST KINGS (HAI'EL. lacking pews, and devoid of any attempt at adornment, it still had a "pulpit cushion with fringe, tassel, and silk." Mcaiitiiue events were transpirinir wliich, ere the opening of the cluuvh, resulted in the over- throw of the government of Andros, and prevented the chief promoters and founders of the chapel from worshipping within its walls. Amidst (he rejoicings of Kastcrtiws oftlie landingof William of Orange, at Torbay. A young man named John ^\'iMslow brought, on his return from the island of Nevis, a co))y of (he i)rin(ed declara- tions of the Prince of Orange, on his landing in England, " on purpose," 1 Gi-ccnwood'« " Histoi-y of King's Cliapcl in Boston," p. 4."). THE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL. ROSTON. 187 to quote his own words, "to let the people in New England understand what a speed}- deliverance they might expect from arbitrary power."' It should be understood that the news brought by Winslow could not have been of later date than the first month after the landing of the prince, and that the result of the expedition was at that time quite problemati- cal. Concealing the declaration from An- dros ;^ and, on his ap- prehension, by order of the governor, refusing to produce the papers, — "being afraid," he says, "to let him have them, because he would not let the people know any news , —"3 the "saucy fellow," as Andros styled him, was committed to prison by the Church Justices Bulli- vant, Lj'dget, and Fox- croft, " for bringing Ti'ai- terous and Treasonable Libels and Papers of News." A fortnight later " a general liuzzing among the people, great with ex- pectation of their old Charter, or they know not what," attracted the notice of Andros ; and on Thursday, the 18th of April, when the "weekl_y lecture" at the " First Church " had atibrded a pre- text for the gathering of the people from the neighboring towns, by eight o'clock in the morning the town was thronged with excited crowds, while an hour later the drums were beating, and the streets were filled with men in arms. The captain of the " Rose " frigate was seized by the militia-men, and placed under guard. Directly the old magistrates were es- corted by the soldiery to the Council Chamber, and Secretary Ran- Thc Revolution in New England Justified. Andros Tracts, I., pp. 78, "9. = I hid., p. 77. = Ibid., p. 78. 188 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. dolph, Justices Hulliviint and Foxcroft, Sheriff" Sherlock, (laptairis Ravcnscrofl and White, and " many more " of the pjovernoi-'s adluM-ents were h^eizcd and coniincd in Jail. About noon " T\u) declarafion ottlie Gcnilenicn .Merchants and Inhaliitants of Boston, and the country ad- jacent," a long and carefully prepared document, evidently \TOtten by THE lU'ILDING OF KING'S OIIAPEL, BOSTON. 189 Cotton Mather, was read from the eastern gallery of tlie To\vn-li(nise, at the head of King street, to the anxious and excited crowd helow. The elaborated periods of this important paper would indicate " tliat the design of seizing upon Sir E. A. , and subverting kingly government in New England, had been long contrived and resolved on;"^ and that the object of this popular insurrection was indeed "to rend themselves from the Crown of England," as was plainly charged at tiu; time in the ablest vindication of tiie administration of Andros in print. The reading of this paper was received with a shout from the impatient crowd, whereupon their leaders, who had ostensibly drawn up the Dec- laration, " drew up a short letter to Sir Edmund Andros, "~ demanding the surrender of " the Government and the Fortifications." This letter, signed by Wait AVinthrop, Simon Bradstreet, William Stoughton, Samuel Shrimpton, Thomas Danforth, John Richards, Elisha Cooke, Isaac Addington and others,^ fifteen in number, some of them counsel- lors and others assistants under the abrogated charter, asserted that the signers were " surprized with the people's sudden taking of arms ; in the first motion whereof we were wholly ignorant.""' Andros, who, accord- ing to his adversaries, had, " at the first noise of the action, fled into the Garrison onFort-lIill, where the Governor's lodgings were,"^ had de- manded a conference ; but this was declined. About two o'clock in the afternoon, "the Lecture being put by," as Byfleld informs us,'' there were "twenty companies " in arms, and a boat sent from the "Rose " frigate, for the relief of the governor and his companions who were in the fort, was seized, whereupon the leader of the insurgents, John Nelson, a fellow-churchman with Andros, demanded the surrender of "the Fort and the Governor." Andros finally consented to accompany his assailants to the council-chamber, where he was reviled by Stoughton, a member of his own council, and then confined for the night in the house of Mr. John Usher, a personal friend, while his friends were sent to jail. The sun set upon the complete overthrow of the royal author- ity in Boston, and as " the Worship of the Church of England had," to quote the words of the author of " An Account of the late Revolutions in New England," "the disadvantage with us that most of our Late Oppres- sors were the great and sole Pillars of it there," so tiic Churcii sutfered with the crown. Parson Ratclifle, who had evidently l)ecn at pains to win the respect of his Puritan neighbors, and had sought, in many ways, as we learn from Sewall's diary, to cultivate friendly relations with the people among whom his lot was cast, appears to have escaped the imprisonment so generally meted out to his parishioners and friends. It is no trifling testimony to his urbanity and excellence that he was able to pass through such a trial unscathed. Still the little church on the corner of the public " God's Acre " was preserved, though in no little danger from the violence of the mob, I New EnglaniVs Faction Discoveretl ; or a Enfjland, by A. 13. Boston, 1689. Andros Tracts, Brief and Trne Account of their Persecnlion of II., p. 196. V°ChurcliofEnirland. London, 1690. This piece, ^Biadstrcct, Danforlh, Kiubards, CooliC, and IjyC.P. (Col.orCapt. Dudley), isreprintcilinlhc Addington, were respectively governor, It.-gov- AudrosTract?, II., pp. 203-222. The statement is ernor, and of the assistants at the termination of confirmed hy Puritan autliority. Vide Andros the govcruraent in 16S(i. Tracts, Ii., pp. 191, 195. Vide,' also, " PallVey's 'Reprinted in Andros Tracts, i., p. 20. New England," III., pp. ,')79, 600, note ; 596, note. '■ Andros Tracts, ii., p. 196. - An Account of the late Kevohuious in New ''' Ibid., I., p. 0. 190 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. ;1^^ 1^ ^ •^ ^ c 'A g and " daily threatened to l)e pulled downe and destroyed.'"^ The windows were "broke to pieces, and the Doors and Walls daubed and defiled with Dung and other filth in the basest manner imaginable, and, the Minister, for his safety, ^vas forced to leave the country and his con^rcsiation. and go for En"land."- It would appear tiiat on the fifth Sunday after Trinity, June 30, 1G89, the church was opened. Mr. Ratcliffe does not appear to have sailed for England until the following month, Avhile the records indicate^ the presence of hi.s suc- cessor, the Rev. Samuel Myles, A.M., on the day of opening. The son of a Baptist preacher at Swansea, a graduate of Harvard College in the class of 1684, and a teacher, for some years after graduation, in Cliarlestown, he seems to have gone over to England for ordination in 1687, and to have returned in time to take the place of Ratcliife. There are reasons to suppose that he was at this time in deacon's orders ; no notice of, or allusion to, the ad- ministration of the holy communion l)eing found on the records till the time of his visit to England, in 1692. If this was so it is ))roliable that ]\Ir. Ratclifte lingered to break to his people the bread of life, on the occasion of the opening of the church, and that the two clergymen sliared in the solemnities of this interesting da3^ In the meantime (he chief sujjporters of the church were in |)rison. So closely was An- dros watched that his jailer would not sufier "his chaplain to visite hini."^ Ratclifl'e, while escaping actual imprisonment, ''was hindered and obstructed in the dischai'go of his duty."^ The Puritan ministers, "by all ways and means jjossiblc, as well in tlieir Pul- pits as private Discourses, endeavour"d to asperse, calumniate, and defame"'^ the mem- bers of the church, "and so far did their malice * Address of rector nnd wardens to the Kinj^, Foote's *' Ati- iials of Kind's C^lmpel," I., p. 101. " New Eiislaiid's Faetion Discovered, bv C. D. Aiidros Tracts, 11., p. 212. '■' 1G89, July 1. By cash paid M'- Miles, 20/ nnd the Gierke, liV dishursemcnis for V" accommodation of for his hoy a home, as appears hy several IJills ■V . . . V 27, M' Ratrlifi-; on file, £11 is. Sd. — Foote's Annals of King's Chapel, i., p 105. Vide, also. Mil., p. 97. 'Hist. Collections of the American Col. Ch., III., p. fiO. 'Foote's Annals, i., pp. 87, 101. 'lliid., p. 106. Andros Tracts, ii., p. 211. THE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 191 and I)igotry prevail, that some of them openly and publickly hindered and obstructed the Minister in the i)crforniaiiee of the funeral Kites, to such as had lived and dyed in the Communion of the ('hureh of P^ng- land." The Ijurial of JNIajor Howard ' in the church-yard, where the grave had heen prepared agi'eeahly to the directions of his will, was pre- vented by the interference of the Rev. Joshua Moodey, of the " First Church." The minister of the church was " publickly affronted and hindered from doing of his Duty." " Scandalous Pamphlets " were " Printed to villihe the Liturgy." Churchmen were " daily called Papist Doggs and Rogues to theii' Faces." The " plucking down the Church " was " threatened," " and whoso will but take the Pains to survey the HOLY TABLE IN USE 1686. Glass Windows will easily discover the Marks of a Malice not Common."-' The records of the church* note the payment of £5 10s. on the 2d of November, 168'J, "for mending Church Windows," and the answer of the Puritans that " all the mischiefs done is the breaking of a few Quarels of glass by idle Boys, who if discover'd hud been chastiz'd by their own Parents," ^ is disproved both hy the amount paid for the repair of damages and also by the frequent recurrence among the church ac- counts of payments for the same purpose. The publication by Increase Mather, in the midst of the excitement attendins' the overthrow of the Andros Administration, of "a most scandalous pam})hlet," entitled "The Unlawfulness of the Common Prayer Worship," " wherein," says "CD.," " he affirms and labours to prove the same to be Iioth Popery and Idolatry."^ was intended to add fuel to the flame of indignation ex- 1 Major Anthony Haywood, as his name is - From Rev. Ilenry W. Foote's "Annals of sometimes given, is recorded as a contributor to Kintj's Chapel," by the kind permission of the the budding of the church of £10. He was one autl'.or. of those authorized by the council to receive con- 'Palmer's "Impartial Account," reprinted tributions for tliis purpose. — Foote's Annals, I., in the Audros Tracts, i., p. r>'^. pp. 76, 8'J, 90. One of the same name, possibly a * Foote's Annals, i., p. 110. son, i^ referred to as being rcdoeracd from cap- ■'' .\ndros Tracts, ii., p. OH. tivity in Barbary . — Il/iJ., p. 1 19. ' Jhid., p. 210. 192 HISTORY OP THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. cited agaiust the Church. This "Discourse " asserted that the church's prayers were derived from the Romish Mass, and were, therefore, idola- trous. It describes ''those broken Responds and shreds of Prayer which the Priests and People toss between them like Tennis Balls." " Some things," it was claimed, were " enjoined in it as cannot be prac- tised without sin," such as the Eucharist at weddings, " Popish Holy- days," the surplice, the ring in marriage ; and the use of the cross was characterized as the "greatest Devil among all the Idols of Rome." It was asserted to be " an Apostacy in this Age of Light to countenance or comply with the Common Prayer-Book worship." Exceptions were taken to the doctrines of the Liturgy as "false and corrupt," and among the proofs of this charge we tind these statements : " It is there affirmed" (in the Liturgy) "that children Baptized have all things necessary to Salvation and are un- doubtedly saved. Yea, that it is certain from God's Word that if a Baptized child Dye befoi'e actuall Sin, 'tis saved. This savours of Pelagianisme . . . And the Booke sayth that . . . Christ has Re- deemed all 3fanJdnd."^ Inspired by the success of this pamphlet in making the churchmen "obnoxious to the connnon people, who ac- count vs Popish and treat vs ac- cordingly,"^ the Puritan preachers fulminated in their pulpits against " the great sin of Formality in Christian worship," and " the sin- fulness of worshipping tiod with COMMUNIOX FLAGON, 1094. Men's Institutions and these as- saults were the signal in each case for the destruction of "y" Church winders,"* notices of which occur again and again in the records and accounts. Meanwhile the church was "benched." Sir Robert Robinson, Knight, gave to the church " hangings and a cushion for the pulpit." On Christmas, IGUl, Mr. Thomas Gould and Mr. "Will- i;ini Weaver gave a brass standard for the hour-glass. Governor Nicholson sent £1.5 to be divided equally to the minister, to the poor at Chi'istmas, and for the purchase of Bibles, Common Prayer-Books, and " singing psalms for the poorer sort of the Church." Green boughs were prepared against AVhitsuntide. The poor were kindly cared for, and " plaisters and phisick " were provided for the sick. The Rev. > Quoted liy Foole in liis " Aiitmls of Kinjr's Kiii'^'s Cbapi-l," by the kind permission of the Cbapcl," I., p. i*fi, note. author. • KJanUolph to Abp. .Sancroft, in " Hist. Coll. 'The themes of iliscourses by the Rev. Am. Col. Church," ill., p. CW. Joshua Moodcy and the Ucv. .Samuel Willard. ' From llcv. Ilemy W. Footc's "Annals of ''Footc's Annals, i., pp. 109-112. THE BUILDIXG OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 193 Syinon Smith and the Rev. Gooriie Hatton officiated during the absence of the Rev. Samuel Myles in England. Sir Francis Wheeler, Admiral of the Line, and the captains of his Hcot, which was recruited in Boston harbor after the foilure of the altcnii)t against iMartiniquc in the West Indies, left proof of their generosity in lil)cral l)enefactions for the little church. Silver vessels for the holy communion were provided. The " forms," or " benches," gave way to more statel}^ and spacious pews. Ollerings were made for the redemption of galley-slaves on the coast of Africa. Bequests and gifts for church uses are recorded on the church accounts. Another Harvard graduate, the Rev. William Vesey, of the class of 1693, confoiiued to the church, and on the 2Gth of July, 1696, "preach'd at the Church of Eng- -land," prior to his departure to Eng- land for orders. Thomas Graves, who had been re- moved fiom his tu- torship at the col- lege, though " a godly learned ^lan, a good Tu- tor, and solid preacher," as Sew- all confesses, for "his obstinate ad- herence to some superstitious con- ceits of the Com- m o n P r a y e r- Book," died and was buried with the forms he loved. At length the rector, who had lingered in England for four years, returned on the 4th of July, 1696, bringing with him " part of the gift of Queene Mary, performed by King William after her decease, viz. : the church furniture, which were A Cushion and Cloth for the Pulpit, two Cushions for the Reading Deske, A Carpet for the Allter, All of Crimson Damask with Silke Fringe, one Large Bible, two Large Conimon-praj^er Books, Twelve Lesser Common-prayer Bookes, Linen for the Allter ; Also two Sur- plises. Alter Tabele, 20 y*'^ line damask."^ Later came "two great silver Flagons, and one silver basen, and one sallver, and one boul, and one Ewer, all of sillver, which was given to the Church by the Iving and COMSnrNlON-PLATE GFVEN BY KING WILLIAM AND QUEEN MARV.' ' From Rev. Henry W. Foote'3 " Annals of ' Foote's King's Cliapel," by the kind permission of tlie p- 121. author. 'Annals of King's Chapel," I., 194 IIISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. ^ 'JVtivtrn MINISTEUS, WAKUENS, AND \ESTKY OK KING CIIAI'EL, 1700- Quean and In-ousrht over by Cap'. John Foj-e." ^ Besides these, "The Deca- logue, viz., the tenn Command- ments ; the Lord's Prayer and the Creed," "drawne in Eng- land," were brought over by the returning rector. The king added to other benefac- tions the gift of £100 per annum, for the support of a lecturer or assistant min- ister, and, shortly after, a library of standard theology for the minister's use, includ- ing Walton's Polyglot, lexi- cons, commentaries, line edi- tions of the Fathers, docti'inal and practical works by the Anglican divines, with his- torical, controversial, and philological treatises. This was a notable collection at a time when New England pos- sessed few collections of books, either in public or private hands. Two assist- ants, sent out l)y the P>ishop of London, by name Dansy and AVhite, died on their passage. On the 4th of INLarcii, 1698-9, the llev. Christopher P.ridge entered upon his duties as assistant minister of the chapel, and the century closed with the Cliiu'ch fully organized and linnly established in the New England capital. Desides the clergy of Ihe chapel, the min- ister of the French church — the Iiev. Peter Daillii — was "Episcopally ordained,"' and the service and sacrament at 1 Footo'9 " Annals of liing'i Chr»p- el," I y,. 122. • IlSst. Coll. Am. Col. Ch., in., p. 81. THE BUILDING OF KING'S CHAPEL, BOSTON. 195 tho Ilujruciiot coniiregiition on " Christmas-day, as they abusively call it," is referred to by fcjcwall in his invaluable diary. From the same authority we Icaru that au humble churchman, who, by "the importu- nity of Deacon Eliot and others," had connected himself with the " South I y^ ' /pA ^ Church," and had later found that it C-^ C-JnljQf "^^'"^^ " ^"^ Conscience to go to the Church ^"^ of England, and had sin'd in staying awa}' from it so long," was formally excommunicated for his return to his spiritual mother.' At length, in the changes in the government, a churchman was again appointed as royal governor, and on Friday, the 26th of May, 1099, Richard Coote, Earl of Bellomont, arrived at Boston in the capac- ity of "Cap'. Gencrall and Governour in Chief of His ^lajestie's Prov- inces of the INIassachusetts Bay, New York and New Hampshire." His fellow-churchmen at the chapel welcomed with enthusiasm the repre- sentative of the government at home. The Earl of Bellomont's escutch- eon was hung in the church. A state-pew was titted up for the new governor, who was also placed on the vestry at the Easter meeting. Although the new governor failed to satisfy the prejudices of his co- religionists, w'ho regarded his disposition to ingratiate himself with the adherents of the " standing order " of the people he had come to rule, still ho was not unmindful of his allegiance to church as well as state. He refused assent to an act of the General Court respecting the govern- ment of Harvard College, because of " the exclusion of members of the English Establishment from the academical government."^ He also sought to further the wishes of " some persons in New England" for a " Churcli of England iliuister ; " but in this matter and in many other wa3's he showed himself disposed to weigh well, and justly even, the preferences and policy of the church people. But all hopes of ad- vantage or fears of disfavor, arising from the fact of the governor's con- nection with the church, were summarily ended by the death, in New York, of the noble earl. Thus closed the seventeenth century upon the little chui'ch in Boston. ILLUSTRATIVE AND CRITICAL NOTES. MR. WILLIAjNI II. WIIITMORE, a clistinp^iiished New Enrfand antiquarian and scholar, in his memoir of .Sir Edmund Andres prefixed to the tliree vol- lunes of The Andros Tracts, ])ublished by tlie Prince Societj-, of Boston, claims that Andres lias "received less th.m justice from tho historians of Massachusetts" (i., xxiii.'). Kccitin": tho statements of Hutchinson (History, i.. 3.33), that " he was less dreaded than Kirko, but he was known to be of an arbitrary disposition," — and Palfrey (ni., .517), th.nt he was "of .arbitraiy prhiciples, and of h.abits and t.istes absolutely foreig^i to those of the Puritans of New England," and " a man prepared to be as oppressive and offensive as the King desired ; " Mr. AVhitmoro proceeds " to scrutinize, with deliberation, such charges against his character, and to insist upon undoubted evidence of his personal iniquities/' As a result of this scrutiny, Mr. iFoote's Annals, l., p. 131. = Palfrey's "Xcw England," rv., p. 105. 196 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. WMtmore comes to the conclusion that the zeal of Andros " for Episcopacy, which led him to insist upon having a place for church sei-vices in one of the Boston meet>- ing-houses for a time," did not amount to " a veiy heinous ofl'once." Although it may have been " a great annoyance to the members of the Old South Church to have the Governor use the builcluig for Episcopal sen-ices," as tliis obnoxious wor- ship was held only when " the building was not occupied by the regular oongreg;i- tion" (Palfrey, m., 622), I\Ir. Whitmore is of the conviction that we "cannot greatly censm'e Andros for his course" (i., xxvi.). He fails " to see any evidence that Andi'os was cruel, rapacious, or dishonest." He knows " of no charge affect- ing his morality," and finds " a hasty temper the most palpable fault to be imputed to nim." Sent to England with his associates for trial, the result certainly proved, to quote the judicial words of l\lr. Whitman, " that Andros had committed no crime for which lie could be punislied, and that he had in no way exceeded or abused the powers conferred upon him" (i., xxsiii.). Thus favorably received at home by the new dynasty, in 1G92 lie was appointed Governor of Virginia, where, in consequence of disputes with Commissaiy Blair, he " brought the resentment of the Bishop of London and the Church (they say) on his head," and lost the government through "a church quarrel" (N.Y. Col. Docs., rv., 490). Shortly aftenvards he was appointed Governor of Guernsey, an oflSce which he held for two years, retaining the post of Bailiff of the Island for life. His name appears among the newly elected members, in the " Proceedings of the Society for tlie Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 20 Feb., 1712-1.3 to Feb., 1713-14," and he was buried at St. Anne's, Soho, Westminster, London, Feb. 27, 1713-14, in the 7Gth year of his age. The Andros Tracts, edited by Mr. Whitmore, contain most interesting and important references to the early history of the church in Boston. A list of the admirable collection of books given by King William' to the Chapel Library is found in the Rev. Henry W. Foote's pamphlet, entitled "A Dis- com-se on the Russian Victories, Given in King's Chaiiel, ^larch 25, 1813, by the Rev. James Freeman, D.D., and a Catalogue of the Library given by King William m. to King's Chapel in 1698." With Introductory Remarks by Henry Wilder Foote. [Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Soe., March and Jlay, 1881.] Cambridge: 1881. 8">. p. 22. The covers of the books thus given were stamped : — SVB DE AVSPICnS BIBLIOTIHiCA Wn^HELMI DE HI BOSTON. ' Vide Foote's " Anuals of King's Chapel," i., p. VU. CHAPTER XL THE STATE OF TELE CHURCH IN AJNIERICA AT THE BE- GINNING OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, AND THE FOUNDATION OF THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL IN FOREIGN PARTS. THE institution of the venerable Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts grew out of the spiritual needs of the American plantations, and was in the main brought about by the exertions of one whom we are proud to claim as a clergyman of the American Church. — tlio Kev. Commissary Bray. In the third 3'ear of the existence of the Society for the Promotion of Chi'istian Knowl- edge, — a charity itself the creation of the same earnest and devoted mind, — it was deemed best to delegate to a separate and independent organization the care it had originally assumed, at the instance of Dr. Bray, of the spiritual condition of the American settlements. Through the exertions of Dr. Bray, seconded by Archbishop Tcnison, a royal charter was secured, and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts held its tu-st meeting at Lambeth Palace, on the 27th of June, 1701. The names of those who attended this initial meeting under the presidency of the archbishop will show the importance at- tached to this new institution for foreign evangelization. Besides the Primate of all England, the bishops of London, — the celebrated Comp- ton, — Bangor, Chichester, and Gloucester were in attendance ; the Dean of St. Paul's, Dr. Sherlock, who was also INlaster of the Temple, and whose well-merited fame was to be eclipsed by his son, who succeeded his father in his ^Mastership of the Temple, and was subsequently trans- lated from other sees to the Bishopric of London ; Dr. Hody, Eegius Professor of Greek at Oxford, and Chaplain to Archbishops Tilotson and Tenison, whose scholarship and industry are demonstrated by his treatise on the Septuagint and Vulgate ; Dr. White Kennett, Arch- deacon of Huntingdon, afterwards Bishop of Peterborough, and com- piler of the earliest American bibliography ; and Dr. Stanhope, afterwards Dean of Canterbury, the well-known author of the Para- phrase and Comment upon the Epistles and Gospels, were conspicuous among those who were present at the organization of the charitable corporation to which more than to any other source the Church in America owes u debt of gratitude for " a long continuance of nursing care and protection."* The first business done at this meeting at Lambeth was the con- sideration and acceptance of the royal charter, by which the society I Preface to American Book of Common Prayer. 198 mSTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. was constituted "a body politick and corporate." Tiiis instrument declared the object of the society to be twofold ; first, the provision of " learned and orthodox ministers " for " the administi'ation of God's Word and Sacraments" among the king's "loving subjects" in the "Plantations, Colonies,and Factories l)eyond the Seas belonging to our Kingdom of England;" and, secondly, the making of "such other provision as may be necessary for the Propagation of the Gosi)el in those parts," comprehending of course the work of evangelizing the aboriginal inhabitants of those places where English settlements had been made. "Atheism and Infidelity," on the one hand, and "Popish Superstition and Idolatry," were to be guarded against among the people of the plan- tations by the institution of this society, and a " mainten- ance for ministers and the public worship of God" was deemed " highly conducive for accomplishing these ends." Thus did the society in the in- strument that gave it corpo- rate existence profess as its object and end the promotion of the glory of God by the instruction of the people in the Christian religion. The ob- jects thus set before it at the outset have ever l)een kept in view. It was not the acknowl- edgment of any new or lately learned obligation, but the re- cognition and pul)lic avowal of an eternal coniniaudment, none other in fa('t than that which gave birth and being to the church catholic of Christ : " Go ye, therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost : teaching them to observe all things whatso- ever I have conunanded you ; and, lo, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world. Amen." — St. Matt, xxviii. 19, 20. At the second meeting, which was held on the (Stli of July, at the "Cockpit," which stood upon the site of the present Privy Council office, at AVhitehall, the device of the society's seal was agreed upon. It was "ii ship under sail making towards a jioint of land; upon the prow standing a minister witii an open Bible in his hand ; jn-ople standing on the shore in a ])ostnre of exj)ectation and using these words, Trajhsieiis adjuva nos." The by-laws adopted at this meeting provided that the business of the society should always be opened with prayer ; that a sermon should be preached before the meml)ers every THE STATE OF THE CHURCH IN AMERICA. 199 year by a preacher appointed by the president, and that an oath should 1)0 taken by the otficcrs of the society for the faithful discharge of their duties. The meetings of the society, held regularly from this time forward, took place sometimes at the " Cockpit," at other times at Lambeth Palace or at the vestry of St. ]Marj'-le-Bo\v Church ; but most frequently at Archbishop Tenison's library, at St. Martin's in tho Fields. The day of meeting was, at the first, every Fi'iday, and after- wards on the third Fridaj', in ever}' month. A record was kept of the proceedings, which is still preseiwed ; and the carefully kept correspond- ence with the missionaries, in which the history of the Church in America was given yaw by year, in the very words of those who were the actors in the events they detailed, was long a most interesting and valuable pait of the archives of the society. Providentially it was examined, and, so far as it related to our North American colonies, copied minutely and fully by the late historiographer of the American Church, the Rev. Francis Lister Hawks, D.D., LL.D., under direction and by the authority of the general convention. Shortly after these transcripts were made, the originals were destroyed by tire, and the American Church, liy its gift of the volumes of these letters, sumptu- ously printed under the authority of tho general convention, has fur- nished the society with the material for much of its own history, which had else been hopelessly lost. The collection of funds for the support of this Anglican "propa- ganda " was a matter of interest and care from the tirst, and anrong the most valuable laborers in this department of the society's opera- tions was the Bishop of Ely, the celebrated Patrick, who had from the first, and even pi'ior to the organization of the society, sought to further the work of foreign evangelization to the utmost of his power. A grate- ful acknowledgment of his disinterested and abundant services, so far as the province of ]\Iaryland is concerned, was made by the royal governor, Nicholson, and allusions to the zeal and world-wide charily displayed by this great-heai'ted pi'clate and commentator are to be found in the correspondence of the like-minded Dr. Bra3^ Among those who emulated the good Bishop of Ely in this respect was the excellent William Burkitt, Vicar of Dedham, in Essex, himself a noted commentator on the New Testament, who, so far from being content with being a contril)utor to the funds of the society', sought out and was the means of sending to America one of the best of the colonial clergy, the Rev. Samuel Thomas, missionary to South Carolina. The celebrated Gilbert Burnet, Bishop of Salisbury, added to his personal subscription and blessing suggestions for securing the otl'erings of the charitably disposed in his own diocese. The other bishops of England, the archbishops of Ireland, and tho heads of colleges at the universities, showed their readiness to promote the work undertaken by the society by individual contributions, and by recommendations of its object and operations to their clergy and people. It is an interesting fact that in a letter from the Rev. Mr. Stubs,ofWadham College, Oxford, under date of April 14, 1703, after reciting the proofs of interest in the society's plans felt by the members of the university, reference is made to the fact that the society, as early as the second year of its existence, was con- 200 HISTORY OF THK AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. sidering the necessity of the appointment of a suffracan bishop for America, and debating the possibility of obtaining the Episcopal relief, so earnestly desired, from the Scotch bishops. Unfortunately for the Church in America there were then "but six Scotch bishops remaining, and they aged men."^ It was not till after more than fourscore years of weary ■waiting, that the wished-for boon of the episcopate was secured through this vcrj' channel, thus indicated so manj' years in advance. With such abundant evidences of interest in the work undertaken by the society funds were lavishly supplied. In March. 1701-2, a donation of one hundred guineas was reported from the Princess of Denmark, who at a later day, as Queen Anne, was constant in her charities towards the colonial church. This roj-al gift was in further- ance of a favorite plan of Dr. Bray, the sujiport of a superintendent over the clergy of ihuyland, the importance of which province none could better know, or more warmly advocate, than the devoted commis- sary himself. At the same time the records chronicle a gift of £50 from Archdeacon Beveridge, who, at a later day, when raised to the episcopate, lost none of his old interest in the mission-work carried on by the society across the sea. A still more munificent gift of £1,000 was reported at the same time from "a person who desires to be un- known," recalling by its exhibition of unobtrusive and unostentatious charity the earlier days of zeal and self-denial for the infant Virginia Church and State. Among the leading laymen who were connected with the society, either at the start or immediately afterwards, the name of Robert Nel- son must stand preeminent. Elected to membership on the 21st of November, 1701, a daj^ noteworthy in the annals of the society, as being that on which the Archbishop of Canterbury' and ten other pre- lates wei'c foi-mally enrolled among its members ; it is even now a source of gi'atification that in this holy work of foreign evangelization, as well as in that of the Christian Knowledge Society', llu- non-juror, Robeit Nelson, could still find and gladly embrace opportunities for cooperation Mith the chui'ch of his baptism. His name will ever be held in grateful memory by the members of the Anglican Communion, so long as festival and fast shall bring to mind his admiral)le exjiosi- tions, and clear and convincing explanations of the chun-h's services. He stands foremost in his day and generation for the singular purity and consistent holiness of his life, flic largeness and extent of his liberality, the pains with which he cultivated each gift and grace be- stowed ujion iiim. and flic coniplcte, unreserved consecration with which ho devoted himself and all that he was or had to God. Casting in his lot with fliosc brave and holy men, who, at the Revolution, felt that they could not in conscience transfer to one sovereign the allegiance they had sworn to another; and, in their obedience to the dictates of their consciences, suH'ered deprivation of all preferments, and con- sequent poverty and oI)scurity all the days of their life. Nelson teaches us that it is possible for men to difl'cr widely, and yet charitably, and in maintaining stoutly and strenuously one's own convictions to find at > Andci-son's " Col. Ch.," m., i>. 3C. THE STATE OF THE CHUKCll IN AMEKICA. 201 the last means for the healing of all diflercnccs in a common lovo foi- a common Lord. It is, and will ever be, our irlory as a church, that it was in measures for our planting and nourUiiiiig that Uobcrl Nelson was brought in close union with those who shared none of his seruj>les, but recognized his unswerving devotion to conscience and truth. An interesting proof of the interest of Nelson in the work of the society is found in the special Collect, which he drew up in the society's behalf, and which is contained in his well-known ('ompauion for the Festivals and Fasts. It breathes in most felicitous language the earnest petition that the members of this important Christian charity might be diligent and zealous in the discharge of their duties, and receive the wisdom to discern, and the courage and resolution to pursue, the most titting means for the promotion of the good work they had in hand. The day of Kobert Nelson's admission to membership was signal- ized by the admission of the celebrated Francis Nicholson, Governor of Viriiinia. The excellences, as well as the defects, of Nicholson's character were marked, and known of all men. His churchmanshlp was in many respects uncompromising ; and yet instances are recorded of his ready compliance with the requirements of the Romish ritual at one time, and those of the barest Calvinistic worship on the other. Devoted to the Church : liberal, munific^'ut even, in his gifts for the furtherance of her interests ; sparing no pains, and reckless even of personal popularity, in accomplishing the building of churches, and the settlement of clergy in the various governments intrusted to his care from time to time, he could not or would not restrain a hasty temper, and a passionate self-will, leading him into altercations with the clergy and rendering him obnoxious tor his despotic and unprincipled de- meanor. Still the zeal and generosity so uniformly manifested by him in promoting the growth of the colonial church were more likely to be known and remembered in England than his defects of temper, or his mistakes in governing ; and it was but natural that one who had in 170(1 received the thanks of the Christian Knowledge Society for " his great services in the propagating Christian knowledge in the plantation," should become an honored member of the sister society, having the same great end in view. Another honored name, that of a true and world-renowned Christian gentleman, — .John Evelyn, — appears among the list of members of the society during the first year of its existence. The minutes show that this worthy English gentleman was elected to membership on the 1 5th of May, 1702, and the diary of Evelyn himself, one of the choicest fragments of our English literature, makes the following reference to the election and to the society's work : — Being elected a member of the Society lately inc()rp<)rated for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Pails, I subserib'd Wl. per aim. towards the eaviying it on. We agreed that eveiy missiouev, besides the 2'H. to set him torth, sho' have ijul. per ann. out of the Stock of the Corporation, till liis settlement was worth to him lOOl. per ann. We sent a young divine to New York. Between two and three years after the date of this record Evelyn •cd into his rest, leaving the society which had numbered him iMitercc ■202 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. among its members the more worthy of our veneration and remem- brance, because api)roved and aided ))y so true a Christian, and so per- fect a gentleman. With such an object in view, even the conversion of the world, and such a noble baud of workers associated in its behalf, the society was not long in taking a lirm hold upon the affection and support of English churchmen. The call was at once made, through the bishops and other cbui'ch dignitaries, for " such clergymen as have a mind to be employed in this Apostolical work," and the promise of support was made to all such who, being found "duly qualified," proposed to "devote themselves to the service of Almighty God and our Saviour, by pi'opa- gating and promoting the gospel in the truth and purity of it, according to the doctrine, discipline, and worship estal)lished in the Church of England." Testimony was required in the case of each applicant for appointment as to age, condition in life, temper, prudence, learning, sober and pious conversation, zeal for the Christian religion and dili- gence in his holy calling, and his conformity to the doctrine and disci- pline of the Church of England. An earnest appeal was made to "all persons concerned, that they recommend no man out of favour or ali'ec- tion, or an}' other worldly consideration, but with a sincere regard to the honour of Almighty God and our blessed Sa\'iour ; as they tender the interest of the Clii'istian religion and the good of men's souls." The "instructions for the missionaries," which were prepared and published, cover every particular which could be required, and are couched in lan- guage so simple and so affecting as to be models of rules for holy living. These " instructions " heg'm with the missionary's appointment, co\er the period of his passage to his distant field, and then provide for his "circumspect and unblamable" liehavior upon his arrival at his post. These laborers for Christ were enjoined : — I. That they always keep in Ihcir view the Qvcat design of their undertaldiig, viz. : to pi-oniote tlie glory of Ahnighty God, and the salvation of men, by propa- gating the gospel of our Loi'd and Saviour. fl. Tliat they often consider the qualifications for those who would efiectually promote this design, viz. : a sound knowledge and hearty l)elief of the Christian religion; an apostolical zeal, lem|iirid with prudence, huniilit)', meekness, and pa- tience ; a fervent charity towards the souls of uum ; and, finally, that temperance, fortitude, and constancy, which Ijecome good soldiers of Jesus l^lu-ist. III. That in order to tlie obtaining and preserving the said qualifications, they do very frequently in their retirement olicr uj) fervent prayer to Almighty God for his direction and assistance ; converse nuich with the Holy Scriptures ; seriously refiect upon their Ordination Vows ; anil consider the account which they are to render to the great Shepherd and liishoji of our souls at tlic last day. VI. That ill their outward behaviour they be circumspect and unblamable, giving no oft'ence either in word or deed ; that their ordinary discourse be grave and edifying; their apparel decent and jiroper for ihrgymen ; and that in their whole conversation they be instances and patterns of the t'iirislian's life. A'lir. That in whatsoever family they shall lodge, tliey pei-suade tlicm to juiii witli them in daily jirayer, morning and evening. "With respect to their parochial work they received equally full and minute instructions. The "rules of the Liturgy " were to be con- scientiously observed "in the performance of till the offices of the iVIin- istry." JJesides the Sunday and lloly-day services they were, if THE STATE OF THE CHUKCtl IN AMERICA. 203 practicable, to have daily prayers, and to neglect no opportunity of preaching. The service was to be performed with "seriousness and decency," so as to "excite a spirit of devotion" in the people. The "chief subjects " of their sermons were to be " the great fundamental principles of Christianity, and the duties of a sober and godly life." Vices pre- dominant in the places of their residence were to be particularly preached against. They were required to "carefully instruct the people concern- ing the nature and use of the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's supper, as the peculiar institutions of Christ, pledges of communion with Him, and means of deriving Grace from Him." Catechising, the instruction of "Heathen and Inlidels" and constant visiting, the distri- bution of tracts and the lending of " useful books," together with the setting up of schools for children, wiire particularly enjoined. It was with this end in view that the venerable society undertook the work of evangelizing the colonies of Great Britain in America. There was need of such an agency. Through its abundant labors the church's prayers were again heard, and her sacraments administered, in New England, after years of l)anishment and consequent disuse. New York had at length the I'egular ministrations required for years by royal rescripts, but only just obtained. In Pennsylvania the Clunrh lind only been introduced. Maryland had its half-a-dozen clergymen, and Virginia a greater number; but in both of these provinces there were numerous vacancies, and what were the few clergy, scattered at great distances and ministering under many difH- culties, among the many infant settlements springing up on every side? At the southward tlie Cinucli had only a name to live, and was well-nigh dead. In consequence of the insufficiency of clergymen chiu'ches were closed, and the young and old grew up, lived, and died without the knowledge of God's word or the administration of the sacraments. Laxity of opinion and practice followed the withholding of the teaching of God's truth, and the dispensing of the means of grace. The Cluu'cli could not advance in view of such hindrances to success. That she survived this period of indifference and neglect is only to be accounted for l)y the divine promise that, "the gates of hell shall not prevail against her." Dr. Bray presented to the archbishop, and published in 1701, a memorial " representing the present state of religion in the several provinces on the continent of North America, in order to the i)rovid- ing a sufficient number of missionaries, so absolutely necessary to be sent at this juncture into those parts."' The statistics he gave are similar to those we have recited, and from this " memorial," as well as from other contemporary documents, it appears that outside of Virginia and Maryland there were not at the beginning of the eighteenth century half-a-dozen clergymen of the Church in ail llie colonies of North America, and that, including these provinces where the Cinn-ch was legally established, the whole number of priests of the mother-church ministering on American shores, from ilaine to Caro- lina, was considerablj' less than fifty, probably not two-score. > Published in folio, London, 1701, p. 15. Collections" i., pp. 99-106, audj's there cno- Tliis valuable paper, witli a naraber of varia- neously dated " about the year 1740." lions, ij printed in tlic " Prot. Kpis. Hist. Soo. 204 IIISTOHY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. With such a lack of ministers and ministrations, the efforts whiih had marked the earlier days of settlement for the conversion of the Indians, and the later labors which had been undertaken from time to Lime iu behalf of the civilizing and Christianizing of the negroes, already become numerous and brought within reach of instruction, had wholly ceased. Morgan Godwyn, who had been a student of Christ Cliurch, Oxford, and alter taking orders, had spent several years iu Virginia, in his pamphlet, entitled : " The Negroes' and Indians' Advocate, suing for their admission into the Ciuarii,' pub- lished in London, in 1G80, pleads earnestly with his countrymen in behalf of the negroes and other heathen at that time in the West Indies. But earnest and able as were his arguments, and applicable as the}^ were to the condition of things on the main land as well, they failed to convince those whom he addressed. Godwyn, in a letter to (jrovernor Berkelej% gives an account of the state of religion in Virginia, whore he had ministered before the time of Bacon's rebellion, and w liich there is no doubt continued to be correct until the beginning of anew century. Acknowledging that the governor had, "as a ten- der father, nourished and preserved Virginia in her infancy and nonage," he reminds Berkeley " that there is one thing, the propa- gation and establishing of religion in her, wanting." The occasion of this lack, among other reasons, is thus stated : " The ministers are most miserably handled by their plel)eian Juntos, the vesteries, to whom Ihi' living (that is the usual word there) and admission of ministers is solely left. And thei'e being no law obliging them to any more than procure a lay-reader (to be obtained at a very moderate rate), tiiey either resolve to have none at all, or reduce them to their own terras ; that is, to use them how the}^ please, \y.iy them what they list, and to discard them whensoever they have mind to it." Again, "two-thirds of the preachers are made up of readers, lay-priests of the vesteries ordination: and arc both the shauK! and grief of the riglitly ordained Clergie then^" Parishes, extiMiding some of them sixty or seventy miles in extent, were k(!i)t vacant for many years, to save charges. " Laymen were allowed to usurp the office of ministers, and Deacons to undermine and thrust out Presbyters, in a word all things concerning tiu' ('iiur established by law ; elsewhere sectism in various forms prevailed, and it was reserved to the venerable society to undertake ihe work which in the course of years gave us our American Church. Without the labors of the society, in supplying us with men of "apostolic zeal " and " unblameablc character," of true religion luid good learning, the Church, betrayed by those who should have THE STATE OK TIUO CIIUUCII IN AMERICA. I'Of) soiijilit licr liiiilicst le diligence ;nid industry in all parts of his ministerial office, he rendered himself beloved of them all, especially the more inferior soi't of people." ' But with .shining parts, and all the elements of jiopular success, the Quaker teacher and preacher possessed an irresistible fondness for con- troversy. He had distinguished himself as a writer in favor of Quakerism ius early as 1665, and in crossing the sea he had not lost either his fondness for controversy or his skill in disputation. His zeal, quickened by the relentless persecution of his fellow-religionists at the hands of the Pui'itans of New England, led him to bear his "testimony" in the very midst of those among whom Quakerism had 'Gerard Crocsc, quoted in " Prot. Epis. HUt. Soc. ColleolioiK," I., Imroduclioii to rvprint ul' Keith's JoiirnBl, p. iic. niE ILtSG'S lUbSlVli, luGl, l.<.>JI>IANDIXG TUK. lUXLAJE VV Till. (jL'AKLUj. f 208 HISTOHY OF THE AMEHICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. already reaped what it:< adherents deemed a glorious martyrdom. The " King's missive " had, indeed, emptied the jails and stopped the bloody scourgings and painful martyrdoms which had been the Puri- tan's favorite mode of dealing with heresy, but the old hate had not died out ; so the Quaker champion fearlessly threw down the gauntlet and challenged to the polemic strife the most astute and famous of the champions of Puritanism. It was thus that he began his " Solemn Call and Warning from the Lord to the People of New England to repent" : — "The burden of the Word of the Lortl that came unto me on the twenty-lirst day of this fourth mouth, 1(188, in the town of Boston, in New England, to declare it unto Boston and its inhabitants, and to the inhabitants of Ncav England." A copy of this "warning-cry," Jftij^'n— couched in prophetic language, and bitter and remorseless in P * '/? *^ '^^ denunciations of those to cf ■ lArvZa.^, whom it was addressed, was posted in the most conspicuous part of the town, and this act (^^^ // of defiance was followed by the publication of a letter writ- 7o £j-S ^^h^FL'l ccc^4<^ te" in siniilar style, and ad- dressed to James Allen, -j/ Joshua Moody, Samuel W'il- O^A ( /P t lard, Cotton Mather, called // LCCrfi^y^ preachers in Boston." In this conunimication Keith charged those whom he named witii [ireaching false doctrine, and boldly chal- lengc'd them to a public disputation. The rcjiiy is characteristic of men who knew their position and power, and at the same time could not overlook or fail to resent this daring insult oti'ered to their dignity : — Having receivutl a l)la.s])liemous and lieretical jjaper, subscribed by one George iveitli, our answer to it and liini is; if lie desires conl'erenee to instruct us. let, Iiiui give us liis arguments in writing as well as his assertions; if to inform himself, let him write his doubts; if to eavil and disturb the i)eaee of our ehurehes (u'hieh we have eanse to suspei-t), we have neither list nor leismv to attend his motions. If he woidd have a publie audience, let him ])rint; if a private diseourso, though he may know where wc^ dwell, yet wo forget not wliat the Aposlle .foini saith, Epis. -2, loth verse.' It needed no invitation to induce Keitli, thus baiiled in his wish for a disputation with the Puritan ministers, to seek "a public audi- ence " through (he press, and his reply was even more scathing and severe than his (irst attack. Not content with the iinniciliatc issue, he revives the controversies of the j)ast, and opens uji old sores in "A brief answer to some gross abuses, lies and slaiuicrs, published some years ago by Increase Mather, late teacher of a church at Boston, in * U' llu-rc conic any iiiito yoii, and liriii;^ not tliiM doclrino, receive liiiu nol into your house, ucillier l>iil liiui iiuil upced. ^^%^:^^^^ c^^^^^ey^ a THE MISSION OF KEITU AND TALBOT. 209 New England, in his book called 'An Essay for the recording of illus- trious Providences,' etc., and by Nath. Morton, iu his book called "New p]ngland's Memorial.'" It was not long after this acrimonious controversy that Keith found his convictions no longer in accord with the prevailing views of his own party. Diii'ereuces of opinion touching many important points of doctrine and practice became at length so pronounced as to lead, not KEV. GEORGli KEnll. only to his removal from his position in the school, but to his public condemnation and practical excommunication from the Quaker body. Having openly charged the Friends in Pennsylvania with laxity of dis- cipline, as well as a departure from their original belief, he proceeded to resist the authority of their tribunals, on the ground that the accept- ance in their own persons of the magistracy was a violation of their religious profession. But his arguments convinced only his adherents and himself, and, being brought to trial, he was convicted and tined. The fine was subsequently remitted, i)ut whether this leniency arose from a conviction on the part of the judges that their authority was in- deed questionable, or from a hope that the offender might be reclaimed, 210 HISTORY OF THE AMKRICAN EPISCOPAL ("UURCH. it is impossible to determine. It is certain, however, that from this time Keith proceeded tochiim for his followers and himself the right to be regarded as the true exponents of Quakerism, and to denounce all others as apostates. No other course remained for those who were arrayed against thi?* new expositor of Quakerism ])ut to bear their public testimony against him. Admonitions and persuasions had failed to dissuade the fearless Keith from avowing his convictions, and assailing all who difl'ered i'rom his views ; and even when the great body of the Friends ))ublicly disavowed all connection with him, his answer was, that " he trampled their judgment undei his feet as dirt." He set up at once a separate " meeting," and numbering, as he did. among his followers, many who are described by the historian of Penn- sylvania as "men of rank, character and reputation, in these prov- inces, and divers of them gi'eat preachers and much followed," ' his success occasioned great alarm. " A Declaration, or Testimony of Denial," was solemnly borne against the schismatic at a public meet- ing of the Friends, in Philadelphia, on the 20th of April, 1G92, and confirmed by the general meeting held at Burlington, N.J., a few months afterwards. Its language of mingled sorrow and condemna- lion proves the severity of the lilow inflicted upon them by this secession from their numbers, and is in marked contrast with the con- temptuous tone in which they were wont at a later day to refer to it. The words of the lamentation of David over Saul and Jonathan are made use of to descrilie their feelings as they moan over the loss of the " mighty man " who had dropped from their ranks. As long as he walked " in the counsel of God and was little in his own eyes," his " bow" abode " in strength," and his " sword returned not empty from the fat of the enemies of God." "Oh, how lovely," they continued, " wert thou, in that day when this beauty was upon thee, and when this comeliness covered thee ! " And then, taking up the language of the message to the Church of Ephesus in the Apocalypse, they bade him who had " left his first love " to remember from whence he was " fallen, and repent, and do his fii'st works."** This "Testimony " against Keith, thus given by the Friends in America, was confirmed in IG94 by the j'^early meeting of the Quakers in London. But he was only the more steadfast. The grounds of his sepai'ation were such that there could be no compromise. He and his followers claimed as their title that of "Christian Quakers." Keith charged upon his ojiponcnts a tendency towards Deism. Returning to England in the same year in wliich the testimony (lie Divine decree, tliough still the whole sin and blame of it is due to Adam, for that in ac- complishing of his Apostaoy, lie abused his own free Will, and voluntarily trans- gressed the command. The answer of Keith to this defence had, we are told, " a good effect in quieting the 7uinds of many people in these parts, and bring- ing them over to the Ciuircli." Early in July Keith and Talbot began the extended tour of mis- sionary exploration which occupied two years, and extended from " Piscataway Iviver in New England to Caratuck in North Carolina.'" Beginning in Lj'nn, the Quakers were visited in their homes, and at their " Meetings." In spite of abuse and interruptions they pursued their labors at Hampton, Salisbury, Dover, and Salem ; returning thence to Boston, and having throughout their journey received the hospitality and coojjcration of the " New England ministers," wlio made common cause with them in their assault upon Quakerism. On their second journey, wliich was towards the soiithwaid, they were accom- panied by the Rev. Mr. Mylcs of Boston. At Newport (here was a public disputation with the Quakers, which attracted great attention ; and !it Portsmouth, Narragansett, Liltle Compton, and Swansea, the indefatigable " missioner" pursued his work of exposing the errors of the Quakers, and ])roclaiming the faith of the Church of England. Starting out from Newport on a third tour. New London was the tirst point reached, and the journal tells us that on Sunda}^ Sejitembor IIk^ 13th, "Mr. Talbot preached there in the forenoon, and I preached there in tlie afternoon, we being desired to do so ])y llie minister, Mr. Gurdon Saltonstall, who civilly entertained us at his house, and ex- pressed his good affection to the Church of England, as did also the minister at Hampton" [the Rev. John Cotton], "and the minister at Salisbury" [the Rev. Mr. Cusliing], "and divers other New England ministers did the like. ^ly t<'xt was Rom. 8, i) ; the auditory was large, and well affected. Col. W'inthrop, governour of the colony, after Foi'cnoon Sermon invited us to dinner at his house, and kindly enter- tained us both then and the next day." Crossing Long Island Sound in a oloop which they hired, they reached, after two days' travel on horse- THE MISSION (IF KEITH AM) lAEBUT. 2U> back. Oyster-hiiy, wlioiv, on Sunday after prayers, Mr, Keith preached, and his ronipanion l)aptiy.i'(l a child. At tiiis point tin" Ucv. William Vesey, of Ti'inity Chiiri'li. New ^'ork, joined the parly, and .all \n\)- ceeded to tiu; (Quaker nieotini:' at Flushing. The attempt of Keitli to .si)eak was interrui)ted hy "Ihc clamour and noise;" l)ut in the disputes that followed it is evident that Keith was far from l)eing' wor.sted l>y his hitter antagonists. Frf)ni Ilani])- stead, where a Sunday was sjient, and the cinu'cli's service and a sermon o'iven to a peoj)le "generally well atlected "' and desirous that a Chui'ch of England minister should be settled among them," the party pro- ceedeil to New York. It was a time of pestilence. "Above tive hundred'" had "died in the space of a few Meeks, and that very week about seventy." Keith ])reached from St. James v. 13, at the " "Weekly Fast which was appointed by the (xovermnent by reason of the great mortality," and on the following day proceeded on his journey south- ward. Sunday, October 3, was spent at Amboy : "the auditory was .small." The "text was Tit. ii. 11, 12." "Such as were there were well aftected." Among them were some " Keithan Quakers," who had conformed to the Chui'ch. Of these converted Quakers one was John Barclay, " l)rother to Uo1)ert Barclay, who ]nddished the Apol- ogy for the (^uak(U's." On the following Sunday, at Freehold, Keith attended the " Yearly fleeting " of the Keithan Quakers, where, after a Quaker discourse, the journal records as follows : " I used some of the Church Collects I had l>y heart in prayer : and after that I preached on Heb. v. 9. There was a considerable auditory of Quakers This was repeated the following day, and an ended oppor- they heard me without any interruption, and the meeting peaceably.'" tunitj' for private con- ference with the Quaker pre a cher was not lost. The following S u n d a y Keith preached at Middleton, Mr. the text lieing St. Matt, xxviii. 19. Church p(>ople, or well-aft'ected to the Church." A week later Keith held a "three days" meeting'" at Shrewsl)ury, it being the time of the Quakers' Yearly Meeting, during which Keith publicly "detected the Quakers' errors out of their printed books, particularly out of the folio l)ook of Edward Burroughs' "Works, collected and pub- lished b}' the Quakers after his death." reading "the quotations to the Auditory, laying the pages open liefore such as were willing to read them, for their better satisfaction." From Shrewsbury Keith and Talbot proceeded to Burlington, where they preached in the town- house, the church not being built. Here they had "a great auditory of divei-se sorts, some of the Church, and some of the late converts from Quakerism." Here again Keith " detected the Quakers' errors Talbot Here " reading the prayers, and most of the auditory were 216 HISTOKY OF THE AMEIUCAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. out of their great authors, George Fox his Great Mj'stery, and Edward Ijurroughs' Folio Book, and others." From Burlington, where, as else- where in New Jersey, they received marked attention from the lead- ing officers of the crown, they journeyed to Philadelphia, where they were heartily welcomed by "the two ministers there and the church people, and especially by the late converts from Quakerism, who were become zealous members of'tlie Cluircli."' The visit of these distinguished representatives of the venerable society was made the occasion of a meeting of the clergy in New York, where seven assembled in the second week in November and drew uj) "An Account of the State of the Church in Pennsylvania, East and A\'cst Jersey and Now York." Tiie names of those composing this first Clerical Convo- cation in the city of Now York were, George Keith; Evan Evans, " Minister of Philadelphia ; " Alexander Inncs, " Presbyter ; " Edward Mott, "Chaplain of Her Majesty's Forces in New York ; " John Talbot ; William Vesey, "Rector of New York ; " and John Bartow, " Rector of ' Tliis follows I lolmci'sen^jravinc of Ihc nor- if his brother Williiim, he dieil in 1()83, a^cd 73. trait of Fox, bv Ihmtlioi'.st, in lG.j4, wlicn Fox Tiic ori<:jimil canviw was recently otVorcil ibr sale was ill liis thirtieth year. Tliis Diitcli i):iinli'r, if in F,n;,'Iiin(l. Aviewof Swailbniore 1 1 all, where (Jeraril Ilouthorst, was born in Ulrecht. in I.'i'Ji, Fov lived, is in Gay's " Popnlar History of the was ut one time in En^'laml, ami died in IfiGO; United States," ii., p. 17.'). THE MISSION OF ICEITH AND TALBOT. 217 West Chester County." The jounial of Keith, iu recording the fact of this important meeting, adds the following interesting particular : "Colonel Nicolson, Governor of Virginia, to encourage us to meet, was so generous as to bear our charges (I mean of all of us that lived not at New York) , besides his other great and generous benefactions to the building and adorning many Churches lately built in those parts." The session of the clergy was followed by a brief stay iu New York, whei-e Keith and Talbot were entertained by the erratic Lord Cornbury, Governor of New York and the Jerseys, and where Keith availed himself of his intimacy with the royal governor to obtain an opportunity for speaking to the Quakers at Flushing, the scene of his former unsuccessful attempt. His opponents were in no mind to listen to one whom they re- garded not only as an apostate, but also as a hireling, and even the govemior's letter and the pi'esence of two justices of the peace, deputed to see that he should not be interrupted in his discourse, could not compel the Quakers to listen patiently to his criticisms, or enable him to speak to their regular congregations. Christmas was spent with their fellow-passenger on the " Centurion," Colonel Lewis jNIorris, at whose request Keith preached in the Morris man- sion, and Talbot administered the holy communion, " both Mr. Morris and his wife and divers others " receiving. Turning southward, on the following Sunday Keith preached at Shrewsbury in New Jersey, "at a planter's house, and had a consideralJe auditory of Church people lately converted from Quakerism, with divers others of the Church of best note in that part of the Country." The new year began with the baptism of several Quaker converts at Freehold, and after a brief visit at Burlington, and a longer stay in Philadelpliia, Keith began anew his labors at Chester, Concord, and other places in the neighborhood, preaching in churches or houses, and confirming in their new faith nu- merous followers of his in his separation from the Quaker meeting, who had made the further change from Keithan Quakerism to the Church. In the first week of February, 1702, Keith convened the Keithan Sepa- ratists and their preachers, in Philadelphia, continuing his efibrts with them till at length he was able to write that " most of that party, both in town and country and also in West and East Jersey, and some in New l^ork, came over with good zeal, and according to good knowl- edge, to the Church — praised be God for it." Keith remained in Philadelphia, busy in preaching and disputations,' until early iu April, when he began a journey southward,^ stopping on his way and preach- ' Eaily in the vear James Logan wrote to prevented it3 further journey. None appeared William Pcnn as follows : " G. Keith, on the 0th hut Wm. Southby to answer a calumny, as I am instant, li.ad a public dispute with himself, ac- informed, raiscdagaiust him, andsoonwithdrew. cording to his way, at Whitpain's great house: Those called Keitliuns here, as John Hart, I. he declaimed a very little time, I think not an Wilson, Jno. McComb, &c., are his great oppo- hour, and to less purpose: his business was to ncnts, and in short in this place his execution has expose, &c., hut his chief success that way was, been exceeding small." — Perm and Logan Cor- 'tis thought, upon himself. He sent his' chal- respondence, I., p. IT'J. lenges, as thou wilt find by a copy of one of them - We find in a letter from J. Kirll to Jonathan enclosed, to the persons mentioned to each one, Dickinson, dated Philadelphia, 16th April, 1703, but forgot as he said afterwards to sign them, till the following notice of Keith from the Quaker about 11 of the clock th.at day he was to appear side: "George Keith has been among us, but he sent the original to be shown to them, under was coldly received by most sorts of people ;_ he Uis hand, but being brought to Thomas Storey he had disputes with seveiul sorts ; but one \Villi:im 218 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. ing or baptizing ut Chester, Now Castle, and Yorktowu, Virginia, whence he proceeded to Williamsburg, where Mr. Talbot and himself were " kindly received " and " entertained by Col. Nicholson," tiien Gov- ernor of Virginia. On AVednesday, the 21st of April, Keith preached in the Williamsburg Church, " before the Convocation of Clergy there assembled." On the following Sunday Keith j)i'eached at Jamestown, " at the request of the Reverend Mr. Jilair, Minister there, and Com- missary, who very kindly and hospitably entertained us at his house." Visiting Kicketan, where Keith's daughter, who had "fully come oil" from the Quakers," resided, the associated "missiouers" officiated for several weeks in the vicinity, penetrating even into North Carolina to "Corre- tuck," and, being prevented by contrary winds from proceeding " in a canoe over a great bay," still further to the southward. After a series of sermons and services, with numerous Iiaptisms of children at Abing- ton, at churches and chapels in Princess Anne and Elizabeth counties, at Hampton and at Yorktown, the two evangelists proceeded to Mary- land, At Annapolis there was " a large auditory, well affected." The sermon, from 1 Thess. i. 5, was printed, at the request, and mostly at the charge, of " a worthy person who heard it." Here Keith visited the (Quakers' meeting at Herring Creek, accompanied by several of the leading men of the province and the rector of the parish, the Rev. Mr. Hall, with " divei's other ministers of the neighboring parishes." But the Quakers would not listen to his arguments. Driven from the Quaker meeting, a large number resorted to an adjacent chai)el, where, after prayers, Keith preached on the errors of Quakerism. For several weeks Keith pursued his mission throughout Maryland, and then in August returned to Philadelifhia . In September occurred the Quakers' yearly meeting, and tlie Rev. Mr. Evans, with Hie consent of the vestry, oj)ened the church in Philadelphia, on all the days of the Quakers' meetings, for services, while Keith and Talbot sought to gain a hearing from the (Quakers themselves. They were met with violence, Talbot Ijcing tiu'ust from the place of meeting by force, and Keith being jostled and assaulted, and tiie bench on which he was standing ])ulled from under him. So disordi^rly was the allair that little or nothing could be expected either in the way of refuting the Quakers' errors or in the proclamation of a more excellent way. Tlie remainder of the year was spent in journeyings to and fro in tiie middle provinces. Many con- verts were made. Two of Keith's sermons, preached in New York, were published at the request and cost of those wdio hetu'd them. Tal- bot, who had made numerous mission-journeys by himself, was at length ap|)ointed ■>■> IIISTOHY OF THE A.MEKICAX EPISCOPAL CHUKCH. (Tm/h^ f^iaJii^ An Answer to Mr. Samucll ffinillariJ (one of the Ministers at Boston in Ntw- England) his lvr,i>i,Y to my I'rinted slicet, called a Dangerous and hurtful opinion maintained by him, viz. That the Fall of Atlaiu, and all the sins of Men necessarili/ come to pass by virtue of God's decree, and his dclcnnining both of the Will of Adam, and of all other Men to sin; Bi/ George Keith, M. A. Printed and sold by William Bradford at the Sign of the Bible in New York. Quarto 1704 A JouRN.vL of 'I'ltAVKLS fiom New llamphirc to C':iratucl<. on tlie Continent of North America, I5y George Keith, A. M., hue JIiasionai;y from the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts ; and now Rector of Edburton, in .Sussex. Loiidon, Printed by Joseph Downing, for Brab. Ali/mcr at the Three-Pigeons ovM- agamst the Jloyal-Fxc/iangc in Corn/nil. (^naito. ITiUj. This la-st publication is reprinted in the Soc. Collections. .New York, I80I. lirst volume of tin' I'mt. I" Ilist. CHAPTER XIII. THE PLANTING OF THE CHURCH IN PKNNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. PKO\'ISION was made in the original charter granted bj' Charles II., in ICiSI, for the introduction of the Chiucli into tlic colony established under the auspices and by the authority of the cele- i)rated William Penn. Section xxii. of this important document is as follows : "And our farther pleasure is, and we do herel)y, for ns, our >- '"^1 r 1 L 1 ^^^^M ^ li B^'"''' il ^■P^^^^^H|H|b^/^ii^MH |BK|||||||||H '"'ni^nHF H^m ' ' wr^ hMBHBWI^' ^^^Hr H ■H^^^ii llj^^^ II^^hI ^^m 224 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. heii's and successors, charge and require, that if any of the inhabitants of the said Province, to the numl)er of twenty, shall at any time hereafter be desirous, and shall, by any writing, or by any person deputed by them, signify such their desire to the Bishop of London, for the time being, that any preacher, or preachers, to be approved of by the said Bishop, may be sent unto them, for their instruction ; that then such preacher, or preachers, shall and may reside within the said province, without any denial, or molestation whatsoever."' It was not until 1G94—5, that in the midst of the dissensions growing out of the seces- sion of George Keith from the bod}' of which he had so long been a faithful and honoi-ed member, those who opposed both the Quakers' principles and policy united in a petition to the crown, for " the free exercise of our religion and arms for our defence." "^ In the view of the THE SEAL OF PENNSYLVANIA. Quakers this attempt to bring in " the priest and the sword " was an invasion of their chartered rights. The attorney who was suspected of drawing up this petition was taken into custody, and those who had ventured to sign it were ])rouglit before the sessions for examination. But it was impossible, by the most rigid scrutiny or the most fanatical 'PioutVa " Hist, of Pcima.," I, p. 18G. Cora- paic " Mist. Coll. Am. Col. Cliuroli," ii., p. ft. The liistoi'y of this section of the charter will bo found in the following cxti'acts fi'om tlie proceedings of the I^onls of the Committee of the Privy Council for the Atfaii-g of Trade and the Plantations, at Whitehall, .January 22, 1G80-1: " Upon tlie draught of a patent for Mr. Peun, constitution liim ahsolute pronrietai^ of a tract of land," etc., which was referrcfl to Lord Chief Justice North, — " A paper heing also read, wlicrein my Loiil Bishop of London desires that Mr. Penn l)c obliged, by his patent, to admit a chaplain, of his Lordship s appointment, upon the request of any number of planteiis ; the same is also referred to ray Lord Chief . Justice North." On the 21lh of February, the same year, " The Lord IJisliop of London K desired to prepare a drauglit of u law to be passed in this countiy, for the settling of llie Protestant religion."— Quntcd in Hazard' « Register o^ Penn- mjltania, I., pp. 2fil), 270. I'ide, also, " Hint. Coll. Am. Col. (;h.," I!., pp. 107. 498. The Hishop of liondon referred to was Dr. Henry Conip- ton. lu connection with those references to the Bishop of London's interest in the settlement of Pciiusylvania, it may not be inappropriate to quote from a letter of the proprietary, the interesting fact, attested by Pcnu himself, that the celebrated Compton was the source of that admiralile policy towards the natives which contributed so largely to the safety and success of the settlement : — " Philadelphia, the 14lhof the Sixth month, IGS.'i. " 1 have only to add, lliat tlio Province has a prospect of an extraordinaiy improvement, as well by divers sorts of sti-angei'S as by Enr/Vish sulyects ; that in all acts of justice we revere and venerate the King's authority ; that I have followed the Bishop of London's counsel, by buying and not taking away the nal ives' land ; witli whom I have settled a very kind correspoiulence." — Proud's Hist, of Penna., I., p. 271. "Slider's Lellers, in " I list. Coll. Am. Cul. Ch.," II., p. i). THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWAUE. 22 j opposition, to hinder the "Church paity,"' for such it soon hecanie, from petitioning for a minister and from obtaining their request. The exact date of the introduction of the servicesof the Churcii is uni^nown. A letter from "Mr. I. Arrowsmith, Scliool-master, to Governor Niciiol- son," under date of March 2(!, Ki'JS, still preserved among the MSS. at Fulham, speaks of "there being very little encouragement to tlK)se of our church," but adds, "we have a full congregation and some very de- sirous to receive the sacrament at Easter." It is possible that Arrow- smith, whom Clayton refers to again and again as " brother," was in deacon's orders ; for he refers in his letter to the governor, to his having lived in dependence on "the king's allowance for this place" (evidently a ministerial stipend), and asks his excellency's advice how to dispose of himseli" in the event " of a minister coming to this place," of which he had heard. He also alludes to his etlbrts to secure the presence of the Rev. Richard Sewell, of jNIaryland, for the Easter sacrament, in which there is little doubt l)ut that he was successful, as Arrowsmith records the promise of this estimable man to ofEciate. It is, therefore, more than probable that Sewell was a pioneer priest of the Chiu-ch in Philadelphia, as well as at other places in Pennsylvania. The church had been built in 1695. Gabriel Thomas, to whose description of the prov- ince we are indebted for the knowledge of the date of its erection, speaks of it, in 1(598, as "a very poor church." Built but twelve years subsequent to the laying out of the city, and at a time when the popu- lation "could not have been more than from four or live thousand,"- it must have been, in its size and style, "a goodly structure for a city then in its inftmcy." Traditions vary as to the material of which this structure was composed. It is probable that the first services were held within the walls, and during the erection of the moi-e substantial church of brick in an humbler Ituilding or frame, or even shed, of wood. The bell " was hung in the crotch of a tree " near by. Towards the middle of the year 1{;98 we find that the services of Mr. Arrowsmith and the occa- sional visits of the Rev. Mr. Sewell were superseded by the regular ministrations of the Rev. Thomas Clayton, first incumbent of Philadel- phia. He was reviled by the Quakers as " the Minister of the doc- trine of Devils."^ Clayton sought to convert the Quakers about him to the Church, addressing their "yearly meeting," and seeking to con- trovert their views and arguments in open debate. His zeal seems to have been deemed intemperate by his brethren in Maryland, whose remonstrances, or, as he styles it, whose " inhibition " served to re- press his efibrts at proselyting, which were extended to all classes of dissenters. The labors of Clayton were not without success. Refer- ence is made by Keith in his journal to " the considerable number of converts to the Church from Quakerism," that "the Rev. i\Ir. Cla^yton had l)aptized ;"* andthc Rev. Edward Portlock, the first clergyman of the Church of England in New Jersey, who appears to have followed 226 HISTORY OF THK AMERICAN El'ISC'c iI'AL ('1II:KCH. Clayton, writes, uiulpr dalo of July 12, 1701), to the Archliishop of Canterbury, of the " c-ousidcruble progress the Church of England has made " in the province, " insomuch that iu less than four years' space from a very small number her community consists of more than five huiKhcd sober and devout souls in and about this city.^ A letter from Isaac Xorris to his friend Jonathan Dickinson in Jamaica,- in giving an account of the great pestilence that jjrevailed in Philadelj)hia in 1()99, has the following incidental allusion to Clayton's death, and to his immediate successor, |)robably Portlouk : "Thomas Clayton, min- i iter of the Church of England, died at Sassafras, in Maryland, and here is another from London in his room, /4|^ ^^ happened to come very ojjportunely.'' The *-?r^?//!I r(\ 'T^Q/Tt fY) t incumbency of Portlock, if. indeed, he was ^^ (A//i^^YU//Li>. nunc than" a temporary supply, was but brii'f. for ere the close of the year IVOO the Rev. Evan Evans Nva> sent over by the Bishop of J^ondon as "mis- sionary"-' to Philadeli)liia. lie lost no time in seeking, as did his predecessors, the conversion of the Quakers to the; Church, and his ef- forts met with marked success. The zeal of Evans led him to under- take the introduction of services at Chichester. Chester. Concord, Montgomery, Kadnor, and Perkiomen, besides his Sunday duties, and AVednesday and Friday j)rayers at Philadelphia.'' In 1700, and for three years, the Rev. John Thomas, who was in deacon's orders, was assistant at Christ Church, and school-master. He also otlii'iated at Trinity Chin-ch, Oxford. The presence and labors of the Rev. George Keith and the Rev. John Talbot on their "missionary journey" from New Hampshire to Caratuck, North Carolina, gave a great impetus to the growth of the Church in Philadelphia. The Rev. Henry Xicholls, who was stationed at "Upland." or Chester, ventures, in 1704, the " guess " that " one-half f)f the inhabitants may be churchmen." Hum- phrey, in his historical account of the veneral>le society, asserts that Mr. Evans had baptized prior to the coming of Keith and Talbot "above five hundred men, women, and children, Quakers in Pennsyl- vania and West Jersey." This number was increased, according to the same testimony, before the return of Keith to England to " above eight hundred ])ei-sons." Humphrey adds an interesting account of the labors of Mr. Evans, as follows: "Air. Evans used to preach two evening Lectures at I'hiladelpliia, one preparatory to the Holy Sacra- ment, on the last Sunas'v,l on liiv own assertion, vol. of the I'.-iin. Hist. Soc., ".Memoir,." Tin- ami is witlirait dontit rorrcel. VUh " lli.«t. Coll. date of this letter is " 1 llli, 7lli i , \Cm." Am. Col. fli.," II., p. 3;). Watson, in his "Annals of I'hila." (i., p. .'f7i(). « AVatson's .Annal^^, I., p. 379. THE CHURCH IN PEXNSYLV.VXIA VXJ) DKLAW.VUi:. 227 youn;; men wlio (lesiiriicclly met wen) iinprovtHl, l)iit :i grciit many young jHTsons who dared not aiipcar in the daylinic, at the pul)liu service of the Chnreii, for the fear of disobliging their parents or masters, would stand under the Church windows at night and hearken. At length many of them took up a resolution to leave the sects they had followed, anil became steadfast in the communion of the (!hurcli."' At this time, according to Keith, the services of tiic Cliurcii were as follows : — At Pliiladelphiii, they have prayers in the cliurch, not only on the Lord's days, and other holy days, but all Wednesdays and Fridays weekly, and the Saeranient of the Lord's Supper administered monthly, and llie number of the eommunieants considerable. The church is ecnnnionly well iilled with people, every Lord's day; and when they are fully asscmljled. both of the town antl country that belong to th.at congrepition, they may well be reckoned by modest computation, to amount to ii\e luuulred persons of h(-ar(!rs. But sometimes there are many more ; and generally the converts from Quakerism are good exnmples, both for frequcntinn; the chundi prayers, and frequent partaking' of the Lord's Supper, with zeal ancl devotion, and also of sober and virtuous living in their daily conversation, to the frustrating the lying prophecies and expectations of the Qu.aker preachers espe- cially, who used to prophecy that whoever left the profession of Quakers, after that should be good for notliing but as unsavoury salt, to be trod under foot of men.' There is little doubt but that political dissensions and Mictions among the colonists tended somewhtit to the growth of the Church. In 1701 James Logan writes to Willitun Peim : " I can see no hopes of getting material subscriptions from those of the church against the report of persecution, they having consulted together on that head, and, as I am informed, concluded that not allowing their clergy here what they of right chiim in England, and not suffering them to be superior, may justly bear that name."* From a letter to the pro- prietor, from his trusty friend Logan, early in 1702,'* it appears that the vestry took an active part in the local politics, securing affidavits of alleged instances of mahidminist ration for transmission to the Bishop of London, and giving to the friends of Penn no little trouble. Later, Logan reports to Penn bis success at paying court to Lord Cornbury, who.se relationship to the queen,* as well as his official position, made him of importance, and adds : — lie expresses a great regard for thee, and is much averse to the warmth of thos(! who go by the name of the church here ; for which reason, or some other which I cannot yet learn, none of the chief of them waited on him up the river, chielly, I suppose, because he was pleased to be in Quaker hands." The Quakers, Logan writes, regarded Cornbury "as liicir saviour at New York," and were " well satisfied to be luulcr him, for they believe that they could never have one of a more excellent temper." Penn, ill addressing Logan, refers to " a dirfy paper about perse- cuting the Chiu-ch of England in the person of Leake, under the hand of Keeble," produced by the Bishop of London, who "is one of the Lords de pwpayunda fide." '' " The hot churcli piu-ty " is accused by ' Hiimphrcv's "Hist. Ace," pp. 130, l.')l. " Ho w:is Her Majesty's first coii«in. M'rot. EpH. Hist. Soe. Coll., I., p. SO. "Penu auj Lo^'aii Correspondeucc, i., p. Tcnn aiul Loij:in Con-espondencc, i., p. G."). 110. ' Jbvl., pp. UJ,*91. ' /hid., p. 117. 228 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. Logan,' as opposing the measures taken to jiut the government in a position of detenee in new of a deelaration of war, " because they would have nothing done that may look with a good countenance at home." Again, the writer complains that "the attestation of a Friend is in very few things serviceable :" "it is the oath of a churchman must do, if any."- The leading churchman. Colonel Eoliert Qua ry, had l)een Governor of South Carolina for a Iirief period in 1684, and again in 1690. He was now judge of the Admiralty in New York and Penn- sylvania, and a bitter ojiponent of the plans and policy of Penn. An ardent adherent of the Cluxrch, he ai)j)eared to the Quaker proprietor as "the greatest of villains whom God will make, I l)elieve, in this world for his lies, falsehood, and supreme knavery." ^ His represen- tations to the government were denounced by Penn as " swisli-swash bounces,"* and the proprietary seeks the aid of his correspondent for means wherebj'^ he " might put tiie nose of an Admiralty Judge out of joint." ^ Penn sends "2 or 300 books against George Keith, by R. Jcnney, which may be disposed of as there is occasion and service."'' On Lord Cornbury's second visit to Philadelphia, as we learn from Logan, he fell into the hands of "Col. Quary, with a party of his gang." The morning after his arrival "Col. Quary, with the rest of the churchmen, congratulated him, having tlie easiest access, and afterwards presented an address from the vestry of Philadelphia, who now consist, I think, of twentj'-four, requesting his patronage to the church, and closing with a pi'aycr that he would beseech the Queen, as I was credil)ly informed, to extend his government over this province; and Col. Quary also, in his first congratulatory address, said they hoped they also should be partakers of the happiness Jei'sey enjoyed in his government. In answer to the vestry's address, he spoke what was proper from a churchman, to the main design of it, for he is very good at extemporary speeches ; and to their last request, that it was their l)usincss, — meaning to address th(!(Jueen, Isujipose, — l)ut tiiat when his misti'ess would be i)lcased to lay her conunands " on him, he would obey them with alacrity.' " The next day being the first of the week," continues Logan, "he went to their worship." Encouraged by his intimacy with the royal governor, and aware of the regard jiaid to his representations at home. Colonel Quary spared no pains to secure the overthrow of the proprietary govcrnraent, and to advance the interests of the Church and crown. His eilbrts, with those of his following, are characterized by Logan and Penn in vigorous language. Th(! fbi'mer styles the opponents of Pcun's policy as " hungry scamps, who seek notiiing but to render themselves great l)y the spoils of the innocent, without any regard to any other interest whatsoever, as is sufficiently known by all their neighbors of probity, as well of their own church as of others, whose eyes they have not yet darkened by tinowing that specious mist and jiretence of rc^ligion be- fore them." * I'enn regarded the address of the vestry to Lord Corn- bury as an open defiance of his authority. He spoke of it as ■ Piiin and I.ORivn f'Dircsponilcnco, i., pp. 124, I2S. " J bid., p. 182. '/j;./.,!., p. Uil ' /4/(/., p. lia. ^ J hid., y:. 22:i. = /A, of these gentlemen have already found the ill effects of it, and have heartily n-pcnted their folly. Some others have persisted in tiieir imaginary grandeiu' till their full Churches hav(; grown empty .almost, and nothing but confusion amongst those that :ire left. I do assure you, Sir, I l(!ll yon lliis truth witli much grief and concern, but it is what I have been an eye-witness of in several places where my duty calls me. To hear tin; p(!o])l(! complain of their minist(!r, and he com- plaining of them, even in those places where not long since the strife 'Hist. CoU. Am. Col. Cli., il., |). 37. ' Ibid., p. 41. THK CHUHCll IN riCNNSYLVANIA AM) DKLAWAKi:. 231 Wius wlio should ouUlo cacli oilier in ;ill sorts of kiuducss, lovt- and charily. The uiiiiisler could no sooner propose or mention a con- vcnicney or want hut inunetliately the Vestry met and supplied it, and every msin thought himself hapi)y that could enjoy most of the I\Iinis- ter's conversation at their houses."' This letter closes with the ear- nest request for a hi-^hop as the only solution of this difficulty, and other questions that could not fail to arise. It is evident that either from the causes assigned by (\)lonel Quary, or for other reasons, the growth of the rimnh in Pennsylvania and Delaware, which had so promisingly begun with the new cen- tury, was checked, and ere the expira- tion of its first dec- ade the clergy had removed to Vii-gin- ia, or Maryland, or died ; the churches were closed, and the parishes had dwin- dled away. In tlie midst of this gen- eral depression the Church in Philadel- phia steadily in- creased in numbers and strength. Mr. Evans, on his return from England in 1709, brought with him the communion plate, presented to the church the preceding year by the queen. A " minister's house " and a " school-house " had l)eeu acquired by the parish, and ])ricks were bought for the bolfry and a "new rope for the bell," which now, if not before, was hung in its proper place. Some ill-feeling had grown out of the unwillingness of Mr. Evans to admit to a " lectureship " the new school-master, the Pev. George Ross, who had supiilanted the Rev. Mr. ('lubli, the former incumbent ; but even this dissatisfaction could not hinder the growth of the congre- gation nor detract from the universal respect and regard with which the rector was held by the whole community for his blameless life and untiring zeal and diligence in all the duties of his calling. In 1711 the church was found too small to accouuuodatc the increasing congre- gation. Among the subscribers to this object were the " Honorable Charles Gooking," who gave £30, and the " Honorable Roliert Quary," who gave £20. The addition, as we learu from a memorial addressed by the rector to the venerable society, comjirised two aisles.- During the time of the enlargement of the chui-ch the congregation worshipped in Wicaco church for three' successive Sundays. The following year mention is made in the records of the "great bell" and the "little bell," and there is reference to the use of the "surplice." Colonel ' THE tJLEEN ANNE I'LATE, CUKIST CULKCU. • Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Cli., II., p. 41. ' Ibid., p. 73. 2;-52 HISTOKY 01- llli; A.MKHIC.VN EPISCOPAL (lUlKlI. Qiuiry, who had been an intcrcstocl as well as an influential iaeml)er of the fongregation iVoui tiio tirst, gave to the ehuivli a largo silver flagon and two silver plates for use at tho holy communion, and a large silver basin for the font, all of which bore the donor's name and the date "Octol)er 4. THE CHURCH IN PKXNSYLVANIA ANU DELAWARE. 235 to be passive in things wliich are botli indecent and disorderly, sueli as suH'eririg of some clergy to read i)rayers and preach without mentioning the King, Trincc and Royal family, accorcling to the nibrick, so that myself and family, with such others as are of unquestioned loyalty to his present IMajesty, arc dcj)rived of the benedt of going to church, lest it nught give encouragement to a spirit of disaffection. Should yoiu- Lordshii), therefore, be pleased to cause some enquiry to be made in tills matter. It would in'ol)al)ly put an effectual stop to what in time may become more iicrnicious, for it is conlldeuUy reported hero that some of these non-juring clergymen pretend to the authority and office of Bishops in the Church, which, however, they do not own, and, 1 believe, will not dare to practice, for I have publicly declared my reso- lution to prosecute \vith effect all those who, eitlier in doctrine or conversation, shall attempt to debauch any of the people with schismatical disloyal principles of that nature.' Sir William Keitii's representations were not permitted to pass with- out reply. Peter Evans, wlio bad challenged the indiscreet Phillips for his slanderous insinuations against the character of a friend, now appeared in the character of a defender of clergy and congregation thus as.sailed. He asserted that the insinuation of disloyalty was "a piece of injustice." The invitation to Dr. Wclton arose from no fond- ness for "any mistaken principles of the Dr's," but simply to prevent the closing of the church, there having been no service for some months, and the congregation being gradually dissipated among the various sectarian bodies around them. The charge of misrepresentation was laid against the governor, and his removal from the vestry accounted for on the ground of his "taking upon him to overrule them, and en- tirely depriving them of the freedom justly due."^ The unreliable Urmston, who charged his removal from Philadel- j)hia upon Talbot, and was now in Maryland, wrote home to the effect that the old missionar}^ had sought to exercise episcopal jurisdiction over his brethren. His words were these : " He convened all the clergy to meet, put on his roljes and demanded Episcopal obedience from them. One wiser than the rest refused, acquainted the Gov'' with the ill con- sequences thereof, the danger he would run of losing his Gov™', where- upon the gov' ordered the Church to be shut up." ■* The same veracious authority added a postscript to mention the coming of Dr. Wclton, bringing " with him to the value of £300 sterling, in guns and fishing- tackle, with divers printed copies of his famous Altar-piece at White- chapcl."^ The missionaries Ross, Humphreys, AVeyman, and Becket, report to the Bishop of London the presence of " Dr. Welton at Phila- delphia with whom we have no correspondence, nor of whom have we any fiu'ther knowledge but that we hear he professes to have come into these parts outy to see the country."^ Urmston " met him in the streets, but had no further conversation with him."^' The governor professed himself powerless to interfere, in view of the vestry's claim of inde- pendence of the governor or bishop, and the ministrations of Welton continued till January, 172(), when he was duly "served with his Maj- esty's writ of Privy Seal commanding him upon his allegiance to re- turn to Great Britain forthwith." He had served at (yhrist Church with great acceptance, and a testimonial of his conduct and behavior among them was, at his request, ordered by the vestry to be prepared by the ' Hist. CoU. Am. Col. Cb., u., pp. 137, 1.38. ' Ibid., p. 143. ' Ibid., p. 136. « /*i(i., pp. 139, 14-.'. 'Tbid. •/*«;., p. 143. 236 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EX'ISCOPAL (^HURCH. chuivh-wardcns. AVitli this attcstiitiou to his character. Wcltou sailed for Lisbon, where he "died of a drops}-, refusing to commune with the CHUIST CHL'UCn, IMtll.AnKI.PHIA. Enjjlish dcriryman." ' It is said (hat among his effects there was found "an Episcopal seal which he had made use of in IVnsih-ania," where 'Rcliquiir Ilprniana', ii., p. 2.')7. THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. 237 "he assumed and exercised, privily and l)y stealth, the character and functions of a Bishop."' Belbro Wclton's departure he " had dillcrcd " with Talbot, and their correspondence had been bi-oken ofl". Dr. Hawks asserts, with reference to both Welton and Talbot, that " there is direct evidence from the letters of some of the missionaries that they at least administered continuation and wore the robes of a Bishoj)." ^ But little or no trace of their exercise of episcopal functions, other than excep- tionally and with the gi'eatcst privacy and caution, is to bo found, and the episcopate, if such it can be called, of these two non-juring " Bishops " must remain veiled in impenetrable obscurity. Again the neighl)oring clergy were appealed to for the supply of this vacant charge ; but the Bishop of London, in view of the circumstances of the case, was not long in providing an incumbent. In September, 1726, the Rev. Archi- bald Cummiugs entered upon the cure of Philadelphia, by the appoint- ment of Bishop Gibson, and continued to minister at Christ Church until his decease, in 1741, — a period of nearly lifteen years. This \vas a period of /""> ^ great prosperity. The church had long ^ i "' y J ** been too small for the congregation. It ^ ^'^- -^-^OyxiXO-n. . had become " ruinous," in the judgment edmund gibson, loed bishop of its leading meml)ers, and on Thursday, of london. AprU 27, 1727, the corner-stone of the present venerable edifice, associated with so many, and such impor- tant events of our ecclesiastical history, was laid by the Honorable Patrick Gordon, the governor of the province, together with the mayor and recorder of the city, the rector, and a number of others. The plan of rebuilding was to add to the west end an enlargement of thirty-three feet, together with a steeple or tower, and when, in 1731, this addition was completed, measures were at once taken to remove the old build- ing, and complete the church by the erection of the eastern portion. But the vestry had exhausted their funds in the completion of a third part of the contemplated building, exclusive of the tower and steeple, and in procuring the organ, l)ells, and furniture required for use ; and it was not until April, 173.'), that the "ruinous state of the old part of the Church," occasioned immediate action, and the eastern end of the present church was begun. In 1735 the Rev. Richard Peters entered upon duty as assistant to Commissary Cummings ; but, in consequence of a misunderstanding having arisen between the rector and his curate, the latter resigned his post. Years afterwards ho resumed the exercise of his ministry as rector where he had withdrawn from the curacy. It was during the incumbency of Cummings that Mr. Whitetield visited Philadelphia again and again. His first visit was in November, 1739. He at once visited the commissary, and on the fmst Sunday of his stay, the twentieth after Trinity. November 4, he " read prayers and assisted at the Conununion in the morning. Dined with one of the Church Wardens, and preached in the afternoon to a large congrega- tion."^ He read prayers and preached in Christ Chui'ch daily for a week, and on the following Sunday. On his return from a journey • PvCliquifC ncraiansu, n., p. 257. "The Two Fii-st P»ita of Jlr. WhitefieWs « Hawks'g " Eccl. CoQUibutioua," li., p. 1S3. Lil'e, p. '.iC?. 238 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHCKCH. northward, at tlio close of the month, lie asain availed himself of the church for prayers and sermons, being driven on occasion of his fare- well discourse to adjourn to the fields, as the church could not contain "a fourth part of the people.'" On his third visit, after he had openly affiliated with the dissenters, the journal records a ditl'ercnt reception : " Went to the Commissary's House. mIio Mas not at home : but after- wards speaking to him on the street he soon told me that he could lend me his Church no more. T/ianl-s he to God the fields are qpen."^- On INTEUIOK 01-' CHRIST CIirHCH, IMIII.AKKl.lMUA. the foUowins: Sundav, the second after Easter, Aprir20,174(), Wiiilcfield attended church " morninir and evening; and heard Mr. preach a sermon ujjou rluslilicalion by ^\'orks, from James ii. 18."^ In the evening the great evangelist "jn-eached from the same words to about 1.^)00 people and endea\our'd to show the errors con- tained in the Coimnissary's discourse.'" •' It could not i)e otherwise than that the church should be closed In him from this time. Later, under date of August 2;), 171u, Ihi' commi.s.sary writes to the secretary of the venerable societv sis follows : — ' The Two Firet Parte of Mr. Whilcficld's Life, p. 339. ' Ibid., p. 342. 'lUd. THE CHURCH IX PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. 239 The Hisliop's Commissary (^Mr. (Jardon), in S". Canilina lins lately |)ii).socuted the famous "SI'. \Vli — d thfi'e upon the liSth Canon ; but. lie has aiipealed luime. I hope the Soeiety will use theif intefcst to have jnstie(^ thuw him. His eharaeter as a clerjrynian enables him to do the greatest misehief. He thereby lights against the Chureh under her colours, and ,Iudas-like betrays her imder pretene(! of friend- ship, for whii'h reason the dissenters are exeeeding fonyiC(yO cJJiAC/ie JH^KJIxmJ J}UmJ,6Wir groes." and gave / V ^ ^ great .satisfaction by 1/ ^ great .saiisniciio io iA fluyfA-cAca al UnjCoJ^^-Ohyua '^'^ labors, a new f^ I) ' church, named St. Peter's, wasat length found necessary to furnish accommodations to lh(> increasing numbers of chureh folk in the city. ■Hist. Coll. Am. Cul. Cli., ii., p. ■2I«. others, in " Hist. ( t)!!. Am Col.Cli.," ti..pp. 204- ' Vide letters from the Kcv. Messi-s. Ross, 217, 2.W-2^(). Huckhoiisr, Howie, Cunie, Piigh, Jcuiie)-, ami 240 HISTORY OF THE AMEKICAX EPI.TOPAL nirRrH. The Kov. Jacob Duclie, son of a leading siii)j)()rU'r ofthe t'luiivh, was appointed an assistant minister of tiie parish in which liis yoiilh had been spent. The ineinnl>enc-y of Dr. Jeiniey continned until his death, in 1 7()2, thus t'overing a ])eriod of t wont y years, in which the Church grew in strength and in numbers, not only in I'iiihuU'lphia, but throughout the province. Sturgeon continued as assistant for nearly the same length of time,- from 1747 to 176(), until ill-health compelled his resig- luition. His career was one of uninterrupted usefulness. His laljors among the negroes and others met with great success, and his faith- fulness won not only the reward of souls, but secured foi- this devoted catechist the ap])reciation and material aid of tiie ])arish at large. His "great p.ains and diligence in the work of the ministr}' " received the pul)lic commendation of the society, and his devotion to duty and his years of faitiiful service entitle him to an honora1)le mention and a grateful rcnu-mljrance. Etibrts were made siiortly before the decease of Dr. Jenney to secure as an additional assistant the Kcs . William jMacClcimachan. who had ingratiated hin)self with a party in the churcii. But Sherlock, Bisiiop of London, refused to license for this imi)ortant post one who liad deserted his mission at the noilhward willioutthe consent of the society, and who was even then untU'r an engagement to a parish in Virginia. The bishop's determination occasioned no little feeling on the partofthe friends of ^lacClennachan ; butafter a brief term of service he was compelled to withdraw, liaving occasioned no little disturbance and division among tiie jieople. The completion of St. looter's Church, which was opened on the 4th of September, 1761, by a solemn service, at wiiicii the celebrated Dr. Smith. Provost of tiie College and Academy of riiiladclphia, preached, was shortly followed by t lie death J^ . y^ .^i? y of Dr.. TciHiev, and till' election to yi^C/rl^t^Uz^ b "^^e^Z^ ll'e rectorsiiip of tin- united par- ishesof Christ Church and St. Pe- ter's, of the Key. Kichard Peters. This gentleman, wiio had during his temporai-y suspension of clerical duty won for himself a name and j)osi- tioii at tiie bar, to wiiich he had been originally brought up in England, [M'ovi'd to be an earnest and faithful iiuumlieiit, whose term of service continued mitil 1775, when age and infirmities compelled him to resign his charge. During his incumljcncy the united jiarishes received from Thomas and Richard I'emi, proprietaries of the |)rovince,a cliart(>rcon- stitiiting the rector, ciiurch-wardcns. and Ac^strymcn of Chi'ist Church .and St. J'eter's, "a liody politick and corporate." The provisions of this important instrument received the careful scrutiny not only of the grantors and the rector who had been comjielled to aIsII England for the bishop's licens*', but also of" the Arclibisliu]) ot' Canterbury, the amiable and excellent Seeker. On the 2Ntii of ,lmic. 17ii.">, tiie eli:u-ter "signed b}' the honorali' .lohn I'enn, es(j.. Lieutenant (io\crnor. and under the great seal " of the jiroviuee, was formally received and accepted l>y tlie vestry. The following year the rector declined to receive any further salary until the s. :it tlic rei(uesl of the go\ crnor ami coniicil, Air. I'eters made a journey ti) l'\)rl StJinwix, on mia^idn (if an lMi'c(linff aulunm. Tlu- \\^\ (if tlio olpristant minister in Christ Cluucli. 1 Rev. Messrs. Samuel Cook and Robert ]\IiKpan, of New Jersey, wen also in attendance. The Re\-. AA'illiam Thompson arrived from Englanc 'f liladelphia." ' The e :land 'i.. .iyi-aiy. THE OHUHfH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. 243 church at Lewes was not represented in this sulimission, the convention refused to transmit tiu' prort'ercd papers. In th(^ Dover Mission, whioii includrd tlie whole County of Kent, there were three churches under the care of the Rev. C'harh's IngHs. Tiu' churches were crowcU^d, and the number of communicants was on the increase. At Easter there were seventy-three communicants. At Apo(|uinimnick there were seventy actual commuiiiiants. At New Casth> tlie churcli was "thin of peoph'," and another church, connected with this 7y/^^ C7/ mission, had refused ']W^/?'