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THE 
 
 DEVELOPMENT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT 
 
 IN 
 
 THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS 
 
 BY 
 
 VICTORIANO D. DIAMONON 
 / u 
 
 SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE COLLEGE OF THE 
 
 STATE UNIVERSITY OF IOWA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT 
 
 OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE 
 
 OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 IOWA CITY IOWA 
 1920 
 
30GV XdOO 
 
TO 
 
 PEOFESSOE BENJ. F. SHAMBAUGH WHOSE 
 PEESONAL INTEEEST AND WISE COUNSEL 
 WEEE A CONSTANT ENCOUEAGEMENT TO 
 THE AUTHOE DUBING HIS COLLEGE YEAES 
 
 n^ 
 
 4C9045 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE 
 
 The American administration in the Philippines has 
 not received the unbiased study which it deserves, and 
 as a consequence there is current a doubt as to its real 
 worth. The Philippines themselves and their people are 
 known as a group or groups of people more or less hos- 
 tile toward each other who clamor for immediate inde- 
 pendence. Attempts to evaluate the American rule have 
 been subjected to vigorous restrictions for special inter- 
 ests. This is unfortunate, for such an attitude does not 
 reflect the American integrity in the Islands and tends to 
 becloud the facts which would otherwise give credit to 
 Americans and Filipinos. Realizing this gross misrepre- 
 sentation, the Filipinos have endeavored to correct the 
 erroneous ideas but their good efforts have failed to make 
 themselves felt. This is due to two reasons: first, be- 
 cause of the importance of politics; second, because of 
 the lack of constructive propaganda. 
 
 Within the brief compass of this monograph .it is 
 necessary to limit the field of investigation to certain 
 aspects of the American administration. In retracing 
 the successive steps which the Filipinos have taken to the 
 date they assumed practical self-government, the author 
 has attempted to show the following: (1) that a de- 
 pendency may be successfully administered without dis- 
 regarding the desires of the governed — America has set 
 the example; (2) that under a humane policy two races 
 which have nothing traditionally or otherwise in common 
 
y j AUTHOR'S PEEFACE 
 
 may be made to cooperate with each other; (3) that the 
 success of the American rule has been made possible 
 because of the willing cooperation of the Filipinos them- 
 selves. The main purpose is to show the spirit of the 
 administration and structural exposition has received 
 little attention except where it was necessary. The 
 monograph further attempts to show that the Filipinos' 
 ambition for independent statehood, although very much 
 abused for political purposes, is sincerely well meant and 
 is largely responsible for the undivided cooperation in 
 the execution of the liberal policy of America; that 
 underneath this aspiration is a national consciousness — 
 the indestructible feeling of nationality — which has 
 developed in the course of their struggle for liberty and 
 justice. At all events this monograph is an acceptance 
 of the American rule in the Philippines. 
 
 The author does not fail to observe that, notwith- 
 standing the apparent liberality of the American policy 
 and the persistent demand of the Filipinos for inde- 
 pendence, it appears that America must insist upon cer- 
 tain standards which she has set up for the Filipinos to 
 follow before withdrawing from the Islands. So far the 
 Filipinos have not gained the full r»oT»f?/»«nr»o of the 
 American people, and what is needed is real constructive 
 propaganda and journalism which build rather than 
 destroy. 
 
 In the preparation of this monograph the author 
 wishes to express his many obligations to Professor 
 Benj. F. Shambaugh for constant encouragement and 
 suggestions which contributed to the realization of this 
 undertaking. Likewise is the author under obligations 
 to Colonel Chas. C. Walcutt, Jr., Assistant Chief of the 
 Bureau of Insular Affairs, for inspiration and valuable 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE yjj 
 
 suggestions and for reading the manuscript before it 
 went to press. The author respectfully acknowledges his 
 obligation to Dr. Euth A. Gallaher for editing the manu- 
 script. No pretensions are made for exhaustive treat- 
 ment of the subject. 
 
 VlCTORIANO D. DlAMONON 
 Iowa City Iowa 
 November 1920 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Author's Preface 5 
 
 I. Introduction : The Significance of the Military 
 
 Regime 11 
 
 II. Law-making Power : The Evolution of the Phil- 
 ippine Legislature 29 
 
 III. The Effect of the Clarke Amendment in the 
 
 Philippines 61 
 
 IV. Filipinization of the Insular Service .... 11 
 V. Executive Reforms Under the Jones Act ... 98 
 
 VI. The Heritage of the Filipino People .... 117 
 
 VII. The American Standard in the Philippines . . 145 A^ 
 

INTRODUCTION: THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE 
 MILITARY REGIME 
 
 May 1, 1898, that most memorable day when the Stars and 
 Stripes waved over Manila Bay and five thousand brave sons 
 engaged in the most deadly battle the Philippines ever witnessed, 
 marked the downfall of the Peninsular Power in the Far East 
 and the beginning of a new era in colonial administration. For 
 the first time in the world's history did a strong nation enter a 
 war not to enlarge its enviable glory and self-aggrandizement 
 but to sympathize with an oppressed race. The United States of 
 America, amateur as it was in colonial administration, made up 
 its mind to make the Philippines a partaker of those rights, 
 liberties, and privileges for which she herself so heroically bled. 
 