^^?t to recei\'e the mis- sionary. Improve- ' - meat was reported at Chester. At Oxford /2< the Church \vas "in a ver\ flourishing way," and :i "Sunday evening Lecture" had heenestal)lished at Germantown. The missionary at Radnor was ill, and could not attend the convention ; hut he was much esteemed in his extensive cure, and neglected no op- portunity of doing his duty. At Lancaster there was a small church ; at Bangor, another, of stone : at Pequa, a third of the same material. The mission in York and Cumberland had tlu'ee congregations : one at Hunt- 0PVt-/7^ // ingdon ; a second at York, and a third / N at ( 'arlisle. .Mr. Thompson had been QyT- ;ii)i)ointed to this cure. Berks and Northampton were frontier counties, in which the society had. as yet. no mission. At Reading there was a movement among the people to secure a missionary, and at Easton there was need of services which could be best rendered by the Rev Mr. Morton, itinerant missionary in New^ Jersey. Such was the condi- tion, of the Church in Pennsylvania and Delaware at this time. The clerg}', in ad- dressing the Archbishoj) of Canterbury, Dr. Seeker, dwelt on the hardships under which the Church was laboring, and prayed earnestly for the appointment of bishoj)s for America. In 17fi3 Whitetield was again in Philadelphia, and, on the invita- tion of the rector, jireached several times in the two churches, " with- out any of his usual censures of the clergy, and with a greater moder- ation of sentiment."' In 17 fit! Commissary Peters writes: "Al)Ove twenty missions are now vacant." A third church, St. Paufs, origin- ally built by a schismatic following of MaeCIennachan, was added to the I'hiladel))hia churches. A society for tin- relief of the widows and orphans of the clergy was instituted. The college and academy of Philadeli)hia was contributing godly and well-learned young men foi- the ministry. Germans and Swedes were seeking comprehension in the Church, and, as the country found itself on the eve of a disastrous ' Hist. Cull. Am. Ceil. Ch., II., p. 395. Wtiuo/yn CTliiMj^oJ^. c/t^ (^rrwt4d^ 244 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. war, the prospects of the Church were never brighter. All 1)ut bare existence was to be lost in the struggle for independence that followed. ILLUSTR.VTIVE NOTES. THE story of the introduction of the Church in the Middle Colonies would be con- fessedly incomplete \vithout a reference to the planting and presence of the Swedish Church on the Delaware, which, in its subsequent devck)pineut, has grad- ually merged into our own communion, initil to-day one of the oldest houses of worship in which the liturgy of our American Church is used, and one of the old- J/'-J|l>"v. ^' ■ r\'-- &^^r- OLD swedes' church, WILMINGTON, DELAWARE. est churches of the reformed faith in the land, is the venerable Swedes' Church, in the city of Wilmington, Delaware. The setllement of the Swedes was undertaken, as we learn from the royal ])r(>clamation authorizing (he fn-mation o( a trading col- ony on the shores of the Delaware in the New World, primarily willi a view of planting tlie Christian religion among the heathen; and in tliis spirit the settlers brought with them their spiritual guide, .and one of their liist cares was to provide within the walls of their rude fortiliiation n, house for the worship of (iod. Tor- killus, the Swedish priest, ofliciatcd among his countrymen until his death, in Kji,"?. The needs of the settlers soon nnpiired the erection of a ehurcli at Crane Hook, on tlie south side of the month of llu^ Christiana river. This ehureh was not built until 1C07, t^velve years after the short-lived conquest of New .Swcdi'ii by the Dutch, and three years after the vietoi-s and vancpiished had been subjected to the Hritish power. The church at Crane Ilook stood on a Iteautiful sj)ot close to the Delaware, and its worshippers gathered from New Castle and Swcdesboro', N..). (then known as Raccoon Creek), an well as from the banks of the liraiidywine and the Christiana. THE CHURCH IN PENNSYLVANIA AND DELAWARE. 245 Tlie sole remaiiiing Swedish priest at this time was Lock, who miiiisterod to the con- gi'ogation in tlie fort, and also in tlie ehui'eh on Tiniciim Island, whicli liad been erected as early as Hiili. In 1677 as the distance of Tinicura rendered attendance at service almost im- ])racticable for the settlers at ^^'icaco, the block-house which stood near where the Gloria Dei (/hurch, in Philadelphia, was afterwards erected, was used as a place of worshi]), and the first service was held in this church of logs, by the Rev. .lacol) Fabritiiis. on Triiiity Sunday, .lune 9. 1677. For fom'teen years Fabritius, whcj had succeeded Lock, who had died or returned to Sweden, in 1688, ministered in this rude house of prayer. Nine of these years the preacher was totally blind, and when, liy reason ol infirmity, he was unable to officiate longer, there seemed little liope that his place would be supplied. .\t length news readied Sweden of the destitute siiiritual condition of tiiese settlers. They had appealed for " good shepherds " to feed them witli God's " holy word and sacraments." King Charles XI. laid this request, GLORIA DEI (OLD SWEDES) CHURCH. which was signed by thirty of the leading colonists, before the Archbishop of Upsala, and after some delay the Rev. .Vndrew Rudnian, Kric Biorck, and Jonas .\uren sailed with the king's " God speed " from Gottenburg, on the 4th of August, 1696, reaching James river, in Virginia, June 2d ofthe followingyoar. Of these three mission priests, Biorck took charge ofthe congregation on the Christiana. On the 11th of July he records his first service among his jjeople : " I, their unworthy minister, clad in my surplice, delivered my first discourse to them in Jesus' name, on the subject of the ' Righteousness of the Pharisees.'" (Quoted in Bishop Alfred Lee's " Planting and Watering." Historical sketch ofthe cluircli in Delaware, 16:58-1881.) This service was held in the Crane Hook Church, but tliat site being from time to time over- flowed, the new clergyman persuaded his people to build a stone church in a more suitable spot. The corner-stone of the present " 'Ti-inity," Swedes' (^hureh, was laid on the 28th of May, 1698, and was formally set apart for its sacred uses on Trinity Simday of the followingyoar. The Rev. Andrew Rudman was th(i iireaeher on this interesting occasion, and the text was from the Psalms c.\.xvi. o. The Lord had 246 HISTOKY OF THE AMEKICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. done great things for thein, whereof tbey were glad. It was not toll another year had passed that the chui-ch at Wicaco was built, and on the first Sunday after Trinity, 1700, the " Gloria Dei " was dedicated to God's service, the sermon being preached from 2 Sam. vii. 29. At the church on the Christiana Andrew Hesselius, sent out by King Charles Xn., in 1712, succeeded the faithful Biorck. He was followed by his brother Samuel, in 1723, who gave place to John Eneburg, in 1731. Long before this time there had been frequent exchanges of pulpits and parishes by the clergy of the churches of England and Sweden respectively, and when at length the Swedish language had ceased to be intelligible to the hearers, Trinity at VVOmington, and Gloria Dei at Wicaco, long since absorbed by Philadelphia, became part of the American Church. ^•^»fc'» OLI> .ST. DAVID S CHURCH, RADNOR. One of the most notable of the old Pennsylvania cluinhes is St. David's, at liadnor, built in 1714, and famous, if for no other reason, lioni being the subject of the beautiful poem by Longfellow, from which the following stanzas are ijuoted : — What an image of peace and rest Is thin little church anions' its griivt's ! .\11 is 80 quiet; the tr<)»l)kil lireast, The wounded spirit, the heart opjjressed, Here may find the repoBc it craves. See how the ivy clin)l)s and expands Over this humble liermita^o, Andseema to caress with its liltlo liands The rouf,'h, gray stones, as a child that stands Caressing thu wrinkh'il clKoks of age ! Were I a pilgrim in search of peace, Were I pastor of Holy Church. More tlian a hishop's diocuse .Should 1 prize this placi' of rest, and release From farther longing and farther search. Here would I stay, and lot the world With its distant thunder roar and roll ; Storms do not rend tlie sail that is furled Nor like a dead leaf, tossed and whirled In im eddv of wiml, is the anchored soul. CHAPTER XTY. THE CONVERSION TO THE CHURCH OF CUTLER, RECTOR OF YALE COLLEGE, AND OTHER PURITAN MINISTERS OF CONNECTICUT. O N Thursday, September 13, 1722, the day after the annual com- mencement, the following paper was presented to the Trustees of Yale College, in New Haven, assembled in the library : — To the Rev. Mr. Andrew and Mr. Woodbridge and others, our Reverend Fathers and Brethren, present in the Library of Yale College this 13th of September, 1722,— Reverend Gentlemen : Having represented to you the difficulties which we labor under, in relation to our continuance out of the visible communion of an Episcopal Chm'ch, and a state of seeming opposition thereto, either as private Chris- tians, or as officers, and so being insisted on by some of you (after our repeated declinings of it) that we should sum up our case in wiiting, we do (tliou^h with great reluctance, fearing the consequences of it) submit to and comply with it : And signify to you that some of us doubt the validity, and the rest of us are more fully persuaded of the invalidity of the Presbyterian ordination, in opposition to Episco- pal ; and should be heartily thankful to God and man, if we may receive from them satisfaction herein ; and shall be \villing to embrace your good coxmsels and instruc- tions in relation to this important aftair, as far as God shall direct and dispose us to do. TiinoTHY Cutler,' John Hart,' Samuel Whittlesey,' Jarkd Euot,^ James Wetmore," Samuel Johnson,^ Daniel Brown.' A true copy of the original. Testify : Daniel Brown. The missionary of the venera))le society at Stratford, the Rev. George Pigot, who was present by invitation of President Cutler at the time of this declaration, in his recital of the affiiir to the secretary, throws additional light upon the extent to which this defection was thought at the time to extend : "On the 11th of the last month, at the desire of the President, I repaired to the Commencement of Yale College in New Haven, where, in the face of the whole country, the aforesaid gentleman and six others, hereafter named, declared them- selves in this wise, that they could no longer keep out of the com- ' Harvard College, 1701. » Yale College, 1714. ' Yale CoUeire, 1703; tutor, 1703-170B. " Yale College, .1714 ; tutor, 1716-1719. » Yale College, 1705 ; fellow, 1732-1752. '■ Yale CoUege, 1714 ; tutor, 1718-1722. ' Yale CoUege, 1706; feUow, 1730-1762. 2-18 HISTORY OF THE AMEIIICAN El'ISCOl'AL ClIUKCII. iiiunion of the Holy Catholic Church, and that 8ouie of them douhtcd of the validity, and the rest were persuaded of the invalidity, of Pres- bj'^tcrian ordination in opposition to Episcopal. The gentlemen fully persuaded thereof are the five following, viz. : Mr. Cutler, president of Yale College ; Mr. Brown, tutor to the same ; ^Ir. Elliot, pastor of lulliugsworth ; jMr. Johnson, pastor of West Haven ; and Mr. Wet- JmiS'(m (uJu^r more, pastor of North Haven. The two gentlonien who seemed to doubt are Mr. Mart, pastor of East Guilford. an Beardsley's "Life and Con-espondence of Samuel .Johnson," p. 15. 250 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. one the folios of the great Anglican doctors of the seventeenth century were mastered by him in turn. His intimate friends shared his studies, and found themselves drifting steadily away from the Calvinistic tenets and the congregational polity in which thej^ had been brouglit up. Each of the seven whose names are attached to the declaration of the 13th of September, 1722, held positions of trust and influence in the vicinity of the capital of the colony and the seat of its college.' All but Cutler were graduates of the college, and three of them — Johnson, Wetmore, and Brown — were members of the same class, 1714, and intimate friends. John Hart was the minister of East Guilford ; Samuel Whittlesey was settled at Wallingford, Jared Eliot at Killingworth, and James AVetmore at North Haven. Meeting at each others' homes, or in the college library with the ponderous tomes of Anglican theology within reach, " a few Episcopalian things which their library at New Haven had been unhappily stocked with,"- the confer- ences and researches of this " little knot of young men " convinced them that the Church of England offered the apostolic commission they sought, and that without this valid authority each of them was, as Johnson termed it, "an usm-per in the house of God." Cutler appears to have been suspected of having fallen under the influence of one of the most uncompromising churchmen and gifted con- troversialists of the day, — John Checkley , of Boston. A contemporary account of the defection of Cutler and his friends, from which we have already quoted, and which appears to have been the production of Cotton Mather, speaks of " the great converter " as " a foolish and sorry toy-man, who is a professed Jacobite, and printed a pamphlet to maintain that the God whom King William and the churches there prayed unto is the devil ! ( horresco referens.')" and there can be little doubt but that Checkley, either by correspondence or conversation, aided Cutler in coming to a decision in favor of the Church, though he " declared to the trustees that he had for many years been of this per- suasion (his wife is reported to have said that to her knowledge he had for eleven or twelve years been so persuaded), and that thereto re he was the more uneasy in performing the acts of his ministry at Stratford, and the more readily accepted the call to a college improvement at New Ilavcn."^ Bitter indeed was the scorn and indignity heaped upon these confessors of the Cluuvh by the Boston ministers, and notably by Cot- ton Mather. They are styled "cudweeds." It is "that vile, senseless, wretched whimsey of an uninterrupted succession" which they have set up. The charge is made that " they will have none owned for ministers ' Trumbull, in his" Hht. of Conn.," II., p. 33, pui-posc, and to continue in their respeetive refeiTinffto the change of views of Cutler aiul plaees." his associiitc<, edils: "It was supposed Hint » 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll.,n., p. 137. Ilawks several mlier (icnilcmen of consideramc charao- ami rcnv's " Conn. Ch. Docs., ' i., p. 72. This ter aini)n(j tint clcrp)' were in tho Bchcmo of " Faithful Relation of a Laic Occurrence in the dcclarinsf for Episiopacy and of cari-jing over Churches of New-England," which the editor of the people of Connecticut in general to that the "Mass. Hist. Soc. Colled ions" pronounces persuasion. But as they had been more private " not very candid or temper.ate, if faithful," ap- in their inea-^ures, ami hud niado no tipcu pro- peai-s by numerous coincidences in expression, fession of Episcopacy, wlii-n tlicysaw the con- a i well uh bv tho general style of argument, to Bcqueuccs with respect to the rector and the be the compo^iiinn of Cotton Mather, whoso Other ministers and that tho people would letter on tho subject is printed in " 2 Mass. Hist, not licar them, but dismissed thcni from their Soc.Coll.," Il.,p. 133, and "Conn.Ch. Docs.,"l., •erviec, they were glad to conceal their former pp. 75-7S. 'Conn. Ch. Docs., I., pp. (il), 70. CONVERSIONS TO TIIK CHURCH. 251 of Christ ill the world, 1)ut such us anti-Christ has ordained for liiiu ; such as the paw of the beast hath been laid upon." They arc " poor children," " degenerate offspring," " highfl^an-s," " unhappy men," " de- serters," " ])aekslidcrs." Thcj^ arc accused of a " scandalous conjunction " " with the papists," of attempting " boundless mischief " " by this foolish cavil;" and the question is asked, "Do not these men worship the beast?"' In striking contrast with these epithets and expressions are the words recorded by Johnson, in his private diary, immediately after the ordeal had been passed, and he had temporarily given up his min- istry : — It is with great son'ow of heart that I am forced thiis, by the uneasiness of my conscience, to be an occasion of so much mieasiness to my dear friends, my jjoor people, and indeed to the whole colony. O God, I beseech thee, gi-ant that I may not, in an adherence to thy necessary ti'utlis and laws (as I profess m my conscience they seem to me) , be a stumbling-block or occasion of fall to any soul. Let not om- thus appearing for thy church be any ways accessory, through accidentally to the hurt of religion in general, or any person in particular. Have mercy. Lord, have mercy on the souls of men, and pity and enlighten those that are grieved at this accident. Lead into the way of tiiith all those that have eiTcd and are deceived ; and if we, in this affair, are misled, I beseech Thee show us om' error before it be too late, that we may reijaii" the damage. Grant us Thy illumination for Christ's sake. Amen. * At the suggestion of the governor of the colony, Gurdou Salton- stall, an attempt was made to give the signers of the September decla^ ration the satisfaction they craved by a public discussion in the college library, on the day following the opening of the October session of the General Assembly. In this debate the advocates of the Episcopal side of the question had the advantage of fiimiliarity with the whole controversy acquired by long study and careful and prayerful thought. The governor, himself a theologian of no mean ability, " moderated very genteely ," ^ but the " gentlemen on the Dissenting side " found that their chief argument from the indiflerent use of the words bishoj) cindjyres- byler in the New Testament was met by the incontestable evidence from Scriptui'e of the superintendeucy of Timothy over the clergy and laitj^ of Ephesus, and of Titus over the church in Crete. The appeal to the history of the first and purest centuries of tlie Church was made until " at length," as Johnson records it, "an old minister got up and made an harangue against them in the declamatory way to raise an odium, but he had not gone far before Mr. Saltonstall got up and said he only designed a friendly argument, and so put an end to the conference."^ Hart, Whittlesey, and Eliot, influenced it may be by the debate in the college library in October, or dismayed at the opposition their declarations for the Church, had excited, returned to their old faith, silenced if not satisfied. It is the testimony of Chandler that "amidst all the controversies in which the Church was engaged during their lives, they Avere never known to act, or say, or insinuate anything to her dis- advantage."^ The others were unshaken in their adherence to their ' Vide 2 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., n., 133 et » Beardsley's " Life and Correspondence of passim. Hawks and Peny's " Conn. Ch. Docs.." Samuel .Johnson," p. 19. I., 72-7S. •/«'/., pp. 19, 20. ' Beardsley's Johnson, p. 19. ' Life of Johnson, p. 31. 252 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. convictions. Johnson, alter tlio most patient self-scrutiny, as was liis wont, records in liis diary, that "upon the most deliberate consideration, I cannot find that either tiie frowns or api)lauses, the pleasures or jn-otits of the world have any ])n'vailing intiuence in the atiair."' On the 17th CllKIST cm Kin. IIOSTC^N. of October the trustees of the colle-re voted, "in faithfulness to the trust rejio.sed in them," to "excuse the Rev. Mr. Cutler iVuni all further service as rector of Vale ('olle venerable society, that "upon the whole it seems highly probable that upon these gentlemen's fate, we mean their reception anjl encourage- ment, depends a grand revolution, if not a general revolt, from schisms in these parts."' While the church people of New England viewed this addition to their ranks with mingled satisfaction and jealousy, the feeling among the adherents of the "Standing Order" was that of apprehension and dismay. At a fast observed at the "Old North," Boston, on the 25lli > Bcanlslcy's " Hist, of the Epis. Cliurcli ia ' Bcardlcy's .Tolinson, p. 40. Coiiii.," I., p. OT. " Conn. Ch. Does., I., p. 91. aiNVERSIONS TO THE CHURCH. 255 of September, 1722, Chief Justice Sewall records in his diary that after a sermon by Cotton Mather, "Dr. I. JNIathor pray'd ; much lie- wail'd the Coiiecticut Apostacie." At Yale the trustees voted that all rectors, or tutors, sulisequently elected should declare before the trustees their assent to the " Saybrook Platform," and "particularly give satisfaction to them of the soundness of their Faith in opposition to Arminian and Prelatical Corruptions, or any other of dangei'ous consequence to the Purity and Peace of our Churches." ' But the tide could not be stayed. Of the class of 1723 Jonathan Arnold^ con- formed. Of the class of 1724, Henry Caner ; ^ of that of 1726, Eben- ezer Punderson; of that of 1729, John Pierson, Solomon Palmer, Ephraim Bostwick, and Isaac Browne ; of that of 1733, Ebenezer Thompson, were converts ; and in the ten years subsequent to that memorable declaration more than one in ten of the graduates of Yale who entered into the ministry followed the example of Cutler, John- son, Brown, and Wetmore, — the leaders of the great army of con- formists who, from their day to this, have been drawn into the church's service fi'om without. ILLUSTRATrVE NOTES. TTTHTLE the notable events recorded in this chapter were transpiring the Puri- VV tan leaders spared no pains to warn the people of the danger of apostasy, and to conflrm them in the faith and practice of the " standing order." In " Elijah's Mantle," published in Boston in 1722, " A faithful testimony to the Cause and Work of God in the Churches of New England," offered as a " highly seasonable " con- tiibution to the polemic literature of the day, we find this earnest appeal : — " Hence also those among us that desire to set up in this Country any of the Wayes of Men's Inveiition, (as Prelacy, stinted Liturgies, Humane Ceremonies, in Worship), they will bid Defiance to the Cause and Interest of Christ, and of this People in these Ends of the Earth ; and will, I persuade myself, but lay themselves as Potters' Vessels under the Iron Bod, for Christ v/ho hns taken this possession of these uttermost parts of the Earth will not endure it. Let us Go foriuard to any of those Things of Christ that we are wanting in. But to Oo backward unto those Things which we know and have openly Testified to be not of God, and which we departed from, will be such a Wickedness as the Lord's jealousj' will not bear withal." The venerable Increase Mather, then fourscore and four years old, thus urged this same plea : — " From the Suburbs of that Glorious World into which I am now entering, I earnestly Testify unto the Rising Oeneration That if they sinfully forsake the God and the Hope .and the Religious Ways of their pious ancestors, the Glorious Lord will severely punish their Apostasy, and be Terrible from Bis Holy Places upon them." In" Some Seasonable Enquiries " concerning Episcopacy, issued the following year by Cotton ]Mather, the author refers to "The S.ad and Strange Occurrence of This Day;" and, among his queries on the Scripture use of the word "Bishops" and the " Divine Right of Episcopacy," thus writes : — " In Fine, Vain Men, What are you rlainr/? Wlio, after the Word of Godin the Sacred Scriptures dost so Plainly and Loudfy Condemn the Usurpation of a Diocesan Episcopacy, will for the Sake thereof Renounce the Ministry and Coin- ' Clap's " Histoi y of Yale CoUege," p. 32. » M.A., Oxford, 1736 ; S.T.D., O-xford, 1766. ' M.A., Oxlord, 1738. 256 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. munion of all the Protestant Churches in the World, except a very little party on Two Islands ? " Whether the Churches, which liave their Beauty and Safety in keeping the SecoTul Commandment, and were Planted on the verj- Desiarn of withdrawing from the ' Episcopal Impositions,'' will not, as tliey would Avoid ilie Jealous Wrath of the Glorious God with much Unanimity concur to Express their Displeasure against such an Unaccountable Apostasy ? " Quincy, in his " Ilistoi-y of Harvard University" (i., p. 3G5), quotingas author- ity a letter from the celebrated Ilollis to Rev. Benjamiu Colman, under date of January 1-4, 1723, thus refers to an interview between this generous benefactor of " Harvard" and Cutler, when the latter was in England : — " In the following January (1723) being in London, he was invited by the honest and zealous Ilollis to a conference, in the hope of converting him from Episcopalianism. To this invitation Cutler acceded. The conference, however, never took place. ' I am no doubter ! ' said Cutler to Ilollis, 'I am resolved. I hope to be speedily ordained. I may with as much reason hope to bring j^ou over to me, as you can liojie to bring me over to you. I have a wife and seven children, am not yet forty years old. I have lost all my old friends. 1 am turned out of all. And if 1 should do anything now that looked like doubting, it were the way to lose my new friends. I was never in judgment heartily with the Dissenters, but bore it patiently until a favorable opportunity offered. This has opened at Boston, and I now declare publicly what I before believed privately.' ' After such positive barring cautions, I thought,' says Hollis, 'the proposed conference would be of little service.'" It is difficult not to believe this report somewhat colored by the prejudices of the writer, especially when we have the advantage of tracing all the facts relating to the conversion of Cutler and his companions from contemporary documents, exhibiting, as they do, both sides as they appeared at the time. CHAPTER XY. THE TRIAL OF JOHN ClIECKLEY AND THE STEUGGLES OF THE CHURCH IN MASSACHUSETTS AND RHODE ISLAND. " A RM 3'oursclf with the humility unci courage of a Chnstiiin ; aud f\ when God shall sutler the enemies of His Church to afflict j'ou, receive it with patience aud cheerfulness, praying for your persecutors."' These M-ere the words of the Archbishop of York- to a nameless New Enirlandcr, who had sought his blessing and an audience in which to acquaint the venerable prel- ate with the state of the Church across the sea. The stranger thus counselled was one who, more than any other man at this period of controversy and in- quiry about the Church, occupied the popular mind. Of John Checkley's family little is known. He was born in Boston, in 1G80, of English parentage, and received the rudiments of his education under the celebrated Ezeldel Cheever. He is said to have spent some time at the University of Ox- ford, from which he subsequently received ^ I • f) ^P an honorary degree of M.A. ; but it is C2^i^^\Ju Ci^J^^tA)i^ certain that he did not graduate, and no trace of his matriculation even has been found. From Oxford he is said to have travelled for some time upon the continent, and on his I'eturn to his birthplace he was certainly prepared, both by stud_y and travel, to enter prominently into the dis- cussions and controversies then besinning to attract, and even to absorb, the attention of all classes of society. Abounding in wit and humor, possessing a genial temper, and an unfailing fund of anecdote, polished by his residence abroad, and espe- cially interested in the political and religious controversies of the time, Checkley could not fail to attract the notice and secure the friendship of the men of parts who were from age and education his natural asso- ciates. Among these was one somewhat his junior, — Thomas Walter, a graduate of Harvard in the class of 1713, and the son of the Puritan minister of Eoxbury, and grandson of the celelirated Increase Mather. Walter was witty and accomplished, and the friendship between the two youths, begun while Walter was at Harvard, was continued in spite of the warning of Cotton Mather, who feared the influence of the church- man and Jacobite over his nephc^w. Churchman and Jacobite Checkley was, and while his friend, both from ti'aining and taste, leaned strongly 'Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Clmrrh, nr.,p. GG5. 1713-14, and died April 30, 1721. — X* Ktve't '.Sir William Uawes, Bart., liishoporClioster, Fasti Ecclesia Anglicana, III., p. 118. transfciTCd to tlio Arcliiepiscopal see of York, 258 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CUUUCU. towards the Puritan theolog}' and the Plouse of Hanover, there grew out of their amicable discussions on the questions of divinity and politics then rife, a public controversy, which, ere its close, made itself felt in the Old World as well as the New. Several years after his friend's graduation, and while he was, probably, studying with his father iu iloxbury, Checkley published a tract entitled "Choice Dialogues be- tween a Godh' Minister and an Honest Countryman, concerning Elec- tion and Predestination." ' This attack on a favorite tenet of Cal- vinism provoked a speedy reply. The brochure of Checkley's, comprLsed within fifty pages, was answered at length by Walter, in " A Choice Dialogue between .John Faustus, A Conjuror, and Jack Tory, His Friend ; Occasioned l)y some Choice Dialo^jues lately published con- cermiig Prccdestinalion and Election. Together with Animadversions upon the Pi'ieface to the Choice Dialogues, And an Appendix concern- ing the True Doctrine of Prajdesthiation, as held ])y the Church of England, and the Absurdities and Inconsistency of the Choice Dia- logues. By a Young Strippliug." The " Strippling " is certainly an adept in sarcasm and aljuse. Referring in his pi'cfacc, which is signed "Christopher Whigg," to the assertion that the "Choice Dialogues" were written " by a llevcrend and Laborious Pastor in Christ's Flock, by one who has been for almost twice thirty years a faithful and painful Labourer in Clmst's Vinej'ard," he retorts: "I believe I know the Reverend and Labourious Pastor he means, viz. : a certain Jacobite Clergy-man, who, I dare vouch, has served the Pi'ctcndor ten years where he has the Flock of Christ one." He proceeds : "And really I never met with such an Oddity and Inconsistency as to fill a book with Calumnies and Reproaches, which is written out of Charity to the Souls of Men. . . . But his high-flying bitter spirit savours of too much Rancour, to let the world think that Love to Souls, and not Hatred to the Churches of Xew England, was the Spring and Motive of his un- dertaking this scurrilous AVork." . . . "Now, Gentlemen, we arc como to the Rectilinear and uninterrupted Succcssionof Episcopacy from tho Apostles. Ay, and this Doctrine of the Choice Dialogues has been in the same uninterrupted jNIanner, by oral Tradition, handed down by the Clergy to this Day." ..." As for the Uninterrupted Succession of the Clergy from the Apostles, I mean of Bishops Diocesan, I could never see the Catalogue of them yet. It has hithcrtoo been much such a Secret in Ecclesiastical State as is the Philosopher's Stone in the king- dom of nature ; of which it is often asserted there is such a thing in Iterum datura; but wc never can be certain an}' Dody has been so sagacious and sharj) as to find it. But I droj) the Chimera and let it vanish among the shades." In the body of the work John Faustus, an emissary of the devil, is represented as ai)plaudiiig Jack Tory, i.e., John Checkley, for his endeavor to prove that tho New England churches worshipped the devil. The expression, "twice thirty years a servant of Christ," applied to the author of the Choice Dialogues, is changed to " twice thirty years a servant of the devil." Checkley is addressed, "You had better minded your shop than have took upon > A new edilion nf this tract was mlvcilised and next week will bo piiblishcil." t'idt "Ar- ill llio " Aiueiieaii Weekly Meieiiiy," I'liiLulel- clinjoloijiii Aiuciicauu," VI., pp. 381, 466. pbia, Feb. 20, 710, 'll,iu"now Iu the piess, THE TKIAL OF .TOHX CHECKLEY. 259 you (o 1)C an author." The closing pages arc full of animadversions upon the Church of England, and flings at the Jacobite views of Checklcy. This reply may have been the direct cause of a more extended and virulent controversy, in which Chcckley could not fail to hear a promi- nent part, but other circumstances were also at work to produce a pamphlet war on the mooted question of doctrine, discipline, and wor- ship. The preceding year Chcckley had published the lirst edition of a treatise b}' the celebrated nonjuring divine, Charles Leslie, entitled : — The RELIGION of JESUS CHRIST the only True RELIGION, or, A Short and Easie METHOD -with the DEISTS, Wherein the CERTAINTY ov tiik CHRISTIAN RELIGION Is di>monsti-.atu(l by Infullibla Proof from Jour Suits, Avmcu ARE Incompalible to any bnposlure that ever yet has been, or that ean pos- sibly ho. In a LETTER to a I'viend. ffiljc Scbcritl) EOition. R OS TO N. • Vvmteilhy C Fleet, ami are to bo Sokl by 3alm Cljcrhlrjj. at the Sign of the Crown and Rlue Gale over against the West Knd of the Town-llouse. ITl'J.' From the title-page of this it would appear that Checkley was, at this time, in trade " at the sign of the Crown and Blue Gate over against the AVcst End of the Town-House." Harris, the minister of King's Chapel, and the bitter foe of Checkley, -writes of him, as we shall shortly see, as "one John Checkley who keeps a Toyshop in this place," and the " Stri]iling " refers, as we have seen, to his shop. But, whatever may have been this remarkable man's walk in life, he was an acknowledged power in the staid town of Boston, and in his " Toy shop" there were forged weapons for assault or defence, of a nature proving that there was no child's play purposed in the strife. In the controversy which grew out of these little tractates the leading theolo- gians of Xew England were enlisted, and when arguments failed to support the dominant side the aid of the law was invoked to crush so determined and powerful an antagonist. While the popular mind was thus interested and occupied with these questions of discipline and doctrine events had occurrc'd in the neigh- boring colony of Connecticut which fanned the excitement into a flame. In 1722, on the day following the commencement at Yale College, Rector Cutler and several prominent ministers of the "standing order" ))reseuted a paper to the clergy and others asseral)led in the college liljrary, expressing doubts as to the validity of Presbyterian ordination. A discussion ensued some weeks subsequent, resulting in the removal of the scruples in the minds of some of the signers, while the others openly avowed their conviction of the necessity of Episcopal ordination, and took measures to secure it. If we may believe the testimony of the inimical Harris, of the King's Chapel, this result, at least so far as the conversion of Cutler was concerned, was brought about by the keeper of the " Toy shop, at the sign of the Crown and Blue Gate, over against the West End of the Town House, in Boston." It is certain that Check- ley accompanied Cutler and his friends to England, on their mission for orders. He had earlier petitioned the venerable Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, for the appointment of an ' Titlc-pafTC, " TIic Prcfiice," pp. xii. Tlie Some copies of the " Epistle to the Ti-al- text, pp. St. "The Epistle of .St. I;,'ualius to the lians" appeiir to have heen issued separately. TralUaus," pp. 7. Vide " Areh. Am.," VI., p. .382. 260 HISTORY OF TITE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. itinerant missionary for the norlliern colonics, who should be "obliged, onoe a year, to visit the utmost limits of New Enirland,"and also for the establishment of a lending library for" the poor deluded people of that country." ' lie now sought orders which were refused, as we shall see, througli the interference of the Puritans at home, who dreaded his influence, and were aided in their opposition to his ordination by the representations of such half-hearted churchmen as Harris and his friends. While in London he procured the jiublication of another edition of Leslie's work against the Deists, with the following title-page : — A Short and Easie | METHOD | wixu tue | DEISTS. | Whoroin the | CER- TAINTY I oi-THE I CHRISTIAN U1-;LIC!I()N | Isdomoiistnitod, byiuf:Uliblo Ptoo/ from I ^our Jlnlcs, | wnicn aue | Iiirompndble to any Itiipo.-cgins with "a solenui appeal to every person who has read the foregoing short method with the Deists, whether it is not al)solutely necessary, that a lineal and uninterrupted succession of the Ministers of Jesus Chri.st should be preserved, lest Christianity, our holy Itcligion, should be rendered precarious, as a thing of which no certain proof can be given."* Assuming that this " lineal and uninterrupted succession "is " absolutely necess:iry," Ik^ apix'als to a posthumous sermon by the cele- brated Ebcnezcr Peuibcrton, in support of the position "that those ' Mist. Coll. Am. Col. rii., HI., p. 1,39. 'Leslie's Tlicolojical Works, vii., pp. M- '8vo, pp. Vii. Pp. -Il-ri? coiitain, with- 183. 8vo. Ovlonl, 18.32. out nny spci-iiil Iillc-p!i;xe, " A Diieoiirse concern- * llist. Coll. Am. ('ol. Cli., HI., p. HOI. iii^rlCi'i.scoi'ACV." I'p. l'28-13J:ircotiMipicil wiili "A .Slioii aud Easie Mclliod, pp. 11, 12. " Xlie Epi:9llu of St. lyimliu^ lo the liimians." THE TIUAL OF JOHN CIIECKLEY. 261 who arc to serve God in the Minislry of this Gospel must be duly authorized to discharge the office of a Gospel Minister." lie then con- siders the qualifications requisite in a "Gospel Minister" under the heads of "i)crsonal " and "sacerdotal." To the " holiness of the administra- tor" must be added "an outward commission." Christ had his outward commission given him "by a voice from heaven at his baptism." lie commissioned the twelve and the seventy. The apostles proceeded in the same method. They commissioned men who were in turn to impart this commission to others. "This succession from the Apostles is pre- served and derived only in the Bishops." In support of this assertion he proceeds to give the historical argu- ment for Episcopacy, defying the Presbyterians who, "only of all our Dissenters, have any pretence to succession," to prove " an uninter- rupted succession of any one Presbyter in the whole World from the Apostles to this day." The Cambridge Platform is cited in proof of the assertion, that the Independents "allow laymen to ordain," and, consequently, our author assorts that they have neither " succession from the Apostles," nor " lawful ordination." " Our Korahites of sev- eral sizes " are bidden to " take a view of the hcinousncss of their schism ; and," proceeds our writer, " let them not think their crime to bo nothing because they have been taught with their mother's milk, to have the utmost al)horrence to the very name of a Bishop, tho' they could not tell why." The Pajiacy and the Jesuits were foes of Epis- copacy, "Pope and Presbyter" using the same arguments, and "who- ever would write the true history of Presbyteiianism must begin at Rome and not at Geneva." The necessity of church government is evident. The universality of Episcopacy is urged, and the dissenters are challenged to produce " any one constituted Church upon the face of the Ivirth, that was not governed ])y Bishops, distinct trom, and superior to, Pi'csbyters, before the Vaudois in Piedmont, the Hugue- nots in France, the Calvinists in Geneva, and the Presbyterians thence transplanted in the last age, into Holland, Scotland, Old England and New England." Citations are given from the fathers and early coun- cils, to prove that tho government of tiie Church was in the hands of bishops for more than five hundred years Itclbre the Papacy. The testimony of " Calvin himself and Bcza, and tho rest of the learned Reformers of their part," that tlic lack of Episcopacy, wliich they owned to be a defect, was their misfortune rather than their fault, is given, and then the argument is succinctly summed up as follows : — If Christ (lelejratcil liis power to his Aiiostlcs, atul they to others, to con- tinue to tho end of the woilil ; If the Apostles did delc^^.ato Bisliops under them, in all tho Christian Churehes, whieh they jilantcd throughout tho whole Earth ; If Ei)iseopaoy was the known and leeeived government of all the Churches in tlio world, not only in the Apostolic age, but iu all the succeeding ages for 1,500 years; If it was not possible for Churehes so dispersed into so many far distant resfions to concert all together, and at once, to alter that frame of Government which had been left them by the Apostles ; If such an alteration of Government could not be without jrreat notice to be tiiken of it, as if the government of a nation was clianged IVom (.'ommonwealth to Monarchy ; 262 lUSTOEr OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. And if no Author or Historian of those times makes the least mention of sucli a change of government, but all with one voice speak of E])iscopacy, and the succession of ISishops in all the Churches from the; days of the Apostles ; and in those ages of zeal, when the Christians were so forward to sacrifice their lives in opposition to any error or deviation from the Truth, no one takes any notice of Ei)iscoi)aey as being an encroachment ujjon the right of the Presbj'ters or tlie i^eo- ple, or being any the leiu'it deviation from the Apostolical institutions ; I say, if these things are not possible to any thinking man, then Episcopacy must be the primitive and Apostolical institution.' Hence the " ordinations in opposition to Episcopacy are not only invalid, but sacrilcjrc and rebellion against Christ," and "if their ordinal ions are niili, then their Bajjlisms arc so too, and all their ordinances. The}' arc out of the visil)lc Church, and have no right to any of the promises in the Gospel, which are all made to the Church, and (o none other.'"' The appeal is made to " our misled Dissenters," m such words as these : — And will tender parents carry their children to, at least, disputed Baptisms, while the Presbyterians themselves deny not the validity of Episcopal ordination, and, consequently, of the sacraments administered by their bauds? Will you run an hazard then, where your souls are concerned, and of your children, when you maj' be sure, by the confession of all parties, even of those men who (through ignorance) unhappily mislead you ? The etymological argument, "the senseless jingle of the words Bishop and Presbyter," is next considered and illustrated bj' the use of the word "impcrator," and the question pressed, "IIow could these Bishops have thrust themselves thus into the chief governments all the world over, without any opposition, and to be owned as such, and acknowledged b}' all, if tlie original institution had been Presbytery or any other Frame of Goverimicnt? Or, if there were Presbyterians in those Days (as our Presljyterians would have us believe) , they wore nuich more moderate and complaisant than our Presbyterians, to let the Uishops usurp upon their authority, and engross all into tlioir own hands, without so much as one remonstrance, or the least snarlo from any of them ? Strange ! "Wondrous strange ! " ^ The olijcction, that "Episcopacy did not come in all at once, but encroached by degrees," is next considered. The call is made, "Shew us the beginning of Epis- copacy." The beginning of Pfcsljj-tery with Calvin, the l)oginning of the Papac}' in the seventh century, the beginnings of Popish errors, are all set forth ; but no one can tell when Episcopacy began. These arguments arc pressed with great directness, and the assertion made, "tliat it is downright imi)ossible but that what has been said must create a doubt, at least in any considering man, wlicllier he ought not to submit to Ei)iscopacy." The case is then .sinnnicd up in these inci- sive sentences : — Now snpijosc T come to the Sacrament, and have any doubt whether this man is lawl'ully ordained, and can consecrate and administer the Holy Sacrament to me, will not thiit of Kom. 11, T.i, conu^ into my mind ? lie Ihal doubtclh is tlnmnrd if he cat, because he catcth not of Faith, fur whatsoever is not of Faith, is sin. In what > A Sliort ami Easie Mcthml, pp. 07-93. ' /bid., p. 90. ' Iliid.. p. lO:!. XnE TUIAL OF JOHN CIIECKLEY. 2G3 condition then are otir imliappy dissenters who cannot oat in faitli, unless Hiey fully, plainly, and clearly answer what has been said, so as to Ipavo no doul)t behind it. They may (which God forbid) shut their eyes, and go on wiKuUy, but tliis will bo a fresh aggravation, and will double their sin. Whateomp;issioncan they havefortheirtender Infants, to cany them to disjuited Baptism, when they may have that which is clear and undisputed offered to them? ■Will they present the jjrovocation of their oUcrings, and pawn their souls ujjon tho greatest unccrtaint}'? Will tliey dare to saj% that it is not an uncertainty at best, when they will not because tbey cannot answer for themselves? Is not this to bo self -condemned ? To put tho stumbling-block of their iniquity before their faces, and tlien come to inquire of the Lord ! This I should think were enougli to rouse the conscience of any Dissenter that is not hardened to a stone. I am sure, if I was a Dissenter, it would ]jrick me to the heart. And till I could give an answer to what has been said in these papers, I would never go to a meeting, lest I perished in their sin. I would not receive their Sacraments, lest I offered their jirovocations : and I should think mj-sclf guilty of the blood of my child, if I brought it to their Baptism : At least my own blood would lie on my head, if I did it wth a doubting mind, while I could have that Bap- tism wliich was undisputed to make my child a member of tho Church. And Iiow can he who has thrust himself out of tho Church, admit another to be a member of it ? Can I make another free of any corporation, who am not free myself ? No. If I am baptized by a sehismatiok, I am baptized into his schism, and made a mem- ber of it, and not of the Church against wliieh he is in rebellion and open defiance to it. The children of Korah, Dathan and Abiram were swallowed up with them. If we will hazard ourselves, let us have some compassion for our innocent children. The charge upon them is very, very hca^-y ; I must confess it is exceeding heavy, but it is as tnic as it is great. I laiow it will raise the indignation of many of them, and I shall hear it from all hands. What ! — say they, would he un-chm'ch us, and annul our Sacraments? — would he make the ordinary ministi'ations of our Ministers as little valid, and more guilty, than if perf omied by a Mid-wife in ease of necessity ? Where, where is the moderation of this man ? Where is his charity ? He makes all our meetings to be assemblies of Korah,' in rebellion against God? AVe are not able to bear it — We will not bear it — It is not fit that such a man should live upon the earth.' . . . And must they not be tokl of this ? Must I be their enemy because I tell them the truth ? Is it because I love them not ? God knoweth, I declare, so far as I know my own mind (though I cannot say as St. Paul did in a lilce case, yet) I would give my life to piu'chase tlieir reconciliation, and that I might see the unity of the spirit in the bond of Peace.' Drawing the analogy between the transmission of the Creed, the Scriptures, the faith itself and the succession of the Church, our author proceeds to assert that the "evidence for them is tho same, yea, and in one point stronger for Episcopacy, as being Matter of Government, which is more ol)vious to the notice of men, and any change or altera- tion in it is more obscrval)lc than in doctrines or opinions."^ . . . "And the preservation of the faith and docti'iue of the Church depends under God, mostly and chicOy in the support of tho Government of the Church, that is in supporting her as a Society. Whence she is called in Scripture the pillar aixl ground of the truth." ^ . . . "Let the Dissenters see if there be one circinustance of diflbrence betwixt their case and that of Korah ?^ And now as the Apostle says, If he died without mercy, who despised Moses's law, and the priesthood which he set up ; of how much sorer punishment, suppose ye, shall he be thought worthy, who has trampled under foot the Son of God, and that Church and Priesthood which He has ordained and [)romised to be with it to the end of the world? Finis."'' ' A Short and Easie MctUoil, rp. 110-112. » IHd., p. 1 17. ' /i/if., p. 121 . »/iiW., p. lU. * yjii/., p. 118. «/«» X ancl E.asy Metliod with the Deists, eontainiu!; in it a Dis- Dom. Keg. p course eoncernuig Episcop.acy (published and many of them sold by the said Cheekley) be a false and scandalous Libel ; Then wc iind the said Checkley guilty of all and every Part of the Indictment (excepting that supposed to ti-aduce and draw into dispute the undoubted Right and Title of our Sovereign Lord Kmg George, to the Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, and the Territories thereto belonging). But if the said Book, Containing a Discourse concerning Episcopacy as aforesaid, be not a false and scandalous Libel ; Then we lind him not guilty. Att' SAMUEL TYLEY, Clcrc. Thus the verdict of the jurj' of the court of the sessions was prac- tically reversed, and, in his "plea in arrest of judgment, Checkley claimed there were " no expressions in the Book at bar tantamount to the censures of the Dissenters in the Canons " of the Church of Eng- land " published by his Majesty's Authority under the Great Seal of Eudand," these canons being " part of the law of the land." But neither logic nor wit could ward off the hjusteuinii: vengeance. The ■/nl730. >/nl73S. 2G6 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. justices wpre men of sterner stuff than the befogged juiymeu, aud the closing page of "the speech" contains, without a word of comment, " the Sentence of Court " : — Suffolk, ss. At a Court of Assise, &o., Kov. 27, 1724. Checklet, ~) rpiIE Comt li;i\iiig maturely advised on this special Verdict, are Adsect' > i of opinion that the said John C'hcckley is guilty of publishiu>j Dom. Reg. J and selling of a false and scandalous Libel. It's therefore consid- ered by the Court, that the said John Checkley shall i)ay a Fine of Fifty Poimds to the King, and shall enter into llecognizauce in the Sum of One Hundred Pounds, with two Sureties in the Simi of Fifty Poimds each, for his good Behaviour lor six Mouths, and also pay Costs of Prosecution, standing committed until this sentence be performed. Att' SAiMUEL TYLEY, Clerc. Such was the answer of New England Puritanism to the attack of the church's champion. It is a testimony to the force of the argu- ments employed that recourse should have been had to the vengeance of the law. It is unnecessary to say that Checkley was not convinced by this mode of reply to his logic and learning. During his trial he "printed by stealth"* two pamphlets, one of whicli has been styled "the tirst original controversial writing of any importance on the Episcopal side in the long debate here." ^ This was A I Modest Proof | of the | Order & Government | Settled by Christ and his Apostles I in the | Church | By showing | I. What Sacred Offices were Instituted | by them. | II. How those Offices were Uistingnished | HI. That they were to be Perpetual and | Standing in the Church. And, | IV. Who Succeed in them, and rightly | Execute them to this Day | Recommended as proper to be put into the Hands of tlu! Laity | Boston: | Re-printed by Tho. Fleet, and are to he Sold | by Benjamin Eliot in Boston, D.anicl Am-ault in | Newport, (iabricl Bcrnon in Provi- dence, Mr. Jean in Stratford, aud | in most otJier Towns withiu tho Colonies of | Connecticut and Rhode-Island. 1723 | In the preface to this scriptural argument, which seems to be the only portion of the work of Checkley's composition, the promise is laid down : — That whosoever justly sustains the character of a Minister of the Gospel of Christ, hath, besides hi.s Internal Qualifications, an External Visible Commission delivered to him, by those who liavo I'owcr and Authority to grant it : From whence these Inferences do naturally flow. First. Tliat tho Jlinistcrs of the' Church of England, who freely own that tlie Power of Ordination was (irst vested in the Apostles, and from them, tlu'ough all Ages since, in a succession of Bishops, from whence they derive tlieir own Ordina- tions, are to be acknowledged time Ministers of tho Gospel. Secondly. That it is a daring Oll'enco to intrude into the sacred Function, without a regular designation to the Exercise of it. See Kumb. IG. -10. 2 Sam. 6. C, 7. 2 Chron. 2(i. 1!), 20, 21, 22. Heb. .5. 4, 5. Thirdly. That People ouglit to ende.avour after all the Assurance (hey can attain to, (hat they have the Means of Grace in tlie Word and Sacramcnls, duly administ<'red and dispensed unto them, by Persons fully authorized for those lioly offices. For since tlio Priest's Lips are to preserve Knowledge, the Peojilo ought to be satisfied that they arc really such at whose filouth they seek the Law. And, ' His own lanpru>i;;c. Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Ch^ m., p. C64. ' Footc's " AnnaU of King's Clmpcl," pp. 291, 29,"). 'rlio titlc-pago speaks of it as a reprint. THE TIUAL OF JOHN CHECKLEY. 267 Fourthly. That it is a very criminal rrcsviniption, and an insufferable Inso- lence in some, to value their (Jilts at so liigh a rate, as to think themselves by the virtue of them, enlituled to the JSlinistcrial OUiee, wilhout being admitted by tlio Imposition of the llauds of those, whom Christ has orderetl to jiresidc over tho affairs of his t'hureh. Fifthly. That since tliere is no approaching before God's Altar, without the appointed Kites of Consecration, nor any mcdling witli his Institutions without his Order and Command; those invaders of the saered Services eamiot be said to be Ambassadors of God, or ai.'eounted the Stewards of the iMj'steries of Christ, who presume to touch those holy things, with their unhallowed llauds, and like Saul, would sacriliee witliout a Call. 1 Sam. lo. 9, 10, 11, 12, 1.'5, 11. For those who offca' strange Fire before the Lord, their Incense must be an Abomination to him. Levit. 10. 12. Lastly. Tho' wo can by no means question our Saviour's Gifts and Abilities, yet he did not enter u])on his Ministry, until he was solemnly inaugm-ated into that Office ; for ho glorified not himself to be made a High PrieSt, but he that said unto him. Thou art my Son, which was said unto him at his Baptism, Luke 2, 22. So when he was about to leave the world, he eoimuissioned others to go upon the great Embassy of Keeonciliation, to transact in liis Name, and proclaim and seal his I'ardons, saying, As my Father sent me, so send I you : whereupon he immediately gave them the power of Censures and Absolutions, John 20. 22, 23. Matlh. 28. I'J, 20. And they also before their Death, imparted their Fower to others, by Imposi- tion of Hands. Thus the Apostles ordained seven Deacons, Acts G. 5, 0. among other Services, to I'reaeh and to Baptize, in the Exercise of which Offices we find St. Philip, one of them diligently employed. Acts 8. 1, &c. Thus Paul and Barnal)as ordained lOlders in every Churcli, Acts 14. 2:5. And thus St. Paul, who had ordained 'I'imothy and Titus, appointed I'itus to ord;un JClders in every Citj' in Crete, Tit. 1. 5. And that these sacred t)llicos should continue! in a regular Ministry to the end of tlie World, is undeniable from iMatth. G. IS, and Chap. 28. 10, 20, a'nd Eph. 4. 11, 12, 13. And finally, tliat tliere was a pre-eminence of Jurisdiction and Authority in some of these Chureli-Offices over others, is plainly proved in this Treatise, in the Apostolical Dignity (to which the Episcopal must needs succeed) over the sev- enty, and tho Deacons ; and St. Paul's Epistles to Timothy and Titus, where we find many marks of tho Power of those Bishops over their inferiour Presbyters, as to Ordain them, or upon occasion to promote them to a higher Order, to Judge and Censure them, and if the case recjuired, to proceed to Deposition. This is the staniling Ministry that the Church of luigland claims a Part and Lot in : This is the Katurc and true Notion of a Gospel Ministry, as we find it foimded by om- Saviour and his Aj)ostles.' The other tractate — an octavo of sixteen pages with a supple- mentary page ot" errata — was "A Discourse Shewing Who is a true Pastor of the Churcli of Clirist." The last live pages of this pamplilet, wliich bore neither title or imprint, were occupied by a reissue of "The Epistle of St. Ignatius to the Trallians." Certain peculiarities of type and "make up" prove conclusively that this little treatise was printed in London. A foot-note on page 11 indicates the object had in view in its publication : — |^°Thoge who have a mind to see the Propositions in this small Tract prov'd beyond the Possibility of a Reply, are desir'd to read a Discourse concerning Epis- copacy, which they may have at the Crown and (iate opposite to the West End of the Town-IIouse in Boston. Where likewise may be had Barclay's Persuasive, printed in London, by Jonah Bower, with other Books of the like Nature. On a single octavo page, appended sometimes to tlie "Discourse shewing who is a trtie Pastor," and also to the second edition of the " Speech," is the following racy squib directed against his opponents, and evidently prepared in Checklcy's happiest vein : — ' " The publisher to the Reader," pp. i.-v. of the Preface to " A Modest Proof," etc. 268 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. A I Specimen | Of a True | Dissenting Catechism, | Upon Right True- Blue I Dissenting Pi-inoiples, | with | * Learned Notes, [ Ky \\'ay of Explica- tion. I Question, ^^'hy don't the Dissenters in their Pub | lick ^Vorship raalce use of the Creeds? I Answer. Why? — Because ihei/ are not set down I Word for Word in the Bible. | Question. AVell — But why don't the Dissenters \ m tlieir Publick ^Vo^sllip make use of the Lord's- \ Prayer') | Answer. Oh! — Because t/iat is set down I Word for Word in tlie Bible. | *Thcy're so perverse and opposite | As if they worship'd God for Spite. | " Printed by stealth," as Chcckley acknowledges these tractates to have been, they were certainly of sufficient moment in the con- troversy to have made his further comments probal)lc : "Had the Judges known of it, they would have made it a forfeiture of my bonds (for, you must know, my countrynion tiiink it treason to write in de- fence of the Church) ; and indeed I had not run such a risque, had there not been a necessity for it."' It was soon apparent that other measures than oppressive verdicts were necessary to sustain the im- perilled fabric of Puritanism. The " King's Lecturer," the Rev. Henry Harris, the assistant to the rector of the King's Chapel, angry, as the atniable Johnson of Stratford asserts, in consequence of the preferences given by the proprietors of the new Christ Church to the Kev. Timothy Cutler, Checkley's convert to the Church, in their choice of a rector over himself, arraigned the author and the discourse in a sermon, while he labored no less M'ith his pen in letters addressed to the venerable society and to dignitaries of the Church at home, to create an unfavor- able impression against both Checkley and his supporters. But "the ]\Iinisters," who were supposed by the justices to be "able to defend themselves," found themselves jjut njjon their own defence. The mmister of the First Church, Thomas Poxcroft, himself the son of a former warden of King's Chapel, but an adherent of the faith of his mother, the daughter of Lieutenant-Governor Thomas Danforth, issued "The Ruling and Ordaining Power of Congregational Bishops, or Presbyters, licing Remarks on some Part of Mr. P. Barclay's Per- suasive, lat(dy distributed in New England. Wy an Impartial J land." This treatise dealt wholly with the scriptural arguments lor antl against Episcopacy, and, ostensibly at least, ignored the pungent sarcasm and remorseless logic of "The Diseour.se." It was felt, at least by some, that it was to take an unfair advantage to assail a work the responsible author or piiblislier of which was on trial before the civil courts, and consequently unable to avail himself of the press in reply. In the Boston " News Letter " of May 21,1 724, the Ibllowing ad\ er- tisement appeared, which is quite to tiie point : — Whereas public notice w:is given, some time ago, in this Wi'ckly Paper, tliat tlicre was just going to llio Press An. Answer to tho author of the Snakes in the (inuss,' his discoiuvse of Kpiscop.ac-y, with seasonable Uemarks upon all tho interpolations of the late Edition ot it: This is to giro .as ]nil)lick notice, that the Author of tlio Answer hath hitlierto supprest what he had |)ropared. because at present he couhl not I'licounli'r the Interpolator upon even (iround. Ho leaves others to art for themselves: but for his ))Mrt he tliiidcs it ungenerous to attack one who must not have the Liberty of defending himself. ' Hist. Coll. Am. Col. f h., m., p. 604. • The Ttev. Cliarlcs Leslie. THE TRIAL OF ,IOII>f CIIECKMJY. 269 lu this lUiiiil}^ view oftlio case aiicl in Us further confession of the " ill iisaire " meted out to " the Interpolator," \vc may possibly detect the chivalric spirit and ijcncrosity of Checkley's old friend and disputant, AV'altcr, of lvoxl)ury, who, as we shall see, a little later entered the fray. Others, however, shared no such scruple. They had no idea "of fairly and handsomely trying it out on equal terms." The Cam- bridge Divinity Professor, Edward ^Yigglcs worth, issued " Sober Re- marks on a l>ook lately reprinted at Boston, Entitulcd a Modest Proof," etc., and a Presbyterian minister, afterwards the lirst president of the college of Naw Jersc'v, .Jonathan Dickinson, published " a De- fence of Presbyterian Ordination in answer to . . . a Modest Proof," etc. A fellow of Harvard, Nathan Prince, A.M., himself a few years later a convert to the Church, issued "An Answer to Lesley and his late Interpolator's discourse concerning Episcopacy By N. P. ; " and Walter answered " the little Pert Jacobite," as ho styles Checkley, with his accustomed vigor and vindictiveness. Reprints of English tracts were not wanting till the very "atmosphere was heavy with controversy." Ere the year ended which had witnessed his trial and condemnation, CheckU^v rejilied to four of his assailants at once. Dickinson issued a rejoinder, which Checkley answered early in the following year, speaking of Dickinson's "Avild ramble" and " defective reason," and adding : " that the Defence of the Modet^t Proof has given a deep and sensible, nay, a mortal wound to your expiring cause, is demon- strable in that the supporters of it hideously Roar and Rage at the Smarting of it." To this Foxcroft rejoined in defence of "the Ruling and Ordaining Power of Congregational Bishops or Presbyters" retorting upon Checkley's use of the phrase " expiring cause," and asserting " that he was really digging a profound grave to bury it in." The republication of Dr. Samuel Mather's "testimony from Scripture against Idolatry and Superstition," originally preached in Dublin in 1660, was a proof that the Puritanism Checkley attacked was no less bitter than in its days of political preeminence. Words such as these are not to be equalled for severity and oti'ensiveness of application by any of Checkley's arguments or language. Instancing in " Ten par- ticulars the principal ceremonies and idols of the Church of England," Mather proceeds : — 1. Do you think tliat cvci' .lesus Christ wore a Surplice ? 2. The sign of the Cross, that special mark of the lioast. Rev. xiii. Ifi. 3. Kneeling at the Lord's Supper .... a dangerous symbolizing with the Papists, who kneel before their Breaden God. 4. .Bowing to the Altar and setting the Communion-Tablo altar-wise .... a gross piece of Popish Idolatry. 5. Bowing at the Name of .Jesus. A most vile piece of SijUahical Idolnlnj 6. Popish Holy Days. As if the Lord Jesus Christ himself were not wise enough to appoint Daj s antl Times SulH- cientto keep his own Nativity, etc., in everlasting Remembrance in the hearts of his Saints, but the Devil and the Pope must keep it out. 7. Consecrating (Churches. Inherent Holiness is in Persons which Places are no way capable of. 8. Organs and Cathedral Musick. Not one word of Listitution for them in the Gospel ; but on the contrary they are cashiered .... by that General Rule, 1 Cor. xiv, 26, 15. 9. The Book of Common Prayer. It is as unreasonable and absurd as to force a Han to go with Crutches when he is not Lame, etc., etc. Surely fanaticism and frenzy could hardly go further. The result 270 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. of all this pamphlet and pulpit discussion is seen in the steady gi'owth of the Church in numbers and influence. During a temporary cessation of the polemic war Checkley crossed the ocean, seeUing the coveted privilege of ministering at the altars of the Church whose apostolical institution and government he had so stoutly maintained. He had become an object of special dislike to the members and ministers of the " Standing Order." He had ferreted out and published to the world an attempt of the Piu-itan membei's to assemble in a " Synod "^ and had by his exposure pre- vented an assembly which, though certainly harmless when assembled as an ecclesiastical body merely, became dangerous when convened with the sanction and by the direction of the civil authorities. His busy mind had sought and obtained an iniluence over the Indians of the north-eastern coast, and he had strong hopes of detaching them from the French and from the Jesuit teachers, and making them both allies of the English and members of the English Church. But in all these plannings there was the single purpose of obtaining the minis- terial commission, and for this he crossed the ocean a second time in 1728. He had received "hard usage" in the judgment of good Dr. Johnson, of Stratford, when he went before. He was again repulsed. The Bishop of London was warned against him as an enemy of the House of Hanover,^ and as peculiarly inimical to the New England dissenters ; and, disapi)ointed and defeated in his purpose of serving at the church's altars, he again returned to his home, " cast down " it may have been, " but not dismayeil." The annals of King's Chapel bear witness to his undiminished zeal and interest in church matters, and in the year 173!) the Bishop of Exeter, Dr. Stephen AVeston, a friend of Bishop Sherlock's, "was found willing to hear this impra('ticable man, begging at the age of iifly-nine, to be uUou-cd to minister in one of the hardest sphei'cs on earth to which a cimrchman was ever doomed.'"-' It was with no change of views or principles that Checkley received the "laying on of hands" in holy orders. lie had just republished in London his famous " Speech " on his trial, bringing afresh before the worM tlu! issues on which he had been persecuted for his devotion to the church's cause. And there is little doubt but tiiat tlie grace of orders was conferred upon him by the good Bishop of Exeter with the full knowledge and consent of the Bishop of London, who was still alive, and whose relations to the colonics and to the venerable society >vcre such that Checkhy could not lia\c held a cure or received an ap|)()intmeMt as missionary had not Iiisliop (iil)son given his consent. The newly ordained clergyman, one of the oldest recipients of orders in the reformed church, was ap])ointed, with a stipend of £G0 ster- ling, to St. John's Mission, Providence, and began at the age of sixty a ' For a notice of tlii3 iittcmptcil Synod, noto cliorgcs wci'O sufficient to carry tho point, and niilc)iinson'!> " Hist, of Mass., ' secoiiil cd., II., llicir autlior CNnltanlly rcconfs his pleasure; pp. 322, .'i2'J. Fi(/fl also rofei-ences prt«/t/n» in tliC '* Tims our Town and tlic Cluirches of tliis " Hist. C'oll. Am. Col. Cliiiri'li," vol. ill. Proviuec, llirou!;li llic favor of f!od, pot rid of a ' The Hev.Jolin liarnaril, the I'lnil.in minis- turliulcut, vevalious, and pcrseeulin^-spiritcd tcr of Marliielicad, wrote, as lie tells us in liis non-juror." — Mass. Tliel. Soc. Coll., Scries III., autol>io;;fapliy,totlie lii^hopof I^onilon.nrciisin;! Vol. v., p. 229. Clieekky of lack of learning, of intolerauee, and ' Updykc's " NaiTagansett Church," p. 21G. of disuiTeeliou to the govcruuicut. These THE TRIAL OF JOHN CHECKI.KY. 271 ministry that was ciuled only by his death, after fourteen j'cars' faith- ful service. Old though he was at his entrance upon duty, " Xo man was more desired"' i)v the church-folk of rrovidence. "Received with joy " i)y his congregation, he labori'd tor tin! negroes and Indians as ■well as those more innncdiatcly of his charge, and in the midst of engrossing duties found time and strength to minister at Taunton, twenty miles distant, and also at Warwick and Attlehorough. From time to time he visited the Indians in various parts of New England, with whom he ajipcars to have no little intluence, in consequence of his ability to speak with them in their own tongues. At length, on the 15th of April, 1754, having reached the age of nearly three-quarters of a century, after two years' illness, the faithful old man died, and the worshippers who throng the noble church which has I'cijlaced the simple structure in which he ministered, pass, as they enter "the courts of the Lord," over his unmarked grave. "After life's fitful fever he sleeps well" and " his works follow him." ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES. ^I^IIE interest attaching to the life of so remarkable a man as John Checkley, X warrants the insertion of the following notices of his mission-worli in Provi- dence. Tliey are transcribeil fToni the yearly abstracts of the venerable society, a complete set of which from the beginning of the century to the close of the war of the Revolution is to be found among the treasures of the libraiy of Brown University, Providence, R.I. : — The Society removed Mr. (Arthur) Brown from the Town of Providence, be- cause the Inhabitants of Providence did not pay their promised Contributions towards a IMissionary's support ; but they having since thouglit fit to purchase a decent House, with near Twenty Acres of Orchard, Meadow^ and Pasture Lands, and to settle the same forever on their Minister for the time being ; and humblj^ iietitioned the Society for a new Missionaiy. The Society hath sent the Reverend ilr. Checkley, lately admitted into Holy Orders in England, upon the Recommendation of the Clergy of Xcw England to the iMission at Providence, and there are good Hopes of his doing considerable Service there from his being a Native of the Country, from his great Skill in the neighbouring Indian Language, and from his long Acquaint- ance with the Indians tliemsclves, and it is to be hoped Mr. Checkley is by this time happily anived .at his Mission. — S. P. O. Abstract, 1738-9, jip. 42, 43. Tlie Slembers of the Cliurch of England in the Town of Providence, by a Memorial dated tlie 4th of May, 1739, return their most unfeigned Tlianks to the veuer.able Society for reviving the Mission among them, by the Appointment of the Reverend Mr. Checkley to ofliciate to them, tlian whom no Man, they say, was more desired, and they do not doubt, but ho will answer the Expecfcitionof all good Men concerning him. And Mr. Checkley, by a Letter dated November 1st, 1739, acquaints the Society, that his Congregation received him with Joy ; and that as the most steady Application to his Duty is recjuired, he can with Truth .afllrni, that he hath not been absent one Sunday since his Arrival, and lialh bajjtized 13 Persons, one of them a Woman sick in Bed, and is preparing some Indians and Keyroes for that Sacrament; but at the Desire of tlio Reverend Mr. Commissary Price, he hath sometimes performed tlivine Sen'ice, and preach'd on a Wednesday, at Taunton, 20 Miles distant from Providence, where the Congregation consists of more tlian 300 ' Memorial of membei-s of the Chui-cli of England, May 4, 1739. Quoted in Updike's " N.ii'- ragansett Chui-cli," p. 458. 272 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. Persons, many of whom were never before in any Christian Chm'ch ; ami he requests a hxrge Common-Prayer Book for the Chureli of Providence, and some small ones for tlie Use of the Poor. The Society hath sent him a Folio Commou-Prayor Book for the Church, and two Dozen of small ones for the Use of the Poor at Frovidence, &c.— Abstract of S. P. U., 1739-40, pp. 48, 40. The Kcverend I\Ir. Checklcy, IMissionaiy at Providence, in New England, by a Letter dated November G, 1740, complains of his being hardly beset by several Rom- ish Slissionaries, and particularly by one in the shape of a Baptist Teacher, but that he was at last gone away, and notwithstanding all their Pains, his Congregation increased ; he hath been visited by some of his old Indian Acquaintance from dis- tant Places, and thcj' have promised to send their CMldren to him for Listruction ; and he hath himself visited the neighbouring Indians, and performed Divine Ser- vice, and baptized tliice Children at the Distance of 60 ISliles from Providence with- out having been absent one Sunday from his Church. He hath baptized within the year twenty-six Persons, one a Mulatto and two Negroc Boj's, and four white adults, two of them a iSIau and his Wife, whose Beha\iour at the Font much moved and edified the Congregation and thej' received with great Devotion the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper on the Sunday following, and have been constant Communicants from that time. — -S'. P. Q. Abstract, 1740-41. The Reverend ]Mr. Checkley, Missionary at Providence in this Country, says, that notwithstanding all Opposition to the Church increases, and is likely to increase ; that he had found a greater Number of People in the Woods than he could have imagined, destitute of all Religiou, and as living without God in the World; and he had likewise visited the Indians upon Quinabaag River, and was in llopes of doing some Good among them. — S. P. Q. Abstract, 1743-44. [Nothing relating to Mr. Checkley appears in the Abstracts for 1744-4.5, or 1745-46, etc.] The Church of Providence, in Providence Plantation, being become vacant by the Death of the Rev. Mr. Checkley, and the Church-wardens and Vestry of that Chm-ch haxing very earnestly petitioned the Society to supply that Loss by the Appointment of a new Missionary, the Society hatli thought it proper to appoint the Rev. Mr. John Graves. Vicar of Clapham in Yorkshire in the Diocese of Chester, a most pious and worthy Clergj-man. Brother to the Rev. Mr. Matthew Graves, the Society's worthy Missionary at New London in the Colony of Connecticut, and ani- mated with the same holy zeal to propagate the Gospel in Foreign Parts, to bo their Missionary to the Church of Providence ; and it is to be hoped that Mr. Jolvi Graves, he having before his departure resigned the Vicarage of Clapham, is happily arrived at that Mis.sion. — S. P. O. Abstract, 1754-65. CHAPTER XVI. CONTROVERSIES. ^TTE have tniccrl in miiiuto detail tiio onntroversics crystallizing W around the niime and fortunes of Cliockley. This at least was due to !i man of extraordinar}^ perseverance «nd indomitable courage, lo whose uncompromising churchmanship and persistent labors the Church in Massachusetts and Rhode Island owes a debt of lasting gratitude. V\'hh the appearance of iiis letter to Dickinson, in 1 72.5, the controvers}-, if not terminated, ceased for a time at least. The number of converts to the Church steadily increased. The venerable society was l)oset with applications for missionaries from all jiarts of the New England colonics. One after another of the younger Puritan ministers, or the rcccnit graduates of the colleges at Cambridge and 'New Haven, "conformed," and undertook the ocean ])assage, then beset with pei'ils of which wo know little now, to obtain the ministerial commission from ajjostolic hands. It was not till the year 1731 that the pul)lication of a sermon preached by John Barnard, the minister at Marblehead, Massachusetts, on Christmas, 1729, on "The Certainty, Time, and End of the >q ^-^ Birth of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Uc&mO JLqO^T Christ, awoke the smouldermg fires and ^ /(^ /j fanned thcin to a flame. Answered by " ^ the Rev. George Pigot, in his " Vindica- tion of the Practice of the Anticnt Christians, as well as the Church of England and other Reformed Churches, in the Observation of Christmas Day." the churchman pertinently remarks : — I wish . . . that the vile Rout and Firing of Guns at Marblehead, on Christmas Day, were suppressed by Authority ; and that the same Respect at least were paid to thfit day, and the Thirtieth of .lanuary, from his people, as is given by Chnreh- miMi to their Thanksgiving and Fast I'ays. For our Festivals are founded upon as good AutliDrity as theii-s can be : and if the Act of Toleration secures them from the Penalty of the Law, for not observing 'em, so likewise ought the Rule of Modera- tion to secure us from being insulted upon their Account. The oljservance of the cluiicirs feasts and fasts, which had pro- voked the attack of Barnard, fotaid !in adiniral)le defence in the re- publication in Boston of Bishoj) Beveridgc"s sermon concerning the e.xcellency and usefulness of the Common Prayer.' The ice once broken by Barnard and Pigot, the controversy Ijccame general. In "The Scripture Bishop ; or. The Divine Right of Prcsliytcrian Ordina- ' The 29th edition of this tract, orifrinally publishetl at llie request of Bp. Coinptou, was issued in Boston, 1733. 274 IIISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCU. tiou Mild Government," publlslicd in Boston, 1732, tlie form of a dialoiiiu', tlie interlocutors beinj^ niinu'd respectively "Pradaticiis " and "Kleutlierius," was adojitcd by DieUiiison to present in tlio most at- traeti\ o manner the Pi-eshyterian argument. The Kev. Artinir JJrowne, of Providi'iice, a man of education and culture, replied early the fol- lowing year in "The Scripture Bishop, an examination of the Divine Right of Presl)yterian Ordination and (lovernment, considered . . . In two Letters to a Friend." In tliis jierformance tlie w liter asserts in icliutting the cliarge of persecution, whicli had been raised against the Church of England, that Puritan New England had l)een "notorious for her l)arbarities and cruel Persecutions," and pressing the argument home adds, that siie still "rolis honest and well-meaning Christians, members of tlie True Church, for tlu>. supjiort of schismatical tcacliers, and .yearly imjjrisons them for refusing to comply." " J'nvlatictis Tnu)nj)ha(its, the Scriptui'o Bishop vindicated. A Defence of the l)ia- logne between Pradaticus and Eleutherius against the iScri])ture Bishoj) examined. In a letter to a friend, by Elentiierius, ^'. J). jM.," .speedily followed, in which Dickinson jiarried with no littU? al)ility the thrusts of Browne, and pressed lu)me, with all the skill of an experienced disputant, arguments h:ird to be met. Meanwhile there ap]u'are(l another ansAver to Diekiiisoii's tirst attack. The amiable Johnson, of Strat- ford, Connecticut, mIio, when a tutor at Yale, had conformed to the Church, with Culler, the he:;d of the college, and James Wetmore, who, though one of the signers of the address presented in the lil>rary of Yale, September i;i, 1722, had not been able to ajijily for orders till later, entered the arena of controversy under the title of "Eleutherius Enerva- tus ; or, an Answer to ii Pamjihlet intituled the Divine Kigiit of Presbyterian Ordination." Pulilished in New Yoi'k in 1 733. Phila- lethes and Eusel)iiis, champions of ICpiscopaty, meet the I'resby- terian Eleutherius at the home of a nnitual IVitMid, Attains, and i)ly the scni)tural argument so wai-mly and well that the recreant Eleuthe- rius, who had been brought up in the Church, is reeliumed from n'hisni and eonlirmed in his original belief. Two letters iVoni .Johnson follow tiiis happily conei^ived and sprightly dialogue in defeiiet^ of the JOpis- copal government of the Church, in which the argument is made use of, that the government of the Church must be sought for, not in its forma- tive ))eriod, while our Lord was on the eartii, but after its constitution, agreeably to the diviiKi injunctions, whi'n the faith and older had be- coiiK- lixed and setli('(l. 'i'o this .-ible presentation of the! church's argument I'^oxcroft r<'plied in his "ICuscbins Jnermatus. Just Remarks on a late Book Lit it led lOletitherius JOnervatus • . . done by way of Dialogue by Phileh'uth Bangor, V. E. B." This bitter and biting answer was ap]ieiided to Dickinson's " Pr;elatieiis Triiimphaliis," and is uiidoubte(lly the most trenchant of all the )iamplilets issued on the Presbyterian side. A "Ijett(^r from a iVIinister of the Church of Eng- laml to his Dissenting Parisllioner^." liy .Johnson, issued the same CONTROVERSIKS. 275 year, h:id elicited n reply from "an Trisii Teacher" in his iieighhorliood, by the name of Gndiam. In noticing (licso "Remarks" of Graham, Johnson replied as wt-ll to Foxcroft, in a postscript to " A Second Letter of a Minister of the Church of England to his Dissenting Parishioners," published the following year. In this "Second Letter" Johnson re- capitulates and enforces the positions he had earlier taken in defence of the Church. These " reasons" are as follows : — 1 . My first Reason against you was, that you are destitute of the Episcopal Oovernmcnt, which was at first appointod and established in the Primitive Chmvh, and continued down for 1500 jears, and is still, by God's Goodness continued and established in our Nation and Mother Country, as well as in several other I'rotes- t;vnt Countries Under this head I tolif you, that you have utterly forsaken the Scripture Rule, in not Ordaining Deacons, Acts:, 6. (>., and in tlio Layity's Ordain- ing Ministers, for which you have no Scripture Hide or Kxamplc, but the Contrary. This indeed you are generally asham'd of, and have long laid aside. But I showed you from the Original Platform agi'eed upon in 1049, Chap. 9, it was the ancient allowed Custom of the Country, and has propagated a fundamental Disorder down to this very Day 2. My Tiext Objection was, that the Se]i,iration was founded upon an ttnwar- rantable Disobedience to Authority, both in Church and State, contrary to those Texts, I. Pet. •>. I:), and Heb. 13. 17. . . 3. My //u'rrf Objection was of your being in a state of unjustifiable Separit- lion from the Church 4. My ftmrlh Reason was, your not reading the Holy Scriptures in Public Worship, which I proved it to be your Duty to do, from Luke i. 6, Acts 13. 27, 1. Tim. 4. l;! 5. I told you it appeared to me a great Duty commanded by Christ, Luke 11. 2, Mat. G. 8, to use the Lord's Prayer in Public Worship 6. I found fault with you that jou are destitute of Public Forms of Prayer. which I proved to be the ancient Scripture-Method, from the e.\aniples of David, Solomon, Hezekiah, Daniel, our Saviour in John 17, and Mat. 6. 'J, & 26, 44, and the Apostles, Ads 4. 24, &e 7. Another thing I told you wherein you appeared to me to vary from the Scripture way of Worship is, that the People do not bear a part in your publick Wor- ship. . . 8. Another thing wherein you appeared to mc to have gone off from Script- ure rule and Example, was your Neglect of bodily Worship, which I proved to h(> you Duty from 1 Cor., 6. 20, where we are required to glorifie Ood with our Bodies, as well as our Spirits The last thing I objected against you, w.as your teaching Children " That God has preordained whatsoever comes to pass." For I say, since Sin has come to pass it sceras clear to mc that you must herein teach them that (iod has preoi'dained, i.e., willed, .Sin, &c. 1 added, that j'our Doctrine of Aljsolute Reprobation seemed to me decidedly inconsistent with what God declares with an Oath, in Ezek. 33. 11, that he hath no pleasure in the Death of him thai dieth. Chap. 18. 32, &o This well-reasoned pamphlet, rising almost to the size, as it cer- tainly docs to the dignity, of a volume, clo.ses witii these earnest words, indicative of the temper and style of the writer and man : — For GOD'S sake, my Brethren, Let us not, for tlie Future, study to put the worst Constructions we can on one another's Words or Actions; Inu let us rather endeavour to make the best we can of tluMU : Let us not fry to niagnilie and aggra- vate the Difl'erences between us, but rather to make as little, of thcni, and to consider them with as nuich Tenderness, as possible: Let us not dispute whii'h has ah'cady most or least Charity, but let us strive to see who shall hereafter, really and in fact, most abound in the I'raetiee of that Heavenly Virtue, both towards each other, and toward .all Men : This is the best (Jourse we can take, as f:ir as possible in this im- perfect State, to reconcile ourselves to one another, both in Judgment and Pnictico : 276 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. to meet together in Truth, and live in Peace here, or however to meet at last in lliat perfect Suite of Truth and Peace, and Holiness hereafter, where GOD and Charity alone shall forever Reign. Two years elapsed before Graham replied to this dignified and manl}' defence of the Church. In Ihe meantime Charles Chauncy, a rising Puritan minister of Boston, ^^_ destined to become one of the fore- OP /^ J rM //yti-C-C/ most men of his profession in the (Jia^^^ {J^UTi^x^y^ -y* land, pul)lished proposals in the Bos- // ton " News-Lettor," of May 30, 1734, of "A Compleat View of the first Two Hundred Years after Christ, touching Episcopacy." Sub- scriptions failed to warrant the appearance of this work, which was not destined to see the light for a whole generation, and then to gain a reading onl}'^ in connection with the controversy respecting an Ameri- can episcopate. Among the " Theses " prescribed for the Master's degree at Harvard in 1733, is this : "Is an unbroken Apostolic Succes- sion necessary to the Validity of the Ministry?" Of course it was the negative of the proposition that was maintained. In 1736 Jonathan Dickinson again entered the polemic arena, with the issue from the press of John Peter Zenger, of New York, of " The Vanity of Human In.stitutions in the Worship of God." The motto of this sermon, which was originally preached at Newark, N.J., June 2, 1736, is taken from Gal. iv. 9, and the turning " to the weak and beggarly elements" referred to is explained in the prefatory address to the Presbyterian congregation at Newark, which speaks of " the Circumstances of your Congregation where so many were enclined without any known Cause, to change their Profession and forsake your Communion." In the following February Mr. Dickinson felt it incumbent upon him to return to the attack, in " A Defence of a Ser- mon . . . against the Exceptions of Mr. John Beach, in a Letter to him," occupying upwards of one hundred pages, and in the following year, " A Second Defence " is issued at Boston, at even greater length, with a view of liieeting "The Exceptions of Mr. John Beacli, in his Api)eal to the Unprejudiced," and having, for its heading, the title "The Reasonableness of Non-Conformity to the Church of England in Point of Worship." John Beach, who was the object of Dickinson's repeated assaults, hail conformed to the Church in 1732, and was the missionary of the vcncral)le society at Newtown, Coiuiccticut. Gradu- ating from Yale College in 1721, the Puritan ministers of Connecticut sent him to counteract the tendency towards the Church among the people of Newtown and Ripon. This " very popular insiiniating 3'oung man'"' being "vvcill-all'ectcd towards the Church," and using "some of the Prayers out of the Liturgy," for a time allayed the discontent, until, on "infiuiry, reflection and prayer," he declared publicly for the Church, and sailed for England to receive the ministerial commission. " Ingenuous and studious," a " truly serious and conscientious Chris- tian," as Dr. Johnson styles him,'-' his change of ecclesiastical relations ' Coiiii. Ch. Dor;..., I., p. 90. ■■ Ibid., I., p. l.">2. CONTKOVKKSIE8. 277 (>c(;isioiio(l (•.■ii):iiity of a missioDary of llui vciuTalilc eocioty was made tlic "^roiiiid of a hitler and iniiclcntini; ])crs<)Mal op- position. " Jolinson's I'iain Krasons for (,'out'onning to tlu" (.'iiurch " had boon issued at the iiislanco of a lirollier of the new convert, who had hiinsi'lf conformed to tlie Chnicli,' and when the controversy aris- inii ont of tile " sciiri'ilous and al)nsivo hallad " imhlished l)v doiui (iraiiani, to wliicli wo have nMcrrcd, liad hccn (closed hy dolnison, IJcacii tooiv np the ( 'hiu'ch's side in reply to IJiclvinson, as wo have seen, in his " Vindication of tho Worsliip of (he Church of ICnjj^hmd." The rejoinch'r of Dickinson was iinniediately met liy lU'ach in his "Appeal to the Uni)i'eindieed," in the course of which apjx'ars this personal allusion to iii> eiiMnj:;e of \ iews : — I have evened the scale of my judjjmcnt as muvli as possibly I could ; and. lo the l)est of my knowlcd'^e, I Imvo not allowi^d one grain of worldly motive on either side. I Imvo siii>|)o.-icd myself on the l)rink of elevnily, jiL^it {^oini; into the other world to f;ivo ii|> my iiceount lo mv greiit tlnd^re; iind must I be Inanded for an anti-i'inist, or hen^lii^ mid upostiite, hecause my .jndjjmenl determines tliat (he C'hmcli of ICnjjland is most ajj^reeable to the Word of (iodt" 1 ean speak in tlie presence of (iod, .... that I would willingly Iniri dissenter again, if von or any man living would show me reason foi' it. lint then it must be reason (when^hyl oxelildo not the W Onl of (Iod, Ihc^ highest reuson), and not sophistry nnd eoluuniy, as you have liitheilo used, that will convineo a lover of ti'utli and right. AVith this trenchant pamphlet the controvensy, so far as (ho Church was concerned, was temporarily closed. Tho charge of " Arrainianism" liad boon made by (lio ve(oran controvorsialist, Dick- inson, in his attack ujion Mr. Beach; and when, after a little, the polemic .strife was renewed, it was in th(^ fortn of a doctrinal dispute rather than, as before, a contest as (o matters of polity or prayers. In tho "julverti.semeid. " (o " A LotUu- from Aristodes to Aulhiuh's con- cerning (ho Sovereignty and tho Promises of God," pid)lished m Boslon in 174.5,^ Dr. John.son gives tln^ following reasons for its appearance : — What prevailed on m(! to consent (o the publishing of the following Letter, was a sincere anil tirni I'ersnasion (hat it is really the Cause of ( Iod and his ClIKIST that I here plead, and that the et<'nial Intenwt of the Souls of Men is very nearly eoneerncd in it. I'or it is mainfest to nu\ (hat some Nodons have of la(o beeii propagated and iiicnieated in this Country (hat are e(inally de,stnu'tivi< to the right IJehef both of (iod and \\w Cospel. 1 hav(^ intleed (hat Charity for tho.se that have done it, that I do not belii^ve (luy are at all sensible of these fatal Conse- quences of what (hey teach, tho' I very nmch wonder they are not aware of them. I am not insensible (liat the odions Name of Arniinianism will be (ho Cry against these papers from Iho.se little Minds that are alVected with Sounds more (liali Sense, and (hat are (iigaged at any Kate (o sn|)port a Tarty, widiout seriously and irupaitially attending to Uio Tnith and Uight of tliu Cose. Hut I do hereby declare 'Hcnrilslcv's " Ili.st. of tho Epis. (Thureli in on " {!o<1'm Snvorci(;n Kioo (Jinoo," in 1718. It Conn.," I., p. !*.">. npolril not tlio i-fsnr of tlic^n pnniplilet'*, rutin, » .VnliaviloL'in Amoricanu, VI., p. IH?. Dr li));iuiit, iiml I'Dnviiiiiiij;, m liny nic, lo .lociiio Boarilsley, in IiIh "Ilisl. of tlio Enis. Ch. i.n for .loiiinon (ho Oxford Doilomlc. llo hml Conn.," I., p. 1;)7, Msiifnn tho year 171 ( in tlio loii^ "inoo cnrncil a claim to tlii.i diffnity l>y ttip close of this controversy ; liiit t)r. .Tolinson'n le- respect for his scholiir.ihin and alnlily ho bad joinder to r)ii kinson lirnr-i ilalc of 17 17, iiiul he oliluiiied ou holli sides of the .Mlanlic, contrihutcd fi preface lo Mr. Beach's pniaplilul 278 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. that 1 abhor all such Part)- Names aiul Distinctions, and that I will call no Jtan blaster upon Earth, for one is my blaster in Heaven. Tlie only Question worth attending to is not what Calvin or what Arminius taught, but wliat Christ and his Apostles tiiught; I'or lie alone was the Author and Finisher of our Faith. And (all Metaphysics and 'Words ■\Aithout any Meaning being set aside, which have notliiug to do in the present Subject) 1 Inunbly submit it to every one's Candor and unby:v>sed Consideration, whether what follows be not truly the Doctrine of Christ : The Substance of which may be briefly expressed m the tollowmg Manner, and in the Aciy Language of the Holy Ghost, viz. : — " That God I'eally means as he says, when he says, and swears by himself, That he hatli no pleasme in tlie Death of liim that dieth : — That he is not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to Repent;mce and be saved . — And that he hath given his Son a Itansom for all, wlio accordingly liath tasted Deatli for every Man, and was a Propitiation for the Sins of tlie Whole World : — So that whosoever will may now come and take of the A^"ators of life Freely. — And, because of our inabilitj'"to help ourselves, God hath, by his blessed Son, assured us that ho will, for his sake, give his Holy Spirit to every one that seriously asks him, and earnestly strives to ^\ ork out his Salvation with i'eav and Trembling, in whom he works by his blessed Spirit both to will and to do : — And that he will, thi-ougli his free Grace in Jesus Christ, most assiu-edly pardon every true Penitent, accept of every suicere Believer, and eternally reward all those that, in the way of well doing, or m a stead- fast Coui-se of sincere and imiversal Obedience to the Gospel, are faithful imto the Death." This is the true Doctrine of Jesus Christ; and this is all that 1 was con- cerned to defend in the foUowing Letter. To tliis able and dispassionate treatise Dickinson replied the fol- lowing year, in a "Vindication of God's Sovereign Free Grace," publisiaed in Boston, and shortly after in a " Second Vindication." Mr. Beacli, in 1747, couti'ibutcd to the controversy a reply to Dickin- son, entitled "God's Sovereignty and Universal Love reconciled," while Dr. Johnson published at the very beginning of the same year "A Letter to Mr. Jonathan Dickinson, In Defence of Aristocles to Aiithades, Concerning the Sovereignty & Promises of God, From Samuel Johnson, D.D." The following year appeared Dickinson's "Second Vindication of God's Sovereign Free Grace, Agiiinst the Exceptions made to a former Vindication by Mr. John Beach, in his Discourse entitled 'God's Sovereignty, and his Universal Love to the Souls of Men reconciled,' In a Letter to that Gentleman." The energetic; Beach was not laggard in the strife, but l)efore his answer could appear his antagonist had died. The " Second Vindication of God's Sovereign Free Grace Indeed, in a fair and candid Examination of the last Discourse of the late IMr. Dickinson" had a preface by Dr. Johnson. This closed the controversy so far as the Hector of Strat- ford was concerned; but Beach, whose ai)pe(ite for discussion had evidently not been api)eased, found a new antagonist, and issued the same year a pamphlet of twenty-three pages, with the title, "An Attom))t fo Prove the Alllrniative of (hat (Juesliou, Whether Ihcrc be any Certain!}' that a Sinner, under the Advantages of the Gospel and Common Grace, striving with all his Might, and iierscvering to the last in his utmost Endeavors to j)lease God, shall ol)tain such a Measure of Divine Assisfance as is necessary to fit him for Eternal Salvation? or, A\'ho(her God be a rcwarder of all those who diligently seek him'r Containing some Remarks upon a late Piece, entitled : 'A Vindication of Gospel Truth, and Kcfulalion of Some dangerous Errors,' etc., Done in a Letter to Mr. Jedediah Mills." The doctrinal question COXTKOVEKSIES. 279 ho'mjx in a measure disjiosed of, the cmitroversy broke out anew with ret'ereiiee to the old issues. A serniou preached at the ordination of the Rev. Noali Welles, of 8taniford, Conn., by the Rev. Noah IIol)art, on the last day of the year 174(), had contained some reflections on the Church and its mem- bers, which were answered by tlu^ missionary at Rye, N.Y.,^ the Rev. James Wet more, in his "Vindication of the Professors of the Church of England in Connecticut apiinst the Invectives contained in a Sermon i)reaehed at Stamford liy j\Ir. Noah lIol>art,l)ec. 31. 174(1. ]ua Let- ter to a Friend." The Rev. Henry Caner, of Newport, issued early the fol- iowinu' year a " Discourse on the ]*ublic Worship of God, the Liluriiv of tile Churcii of England, etc." Caner's maidi'U etl'ort was, in a measure, overlooked ; but Holjart was not a man likely to pass lightly by the animadversions of Wetmore. Taking up and apjjropriating to himself the claim earlier advanced by John- son in his "Letters to his Dissenting Parishioners," there appeared, in a poiuli'rous duodecimo of one hundred and thirty-nine jjages, "A Serious Address To the Members of tiie Upi^rojKil Sepamtioii iii.yew- EtKjlaud. Occasioned by Mr. Wetmore's 'Vindication of the Profes- sors of the Church of England in Connecticut.' Being an attempt to fix and settle these three points : — I. Wliotlier the iiiliabitants of the British Plantations in America, those of New-l'^nu^himl in particular, are <>i;li<;ei), in Point of hiUtj, hy the Laws of (iod or Jlan, tci coiiforni lu tlie Prr.latic Church, by I^aw established in the South Part of Great ISritain. II. W'liether it be vkover in point of Prudence for those who are already settled in sueli chiuvhes as have so long' suljsisted in New-Enyland, to forsake them and go over to that C'oininunion. III. ■\Vlietlier it be LAWiai- for particular Members of New-English Churches to separate from them, and join in t'onniiunion witli the Episcopal AsscinOlii s in tlie Coimtry. By jS'oah llobart, A.M., Pastor of a Chureli of Christ in Fairfield." This and)itious title indicates with sufficient precision the animus and argument of the book. Its appearance was followed by a repriiU of Micajaii Towgood's "Dissenting (xentleman's Answer to the Rever- end j\Ir. White ; Three Letters in which a Sei)aration from the Estab- lishment is fully justified ; The Charge of Schism is refuted and re- torted ; and the Churcli of England and the Churcli of Jesus Christ are impartially compared, and found to be constitutions of a qiute Difierent Nature." Several editions of this tract, which was one of the ablest of the dissenters' publications, were issued in Boston and New York, and in its various forms was widely circulated throughout the northern colonies. Mr. Wetmore returned to the attack with a re])rint of another famous polemical treatise on the side of the Church, ami "The Englishman directed in the Choice of his Religion, with a Prefatory Address to the (rentlemen of America by J. Wetmore." closed up the controversial issues of the year. In 174!.» John Beach issued " A Calm and DispassiouateVimlication 2«0 HISTOKY OF THE AMEKICAN EPISCOPAL CHUKOH. of the Profession of the Church of England against Noah Hobail," with u preface by Dr. Johnson, and an apjicndix containing Wetmore's and Caner's animadversions. Jedediah ^lills replied to Beach's attack on him of the preceding 3'ear, and an edition of the Rev. John White's " Letters to a Dissentinj; Gentleman " served to correct the arjiumcnts and misrepresentations of Towgood's dissenting gentleman's answer to White. The following year, 1750, the controversy took a new form. Two issues alone continued the Episcopal discussion, with a brief re- joinder by Moses Dickinson to " Mr. Beach's Second Kepi}" to Jonathan )il;V. JAJUib MiSl'AUKAN. Dickinson's Second Vindication of Gf)d's sovereign free grace." These i.-sucs were the reprint of " A Disi'ourse on (lovernment and Kcligion ; ( a]iH'd a " Continuation of the V'indication of liie I'rofessors of the Churcli of England against .Mr. Iloliart," while Ilobart issued " A Second Address to the Members of the Episcopal Se|)aration in New England" as an answer to the criticisms of JohnBon and Wet more. CONTROVERSIES. 281 In 17.')2 llic Rov. .lanios McSparran, D.!).. of Narmfjansetf . published a sermon from Hebrews v. 4, on "The Sacred Dignity of the Pi-iostii()()d Vindi- cated.'" The occasion of ^ ^J^/Q this disconrse. Nvhici. was S|*^yt^ TH JY/D iXn/Ul/ K* preached on Snnday, An- J^^ff*^*^ />»- o^rr gnst 4, 1751, al Si. Paul's. ^ y Narraganset t , was de- scribed 1)}' the preacher himself in a letter to his cousin and corre- spondent, the Rev. Paul Limerick, of Ireland, printed in the appendix to the writer's "America Dissected": — Vagrant, illitenitL! preuL-hers swanii where 1 am; and the native Novanglian clergy of oin* ( 'Inireh, against the opinion of tlie Knrojx^an Missionaries, have intro- duced a enstinu of young scliolars going about and reading ]irayers. etc., where tliere are vacancies, on inu'iioso that they may .stej) into theni whVn they can get orders; yea, liave so represented tlie necessity and advantages of the tiling, that the very Society connive at it, if not encourage it. This occasioned my ]ircacliing, and afterwards 2)rinting, the inclosed discour.se, on wliich I sliall be ghid to have your sentiments. . . . And as tliis was a bold stej), I have sent one to the Bisliop of London, and otlicr IMenilicrs of the Society: and I liope. instead of proi-nring me a reproof, it will oi)en tlicir own eyes, and make them guard l)ettcr against irrcgulai'i- ties, which, when tliey lia]))jen to be coeval witli any cluu'cli, are liard to be re- formed.' Although the most cursory perusal of Dr. McSparran's sennon could not fail to convince iinv unprejudiced mind that tlie oDJect of the preacher was to i)oint out and correct certain irregularities which had crept into his o\vn communion, the appearance of the discourse was made the signal for a bitter attack upon the C'hureh. Mr. Samuel Beaven published "The Religious Liberties of the Christian Laity Asserted." Another reply issued anonymously, but the work of John Alpin, was entitled " An Address to tiH> Peojile of New P^ngland, occasioned I)y the preaching and publishing of certtun Doctrines de- .structive of their rights and liberties, l)oth religious and civil " (by James McSparran), "in a sermon entitled The Sacred Dignity of the Christian Priesthood \'indicated, by a native of New England." The motto of this spleneiic production was taken with singular a})i)ropri- ateness from 2 Peter ii. 16. A lawyer in Newport, Mr. William Richard.son, replied to Alpin in an essay entitled "The Liberty of the Laity not infringed l)y the Sacred Dignity of Christitni Priesthood, containing some gentle animadversions on ii late Rhapsody, with a short Appendi.K by a Layman." Beaven rejoined in a ))am|)hlet entitled "Lay Liberty re-asserted, in a Letter to the late Ortliodox Champion for the Dignity of the Ciiri.stian Priesthood." Dr. McSparran took no notice of his assailants, antl with thes(> issues of the local press the controversy which had not attracted attention to any extent be- yond Newport and the adjacent mtiinland came to an end.* A New York reprint, issiu'd in IT.");], of Squire's " Answer to some late Papers entitled the Independent Whig; so far as relate to the Church of England, as by Law Estaijlished, etc.," closed the general controversy ' Updike's " Narragansett Church," pp. 238, 239, 527. ■ Ibid., pp. 238-241. 282 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. for a number of years. It was in connection with the hitter strife en- gendered by the struggle of iho Church in the colonies for the episco- pate that the polemic war again broke out. For a time the champions on cither side rested on the field of battle. In the eflcctual silencing of their opponents and in the growth of the Church throughout the land the fruits of victory at least were found on the church's side. ILLUSTRATIVE NOTE. FOR the bibliography of these controversies, which, in tlieir frequency and the niunerous issues from tlie press, to which tliey gave birtli, evidently occupied much of the time and tliought of Kew England readers of the last centniy, we would refer to the " Archajologia Americana," vi., pp. .307-661, which contains a " Catalogue of Publications in what is now the United States, prior to the Revolution of 1776-6." HEVJOHHSEACH -AM- rouKct* orTHistwRisH- nDCCX»AT(.R[ATSACRjncKiPtJSTVPRDOGHJNVESI^TICIlAfC«IP COMCIiCWCCUCfiniNCTOrHECMUfiCMOftNClVIDHEWtSfcDMlTTlD TOMDl'< ORWRSlNtNaArtDAOnDCCXU)! WOVWlMUOMlSStC«AK» ATMCv.rcM.wwwir'cofirt wwfw8aMcifruwpitfnop\wiaf<- Df :htcosp[tHtw^5A5ciiouvRrHa\oucH*f\iMJ«R,c«:(rtr*coBrft> Vll<:i^ lT»aiAF.a*^H£R.PUSd«|it'tfW70f^VNrHJItACHRSTWtMR& LfJCA-'.-'H PnEWASOF *l L MOST CnrCTlVC IN LA>(1N& M tP V1D«RJMf> ri.(o^r^:»7iONOf IHEcHUf^H-lrlTKtcOLCHYCfCOrHlcrtuT l^^*nVft[ctPLOTTIN0>HE**Ti[NlLTEhIKJ'U' D'STMtADBLDPHaS Of Acfcvlv w»t BlM.iNint i*i tmmij f l«i, Ml-CONT!NtJtDHllHlNlSTR^TlONS ATTHt CCNSTANT-HIIKW E^ RlATli.tO.vioi.lScl *^0 DlAtM-ruLl-Of TIAAS *N0 LAeoR) Ml-tNTCRlO-tNTO-RtiT. MARCH. RIX-A^nDCClRARII- No poiirait of the Rev. .Iiiliii Bcai li is kiuixvn to oxi.^l. On the one hundred and fifliclh annivorsMry of the fouiulhig of Trinity parish, Newtown, Conn., a memorial lalilet, secured tlu'ongh tlie exertions of the iH'esent rector, the Rev. fiiiuverneur Morris Wiikins, a descendant of llie eelebrateil Isaac Wilkiiis. D.D., of Westchester, N.Y., was placed in tlie church a.s a lilting testimony that " he, being dead, yet .speaketli." CHAPTER XVII. DOCTOR JOHNSON, OP^ STRATFORD, AND THE GROWTH OF THE CONNECTICUT CHURCH. rj^IlE earliest indication of the presence of churchinen in Con- l necticut appears in a " hunil)le address and petition" laid be- fore the (ieneral Asseml)ly, in October, 1()64. This document, signed by AMUiaui Pitlvin, JNIichacl Humphrey, John Sledman, James Enno, Robai't Eeeve, John Moses, and Jonas Westover, all freemen of the corporation of Connecticut, and " professors of the Protestant Christian Religion, Members of the Church of England, and subjects to our sovereign lord, Charles the Second, by Gods grace king of England," was intended "to dcclai'e our grievances, and to petition for a I'edress of the same." The petitioners complain of their " past and present want of those Ordinances which," they assert, "ought to be administered " to them and their children "as members of Christ's vis- ible Church." They appeal to the language of the charter, and to the king's letter to the Massachusetts Bay Colony of June 20, 1662, as warranting their claim to the administration of the sacraments, and they ask the action of the assembly to put them " in a full and free capacity of enjoying those fore-mentioned advantages, which to us, as members of Christ's visible Church, do of right belong." The_y refer to the relations they stand in to '' Our INIother Chm'ch," and assert that they and theirs " are not under the due care of an orthodox ministry that will in a due manner administer" the two sacraments. Profess- ing themselves to be " as sheep scattered having no sliepherd," they pray "that for the future, no law in this corporation may be of any force to make us pay or contribute to the maintenance of any minister or officer of the Church that will neglect or refuse to baptize our children, and to take care of us as of such members of the Church as are under his or their charge and care." ' This plea for comprehension, on the part of the few " members of the Church of England," was favorably received, and the following action entered upon the minutes of the General Assembly , to wit : — This Court vnderstanding by a -nTiting presented to them from seuerall per- sons of this Colon}-, that they are ai^'ieved that they are not enterteined in Chm-ch t'ello\v.