 The destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay gave the 
 United States full authority over the city of Manila. Accord- 
 ingly, President McKinley issued instructions to the military 
 authorities to conduct its affairs and to establish peace and order 
 in the capital city. Upon the capitulation of the Spanish troops 
 on August 13, 1898, General Merritt, commanding the forces on 
 land, proclaimed to the people of the Philippines the sovereignty 
 of the United States, guaranteeing to them respect for their 
 established institutions and personal rights. 1 
 
 With the restoration of general business to a peace basis sev- 
 eral matters of importance presented themselves for solution. 
 These were: the enforcement of tariff laws, which must neces- 
 sarily be done as the ports were opened; the organization of 
 public schools; the reorganization of courts to dispose of civil 
 matters; the establishment of local government; the regulation 
 of public health; the problem of the Republic of Negros; and 
 the Bates treaty with the Sultan of Sulu. Because of their im- 
 
 i Official Gazette (Manila), January 1, 1903, pp. 1-4. 
 
 11 
 
J2 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 portance to subsequent legislation, and to the formulation of 
 policies in later days each of these subjects deserves comment. 
 
 THE TARIFF 
 Under the Spanish tariff law the collection of revenues was 
 most discouraging to trade. Duties on necessities were much 
 larger than those on luxuries. This situation caused the creation 
 of a board to revise the tariff system with a view to encouraging 
 trade with the world, especially with the United States. Its 
 sessions were open to the public and merchants and importers 
 offered their suggestions. The report of the army board was 
 published as the "Proposed customs tariff for ports in the 
 Philippine Archipelago, as recommended by the Philippine Com- 
 mission. " Suggestions and recommendations were invited by the 
 War Department until April 15, 1901, to be considered with a 
 view to amendments before promulgation. Copies of this act 
 were distributed in the United States. This tariff became act 
 No. 230 of the laws adopted by the United States Philippine 
 Commission on November 15, 1901. Five ports had already 
 been opened by virtue of the President's order in the following 
 order: Manila, August 20, 1898; Iloilo, February 22, 1899; 
 Cebu, March 14, 1899; and Zamboanga, Siassi, and Jolo, De- 
 cember 26, 1899. The customs collections after the first two years 
 of American occupation showed encouraging signs, amounting to 
 $19,389,238.87. The collections from August, 1898, to June, 
 1900, were $11,483,813 — twice as large as those of 1897, 127 
 per cent more than for 1896, and nearly three times those for 
 1895. 2 The administration of coastwise trade was entrusted to 
 customs officials and in order to care for patents and trade 
 marks, including copyrights, an office was created in June, 1899, 
 under the direction of Captain George P. Ahern. 3 
 
 2 Annual Reports of the War Department, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 1, p. 12, Pt. 
 10, pp. 7, 8, 9, 79, 83, 84, 145; Beport of the Philippine Commission, 1901, 
 Pt. 1, pp. 121, 122. For a history of the tariff see Senate Documents, 57th 
 Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XIII, Document No. 134, pp. 2-32. On page 69 
 is a table of comparison between the old Spanish tariff and the new tariff, 
 which is Act No. 230 of the United States Philippine Commission. 
 
 3 Annual Beports of the War Department, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 10, pp. 13, 14, 
 162, 164; Beport of the Lieutenant General Commanding the Army, 1900, 
 
 Pt. 2, p. 488. 
 
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MILITAEY REGIME ]£ 
 
 PUBLIC EDUCATION 
 
 The most notable feature of the American administration in 
 the Philippines is the system of public education. Education is 
 a requisite without which no popular government can long exist ; 
 it is the surest salvation of a race. The American people have 
 reason to be proud of their liberal government. Hardly three 
 weeks had passed after the occupation of Manila when a system 
 of public education was instituted in the Philippines. On this 
 subject Major General MacArthur said: "In all matters touch- 
 ing schools there is a fortunate coincidence of American interests 
 and Filipino aspirations, which in this important particular 
 come into complete and harmonious focus." While the country 
 was at the verge of war with its ally against the common enemy, 
 George P. Anderson was superintending twenty-four schools 
 in Manila with an average attendance of 4,500 pupils. In other 
 towns American soldiers took Filipino children on their laps and 
 taught them English. The war between the Americans and the 
 Filipinos which broke out in February, 1899, and persisted in 
 bush warfare for a number of years did not seem to upset the 
 work of the public schools or the eagerness of the Filipino par- 
 ents to see their children educated. As early as March 30, 1900, 
 the Department of Public Instruction came into being under the 
 direction of Dr. Fred W. Atkinson. The report of the Schurman 
 Commission in November, 1900, stated that the army had opened 
 one thousand schools in the Philippines at an expenditure of over 
 $41, 000 f or books and supplies to say nothing of the many gifts 
 which came from various societies in the United States. The 
 significance of the generous enterprise is even more apparent 
 from the fact that by September, 1900, the American soldiers 
 were teaching 2,500 Mohammedan children in the Moro land. 4 
 
 The Normal School, which to-day is one of the institutions of 
 
 * The Philippine Census, 1903, "Vol. Ill, p. 639 ; Senate Documents, 56th 
 Congress, 2nd Session, Vol. XII, Document No. 112, p. 107; Report. of the 
 Lieutenant General Commanding the Army, 1900, Pt. 2, p. 492; Annual 
 Report of the War Department, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 5, pp. 64, 265. 
 
J4 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 which the Insular Government is proud, was opened during the 
 military regime. Likewise the Nautical School was opened in 
 December, 1899, to train the Filipinos to conduct their own inter- 
 island trade. The course covered a period of three years and was 
 equal to the requirements in the United States Naval Academy. 5 
 Perhaps the most interesting school at this time was the night 
 school in Manila opened on September 3, 1900, upon the initi- 
 ative of the Philippine Commission. The unexpectedly rapid 
 inflow of students made it imperative to increase the number of 
 schools. Each evening nineteen hundred students under the 
 diligent tutorship of twenty-five instructors filled the class rooms. 
 They were as different in age — ranging from twelve to sixty 
 years — as they were different in occupation. Eager to learn the 
 English language, clerks, merchants, newspaper reporters, sales- 
 men, teachers, police, laborers, barbers, machinists, cigar makers, 
 secretaries, janitors, and even firemen passed the hours of the 
 evenings in this useful manner. 6 
 
 ESTABLISHING JUSTICE 
 
 Upon the official occupation of the city of Manila on August 
 13, 1898, the courts had practically ceased to function. Prisons 
 were crowded with convicts some of whom were cast into the 
 dark cells for purely political reasons while others were awaiting 
 unnecessarily deferred trial. So defective was the Spanish sys- 
 tem of procedure that a thorough revision of the code was im- 
 perative. For this purpose General E. S. Otis created a com- 
 mission with Don Cayetano Arellano as chairman to codify the 
 legislative enactments and royal decrees of the past century. 
 
 In the message announcing the capitulation of the Spanish 
 troops on August 13, 1898, it was stated that "This city, its in- 
 habitants, its churches and religious worship, itl^ educational 
 establishments and its private property of all descriptions are 
 placed under the special safeguard of the faith and honor of the 
 
 s Official Gazette, January 1, 1903, p. 34; Annual 'Reports of the War 
 Department, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 4, p. 547, Pt. 10, pp. 240-244. 
 
 « Senate Documents, 56th Congress, 2nd Session, Vol. XII, Document No. 
 112, p. 110. 
 
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MILITARY REGIME ]£ 
 
 American army." 7 Accordingly, General Merritt appointed a 
 provost marshal general to take the place of the Spanish gov- 
 ernor of Manila. By August 22, 1898, hardly two months after 
 the arrival of the United States forces, military commissions and 
 provost courts had been organized in different parts of the 
 Philippines as they came within the jurisdiction of the United 
 States. The military commissions and provost courts dealt with 
 cases which were not triable exclusively by court martial. To 
 dispose of the cases which demanded immediate attention General 
 Otis opened the courts which were in operation prior to August 
 13th for general business. The Audiencia Territorial de Manila 
 which was suspended on January 30, 1899, was reinstituted as 
 the Supreme Court of the Philippine Islands. 8 
 
 The report of the board to codify the laws included, among 
 others, a recommendation that the judges of the supreme court 
 be not composed of Filipinos only. This liberal recommendation 
 received a warm reception among the military authorities, and 
 General Otis as Military Governor of the Philippines appointed 
 the following judges for the chambers of the Supreme Court: 
 President of the Supreme Court, Don Cayetano Arellano ; presi- 
 dent of the Civil Branch, Don Manuel Araullo assisted by 
 Don Gregorio Araneta and Lieutenant Colonel E< H. Crowder. 
 Don Reymundo Milleza was appointed president of the -Criminal 
 Branch assisted by Don Ambrosio Rianzares, Don Julio Llorente, 
 Major R. W. Young, and Captain W. E. Birkhimer. Don 
 Florentino Torres became the attorney of the Supreme Court 
 with Don Dionicio Chanco as his associate. 9 These were the 
 initial appointments to responsible offices which even to-day-ftave 
 maintained their prestige before tfie, public. Of the nine justices 
 six were Filipinos/anH three w^*e AmericaflsV^He president of 
 the Supreme Court axfS 1the chairmen of the chambers were all 
 
 7 Official Gazette, January 1, 1903, p. 3. 
 
 s Official Gazette, January 1, 1903, p. 5; Annual Beports of the War De- 
 partment, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 10, p. 154; Beport of Major-General E. 8. Otis, 
 1899, p. 148. 
 
 » Official Gazette, January 1, 1903, p. 5; Beport of Major-General E. 8. 
 Otis, 1899, pp. 145, 146, 148. 
 
16 
 
 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 Filipinos who had long rendered service as judges during the 
 Spanish regime. The attorneys were all natives of the Philip- 
 pines. 
 