«hip ; this Court hailing duely considered the same, desireing that the rules of Christ may be attended, doe commend it to the ministers and churches in this Colony, to consider whether it be not their dutj' to enterteine all such persons whoe are of an honest and godly conuersation, haueinga competency of kni>\vledg in the principles of religion, and shall desire to joyne w"' them in Chm'ch fellowship, by ■ Copied bv C. J. Hoadlcy, M. A., from " Con- Doe. lOfi, and published in the " Am. Cliureh Ue- oecticut State Papcis, Ecclesiastical," Vol. i., view," x., pp. 106, 107. 284 iiisroKY OF the American episcopal church. :in I'xplkilt covenant, and tliat they haue their children baplizod, and that all the children of the ( 'hurch be accepted and acco''' rc^al members of tlie Church, and that the Church exercise a due Christian care and watch ouer them ; and that when tliey are growne up, being examined by the ofliccr in the presence of the Church, it appeal's in the judgment of charity, they are duely qualifyed to pcrticipate in that gi'eat ordinance of the l^ord's Supper, by thcire being able to cxaim'ne themselues and discernc the Lord's body, such persons be admitted to full comunion. The Court desires y' the seuerall officers of j-e respective churches would be jileased to consider whether it be not tlie duty of the Court to order the chiu'ches to practice according to the premises, if tliey doe not practice w"'out such an order." ' Pitkin was a man of note in the colony, tlie attorney of the cor- poration, and treasurer from time to time. , Enno, or Ennoe, as the name is sometimes written, and Ilumplirey, had liecu pronounced guilty by the General Court, only the j-ear before, on the complaint of "the Church of Christ at Winsor,"- of "oifensive practices" likely to "prove prejudicial to the welfare of the Colony," and, although the records do not recite the nature of these " practices," thej' appear to have been connected with ecclesiastical disputes, and may have grown out of the very " grievances " complained of at a later day. We hear nothing more of these aggrieved churchmen. In being " entertained " or received into communion with the "established" or "standing order," they, doubtless, were satisfied. No hope, even, of securing in their new home the services and sacraments of their "Mother Church " seems to have entered into their minds. Nearly half a ccn- luiy was to pass ere that mother-church was to find a welcome and a permanent home in the Puritan colony of Connecticut. Towards the close of the seventeenth century it appears that there were " a considerable number of freeholders, inhaliitants of the town of Stratford, professors of the faith of the Church of England," who were " desirous to worship God in the way of their forefathers ; " but, to use their own language, they were " hindered from enjoying the holy ordinances of Jesus Christ" until the 3'car 1705. There is record of services at New London on the fifteenth Sunday after Trin- ity, September 13, 1702, when the Rev. John Talbot preached to a large auditory in the morning, and the Rev. George Keith in the after- noon, at the meeting-house occuiiied by Mr. Gurdon Saltonstall. There is little doubt but that this was the first time that the services of the Church of England were publicly held in the colony. It is certain that, prior to this date, no clergyman of the Church had preached to a Connecticut audience. It was through the kind offices of Colonel Calel) lleathcote, of Scarsdale .Manor, in the province of New York, whose "princii)les and natural temper " led him " to do the Church all the service " he could, that the minister of Rye, the Rev. George Muirson, visited the few church-folk of Stratford. Applica- tion for services had been made by (Ikmu to tlie rector of Trinity, New York, the preceding year, to preach and administer baiitism at Strat- ford ; but, in consequence of the distance from New York, the duty was assigned to Mr. Muirson. In company with Colonel lleathcote this zealous young missionaiy visited Stratford on the fifteenth Sun- ■ Tlic Piililic Kcron's of tlie Colony of Connecticut, prior to the iiuion willi New Haven Colony. IlarUord, 1850, pp. 437, 438. • Ibid., x>. 420. THE GKOWril (IF 'I'lIE ('((XNECTKIT (lUliCII, 285 day after Trinity, S('pt(Mnl)er 1, ITOfi. Applioatinn was made to the town autlmrities, for " the use of the ptililiik nicelinif house,"' " citlier before, after, or between tlieir exercises," ' hut without success. "Tlu^ ministers," wrote Colonel Heathcote to the secretary of the venerable society, were — Very uneasy at our coming amongst them, and abundance of pains was taken to persuade nnd terrify the people from hearing Mr. IMuirson ; but it .availed noth- ing, fur, notwithstanding all their endeavours, he had a very great congregation, and, indeed, inlinilcly beyond my expectations. The people were wonderfully surjirised at the order ol' ciur church, expecting to luivc heard and sei'n some Wdiiderfid, strange tilings, by the account and representation of it that their teachers had given them. . . . Mr. Muirson 1)aptized about twenty-four, mostly grown people; and when he goes there next, I hope many more will Iju added to the church.'' At the second visit uuide by ilr. Muirsoii, who was not deteiTed by hard usage and threats of imprisonment,^ the missionary, as we learn from Colonel Heathcote, who accompanied him, — Ba))tized four or live more, mostlj' grown jiersons, and administered the sacra- ment to fifteen. Me met with more opjjosition this time than the last, the justices having taken the fredom to jjre.aeli, giving out at the same time, .amongst the people, that he and all his hearers should be )uit in gaol.'' On llie uio'lit before tlie admini.stratiou of the Lord's Supper one of the ctnincil, named Joseph Curtice, aeeomjianied liy James Judson, a justice of tiie i)eace, called at the liouse where Colonel Heathcote and the missionary were lodged, and read a formal protest against the introduction of the church services in the town as illegal and a violation of the law of the colony : — That there shall be no ministrv- or church administration entertained or at- tended by the inhabitants of any town or plantation in this colony, distinct and separate from, and in opposition to. that which is openl}- and publickly observed and dispensed by the apj)roved ministers of the jilacc.' On the following day, the member of tiie council, Mr, Joseph Curtice, — Stood in tlio highway himself, and employed several others to forbid any person to go to the assembly of the Church of England, and threatened them with a fine of five pounds, as the law directed." It was an additional source of alarm that the independent minis- ter of the place, the Kev. Mr. Reed, "the most ingenious man they have amongst tiiem," writes Colo- nel Hetithcote, was favorably in- clined towards the Church, and was only hindered from going to England for orders l)y circum- stances over vvliicli he had no \ >/ V — control. He lost his place in consequence of his leaning towards the Church, aiul Mas succeeded by the Rev. Timothy Cutler, who was in time to lead that vast ■Hawks and Peirv's " Conneeticiit Clinrcli Documents," i., pp. ."in, 40. ' f/iid., I., p. 19. 'IbUl.,p.l1. ' /Wrf., pp. 19, 20. ■■ / ii'rf., pp. 23, 24. 'IbiJ. , p. il. jpm.dmi (^Uu^r 286 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. army of converts from Cougregationalism to the (Jluirch at the sacrifice of place, power, and the love of all his early friends. At the third visit of jNIuirson and Colonel Heathcote, in April, 1707, the organization of the churchmen of Stratford was formally effected, and church- wardens and vestrymen chosen for the parish of Christ Church. Shortly after this step had been taken the infant parish was visited by the Rev. Evan Evans, of Philadelphia, who accompanied Mr. Muirson, with a view of ascertaining by personal inspection the prospects of the Church in the colony, and of furthering, on his return to England, the petition of the church people for help from home. In company with this ex- cellent clerg3'man ]Mr. JMuirson visited Fairtield, where he had been invited to preach and baptize some children. An application to the minister and magistrates for the use of the meeting-house for a week- day service was refused. The Church was "railed and scoffed at," and even " the liberty of ringing a bell or beating a drum, to give the people notice," ' was denied. Still a " large congregation " assembled at a private house, "notwithstanding all the stratagems used to hinder the people from coming." We may gather some interesting particu- lars of the opposition encountered l)y this first "missioner" of the Church in Connecticut from an admirable letter he addressed to the secretary of the venerable society who had counselled " meekness and moderation " in his efforts to introduce the Church among the inde- pendents : — It will require more time than you will willingly bestow on these lines to ex- press how rigidly and severely they treat our iieople, by taking their estates by distress, when they do not willingly pay to support their ministers. And thougli eveiy churchman in that colony pays liis rate lor the building and repairing their meeting-liouses, yet they are so maliciously set against us, that they deny us the use of them, though on week-days. They tell our people that they will not sutler the house ot'God to be defiled with idolatrous worship and superstitious ceremonies. They are so bold that they spare not openly to si)eak reproachfully, and with great contempt of our chm'ch. They say the sign of the cross is the mark of the beast and the .sign of the devil, and tliat those who receive it are given to the devil. And when our peo])le comi)lain to their magistrates of the persons who thus speak, they will not so nuich as sign a warrant to apprehend them, nor reprove them for their offence. This is quite a different character, to what, perliaps, you have hoard of that people. That they are ignorant I can easily grant ; for if they had either mueli knowledge or goodness they would not act and say as tliey do ; but that they are hot-heady r have too just reason to believe; and as to their meaning, I leave that to bo interi)ret(!d by their unchristian proceedings with us. ... 1 beg that you would believe that this account (though seeming harsh and severe, yet no more than is true) does not proceed from want of charity, either towards their souls or bodies, but purely for the good of boih, and to give you better inl'ormalion concern- ing the state of that people, that proper remeilies may be takiMi for curing the e\'il3 lliat are among them, and that our churchmen in that colony may not be oppressed and iiisnltecl over by them, but that they may obtain a liberty of conscience, and call a minister of their own communion, and that they may be freed from paying to their ministers, and may bo enabled to obUiin one of their own. This is all these good men desire.* The death of the devoted Muirson, in October, 1708, put back for years tiie growth of the Stratford churcli. Surrounded by uncompro- mising foes, destitute of regular ministrations, it was only l)y the seli- ' U»wks ami Penny's " Conn. Clmivli Ducumcats," i., p. 'J I. - Ibid., pp. 30, 31. THE GROWTH OF THE CONNECTICUT CHURCH. 287 sacrificiii.," i., p. 100. 290 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. virtue under heaven," he spent many hours of rare intellectual enjoj''- nient, and begun an intimacy which ended only with the life of the good bishop. From the Stratford study there went forth, from time to time, wise and temperate answers to the attacks made on the Church by the dissenters arouud him ; while, as years rolled on, his studies bore fruit in more learned treatises, the pi'cparation and publication of which attracted attention and commendation in the Old World as well as in the New. The University of Oxford recognized his abilit}- and merit by conferring on him the degree of Doctor in Divinity, and the clergj' of Connecticut asked again and again for his appointment as their commis- sary ; although this was not granted, as the bishops of London, to whom the request was presented, had in the one case settled on another choice before the name of Johnson was ]iroposcd, and in the latter decided not to make any ap|)ointment at all. Still the clergy of Connecticut, and of the neiglil)oring provinces, looked up to Doctor Johnson as their guide and counsel ler, and deferred to his wisdom and sought to further his plans in all the measures proposed for the church's good or advance. On his visit to Oxford, at the time of his journey to Eng- land for orders, the ancient university, in recognizing his literary merits and his devotion to the church's cause, had expressed the hope that, through his exertions, another, and yet the same, communion might spring into being in the New World : " Sperantes nempe, illius ministerio alvim et eamlcm olim nasciluram Ecde^'iiain."^ The work had found a measure of fulfilment, and in tlie diploma conferring the higher degree of the Doctorate it was so stated " ut incvedihiU EcdesioB incremento summam sui expectationem susfimierit plane et snperavei-tt." The worthy recipient of this merited distinction found in it a fre.sh in- centive to live and laltor for the Church of God. From the correspondence of this excellent man we can gain some insight iuto the condition of the Church in the colony where his minis- trations were continued for a space of thirty years. Under date of February 10, 1727, he writes to the secretary as follows : — I have just come from Fairliold, where I have been to visit a considerable numbi-r of my people, in prison for their rates to the dissenting minister, to com- fort and encourage tliem under their sufferings.' In a letter to the Bishop of London, referring to the same instance of i)ersecution, he sa^'s : — The complaint was drawn up, and some of the persons wore in i)rison beforo I was sent for. Ujnm their request I came to the prison, and fouml it full of them, and an insulting mob about tlieni. I adminislereu what oonil'ort 1 eould to tlicm, but 1 wisli your lordsliii), or .«onio of your sacred character, could liave l)een by to beliold the contempt and indignity wiiich our holy religion liorc .sutlers among an ungrateful peo])le. It could not fail to excite your utmost zeal and compassion ; ana I assure your Lordshii), the Church liore is in a gasping condition, though, indeed, our people bear it with as much meekness and patience as can be e.vpectcd." We give the Puritan governor — Joseph Talcott'e explanation and defence of these and similar acts of oppression : — 'Chandler's "Life of .T(iliii<"ii," p. 71. "Ilnwloj uml Peiry's "Conu. Church I)ocn- lyondoncd., 1824. mcnts," i.,p. U3. " /Aid., p. 108. THE GROWTH OF THE CONNECTICUT CIIITKCII. 291 .... There is but one Cliiireh of Knglaml .MinistiT in thi.s Colony, mid tlio Churcli with liini have tho same proteeliou as tlie rest of our Cliun.'hes, and are under no constraint to contribute to tlie support of any other minislcir. There are some few persons in anotlier town or two, that have sti|)ulaled with tlio present ministers now livinp: in said town,-; (whieli persons eaiuiot be mneh rceonnnended for their zeal for i\'li;;ion or morality), who cannot well be judged to act from any other motive than to appear singular, or to be freed from a smidl tax, and have declared themselves to be of the Church of England ; and .<;ome of them that live thirty or forty miles from where tho (!hureh of England's ministiu- lives; these have made some objections against their customary contributions to their proper minister, under whoso administration they have equal privileges with their neigh- bours. Tho law in this ('olony is such, that the major part of the householders in eveiy town shall determine their minister's maintenance, and all within the pi'e- cincts of the town shall be obliged to pay their parts in an equal proportion to their estates in said town or societies and so in tho precincts of each ecclesiastical society. Under this security all our towns and ecclesiastical societies are supplied with ortho- dox ministers. We have no vacancies at present.' Such is the Puritan view of these acts of oppression. Of the suf- ferers, whose character for piety or integrity the governor rates so low, Johnson writes : — There are thirty-five heads of families in Fairfield who, all of them, expect what these have sutfered ; and though I have endeavoured to gain the compassion and favours of the Government, yet 1 can avail nothing; and both I and my people grow weary of our lives under our poverty and oppression.' A few months later Johnson presented to the society, in response to the " Queries " sent out by the secretary, a brief sketch of the his- tory of the Stratford church. In this interesting account of the progress of his work he gives the following description of the little structure which was the first " Church " in the colony : — It is a neat, small wooden building, forty-five feet and a half long, thirty and a half wide, and twenty-two between joints or up to the roof; but there is no house or glebe belonging to it, nor is it .at all endowed, nor has it any settled salary besides the honorable society's bounty ; only the poor people are as liberal in small presents as can be expected of them.^ There were about fifty church families within the limits of the town, " and besides them, there are a considerable number of people scattered up and down in the neighboring towns, some five, some ten, twenty and thirty miles off, who come to Church as often as can be expected.'"' There was "no Church westward within forty miles, only Fairfield, which is eight miles oil', where there is a small woodeu Church built, and al)out forty families." There was " no Church east- ward within one hundred miles, only at New London, about seventy miles off, where I sometimes preach to a good number of people, and they are building a wooden Church somewhat larger than ours.* There was " no Cliurch northward at all." " We are," writes tlu; dis- couraged missionary, " oppressed and despised as the filth of the world, ■ Hawks auil TciTv's " Conn. CIiimtIi nocumcnb!," i., pp. lOG, 107. » Piicl., p. ll.'J. ■ Ibid., p. 118. ■ » Ibid., pp. 118, 1 ly. » Ibid., p. 119. 292 UISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. and the offscouring of all things, unto this day."' The Puritans "all boast themselves of an establishment, and look down upon the poor Church of England with contempt, as a despicable, schisnuitical, and l)opish comnuuiion."^ A stranger, if a churchman, proi)osing to settle in their towns, was "immediately warned" to dei)art. lie could not purchase land without leave of the authorities, and it was in their power, if he refused to leave, "to whip him out of town."^ " By this means," writes Johnson to the Bishop of London, " several profes- sors of our Church, for no other crime but their profession, have been prevented from settling here." ■• In May, 1727, the church-wardens and vestry of the church at Fairfield petitioned "the Governor, Assistants, and Representatives in General Court assemljicd," for I'clief "from pa3ing to any dissenting minister, or to the building of any dissenting meeting-house." They further asked the restoration of the amount taken from them l)y dis- traint, as they recite, " we were, ten of us, lately imprisoned for our taxes and had considerable suras of money taken from us by distraint." ^ Upon this petition the General Assembly enacted that all persons who were of the Church of England, and those who were of the religious societies established by the colonial law, living in (he bounds of any allowed parish, should be taxed by the same rule and in the same proportion for the support of the ministry ; l)ut when it chanced that there was a parish of the Church of England, having a clergyman in charge, so near any lax-payer, who had declared himself to be of that church, that he could and did attend public worship there, the collector was then to pay over such an one's tax to the nearest resident church clergjTiian, who was also authorized to receive and recover the same. If such i)ortion of the taxes was insuliicient for the support of the ('iiurch of ICnglaud incumbent, the parisji to wiiich he ministered was authorized and empowered to levy and collect of the professed mem- bers such additional assessments as should l)e deemed necessary. The members of the Church of England actually connected with some existing "society of the Church of England" were further excused from paying taxes assessed for the erection of me(!ting-houses for the established societies of the colony. Content with this measure of relief the church Peoi)le of Fairfield declined to insist on the return of the money distrained from them. In fact, the ]>assage of the law .-irtbrding exeuii)tion to tiie memljcrs of the Church of England, in the matter of taxation for tiie indei)endent establishment, was in direct conseijuence of the plain-spoken i)etition of the stout-hearted church- men of Fairfield. It is recorded on the public recoi'ds of the colony, immediately after the following recital of the Fairfi(>ld complaint, from which we have already given extracts, and the enactment was evidently passed in consequence of this earnest appeal for redress : — Hpon the prajer of Moses Ward, of Fairfield, clmreli warden, and tlie rest of the diiircli wardens, vesliT-mon, and l)nMlu-<'n, ri'presentiiijj tlieniselvos nndcr obligations by the llonounifiUi Soeicty and liisho]) of London, to pa}' to the sujjpoit ' Ilawkt) and Pcn-v's " Conn. Cliui-cli Dociiinenis," i., p. 111. 'Jhid. 'Ibid. ' 'Ihid. ' Iliid., f. y2i. THE GROWTH OF THE CONNECTICUT CHl'UCH. 293 of the established chiiruli, pt-ayiii;^ this Assembly, by some act or otherwise, to free them from paying to dissenting ministers and for the bnllding dissenting meeting- houses, and complaining that money has been lately taken from (hem by distress, praying that the s;ud money might be returned vnilo them. The said Ward appeared, and by his attorney deelaring to this Assembly that he should not insist on the return of the money prayed for, asserted il to have always beenestei^nunl as an hardship by those of the profession establisht by this governuKMit, to be eonipelled to eonlriluite to the support of the Chnivh of iMigland, where tliat is the ehun-h eslablislit by law; and thereupon urged that no such thing should be hen^ imposed upon any dis- senting from llic chiu-ehes here apjjroved and eslablisht by the law of this govern- ment; further urging, that there might be some provision made by the law for the obliging their parishioners to the support of their ministers.' All houor to MoseS Ward luid the outspoken churchmen of Fair- tield who fought and won this tritiinph for tlu; C'luirch. The same year, 1727, the Kev. IIeiir3- Ctuier entered upon the charge of Fahlield. Mr. Caner was a graduate of Yale, in the class of 1724, and received his master's degree in course, and an ad eundem from the University of Oxford, in 17;3(), from which honored source he obtained the doctorate in 17G(). He found a " very serious and well-minded people," " ready to entertain any instructions that may forward them in the paths of virtue and truth and godliness." ^ He in- formed the Bishop of London, iu less than a year after tiie passage of the act to which we iiave referred, that — Although the Dissenters in this Goveniment have; lately passed an act to exempt all professors of the Chureh from pa.^iug taxes to the support of their min- isters, yet they take the liberty to determine themselves who may be called Church- men, and interjiret the act to comprehend none that live a mile from the Church minister ; by which means not only two-thirds of the Chur The Public Records of the Colony of Con- = Hawks and Perry's " Conn. Cliurch Docu- necticut, from May, 1726, to Mav, 1735, iuclu- moiits," i., p. 125. » Ihid., p. 12(). sive, p. lOS. ■ ■ ' /W., p. 126. «/*«., pp. 129, 130 294 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. sembly that we are bound in our consciences to adhere to said church in doctrine and discipline, let our difficulties be ever so great." In view of "the difficulties and oppressions" that the church people were under, "seven families" are reported ])y Johnson to the society in 1728, as having " removed hence into New York government."^ It could hardly be otherwise when Caner, in much the same language he had earlier employed, writes the same year that ciiurch people " are slighted and despised, and imposed upon, accounted as the filth and dross of the earth, and the oti'scouring of all things."^ To avoid some of the annoyances and impositions Caner petitioned the society for an appointment as general missionary, serving " from Fairfield to Byram river," and residing sometimes in one portion of his field and sometimes in another ; but a legal opinion from the society's council was unfavorable to such an appointment, as liable to he con- strued as an attempt at evading the act, and consequently not advisable. The church people of New London, Groton, and the adjacent towns, to whom Johnson had from time to time ministered, and where, as early as April 25, 1723, the Rev. Mr. Pigot had preached and ad- ministered holy baptism,-^ had applied in 1730 for the appointment of Mr. Samuel Seabury,^ " a gentleman born and bred in this country," as the petitioners recite, and their wish was granted. In the petition for the appointment of this worthy missionary, a graduate of Harvard College in 1724, and a convert to the Church from the Congregation- alists, there is brought to our notice for the first time a name which the American Church must ever delight to honor, as borne for gen- erations by some of her best, wisest, and most distinguished sons. In 1730 Johnson writes that "a good temper towards the church" "very sensibly increases." "A love to the church," he continues, "gains ground greatly." At Yale College " several young men that are graduates, and some young ministers," had been " prevailed with to read and consider the matter so far, that they are very uneasy out of the connuunion of the church, and some seem much disposed to come into her service, and those that are best affected to the church are the brightest and most studious of any that are educated in the countr3\"* Two of these converts ap- pear to have l)een John Piersonand Ephraim Bostwick. These with Isivae Browne, brother of the lamented Daniel Browne, who died in England when Johnson and Cutler wen^ there, all of the class of 1729, at Yale College, were doubtless referred to in this letter of Johnson. It was not long afterwards that , in 1732, the honored name of John Beach was added to the number. More than eight years belbre, in the summerof 1723, this " very popular, insinuating youngman,"" had been sent to Newton, for the purposeof counteracting the inlluence which the Churcii had ol)tainedthcre and in the adjacent towns. The people of Newlon and Ivipton had a|)plied for a missionary, lint, in consequence of the delay wliioh the iKxessity of sending to England for one in holy orders occasioned, the temper of the applicants cooled, and the acceptable ministrations ' Hawks ane ])itality was sucii that his humble home became the refuge of the sick and the dying. Like his Master, this faithful priest seems to have gone about doing good. Evidences of the regard in which ho was held appear in the records of the settlement, but we know little of the nature and extent of his clerical services save as they appear by these scant references to him, found in the midst of the dry legal or business details of the settlement. lie died in faith in August, 16(J3, leaving in his will, which is still on record, the proof of his pious trust in God : — Impi-imis : I give my soul to God, .and my body to tlio Earth, from whence it came, with liuinblo conlidonco that both body, and soul shall, at the Kosurrection, receivo a happy union, and hu raado pai-lu'kcrs of that hapijjness which is pm-- chascd by my bk-ssud Ucdoemur, Jusus Chiist, the llightcous. Such was the sustaining hope of this pioneer priest of Maryland. In these words, he " being dead, yet si)eaketh." • The lato Kcv. Etlion Allen, D.D., in Spraguo's " Amials of tlio American Episcopal Pulpit," p. 0. . . 1 o VI' LEADIXG MISSIOXAIUES AT THE NORTH AXD SOTTTH, 307 In 1G9G the Rev. Ilugli Jones ' came into the province of Mary- land, and was for a time tho incumbent of Christ Chnrcii ])arish, in Calvert County. Theannals of the; colony attest the ])osition he speedily ae(|uired hy his I'ailhl'ulness, his devotion, and his learninjr ; while from his pen there ap- ]iearedanion4. LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NORTH AND SOUTH. 309 But the end \v;i3 not yet. On Iho lOtli of October of the fol- lowiiiij^ year the aged niis.siontuy addressed to tlie secretary of the society the last letter tiiat lias been preserved of a long correspondence. We extract from this comnimiication as follows : — It is with jjreat iiloasme 1 can now acciuaint you tliat, thro' the divine assistance, I liave l)ecu betlor cnal)U'cl to go thro' the .Sci-viec of the C'liurch and pi'caeliing than I have been I'or these two years ])ast, and lliat 1 live in good esteem witli the jieoplo liere, both of our own and the rresbyteriau Church, which isl)yfar the most nnmevous congregation, lint I am in gi-eat liopes I shall see tlie Congrega- tion of the Ciuuch at I^ew" Castle llourish, to accomplish which my endeavour shall never be wanthig.' The abstracts of the society of IT.Vl-.")"), to which we have already referred, state that, "it hath lately pleased (lod to call to Himself this worthy servant to receive the reward of his ])ious lal)ors.'' Whitcfield- rcfers to the kindly welcome given him b}' this good man. A son, the Rev. ^ncas IJoss, became one of the best of the society's missionaries in Pennsjdvania and Delaware, living " on iViendly terms with the Dis- senters," and hoi)ing " in time to sec many of them conform." Another son bearing his father'.s name, born at Newcastle in 1730, was a delegate to the Continental Congress of 1774, and a signer of the Dec- laration of Independence from his native State. Though a devoted patriot he sought on several occasions to ol)tain that justice for loyalists in the courts which the people at the time were disposed to refuse. In 1779 he was appointed judge of the Court of Admiralty, which office he held till his death. ^ The llev. Jacob Henderson, ■* a native of Ireland, was admitted to holy orders l)y the Bishop of London, in 1710, and proceeded directly to his mission at Dover, Kent County, in Delaware, where he remained for a 3'ear. He appears to have taken a prominent position among the clergy of the provinces from the start, as his representations of the state of the Church in Xew York and New Jersey, seriously implicat- ing " Brigadier " Hunter, the governor, were deemed of sufficient importance by the accused to Ijc met with rcl)iitting evidence, secured at no little pains. The honesty and directness of ilr. Henderson, cer- tainly gave him credit with the society, which the ellbrts of the gov- ernor were unable to lessen or remove. On his return to America he received an ap[)()intment to a mission on tlie western sliore of ]\Iary- land, where ho married, and where, in 1713, he and his wife built ii chapel on their own land and not far from their home. In 17 16 Dr. Robinson, then Bishop of London, ajipointed Mr. Henderson as his Commissary on the western shore of JMaryland, which, on the death of the Commissary of tin; eastern shore, the Rev. Christopher Wil- kinson, in 1729, was renewed by Bishop Gil)son, and made to include the whole of the province. In 1718 the Commissary was presented by Governor Hart with the living of Queen Anne's, the parish in which ho resided, and of which his chapel now became ti chapel-of-ease. On ' Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Church, v., p. 100. l?y » 1 list. Ua^., III., p. 370, 371. a cleric.il cnor in the original MSS. the date of * The Rev. .)ac()b llendci'son, Commis-sniy of the lotlor is inooirccMv iriven as 1759. Mai-ylaiid, Delaware and Mai-yland, 1710-17ol. ' Works, vin., p."48. 310 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. the I'enewal and extension of his commissarial commission he exercised his delegated authority in the interest of a sound clerical discipline, and, in his official relations, j5oa_ cost of their chnrch, which was estimated at £;),")()0 currency, suhscrihed largely towards the settlement of Georgia, and for the relief of the sull'erers at tho great fire in Charleston, in 1740. An endowment fund in 1744 amounted to nearly £1,200 currency. Thus aliimdant in labors and successes the ministry of this amiable and e.\c<'llent man conliiuicd until his decease. He left behind him a grateful memory of faithful- ness unto death. In the year 1704 tho Rev. James Ilonyman' was appointed, by the society, missionary at Trinity Church, Newport, Khode Island, Avhere he discharged the duties of his mis- ^ - j. . *^- miU sion with devotion and ^j^^^V^T^L/ 9tOTlWTlu/L^ success for fort^'-five / yy^^v^ r years. Besides the n I care of his innnediate cure he made frequent missionar}' visits to the neighboring towns on the mainland, until, in the growth of the congregations to which he had minis- tered, another minister was required for their use. In 1 709, addressing the secretary of the society, he writes : " You can neither well believe, nor I express, what excellent services to the cause of religion a Bishop would do in these parts," adding the expression of his belief that if one were sent "these infant settlements would become beautiful nur- series, which now .seem to languish for want of a father to oversee and liless them." In 1714 he presented to Govei-nor Nicholson a memo- rial on the religious condition of Rhode Island. The people, he states, were divided among (Quakers, Anal)aptists, Independents, Gortonians, and Infidels, with a remnant of true churchmen. In 1723 it was his j)ainful duty for a ])eriod of nearly t^vo months to minister to a great number of j)irates who were brought into Newport, and there sutlered the penalty of the law. In 1728 ISIr. Ilonyman and the Rev. James McSparrau, of Narragansett, united in memorial in Mhich, after com- plaining of the " frowns and discouragements to which they Avcre sub- jected ])y the government,"' made the assertion that there was only "one baptized Christian in their whole legislature."' Two years pre- vious, in the year 172(5, Mr. Honyman had preached a sermon in the King's Chapel, in Boston, before a convention of the clergy of New England, which was ))ublished anonymously in 17."^3.'-^ This discourse is written in a moderalt; tone, quite in I'ontrast witii the l)ittcr sarcasm and violent vilujjcration of the pamphlet pul)lications of that contro- versial period. Few allusions to matters other than those directly refemug to the sacred fimctions of those addressed are found in this sermon. In fact, the chief allusion to the questions then in dispute ' The Kev. .Tames Honvman, of KlioJc ' Vide Notices of this cliscouisc in Hist. Island, 1704-1750. ' Ma-., II., pp. 338, 33C. mdJk^ ^f^ 312 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. between the clergy of the Church and the dissenters is a half-ironical disclaimer of the preacher, in his own and his brethren's behalf, of the desire manifested a few years earlier by the eongregationalist ministers of Massachusetts for a "Synod,"' which was frustrated through the cflbrts of the celebrated John Checkley and the Rev. Dr. Timothy Cutler. The convention to which this discourse was addressed, must have been comprised of the major ])art or jiossibly of all of the few clergymen of the Church in New England. These were the Kev. Sanuiel Alyles, rector of the chapel, and the Rev. Henry Harris, his assistant ; the Rev. Dr. Cutler, of Christ Churcli, Boston ; the Rev. Matthias Plant, of ]S'ewl)ury ; the Rev. George Pigot, M'ho had just succeeded the Rev. George jNIossom at Marblehead : the Rev. John Usher, of Bristol ; and the Rev. Ebeuezer Miller, of Braintree. The celebrated George Whitefield, in his early journals, thus notices his intercourse with this excellent missionary : — Sundaij — September 14, — ■ — In the Evening, willi liim [Mr. V — p (Clap) an aged Dis.sentingjSIinistev] I waited on ^Ir II n, the Minister of the Chureh of England, and desired the use of his Pulpit. At lirst he seemed a little unwilling, being desirous to know " what extraordinary call I had to preauh on \\ oek Days." whicli he said was disorderlj'? I answered, ^^ St. Paul exhoi-ted Tirnolhi/ to be instant in season — and out of season! That, if the orders of the t'hureh were rightly eoinplied with, our Ministers should read ])ublic Prayers twice ev(!i-y day, and then it would not he f members that w, as opportunity shall oiler, at Bristol, Free- town, Swansea, and Little Compton," he reached his mission in 1721, and at the expiration of three years' labor was able to report that " all the church people!, ^oung and old," were not less in numljcr than three hundred. Faithful in his labors he carried the ministrations of the Church into the neighboring colony of Connecticut, rendering no little aid in the building of the church at New London, and being instrumental in the conversion to the Church of its first missionary, the Rev. Samuel Seabury, the tather of the first Bishop of Connecticut. In 1731 the University of Oxford conferred upon him the degree of Doctor in Divinit}'. Dr. McSparran published several sermons, one of which, on " The Sacred Dignity of the Christian Priesthood," occasioned, through a misconception of its purpose, a spirited controversy. A more ambitious work of his was entitled, "America Dissected, being a full and true account of all the American Colonies, showing the in- temperance of the climates, excessive heat and cold, and sudden vio- lent changes of weather ; terrible and murderous thunder and lighten- ing ; bad and unwholesome air, destructive to human bodies ; badness of money; danger from enemies; but, above all, to the souls of the poor people that remove thither, from the multifarious and pestilent heresies that prevail in those parts. In several Letters from a Rev- erend Divine of the Church of England, Missionary to America, and Doctor of Divinity ; Published as a caution to unsteady people who may be tempted to leave their native; countr}'." It is l)ut just to the author to say that this remarkaljle title is supposed to have been the invention of the Dublin publisher, and to have been prefixed to the work without the writer's knowledge or consent. In the autumn of 1754 the doctor and his wife visited England, where ^Irs. ^IcSparran fell a victim to the small-pox. This bereavement seriously atlected iThc Ecv. James McSpan-an, D.D., of llliodc Islaud, 1720-1757. 314 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHTJKCH. the health of the doctor, who, on his return, soon followed his wife to the grave. Ho died at South Kinjrston on the first of December, 1757, having been the minister of the paris^h of St. Paul's, Narragan- sett, for thirty-seven years. Updilce, the historian of the Narragan- sett church, pronounces him to have been "the most able divine that was sent over to this country by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts." Certainly his manly devotion to the work of his ministry, his learning, candor, and untiring zeal deserved the honoralile recognition he has received at the hands of the accom- nlished annalist who, in writing the history of the church to which McSparran ministered, made as the text of his work the records and journal of the faithful mission-priest. A ministry of upwards of half a century spent in a single parish offers but few matters for public record , but the name and memory of Rev. John Usher, ' of St. Michael's Church, Bristol, Rhode Island, de- serves, at least, a passing notice. A graduate of Harvard College in 1719, the descendant of an ancient and honorable New England family, and ordained in 1722, Mr. Usher was at once appointed to Bristol, where a parish had been organized but three years before, and was then vacant by the removal of the first minister, the Rev. James Drew, to New York. Cordially received and entering upon his work with alac- rity and zeal, the story of his long incumbency reveals no striking results, but simply the steady gro\vi:h of a congregation faithfully min- istered to, until he died on the HOth of April, 1775, at the age of eighty- six, having continued the exercise of his office, "though aged, lame, and infirm," to the very last. The son of this worthy missionary, whose baptism was the first recorded by his father on his entrance upon duty, was graduated at Harvard College, in 1743. Though a practitioner of the law, after the death of his honored father, iNIr. John Usher assembled the scattered members of the congregation on each successive Easter Monda}-, and went formally through the ])rescril)ed duties of the day ; thus keeping up the organization to which his father had so patiently ministered. At the close of the war he gathered a congregation in the old court- house, where he officiated as lay-reader until the erection of a church, and, in fact, until he received, at the age of seventy-one, holy orders, at the hands of Bishop Soabury, and was continued in charge of tiie parish which he retained till the year 1800. He died in July, 1804, in the eighty-second year of his age, leaving behind him the memory of sterling worth, indomitable devotion to the Church, and personal piety. He was doul)tlcss one of the oldest candidates for orders who ever re- ceived the apostolic conmiission. Among the students of Yale, at the time of the declaration for the Church by Rector Cutler and his associates, was Henry Caner,^ a native of Connecticut, and a graduate of the college in 1724. In the follow- ing year he began to read jjra^'crs at Fairfield, and, on obtaining orders, he was appointed missionary of the venerable society to this town, where, as well as at Norwalk, his services were received with every 'The Ucv. .lolin I'slicr, A.M., of Rhode 'The Rev. Henry Cancr, D.I)., of Mas-sa- Island, 1722-1778. chusetta, 1727-1783. LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NORTH AND SOUTH. 315 token of satisfaction and were rewarded by abundant evidences of success. On tlie 27th of November the llev. Koger Price, Commissary of the Bishop of London in Xcw Enghuid, and the incuml)cnt of King's Chapel, in Boston, ainiounccd ills purpose of resigning his cure and returning to England. The parishioners of the chapel thereupon took the novel step of choosing a committee to recommend, not to the Bishop of London, but to the congregation, a suitable person to fill the vacant rectorship, and the choice fell on the missionary at Fairlield. Inducted to the rectorship of the leading church in JVew England iSIr. Caner entered upon his work with every promise of success. He was a popular preacher and a man of exemplary life, possessing fine intellectual en- dowments, coupled M'ith unusual business talents, and enjoying, in an eminentdcgrec,theaflectionand regard of his church and the community at large. It was under his successful rcctorate that the rebuilding of the chapel was accomplished, and throughout his ministry in Boston the Church gained steadily in uumliers and reputation. In 176G Mr. Caner received the Doctorate from the University of Oxford. In the faithful and laborious discharge of the duties of his important position, he continued steadfast until, after some months of "difficulty and dis- tress," he was forced to leave Boston on the evacuation of the town by the British, in March, 1776, and remove to Halifax. He "had but six or seven hours allowed to prepare for this measure," and was wholly unal)le to save his books, furniture, or any part of his fortune. He spent his last years in London, dying at the close of the year 1702, and at the age of ninety-two. His published discourses display learn- ing and good taste. Though not a stipendiary of the society during his thirt}' j'ears' residence in Boston, he was its confidential adviser and correspondent. Few of the clergy tilled a more important position in the Church of America, or could have filled it to better purpose for the Church. The Rev. Arthur Browne ' was born at Drogheda, in Ireland, in the year 1699, and educated at Trinity College, Dublin, where, in 1729, he received the degree of Master of Arts. Ordained by Dr. Gibson, Bishop of London, in 1729, he was first sent to Providence, where he ministered for nearly six years at the King's Chapel, now St. John's. Here his talents, learning, and devotion were fully appreciated. His congi'cgation and communicants increased, but an urgent and unani- mous invitation to the church established but a few years before at Portsmouth was the occasion of his removal, and in his new field of labor he remained for thirty-seven years, beloved, revered, and ad- mired b}^ all who knew him or came within the reach of his influence. He was an accurate scholar, a keen controversialist, a profound thinker, and an al)le and excellent preacher. An incident of his long and com- paratively uneventful career has been told in charming verse among the " Tales of a Waj^side Inn ; " and many, who else would never have even heard of this worthy priest and missionary, will recall, in "the Poet's Tale" of Lady AVentworth, the mention among the guests at the birthday feast in the " Great House," of, — 'The RcT. Arthur Browne, AM., of Rhode Island and New Hampshire, 1729-1773. 31G UISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. " One in bands and gown, The reclor Ilicrf, tlic> Uev. Artluir ISrowne, Of the esta1)lishcd church; wilh sniihn^ lace He sat beside the Governor and said grace." After a loiij; life, in which he disijhi^ed a uiiivcr.sal hcnevo- lence, an unbouiulcd hospitality, and an unquestioned piety, he died on the 20th of June, 1773, at Cauihridge, Massachusetts, while on a visit to his daughter, the wife of the Uev. "Winwood Serjeant. He was in bis seventy-fourth year, and in the fortj--fourth year of his ministry. His remains were brought to Portsmouth, and interred in the ^Vcnt- worth tomb in the graveyard of old St. John's. A son of this noted clergyman was the Kcv. Marmadukc Browne, who, after a ministry spent in New Hampshire and IMiode Island, died before his venerable parent. Among those who "left all" to serve the cause of the Church in America, the name of the l\ev. Thomas Cradock.^ of jMaryland, must not be forgotten. Born in Bedfordshire, England, in 171.S, and edu- cated at Cambridge, the joungCradock, and his j'ounger 1)rothei' John, who afterwards became first Bishop of Kilmore, and then Archbishop of Dublin, grew up and entered upon their life careei's under the pat- ronage of the Duke of Bedford. Through the influence of his noble patron with liOrd Baltimore, the proiirictarv of the jirovincc, a living in Maryland was procured for the intending immignuit; and in ()ctol)er, 1742, the probable year of his an-ival, an act of the Assembly was passed for the erection of a chapel-of-ease in the north-western part of St. Paul's parish, providing that on the death of the incumbent of St. Paul's, the I{ev. Benedict Bourdillon, the parish of "Baltimore Town" should I)e divided, and the ciiapel by the name of St. Thomas's, set otl" as an independent parish. On the death of the rector of St. Paul's, as had been provided, the Pev. Mr. Cradock was formally inducted to the new cure. It was then a frontier post. The church, built of l)rick, was placed on a hill, and still stands as it has done for nearly a century and a half, amidst old oaks and chestnuts, gracing the highest emi- nence for miles around. In the course of a long and faithful ministry Mr. Cradock pulilished several sermons, which are still extant. In 1753 he pul)lislied a "Version of the Psalms," translated from the Hebrew into heroic verse. This work was issued by subscription, and the numljer, position, and character of the sul>sciil)crs indicate tin; high estimation in which the versifier was held. In 17(53 Jlr. Cradock was rendered helpless by an attack of paralysis, but, as his speech and mental powers wei-e imimpaired, hv. still continued to ofiiciate, being carried to church and placed in his accustomed seat. A few years later the loss of a son, who had l)ecn devoted to the ministry, and had shown unusual fitness of mind and heart for this holy oflicc, brought sorrow to the inlirm and enfeebled father, mIio, in the following year, on tlie 7th of May, 1770, at the age of fifty-two, entered into rest. He was a sincere Chiistian, a polished scholar, an eloquent and persua- sive preacher, and a faithful i)riesl. > The Hcv. Thomas Ci-adocic, A.M., of Maijlaiul, 17 12-1770. LEADING .MISSIUNAKIES AT THE NORTH ANIJ SOUTH. 317 The Rev. Thomas Bacon,' of Maryland, a native of (ho Islo of Man, was a pupil and proteire of tlic i)ious and oelcl)rated Bishop Thomas Wilson, of Sodor and Man, In whom he was ordained both deaoon and i)ricst in 1744. He had hccn admitted to "the higher degree " witliin a few months after heing ordered deacon, with a view to his going to the plantations; and, liaving secured an appointniiMit as chaplain to Lord Baltimore, the pr()})rietary of JNlarykind, he sailed for the i)rovincc, where h(! arrived in the au- tmnn of 1745. Here he was api)()intcd to thecnracyof the iiarish of Oxford, in Talbot County, of which a Huguenot, the Rev. JS:unuel Maynadier, was incumbent. On the death of this good old man, ^Ir. Bacon succeeded to the cure. So successful were his ministrations, that, within the first year of his incumbency, it was found necessary lo enlarge the church. Ho remained here for two years, and then removed to Dover, about twelve miles higher up the country, near tlie head of tide-water. It was upon Jiis entrance upon this new tield of labor that ho began the work of laboring for the good of the negro slaves about him, which will ever keep his name in honored remembrance. He thus addressed his jioople : — Upon beinjj appointLnl your minister, I l)ej:;;vn seriously and carefully to exam- ine into the state of religion in the jiarish. And [ f(iund a preat many poor negro slaves, belonging to Christian masters and mistresses, yet living in as profound ig- norance of wiiat Christianity really is as if they had remained in tlie midst of those barbarious heathen countries from whenee they and their j)arents had been first im- ported. Being moved, therefore, with eomjiassion, at seeing such lumibers of poor souls wandering in the mazes of sin and error, as sheep having no shejiherd, — no kind, tender-hearted Christian to set them right, — and eonsidering them as a part of the lloek which the Almighty God had ]ihiced mider my care, I beg;in seriously to consider in what mamier I could lie-t disrharge my duty to them, and deliver my own soul from the guilt of their blood, lest they should perish through my own negligence. His tirst attempts were by oectisional cf)nversations, mingling ''short familiar exhortations" with tidvice, when meeting them in his own house, on the road, or Avhen visiting them in sickness, or ofBciat- ing for them at weddings or funerals. He next determined to preach to them. In carrying out this purpose lie i)ui)lislied in London two sermons which he had preached, just as they had been delivered, with a view of inducing "his brethren to attempt soniethinir in their respect- ive i)arishes, towards the i)ringing home so great ii number of wander- ing souls to Christ." Before the close of the third year of his ministry, a chapel was erected for the use of those who lived on the coniines of his i)arisli. In 1749 he preached .ancl jniblishcd "Four S(>rmons upon the great and iiidisi)ensal)le duty of all Christian ]\Iastersand Mistresses to bring up their slaves in the Knowledge and I' ear of God." He had 'The Rev. Thomas Bacon, A.M., of Maryland, 1745-1768. 318 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. found tliat he required help in his philanthropic and most Christian Mork, and he asked it where it was specially due. These sermons found a wide circulation, and were productive of no little good. But it was not only in behalf of the colored people of his cure that his in- terests were excited and his labors rendered. He sought the improve- ment and education of the poorer members of his parish, liy the founding of a charity and woi'kiug school. A sermon, preached and published with a view of enlisting the support and S3'mpath3' of the public, procured for his scheme the patronage of Lord and Lady Bal- timore, and his old friend and patron, the saintl_y Bishop of Sodor and Man. A brick building was erected, and in 1755 a master em])loj'ed, and the school removed to its new quarters. The school went on suc- cessfully'. The building is still standing, a monument of the jDhilan- thropy and Christian charity of its founder. Questions had arisen as to the rights of the clergy in the province, and Bacon, who was still the chaplain of the proprietary, codilied the legislation of the colonj', and placed within the reach of clergy and laity alike, in a folio of a thousand pages, an accurate transcript of the body of existing laws. He was soon after, in 1757, appointed to the best living in the province, All Saints, Frederick County. But the labors he had undergone had impaired his health. He lingered l)ut three years after the completion of the " Laws of Maryland," and died, universally lamented, on the 24th of iMay, 17G8. Few names are more deservedly held in high esteem in the Church than that of Jeremiah Leaming.' Born in Connecticut, in the year 1717, he was graduated at Yale in 1745, and shortly afterwards conformed to the Church. In 1747 he received holy orders, with an appointment as school-master, catechist, and assistant minister at Trinity Church, New- port, Khodc Island. After a residence of eight years at Newport, dur- ing a portion of which time he had sole charge of the parish, which had been rendered vacant by the death of the Rev. James Ilonyman, rector, i\Ir. Leaming I'cmovcd to Norwalk, Connecticut, where he con- tinued in charge for twenty-one years. At the close of this long rec- torate he was for eight years a minister of the adjacent town of Strat- ford. During the war for independence i\Ir. Learning suffered in person and property. In July, 1779, his church and home were destroyed by the British troops under the command of General Tryon. In this general ruin his furniture, books, papers, clothing, — in short, everj'thing he possessed, — were totally destroyed. He estimates his "loss on that ■fatal day was not less than twelve or thirteen hundred pounds sterling.'"-^ Suffering thus from the ravages of the Tories, he was also a victim to the fury of the patriotic party, who put him in confinement as a loy- alist and subjected him to such hardshi)is that he became in consequence a cripple for Vifo. He was universally r('s))ecfed for his faithful dis- charge of the jiric-tly duty, for his sound learning, and for his niartyr- likc devotion to his jiriiicijiles. He ])ublislied several controversial tracts, one in ''Defence of the Episcopal Government of the Church in 17(!G," and "A Second Defence of the Episcopal Government of the ' Tlic tlcv. Jcrpmi.ili I,cnniin'_', D.D., RUoiIc ' ITuwlts and Pcri'y's " Conn. Cliiircli Docu- Uland and Conncclicut, 1747-1M04. mcntii," n., p. 203. LEADING MISSIONARIES AT THE NOHTII AND SOUTH. 319 CImrcli, in answer to Noah Welles," in 1770, and a treatise on the "Evidences of llio Truth of Christianity," in 1785. A convention sermon before the Connecticut clergy asseniljled at Sliddlctown, in 1785, was also published, and a thin volume of "Dissertations on Va- rious Subjects," in 1780. These writings display unusual ability and no little intellectual grasp and strengtii. lie was, in the langutige of his epitaph, " respected, revered, and beloved in life and lamented in death." At the meeting of the ten clergymen of Connecticut, at AA''oodl)ury, on Lad^'-day, 1783, the name of Learning was suggested for the epis- copate, and the choice of the clergy lay between the active and ener-. getic Seabury and this amiable, excellent, but enfeebled man. Pains have been taken to prove that the preference of the electors, if such they can be called, w'as for Leaming. In the absence of any records of this important meeting we cannot but believe that while the full reverence and appreciation of his brethren were then as ever accorded to the brave and devoted Leaming, the clergy of Connecticut could not have been ignorant of the greater abibties, tiie wider reputation, the sounder health, and the fewer years of him who was, by their choice, the first Bishop of Connecticut. That the oiSce was tendered to Leaming we have no reason to doubt, but that it was so oflered only in the event of Seabury's disinclination or refusal to accept the post we are contident. In fact, it was evidently a matter of confei-ence be- tween brethren, who siiould sacritice himself for the church's weal, and, in accepting the appointment at the time, and under the circum- stances he did, Seabury showed a daring of danger and displaj^ed a spirit of self-forgetfulness worthy of all praise. Another worthy of the Connecticut Church, whose praise was in all the churches, was the Rev. Richard Mansfield,' who was born in New Haven, in the year 1724, and w^as graduated at Yale in 1741. In the course of his post-graduate studies and reading he became a con- vert to the Church, and, after a few years spent in teaching, he was ordained in 1748, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the following year entered upon his ministry at Derby. For several years he had charge of West Haven, Watcrliury, and Northburj^ in connection with Derby, but aliout the year 1755 he relinquished the care of these con- gregations, confining his services to the churches of Oxford and Derby. Of the Derby parish he was rector for the well-nigh unprecedented term of sevent3'-two years. During the war Mr. Mansfield was a decided loyalist. In De- cember, 1775, he wTites as follows: — After having resided and constantly performed parocliial duties in my mis- sion, Ml tvventy-seven years, without intermission, I have at last been forced to fly from my chm-ehes, and from my family and home, in order to escape outrage and violence, imprisonment and death, luijustly meditated of late and designed against me, and have found a temporary jisylum in the loyal town of Hempstead, pretty secure, I believe, at present, from the power of those violent and infatuated people who persecute mo in ]iarticular, and disturb the peace of the whole Hritish Empire. As soon as these sparks of civil dissension appeared, which have since been blofwn ' The Uev. Richard Mansfield, D.D., of Connecticut. 1748-1820. 320 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. uj) into a devouring flame, I did (as I thought it my duty) inculcate upon my par- ishioners, both from the pulpit and in private conversation, tlic duty of pcaceablc- ness and quiet submission to the Kin^ and to the parent State ; and 1 am well assured that tlie clergy, in general, of tlie Church in the colony of Connecticut, with most of wliom I have the pleasure of a paiticular acquaintimce and friendsliip, did the same. That ra\- endeavors and influence have had some eft'cct, ajipears from hence, that out of \:'<0 larailies which attended divine service in our two churches, it is well known that 110 of them arc firm steadfast friends of the government ; that they detest and abhor the present unnatural rebellion, and all those measures that have led to it, . . . the worthy Mr. Scovil and the venerable J[r. Beach have had still better success ; scarce a single person is to be found in any of their several congregations but wliat hath persevered steadfastly in their duty and loj-alty ; and there are but few instances to be found in the Colony of persons who are professorsof the Church, who arc not entitled to the same character.' Having communicated with Governor Tryon respecting the num- ber and sentiment of tlie Tories in tlae western jiart of Connecticut, Mr. ]Mansticld was " forced to Hee from home," leaving his wife and nine children " overwhelmed with grief, and bathed in tears, and but very slenderly i)rovided with the means of support." ^ But his absence was only for a time, and even the rigor of i)artisan and political perse- cution was relaxed not a little in favor of so good a man. At the close of the war jNIr. Mansticld resumed the charge of his people, ))ut after a few years he was al)leto otiiciateonly in pai't,as an affection of the voice prevented his preaching. For nearly twenty years before his death he was thus silenced, but his pastoral labors were not remitted, and his influence for good was in no sense diminished. In 17!)2 he received the Doctorate from his Alma Mater; and in April, 1820, he entered into rest. The first Bishoji of jNIassachusetts ^ was born at Dorchester in 1726. He was jn'aduated at Harvard Colleije in 1744. After leavinor college he spent several years in teaching and in theological studies, and, after becoming a licentiate among the congregationalists, he con- formed to tlie Church, and was admitted to holy orders, by Dr. Sher- lock, Bishop of London, on the 24th of May, 1752. He was appointed by the society to assist the Rev. Matthias Plant, at St. Patd's, New- bury, Massac'luisctts. On the death of Mr. Plant, which occurred shortly alter the coming of his assistant, Mr. Btiss succeeded to the vacant cure. From the time of his entrance upon his work at New- bur^' until the breaking out of the war for independence little occurred that was noteworthy in the life or laliors of this faithful missionary. The years of clerical service, in a quiet Xew England town, coidd not fail of ])eiiig c()ni|iarativcly uneventfid. He was assiduous in his work, successful in building up his church, and faithful in the discharge of all the otBces of his sacred function. Hut with th(> first intimation of the coming storm and strife his jiosition was at once complicated by the conllicting claims of duty and feeling, lb' appears to have h(>en by no me.ans imli'iendiy to tiie jjopular cause, but he could not in conscience, at the first at least, omit the State prayers as was done by the rector of Trinity, Boston, the excellent Parker, who succeeded him afterwards as nishop of .Massachusetts. To pra^' for the king and royal family was ' Hawks anil Perry's "Conn. Cliiirch Docu- »Tlio Rt. Rev. Kdwaril Bnss, D.D., Ilislinp ments," II., jip. 198, 1&9. 'Ibid. of MassacliuictlsundNcwIIampsliiro, 17.)2-IS03. LEADING MISSION AKTES AT THE NOimi AND SOUTH. 321 a gi-ave otfencc in the cycsof tlu; patriots, and consequently the officials of tlie chvnrii congregation linally made their formal rocinest tiiat these obnoxious ])orti()ns of (he prayer-l)ook services should he omitted. The missionary-priest yielded, Imt with many misgivings, and tiie cor- respondence between him and the veneral)le society, which had sus- pended him from its service directly on learning of his compliance with the wish of the rebel sympatliifiers, is full of interest, and is not a little anuising.' Left without support by the action of th(^ society, it was only by the aid of individual members of his congregation that he was able to continue his ministrations. The parishes of the Church in NewEngland had been so long dependent upon the alms of the Church abi'oad that the loss of the stipends, aflbrdcd so patiently and so abundantly by tiie so- ciety, 1hr(>atened for a time tiic utter extinction of the churches to whose support they had contributed. At the close of the strife Mr. Bass sought for the allowance of his arrearages, but in vain. Even a published jdea for redress was unheard, and the missionary at New])ury found himself forever dismissed from the emj)loyinent of the society in whose service he had laliored for so many years. In the measures for the reorganization of the Church in Massa- chusetts, Mr. Bass took a prominent part, and, by the kind olBces of Mr. Parker, of Trinity, Boston, and for the purpose of bringing together in amieal)le union tiie churches of New England under Bislioj) Seabury, and those of the ]Middle and Southern States under Bishops White and Trovoost. Mas elected to the Bishopric of Massachusetts in 1789. The union desired being effected, the matter of Mr. Bass' con- secration was suftered to droji ; but, after a few years, it was again brought forward, and, on the 7th of May, 1797, he was consecrated in Philadelphia, Bishop of Abissachusetts. New Hampshire subsequently placed herself under his episcojial care, and the signature of "Edward, Bp. Mass. ^^ ^,,^ ^ et New liamp." is still to be found at- -p^jAh- ^ C(^ U tached to documents of the time. Dr. Bass *' had reached the age of seventy when he received the Episcopate, and, as he continued in charge of his parish, he was able to give but little time to the duties of his new oiBce. But he ofBciated at times, and as occasion required, in his episcopal capacity, confirming and ordaining, and consecrating a single church, his own, at Newburyport. He died suddenly on the 10th of September, 1803, in the seventy-fourth year of his age. ILLUSTUATIVE NOTE. IT will l>e imdcrstood tluit the foi'egoing uoticL'S arc lUr I'nini cxhiiiislinj^ Iho worthies (if \\w. Anierieaii Colonial I'hurch. Only those :ire notic'i^d who, Iroiii their special wortli or iiiiusiial work, are deemed ])arti('ularly deserving; ol mention, and are not referred to at length in other connections. ' Vide these papers iu tlic "Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Churcli," III. CHAPTER XIX. MISSIONARY LABORS AMONG THE MOHAWKS, AND OTHER INDIAN TRIBES. ri the year 1700 the Earl of Bellomont, Governor of New York, in a memorial addressed to the Lords of Trade and Plantations, urged, as a matter of state policy, the sending of some "raem- bers'of the Church of England to instruct the Five Nations of Indians, and to prevent their being practised upon by French priests and Jesuits." A repi'eseutation on this subject having been submitted to Queen Anne a plan was agreed upon soon after, by authority of the queen in council, and referred to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Teuisou, for the appointment of two clergymen to minister among the various triljes of Indians known as the Five Nations. Recognizing the pecu- liar requirements of such a mission, and aware of the difficulty of pro- curing missionaries familiar with the Indian dialects to undertake this work, the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, to whom the matter was submitted by the archbishop, first invited Dellius, who had for some years ministered to the Dutch settlers at Albany, and Freeman, a Calvinistio minister of Schenectady, to enter upon this mission. The familiarity with the language and mode of life of the Indians which these ministers had acquired during a residence in their immediate neighborhood, and the fact that Freeman had already trans- lated poi'tions of the Holy Scriptures in the Iroquois tongue, was deemed of sufficient importance to warrant their selection, though dissenters, for this important work. But, as they were unal)le to un- dertake the dut}' assigned to them, the society intrusted the Indian work to the Rev. Thoroughgood Moor, who arrived in New York in 1704, and, after a welcome from the royal governor, Lord Corubury, re- jjaired directly to Albany. Here he occupied himself with the study of the language, seizing at tlip same time ever\' opportunity of gaining the good-will and friendship of the savages Mho resorted to Albany for trade and barter. As soon as the snow began to melt, Moor pro- ceeded to "the Mohawks' Castle," whither ho had been invited l)y one of the sachems, or chiefs. But this earnest missionary found himself thwarted in his efl'orts to gain permission of the Indians to reside among them, as the consent of the other four nations was represented as indispensable, and various excuses were olleri'd from time to time as this coveted permission was delayed. The inlluence of the French was doul)tless exerted to hinder the success of Moor's attempts to gain a foothold among the savages ; but ho was denied the privilege of put- ting his devotion to the proof through the gross misconduct of the royal governor of New York. Alter waiting for nearly a twelvemonth MISSIONARY LABORS AMONG THE INDIANS. 323 in the vicinitj' of Albany, in the vain hope of ingratiatini^ himself with the Indians, whose conversion ho was sceliing to effect, he returned to New York, from whence he addressed the society with a statement of the reasons Avhich had induced hira for a time to withdraw from his worlc. An opportunity for clerical duty offering at Burling- ton, in New Jersey, he entered upon work with a zeal and devotion which soon excited the indignation of the profligate Cornbury, the grandson of the celebrated Earl of Clarendon, who was Governor of Now York and New Jersey. Lord Cornbury had, by his effoi'ts in promoting the success of the" glorious revolution " of 1688, estab- lished a claim for recognition at the hands of the monarch he had aided in securing the throne. But his acknowledged profligacy, his mean abilities, and his ungovernable temper prevented any reward being bestowed upon one who was a bankrupt in fortune and in reputation at home, other than the charge of a distant province. Here the commis- sion of a series of acts of gross misconduct caused his speedy removal from his post, but not before his tyranny had been the cause of the imprisonment and flight, and consequent death, of the first missionary of the venerable society to the Indians of New York. The governor had interfered with Moor in fhc discharge of his duties, ordering him to discontinue the practice of a fortnightly sacrament, M'hich, he as- serted, was too frequent. This unwarrantable dictation, for which there was no legal ground, the faithful missionary was naturally un- willing to obey ; and when to his disobedience in this respect he added the boldness of reproving the representative of the crown for his scandalous practice of arraj'ing himself in female attire, and pub- licly parading in this shameful guise along the ramparts of the fort, the enraged and mean-spirited governor cast the clergyman into prison. Moor soon afterwards found an opportunity to escape, and, embarking for England, was never heard of again. Thus brief and disastrous was tjje first eflbrt of the venerable society to bring the savages of the Five Nations to civilization and Christianity. During the administration of liord Cornliury an opportunity had occurred for establishing friendly relations with the savages, which, if judiciously followed up, would have furnished an excellent l>ase for missionary operations. At a conference held by Cornbury in 1702 "vs'ith five of the Indian sachems, at Albany, the Indians expressed the hope that the Queen " would be a good mother and send them some to teach them religion ; "^ but it was long afterwards that Moor arrived on the ground, and even then without the countenance of those in authority, and, with the secret opposition of those who, for personal or political reasons, preferred to keep the Indians in ignorance of the reformed faith, or, in fact, of any Christian teaching at all, the feeble and unsupported efforts that he was able to make proved fruitless, and on his removal from the field the promise of successful labor failed. A few years afterward, through the efforts of Governor Nichol- son, seconded by those of Colonel Schuyler, the confidence and allegiance of the Indians wei"e secured to the English frovcrnment. ' Vide the Eev. John Talbot's vivid account of this conference in Hawkins's " Hist. Notices," pp. 30, 31. 324 HISTOUY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. Four of their sachems visited Enghuul to contirm the treaty of peace ■svhich had been made by these jjeople with the Governor of New York, and to solicit from the quoen a supi)ly of ministers and teachers to instruct them in the truths of Christianity. These representatives of a powerful tribe of savages were most cordially received. All classes and conditions fiocked to see them. They were presented to the queen, to whom they tendered their gifts of Avampum, and ad- dressed a formal speech, in which they promised "a most hearty welcome " to those sent over to instruct them. There is little doubt of their insincerity in this request ; but the address, which had been submitted to the Archbishop of Canterbury by the queen's command, for the consideration of the venerable society, was followed by the appointment of a missionary, the Kev. William Andrews, who arrived at Albany in 1712. Andrews was accompanied by a school-master named Oliver, and l)y an interpreter, Clausscn by name, who, during a prolonged captivity among the Indians, had acquired great familiarity with their language. By the queen's command a fort, with a chapel and a residence for the minister, had been provided near the jMohawks' Castle, al)out two hundred miles from New York. Andrews, in writing to the society, describes his reception in the following lan- guage : " When we came near the town, we saw the Indians upon the banks looking out for my coming. When I came ashore they received me with abundance of joy ; everyone shaking me by the hand, bid- ding me welcome over and over." ' At tlic first the missionary seemed on the point of attaining a marked and most gratifying success. The savages thronged to hear the instructions which the missionary, by the aid of the interpreter, was ready and glad to impart. Those of the Indians who understood English were frequent attendants at the chapel provided by the queen, and to which her majesty and the Archbishop of Cauter))ury, Dr. Tenison, had given office-books and the other appliances for a solemn and stately service. The JNIohawks sent their children, with apparent willingness, to the school which had been opened by Oliver. But the fair i)romise of success M'as soon succeeded by disappointment. Objections were made l)y the parents to the instruction of Ihcir children in English. The mission- ary, undeterred by the difficulties of acquiring a rude and barbaric dialect, began at once the task. In this attempt he was greatly aided I)y the kindness of Freeman, whom the lOarl of Bcllomont had en- gaged to instruct the savages, and whose services the society had at the first sought in vain to secure. Freeman had translated into the Mohawk language the morning and evening prayer, together with the gospel of St. j\Iatthew, and some other portions of Holy Scripture. These translations he freely communicated to the bafiled and disap- pointed Andrews, who was soon able to make use of tiiem so as to be understood l)y his Indian congregation. These tr.anslalions, revised and corrected by the missionary, were shortly afterwards printed at New York, at the charge of the society, and were distributed among such oFthc Indians as cared to avail themselves of them. ' ^a^YkiDs'8 " Hist. Notices," p. 2G6. MISSIONARY LABORS AMONG THE INDIANS. 325 This interesting volume, now among tlio rarest of our American bibliographical curiosities, is worthy of especial notice. ^Vc print from one of the two or three copies still extant — tliat in the possession of the Library Company of Philadelphia — its title in full: — Tho Morning and Evening Prayer, I tlic Litany | Church Catechism | Family Pi-ayers | and | Several Chapters of the Old and New Testament, | Translated into the Mahaque [sic] Indian Language, \ l?y Lawrence Clacsse, Interpreter to WilUum I Andrews, Missionary to tlio Indiana, from the | Honourable and Reverend the Society for the Propogalion [sic] of tlio (iosiiel in Foreign Parts. | Ask of me, and I will give thee the Ilcathen for thine Inheritance | and the Utmost Parts of the Earth for thy Possession, Psalm | 2 : 8. | Printed by William Bradford in New I'ork, 1715. Ne I Orhoengeue neoni Yogaraskhagh | Yondereanayendaghkwa, | ne | ene Niyoh Raodeweyena, | Onoghsad oye-aghtige Yoiidadderighwanon- | doentha, Siyagonnoghsode Enyondercanayendagh- ] kwagge | Yotkade Kapitellhogough no Karighwadagldvwe- | agh Agayea neoni Aso Testament, neoni N'iyadegari- | waggo, I ne I Kanninggahage Siniyeiuenoteag | Tehocnwcnadenyough Lawrance Claesse, llowenagaradatsk | WiUiam Andrews, Ronwanna-ugh Ongwehoentvighne | Rodi- righhoeni Kaddiyadanorough neoni Ahoenwadi- | gonuyosthagge Thoderighwa- waakliogt ne Wahooni | Agarighhowanha Niyoh Raodeweyena Niyadegoghwhen- jage I . Fghtseraggwas Eghtjeeagh ne ongwehoonwe, neoni ne | siyodoghwhenjook- tanniglilioelrh etho ahadyeandougli. This renderinor of the service in their own tonijue enabled the missionary to efl'ect a marked improvement in the conduct of the savages. A number were received to holy baptism, both men and •women ; and like results attended his labors among the Oneidas, whose chief resort was about a hundred miles into the wilderness from the Mohawks' Castle. But the successes of these first years of labor were to be suc- ceeded by bitter disappointments, trying the patience and wearying the spirit of the missionary, and leading him to doubt whether any per- manent good had been cflected by his labors among them. Their disregard of the rights of property ; their inhuman, savage nature leading them to commit murder with impunity ; their drunkenness, and their utter inditlcreuce to the restraints of morality or religion could not be overcome. Although about three years after he arrived he was able to report the attendance of a score of children at school, — won, as he ingenuously confesses, l)y the promise and exi)ectation of food, — and although nearly forty had been received to the holy communion, out of a congregation sometimes numbering one hundred and fifty, still a little later he was forced to write of the Indians in general : — Their lives are generally such as leave little or no room for hope of ever making them any better than they are — heathens. Heathens tlioy are, and heathens they will still be. There ai-e a few, and but a few, perhaps about fom-tcen or fifteen, whose lives are more regular than the rest. Later he adds, "that, though he had I)een by the death-beds of several among them, he did not remember to have seen any one of them that he could think penitent." The savage soon tired of tho restraints of civilization and Christianity. As soon as the novelty had worn off, the Indians would neither receive the ordinances of religion, nor sufier their 326 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. children to continue at scliool, and the missionary, in despair of success, convinced that his efforts for the improvement of the Indians were in- effectual, begged the society to remove him to another field. The work in which ]\Ioor had failed proved too hard for Andrews, and again the hopes of the society were disappointed. Still thei'e were those in their service who were active and earnest in lal)ors for this savage and degraded race. The earnest incumbent of Rye, the Rev. George Muirson, shortly before his death, in October, 1708, wrote to the secretary : — As to the Indians, the natives of tlie countiy, they are a decaying people. We have not now, in all this parish, twenty families, wlicreas not many years ago tliere were several hundreds. ... I liave taken some pains to teach some of them, but to no purpose, for they seem regardless of instruction. . . . They further say they will not be Christians, nor do they see the necessity for so being, because we do not live according to the precepts of our holy religion. In such ways do most of the Indians that 1 have conversed with, either here or elsewhere, express them- selves. I am heartily sorry that we should give ihem such a bad example, and till their mouths with such objections to our blessed religion. This was the experience and testimony of others than the worthy ]Muirson. But foremost among the laborers for the evangelization of the savages was the Rev. Henry Barclay, appointed missionary and catechist at Alljany, with a view not only to the care of the English settlers but also to the instruction and conversion of the Indians and negro slaves. During the absence of Dellius, the minister of the Dutch congregation, many of the members of his congregation attended the services of the Church in the little chapel occupietl by Barclay. Ac- quainted as he was with the language, ho preached to these sheep without a shepherd in their own tongue, and a number of them, attracted bj^ the beauty of the services and the faithfulness of the preacher, became intelligent and devoted members of the Church of England. The influence of this faithful missionary was such that after a residence of seven years ho secured the erection of a handsome church of stone by the voluntary offerings of the people. The people of the neighboring towns contril)uted to this object. At Schenectady, the remotest settlement of the Engli-sh at that time, every inhabitant, save one, who was in extreme poverty, gave something for the purpose. They could hope to reap little personal advantage from their generosity, for Schenectady was twenty miles distant from Al]>any ; but they cherished a grateful recollection of the services rendered them by the devoted missionary. From the very first Barclay had shown deep interest in the spiritual welfare of the aborigines. He had accompanied Andrews and his party on his fn-st going to the IMohawks' Castle, and had witnessed (hose demonstrations of welcome whicii, imfodunately, were to be followed by disappoint- ment and failure. And when Andrews had retired from his post, Bar- clay, by occasional visits and ministrations, sought to prevent the utter loss to (he Church of the seed that had been sown. But even his efforts, allhougli jnirsued with exemplar}- patience, and animated by an earnest love for the souls of (he savages, were long in producing any results. Still he persevered, in the hope and prayer that the MISSIONAUY LABORS AMONG THE INDIANS. 327 Lord of the harvest wouUl, in His own good time, give the reward for his toil. Among the negro slaves at Albany ho was abundant in labors, and not without a measure of success. The successors of Barclay at Albany continued the labors wliich Barclay had begun. The IJev. John Miln, who was appointed to the mission in 172U, was in the hal)it of meeting the Mohawks four times each year, remaining live days with them on each periodical visit. The commanding ofhcer of the garrison wrote to the society in 1731, that Mr. Miln had been indefatigable in his labors in instructing the Indians in the principles of the Christian religion ; and, in 1735, he was able to state, "that the Indians were very much civilized of late, which he imputed to the industry and power of the Rev. John Miln ; that he was very diligent in baptizing both children and adults ; and that the number of the communicants was daily increasing." Headds, that "many of the Indians have become very orderly, and observe the Sabbath." The same year, on the recommendation of the devoted Miln, Henry Barclay, son of the former rector of Albany, who had just been gi'aduated at Yale, was appointed Indian catechist at Fort Hunter, and two years later, on the removal of Miln to New Jersey, Barclay, who had given good proof of his zeal and ability, was summoned to Eng- land to receive holy oixlers. On his return he was received with expressions of hearty welcome by "both his congregations, but more especially by the poor Indians, who, many of them, shed tears of joy." For upwards of eight years Barclay continued his abundant labors to the English and savages with marked success. Besides his services on Sundays, he catechised and instructed the Indians in the evenings, on which occasion thirty, forty, and sometimes tifty adults would be in attendance. The value attached by the Indians to these services was evident. The evidences of improvement in manners and morals were marked and unmistakable. Intemperance, which had become almost universal, was well-nigh rooted out. The Indians became inter- ested and regular attendants upon divine service, and were attentive listeners to instruction. In 1743 the missionary was able to report that but two or three out of the whole tribe remained unbaptized, and that, with the approval and consent of the governor, he had appointed Indian school-masters at the two towns, "Cornelius, a sachem, at the lower, and one Daniel, at the upper, who are both very diligent, and teach the young JNIohawks with surprising success." ^ It was in the midst of these aljundant tokens of success, and when, fi'om the missionary's long residence among the Indians and his inti- mate knowledge of their habits and language, there seemed a readiness for even greater triumjihs in the reduction of the whole tribe of Indians, and many of their allies, to Christianity, that the French war broke out, and the promising woi'k of christianizing and civilizing the In- dians was checked. It was of this interruption to his plans and labor that Barclay then wrote : — About the middle of November, 1715, the French Indians came to an open rupture with us, and, witli a party of French, fell upon a frontier settlement, which > S. P. G. Report, for 1743. 328 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. they laid in ashes, and made most of the inhabitants, to tlie number of about a hundred, prisoners ; ever sinee whieh time they liave kept us iu a eontinual alarm by skulking parties, who frequently murdered and carried oil" tlie poor inhabitants, tieating tliem in the most inhumnn and barbarous manner, by which means the lately populous and nourishing county of Albany is become a wilderness, and num- bers of people who were possessed of good estates, are reduced to poverty. The j\Ioha\vks preferred to hold themselves neutral during this invasion, and, as the prospects of missionary lal)or among them were clouded, it being impossible for the clergy-man to continue his long journeys from town to town when, at every step, exposed to the dan- ger of death or the certainty of captivity, Barclay accepted an invita- tion to the charge of Trinity, New York, rendered vacant at this time by the death of the aged Vesey. Thus, for a time, the Indian mission work of the venerable societj' was brought to a summary' close. Two j'ears after Barclay's removal the Rev. JohnOgllvic, a gradu- ate of Yale, and " a young gentleman of an extraordinary good char- acter," was appointed to the mission at Albany. For this appointment he possessed a special qualitication in his familiaritj^ with the Dutch language. At the outset he appears to have spent a winter with the Indians, whom he found attentive to all the observances of religion, although so long a time had elapsed without the presence of a mission- ary. On his dejoarture, however, there was a relapse into habits of intemperance. lie urged upon the society the establishment of " hos- telries" titled for tlieir reception, where they might be thoroughl}'' instructed in the Christian religion, and through this means iu the principles of the Christian faith. Patiently, and not without a measure of success, did this worthy missionary pursue his labors among the English and the Indians alike. A l)riglit and ]iromising l)()y, whose education he had personally superintended till ho could speak good English, and had learned to " read in the Psalter," was removed from his care, l)y the parents of the child, lest, as they expressed it, he should learn to despise his own nation. In 17GS Mr. Ogilvie informed the socict}' that many of the IMoiiawks of both "castles" seemed to possess a serious and hMl)itual sense of religion. AVhcn at their homes they regularly attended the services of t lie Church, and were frecjuently at the holy communion. Even when absent on a hunling expedition several of them came sixty miles to communicate on the Feast of the Nativity. The number of Indian communicants was fifty. In his report to tiio society, in 17.")!), he rei)orts the baptism of twenty-seven Indian children in eighteen months. During an invasion of the Indians from Canada, in 1758, the Mohawks continued lo3'al, though many of their houses were burned and whole families were carried into eai)tivity. In I iraddock's expedition many of the Mohawks were eng;igcd, and at the di>:istrous defeat of the English, twelve iiriiicipal men of the tribe fell in Ijuttle. Six of the twelve were faithful communicants of the Cimrch, and, while they were iu the campaign, Abraham, their eate- chist, who was also one of their sachems, regularly performed for them the morning and evening service of the Church. We reineml)er, with de<'i) interest, the midnigiit burial of the unfortunate Braddock, at which the jouiig \\'asliington read the burial-service of the Cliurch, MISSIONARY LABOKS AMONG TIIK INDIANS. 32'J heard then for the first time, on that .spot now so populous. Wc may also remember the matins and cvon-song of the ("hri.stian Indians, under the leadership of their good old catechist, as doubtless the first prayers of the Church iieard or uttered in Western Pennsj'lvania. A letter from Ogilvie, early the following year, is full of historical interest as recording the introduction of the services of the Church of England at Niagara. It contrasts the zeal and devotion of the Frcucli, in religious matters, with the apathy and indifl'erence of the English. in a most severe though truthful manner. It is dated February 1, 1760: — I attended the royal American regiment upon the expedition to Niagara ; aiul indeed, there was no other chaplain u|)nn tliat department though there were tlirec reguhir regiments, and the provincial regiment of New York. The Mohawlvs were all upon this service, and almost all the Six Nations ; they amounted in the whole to nine hundred and forty at the time of the siege. I officiated constantly to the Mohawks and Oneidas, who regularlj' attended divine service. I gave them exhortations suitable to the emergency, and I Hatter myself mj- presence with them contributed, in some measure, to keep up decency and order amongst them. The Oneidas met us at the lake, near tlieir castle, and as tliey were acquainted with my coming, they brought ten children to receive baptism, and, young women, who had been instructed in the principles of Christianity, came likewise to receive that holy ordinance. I baptized them in the presence of a numerous crowd of sjiectators, who all seemed pleased with the attention and serious behaviour of the Indians upon that solemn occasion ; and indeed, bad as they are, I must do them the justice to say, that, whenever they attend the offices of religion, it is witli great appearance of solemnity and decency. During the campaign I have had an opportunity of conversing with men of every one of tlic Six Nation conf cderacv, and of every nation I lind some who have been instructed by the priests of Canada, and ajipcar zealous Roman Catholics, ex- tremely tenacious of the ceremonies and peculiarities of that church; and, from vciy good authoritj', I am informed that there is not a nation, bordering upon the fom" great lakes, or the banks of the Ohio, the Mississippi, all the the way to Louisi- ana, but what are supplied mtli priests and school-masters, and have very decent places of worship, with eveiy splendid utensil of their religion. How ought we to blush at our coldness and shameful indilTerence in the propagation of our most excellent religion! The harvest truly is great, but the laborers are few. The Indians themselves are not wanting in making very pertinent reflections upon om* inattention to these points. The possession of the important fortifications of Niagara is of the utmost con- sequence to the English, as it gives us the hapi)y opportunit)' of commencing and cultivating a friendship with those numerous tribes of Indians who inhabit the bor- ders of Lakes Erie, Iluron, Michigan, and even Lake Superior; and the fur trade, which is carried on by these tribes, which all centres at Niagara, is so very consid- erable, that I am told, by verj- able judges, that the b'rench look upon Canada of very little importance without the possession of tliis important pass. It certainly is so, and must appear ob\'ions to any one who understands the geography of this country. It cuts off and renders their communication with their southern settle- ments almost impracticable. In this fort there is a very handsome chapel ; and the priest, who was of the order of St. Francis, had ,a commission as the King's chap- Iain to this garrison. He had particular instructions to use the Indians who came to trade, with great hospitality (for whicli he had a particular allowance), and to instruct them in the principles of the faith. Tlie service of the Chm-ch was per- formed here with great ceremony and parade. I ])erformcd divine service in the church evci-y day during ray stay there, but I am afraid it has never been used for this purpose since, as there is no minister of the Gospel there. The neglect will not give the Indian the most favorable impression of us. In marked contrast with the aid and countenance aObrdod to the priests and Jesuits iu their missions was the lack of countenance and 330 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. utter indilference to the Indian work displayed on the part of the loading men of the colony, of w]ii(-li Ogilvic had reason to complain. IStill the faithful missionary was not without some fruits of his ministiy, and we cannot but add from his graceful pen another letter telling of missionary' exj)erience and results, which even the operations of war did not intermit. Under date of August 9, 17()0, he writes as follows : — By this I beg leave to inform the Society, that 1 left Albany on the 24th of .lunc, in order to join the army, who were proceeding under General Amherst to Oswego. I tarried at Fort Hunter three days. I preached twice diirmg that time, and administered tlie sacrament of baptism to several white and Indian childi'en. The Mohawks were preparing for the field, and told me tliey should overtake me near the Oneida lake, at whicS place a considerable nimiber of Indians joined us. General Amherst being at the Oneida lake on the preceding Sunday, went up as far as tlie Onedia town. Upon his arrival there he found them at their worship, and exjjressed a vast pleasure at the decency with which the service of our Chiu-ch was performed by a grave Indian sachem. They applied to the General to leave directions to me to come to tlie Castle upon my aiTival at tlie lake. Agreeably to the General's directions, I went to the Oneida town the 18th day of July. I had sent a Mohawk Indian before so that, upon my coming into the town, I found a large congi-eo^ation met for Divine service which was performed with great solem- nity. Six adults presented themselves to be examined for baptism who, all of them, gave a very satisfactory account of the Christian faith, and appeared to have a serious sense of religion. I baptized tliem, and immediately after joined them in maniage. They were three principal men, and their wives, who had lived many years together, according to the Indian custom. I baptized fouiteen cliildren ; and, in all, I joined nine couples in the holy bauds of marriage. I was much pleased with tliis'dav'.s solemnity ; it would have been a noble subject for the pen of one of the Jesuits of Canada. I would to God we had labourer.-; in this jiart of the %-ineyard, to keep alive the spark that is kindled among some of these ti-ibes, and spread the glad tidings of the Gospel among the numerous tribes, with whom we have now a tree communication. Besides my duty in the anny, I attend tlie Indians, and give them prajers, as often, on week days, as the public sei"vice of the camp will admit; and on Sunday, tlie General always gives public orders for Divine service among the Indians. I lio])e soon to congratulate the venerable Society upon the entire conquest of Canada ; and I pray God that, by that means, there may be an effectual door opened for tlie propagation of the blessed Gospel amongst the heathen. The war was brought to a happy end by the victory of Wolfe and the capture of (Juebec. Ogilvie, on congratulating the society u})on so satisfactory a termination of the struggle, proceeded to state that thi'oughout the camijaign he had been parlicularly at pains to per- form all the offices of religion among the Indians, "great numbers of whom attended constantly, regularly, and decently." His communi- cation closes with these words : — I am untiblo to express the imiversal joy and triumph that prevail amongst us at tliis ))iriod of public success, llow remarkably has Goil in His proridence sustiiincd the cause, and restored the honour of our country, by the successes of the past and the glorious conclusion of tlie year. Tlic inliiibitants of tliis iiorthcni region of America are now iiappy in the quiet jiossession of their cstufes. "No more leading into cajitivity ; " a captivity big willi danger and horror ; "no more conij)laining in the streets." May all th(!.so hapjiy evi'iits eonspire to bring about a speiMly, sale, anil liononrable peace. Maj' the peaceable kingdom of the Kedecmer universally prevail among.st mankind, and all tlic world know the only ti'ue God and .Icsus Christ whom He hath sent. MISSIOXAKV LABOHS AMONG THE INDIAN'S. 331 One .'ilouc (ir"tli(' Icudiiio; iiioii ot'tlu- |ii'oviiicc," ol' whose apathv Ogilvif had coiiiphiincd. Ix'tViciidcd tlic ])aiiistakiiif tlic liuliiiiw to the Itritisli ilouiinions. »In the N.Y. llisl. Snc. I.ilirarv. Tljis work MISSIONARY LABORS AMONG TIIi; INDIANS. 333 At the conclusion of the war, on the rcfonniuMidation of Sir Williiini Johnson, the Rev. John Stuart, who has hwn styled \)y the first Bishop of Toronto "the father of the Church in Upper Canada," was appointed by the society as missionary to the Mohawks. Stuart ari'ived at Fort Hunter on the 2d of December, 1770, and was re- ceived with great joy by the Indians. Tlio number of inhabitaiils at the fort was less than two hundred. On the Christmas day follow- ing his arrival he officiated at Canaijohere, a village thirty miles dis- tant, preaching and administering the holy communion to twenty Indian converts. He described them as "attending divine service con- stantl}', and making the responses with the greatest regularity and seeming devotion." " Indeed," he j)rocecds, " their whole deportment is such as is but rarely seen in religious assemblies that have been better instructed." By the advice and with the encouragement of Sir William Johnson, Mr. Stuart secured the preparation of a Jlohawk translation of the Gospel of St. Mark, with a compendious history of the Bible, and an exposition of the church catechism. In this imi)or- tant work the aid of the celebrated Joseph Brant was most valu- able. In 1774 Stuart informed the society, with respect to those people, that "their morals are much improved since my residence among them." It was in that year that Sir William Johnson died, a loss to the mission and to the Indians that could not be supplied. The liev. Charles Inglis, afterward first Bishop of Nova Scotia, de- voted no little time and labor in the service of the Mohawks in con- nection with Stuart, finding, as long as the baronet survived, a sympa- thizing adviser and a most efficient helper in all his eflbrts for the Indians' good. The opening scenes of the war for independence found the mission- ary and his converts exposed to suspicion and danger, in view of their steady loyalty to the crown. At the first the Indians combined to pro- tect their beloved teacher and priest, and publicly declared that they would defend hiin as long as he continued among them. But it was not long before this means of safety was removed. The story is best told in the missionary's own graphic words : — At the commencement of the unhappy contest betwixt Great Britain and her colonies, I acquamted the society of the lirm reliance I had on the lidelily and loyalty of my congregation, which has justified my opinion ; for the faitlif iil Mohawks, i-ather than swerve from their allegiance, chose rather to abandon their dwellings and property ; and accordingly went in a body to General Burgoync, and alterwanls were otdiged to take shelter in Can.ada. While they remained at Fort Hunter I continued to oiEciate as usual, performing the public service entire, even after the Declaration of Independence, notwitlistanding liy so doing I incurred the penalty of higli treason by tlie new laws. As soon as my ijrotectors were lied I was made a prisoner, and ordered to depart the province with my family, witliin the space of four days or be put into close conlinement. and this only upon sus- picion that 1 was a loyal subject of the Kin^ of Great Britain. Upon this I was admitted to "paroles" and confined to the limits of the town of Schenectady, in which situation I have remained for upwards of three years. My house lias been frequently broken open by mobs, my property jilundered, and, indeed, every kind of indignity oft'ered.to my person by the lowest of tlie populace. At length my farm, and the produce of it, was formally taken from me in JNla}' last, as forfeited to the State ; and, as the last rcsoiu'co, T proposed to open a Latin school for the support of ni}- family. But tliis privilege was denied, on pretence that, as a prisoner of 334 HISTOKY OF THK AMERICAN KPISCOPAL CHt'RCH. war. I was not entitled to exercise any lucrative occupation in the State. I then applied for permission to remove to Canada, which, after ranch difficulty and ex- pense, 1 obtained upon the i'ollo\\dng conditions: — to give bail in the sum of 400Z. to send a rebel colonel in my room, or else return to Albany, and surrender myself a prisoner whenever required. In consequence of which I set out on my journey from Schenectady on the I'Jth of September last, with my wife and three small children ; and, alter suti'ering much latigue and dilticiilty, we arrived safe at St. John's in Canada on tlie 'Jth inst. ... I cannot omit to mention that my church was plundered by the rebels, and the ])ulpit-cloth taken away from the pulpit ; it was aftcrwai'ds emjiloyed as a tavern, and a barrel of rum placed in the reading- desk. The succeeding year it was used for a stable, and now serves as a fort. On the arrival of Stuart in Canada he proceeded directly to the Mohawk village, where the refugees from Fort Hunter and its vicinity liad found a new home. Here tlie jiriest was atfectionately welcomed by his Indian flock, and here under more favorable auspices he renewed his labors among them. Thus closed the patient and not wholly fruit- less efforts of tlie veneralile societj' for the Indians within the limits of the United States. ILLUSTRATIVE NOTE. THE stoiy of tlie church missions to the Indians fails to present the striking re- sults atfcvined by Eliot and the Puritan laborers in the same field ; but, while the successes attjiined by the latter have left no abiding trace behind, there are still Christianized and civilized savages who are the f ruitsof the mis.sions to the Indians of New York. The Indian Bible of Eliot is a sealed book, but the translation of the Raodereanayent m Royancr* COngwanlha ne Karonghyage tighsideron; Wafagh- •^ feanadogeaghtinc. Sayanertfera lewe, Tagferro ^ghniavvanea tfiniyought Karonghy^gouh, oni Ogh- wentiiage. Niyadewighniferage Takwanadaranondagh- iik nonwa: Neoni Tondakwaiighwiyongliftouh tfini- jugKtontTfiakwadaderighwiyoiig'hfteani. Neoni togh fa tacKvvaghfanncghc Devvaddatdenageraghtonke, ne- sane {adyadakwaghs ne Kondighferoheanfe; ikea Sa- yanertfera ne na-ah, rieoni iiG Kaelhatfle, neoni ne Onweieaghtak ne tfiniyeheawe neoni tfiniyeheawe. Amm. nW. lord's rUATFR, VROM THE UOIIAWK rRA-i-F-R-BOnK. prayer-book, piinted again and again in the l-ast century, is of service still, and the Indians of Canada arc faithful adherents of the C:hurcli which brought to their an- cestors the gospel more than a century ago. CHAPTER XX. THE WESLEYS AND GEORGE WHITEFIELD, MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEORGIA. TIIE colonizatiou of Georgia received its impulse and wou success largely through the sympathy and support it obtained from the clergy and the Ciiurchofthe mother-laud. " JSfon sihi, sed aliis," was the motto affixed to the common seal of the trustees of this nol)le charity, which had for its oliject not only the protection of the southern border of the Carolinas against Spanish incursions from Florida, or the inroads of the French on the ^Mississippi, but also the provision of an asylum for the poor of England and the persecuted protestants of Ger- many. In fui'thering these unselfish and laudable objects all classes and conditions of men wore united. James Oglethorpe, darum et venerabile nomen, the leader in this scheme of colonization, had won renown, not alone in military affairs, but as an advocate, in the House of Com- mons and elsewhere, of the insolvent and imprisoned delators, many of whom were at that time, through the operation of barl)arous laws, pining and perishing for no other fault than that of poverty, in loath- some and pestilential jails throughout England. Obtaining from the king, George II., on the 9th of June, 1732, a charter for a settlement upon the lands owned liy the crown, and lying south of the Savannah river, the philanthropic exertions of " The generous band, Who, touched with human woe, redressive searched Into the horrors of the gloomy gaol," ' were at once directed towards the successful accomplishment of their plans to add to present relief permanent benefits, enabling the honest, but unfortunate debtors, who were else at the mercy of their creditors, to tind in new homes, and under more genial skies, the opportunity for self-support and for securing the reward for faithful labor. Lit)erty of conscience was made a chartered right of the colonists, at the; in- stance and by the voluntary action of churchmen, wiio were largely in the majority and had a controlling influence in the Board of Trustees ; and, with a self-denial worthy of mention and remembrance, the trus- tees were precludcnl "from receiving any grant of land in the province, or any salarj', fee, perquisite, or ])rolit whatsoever, l)y or from the un- flertaking." ^ In the language of the historian of the State : — ' Thomson's " Seasons," Winter. ' Stevens's " Cieorgia," i., p. 07. 336 HISTOKV (IF IIIK AMF.IMCAX Kl'lSCi il-AL ( lUliCH. (ifiorcria was the tirst colony ovor foundod bv charity. New Enj^land liail been settled by ruritans, who lied thither for consoienco" sake. — New York, by a eom])any of nierelianls and ay the nurturings of a disinterested charity.' Alul thi.s iic't of l)ciiotioeiioe wa.s an act of taitli .•iiid clmrity of tlie Cburcli of P^iiijlaiul. Attracted l\y the liberal pi'oposals of the trustoe.si, and the bright prospects openinn: ))efoi-(! tlioiii in the New World. Deptford, selected as tlie place of enibarkalioii, and lying a few miles below London, was IjENKK.VI. JAMKs 0(iI,KT]lnUl"K. thronged « ith ap))licaiil.-, seeking a lunne in tlie frcely-otleied paradise across the .sea.s. Thirty-Hvefaniilies were selected bythe trustees, num- liering ill all about one hundred and twenty-ti\c "solier, industrious and moral persons." The ehiirclily character of the colonists is shown in till' solemn ser\ices and Micr.-iiiunt on tlie t\\ rnt\ -tliird Sunday after Trinity, Sow 12, 17;i2, at the Jiarish church at Millon, on the banks of the Thames, which they iittcndcd in ii body. It was to them an occasion of ])eculiar .•^oleniiiily. Never again would they join in the ' .su-vi'ii'.'s "(icorjjria," I., p. CS. MISSIONAKIES OF THE CIIUUCII IN GEOUOIA. 337 common prayer and common praise of" tlio motlicr-clmrch on their native soil. It was not an ago of sentiment, and tlic actors in the scene were those who, in the life-struggle for bread, had long lost the enthusiasm and enterprise of the earlier emigrants ; hut to these " exiles of penury," whose eyes no longer looked ujjon the world from behind the prison bars, and whose limbs, ci'amped and worn by irons in the past, were now free forever, there must have come somewhat of hope and hajipiness in the new life opening before them. In leaving home they were not to leave behind them their Church and her sacred ordi- nances. The Rev. Henry Herbert, D.D., accompanied them in their voj'age, influenced neither by fee or hope of reward ; but giving, as it proved, his life to them in the si)irit of his Master, Christ. Reaching the coast of America about the middle of January, 1733, the colony landed at Beaufort on the 2Uth, while Oglethorpe proceeded to the Savannah river to select a site for the first settlement. A bold, pine-crowned bluff, near the mouth of the Savannah, attracted the explorers, and was fixed ui)on as the home for the eolon3^ Returning to Beaufort on the 2-ith of January, the following Sunday, Sexa- gcsima, was made a day of praise and thanksgiving for the safe voyage across the sea, and the bright presages of good luck attending their landing on the shores of the New World. On this glad day the Rev. Lewis Jones, of Beaufort, jjreached to the settlers, their chajjlain, the Rev. Dr. Ilerliert, preaching in the towu.^ Leaving the ship, " The Annie," in which they had crossed the ocean, at Port Royal, the colo- nists emiiarked on a smaller craft, on Tuesday, the 30th of January, and, detained by a storm, did not reach their destination until Thurs- day the 1st of Fel)ruary (old style) .^ They had brought with them bibles, prayer-books, psalters, catechisms, books of devotion, and a library of religious works. The Rev. Samuel AV^esley had, among the earliest gifts to the colony, presented a chalice and patin of pewter for " present use until silver ones could be had." The surplice had been furnished, and the grave and reverend priest — the Rev. Dr. Herbert — was there ; so that from the start the ordinances and oflices of I'cligion were used, and the new enterprise baptized in prayer. Dr. Herbert remained with his flock but three months, dying on his return voj^age to England. The vacancy thus occasioned was filled on appli- cation to the venerable Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts by the appointment of the Rev. Sanmcl Quincy, A.M.* A site had l)een selected for a church, and a glebe had been provided for the minister. A silver chalice and patin were sent out to supersede the use of those presented by the father of John and Charles ^\"esley, and every provision for the orderly and reverent administration of the sacraments was carefully provided. Still this frontier post ■was no sinecure, and Quincy, who arrived in May, 1733, and con- tinued at his duty till October, 1735, found himself at length un- I Force's "Hist. Tracts," i., " Establishment Ch.,"ni., pp. nni-t. Hawkins's "Hist. Notices," of theColonvof Ua.," p. 9. p. 92. Stevens's " Hist, of Ga.," I., pp. 221, 321-2. = Tlic 12!li inst., new style. Dalcho's "Cli. in S.C," pn. 107, 1(1;), 163, 319, 'Ord.iineil I).-acon, Oct. 18, and Priest, Oct. 361. " Hist. Ma^S" «•- PP- l"Sl,'.;48,249. CJard- 28, 1730, by Dr. .John Wau;:li, Bishop of Carlisle, ncr's "AJil. on llenn- Trice," pp. lOS, 110, etc. For notices of Mr. Quincy vide Anderson's " Col. 338 ■ HISTORY OF TIIE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. able longer to brook the annoyances to which he was subjected by the "insolent and tyrannical magistrate to whom the government of the colony Mas committed." Finding Ihat " Georgia, which was seemingly intended to be the asylum of the distressed, was likely, unless things grcatl_y altered, to be itself a mere scene of distress," he sought and obtained leave from the society to return to England in the summer of IT.'U). That he had met with " hard usage" was the testimony of the Ilcv. Commissary Garden, of South Carolina, in a letter addressed to the Bishop of London,^ while the excellent Lewis Jones, of Beau- fort, bore witness to the tact that "during his residence in Georgia" he had "behaved there very commendably both with respect to his morals and the due discharge of his ministerial office." - Prior to the return of Quincy overtures had been made to the already cele1)rated John Wesley to undertake the Georgia mission. His father had died on the 15th of April, 1735, and the effort the son had made, apparently' at his father's instance,^ to secure the reversion of the living for himself, had failed. At this juncture Dr. Burton, president of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, and one of the Georgia trustees, commended the young enthusiast to Oglethorpe, as specially qualified for the spiritual care of the colony. Urged by Oglethorpe to undertake the work AVesley took counsel of his ])rother Samuel, sought the advice of the celebrated William Law, and other friends, and finally laid the pro[)osition before his widowed mother. "Had I twenty sons I should rejoice that they were all so emploj^ed, though I should never see them more," was the answer of the heroic woman, who cared for nothing so much as the glory of God and the good of men. In September Wesley had decided to go. In a long letter, filled with good advice, Dr. Burton urged him, on his arrival in Georgia, to visit from house to house and preach everywhere. He tells him that " some of the colonists arc ignorant, and most of them arc disposed to licentiousness." lie proceeds: "You will find abundant room for the exercise of patience and prudence, as well as pietj'. , You see the harvest truly is great. With regard to j'our behaviour and manner of address, you will keep in mind the pattern of St. Paul, who became ' all things to all men that he might gain some.' In every case distinguish between what is essential and what is merely' circumstantial to Christianity ; between what is indispcnstible and what is variable ; between what is of divine and what is of human authority. I mention this, because men are apt to deceive themselves in such cases ; and we sec the traditions and ordinances of men fre- quently insisted on, with more vigor than the commandments of God, to which they arc subordinate."'' On Tuesday, John Wesley, willi his brother Charles, and Benjamin Ingham, of tiueen's College, Oxford, and Charles Delamotte, the sou of a London merchant, embarked at Gravescnd for Georgia. "Our end in leaving our native country was not to avoid want (God having given us i)lcnt3' of tcnii)oral bless- ings), nor to gain the dung or dross of riches or honour, but singly ' Georgia MS., unilcr ilate of Decciubcr 22, *'' Tvcnnairs " l.ilc arul Times of tlic Ilcv. 1737. Joliii Wesley," I., jip. 102-101. 'Ccorjpa MS., under Jatc of June 3, 1736. « Ibhl., pp. lOU, 110. MISSIONARIES OF THE CUUKCll IN GEOKGIA. 339 this, to save our souls; to live wholly to the glory of God."' The voyage began with a Sunday service and saci'aiucnt. At morning and evening, prayers were said. The holy connnunion was celebrated on e\ ery Sunday, and on Christmas besides. On the Gth of February, about eight O'clock in the morning, this little band of mission-laborers "first set foot on American ground. It was a small, uninluil)itcd island, over against T3l)ee. Mr. Oglethorpe led us to a rising ground, where wc all kneeled down to give thanks. We then took boat for Savannah. When the rest of the people were come on shore we called our little tlock together to prayers." ** Quincj' was still at Savannah w'hen Wesley ari'ived, and was oc- cup3iDg"the minister's house." A vacant room served as the place of worship, and the ardent Wesley was not long in inaugurating a system of churchly rule and observance, which recalls the early days of Virginian colonization. On Quinquagcsima Sunday, ^March 7, ITvSfi, Wesley entered upon his ministry at Savannah, "preaching on the epistle for the day, being the 13th of the first of Corinthians."* On the first Sunday in Lent he administered the holy communion, giving notice of his " design to do so, every Sunday .ind holyda}-, according to the rules of our Church.'"* There were eighteen communicants. Incidentally we learn from his journal something of his Lenten aus- terities. At one time he lived solely upon bread. During holy week he instituted a "little society " among "the more serious " of " the little flock in Savannah." Out of this he selected a smaller number "for a more intimate union with each other," who met in the minister's house every Sunday afternoon. On the second Sunday after Easter he "began dividing the public prayers, according to the original appoint- ment of the Church " Morning prayer began at five o'clock. The communion ofBcc, ■with the sermon, was at eleven. The evening prayer was said about three o'clock. From this time the pr.aj^ers were in the court-house, "a large and convenient place." Baptism by im- mersion Avas now insisted upon. Ascension day was observed by a celebration. The little society grew in numbers. Complaints were made that his " sermons were satires upon particular persons," and that the people could not "tell what religion he was of." His wish to go to minister to the Indians was again and again refused. Savannah could not be left without a minister. In the meantime Charles Wesley had returned to England. He liad l)een assigned to Frederica, and on the evening: of his arrival gathered the few settlers together for prayers in the open air. Oglethorpe was present, and this enthusiastic young cl(!rgyman records in his journal the appropriateness of the les- son appointed for the occasion. The day after his arrival he insisted upon the baptism, by immersion, of all the children who had not re- ceived the sacrament, unless certified of their iMal)ility to endure it. Four times each day the drum lieat to pra3'ers, and, although even the well-disposed found this frequency of services unnecessary and annoy- ing, the chaplain could not be induced to intermit his aiipointments. Even Oglethorpe lost patience at the display of this ill-timed zeal, ■ Wesley's Journal, London, 1827, 1., p. 15. = /')i. '/JiJ., p. 26. 340 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. and, after a series of petty misunderstiindings and provocations, Charles Wesley turned his back upon the work and returned to Eng- land, after a residence of but little more than four months. The words found at the close of the second lesson for the day of his departure from Savannah, "Arise, and let us go hence," are noted in his journal as aptly marking the close of his stay in Georgia. John Wesley sought to make good his 1)rother's absence I13' occa- sional visits to Frederica, walking through swamps and thickets, lying out all night, exposed to storms, and often destitute of food. " By his coming the JNIorning and Evening Prayers were revived ; " ser- vices in German wei'e also had for tiie benefit of those who could not understand the English tongue, and the more thoughtful were banded together as in Savannah for godly reading, prayer, and praise. "On one occasion, after Evening Prayer," the journal records that he read to his little auditory " one of the exhortations of Ephraim Syrus, the most awakening writer (I think) of all the ancients." ' On Tuesday, February 1, 1737, "being the anniversary feast, on account of the first convoy's landing in Georgia," the journal notes that they " had a sermon and the Holy Communion." Ingham returned this month to England "to bring over, if it should please God, some of our friends to strengthen our hands in His work." Delamotte busied liimself in instructing "between thirty and forty children to .read, write, and cast accounts." The children were catechised l)efore and after school, again on Saturday, and on Sunday in church, before the evening service, and the best of them still again l>efore the congregation after the second lesson. An hour was spent at the minister's house after evening ser^'ice on Sundays and Wednesdays " in prayer, singing and mutual exhortations." A communicants' meeting was held on Saturday evening, and a few were found to come on the other evenings of the week for an half-hour's prayer and praise. On Palm Sunday, April 3, 1737, "and everyday in this great and holy week," there was " a sermon and the Holy Connnunion." To his studies in German and French, in both which languages he ministered from time to time, he added the acquisition of Spanish, " in order," as he tells us, " to con- verse with my Jewish jiarishioners, some of whom seem nearer the mind that was in Christ than many of those who call Him Lord." Ho met witii the commissary, Alexander Garden, and the clergy in the neighboring province of South Carolina, at the ajipointed " Visitation," and found great satisftiction in a conversation with them for several hours on " Christ our Righteousness." On Whitsunday " four of our scholars, after having been instructed daily for several weeks, were, at their earnest and their repeated desire, admitted to the Lord's Table." Nothing more could be asked to jji-ove the zeal of this young churchman tiian the extracts we have given from his private journal. That his course was prudent or likely to cllect the ends he certainly had in view few would bo willing to assert. Not content with rubrical exactness in his own ministrations and the imbending enforcement of the acknowledged requirements and usages of the Church, he sought ' Journul, I., p. 30. MISSIONAIUES OF TUE CHUUCII IN GEOUGIA. 341 to promote a deeper piety and a more earnest spiritual life hy practices and precepts, drawn up as ho helievcd from tlic models of the piimitivo age, and suited to the most strict and holy walk with God. It is not to be wondered at that the people at Savannah were as impatient of these multiplied services and pungent sermons as those at Frcdcrica had been of the similar ministratit)ns of his hrotlier Charles. lie was accused of fanaticism, hyjiocrisy, of papistry, and, liually, of resorting to the use of ecclesiastical censures and discipline to avenge a personal disappointment and slight. The ardent and devoted priest/ had fallen in love. Sophia Chris- tiana Ilopkey, a niece of Thomas Causton, the " chief magistrate " of the few hundreds of settlers, had, l)y her i)ersonal charms and devotion to the cause of religion, won the heart of the priest and preacher of Savannah. She had sought his company, had studied with him, had nursed him in iUness, had attended his numerous services and sacra- ments, had conformed to his will and wish in matters of dress, in her diet and in her spiritual life. Wesle3S who was at this time thirty- three years of age, was deeply in earnest in his devotion to " poor Miss Sophy," as he styles her, and there is little doubt but that if she had accepted his proller of marriage the subsequent career of the founder of Methodism would have been far diflerent from what it was. If we ma}' take Miss Ilopkey's testimony, he even oiiered to settle at Savannah, and to modify his ascetic mode of life agreeably to her will. Wesley himself, in his private journal, under date of March 7, 1737, writes as follows : — I walked with Mr. Caiiston to his counhy lot, and plainly fi'lt that, had God given me such a retirement with the companion I desired, I shonld have forgot the work for wliich I was boin, and have set up my rest in tliis world.' The following day the record reads : — Miss Sophy engaged herself to Mr. Williamson, a person not remarkable for handsomeness, neitlier for greatness, neitlicr for wit, or knowledge, or sense, and least of all for religion. Four days later the tale is completed : — They were man-ied at Pmu-ysbm'g, — this being the day whieh completed the year from my first speaking to her. A\'hat Thou doest, O (Jod, I know not now, but I shall know hereafter.*^ Wesley, who had urged his suit anew but a few days before the marriage, still maintained liis pastoral relations with his lost love. The suspicious husband took umbrage at this renewal of the intimacy between the rejected suitor and his wife, and soon forbade her attendance upon Wesley's ministrations. lie went so far as to inter- dict her speaking to him. Notwithstanding (his proliibilion she was present at a sacrament on the fourtii Sunday after Trinily, Jul}' 3, at the close of which Wesley reproved her tor some things in her con- • Tyennan's •' Wesley," i., p. 148. ' Ibid., p. 119. 342 IIISTOKY OF THE AMEKICAN EPISCOPAL CHUKCH. duct towliich he had tuken exceptions. Annoyed and angered by this criticism upon the conduct of his niece, the "chief magistrate," ac- companied by the bailiff and the recorder, called upon Wesley for an explanation or apology. It was not to be expected that Wesley would couless that he was wrong, and at the first sacrament in the following month he repelled Mrs. Williamson from the holy table. The following day the recoi'der issued a warrant for the apprehension of " John Wesley, clerk," to answer the complaint of William Wil- liamson for defaming his wife, and refusing to administer to her the sacrament of the Lord's Suj^pcr in a public congregation without cause, " l)y which the said William Williamson was damaged one thousand i)Ounds sterling." Brought l)efore the bailifl' and recorder, creatures of Causton and dependent upon him for their very livelihood, the outraged priest made answer, " that the giving or refusing the Lord's Supper being a matter purely ecclesiastical, he could not acknowledge their power to interrogate him concerning it." But this answer did not suffice. A true bill having been found by the grand jury the case was placed upon the docket for the Savannah Court. The controversy from this time engrossed the attention of the whole community, and the great body of the colonists was arraj'ed on the one side or the other. The list of grievances on which the grand jury found its bill professed to show that the accused deviated " from the principles and regulations of the Estal>lished Church in man}^ particulars inconsistent with the happiness and prosperity of this colony." These deviations were as follows : — 1 . By inverting the oi'der and method of the liturgy. 2. By alterinf:: such passngi'S as lie thinl^s proper m the version of tlie psalms, iMililicly authorized to bo sung in the church. 3. By introducing into tlie church, and ser\ice at the altar, compositions of psalms and hjmins not inspected or authorized by any i)ro|)er judicature. 4. By introducing noTelties, such as dipping infants, etc., in the sacrament of baptism, and refusing to baptize the children of such as will not submit to his innovations. 5. By I'estricting the benefits of the Lord's Supper to a small number of persons, and refusing it to all others who will not conform to a grievous set of penances, confessions, mortilications, and constant attendance on early and late liours of ])raycr, very inconsistent with the labors and employment of this colony. G. By administering the sacrament of the I^ords Supjjcr to boys ignorant and unqualified ; and that notwitlist.anding of their parents and nearest friends re- monstrating against it, and accusing tiiem of disobedience and other crimes. 7. IJy refusing to administer the holy sacrament to -vvcll-disposed and well- living persons, unless they should submit to confessions and penances for crimes, wiiicii they utterly refuse, and wliercof no evidence is oll'ered. 8. By venting sundry uncl;aritablc expressions of all who diftcr from him ; and not ]ironouu(-ing the benediction in church until all the hearers, except his own communicants, are withdrawn. 0. By teaching wives and servants that they ouglit absolutely to follow the com-se of mortifications, fastings, and diets, and two sds of i)rayers prcscrilicd l)y him, without any regard to llie interests of their private families, or the commands of tlicir respective husbands and masters. It). By refusing tlie ollico of th(^ dead to such as did not communicate with him, or by "leaving out such parts of llu; service as he thouglit jirnper. 11. By scan-iiing into and meddling with the affairs of i)ri vale families, by means of servants and spies employed by him for the purpose, whercbj' the peace, both of public and private life, is muih endangered. MISSIONARIES OF THE CIIUUCII IN GEOKGIA. 343 12. I)y calling himself " ordinary," and thcroby claiming a jurisdiction which is not due to him, and whereby wc should be precluded from access to redress by any superior jurisdiction.' The majority of the jury, on the 1st of September, agreed to the followiuij indictments : — 1. That after tlic 12th of Jlarch last, tlio said >Tohn Wesley did several times privately force liis conversation to Sophia Cluisliana William-on, contrary to the express desire and conmiand of her husband, and did likewise write and privately convey papers to her, thereby occasioning much uneasiness between her and her husband. 2. That on the 7th of August last, he refused the Sacrament of tlie Lord's Supper to Sophia Christiana Williamson, without any apparent cause, much to the disquiet of her mind, and to the groat disgrace anil hurt of her character. 3. 1'hat he hath not, since his arrival in Savannali, emitted any public dec- laration of his adherence to the iirinciiiles and regulations of the Chm'ch of England. 4. That for many months past, he has divided on the Lord's day the order of morning prayer, appointed to be used in the Church of England, by onlj- reading the said morning prayer and the litany at live or six o'clock, and wholly omitting tlie same between the hours of nine and eleven o'clock, the customary time of public morning prayer. 5. That, about the month of April, 173G, he refused to baptize othenvise than by di])ping, the child of Henry Parker, unless the said Henry Parker and his wife would certify that the child was weak and not able to bear dijiping; and added to his refusal, that, miless the said parents would consent to have it dipped, it miglit die a heathen. G. That, notwitlistanding he administered the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper to William Gough, about the month of ]\Iareh, 173G, lie did, within a month after, refuse the saeraiiient to the said William Gough, saying that he had heard that William Gough was a Dissenter. 7. That in June, 17oG, he refused reading the Office of the Dead over the body of Xathaniel Polhill, only because Xathanicl Polhill was not of liis opinion ; by means of which refusal tlie said Nathaniel Polhill was interred without the appointed Office for the Burial of the Dead. 8. Th.at, on or about the 10th of .Vugust, 1737, he, in the presence of Thomas Causton, presumptuously called himself " Ordinary of Savannah," assuming there- by an autiiority which did not belong to him. 9. That in Whitsun-week last lie refused William Aglionby to stand godfather to the child of Ileniy Marley, giving no other reason than that the said William Aglionl)y had not been at the communion table with liim. 10. That, about the month of July last, he baptized the child of Thomas Jones, having only one godfather and godmother, notwithstanding that Jacob Matthews did oiler to stand godfather.' Such were the findings of the major part of tlie jury. Twelve of the whole number of forty-four, including three constables and six tithingraen, drew up and transmitted to the trustees for Georgia a minority report, which, as it is doubtless Weslej^'s own vindication of his cause, is subjoined, as follows: — 1 . That they were thoroughly persuaded lliat the ciiai-gcs against Mr. AVesley were an artifice of Mr. Causton's, designed rather to blacken the character of Mr. Wesley than to free the coloiij- from religious tyranny, as lie had alleged. 2. Th.at it did not appear that i\[r. Wesley had either spoken in ])rivate or written to Mrs. Williamson since the day of her marriage, cxcei)t one letter, whicli he ^vrote on the 6tli of July, at the request of her imcle, as a p:istor, to cxliort and ' Tycrman's "Wesley," I. pp. l.Vi, ITiR. ' Wesley's Unpubli:,Ueil Journal, quoted ia Tyerraan, I., pp. 15G, l.J7. 344 UISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHUKCU. reprove her. Further, tliat though he did refuse the sacrament to ^Irs. Williamson on tlie 7tli of August last, lie did not assume to liiraself any authority contrary to law, for eveiy person intending to comumnieate was bound to signify liis name to tlie curate, at least some time tlie day before, which Mre. Williamson did not do; althougli Sir. Wesley liad, often, in full congi-ogation, declared lie did insist on a compliance with that rubric, and had beforercijcllcd divers persons for noiKtoni- pliauce therewith. 3. That, though he had not in Savannah emitted any public declaration of his adherence to tlie ))rinciples and regulations of the Church of England, he had done this, in a stronger manner than by a formal declaration, by explaining and de- fending the three creeds, tlie thirty-nine articles, tlie whole Book of Common Prayer, and the homilies ; besides, a fonual declaration is not required but from those who have received institution and induction. 4. That thougli he had divided, on the Lord's day, the order of Morning Prayer, this was not conti-ary to any law in being. 5. 'Jhat his refusal to baptize Henry Parker's child, othei-wise than by dipping, was justilicd by the rubric. C. That though he had refused the sacrament to William Gough, the said William (lough ' ])ublicly declared that the refusal was no grievance to him, because Jlr. Wesley had given him reasons with which he was satisfied. 7. That in reference to the alleged refusal to read the burial service over the body of Kathaniel Polhill, they had good reason to believe that iMr. Wesley was at Prederica, or on his return from thence, when Polhill was buried ; besitles Polhill was an Anabaptist, and had expressed his desire that he might not be buried with the church sci-vice. 8. That th(^y were in doubt about the charge against Wesley for his use of the word Ordinary, " not well knowing the meaning of the «ord." 9. 10. Tliat they deemed Mr. Wesley justilicd in his refusal to allow William Aglionlij' ' and Jacob Alatthews to be godfathers by the canons of the Church which forbid " any person to be admitted (loilfather or (Joduiothcr to any child before the said person liad received the Holy C'ommunion," since neither Matthews nor Aglionby had certified Mr. A\'esley that tli'cy had ever communed.' There is but little discrepancy 1)etween the findings of friends or foes. In the main the facts were admitted, but the answer of Wesley was conclusive : — As to nine of the ten indictments against me, I know this court can take no cognizance of them, they being matters of an ecclesiastical nature. Put that con- cerning my speaking and willing to ]\lrs. Williamson is of a secular nature ; and this, therefore, 1 desire may be tried here where the facts complained of were com- mitted.*. He was met by evasions, postponements, delays. In the three nionllis followiuij (he finding of a bill against liiiii ho seems to have attended several dillerent sessions of the court, asking for trial. It is evident that the whole prosecution was the outgrowth of Causton's petty spite, and designed to drive from the colony one wlio dared to oppose iiis will, and was, besides, an obstacle to the exercise of his tyranny. Altera futile attemiit on the ptirt of Causton and his friends to supersede him by the intrusion of a chaplain from Frcdcrica named ' fiou^'li WHS one of the twelve wlio signed dieil a confirmed Deist." Wliilcficld refused to the minority riport of llic jmy. read llic liurial oflicc over his l)od.v. " MeplienH, in liia .Tourn:il oftlic Procce(tin!r« ' I'ide Tycrnian's " Wesley," i., pp. 157, 168 j (I., pp. *J(iH-270), olmracterize!* A;:riMiilty as one Journal, I., pp. 51-.'>(J. wliowe "clmnirterworel>eUerfor;:ot,llKin rerncni- * Unpublished Journal, quoted in Tyernian*'' hcr'd 10 liis infamy." llcwas "n-rrcat dovolceto " Wesley," I., p. 159. rum," and ul the la^t " ilcuiod any Mediator, and MISSIONAIUES UK THE CUUUCII IN GEOKGIA. 345 Dixon, or Dyson,' in his cure, Wesley, on the lltli of Scptoniher, resumed his duties, prcmliing from tiic t(!xt, "It must needs be that offences come," and then proceeding to read a paper "hicii he had first read to the congregation on the day of his entrance upon his cure, and in whicii lie had announced his purpose of obedience to the nibrics and canons of the Church, in the veiy particulars for wliicli he had been faulted by the court. The services were now multiplied. I'rayers were read in French, on Saturdays, in the little settlement of that people at Ilighgate, five miles from Savannah, and similar services were ren- dered on Sundays (o Ihc French immediately within his charge. Ger- man sei-vices were held, once each week, at the village of Hampstead. Prayers were read in Italian at nine on Sunday mornings ; and all this was done in connection with three services, including the weekly Eucharist, in English, together with a public catechising, and an informal gather- ing on Sunday evenings for reading, prayer, and praise. It was, how- ever, but for a brief period that these " labors more abundant " were to be performed for the benefit of the colonists. The cougregatiou dwindled. But few presented themselves to receive the weekly sacra- ment. Discord reigned, and scandal abounded on every side. An attempt at reconciliation failed. Stephens, the secretary of the trus- tees, who arrived tiie last of October, was present at this interview, and notes in his journal, "(hat though the Parson appeared more tem- perate in the Debate, yet he showed a greater Aversion to a coalition than the other." The return of Williamson from Charlestown precipi- tated a step which Wesley and his friends had again and again debated. On the 23d of November Wesley "set up an advertisement in the Great Square," to this effect : — Whereas, John Wesley desims shortly to set out for England, this is to desire those who have borrowed any books of him, to return them as soon as they conven- iently can to John Wesley.' On the following Sunday, November 27, the first Sunday in Advent, he preached from Acts xx. 26, 27. Stephens, who was present, records that he " took occasion to explain what was meant by the counsel of God ; and enforced the practice of all Christian duties very practically ; which he was well qualified to do always. Some people imagined from the choice of his text that he meant it as a sort of Fare well Sermon, I)ut it did not appear so to me from any particular Expressions that could shew it."^ It was, however, the farewell dis- course. At the close of the week, in spite of a show of opposition to his departure on the part of both Williamson and the chief magis- trate, Wesley, after evening prayer, left by boat for Purrysburg, twenty miles from Savannah, and after various vicissitudes set sail for Enofland from Charleston, on the 22d of December, havinij resided in Georgia for one year and nearly nine months. Mr. Wesley's journal while in Georgia was published with the following title : — ' " Infamous by reason of a scandalous life." • Stephens's " Hist, of tia.," I., pp. 336, 337. — Stfvhens^s Journal of Proceedings in lieorgia, ^ Stephens's '* Journal of Procectliufrs in 1., p. 304. Citt.,"l., p. 11. 346 HISTOUV 01' THE AMEHICAN KI'IRCOrAL CHURCH. A M EXTRACT OF THE Rev. Mr. John Wes Lett's JOURNAL Fvom his Embarking for G£oRGi^i^ To his Ketiu-n to London. VVh^/ Jh^ll vue /ny thfn ? 1^/7/ ifiael tuhich follow' d tiffir tl)t hii»i hujcafJe upon Tyni, iiij Zxetei \ — :^\ a^o by An- dieui Brad/'trd, in PhilaJtlfhin. M.DCC. X1.1J1. The ship ■which liroughtWcsloyiiild (lie Downs )iass('mpti;d to officiate at Church ; but by Reason of his Weakness was obliged to stop at the Couimunion Sei'vice.^ The Secretary, a week later, makes the following note : — Whitsunday, Mr. AVhiteiield officiated this day at (Church, and made a Sermon in the forenoon and After, very engaging, to the most thronged Congregation I had ever seen here.^ On Trinity Sunday we are told that " Mr. Whitetield daily manifested his great abilities in tlie Ministry, and as his Sermons were very moving, it was hoped tiicy would make due impression on his numerous Hear- ers."'' A week later, and the " Place of Worship" had "become far too small to contain the numbers of such as sought his Doctrine."^ ■• The Two Fir^t Parts of Uh I-ifc, with hia ' Joiivnnl, i., p. 201. .Tournals, reviscil, corrected ;in(l al)rklgeil ; I>y ' /4/i/.. p. 'Jul. Rev. (icorge Wliitcfiekl, A.I?., Loiulon, 1756, * IOi .Toumal, III., p. 67. " Ibid., pp. 82-84. ■Ibid., pp. 80-81. ' Vide Works, i., p. 231. 354 UISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. "Whiteficld's attacks on the " Whole Duty of Man," and Archbishop Tillotsou, "England's Two great Favorites,"' though possibly, as he claimed, "well-meant," were, as he confessed, " injutlicious." He had fallen out with Wesley. His own converts now deserted him. On his return to England he tells us- that, instead of having thousands to attend hira, scarce one of his spiritual children came to see him from morning to night. The crowds that M'ere wont to throng to his mar- vellous oratory dwindled to hundreds. He had incurred heavy ol)liga- tion for the support of his Orphan-house, while " a family of a hundred " were "to be dail}' maintained four thousand miles off, in the dearest place of the King's dominions." But nothing could long re- strain the ardor or dampen the enthusiasm of this extraordinary man. On the Good Friday after his return from Georgia he began i)reach- ing in Moorlield. Soon a rough " Tabernacle " was erected for his use, and ere long his indomital)le zeal and tireless activity had re- gained his former popularity and influence. The debts contracted for the Orphan-house w-ei'e discharged. Abundant ofl'erings poured in from every side, and the loving heart of the great " Missioner " was filled with praise and thanksgiving to God. In the meantime the " great house " at Bethesda was rapidly approaching completion, and the other buildings, for dormitories, workshops, and storehouses, were already in use. Before leaving for England Whitclield had not only secured the services of a Latin master, but, in his own words, had " laid a foundation in the name of our dear Jesus for an University in Georgia."^ At the l)egiuning of the 3'ear 1 742 there were thirty-nine boys and fifteen girls supported at Bethesda, sevei'al of the larger boj's who liad been instructed at the house having been already apprenticed to trades. A visitor from Boston gives us in detail the daily routine of the house at this time : — The bell riugs in tlio moniin<^ at sunrise, to wake the familj'. When the chililien arise, they sinjj a sliort liynin, and pray by themselves; then they go down and wash; and by the time they have done that, the bell calls to public worship, when a jjortion of scripture is read and expounded, a psalm sung, and the exercise begun and ended witli prayer. Then they Ijreaklast, and afterward go some to their trades, and the rest to their pr.aycrs and sehools. At noon they all dine in the same room, and have comlbrtable and wholesome diet provided. A hymn is sung before and .after dinner; then in about half an hour to school again; and between wliiles lind time enough for recreation. A little after .sunset the bell calls to public duly again, whieli is performed in the same manner as in the morning. After that they sup. and are attended to bed by one of their teachers, who tlieu ])ray with them, as they often do privately. On the s.abbalh day, they all dine on cold meat provided the day before, that none may be kept from public worship, wliich is attended four times a day in sunnuer and three in winter. Tlie children are kept reading between whiles.* The itinerant life of Whiteficld made it necessary that he should be relieved of the cliiirge of tlu^ clmnli at Savannah, and, after the return of the Kcv. AVilliam Norris, \vho had met with much discouragement at Frederiea, and whose ministrations at Savannah were the less acccj^ta- blc in view of calumnies that had been raised against his character, ' fiillics's McmoiiN, p. 08. "Teeners, Works, I., p. 185. ' W'oiks, I., p. 250. • Works, in., pp. «7, MS. MISSIONARIES OF THE CUURCII IN GEORGIA. 355 the trustees appointed the Rev. "\Yilliam jMcttalf, of Lincohishirc,' as incumbent of the church at Savannah. ]\Ietcalf, thoujjh impatiently expected at Savannah,- died before enterinj^ ni)on his duties. On the 25th of July, 1741, the Eev. Christopher Orton recived the appoint- ment ; but his labors were shoi'tly terminated by his decease at Savannah, in August, 1742. On the 4tli of July, 1743, the Rev. Thomas Bosomworth was licensed to perform all religious and ecclesiastical otEccs ill the colony. He reached Georgia in November, and pro- ceeded to Fredcrica, " there being at that place and parts adjacent near a thousand souls (the regiment included), destitute of all man- ner of helps to Christian knowledge." ^ Here the congregation was larger than the place of worship " could well contain." The children were catechised by the new missionary, and the fundamental articles of the faith " explained in the most easy and intelligible manner." But the missionary zeal of the chaplain was of short duration. The better " to carry on the great work of promoting Christian knowledge amongst the natives of America," as Bosomworth professed in his letter to the venerable society on the 8th of July, 1744, he "married a woman of unexceptionable character, born in the Creek Indian nation, but brought up in Carolina, baptized, and well instructed in the principles of Chris- tianity." In this alliance with an Indian " princess," who had been twice married before, and in both cases to Englishmen, Bosomworth could have had no other end in view than personal aggrandizement. Dis- missed from the society's service for leaving his cure without per- mission, on his return to Georgia he instigated an outbreak on the part of the Indians, with a view of enforcing a claim on behalf of his wife against the colony, for a large sum due for unquestioned services. No little ingenuity and boldness was shown in the prosecution of these schemes by the chaplain, who, in full canonicals and accompanied by his wife, in all the insignia of her native dignit}', together with their savage allies, sought, by a display of their strength, to terrify the people of Savannah into compliance with their demands. Nothing but the prompt and daring arrest and imprisonment of the doughty priest and his Indian bride averted a calamity which would have left Savannah in ashes, and put back the settlement of Georgia for years. Bosomworth was succeeded by the Rev. Bartholomew Zoubcr- buhlcr, a native of the canton of St. Gall, in Switzerland, who had emigi-ated while a youth to South Carolina, where his father was pastor of the Swiss settlers at Purrysburg. Receiving a good English and classical education at Charleston, and being desirous of ministering to his countrymen, he M'as recommended to the Bishop of London for orders by Commissary Garden. Licensed to Georgia, on the 2d of November, 1745, he set sail two days later, and reached Fredcrica on the 22d of Januarys 1746. The ministry of this excel- lent man was not without success. JNIany who had wandered from the Church returned. The number of communicants, which at the coming of Zouberbuhler was but thirty, within the first year of his ministration increased to upward of lifty. After three years of labor » Fide Geoi-gia MS., p. 8. ' Stcpliens's Journal, iii., p. IGO. » Georgia MS., p. 2. 356 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAX EPISCOPAL CHURCH. he returned to England, " with ample testimonials of his good bchaivor," aud, in his petition to the society for additional laboi'ers, he stated, " thei'e are now about three thousand [jersons in Georgia, and no other minister of the Church of England in the province." Eeturning to Georgia at the close of the year 1749, he resumed his abundant labors, visiting the neighboring towns, and extending his ministrations on cver^' hand. At Augusta the settlers themselves built a church under cover of the guns of the fort, and promised to provide both a parsonage-house and a glebe, as m'cII as £20 sterling per aiuuun for a minister. 'J'he Rev. Jonathan Copp, A.M., was a|)]K)inted to this mission, in 1751. It was under the ministry of the faithful Zoubcr- buhler that the church at Savannah, begun on the 11th of June, 1740, "a few load of stones being brought and laid down in the place where it is intended to stand," ' was linally completed. IMcans in abundance were supplied b}' the trustees and others ; but the absorb- ing interest felt in Bethesda by Whiteficld and the want of faithful clerg3'men subsequently, hindered the progress of the building, and one year after the beginning of the work Stephens, in a letter to the trustees, reported that it was yet mifinished : ''The roof of it is covered with shingles, but as to the sides and ends of it, it remains a skeleton." ^ The trustees ordered the work to be proceeded with at once ; but, notwithstanding their bidding, it was not completed until 1750. On Saturday, July 7, the "new church" was set apart for God's solemn worship and the offices of religion, the day being ob- served as the anniversary of the establishment of the first court of judicature, seventeen j'cars before, and also as the aimiversary of the defeat of the Spanish invaders by Oglethorpe. "The building," writes Zouberbulder, " is large, beautiful, aud commodious. My parishioners are constant in their attendance, and I have the pleasure to see many negroes decentl}^ join our service." " There is now among us an increase of religion," proceeds the excellent missionary. Up- ward of foi'tj' negroes were under Christian instructions. Kcligious l)ooks were sought after, and the notitia jjarochialis transmitted to the society re[)orted the baiitism of twenty-live infants and one adult, — a negro woman. The number of communicants liad reached sixty- five, while the whole number of inhabitants was eiglit hundred. After more than twenty years of faithful labor the good Zouberbulder found his church insuflicient for the constantly increasing congregation. £;>()() sterling was ap[)ropriated towards repairs and the erection of a gallery. An organ was piovided by the gift of a gentleman of Augusta, and £8t)0 raised and put out at interest towards a fund for building a new church, ninety by sixty feet. But, in the midst of this prosperity, the excellent missionary was called to his rest. The llev. Samtud Frink, who had served accx^ptably at Augusta, was collated by the governor to Christ Church, Savannah, and the Kev. Ethvard Ellington was appointed to the vacant cure of Augusta. From time to time the Kev. Mr. Whitefield had visited America, ami, in the course of his progresses, spent more or less time at * Stcplirns'fl JournnI, ii., p. -lOS. • Jouinal of Trustees, iii., p. 27, qiioled in Stephens's " Geor(;i:i," i., p. ^(10. MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEOKGIA. 357 Bethcsda. After twcnt3'-fivo years of varied fortune the founder of this excellent charity dctormiucd to enlarge its scope, and \nit into execution the ])uri)()so he had avowed, almost from the first, of found- ing a universit}' in Georgia. At the close of the year 17Gi ho memorialized the governor and council of Georgia, reciting his ex- penditure of upwards of twelve thousand pounds sterling in the erection of th(! Iiuildings and in the support of the inmates of the Orphan-house, and asking for a grant of two thousand acres of land, on the river Altamaha, for the purpose of making " ))rovision for tiie education of persons of superior rank, who therel)y might be qualified to serve their king, their country' and their God, either in Church or state. "1 The assembly of the u})pcr House, of which Whitetield's former school-master, James Habersham, was president, warmly con- curred in this scheme for the endowment of a college. The action of the assembly was referred, wnth the governor's indoi'sement, to the authorities at home, and a lengthy correspondence followed. Although the prayer of the petitioner was not immediately granted, the inten- tions of Whiteiield were not frustrated. On Sunday, January 28, 1770, the governors council and assembly attended services " at the chapel of the Orphan-house Academy," where prayers were read by the Itev. ^Ir. Ellington, and Mr. "Whiteficld preached from the text, Zech. iv. 10 : For iv/io hath despiaed (he day of small things? "After divine services," proceeds the "Georgia Gazette," "the company were very politely entertained with a handsome and plentiful dinner ; and were greatly pleased to see the useful improvements made in the house, the two additional wings for apartments for students, and the lesser buildings in so much forwardness, and the whole executed with taste and in a masterly maimer ; and being sensible of the truly gen- erous and disinterested benefactions derived to the province through Mr. Whitefield's means, they expressed their gratitude in the most respectful terms."- Ellington had accepted the headship of the pro- posed college and academy, in consequence, as he writes to the society, of "^Ir. Whitctield's intention to have the stated worship of the semi- nary agreealtle to the liturgy of the Churchof England."^ In the removal of Mr. Ellington from Augusta to the Bethesda Orphan-house, it was intended, as he acquainted the venerable society, that its "original institution will ])e continued, with the additional advantages of academ- ical learning, by which the poor youth, of a promising genius, as well as others whoso circumstances permit, may have an opportunity of obtaining an education, to qualify them to move in a more superior station of life."'' He had baj)tizcd upwards of four hundred at Augusta, and left behind him nearly forty comnumicants. His aca- demic duties were so arranged as to permit his occasional ministra- tions, both in Savannah and at his former post of labor. In the hands of Mr. Ellington the work at Bethesda prospered ; but ere the year of his appointment had closed the great-hearted Whiteiield had rested from his laljors, and in his tleath the prospects for the development of the college and the charity received a fatal blow. The chaplain soon ' Works, ni., p. 470. ' GiUies's Mcmoh's, p. 265. 'Georgia MS., 1770. *Ibid. 358 HISTORY OF THE AMKIUCAN El'ISCOPAL CIIURCII. severed his connection ■witii tlie institution, and removed to South Carolina. On Lady-day, 1771, "the anniversary of laying the foun- dation of the Orphan-house Academy, in Georgia," the late chajjlain preached a sermon, which, as published the same year, hy James Johnston, of .Savannah, is one of the rarest issues of the Georgia press. Cbrifi's Promife to he prefenf where two or t/jree TTieet together in hh Nctme : CONSIDERED TS A. SERMON, Preached tKe 25th Matich, 1771, the Anni- versary of LAYING the Foundation of the OrphaN'House Academy in Georgia, Before his Excellency James Wright, Efquire, Cap- tain-Genersd and Governor in Chief, and a great Uumber of the principal Inhabitants of the faid Pro- vince, ai the Opening of the ISgw Chapel lately ereded there, By EDWARD ELLINGTON, late Chaplaia at the faid Houfe. With an APPENDIX, gmng a fliort Account of the Proceedings on that Occafion. BUt tbelJeuT ccButh, and now ts, lihen the true TVovfhip- feiijball Tvotjhip the Father in Spirit aid vn ^tilUi: far tht Pathet feekcth ftich to wor/bip him. John iv. -^3. SAVANNAH: Printed by James Johkston. MISSIONARIES OF TUE CHCRCU IN GEORGIA. 359 On this anniversary occasion the new chajiel was formally opened, and set apart for the worship of Almiy the TRUSTEES | For Estab- lishing the Colony of | GEORGIA in AMEliWA ; \ For the car- rying on the good Purposes of their Trust for | one whole Year, from the Ninth Day of June, in the | Year of our Lord, 1735. to the Ninth Day of June, in | the Year of our Lord, 1736. | And also of all ]\IoNiES and Effects received and expended in America. \ for the car- rying on the said good Purposes between the 10th Day of | January, 1734 and the 2d Day of April, 1736. taken from the several | Ac- compts thereof received b}^ the said TRUSTEES M-ithin the | Time of this AccoMPT. I Wiiicn Accompt is exhibited by them, pursuant to the Directions | of their CHARTER, to the Right Ilonouralile Charles Lord Talbot, \ Baron of Ilensol, Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain, and | Sir Joseph Jelcyll Knight, JNIastei- of the Rolls. 1735- 2 August, 4 Ditto 12 Ditto 4 Sept em. II Ditto 23 Ditto 6 October, 17 Ditto 31 Ditto 15 Novent. 26 Decern. 3 Fcbr. (10) For the following Religious Uses of the Colony, viz. The Building of Clmrches, vis. From /. Mr. Jos. Burton 5 Mr. Richard Plielps of Wliite Chapel .... i An unknown Benefactor, by the Hands of Mr. Adam > Anderson ....... \ A Gentlewoman whose Name is desired to be con- ? cealed, by the Hands of the Reverend Dr. Hales C •> An unknown Gentleman, by the Hands of fames \ Oglflhorpe Esq ; ...... \ ^ An unknown Gentlewoman, by the Hands of the \ Reverend Dr. Hales ( ' A Gentleman who desires to be unknown, by the ( Hands of the Reverend Mr. Smith . . . \ ° An unknown Person sent in a Letter to Mr. Afadockes'\ at the Bank ^.20 : : for the Georgia Tnist ; where- > 20 upon the Trustees agreed to this Appropriation thereof ) A Gentleman who desired his Name to be concealed, ) hy the Hands of the Reverend Mr. Smit/i . i The Reverend Mr. Charles Hawlrey, Sub-Dean of ( Exeter, by the Hands of Mr. Robert Bis/top . S ■ A Lady who desires to be iniknown, by the Hands of ( the Reverend Dr. Buiuly ..... S A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the \ Hands of the Reverend Dr. Hales . . . ( The Reverend Mr. Metcalfe oi Sunbiiry, in Middlesex, \ by the same Hands ...,..( ^ A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the ? same Hands ....... I ^ A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the / same Hands \ ^ Carried forward Z^. 115 MISSIONARIES OF THE CIIUUCII IN GEORGIA. 361 3 Febr. 1735- 19 June. 3 7»iy- I October. 3 Ditto 12 Novem. 4 Decern. 3 j^«*;-. 1736 4 A/ay. 4 7««#. 1736 4 June, 1735- 13 Novein. 23 Decern. (") Brought forward /,. A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the Hands of the Reverend Dr. Hales . (12) The Use of the Missionaries for converting to Christianity the Native Indians, viz. From A Gentlewoman whose Name is desired to be con cealed, by the Hands of the Reverend Dr. Hales Mrs. Diotiysia Long, by the same Hands Mrs. Gibbs, by the same Hands ..... His Grace William Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, ) by the Hands of the Reverend Dr. Lynch, to be laid > out in proper Books .....) An unknown Gentlewoman, by the Hands of the Rev- \ erend Dr. Hales ...... ^ An unknown Gentlewoman, by the same Hands . William Bclilha Esq ; by the same Hands A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the \ Hands of William Bclitha Esq ; . . . \ A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by theS Hands of the Reverend Mr. Tlwrold, Minister of > Lndgate Church 3 Mrs. Edy Hody, by the Hands of the Reverend Mr. ) Archdeacon Stubbs \ A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the \ Hands of the Reverend Dr. Hales . . . \ A Gendewoman who desires to be unknown, by the \ same Hands, to be thus applied, or towards the Sup- 1 port of the Minister of any particular Congregation ( already established in Georgia ... J A Gentlewoman who desires to be unknown, by the i same Hands 1 An unknown person, a Bank Note for L. 7.0 : : sent i in a letter to the Reverend Dr. Hales . . 1 /. s. "S 3 10 10 50 4 1 5 10 (13) The use of tlie Missionaries and School-master for the Saltzbiirghers, viz. From The Honourable Society for promoting Christian "> Knowledge, by the Hands of William Tillard'E^q; to be applied for the Payment of half a Year's Sala- ries from the said Society, to the Missionaries and Schoolmaster for the Saltzbiirghers in Georgia, to \\\itf^x^\.Qi{ November, 1736 And for the Religious Uses of the Colony in General, such as the buying of Books, the cullivating Lands to raise a Provision for the Maintenance of a Min- ister, and the Appropriation towards the Mainten- ance of a Catcchist, viz. From Richard Chandler, Esq ; I Mr. Benjamin Sprint . 5 10 100 L. 35° 13 /. s. d. 5° 10 10 I 1 362 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. 1 6 Febr. 17-56. 6 April, 22 Ditto 18 May, 18 May, A Gentleman who desires to be unknown, by the Hands of Rogers Holland Esq ; ... The Honourable Mrs. Katharine Southwell, by the' Hands of the Right Honourable the Earl of Egmont, being part of the Money left by the Viscountess Sondes, deceased, to be disposed of in Charity as \ the said Mrs. Southwell should think fit, to be ap- plied in cultivating Lands, for the abovementioned Use The same Person by the same Hands, being another ) Benefaction out of the Money left by the said Vis- ' countess Sondes, to be disposed of as aforesaid, to be applied in cultivating Lands, toward the Main- tenance of a Catechist at Savannah, out of the net Proceed of such Land Sir Philip I'arkcr Zo«^ Baronet, by the Hands of the Right Honourable the Earl of Egmont, to be ap- plied in cultivating Lands to raise a Provision for the Maintenance of a Minister .... The Reverend Mr. Herbert Randolph oi Deal, by the Hands of the Reverend Mr. Burton . Carried over L. ( 14) Brought over L. A Clergyman who desires his Name to be concealed, by the Hands of the Reverend Mr. Burton A Benefactor whose Name is desired to be concealed, ' by the same Hands, being the third annual Pay- ment, to be continued for the Term of the Bene- factor's Life, but given for Five Years certain for the Endowment of a Catechist in Georgia L. (•9) Expended for the Missionaries sent to convert to Chris- tianity the Indians in GEORGIA, viz.: Appropriated to Answer Sola Bills cf Exclian^c issued in Georgia for Uic Service of the Colony Balance remaining plied. to be ai>- /. s. d. /. S. d. 4,000 646 155 I 6 si NoTP, That L. 171 : S: 7 of llic above Sum of A. 646: i: 5I proprUlcd towards buildinj^ a Churcli in Gkokcia. 243 13 243 5 J. '3 258 13 For Books, Surplices, Hoods, and Necessaries sup-" plied the said Missionaries, and for their Freight to ^ 107 Georgia, on Board the Ship Simond (21) Monies remaining in the Bank of England at the end of the Years Accompt whereof /. J. d. 3 loi MISSIONARIES OF THE CIIUKCII IN GEORGIA. 363 1732- 21 March, 1733. 18 April, 30 May, 1734- 1 1 Novein. June, (22) KFFECTS applied by the Trustees, since the determination of tlie last Accompt out of the Ellects then remaining unapplied, which were received at the Times and from the several Persons hereafter mentioned. Names of Contributors. Mr. Verelst An unknown Benefac-"] tress, by the Hands 1 of the Reverend Dr. Hales ... J An unknown Hand, by j the same Hands . ( The Reverend Mr. I'hilip Stiibbs . Sir John Austin Bart, by the Hands of Rob- ert Hucks Esq ; . EtTccts contributed, whidi remained unapplied. A Bible. A Book of Homilies. Sent on Board the Simond in October, 1735- Eighty eight of the One hundred and eighty si.\ Bibles, Minion \2mo. Whereof two sent on Board the Georgia Pink the 7th of August, 1735. One hundred and seven of the Two hun- dred Common Prayer Books, Minion 1 2,ino. Whereof two sent on Board the Georgia Pink the 7th of August, 1735. Two dozen of Practical Tracts, for pro- moting Christian Knowledge among the Saltzburghers. Sent on Board the Simond in October, I73S- A Bible in the New England Indian Lan- guage. Sent on Board the Simond in October, 1735- 1735- July, 16 Ditto EFFECTS received in England within the Time of this Accompt, froin the several Persons hereafter mentioned, and applied by the Trustees. Names of Contributors. Effects contributed. A Person who desires"^ One Bible, 4/0. to bo unknown, by the One Common Prayer Book, ^0. Hands of the Rever- Twenty Bibles, Minion \zmo. end Dr. Hales, for the Twenty five Testaments, Long Primer Use of tlie New Set- • Zvo. tlemcnt which is go- Fifty Common Prayer Books, Minion ing to be made at the I inio. Southward Part of Twenty five Bishop of Man, on the Lords Georgia . Supper. Fifty Christian Monitor, and Companion to the Altar. Fifty Christian Monitor, and Answer to E.\cuses. One hundred Horn-Books. One hundred Primers. One hundred A, B, C, with the Church Catediism. 364 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. 27 August 3 Sept. Octob. Mr. Edward Cave . Mr. yo/m Baskett A Person who desires to "I be unknown, by the I Hands of Mr. Adam j Anderson . . J Two hundred Friendly Admonition to the Drinkers of Brandy. AH Sent on Board the Simoiid in October, 1735- A Bible and Common Prayer Book of the largest and best Sort, for the new Church to be built at Savannah. Sent on Board the Hiinond in October, 1735- One large Bible, and one Folio Common Prayer Book, for the Church in GEORGIA. And One hundred Common Prayer Books, for the Use of the People. Whereof Thirty of the said One hundred Common Prayer Books sent on Board \!i\73S- \6 March, 3 Sept. 2 October, 7 Ditto 17 Nbvem. 10 Decern. 12 jfan. 1736. 2 June, Mr. yo>4« Tuckivell. Mr. y(7/;« .5a.f/Cv« Mr. ym//;/ Williams Mr. Joseph Marshall, for the pulick Libra- ries in Georgia. Mr. 7o/f« Skinner . A Gentleman who de- sires to have his Name concealed, by the Hands of Thomas Tower Esq ; for a Parochial Library be- longing to one of the Churches to be built in the Colony of Geoegia . Mr. Edward Cave Dr. Robert Thovilinson\ of Wickham. near A'ewcastlexx^onTyne, \ in the Bishoprick of [■ Durham, by the Hands of Mr. Wil- liam Tlwmlinson Henry Archer Esq ; The Associates of the late Dr. Dray Tiie Right Ilonouraljlc \ John Earl of Es^moiit \ A large Church Clock, and Dial Plate, packed in two strong Cases, and two Clock Weights loose, for Savannah in Georgia ; Value Twenty one Pounds. One large Bible, and one Folio Common Prayer Book, for the Church in Geor- gia. And Seventy of the One hundred Com- mon Prayer Books, for the Use of the People. A Cambridge Concordance, and Six Books called Sacred and Moral Poems. Two Books of Dr. Owen''s and Mr. James Janeway's Works, and Two Books of Joscphus's History. A Branch for the first Church in Georgia. A large Church Bible. And three Volumes in Folio of Archbishop Tillotson's W'orks. Five hundred of the lesser Duty of Man, for the Use of the poor Inhabitants of Georgia. A Quantity of Iron Ware, to the Value of Fifty Pounds, for building a Church, and House for the Minister, "in Georgia. A Parochial Library for Savannah in Georgia. A Parcel of Books in divers Faculties for the Library in Georgia. We append tho titles of Whiteficld's " Georgia Journals " '(the first in fac-sim- ilo), Iracinji:, in lii.s own inimitable way, and with a freedom afterwards restrained, the projjrcss of this remarkable man. 'The preface to the .lonninl from Lomlonto SavanniUi U signed "James llutton, Templc- Hiii-, All-;. 18. 1738." The following exti-acta from it urc important : — 111IK following Journal would nuvcv liavc been piihliBlied liail notasmrcptiliousCopyofPait of it been printed without the author's knowledjre or consent: lie knows liimscir too well to ol>- tnidu Ills littk- private concern'* npon the World; especially when intcrnnvcd with such l'a'*';ajrc3 relating; to otlicrs, ns none hut an unthiukiag person could jud;;e proper to divul;;c. It appears from this preface that the " sur- MISSION A KIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEOKtilA. 367 A JOURNAL O F A VOYAGE FROM LONDON T O Savannah in G e o rg i A, In Two Parts. Pa R T I. From London to Gibraltar, Pa R T 11. From Gihrabar to Savannah, ■ByG£ORGE IV H J T £ F J E Lit, A.B. oi PejnbiokeColki*, Oxford. fVttb a Jbort PR£rAC£, /hewing the Reafon of its Puo- licatwn. The FiTTH Edittok. LONDON, Piiiilccl for James Hut ton, st the P»iJt and 5b« next the SisCe TcLve-ni without Tempk-Bar. MDCCXXXJX. (Piice Swt Pence.) rcptitious Copv " referred to was publislicil b_v :i The .lounial (d5 pp. 8°) extends from Mr. Cooper "'A;/ /Health, without any just War- Wednesday, December 28, 1737 {vide p. 3), to rant or Authority." Sunday, Jlay 7, 1738 (p. 54). 368 HISTORY OF TUE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. A I CONTINUATION I of tho Eevcrend | Mii. Whitefield's JOURN^AL I from* his Arrival at | Savannah, | to his Return to London. | The Second Edition. London: | Printed by IF. Strahan, and Sold by James Hutton, at the Bible and Sun, without Tcuii)lc-13ar. mdccxxxix. Svo., pp. [4] 38 A I CONTINTJATION | of the Reverend | Me. Whitefield's I JOURNAL I FROM I His Arrival at London \ to | His Departure from thence | on his Way to Georyia. London : | Printed for James Hutton, at the Bible and Sun, without Temple-Bar. 1739. 8vo., pp. iv 115 A I CONTINUATION | of the Reverend | Mn. Whitefield's | JOURNAL, I During the Time he was detained in | Ent/land by the Embargo | The Third Edition. London : | Printed by W. Sti-a/tan, and sold by James Hutton, at the Bible and Sun, without Temple-Bar. 1739 . 8vo. , pp. iv 40 A I CONTINUATION | of the Reverend JO URNAL, I From his Embarking after the Arrival at Savannah in Georgia. | Tho Second London : | Printed by W. Strahan for James Hutton, at the Bible and Sun, without Temple-Bar. 1740. 8vo., pp. 88 Mr. Whitefield's | EMBARGO, I To his Edition. A I CONTINUATION | of the Reverend | Mr. Whitefield's | JOURNAL, I After liis Arrival at | Georgia, \ To a few Days after his second Return thither from I Philadelpliia. London : | Printed l)y W. Strahan for James Hutton, at the Bible and Sun, without Tcmplc-Bar. 1741. 8vo., pp. 58 A I CONTINUATION | of the Reverend | ]\Ir. Whitefield's | JOURNAL, I From a few Days after his Return to | Georgia \ To his Arrival at | Falmouth, \ on tiic 11th of March, 1741. | Containing I An Account of the \\'ork of God at Georgia, Rhode-Island, New- England, New-York, Pennsylvania and South-Carolina. | The Seventh Journal. London : | Printed by W. Strahan for R. Hett at the Bible and Crown in the PoulUy, and Sold by T. Cooper at the Globe in Pater- Nostcr-Row. 1711 | [Price One Shilling.] 8vo., pp. Title, 85 A further proof of tho Christian and churchly character of the colonization of this province is found in the " Georgia Sermons," a list of which, so far as they have come under our notice, we append : — A I SERMON I Prcach'd before the | Trustees for Establishing lhe(Jolonynf\ GEORd FAin Amcvxcs., \ Andl)eforethe | Associates of the late Pvcv. Dr. THOMAS BRAY, \ for Converting the Negroes in the British Plantations. \ and for other \ good purposes. | at tiii'-IR I First Yearly-Meeting, | in the | Parish Church of St. Augustin, MISSIONARIES OF THE CHURCH IN GEOKGIA. 369 I On Tuesday, February 23, 17ff , | by SAMUEL SMITH, LL.B. Lecturer | o^ Si. Alhan's, Wood-Street. | Piihlinlidat tite De.nre of the TRUSTEES and ASSOCIATES. \ 'lb Nvliicli is annexed | Some Account of the Designs, both of the TRUSTEES I and ASSOCI- ATES. I London: Printed by F. 3Iarc/i, and sold by Messieurs Mount and Page, on | Tower-IIill. m.dcc.xxxiix. | 4°. pp. 42. Map. Text, Isaiah xi. 9. Latter Part. Pp. 41 and 42 contain | To the King's j\Iost Excellent Majesty, | The Humble Petition of | Thoma:i Bray.D.D., | being the Petition to King William IIL for the Incorpo- ration of the Venerable Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Rich (Bib. Am. Nova., p. 49) copies this title from the Catalogue of Harvard College Library. The Duty and Reward of Propagating Principles of Religion \ and Virtue exemplified in the History of Abraham. | A 1 SERilON I Preach'd before the | Trustees for Establishing the Colony of \ Geoi:gia in America. | And before the Associates of the late Rev. Dr. THOMAS BRAY, \ for Converting the Negroes in the British Plantations, | and for other \ good Purpjoses. | at their | Anniversary Meeting, I in the Parish Cliurch of St. Mary-Le-Bow. I On Thursday, March 15, 1732. | By JOHN BURTON, B.D., Fellow of Corpus | Christi College in Oxford. | Published at the Desire of the Trustees and Associates. | To which is annexed, | The General Account exhiljited by the Trustees | to the Right Hon- ourable the Lord High Chancellor, and the | Lord Chief Justice of His Majesty's Court of Common-Pleas, Pur- | suant to the Directions of their Charter. | London : Printed by P. March, and sold by Messieurs Mount and Page, on | Tower-Hill, m.dcc.xxxiii. | 4°. Pp. 50. Text, Genesis xviii. 19. The General Account includes pp. 33-50. A I SERMON I Preached at | St. George's Church | HANO- VER SQUARE, I On Sunday, February 17, 173|. | To recommend the Charity for establishing the | New Colony of Georgia. | By T. RuNDLE, LL. D., Prebendary of | Durham. \ Published at the request of the Right Honourable the | Lord Viscount Tyrconnel, the Honour- able I Col. Whitivorth, Churchwardens, | and Several of the Parish- ioners. London : | Printed for T. Woodward, at the Half-Moon, between I the two Temple Gates, Fleet-street ; and J. Brindley, \ in New Bond-street, mdccxxxiv. 4°. pp. 24 Text, Deut. Chap. xv. Ver. ii. Rich (Bib. Am. Nova.), calls this 8° 370 HISTOUY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. A I SER^IO^' 1 Preaclied before the | Trustees | For Establish- ing: the I Colony of Geonjia in America; \ And l)oforo the Associates of the late Rev. Dr. Thomas Bkay, for | Converting the Negroes in the British Plantations, and for other good Purposes ; | at their Anni- versary Meetinir | In the Parisli Church of St. Brides, Fleet-street, I On Thursday, :\Iardi 21, 1734. | By Stephen Hales, D.D., Rector oi Furringdon in Hampsldre, and Minister of Feddington, Middlesex. I Puldished at the Desire of the Trustees and Associates. | To which is anuex'd | The General Account for one whole Year, from the ninth day of | June, in the Year of our Lord 1733, to the ninth Day of June 1734, exhibited | by the said Trustees, pursuant to the Directions of their Charter, to the Right | Honouralile Charles Lord Talbot, Baron of Ilcnfol, Lord High Chancellor of | Great Britain, and Sir Joseph Jekyll, Knight, blaster of the Rolls. London : | Printed for T. Woodvxtrd. at the Half-jMoou, between the Two I Tcmplc-Gutes in Fleet-Street, mdccxxxiv. 4°. Pp. - 22. A I SERMON I Prcacird before the | Honouarle Tuustees ] For Establishing the Colony of Georgia m America, \ .\nd the Asso- ciates of the late Reverend Dr. Bray, | At their | Anniversary Meet- ing. March 15. 173S-<). | L, (he | Parish Churcli of S(. Bridget, alias MISSIONAUIES OF THE CIIlKC]l IN GEORGIA. 371 St. Bride, in FIcel-s/ivrl, \ Londov. | V>y "\A'illia>i I>i:iu;i.ma\, D.I). Hector of Si. Andrew's Uiiy consulting the Register 374 UlSTOKV UF THE AMEKICAN El'ISCOPAL CIUKCII. lords j)io})rictoi's. drawn uj) by tlic c('k'l)ra(cd .lohn Locko, had i)n)- vidcd tor the maintenance of the clergy of " the Church of England, which being the only true and orthodox, and the national religion of all the king's dominions, is so also of Carolina."' In view of these "Constitutions" there was every propriety in the provision of a sup- l)ort for the declining years of the first settled clergyman of the Church in the ])rovince. The church, which from the first bore the name of St. Philip, having begun to decay after thirty years' use and occupancy and ST. MICHAELS CHUnCn. l)eing, besides, too small for the increasing congregation, an act of the assembly was ])asscd. on the 1st of March. 1710-11, for the erection of a church of brick. New St. I'liilip's was erected on Church street, its i)rescnt site, and in 1827 the old cypress church was taken down. Subsequently, at the division of the town into two jiarishcs, in 1751, all south of Broad street became St. JNIichael's, and its church was built, and is still standing, on the site originally occu- pied by the old wooden church. The active ministry of Mr. Williamson appears to have ceased in IfiOn, at which time the Rev. Samuel IMarshall was appointed to the of Lincoln, nnil when you Imvc received liia ' Hawks and Perry's " Doc. Hist, of llie Cli. an'^wiT, t)c plni^cfl to conunnniraic it to inc wiili in So. Car.," p. 4. the first oppoiluuiiy."— .So. Car. M.'Hi., i., p. 'i.JO TIIF, CHrKCII IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 375 cure. Mr. MarshalMvas induced to loavo "a considerable! heneficc and hon()ural)le way of liviui;' in Kiiiriaiid for llio jirojjagation of tiic Christian Religion, and particularly lliat, of tiu; Cliurch of Eng- land." at tiie instance and l)y the encouragement of the celehrated Rev. William Burkett, Vicar of Dedham, well known as tiie author of a popular lonnncntary on tlu; Nc-w Testament. Sucli was the satisfaction given !)V the exemplary conduct and the unusual al)ilitv of the new incuml)ent of St. Phili])'s that the (jcneral Assembly, on the J^th of Octol)er, 1798, passed "an Act to settle the maintenance! on a minister of the Church of England at Charles-Town," which, after referring to the reconunendations of iMr. ^Marshall as "a sober, jiious, worthy, able and learned Divine, of all which, b}' his devout antl exeni|ilary life and good doctrine he hath approved himself worthy," proceeded to enact "that the said 8anuiel Marshall be, and he is hereby nominated minister of Charles-Town, during his life, or so long as he shall think iit to continue in this colony, and serve in the said minis- try, and shall have and enjoy all tlu! land, houses, negroes, cattle and money appointed for the use, benefit and behoof of the minister of Charles-Town."^ This act further appropriated a stipend of £1.50 per annum to the minister and his successor forever, and directed that /"x /^ a nesjro man and woman, and four /^ t^M^t^^ /^ cows and calves , be purchased at the / Jjly (^ iy^^ ^^^ ])ublic charge for his use. The same *-^/y /J year the Church received, through ^ \^ the pious gift of ]\Irs. AU'ra Coming, widow of John Coming, Esq., one of the early settlers, seventeen acres, constituting the present glel)e of the two churches of St. Philip and St. ^lichael. It is evident that the Church in the province was being built ui)on sure foundations, and was connnended to the love and support of its members 1)y the exemj)lary life and faithful ministry of the incumbent of St. Philip's. Mr. Marshall died, towards the close of the year 1699, of a malig- nant e))i(lemic disease, doulitless what is now known as the yellow-fever, which carried otf in its jirogress the chief justice of the province, to- gether with other i)ublic officers, and upwai'ds of one hundred and fifty of the people. So great was the mortality that the people Hed in munbers into the country, leaving but few behind. The legisla- ture made provision for the widow of Mr. Marshall, while under date of January 17, 1()!)9-1700, the governor and council addressed a request for a clergyman to the Bishop of London, Dr. Henry Comp- ton, of which the following is an extract : — Tli.at fatherly cai-o which your Lordship hath taken to fill all the Churches in His Majesty's plantatious iu Amciica with pious, learnctl, and orthodox niinistei-s, as well as your Lordship's ap])lication to us of that care, iu a more especial man- ner, l)v seiidiun; to us so eminently frood a man as our late ]\[inister, the Rev. Air. Marshall, deceased, encourajres us" to address your Lonlship for such another. He, by his reg-ular. sober, and devout life, gave no advautnt. Awt., p. 77. ' lUd. THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 379 first impressions of the people to whom he had been sent to minister in holy things : — The ]ipo])lo here, gcnei'ally spcakinrr, are the vilest race of men upon tlie earth. They liave neither honor, nor honesty, nor religion enough to entitle them to any tolorablo eharaeter, being a jierfeet meillcy or hotch-potch, made up of bankrupt pirates, decayed libertines, sectaries, and enthusiasts of all sorts who have transported themselves hither I'rora Bernuidas, Jamaica, Barbadocs, Montserat, Antego, Nevis, Xcw England, Pennsylvania, etc., and are the most factious and seditious people in the whole world. Many of those that pretend to be Churchmen are strangely eripjjlcd in their goings between the Church and Presbytery, and as they are of largo and loose principles, so they live and act accordingly, sometimes going openl\- with the Dissenters, as they now do against the Chui'ch, and giving incredible trouble to the Governor and Clergy. The MSS. authorities of the time go far to l)ear out the indignant words of the coinniissar}^ and it is not a little to his credit that, with all the drawbacks to success which we have detailed, and all the oppo- sition both from within as well as from without the Church, to the existence and venom of which even the secular histories bear witness, the ministry of Johnson was singularly successful. Before he came the Church of England had been established by law by the passage of the "Church Act" of Noveml)cr oO, 1706. This legislation gave great satisfaction to the lords proprietors who, in their formal assent to its adoption, referred to it as a "groat and j)ious work," accomplished " with unwearied and steady zeal for the honor and worship of Almighty God."i j3u(^^ although the exertions of the governor, Sir Nathaniel Johnson, had contril^uted largely to this result, and the Church was legally the "establishment," we have the testimony of the observing commissary that the dissenters, while possessing "liberty and pros- perity to the full," and cnjo\Mug "the free and undisturbed exercise of their religion in all respects," " are never to be satisfied till they can compass the downfall of the infimt Church."^ Coming thus to a di- vided Church, and an estranged and embittered communit}', it is greatly to the credit of Johnson that, by his humility and prudence, his devotion to duty and his simple, unafloctcd piety, he succeeded in softening the asperities of the conflicting parties, and, while he builtuptheCimrchon stroniT foundations, he secured for himself the veneration and reijard of all. His letters are even pathetic in their full and I'ree unbosoming of the trials and petty annoyances of his ministerial life. Poverty and debt stared him in the lace. At first his Mife, by her skill in painting, added to his scanty means. Soon this slight help was withdrawn, as illness laid the devoted woman on her bed. Himself a martyr to gout, and burdened by the care of an overgrown and ever-increasing cure, he was unremitting in his devotion to duty, and luiflagging in his watch- ful care over the interests of the church committed to his trust. As a mark of the hi2:h regard entertained for his character and labors, the assembl}', from time to time, added to his slender resources and pro- vided for the repair and care of his house. Ill-health drove him at length to England ; but after an absence of a year iuid a halfhc returned, unwilling to desert a work confessedly uncongenial and unrcmuuer- ' Dalclio, p. 73. > So. Car. MSS., i., pp. 142,143. 380 IlISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. ative for the richer Ijencficcs of his old homo. Pressed with uihiicnts, and bowed down with cures, the worthy commissary failed not to seek the growth iu grace of his people. In a letter to the society, under date of the 5th of July, 1710, he thus writes : — There is nothing that I more earnestly and frequently strive for than to bring people to a just sense of their dutj' concerning- the Lord's Supper ; for I certainly conclude, if I can once jjcrsuado Ihom to receive frequently 1 can easily persuade them to anything else that is holy and good. Many of our Cluu'cli folks' have been l)revailed upon to receive which perhaps were never known to rectuvo before ; and to iironiote a spirit of religion among them, and to engage them by all the lionest arts I can think of, I made a set discourse concerning tlie benefit and advantage of setting up and forming religious societies, by which means all such as were lovers of God and goodness would save themselves from this untoward generation and keep themselves imspotted from the world by supporting and inllaming one another's hearts with projier argimients in the course of a holy life, anil by prayer and i)salmody on select days. I cannot say much as j-et to the success of this ])rorject, but 1 ti'ust in God. He will bless my honest endeavors this way to some degi-ee, and that I shall not altogether lose my labor. ... I must own myself greatly improved since I came hither. I scarce knew what it was to be a mijiister before. Hut the strangeness and singidarity of the people's humour hero, with respect to religion, and the difficulties that have occin'red to me on this account, have awakened my eare and diligence to an micommon degree, and (iod has in- spired me with gi'eater measures of zeal and spirit than I could formerly feel in myself for can-ying on the common cause.^ In sending missionaries to South Carolina the venerable society projioscd, as a chief ol))cct in view, the conversion of the aborigines and the instruction of the negro slaves. Etlbrts from time to time were made to bring to the Indians the knowledge of the Christian faith ; but the lives of the traders were such as to frustrate all hopes of allin'iug the savages to a faith so poorly cxcmi)lificd by the Christians whom they knew and had dealings with ; and when the patient ollbrts of the missionaries hud ])cgun to promise results, a frontier war effectually ))recludcd any further attempts at evangelization. The negroes were more readily reached by instruction, and the "Notitia" of nearly every clergyman attests his pains to bring the slaves to instruction and baptism. Nottdily the Rev. Dr. Francis Le Jau, of St. Jtimes's, Cloose Creek, who succeeded the worthy Thomas, exerted him.sclf for the good of the slaves of his cure. To remove a latent suspicion, in the minds of both masters and servants, that admission to holy baptism wtis equivalent to manumission, the worthy missionary disarmed the opposition of the owners, and removed the misconcci)- tion of the slaves on this point by requiring his converts to consent to the following declaration : — Von declare, in the prosenee of God and before this congregation, that you do not ask for tlie Holy Haptism out of any design to live yourself from tlic (hity .and o|jcdienc Fidt So. Caioliaa MSS., I., pp. 355-384. THE CHURCH IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 383 clerpy, at Cliarleston, on the 4th of llareh, 1712-13. Relief in some of these points was, after a lime, secured. An act was passed by tiie assembly' "for the better ordering and governing of Negroes and Slaves," which contained the following provision : — Since chiirify and the Christian Rclijrion, which wc prof ess, obliges us to wish well to the souls of all men, and that religion may not be maile a pretence, to alter any man's property and ri^Iils, and that no person may neglect to bajitize their negroes or slaves, or sutler them lo be baptized, tor fear that thereby Ihey sliould be manu- mitted and set free: Be il llurcfore Enacted, That it shall bo, and is hereby dc;- clared lawful for any negro or Indian slave, or any other slave or slaves wliatsoever, to receive and profess the ('hristian faith, and be thereunto baptized. But that notwithstaniling sueh slave or slaves shall receive and profess the Christian relig- ion, and be baptized, he or they shall not thereby bo manumitted or set free, or his or their owner, master or mistress, lose his or their civil right, property and .authority over such slave or slaves, but that the slave or slaves, with respect to his or their servitude, shall remain and continue in the same state and condition that he or they was in l)efore the m.aking of this act.' While these matters were engrossing the attention of the clergy, the Church in Clitirleston had increased imder the quiet but efBcient management of Commissary Johnson to that extent that the old building of cypress wood had become insiiflicient for the numbers who formed tlic congregation, and was so fiir decayed as to be unlit for repair. An act of the assembly was passed * for the erection of a church of brick, with a "tower or steeple, and a ring of bells therein, together with a cemetery or church-j-ard, to be enclosed with a brick wall, for the l)urial of Christian people." The work was prosecuted with such little alacrity that in 1720 another act was adopted, the preamble of which recites that " Whereas by storms and tempests part of the Brick Church in Charles Town has been blown down, which -was in a fair way of ])eing Iniilt and completed," and "Whereas, the l^resent parish Church in the .said towm must inevital^ly in a very little time fall to the ground, the timber being rotten, and the whole taljrick entirely decayed, so that the whole town will be left without a fit and convenient place for public divine worship : " therefore an additional duty was laid for the purpose of completing the church on rum, brandy, and other spirits, and on negroes imported for sale. Thus the long- delayed work was brought lo an end. A school had been established at Charleston under the auspices of the venerable society, in 1711, and a year later the assembly enlarged and incorporated "A Free School for the use of the Inhabitants of the Province of South Carolina." A building of brick was erected and a stipend provided l)y law for the master, who was required to be " of the religion of the Church of England, and conform to the same, and be capable to leach the learned languages (that is to say), Latin and Greek tongues, and to catechise and instruct the youth in the principles of the Christian Religion as professed in the Church of England."'' The Yamassee Indians occupied that portion of the province lying between Port Royal island and the Savanntih river. In 1715 they Ijroke out in war against the settlers, and were joined by all the tribes from 1 June 7, 1712. > Dalcho, pp. Ot, 93. > Mai^cli, 1710, 11. The act is printed at length in Dalcho, pp. 453, 454. ' Dalcho, pp. 93, 96. 384 iiisTOKY or tue American episcopal church. Florida to Cape Fear river. On the 15th of April they attacked tlio settlements, and with their treachery and ferocity deva.>?tated llie plan- tations and massacred the inhabitants. The missionaries sutl'ered in common with the people of tlicir cluu'ge. Flecinij from their parsonages and wordly possessions they were driven to Charleston, leaving all they had at the mercy of a pitiless foe. The societj' sought by gra- tuities to make good their losses. It was long, however, ere order and contidence were restored, and the people and their pastors were again in j)ossession of their former homes. At length the danger was passed, and by degrees the province regained its wonted security. The commissar}^ meanwhile had returned from England, and had resumed his al)undant labors. Welcomed by the clergy, over whom he had been appointed, acceptable to the people to whom he rainis- tei"ed, and devoted to his work, which, with renewed health and strength lie entered upon with added zeal and faithfulness, a lamentable accident deprivedtheChurchandthe province of this most useful and pious man. In the month of April, 1716, the Hon. Charles Craven, governor of the province, embarked for England, and the commissary, in coinixmy with a number of the leading people of Charleston, went over the bar to take leave of him. On their return from the shi]) a sudden squall overset the vessel, and the commissary, crippled Avith the gout, being below, was drowned. B}' a strange coincidence the vessel drifted on the same sand-bank on which Mr. Johnson liad nearly per- ished on his arrival in Carolina. His body was brought to town, and interred with every mark of I'cspect and .sorrow. In the interim following the sad decease o'f Commissary Johnson, an unworth}- clergyman, b}'^ the name of Wye, foisted himself into the vacant benefice ; but in 1710 the Kev. Alexander Garden, A.M., ar- rived from England, and was duly elected to the charge of St. Philip's. The i)r()i)rietary government having been abandoned, and the province having passed under the protection of the crown, Francis Kicholson was appointed provisional governor in the year 1720, until a final ari'angement could be made with the lords proprietors. Among the " Instructions ■' which he received from the king he was I)idden to "take es[)ecial care that God Almighty be devoutly and didy served throughout the government, the Book of Common Prayer, as by law established, read each Sunday and Holy-day, and the blessed Sacrament administered according to the Rites of the Church of England."^ By these "Instructions" the governor was required to see that tlie churches were "well and orderly kept," and more built; that a"com[)ctcnt maintenance" be assigned to the minister, and a " convenient house " and glebe provided fi)r him ; that proper disci- pline shoidd be ujaiiitained ; that the minister be a member of the vestry, and no vestry be held without him ; that the jurisdiction of the Bishop of London l)e maintained, "e.\cei)ling only the I'oUating to Benefices, granting licenses for marriages, and i)rol)atcs of wills," which were re.> and good living encouraged. The vacancy in tiie ollicc of connnissary, occasioned ]>y liio death of the excellent Joinison, Mas tilled by the appointment of the Rev. William Trcdwell Bidl, A.M., incunibent of St. Paul's, Colleton. Conrteons in manner, ])rudenl in his behavior, zealous in the j)erform- ancc of duty, and unremitling in his devotion to the spiritual wants of his people, the Church at Colleton had tlourisiietl under his minis- trations, antl in his olhcial relation.s to the clergy and the Church at large he was no less successful in maintaining discipline and in ad- vancing the material and sjiiritual interests committed to his charge. The clergy were convened }'ear by year, and, although cases of dis- cipline were so infrequent as almost to escajje notice, there were always matters of interest in the action of the legislature respecting the Church, and in the address to the royal governor, sufEcient to warrant the meeting from time to time of these earnest and excel- lent men of God. After several years of successful ministration Commissary Bull returned to England, in 1723, where, for his valu- able services while in South Carolina, he was promoted to a valual)lc benefice. The Bishop of London, Dr. Robinson, died in the j^ear of Mr. Bull's return, and it was not until several years had elapsed that Dr. Edmund (iibsou, who had I)een translated from the see of Lincoln to that of London, ^_ filled the place of commissary, by the ap- J^^ /■ / j pointment of the Rev. Alexander Garden, C^X^^y'f'Aiy^'(^^ A.M., incumbent of St. Philip's, Charles- ' ^^ ton. This api)ointment was made in 172(), ' and previous to that time the clerg}- relied on the continued kind offices of Mr. Bull to represent their case in England before their diocesan and the veneral^le society. Commissary Garden entered ujion his office at a period of pros- perity, both in church and .state. He had been in the province since 1719, wdien he was elected to the rectorship of St. Philip's, and both in view of his virtues and ability Avas possessed of all the qualifications requisite for his work. Beloved by the peo|)le to whom he ministered, respected ])y the clergy who were conniiittcd to his charge, and watch- ful over the interests of the Church, his long term of service was com- parati^ely uneventful, and his controversy with the celebrated White- field is almost the sole noticeable occurrence of the period. The connnissary had shown no little interest in the afiairs of John Wesley, who records in his journal ' his indebtedness to him " for many kind and generous offices ;" and on WhitefieUrs first visit to Charles- ton he received him "very courteously"® and ofiered him hospitable entertainment at "th(> Parsonage-house." Whitefield notes tiiat "the Church is very beaut ifid." .On his preaching at St. Philip's the com- missary "thanked him mo.st cordially, and apprized him of the ill- treatment John AVesley had met with in Georgia, iuid assui'cd -liim that were the same arbitrary proceedings to commence against him he woultl ' Journal, I., p. !3. " The two fii-st parts of WhiteficWs Life, willi lli^ journal, p. 95. 386 HISTORY OF THE AMEUICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. defend him with his life and fortune."' On his second visit the com- missary was absent, and as "the Curate had not a Commission to lend the pulpit," Whiteheld preached first " in one of the Dissenting meeting- houses," and the following day "' in the French Church," delaying his journey for another sermon in the former place of meeting. On re- visiting Cliarleston. some weeks later, Whiteiield " waited on the Com- missary," "but met with a cool reception." Still the evangelist went to " Public praj'ers." the day being Friday, and then preached in the "Independent JNIeeting-House," and the following day in the "Baptist Meeting-House." On Sundaj', after preaching at an early hour "at the Scots' JMeeting-House," Whitefield " went to Church, and heard the Commissary represent" him "under the character of the Pharisee, who came to the Temple, saying, God, Ithanh Thee that lam not as other men are. But whether I do what I do, out of a principle of pride, or dutv, the Searcher of Hearts will discover ere lono- to Men and Angels. Found myself very sick and weak at Diiuier, l)ut went to Church again in the Afternoon, and preached about live in the Independent Meeting- House Yard, the House itself, tho' large, being not near capacious enough to hold the Auditory." - The two days following, the great evangelist preached twice each day in the "Indei^endent Meeting- House," collecting £70 sterling for the orphans at Bethesda. Some weeks later the diarj^ records as follows : — Sunday, July 6. Preached twice j'csterday and twice today, and had great reason to believe our Lord got Himself "the victory in some hearts : for the Word was with power. Went to Church in the IMorning and Afternoon, and heard as virulent, unorthodox, and inconsistent a disconrse as i(ci-hai)s was ever delivered. The Preachers heart seemed full of choler and resentment. Out of the abundance thereof he poured forth so many Intter words against the Methodists (as he called them), in general, and mo in particular, that several who iiileiuled to receive the Sacrament at his hands withdrew. Never, I believe, was such a preparation-ser- mon preached before. After sermon, came the Clerk to desire nie not to come to tlie Sacrament till his Master had spoke with me. I immedialely retired to my lodgings, rejoicing that 1 was accoimted worthy to sufl'er this further degree of contempt for my dear Lord's sake. Blessed Jesus, lay it not to the ^linister's charge. Amen and Amen.' Returning to Charleston a few days later, AVhitefiekl " read praj'ers and preached at the request of the Church-wardens at Christ's Church."'' During the w'eek following, though his journal records no allusion to it, occurred the arraignment of the e\angt'Iist before the ecclesiastical court held in St. Philip's Church, on Tuesday, Jul}' 15, 1740, in response to the formal citation from the commissary, accusing him of certain "excesses, and chiefly for omitting to use the fprms of pr:iy(!r ijrescribeil in the commiuiion l)o()k."* Whitefield ap- peared in court on the day ap|)()iiife(l, Imt protested against the admis- sion of articl(\s against him, as he doubted the authority of the court to proceed in (he case, lie further prayed for time to j)ri'pare and pro- duce his objections. This request was griuited. .Vt the next meeling ■ nillics's " Life of Whllcfii'lil. p. 29. ' Dr. Ramsiiy, in it note to pp. 12-11 of vol. '-Two first parts of Whitcficlil's Life, p. 3.'!3. ii. of liis "History of So. Ouolina," K'vcs a 'Two firat parts, cli"., pp. .'10)9,370. Tllhxioii, Mid thi Book eittifUd, The Whole Duty cf Mail. 72>t? Sixths LD'i^atnmg Fevmrtis nn Mr. Wllirefield'j jccond JLetter, conceming /^TcJji)iJJjop TiUotfop, (aid. an his Letter conctrning the Nc^ioes. By Alexander Garde?i, M. A. Redor of St. Fhilips, Chitrlejiomi, And CoramiiTAjy in SOUTH-CAROLINA, To^tthei "uithy Mr. Whitafield's Aiifwei- to thefinl Letter. The ^ecouD CDitton* BOSTON: Re-ptxiitcd, and fold by 7'. Tied, s* tlie Bcart xcA Cra-ani in CoraliiU, 17-4-0. hound him and avowini:: himself a dissenter, professed as'ain and airain his atlhcrenco to the Chi constituted authorities. his atlhcrence to the Church, wliilo sotting at detiancc; her rules and her 390 HISTORY OF THE A^FERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. Commissary Garden continuod to hold liis comraissarial ofBce until 1749, when, after a term of service extending for nearly a (|uarter of a century, he resigned the charge he iiad filled with such distinguished reputation and usefulness. A few years later, in October, 1753, he resigned his cure of souls, and on Sunday, Marcii ^il, 1754, he preached his farewell sermon, after a rectorate of thirty -four years' duration. Returning to England with a view of spending his last days in his childhood's home, he found the climate too severe for a constitution accustomed to the warmth of the South. He therefore returned to Charleston, and, on the 27th of Septeml)cr, 1756, worn out with the in- firmities of age, fell asleep, in the seventy-tirst year of his age. Strict and impartial in the exercise of his official duties, exemplary and consist- ent in private life, careful in his observance of the church's rules, de- voted to the work of the ministry, he was fearless in reproving sin, painstaking in his preparation of his people for the holy communion, careful in providing for the poor, interested and successful in mission work among the negroes, and alive to all measures tending to promote sound education, pure morals, and Christian believing and living. The negro school he began and personall}^ superintended had seventy pupils in it when he resigned. The free school, to which he gave no little time and pains, flourished long after its friend and benefactor had passed away. Among his successors none exceeded him in his hold upon the hearts of his people, and none left a more lasting or useful influence upon the Church and the community at large. ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES. IN connection witli the consideration of the services of Commissary Garden, it may be well to give, fi'om an aiithnvitiitive document prepared by the clergy assembled agreeably to the requisition of the commissary, a niinut(! accoimt of the Church in South Carolina at the period oi' C^omraissary Hull's departure : — London, August 10, 1723. A Short ]\lemoria) of tlic piuiscnt State of the Church and Clergy in His Majesty's Province of South Carolina in America, by \Vm. Tredwell BiUl : — The Province of So. Carolina is divided into lliirlccn Parishes. In Herkeley County there are eight, viz'. 1. St. Philip's, Charles County, the only town of note and Port of Trade in the said Province which I'arisli extends throughout the said city, and a neck or Point of Land between the two Navigable Itivcrs of Ashley and Cooper, about six miles in length and two in Ijreadtli, and may contain botwceu ;'>00 and 100 Christian Families. In the said city tliere is a new erected church not yet entirely tinished, a large, regular and beautiful liuilding exceeding any that arc in His Majesly's Uoniiuions in America. The prescMit Minister of the said Clunch is the Ilev. Mr. Alexander (larden (who hath enjoyed that l.iviug somewhat nioi-c than .'! years) a learned and pious Divine, but of li sickly and weal; constilution — the slated Salary of th(! said Church is £|.0() Proelaniatio'ii .Money i. e. £ll.'0 Slcrling paiil out of the public Treasury of the Pi'ovincc besides the penpiisites, which in (hat Parish are cousideraljle. There is likewise in Ihe s' City a Grammar School now selling up by the KeV. Mr. Thomas Alarrit, very lately arriv(Hl a Missiou.uy from Ihe llon'blo Society for the iiropagation of the (iospel in Foreign parts, with the aiuiual allow- THE CinUCll IN SUlTll CAKDMNA. 391 ancp from tlic said society of £3o Stprling;. The Salary allowcel out of the Public Trcivsiiry to the said SiOulol Master is £1(10 per aun'" I'roclauuilion Money i. e. £00 Sterling, besides the benefit of Scholars whicli is settled by law at £.'J per ann°' a seholar in Ihe said rroelainalion Money, or the value thereof in the ourroney of Carolina. There are also in (his city a small conjxregalion of French Refugees who retain the Liturgy and Discipline of liie I'ef.irnied Churches of France: one of Presbyterians. luiother of Anabaptists, and a few Quakers, who ha\e each a Meeting" House, but at present neither one of them have a settled Minister or Preacher. 2. St. James, at Goo.se Creek, a vicli and ])opidous Parisli, the cluncii which INTERIOR OF THE GOOSE CREEK CHURCH. is about sixteen miles from Cliarles City, is a neat and regular, lint not a large, Brick Building. To this cluirch is lately gone over a Missionary from the Hon'ble Society for the propagation of the (iospel in Foreign parts, the Kev'. Mr. Ludlam, who was not arrived there the latter end of May last. The stated Salary allowed out of the public Treasury of the Province to this and each County Parish is £100 per ann" of the said Proclamation money or tlie value thereof in the currency of Carolina. There is also a very handsome Parsonage House of Brick and a Glebe of about 100 acres of Land. ;5. St. Andrew's the church is 12 mih-s from Charles City, the Minister the ReV*. Mr. Gray, a worthy divini> and well esteemed of in the Parish, one of the Hon'ble Societ\'"s Mission.arys and hath been so 1 1 years. There is a decent Parson- age Ilonso and a Glebe of 2.") acres of Land. The Inhal)ilan(s an; now enlarging and bea\itifying (he Parish Cluu'ch which is built of Brick, having for that end obtaineil out of the Public Tn^asury £400, and by subscriptions among themselves £600 of the Currency of Carolina. 4. St. George.the ehunli is 20 utiles from Charles Cit)-, a large and ])opulous Parish, wherein is an handsome Brick Church, a Parsonage built with Timber and 302 iiiSTOia' or THK American episcopal church. a Glebe of £250 acres of Land. To this Church is now going over the Rev*. Mr. Varnoi.1, Jlissionaiy from tlie Ilon'ble the Society. 6. St. Jolin's, a lai-ge, populous and nice Parish, in which is a decent Rrick Church 25 miles from Charles City, lately adorned and bcautilicd at the charge of the Parishioners, and a very convenient I5rick Parsonage House, pleasantly situated upon a Glebe of ;>00 acres of Land. The Reverend Mr. Brian Hunt, Minister and Missionary from the Hon'ble the Society, arrived there about March or April last, and was kindlj- received bj- tlie people. G. St. Thomas's, a large and populous Parish, in which are two Churches and two Glebes, but no Parsonage House as yet buill. The Rev". Mr. Hasell. who hath '^r\i^s&<.-^ /: ..1 v... ST. Andrew's ciiuhch. been Minister of the Parisli and iMissionary from the Hon'ble Society It years, and well esteemed by his people, residing upon an KsUite, and in an House of his own, whilst the Money appro])riated from the Publi(; fen- the building of an house is daily increasing, being put out uiwn good Securily at tlie legal interest of the County. 7. St. Denis, a (Congregation of French Refugees conforming to llio CImrch of England, and within the bounds of St. Thomas Parish, and made a district Parisli for a time, until the jjresent inhabitants or their cliilihvn attain the English Tongue. The Minister, the llev'. Mr. Joini La Pierre, wlio halli cMJoycd tlie living about 12 vears, rccei\ing an equal salary from the Trea-sury with tlie otlier County Paiislios, l)ut is no Missionary. 8. Christ Clmreli, a large Parish, but jioor, where is a Timber Churcli i:\ miles from Charles City, a Parsonage House, a (llebe of 100 acres of land : the jn'esent Minister, the Rev**. Air. Pownal, one of the Society's Missionaiys, came over td that Parish in tlie montli of Oclolnr bust. In Cr.aven County are two P.irishcs. 'J. St. Ja;nes, Santee, a Parish consisting chielly of rrciich Refugees con- forming to the Churcli of Kngland in which is a Cluirch about GO miles from Charles Tui: niuRCii IN sorrii Carolina. 393 Citv, a ParsniinfTP IIou>;e and a Glcbo of iioar loou acros of land, tho jji-esent Min- ist("r the Ku\ '. Mv. Alln^rt rowdoruus a Icanu'd Divine and convert IVoni the Cluinii of Rome liatli l)e('n ivsident there alxuil two years. 10. Kinjr Geoi'tre's Tavisli whieh beiny; a now settlement about 90 miles from Charles City was made a Pari-^h by his Excelh'ni-y General Nieliolson, His Majesty '.s present (governor, about 1.") Months ap). Tlie General Assembly allowed £1000 of I he (^n-riMiey of Carolina and his Exeelleney has jriven £100 towards the buildin;: of a Clun-ili there w'"" is not yet beji'un. In t'olletou Coonly are two ravishes, viz. 11. St. Panl'siuiw vacant ami Ihe Parishioners humble supplicants for another Minister: they are a sober well inclined iieople kind and obli<^in;; to their lale Minister, diligent in altendini; the woi'd of (jotions among themselves upwards of £1000 and obtained from the (ii'iieral Assi'inbly £.")IHI of the Curicncy of Carolina, besides a Leg:iev of £lilO beiiuealhed to lliat use by Mr. John WhituKU'sh of the said Parisli lately deceased aiul some few other [iresents. Near the Church is a Glebe of 70 ';4V4 (^ 'V ' S3 — W ' /. ■ 1' KUINS OF ST. GEORGE S CHUKCH, DORCHESTEK. acres of land whereon was a very convenient brick House and .some other outbuild- ings which were biu'nt down by the lndi;uis in the year 17I."i and not yet rebuilt. The sum of £4.")() Carolina money was allowed out of the Treasury there for to re- pair 'the same which having been let out to interest is now about £(J0ii. 12. St. Hartliolomew"s : this ])arisli hath been vacant since the ye:ir 171.') by the death of the late Incumlicnt Mr. Osborne, one of the Ibnilde Society's Mi.ssion;irys. It was then intirely depo])ulat<'(l by th<' Indian War and very few of the Inhabitants have since returned, who live remote from one another and have neither ( 'hurcli tun" Parsonage Ilnusi'. There's a Glebe of ;5(Ki acres of land and some preparations were formerly making towards a Church and lioiise. P>ut the war l)reaking out the Inhabitants dis]iersi'd and the Minister died, and nothing of late hath been done in it. In Granville County there's but one Parish. K). St. Ili'len's inwhich is neither Chm'ch nor Parsonage House, the General. Assembly hath lately allowed £liiil(l of the Currency of Carolina and the Governcn- £100 towards the Building of the Church. This Parish was also depopulated in the Indian War but many of the lidiabitants since returned, tiie Rev''. Mr. Braytield, 394 HISTORY OF THE AMEKICAN KriSCOPAL CUUKCH. SIGNATURES OF SOUTH OAUul.lNA t I.KlKa JIKK, 1721. Chaplain to His Majesty's Forces in Carolina Officiates some times there, There's also a Presbyterian Teacher who lives meanly and chielly upon his own private interest. N. B. That near Charles City is a large handsome brick House and a Glebe of 17 acres of Land for the Parsonage, which at present with the consent of the Minister is made use of for the School that is setting up there by Mr. Morritt and an house within the City hired by the Public, for tlie use of a Minister. N. U. That towards the repairs of Parsonage Houses the Ministers, Church Wardens and Vestry of each Parish are empowered to draw upon tlie Public Treasurer anj- sum not exceeding £25 of the aforesaid Proclamation Money per ann" and a certain sum for the repairs of the Churches and to pay the Clerk, Sex- tons, llc";isters their Salaries. N.B. There are within the several Parishes Dissenters of different denomi- nations but there are no public Teachers at present except among the Presbyterians or Indejiendents who have four or five tho' not above two or three of them tliat are settled Teachers. WM TREDWELL BULL, Late Minister of St Paul's, Colleton County, and Commissaiy to Right Reverenil the Lord Bishoi) of London in S". Carolina. CHAPTER XXll. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATK. ALTHOUGH two centuries were permitted to elapse between the introduction of the reformed, yet catholic. Church of England upon the American shores and the provision of the episcopate to complete the church's orders and perfect her discipline, still the minds of those in authority in the mother-land were not without a sense of this lack, and a desire for its remedy, almost from the earliest days of discovery and settlement. As tar back as the year IG08 the sagacious and far-seeing Laud, who had earlier despatched a commis- sary to n^nuouth, the R(!v. AVilliam ^Nlorrell, to superintend the ecclesiastical afiairs of New England, set on foot a scheme to remedy the evils already imminent among the separatist settlers of the Massa- chusetts Bay by sending a bishop to New England. This plan, which, if can-ied into effect, might have changed not only the ecclesiastical, but also the civil, history of a continent, was thwarted by the outbreak of ti-oubles in Scotland ; and it was shortly a question if the Chui'ch would survive at home, rather than that she should be extended and made complete a1)road. Still, the idea was by no means lost sight of, and in a pamphlet entitled "Virginia's Cure," published shortly after the Restoi'ation, and dedicated to Sheldon, then Bishop of London, and Morley, Bishop of Winchester, the demand was earnestly made for the presence of a bishop in the province, to redress evils which were rife in church and state, and awaken a more healthy and vigorous spiritual life. Specially was the need of a bishop urged, with a view of restoring the primitive diacouate, for the purpose of tilling the vacant parishes, else but imperfectly cared for by lay-readers. There were " divers persons already in the colony fit to serve the Church in the office of Deacon," and, "after due probation and examination," they might receive authority to minister, according to these degrees, in the congregation. This appeal was urged in behalf of a people "which generally bear a great love to the stated constitutions of the Ciiurch of England, in her government and jiublick worship, which gave us," continues the wniter, "who went thither under the late persecutions of it, the advantage to use it constantly among them, after the naval power had reduced the colony under the power (but never to the obedience) of the usurper;' which liberty we could not have enjoyed had not the people generally expressed great love for it." It is deeply to be regretted that this earnest prayer received no answer. An attempt, indeed, was made to provide a bishop for Virginia. The nomination of the Rev. Dr. Alexander ISIurray, who had been • CroujwcU. 