 But the real good which the commission accomplished con- 
 sisted of the revision of the procedure with a view to making it 
 more liberal and just to the accused. The commission abolished 
 the notoriously slow criminal procedure of Spain and instituted 
 a speedy and public trial of the accused. The old system of 
 commencing proceedings without first serving notice to the de- 
 fendant of the charges made against him was abolished. Under 
 the new system the defendant is fully informed of the claim 
 against him. He has the right to appear and defend himself at 
 the trial which causes no unnecessary delay. In all cases he is 
 entitled to bail which was not extended to him in the past. This 
 much needed reform relieved the prisons of Manila. 10 Com- 
 menting on this particular piece of reform, Chief Justice Arel- 
 lano said: 
 
 "This law, based upon the accusatory system, has abolished 
 the inquisitorial period so derogatory of the rights of the ac- 
 cused, and which was the foundation of our criminal procedure ; 
 the time formerly taken up by this inquisitorial system without 
 the right of intervention on the part of the accused, which at 
 times would be prolonged for years, dependent upon the difficulty 
 of investigation, has been saved; the long period of preventive 
 punishment suffered by many persons during the long summary 
 of examination was carried on for the purpose of investigating 
 the commission of the crime and whether any person was guilty 
 thereof; the new procedure provides for complete equality be- 
 tween the accuser and the accused, between the prosecution car- 
 ried on by the government and the defense of his personal 
 liberty and the security interposed by the defendant; a brief 
 proceeding which becomes and is public from its initiation, fully 
 provides all that is necessary for complete defense, and is an 
 absolute safeguard of personal security ; this undoubtedly, is the 
 
 *° Gregorio Araneta's Organisation of the Police and Judiciary in the 
 Cablenews- American (Manila, annual number), 1911, p. 32 et seq. 
 
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MILITARY REGIME yj 
 
 greatest benefit conferred upon the inhabitants of this coun- 
 try." 11 
 
 This reform was promulgated as General Order No. 58 on 
 April 23, 1900. With respect to provincial courts, the courts of 
 first instance were established in the various provinces as follows : 
 Pangasinan, January 2, 1900; Cagayan and Isabella, January 
 16, 1900; Ilocos Sur, January 31, 1900; Cavite, February 13, 
 1900; Iloilo, March 27, 1900; Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Ilocos 
 Norte, and Bataan, April 30, 1900; Cebu, May 19, 1900; and 
 Bohol, October 17, 1900. 12 As provinces were occupied local 
 courts came into being, and to all superior courts like that of the 
 island of Negros was given the authority of habeas corpus. 13 
 
 Another reform which deserves comment in this connection 
 was the regulation of marriage. During the Spanish time mar- 
 riage was solemnized by the church alone. The unbearable ex- 
 pense which the ceremony entailed proved a detriment to morals, 
 with the result that property descent was most difficult to deter- 
 mine. General Otis revoked ''all laws and provisions, general 
 and particular, and even those customary, which are in conflict 
 with the order." It authorized the judge of any court inferior 
 to the supreme court, justice of the peace, priest, or minister of 
 the gospel to solemnize marriages. 14 
 
 LOCAL AUTONOMY 
 
 The manner in which the military authorities administered 
 the Philippine affairs in 1899 and 1900, and the way the Fili- 
 pinos responded to the confidence which their new rulers ac- 
 corded to them in the midst of the warfare and hostilities that 
 
 "Malcolm's The Government of the Philippine Islands, p. 681. 
 
 12 The Cablenews-American (annual number), 1911, p. 32; Beport of 
 Major-General E. S. Otis, 1899, pp. 147, 148; Annual Reports of the War 
 Department, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 4, pp. 455, 456. 
 
 is Official Gazette, January 1, 1903, p. 7. 
 
 i* Annual Reports of the War Department, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 4, p. 452; 
 General Order No. 68 in Official Gazette, January 1, 1903, p. 16. 
 
 For an historical resume of the administration of justice in the Philip- 
 pines from 1582-1891 see Justice Arellano's treatise in Senate Documents, 
 56th Congress, 2nd Session, Vol. XII, Document No. 112, p. 225 et seq. 
 
lg SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 existed between the two races at the time, would seem like a 
 miracle to an impartial observer. Popular government in the 
 Philippines as far as local administration is concerned is not a 
 product of years of experience. On August 8, 1899, in the teeth 
 of guerilla warfare, the military headquarters issued an order 
 outlining the political machinery of each town occupied by the 
 American troops. The order provided for the election of a presi- 
 dent, vice-president, and council. It was a sort of a town- 
 meeting where the chief officer was elected by acclamation. He 
 must be a native Filipino and a property holder. But for the 
 absence of ballots the election was otherwise modern. The 
 aldermen composing the council were elected by the inhabitants 
 of their respective wards. Executing the duties which ordinarily 
 belong to these offices, the officers were charged with full respon- 
 sibilities for their city. The city government established a police 
 force and collected taxes and fees. It was the duty of the local 
 government to establish and provide public education, to enforce 
 sanitary laws, to regulate the sale of foods and intoxicants, and 
 to perform the other duties which ordinarily belong to municipal 
 governments. The council had the duty of passing ordinances 
 to govern the conduct of the inhabitants, while as aldermen in 
 their wards they had to maintain peace and order. 15 
 
 This tentative form of local government was tried in the most 
 rebellious towns of Bacoor, Imus, and Cavite with eminent suc- 
 cess. The senior army officer in the town passed upon the ordi- 
 nances before they were promulgated. Encouraged by their 
 initial success the order was applied in other towns — Las Piiias, 
 Parafiaque, Pandacan, Santa Ana, San Felipe, Neri, San Pedro 
 Macati, and Malolos. 16 
 
 Purely on his own initiative General Lawton ordered the first 
 popular election in the Philippines. On May 7, 1899, the town 
 of Baliwag saw the birth of popular government in the Philip- 
 pine Islands. The election resulted in the triumphant victory of 
 
 is Official Gazette, January 1, 1903, p. 7 ; Beport of Major-General E. S. 
 Otis, 1899, p. 144; Annual Reports of the War Department, 1900, Vol. I, 
 Pt. 6, p. 22, Pt. 8, pp. 140, 143, 144, 163-165. 
 
 i« Beport of the Philippine Commission, 1900, Vol. I, pp. 177, 178. 
 