396 HISTORY OF THE A.MEIUCAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. a companion of the king in his exile, to this oiBee was approved bj' the monarch during the administration of Clarendon, and a patent was actually made out constituting this divine Bishop of Virginia with a general charge over the other provinces ; but the matter failed of accomplishment. Objections were urged against the titness of Dr. Murray for the office and work of a bishop ; and when these charges, upon investigation, were found to be groundless, other difficulties wei'e raised, which delayed and finally defeated the execution of the plan proposed. The fall of Clarendon, and the accession of the " Cabal" ministry to power, are supposed I)}' some to have occasioned this failure. Such, at least, was Dr. ^Murray's exphiuation of the matter. At a later day Archbishop Seeker states, from an examina- tion of Bishop Gibson's papers, that the failure was owing to the fact that the endowment for the Virginia episcopate was made payable out of the customs. The unexecuted letters-patent were long on file among the archives of the see of London.' If we may credit the asser- tion of a letter sent from England to the ilassachusetts-Bay Colony, bearing date of 1662, the question of an American episcopate had been under consideration at least ten years before the failure to send Dr. jNIurray to Virginia. Hutchinson, in his " History of Massa- chusetts," gives, in a foot-note to his narrative, the following extract from this communication : — There was a General Governor and a Mayor-General chosen, and a Bu'hop toilh a suffragan, but Mr. Norton writes that tliey are not yet out of hope to prevent it; the Governor's name is Sir Robert Carr, a rank Papist.' There is no other evidence with respect to this appointment, if it ever was made, and it is not improbable that in transcription a clerical error may have substituted the year 1662 for 1672, at wiiich time, as we have seen, the subject was actually in a fair way of accomplishment. The labors of Dr. Thomas Bray, in the exercise of his commis- sarial office in Maryland, inspired him with strong convictions of the immediate necessity of episcopal oversight for the American clergy. AVith a view, doubtless, of meeting the objection wiiich was possibly the cause of the failure of the scheme proposed in the reign of King Charles H., Bray i)rojected a plan of raising, by private contributions, a sum sufficient for the purchase of a plantation in Mar}'land, upon which the bi.shop might reside, and from which he might receive his support. Ofl'erings at once flowed in for flic furtherance of this scheme ; but opposition from l)otii sides of the Atlantic was speedily directed again.st the plan, which consequently fell to the ground. The minds of the members of the venerable society at the very outset of their mis- sionary operations were occupied in this direction, and the suggestion that a Scotch l)ishop might be sent to America as a sutlragan to the Bishop of London seems to have failed of adoption on the part of the society, as its solution of the acknowledged difficulty of supplying the colonies with episcopal supervision, only in consequence of the 'Printed ia tbf nnlliorV notes lo " Hist. Coll. Hutchinson's " History of Massachusetts," Am. Col. Ch.," I., pp. 536-M2. i., p. 225, note. TUE STULGGI.E FOU THi: Kl'ISCOPATE. 397 aire and fewness of tlio Scotch bishops. The need of a bishop for America was continually urged by tho missionaries sent out under the auspices of the society from tho very start, and the first report of the society published from a letter of the Kev. John Talbot, the com- panion and fcllow-missioner of Keith, written from New York in 170:i, an emphatic utterance of this universally felt and confessed desire : — There are earnest addresses from divers parts of the Continent and Islands adjacent, for a scffragax to visit the several cucrches ; 0RD^u>f some, cox- ram others, akd bless all. The following year the same devoted missionary refers in his cor- respondence with the society to the loss of many to dissent for want of a lawful ministry, while those who were willing and qualified to serve were deterred from seeking holy orders by the hazard and expense of a voyage to England. With honest plainness he continues : — Did our gracious Queen Anne but know the necessities of her many good sub- jects in these parts of the world, she would allow lOOOi. per annum rather than so many souls should sufler. Meanwhile, I don"t doubt but some learned and good man would go further, and do the church more service with 1001. per annum than with a coach and six one hundred years hence. A\'riting, in 1704, to his former fellow-traveller, the Eev. George Keith, who was again in England, he proceeds to speak of a fit person to be appointed, aud to suggest the manner of his support : — !Mr. John Lillingston designs, it seems, to go to England nest year ; he seems to be the fittest person that America affords for the office of a suffragan, and several persons, both of the laity and clergy, have wished he were the man ; and if my Lord of London thought fit to authorize him, several of the clergy, both of this province and of Maryland, havesaidthey would pay their tenths unto him, as my Lord of Lon- don's vicegerent, whereby the Bishop of Ainerica might have as honourable provision as some in Europe. The other missionaries of the society concurred in pressing this irajwrtant matter upon the attention of the authorities at home. " Ex- cuse me to the society," writes the Kev. Thoroughgood Moor, in 1704, " if I am earnest with them for a suffragan, and that they would have a particular regard to the unanimous request of the clergy in all parts of America upon this account." If further confirmation of the need and wish for a bishop were de- sired, to warrant the action of the Church at home, it was supplied, in 170.5, by a memorial addressed to the archbishops and bishops from a convocation of fourteen clergymen assembled at Burlington, N. J. , pray- ing for the " presence and assistance of a suflragan bishop, to ordain such persons as ifre fit to be called to serve in the sacred ministrj' of the Church," and stating that they had already been "deprived of the advantages which might have been received of some presbytcrian and independent ministers that formerly were, and others that still are, will- ing to conform and receive the holy character, for want of a bishop to give it." They add that "the baptized want to be confirmed," and 398 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EnSCOPAL CIIL'RCH. their plea for the presence of a hishoi) was supported and reiterated by the royal governors and leading laity as well. Thus urgently appealed to, both in formal petitions and in pri- vate correspondence, the society submitted a memorial to llie queen, in 170i), in which the pressing need of the American Church was strongly stated, and measui-es urged for its relief. Their words were as follows : — We cannot but take this opportunity further to represent to your Majesty, with the greatest humility, tlio earnest anil rcpt^ated desires, not only of the Mission- aries, but of (livers otiier eonsidcrablo jiersons that are in eommunidn with our ex- cellent Chiu'ch, to have a Bishop settled in your American ])lantations (which we humbly conceive to bo very useful and necessary for establishing the Gospel in those jiarts), that they may be tlie better united among themselves than at present they are, and more able to withstand the designs of their enemies : th:it there may be confu'mations, which in their pi-csent state they cannot have the benefit of; and that an easy and speedy care luay be taken of all the other affairs of the Chuich, which is much increased in those parts, and to which, through your Majesty's gi-acious protection and encouragement, we trust tliat yet a gi-eatcr addition. will daily be made. We humbly beg leave to add that we are informed that the French have received several gi-cat advantages from their establishing a Bishop at Quebec. The following year Colonel Nicholson, the Governor of Virginia, whose interest in the Church was undoubted, expressed in a letter to the Archljishop of Canterbury his conviction, "tliat unless a bisho]) be sent, in a short time the Church of England will rather diminish than increase in North America." It was about this time that the attention of the scheming and am- bitious Dean Swift was directed towards the Virginia Episcopate. His friend, Colonel Hunter, had been appointed lieutenant-governor of this province ; but he failed to reach his seat of goverinnent, having been captured b}' the French on his voj'age across the Atlantic. While a prisoner at Paris, Swift wrote to him, January 12, 1708-9 : — Two months later he again refers to this subject in a letter to the same : — I shall go from Ireland sometime in summer, being not .able to make my friends in the ministry consider mj' merits or their [jromisos enough to keep me iiere, so tliat all my hopes now terminate in my bishoprick of Virginia." Four years later, when Hunter had, after his failure lo entiT upon his appointment to Virginia, received the post of Governor of New York, he writes to the dean as follows : — I have purcliased a seat for .a bisho)>, and by orders from the societv have given orders to prepare it for his reception. You once upon a day gave inc hopes of see- ing you there. It would be no small relief to have so good a friend to complain to.' • Swift's Works, Scott's cd., xv., p. 295. • Jlid., p. 308. •' Ibid., xvi., p. 18. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISfOPATE. 399 These extracts, however, fail to prove that there was ever the seri- ous purpose on the part of those in power of seiuliug 8wift to a post for which ho was in every way unlitted, and in which he could not have failed to do nioi'e injur}' than ijood. It is prol)ai)le that (he ap- pointment of his friend'lo an American ixovernment aroused the rest- less and intriiruinu spirit of Swift to seek for himself any temj)oral advantage that might thus bo opened to him, and ilouhtless the mat- ter never went hey ond the conversation or the correspondence of the two friends. It was certainly well for the Church in America that even the thought of such an appointment perished ere it came to the light. It was inevitable (hat a plan so important in itself, and so constantly m-ged in the letters and memorials received from the church- men and clergy in America, should commend itself to the attention and interest of the authorities of the Church at home. It is a matter of recoi'd that the Archljishop of York, Dr. Sharpe, whose unwearied interest in all matters of church extension led him to favor and further the scheme for the introduction of the episcopate among the j)rotestant communions upon the continent of Europe, convened and presided at a meeting on the 20th of Januar\', 1711, at which the bishop of Bristol, Dr. Robinson, the i)ishop of St. David's, Dr. Bisse, and the celebrated Atterlniry. prolocutor of the lower House of Convocation, andDrs. Smal- ridge and Stanhope, wci'e present, on which occasion the archbishop offered a " proiiosal concerning bishops being provided for the planta- tions ; " but "as the Bishop of London, who from his recognized relation to the colonial churches had a right to be first consulted on such a project, was not present, the matter was dropped."' But the subject was still pressed upon the attention of the officers of state. A second memorial, respecting an American episcopate, was presented to the queen by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, on the 24th of March, 1713, and received so favorable a recep- tion from Her Majesty that there seemed an immediate prospect of success. Unhappily, the death of the queen, shortly after, put an end to the design. The importunity of the society in thus renewing the application for the appointment of an American episcopate was justi- lied by the statement that it ticted upon the rcpeateil requests and rep- resentiitions of "governoi's of provinces, ministers, vestries, and private persons in the plantation ; '" and, "after a loud call for fifteen years," so nearly was the end attained that by royal command "a draught of a l)ill was ordered, proper to be offered to the parlinnicnt for establishing Bishops and Bishopricks in America." Alas I thai on (he very eve of accomplishment the hopes of the friends of this measure were doomed to disajjpointmcnt. The society, disajjpointed. but not in despair, renewed its applica- tion to George I. in a menioriid dated June o, 171."). and, af(or reciting the events described above, submitted to (he king's consideration a plan for the creation of four bishoprics, two for the islands and two for tho continent. Of the former it was proposed that one bishop should be " settled at Barbadocs, for itself and the Leeward Islands." The ' Ncwcome's " Life of Abp. SImi-pc," i., p. f)32. 400 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. other was to be placed " at Jamaica for itself with the Bahama and Bermuda Islands." Of the latter, one was to have his seat at Burling- ton, N. J., with jurisdiction "from the east side of Delaware river to the utmost bounds of the king's dominions eastward, including Newfound- land." The other sec was that of Williamsburg, in Virginia, with ju- risdiction " from the west side of Delaware river to the utmost bounds of the British dominions westward." The income of the bishops of Barbadoes and Jamaica was to be £1,500 per annutn respectively, the former prelate having the presidency of Codrington College, and the latter's revenue being provided out of the '' church lands of 8t. Christo- pher's, formerly belonging to the Jesuits and the Carmelites and other French popish clergy." The Bishops of Burlington and AVilliamsburg were to receive £1,(300 per annum, while for Iheformer the society had " been at six hundri'd pounds' charge and upwards to purchase a conven- ient house and laud for his residence." Other sources whence the income named could be obtained were suggested , such as "the l)est rectory in the capital seat of each bishop," with the tenth part of all future grants and escheats to the crown," which the king might be pleased to give, to2:ether with " such local revenues as shall be thought tit to be made by their respective assemblies." If these and other resources should prove insufficient, or be deemed impracticable, the memorial further prayed that a prebend in the gift of the crown, the mastership of the Savoy, or that of St. Catherine's, might be annexed to the continental bishoprics, for the supply or augmentation of their maintenance. A scheme so well conceived and so thoroughly digested, having received the hearty countenance of the late sovereign, might have been expected to secure the immediate approsal of the crown. But the times were most unfavorable for Ihc lonsidcration of the claims of the Church. The rdicliion had just broken out in Scotland, and the political jealousies and suspicions then rife, intensified b)' a distrust of the clergy, who, in many instances, were suspected — and not without cause — of favoring the pretensions of the exiled House of Stuart, pre- cluded all hojie of success, at least during the administration of Sir Robert Walpole. It was not likely that the application in behalf of a few churchmen on a distant continent would I'cceivc a hearing when the existence of the government itself was in danger from rebellion, even (hough the object of the petition was asserted to be "to forward the great work of converting inlidels lo the saving faith of our blessed Redeemer, and for the regulating such Christians in their faith and l)ractice as are already converted thereto." The adherents of the House of Hanover felt that the struggle in which they were engaged was for life. 'I'hcy had neither thought nor time for matters or measures that contcmidatcd merely the relief of the s])iritual needs, or the develop- ment of the ecclesiastial constitution of the far-away provinces of the American coast. Thus it was that the society's plan, which had been so carefully thought out and so ably urged, was laid aside. The archbishop. Dr. 'i'eiiison, who died in December, 1715, mindfid of the wad which the society had so rc]){'atcdly sought to remedy, bei|ucathed to it a legacy of £1,000, " toward the settlement of two bishops, one for the continent, the other for the isles of America ; " and it was in the THE STIJUGGLE FOK THE EI'ISCOPATE. 401 same nndiscnuraircd spirit, ami witii like conlidoiu'c of ultimate success, that Dr. Keimett, then Dean and shortly al'terwardb IJisliop of Peter- borough, in a letter to his correspondent in Boston, the Kev. B. Cole- man, an independent minister, recites the difficulties in the way of the society's success in its work in America, and the means of relief: — The two jrivat (liflieulties tJiat still lio luml ii|>oii cll, Est]., for the same purpose, and subsequently a benefaction of like amount was received from the Lady Elizal)eth Hastings. These free-will ollerings from the laity show that the sense of the need of bishops was not confined to the clergy merely, nor even to Americans, for whose benefit the plan was proposed. The hopes so often expressed by the honest and fearless Talbot, that "ahead" would be provided for the American Church, "loin-opa- gate the Gospel," — to ])ropagate it l)y imparting some spiritual gift by ordination or conlirmation, — at length faded out. The tireless mis- sionary still pursued his work, building churciies to sec them used as " stalls and stalilcs for Quakers' horses when they came to market or meeting." and securing " missioners " who after a little sougiit refuge in Jlarylaud "for the sake of themselves, their wives, and their chil- dren." For his own part he felt that ho could not desert the "poor flock" he had gathered, even if he had "neither money, credit, nor tobacco." AVorn with excessive labor he sought permission to return for a time to England. Here he claimed and received for a time tho interest of Archl)ishop Tenison's legacy, wliicli, uiilil the appointment of an American bishop was pay:d)le to an aged missionar3\ r)Ut life in England had lost its charms for one so active and abundant in eflbrt for the uplmilding of the Churcli of God. He could not be idle when souls were pcrisliing in schism and sin. He cotdd not forget the scenes of his early lal)ors, and his great success. The missionary's heart yearned for the sons he had liogottcn in tlie faith, and so he returned to spend the rest of his days " aj)ud Aniericajios," as was his favorite phrase. Soon after his return credil)le reports were re- ceived by the society of his refusal to take the oath of allegiauco to the king and of his omission of tiie king's name in the church's THE STRUGOI.K FOR THK EPISCOPATE. 403 pmyors. lie liad l)ccn ai'cuscd l»y Governor Ilmiter, as long before as 1715, of having " ineorporated the Jacobites in tiic Jerscj's, under the name of a church, in order to sanctify his sedition and insolence to the govonnnont ; " but ho had indignantly repelled the charge for him- self and for his people, with every evidence of good faith. The church- wardens and vestry at Burlington joineil in this denial, and the accusa- tion of the governor was, without doubt, as untrue as it must have been malicious. There could be little sympathy between the friend and admirer of Swift and the self-sacrificing, conscientious, and hard- working "missioner" at Burlington. Tiie very charge, however, may lune l)een the occasion of its subsequent justilication. The re- peated failure of the cllbils to |)rovide a bishop for the Church in America, to whose service he had given his life, may have turned his attention to that non-juring schism whose bisho^js were, at least, un- shackled I)}- any connection with the State, and from whose hands the coveted apostolical commission miglit be supplied. He had been able to boast, " I suffer all things for the elect's sake, the poor Church of God, here in the Wilderness." He was now, after j^ears of faithful labor, after spending and being spent in the church's service, after winning the testimony of churchmen far and near, "that l)y his exemplar}- life and ministry he had been the greatest advocate for the Church of England, by law established, that ever appeared on this shore," ' to be " discharged the society for exercising acts of jurisdic- tion over the brethren, the missionaries." He promptly denied the charge, averring tliat he " knew nothing al)out it, nor anybody else, in all the Morld ; " but that a change had come over the old mission- ary's spirit is evident. There is no further appeal made in his letters for a bishop for America ; nor is this subject, which proved the burden of his earlier correspondence, again referred to. Accused as a " notorious Jacobite " by the testimony of a, worthless, strolling clergyman, who, in the same ])reath with which he maligned Talbot, pronounced a place " slavish " " where they require two sermons every Lord's Day, Prayers all the week and Homilies on Festivals, besides abundance of Funerals, Christenings at home, and sick to be visited," — Talbot was dismissed from the society's service, his church was closed, and "a long, long penance " exacted of him for " crimes" which he professed were to hiin " unknown." The same ciuestionable authority complained that at Philadelphia "he convened all the clergy to meet, put on his robes and demanded episcopal obedience from them. One wiser than the rest refused, acquainted the governor with the ill-consequences thereof, the danger he would run of losing his government ; whereupon the governor ordei'cd the church to be shut up." " There seems to be no reason to doubt," writes Hawkins, in his historical notices of the missions of the Church of England, " that, during his visit to England, he, with Dr. Welton, had l)cen conseci'ated by the non-juring bishops. Such a step admits of no justitication ; but we may well suppose that he was led to take it by no personal ambi- tion, but by that strong and earnest conviction of the absolute necessity ' Momorial of Cluncli-waiilens nnd VctiT- New Uristol, and St. JIary's, Builington, to the men of Chiist (Jhuich, Philadelphia, St. James s, society. 404 HISTORY OF THE AMEUICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. of an episcopate for the welfare of the Church in ^Vincrica, of which his letters afford such abundant testimony. It ap[)cars that he occasionally assumed the episcopal dress, and that lie administered the ordinance of conlirmalion. Whatever confusion or schism might have arisen hy the irregular exercise of the episco))al office was prevented l)y an order from the Privj- Council for Welton's^ return to England, and l)y the death of Mr. Tall)ot, which occurred in 1727." ^ Notices of Mr. Talbot occur occasionally in the correspondence of the missionaries with the society, or with their diocesan, the Ijishoj) of London. The excellent Jacob Henderson, Connnissary of Maryland, under date of August ll>, 1724, writes that, — Mr. Talbot, Minister of Burlington, returned from England about two years ago in Episcopal Orders, tliough liis oi'ders till now of late have been kept as a gi'eat secret, and Dr. AVelton is arrived there about six weeks ago, as I'm credibly informed, in the same capacit}-, and the people of Pliiludelphia are so fond of him that they will have him riglit or wrong for their minister. 1 am much afraid these gentlemen will poison the people of that province. T cannot see what can prevent it but the speedy arrival of a Bishop tliere. otic of the same order to confront them, for the people will rather take conlirmation from them than have none at all, and by that means they'll hook them into tlie schism. In June. 1726, the commissaiy of the eastern .shore, the Rev. Christopher Wilkinson, writes to liis diocesan : — I understood Dr. Welton has left Philadelphia and is gone for Lisbon. lie and the rest of the non-jurors disagreed very much among tliemselves, in so much that they avoided one another's company. Mr. Talbot and Mr. Smith (who also dift'er very much in their sentiments of submission to the established goverimient) have been with ns in Maiyland. They behaved themselves very modestly, avoided tiilking veiy much, and resolved to submit quietly to the orders sent from l^ngland to proiiibit their public officiating in any of the Churches, or to set up separate meetings.^ A few weeks later the Rev. Archiliaid Cummins, who had lately annved in Pennsylvania, writes to the Bishop of London as follows : — I have been importuneil by uumliei-s of ])e(iple from Ilnrliugton, .and by some of this Province, to write to your Lordship in favour of Dr. Talbot; they made me promise to mention him, otherwise I would not presume to do it. He is universally beloved, even by Dissenters here, and has done a great deal of good. Widton and he had diiVer<'(l. and broke olf correspondence bj' reason of the rash chimerical projects of the former, long before the Government took notice of them. If ho were connived .at and could be assisted by the Society (for I am told the old man's circumstances are very mean), he promises l)y his friends to lie peaceable and eas\% and to do all tlie good he can for the future.'' Poor old man ! He had lived not for himself, but for others. He was "universally beloved," had "done a great deal of good," and at • Added lo llic letter from Unnston, in which added n scrawl with words proceeding out of the the chaific is niiidc tli.at Talliot ciulciivorcd to moiitli of the liislion of l'eteilioroin.'h to this iaof'in*c tlic canonical ohctlieiH'C of tlie cliTL^y, i-* a ctrect as r am toM, Main not he lliat lieli-ayed " I'.S.," M follows : "He ii succeeded hv Ur. Cliri-I, lliou^'U as ready to doit as ever .Judas Wciion, who makes a ificat noise araon;.'st"lhcm was.' I have met him once in the streets, but bv reason of bis suttcrinjfs. He has i)rou;;lit had no fiirlhcr ('onver.salion with him." — Prot, wilb him to the value of t'300 sterling' in ^'uiis /.'pis. //int. Soc. ('nil., I., p. 93. and fi'>liiu'„'-(anKtices, and the alleged exercise of episcopal authority, his last days could only be spent "pcaceai)ly and cas^'," if he were "connived at," so that he might still "do all the good" in his power to the end! Certainly the name of -lohn Talbot may well I)e held in loving re- membrance b)- the Clmrch for which he did and dared so much ! ' The venerable and bcimed Uishop AVhite was wont to relate a tradition which he heard iVom his elder brethren when he was but a youth. The story was this : — A ffentloman who had been onlained among the Congi'egationalists of New Ensjland, ami who had Dtliciatoil among them as a minister for many years, at k'nirth, to the surprise of his friends, began to express doubts about tlie validity of his ordination, and manifested no small trouble of mind on the subjeet. Sudilenly, about the time of the arrival of Talbot and Welton, he left home without deelaring tlie place of his destination or purpose of his journey. After an interval of a few weeks he retin'ued, and gave no further inlbrmation of his movements than that ho had been to some of the southern colonies; he also said on his retinn that he was now perfectly satislieil with his ordination, .and from that day ne\ er manifested the least solicitude on the subject, but continued till he died to preach to his congrega- tion. It was soon whispered by those whasc euriosily here found materials for its exercise that the minister had' been on a visit to the non-juring bishops, and ob- t.ained ordination from one of them, lie never said so; but among churchmen it was believetl that such was the fact.' "With each added year the need of a bishop was more painfully felt. In 1724 the Kev. Samuel Johnson, the newly-ordained missionary at Stratford, addressed the Bishoj) of London on the subject, urging the appointment of a bishop, in view of the fact that "a considerable number of young gentlemen," and "those the best educated among us," "for want of episco])al ordination, decline the ministry," l)ecause "unwilling to expose Ihemselves to the danger of the seas and distempers, so territying has been the unhapi)y fate of Mr. Browne."* "So that," continues this excellent missionary, "the fountain of :dl our misery is the want of a bishop, for whom tliere are many thousands of souls in this coimtry so impatiently long and pray, and for want do extremely sutfer." The following year six of the New England clergy, includ- ing Dr. Cutler and .Mr. Johnson, prepared ii memorial to the veneral)le society, in which they prtiy for the jirotcction and guidance of "an orthodox and loyal bishop" residing among them. Referring to the presence of Dr. ^^'elton, as threatening " very unhappy conseciucnces" to the Chiu'ch and the government, they add : " Not only tliose who profess themselves churchmen long tmd i)ray for this great blessing of a worthy bishop with us, but also multitudes of those who are well-wishers to us, but are kept concealed for want thereof, and woidd innnediatcly appear and form many more congregations too, if once this happiness were granted."' The Rev. James Ilonyman, of Rhode ' The in!?cnious and alilc argument of the » Dr. Hawks, in his " History of the Church Uev. Dr. Fulton in support of the view that Tal- iu Marvlanil," p. 185. l>ot was not conscenled, will he I'oiuul amonj ' The Rev. Daniel Biinvnc died in England the mouo;^*aphs appended to this vohinie, and is of the small-pox shortly al"lcr athnist^ion to Holy well worthy of careful consideration in tliis cou- Onlers. ncction. ' Hawkins's " Hist. Notices," p. 388. 40G HISTORY or THE AStEKICAN EPISCOrAL CHURCH. Island, besides signing this memorial, addressed a fui-tlicr communica- tion to the Bishop of London, su1)miUiug that many perplexing doubts were constantly arising which coulil only be resolved by the authority of an ecclesiastical superior resident on the ground, and cognizant of all the circumstances that might affect each case in question. Xor was this importunate cry for the presence and blessing of the episcopate confined to tiie clergy and congregations of the northern and middle colonies. After numerous fruitless apiilieations in the past, the clergy of Maryland renewed their demand, and the Bishop of Lon- don invited them to nominate one of their own number for the office of suilrairan. The choice fell upon the Rev. Mr. C'olebatch, a man of excmphiry character and acknowledged fitness for the work proposed. No records are e.xtant to acquaint us with the grounds the l)ishop liad for ])resuming that the consecration of a sutlragan would be permitted ; but it is unlikely that he would have made the re(]uest for a nomina- tion unless he had reason to assume the consent of the crown. But the failure of the effort at this time resulted not from the opposition of the authorities in England, but in the province itself. The proposi- tion of the bisho]) being noised abroad, a writ of ne exeat was applied for and granted by the courts of Maryhind against the departure for England of the choice of the clergy, and the one wlumi both his brethren and his diocesan were anxious to see intrusted with the office of a sufl'ragau bishop was thus forbidden by the legislature to leave the province. It appears from a letter addressed to the venerable society in 1748, by one of its most faithful and successful missionaries, the Kev. Clement Hall, of North Carolina, that a report was then prevalent "that a bishop" who was, to quote his words, "much wanted, and by all good men earnestly desired," was "about to be sent over and settled iu Virginia," and the writer anxiously asks whether the report were true. The absence of any definite answer to this earnest query is sufficient proof that if any ground tor the rumor existed other than the wish of good men, it was soon removed, and the long-contiimed indifference of those in power to the spiritual needs of the colonies was persistently maintained. The excellent Seeker, Bishop of Oxford, had, in his sermon preached before the society in 1741, pointed out tiie advantages arising from the presence of bishops in the colonics ; and Dr. Sherlock, Bishop of London, in writing to good Dr. Johnson, at Stratford, Conn., had informed him that he had been "soliciting the estal)lishment of one or two bisho])s to reside in pro|)cr i)arts of the plantations, and to have flic conduct and direction of the whole;" but it was not fill the year 17.^0 that a unit('(l and sustained effort was again made for the ac- complishment of this long-deferred scheme. The zeal with which Bishops Sherlock, Seeker, and Butler entered upon their task, seemed to have gained strength from the very disappointments which had attended all jirevious cUbrfs. It seems Strang*- Ihat a measure necessary for the very existence of the Church should have been so bitterly and i)er.scvcringly opposed, and finally effectually thwarted by the machinations of those who THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 407 claimed for themselves and for their own religious organization the most conipiete toieranee and the most ix'rfect freedom. I'ains liad been taken from the first to assure dissenters that in the estahlishment of cpiseopaey in tiie colonies there was no t i ' x^ priviU'ges of tiiosewho t/ — -^ were not in the eom- PL ^ /^^^ A^ nmnion of the Church. <^ /UV ^ i^U/)Vr. In a letter addressed to the Rev. ^Ir. Colman, an independent minister of Boston, hy Dr. White Kennett, Dean, and afterwards Bishoi) of reteri)()rough,we find the follow- ing language used with reference to the proposed American episcopate : — I liopo yiHir ('hiii'clics would not he jealous of it, fliey being: out of our line, and theiet'ore beyond tlie eognizanee of any overseers to be sent from hence.' Rut the opposition which was thus deprecated, by one who spoke with authority as a leading member and officer of the venerable society which had the matter at that time in hand, was shortly aroused, and year l)y year intensified I)y the very progress of the Chui'ch to which these bishops were to bo sent as overseers. The introduction of the Church into the northern colonies, which was eflccted toward the close of the seventeenth century, and its rapid development on every side in the early part of the succeeding century, had excited tin; ajipre- hension that the coveted blessings of the New England theocrac}' were to be lost, and the "standing order," even of Puritan Massachu- setts and Connecticut was to be made subservienttoanother polity and a less rigid rule of faitli. The conversion of Kector Cutler, the schol- arly head of Yale College, whicii was followed b}' the defection of one after another from the ranks of Puritanism, gave rise, as wc have seen, to a wide-spread apprehension ; and a most intense opposition to the Church. Controversies had arisen on every side, and disjiutes and bickerings became more and more heated as years went on. Prejudices w'ere aroused, and tiie very existence of the New England einu'ches was believed by many to be imperilled. The great i)rinciples of tolera- tion were but imperfectly understood, and " it w as not to be endured that episcopacy shoidd, unmolested, rear its mitred head among tha children of men who had said to the world: 'Let all mankind know that wc came into the irildernefis, l)ccause we would worship God without that Epi>imp(ici/, that Common Prayer, and those unwarrant- able ceremonies with whicli the land of our forefathers^ sepulchres h.as been detiled ; we came hither because we would have our posterity settled under the full and ])ure dlspenmtions of the gosfjcl ; defended by rulers (hat shoidd he of tiurselves.'"^ Xo one familiar with the history of New England can l)e ignorant of the pains taken on the part of the colonial ministers and magis- * TurclTs '* Life of rolman," i>. 127. quoted by Dr. Hawks, in '* Prot. Epis. TliaL •Matlier's "Masnali.!," Book III., Part I., Sec. Coll.," I., p. 113. sec. VII., page 219, ulVol. i. : Hartford reprint, 408 IIISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CIIURCII. trates to prevent, by the use of all available means, the authorization of bishops for America. The lell('rs of instructions to the p^'oviucial agents who were employed to watcli over tiie interests of their Ameri- can constituents at the English court have frequent references to the importance of thwarting any scheme for the introduction of a traus- Atlantic episcopacy. The cori'espondencc of the leading ministers Avitli the i)rominent dissenters of England al)ounds in references to this matter, antl in earnest appeals for their l)retlu'en's coo})eration in hinder- ing so dreaded an invasion of their alleged rights. Constant representa- tions were made to the ministry l)y those who represented the dissent- ing interest that any scheme in this direction would be attended with most serious consequences. Remonstrances, appeals, manifestoes, and even threats, were resorted to, to convince those in authority of the unpopularity and danger of promoting such a measui'e. It was in consequence of this unreasonable opposition, and with full knowledge of the means resorted to at home and in the colonies to excite and intensify it, that the bishops who interested tliemselves iu 1750 in the effort to oljtain the consecration of bishops for Amer- ica were at pains at the outset to remove prejudice, and to pre- vent misapprehension by laying down principles which should have dis- ai'med ail possil)le hostility. The scheme which was prepared by these eminent prelates was such as could offer neitlicr injury nor occa- sion ofl'ence to the dissentei's. It was digested and jn-eparcd by the celebrated author of the " Analogy," Bishop Butler, and as copied from his manuscript, was first pul)Iished to the world by the cele- l)rated East Apthorp, of Christ Church, Cambridge, in whose hands the original then was. We give it in full : — 1. That no coercive power is desired over tlie laity in any ease, but only a ])ower to regulate the Ijehavioiu' f)f the ossibility of danger or cause; for alarm. It seems dillicult to believe that tiie hostility with wliich this proposition was assailed could have arisen from real scruples of conscience. It would seem as if the real cause of op))()sition must liave l)een a natiu'al apprehension that the Church of I'higlaiid in America, tinis j)erfected in its organization, and thus invested with the powers of self-government and self-perpetuation, Till': STRUGGLE FOR TIIK EPISCOPATE. 409 would rapidly increase at the expense of the dissentinji bodies around it, winning converts both from the ministers and members of the various sects with which it would inevitably come in competition, from its orderly and apostolic government, its venerable and attractive forms, and its inevitable 2yrestitje as the religion of the court and crown. Wo cannot for a moment believe that the leading dissenters were ignorant of the distinction between the spiritual rights inhering to the episcopal oflicc and the accidental appendages of temporal power which belonged to the lords spiritual of the niothcr-laud. The claim of the American churchmen to the full and free exercise of their faith, involving, as it necessarily did, the perfection of their ecclesiastical constitution, was undeniable ; and it was only the uii- reasouing j)rejudicc of ignorance or sectarian hate that could pretend to view this simple act of justice as threatening the liberties of America. There may have been those who doubtcid the possilnlity of separating between the powers purely spiritual and those of a temporal nature, which for years had been associated with the bishops of the mother-land, and fancied that the American bishop could not and would not confine himself to the exercise of his episcopal powers simply, without aping the state, and seeking to obtain the temporal power, of his episcopal l)rethren in the mother-land. That such was the conviction of many honest men admits of little doubt, and the fact that there was no oi)[)osition to the introduction of the episcopal office, when the indoiieiuleuce of the country was finally assured, proves their sincerity in these apprehensions. Their doubts and invincible preju- dices, in spite of every possible assurance to the contrary, do little credit to their charity, or their confidence in the word or solemn pro- fessions of their fellow-men, and they are certainly without excuse for the bitterness and rancor, the falsification, calumny, and slander, exhil)ited by those who were the champions in the pulpit and in print of the cause they avowed. On the 21st of February, 1750, the Bishop of London, Dr. Sherlock, presented to the king in council a memorial entitled "Con- siderations relating to Ecclesiastical Government in his Majesty's Dominions in America." In this important document every care was taken to avoid giving any occasion of oflence to dissenters, or others who nn'ght be opposed to the scheme of an American episcopate. It disavows any purpose of appointing a bishop either for New England or for Pennsylvania. It proposes Xo confer upon the American prelates no powers but such as are purely spiritual and inherent to their sacred office, and directly and distinctly disclaims any purpose of supporting the proposed episcopate l)y a tax or imposition of any kind upon the people. The need of the American Church was temperately but co- gently urgeil, and nothing was omitted to give assurance of the full purpose of the promoters of the plan to avoid any possible political complication, or to evoke any sectarian hostility to a scheme proposed solely with a view to the establishment of the American churchmen in their spiritual rights. But the time chosen for the presentation of these " Considera- tions " proved inojiportune. The king was preparing for a visit to the 410 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. continent, and ostensibly on this account the consideration of the bishop's memorial was deferred until the monarch's I'eturn from Hanover. And thus the third application to the crown proved of no avail. AVhile the king was absent a correspondence on the subject was entered into 1)}^ Bishop Seeker and Walpole, but the interchange of views between the liishop and the prime minister produced no mate- rial etiect, either in advancing tlie success of tlie plan proposed or in removing the strong opposition to the scheme which its simple men- tion had excited among the dissenters at home and in America. The " true reason of the Bishop of London being opposed and defeated in his scheme of sending in bishops," writes Dr. Ciiandler to Johnson, of .Stratford, was this: "It seems that the Duke of Newcastle, Mr. Pclham, and Mr. Onslow, can have the interest and votes of the whole body of the dissenters upon condition of their befriending them ; and by their influence on those persons the ministry was brought to oppose it." ^ Comment is unnecessar3\ In view of the evident impossibility of success while such a powerful opposition was arrayed against the plan of an American episcopate it was not likely that the churchmen in whose interest the scheme was urged would voluntarily provoke discussion with reference to it which could only intensify the assaults of the dissenters, and, in the end, prejudice their cause. At the same time it was impossible for them to remain passive and silent when assailed by misrepresenta- tion and rancorous abuse. Charges from pulpits and in pamphlets and in newsprints of the day had been made again and again against the veneral)le society for an alleged violation of its charter, in its sending a number of its missionaries, not merely to the destitute and neglected portions of the colonies, but to those where, in the view of the dissenters, there was no need of services or sacraments other than their own. More than oncvthird of the society's laborers, exclusive of those stationed in Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and the A^'est Indies, were employed in New England, and, although the most careful and painstidiing scrutiny had failed to tind a solitary instance where a mis- sionary had l)een sent into New England save at the request of those to whom he was ajipointed lo minister, still these Church of England clergy were deemed intrudei's, and their congregations chni'ged with the sin of schism, because the}' claimed the exercise of their religion on soil deemed the exclusive property of Puritanism. It was asserted that the society had for its object chiefly " to ejjiscopize dissenters." Such a charge, urg(Kl as it was with evident irritation and hate, could not fail to elicit discussion and reply. The Ivev. East Ai)tlu)rp, the missionary at Caml)ridge, a clergyman of learning and piet}', i)ublished a small pamphlet in defence of the society, entitled " Considerations on the Institution and Conduct of the Society for I'ropagating the (iospcl in Eori'ign Parts." It was not long before this ])ubiication found a reviewer in the celebrated Jonathan Mayhew, of Boston. "JO(jually an enemy to the Trinity, to loyalty, and to E])iscopacy,"as Dr. ' Jolinsou >ISS., quoted by Dr. Uawlid, " Prot. Epis. Hist. Sop. Coll.," i., \i. Ill), nolo. THE STRUGGLE FOK THE El'ISCOl'ATE. 411 Johnson wriU's, ' M:iyln-w. in his reply, not only criticised the conduct of the society with no little asperity, but added uiiuiy bitter and angry ma^,^^ku) reflections on the Church of Entrland, especially inveijxhinusc, as he Mould scarce have deserved had he attempted to eradicate Christianit^'^ out of America, and to introduce ]\Iahometanism in its room ; whereas, the plain truth is, that all he wished for was nothing more than what the very best friends to religious ft-eedom ever have wished for, a complete tolera- tion for the Church of Emjland in that countr;/.'' ' While the archbishop was engaged in England in the prepara- tion of an answer to Dr. IMayhew, the Kev. Henry Caner, of the King's Ciiapcl in Boston, and Dr. Samuel Johnson, of Christ Church, Stratford, C-onnccticut, were engaged in a similar task. Tlieir con- tributions to this controver.sy appeared in the same volume, the "Ob- servations" by Dr. Johnson forming an appendix to Mr. Caner's vindication. A contemporary print, entitled "An Attempt to Land a Bishop in .Vinci-ica," illustrates the alarm and hatred on tlie ])artof those of whom Lord Chatham wrote, that, "divided as they are into a thousand fonns of policy and religion, there is one point on which they all agree; they equally detest the pageantiy of a king, and the super- cilious hj pocrisy of a bishop." The scene dei)icted in this print is ' Bcill))' Poi'tcus's " Life of Seeker," p. C3 THE STRIGGLK FOI! J'HK KPISCOI'ATK. 113 on a wharf. A crowd of exc-ilod colonists, willi open mouths and violent gesticulations, are lirandisiiing staves and ehihs. One, in AN ATTEJirT TU LAND A liljHul' IX AMEKICA. Quaker garl), stands with an open eo|)v of I5are]ay's "Ajjolo:est plagiarism. This aHected performance was the jiroduction of a Mr. William Livingston, a lawyer of New York, whose literary reputa- tion is certainly not enhanced by the production of a worl< >\liich con- tained nothing wiiich had not been said in more terse and simpler language l»y Dr. Chauncy. The discussion on the bisliojTs sei-mon was terminated by "A Vindication," prepared and ))ublislie(l by the Kev. Dr. Charles Inglis, of New York, whose faniiliarily ^vitll tiie facts and skilful management of his material, coupled with incisive argument: and ]mngent sarcasm, left nothing to l>e said in reply. \\u\ while the controversy with reference to tiie Bishop of J.iaiulatf's scrnioii was tlius sunnnarily closed, the strife was almost iininedialely renewed, and the discussion ol tlii' whole subject be- came genci'al. ICarly in ITilT the l\c\ . I )r. dolinson of Stratford, in ( 'onnect- icut, liad suggested to tiie Kev. Tiiomas 15radbury < 'liaiidler. of Eliza- betiitown, in New .lersey. the propriety of appealing in a calm and THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EI'lSCOI'.VrE. 415 teniporatc manner to the general public in favoi- of an Aincriran cpis- lopati'. A little more than ten years before, the excellent .lolmson had lost a sou, who had died of the small-pox, in England, while there in quest of orders. Keenly sensil)le of the general dread of this scourge of which his friend and fellow-conformist, the Rev. Daniel Browne, had died, on occasion of his own visit to England for onlina- lii)u, the stricken missionary, who had never lost sight of the matter in his correspondence with the authorities at home, now sought to allay prejudice and disarm opposition to a scheme by which others might be spared the bereavement he had suflered. Shortly after this suggestion was made it was decided, at a voluntary convocation of the clergy of New York and New Jei'sey, among whom were Drs. Auclnnuty. Kector of Trinity, New York ; Chandler, afterwards Bishop- designate of Nova Scotia ; and Myles Cooper, President of lung's College; Seabury, afterwards tirst Bishop of Connecticut ; Inglis, afterwards first Bishop of Nova Scotia, and Abraham Beach, one of the leading members of the early General Conventions of the Church after the revolution, "that, fau-ly to explain the plan on which American bishops had been requested, to lay before the public the reasons of this request, to answer the objections that had been made, and to obviate those that might be otherwise conceived against it, was not only ])roper and expedient, but a matter of necessity and duty." We transcribe from the original folio in the handwriting of the secretary, Mr. Seabury, the Minutes of the Proceedings of the Con- vention of New York : — The Clergy of the Province of New York taking into their serious consideration the present state of the Church of England in tlie Colonies, where it is obliged to struggle against the opposition of sectaries of various denominations, and labours under the want of the Episcopal Order, and all the advantages and blessings resulting therefrom ; agreed upon holding volunt;iry conventions, at least once in the year and oftener if necessity required, as the most likely means to serve the interests of the Church of England ; as they could then not only confer together upon the most likely methods, but use their joint influence and endeavours to obtain the hapjiiness of Bishops, to support the Church against tlie unreasonable opposition given to it in the Colonies, and cultivate and improve a good understanding and union with each other. First Convention, May 21, 1766 : In pursuance of tliis agi-eement, a voluntary Convention of the Clergy of the Province of Kew York, assisted by some of their brethren from New Jersey and Connecticut, was held at the house of Doctor Auchmuty, in New York, the 21st of May, 1706. Present : Revs. Doctor Johnson, Mr. Cutting, " Doctor Auchmuliy, Mr. Avery, " Doctor Chandler, Mr. Munro, Mr. Charlton, Mr. Jarvis, Mr. Cooper, Mr. Seabury, Mr. Ogilvie, Mr. Mclve.an, Mr. Cooke, Mr. Inglis.' On the day following the clergy united in a letter to the secretary of the venerable society, in which the arguments just made use of by ' This inteiostins and valuable volume is still preserved in the bands of the Rev. Prof. Wm. J. Scaburv, D.D., of New York. 416 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. the Eev. Mr. Seabury are enforced. We give the opening para- graph : — The Clergy of New York to the Secretary. New York, May 22, 1766. Rev. Sir : — The Clergy of the Province of New York having agreed in con- junction with some of our brethren of Connecticut and New Jersey, to hold volun- tary annual conventions, in the i)rovince of New York, for the sake of confemng together upon the most proper methods of promoting the welfare of the Church of England, and the interests of religion and \irtue ; and also, to keep up as a body an exact correspondence with the Honourable Society, we embrace with pleasure this opportunity, which our lirst meeting hath furnished us with, to present our duty to the Venerable Society, and doubt not but this our voluntary union for these impor- tant )5urposes will meet with their countenance and approbation. AVith the greatest satisfaction we assure the Society that the Church in this province is in as good a state as can be expected, considering the peculiar disadvantages under which it still labours. AVe cannot omit condoling with the Society, upon the great loss whicii the Cliurch has sustained in the death of Messrs. \Vilson and Giles, who perished by shipwreck near the entrance of Delaware Bay. From the character of these two gentlemen we had pleased ourselves with tlie prospect of having two worthy clergymen added to our numbers ; which, to our great grief, we tind too small to supply the real wants of the people in these Colonies. This loss brings to our mind an exact calculation made not many years ago, that not less than one out of live, who have gone home tor Holy Orders from the Northern Colonies, have perished in the attempt, ten having miscarried out of fitty-one. 'I'his we consider as an incontestable argument for the necessity ol' American Bishops, and we do, in the most earnest manner, beg and entreat the Venerable Society, to whose piety and care under God the Church of England owes her veiy being in most parts of America, that they would use their utmost influence to eflect a point so essential to the real interests of the Church in this wide-extended country.' In June, 1767, appeared " An Appeal to the Public in tavor of the Church of England in America." This work, which was marked by a perspicuous method and arrangeniout, tmd a clear and judicious statement of facts and arguments, consisted in the main of a brief view of the evidence in favor of the episcopal office in the Church, followed by a prcscnttition of the obvious justice of the claim of Amer- ican churchmen to i>e allowed the presence and privilege of a chief shepherd, whose office was essential to their idea of the being of a church, and for which they claimed apostolic and primitive precedent. The plan proposed was ne.xt presented in detail, and the fears and objections to the introduction of such an officer into .Vinerican ecclesi- astical ali'airs considered and met. It was (evident, both from the manner in which the subject w:is treated, and from the cogency of the argu- m(!nts presented in its behalf, that to still resist such an apjieal on the ground of certain undeiined, but possible and apprehended, evils, savored much more of partisan intolerance than of Christian charity or common fairness. The opposition to the " Appeal " of Dr. Chandler appears to have grown out of disappointment, on the pail of the Presbyterians of New York, for the rejection of their apjilication for a charter by the auth(jrities of the mothcr-l;md. In this failure of tlunr ai)i)licatii)n for corporate powers and privileges th(( Bishop of London was supposed ' N.Y. MSS., II., pp. 100-7. TIIK STRUGGLE TOU Till': EPISCOPATE. 417 to have been concerned, and a simultaneous attack u[)on the " Appeal " followed, giving rise to the suspicion tliat a combination had been organized to crush out the plan for an American episcopate, com- mended in the "Appeal," in behalf of which the Bishop of Ijondon was known to be deeply interested. A series of papers appeared in the "New York Gazette," under the name of the "American Whig," which was then supposed, and afterwards known, to be chiclly the produc- tion of Mr. William Livingston, while the " Pennsylvania Journal," in rhiladelphia, opened its columns to the essays of the " Sentinel," which were conceived in a similar vein. In Boston, Dr. Chauney, the acknowleilgcd champion of independency, published " The Api)eal to the Public Answered." The invectives of the " American Whig " were re[)roduccel in the newspapers of Boston and Philadelphia, while the lucubrations of the "Sentinel" were spread betbre the pul)lic by t!ie presses of the i^ister cities of Boston and Xew York. Thus, as if by concerted action, and simultaneously, the press of the three leading cities of America was subsidized for the furtherance of an attack upon the Church more violent and uncompromising than any which had preceded it. Tlie adherents of the Church were not siljnt. The "American \\'hig" found its scurrility answered by a reviewer under the nom de plume of " Timothy Tickler," who lashed his assail- ant with merciless severity in the successive numl)ers of " A Whip for the American Whig." These papers were shortly gathered into a volume, and wo have only to turn the pages of " A Collection of Tracts from the late News Papers, etc., containing particularly 'The American Whig,' ' A Whip for the American Whig,' with some other pieces, on the subject of the Residence of Protestant Bishops in the American Colonies, and in answer to the writers who opposed it, etc. New York : Printed by John Holt, at the E.xehange, 17()8," in nearly four hundred and tifty pages, to which was added, the following j^ear, another volume of almost the same size, to see the bitterness of the controversj', which sought to prove to the popular mind, at least, — "The Bishops, those creatures of Kings, To bo Dragons, with ierribU stings." The Philadclpliia "Sentinel" was answered by one of the most accomplished and able writers of the day, the celebrated Dr. AViiliam Smith, Provost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia. These replies were followed by "Remonstrants" ;md " Anti-Sentinels," while the lowest depth of scurrility and low humor was reached in a "luck for the Whipper," by Sir Is:i:ic Foot. In answer to Dr. Chatincy, and without noticing these inferior and anonymous assailants. Dr. Chandler published " The Appeal Defended," and, in 1771, " The Appeal Further Defended," in reply to a second retort from his Boston antagonist. The controversy linally closed, for nothing further could be said on cither side. The reasons for desiring l)ishoi)s in America remained unchanged. They were, in fact, unanswerable ; nor could the intolerant and unreasonable oppo- sition of those who woidd deny to churchmen the rights and privileges 418 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. they claimed for themselves reach beyond a certain measure of invec- tive or abuse. The hardships borne by the Church in being com- pelled to send her candidates across a stormy ocean, and to a land where they were peculiarly exposed to disease and death, were exem- plified during the very midst of the controversy. In the loss of a single ship on the coast of New Jersey, almost within sight of port, two missionaries, returning with the qualification for their work they had dared llie perils of the sea to obtain, jierished, one of whom left a Jamily in New York dependent upon charit}'. One-fiftli of those who went abroad for holy orders never returned. Shipwreck, captivity, and death in foreign prisons, and the pestilence which claimed its tribute of victims, added to the charges of a long journey and an ex- pensive residence in the mother-land, kept the supply of clergy shoil, and parishes were sometimes a score of yeai's in securing a clergyman duly qualified to minister to them in holy things. The grievance was one felt as well by the laity as by the clergy. We have again and aarain referred to the " addresses " from officials and wardens and vestries, urging their right to be heard in a matter so closely aflccting themselves. Nor is the testimony of the celebrated Sir William Johnson on this point to be overlooked. This staunch promoter of Christianity among the Indians ofl:ered to the venei'able society twenty thousand acres of land in the vicinity of Schenectady, New York, and on the 10th of December, 17G8, wrote as follows : — We cannot have a clergy lieie without an Episcopate ; and this want has occa- sioned man}' lo embrace other persuasions, anil will oblige greater numbers to follow their example ; of wliieh the dissenters are very sensible, and by pretended fears of an episcopal i)ower, as wi^ll as by magnifying their own numbers and lessening om's, give it all possible opposition. While these disputes were at their height there was added, as a natural result of the systematic eflbrts made by the dissenting ministers, from their pulpits and in tiieir pul)Iications, to inllamo the prejudices of the po[)ulace, the interference of the legislative authority in opposition to the scheme for an American episcopal e. On the 12th of January, 1768, the House of Representatives of the Province of Massachusetts Bay addressed a letter to its agent in London, Dennis de Berdt, Esq., in whicli was tlie following strong deprecation of any attempt to send bishojjs to America : — 'i'he establishment of a Protestant episcopate in America is also very zealously contenck'd for ; and it is very alarming to a people whoso fathers, froni the haid- sliips tliey sulVered under such an establishment, were obliged to lly tlicir native country into a wildmiess, in oriler i)ea(^cably to enjoy their privileges civil and religious: Their being threatened with the loss of both at oneo must tlirow tlicni i[ito a very disagreealjle situation. Wo hope in (iod such an establishment will never take place in .Vmeriea; and we desire you nmuld strc?iuoiif:Ii/ o/iposc it. Tho revenue raised in .Vnierica, for aught we can tell, may be as constitutionally ajjplied towards the sn])pnrt of prelacy as of soldiers and pensioners: If the [iroperty of the subject is taken IVcmi him without his consent, it is imm:ilcri;il wlutlicr it bo done l)y one man or by live hundred, or whether it be applied for tlie support of tlio ccclesi:istic or military |)n%ver, or lioth. it may be well worlli llie consideration of the best politicians in (in^at Ibitain or America, what the natural teiulcncy is of a rigorous pursuit of these measures.' ' Quoted by Dr. IlawUs, in " Piot. Epis. Hist. Soc. Coll.," I., pp. 1.')!, 1 Jo. THE STRUGGLE FOR THE EPISCOPATE. 419 Stranjc to saj' this opposition to u plan for an American episco- pate on the part ot" the Puritan LeirisLituro of the iMassachusctts Bay Province was shortly followed, though from tliflerent reasons, by similar action on the part of the House of liui-gesses of Virginia, which was chiefly composed of churchmen. The circumstances of this action were as follows: In April, 1771, the Rev. John Camm, tiie com- missary of Virginia, summoned a convocation of the clergy of ^'irginia to meet at the College of William and Mary, on the 4th of May. At the time assigned hut a small number of the clergy appeared, and when a propo.'ition was made to address the king in favor of an American episcopate those who were iircsent proposed and carried a postpone- ment of the question till a later date. At the time of the second meeting, on the 4th of June, although the nature of the business contemplated had been widely advertised, but twelve clergymen, a less uumher than before, were in attendance. The first (question considered was, whether such a minority of the clergy, there being at tiie time more than a hundred parishes in the province, and most of them supplied, could be deemed a convention of the Virginia clergy. It was at length decided, but not without o[)[)osition, that this was a con- vention, the call haxing been duly made. A pro|)osition to address the king was, after discussion, defeated. It was then decided unani- mously that the convention should apply to the Bishop of London for his opinion and advice. Before the adjournment of the convention, however, the action with res]>ect to an address to the king was re- considered, and the measure resolved on. It was urged in opposition to this action that it imjjlied a lack of respect to their diocesan, the Bishop of London, thus to address the crown. Besides, the dis- turbances growing out of the passage and enforcement of the stamp act, and the troubles on the North Carolina l)order, and the general uneasiness, were referred to as indicating that the present was an un- suitable time for such an address. There was no opposition to the episcopal otiice. On the contrary, the convention adopted a formal declaration of its cordial and conscientious approval of episcopal government. Against the vote to address the crown two of the lead- ing clergy formally protested. They were (he Rev. Samuel Ilenle}^ Professor of Moral Philosojihy, and the Rev. Thomas Gwatkin, Pro- fessor of JIathematics and Natural Philosophy, in AVilliam and Mary College. The grounds of this protest were as follows : — First, Because as the number of the clergy of this colony is at least a hundred, we cannot conceive that twelve clergymen are a sufficient representation of so large a body. Secondly, Because the said resolution contradicts a former resolution of the same Convention, which i)ut a negative ujjon the question, whether the king should he addressed upon an American Episcopate ? and that an assembly mot upon so important an occasion should rescind a resolution agreed to and entered down but a few minutes before, is in our apprehension contrary to all order .and deeonmi. Thirdly, Because the expression American b']>iscopate includes a jurisdiction over the other colonies; and the clergy of Virginia cannot, witli any jjropriety, petition for a measure wliirh, for anglit that appears to the contniry, will mate- rially affect the natmwl rights and fundaraenbil laws of the said colonics, witliout tlicir consent and aiiprobation. Fourtlily, Because the establishment of an American Episcopate at this time 420 HISTORY OF THE AMEP.ICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. would tend greatly to weaken tlio connexion between the mother country and lier colonies, to eontinne their present unhappy disputes, to infuse jealousies and fears into the minds of Protestant Dissenters, and to give ill-disposed persons occasion to raise such disturbances as may endanger the very existence of the British empire in America. Fifthlj', Because we cannot help considering it as extremely indecent for the clergy to make sucli an ai)plicatioa williout the concurrence of the President, Council, and Representatives of this Province ; an usurpation directly repugnant to the rights of mankind. Sixthly, Because the Bishops of London have always exercised ecclesiastical jurisdiction over this colony, and we are perfectly satisfied with the mild, just, and equitable government of our excellent diocesan, the present Lord Bishop of Lon- don, and do thinkapetition to the crown to strip his Lordship of any part of his juris- diction but an ill-return for his past labours, and contrary to our oath of canonical obedience. We do further conceive, as it had been unanimously determined by this veiy Convention that liis Lordship should be adckessed for his opinion relative to this measure, the clergy ouglit to have waited for liis Lordship's paternal advice before they had proceeded any farther in au allair of such vast importance. Seventhly, Because we have particular objections to that part of the resolution by whicli the committee arc ilirected to apply, as it is termed, /or Ihe hand-f of the jniijorili/ of the clergt; of this colonij : a method of proceeding, in our opinion, con- ti'ary to the universal practice of this Christian Church, it having been customary for the clergy to sign all acts of an ecclesiastical nature in public convention : whereas the manner of procuring their concurrence, now proposed, is unworthy the decorum and dignity by which so venerable a body ought ever to be guided. Two other clergymen subsequently joined the Rev. Messrs. Henley and Gwatkin in this protest, the Kcv. ^Messrs. Hewitt and Bland, and their action was deemed of sufficient importance to receive the consideration of the House of Burgesses. On the 12th of July the House, which was largely, if not wholly, composed of at least nominal churchmen, adopted the following resolution : — Resolved, nemine contradieente. Tliat the (hanks of this House be given to the Rev. Jlr. Henley, the Ivcv. Mr. Guatkin, the Ucv. IMr. Hewitt, and tlie Rev. Mr. Bland, for the wise and well-timed opposition they have made to the pernicious pi'oject of a few mistaken clergymen for introducing an American bishop: a measure by wliich much disturljance, great anxiety, and apprehension would cer- tainly take place among his Majesty's faithful .\mcrican subjects ; and that Mr. Richard Henry Lee and Mr. Bhmd do accjuaint them therewilli. It ciumot be conceiUed th:it much of the iudillcrence, if not hos- tility, evidently felt by the Virginia clergy to the introduction of an American episcopate grew out of the la.xity in morals and want of spirituid life then unhappily prevalent throughout the jirovince. Thus the very occasion lor the presence of l)isliops was mtule :in objection to their introduction. Besides, the estal)lislunent of the episcopate would, doul)tless, have diminished the power of the vestries and made the clergy less dependent u|)on tiieir vtirying hmnors and invjudices. This possil)ility rendered llie wealthy and iiilliiential laity iiiiiuiral to the scheme, and led thorn to appltuid the action of the " ])rotestors" against the commissary's movement. To one iamilitir with the un- compromising opposition to the exercise of the authority of the Bi.shop of London sliown I)y liurgesses, vestries, and the leading laity from the very tirst, the show of deference to their "e.xcelleiit diocesan " ii.i the protest of the foin- clergymen seems farcictd enough. From the lack of a bishop to administer the needed discipline upon recalcitrant THE STKUGGLK FOR TUK EPISCOPATE. 421 clergymen and to interpose the cpisco|)al autliority against tiio tyranny ot" the vestries, the Church in A'iriiiiiia liatl sunic to a depth of degradation wiiich, on the final loss of its temporalities, after the war for inilepondence, threatened its utter extinction. The clergy them- selves saw their error, but it was too late. Years of labor and devo- tion were required to revive the embers of a spiritual lire and zeal that had well-nigh burned wholly out. The work had to be done anew, and in that work, so happily successful at a later day, bishops as well as clergy and laity bore each and all their part. It would appear, from the newspaper reports of the time, and fi'om other sources, that a petition was presented by eight of the Maryland clergy to the governor, requesting his interest in England and in the province in favor of the introduction of an American epis- copate. The petitioners had also memorialized the crown, the arch- bishop, the Bishop of London, and Lord Baltimore, to the same eft'ect. The governor declined to receive this petition as the act of the whole body of the clergy, and proposed to lay the matter before the assem- bly. A circular letter was sent by the petitioners to the other clergy of the province, asking permission to append their names to the petition sent to England, which was granted ; but the measure failed to win the approval of those in jiower in the province. The lack of interest shown by the majority of the Virginia clergy, in tiie efl'ort to secure the episcopate, gave rise to a controversy between them and the clergy at the North. The mcml)ers of the con- vocation who had urged upon Dr. Chandler the preparation and pub- lication of the "Appeal," prepared " An Address from the Clergy of New York and New Jersey, to the Episcopalians in Virginia," which was published in 1771, and to which Mr. Gwatkin made reply early in the following year. 'Sir. Gwatkin's pamphlet is chiefly valuable for its explicit statement that the authors of (he protest " have not any aver- sion to Episcopacy in general, to that mode of it established in Eng- land, or even to an American Episcopate, inti'oduced at a proper lime, hij proper authorilies, and in a proper manner." It gives as the reason for the action of the " protesting " clergy in their opposition to an " immediate estal)lisliment," " a prudential regard to the practicable, a desire to preserve peace, heal divisions, and calm the angry passions of an inflamed people." It was too late for concessions on a matter such as this to ap- pease a popular indignation, soon to find expression in open rebellion against the authority of the crown. The struggle for the episcopate faded out of mind in the intensity of the sti-ugglo for independence. That very ei)iscopate which, in the providence of God, had been denied all through the period of the country's dependence, was freely bestowed among the first blessings of the well-earned peace. ^Ve have yet to adtl the details of the organized opposition of the Presbyterians and Puritans to the plan for the introduction of American bishops. With this interesting episode of the story of the struggle for the episcopate we sliall close our account of the ill-fated etlbrts to this end, made during a period of more than a century. So reasonable did the plea of the churchmen appear, and so ear- 422 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. nestly was their cause espoused by the authorities of the Church at home, that there was felt on the part of the Puritans of New England and the Presbyterians of New York and Pennsylvania, the imperative need of union aud cooperation to defeat the scheme. The Presbyte- rian Synod of New York and Philadelphia made overtures to the Con- gregationalist Associations of Connecticut with a view " for forming a plan of union," which the records, ' only published a few years since, show conclusively to have been desired chiefl3' to prevent an American episcopate. All this was couched under the agreement "to unite our endeavours and counsels for spreading the Gospel, and defending the religious libcrtiesof our Churches." The Independents andPresbj-terians of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Khodc Island, and the Dutch Reformed congregations of New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, were invited to enter this alliance, "both for promoting the kingdom of Christ aud preserving our religious liberty." The "desire that the union should extend through all the colonies " was urged upon "the brethren in other provinces." A copy of "the Plan" of union was enclosed to each religious body invited to participate ; but the " minutes " fail to give us this document. Appended to the records is a draft of a letter with the significant heading, " Suppose a gentle- man in the Colonies should write to his correspondent in London as follows " : — Sir, — ^Ve understand sundry petitions h.ave been sent home by some of the Episcopal Clergy in the Colonies in order to obtain tlie appointment of a liishop liere ; and that it Ls a delermined point on your side of the water to emliraec the first favourable opportunity lor that jiurposo. Tliis aflair, we must confess, gives U9 much anxiety, not that we are of intolerant principles ; nor do we onvy the Episcopal Chnrciies the ]n'ivilcg:es of a bishop for tiie purposes of ordination, con- firmation, and inspecting the morals of tlieir Clergy, provided tliey have no kind of superiority over, nor jiowcr any way to allect tlie civil or religions interests of other denominations. Ix't this be bnt settled l)v an Act of Parliament, and such bisho])s divested of the jjowers annexed to that office by tlie common law of Eng- land, and then we shall be more easy. Witliout this tlie introduction of a diocesan into the colonies would throw us into tlie utmost confusion and distraction. For, though it is alleged that no other than the above-hinted moderate Kniscopaey is desired or designed; yet should it not be fixed by Parliamentary anihority, wo liave no security that matters will be carried no farther ; yea. from the restless spirit, which s(mie liere have discovered, wo liavo reason to apprehend that there is more in view. Onv forefathers, and even some of ourselves, have seen and felt the tyranny of Bishops' Courts. Many of the first inhabitants of these colonies were obliged to seek an asylum among savages, in this wiLlerness, in order to escajio the ecclesiastical tyranny of .\rch-I!isliop Laud, and others of his stamp. Such tyranny, if now t^xerciscd in America, would either drive us to seek new liabital ions among the heathen, where England could not claim a Jurisdiction, or excite riots, rebellion, and wild disorder. We dread t!ic conseiinences as often as we think of this danger. Cicntlcmen acnvcntious in jiroseeulin;; measures nunually from IT'lfi lo 1773 ineluiive. llartl'oni, for juomolin^' tlie lihcrlie't of tlieir Chnivlics, 184.*J, 8"*, p. 68. That we do n^»t nii-J'-tate the rea- threatened at the time hy the nttemitis made by Bonfortheformationofthi-fhoily will he seen from the friends of Kpiseopaey in the Coloniea and the lan^nn^^c of the Committee of Pnhliealion in (treat Britain for the cslublishment of Dioccsao llicir iep<3r! to Iho (Jeneral Association of Con- Dishop^i in America," etc. nccticut: " Tbc first and Hccond Conventions THE STRUGGLE FOR TUE EPISCOPATE. 423 mcntary and matrimonial, and to cniiuiro into and punish for all oflV'nccs of scan- dal. Miijlit ho not iikad. as wuli as any man, that the cuiumon hiw of Enghind is his birthright, and that tho laws in force heloro the settlin<^ of the Colonies were brouglit thitlur, and took |)laoe with the firsl.-settlcrs? Wiiat is to hinder liiin to claim all the ])owcrs %'xercisod by Areh-lJishop Laud and liis ICeelosiastieal Courts? All acts made in l^njjland since that time to lesson the power of liisliops and their Courts can be of no service to us; for it is not mentioned in any of tlicm, that they arc cxteiidrd to the Colonies, and tho reason is plain ; no sucli exor- bitant powers were claimed or exercised among' us. Now can anything else tliaii tlie most giievous convulsion in the Colonies be expected from such a revo- lution? Will it at all go down with us to have the wiiolo course of business turned into a new channel ? A\'oukl it bo yieklcd that the Register's office, the care of orphans, itc, sliould be transferred from the iircsent officers, to such as a Bisliop mi^Iit appohit ? Would not the Colonies sutler the last extremities before they would submit to have the legality of marriages and matters respecting divorce tried in an lUclesiastical Court? It is not c:usy to conceive what endless i)rosecu- tions under the notion of scandal' might be nuiltiiilied. A covetous, tyrannical and domineering Prelate, or his Chancellor, would always have it in their power to harass our country and make our lives bitter by fines, imprisonments, and lawless severity. Will the numerous Colonists who came hither for the sake of freedom from ecclesiastical oppression, and liy whose toil a great increase of dominion and eommerco hath arisen to the mother country, bear to find themselves divestc^l of the equality and liberty they have so long enjoyed, and brought uudcr the power of a particular denomination, etc., etc. ' That aiiYtliiii;ir could liavc been more cleverly concocted than this letter to excite the passions and prejtidiccs of the iiinorant, or to raise a storm of popular clamor in all quarters of the dissenting interest, it is impossible to believe. But even this artful manifesto is not all. Added to this remarkable paper is a letter from the Rev. Francis Allison, Vice-Provost of the College and Academy of Piiiladi'l|)hia, part of which was " in shorthand, very dillicult to decipher," written in answer to the incjuiry, — we quote the words, — " \V'hy we are persuaded in this city that there is a determination, or a fixed resolu- tion, to send bisho])s to America.'' The authority for tiiis belief is mentioned. Dr. Chandler's report of a conversation with the ari'h- bishop, "That it was hard to deny that in-ivilegc to the Church of England in America that she allowed to all dissenters, viz., liberty of conscience," was guardedly referred to ; but Dr. Smith's statements to his friend and associate in the college at Philadelphia were most relied upon to ])rove the danger and excite ojjposition. Certain phrases and the line of argument in this shortluuid letter go far to warrant us in ascribing the authorship of the paper we have quoted at length to the pen of Dr. Allison. It is chtirged as one of the proofs of power claimed, and likely to be claimed, by American bishops, that already in New York " tdl the marriage licenses granted by the governor arc stamjjed with the mitre," and that in the New England governments the Archbishop of Canterbury appointed the notaries public. Meeting after meeting followed ; but the object of this alliance, stated at the outset, as we have seen, to be '' both for promoting tho kingdom of Christ and preserving our religious libert}'," had only to do, so far as the records show the action taken, with preventing the spread of the Church, and denying to churchmen the liberty of having 'Minutes of ihc Convention of Delegates, etc., pp. 13, 11. 424 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. their ecclesiastical system perfected. The Massachusetts ministers wore " not prepared to send delegates " to the convention, but trans- mitted a vote of their hod}' that the "Pastors of the town of Boston," with others, "maintain a friendly correspondence" with the brethren, and that the same conmiittee " write to the Committee of Dissenters in Enn'land to thank them for the concern they have expressed for our religious liberties,"^ and to desire that they would give us their assistance, and use their iniluenco for the preservation of the same, and in particular, "that a bishop may not be sent among us." At the con- vention at Eliza])ethtown, in 17(38, the Committee of Correspondence with the English dissenters reported a letter, which was approved, and from which we cite the following extracts : — But it is very evident it is not that bamiless and inoffensive Bisliop which is designed for us, or the missionaries among us request ; and tlierefore we cannot but be apprehensive of danger from the proposed Episcopate, however plausible tlie scheme may be represented. We well loiow the jealously of the Bishops in England concerning their own power and dignitj' suffering by their eximiple of such a muti- lated Bishop in America, and we also know the force of a British Act of Parliament, and have gi-eat reason to dread the establishment of British courts among us. Should they claim the right of holding these courts, and of exercising the power belonging to their office, by the connnon law of England, (which is esteemed the birtlu'igut of a British sulyect,) we could have no counterbalance to this enormous power in our colonies, where we have no nobility, or proper com-ts, to check the dangerous exertions of their authority ; and where om* governors and .judges may be the needy dependents of a jirinie minister, and therefore afraid to disoblige a person who is sure to be supported by the whole bench of Bishops in England ; so that our civil libeities ajjiicar to us to be in imminent danger from such an establishment. Be- sides, notiiing seems to have such a direct tendency to weaken the dependence of the colonics upon Great Britain, and to separate them from her; an event which would be ruinous and desti'uctivo to both, and which we, therefore, pray God long to avert." ' In 1770 the usual proceedings of the convention, which met at Xorwalk, Conn., were varied by the appointment of committees "to oI)tain all the instances of Episcopal oppression they can" in their respective colonies, and also "the instances, of the lenity of the" Con- necticut " Government with regard to the Episcopal dissenters therein." ^ The following year "Dr. Allison brought in the draught of a letter to the Connnittcc of Dissenters in London." It begins with tlio .state- ment that the opponents of an American episcopate "are still greatly alarmed." " The whole bench of Bishops, and many bigots with you, are constantly teased b}'^ our missionaries to procure an American Episcopate." Reference is made to the action of the Virginia clergy ' The Eniilish cominilfcc piofcss themselves and allerrianeo to the Kinfr's mojeslv, aiul also to "fully 6ciisil)]o of the many civil and lelitrious address the Kinpr, or tlie King's ministers from inconveniences that woiiUI arise from the intro- time to time with assurances of the mwhakcn duction of IJioccsan ISi'iliops into America," and loyalty of Uic pastors comprehended in this union assure thoir coircspondcnts in America " of their and the churches iiniler their care, and to vindi- inost vi;:ilant attention to oppose nnd frustrate cate them if nnjustly aspersed." (Minutes, etc., aiiv such design,'' onil this they claim to l)e done p. 10) Well wrote the cxccllont and well- in lichalf of " one common c.iusc, the defence of informed Rev. .Timatlian lionehcr, of Muiyland, civil anil religious liberty." — Minute*, etc., p. G5. in 1771, on this veiy point ; " If whilst they nro 'Minutes, etc., p. '2^. 1*he professions of thus hostile to the Church, \vc really can hclicvo loyally m.ide ut the outset liy the Iricnds of this them to ho cordial friends to the iit.ate, all I can Convention and incorporalcil into their " Plan of say is, that we shall pay thcin a compliment to Union"aro noticeable. Article lU. of the Plan their loyalty at the expense of their consistency." recitcsamongthcilelailsnf"llicgeneral design" — IHtonrte), p. fl3. " to recommend, cultivate and preserve loyally ' Minutes, etc., p. 29. THE STKUGGLE FOl! THE EPISCOPATE. 425 jind tlio "seasonable stand for lihert}'," niailo by tlic protesters amoni; the clergy against the petition for a l)isliop. The assertion tiiat opposition to the scheme " among the dissenters has ceased " is pro- noumod false, and the statement made that "the colonies of ilassa- cimsetts and Connecticut have given instructions to their agents to oppose an American episcoi)ate." ' Similar action to that in Virginia was reporteil from ^Maryland. The " utmost skill and interest" of the English dissenters is invoked "to avert this impending blow that so surely threatens our civil and religious liberties." "No act of Parlia- ment," it is asserted, "can secure us from the tyranny of" episcopal "jurisdiction," nor "can we have any security against being obliged, in time, to support their dignity, and to pay taxes to relieve the society in paying their missionaries."^ "In a word, we think ecclesiastics vested with such power dangerous to our civil and religious liberties ; and it seems highly probable that it will in time break that strong con- nection which now ha|)pily subsists between Great Britain and her colonies who are never like to shake oti' their dependence on the mother-country until they have bishops established among them." ^ We may place this statement beside the assertion of th'e elder President Adams, that " the apprehension of Episcopacy contributed as much as any other cause to arouse the attention, not only of the inquiring mind, but of the common people, and urge them to close thinking on the constitutional authority of Parliament over the colonies. This was a fact as certain as any in the history of North America."'' In 1112 the convention again assembled at Elizabethtown. The General Association of Connei'ticut had instructed its delegates to "heartily concur with the Southern gentlemen in counteracting any motion that has beenor shall be made for said Episcopate."* Assurances were received from the English committee " that however the bishops and clergy may lal)or the point, the persons in power do not seem to be at all for it at present, and we hope never will."® This assurance aflbrded the convention " great satisfaction." They gratefully acknowl- edge their correspondents' "zeal for the cause of religious liberty on this extensive continent." '' The following year the convention assem- bled at Stamford. The gathering of statistics as to the proportion of churchmen to dissenters occupied much of their time, and their chief reference to "the unjust encroachments of Episcopal domination," is to the effect that the " Episcopal adversaries " of " the cause of religious liberty " only wait "a favoral)Ie opportunity of renewing their at- tempts, and, if possible, effecting their design with the most fatal mis- chiefs to this growing country."" The conventions in 1773, at Stam- ford, Conn., and in 1774, at Elizabethtown, New Jersey, show records that are noticeable simply for the absence of the professions of loyalty to the crown, and the expressions of anxiety lest the introduction of bishops ■ Minutes, etc., p. 33. = Jbid., p. 34. mcr contributcil uut a little to icnJei- the lattrr "Ibid., p. 34. siiccc3Sfiil." "This controversy was clearly one * rirfi? Morse's "Annals,''jip. 197-203 : "That tfrcat cause that led to the revolution."— 7"A< the American opposition to Episcopacy was at all Jiev. Jonathan Unucher's View of tht Causes and connccteil with that still more serious one soon Consequencesof the American Revolution in Thir aflcrwanls set up :i:;ainst civil goverunient, was teen Discourses. Loudon, 1797. not inJccd ccncrally apparent at the time: hut ■"■ Minutes, etc., p. 35. " Ihid., p. 36. it is now iuilisputablc, as it also is that the for- ' Ibid., p. 38. ' Ibid., p. 42 426 HISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. should tend to weaken the union between Great Britain and the colonies. These professions had served their purpose. They were no longer re- quired, and in the preparation of churchmen and dissenters for the struggle for independence the opposing religionists were to fight shoulder to shoulder, some of each party or body on the one side and some of each on the other. The New England colonies furnished their quota of loyalists from the Puritan congregations and towns, as well as from the few church parishes ; and in the middle states and at the southward, churchmen, both lay and clerical, were among the foremost in their resistance to British o))pression and in their appeal to the wage of bat- tle for the support of the popular cause. When the smoke had cleared away, and the people, after years of privation, sufl'ering, and strife, had won their coveted freedom by their swords, it was found that all apprehension of peril to the civil or religious liberties, secured at the cost of so much blood and treasure, from the coming of bishops, had vanished ; and we of to-day wonder that such an idea could have ob- tained at all. That it did enter into the feelings of the masses, and influence the action of the times, we have fully shown. ILLUSTRATIVE NOTE. THE popular dislike to the introduction of lusliojis which obtained in the northern colonies is shown by the following extract from an address dt^liverc^d before the "Webster Historical Society," by the Hon. !Mellcn Chamberlain, entitled, "John Adams, the Statesman of the American Kevolution." (Published by the Society. Boston : 1884) : — " For nearly a hundred years preceding the Revolution, these efforts to estab- lish Episcopacy in Massaciiusetts were causes of anxiety and alarm. On the anni- versary of the deatli of Cliarles tlic First, January 30, 1750, twenty-live years before the war broke out. Dr. Jonathan Mayhew, of Boston, preached a discourse wliich became famous on botli sides of the Atlantic, in which lie attacked the doctrines of the divine riglit of kings, passive obedience, and the exclusive claims of the Epis- copal hierarcliy. A sentence from the preface to the jjublished sermon will indicate its character and temper : ' People have no security against being vmmcrcifuUy pi-iest-ridden but by keeping all imperious bisho])s, and otlier clergymen who love to lord it over (Jod's lieritage, from getting tlicir feet into the stirruj) at all.' It breathes an intense spirit of religious and civil liberty, and did nnich to intensify the colonial hatred of the tlircatened Episcojial llierarch3^ In this it expressed — perhaps inspired — tlic sentiments of Samuel Adams, and was une of the most powerful iniluences which kept alive the spirit of revulution, and linally i)rcpared the minds of the Massachusetts colonists for open resistance. The following ex- tracts will sliow liow continuous was the expressed lioslility to I^piscopac)', — a feel- ing not confined to llie ignorant, illiberal crowd, but sliareu by the most enlightened of the colonists : — " 'Samuel Adams, as the voice of the House of Representatives, prcsimiably expressing the sentiments of tlie ])eople, in a letter to tlieir agent in London, in 1708, said, " The establislmicnt of a Protestant ICpiscopatc in Anicriia is also very zeal- ously contended for; and it is very alarming to the people whose fathcr.s, from the harilshi|)s they snft'crcd under such" an estalilishnicnt, were obliged to llv their native country into a wilderness We hojjc in (lod such an establishment will never take place in America, and wo ilesire yon would strenuously oppose it. The THE STKUGGLE FOR ■nil-: KI'ISCOPATE. 427 revenue niiscd in Aiiierioii, for aiiglit we can tell, may bo oonslitutionally applied towards the sui)i)(irt of prelacy ;w of soklicrs anil iicnsioncrs."" ' " Dr. Aiuircw Eliot, the enlightened clerj!:ynian who declined the presidency of Harvard College, in one of a series of letters cliielly on this subject, written bet\veen 1768 and 1771, addressed to Thomas HoUis, in England, said, ' The people of New England are greatly alarmed ; the arrival of a bishop would raise them as much as any one thing.' * " As late as 1772, the Boston Committee of Correspondence appointed to state the rights of tlie colonists, in their report made in Fantnil Hall, among other thin"^ lieclarcd, ' That various attempts have been made, and are now made, to establish an American Episcopate ; ' though ' no power on earth can justly give temporal or spiritual jurisdiction within this province except the General Court.' " ' Our author proceeds to defend the position that " there was at that time a real danger to civil liberty, as it existed under democratic forms, in the atti- tude and claims of the Anglican hierarchy." It is quite as imnecessary for us to combat this view as it would be to attempt to controvert the assumption just cited that "no power on earth" could "justly give temporal or spiritual jui-isdiction " within the limits of Massachusetts, " except the General Court." > Wells's "Life of Samuel Adams," I., p. 157. ' Thornton's" American Pulpit," p. 192; cide 'Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. Series, m., Vol. IT., p. 492. Adams' Works, ix., pp. 287, 2S8. Tiulor's" Life of Otis," p. 136. CHAPTER X\m. KING'S COLLEGE, NEW YORK. AND THE COLLEGE AND ACADEMY OF PlIILADELPHL^. ABOUT the middle of the eighteenth century measures were set on foot, both in New York and in Philadelphia, for the estAhlish- ment of seminaries of learning. It was hut natural that one so well and widelj' known and respected for learning, judgment, and good sense, as the Rev. Sanuiel Johnson, D.D., of Stratford, should be consulted as to the incipient steps to be taken in founding these proposed schools. It would appear, from the correspondence between Dr. Jolnison and the celebrated Bishop of Cloyne, Dr. Berkeley,' that the founding of a college in New York was projected, and the good offices of friends in England and Ireland requested early in, if not befoi'e, the year 1749. In the same jear a similar project was set on foot in Philadelphia, numbering among its friends and supporters the celebrated Benjamin Franklin, who had sketched a plan for an institution of the higher learning as early as 1744, and who had, with the coopera- tion and approval of several of his friends, among whom were Thomas Ilopkinson, Tench Coxe, Fi'ancis llopkinson, and Riciiard Peters, issued a pamphlet in 1 749, entitled, " Proposals relative to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania." Bishop Berkeley's suggestions were com- municated to Franklin, who had \isited Dr. Johnson, and sought his acceptance of the charge of the ])roposed academy. The bishop ad- vised that the chartin-s and statutes should be prepared and secured without recourse to England, and tiiat the enterprise should 1)0 begun "with a president and two fellows." These, he advised, .should be supi)lietl from "seminaries in New England." The "first care as to learning" was that "the Greek and Latin classics be well taught;" l)ut "the principal care must be good life and morals, to which, as well as to study, early hours and temperate meals will much conduce." The " terms for degrees" were to be "the same as at Oxford, or Cam- bridge," which " would give credit to the college," and " pave the way for admitting graduates ad eundem in the English universities." "Premiums in books or distinctions in hal)it" were suggested as likely to "prove useful encouragements to thc^ students." The college build- ing should be "regular, })lain, and cheap," each student having "a small room, about ten feet sijuare, to himself." The " principal exj)cnse," it was urged, "should be in making a handsome jjrovision for the president and fellows." Such were the "few crude thoughts thrown together" by the I)ishop. Transmitted, as wc have seen, to • Ci./c "The I.ilcof SamuclJolijisoii, D.D By Thomas nradbmy Clianillcr. D.D." fust I'lcsidcut of Iviii';'" College in New York. New Yorli: Loud. Rcpiiiileil, 18JI. pp. KiO-lGl THE COLLEGES OF NEW YUKK AND rillLADELPllIA. 429 FiMiiklin, these wore Oiirefully coiisiclcrcd jukI acted upon, wliile the letter of Dr. Johnson, in whieli tlie}' were enclosed, and other "pieces" of his conii)osition, served to increase the desire of the trustees to secure, as the head of the i)roposed academy and college, one "whose experience and judgment would he of great use in forming rules and estahlisliing good methods in the beginning, and whose name for learning woidd give it a good reputation."' Franklin strongly BENJAMIN KRANKI.IN. urged the doctor to accept, meeting the objections raised by Johnson, on the ground of age, the insufficiency of the ofi'ered sujiport, and the little prospect of increased usefulness, in a series of letters, which arc of interest and value as showing the estimate placed by the philoso- pher on the character, learning, and infhuMice of his coiTespondent. The formation of a new church in Philadelphia, to bo under his charge, was suggested, and the hall of the academy was ofl'ered. for this liurpose. As three-fourths of the trustees were members of the Church of England, they were disposed to remove every ol)stacle to the ac- ' Letter of Dr. Fi'anklin, (iiioted in Hcartlslev's '' Life of Or. .Inluison," p. I'iS. 430 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. complishment of their wish. To Dr. Johnson's objections to the proposed removal, Franklin replied with great cleverness, urging that the doctor's " talents for the education of youth " were " the gift of God ; and that he on whom they are bestowed, whenever a way is opened for the use of them, is as strongly called as if he heard a voice from heaven : nothing more surely pointing out duty, in a public service, than al)ility and opportunity of performing it."' To John- son's expressions of unwillingness to intrude his services as a clergy- man into the cure of Dr. Jenne\', the incumljent of Christ Church, the philosopher's reply is most characteristic : " Your tenderness of the church's peace is truly laudable ; but, methinks. to build a new church in a growing place is not properly dividing, but multiplying ; and will I'eally be a means of increasing the number of those who worship God in that way. jNIany who cannot now be accommodated in the chiu'ch go to other places or .stay at home ; and if we had another church, many, who go to other places or stay at home, would go to church. I suppose the interest of the Church has been far from snfl'ering in Boston by the building of two new churches there in my memorj''. I had for several years nailed against the wall of my house a pigeon-box that would hold six pair ; and, though they bred as fast as my neigh- bors' pigeons, I never had more than six pair, the old and strong driving out the young and weak, and obliging them to seek new habita- tions. At length 1 put up an additional box, with apartments for entertaining twelve pair more, and it was soon filled with inhabitants by the overflowings of my first box, and of others in the neighborhood. This I take to be a parallel case with the building a uew chni'ch here."- But the arguments of Franklin proved unsuccessful. The printer- philosopher undertook the j)ublication of Johnson's " Elemcnta Philo- so])hica : containing chiefly Noetica, or Things relating to the jNIind or Understanding ; and Ethica, or Things relating to the Moral Behaviour."' This work, of which the first pai't was in the main new, and the remainder was a reissue of the author's " System of Morality," was dedicated to Bishop Berkeley, whose system of philosophy the work was intended to explain and enforce. The author of this scholarly work was only willing to liclp on tlie Philadelphia Academy by advice and suggestions. While the correspondence with Dr. Johnson was going on the academy was formally inaugurated. The rector, David Martin, A.M., Professor of Greek and Latin languages, whose term of service began with the opening of the school in 174i), died in 1751. "Ilisbody," writes Franklin, "was carried to the church, respect- fully attended by the trustees, all the masters and scholars in their order, and a great number of the citizens. Mr. Peters preached his funeral sermon, and gave him the just and honorable character he deserved." ^ The care of the classical students M'as assumed by Mr. l*eters, a Irustce, and one of the " Founders.'" The English master was David James Dove, "who formerly taught grammar ' Dr. Franklin's letter. quotcJ in Bcardsley's " Ibid. " I.ifc of .lolinsoii," p. 1C2; vide, a/»o, bpaiks's "Franklin's Letter to Dr. .lulmson, quoted '* Works of I'raiikliii," vii., pp. -IT-nO. in licartlsU^y's ** Life of Johnson," p. 1G6. THE COLLEGES OF NEW YOKK AND PUILAOKLl'HIA. 431 sixteen years at Chidu'stcr in England." • Franklin speaks of him us " an excellent master," and adds (hat " his scholars have made a surprising progress."- In the "Catalogue of the alumni of the Uni- versity of Pennsylvania," ^ the name of Charles Thompson, afterwards Secretaiy of Congress, precedes that of Mr. Dove as lirst on the list of "Tutors," the date of both api)ointments being 1750. Theophilus Grew was the master of the Mathematical School. In 1752 Frank liu writes to Dr. Johnson that — Our Academy, which vuu so kindly inquire after, goes on well. Since Mr. Martin's death tlie" Latin and Greek School has been under tlio care of Mr. Allison, /^^.^A'tlLyzJB ^^^^c.^ a dissenting minister, well skilled in those languages and long practised in teach- ing. But he refused the rectorship, or to iiave anything to do with the government of tlic other schools. So that remains vacant, and obliges the trustees to more fi-equent visits. We have now several young gentlemen desirous of entering on the study of philosophy, and lectures are to be opened this week. Mr. Allison undertakes logic and ethics, making j'our work his text to comment and lecture upon. Mr. Peters and some other gentlemen undert^ike the other branches, till we shall be provided with a rector capable of the whole, who may attend wholly to tlie in.struction of youth in the higlicr parts of learning as thev come out lilted from the lower schools. Our ijroprielors have lately ^vl•ote that tliey are extremely well pleased with the design, will take our seminary under their patronage, give us a charter, and, as an earnest of their benevolence, five hundred pounds sterling. .\nd l)v our o])eninf; a charity school, in which near one hundri'd poor children are taujrht Reading, Writing, and Arithmetic, with the rudiments of Itcliirion, we have gained the general good-will of all sorts of people, from whence tlonations and ' Frauklin's Letter to Dr. JoliDson. ^ Ibid. ' Published in Fbilodclpliia, 1877. 432 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. bequests may be reasonably expected to accrue from time to time. This is our present situation, and wo tliinli it a promising one ; especially as the reputation of our schools increases, the masters being ail very capable and diligent, and giving great satisfaction to all concerned.' The three schools, of Ancient Languages, English, and Alathe- matics, were transferred, in 1751, to the building erected a few years before by the followers of the Rev. George Whitcheld as a "Taber- nacle." This building, which was situated on Fourth street, below Arch, in the city of Philadelphia, was purchased by the trustees and refitted for their purpose, and here the masters and ushers, or tutors, — the office of rector being vacant since Martin's death, — pursued their labors for the instruction of the pupils in their respective depart- ments. Failing to secure the services of Dr. Johnson as rector of the Philadelphia Academy, the attention of Franklin and his fellow- trustees was called to another, who, in view of the remarkable ability, the tireless devotion, and unexampled success displayed in his efforts for the academy and college which grew into life and strength under his skilful management, may well be regarded as the founder of the University of Pennsylvania. William Smith was born on the 7th of September, 1727, on the banks of the river Don, a few miles from Aberdeen, in Scotland. In 1741 he entered the University of Aberdeen, taking his first degree in March, 1747. After spending some little time in London he embarked for New York, on the 3d of March, 1751, bringing letters of reconnuendation from the Archbishop of Canterbury to Governor De Lancey. On his arrival in New York he took up his i-esidence with Colonel Martin, on Long Island, as tutor to his two children, whom he had accompanied from England. Here he remained until August, 1753. It was during his residence in New York that he published a pamphlet entitled " A General Idea of the College of Mirania." This was issued at the desire and cost of some gentlemen of New York, as a sketch for a proposed institution of learning in that city. This pamphlet was sent immediately on its appearance from the press to the Rev. Richard Peters and to Benjamin Franklin ill Philadelphia. The reply of Franklin was as follows : — Mr. Peters has .just been wilh mc, and we have comiiared notes on your new piece. We find nothing in the scheme of Edncation, however excellent, but what is in our opinion very practicable!. The great dilliculty will be to lind the Arastus,* and other suit;ible persons in Now York, to carry it "into execution ; but such may be had if proper encouragement be^iven. We have both received great pleasure in tlic i)erusal of it. For my i)art, I know not when I have read a piece that has so atfccted me — so noble and just are the sentiments, so warm and animated the language." ^ Praise such as this could not but be followed by action, and, at a meeting of the trustees, held on ihe 25lh of May, 1753, "it being proposed that Mr. William Smith, a gentleman lately arrived from London, should be entertained for some time upon trial to teach Nat u- ' Franlilin's hotter to Dr .lolinson. •'' Life ami Coirespoudcuco of the Rev. Wil- ■Tlie name givcu tollicpriiici|ml,c)r liLuJ of liara Smith, D.D., by Horace Wcmys Smith, the iilcal collcjjo. i . P- 'i^- THE COLLEGES OF NEW VoUlv AM) I'llILADELPITIA. 