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MILITAEY REGIME 
 
 19 
 
 Francisco Gregorio, the first officer and president elected under 
 the American rule. 17 
 
 At Maycawayan a novel election took place under the direc- 
 tion of Major Kobbe. The voters filed past the judges of elec- 
 tion, whispered their preferences, and their votes were recorded. 
 
 All these were provisional measures to meet the exigencies of 
 the time. On January 29, 1900, the Military Governor created a 
 commission to draw up a general framework for the government 
 of cities and towns in the Philippines, and again Chief Justice 
 Arellano was appointed chairman. 18 Two months later the com- 
 mission submitted its report and made a recommendation which 
 was promulgated as General Order No. 40. 19 Because it formed 
 the basis for subsequent legislation a brief comment on its con- 
 tent may not be out of place. 
 
 According to its provisions, incorporated towns were known as 
 municipios with the ordinary corporate rights and privileges: 
 that is, the right to sue and be sued ; to contract and be con- 
 tracted with; and to acquire and hold 'real and personal prop- 
 erty. The municipios were divided into four classes, the number 
 of aldermen being dependent upon the population. Cities with 
 a population of at least 25,000 were in the first class ; those with 
 18,000-25,000 population were in the second class; those with 
 from 10,000-18,000 belonged to the third class ; while those with 
 less than 10,000 inhabitants were in the fourth class. First 
 class cities were entitled to eighteen aldermen, second class cities 
 to fourteen, third class cities to ten, and fourth class cities to 
 eight. Manila, being a special city, is not included in the classi- 
 fication. 
 
 The officers were composed of the alcalde, municipal lieutenant, 
 and councillors, elected by popular vote for two years. The 
 secretary, the treasurer, and the attorney were to be elected by 
 the council. 
 
 As chief executive, the alcalde was clothed with the powers 
 
 17 Annual Reports of the War Department, 1899, Vol. I, Pt. 5, p. 88. 
 
 is Annual Beports of the War Department, 1900, Vol. 1, Pt. 4, p. 476. 
 
 i» Annual Beports of the War Department, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 4, pp. 477- 
 487. 
 
20 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 and duties which generally pertain to that office. By and with 
 the consent of the council he made the appointments of the 
 officers whose election was not provided for. The alcalde en- 
 forced the ordinances, supervised the collection of taxes, pre- 
 sided at public auction, and issued warrants upon the treasury. 
 
 The office of the city attorney was filled by a Filipino lawyer. 
 As adviser of the city, he represented the corporation in all its 
 legal relations. He was required to attend the sessions of the 
 council but did not have a vote. 
 
 The duties which fell upon the secretary and the treasurer 
 were those ordinarily conferred upon such officers. Like all 
 other officers of the city they were required to give a bond which 
 in the case of the treasurer was to be sufficient to cover the esti- 
 mated amount which would come under his care. 
 
 The duties of the city council were most complete. Each year 
 the body resolved itself into committees taking charge of the 
 police, public health, agriculture, irrigation, live stock, public 
 works and roads, and schools. 
 
 The franchise was extended to all male citizens 23 years of 
 age who during the six months immediately prior to the election 
 had resided in the city where the vote was to be polled. In addi- 
 tion to these requirements, each elector must belong to one of 
 these classes : a municipal captain, gobernadorcillo, lieutenant, or 
 cabeza de barangay, prior to August 13, 1898; a tax payer of 
 thirty pesos a year ; or be able to read, speak, and write English 
 or Spanish. 
 
 The disqualified consisted of the criminals and the insane and 
 feeble-minded ; those who had been convicted three times for dis- 
 orderly conduct ; debtors to municipal funds and those who had 
 pending litigation with a municipio or had a contract with city 
 or provincial enterprises. To do away with the old question of 
 church and state, ecclesiastics and soldiers were barred from 
 office and if a certain petition were filed with the secretary an 
 officer might not be elected for a third term. 
 