433 -^^^^^ 0<^ ^ ///S^ /- (Tt'O-^r^y'^^^c^-y* nil Philosophy, Logic, etc., iii case he will uiidcrtakc the same, it was agreed to, aiul Mr. Franklin and Mr. Peters are desired to speak with him ahont it."' The invitation to accept a position in connection with the I'liiladelpliia Academy appears to have l)een accepted, tliougli not in the form originally contemplated. Mr. Smith i)roceeded to England for orders, as a preliminary step to entering upon his work. On the 2lst of December, 1753, he was ordained deacon, in the palace at Fulham, by Dr. John Thomas, Bishop of Lincoln, at the request and in the presence of Dr. Thomas Sherlock, Bish- op of London, who was in de- clining health, and on the 23d of the same month he was ordained priest at the same place by Dr. Richard Obald- eston. Bishop of Carlisle. On the 24th of the following May, 17.54, he was " inducted Provost of the College and Academy of Philadelphia, and Professor of Xatural Philosophy." On the day following \w " com- menced teaching in the philosophy I'lass, also ethics and rhetoric to the advanced pupils."'' At the time of INIr. Smith's entrance upon his duties at the academy, the institution was, as we have seen, a collection of "schools." The classical, the English, the mathematical and the charitable schools, each under a distinct master, but all under the charge of a "Rector" or a "Provost," composed the institution. To the schools already named another was added, the "Philosophy School," in which ethics, natural philosophy, and rhetoric were taught to ad- vanced pupils by the provost. In this "Philosophy School " there were a senior and a junior class. Later, it appears that a freshman class was added to this department, into which puj^ils from the classi- cal school were entered after due preparation and examination. Pub- lic examinations were frequent, at which the masters were interested attendants, and in the details of which they were at liberty to partici- pate. Thus far there was no college, in the modern sense of the \*()rd. The institution was simply a collection of five schools, under the same general management, the School of Philosophy being the most advanced. Tiie instruction inqjartcd in this d(!p;n)n!cnt gave the in- stitution its onlj' claim to be considered as a college, and as it was ' Minutes of tlie Trustees, quoted in tlio " Life nnd CoiTCspoiulcucc of the Rev. William Smith, L).l).," I., p. 20. ' Life and CoiTCspomlciicc, I., p. Jo. 434 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. destitute of the {tower to confer degrees in the arts, which is a distin- guishing prerogative of a college or university properly so called, the provost and vice-provost, in December, 1754, suggested to the trustees the propriety of obtaining an additional charter, changing the corporate title and obtaining the power to confer the degrees in arts. On the 14th of May, 1755, the governor granted to "The Trustees of the College, Academy and Charitable Schools of Phila- KKV. WII.I.IAM SMI HI, 1>.I>.. riiO.M A I'OUTRAIT BY GILBEUT STUART. delphia " the new charter asked for, and also the necessary powers of a "Seminary of Universal Learning," in the conferring of degrees. On the 1 1th of July the; salary of the provost was li.xed by the trustees at £200 per annum, lo commence from the (ime of his tirst connection with the college. The names of Mr. Smith as provost, and Mr. Allison as vice-provost, appear in the charter, as if their appoint- ments emanated from the governor himself. The minutes of the trustees state that tiiey were so inserted at tlu; request of tiic board. The chang(i from a collection of schools, such as we have described, to a college occasioned little or no ciiange in the style or system of instruction. The Classical and Philosophy Schools were now spoken of as the college, in distinction from the other schools ; the chief change growing out of this cnlargcuKMit of the plan and powers of the institution, being the substitution of Mr. Smith, a churchman and a clergyman, for Mr. Allison, a Presbyterian minister, as llu; head of THE COLLEGES OF NEW YORK AND rillLADELPHIA. 435 the college, llie Ibnuer reetor or head now taking the .second phicc. It is evident that during the j'car of his connection with the academy Mr. Smith had gi\en such unmistakable proof, not only of scholarsliip, hut also of coinprciiensive ideas anil executive ability, as to render this change in the relation of the two leading instructors inevitable. That these eminent men, dillcring widely as they did on vital questions of religion and politics at a time when party spirit in Church and State was singularly bitter, should have worked side by side and in perfect har- mony in liie cause of education, attests their common devotion to the interests of the college they served. It was by j\Ir. Smith that the "Plan of I'^ducation"' to be pursued in the college was prepared, at the request of the trustees, in May, 1756. Of this "Plan" it is enough to cite the words of President Stille, who saj^s that " its best eulogy is, that it has formed the basis of our present American Col- lege System ." ' It assumed "that nothing can be proposed by any scheme of collegiate education but to lay such a general foundation in all branches of literature as may enable the youth to perfect them- selves in those particular parts to which their business or genius may afterwai'ds lead them ; and scarce anything has more obstructed the advancement of sound learning than a vain imagination that a few years spent at college can render j'outh such absolute masters of science as to absolve them from all future study." ^ The curriculu7n pro- posed Avas, both in its selection of suljjects and in the order in which their study was to be pursued, not unlike that which obtained till within a few years in all American institutions of the higher learning. The course was intended to comprise three years. During this time Juvenal, Livy, Cicero, Horace's Ars Poetica, Quintillian, and the Tusculan Questions were read in the order we have given. In Greek, the Iliad, Pindar, Thucydides, Epictetus, and Plato de legibus formed the presci'ibed course. In mathematics the studies pursued were quite as extended as in our own times, while in the department of natural philosophy, chemistry, hydrostatics, pneumatics, optics, and astronomy received attention during the junior and senior years. Ethics, and the natural and civil law, as illustrated by history, formed an important part of this course. This scheme die! not exist merely on paper. It was foithfully carried out in its details, and with most satisfactory results, during the whole period of its gifted author's con- nection with the college. The instruction was singularly thorough, and the college, thus provided with a curriculum of unusual merit, and ofBcered in the best possible manner, acquired from the start an enviable reputation. Within two years from the time the charter was granted the number of students in the institution was about three hundred, of whom nearly a third were connected with the college proper. Tlie comprehensiveness of its plan and the thoroughness of its instruction, together with the acknowledged ability of its head, drew students not merely from the city and province, but from Mary- land, Virginia, the Carolinas, and the West Indies. The college was not exclusively a church institution. In the words of its pro- • A Memoir of the Kcv. William Smith, D.D., by Charles .J. StiU4, p. 11. ' Ibid. 436 HISTORY OF the ajierican episcopal church. vost, addressed to Dr. Bearcroft, the secretary of the venerable society : — The chief men in the province are engajred in the trusteesMp of our academy, and its foundation is on the most catholic and liberal plan. I lind Dr. Jenuey ' is not vei'y fond of the design, and says that our trustees have little regard for religion. But the ti-uth is that from the first ho has opposed the Institution, because it was not made a Church establishment, and all tlie Mas- ters to be of that persuasion. His zeal for the best cluux'h on eartli is certainly commendable ; but it may be carried too far. Had our College been opened on that plan in such a place as Philadeljjhia, the students would indeed have been a very scanty number. The people would not have borne even the mention of such a design at first. However the Church, by soft and easy means, daily gains ground in it. Of tw-enty-four Trustees, fifteen or sixteen are regular churchmen ; and when our late additional Charter was passed, I, who am a minister of the Churcli of England, had the preference to two other ministers of other persuasions of longer standing than me in the Institution, and was made Provost of the same by the unanimous voice of the Trustees. We have jsrayers twice a day, the children learn the Church Catechism, and, upon the whole, I never Icnew a greater regard for religion in any Seminary, nor Masters more thoroughly possessed of the truth of our common Christianity.* On the 17th of May, 1757, the first commencement of the college took place. Six students received on this occasion the degree of Bachelor of Arts. The first name on the list of alumni is that of Jacob Duche, who, by his speeches and sermons, and as the chaplain of the Con- tinental Congress in 1776, obtained a distinguished reputation for devotion to the cause of American liberty that was lost by his sub- sequent defection to the opposite side. Duche was for a time Professor of Oratory in the college, and while in England obtained the Doctorate in Divinity. Another of these first graduates was the Rev. Samuel Magaw, D.D., a leading clergyman in the measures resulting in the organization of tlic Church in Pennsylvania and in the United States subsequent to the revolution, who was also at a later date the vice- provost of the college where he was graduated. Another was the celebrated Francis Hopkinson, LL.D., a member of the Continental Congress, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, a Judge of the United States District Court for Pennsylvania, and a i)roniinent nicnilior of the early conventions of the Church in the State, and of the Church at large. Of such material was the first graduating class of an in- stitution numbcrinar amonij its studcnis at the time men who were to attain tiic highest positions in Church and State. At this time \\'illiam White was a student in the " Mathematical School." The restless activity of such a man as William Smith could not content itself with the conduct of a college and the instruction of youth. He entered with all his soul info the political controversies of the day, and, as a result of his opposition to the pacific jjolicyof the (Quaker assembly, a pretext was found for his arrest, conviction, and imprisonment for several months for an alleged "breach of jjrivilege" in "publishing and promoting" a libel ujion the assembly of the ]irovince. 'I'he college trustees evidently sj'mpatiiized with their im- prisoned provost. They directed his classes to attend his instructions 'The Roctor of Christ Church, Pliiliidclpliiii, 2 Life anfl Corresponficncc of tlie Itev. Wil- and Commissary of tlic BLsliop of Loiulon. liam .Smith, D.I)., I., p. 143. Tin; COLLKGES OF KEW YOKK AND I'lIII.ADKLl'lllA. 4137 at the jail, and uiiaiiiiuoiisly afi'orded liiiu leave uf abf>eiiee in Xoveiii- ber, 1758, to visit l^iigiaiul aiul prosecute his appeal to the king in council. His appearance in England was well-timed. It was at the nionieiit wluMi the older Pitt was planning (he campaign which was to put an end to (iio nde of France in Norlli America. The prcscuco of one whose political martyrdom had been occasioned by his eilbrts to rouse the people of a distant and exposed i)rovince to defend itself against the common foe could not fail to secure for him and the in- terests he had at heart a measure of sympathy and support. To these chiims upon the kindU' regard of the pul)liu there w:is added the jireslige of a successful literary career. A voliuue of sermons pub- lished in London, in 1750, reached a second edition in a few years, and received from the " Critical lleview " unusual praise, as " containing strokes equal to any in the Oraisons Funl'bres of l>ossuet." The "Monthly Review," if less llattering, was even moi'e discriminating in its words of approval. It was to be expected, in view of these claims to notice and reward, that his own university should bestow upon him the doctorate. To this was added the action of Oxford, at the suggestion of the arciibishop and other prelates, in conferring the same distinction in view of his services to Church and State. His appeal was heard in council, and the highest court of judicature pronounced, in the king's name, "his high displeasure at the unwarrantable be- haviour of the House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, in assuming to themselves powers which do not belong to them, and invading both His Majesty's royal prerogative, and the lil)erties of the sul)ject."' Returning with ample vindication and al)undant honors, he brought with liim a deed of gift, from the Honorable Thomas Penn, of lands in Bucks County for the college; and if this may have been the only present advantage acquired, the intimate relations into which ho had been brought with many "great and inlluential personages," Ijoth in Church and State, enal^led him at a later day to secure for the college pecuniary assistance of the greatest importance. The second commencement, defern>d until the return of the provost, was held on tiie 11th of December, 1759. Among tlu; graduates were Samuel Keene, afterwards D.D., and an influential clergyman of Maryland ; William Paca, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, and Samuel Powell, Mayor of Philadelphia and Speaker of the Senate of Pennsylvania, and one of the active spirits in the organization of the American Church after the revolutionary war. Dr. Smith could not fail, from his jiosition at the head of the col- lege and as the leading member of a society for the promotion of schools and education among the German settlers of the province, to wield no little influence upon the clergy and laity of the Church. Dr. .Ienn(\y was almost incapacitated l)y age and inlirmities from taking the position which his office as commissary and his rectorship of Christ Church would otherwise have secured without question. In the con- vention of the clergy of the ])rovincc the provost became the most [)rominont figure, and in his fre(iuent and familiar intercourse with the ' Life and Correspondence of the Kev. William Sinitli, i., p. '208. 438 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHITRCH. authorities of the Church at home soon acquired a controlling influence ill the management of church tdlairs. In the conti'oversy occasioned by the intrigues and machinations of the turbulent Macclenechan, which resulted in the founding of another congregation, afterwards known as St. Paul's, Dr. Smith was most prominent, strenuously maintaining the order and discipline of the Church, and rendering most faithful service to the aged and intirm Jenney in securing the removal of his temporary assistant. lu connection with these duties devolving upon him as the most prominent of the clergy of the province, it was the provost's good fortune to witness the steady increase of the college under his charge, in number and in reputation, till the necessity of endowments and additional buildings became apparent. In November, 1761, these needs of the college formed the subject of an exliaustive re- port to the trustees, and in view of the fact, then disclosed, that the expense of the maintenance of the institution had for several years exceeded its income by about £700 per annum, it was determined to send an agent to England to solicit funds for a permanent endowment and for the erection of the buildings imperatively required. The acceptance of this duty by the provost gave to the discouraged trustees the assurance of success. Credentials and means for his mission were amply furnished, and in Februaiy, 1762, Dr. Smith set sail from New York on this important duty. Meanwhile the plans for the foundation of a college in New York had taken shape ; and in the hands of a few gentlemen of wealth and position, chiefly members of the Church of England, and with the aid of Trinity Church in supplying the site for the proposed institution. King's College had sprung into being. From an intimation in the records of Trinity Church it would appear that, as early as 1703, it was the purpose of the government of the province, then in the hands of Lord Cornbury, to provide a site for a college on the island of New York. In 1746 authority was granted by the assembly for raising money for this purpose by means of a lotteiy, and within the following few years the sum of three thousand four hundred and forty-three pounds eighteen shillings, was raised for the erection of a college within the colony. This sum was placed in the hands of trustees, a majority of whom were members of the Church of Eng- land, and a number of whom were of the vestry of Trinity Church. The land bestowed by Trinity was granted on condition that the l)residcnt of the college for the time being should be in communion with the Church of England, and the morning and evening prayers should be those of the Church, or else such a selection from the " Book of Common Prayer" as should be agreed upon by the president or trustees, or governors of the said college. These provisions, giving a churchly character to the i)roposed institution, and the majority accorded to tlic ('iuirch in the governing lK)ard, excited the ani- mosity of the dissenters, and for a time threatened to tiiwart the ])lans of its founders. The opposition to the (Jhurch of England interest was led by j\Ir. William Livingston, a violent enemy of the Church. The act of llu; asseinl)ly, obtained in the beginning of the year 1753, appointing the trustees and vesting in them the moneys THK COLLKGES OF NKW YORK AND rillLADKLl'IIIA. 439 raised by tho lottery ; ancl the .supplemental act of July, the same year, appropriating to the college £000 out of " the duty of excise," for the seven years from the first day of January, 1754, though bitterly opposed, were followed by the granting of the royal charter, on the ;> 1st of October, 1754. The college was opened prior to the gi'anting of tho charter. The trustees had at the outset chosen the Kcv. Dr. Johnson of Stratford, as president of tho intended insti- tution ; and in April, 1754, ho reluctantly, in view of his advanced years and the exposure to disease consequent upon residence in the city, accepted tho position and entered upon his work. In Juno he published, in the newsprints of the day, an account of the design of the college, the plan of education proposed, and tho rcquii'cnients for admission, and appointed a day for the examination of candidates. Ten appeared at the appointed time, including two from other insti- tutions of learning. These formed the first class, and were taken by Dr. Johnson under his own personal care and instruction, the place of meeting being tho large vestry-room belonging to Trinity Church. The president was chosen one of the ministers of Trinity Church. He drew ui) a form for the daily prayers taken from tho "Book of Common Prayer," with a special collect of his own composition for the college, which, with the Psalter, he caused to be printed for the use of tho students. He also compiled a body of laws for present use, and thus proceeded to bring the aflairs of the institution into method and order. He found time amidst this pressure of duties to enter into a vigorous correspondence with President Clapp, of Yale College, with reference to the requirement of students from church f;imilies to attend the services of tho college chapel, ''designed to guard and pei'petuate the Puritan faith ; " ^ and, as a result of his irresistible logic, the obnoxious rules were relaxed. After a little delay ho removed, with his family, to New York, where he devoted himself assiduously to the care of the college, and to the pei'formauco of his duties at Trinity Church. At the entrance of a second class the need of a tutor was apparent, and the second son of tho president, William Johnson, a graduate of Yale in the class of 1748, and A.M. in course, and an ad eundem master at Harvard in 1753, was appointed to this post. With the increase of students there was a corresponding increase in tho interest exhibited by tho community, and largo subscriptions were secured, and the plans of the college building were well advanced. The president had acquainted the Bishop of London and the venerable society with the design of the college and his appointment to its suporintendcncy, and had desired the kind patronage of the bishop and the society in its behalf. This was readily accorded. The bishoj). Dr. Sherlock, in his reply expressed his hearty approl)a- tion of tho college and of the choice that had been made for its presi- dent, and he earnestly encouraged Dr. Johnson to persevere, in spite of the opposition that had been raised, in his labors for the cause of Christian and churchly education. The reply from, the society was to the same ell'ect ; and that these assurances of sympathy and aid ' Bcardsley's " Life of Dr. Johnson," p. 200. 440 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. were not merely complimentary was shortly proved by acts of gen- erosity worthy of lasting remembrance. In connection with this cor- respondence and taking advantage of the departure of Mr. William Johnson, the college tutor, for England, to receive holy orders, the vestry of Trinity Church, which from the first had shown the deepest interest and the fullest confidence in the new college, addressed the society in a letter, which we print for the first time iProm the original, long preserved in the archives of this venerable body. The letter is full of interest and value, from the vivid descriptions it gives of the men and measures of the time : — New York, Nov. 3d, 1765. The Vestry of Trinity Church, in Neiv York, to the Secretary : — Kevo. Sir, — We esteem it ;i great honor amidst the many virulent reproaches we have met with to tind our conduct with regard to the College lately Ibmided here approved by so venerable and I'espectable a body as the Society for tlie Propa- gation of the Gospel, and to have received their thanks for the donation we made, which was communicated to us by Mr. Barclay, and which we most gratefully acknowledge. We had also the satisfaction of the imiversal approbation of our constituents notwitlistanding the vast debt we have contracted by building the Chajiel of late. We always expected that a gift so valuable in itself and so absolutely necessary (it being the only ground within the city properly situated, and of sufficient extent) would be a means of obtaining some privileges to the charity, especially as the promoters of the afl'air in the llouse of Representatives alwajs proposed such a preference, at least, as is granted by the Charter, but had never insisted on any condition till we found some persons labouring to exclude all systems of religion out of the constitution of the College. When we discovered this design we thought ourselves indispensably obliged to interpose, and have had the countenance of many good men of all denomina- tions, and, in particular, the ministei's of tlie Foreign Protestant Churches in this City, who are appointed Governors of the College, and without the least hesita- tion qualified, agreeable to the Charter, and continue licarty friends to it. But, notwitlistanding this, the opposition still continues, and has so far prevailed, as to have hitherto prevented the application of the money raised by lottery for the use of the College. To cfl'ect this our opponents have been indefatigable; the most base and disingenuous mctliods have been used to prejudice the common people in the .several counlios, whom they have endeavoured to jiersuade that the test im- posed on tlic President will infallibly be attended with the establishment of Bishops and tythes, and will end in the loss of all their religicms privileges, and even in persecution itself. Petitions have been drawn & handed about, to be signed against the charter establishment, and weekly papers have been published for two years jiast, wlun-ein all the friends of the Church and the Vestry of Trinity Church, in particular, have l)ceu abused in the most opprobrious tei'ms. So that it is very uncertain when the money will by the General Assembly be vested in the Govern- ors. In the meantime tlicy luive begun a subscription among themselves, and are daily purchasing materials to lay the foundation of a handsome, convenient edifice, which, God willing, they purpose to begin next Sjiring, and they are iiuluccd to ho|)e that as tlu; dissenting scmin.ary in New .lersey haslhad the General Assembly of the Kirk in Scotland engaged in its behalf last year, as well as the dissenting interest in England, and as we are informed have collected a very con- siderable sum of money, so our brethren in Ihigland will bo ready to contribute to preserve the; Church in this part of the world from the contempt its enemies are endeavouring to luring upon it. The dissenters have alri'ady three seminaries in the Northern (Jiwernments. They hold their synods. Presbyteries ;ind associations and exercise the whole of their lOcclesiastical Government to the no small advan- tage of their cause, whilst those churches wliich arc! branches of the National Estab- lisliinent are de|n'ived not only of the bcnelit of a regular Church governnuint, but their children debarred the |)rivi!edgo of a liberal (education, mdess they will accept of it on such conditions as Dissenters require, wliicli in Yale College is tosnl)mit to a fine as often as they attend tlie public worship in the Church of England, com- THE COLLEGES UK NEW YOUK AND I'llILADEM'lIIA. 441 iniiiiicant«! only excepted, and that only on Christmas & Sjuiraracnt days. This we cauiiol but look upon as hard niuasuro, especially as wo can, with a good con- science, declare that wo are so far I'rom that bigotry and narrowness of spirit they have of late been pleased to charge us with, that wo would not, were it in our power, lay the leiust resti'aint on any man's conscience, and should heartily rejoice to continue in brotherly love and ciiarity with all our I'rotcstant brethren, as we can appeal to all men, we have always done, notwithstanding the late unmerited reproaches, calumnies and opposition we have met with. Upon the whole, as we are informed, the Governors of the College intend to proceed according to the Charter, and have reason to think tliat tliis wiU be the best means to quell the present opposition, restore peace, promote ti'ue religion and harmony amongst all denominations of Christians ; and at length induce the Assem- bly to grant the money raised for the College. We humbly beg leave to recommend the cause iu which tlu-y are engaged to the I'.atronage of the Venerable Hoard and its several members, and liope that when a subscription shall bo set on foot in Ihigland they will, upon proper application, encourage and assist them in their laudable undiTtaking. This will add a new obligation on all the members of the Church of England, as tliis in all probability will be the only college in wliieh they are like to have an interest. We commit tliis letter to the care of Kir. Cit^orge Ilarison, one of our vestiy and Mr. William Johnson, son of the Kev. T)r. .Tolmson, by whom we beg leave to tender our best regards to the venerabh; board and by whom thej' may be informed more particularly in any m.itter relating to this subject. We remain with much respect, HENRY BARCLAY, JAJVIES ROBINSON, & others. Mr. Johnson, who had been received most kindly by his father's friends and correspondents in England, and had been honored by the degree of Master of Arts from the two ancient universities, died, shortly after his admission to holy orders, of thesmall-j)ox, addingan- other to the number of youth of piety and learning who. in seeking the apostolic commission for their minis! ry. gained it at tlio cost of their lives. The vacancy in the college staft", occasioned by the resignation of this gifted and promising young man, had been filled by the appoint- ment of Mr. Leonard Cutting, A.M., who had l)een educated at Eton and at Cambridge and was thoroughlj' furnished for his work. Materials were provided for the erection of the college building, which was to bo built " on the skirts of the city,"^ on the ground given by Trinity Church. On the 23d of August, 1756, the corner-stone, bearing a suitiible inscription, was laid by the royal governor, SirCbarles Hardy, on which occasion the president made a brief speech in Latin to the governors, to his excellency Sir Charles Hardy, and Mr. DeLancey, the lieutenant-governor, congratulatory on this happy event. The entrance of a third class increased the number of students to about thirty, and as the president was forced to leave the city in November, on account of the spread of small-pox, the governors provided another instructor, whom they made Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, Mr. Daniel Treadwell, A.M., a graduate of Harvard Col- lege, and recommended by Professor Winthrop as eminently qualified for the position. This same year a member of the venerable society, the Hev. Dr. Bristowe, bequeathed his library of about fifteen hundred voliunes "to the college of New York, of which Dr. Johnson is presi- ' Chandler'a " Life of Johnson," p. 96. 442 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. dent," thus laying the tbimdation of the present liljrary of Cohunl)ia College. The progress made by the college appears from the following address to the venerable society, now tirst printed from the original in the archives of thiit body : — To TheRl. Rev. Father in Ood Lord Bishop of London, — The humble address of the Governors of the college of the province of New York in the City of New York in America, May it please your Lordship : As the care of the Church in these colonies has been annexed to the See of Lontlon and it is therefore iit that every thing here relating to the interest of Religion & Learning should be referred to your LoVdsliip and recommended to your Patronage, the Governors of this college lately incorporated by Royal Charter for instructing youth in the liberal sciences do humbly beg leave to lay before your Lordship some aecoimt of our proceedings and to recommend this Infant Seminary to your Lord- ship's favour and kind Patronage. The undertaking has indeed met with much opposition with which we are informed your Lordship is not unacquainted, which has occasioned the loss of one half of the monies originally raised by pulslic Lot- teries for caiTj'ing on of this design. However as we are conscious of the upright- ness of our intentions and encouraged by the countenance of many good men of all denominations we are carrying on this good work in the best manner our circum- stances will admit of. Several young gentlemen have been admitted, and prose- cute their studies under the Inspection of the Rev Dr Johnson and two Tutors well qualified. AVe have given orders for purchasing an apparatus of proper Instruments for teaching mathematical and experimental Philosophj'. We are also building a neat and convenient edifice for public schools & lodgings (being one side of a quadrangle liercafter to be carried on) on a vei-y valuable and most agreeably situated bit of Ground adjoining to this City which is a donation of the Rector, Churchwardens & Vestry of Trinity Church. But being sensible that we shall not be able to bring this work to tiny tolerable degree of perfection and answer the great design of our Incorporation without the charitable assistance of our jNIother Country ; we have presumed to address the Honorable Society for propa- gating the Gosjjcl for their countenance & influence in recommending our case to such gentlemen as may be disposed to assist us in our imdertaking, and we humbly beg leave also to ask your Lordship's kind patronage and influence in pur- suance of the same design We do moreover humbly inti'eat your Lordship's prayers and blessings upon this important undertaking and that your Lordship's most valuable life and health may be long preserved and your faithhil labours in the cause of God and his true Religion may be abundantly rewar Doctorate in Diviuit}', and was for many years a promi- nent clergyman in the diocese of New York. On this 0(;casiou the gov- ernors of the college met in the college hall, and, after an address in Latin from the president, proceeded to St. George's Chapel, where the graduating exercises were performed and the degrees conferred. Pro- fessor Treadwell had died in the spring of 1760, and the president and Mr. Cutting were compelled to do double duty for the following year. In May, 1761, occurred the fourth commencement. There were but three graduates, but several of those who formed the first class now took DISTANT VIEW OV KtNO's COLLEGE IN 1763. their Master's degree. The following year the governors appointed Mr. Robert Harpur, A.M., who had been educated at the University of Glasgow, to the Professorship of Mathematics and Natural Phi- losophy. With the aid of this l)rilliant instructor. Dr. Johnson's la.-t year of service was rendered comparatively easy. He hold his (il'th and dual commencement in Ma3^ 1762, eight young men taking the Bachelor's degree. Before his retirement from office he was able to further the efforts of the governors to augment the funds of the college by an appeal to England. The expenses of carrying on the institution were already causing an annual encroachment on its slciuler capital, and, although great liberality had been shown to this new cntcr()rise, it was not to be expected that its wants could be fully supplied at home. It was in view of these needs and of the interest expressed in ICngland in the inception and progress of the college, that, at the instigation of 444 HISTORY or THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. the president, the services of Dr. James Jay, as agent of the college, were secured, and this gentleman was formally accredited to the Arch- bishops, the Universities, and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. On the 13th of May, 1762, Dr. Jay sailed from New York on his mission. Three months before, on the 13th of FebiTiary, Dr. Smith had sailed from the same port on the same errand. Dr. Jay, better knownasSir James Jay, Knight, — for he received this distinction from the king, George III., while acting as agent of King's College, — was a brother of the Hon. John Jay, of New York, and bore with him on his important mission, among other letters of introduction and commendation, the following commuuication addressed to Archbishop Seeker by Dr. Johnson. It gives so interesting and succinct an account of the case of the college that we reproduce it here : ' — To the Most Rev. Father in God, Thomas Lord, Archbishop of Canterbury. — May it please your Grace, — Your Grace is well acquainted wth the labors aud difficulties imder which we have struggled in founding our College and can-j-ing it on liitherto and has been inf onned that we have erected an elegant building or one hundred and eighty feet in lengtli by thirty in width and three stories in height, which is now just finished and designed lor one side of a quadrangle, to be com- pleted as we shall be enabled. But as we are not yet able to caiTy it any further without assistance, nor have we a sufficient fund to support the necessary olTicers — the Master, Professors and Tutors — we are therefore constrained to beg the chari- table conti-ibutions of such public spirited gentlemen as are generously disposed to promote so good a worlj, and have empowered the bearer hereof, Dr. James Jay, of this city, who is an ingenious young gentleman and a graduated pliysician of the University of Edinburgh, to ask and receive such benefactions as should be conti-ib- uted to this important undertaking. And as your Grace is the fu-st member of our corporation, and has given abimdant demonsti'ation of yovn* dcliglit in doing good offices, and especially to this college, for which we are incxpi'essibly thankful, we humbly Ijeg leave to recommend him to your Grace, and enti'eat you in adililion to your former goodness that you will give him your I^est advice and direction for his cariying on a solicitation for benefactions, and if you think proper that j-ou will inti'oduce liim or procure him to be inti'oduced to our most gi-acious Sovereign for his favor ; and also that you will be pleased to recommend him to his Grace the Lord Archbishop of York and the Bishop of London, or any other of the nobility, clergy, or gentry as your Grace shall judge most expedient. In doing this you will un- speakably oblige, may it please your Grace, Your Cirace's, etc. Dr. Smith, as we learn from his biographer,^ was indignant at what he deemed an unfair, as it certainly was an unexpected, inter- ference with his purposes and plans. There was, as he writes, "a strange clashing of interests and applications," and the i)roposal"to unite both designs" was at lirst refused by the irate provost, who thought his "own interest best;" but after considerable negotiation it was agreed that a joint application in behalf of both colleges should bo made to the king. "His ^hijesty," wrote Dr. Smith, "exprcss(>d his approval of the i)lan, and said ho would do something to begin the design : that to King's College, in New York, he would order £400 sterling ; and that in respect to the college in Philadelj^hia, he ob- ' From 'ncai'flslcy's "Tjifc oT Dr. .T.ilmson," ■ Life and rdrrespoiiclcnce of (lie Rev. WW- pp. 269, 270. liam Smith, D.U., i., p. .'WO. THE COLLEGES OK NEW VOKK AND I'lIILADELPIHA. 445 served that it had a liberal benefactor in our I'roprietors, who stood as it were, in his room ; but that ho must not suffer so good a design to pass without some mark of his regard, and therefore would order £200 sterling for us." ' A royal brii^f for collections lin-ougliout tiie united kingclom in behalf of the two colleges was issued, and the two agents divided the territory between them, Dr. Smith going to the north of England and Scotland, and Dr. Jay to the south and west. The arrangements being amicably concluded, Dr. Smith pronounces his rival, Dr. Jay, "an active and sensible young fellow." The "Brief" brought in £4,800 to each institution ; the private collections £1,130 10s. 6(Z. to each. The royal bounty was £400 to King's College, and £200 to the college and academy of Philadelphia. Tiie proprietaries of Pennsylvania gave to the college under tlicir patronage £500, and £284 17,s'. had been collected by Dr. Smith before the union of the in- terests of the rival institutions. The college at Philadelphia received in all £6,921 7s. 6d. It was estimated by Dr. Smith that upwards of eleven thousand persons contributed to the collection made under the authority of the brief, and more than eight hundred responded to the private appeals of Dr. Jay and himself. So far as the Philadelphia college was concerned the possession of this added capital was made an incentive to further efforts to increase the funds of the institution. In the winter of 1771-72 Dr. Smith paid a visit to Charleston, South Carolina, and, in the course of a few months, collected nearly a thou- sand guineas for the college from the inhabitants of that city. On his return he set on foot a subscription for the same object in Philadelphia, from which nearly £1,200 was received. Dr. Morgan, one of the Pro- fessors of the Medical Facult}', applied to the people of the Island of Jamaica for contributions to the college funds, and from this source about £3,000 were obtained. It was by services and laliors such as these that William Smith won for himself the distinction he had coveted. On the 14th of September, 1762, he writes to the Rev. Richard Peters, that the honor he proposed was "in being a kind of founder of our college." This honor he fairly earned and justly merited. It was his pleasure and privilege to watch over its interest till, amidst the vicissitudes of the war for independence, the schools of learning were closed, and, in the attempted organization of its govern- ment after the civil disruption, the rights of the college authorities were trampled upon, and the provost dispossessed from the place he had filled with so much honor and usefulness. He was never restored to his former privileges and powers, and it is only of late years that full justice had been rendered to him for his abundant and most useful services to the cause of Christian education and the advance of the higher learning in America. The retirement of Dr. Johnson from tlic presidency of King's College was followed by the election of the Rev. IMyles Cooper, LL.D., whose incumbency closed amidst the opening scenes of the Revolution. Among those who received their graduating degrees at the hands of this able and gifted man were Riciiard llarison. D.C.L., John Jay, ' Life uiul CoiTcspoiiJcucc of the Ilcv. William Smilli, D.D., I., p. .301. 446 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. LL.D., Egbert Benson, LL.D., Robert R. Livingston, Peter Van Schaack, LL.D., Bishop Benjamin Moore, Gouverneiir IMorris, and the Re\^ Dr. John Bowden, while the name of Alexander Hamilton appears on the list of students entered in 1774, whom the exigencies of the times prevented from completing their course in arts. Few college presidents have ever superintended the intellectual training and development of a brighter array of men, and, in estimat- ing the services rendered to the Church and State l>y the college pre- sided over by Johnson, we must not forget the long and brilliant incumbency of his successor, whose love for church and crown di'ove him from an honored and u.seful post. ILLUSTRATIVE NOTE. AN interestino^ memorial of the mission of Sir James Jay and Dr. William Smith, to England, is fagcs. setting forth "The Ucal Advantages whit'h Min- isters and IVojile may enjoy, es])ccially In the Colonies, by Conform- ing to the Church of England ; Faithfully considered, and impartially ' An allempt to gathci- the names and no- long list of men, who in tlie main were worthy of tiecs of these mission-priests and deacons of the thcii' high caUinfr, is sufTioient to prove the n\is- molher-clmnh, lahoriui; on the American Con- sionary spirit of the mother-church from Iho liucnt anil the islands adjacent prior to ISOO, has very (lays of her spiritual iudcpendence secured resulted iu the collection of upwards of two thou- at the Kelbrmation. sand names, with references to authorities. This 448 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. represented in a Letter to a Young Gentleman." This " base pam- phlet," as Dr. Johnson styled it,' written hy Noah Welles, the Congregationalist minister of Stamford, Conneeticut, placed in strong contrast the manners of the "polite" and "sprightly," "well-dressed," " fashionable," " brisk and lively," Church-of-England professors, with the "Puritanical preciseness" of "the presbyterians and congregation- alists in New England." Low and scurrilous as this pamphlet certainly was, the point of its satire was its pretended exhibition of the " temporal advantages " of conformity, and the claim that these were the source of the gradual advance and triumph of the Church. That such advantages existed at least, where the Church was established, or had gained a strong foothold, it would be absurd to deny. The days of persecution were over even in New England. The popular mind was exercised with political rather than with theological questions. The church- men had won, at least, a toleration, and although the odium Uieologicum was maintained by the Puritan leaders, the ministers, and magistracy, still the Church was gaining ground on every side, and churchmen were no longer thrown into jail, or exposed to loss of their goods, for the support of the puritan ministry, or the building of Puritan meeting-houses. It is true that the proposed introduction of bishops has been named by high authority as among the causes of the separation of the colonies from the mother-land ; and that it may have influenced some in their desire for independence is doubtless the case. It is also true that even churchmen were divided, if not as to the need of an American episcopate, at least as to its exjjedicncy at a time when the project was assailed by invin- cible prejudice and hate. In the political questions out of which the revolutionary struggle grew it was but natural that the clergy gener- ally should take the side of the mother-country. They had seen the strength and greatness of the land ; they had taken solemn oaths of allegiance to the crown at their admission to holy orders ; their sup- port was largely dependent upon the venerable society abroad. It is a noticeable fact that in tlic provinces where theChurciihad been estab- lished and (he clergy had (heir support directly or mdirectly from those to whom they ministered, and even in the case of those par- ishes in provinces where there was no establishment, where the peo- ple were the immediate sources of their clergyman's revenue, there were man}^ patriot clergymen sympathizing with and sustaining their parishioners in their resistance to the audiority of the crown. The stipendiaries of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, deriv- ing their living from across the sea, were in nearly every instance loy- alists. This was the case without any necessary im])utation of l)oing influenced I)y mere ])ccuniary considerations. The missionaries of (lie society had been accustomed to look at all tilings from an English s(aiiii when armed resistance was inevitable, and tiie faihu-c to appeal to arms would iiave been the confession of sei-vitude, the leading spirits felt and acted on the conviction that when the crown saw that the struggle was not witli a few ii()t-iiead(^d malcontents, but witli the great body of the intelli- gent firemen of a territorial empire, their wrongs would be righted and their manly resistance to o[)pression understood and a|)proved. It was only when every means of conciliation had failed and every hojio of redress had been disapi)(>inled tiiat tiiese men embarked on the wild sea of revolution, and the phrase "sink or swim, survive or perisii," became tiie enforced watchword of their progress to independence. It was while these measures were still matters of discussion, and ail THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 451 men's minds were waiting tlie revelations of an impenetrahlc future, and questioning as to right and duty, that the inllucnco of the leading clergy iu New York was most patiently and perseveringly exercised in the interests of the crown. By sermons, in newspaper articles, hy discus- sions at the "coti'ce-houses," — these noted places for the spreading or manufacture of intelligence and the moulding of popular oi)inion, — these gifted, keen, intelligent men were untiring in their efforts to counteract the wild schemingsfor independence manifested liy the people of Massa- chusetts, which were indorsed only by the holder spirits of the Sons of Liberty of New York. The following letter will dearly indicate the attitude of the contending parties of the times : — It is true that the Presb3'terian Junto, or self-constituted Committee of tlie Hans of Liberty for the citj- of A'^ein Yorh (as they style tiiemselves) , which liad .^tood ever since the time of the Stamp Act, liad taken u|)on them to wiite letters to Boston to their brethren tliere, assuring tliem. " tliat the city of New Fork would heartily join them against the cruel and arbitrary proceedings of the British Parliament," etc., which as .soon as the gentlemen of propert}* in this city knew, tliej- were very ju.^tly alarmed, and a meeting of the inhabitants was desired at the Coffee House, when, in spite of all tliat could be done by the old committee, which consisted of eight or ten flaming patriots without property, or anything else but impudence, a new committee was chosen, consisting of tifty members, most of them men of sense, coolness, and property ; and I understand that nearly the same thing was done at Fhiladdphia. ............. You will have discovered that I am no friend to Presbji:erians, that I fix all the blame of these extraoidinary American proceedings ui)on them. You would, perhaps, think it proper to ask, whether no Churcli of Knglnnd people were among ihemP Yes, there were, to their eternal shame lie it spoken! but in general they were interested in the motion, either as smugglers of tea, or as being overbuidencd with dry goods they know not how to pay for, & would therefore have been glad to have a non-importation agreement, or a resolution to pay no debts to EiKjlcmd. But. sir, these are few iu number. Believe me the Presb\i:eri.ans have been the chief & principal insti-uments in all tliese flaming measures, & they always do i.^ ever will act against (iovernment, from that restless & turbulent anti-monaivhical spirit which h.as alw.ays distinguished them everywhere, whenever they had, or by any means could assume jjower, however illegally. In .short, I am myself well eon- vinced, that if Government would wish to preserve and encourage loyalty in tlie Colonies, tliey must countenance the Chiux'h of Ihujland much more than they have done hitherto. It is an indubitable fact that previous to, and during all these acts of violence committed in the Colonies, especially to the eastward, tlie Presbyterian pvilpits groaned with llic most wicked, malicious & inflammatory harangues, pro- nounced Ijy the favorite orators amongst that sect, spiriting tlicir Godly hcarcns to the mo.st violent opposition to (iovernment; persuading tlicin that the intention ot Government was to rule them with a rod of iron, & to make them all slaves; and !issin-ing them that if they would rise as one man to oppose tiiosc .arbitrary .schemes. Qod would assist tliem to sweep away Qvavj ministerial tool (the amiable name tliese wretches are pleased to bestow on the professors of the ( hunth) from the face i>f the earth ; that now was the time to strike, whilst (iovernment at Imme was afraid of them ; together with a long stiing of such seditious stuff, well calculated to inipobe on tlie poor devils their hearers, and make tliem rmi into every degree of extrava- gance and folly, which if I foresee aright, they will liave leisure enough to be sorry lor: But in general, the Church of ^?^r/;arad people during all this time, without any public oratory to spur them, did, from principle, from their own truly loyal principles, in which cai-e is taken to educate them, every thing they could tiy writing and argument, & their influence, to stop the lapid jirogrcss ot seditiont which would h.ive gone much liirtlu'r lengths if it had not been for them.' As the season advaiiced the feelings of the people deepened in ' Exti'acts of a letter fi-om a gentleman in New Vuik, to liis con'cs|X)Ddent in London, Mar 31, 1774. — Am. Archires, Seiics iv.. Vol. i., pp. 300-301, note. 452 niSTDRY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. intensit}'. The followini;' communication from Dr. Joseph Warren, although not a churchman, to the "Boston Gazette," will indictite a change in popular sentiment, which is the more valuable as coming from so pure and trustworthy a source : — Boston, September 24, 1774. To the Printers of the Boston Gazette, — As I liave lioen infonnpd that the conduct of some few jiersons of tlie Episcopal denomination, in maintaining i)rinciples inconsistent with tlie rigiits 1>U. .lOSlil-n WARREN, FROM A TAINTING liY COPI-EY, 1774, IN THE 1-OSSKSSlON OK DR. I'.ICKMINSTER URUWN, BOSTON. and liberties of mankind, has the utmost imparl iality, to attempt a statement of the unhappy controversy which rent the empire in pieces; and to show if jierad- venture he might be permitted to vouch for his fellow-citizens, so far as he had been conversant among them, that the idea of an independence ujion the Parent countiy, or the least licentious opposition to its Just interests, wore utterly foreign to their thoughts ; that they contended onlj' for the sanctity of cliarters and laws, together with the right of gi-anting their own money; .and that our right I'nl Sovereign had nowhere more loyal subjocts, or more zealously attached to those principles of government, under whicli his family inherits the throne. ' Am. Arch., Series iv., i., p. 802. ' Life uiul (.oiiespoudeucc of the Xiev. Will ' I.ifeandWoik^iofJolin AJaius, ii-,|'.1G8. iam Smith, D.U., i., p. 607. 454 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. But the views of the Philadelphia clergy are better expressed in their own language : — Philadelphia, June 30th, 1775. Mt Lokd, — We now sit down under deep aiBiction of mind to address your Lordship upon a subject, in which the veiy existence of our Church in America seems to be interested. It has long been our fervent iwayer to Almighty God that the unhappy controversy between the Parent Country and. these Colonies might be terminated upon Principles honourable and advantageous to both without proceed- ing to the extremities of civil war and the horrors of bloodshed. We have long lamented that such a spiiit of Wisdom and Love could not mutually prevail, as might devise some liberal plan for this benevolent pmpose ; and we have spared no pains in our power for advancing such a spirit so far as our private influence and advice could extend. But as to public advice we have hitherto thought it our duty to keep our Pulpits wholly clear fi'om every thin^ bordering on this contest, and to pm-sue that line of Reason and Moderation whicYi became om- characters; equally avoiding whatever might irritate the Tempers of the people or create a suspicion that we were opjjosed to the Interest of the Comitiy in which we live. But the time is now come, my Lord, when even our silence would be misconstrued and when we are called upon to take a more public part. The Continental Congress have recommended the 20th of next month as a day of Fasting, Humiliation and Prayer thro' all the Colonies Our Congregations, too, of all Ranks have associated them- selves, determined never to submit to the Parliamentary claim of taxing tliem at pleasui'e and the Blood already spilt iu maintaining this claim is unhappily alien- ating the affections of many from the Parent Country and cementing them closer in the most fixed purpose of a Resistance dreadful even in Contemplation. Under these circumstances our people call upon us and thiuk they have a right to our advice in the most public manner from the Pulpit. Should we refuse, our Princi- ples ^\ould be misreijresented and even our religious usefulness destroyed among our People. And our complying may perhaps be interpreted to our disadvantiige in the Parent Countiy. Under these difficulties (which have been increased by the necessity some of our Brethren have apprehended themselves imder of quitting their charges) and being at a great distance from the advice of our superiors, we had only our own consciences and each other to consult, and have accordingly determined out that part which the general good seems to require. We were the more willing to comply ^vitli the request of oiu- Fellow Citizens as we were sure their Respect for us was so gi-eat, that they did not even wish any thing from us inconsistent with our characters as Ministers of the Gospel of Peace. Military Associations arc no new things in this Provence where we never have any Militia Law. They subsisted dm'iiig the ilifterent Alarms in the last war, and thej^ now subsist under llie special countenanc'e of our own Assemblies professing the most steady l..oyalty to His Majesty, together with an earnest desire of re-cst;iblishiDg our former harmony with the Motlier Country, and submitting in all things agree- able to tlie ancient modes of Government among us. Viewing matters in this light, and considering that not only that they were members of our own congregations who called upon us, but tliat sermcms have heretofore been preached to such bodies wo thought it advisible to take our turn with the Ministers of other Denominations : and a Sermon was accordingly preached by Dr. Smith the 17th iustant, in which he thouglit it necessary to obviate any misrepresent;itions that might be made of tlie I'rinciples of our Church. Mr. Dueh6 is likewise to preach on the 7th .luly, upon a similar Invitation and all our Clergy throughout the Colonies, we believe, will preach on the day recommended by the Continental Congress for a Fast And God knows that exclusive of such a Recommendation, there never was a Time when Prayer and Humiliation were more incumbent upon us. Tho' it has of late been difficult for us to advise, or even correspond as usual with our Brethren the Clergy of New York, wo find that they have likewise in their Turn officiated to their Pro- vincial Congress now sitting tliere as Mr. I)uch6 did both this j-ear & the last at the opening of the Continental Congi-ess. Upon this fair and candid state of things, we hope your Lordsiiip will think our eondui^t lias been such as became us and we pray that we may be considerecl as among His Majesty's most dutiful & I-oyal sub- jects in this & every other transaction of our lives. Would to (iod that we could become mediators for tho Settlement of the unnatural Controversy that now dis- tricts a once happy Fmpire. All that we can do is to pray for such a Settlement THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 455 and to pursue those Principles of Moderation and Reason which your Lordship has always recomniendod to us. Wo have neither Interest nor Consequence sullicient to take any great Lead in the Affairs of this great Counti'y. The people will I'ecl and judge for themselves in matters affecting tlicir own civil hapi)iness; and were we cap;ible of any attempt which might Iiave tlie appearance of drawing them to what tliej' think would be a Slavish Resignation of their Ilights, it would be destnictivo to ourselves as well as to the Chureli of which we are ministers But it is but justice to our Superiors and your Lordship in particular to declare that sucli conduct has never been required of us. Indeed could it possibly be required we arc not backward to say that our Consciences would not i)ermit us to injure the Rights of the Country. We are to leave our families in it and cannot but con- sider its Inlial)itants entitled as well as their Brethren in England to the Right of granting their own money, and that every attempt to deprive them of this Riglit will eitlier be found abortive in the end or attended with evils which would infi- nitely outweigh all the Benefit to be obtained bj it. Such being our persu;ision, we must again declare it to be our constant Prayer, in which we are sure your Lordsliip joins that the hearts of good & benevolent men in both Countries may be directed towards a Plan of Reconciliation worlliy of being offered by a great Nation that have long been the Patrons of Freedom throughout the world, and not miworthy of being accepted by a People sprang from them, and by birth claiming a ])articipation of their Rights. Our late wortliy (iovernor, the Hon'-'"' Rich. Penn, esq., does us the favor to be the bearer hereof, and has been pleased to say he will deliver it to your Lordship in Person. To him tlierefore we beg leave to refer your Lordship for the ti'uth of the facts above set forth. At the ensuing meeting of our Corporation for the relief of Widows, &c., which will be in the first week in October next We shall have an opportunity of seeing a Number of oiu' Brethren together and consulting more generally with them upon the present state of our affairs and shall be happy on all occasions in the continuance of your Lordship's paternal Advice and Protection. Signed : RICHARD PETERS, ^V" SMITH, JACOB DUCHfi, THOMAS COOMBE, WILLIAM STRINGER, WILLIAM WHITE. While these matters were transpiring at the southward the ex- citement in New York had become intense. Scarcely were the measures of the Continental Congress made public, through the press, when the clerical party in the city undertook their critical examination, and sought in print, and in puldic and private speech, to counteract their inilueace and evident tendencies to open revolt. Pamphlets on the one side or the other, articles in the weekly gazettes, and broad- sides, with flaming head-lines and all the artifices within the printer's power to compel attention and secure a reading, came thick and fast. Two pamphlets on the proceedings of the Continental Congress, marked with unusual ability, and couched in an easy and familiar stylo, were issued from the press, and distributed freely throughout the prov- ince, and far and wide besides. No name of author or printer aj)- peared, and while the writer was evidently well-informed, and had, besides, the gift of incisive argument and resistless logic that could not well be gainsaid, the only resource of the exasperated Sons of Lib- erty was to mete out to the hapless pamphlets the jiunishment of being tarred, feathered, and nailed to tlie pillory, they would gladly have visited upon the nameless author. That these ebullitions of popular fury were no fitting reply to the caustic criticisms of the " Friendly Address to all Reasonable Americans, on the Subject of oiu" Political 456 HISTORY OF THE AMEIUCAN EPISCOl'AI- CHURCH. Confusion," and the "Fi'ee Thoughts on the Proceedings of the Con- tinental Congress," by "A. W. Fanner,"' was evident to the more thoughtful of the patriotic party, and the work of answering these ob- jectionable pamphlets was felt to be a necessity. Within a fortnight" from the appearance of the "Farmer's" free thoughts, tiierc was issued "A Full Vindication of the Measures of liie Congress from tlu> Calumnies of their Enemies, in Answer to a Letter under the Signa- tui'e of A.W. Farmer," comprising "A General Address to the Inhali- itants of America, and a Particular Address to the Farmers of the Province of New York," b}- "A Friend of America." The eflcct of this admirable reply was magical. The tide of popular feeling was turned at once. In thought, argument, and st^'le the work was mas- terly. Almost simultaneously with the appeai-auce of this answer, and, as before, without printer's or writer's name, appeared another pam- phlet from the Westchester fanner, entitled : " An Examination into the Conduct of the Delegates at their Grand Convention, .... addressed to the ]\Ierchants of New York," in the appendix of which the challenge was thrown out to the author of " A Full Vindication '' to answer this later publication within ten days, that both of his replies might receive consideration at the same time. Promptly on the day assigned, which chanced to be Christmas Eve, the farmer's let- ter, addressed to the author of "A Full Vindication," appeared from the press of James Eivington. It was not until the following Febru- aiy that the reply came, entitled : "The Farmer Refuted ; or, A More Impartial and Comprehensive View of the Dispute ))et\vecn Great Britain and her Colonies, intended as a Further Vindication of the ('ongi'ess." It was issued from Rivington's press, and the learning, argument, earnestness, and maturity of this reply commanded respect, and it was felt to be irresistible. These able defences of the popular cause were from the pen of a stripling of eighteen years of age, — a student, at the time, of King's College, and a j^outh of brilliant ]iroin- isc indeed, l)ut quite unknown liefore to fame. In these remarkal)le pamphlets Alexander Hamilton won his spurs. Dr. Myles Cooper, no mean judge, ridiculed the idea that these answers, which had jirovcd so damaging to the cause the jjresident had espoused, could bo wrilten by one so young ; but al)undant proof is furnished, were any needed, in view of the writer's after-career, to ascribe the authorship lo (lie student of King's. Other pami)hlcts followed, some marked with abil- ity, and some destitute of an3'thing but scurrility; but "A Westchester Farmer" was heard no more. His share in these measures was brought to a summary close. It was not known with ceilainty, though strongly suspected, at the time, that the rector of AVestchcstcr, the Rev. Samuel Seabury. afterwards an Oxford " D.D." and the first bishop of Connecticut, a man ' Dated Novcmbc 16, 1774. Tlic motto of we have drawn many of our facts, in the " Life the " Fiicndly Address" Wiis: " Am I therifnre and ICpocli of Alexander Hamilton: A Historical hecomc ynnr enemy, because I tell you tlie Study," by llio Hoiionible (;cor;.'e Sliea, Chief truth? — St. Palt, ;" and that of the pccond .Justiec ol the Marine Court. Sccoiul edition, pamphlet was: "Hear me, for I will speak." Revised and condensed. ISoston: ISSO, chapter^ ' On the lOlh of December, 1774. Vvh nn vi., vii., pp. 2iri-.311. admirable rrnini^ of this controversy from which THE POSITION OF THE CLERGV. 4'»7 of strong convictions, dear ioirical perceptions, tiioroniriiiy furnished for his work l)y study, k'arning, and a stern sense of duty, tireless in his advocacy of the cause of churdi or crown, was the autiior of these ahlc l)ani|)hiets, wiiich, hut for tiie lirilliant essays of the youtld'ul Ihunilton, niiirht ha\ (' conlirnicd tiie j)eoph! of New York in tiieir hesitancy and indecision with reference to the resistance unto Idood of the measures of the I5ritisli I'arliament. It is evident that tiie inspiration of Sca- l)ury in his poHtical writings was the fear of the Puritan supremacy and the consetiuent suhjugation or extinction of tiie Cluu'ch. lie liad entered into tlie liehl of jHik'niics almost innnediately upon his settle- ment in the province. Acquainted as he was with the oiyects and aims of the Puritan and Presbyterian parties ; fearing that the principles and purposes of Mayhew and Chauncy, Ilobart and Welles, in New England, and Livingston and his p.'uty in Xew York and New Jersey, and Allison and others in Pennsylvania, planned the destruction of the Church as well as resistance to the will of the crown, he was not the one to sit tamely by M'hen " periodical papers and cssa3's began to be published in New York, tending to corrupt the principles of the people with regard to government, and to weaken their attachment to the Constitution of this Country both in Church and .State."' "In con- junction with a number of his brethren and friends," he wrote "several essays and jiapers in answer to the Krt^c/^toirer," Livingston's publication, " with a view to prevent the ill eliects it might have on the minds of the ])eople." "Some vears after, when it was evident, from continued pul)- lications in newspapers, and from the uniting of all tiic jarring inter- ests of the Independents and Presbyterians from jNIassachusetts to Georgia, under grand committees and synods, that some mischievous scheme was meditated against the Church of England and the Pritish Government in America," he entered into an agreement with the Eev. Dr. T. 1>. Chandler, then of Elizabethtown, N. J., and the Rev. Dr. Inglis, the rector of Trinity Church, in the city of New York, "to watch all publications, either in newspapers or pamphlets, and so to obviate the evil influenco of such as appear to have a bad tendency by the speediest answers." Assiduously did this able and earnest man perform his i)art of this com])act. At length, "perceiving matters were taking a most serious and alarming turn," he " thought it his duty to exert his utmost al)ilities and influence in support of the government." Under his guidance, aided by his friend, Isaac Wilkins, " near four hundred friends of government assembled at the "White Plains, who openly opposed and protested against any congress, con- vention, or conmiittce, and who were determined, if ])ossible, to sup- port the legal government of their country." So bold and determined was this reactionary movement, and so dangerous was this one m:m's intluoncc. that "there was no way of getting rid of such an opposition but for the disaifccted in New York to send for an armed force from Connecticut into the county of Westchester, which they did, and under its power carried all their i)oints."'* Ac(juainted as the well-known rector of Westchester was with the « Seabuiy MSS., quoted in Shea's " Hamilton," p. 294. • Ibid., p. 296. 458 mSTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. leading men of the time, we ma_y Mell believe that it was the influence ofliis personal interviews ''witliat least one-third" of its members and his anonymous " Alarm to the Legislature of New York" that made the Coloni.il Asseml)ly of January-Ain-il, 1775, decline to confirm the action, and i-efuse to recognize the autliorit}-, of the Congress, and to memorialize, even at this late day, the King and Parliament. Suspicions were now rife that the A\'estchester parson was the inspiration of this retrograde movement as well as the author of the hated panijihiets bearing the nom de j^^uine of "A AVestchcster Farmer." Soon after the adjournment of this obsequious assembly the attempt was made by a l)ody of troops stationed at IJve to arrest "Wilidns and Seabury. For the time they escaped ; Wilkins retiriug to England and Seabury remaining to advise and assist in the meas- ures of the roj'alists, with whom he was in constant communication, and l\y whom he was recognized as a leader and guide. At length, on the 22d of November, 1775, a party of Connecticut militia entered New York, and took away with them the t^qies and printing material of Eivingtou, the loyalist printer. This higli-hauded act, and the seizure of Seabury a few days before by the same lawless part}', was the final answer of the Sons of Liberty to the arguments and influence of the " tory parson." It is to the credit of Hamilton that he openly re- pudiated and resented this style of popular argument. We cannot better tell the story of the days that followed than in the words of the actors in those scenes, and, if the talc tiiat they recite is long and wearisome in its details, it may be borne in mind that these words are those of men of mark, who, though on the wrong side, must be credited with a conscientious devotion to their mistid^en idea of duty and a readiness to sufler in the cause of church and crown, even to tlie death if need required. They did what they believed to be their duty to the king and state, and, though worsted and ruined in the struggle, these words come to us as the utterances of brave, true men, no less worthy of our respect and rememlu'ance than their bretiiren who dared as much, but judged more wisely of the cud. We give l)elow the letter of the Eev. Dr. Liglis, afterwards first bishop of Nova Scotia, addressed to the secretary of the venerable society. It will well repay perusal : — New York, Oct. 31, 1776. Reverend Shj, — The confusions which have prevailed in North America for some lime past must liave necessarily inlcnu|)ted theconcspondenco of the I^lission- ai'ies with the Society, and that to such a degree as to leave the Socictj' in the dark with respect to the situation, Ijolh of the Missionaries and the Jlissions, at present. I flatter myself, therefore, that a short authentic account of Ihoni, and of the Church of Kn>rland in froiicral, in this and the adjacent colonics, may l>e ac- ceptable to the society at this most critical period. Tlie success of his ]\lajcsty's arms in reducing^ this city, and drivin(iii;;; Island. They were sunmKiiied bel'oiv those coiuniitlees, and upon relusinjr to ;^ivo uj) their arms and take the oaths that were tendered, Ihey were imprisoned or sent into banishment. An army was sent to l.onij Island to tlisarm the inhabitants who were distinj^uished for their loyalty. Many had their |)rnperty destroyed, and more were carried off prisoners. It should be observeil that members ot the <;hureh of Kngland were the only sull'erers on this oecasion. The members of the Dutch church are very numer- ous tiiero. and many of them joined in opposing the rebellion, yet no notice was taken of tliem, nor the le;ist injury done to them. About this time Mr. ISloomer administered the sacrament at Newton, wdiere he had but four or live male com- municants, the rest having been driven oH' or cariied away prisoners. At this present time there are many hundreds from this city and province prisoners in New Kngland ; among these the maycu- of New York, sevei'al judges and members of his Majest\''3 council, with other respectable iidiabitants. Soon after Washington's arrival he attended our church ; but on Sunday morning, before divine service, one of the rebel generals called at tin; rectors house (supposing the hatter was in town), and not iinding him, left w(nd that he came to inform the I'cctor that (Jeneral Washington wouhl be at churcli and would be ghul if lh(! violent prayers fin- the king and royal family were omitted. This message was brought to me, and, as you may suppose, 1 paid no regard to it. On seeing that General not long after, I nnnonstrated against the unreason- ableness of his recpiest, which he must know the clergy could not comi)ly with, and tohl him further, that it was in his power to shut up our churches, but by no means in his jiower to make the clcrg3' dejiart ironi their duty. This declaration drew from him an awkward apology for his conduct, which, I believe, was nf)t authorized by Washington. Such incidents would not be worth mentioning, un- less to give those who are at a distance a better idea of the spirit of the times. May ITtli was appointed by the congress as a day of public fasting, jn-aycr and humiliation throughout the continent. At the unanimous re(|uest of the members of our church who were then in town, I consented to preach that day, and, indeed,- our situation made it highly prudent, though a submission to an authority that was so far usurped was cxceeilingly grating and disagreeable. In giving notice the preceding Sunday, I only nientioned that there would be a sermon the ensuing Friday, which was the 17th, without saying anything of the reason or l)y what authorit}'. It was exceedingly dillicult for a loyal clergyman to jireach on .such an occasion, and not incur danger on the one hand, or not depart from his duty on the Other. I endeavoured to avoid both, making peace and re]ientanee my suljject. and ex])licitly disclaiming having anything to do with politics. This .«crmon, in the composition of whi exiiecicd that when the collects liu' the king and royal family Were read, I should be fired at, as menaces to that ])urposo had been frequently Hung out. The matter, however, passed over without an accident. N'othingof this kind happened before or since, which made it more remarkable. I was allerwards assured that something hostile 462 HISTORY OF THE AJIERICAN EPISCOPAL CIIUKCH. and violent was intended ; but He who stills the raging of the sea, and madness of the people, overruled their purpose, wliatever it was. In the beginning of July, independeney was deelared: as this event was what I long expected, I had maturely cousidered, and w,as determined, what line of conduct to pursue. General Howe had arrived some time before from Halifax, as did Lord Howe from England. They hail taken possession of Staten Island, where the fleet lay in siglit of this city, at the distance of nine miles; and only waited for the arrival of the fleet from England, to make a descent and reduce >>'ew York. This circumstance pointed out still more clearly what jiart I should act. However, I thought it proper to consult such a vestiy as were in town, and others of the conp-egation, and have their concurrence ; and I must do them the justice to say, that they were all unanimous for shutting up the churches; and chose rather to submit to that temporary inconvenience, than by omitting the prayers for the king, give that mark of disaffection to their sovereign. To have prayed for him, had been rash to the last degree, — the inevitable conscqninice had been a demolition of the churches, and the destruction of all who frequented theui. The whole rebel force was collected here, and the most violent partisans from all parts of the continent. A fine equestrian statue of the king was pulled down and totally demolished, immediately after independency was declared. All the king's arms, even those on signs of taverns, were destroyed. The cnmniiltee sent me a message, which I esteemed a favour and indulgence, to have till! king's arms taken down in the Church, or else the mob would do it, and might deface and injure the Churches. I immediately complied. Peoj)le were not at liberty to speak their sentiments and even silence was construed as a mark of disaff'ection. Things being thus situated, I shut up the churches. Even this was attended with great hazard ; for it was declaring in the strongest manner, our disapproba- tion of independency, and that under the eye of Washington and his army. The other assistants now went to their respective friends in the countiy. My family were at such a distance, and in such a part of the country, that I could not with any degree of safety visit them; I therefore remained in tlie city, to visit the sick, baptize children, bury the dead, and afi'ord what support I could to the re- mains of our poor flock, who were much disjjirited ; for several, especially of the poorer sort, had it not in their power to leave the city. After we h:ul ceased to officiate publicly, several of the rebel oflicers sent to me for the keys of the churches, that their chaplains might preach in them; with these requisitions I peremptorily refused to comply, and let them know that, if thej- would use the chui'ches, they must break the gates and the dixu's to get in. Accordingly I took possession of all the keys, lest the sextons might be tampered with ; for I'could not bear the thought that their seditious and i-ebellious efl'usions should be poured out in our cliurclus. When these requisitions wore repeated with threats my answer was, that I did what I knew to be my duty, and that I would adhere to it, be the consequences what they would. Upon this they desisted, and did not occupy any of the churches. I caimot I'eflect on my situation at that time without the warmest emotions of gratitude to Divine Providence for jireserving me. I was watched with a jealous, suspicious eye. Besides the imputation of being notoriously disall'ectcd — an im- putation which had flung others jn jail without any other crime — I was known and jiointed at as the author of several pieces against the |)roceedings of the congress. In Eebruary last, 1 wrote an answer to a panq)hlit entitled " Common Sense" which earnestly recommended and justified independency. It was one of the most virulent, artful, and pernicious pamphlets I ever met with, anil ])erhaps the wit of man could not devise one better calculated to do niiseliiel'. It scduccil thousands. At the risk, not only of my liberty, but also of my life, I drew up an answer, and had it printed here ; but the answer was no sooner advcrtiscil. than the whole impres- sion was seized by the sons of liberty, and liurnt. I then sent a eojiy to Philadel- phia, where it was ])rint<'d, and soon went through the second edition. This answer was laid to my charge, and swelled the catalogue of my ])olitical transgres- sions. In short, I was iu tin: utmost danger, and it is to the oveniditig hand of Providence that I attribute my deliver.aneo and safety. AVith difliculty 1 stood my ground till about (he middle of August, when almost all who were susi)ecled of diaffection were taken up anil sent prisoners to New Ijigland : I therefore found it neccs.sary to return to Elushing, on Long Island; but I had no sooner left that place, than the committee met, and entered into a debate about seizing me. This THE POSITION OF THE CLERGY. 4G3 obliged me to shift my quarters, and koop as private as possible, till tlie 27th cf that month, wlicn tioiienil llowu defeated the rebels on Long Island, which set me and many others at liberty. t)n Sunday, the LOtli of September, Ccneral Howe, with the king's forces, landed on New York Island, four miles above the city ; u|)on which the rebels aban- doned the city, and retired toward King's Uridgc;, whicli joins this Island to tlie continent. Karly on Monday morning, the Kith, 1 reliniicd to the city whicli exhibited a most melancholy ajipcarance, being deserted and pillaged. My hou.se was plundered of everything by the rebels. My loss amounts to near £200, this currenty, or upwards of £100 sterling. The rebels carried oil' all the bells in the city, partly to convert them into camion, partly to prevent notice being given speedily of tlie destruction they meditated against the city by fire, wlicn it began. On Wednesday, I opened one of tlie churches, and solemnized Divine sennce, when all the inliabit;ints gladly attended, and joy was lighted up in every counte- nance on the restoration of our public worship ; for very few remained but such as were members of our Church. Each congratulated himself and others on the prospect of returning peace and sccuiity; but alas! the enemies of peace were secretly working against us. Several rebels secreted themselves in the houses, to execute the diabolical purpose of destroying the city. On the Saturday Ibllowing an oi)2)or(unity )5re- sentcd itself; for the weather being very dry, ami the wind blowing fresh, they set fire to the city in several places at the same time, between twelve and one o'clock in the morning. The lire raged with the utmost fury, and, in its destruc- tive progress, consmned about 1000 houses, or a fourth jiart of the whole city. To the vigorous efforts of the oflicers of the army and navy, and of the soldiers and seamen, it is owing under Providence, tliat tlio whole city was not desti'oyed. We had tliree churches of which Trinity Chnreh was the oldest and largest. It was a venerable edilice, had an excellent organ, which cost 8.J0£ sterling, and was other- wise ornimientod. This church, with tho rector's house and the charity school, — the two latter, large expensive buildings — were burned. St. Paul's Church .and King's College had shared tho s.anie fate, being directly on the lino of the lire, had I not been providentially on the spot, and sent a number of people with water on the roof of each. Our houses .are all covered with cedar sliinnjles, wliicli make lire very dangerous. The church corporation has sufl'eretl prodigiously, as was evi- dently intended. Besides tho buildings already mentioned about 200 houses, which stood on the church ground, were consumed, so that the loss cannot be estimated at less tlian 2o,000£. sterling. This melancholy accident, and the principal scene of war being here, will occasion the clergy of this city to be the greatest sufferers of any on the continent by the present rebellion. The church corporation had some thought of applying to his Majesty for a brief to collect money in England, or for leave to open a subscrip- tion to repair their loss in some measure, which, I fear, will involve them in inex- tricable difficulties, as they are already burdened with a debt of more than 20,000£, this cuiTcncy. But this step will probably be deferred till the city and country are restored to his Majesty's peace and protection, which I hope will be soon, as a peti- tion for this pui-pose, signed by near a thousand inhabitants, has been presented to the king's commissioners. 1 had the honour of drawing up this ])etition, and from the amiable .and excellent character of the commissioners. Lord Howe and General Howe, from whom everything bravo, generous, and humane, or tending to the interest of Great Britain, and the colonies, may bo justly cxiiectcd, I Hatter myself that the praj-er of our petition will soon be granted. l'evha|)s I should apologize fortius detail, in which I mjself was so much concerned, but, in truth, no better method occurred to me of conveying to you infonnatiou of what I thought you were desirous to know, and I claim no merit in doing what I always conceived to be my duty. Any of my brethren in my situation would have done "the same that I did — many of them, probably much better. All the missionaries in the colonics first mentioned are resident in their re- spective Missions, although their churches are shut, except those that are now in England, and Mr. Walter, of Boston, who is here, .also Mr. Cooke, who is chaplain to the Guards, and cannot get to his Mission, as tli.at jiart of the country is still in the hands of tho rebels. I fear many of the Missionaries are distressed for want of an opportunity to draw for their salaries, and I apprehend thej- have not yet re- ceived any benefit from the generous collection (hat was made for them in England. Dr. Chandler some time since sent me a list of those Jlissionaries in Xcw Jersey, 464 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. New York, and Connecticut, that were to receive tbose benefactions, and the sum allotted to each; desiring that I should give them notice, and inform them how to draw for the money. But I have not yet been able to give intelligence of this to any, except Messrs. Bloomer and Cutting — all communication by letter witli the vest being entirely cut oil". Dr. Chandler also kindly informed me, that the Society transmitted a large sum to Boston, to pay the missionaries in Massachusetts and New Hampshire ; but 1 imagine General Howe left Boston before the money could get there ; and I have not been able to learn who the person was to whom the money was delivered, nor what is become of it. The Missions of New Windsor (or Newbury, as it was latterly called) and of Albany are still vacant. ^Ir. Stuart continues at Fort Hunter, and occasionally officiates at Johnstown. He has been of much service in that ])lace. The Indians under his care remain firm in their attachment to the king, except one or two that were bribed into a kind of neu- trality, with rum and some other presents, by the rebels, but will, I doubt not, be as active as any I'or the king's service now that General Burgoyne has crossed the lakes from Canada with his army, and is got into this province. Upon the whole, the Church of Enghuul has lost none of its members by the rebellion as yet — none, I mean, whose departure from it can be deemed a loss ; on the contrary, its own members are more firmly attached to it than ever. And even the sober and more rational among dissenters — for they are not all equally violent and Irantic — look with reverence and esteem on the jjart wliich church people have acted. I have no doubt but, with the i)lessing of Providence, his l\lajesty"s arms will be suc- cessful, and finally crush this unnatural rebellion. In that case, if the steps be taken which reason, prudence, and common sense dictate, the Church will indubi- tably increase, and these confusions will terminate in a large accession to its members. U'hen ^vili be the time to make that provision for the American Church which is neeessarj-, and place it on at least an equal footing with other denomina- tions by granting it an episcopate, and thereby allowing it a full toleration. If this op]iortunity is let slip, I think there is a moral certainty that such another will never again ull'er; and I must conclude, in that ease, that Government is equally infatuated with the Americans at present. If fifty years elapse without an eiusco- pato here, there; \v\\l be no occasion for one afterwards ; and to fix one then would be as inipi'aclible as it would be useless. And I m.ay appeal to all judicious persons, whether it is not as contrary to sound policy, as it certainly is to right reason and justice, lliat the king's loyal subjects here, members of the national Church, should be denied a privilege, the want of which will diminish their numbers, and that merely to gratify the clamours of dissenters who have now discoveivd such enmity to the constitution, and who will even clamour .against anything that will tend to benefit or increase the Cluu'ch here. The lime, indeed, is not yet fully come to move in this afl'air; but 1 appreliend it is not very distant, and, therefore, it should be Ihouglit of. Government will have it in its power very soon to settle this and other matters as may l)e judged expedient. The clergy here will not be wanting in anything that is in tiieir power towards the accomplishment of so desirable an object, and, in the mean time, would be very glad to have the Society's advice and directions how to proceed. I may add, that the Society, taught by late experience, will be desirous of seeing the (,'hnrch placed on a iiKU'e respectable looting, and so far as I can judge, will join in such jirudent measures as may bo thought necessary, on their ])art, for the attainment of it. I shall not trcs])ass further on your time and patience, by adding to thisletter, which is swelled to an extraordinary length, for which the interesting occasion and subject must be my apology, than to assure you, that I am with tlie most perfect esteem and regard to j-oursclf and the Vcnera"ljlc Society, Keverend Sir, Your affectionate and humble servant, ClIAULF.S InGLIS. " The Rev. D. Hind." P. S. Since the above was written, Dr Auchmuty is come to town, having with great difficulty, escaped from the rebels at Brunswick. To those sad, csirno.st words wc add those of an lmnil)lc nii.>n greatly oppressed, merely on account of tlicir attachment to thiir Church and King. Iheir persons have been frequently abused, many of them have been imprisoned on the most frivolous jirc- tences, and their imprisonment aggravated witli many eircumst;mces of cruelty. They have been heavily fined for refusing to rise in ai'ms against their Sovereign and the legal Constitution, and many thinking their situation intolerable at home, have, by flight, sought relief in the Kings jjrotection, at the peril of their lives, suflering all the pungent feelings and reflections whiclx must attend a separation from their f^imilies under such circumstances. And not a few, impatient at so miserable a servitude, and stimulated by repeated injuries have entered into tho service that they might conti-ibute tlicir aid for the recovery of the King's rights and their own liberties. All these things they have endured with a jjaticnce and fortitude indicative of the power of religion, and the steadiness of their virtue, in the lace of an oppo- sition very violent and formidable. The loss of all my books and papers puts it out of my power to transmit an exact account of tlie marriages, funerals, anil baptisms since the first year of my residence in Fairfield ; but 1 think they have not greatly altered since that time. There has been, however, a consiiierablo augmentation in the number of Communicants. I think on my first guing to Fair- field, they did not exceed 40; some time ago they were considerable more than 100; but" lately I believe something less, owing to llie number of refug<'es hinted at .above. The present confusions commenced shortly after my removal from tlic mission of Xewboro' to Fairfield, and foreseeing the calamities which have befallen my people, I freely relinquished the rates due to me from them, bj' the laws of the Province and informed tliem that I should expect only a bare; subsistence for my family during the ti-oubles, towards which tho Society's bounty and my medical emplo3iiient also contributed, at the same time assuring them that I desired only whatsoever they were respectively aljle and quite willing to give ; and (I will say it to their honor) my people did iiot forsake nor neglect me in my gi-eat and most threatening situation, even when their very personal safety seemed to require a very difl'erent kind of conduct. Nothing but an o|iinion that it would be expccteil of me could have induced me to trouble the Society with my personal concerns. 1 shall therefiire take up but little of their lime with it. For some time after I went to Fairfield I lived in tolerable ipiiet, owing to the undecisive measures of that jjeriod ; though always known to disapprove tho public conduct, and strongly suspected of endeavoring to countei'act it. But this lepose was soon interrupted by a public order for disarming the i>oyalists. Ui)on this occurring my Iiouse was beset by more than 20<» armed liorsemen, whose design was to demand my arms. But they were for that time diverted from their i)uri)ose by the violent agitation they saw the terror of their appi'aranee had thrown my wife into, and whieli, con- sidering her being sick and in the latter stages of pregnancy, was imleed enough to awaken some degree of humanity even in their breasts. Alter this I was con- fined for some time to my house and garden, by order of the jjerson who commanded the Militia of the Town, from which time I was pointed out by the leaders of the 466 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. people as an object of their liatred ami detestatiun : atid very few of my ueighbors (who were ehieilj' dissenters) wouUl hold any kind of soeiotj' witli me, or even with my lamilj'; and my sons were frequently insulted, and personally abused for earryinj^ provision to the jail from my house, when some of my parishioners were conlined tlierein ; as well as on olher occasions. After this I was advertised as an enemy to my country (by an order of the Committee) for refusing to sign an asso- ciation, wliich obliged its subscribers to oppose the King with life and fortune, and to withdraw all oflices of even justice, luunauity and charily from e\cry recusant. In coiisccjucnce of this advertisement, all persons were forbidden to holii any kind of correspondence, or have any manner of dealing with me, on pain of bringing themselves into the same predicament. This order was jiosted up in every store, mill, mechanical sliop and jiublie house in the eountiy, and was repeatedh' pub- lished in the newspai)ers. But through the goodness of the Lord we wanted for notliing ; our people under the cover of the lught and as it were by stealth, suj)- plying us with plenty of the comforts and necessaries of life. These measures proving insufficient to shake my attachment to his l\Lajesty"s person and government, 1 was at length banished, (upon the false and malicious pretence of my being an enemy to the good of my Countrj^) to a place called Xew Liritain in Tarmington about 60 or 70 miles from Fairfield, where I was entirely unknown, except to one poor man ; the inhabitants diflering from me, boih in relig- ious and political i)rinciples. However, the family in which 1 lived showed me such marks of kindness as ihey could, and I was b-eated with civility by the neigh- bors. In this exile I remained about 7 months, after which I was pennitted to return home to be confined to the parish of Fairfield, which is about 4 miles in iliameter; ray people having given security in large sums that 1 should not trans- gress this limitation, and in that situation 1 remained about 18 months. After this my bounds were made co-extensive with tliose of Fairfield county, which was a gi'eat satisfaction to me, as it allowed me to visit the congregations of North Fair- field and Stratfield, who had been so long deprived of m}' ministry, — and so 1 remained officiating 2 Sundays out of 4 at Fairfield dividing the ofhcr 2 equally between the 2 other parishes, until I came away. We did not use any part of the Liturgy lately, for I could not make it agreeable either to my inclination or con- science to mutilate it, especially in so material a point as that is wherein our duties as subjects are recognized. AVe met at the usual hour every Sunday, read parts of the Old and Now Test;uneuts and some Psalms. All these were selected iji such a manner as to convey snch instruction and sentiments as were suited to o\u' situa- tion. We sang I'salms with the same view. On the Sunday mornings I read the Homilies in their course, and on the afternoons I expounded either jiarts of 1 he Catechism, or some such passages of holy Scripture as seemed adajjled lo our case in particular, or to the public calamities in general. By this method wo enjoyed one of tlie two general designs of public religious meetings. 1 mean public instruc- tion : the other, to wit public worship it is easy to believe was inadmissible in our eircumstiinces, ^\■ithout taking such liberties with the Service as I confess I sliould blame even a Superior ill the Church for assuming. Resolved to adhere to these principles and public professions, which upon very mature deliberation and clear conviction I had adopted and made, I.jieldcd not a tittle to those who opposed them, and had d(!terinincd to remain with my jieople to see the end, but was obliged to alter this resolution by tliat sudden vicissitude, which I nmst now, witll painful refiectiou relate to the Society. On the 7th day of July last, Major General Tryon landed at Fairfield with a body of his M.ajesty's troops, and took possession of the town and its environs, the greater part of the inhabitanis having t;iek!ed their teams and removed what they could on his approach. This cut oft' all hope from the few Loyalists of saving any part of their elfects, if the town should be burnt, every carriage being taken away The (General \\as so kind, however as to order me a guard to protect mj' house and some others in its vicinity, when he had resolved to commit the rest of the town to the llames; for as I liad already hinted, I liad determined to remain at home. But the ungovernable fiames soon extendc(l to tliem .'ill, and in a few minutes left mo with a family consisting of a wile and eight children, destitute of food, house and raiment. Thus riHlnccd, I could not think of remaining in a place where it would have been imi)ossible to have clothed anil refurnishcil my family'. Therefore availing mj\sclf of the protection offered by the present opi)i>rlunity, I retired within the King's lines with them. As it was inii)ossdjle (from (he want of Carriages) to s.ave anything out of the house, the valuable little library given by the Society, was burnt, together with my own, and THE POSITION OK THK CLEKGY. 4fj7 tho Plate belonging to Trinity Cliuivh at Fairliold was lost, as well as that of my own family, anil tliat lianclsoino I'huroh itself was entirely eonsuiued. Tlio people of tho mission met with a heavy stroke in the loss of their I'hureh, Parsonayo liouse, plate, books, tS:e, not to mention myself their unworthy minister. My own loss inehules my little all; lint what I most rejjret is my absenee iixnn my lloek, to whieh my heart was, and still is most tenderly attaehed, I trust, however, that the great Shejjherd of tho Sheep will keep tlicni in his own tuition and earc. I bless tho Lord for that, through all my trials, 1 have end<;avoured to keep a eon- scienco void oi olVonee towaril (lod and toward man, eoiUinually striving to dis- charge my duties to my Master, my King, and my jienpli' ; and am Ijound io thank the Lord daily, for that divine protection, that Irancjuillity of mind, and that peace of conscience, whieh, through bis grace, I have all along enjoyed. We miiilit add letter to letter, like the prophct'.s roll, full of " weepiiiiT, lamentation, and woe." Btit it needs no further extracts from tiieso jiitifid epistles to excite our sympatliy with tliese mistaken but conscientious and devoted "confessors" for Church and king. It is enotigh that they doubtless saw reason to bless God for the final issue of the struorglo in whose oj)ening scenes their lots were cast. That issue brought indeiiendence to the Church for Avhich they had labored, lived, and would have died. The episcopate, so stoutly opposed before, so bitterly assailed, and so persistently desired, was among the tirst fruits of the happy peace, and from the ashes of despoiled temples and the graves of martyred sons of the Chtirch there sprang u]), witii lioauty in jilace of ashes, and the garment of praise for the spirit of heaviness, our perfected and beautified Ziou, to be, as we fondly believe, the joy of tho whole earth. ILLUSTRATIVE NOTE. NOTICES of the clergy who espoused tho jioi)ular cause in the struggle for in- dependence, and of others who were prominent in their devotion to the crown, will be found in other connections. Suliieient appears in the present chajitcr to convince the impartial reader that both Wliig and Tory could be consistent chui-ch- men and loj-al to the cause and eominaiids of Christ, though failing to see " eye to eye,"' or to agree in a matter tho important bearings of wliieh could not but appear dift'erenlly to men of difTerent training, surroundings, sentiments, and tastes. The literature of this |ieriod. comprising as it does sermons, addresses, political essays, and appeals, In-oadsides and poetii'al clTusions,on either side, is of no liulo interest. It would require many pages for the briefest and barest bibliographical rcjjroduc- tion. At this period, as from the tirst of our history, churchmen were among the most voluminous contril)utors to tho publications of the American jn-ess. Bitter as were tho sufl'erings of the "refugee' clergj' who lost country and home as well as the cause they espoused, it is gratifying to know that their conduct won for tliem the sympathy and suiijjort of the people of Great Britain. In the semion delivered before the Venerable Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, at the amiiversary meeting in 1784, the ISishop of Oxford, l)r. John Iiutler, thus refers to the faithfulness and loyalty of the missionaries : — " The characters of those worthies will entitle them to a lasting memorial in some future impartial history of the late events in that country. Their lirm pei-se- vcrance in tlicir duty, amidst temptations, menaces, and in some cases cruelty, would have distinguished them as meritorious men in better times. In the present age, when persecution has tried the constancy of very few siiftercrs for conscience here, so mani/ in one cause .argue a Larger portion of disinterested virtue still 468 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. existing somewliere among mankind than a severe observer of tlie world miglit be disposed to admit." It may be added to wliat has already been said, in giving the i^ositiou of the clergj' at the southward on the questions of the liour, that the lay members of the Church in Virginia especially were foremost in their supjiort of the iJopular cause. The language of the lute 'William C. Uives is full and clear on this point : " With- out denying to other religious denominations their full and glorious share of the early struggles for political liberty in Virginia, it would be to blot out the records of history not to recognize this patent fact, that the leaders and chief actors here (with one or two exceptions, and those not belonging to any religious profession) were members of tlie Established Church." As Bishop Meade well obseiTes, when animadverting on the delinquencies of the clergy and their sti'uggles witli the vestries, who were the representatives and defenders of the people's spiritual rights as well as political liberty :" The vestries, who were the intel- ligence and moral strength of the land, had been slowly fighting the battles of the Eevolution for a hundred and fifty yeai's. Taxation and representation were only otlier words for support and election of ministers. The principle was the same." It is not impossible that the som-ce and spring of the great popular uprising which secured for us our independence may yet be traced to the churcli controversies in Virginia, instead of the town-meetings of New England. 'a/y)^'&): i^UttdttJitaic ^onoQiapf)», MONOGRAPH I. THE RELATIONS OF THE FOUNDERS OF THE BIASSACHU- SETTS COLONY TO THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. 15y the HON. ROBERT C. WINTIIROP, LL.D., President of the Jtfassachusetta Historical Society* IT has more than once been asked how it happened, or could have happened, that the Massachusetts Company, having addressed an aflcctionate farewell to their 1n-ethrcn of the Church of England, at the ver}' last moment before they embarked for America, in which thej' spoke of themselves "as those who esteem it our honor to call the Churcli of England, from whence we rise, our dear mother, . . ever acknowledging tiiat such hope and part as we have obtained in the common salvation we have received in her bosom, and sucked it from her breasts," should, immediately on their arrival, have practi- cally ignored, or certainly disused, all the forms and ceremonies of that Church, and should have proceeded to institute a church or churches of their own. It has sometimes, indeed, been inquired of me personally, how it was to be explained that Governor Winthrop, who had not only signed ^-^^—^/y), ^, ' y y^ that farewell letter officially, and, J^ *^ ^?7^^2^ >» as I think, written it himself, but /I _J ^^ /} had long been a |)atron of the little // ~^ _ church at Groton, and presented to its living, should have made no reference to the Church of England on coming here. l)ut should have united, without dela3% in the organ- isation of a church of an entirely difterent form of worship and of a wholly independent character. ^'ow, let me say that few things are more to be regretted than the entire loss of Governor ^Vinthrop's letters to his friends in Eng- land at this early period of ^lassachusetts' history. We have, most fortunately, his letters to his wife and to his eldest son, who remained in England for a year and a half longer. These, however, were letters of alicction and private business, and they deal but little with matters of public concern, either religious or civil. Ikit in his very first letter to his wife, dated at Charlestown on the 16th of July, 1G30, he says to her: " The larger discourse of all 470 niSTORV OF THE AMEUICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. things thou shalt receive from my brother Downing, whicli I nmst send by some of the last ships." Again, in his letter to his sou, from Charlestown, 23d July, he says: "For the course of our voyage, and other occurrcnts, you shall understand them by a journal, which I scud with my letters to your uncle D." And, in a subse(iuent part of the same long letter, he adds ; " Take order that a copy of my Rela- tion, &c., be sent to Sir Nath. IJarnardiston, and my excuse for not writing to him and Sir Wm. Springe, with my salutations to them l)oth." Still again, in his letter to his son, from Charlestown, August 14, he says: "For our condition here, and our voyage hither, I wrote to you about a fortnight since, by Mr Revel, l)ut more fully in a journal and Relation, which 1 sent to your uncle Downing." Once more, in a letter to his -N • / . f r // ^ J r /• . r >^on, of Sept. 9, 1(530, • /■ ten to your niotlier and ''"fJlflrQdZ'ei "^IV^ 77 ti STOPS' to your uncle Downing ^ *' /^ -^ at large, of all things here, to which I must refer you, in regard of my much business and little leisure here." And, lastly, in a letter to his son, of March 28, 1(;31, he says: "I have written to your uncle D. concerning all our business, fearing you should be come away." I might give other reasons for thinking that Emanuel Downing, — a lawyer of the Inner Temple in Ijondon, — who had married Gov- ernor Winthrop's sister, and who did not follow him to Massachusetts for seven or eight years after the transfer of the govermuent to New England, was the person to whom Winthrop communicated every- thing concerning the early course of ))i-oceedings in the colony. As late as March, 103(1,1 fnid Downing writing to the governor: "I heartily thank you for your large information of the state of tlie Plan- tation. I was the other day with Secretary Coke, who told me that there hath not been a word of your Plantation at Council Board these many months past." I have said all this to justify the expression of an opinion that mucli of the inner policy of Governor Winthrop and tlu! Miissachusetts Company, at this early period, has been lost to our history by the dis- appearance of these letters to Downing. So convinced was I of the truth of this impression that, many j'ears ago, during one of my visits to I'^ngland, I made dilig(Mit eil'orts to discover wlicilicr any of Down- ing's papers, between 1(129 and his coming over to New lOngliuid in 1(538, were still in existence; but without success. Coukl these " large discourses," and journals, and Relations of Governor Winthrop, sent to Downing, l)e found, I have little doubt (hat some of the problems of our early i)oliticaI and ecclesiastical history might l)e solved . These Relations and journals, indeed, would exaclly sujjijly the deficiencies, and fill uj) the "largo I)lanks" so often noted and regret- ted in the governor's history of this early period, as we now have it in print, and which reacii, wilii '[i.'\s exceptions, from the 17th of June FOUNDERS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COLONY. d71 TO (he bojriiinins of the Virginia colony. The earliest pajjcr in tlu> Virginia volume of " Historical Collec- tions relating to the American Colonial Church" is: The Instructions to Sir William Berkeley, in 1650 (from whom is not stated — prob- ably from the Virginia (^ompany) — "to be careful Almighty God be duly and daily served according to the form of religion established in the Church of England."" After 1(;.5() there is no other pa})cr iu tiiat volum(! bearing an earlier date than 1 (579. ( )ther evidences of epis- copal supervision in the ^'irginia colonial church at that day may per- haps be discovered. Otherwise its history Avould seem to confirm the idea that distance and infrequeney of ('ommunication n^ndered such supervision impracticable, even where it was desired and solicited.-' It is plain that there was a necessity for much independent action, alike iu civil and in religious affairs, both in Virginia and in .\ew Eng- land. AVinthrop's idea of the Church, in the expression which I have > Neill's *' Virginia Compaiiy of I.oiulon," p. C'liurohcs ami Families of Vir«riiiia,'* is iustnic- 113. live on this poiiil. lie iiicnlions that olhei- ^Tho acoomplislied celitor of llie volume piayers besides those in the Player Book wcie (BishopPeiiy.orlowa) says, in his ".Votes, "that IVecly used there, ami that there wiw au utlei- similar iustiiictious were tjiveu to Sir Fi-aucis want of episeopul supervision. He represents Wyal iu 11321, and rcucwcu on each subsequent it us an attempt to curry on ;i church nithonl :i ujtpoiutuieut. bishop. ' UisUop Meade's " .Vi'ticle I.," iu his " Old 474 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. quoted, must plainly have beeu conformable to that grand definition of it in one of the closing prayers of the Episcopal Communion Service : " The mystical body of thy Son, which is the blessed company of all faithful people." Indeed, there are at least five other phrases or desig- nations in the English Prayer Book, with which the governor must have been fiimiliar, which obviously mean the same thing, and must be interpreted consistently with each other: "The Holy CatholicU Church," in the Apostles' Creed; "One Catholick and Apostolick Church." in the Nicene Creed ; "The Holy Church throughout all tiic World," in the "TeDeum"; "The Catholick Church,"' in the Prayer for all Conditions of Men ; and "Thj^ Holy Church Universal," in the Litan3^ There may be others, but they were all probably taken from the ancient Uses and Liturgies ; and few persons, I imagine, at that day, would have limited the application of either of them ex- clusively to the Church of England. Nor would any one, I think, so limit tiicm at this day. Xor did such a church depend for its existence or its continuance on any particular forms or ceremonies. Indeed, the very preface of the English Prayer Book, as originally published at the restoration of Charles II., contains words which are full of significance on this subject: "The particular forms of Divine Worship, and the rites and ceremonies appointed to be used therein, being things in their own nature indifferent, and alterable, and so acknowledged ; it is but reasonable, that upon weighty and important considerations, accord- ing to the various exigency of times and occasions, such changes and alterations should be made therein, as to those that are in place of authority should from time to time seem either necessary or ex- l)edicnt." These very words were incorporated into the preface of oui- American Prayer Book in 1789, and M'erc relied on as the justifica- tion of the changes which were adopted for the Episcopal Church in the United States. That preface, indeed, begins by the distinct as- sertion, that "it is a most invalualile part of that blessed libert}' wherewith Christ hath made us free, that in his worship dilferent forms and usages may without ollencc be allowed, provided the sub- stance of the Faith be kept entire." There will be no allegation that the Puritans did not keep entire the "sulistsuice of the Faith." In the English preface "Of Ceremonies" it is also said, in con- clusion : "And in these our doings we condcnm no otiier nations, nor prescrii)e an^'thing but to our own peojjle only ; for we think it con- venient that every country should u.sc such ceremonies as they shall think best to the setting forth of God's honor and glory, and to the reducing of the people to a most perfect and godly living, without error or superstition ; and that they shoidd ])ut away other things, which from lime to time they perceive to l)e most abused, as in men's ordinances it often ehanceth diversely in divers countries." Such expressions as these, though thirty 3^ears lat<»r than the coming of the Massachusetts Colony, may not unreasonably be cited ' TItia is clinngcd, in llir Amcriniii Prayer Book, into " Tliy Holy Cliimli llnivci-siil." FOUNUEHS OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COLONY. 17.") in illustration of the views of soino, nt loasf, of (lie Enirlisli church- ineii a( an earlier period. They arc plainly tlie very views wliicli were lielil and aeted on in New England. And this is distinetly set forlli and maintained in "The I'lanter's riea,"' — a traet generally ascribed lo the Kev. flolui White, an eminent Puritan minister, known to liistory a.s ''the Palriareli of Dorehesfer*' (England), and puhlislied in London in 11)30, ill "manifestation of the causes moving siuli as have lately undertaken a plantation in New-Knglaiid : — for the satisfaction of those that question the lawfuliiessc of the Action." Thi.s tract might well bo reprinted in some voliune of historical collections, as an original, contemporaneous e.vposilion of (he motives and intentions of the Massachusetts colonists, both iu their civil and religious relations. And this brings mo to a word or two about the Pra3'er Book. My friend. Dr. Geo. E. Ellis, one of the vice-presidents of the Massa- chusetts Historical .Society, was substantially correct in what he said, at the First Church Commemoration, in regard to the absence of any copies of the old English Prayer Book from the early inventories of the New England colonists, and to the fact that none of them were to be found at this day in any of our Historical or Antiquarian Libraries. It is true (hat 1 have two of them, which undoubtedly belonged to (io\ernor Winthrop or his iuHiu'diat(! family. One of them, however, is bound u[) with the old Family l>ible of the governt)r's father; and (he other is bound up with a Greek Testiunent, and is the very one which was nibi)led by the mice, and which ga\e the governor occasion to revive an old superstition which may be traced as far back as the days of Cicero.^ But these are excepiional cases and hardly iueon- sistent with Dr. Ellis's statement. There are, however, two consid- erations which may serve to explain the rarity of the Prayer Book in New England at any earl}' period. In the first place, it may be doubted whether the Prayer Book was a very common book, even iu Old England, at the time (he Mas- sachusetts Colony came over here. During the reign of Charles I., even up to the year 1642, — twelve years after AVinthrop's arrival, — it is ascert^iined that there wi^re jjrinted in all 3(3 editions of the Prayer Book, but of these 22 were printed in folio and quarto, and were evi- dently for the use of churches, cathedrals, universities, and those who officiated in them. Twelve more of the editions were in octavo, — not the compact and portable size wliich would seem to have been suited to general, popular use ; — while only two editions remain of (ho smaller and cheaper and more convenient sort which would be adapted to (he common people. I may add (hat the smaller Prayer Hook of those earl}' days — if I may judge by the two copies in my own possession — was by no means easily used, or attractive Jis a manual. Some pages of it seem to be only a sort of index or direc- tory of the Service. Thus, the Collects are all given in close sequence, but with only numerical references to the Epistles and Gospels. It may safely be inferred, I think, that the Prayer Book could not have been conunonly found in the homes of the great body of the * Dc Diviniitiouc, 1JI>. ii. 17f» UISTOKY or THE V.MEKICAX EPISCOPAL CUU]iCII. population ;it th;U day, — even of tho.so who could read, — and that tlu! larjicr numixT listoned to it in tiioir churches, and, jwrhaps. had some of the octavo editions in their jKnys. or seats, rather than pos- sessed it as a treasure of theii' own. And, indeed, if 1 have read ariiiht the Bililiographer's Manual of Ijowndes, as corrected and en- larged liy IWu), these old editions of the Prayer Rook are almost as rare at this day in Old England as in New Kngland. They are found in n few great libraries of universities or churches, and of course in the British IMuseum, and are occasionally sold at large prices. Hut the irrcat mass of copies seems to have disa])peared. But. in the second place, it must not he forgotten that in l()44-45 the use of the Prayer I)Ook in public and private was t'orbiddcn by law. and all cojues of it were ordered to be delivered up, and heavy penalties imjiosed upon all ofl'enders. ' It is (juite supj)osable. to .say the least, that the ^Massachusetts Puritans, who were so entirely in symi)athy with the t'onnnonwealth jiarty in Englaiul. may have gi\en u)) or got rid of their Prayer __ ^M --O Books, also. a1 this time, if <^^,^*A-t^^ Cjt>iAO<«**«*^— there were any Jieic : .-uid this might account for there being few or none left to the present day. This may ha\e been tlu^ time when (Governor W'inthroji gave one of his co})ies to the library of Harvard College, as having no use for it himself. There was no Har- \ard College library for him to give it to much before this date. 1 must not forget to .nllude to an important fact in connection with the general suljjccl of this impiiry. It is well remembered that John and Sanuu'l J3rowne, who had gone out to the 8;ilem Plantation with high reccmi- ^."^^c^ • y^ r'/^Z^y->7jC endat ions iVoni the iiovernor ^^/^ ' ^^^^^^^'^^^^ mei and company in London, and one or both of whom wore designated to be of Endicott's Council, in 1029, were sent back to Knglnnd iiy him for disturbing the |)eac(> of the ])lantation, and of the little eluirch there, by attem])t- ing to introduce the forms and jn^ayers of the ICpiscopal ('hurch. They unist have brought their Prayer Books with them, and they ))rol)ably carried them back again. Their case, as we know, was brought before the iMassaehusi'tts Company in iiondon. and was re- t'crrecl to a committee for consideration, it ha|)pene(l that (ioveruor \\'inthrop was on that connnittee, and he may haxc learned by that in\cstigation that the Salem Plantation was not disposed for any I'rayer-Book service. Tlu' Puritans at Salem and the I'ilgrims at Phniouth wen^ of on<' mind on that matter, and they concun-ed in e-lal)li>hing ( 'ongregational forms. But while thci'e is no repoil on the I'ecords fi-om the conunitlee to whom the case of the Brownes was referrttd, yet a letter of some sharpness and severity addressed to Mr. Skelton and Mr. Higgin.son. the Salem ministers, would certainly ' niHl4)i'v nl'llic li(Mik (il'Cdiiiinoii Piiiyt'i* (p. iiUu, 1 :ini intlohlcd IVn- tlu> ^lalciiioiits uliottt llie 67), by Kcv*. Clcnicut M. Butler, li.l).. to wlioin, uurly ctlitiou^ uftlic Kn;^lish PniytT liiiok. FOUNDEKS OF TUK MASSACHUSETTS COLON V. 477 imply, I think, that the Massachusetts governor and comiKitiy in London, just hetbre they transferred the ehicf government to New England, were by no means inclined to sanction or approve any posi- tive proscription of the English (^hui'ch or church sen'ice at Salem. After their arrival here, too, a similar spirit was repeatedly mani- fested. There was at least a reverent caution in almost all thcii- religious movements. Thus, Roger Williams, we all remember, "refused to join with the congregation at Boston," in 1030-31, "because (as Winthrop ex- pressly states) they would not make a public declaration of their repentance for having communion with the churches of England while they lived there." And when, on the 27th of August, 1630 (old style), John Wil- son was chosen teacher, and JNIr. Nowell an elder, and Mr. Gager and Mr. Aspinwall, deacons, of the first Boston Church, Governor Winthrop says in his Journal : " We used imposition of hands, hut with this protestation b}' all, that it was only as a sign of election and conrirmation, not of any intent that Mr. Wilson should renounce his ministry he received in England." And still again, when the First Church Covenant was about to be formed, scruples were distinctly expressed and enjoined, as shown by the letters of Winslow and Fuller relating to it, about the election of church officers. " Not then intending rashly to proceed to the choice of officers ; " this was their language. It is true that George Phillips, the pastor of the Watertown Church, and a signer of the Farewell Letter, took a different view at first. He had privately' told Dr. Samuel Ful- ler, of Plymouth, — so writes Dr. Fuller to / /r», Govei-nor Bradfoi-d, — "that if they will have ^^^ C/r iiim stand minister by that calling which he re- ^) 'f^'HCf^l ceived from the prelates in England, he will —ff~Lc^j leave them." But the late president of the Mas- *-^J ^^^'c./'- sachusetts Historical Society, Mr. Savage, in direct allusion to this statement, says emphatically : " 'Fids was not the spirit of (lie first settlers of Massac fmsetts, until they had lived some i/ears in the wilderness ; " "and 1 imagine (lie adds) Phillips was over- come, by the persuasion of friends, to postpone the scruple he had communicated to the Plymouth Colonist."' Notliing could be further from my piu7)ose than tf) draw into doubt the immediate and hearty adoption of (Congregational forms of worship by the foiindors of Massachusetts, as an historical fact ; or to question Governor \\^iuthrop's full share in their adoption. The only question is, in what spirit, and under what circumstances, they were adopted. And I have only desire to show that, at the outset, the churches of Massachusetts were organized in no hostile opposition to the Church of England, and in no spirit inconsistent with the atlcc- tionate farewell which was addressed by the governor and company to their brethren of that church. Everything in the character of 'Savage's " Winthrop," edition IS.'iS, p. 16, foot-note. ■IT'S HISTDUY OF THE AMKIUCAN Ki'l^COi'Al. CULTUUII. 2. BrowPtor. 1. Ciirvt WiUbloW. rir.Gin.M heucs. that paper, and of tlio luoii who signed it, assures mo that it was no politic manifesto, to coneeal or cover purposes and plans already formed ; hut an honest, ati'eelionatc expression of a sincere feeling on leaving England. On their arrival here, they conformed at once to the condition of the colony and the exigencies of religion. In doing so they renounced no previous convictions or relations. But Chris- tianity was to them aljovc all churches, and the; worshi]) of God above all forms or ceremonies. Having adhered to the Church of England, as the best mode of worshipping God, while there, — they united in Congregational worship, as the best, and, as I think, the only mode, in which that worsliip coulil, under the circumstances, have i)ecn arranged and conducted here. MONOURAP]! 11. KARLY DISCOVERIES AND SETTl.EMENTS ON THE COAST OF NEW ENGLAND, UNDl'.R CHURCH AUSPICES. By tub UEV. BKNJAMIN F. DbCOSTA. IXD., Hector of the Church of St. John the Bvangelht, Neio York Cfitij. EARLY in the sixteenth century New Engian^'liis nation no special connection with onr subject. On these to frustiate the designs of the colonists, calliujj and other English voyages, see Cliaptcis I. and him n "treacherous villain" and "contcmpti- VI., Vol. III., of " The Narrative and Critical hlc mariner;" whereas he was a true and stead- History;" and for English, Spanish, and other fast friend of Ein^lish colonization. See the voyages, see the lutruductiou to the Third Edi- " Narrative and Critical History, " ill., vi. A60 IIISTOUY OF THE AMKRICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. in the service of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, came out witli a ship to the coast ot" Maine. Ou the bank of the Peuobscot he discovered a mine of silver. Silver is now found generally distributed on the Maine coast, and the mininf^ of liie ore is a recognized industry, lie gave a short description of the Penobscot l?iver, wliich at that time was called the " Nonnnl)ega." He obtained a (luantity of furs, and made the return voyage in"xvii days."^ Walker, it would appear, a fter- ' Tliiri cut follows B plioto^rmpli of the hiis- mni'f;iiml cndv in n pnppf iit tliu "Slate Pnppi' relief (riven in llic IlnUliiyt Soeicly'8 ey Church of P^ugland men seventeen j'cars l)efore the arrival of the Pilgrims from Holland. AVe next come to the voj'age of Waymouth,^ who, in 1(J05, anchored at Monhegan. Afterwards, putting his ship in harbor at Booth's Bay, he ascended and explored the Kennebec. We have a distinct notice of the churcli services said in the cabin of his ship, the "Archangel," the savages being present, and showing great interest and respect. The historian of this voyage declares that a " public good, and true zeal of promulgating God's holy Church l)y planting Christianity, to be the sole intent of the honorable setter-forth of this discovery ;" wliile the "setter-forth" was no complaining non-conformist, l)ut a loyal chui'cluuan, the Earl of Arundel. Eosier's narrative of the voyage stirred the minds of the people, and attracted the notice of the Dutch , but one incident of the voyage was destined to have great weight. AVe refer to the capture l)y AVaymouth of five (all and intelligent natives. They were taken to England, and put under good training, in due time attracting the attention of Sir Eerdinaudo Gorges ; who says that these Indians were the means, " under God, of putting on foot and giving life to all our plantations." Accordingly, in 160(5, in connec- ' The gcnenil account of tliis voya^^c is Riven Islands, was indicated Ijy tlio wiiter, in conncc- in an exceedingly rare work, the last copy sold tion with the voyan;c of Gosnold in 1878. See briu^'in'T $800. 'The following is its title: — "N. E. Hist, and (leucalojtical Register," p. 76, " A Briefe and true Relation of the Discou- and " Narrative ami C'rilieal History," Vol. III., crie of the North part of Vii'ginia; being a most Chaj). VI. 'J'he narrative of I'ring's voyage is pleasant, fruitfuU, and commodious Soile. Made found iuPurchas, IV., p. 1G51. See v., p.&"29; ed. this prcsentyeare, 1602, bvCaptaiuc Bartholomew 1620, and reprinted in the ".Mass. Hi^t. CoHcc- Gosnold. Caplaine liarlliolomew Gilbert, and tious." I'urchas published editions of his work divei's other gentlemen iluir nssociats, bv the inonevoluracinl01.'i,'14,aud'17. In lU2.")liepub- pcrmis-ion of the honourable Knight, Sir \V' alter lished "I'urchas Ilia Pilgrims," in four volumes, RaleRh, ele. Written by Mr. lohn Brereton, and in 1G2U a supplemcnlal volume, "I'urchas: one of the voyage. Wfiereunto is annexed a His Pilgrimage; or, Relations of the World," Treatise of Mr. lOdward Hayes. 4to, London, etc. Also see " Plvmouth Before the Pilgrims," Geor. Bishop, 1002." " Mag. of Ainer. History," Dee., 1882. It is pool ly reprinted in the Itiu'd series of ^".VTruo Relation of the most prosperous " Mass. Hist. (Joll.," Vol. VIII. The error in the voyage m;ule tliis |iresent ye.are, 1605, by Captaine title-page of the work was pointed out by the George Way mouth, in the Discoucry oV the Land writer in a paper read before the New England of Virginia': where he discoueredOO iniles of a Historic Genealogical Societj-, and the unauthor- most excellent River; together with a most ized cliaraetcr of (he voyage shown. See the fertile land. Written l)y lames Rosier, a Gentle- .Socicty'fl Register, 1878, p. 76. Also see" Jlaga- man employed in the voyage. Londini, Impcn- zine of American History." August, 1883. sis, Geor. Bishop, 1605.' The copy of this book ''i'he fart that I'ring harbored at Plymouth, in the Brinley sale was bought l'or'$St)0. and not at Gosnold's harbor, in the Elizabeth EAKLV UI.SCOVKIUES AND SETTLEMKNTS. 483 (ion witli the (^liiof Justice, Sir Joiin Popham, and otiicrs, he obtained from the kini; a patent ; and two colonies were projected, one for North and the other for JSouth Virginia. During the same year a ship was sent out under Martin Pring to explore the coast anew, and this indi- vidual brouglit hack the best survey that Sir Ferdinando iiad ever seen.' In 1(>07 tii(> expedition, composed of tlic sliip "Mary and John," under Captain Gilbert, and the tly-boat,"Giftof God," commanded by Captain George Popham, set forth, and in due time reached the coast of Maine. ^ The ships, which had })arted company at the Azores, met at the Island of Moniiegan, not far from the Kenneljec, and here, on Sunday, August 19, the two ships' companies landed, with their chaplain, the Kev. Kicli- ard Seymour, and celebrated divine service. This, indeed, was the SHIP OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. first particular act of worship to which we can point in the history of New England, wliile Tkichard Seymour, a minister of the Church of England, was the first Christian priest at jiresent known to have stood upon what is now considered New England soil. The town begun on the peninsula of Sabino, at the mouth of > Sec the " Biicf Nanalion " of Goi-gcs, B. i. Chap. V. Hoprintod in I lie "Collections of tlic Maine Historical Sociciv," Vol. II. Also, on the river discovcrcil liv Waymouth, see the " Reply to Mr. Bancroft," "Mag. of Am. History," Au- gust, 1S83. ! On the I'opliam Colony, sec the Avriter's work enlitleil, " A Kclation oi' aVoyaffe to Saga- dahoc, now lirst priuted from the original manu- script in the Lambeth Palace Library," edited with preface, notes, and appendix. Cambridge, .lohn Wilson & Son, Univci-sity Press, 18S0. The preface reviews tljc story of the settlement; and the appendix reprints the extracts from Gorges, Smith, Purchas, and .\lexander, from which, previous to the publication of Strachey 's account, all knowledge of the colony was derived. Tlie MS. containing the account of the voyage, sup- posed by rall'i-ey to be lost, was found by the writer. The foregoing w;is reprinted from the "Mass. Hist. Coll.," Vol. xviii., 1880-81. On this subject sec also the " .Mcmori.al Volume of the Maine Historical Society," edited liy Dr. Ballard. -Vlso sec "The Historic of Travailc into Virginia Britannia; expressing the cosmog- raphie and comoditica of the country, togithcr with the manners and customcs of tlie people: Gathered and observelcr. — X. York nut. Coll., S. 2, Vol. III., Pt. I, p. 293. 486 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOrAL CHURCH. in some rcsspccts, go beyond anything that churchmen would consent to in our day. When Endicott left the Old World, in 1628, the language of the company was, " Farewell the church of God in England, and all Christian friends there ! Vi'g do not go to New England as Separatists from the Church of England;"' and, in 1(530, Winthrop's company "esteem it an honom- to call the Churcii of England from whence wee rise, our dear mother." Such men as the Brownes of Salem came over with an implied contract in favor of the Church. From Smith's map of New England, KiKi, it would api)ear that the country had been preempted by churchmen. As is well known, the map originally was covered with Indian names,- and young Prince Charles was requested to revise them. This appears to have been done after consultation with influential men well versed in all matters relating to New England ; for while the prince siiows in the selection of names a decided partiality for Scotland, his native country, he nevertheless makes an intelligent distribution of certain names with reference to the enterprise of the Church of England men in the south and west. Except "Boston" and "Hull,"' taken from Nottinghamshire and Lincolnshire, there is nothing to recall the iiomes of the non-conformists. On the other hand, the churchmen of Bristol, always so prominent in connection with New England, tind their In-ave city recognized ; while "Plymouth," ^ a great seat of Church of England enterju'ise, the home of Gorges and the startinsf-point of the Popham colonists, displaces the aboriginal " Accomac," pointed out as the ju'oper site for a colony by Smith, and surveyed l)y Pring in l()0o ; while Dermer made a peace with the Indians in 1(319, and tiuis opened the way for the Leyden colonists, who found Plymouth prejjared for them by churchmen and bearing its pi-esent English name. So, too, "Poynf Sntlifl','" near the present Scitnate, formed a distinct recognition of that true churchman. Dr. Sutliile, Dean of Exeter, who took such a profound interest in colonization, and spent his money freely in behalf of New England enterprise. The Kev. Samuel Purchas by his publications also performed an important part and showed great zeal. A greater name, however, than any of those mentioned, and one that demands special notice, is that of the Rev. Richard Hakluyt, who is not to be confounded with Ilakluyt tlie elder, of Yatton. It is unfortunate that we know so little of the history of this reniarkaltle man, who was l)orn about flie year ir).")^, l)cing educated at '\\'est minster School and Ciiiist Cinncii College, Oxford. B}- accident, while a boy at West- minster, he visited the rooms of his cousin Richai'd, a gentleman of the Middle Temple, where he " found lying vpon ids boord certeinc bookes of Cosmographie with a vniversal -Mappe." These attracted the lad's 'Mathci-'s " Magnalin," I?, in., I'art ii., ffiims] rcccivcJ at the last English port from Chap. I. which they hail s.iilcil, the oUlest New Enrrianil ' Sec on map and names, " Nanalivc and colony look ihe name of IMynionth." In IfiJI) Critical History, ni., Chap, yr., and " JIc- the harbor was well known, li.ivinpfhccn mapped niorial History of Hoslon," I., p. ii'i. hy the Englisli; also, by the Frcncli in Uil),"), and ' N'otwiliislandinp the fact that IMymoMth tlio Dutch in Kill. It was one of the red men was named in IGlGby Prineo (yliarles, Mr. Ban- who Inid associated wiUi churchmen in Maine, croft, in the latest revised edition of bis United the (jhiefSanioset, wlio surprised the Plymouth States (I., p. 209), innocently says : " In memoiT I'il<;rims, in IG20, with the sahilation, " Welcome, of tlic liospilalities which the <:onipany [tlio Til- Englishmen." EAUIA' DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 4«7 attention, whereupon the owner of tlie Cosmotjriipliie, ILikliiyt says, Ijcgau to instruct his ignorance, and turned to tlie lU7th Psalm, dwell- ing upon those who go down into the sea in ships. The seed was sown upon good ground, and liakluyt's course was fixed for life, since he says : — The words of the Prophet, togetlier with my cousin's discourse (things of high and rare delight to my young nature), tooki; so deupe an impression that I con- stantly resolved, if euer I were prolerred to Llie Viiiversity, where better time and more eonvenient idace might be ministred for these studies, I would, by God's assistance, prosecute that knowledge and kindo of literature, the doores whereof (after a sort) were so happily opened before me. llaklu^'t was a man of broad and comprehensive views. "While a diligent preacher, and a painful student of theology, he was not un- mindful of the humanities. His mind went out in search of all available knowledge, but especially did he delight to supplement his sacred studies with the results of historical research ; to all of which he gave a practical turn, and thus became eminently useful iu opening new countries to the enterprise of Kuglishmcu, who, along the paths of a successful commerce, bore the banner of Christ and the Church. The activity of Hakluj't was felt in all parts of the civilized world, but especially do we trace his influence in America ; while to-day, among historical students, no name carries with it more authority, or is quoted with more respect, than that of Kichard llukluyt. New England especially owes him a debt. Under the impulse created by his genius and learning, .and reinforced by his enterprise and liberal financial benefactions, the work of colonization was stimulated to a re- markable degree. Bitter non-conformists, who never acknowledged any obhgation, adopted his reasonings, and followed his policy. Thus, largely under his guidance, the course of emph-e took its westward way. There Avere religious persecutions in those days, but there were also churchmen who acted from a deep conviction produced by the arguments in favor of colonization, the strongest of which were put by Hakluyt, whose name was a power. It was Hukluyt, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and their fellow-laborers, together with the printing-press,' not Archbishop Laud, and the members of the Star Chamber, who colonized New England. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, however, was the ■ Hakhiyt's woi'lvs appeal' in tho following tant quarters of the Earth at any time within the ortler: — compassenf these 1000 ijerea: Divided into three Diners vcn/ages touching the diecouerie of eeterall Vol umee, according to the positions of the America and the hlands adjacent vnto the same, Regions whereuntn they were directed, etc., etc. - - ■ . ineot theblacke beare, 1582. Kcpiinteil l)y the Ilak- Tlii'* woiU was in tlnco volnmc!! folio; the iiiyt Society, 18r)0. tliiril pvinlcil in ICOO. For the convenience of The Principal Navigations, Voiages, and Dis- students, it may lie notcil that this work was coteries qf the English Nation, made by .SViJ and icprintcil witli tare in 1K09-12, by Georj;o Wood- Oier Land,to the most remote and farthest distant fall, edited by U. II. Evans, and'is nowsoscai-co quarters of the Earth, etc. Imprinted at London that it brinjrs £20 to £30. by George Bishop and Ralph Keicberie, Deputies .\monj later pieces was the following to Christopher ISooler, Printer to the (Jueene's most nanat ive, entilled ; — excellent Ifaiestie, 1S89. Virginia richli/ valued. By the description of The Principal Navigations, voyages, Traf- the maine land if ^'lorida, her nfxt neighbor, etc., fii/uef, and Discovtries if the English Xalinn made etc. I^oudou, lb09. hj fiea or overland, to the remote and farthest dis- 488 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. official I'cpresentative of the mo'N'ement. To him, therefore, is accorded ill a special sense the title of "Father of New England Colonization." The names of these two churchmen, Gorges and Hakluyt, will go down the line of the generations together. It was men of their stamp who established colonization in New Enoland, as well as in Virsjiuia, and also rendered the existence of non-conformity possible, by their kind- ness and toleration clothing the opponents of the Church with a power, ruthlessly employed at last, to strike down her sous. Let us pass however, to notice several of the churchmen who appear in the early history of New England as colonists. Whether at the time the Lcjden Pilgrims reached Plymouth there were any other white settlers ou the coast of Massachusetts we need not inquire, though it is now quite certain that, in ilaine, per- manent settlers were on the ground long prior to 1 620 ; while, soon after 1620, colonists appeared in Maine in large luimbers.' In the Plymoulli settlement there was an element decidedly in tavor of tlio Church, as we may conclude from the fact that at Christmas, 1621, Bradford says, the " most of this new-company excused them selves and said it wente against theer consciences to work on y' day."^ One of those some time afterwards associated with the people of Plymouth was the Kev. "\\'illiani IMorrcU, whom we may style "The first Ecclesiastical Commissioner in New England." Morrell was the minister of the colony attempted at Weymouth " Fore-river," one of the southern arms of Boston harbor. This little stream waters a region of groat historic interest.^ Upon the banks of this river stood the ancient " Wossagusset," a settlement commenced by the English before Blackstone had entered the peninsula of Boston. In 1622 Weston sent a colony to that place, of which no trace remained in March, 1623, except a solitary block-house. In the following Sep- tember Cajifain liobert Gorges, son of Sir Ferdinando, renewed the attempt, having been made lieutenaut-gencn-al, or " Gove'' of y" Countrie," with large jurisdiction, both ci\il and ecclesiastical. He was furnished with a council, and had Francis ^Vest for vice-admiral, liike his father. Gorges was a churchman, and had in view the estab- lishment of episcopacy in Massachusetts. Accordingl\', with his colony, he Ijrought over IMorrell. Though none of this second band of colonists appear to have been massacred by the Indians, like some of the first, in many other respects they fared but little better. Gorges appears to have been disgusted with his principality. At least Bradford says, " The Gov"' and some y' depended upon him re- turned for England, haveing scarcly saluted ye cuntrie in his Govern- ' Rcailcra of New England history wcic fact of all New Enplane!, for the period of 1600- loDjf aceiistomcd lo the tedious iteration, 'that, in 20, remains, lil\C other portions, to be written. In 1020, there was not a winkle wliite colonist living connection with this period it is too often for- bctwccu Virginia and Newfoundland. Tliis gotten that at the time the I'iliirims were starving statement rested upon its Kasis of ignorance until at Plymouth free represeulativc government had the pul)lication of the I, alindist journal, proving, been established in Virginia, in May, \tj9,2. in connc«-tion witli otiicr estabhshcd facts, thut a • Bradford's 'lournal, " Collections of Mossa colony evi; \'igne wa: vistcd at Manhattan in IC'IO, wlicu .lean cbiisctts Historical Society," S. 1, Vol. III., •as born. In the journal of the N.Y. p. 12. lliographical Society (1880) Dr. I'urpio gives na 'Sec. on this subject, " Bradford's History," ncronnt of four gcnci-ations of Vignc descend- pp. 148-1G8, 149-154, " Proceedings of Ilie Mass, anta. The story of Pcmiu|uid, Maine, and in I list. So'iety," 1878, p, lOfi, KAULY jnsco\'i:uiiis and settlements. 489 nientc, not finding llic .state of tliinij.s hoar to answer his (|u.'illitio and condition." It ha.s goni'rally l)i'cn snpiwsnd that after his ikjparturu the people at onco left Wessagusset, and that the renmaut, with Morrell, tooknp their al)odc at Plymouth. Bradford, however, says, "The people dispersed them selves, some went for England, others for Virginia, some few remained, and were helped with supplies from hence." Bradford says that Morrell was in the country "ahout a year after y" Gov^ returned," and finally sailed for England from Plymouth. Bradford, as Governor of Plymouth, Mas, e.c-officio, a mcm]>er of Gorges' Council, and the people of Plymouth, many of whom, being attached to the Church of England, wei'c led as well by brotherly sym- pathy as by a common humanity to aid the people at Wessagusset. The length of IMorrell's sojourn at Plymouth is not known. Brad- ford gives a cui'ious piece of information concei'uiug him, saying, "lie had I know not what power and authority of superiutendancie over other churches granted him, and sundric instructions for that end ; but he never showctl it, or made any use of it ; (it should seeme he saw it was in vaine ;) he only speake of it to some hear at his going away."^ The language of Bradford is peculiar. Ho says that Morrell had a supcrintendenc}' over other churches. Did this commission refer to the "other churches" in Virginia, whither a portion of his flock went, or was the commission drawn in accordance with the fourth of the Seven Articles of Leyden, in which the intending colonists acknowledged it " lawfull for his Majesty to apoynt bishops, civill overseers, or otEcers in authory ty onder hime ... to oversee y" Churches ? " It Mould appear to include the latter, as we infer, from Bradford's statement, that Morrell saw that any attempt to exercise his functions would prove " in vaine." Bradford, possibly, like some moderns, was not acquainted with the existence of the Articles. Of the general services rendered by Morrell in jNIassachusetts we cannot speak. His special performance was the composition of a Latin poem descriptive of the country. This poem was printed in a pamphlet upon his I'cturn to England, Morrell descriljing himself in the dedication as " late preacher with the Bight Wor: Capt. Pol): Gorge late governor of New England.'" It woidd ajipear that either at Plymouth or Wessagusset ho found little to do, especially in his character as commissioner. In his address to the " Vnderstandiug Reader " he says that it M'as during his " melancholy leasure " that he "conceived these rude Mords," which his "conscious muse censured." The phrase "melancholy leasure" may, perhaps, l)c understood as referring to the dark days of the winter of 1(J23— 1, when he sought to warm himself by the green logs of the block-house fire ; though life there may not have been so melancholy, after all, since Morton, of Merry Blount, resorted thither sometimes in the M'inter for "the benefit of company," and was arn^sted there in 1(5:28. — a circumstance which has been used to prove that the second settlement of AVcssa- gusset did not come to an end in 1()24, when Morrell left. Of the ' Braclfoi'il's Journal, p. I.'i4. 490 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. truth of the luttei- conckisioii we cannot well judge at present, but it is certain that Morrell was much discouraged, and resigned his semi-epiricopal jurisdiction, seemingly with little regret. Morrell's preliminary address to the lords, knights, and gentle- men who had undertaken the colony at Wcssagusset, like most docu- ments of the kind, is more or less diffuse and wordy, besides being sprinkled with Latin, in common with the dedication and postscript. His purpose in ^\^l•iting was to furnish correct information concerning the country and the natives. The work of founding new colonies he considered royal and religious employment.' There is nothing in the poem to indicate that the colony- at Wcssa- gusset was a failure ; though it is clear, even if its continuity was preserved, that it lost its episcopal character by its close proximity to independency. That there was always a certain number of inhabi- tants around Boston from 1624 to 1631 is evident from an entry in Winthrop's journal. Of the causes which led to the ftiilure at Wcssa- gusset we ne(!d not speak, though it would appear as though Robert Gorges, not acting in the spirit of brave old Sir Ferdinando, was largely responsible. If he had persevered a flourishing episcopal community might have been formed on the south side of Boston harbor, and possibly decided the ecclesiastical character of Massa- chusetts. About this period we find at Weymouth an ex-clergyman of the Church of England, the Eev. Robert Hull, who was complicated in afi'airs connected with that place. Yet too little is known about him at present to warrant any attempt to give his story." If space allowed, it would be of interest here to repeat the story of Thomas Morton, of "Merry Mount," who, about the year 1622, estal)lished himself at WoUaston, in the present Quincy, Massachusetts ; in the autumn of 1630 being banished to England for the second time on false and malignant charges; and who, upon Ills return to the countr}'^ in 1644, was apprcihended, and condemned without law, linally dying at Aga- menticus, the modern York, from the eflccts of the privations which he sutlered in prison at Boston. The persecution of Morton by the au- thorities ended in judicial murder. IMorton was a man of talent, a lawyer by ])rofcssion, and, according to Samuel Maverick, "a gentle- man of good qualitie." Morton lacked discretion, and was an nmnci'ciful satirist, in the Third Book of his "New English Canaan" making his enemies wince. The worst of charges were brought against him, but in no case could they offer any proof. His crime consisted cliieily in his opposition to Separatism. The cruel and illegal treatnuMit which he received will blacken the memory of his persecutors so long as Now England history is read. He had a i)atent for his land ; he violated 'Tlic Mnssacliuacltfl Ilisloiical Society has The Dedication is sifriicd AVilliain MonoU. a copy of MoneH's book, llioufili it lacks the The poem is icpriiitcd in the" Mass. Coll.," 1792, tille-pa^c. We j,'ivc the title I'loin the British p. 12"). Museum copy: — "On this pci-son see the " Conpc^ational "New Kngland or Ahricfc ennumcralion of Quarterly," April, 1877. Also Freeman's" History the Ayro, ICiirlh, Water, Fish and Fowles of of Capo Cod." Hull wa,s evidently discoiintc- thatCoiuilrv. With n Description of the Natures, iianced by the powers at Boston, to whom event- Orders, lliiliin and Uclifrion of the Native; in nally he snocumhed; lhon^.'h it wonid pppear J.atinc onil ICnt'lish Winc. /iat hn-re, Si mt thai he came to New En^tlaud to aid in reiulcr- ttnt. London, Imprinted hy 1>. I)., 1(52;")." in;,' tl'C people obedient to the Church. EAHLY DISCOVERIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 401 no Imv ; ho lived apart by himself, attcndinir to his own interests; yet, being an enemy to dissent, a successl'ul trader and an advoeate of common prayer, it was decreed that he must not be tolerated. What to some may appear the more singular is the fact that they objected not only to iiis use of Common Prayer, liut to the l>il)le, wliirli the leaders among tlie non-coiii'ormists in ^'e^v England did not regard with the favor now taken for granted. They were afraid to trust the people publicly with any considerable portion without its l)eing ex- pounded. A curious illustration is found in the case of the Rev. Mr. Ueach, who left the Congregational ministry at Newtown, Connecticut, after alarming the people by reading " whole chapters of the Word of God." 1 His enemies charged ^lorton with selling fire-arms to the Indians, against which there was no law ; but the most dangerous things, after all, were the Bil)le and Prayer Book ; and hence it was declared that he must go. To add to the cruelty of their ))roceedings his house was burnt before his eyes, and every indignity was shown him that )rmed £ m « /J m?t U^ "^(aaQl yjiaA/x ^ cAjij Another prominent churchman was Samuel Maverick, who, at a subsecjuent pe- riod, performed in Kew land the part of Eoj'al Com- missioner. Maverick was the lirst white inhabitant of "Noddle's Island," now East Boston.^ Josseiyn saj's that he was the son of the Rev. John Maverick, the dissenting minister of Dorchester, who came over in 1630 ; but this, perhaps, is hardly certain. In the side discussions, where the name of Maverick, or iMavericke, is occasionally found, it is the custom either to speak of the date of his arrival in Massachusetts as unknown, or to fix it at 1023, associating him with the Wej'mouth colonists brought over by Gorges. Some testimony on this point appears to have escaped notice; for, in 1609, he wrote to Sampson Bond that he was in New England from "the first settling." In the same letter, however, he speaks mon^ definitely, saying " it is 45 yeares since I came into New England." His memory, perhaps, was accurate res]iecting dates, as may be inferred from his statement of 1040, that he had had ten years' experience of the colo- nists at r.ostou, who came over in 1030. If Maverick's statement of 1669 is ])erfectly exact, it follows that he came in 1024, and, there- fore, had nothing to do with those who came with Robert Gorges in ' Histoiy of the Protestant Episcopal Church cutitlcil, " Now EnpIamVa Vindication," printed in Amci'ica, by Wilbci-fovcc. Loudon, ISjG. for Ilcnvv (iardencr, IGfiO. This shows that p. 118. WoUastoii, Morton's associate, also had a patent. ' Seethe StoiyofMoiion, in thc"Ma^azineof Sec The Prince Society's edition of "The ,\meriean Ilistorj'," Fcbruaiy, 1882 ; and Charles New English Canaan," ediled by (^liarlcs Francis Francis Adams,' in the "Atlantic Monthly," Adams, Boston, 4to, 1883; with a favorable May and .lime, 1877. The "Clarendon Papers," in review of the same in " The Nation," June 7, 1883. the " New "i'ork Historical Collections," ISSS), p. Consult, also, n review of an opposite character 40 ; tosclhcr with Morion's book, " The New Eng- in" The Chui-clmian," Anfrust IS, 188;i ; reprinted, lish Canaan," which forms such a hil)liole, and his mercantile operations were conducted far and wide. In 1(!;>() he was admitted a freeman. Nevertheless the later enactment eoutined the privilege to members of "the Church." In 1G34-5 his lavish hospitality to strangers excited such apprehension that the court decreed that he should "remove his habitation for himselfc and his famih' to Boston, and in the moantyme ^hall not give entertainment to an}' strangers for a longer tyme than one night, without leave from some Assistant, and all this to be done under the penalty of £100." At this time men at home were taking measures to dissolve the non-conformist j^owcr, which was so outrageously abused. Hence, every stranger was jealously watched, and Maverick, being strong for the " Lordly Pre- laticall power," was suspected. jNIaverick was evidently a whole- souled, jovial Briton, and a .stanch churchman, who despised the narrowness and intolerance of the non-conformists. lie was sympa- thetic, and, perhaps, not always prudent, since in 16-41 he was fined £10 for sheltering two convicted evil-doers. Yet the fines were sometimes quite of the nature of black-mail, and appeared all the more odious from the faet that Maverick contributed so liberally to the imblic defence. For years he thus suflered a series of petty persecutions. Affairs reached a climax, however, in 1G46, as a move- ment, which had been commenced in more liberal Plymouth, was transferred to Boston, when, in eonnnon with a number of others, Maverick signed "A Remonstrance and Humble Petition" to the General Court, asking for a settled form of government, according to the fundamental law of England, together with liberty to worship God as their consciences dictated. The petitioners were summoned before the court, and told that they were arraigneil for contemptuous and seditious expressions, and not for using the right of petition. It was well for Boston that tlie home government was not then in-ei)ared to defend the churchmen in that city, as it might have been done too thoroughlv. Some of the petitioners were fined, and Maverick was made to pa}' ten pounds. The condenmed men then claimed the right to petition the Commissioners of Planta- tions in England. Several of the petitioners were ^^Ir^) /C^/rp seized. l)ut others escaped by sea. In his Thursday ^' ^ lecture, before the ship sailed. Master .TohnColton warned all going over of the danger of carrying petitions, as any such document would prove a Jonas; recommending, in case a storm arose, > An Account of Two A'oyages to Iscw Englaiul anJ LondoD, 1G74, p. 12. 4!t4 IlISTOKY OF THE A.MKIUCAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. that the trunks of the passengers should be searched, and that, if any such document were found, it should be thrown overboard. The storm came, and a woman who had heard Master Cotton's lecture began to rave. Going to ^Ir. Vassal, one of the petitioners, she called him up at midnight, accusing him of possessing "some writings against the jieople of God." She was accordingh" accommodated M'ith a copy of a petition drawn up by the Bostonians themselves, which, with all due ceremony, was thrown overboard. At the end of foui- teen days the ship arrived, when the true Jonas was cast up in safety at London. Xeverthelcss, John Cotton's wisdom was duly api)laudcd, and the safety of tiic sliip was attributed to the drowning of the un- hallowed document devised by Maverick and his brother churchmen. In 1G87 Maverick's daughter, in a petition to Governor Andros, referred to a petition which her father and others addressed to " King (■hark's the First, of blessed memory," in which the}' requested several liberties, amongst others, that of " the l)a]5tizing of their children." This is the petition that made the trouble, and cost Maverick twelve days' im- prisonment, with a fine of £100. Such was the treatment measured out to a man, who, as Drake confesses, " lloston could not do with- out." Though compelled to help support the Congregational preachers, he was deprived of the ordinances he valued, steadily refusing to join "the Church." Eventually, being weary of contention, Maverick sold Noddle's Island, and went to England. "The Clarendon Papers" show that, soon after the accession of Charles II. , he was laboring most earnestly to dii'ect attention to the abuses from which ho had suilcred. Cromwell was dead, and, as the new power s^^mpathizcd with him, he sought to have episcopacy established in New England by law, and proposed to make all alike pay church-rates ; but he argued in favor of toleration as re- garded "fundamentals," his plan j)rovidiug that the people should be left to use tiie I'raycr Book or not, as they jileased. lie ditl not un- derstand Toleration in Blackstone's sense, and was strong for " the pre- laticall power," but he was in advance of the men of the times, and especially those of New England. His letters to the Earl of Claren- don show that he miscalculated the temper of the people, in suppos- ing th;it it would be an easy matter to set u]) the establishment in New England. With his plan for New England, he urged another for the conquest of New York. The plan suggested was followed, securing the predicted results. He argued that, u])on the ajipcarance of the English at Manhattan with a suitable force, the Dutch would siu-render witiiout a blow ; which event transpired under his own eyes, '/^//^J( i'l lCfi4, when he returned to America as a / ^-'^^-^ ' lioyid Connnissioner. At Boston his mis- sion was a failure, the commissioners being resisted ; but in New York the Church was planted, the Dutch and the English amicably using the same chapel, the rights of the Dutch being scrupulously observed. ' ■ Sec the "Clarendon Papers," in the "New York Hist. Coll.," 1870. Also consult gcnei-al index of "New York Colonial Piipei's" for notices of Maverick. EARLY DISCOVEUIES AND SETTLEMENTS. 49,') In October, 1GG9, he received from tlie Duke of York the gift of a "house in the Brood way," and, though we occasionally hear of him as visiting Massachusetts, he appears to have died in New York, prior to May, 1G7G. The well-known story of Iho brotliors John and Samuel Browne may here be treated briefly. They came in Hi'Jd to Salem, as members of Endicolt's Council, expecting that the Church would be adhered to in good faith. But when fhey found that the most of the ix'ople were untrue, tlu'V commenced ^^ervices themselves, usiiigliie "BookofCom- inonPrajer." Hence we read in Kathaniel Morton's book that Endicott " convent ed the two brothers before him," when " they accused the minis- ters as departing from the orders of the Church of England, that they were separatists, and would be anabaptists, i^c. but for themselves, they would hold to the orders of the Church of England. The ministers answered for themselves, that they were neither scjwratists nor anabap- tists, they did not separate from the Church of England, nor from the or- dinances of God there but only from the corruj)tions and disorders there ; and that they came away from the common prayer and ceremonies, and had suflcred nmch for their non-conformity in their native land ; and, therefore, 1)eing in a jjlace wiiere they might have their liberty, they neither could norwould use them, because they judged the imposition of these things to be sinful corruptions in the worship of God." After this attempt to meet the charge of I)eing Separatists, the Governor told them, that "New P^ngland w-as no place for such as they ; and therefore he sent them both back for England, at the re- turn of the ships the same year."' In other cases, the action of these people is susccjjtible of some explanation, l)ut here we cau refer their course to no respectable consideration, it being characterized by flagrant dishonesty. Y'et, in the face of this treatment of the Browne l)rotliers, we are told that Thomas ^lorton was not persecuted because he advocated the Episcopal order and the "Book of Common Prayer."^ ' New Ene ailmiitcd to the Sacrament, tlie {;ramll'ather, "was carried with the sti-cnm though n member of the Catholic Church, unless for my banishment." I'ei-sonally they were he be a mcmhcr of .Some reformed Clun-eh ; sec- friends. ondly, that none of tlie Congregations of Eni;land It is quite as i-easonablc to infer from the arc particular reformed churches but Mr. I.otb- tiindly relations he sustained to Mnvcriik, that bo rop's and such as bis. . . . You went hence was "earrietl with the stream " in th;it eajse, also, of another juusitiou3 ab< lilaekstuu'a ttalcof his Land in Boston," and is printed by SluirllcfT, " Ucsc. of Boston," p. 'JS'O, as follows : — " The Deposition of John Odliu, aged about Eighty-two vcares ; Robert Walker, aged about Seven'ty-eiglit ycares; Francis Hudson, aged about Sixty-eight yeares; and William Lvthcr- laiHl, aged about Scvcnty-six yeares. riicso Deponents being ancient dwellers and Inhahi- t.ants of the Town of Boston, in New England, fnpin the time of first planting and sell ling thereof, and continuing so at this d.av, do jointly testify and depose that in or about the ycarc of our Lord One thousaiul Six hundred thirlv and flour, the their present Inhabitants ofs' Town of Boston (of whoine the Mono''" .lohn Win- throp. Esq'- (iovcrno' of the Colony, was Cbeife) did treate and agree with M'- \Villiam Blackstone for the nnrchasc of his Estate and right in anv Lands lying within the s' neck of Land called Boston ; and for s' purrhase agreed that every householder should pay bi.v ShUliugs, EARLY DISCOVERIES AND SET TI-E.MENTS. 499 camo in contiut. He was modorato in his 0])inions, and no doubt found the extreme prelacy ofhi^ times distasteful. IIimku; his prefer- enee for a life in the wilderness, where he could enjoy the charms of nature, and indulge in those simple pursuits that he loved so well. A fondness for children was one of his marked characteristics, while the story of his old age suggests the last years of (he disciple St. John. Blackstone, however, is not yet appreciated, and inferior names have been set forward to obscure his fame, both in Massachusetts and Ehode Island. There is, however, Drake's i)rophecy on record, that Boston will yet " build his monument." In closing, it is hardly necessary to characterize, as a whole, the treatment meted out to the men of the Church of England by non-con- formists. The illegal measures used to stay the advance of church principles need not be dwelt upon, though it may be observed that in this respect Boston achieved preeminence, while Plymouth showed the more tolerant mood. Leaving out Bradford, the course of Plymouth was often kindly and hospitalde. As a rule, however, no churchman could live comfoi-tably, especially if he possessed marked individuality and refused to temporize, or go "with the stream." Manliness and outspoken conviction were signs of a contempt for authority. Culture and refinement, godly simplicity and unol)trusiveness were of no avail, and Blackstone left Massachusetts to seek a new home in the pathless woods. ]Mather atfords the somewhat singular example of a public man recognizing the fact that members of the Church of England might pos- sess claims to religious character. The statement that Blackstone was one of the " Godly Episcopalians " evidently indicates that, in his opinion at least, thei'e were others. Beyond question these early churchmen around Massachusetts Bay had an inlluence, though public worship according to the forms of the Church was ])roscribed, freedom of conscience at this period being re- stricted to Rhode Island and ]\Iaine, where churchmen were free. It is probable that the Prayer-Book was largely employed in private, though, from the extreme rarity of early coi)ies of the "Liturgy," it has been argued that no one cared for the book, and that it was left to perish by decay. This point has been )iressed with considerabk; anima- tion, notwithstanding the fact that copies of the early "New England which was accordinorly CoUcctetl, none pairing dwcltnearProvidcncc, where he liv'd till y* day less, sonic considerably more than Six Shillings, of his dcalh. and the s** surae Collected was delivered and " Deposed this 10th of June, 1681, by John paid to M'- lilackstoiie to his full content and Odlin, Ilobcit Walker, Erancis Hudson, and satisfaction; in consideration whereof lice Sold Williiim J.yllicrland, according to their respec- unto the then Inhabitants of s'' Town and their tive Testimonvc. heires and assignees for ever his whole ri<;bt "liefore Hs, and interest in all and cveiy of the Lands lyin? S. Buaostkeet, Gou' n' . within s** neck, ReseiTing onely unto liirasclfe Sam. SeW/VLL, Assist** about Six acres of Land on the ]ioint commonly called Blackston's Point, on part whereof his ShurtlcfT notes that Odlin was a cutler by then dwellint; house stood; after which purchase trade, and died Dec. 18, IGSS. Hudson was the the Town laid out a place for a traynin^r field, iisbcrman who gave his name to tlie point of which over since and now is used lor that pur- the peninsula nearest Cbarlestown. Walker pose and for the feeding of CattcU. l{ol>ert was a weaver, and died May '2U, 1GS7. Lvtbcr- Walkcr &, W'" Ljthcrlaiid fiu-tber testify that land was an Aniinomian, who removeil to llbodo JI'. Blackstone bought a Stock of Cows with Island and became town clerk of Newport, and the Money he roc* as above, and Removed and died vciy old. 500 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. Primer,'' once as plenty as leaves in Vallom1)rosa, are now so rare that of the iirst two editions not a single copy is known, while the earliest copy j'et pointed out — an imperfect one — bears the late date of 1727. Yet at the best the early period was for the Church a day of small things, brute force being employed to suppress whatsoever was ojiposed to the will of the majority, until a power beyond tlic sea, l)rushing aside the pretence of separatism, that toleration was fraught with dan- ger to the body politic, gave liberty of conscience and freedom of worship to all. '/T^ /C^ C^^^-/^-^^ MONOGEAPn III. PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND AND THE EPISCOPAL CHURCH. By tiik rev. THOMAS WINTHROP COIT, D.D., LL.D., J^o/t'ssor in the Berkelry Divinity Schoot, ^fiddletown, Conn, THE atliliulcof the Puritans towards the Eiiisoopal Church cannot be uiulerstood, cannot certainly bo appreciated, unless one has a vivid idea of what maybe styled the genius of Puritanism. Many of its advocates claim that Puritanism is no new thini;, and never should have been treated by the Church of Ensj^land as if a novelty, and u])i"eai'- ing its head as an intruder. They claim antiquity for it, nay, high an- tiquity. They say it has had its succession, indeed, its apostolic succession, as well as Episcopacy, and so should have been regarded by Episco{)acy as a coequal, and not as an upstart and an interferer. Weil, if it be true, as Sir Thomas Overbury said (and he was one who knew it thoroughly ; he died in KUI^) , that the genius of Puri- tanism consists in opposition and contradiction ; and if his judgment has been affirmed by very many others, who have had experience of its qualities, then this genius consists in the sturdy and unyielding assertion of the right of private judgment.' And if this be so, then undoubtedly the very highest antiquity can be conceded to Puritanism without a moment's hesitation. But to abstain from researches amid what may be called preforra- ative Piu'itanism, which would require the history of self-assertion from the days of Cain, and to come to its acknowledged l)cginnings in England, and its direful conflicts with England's Ei)iscopal Church ; ■we are glad to discover in Dr. Dextcr's bibli()gra])hy, that he places them fairly and squarely in the person of Kobert Browne, who died in 1(!IU, "eighty years old or more." Modern and timorous Puritans are apt to be nervous over Browne's eccentric history, as not very glorifying to the professions they are apt to make, when comparing themselves with other j)cople. But Dr. Dexter prides himself on his Puritan spirit, and does not hesitate to say of him, as follows : "It is very clear, that lirowne's mind took the lead, and that here at Norwich, following tlie track of thought which he had long been elaborating; ho thoroughly discovered and restated the original congregational way, in all its simplicity and symmetry. And here in this, or the following year [about 1580], by his prompting ' The well-known Owen Fcllliam, who died rebel ; or one fliat would cxeludc order, tliat liis about 1078, pave this as his expoiicnec of a brain mijrht nilc." — Resofvea, cd. 1840, p. 8. Pinitnn ; " As he is more generally in these Twelve editions of the Resolves were published times taken, I suppose we luay call him a church- by 1 709. 502 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. and under his iruidancc, was formed the first church in modern days of wliich 1 have an}' Unowlcilife, whidi was intelligently, and as one might say philosophically, congregational in its platform and processes ; he becoming its pastor." '■ The plague-spot in this bold and foremost champion of English Puritanism, however, is, that he was not true to his colors. He re- coiled, and died the rector of an Episcopal parish ! But Dr. Dexter summons good old Thomas Fuller to the rescue, to show that Browne held fast to his Puritanism, and died changed only on the outside. Let the decision stand. If it is a true one, then Browne was a miser- able hypocrite; and with this stain on his escutcheon, the originating, the inaugurating, the polemical defender of Puritanism in England may be passed by without further comment. The cause survived, no doubt, its recreant champion ; and one of its worst and most intolerable features it now becomes necessary to bring forward. Perhaps the worst and most intolerable feature of Popery is its assumjjtion, that not the Church only, but the state also, must be subject to, and conformed unto, itself; that there is no such thing as a legitimate civil authority unless sanctioned by itself ; and that, in consequence, it has a perfect right to exconmiunicatc any civil government wliich will not comply with its demands ; and thus deprive its officials of their accredited rights and personal safety, delivering them over to ruin in this world, and perdition in the world which is to come. Now, in this respect, in these claims, Puritanism and Komanism are comi)lete, though by no means intimate, parallels. The explanation comes from the old adage, that, " Two of a trade cannot agree;" or, as the philoso])hical historian of Kome explains the matter, "Cruel the wars of brethren are."^ It must be carefully understood that it was not bare endurance, or simple toleration, which the Puritans asked of England in the sixteenth century. Unquestionably it is the ojMnion of nudlitudcs that it was so, and that such consideration M'as all whicli the Puritans desired, or wanted. And this impression has been prolonged and deepened by those who knew better, because it was for their interest and their gratification to have it so. The Pope is denounced and upbraided witliout stint, because he undertook his uttermost, and exconuuunicatcd tiie Queen of England. But if the Puritans did not do as much actually, they claimed the full authority to do so. "The presb_>i:ery and eldership may for some causes, after admonition, if there ensue no cause of reformation, excommunicato the (iuecn."^ Now surely this was claiming (just what the Pope ? "'id rcclianginR, and pro- • Edwarda's "Antapologia," p. 85. It was an fcssiug a libcity of futuio changing. — Epiat. 72. PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 505 Perhai^s " llio Saints" were not without hope of intenveavinjr many a thread into a new translation, from the Uililc eoneoeted at (ieneva, and whicii was eircidatinij; in I'lngland, lliotigli not permitted "to ho road in ehurehes." Yet the king ajrain, and witii royal grace, snhniit- tcd, and inaugurated the timc-lionorcd volume of Kill. If Puritans now disavow this, they should have the grace to remember, that they lower a work to which their own ancestry virtually gave birth. May be there was a sting in the dedication to King James, the sninit of which still survives, aud rankles in their memories. They are alluded to in the words, " scLf-conceited brethren, who run their own ways, and give liking unto nothing but what is framed by themselves, and hannnered on their own anvil." The description may be too life-like; l)ut the dcnlication has been abandoned in America, and its causticity ought to be forgotten. Not to speak of other matters, condescension as to a catechism, and the Bil)le itself, ought to have satisticd reasonable men that l)y pursuing a course of moderation they could obtain enough to meet desires proper to be gratitied ; especially M'hen they had a champion in the ver}' highest position in the Church of England, — the Archbishop- ric of Cauterbmy. George Abbot, a Puritan to his bones and maiTow, was Archbishop of Cantcrl)ur_y nearly a quarter of a century, from 1610 to lfj.j3. And if he had made Puritanism as attractive and winning as he miglit have done, and especially if he had been as judicious and courteous as he migiit have been, such a sharp corrective for his fail- ures as was supplied in the person of his successor, William Laud, quite jirobably would not have been wanted or attempted ; and then the mountainous heap of calumny which has been cast upon this notorious name might have been unborn forevei'more. But Puritan- ism was impracticalile, aud Laud was impracticable too ; especially when he discovered that he could not rely on Puritanical veracity. Irascible and impatient, if he were, he was eminently truthful. But he said Puritans paltered with him, like so many Jesuits ; and he became as intolerant as they were '^^.' fJ^tkcrS^ insincere. Thomas Shepard, afterwards the minister / of Cambridge, near Boston, Mass., admitted that Laud made this one of his specific grounds of discipline against his Puritanic brethren, and that, open-mouthed as well as open-hearted, he charged this fault upon them to their very faces. Perhajis the archbishop was not over-much mistaken ; for, at a later day, the colony of New Haven actually enacted a law against the sin of lying ; and it must have been sadly prevalent to require civil interference, since wc have heard a lawyer say in open court that, at common law, l^'ing was no oflcnce whatever. Even before Laud's time, and he was not archbishop till 1()33, Puritanism was so uncomfortable and fidgety in England that it sought a refuge across the British Channel, and nestled down in Hol- land. And there, if toleration and spiritual freedom were all it wanted, — " freedom to worship God," as the hackneyed ])hrase goes, — it had them to overflowing. If Calvinism was w hat it languished for, the Synod of Dort had supplied it, incorrupt and undeliled. And why, 50G niSTORT OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. then, was it not content and restful amonir the paeific and good-natured Dutch? It had a congenial home among tliem, and had it )>een dis- posed to keep tlie golden rule, and treat otiiers as it would itself be treated, it might have retained that home for generations. Why, then, were the Puritans not quiescent .and submissive, not to say gr.ateful and afleetionate ? Did the old not ion of ascendancy and a spiritual monarchy, with themselves as kings tiierein, return; and did tiiev pant to cstab- lisii such a government on a soil totally their own? AVe cannot com- prehend their dissatisfaction with Holland on any other supposition, for their aspirations Avere indescribably lofty. They meant to regen- erate revelation itself. AsKobinson, their viceroy, said, in his farewell address, neither Luther nor Calvin had reached theology's wide circum- ference, and there was j'et more truth to break forth out of (rod's holy word. They meant to have a territory and a religion over which they might rule as absolutely as the pretended autocrats of the terraqueous globe reclining in the chambers of the Vatican. And their behavior, the moment they could claim anything like governmental independence, ])roved this to demonstration. They came to this countiy ostensibly under a charter, which made them nothing but a commercial company, like that of the East Indies. That charter's legitimate home, like the charter of the East India Company, was the central city of London. But they smuggled it out of London, brought it across the ocean, and converted it at once (one might say trans- substantiated it) into a charter of civil and churchly independence. Tliey claimed under it, as law3'er Lechford said in his " Plaine Deal- ing," "the i)o\ver of Parliament, King's Bench, Common Pleas,- Chan- cery, High Commission, and Star Chamber, and all other courts in England."' and under it had proceeded, "for ceclesiastieall and civil oll'euccs," to line, to imprison, to whip, to cut off' ears, to banish, to j)ut to death, " Avithout sufficient record." This last item of Leciiford's is most momentous, and genuinely Po])isli; for Romanists well under- stand the art of putting telltale records out of sight. ' Unqucstionai)ly these matters would have been looked into by careful eyes, and that charter vacated by a writ quo warranto; buttlie commotions of the relxdlion intervened, and the charter lived an un- expected age. That they were endowed with such an instrument certaiidy did not show that the English government was disposed to treat them with contempt, or inconsideration, or a spiteful charily. Tiiey professed that the charter was an enormous boon, and a sort of irrevocable privilege. Have they ever shown one particle of grati- tude for the princely endowment? Not a pennyworth of thanksgiving ever reached a, royal car lor such a priceless, yet nnbought, gift. But now we are to see something of the avowed temper witli which they hied themselves away from England, with a jiswcl lit to adorn a royal diadem in their good custody. Why, they almost cried their eyes out over their self-exile from Britain's maternal shores, as the famous (so called) Arljclla letter, written on board their l)arque, pathetically testifies: "We ' FUunc Dculiiig, Trumbull's edition, p. 63. PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 507 desire 3'0ii would he pleased to take notice of the principals and hody of our conii)aiiy, as those who esteem it an honor to call the Church of England, from whence we rise, our dear niotiicr, and cainiot part from our native countr}', where she specially rosidetii, without nmch sadness of heart and many tears in our eyes; ever acknowledging, that such hope and part as we liave obtained in the common salvation, we have received in her bosom and sucked it IVom her breasts. We leave it not, therefore, as loathing that milk wliercwith we were nourished there, but, blessing God for the parentage and education, as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good, and unfeigncdly grieve for any sorrow that shall ever betide her; and, while we liave breath, sincerely desire and endeavor the continuance and abundance of her welfare, and the enlargement of her bounds in the kingdom of Christ Jesus." ' One might easily suppose that people using such a j'ea ruing dialect, were actually emissaries of the Church of England, to establish her in a foreign land, as the most lovel\- and sacred benediction which they could possibly bestow upon it. If they established a religious Ijody in "these goings down of the sun," that body should have been part and parcel of the Church of England, — an offshoot from the parent stock, but still belonging to its formal jurisdiction. One could hardly con- ceive the i)ossibilily of .speakinr/ of the Ciuu'ch of England, in the tenderly tilial tone of this eloquent eiiistle, and then of an actiixj in fearful contravention to it, by honest and Christ-like men. But we are now to see how the Church of England was treated in the pwsons of those M'ho joined in that ejiistlo with undoubted ear- nestness of heart. Unsophisticated men, like the Brownes of Salem and their associates, ventured to worship God in a city whose name was peace, according to the rites and ceremonies of the Chui-ch of England, and, too, in anhmnbleand unpretending way, not at all fault>- ing or discountenancing those who chose to treat those rites and cere- monies with open neglect, not to say absolute disdain. Of course they might reasonably expect to receive the treatment which Puritans in England bitterl}' complained they did not receive from the govern- ment of England. Alas, the old Horatian adage — " When o'er the world we range, 'Tis but our climate, not our minds, we change," — would seem, in their case, to have been road backwards. For when the Puritans had put a broad, and then hardly passable ocean, between themselves and those whom in words they glorify, it is manifest that a change has come over them, such as Papists would call a very change of substance. They lost their homebred character entirely, lost the temper which was so tender and touching in the cabin of the " Arbclla," and became as un-English and as unchurchly as if they had never known the country w.hich brought them forth, or the Church which had put upon their foreheads the seal of bai)tism. They were anti-English in their civil tastes, anti-Church of England in their ' IIubbard'9 "New England," pp. 126, 127. 508 IIISTOHY or THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. tastes ecclesiastical. They were a kincidoin and a church exclusively and sovereijzniy their own. Wherefore, the IJrowiics, and their prayer-book (for, of course, they had no niinistciial aid) were despatched back to Enirlaud, as utterly until for an atmospliere too pure for schismatical intrusion. Their very letters (2)roh jnulor!) were broken open, as if they were spies or traitors. And not only did they presume to be supreme, and beyond the brook of contradiction, in matters ecclesiastical; they aspired to the same ascendancy in matters temporal and civil. Roger Williams did not construe the famous charter as l)roadiy as they presumed to do, according to the testimony of Thomas Lechford, an eye and ear wit- ness who listened with a lawyer's practised faculties. AVilliams strenuously maintained that it gave them no territorial rights. They were not, he contended, the original ])roprietors of the soil, and could not be made such by a piece of royal parchment. The King of Eng- land could no more give away Korth America to Englishmen than the Pope of Rome could give away South America to Sjjaniards. Accord- ingly Williams was treated with summary severity, as a consj)irator or a vile incendiary, lie had to tlec for his very life, and bc^'oud the outermost limits of their presumptive jurisdiction. He had to go, too, in the dead of winter, and bury himself among the more compassionate savages of Rhode Island. It is perfectly clear then, it is as demonstrably clear as history can make it, that the Puritans came to these far-away shores not for mere liberty to worship God, agreeably to their own modes and fancies, but to establish a church and a state which should Ite exclu- sively and potentially their own. We say church and slate, after the old European and Romish fashions ; because, while they j)rated loudly' about the tyranny of jjopcs and kings, they followed popes and kings implicitly in i)utting the Church before the state in rank, and above the state in authority and power. Wo are almost talked deaf about this matter by their valorous eulogists, who contend that they are the absolute founders of civil liberty. AVhy, it was one of their earli- est laws that no one should be permitted to east a vote who did not belong to their chiurh-conununion. And it was one of their famous one hundred elementary decretals that the man who attemi)ted to change or reform their government should \y,\\ for his ])rcsumption with his life. It was a law levelled, no doul)t, against such desperate logicians as Roger Williams. This dauntless Anal)aptist taught them its indispensable necessity for their governmental safety. And the old crime of lese-majesty was as virtually, if not as technically, embodied in their statutes as in the codes of the Roman emperors. The formal inauguration, it may be, of Puritan supremacy and infallibility was made by James Cranford, who, while the Long Par- liament ano///. Feb. 1, 1G45. He calleil it " Haereseo-Machia ; or, 'i'he iMischiefs of Heresy." In that inaiiguniting sermon. aft(M- declaiming against what lie pro- PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 509 nounccd heresy, with every possible aririmiont, he solemnly appealed to inagistratos to join in the eventful hattlo against a hideous Ibe. lie toiil tiiesc congregated authorities of lOngland, sitting witliin the com[)ass probably of a ringing and penel rating voiee, — ami told them, too, full plainly, — "That tliero was never iu the world any godly emperor or king, that can be produced, but thought the eare of relig- ion tlid appertain to him, tiiat it was his duty to suppress idolatries, iiKUESiES, SCHISMS, and accordingly hath been acting more or less to this purpose."' And again, heightening his appeal: "That those emperors and kings who arc recorded voluntarily to have tolcmted all religious, or carelessli/ to have neglected the growth of heresies and schisms iu the church, have l)ecn, the former, apostates, atheists, here- tics ; the latter, branded for their neglect." ' ^Vhi!o ho crowned his Uemostheuiau philippic, and tried to palsy any commiserating tongue, by adding that, "Never did any orthodox divine constiiutly deny this power to the magistrate, or plead for a tolkijation of all sects."' This was all which Xew England wanted to justify the hail-storm of persecution which had been rained uj)on the hapless opponents of Puritanism on this side of the Atlantic. And one of the governors of Massachusetts — one, too, of her most eminent and admired ones — echoed the positions of Master Cranford ; not to say that the echo was, if possible, louder than the prot()ty])e. Cranlbrd preached in 1G45; this governor (Thomas Dudley) died in l(!.");i, and after his death a sonnet was found upon his person, from which we quote the follow- ing lines : '^ — " Let men of God in courts and churches watch, O'er such as do a toleration luatch, Lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice, To poison all with heresy and vice. If men bo left, and otherwise combine, My Epitaph's I died no libertine." Said President Oakes, of Harvard University, in an election ser- mon before an assembly of Mtissachusetts magnates, " I look upon toleration as the first-born of all abominations." Mr. Ward, author of "The Simple Cobbler of Agawam," surpasses President Oakes. First, he calls toleration "room for hell above ground ; " and then takes a tlight, the match of which pr()l)abiy history cannot produce, unless she brings it from the records of the Lujuisition : "To author- ize an untruth l)y ti toleration of State is to build a sconce against the walls of heaven to batter God out of his chair." And it woidd be a very easy task to multiply such I)ligiiting, blistering examples. No wonder that John Seldcn, whom some have ventured to pronounce a Puritan, but who was sometimes one of their keenest critics, should sum up the aim of Puritan jiastors in the following ]iredictive sentence : "The people must not think a thought tow.-irds (lod i)ut as their pastors will put it into their mouths. They will make right sheep of us."' ' Hubbard's " Xcw England," p. 19. ' Mather's " Magnalla," i., p. 122. Hartford, 1S20. ^ Table Talk. I'mycr No. S. 510 iiisrora- of the American episcopal church. Seidell knew tliem, to "the joints and marrow." At one time they were his butt, and, at another, liis mockery. Now he scarified, and now he scorched, them. Still, even such openings admit a climax ; and, if so, they had it in two books, written by John Cotton, on the power of the keys, and the absolute righteousness of persecution. The first ought to have been publisiicd at Kome, with the Pope for an editor. The second, wliich claimed to wash white, in the blood of the Lamb, "the bloody tenent" of persecution, should have been published at Madrid, with (had he been living) Philip II. for an editor. A man who delighted to see heretics burning at the stake, and put his own son to death because tainted with Protestantism, would have gloried in this volume, and perhaps have recommended its author for the honors of canoniza- tion. Having opened a holy war, a crusade against all opponents to their sacred and inspired Commonwealth, the Puritans proceed to carry out the programme of Cranford, and to stigmatize every senti- ment they could not sanction with their infallible approval. They went to such enormous lengths that, says one of the profoundest jurists New England skies have ever covered, "The arm of the civil government was consfantJ// employed in support of the denunciations of the Church ; and without its forms the Inquisition existed in substance, with a full share of its terrors and its violence." ' I cannot, however, dwell upon their envenomed hostility against Quakers, whom they styled " cursed" even in their statute law ; against Baptists ; against even old-fashioned Presbyterians ; and the poor Indian, whom their idolized charter bound them to commiserate and Christian- ize, and whom they might have easily got along with, had they treated them as tlicy were treated by the inliabitants of one of their own townships, well named Concord 1 ^ My immediate business is to show how they demeaned tliem- selvcs towards the representatives in New England of that church, towards which, so far as words went, they most filially and loyally paid homage in tlie Arbella letter. And, even with such a plan in view, so broad is the ground wliich might be covered, that it is necessary for me to restrict my observa- tions, and then to take up illustrative cases for a multitude of others, leaving long details unmcntioned. Characteristic facts, sufficient to susUiin my positions, must answer ; and those positions are the fol- lowing : First, the treatment which Episcopalians received when they remonstrated with Puritan authorities for decent, if not courteous, con^iderafion. N^ext, the contempt and dis])aragemcnt manifested by Puritans for English ordinations. Lastly, their ellbrts to suppress English missions, and to slave off an American episcopate. (L) Their treatment of Episcopal remonstrances. On the other side of tlic ocean it was taking too low a stand for I'uritanism to deal in siniitle remonstrances. It took higher, immensely hiaiicr, cround. It admonished those with wiioin it came in contact ' Sloiy's " Mispcllnnics," p. fifi. ' .Sco SUattui'k'n " Coiipoid ;" also, " SInss. Hist. Coll.," 1st Scr., I., p. 241. PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 511 as its civil and ecclesiastical superiors. And if it aimed at an individ- ual, and wrote such a folio as William Prynne did, styling it "Canter- bury's Doom," and endeavored to cxtinguisli an ecclesiastic as fiercely hated as \Villiam Laud was, we might not have been much astonished. But it took a loftier, a much more daring, flight. It admonished Par- liament ! It took to most serious task tiic supreme authority of Eng- land itself, as a law-maker. It talked to sovereign England as if it were the conl river of a Justinian code, or the compiler of a national constitution. The demeanor of these admonitions became so truculent, that tho judicious Hooker felt called upon, in the preface to his elaborate "Polity," to show the sweeping temper they enkindled and deepened. "Under the happy i-eign of her Majest}' which now is, tho greatest matter a while contended for was the ca]) and surplice, till there came Admonitions directed unto the High Court of Parliament, \)y men who, concealing their names, thought it glory enough to discover their minds and affections, which were now bent even against aU the laws and orders wherein this Cluu'ch is found unconformal)lc to the jjlatform of Geneva." * The Puritans, in Hooker's estimation, had at last Ijecomc root and branch men. To speak in their own adopted rhetoric, not a hoof of England's body politic was to be left behind. Now, surely, if such dashing admonition were admissi])le in Old England, a moderate remonstrance at least might be endured in New England. So reasoned tho churchmen of Now England, who, some- how or other, had clustered together, after the ignominious expulsion of the Brownes. The sermon of Cranford had perhaps made its ap- pearance in tho latitude of Boston, and was thought by the timid "a token of perdition." AVhcreforo, in the year after its delivery, in 1 G40, sundry Episcopalians ventured to indite a petition to the General Court (as it was called) , begging for a trifle of Christian forljoarance and toler- ation. They "prayed that civil liberty and freedom might bo granted to all truly English, and that all members of tho Church of England or Scotland, not scandalous, might l)o admitted to tho ))rivilcges of the churches of New England ; or, if these civil and religious liberties were refused, that they might bo freed from tho heavy taxes imposed upon them, and from the impresses made of them, or their children, or servants, into tho war."^ It will be seen that the petition covered the case of Presbj'tcrians as well as Episcopalians. And now let us remark how those who could scold Parliament received, not a harsh tale of grievances, and a demand for overturning reformation, but a moderate and harmless re- quest to bethink themselves as Christian men for Christians gene.ralhj. Did they re(ei\e the petition? Oh, yes ; they did as much as that. Did they answer it ? Oil, yes ; as wc might ha\o been thoroughly assured. They had not to deal with Martin-^h^r-Prelate lil)ols, Ijut with a regu- lar and I'ospectful legal document; for the right of petition is one about which New England once thundered at the doors of Congress, in days when the aboliticm of slavery was a burning theme. They tui'aed it over and over, shuflled it backwards and forwards, weighed « Prcf., Ch. 2, } 10. « Ilutcliinson's Hist., I., p. 137. 512 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. it in the balances of prudence and of policy, for four long months. But even then they could not get cool enough to brook it. Their con- sultations over it seemed to fester like a cancer, and at last threw out their attainted venom. The petition was treated as factious and rebel- lious ; or, as Dr. Morse said, in one of the early editions of his "Geography," "The colony was disturbed bj'- some of its principal in- habitants, who had conceived a dislike of some of the laws and the government. Several of these disaflectcd persons were imprisoned, and the rest compelled to give security for their future good behaviour." People put under bail or imprisoned for exercising the inalienable right of petition 1 And this, too, when to ward olf sundry remon- strances from England, about their treatment of Anabaptists and Pres- l)yterians, they appoint a committee to proclaim, as with the thunders of Niagara, " their utter disaffection to arbitrary government." ' If they had belonged to the old colony of New Haven, could they have been indicted under the statute against fibbing? (2.) The next point is their estimate of English ordinations. If there be one matter in regard to which Congregationalists and their parallels are sensitive beyond all others, it is the matter of ordi- nation. And this sensitiveness is easily explained. When a man is liable to censure for a particular weakness, an}' censure directed against that weakness touches him, rouses him, inflames him, ten times more than censure levelled against him on a side where he is invulnei'able. Our neighbors are heavily displeased at our inapi)reciation of their ordinations, because they know we have good reason for it. If the general practices of antiquity may be a guide about disputed ques- tions, we know there is world-wide testimony to show that in the daj's of the Council of Nice, Episcopacy was the church government of Christendom ; and if all who believe the doctrine of the Trinity is now, as it was then, the great central doctrine of Christendom, and consider this fact as one of its grand historic proofs, — if all such would accept the Episcopal discii)iine which went along with it, there would be such a prospect of unity as has not dawned on us for many a weary, disheartening century. But, to turn from such a. vein of thought, however inevitable, could it a priori, be deemed a possibility, that those who could not endure for a moment any cheapening of their own ministerial standing would turn around and cheapen the same thing in those wliosc; minis- terial standing is unquestionable? Should 1 be credited, if I said openly and bro.adly, that Congregationalists neither believed in, nor would acknowledge as valid, Episcopal ordinations? Nay, should I not ])e told tiiat my assertion was a gross and jialpable, not to say a highly discrcdilalile, error? Nevertlieiess, whatever may be the pres- ent slate of Congregational opinion, " from the beginning it was not so." I'hey, doubtless, had some qualms about the formidal)le step, as the ordinal ion of a ISIr. Wilson demonstrates, but tiieir s])irits were soon clarilied, and made fidl strong. They then disavowed tlie ordi- « Fulfs " Salcra," I., rp- 172-176. I'lUITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 513 nations of England, on principle, Ijecaiise the laity iiad no .share in them. And now for the proof of this stout allegation. Many instances rise to my recollection, but one is as good as twenty, and especially such an one as it is proposed to quote. John Cotton wrote that awful book, in which he professed to have washed white in the blood of the Lamb, "the bloody tcnent" of persecution, and made it as clean as the white linen of the saints in glory. Cotton Mather, in his " Magnalia," slips by the treatise in half a line I And yet, say Morse and Parish, in their compendious history of New Eng- land, "Mr. Cotton is said to have been more useful and influential in settling the civil as well as ecclesiastical policy of New England than any other person."' Notwithstanding, this foremost personage, though an ordained clergyman of the Church of England, was ordained over again, w'hen, after "flying from the deprivations of Europe to the American sti'and,"he found himself at home. And, what is very surprising, he is ordained with a formality not surpassed in the forms of the Church which was repudiated ! The account may be found by the curious in Governor Winthrop's journal.^ Great and incessant complaint is made of the prayer-book, be- cause a bishop says, when a pi'esbyter is ordained, "Receive the Holy Ghost."* But it appears, from the Cottonian ordination, that a Puritan pastor, laying on hands with a coujjJe of laymen, can do the same thing (virtually, if not technically) ; nor so only, but they can claim an actual communication of the gifts of the Holy Ghost, and a sanction of their act "as by a sign from God ; " in other words, by an invisible, if not a visible, miracle I How any higher assumptions could be taken we cannot see. How it could be proclaimed more strongly that the ofEcial gifts of the Holy Ghost had not previously endowed a candidate for ordination we cannot see ; but if there be the least doubt about the fact that any previous ordiimtion was nullified with holy scorn, such doubt can be removed by the requisition, that the candidate for the prerogatives of a puritanic ministry should humble himself, and acknowledge any previous ordination as a sin ! * Could any device be a completer protest and denunciation against any pre- vious (so-called) ordination? It treated such ordination as a sacri- lege, and stigmatized it as a crime. In some of its flights of fancy Puritanism hooted at ordination by bishops as a forge of Popery, and blackened with the smoke of the bottomless pit.^ Certainly such a case will answer as a test-case, if any one can. It is the case of the foremost and most unblenching defender of Puritanic persecutions, and of a man whom his own satellites and admirers pro- nounce (to use a modern term) the evolver of New England's civil and ecclesiastical polity. If anything could heighten this tragi-comedy to the uttennost it would be the marvellous fact that such a tissue of assumptions could • p. 100. sumption when they use it in communicating 'Savage's edition, 182i), Vol. i., pp. Ut, holy orders. — Sehhn'g TabU-Talk. 115. * Savajrc's " Winthrop," I., p. 217. Felt's > Sclden makes light of tlic pliruse, and " Salem," pp. 104, 10."). says the Jews used it in maivinp a Imvycr. Sure- • Lecnford's " Plain Dealing," p. 17, notes. ly, then, Christians arc not guilty of profane as- 514 HISTORY OF THE AMEKICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. be gone through with, aud be enacted by any seven individuals, and perhaps by twol The question about the lluxiouary number necessary to constitute a religious society (or, as we now say, a church) is a radical one. It made ti-ouble in New England as far back as 1635, at the ordination of Thomas Shepard, another unfrocked Episcopalian. After serious debate seven was selected as the critical figure, because Wisdom's house was erected with seven pillars. ^ Governor Winthrop says that Mr. Shepard and six others constituted an ecclesias- tical body politic, which possessed as much inherent power as any diocese in Christendom ; perhaps moi'e, for those seven constituted an independent sovereignty.^ And the descendants of such men, looking down upon the Church of England and her most solemn acts as farces or presumptions, nay, possibly sins, now turn squarely round and complain that Episcopalians do not honor their ordinations as highly as their own. " O Judgment I thou art fled to brutish beasts, And men have lost their reason." (3.) There is but one point more which can be embraced in these short sketches. This is the treatment of the missionaries of the English Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, and the eiforts to stave off the establishment of an American episcopate. As to the treatment of Episcopal missionaries, as good an idea as the case admits can be obtained from a notice of the first resident Episcopal clerg}'^man in the city of Boston, and his reception in the centi'e of a Puritan dominion. It was not till the old charter was annihilated, and a royal governor gained foothold in Massachusetts, that an Episcojjal clergyman coukl safely follow. Most graphically does the poetic Mr. Greenwood , in his " History of King's Chapel ," open this inauspicious era in the romantic history of New England's eccle- siastical " Kcmarkablos" : " The Rose frigate must have seemed to the greater part of the P>ostonians, or Bostoneers, as Eandoli)h called them, freighted heavily with woe, bearing, as it did, the Kcv. Robert Rat- clifl'e, of the Church of England, with his surplice and his 'Book of Common Prayer,' to saj"- nothing of the commission which appointed a ■ president over them by the king's sole authority." ' It was, doubtless, Mr. Ratclifle's inevitable fate to be made as comfortless as might be, by the denial of a jiulpit, and even of a bell to summon a conm-egation to offer that Lilan}^ which teaches church- men to praj' for " enemies, persecu- tors and slaiidorcrs," that God may pardon them, and turn their hearts into the ways of charity and peace. The grievances of such jicoplc were ingeniously and industriously mul- tiplied till they had to cry out for deliverance to A\'illi:uii III., who, though a Dutchman from the purlieus of the Synod of Dort, was ' Prov. ix. 1. " Savage's " Wintlii-op," i., \>. 180. » P. 15. PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 515 not given over to Cnlvinistic implacal>ili(3\ They soberl}' decliired, in ii petition iuklressed to liim, liiat tlioy had been " injured and abused both in their civil and religious concernments, our Church by thcii* rage and fury having been greatl}'' hurt and damnified, and daily threatened to be pulled down and destroyed, our minister hindered and ol)structcd in the discharge of his duty and otiice, and we now put under the burthen of most excessive rates and taxes, to support the interest of a disloyal prevailing party amongst us, who under pre- tence of the public good design nothing but ruin and destruction to us and the whole country." ' The only wonder about this jjctition is, that it was not united in by Quakers, Baptists. Presbyterians, and others, who could have widened its arguments and deepened its lam- entations. Perhaps churchmen were somewhat nervous about having others associated with them, lest their own chances of success be there- by lessened. The government might have hearkened to a clan when they would shrink from dnloosing an army. As to the efforts of Puritans to stave off the introduction of bishops, perhaps no better idea of them can be communicated than by introducing the name and fortunes of John Checkley, an individual whom, for his sleepless industry in relation to this sulyect, the Puritans accounted an emissary of the prince of darkness. Checkley was born in 1()80, and died in 1753, in his seventy-fourth year. He was a Bostonian by birth, educated, it is said at Oxford, and later a traveller on the Continent, bringing home with him curiosities of art and val- uable manuscripts. So he was a scholar and a cosmopolite, and his attainments ought to have made him worthy of notice and cultivation ; but, alas ! he was "destitute of vital piety." Checkley, it is altogether probable, had intercourse with the ec- clesiastical authorities of England, and kept them informed of the state of afi'airs on this side of the ocean. He published, in 1723, a pamphlet which was the forerunner of the Episcopal controversy in America. He followed it with Leslie's " Short and Easy Method," to which he subjoined a discourse concerning Episcopacy. This was quite too much ; he was getting to be positively alanning, and accordingly the strong arm of law was laid upon him. Ho was an-ested, and tried as a public lil)eller and peace-disturber, was fined fifty pounds and bonded in a hundred pounds to keep the peace, and doomed withal to pay the costs of his own prosecution. Hapless mortal ! he w\as fined fifty pounds for defending the king's religion, and yet breaking the royal peace, and witliin earshot of Faneuil Hall, the cradle of liberty ! (Jheckley was not at all dismayed. With the assistance of Dr. Cutler, wdio gave up the Presidency of Yale College, and became an Episcopalian in 1723, he contrived to defeat the assembling of a Puri- tanic Council, which was to assemble in 1724—5. Tiiis atrocious crime was never forgiven or forgotten. AV'hen he afterwards went to Eng- land, to obtain holy orders, he was pursued by representations which pictured him out as a traitor to the House of Hanover. Luckless, but unintimidated, he never remitted his efforts to ■ Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d series, vn., p. 194. 518 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. become a clergyman, and was ordained a deacon, at last, at an age never known before for such promotion, — in his sixtieth year. He lived a minister, in Providence, R.I., some fourteen years; and if any names deserve inscription on our cimrch's roll of honor. Checklej^'s should be among the foremost. It is deeply to be lamented that he left no "history of his own times." He had a lively imagina- tion and a trenchant wit, as was evinced by his " Dissenter's Cate- chism;" and we should have had an "Apology for the Introduction of Bishops into British Colonies " as famous among ourselves as Tertul- lian's keen one in long-departed days.' The controversy respecting Episcopal missions between Chauncy and Alayhew on the Puritan side, and Abp. Seeker, with Apthorp and Chandler, on the Episcopal side, cannot be reviewed for want of space ; nor the cruel insinuation that zeal for the introduction of a monarchi- cal Episcopacy was one of the causes of the American Ee volution. That Episcopalians could be patriots, let this memorable proof be a sufficient attestation. "It is possible, also, that a majority of the signers of the Declaration of Independence are Episcopalians."^ And now, finally, to show that the Pui'itans, while endeavoring to uproot Episcopacy, and plant their theocracy in its stead, as the best possible of exchanges, made a huge effort and a corresponding failure, I will close with quotations from two distinguished Puritan authors, to prove that the elements of unsettledness, division, and theological uncertainty wliich we now see on all sides in Puritanical quarters, stalled and abounded in England before they developed themselves still further upon, as Cotton Mather calls it, " the American strand." Though never overfond of the Apocrjrpha, the Puritans could justify its estimate of thoroughness : — " There be spirits tliat are created for vengeance, Wliich in tlicir fury lay on sore strokes.'" And now, by the testimony of their own authors, let us see how much their " sore strokes " accomplished. Here is a panorama of Puritanism, l)y Thomas Reeve, B.D., drawn out under the droppings of its primitive sanctuaries in London, the fostering home of the Long Parliament, and the " Most Sacred " Westminster Assembly : — Every corporation Iiatli a new brotherhood of believers, every pulpit new coin coming hot out of the mint, every secret meeting a .secret rule of faitli, .and a secret form of worsliip. Oh, what variety of Savi<)ur.s have we! Every m.an is for his particular Redocmor, his distinct messeuj'er of the Covenant. Here is Christ, and there is Christ. Now who shall calm Uiis troubled sea, raise up these ruins, uew-joinc these dislocated bones, reduce these mutineers P * And, again, p. 146 : — God would bo ashamed to walk before you in such ways, or to prescribe to you such paths. If your eyes bo open, what repentance do ye see amongst us, but • Sec Updike's " Narrafrftnsott," pp. 205-11. ■Ecclu.s. xxxix. 28. ' Updike, ul tupra, p. 246. ' Rccvc'a " Plea for Nineveh," 16i57, p. 16. PURITANISM IN NEW ENGLAND. 517 beating down of crosses, crashing^ of cluireh-\nndow3, demolishing a font, new- placing a coniniunion-tiible. and plucking olVlliat same abominable roeliet ? But liatli this Reformation cleansed away one sin i* Ilatli it made us more moral than Turks, or more pure than many Pajnims and infuleIsP Are our evil motions, our evil lusts, and our evil ways gone ? Is there not as much ])ri(l(' and riot, and eovetous- ness and shitidcr, and theft and craft, peevishness and pcrlidiousness, cozenage and contention, as there is this day among Scythians and Itarbarians? A nimble voyage then that we have made, who are not sailed beyond the Land's End ; a long journey that wo have travelled, who are not gotten out of our old ways I ' Once more, to show his close circumspection, and wonderful com- mand of language, pp. 150, 151 : — For all the noise of our sermon-bells, and the mysteries of the Kingdom of Heaven preached among ns, here is nothing but shaveing and Ileeceing, pinchitig and biting, catching and cru.shing, supi)lanlnig and circumventing, consuming and confounding, decocting and despoiling, slaying and flaying, prosecuting and perse- cuting, mingling and powdering, glozing and varnishing, sophisticating and adul- terating, lengthening out of suits, and spinning out of quarrels, siding and shoul- dering, trampling and shivering, dreadful decrees in the Court of Conscience, and horrid orders divers times, in the best Court of Judicature, as if oppression were a science, and tyranny a trade. . . . Oh, if I should lead you into the forest itself, where all the wild beasts and ravenous serpents do range, ye would think this were the land of tigers and dragons! And for all this, yet are we the just Nation ? One is tempted to give his full-length portrait of Puritan parsons, on p. 104 ; l)ut the fear it may be considered the work of a mechanic, dealing in " untempcred mortar," induces me to pass it by. Reeve's folio, of more than 350 pages, will richly repay a laborious explorer. And now, lastly, let us listen to a few words from Richard Baxter, one of the choicest of Puritinic saints. His work on " Catholic Unity " will be the one quoted, since, to do him but justice, he knew how to use the word "Catholic" in a non-Roman sense, — no mean at- tainment for his day, and especially amid his .surroundings. He gave a pitiful list of the sects which thrived in the rebellion, till he cried out, mind-sick and heart^sick, " I am weary of mentioning these des- perate errors ;" so he wound up vnth the following burst of Baxterian rhetoric: "The Anabajjtist hath a scab, and the Separatist hath a wound ; but the common ungodly multitude have the lepros}^ and plague-sores from top to toe. Profaneness is a hodge-podge and galli- ma\vfry, of all the heresies in the world in one." No wonder that Henry Foulis, M.A., who could produce according to Isaac d'Israeli, "an extraordinary folio," who was once inclined to bo a Puritan, and who knew his old comrades ab ovo usque ad malum, should describe thorn in rhetoric (juite as peculiar as Mr. Baxter's, only rather more scholarly : "The Teueriff or Pico .shall sooner shrink to mole-hills, the name of the Escurial be forgotten, and the great tun at IIeideli)erg filled with Rhenish wine be a draught to a j)igmy, than a non-con- formist cease from being disobedient, or our disciplinarians from Iiating and persecuting our lawful government of Bishops." ■^ Perhaps one • Compare Reeve's " Plea for Nineveh," pp. 2d ed., 1674, p. 145, with some language left 74, 76. ont^ which mi{;nt be thought liarsher than that ' Foulis's " Plots of our Pretended Saints," which is quotcil. 