 This, in brief, was the local government in the Philippines 
 until the United States Philippine Commission had legislated 
 upon the subject. It should be noted that local self-government 
 
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MILITARY REGIME 21 
 
 was not a gradual concession to the Filipinos. It was given to 
 them without previous training. The application of the law was 
 determined by a senior officer of the United States army and 
 upon his recommendation it was applied to a specified city. Six 
 months after its promulgation the general order was in operation 
 in seventy-seven municipalities in the Philippines. 20 
 
 On January 31, 1901, the United States Philippine Commis- 
 sion passed an act 21 providing for the government of cities and 
 towns in the Philippines. It was General Order No. 40 with 
 some improvements. The most important change made by the 
 commission was that relative to the extension of suffrage. Undei 
 the new law holders of property to the value of 500 pesos might 
 also vote. The disqualifications were revised. Those barred 
 from voting consisted of delinquent tax payers, assessed on 
 August 13, 1898 ; those declared incompetent by the court ; vio- 
 lators of allegiance to the United States; the criminals and the 
 feeble-minded. Thus, it is seen that the Philippine Commission 
 made local government more popular by extending the suffrage. 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 The war with the United States not only depleted the popula- 
 tion but made public health insecure. With the attention of the 
 medical profession concentrated in army camps the non-military 
 
 20 Annual Beports of the War Department, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 10, p. 29. 
 
 These municipalities were the following: Bengued (Abra), Cavite, Cavite 
 Viejo, La Caridad (Cavite), Laoag (Ilocos Norte), Candon, Vigan (Ilocos 
 Sur), Jaen, Cabiao, Panaranda, Gapan, San Antonio, Santa Rosa (Nueva 
 Ecija), Angeles, Apalit, Arayat, Bacolor, Batis, Candaba, Flora Blanca, 
 Guagua, Lubao, Mabalocat, Maeabebe, Magalang, Mexico, Porac, San Fer- 
 nando, Santa Ana, San Luis, San Miguel, San Simon, Santa Rita, Santo 
 Tomas, Sexmoan (Pampanga), Calasiao, Dagupan (Pangasinan), Sariafla, 
 Tayabas (Tayabas), Namacpacan, San Fernando (Union), Alegna, 
 Balemban, Bantayan, Bago, Cebu, Daan, Dumanjug, Medellin, Naga, 
 Remegio (Cebu), Antique, Cola si (Antique), Calivo, Pontevedra (Capiz), 
 Maycawayan, Palo (Bulacan), Hoilo (Hoilo), San Isidro, Talavera, Caban- 
 atuan, Bongabong, Saragosa, Rosales, Humingan, Aliaga, Cuyapo, San 
 Quintin (Nueva Ecija), Mauban (Tayabas), Pandan, Capiz, Dao, Dumarao, 
 Ibajay, Mambusao, and all towns of Bohol except Carmen. 
 
 si Act No. 82 of the United States Philippine Commission. 
 
22 
 
 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 public was necessarily neglected. In the city of Manila con- 
 gestion offered a fertile soil for disease and epidemics. This 
 situation was made doubly bad by the lepers who mingled with 
 the healthy public. Of all the hospitals which the Spaniards 
 provided for these unfortunates only two deserve mention — the 
 San Lazaro in Manila and another in Nueva Caceres with a total 
 capacity of four hundred beds. 
 
 The city health board, made up of army physicians, started a 
 systematic campaign first in the arrest of lepers for the purpose 
 of segregating them and second in establishing laboratories and 
 opening hospitals and free dispensaries. Vaccination for small 
 pox was rigidly enforced. 22 
 
 THE EEPUBLIC OP NEGROS 
 
 Of all the provinces in the Philippines Negros has shown itself 
 to be the most forbearing and conservative. During the Spanish 
 rule the Negrosefios shouldered their burden most patiently, al- 
 ways slow to anger and slower to raise their hand against the 
 wrongs and injustice against which their brothers in the north 
 had long since revolted. As if at the end of the rope of their 
 patience the peaceful Negrosefios rose against their rulers. In 
 November, 1898, the high tension caused an outbreak which 
 resulted in the lowering of the Spanish flag in the island of 
 Negros. The Spaniards left the island minus their arms never 
 to return, and all the public responsibility and public property 
 came into the hands of a provisional government which the in- 
 habitants had organized. The Spaniards changed their opinion 
 of the people of Negros. The people, whom they had thought for 
 centuries were mere playthings, found themselves all of a sud- 
 den in the unbound freedom and liberty for which they had 
 fought single-handed. The manner in which the inhabitants 
 maintained peace and order following the unexpected triumph 
 perplexed the American authorities in Manila. 
 
 When this status was gained Manila had already been occupied 
 by the United States troops. With the treaty of Paris still pend- 
 ing, the people of Negros did not know but that Spain might 
 
 » Annual Beports of the War Department, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 10, pp. 283, 
 284, 1901, Vol. I, Pt. 4, pp. 248, 249. 
 
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MILITARY REGIME 23 
 
 retain some of the islands in the Philippine Archipelago. The 
 ratification of the treaty however gave the United States full 
 title to all the islands. This forced the Negroseiios to choose 
 between two alternatives — whether to perfect the provisional 
 government and run the risk of probable dissensions in the 
 future, or to accept the sovereignty of the United States and 
 rest secure. Prudent deliberation chose the latter. 
 
 Accordingly, on November^ 12, 1898, the congress of the re- 
 public framed a resolution and commissioned Jose Araneta to 
 present it to Captain Glass at that time commanding the Charles- 
 ton in the harbor, requesting him to assume charge of the new 
 government under the Stars and Stripes. Of course the captain 
 had to decline, having received no such instructions, and the 
 delegate returned disappointed. While awaiting the next oppor- 
 tunity of requesting protection from the United States authority, 
 the republic determined to run its own affairs. Following the 
 outbreak of hostilities between the Americans and the Filipinos 
 on February 4, 1899, General Miller took possession of Iloilo on 
 February 12th. Again the congress of Negros despatched a dele- 
 gation to the general to negotiate for protection, but it was ad- 
 vised to proceed to Manila and present its cause to General Otis, 
 the Military Governor of the Philippines. As a result troops were 
 despatched to the island under the command of General Smith 
 with instruction to frame a constitution suitable to the needs of 
 the locality. 23 
 
 A committee to formulate a constitution sat in Bacolod, the 
 capital of the republic. It was composed of Jose Luzuriaga, 
 president of the congress, Estanislao Yusay, its vice-president, 
 Manuel Jaime, delegate from Bacolod, Manuel Ledesma, delegate 
 from Pontevedra, and Manuel Regalado, delegate from Binal- 
 bagan. The draft was forwarded to General Otis through the 
 congress. 24 
 
 What the Filipino committee on drafting a constitution had 
 
 23 Annual Reports of the War Department, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 10, pp. 249, 
 251. 
 
 24 Annual Beports of the War Department (Major General Commanding 
 the Army), 1899, Pt. 3, pp. 338, 341. 
 
24 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 produced may be of interest as bearing on their political capacity. 
 Under the proposed constitution the Republic of Negros had two 
 governors: a military governor appointed by General Otis, and 
 a civil governor elected by the voters of Negros. One was Amer- 
 ican, the other a Filipino. The military governor was the chief 
 executive endowed with full powers to enforce the law and to 
 appoint non-elective officers. The civil governor was adviser to 
 the military governor and presided in the deliberations of the 
 council. Other important portfolios were the secretary of the 
 treasury, the secretary of agriculture, the secretary of public 
 instruction, the attorney general, and the auditor — all to be ap- 
 pointed by the military governor. The judicial power was vested 
 in three judges appointed by the military governor. Rather a 
 novel feature was the power of the council to determine the mode 
 of procedure of the court. The legislative body or the council 
 was composed of eight members — three from Oriental Negros, 
 four from Occidental Negros, and one delegate at large. 
 
 The qualifications of the electors in the island of Negros were 
 even more liberal than those subsequently prescribed by the 
 Philippine Commission in 1901. The electorate was composed 
 of the male citizens of the island of Negros at least 21 years of 
 age, able to speak, read, and write English, Spanish, or the 
 Visayan dialect. In addition to these each elector must hold real 
 property to the value of 500 pesos or pay rental on real prop- 
 erty valued at 1000 pesos. The residence requirement was one 
 year in the island and not less than three months in the district 
 where the elector intended to vote. Certain groups were spe-7 
 cifically disqualified. 25 * 
 
 The constitution was proclaimed to take effect on July 22, 
 1899. On October 2, 1899, the first general election in the Philip- 
 pines was held in the island of Negros. Of the six thousand 
 who registered five thousand voted, electing Sr. Melecio Severino, 
 the first Filipino governor under the United States rule. The 
 officers took office on November 6th which happened to be the 
 
 25 Annual Beports of the War Department (Major General Commanding 
 the Army), 1899, Pt. 2, p. 125. 
 
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MILITARY REGIME 25 
 
 anniversary of the overthrow of the Spanish government. 26 
 
 Under these provisions the Republic of Negros administered 
 the civil affairs subject to the military veto of the governor. 
 After the elections conditions returned to normal and it is said 
 that more planting was done that year than any time during the 
 previous twenty-five years. A model farm under the auspices of 
 the government was an asset to the public treasury. To cam- 
 paign against locusts and rinderpest, agricultural societies were 
 organized in the province. Government accounts were well 
 audited and the public funds well guarded. Gambling was 
 banned and cock-fighting restricted to holidays. The system of 
 education was extended from the halls of the public schools to 
 prisons where the convicts were taught certain trades while 
 serving their term. Municipal governments, instituted under 
 the provisions of the constitution, restored the cities to sanitary 
 conditions. Furthermore a commission was created to adopt 
 measures to alleviate the impending famine due to the failure of 
 crops from drought. 
 
 This was the short-lived Republic of Negros which attracted 
 the attention of the authorities in Manila. It operated smoothly 
 until the Province of Occidental Negros was established on 
 April 20, 1901, upon the petition of the citizens. 27 
 
 THE MORO PROBLEM 
 
 Of no little significance to the establishment of law and order 
 in the Philippines was the subjection of the Moros to the govern- 
 ment. During the entire period of Spanish sovereignty in the 
 Philippines the Moros maintained their own kingdom and re- 
 fused to be received into the fold of civilization. In spite of the 
 treaty of 1878 with Spain in which the Sultan pledged himself 
 to enforce orderly behavior among his subjects, pillage and sur- 
 prise attacks upon sister islands were of frequent occurrence. 
 
 26 Annual Reports of the War Department, 1900, Vol. I, Pt. 10, p. 252, 
 Pt. 4, p. 405, Pt. 5, p. 251. 
 
 27 Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XXIII, Document 
 No. 331, Pt. 1, pp. 13, 14; Act No. 119 of the United States Philippine 
 Commission. 
 
26 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 At the time the United States occupied the city of Manila, the 
 Moros were a constant menace to inter-island trade. 
 