518 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. cannot better close than in the language of Roger Williams to John Cotton : " Oh that it may please the Father of Lights to awaken both himself, and other of my honored countr^Tnen, to see how, though their hearts wake, in respect of personal grace and life of Jesus, yet they sleep, insensible of much concerning the purity of the Lord's worship, or the sorrows of such, whom they style brethren and beloved in Christ, afflicted by them 1 " ' Sf^l/P. ixi^vtr I Answer to Cotton on the " Bloody tenent of pereecution." Hanserd Knolly's Society ed., 1848, p. 383. MONOGRAPH IV DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA, 1729-1731. By the rev. MOSES COIT TYLER, LL.D., Pro/easor of American Eiatory, in Cornell University t New York. ON the 23(1 ()tM;uiuiu-y, 1729, a British ship of about two hundred and fifty tons was seen hovering off the coast of Rhode Island and making signals for a pilot. In response to these signals two pilots boarded the ship. It proved to be the hired vessel of an eminent Englisli clergyman, the Rev. George Berkeley. Dean of Derry, who had with him his wife and a small jwrty of friends, and was desirous of lauding somowlicre in Rhode Island. The pilots in- formed him that the harbor of Newport was near, and that in the town there was an Episcopal church, the minister of which was the Rev. James ITonyman. At once the dean wrote a letter to Mr. Ilony- man, notifying him of his approach. AVhat followed is best told in the picturesque narrative of a local historian of the event. The pilots took tlu! dean's letter "on shore at Conanicut Island, and called on Mr. Gardner and Mr. Martin, two members of Mr. Ilonyman's church, informing them that a great dignitary of the Church of Eng- land, called Dean, was on board the ship, together with other gentle- men passengers. They handed them the letter from the dean, which Gardner and Martin l)rought to Newport with all possilile dcs]iatch. On their arrival they tbund Mr. Ilonyman was at church, it being a holiday on which divine service was held there. They then sent the letter by a servant, who dcdivered it to ]\Ir. Honyman in his jjulpit. He opened it, and read it to the congregation, from the contents of which it appeared the dean might be expected to land in Newport every moment. The church was dismis.sed with the blessing, and ]\Ir. Honyman, with the wardens, vestry, and congregation, male and female, repaired inuuediately to the wharf, where they an-ived a little before the dean, his family, and friends." On the day after this notable event a Newport correspondent of "The New England Weekly Courier" thus announced the news to the people of Boston : " Yesterday arrived here Dean Berkeley, of Londoudeny, in a pretty large ship. He is a gentleman of middle stature, of an agreeable, pleasant, and erect aspect. He was ushered into the town with a sjreat number of wntlemen, to whom he behaved himself after a very complaisant manner. 'Tis said he proposes to tany here with his family al)out three months. "• Instead of tarrying there only al)out three mouths the deau " Cited ia Fraser's " Life aad Letters of George Berkeley," p. 154. 520 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. tarried there nearly three years. Ho soon purchased a farm three or four miles from Newport, near the sea ; and he built there a large house, which he named "Whitehall." He had brought with him, not only ample wealth in money and in personal and household goods, ])ut a library of several thousand volumes. During the whole time of his sojourn in America he lived very quietl}', and in almost un- broken retirement. He was kindly and familiar with people of all religious faiths in Newport. Occasionally he preached in the New- port cliurcii, or Ment with the faithful missionary, Mr. Hoiiyman, among the Narragansett Indians. He was the highest officer of the ■ WHITEHALL." THE liliSIDENCE OF DEAN BEKKELEY WHILE IN RHODE ISLAND. Anglican Church who had ever been in America; and his coming hither and his long stay hero were a mystery to the public, and to some of them, likewise, a source of alarm. It was said that ho intended to fiiund a college at the Bi'rmudas ; but, if so, why did ho not go to the Bermudas, and set about it ? There were some who suspected that he might be an emissary of the English Church, and that he had come to New England with the subtle jmrpose of laying some kind of pre- lalical mine Inr tiic blowing up and destruction of liie ecclesiastical system already established tiiere. Several years before I'x'rkeicy's arrival, Timothy Cutler, the ))residont of Yale College, Daniel Hrown, its tutor, together with two prominent Congregational pastors iii Con- nect icut, Sanniel .Tolmson iind .Tames AVetniorc. had gone over in a body to the English Church. The event had produced no little con- I)1:AN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA. .')21 sternation. Was it not likely that the astute and plausililc Dean of Deny liad come out to America to entice others o( the New England ministry into a similar detection ? At any rate the proceedings of the dean would hear watching. And. on his part, there seemed to be not the least objection to their being watched, lie had nothing to conceal. It did appear somewhat strange lliat an ambitious and dangerous ecclesiasticai emissary, instead of pushing out into the colonics, and making acquaintances among the people, should have retired to the solitude of an island on the coast, and should have spent his time there after the manner of a philosophical hermit. Certainly he was affable to all wiiom by any accident he fell in with; and Ik; courteously received ail, whether distinguished or un- distinguished, who chose to call upon him ; but he solicited no man's company ; he interfered with no man's opinions. In (lie way of charity he gave nmch, l)ut himself had no favors to ask. Excepting occasional missionary tours among the Indians, and a single visit to Boston for the purpose of taking ship for England, he made no journeys into the country that he was credited with the design of subjugating ; aud when at last ho took his leave of America, and returned to England, he left after him here only a beautiful and gracious memory, — the memory of a l)lameless, wise, benignant, and helpful presence upon these shores. Here was born to him his eldest son, Henry; and here also was born, and here died, his second child, Lucia, and her I)ody was laid tenderly in Trinity chureh-yard, at Newport ; here he wrote his greatest and most famous literary work, the philosophical dialogue called "Alci- phrou ; " and here, by the disinterested and catholic love which he manifested for America, by the stimulus he gave to philosophical and classical studies in this country, and especially by the magnanimous and inspiring faith he uttered in the destinies of the Christian Church and of the Christian commonwealth in America, he won for himself a title to our perpetual remembrance and gratitude. As has been already mentioned Berkeley's visit to America, and his long and seemingly purposeless residence here, were not understood in his own time by the public on either side of the Atlantic; and it may be added that, though the materials for understanding the reasons both for his coming and for his going have at last lietni fully spread before the public,' there still lingers over the subject something of the mysteiy which invested it a hundred and fifty years ago. To persons who have not yet taken the pains to study carefully the ma- terials just referred to, it still seems strange that a devout and earnest clergyman of the English Cliiirch, holding the high office of dean, in the prime of his life, and in the full vigor of his health, should have withdrawn himself from his duties at home, and with his wife, his house- hold goods, his books, and a few friends, should have settled down in a secluded sj)ot on the coast of America: should have there sauntered ' The chief depositaries of materials relating 1881, containin<; bioprrtiphical facts brought to to Berkeley aro the following: "The Worlds light since 1871; and the series of admirable of Geoi'ge "hurkeley," edited by A. C. I'raser, 3 liistorical and biographical works produced by vols., Oxford, 1871 ! " Life aud Letters of (ieorge tlie Reverend E. E. Beardsley, of New riavcn, Berkeley," l)y A. C. Eraser, 1871 ; "Berkeley," particularly bis "Life and Correspondence of by A. C. Eraser, Edinburgli and Pliiladelpliia, Samuel .lohuson, D.D.," New York, 1874. 522 IllSTOHY OF TUE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. and loitered for nearly three j'ears, and then, apparently without achieving, or trying to achieve, any visible result which he could not have accomplished as well by staying at home, should have gathered up his eflects, and have sailed back to England. In reality, however, Berkeley's American visit was, in its plan, its execution, and its fruit, much more than it seemed to the public eye, either at that time or since ; and while it was a thing that could have been projected only by an idealist and a moral enthusiast — such as Berkeley was — it must be pronounced, even on cool survey, a mission of chivalric l^enevolence certainly, but also of profound and even creative sagacity. In its boldness and its generosity it was dictated by an apostolic disinterestedness and courage, to which, of course, that age was unaccustomed, and which places it in the light of an almost comic incongruity with the spirit of the age in which it occurred. In the history of our colonial period it forms a romantic chapter. But, in order to understand it we need first to understand Berkeley himself, as well as his attitude towards the times he lived in. George Berkeley was born in Ireland, County Kilkenny, on the 12th March, 1685, being descended from Cavalier English ancestry, and particularly related to the family of Lord Berkeley, of Stratton. He studied at the famous Kilkenny School, which has been called " the Eton of Ireland;" and in 1700 he entered Trinity College, Dublin, where he continued to i-eside as student and fellow for the next thirteen years, and where he achieved the highest distinction for scholarship, and especially for original philosophic thought. From childhood he had been an unusual person. To his associates in particular he had been an object of wonder or of mirth, by the eccentricity of his enthusiasms, and by his marvellous fertility in the dreaming of gorgeous and impossible dreams for the improvement of mankind in knowledge, virtue, and hapjiiness. As he ripened into manhood he became a person of extraordinarj' attractions. He was of singular beauty and geniality ; his learning was great ; he had un- common genius for scientific and metaphysical speculation ; as a con- versationalist he was remarlialjle even in an age in which convci'sation was cultivated as a fine art ; and all tlicsc! brilliant (]ualities in him were crowned by the mildness, the tender and earnest (•harity, of a devout Christian. In 1709 he received his first ordination; and thenccfor ward to the end of his days, though he never had regular service as a l)arisli priest, he was a frequcutanda vcr}- impressive preacher ; indeed, he was a great and an elocjuent philosopher in the pwljjit, taking his place in that illustrious line of mighty thinkers in the Christian minis- try in which stand Butler, Cudworth, Barrow, Hooker, F6neIon, Malebranche, Aquinas, Augustine, Origeu, and Saint Paul, — men to whom theology ^\■as " the highest form of philosophy, and the reverential spirit of religion its noblest consecration." E\'cn before his ordination, in 1709. Berkeley had begun to pro- duce those )jhilosophieMl writings in which he gradually unfolded his celebrated ideal theory of the universe.' This theory begins with a ' Tliu writings paiticulaily rcfciTcd lo arc ■119-.')02; "An ICssa^ lowaids a New Tlieorv of " Comiuonplacu IJook," in " Life and LettciN," Vision," piiblisbcil in 1709; " A Treatise con- nEAN UEHKELEYS SO.IUUKN IN AMKIUCA. 52A lu'iriitivi! proposition, — a denial of tlu; oxistonco of inatttM' iiido- pendcMit of .spirit. But it at once proceeds to an aliirniative proposi- tion, involving a "truth of unsurpas.sed grandeur, simplicity, pro- ccrniuy the Piiuciples of Human Kuowlcdgc," is pro<;rcs3ivcly stated and defended; and the 1710; " Tliiee Dialogues between Iljlas ami hvst of thorn is what Fia-^er calls it, — " Uic gem HUilomis," 1713. In these writings his theory of British niotaphv-ical literature." 524 UISTOUY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CIIUKCH. fundity, and weight." namel^s that the only true substance is spirit ; that the only true cause is an intelligent will ; therefore, that what- ever exists, or appears to exist, can be philosophically explained only through the powers and qualities of spirit. The special use \vhich Berkeley made of his theory was in refuta- tion of the anti-religious philosophy of his lime. He thought that a belief in the absolute existence of matter leads to atheism. Against this tendency he set his own theory, — one of great subtlety and logi- cal power, — wherein the so-called material universe is but a vast sys- tem of symbols " through wiiich the Deit}^ makes His being and His attril)utes known to man. What seems, or is taken to be, the mate- rial universe is simply the manifested ideas of God." ' Since our sensible percej)tions "must be caused, and since they cannot be caused bj^ non-causative, and hence non-existent, matter, they must be ascribed to the agency of God, the Supreme Spirit. The world is God's voice. His language, a set of symbols or signs. Physical science, neglecting the questions of essential l>eing and causation , has but to ascertain and record these symbols in their observable order of coexistence and sequence. Philosophy shows that through them we are in communion with, and gracious dependence on, an omnipresent Deity." - Thus, down to the year 1713, whenhe had reached his twenty-third 3'ear, the life of George Berkeley had passed in studious retirement, mainly in Trinity College, Dublin. He had got well acquainted with books ; he knew little of men, of cities, of the ways of society in the great world outside the walls of his college. Now l)egan the epoch in his life, nearly eight 3^cars long, in which he devoted himself to travel, and to the direct study of himian nature and human society. He had already begun to reap some portion of his great fame as a metaphysi- cian. INIoreovcr, he had won the especial friendship of Dean Swift, who in the same year became deau of Saint Patrick's, and who was destinctl directlj' and indirectly to have a decisive inlluence on Berkeley's fortunes. Early in January, 1713, young Berkeley went over to Loudon, in order, as he said at the time, to print his " new book of Dialogues and to make acquaintance with men of merit." ^ From the first he was under the powerful patronage of Dean Swift, and l)y him was soon presented at the court of Queen Anne, as well as at the more illustrious court of the poets, wits, and philosophers who were shed- ding lustre upon that period. By his extraordinaiy conversational l)ow(!rs and l)y the indescriliablc charm of his character he at once made his way there into universal favor. .Vddison and Steele took him to their hearts. At Steele's request he wrote several papers for "The Guardian." By Pope and his troop of literary friends he was welcomed with affectionate admiration ; and Pope himself formed for Berkeley that friendship which ])roniptcd him, j'cars afterward, when B(;rkcley had risen to l)c Bi>h()p of Cloyne, to j)ay to the prelate an immortiil poetic trilmtc: — ' F. Ucl)erwcg, "A Histoi'}' of Philosophy, " of Bcikt'kv''* Ihcoiy is ffivcii by Fniscr in liis II., pp. 3a't, .384. ■ editiou ul' licTkcley's Works, i., pp. 118-121. 'GcoiKO S. Mollis, " Hrilish Thoupht and 'Hnkdpy, p. i>7. 'rhiiikcrs," pp. 2'2l-22'2. A ouuiiciHCil exposition DEAN BEKKELEY'S SO.IOlIiN IN AMKIUCA. 525 " Kvun in n bishop I can spy dcscrl. SockiT is ilccent; Hiiiidle lias a litart ; Manmrs witli caiulur aru to Bensun given; To HiTkoley — uviry virtue miilir heaven." One ot" the great ti's e.\i)octations?" The bishop, lifting up his hands, said fervently, ".So nuich lUKlerstandiug, so much knowledge, so nmch innocence, and such humility, I did not think had been the jiortion of any l)ut angels, till I saw this gentle- man."' After ii few months spent I)}' him in these splendid scenes in Lon- don Berkeley's mind seemed eager to inspect still more of the life and manners of men ; and accordingly, in the autumn of 1713, he aeeej)ted the ])osition of chaplain and secretary to the Earl of Pet(!rl)orough, who was then setting out as ambassador to the King of Sicily. Thus began Berkeley's long sojourn u\nm the continent, — first, for a single year, and afterward for four years, — a sojourn which gave him the opportunity of making profound and extensive studies into the condi- tion of European society. Upon his final return to England from the continent, in 1720, Berkeley found there nearl}' everything that could shock and grieve him. The famous Soutii-Sea speculations had just before reached th(;ir summit of madness and corruption, and had fallen to the ground with a great crash, spreading almost inconceival)le distress over England. Tlu! appalling spectacle of personal and social profligacy whieii tlien met the eye of Berkeley in his own country came to liim as a dreadt'iil sequel to all the revelations of folly and of crinu^ wliicli his life upon the continent had made to him ; and upon his sensitive and meditative spirit this wrought an impression that fixed the direction of his tiioughts for the next ten years of his life. It was amid these mourn- ful scenes of misery and wrong in Europe that he conceived the mag- nificent project that thenceforward for a long lime absorbed him, ;uid that brought him at last to America to attemjjt its realization. By a pam]ihlet of Berkeley's, pul)lislied anonymously in London in 1721, and ciiiilled " An Essay towards preventing the Huin of (ireat Britain," we are enabled to ascertain that in tiiat j'car he had l)ecome well-nigh convinced tliat the political and moral diseases of the Old World, and especially of his own country, had at last reached the vital organs of civilization, and were incurable. "I know it is an old folly to make jieevish complaints of the times, and charge the common failures of human nature on a particular age. One may nevertheless \enture to afiirm that the present hath brought forth new and portentous ' Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 69. 526 HISTORY OK THE AJIERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. villanies, not to be paralleled iu our own or any other history. We have been long preparing for some great catastrophe. Vice and villany have by degrees grown reputable among us. . . . We have made a jest of public spirit, and cancelled all respect for whatever our laws and religion repute sacred. The old English modesty is quite worn off; and, instead of blushing for our crimes, we are ashamed only of piety and virtue. In short, other nations have been wicked, but we are the first who have been wicked upon principle. The truth is, our symptoms are so bad that, notwithstanding all the care and vigilance of the legis- lature, it is to be feared the final period of our state approaches." ^ These being his fears respecting the future of civilization in the Old AA'orld, he seems to have concluded that there was no hope for the human race except in a gradual transfer of itself from the Old World to the New, where, freed from the clogs and goads of evil tradition, — freed from the palsy and blindness and barrenness of society in its dotage, mankind might, at an}' rate, begin its career over again ; and, avoiding the follies and crimes that had brought Europe to the verge of destruction, might build for itself a future higher, broader, nobler, than its past. Whatever we may now think of this bi'ave scheme, it was the scheme of no sordid or commoni)lace nature : it was the scheme of a profound thinker and of a most benevolent enthusiast. As he brooded over this great thought his mind had to utter itself in some expression loftier than even such noble prose as he could command. In those years it was, probably, that he composed that curious and now celebrated poem, on the decay, the helplessness, the hopelessness, of the Old World, and on tlie apjjroach of a new and a grander era for human nature in the world beyond the sea, — a poem which will last among us as long as civilization shall hold out in this hemisphere, — a poem that utters, perhaps, the most generous and the most inspiring word about America ever s})oken by any European. In the light of our ])resent narrative we may l)e glad to read once more these familiar verses, as now having for us, it may be, the force of a fresh aud a richer meaning: — " The muse, diss^tisted at an afje ami clime Barren of every (jlorious theme, In distant lands now waits a better time, Producing subjects worthy fame. " In happy climes, where, from the genial sun Anil virgin earth such scenes ensue, Tlie force of art by nature seems outdone, And fancied beauties by the true. " In happy climes, the seat of innocence. Where nature guides and virtue rules, Where men shall not impose for truth and sense The pedantry of courts and schools. " There shall be sung another Golden Age, The rise of empire and of aria, The good and great inspiring epic rage. The wisest heads and noblest heart.-. ' Berkeley's Works, in., p. 210. DEAN BICRICICLHY'S SOJOI'RN IN AMKUICA. 527 " Not such as Europe broods in lior clocay ; Such as she bred when fresh and young, When heavenly flamo did animate her elay, IJy future poets shall lie sung. " Westward the course of empire takes its way; The four first acts already i)ast, A fifth shall close the drama with the day ; — Time's noblest oflspring is the last." ' Such was George Berkeley's superb and generous dream. To his spiritual and prophetic genius it seemed to be revealed, like a picture painted on the air, that the next great shifting in the central seat of the world's civilization was to i)c from the eastern hemisphere to the western, — from Europe to America. But when that event should take place what was to prevent American civilization from going over the steps, and finally reaching the fatal end of civilization in Europe? In Berkeley's opinion nothing could avert this result but these two things : religion and education, — the two walking hand in hand. The Old World was advancing to its doom, because the people of the Old World had lost the old-fashioned virtues of faith, reverence, and simplicity ; had, consequently, ceased to be a " religious, brave, sin- cere jx-oplc, of plain, uncorrupt manners, respecting inbred worth rather than titles and appearances ; " had ceased to be '' assertors of liberty, lovers of their country, jealous of their own rights, and un- willing to infringe the rights of others ; " had ceased to be " improvers of learning and useful arts, enemies to luxury, tender of other men's lives, and prodigal of their own;" ' and had become idlers, gamblers, spendthi'ifts, mockers, libertines, and atheists. Of coiu'se, the only way to save the New World, when it should finally become the seat of civilization, from advtmcing to the same doom, was to save it from falling into the same degeneracy ; and this could be accomplished in no other waj' than by the prompt, wise, and efficient organization in America, first, of religious training, second, of intellectual training, — in short, of the Christitm Church, and of the Christian university. The former had been already in some measure provided for, in Berkele3''s opinion, by the partial establishment of the Colonial Church in America, largely through the efforts of the noble "Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foi'eigu Parts." It was to the second need of the New World — its educational need — thtit Berkeley resolved to devote his powers ; and to this end he wrought out his scheme of a great American university. His idea was to estal)lish this university at some spot that should be favorable to the health, iiidu.stry, and morals of the .students, and at the same time central and commodious for all the English possessions in the Western hemisphere, both insu- lar and continental ; and with this view, he fixed upon the islands of Bernmda. There he would Iicgin b}^ the erection of a single college, to be called "The College of St. Paul ; " to be governed by a presi- > Beikelcy's Works, iir., p. 232. In "R.I. meiit; ami it seems to have been carelessly made. Hist. Soc. Coll.," IV., p. 3G, Pi-ofessor Romeo All internal and collateral evidence points to the Elton states that these verses " were >vritten by place and period suggested in the text. Bishop Berkeley during his residence in New- ' Berkeley's Works, m., p. 'Jll. port." Ellon gives no authority for his state- 528 IIISTOKY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. dent and nine fellows, who were to form the corporation. His own life he would devote to the great work, by going out personally as president ; and he hoped to take with him as fellow-laborers the requisite number of accomplished and earnest scholars, whom he might be able to enlist for the task. The Bishop of London was to be the official visitor to the college ; and the secretary of state for the American Colonies was to be its chancellor. In the charter which he drew up, the college was declared to be "for the instruction of students in literature and theology, with a view to the jiromotion of Christian civilization alike in the English and in the heathen parts of America." ^ In a letter to his friend. Lord Percival, written in March, 1723, he revealed his purpose of giving his life to that object, men- tioning, likewise, his reasons for preferring the Bermuda Islands ; at the same time presenting "the bright vision of an academic home in those fair lands of the West, whose idyllic bliss poets had sung, and from which Christian civilization might now be made to radiate over the vast continent of America, with its magnificent possibilities in the future history of the race of man. Berkeley seemed to see a better republic than Plato's, and a grander Utopia than More's, as the issue of his ideal university in those Summer Isles." ® Of course, the realization of this scheme would require a large en- dowment. Berkeley himself had not sufficient fortune for the i^urpose ; but he had what was more than equivalent to a fortune, — a wonderful power of impax'ting to others his own ideas, and even his own en- thusiasms. Evidently his true course was to take such promotion in the Church at home as should come to him ; and then, using all his oppoiiunities for winning over men of wealth and influence, to keep steadily at work, and to l)ide his time. This course he took. In the latter part of 1721 he had returned to Dublin, as chap- lain to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and at once had resumed his old relations in Trinitj' College — in which he was soon made divinity lecturer, Greek lecturer, Hebrew lecturer, senior proctor, and uni- versity preacher. Early in the following year he had been made Dean of Dromore — a non-resident incumbency, the value of which was probably about fourteen hundred pounds. In 1723 Esther Van- homrigh — the "Vanessa" of Dean Swift's love scandals — died, and in her will she surprised Berkeley In' leaving him a legacy of about four thousand pounds. In 1721 good fortune still pursucil him; for in that year he was given the deanery of Derry, which both he and Dean Swift described as "the best preferment in Ireland." Thus he was well advanced on the glittering highway of promotion in the Churcjj ; but, instead of pursuing that patii, he was still swayed I)y his eager pur[)ose of giving up all and of going out into the American wilderness to sjjcnd his life in founding a university there. He now thought that the time was fully ripe for him to go over to London, and to press for the accomplishment of his project. His success in London was promoted in no small measun^ by Dean Swift, who, among other friendly acts, wrote from nul)lin on behalf of 1 Life and Letters of Hci-kclcy, p. 108. " ' IJerkclcy, pp. 121-122. DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMEKICA. 529 Berkeley a letter to Lord Carteret, a statesman whose great in- fluence Berkeley particularly wished to secure. This letter of Dcau Swift's is an amusing revelation, both of his own character and of Berkeley's, — the one worldly, ambitious, and with- out enthusiasm, yet steady and hearty in friendship ; the other, spiritual, self-forgetting, and lost in daring schemes of doing some great service in the world for God and man. After mentioning to Lord Carteret Berkeley's personal history, and especially his recent promotion to be Dean of Deny, Swift continues : " Your Excellency will be frightened when I tell you all this is but an introduction ; for I am now to mention his errand. He is an absolute philosopher with regard to money, titles, and power ; and for three years past has been struck with a notion of founding a university at Bermudas, by a charter from the crown. He has seduced several of the lioijefullcst young clergymen and others here, many of them well provided for, and all in the fairest way for preferment ; but in England his con- quests are greater, and I doubt will spread very far this winter. Ho showed me a little tract which he designs to publish ; and there your Excellency will see his whole scheme of a life academico-philosophi- cal, . . . of a college founded for Indian scholars and missionaries; where he most exorbitantly proposes a whole hundred pounds a year for himself, fifty pounds for a Fellow, and ten for a student. His heart will break if his Deanery be not taken from him, and left to your Excellency's disposal. I discouraged him by the coldness of courts and ministers, who will interpret all this as impossible and a \'ision ; but nothing will do. And therefore, I humbly entreat your Excel- lency either to use such persuasions as will keep one of the first men in the kingdom, for learning and virtue, quiet at home, or assist him by your credit to compass his romantic design ; which, however, is very noble and generous, and directly proper for a person of your excellent education to encourage." ' On reaching London one of the fii'st things that Berkeley did was to publish the "little tract" to which Swift had referred. ^ In order to raise the endowment necessary for the college therein described his original purpose probably was to depend on voluntary gifts rather than on an appropriation from the government. Had he steadily adhered to this plan it is likely that he would have succeeded, and would have saved himself the bitter disappointment that came in after years. No doubt the intellectual indifference of London society at that period, its frivolity, and its sordid spirit, would have been barriers to his immediate success in an appeal for pecuniary aid for such a project as his ; yet even those barriers could not long have resisted the magic of his brilliant and contagious earnestness. Several anecdotes have come down to us illustrating the iucoraparai)le powers of persuasion with which he prosecuted his undertaking. For example, the famous club of wits, " the Scriblerus Clu!)," met one ' Life aud Letters of Berkeley, pp 102-103. itv, by a Collejrc to be elected in the Summer »" A Proposal for the Better Supplying of Islanils, otherwise called the Isles of Bermuda." Churches in our Foreign Plantatious, and for — Berkeley's World, iii., pp. 213-231. Converting the Savage Americans to Christian- 530 BISTORT OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. day for dinner at the house of Lord Bathurst, and before Berkeley ciime in the members agreed among themselves that they would rally him on his wild scheme of going out to Bermuda. Lord Bathurst says that they fully carried out their programme ; but that " Berkeley, hav- ing listened to all the lively things they had to say, begged to be heard in his turn ; and displayed his plan with such an astonishing and animating force of eloquence and enthusiasm that they were struck dumb, and, after some pause, rose up all together with earnestness, exclaiming, 'Let us all set out with him immediately.'" He also captivated many other distinguished persons ; and he raised by subscription more than five thousand pounds, — a sum which might have been greatly increased had he not been tempted to seek a government appropriation. He even made his way to the ear and the heart of Iving George the First ; and, more difficult still, to the friend- ly forbearance of Su- Robert AValpole, from whom he got, not only a personal subscription of two hundred pounds, but the promise of not opposing in the House Berkeley's scheme of an appropriation. Besides a charter for his college Berkeley procured the introduction of a bill wherein a suitable portion of the proceeds arising from the sale of certain lands in the West Indies was to be bestowed upon the college. Evidently Walpole consented to this bill, fully believing that in the nature of things, and without any effort on his part, it would foil of passing the House of Commons. But he did not rightlj^ estimate the energy and the persuasiveness of Berkeley. In May, 1726, the bill was carried through the House, "none having the Confidence to speak against it, and not above two giving their negative, which was done in so low a voice as if they themselves were ashamed of it."^ Accordingly, Walpole gave to Berkeley a promise of twenty thousand pounds. Thus fixr all seemed prosperous ; l)ut Berkeley had still to l(!arn that it was one thing to get from a stiitesman like Walpole a promise of twenty thousand pounds, and quite another thing to get the twenty thousand pounds. He was, however, fidl of hope. He spent the next two years in completing his preparations for going, and especially in waiting for the promised grant. Berkeley's long delay in England l)egan to be the occasion of a new emljarrassment. " Had I continued there," ho wrote, "the report would liave obtained (which I had found beginning to spread) that I had dropped the design after it had cost me and my friends so much trouble and expense. This obhged me to come away. . . . Nothing less could have convinced the world that I was in earnest."'' Moreover, Walpole is said to have told him that tiie grant could not be paid until he had actually made some investment in America for the college.' In this lies the secret of all his subse(iueut proceedings, and of liis final failure. He had put his trust in Walpole, who had too much use for mon(!y at home, in adapting to mem1)ers of ])ariianient his favorite methods of political j^crsuasion, for liim to be willing to waste twenty liiousand pounds in a fantastic educational project in the Bernuulas. Nothing was left for Berkeley but to start, to get to the other side 1 Life anil hettci-8 of Borkoloy, p. 1'2C. "Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 153. • Uerkclcy, p. 1X1. DEAN BEIiKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERIPA. 531 of the Atliintic, and to buy there hind (>noii<^h to constitute an actual investment for the college. He thought it best to go tirsttoNew Eng- land, and there to await the further proceedings of the prime minister ; and his purchase of the farm near Newjiort and all his long delay there were due to the necessity of deferring to the inclinations of that great officer. All this it was that gave to his movements an air of mystery, of incertitude, of fickleness ; and all this could not at that time bo public- ly explained. Month after month passed over him in Ehode Island, as he waited for the fulfilment of AValpole's promise. He wrote letters of entreaty, of expostulation. Nothing was done. A whole year passed by. He then wrote to his friend. Lord Percival : " I wait here, with all the anxiety that attends suspense, until I know what I can depend upon, and what course I am to take. 1 must own the disappointments I have met with have reallj'^ touched me, not without much affecting my health and spirits. If the founding of a college for the spread of religion and learning in America had been a foolish project, it cannot be supposed the court, the ministers, and the parliament could have given such encouragement to it ; and if, after that encouragement, they who engaged to endow and protect it let it drop, the disappointment indeed may lie to me, but the censure, I think, will light elsewhere."' At last came a message from Walpole, which crushed out of him the last spark of hope for the success of his plan. The Bishop of London, who was a friend of Berkeley's, pressed upon Walpole the direct question respecting the payment of the money. "If,"' said Walpole, "you put this question to me as a minister, I must and can assure you that the money shall most undoubtedly be paid as soon as suits with public convenience; but, if you ask me as a friend whether Dean Berkeley should continue in America, expecting the payment of twenty thousand pounds, I advise him l)y all means to return home to Europe, and to give up his present expectations." ^ This cruel word drove a dagger into the heart of Berkeley's hope- fulness. Even to him it was now obvious that his beautiful project was dead. There was but one thing left for him to do, namely, to bmy it, and then to turn to other teing there. "They all agree," he adds, " in one point, — that the Church of England is the second best."^ And yet the manly, reasonable, and conciliatory way in which Berkeley met all these people, mottled as they were with their manifold badges of disagreement, won for him among them great liking and respect. " All sects," we are told, " rushed to hear him ; even the Quakers with their broad-brimmed hats came and stood in the aisles."^ Evidently Berkeley found as much interest in studying them as they did in study- ing him ; and, observing the several topics discussed l)y him in the sermons which he preached there, we can sec how wisely, how frankly, with how catholic and gentle a fidelity, he adjusted his teacliing to their spiritual and intellectual needs : — " Divisions into essentials and circumstantials in religion. Cir- cumstantials of less value (1) from the nature of things; (2) from their being left undefined; (3) from the concession of our Church, which is foully misrepresented." * " Sad that religion, which requires us to love, .should l)ccome the cause of our hating one another. But it is not religion, it is," etc. > These arcpublisbcd iu the roliimc of " Life > Life and Letters of Uerkclcy, p. 160. sua I/Ottera of Berkeley," pp. 629-049. 3 Jbid. ' /bid., p. (32. DEAN BEKKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMERICA. 533 " .loy in the Holy Ghost, not sullen, sour, morose, joyless, but rejoicing." "Since we have so great things in view, let us ovei'look petty differences ; let us look up to God our common Father ; let us bear one another's infirmities ; instead of (piarrclling about tiiose things wherein we differ, let us practise those things wherein we agree."' It is possible that he may even tiien have detected in Newport the early New England tendency toward Unitarianisra ; for he has left DEAN BERKBLEt'S FAVORITE RESORT AT NEWPORT, NOW CALLED BERKELEr'S SEAT." the outline of a very careful and a very powerful sermon on the divinity of our Saviour.'' It is certain that he met there loose doctrines on church organization, and narrow doctrines on the rite of baptism : and that he chose to inculcate from the pulpit, with reference to both these sul)jects, higher and nol)Ier conceptions of the truth.'' Two of the remai'kable sermons which he has thus left us are significant of iiis penetrating study into the characteristic vices of a community neither sensual nor frivolous, — vices l)orn of the ungen- erous activity of a legion of unbridled tongues. ' These sermons fur- nish us with examples of his aptitude for social criticism, — criticism ■ Lifi: anil I^ettei-s of Berkeley, p. G33. - While sittinir upon thc^e I'OctvS, tradition savs, lie composed his " Aloiphron." ' Life and Letters of Herkelcy, pp. 6.34-C3G. */6!(i., pp. (vifi-GIO. ''Hid., pp. 6 15-6 J8. oM HISTORY OF TliK AMEUICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. SO finely edged as to culminate into something like satire. " Vices, like weeds, difl'erent in different countries ; national vice familiar ; intemperate lust in Italy ; drinking in German}' ; tares wherever there is good seed ; though not sensual, not less deadly ; e.g., detrac- tion : would not steal 6d., but rob a man of his reputation ; they who have no relish for wine have itching ears for scandal ; this vice often observed in sober people ; praise and blame natural justice ; where we know a man lives in habitual sin unrepented, we may prevent hypo- crites from doing evil ; but to judge without enquuy, to show a facility in believing and a readiness to report evil of one's neighbor ; frequency, little horror, great guilt." ' Satan "tempts men to sensuality, but he is in his own nature malicious and malignant ; pride and ill-nature, two vices most severely rebuked by our Saviour. All deviations sinful, but those upon dry purpose more so ; malignity of spirit like an ulcer in the nobler parts . . . ; age cures sensual vices, this grows witli age ; . . . more to be guarded against, because less scandalous ; im- posing on others and even on themselves as religion and a zeal for God's sei-vice, when it really proceeds only from ill-will to man, and is no part of our duty to God, but directly contrary to it."^ These passages from Berkeley's sermons are probably enough to indicate for that branch of his writings the reaction upon his mind of his American visit. But in his more elaborate compositions, espe- cially in "Alciphron" and in " Siris," the tokens of this reaction are far more distinct and impressive. Indeed, the former of these works, as it was begun and ended in America, so is it pervaded by allusions to his life in America, — to his home here, to his sea-side study, to the beautiful scenery about him, to the notable traits and customs of the people in the neiglil)oi'hood, to his own daily employments, to the friends who visited him or whom he visited, and especially to the great and bitter disappointment which had overtaken him on these shores. The writing of "Alciphron" was a wholesome diversion of his mind from the grief caused by that disappointment ; and its first sentences are a tender and a manly acknowledgment of the grief from which his new literary task was to enable him in some measure to work himself free : — I flattered myself, Theages, that before this time I might have been able to have sent you an agi'ccable accoimt of the success of tlio affair whidi Ijrou^ht me into tliis remote comer of the coimtry. I?ut instead of tliis, I should now give you tlie dcitail of its miscarriage, if I did not ratlier cliooso to entertain you with some amusing incidents, which liave hel])od to make mo easy under a circunistiuico I could neither obviate nor foresee. Events arc not in our power ; l)ut it always is to m.ake a good use even of tlie very worst. And, I must needs own, the course and event of tliis affair gave opportunity for reflections that make me some amends for a gi'cat loss of time, jxains, and expense. A life of .action, which takes it.s issue from the counsels, p;issioiis, and views of otitcr men, if it doth not draw a man to imitate, will at least teach him to oliserve. And a mind at liberty to rcllcct on its own observations, if it ])roduco nothing useful to the world, seldom fails of enter- tainment to il.self. For several months past I have enjoyed such liberty and leisure in this distant retreat, far beyond the verge of that great whirlpool of business, faction, and pleasure, which is called the world.' ' Life and Lctlcn* of Berkeley, p. 016. • Berkeley's Works, il., pp. 23-24. »/Wrf., pp. 647-048. o DEAN BERKELEY'S SOJOURN IN AMKKICA. 535 In 1744, thirteen years after his return from America, Berkeley published liis woudcrful little treatise, entitled " Siris : A Chain of Philosophical Reflections and lOncjuiries concerning the Virtues of Tar- Water, and Divers other Subjects connected together and arising one from Another."' "On the whole," says the latest editor of Berkeley's writings, "the scanty speculative literature of these islands in the last century contains no other work nearly so remarkable. . . . There is the unexpectedness of genius in its whole movement. It breathes the spirit of Plato and the Ncoplatonists in the least Platonic generation of English history since the revival of letters ; and it draws this Platonic spirit iVoni a thing so commonplace as Tar. It connects Tar with tlie highest thoughts in metaphysics and theology, by links which involve some of the most subtle, l)()tanical, chemical, physiological, optical, and mechanical speculations of its time. Its immediate aim is to con- firm I'atioually the benevolent conjecture that Tar yields a ' water of health ' fitted to remove, or, at least, to mitigate, all the diseases of our organism in this mortal state, and to convey fresh supplies of the very vital essence itself into the animal creation. Its successive links of physical science are gradually connected, first, with the ancient and modern literature of the philosophy of fire, and, next, with the medi- tations of the greatest of the ancients, about the substantial and casual dependence of the universe upon conscious mind."^ Berkeley's confidence in the medicinal eflScacy of tar-water thus became the master enthusiasm of the last twelve years of his life ; and, as usual, the enthusiasm which he himself felt upon the subject he succeeded in communicating to the pul)lic. His l)ook rose into instant celebrity. It ran through several editions in England. Trans- lations of it into French, Dutch, German, Portuguese were published on the Continent. Tar-water " became the rage in England as well as in Ireland. Manufactories of Tar- water were established in [>on- don, Dublin, and other places in the course of the summer. The auger of the professional physicians was aroused against the ecclesias- tical intruder into their province. Pamphlets were written against the new medicine, and other pamphlets were written in reply. A Tar-water controversy ensued. . . . The infection spread to other countries. . . . Tar-water establishments were set a going in various parts of Europe and America." * All this was another of the effects upon him and his whole after-life produced by his American visit ; for it was in America, and among the Nari'agansett Indians, that he had first learned of the invigorating and curative properties of tar. 'There can be little doubt that when, in 1731, Dean Berkeley took .ship in Boston harbor, and sailed out into the sea for England, he felt that his visit to America had been a failure, and that he was returning home a baffled man, — the golden hoi)c of his life blighted. What gladness it would have brought to him could he but have had a glimpse into the far future, and could have seen how all along its unfolding centuries that seemingly battied visit of his was to keep on bearing fruit in the innumerable benign effects it was to have upon civilization ' Bcrl«eley"8 Works, ii., pp. .'i41-608. ' Life iiml Lettere of Berkeley, p. 294. 'Ibid., ll'., pp. 343-:Jt4. 536 UISTOEY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. in the New World, — upon the establishment of universities here ; upon the cultivation of all liberal studios ; upon the imjirovement of society in morals and in manners, and especially upon the upl)uildiug ofthe Church of God ! He had not, indeed, accomplished the immediate object of his expedition — the founding of an American university in the Bermuda Islands ; but, by methods different from those intended by him, and in ways more manifold than even he could have dreamed of, he has since accomplished, and through all coming time, by a thousand ineffaceable influences, he will continue to accomplish, the very results — the beneficent, beautiful, superb results — which he had aimed at by the founding of his university. It is the old story over again — the tragedy of a Providence wiser than man's foresight, God giving the victory to His faithful servant, even through the bitterness of overruling him and defeatino: him. To trace with proper fulness of detail the direct and indirect effects which Berkeley's sojourn in America has wrought upon the in- tellectual life of this country, in philosophy, in literature, in learning, in the spirit and method of higher education, would require a chapter devoted to that single topic. A mere grouping of hints is all that can be attempted in this place. Of course, in those daj's of difficult and dangerous ocean-travel, when the spectacle of a distinguished European visitor in America was something to awaken awe in the colonial mind, it was an immediate and an immense intellectual stimulus to have as an actual visitor among us for two or three years a ripe European scholar, of great genius, of exquisite accomplishments, of noble ideals, of fascinating gifts in ex- pression. Naturally the cultivated society of Newport was the first to feel the intellectual effect of his visit ; and from it sprang the philo- sophical society of that town, and ultimately the Redwood Library, — an institution at once the parent and the model of many others in America, and still prosperous and useful now in the second century of its existence.' Then, too, there soon began to come to Berkeley, in his new home, various American pilgrims to seek his counsel, — men of letters, like John Adams, the poet ; and men of science, like Samuel Johnson, the metaphysician ; all of whom seem to have found inspira- tion and guidance in the great man's brotherly and brilliant words. Johnson, indeed, became Berkeley's avowed disciple in philosophy ; and for many years afterward, in his books, his sermons, his academic lectures, he kept alight and he held aloft, in this land, the torch of Berkeley's radiant and consoling idea.^ Moreover, during those years of Berkeley's sojourn in Rhode Island tliere was in a frontier western parish in Massachusetts a young theologian, trained oul}' in a small colonial college, already l)eginning to droop under the liurdens ol' poverty, of public care, and of ill-liealtli, but endowed with a philo- sophical genius not unworthy to i)e matched witii that of Berkeley Iiiniself. We iiave no evidence that Jonathan Edwards ever made the rugged journey from Northampton to Newport to see George Berkeley ; ' W. Updike, " Memoira of tlie R. I. Bin," -E.E. Bcardslcy, "Life and Corresponclcnce pp. CI-62; " Puliliu Libi-aries of IhcU. S.," I'ail of Samuel .lolmsoii,' pp. (17, 70, 7i>, 77, 82, KU, 1.. pp. 15-16. 132, 169. DEAN BEUKELEVS SOJOURN IN AMERICA. 537 but the Northampton pastor had ah-cady, several 3'cars before, worked his way, perhaps by an independent process, to Berkeley's very doetrine ; and it can hardly be doubted that the celebrity of Berkeley's visit here, and the keen attention to iiis philosophy which his visit awakened amonij thouirhtful New Englandcrs, were felt as a l)oon of intellectual sympathy by that lonely student in the wilds of Western Massachusetts, and may have heli)ed somewhat to strengthen him for his service as a "defender of Berkeley's great philosophical conception in its application to the material world."' Undoubtedly the great influence of Berkeley on the intellectual life of this country is seen most conspicuously in the stimulus which he gave to higher education here. The mere fact that such a man as Bei'keley, with such inducements as he had to remain in his place at home, had been willing to give up time, and wealth, and chosen studies, and official advancement, and the charms of an ancient society, and had brought hither across the sea into the wilderness nearly all that was sacred and precious to him in the world, and that he here stood ready, year after year, to devote his life, his genius, all his energies to the promotion of higher education in America, was itself a dramatic demonstration, at least of his own sense of the vast importance to America of higher education. Though he did not succeed, in his own person, in founding an American college, that spectacle of his noble failure to found one stands for all time in its pathos, bearing witness to an imperishable and an unsurpassable duty. ^Moreover, almost as soon as Berkeley touched land, he began to give out sj'mpathy and counsel and help to the men who were already working in American colleges, or who were working for them. It did not hinder him that the colleges nearest to him were under the control of dissenters from his church ; and yet, even in his purpose to befriend these colleges, he found himself the object of some sectarian suspicion. "Pray let me know," he wrote to Samuel Johnson in March, 1730, "whether they would admit the writings of Hooker and Chillingworth into the library of the college in New Ilaven."^ Two years afterward, when Berkeley had returned to England, and had sent thence to Yale College a munificent gift of books, a famous Boston preacher, Benjamin Colman, wrote to the president of the college urging that the gift be not accepted, if it be "clogged with any conditions that directly or in- directly tend to the introduction of Episcopacy."^ But tokens of suspicion like these — not uimatural under the cir- cumstances — did not chill the flow of Berkeley's kind feeling toward the New England colleges, or his desire to help them. "When he was upon the point of embarking for England he sent to Johnson some Greek and Latin books to be given, if it should seem best, to Yale College ; and he accompanied the gift by the promise of still trying to help, even after his return to the Old World, the cause of education in America. " My endeavors shall not be wanting, some way or other, ' Life anil Lettera of Berkclcv, p. 182 ; ' Life and Con'espondcncc of Samuel John- George P. Fisher, " Diseussioiis in llistoiy and son, p. 75. Pbilosopliy," pp. 229-234. See, also, tlie au'thor's ' E. Turell's " Life of Bcujamiu Colman." " Histoiy of iVmcrican Litei-ature," II., pp. 82- pp. .59-61. 183. 538 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. to be useful ; and I should be very glad to be so in particular to the College at New Haven." ^ This promise was not forgotten. In less than a year after his departure he transmitted to the President of Yale College a deed'-^ conveying to that institution his farm in Ehode Island ; " the yearly rents and profits " from which were to be spent, not only for the purchase of books in Greek and Latin, as prizes for proficiency in those languages, but also as scholarships for the maintenance of three Bachelors who should be selected for tlieir excellence in Latin and Greek, and should reside in the college in post-graduate studies for three years. It would be hard to enumerate all the efiects of this gift in stimulating classical culture in this country. This single foct may be mentioned, however, that in the long roll of the Berkeleyan "schol- ars of the house," ^ from 1733 to the present, one finds many names that have become distinguished for classical learning, for literary talent, and especially for service in the higher educational work of the countiy : Eleazer Wheelock, the founder and first President of Dartmouth Col- lege ; Aaron Burr, President of Princeton College ; William Samuel Johnson, President of Columbia College ; Naphtali Daggett and Timothy Dwight, Presidents of Yale College ; Abraham Baldwin, founder and President of the LT niversity of Georgia ; Samuel Austin, President of the University of Vermont ; Jeremiah Atwater, President of Middlebury and of Dickinson Colleges ; Sereno Edwards Dwight, President of Hamilton College ; Joel Jones, first President of Girard College ; Edward Beecher, President of Illinois College ; besides jurists, statesmen, scholars, and writers, like Jared Ingersoll, James Abraham llillhouse, Silas Deane, John Trumljull, Joseph Buckminster, Abii'l Holmes, James Murdoch, Norman Pinney, \\'illiani Moselej'' Holland, and Charles Astrtr Bristed. In 1733, the year following that of his gift of land to Yale Col- lege, Berkelc}^ proved his undiminished remembrance of the struggling young colleges in America by sending over both to Yale and to Harvard valuable presents of books. The collection which he thus gave to Yale College was tiie larger one of the two. It consisted of about a thousand volumes, and included well-chosen works in Greek and Latin literature, in the Fathers, in church history, in divinity, in philosophy, in mathematics, medicine and natural history, in English and French liti>rature, and in history, — altogether, according to an early historian of Yale, "the best collection of books which had ever been brought at one time to America."'' PeriiaiJs it may be said, also, that his help to higher education in America was (juitc as eflective in the form of syiupalliy and of good counsels as it was in that of good gifts. To the very end of his life he kept up his corres})on0 he writes: "I lind also by a letter from Mr. Clap (hat learning continues to make notable advances in Yale College. This gives mc great satisfaction. " ^ In 1751 he writes: "I am glad to tind by Mr. Clap's letter, and the specimens of literature enclosed in his packet, that learning continues to make a progress in Yale College, and hope that virtue and Christian I'iiarity may keep pace with it."- In the .same year he writes to President Clap hini- self: "The daily increase of I'cligion and learning in your seminary of Yale College gives mc very sensible pleasure, and an ample recom- pense for my poor endeavors to further these good cnds."^ And when, but a few years before his death, his advice was asked by Samuel Johnson, respecting plans for a college at New York, he wrote back a letter of wise and faitlilul counsel, whicii did much to mould the organi- zation both of King's College'' and of the College of Philadelphia.* Indeed, as respects King's College, we have document:iry evidence that it was foi'med l)y its first trustees explicitly and consciously upon the model thus convej'cd to them, through Samuel Johnson, from Bishop Berkeley.'' This fact has not I)een sutficiently known. The true spiritual founder of Columbia College was the Bishop of Cloj'ne. To one who loves the memory of that wise and saintly prelate, and who has been touched by the grief he suffered over the apparent dis- comliture of his hope of founding "a college for the spread of relig- ion and learning in America," it must give pleasure to learn that before Bishop Berkeley passed away from this earth he had the con- soling assurance that the college at New York was to be founded upon the model furnished by him. So that, after all, the beautiful dream of Berkeley's life was granted to him. and in a way wiser than he had thought of. Not, indeed, in the Bermuda Islands, — which would have been too remote and too isolated a sjwt for a great American university, — but in the very heart of the future metropolis of the New World ; not, indeed, by tlie lal)or of his own hand, and j^et according to the express directions of his most mature judgment; not, indeed, under his own presidency, and yet under the presidency of his most beloved American friend and of his most devoted American disciple, was Berkeley finally permitted to establish a college for "the promotion of Christian civilization alike in the Englisli and in the heathen parts of America." And there can be little d()ul)t that from the first the college should have been named for Berkeley rather than for the king. And, without any doubt, when, just after the Revolutionary war, the original royalist name of the college was neces- sarily dropped, and a new name was sought for, nothing could have ' I.ifc ami Con-espondcncc of Samuel John- ' Xow Coliinihia College, son, p. 170. ' Now the Univci'sity of Pcnn«ylrani:i. ' Ibid., p. 171. " Life aail Coirespoudcncc of Samuel John- ' Life and Lcttei-s, p. 327. son, pp. 154-155 ; 170. 540 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. been more appropriate than that the college should then have been re-christened with the beautiful and significant name of Berkeley. But though Berkeley's own college in America has not been called by his name, Berkeley's eflbrt for " the spread of religion and learning in America " has not been without tokens of commemoration among us. In the college at New Haven, of wliich he was so gener- ous a benefactor, his name is woven into imperishable association with the noblest and the most stimulating studies ; while from a memo- rial window in its chapel that name beams like a benediction upon all who, like him, unite sincere piety with sincere love of truth. In the oldest college-town in America a street has been named in honor of Berkeley, by an eminent writer ' who was devoted to the studies which Berkeley loved, and to the Church of which Berkeley was an illus- trious champion. In the cities of New York and Providence, in recent years, institutions for the higher secondary education had been named in memory of Berkeley, as " a missionary who crossed the seas to bring to this land the torch of knowledge."- And far away upon the west- ern verge of this continent, — a continent which Berkeley believed to be the predestined seat of the last and most glorious act in the drama of Man's History upon Earth, — over against the very gleam of the Golden Gate of San Francisco, and almost within sound of the surf crashing upon the sands of the Pacific, a great State has founded a great university ; and, while it has given its own name to the univer- sity, it has bestowed upon the university-town the name of Berkeley, in remembrance of " one of the very best of the early friends of col- lege education in America." At Trinity College, in Hartford, — a college that was founded and has been faithfully reared in the very spirit of Berkeley's ideas upon education, — the president, at the annual commencement, sits in the chair in which Berkeley used to sit at Newport, in which Berkeley is believed to have Avritten his " Alciphi'on," and from which Berkeley must have dreamed many a dream and prayed many a prayer " for the spread of religion and learning in America." And, finally, we may hope that "The Berke- ley Divinity School," at INIiddletown, will be for many ages a monument — and something more productive than a monument — to the sacred and dear memory of that apostolic scholar, who, in an age of sensualists and of self-seekers, gave up all eartlily pleasures and gains, and came forth over the sea, that he might found in America a college of which the chief purpose should be to train up young men woi'thily for the service of God's Church in this New World. HjU (Qoot-i ' Ricliard n. Danft, Uic yoiinger. scliools by President Oilman, of .Tnlms Hopkins 'Tlie uumc was given to tlic Cist of these Uuivcisiiy, whose words I quote above. MOXOGRAPn V. THE NON-JURING BISHOPS IN AMERICA. By the KEV. JOHN FULTON, D.D., LL.D., Rector 0/ St. George's Church, St. Louis, .Mo. THE subject of the non-jurors in America is rather of interest to tlie antiquary than of inii)ortancc to the historian ; because, whether it l)e asserted or denied tiuit bishops of the non-juring sect did actually visit or reside in tiie colo- nies, it is certain that they exercised no episcopal jurisdiction and left behind tlicni no perceptible inllucnce in the Colonial Church. The antiquarian interest of the sub- ject, however, which was always notable, has of late years been greatly increased by the publication, in 187ti, of an elaborate and very vahialjle "History of the Church in Burlington, Xew Jersey," by the Rev. Dr. Hills, "rector of St. Slary's, Burlington. ^ I3r. Hills lias ))i-c(i.\cd to his work an iuserij)- tion or dedication, as follows: "To the liev. John Talbot, jNI.A., founder and first rector of the churcii in Burlington, who, after twenty j-ears of missionary toil, with ceaseless but inefiect- EPISCOPAL SEAL BEARING THE NAME OK TALBOT.' ' The origin of the non-jurori' schism mav be hi-ielly ti)M. After the rcvohition of KiSl"), Saueioft, Archhisliop of CanterhiiiT, tlie liisli- ops of Kly, Norwich, Gloucester, Cliicliester, Peterhorou^'h, nud Ken of Bath and Wells, to- gether with some four hundred clerjjrymen ami members of tiie universities, refused to take the legal oatlis of allc' service of tlic Chnix-h, requirinjj the names of William and Maiy to be mentioned as kini; an'mpathy with his Jacobite views.'- There is no evidence that Talbot and Welton ever met ; but a correspondence which had been opened between them was broken oft" by Talbot, because of Wclton's " rash and chimerical projects," long before the *liccky's "England ia the XVIIIth Ccn- Johnson," p. C5 ; see, also, Pcn-j-'s "Hist. Coll. tuiy," I., p. C2. Am. Col. Church " (Pcnn.), p. 133. ' Lathbuiy, pp. 2.-)6, 257. " I'cin-'s " Ilist. Coll. Am. Col. Church " 'I-athbuiy, p. 363; Pcrcival (Am. cd.), (Md.),p.243. p. 1.33. Mlills'sllist., p. IRS. * Lathbury, p. .3G4. "Peiiy's "Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Chiurh " ' Letter from Rev. .John Beniman, of Lon- (Penn.), pp. 139-1 12. don, to the Rev. Sam. .Johnson, of Connecticut, 'Ibid., p. 136. dated Kebruaiy 17, 172.'i, "We hear of two '"/tjy., pp. 143, 111. non-juring Bisliops (Dr. Welton for one) who "Ibid., pp. 138, MS, 151. are gone into America." " Bcardsley's Life of Ibid. (Md.), p. 255. 544 HISTORY OF THE AMEEICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. government had taken notice of them.^ Whatever Welton's treason- able plans may have been, or however they were brought to the knowledge of the government, he was served, in 1726, with the King's "Writ of Privy Seal, commanding him, on his allegiance, to return to Great Britain forthwith.^ In March of that year he sailed for Lisbon, , where he died of dropsy during the ensuing summer, refusing on his death-bed to commune with the English clergyman. After his death an episcopal seal, which he was thought to have used in America, was found among his eifects.-' From the abundant references to contem- poraneous documents which have been given, and to which more might be added, tliere can be no doubt of Welton's residence in Phila- delphia from June or July, 1724, till March, 172G. It will be ob- served, however, that there is no evidence whatever that he exercised or claimed episcopal jurisdiction, or that he performed a single act pertaining to the episcopal office, during the time of his residence in America. John Talbot of Burlington, as he will always be known in the annals of a grateful church, was born and baptized in the parish of W^ymondham, Norfolk, England,, in 1645. His parents ivere Thomas Talbot, gentleman, of Gouville Hall, in that county, and Jone (lone?), his wife, who was the daughter of Sir John ISIede, of Loffts, in the county of Essex. He was educated at Elmden, Essex, and was ad- mitted as a sizar in Christ's College, Camljridge, in February, 1660, matriculating in the following July. He passed B.A., 1663, became a Fellow of Peter House, 1664, and was admitted M.A. in 1671, by royal mandate from Charles II., as the Cambridge i-egistry shows, though the i-eason why such a mandate was given or required is not known. In June, 1695, he was instituted to the rectory of Fretherne, Gloucestershire, as appears from the bishops' registers at Gloucester. His parish was very small, containing only twenty houses and about a hundred and twenty-five inhabitants. So small a field furnished but scant scope for a man of his energy, and we next find him mentioned in George Keith's Journal as chaplain of the "Centurion." Keith writes under date of "June 28, Sunday (1702). The Reverend Mv. John Talbot, who had been Chaplain in the Centurion preached there," i.e. at "the Queen's (^hapel" in Boston.* The chaplain, who was now fifty- seven years of age, became the missionary companion of Keitii in the service of the S.P.G., travelling or cooperating with him till 1705, when Keith left America.^ Their journeys extended through nine or ' Perry's " Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Church " sentcd. The facts concerning his paiintajje, (Pcnn.), p. 14''- education, institution as Kcctor of Frcthcrnc and ' lliicl., pp. 1 Ifi, 2riri. loss of that rectory, now first |>rintcd in this • llills's Hist., pp. 20"), 20f'i. country, arc learned from a notice of Dr. llills's * It is nfit proposed in wliat follows to relate History contained in the *' Transttetious of the the labors of .lolm Talbot. Jseitlicr isit intended IJristol and Gloucestci-sliire Archicol. Soe.," Vol. (o show tlie freipiency with wliich lie, lil;c many V. ; and as tliey have been fjathercd from pa- other colonial cliurchmen.prayi'd lor tlic erection roehial, diocesan, and nnivcrsity records, they of a colonial episcopate. 'Jlic sin;;le mattcrto lie arc undonbtedly authentic. For this information inve-ti;.'aled in this eonneciidu is, whether .John the writer is indebted to Dr. Hills. Talbot of Uurlington was a liisbop by non-juror "Keith's Journal, in "Collections of Prot consecration. It will bo believed that every Ep. Hist. Soc," 1S51, p. C. relevant fact known to the writer is fairly pre- ° Jbid., p. 85. THE NON-JURING BISIIOl'S IN' AMi:i!ICA. 545 ten i)roviiH'cs,' aiul llioiigli tlioy were mostly together, Talliol was often alone. His alU'etion for Keith was very great. lie writes to the secretary of Keith's "true and huKlal)lo service" in glowing terms; and, after Keith's departure, ho writes to Keith himself: "Ah, ]SIr. Keith, I have wanted you l)ut once, and that is ever since you left." AVhen Keith returned to Enghmd, Talbot had eligible oflcrs made to him to leave the society's service and to take easier duty, with twice or thrice the stipend,- elsewhere ; but he could not be induced to desert his work. A nourishing congregation, mostly gathered from the Quakers,^ had been formed in Burlington. Tall)ot laid the corner- stone of St. Mary's Church there on Lady-day, 17();3 ; '' and, the people desiring him for their permanent minister,* he settled, in 1704, in a citjs and in charg(> of a church, with which his name will l)e f(n-ever connected."^ When Talbot left England he had put his small parish of Frethernc in charge of a curate, and in July, 1704, it was seques- trated on account of his non-residence, hjs curate being instituted to the rector}'.^ Thenceforward John Talbot belonged exclusively to the colonial church. From the very beginning of his missionary work Talbot saw that the vital necessity of the colonial church was the establishment of a colonial episcopate, and for nearly twenty years he continued, in season and out of season, to urge in earnest and sometimes very touch- ing language that a bishop of their own, or, at least, a sutft'agan of the Bishop of London, might l)e given to the acephalous churches in the colonies." None of his letters betray the least thought of obtaining the episcopal office for himself; but one of them, addressed to Keith in 1705, warmly recommends another clergyman for suflragan.'-' In the winter of 1705-G he went to England as the bearer of an address to the queen pi'aying for a suffragan bishop. He had no other business in England, and he was not successful in that."* He was about to return home to his labors when he was hindered l)y some slanderous accusations" made against him, from which, however, he soon cleai'ed himself. He was not alone in the persecution he endured. The Church had been so successful in regaining her people from the dis- senters that her clergy for a time were bitterly assailed. On his rc'turn home he mentions four who had been "outed" or "scouted" from the ])rovinces of New York and New Jersey.'^ There is every reason to believe that the "lies and slanders" raised against Talbot and his brethren included the charge of secret disloj-alty. Nothing could be easier to allege, nothing more difficult to disprove, and hardly any- thing more damaging to a missionary working under a Whig bishop, than an imputation of Jacobitism. Slanders need only to lie iterated and reiterated in order to do damage some time or other, and it is not "Keilh'3 Journnl, in " CoUectious of Plot. Ilills's Ilistoi-j- in " Transactions of the Bristol Epi3. llist. Soc," IBji, p. 58. unci GlouccstcWliiie Aicliocol. Soc," Vol. v. = IhiiL, p. f)3. " It is needless to multiply quotations on this ' Ibid., XXX., pp. 49, 60. point ; tlic list of lefeionoes would contain a list ' Ibid., XXXVI. of nearly all John 'I'albot's leltei-s. " Ikid., XXXI. » t:oU. of Plot. Ep. Hist. Soc. (1851), p. 68. « Jltid., p. 58. '° Ihid., pp. 5S, 59. ' Ibid., p. 69. See, also, a review of Di-. " Ibid., p. 59. " Ibid., pp. GO. 61. 546 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. impossible, nor even improbable, that the evil seed sown in 1706 brounjht forth its bitter fruit in 1724. The tii'st distinct intimation of disloyal tendencies or practices at- tributed to Talbot is contained in a letter of Governor Hunter, which was written in February, 1711, under circumstances which have not heretofore been fully investigated. In the parish of Jamaica, N.Y., a controversy had arisen which led to serious complications, extending through several years. ^ The governor's course in this case was gravely objectionable to the rector of Jamaica and to clergymen elsewhere, who thought that the precedent established at Jamaica would have serious conse(;[ucnces for the Church throughout the colonies. A mis- sionary called Henderson was discovered to have seci-etly circulated among the clergy some sort of "representation" against the governor to be transmitted to the home authorities. Talbot was at that time about to make a second voyage to England, and had requested Henderson to supply his place in Burlington. While he was in New York, the fact that Henderson's " representation " had been prepared became known to the governor, who, nevertheless, remained in ignorance of its contents, its signers, and the person or persons to whom it Avas ad- dressed. Governor Hunter thereupon wrote to the secretary an ener- getic letter in which he mentions Talbot in connection with Hender- son.^ "Col. Quary," lie says, "acquainted me that iu his passage through Burlington he found that poor congregation all in a Uame. ]\ir. Henderson it seems had thought lit in performing Divine Service to leave out that prayer in the Litany for Victory over all her Maj*^' Enemies, and the prayer appointed to be said in time of War ; the chiefe of that Congregation had took exceptions at this, but he gave them no other reasons for so doing Init that i\Ir. Talbot had done so, they re- ply'd that having I^ecn long acquainted with Mr. Talbot's exemplary life they were willing to bear with his scruples, but he could pretend none having formerly never omitted them, & further that this would look as if that congregation could not I)car any such prayers, which was a thing very far from their liearts. Mr. Quary desired nie to speak to I\Ir. Talbot upon this head ; I begg'd of him first to do so, and then if there was any necessity I wou'd ; he did so, and the result was that ]\Ir. Talbot went back to I'urlington and Mr. Henderson came hither to go for London in his jjlace, having in charge the secret Rep" mentioned." It does not appear that I\Ir. Talbot ever heard of this letter, and hence we do not know what he might have said in reply to the statement it contains concerning him ; but, to say the least, that statement appears to be hardly credible. In the first place it is very unlikely that the " j)0or c()ngr(\gation " of Burlington should be "all in a flame " because a visiting clergyman read the service precisely as they were accustomed to hear it read by their own minister. In the next place the prayer appointed by the English Church for use in time of war is couched in sucli terms that it might have been used by the most scrupulous Jacobite even during a war between Queen Anne and the Pretender; " save and deliver m.s" . . . that we may bo preserved," ' Doc. Hist, of N.Y., iir., pp. 224-30» ; Col. ' Col. Hist, of N.Y., v., p. 401 ; Doc. Hist, of Hist, of X.Y., v., pp. 310-319. N.Y., in., pp. 200-256. THE NON-JURING BISHOPS IN AMERICA. 547 etc. ; — such is its phraseologj' ; the sovereign is not mcntionod in it at all. In tlic third phicc it is diflicult to conceive how any Knirlisli- nian, even a Jacobile, and niiu'h more an Kiiglislmian who, as will pres- ently lie seen, professed to have been a ^\'hig from the beginning, could have any scruple at that time in using the supplication in the litany which prayed that the queen might have "victory over all her enemies." For the war then waiiinir, and which had l)een wae:in<;evcr since Tall)ot settled in ]>ur]ing(on, was tiie war of tlie Spanish succes- sion, in which England, Holland, Austria, and the German Kmiiirc were contending against France. It was a war, not between Anne and the Pretender, but between Europe and England's hereditary eucmy. Still further, if Hunter had positively known, or if he had thought himself able to prove, that Talbot had been unit Hating the service of the Church in a disloyal way, it is much more Hkely that a man of his violent temper and strong anti-Jacobite views would have demanded Talbot's dismissal by the society than that he should send him quietly back to his cure. It seems more reasonable to suppose that the governor, not knowinii at the moment whether or not Talbot had been concerned in the "representation," very adroitly availed himself of a stor3% about which he was careful not to converse with Talbot himself, and wrote of him to the secretary in a way which made it easy to attack or de- fend him at a future time as sul)sequent events might require. It turned out tliat Tall)ot actually had signed the "representation,"' l>ut hastil}', when travelling, and without having read its contents or know- ing, as it seems, that it contained an attack upon the governor.' He at once disavowed all responsibility for it, and was indignant at the clergyman by whom he had been induced to sign it when he was "tak- ing the boat.'"- The governor forthwith took Talbot into his good graces. " Mr. Talbot," he wrote to the secretary on the 7th of ^lay, " I have found to be a perfect honest man, and an indefatigable Laborer : If he had less warmth he miijht have more success but that's the efl'ect of constitution."^ ^Ir. Talbot did not long retain the governor's good opinion, for his regret at having been misled into signing the repi'esentation of the Jamaica case without due consideration did not prevent his joining de- li]>erately with other clergymen in a second memorial concerning the same case. The second memorial M'as drawn u[) in the month of November, 1711, and was signed by Poyer, rector of Jamaica ; Vesey, rector of New York ; Bartow, rector of AVcstchester ; Evans, rector of Philadelphia; Talbot, of Burlington ; Henderson, minister of Dover Hundred; McKenzic, of Staten Island, and Thomas, rector of Hemp- stead.'' This elaborate document narrates the Jamaica case in a manner which must have been exasperating to the governor ; and the fact that Talbot was one of its signers sulliciently explains Hunter's subsequent enmity to him. If Talbot had no opportunity to deny the governor's statement concerning him in 1711, he was destined to have am])le occasion, four ' Col. Ilist.of N.Y., v., p. 324; Poc. Hist, of •Ilills's Hist., p. 101 (no refcrcncel. N.Y., m., p. 249. ' Doc. Hist, of N.Y., in., pp. 2-24-233. » Col. Hist, of N.Y., v., p. .324. 548 HISTORY or THE American episcopal church. years later, to repel a virulent attack made upon him by tlie same person. On April 9th, 1715, Governor Hunter, who had mightily chanced his former favoral)ie opinion of him, wrote to the secretary as follows : "^Ir. Tall)ot has incori^orated the Jacobites in the Jerseys under the name of a church, in order to sanctify his Sedition and Inso- lence to the Government. That stale pretence is now pretty much discussed. ... If the Society takes not more care for the future, than has ))een taken hitherto, in the choice of their missionaries, instead of establishing llcligion, they"ll destroy all government and ('ood manners." ' An extract from this letter was at once communi- cated by the secretary to Talbot, ^ who wrote to the Bishop of Lon- don saying : " I am sony I should be accused of sedition in my old aiie, ^ after I have travelled more than anybody to keep the peace in Church and state. My lord, please to ask Mr. Secrctar}^ Hall and he will tell you that /was a WiUiamite from the heginning . * Let them consult the admiralty ofEcc and they will find that / tooh all the oaths that were necessary to qualify me for tlie service which I have per- formed faithfully abroad and at home. As soon as I have time I will call the church together to answer for themselves and me too to the illustrious Society for propagating the Gospel. Meanwhile, the Lord rebuke the evil spirit of hjing and slander that is gone out against the Church."-^ Jeremiah Bass, warden of the church in Burlington, who was clerk of the council, secretary of the province, and prothonotary of the supreme court, also wrote expressing his amazement at the charge of Governor Hunter, which he declared to be " entirelf/ false." He protested tliat the minister, churchwardens, and vestrymen of Burlington were " no Jacobites," and he affirmed that they prayed daily in their families and in their churches for the king's prosperity. ® Xo "less indignant is the address of the churchwardens and vestry- men to the society. '' They pay the highest tribute to Mr. Talbot as a "pious and apostolic person" whose exemplar}' life and labors "are the best recommendation of the religion he professes;" they atlirni that they have "never heard eitlier in his public discourses or his private conversation anything that might encourage sedition ; " and tliin' dismiss the governor's accusation with this contemptuous denial: " What could induce this gentleman to endeavor to fix .so harbarous, so calumnious, so veri/fdse and {/roundlrss a scandal is to us altogether un- accountal)h^ to which we think the shortest answer that can l>o given is that of Nchemiah to Sanballat, 'There are no such things done as thou saycst, but thou feiguest them out of thine own heart.' " Then Talbot bimself addressed tlie society,^ thanking tliem for the opportunity of defence which had been atlbrchul to him. In this letter he betrays some of that wamnth of constitution which Ciovernor Hunter had ob- served some years before. "To be an accuser," he says, "is bad, to be a false accuser is worse, but a false accuser of the brethren is liter- •CoUectinn of Prot. Epis. Hist. Soc, lS."il, "Pcirv'n "Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Church" p. T."). = Ihid., p. 7h. (Peiin. ) , pp. 03, 94. >At that time lie was about scvcuty years "Ilillas ili'^l., p. 111. 1 ". of a^'c. ' Col. of Prolcslaiit Episcopal Historical •At the time of the Revolution of 1G89 Society, ISril, p. 7fi. which hroiitrht William to the throne, Tall)ot ' //«V7., p. 77. was I'oily-l'oiir years of aye. Tin: xox-JiiuNG biriiops in America. 549 ally ii Devil. I make no clillcTPiu'c, for J caU God to wilnesx, I know no soul, in t/ie Church of JiurlliKjlon, nor in ani/ other Church I have j>l(Vite(LI>ut in veU offer led to (he Protectant Chunh < to gi\(' credence lo either of the accusations of (iovernor Hunter. Ijoth of them are more than sufficiently answered by the re])lies to the second. Mr. Talbot was sntfering from slanders with which others of the clergy Mere e(iually assailed. In the follow iiigyeai' accusal ions were sent to the society charging tlu^ Uev. i\I(>ssrs. Jxoss and ]lunii)ln'<'vs, the only missionaries at that time in Pennsylvania, wilii disloyalty and with omitting the ])rayers for the king appointed in the prayer-book. The society at once made these charges known lo the missionaries. Mr. Koss replied giving hearty thanks to "the \'enerable Society for their generous and above-board dealing with their ^Missionaries." He said thatiSIr. Humphreys and himself were alone in Peimsylvania, exce{)t that Mr. Talbot, though of a distinct government, " resides now mostly at riiiladelphia" (assisting them, ]\Ir. Humphreys said).' Koss con- tinued : " Xow as to f)nr alleetion to the Ciovernmcnt of King George, our demeanor we think has been such at all limes and in all places, . that our loyalty and love for King (ieorge cannot be questioned or com- plained of. if it is, we are ready to answer whatever may be alleged to the contrary, ^^'e have never iiresiuued to vary from the prayers of the Church by adding or cintailing in one jot or tittle ; and if any complaints are made, they are false and groundless. "^ AVhilc these charges were pending, the society re- (piested Col. (iookin, Xiieut. -Governor ^^ - of I'ennsyhania. lo give information of /^^ • / ^!i_,»/^i ' any disl()yalty on the part of mission- (^/7^ . C/^^01^/Z^ aries, anil at the same time to give a ,A^~» copy of any such accusation to the ac- /^ r cused i)arty.3 Col. Gookin in reply for- hrU^/tJy^n wardetl a charge that Talbot was disaf- ^ feeted and had refused the oaths of allegiance, though it is to be observed that he i)referred no charge against him of nmtilating or omitting any of the j)rayers of the Church. The secretary, in .Vugust, 1717. forwarded a copy of Col. Gookin's charffesto Talbot, requiring of him an immediate rejily, and demanding that, if he had not already taken the oaths of allegiance, he should forthwith transmit to the society an authentic certitieate of having so done.'' Talbot's rejily is not known, but it reijuires little ingenuity to conceive that it would be in the form of an authentic certilicate that he had taken the re(|uired oaths at his proper domicile in the jirovinee of New Jersey, when the law reijuired him to do so on the accession ot' King George, three years before. If he had not taken them at that ' Pen-y's " Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Cliuicli " » Ihul., pp. 102, 103. (Pcuii.), p. 103. " Ibid., p. 101. « Ibid., p. 112. 550 HISTORY OF THE AMEKICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. time the foot would have been ofBcially reported to hiseneiri}-, Ciovorn- or Hunter, -who would certainly have alleged so conclusive a proof ot" disloyalty in his attack on Talbot in 1715. There was no reason why Talbot should not take the oaths when lawfully required, since he called God to witness that he was well affected to the House of Hanover. And there is direct evidence that he did take the oaths ; for the letter of Secretary Bass, alreadj^ quoted, contains a sentence which amounts to a declaration that Talbot, whom he was defending, was well known to have taken them. "God grant," he says in that letter, "that he (the king) had none worse inclined amongst his (Gov. Hunter's) most intimate tricuds, one of w* to my knowledge /tas refused i/ie oath when tendered." 1 If Talbot himself had refused the oath, it is very certain that Secretary Bass would not have alluded to such a refusal as evidence of disloyalty. The truth seems to be that Talbot, having promptly taken the oath of allegiance to King George when it was lawfully required at the time of his accession to the throne in 1714, had very properly declined to submit to the imputation of disloyalty which was implied in its being tendered to him a second time three 3-ears after- wards, when the law did not require it, and when he was temporarily resi- dent iu another province. At all events, his answer to Col. Gookin's charge must have been entirely satisfactory to the society, since nothing more seems to have been said on the su1)ject. Even in Pennsylvania he was not injured by Col. Gookin's accusation ; for, within a fcwmonths, we find that he was one of the clergymen nominated h}- Governor Sir William Keith to supply Christ Church, Philadelphia, which was then vacant.'-^ Talbot's excellent standing in the estimation of the society and of his bishop was signally proved a few years later. In the latter ]iart of 1720, being then seventy-five years of age, he went to England and ap- ])lied for the interest on "Archl)ishop Tenison's legacy' " of £1 ,000, which lliat prelate had l)C(jueathed towards the settlement of bishops in Ameri- ca, and, till such time as bishops should be lawfully appointed, to the maintenanceof deserving missionaries of the province of Canterbury. Iu April. 1721, the interest which had already accrued on tliis legacy, and, at a later date, the income derived tiierefrom, were directed by an order in chancery to be paid to Mr. Talbot on account cf his long service as a missionary of the societ}', the true pains he had exhibited in his holy function, his zeal, his exemplary life and conversation, and his great service to the Church.' Testimonials to this elfcct must, of course, have been presented by the Bishop of London and by the society before such an order could have been issued. Talbot remained in England nearly or quite two years, and it is during tiiis time, when he was seventy-six or seventy-seven years old, that he is said to have received consecration from tlie non-jurors. Indeed, it is the only time at whicli he could possibly have received such consecration. It is not denied that a person surnamed Talbot (Christian name unknown) was consecrated in 1723 or 1724, that is, a yoav or two years after Talbot's return to America; but even supposing that the consecration of that person had taken place in 1721 or 1722, it would require the ■ HilhMIi«t., p. 141. »Cril. of Plot. En. Hist. Sm-. i\X>\), pp. 'Doit's "Ilist.of CliiNt riiiiiTh," pp. 11, 4:.. 70, SO. THE NON-JURING BISHOPS IN AMERICA. 5.')1 slrongcsl evidence to identify liiiu with John Talbot of Uuriington, an oriirinal AViiiianiitc and Hanoverian, at the very time wiicn he was seeking and olitaiiiiiig from the Hanoverian government, through tiic Bishop of London and the S.P.G., a sum of monej' in himp and a pension for life besides. Independently of the duplicity towards the government, the bishop, and the society which such a proceeding would have involved, it is obvious that the instinct of self-interest alone would guard a man so old as Talbot was from a course which was not only contrary to his principles, but likely to involve him in very serious dilhcultics. Towards the end of 17221 Talbot returned to Burlington full of zeal for his work, and evidently ha])py in it. His letters to the secre- tary (at that time) arc bright and chatty, showing his cheerful assur- ance of his good standing with his correspondent. - Incidental!}', too, he furnishes evidence that he had no apprehension of trouble from colonial authorities. Governor Burnet, son of the famous bishop of that name, and equally' pronounced in his Whig principles, spent some three months in Burlington while Talbot was temporarily absent in Philadelphia. "Mr. Burnet," he writes, "has been here this quarter almost, & he says 'tis more pleasant than Salisbuiy in England." Thus for there was no sign of the storm which was soon to break upon the old man's head. But the storm was al:)ont to break, nevertheless, and it was brought about very simply, as will appear on a critical examination of the facts. No such examination lias heretofore been satisfactorily made. After the death of the Eev. Mr. Yicary, Christ Church, Phila- delphia, was tilled by the Rev. Mr. Urmston, a clergyman whose char- acter had apparently been disreputable in Xorth Carolina and else- where. His conduct in Philadelphia was described by a member of the vestry as " not proper to be mentioned or allowed in any sober society."' He had no license from the Bishop of London except his former license for Carolina, and no testimonials from that province ; * and on account of his scandalous behavior the vestry dismissed him, as they had a perfect right to do. Ho was not easily got rid of. Though the vestry refused to sui^port him, they were obliged at last to pay him to go away. ^ He removed to Maryland, ^ where he was drunk at a convocation of the clergy,' and was deprived for ill conduct by the Bishop of London's commissarj'. He was at length accidentally burnt to death in 1731 , while in a state of intoxication.^ Such was the man whose enmity wrought the crowning sorrow of Talbot's days. When the vestry of Philadelphia had dismissed Urmston, a con- vocation of the clergy was held at Chichester, Pennsylvania, in October, 1723,3 ;i^ which the missionaries present appointed a deputation to the vestry of Philadelphia to express their readiness to concur in the dis- missal of Urmston if the matter should be properly brought before them. Talbot was one of \he deputation, and his name appears at tlio • Col. of Plot. Ep. Hist. Soc. (1851), p. 80. « Ihiil. (Md.), p. 296. 'Fcn-v'3 "Hist. Coll. Am. Col. Cliureh" s /W. (Penn.), p. 133. (Penn.), pp. 133, 134; Collections of Plot. Ep. "Pml. (>1(1.), p. 296. Iliit. See. (18.")1), pp. 180-84. Whiil. p. :;96. » Peng's "Hist. Coll. .\m. Col. Church" '/W., p. 302. (Penn.), p. 141. 'Ibid. (Pcnn.), p. 141. 552 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN EPISCOPAL CHURCH. head of the list of signers of the memorandum of the convocation con- cerning Urmston. The vestry were much gratified, and requested the clergymen who had thus sustained them to supply tlie church until a settled missionary should arrive.' Shortly afterwards Tall)ot was taken ill while performing services at Burlington ; and, for a time, his "head-quarters" were in Philadelphia.*^ While regaining his health he supplied the vacancy in Christ Church. Urmston's wrath was bound- less. He declared that Talbot had " caused him to be turned out of Philadelphia to make room for himself." Ilis " ravings," as Dr. Hills rightly calls them,'^ betray the most malignant spirit of revenge. The previous charges against Talbot by Governors Hunter and Gookin readily suggested the one point of attack against a man whose general life and conversation had extorted commendation even from his ene- mies. The old charges of disloyalty, of refusing oaths of allegiance, and of omitting or garbling prayers, were revived and renewed. Urmston wrote repeatedly to Dr. Bray, of London, representing himself as a loyalist persecuted by a malicious and unscrupulous Jacobite. It seems to be probable that he wrote in a similar strain to Governor Burnet, and that Burnet then very naturally explained Tal- bot's absence from Burlinijton durins; the governor's three-months' visit to that place, and on other occasions, by supposing that the disloyal missionary was anxious to avoid him. To these stories, however, Urmston added a new feature in June, 1724. " Some of his (Talijot's) confidants," he wrote, "have discovered that he is in "* orders, as many more rebels are. I have heard of no ordinations he has made as yet ; but doubtless he'll persuade all the clergy who are his creatures to be ordained by him." A month later Urmston's drunken malignity quickened his invention, and his accusations became more specific and cii'cumstantial. IJef'crring to the convocation of clergy which had sustained his dismissal from Christ Church ten months before, he said that Talbot "convened all the clergy to meet, put on his robes, and demanded episcopal obedience from them ; one wiser than the rest refused, acqiiainlcd the Governor with the ill consequences thereof, the danger lie would run of losing his Government, whereupon the Governor ordered the Church to be shut up." This absurd statement is sufficiently contradicted by a letter of Sir William Keith, the governor, dated July 21, 1724. " It is confidently reported here," he says, "that some of tiiese non-juring Clergymen pretend to the authority and office of bishops in the Church which, however, t/ie>/ do not own."^ It would have been impossible for Sir William to write in these terms if a formal accusation had been laid l)cfore him by a clergyman and an eye-witness that Talljot had both dci'lared himscilf to 1)0 a bishop, and had demanded canonical oljedience from tiie other clergy ; fiK-ri'tbre this letter of the governor is a peremptor\' denial of Urmston's foolish story. The llev. these extracts by " ronimand " of llic liislinp, niut willioiit a woril of iiuloiNomcnt of lUcir coii- ' Doit's " Hist, of Chi'ist Chuicli, Tliiladcl- phia," pp. ;')!, 52. » I'cri-y's "Hist. Coll. .\m. Col. Cliiirch" tcnls. — /Vrr;/'» //isl. Co/I. Am. Co!. Church (Pcnn.),p. 133. {J/f/.), pp. iafl-S.'iS; (/^nn.) \\1, Hi. Col. of •' Urmston's extant letters ore ilated .Iiine Prot. Ep. Hist. Hoc. ^\9>':>\'),\1■^'^. ult., 1724, ami .Inly '29, 1721, liut he had written ' A l)lank ociui's heic in tlic m.aniisenpt. others |lrcviou^lv. Eviiacis Horn liis letters were i^ IVny's "Hist. Coll. Am. (.'ol. Church forwarded to ihe Itisliop ol London lij^ Mr. (Pcnn.), p. 138. btiibbs, in April, 17'20. Mr. Sluhbseommunicatcd THE NON-JURING lUSIIOrS IN AXIKIUCA. 553 Mr. IToiidcrsoii, Iiowcvcr, wvitinjj from ^riinlaiid, aiul cvitlently on the crt'dit of I'nnstoii who had gone (o Maryland after his dismissal from riiiiatlelphia, writes, in Aujiust, 1724,' tiiat "Mr. Talbot, minister of 15urliiin of the venerable society' may be justified on the ground that if Talliot were really guilty of the charges against hhu, ho was not entitled to receive a salary from the society he had I)ecn deceiving, and had no claim whatever to the Tcnison legacy ; but, to say the least, the course pursued contrasts Unfavorably with the " generous and above-board dealing with their missionaries" which had characterized the previous administration at a mucii more critical tim(>. Then the secretary pre- sumed the innocence of their missionaries in the face of very inlluen- tial representations made against them. On this occasion the board presumed that Talbot was guilty. They proceeded on the presumption of his guilt, and, in the matter of the Tenisou legacy, they took steps which implied an entire prejudgment of his case. It does not appear that Talbot had ever heard of the communica- tion of Urmston's slanders to the Bishop of Loudon. Indeed, it is very doubtful whether he ever heard of them at all, for they Avcrc proi>agated from Maryland and New York, not from Burlington or Phila- delphia. In iSIarch, 1725, ho was going on bravely and cheerily with his work, - reading daily morning and evening prayer in his church ; making a deed of gift of land for its support ; bequeathing his library to his parish ; providing a parsonage and glebe for his successors, "they conforming to and complying with the rubrics and canons of the Church of England," and readin2; the "Book of Common Prayer" "as by law established," — when he received the official letter of the 'A^ the final action of the S.P.G. in tlic case of Talbot iias not, so far as the writer knows, l)cen nul>]L^Iiccl in any prcvions woric, it is here subjoirted, a ccrtiticil copy from the minutes of tlic Ijoaril having been l-.iiully furnished for this worlc t>y tlic Uev. llcnry W, Tucker, secretary of tile venerable sociclv. "10 October, 1724'." — "9. Tlie Society be- in;: informed that Jlr. Talbot their Missionary at Burlin^Iton, in New Jersey, would never take the oallis to the king and never prays for him by name in the Liturfry ; Ordered that the Secre- lai-y acquaint him that the .Society have received the said information from a Pcison of very pood credit, and therefore have suspended any fcirlhcr payment of Iiis salary till be can clear himself from the facts laid to his charge. " 10. Ordered that the Secretary wait on Mr. licnnett the Master in Chancery to know bow far the said Mr. Talbot has received the interest of the £1001 left by the late Archbishop Teni- gon for the Establishment of l^isliops in .Vmerica, and to desire liim to put a stop to any future pay- ment of the same. " [•lournal fi, page 9.] " 20 Nov., 1724.^' " The Secretary ac- i|uainled the Hoard ... ho finds that Mr. Tal- bot has received tlie interest of the £1000 . . . to Midsummer last, and that Mi*. Bennett has pi'oniiscd that no further payment shall be made 10 him. ..." [.lournal o,' page 12.] ** 18 Dee., l/2t." *' G. Upon readin^r the Minute of the Society at last Meeting relating to .Mr. Talbot, and a letter without name to Dr. limy dated Cecil County in Maryland 20 .July 1721 sent to the board by the 1,'ord Bishop o'f London complaining of Mr. Talbot's disalfcc- tion to the nrcscnt (iovcrnm<'nt, etc., and the board being informetl that Dr. Wclton is arrived at Philadclpliia, in Pcnnsilvania: Ordcrcbop Tcnison's Thousand Pound bequeathed for settling BishopB in .America." [.Tournal o, page 19.] " 17 Sep., 172.")." " 6. The Secretary laid be- fore the Hoard a letter from Mr. Edwards inti- mating wliat's necessary to be done to dischai-go the order in cliaiiccry for the payment of the In- terest of the late Archbishop Tcnison's legacy to Mr. Talbot; Agreed by the Society (hat they are of opinion that it is not proper aiiv more interest should lie paid to Mr. Talbot, ami tliat Mr. Ed- wards be desired to proceed in the proper man- ner in the Court of Chancery for discharging said order." [Journal o, page ■)7.] " V) Oct., 1723." "2. A letter from Mr. Talbot dated Ihirlington 8 .luly 172.") was read fraying that be may ho paitl bis salary to La^lv )ay last for which lie bath tlrawu a Uiil payable to jlr. Thomas Tovey : Agreed that this matter be suspen^lcd till the Society can bo informed where his resilience has been and how he has performed Divine Service since Lady Day 172t and that Mr. Tovcy to wliom his bills arc p.ay- able be acquainted that the .Society expect be- fore any money be paitl to Mr. Talbot be sliould transmit proper certificates of such liis residence and performance of Divine Service." [Journal o, page 58.] > Perry^s " Hist. Coll. .\m. Col. Church " (Penn.), pi). 13.1, 134; Col. of Prot. Ep. llist. Soc. (1801), pp. 80-84. THE NON-JURING BISHOPS I\ AMEIUCA. 555 Becrclary advising liim of liis virtual dismi.ssal hy the socioty in wlioso service ho had spent iioaily ijiiarler of a ecntury, cciualied hy few and excelled l>y none in the aliinidanec of iiis lahors and the exemplary piety of his holy life. Shortly afterwards his drafl for the amount of his salary was returned protested. The action of the society having been taken on the comitlaint of the Ijishoj) of London, Talhot wrote to tho bishop a manly, but .sorrowfully touching, letter of protest. ' "I understand," he said, " from some friends in England that 1 have been discharged tho Society for Exercising Acts of Jurisdiction over my brethren, the Missionaries, etc. This is very strange to mc, for Ikneio nothing about it, nor anyhodij elm in all the u-orld. I could disprove it b;/ WOO tvitnes.'ies. ... As your lordship has done me the wrong, so I hope you will do me the rigiit, upon better informa- tion, to let mc be mietition in his fa\ or was sent from Philadelphia, New Bristol, and LJurbngton, signed by all the wardens and vestrymen,^ in which they aflirmcd that the}^ were not privy to the conduct by which he had become " disagreeable to his superiors." The Bishop of Loudon's own commissary when he arrived could not resist the general impor- tunity, but likewise wrote in Talbot's behalf, as a man " universally be- loved even by the dissenters.'"' It was all in vain ; and in less than two j^ears from the time of his dismissal the " American Weekly Mirror," for Xov. 23-30, 1727, contained the following notice : "Phil- adelphia, November 30th. 1727. Yesterday, died at Burlington, the Ileverend Mr. John Talbot, formerly minister of that jilace, who was a pious, good man, and much lamented."^ By reason of great strength Talbot had come to fourscore and two years before he " fell on sleep." Tho whole of the contemporary evidence that has ever been pre- sented to prove that John Talbot asserted or confessed that he had been consecrated by the non-jurors has now been considered ; audit must certainly be admitted that the evidence does not sustain the as- 'Col. of Prot. Ep. ni«t. Soc. (18151), pp. 83, » If,ino;:-i'am is clear and consistent. " iho full name, ' .I.Talhoi.' " In bis paper read It reprcscuts T^U.,HOT, neither less nor more' before the Historical Society of Hennsylvania, two years later, be sav9 Uiat' it contains •' all the ,g,„<,„ „,|, monoKi-apb loIX the writer's hands, letters of the name . JOHN TAI.noT. A careful tbo pnarnvlnif of tlie seal, whi.li 1« Kivcn onji. .Ill, examiuutiou of the engraving in the pamphlet, has been rurnctly made fcjr this work. THE N0N-.JU1UNG HISIIOl'S IN AMEIUCA. 559 incstiiiiiiMc l)cncfits of the opi.^copalo, (Iio answer is: (Ist.) That he eorlaiiily oanied no tmch phin inlo oi)oralion. We liave his own emphatic declaration that lie did not pretend to any .sort of jurisdic- tion ; and as to episcopal acts, there is not even a pretence of proof that he ever performed one.' (2d.) Such a iilan would have i)cen the scheme of a madman. The introduction of a schismatii-al non- juror e[)iscopate into the colonies could liav(! liad but one of two cll'ccis : either to rend the fccMo colonial churches into contending factions, or to bring al)!)ut a general scliism from the Church of Kng- land. What Talbot labored for was the unity of the colonial churches, and, therefore, he prayed for the establishment of a regular colonial episcopate. But he desired not less earnestly that tlio colonial churches should be and remain jiart of the established Church of Eng- land. IIo never contemplated anything else. At the very tinie^ when Urmston was defaming him ho was securing a glebe and par- sonage to his successors with the stringent provision that each of them should be a "pirsbi/(er of (he Church of EtKjland, as hij law noav e.slabJii