 The conditions existing at the time were destined to be a test 
 of American temperament on the one hand and of American 
 good will and diplomacy on the other in the matter of establish- 
 ing peaceful relations with the unwilling and foreign element of 
 the Islands. The United States could have despatched an army 
 to the south and taken possession of the vast territory by force. 
 The military governor, however, employed amicable means under 
 the most trying conditions, and on August 20, 1899, General 
 Bates concluded a treaty with the Sultan of Sulu. 
 
 Among the provisions of the treaty the Sultan acknowledged 
 the sovereignty of the United States, conceding to it the right to 
 occupy any port for garrison purposes. The Sultan agreed to 
 lend all aid in the suppression of piracy by bringing those en- 
 gaged in pillage to justice. On the part of the United States 
 she agreed to refrain from adopting drastic measures in dealing 
 with the subjects of the Sultan. The rights and dignities of the 
 Sultan were to be respected and there was to be no interference 
 in their religion an<i customs. The United States promised 
 protection to the Moros in case of foreign aggression. Inter- 
 island trade could be carried on with the Moros in unlimited 
 degree provided the Moros would carry their goods under the 
 American flag. Under this condition their goods would be ex- 
 empt from duty. Lastly, the United States agreed to pay the 
 Sultan a monthly salary of $250 and various amounts to his 
 datos. 28 
 
 The President of the United States approved the treaty so 
 concluded by General Bates except article ten which gave the 
 slaves the right to purchase their freedom. 29 
 
 The days that followed showed that the Sultan was not abiding 
 by the terms of the treaty. This resulted in the abrogation of 
 the covenant on March 21, 1904. The eleven years which fol- 
 lowed saw the Moros busy contending with the Philippine con- 
 
 28 Senate Documents, 56th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. IX, Document No. 
 136, pp. 2, 26. 
 
 «» Annual Beports of the War Department, 1903, Vol. V, Pt. 1, p. 492. 
 
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE MILITARY REGIME 27 
 
 stabulary and with the United States army. Finally, on March 
 22, 1915, the Sultan relinquished his sovereignty and finally 
 acknowledged the sovereignty of the United States. Thus ended 
 the Moro problem which was a constant menace to peace during 
 the last three hundred years. On March 22, 1915, began a new 
 era in the history of the Moro people. Since then not a drop of 
 blood has been shed or a single shot been fired in the land where, 
 in previous years, slaughter was a sacred duty. 30 
 
 The military regime from 1898-1901 is significant in two or 
 three respects. First, in the absence of congressional legislation 
 and acting solely under the military power of the President, the 
 authority of the Military Governor was broad and all-inclusive. 
 It was exercised in a liberal and constructive manner. In the 
 midst of social chaos and disorder the military authority through 
 proclamations and general orders organized a system of educa- 
 tion, established municipal governments based on democratic 
 principles, instituted a system of courts, and most important of 
 all established a new code of criminal procedure. The provi- 
 sional tariff which was later enacted into law regulated trade 
 and commerce and restricted Chinese immigration. Public hy- 
 giene and sanitation were entrusted to the medical corps which 
 conducted a campaign against disease and epidemics. These 
 were not all, for in March, 1900, the Mining Bureau came into 
 life to be followed in April by the Bureau of Forestry. Thus, 
 under military authority, the general welfare of the Philippines 
 received the much needed reform and stimulus. 
 
 In the second place, from another standpoint, there is one 
 aspect of the situation which, because the trait has been wonder- 
 fully maintained to the present day, deserves an observation. 
 The Filipinos showed unbounded eagerness to learn and to co- 
 operate in the execution of the liberal concessions granted to 
 them. In the thick of war and social breakdown Filipino parents 
 were unusually eager to see their children educated, crowding 
 not only the day classes but also the night schools. Turning to 
 the pages of their record in municipal administration, it is found 
 
 30 Beport of the Philippine Commission, 1903, Pt. 1, pp. 489-542, 1904, 
 Pt. 1, p. 13, Pt. 2, pp. 572-594, 1915, pp. 297 ff. 
 
23 SELF-GOVERNMENT 'IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 that the Filipinos have shown extraordinary fitness for the re- 
 sponsibility entrusted to them by the authorities. A better 
 indication of their ability in times of crisis was the experience 
 of Negros. The manner in which the islanders maintained law 
 and order at the point of threats and dissensions surprised the 
 military authorities. 
 
 Thirdly, it may be added that the administration of Philip- 
 pine affairs has been established on a responsible basis. Under 
 the American administration the officials in charge of the differ- 
 ent branches of the government submitted their reports not to 
 the national headquarters in Washington but to the Military 
 Governor or Governor General. At first it was suggested that 
 the various executive branches of the Philippine government be 
 subordinated to the respective departments in the United States. 
 This plan was especially urged with respect to the Department 
 of Public Instruction. Had this been done the pages of Philip- 
 pine history would have had a different story. Alaska represents 
 an irresponsible type of territorial administration. The local 
 representatives are responsible to the officials at Washington. 
 This type of colonial administration proved a failure in French 
 Algeria. The heads of the executive departments gave an ac- 
 count of their offices not to the governor o^Algeria but directly 
 to the minister of the French Governme^B flfe system was 
 later abolished. 31 ' ^P 
 
 It can not be questioned that the military r4?Ime is memorable 
 for its liberality and kind treatment. Its beginning was the 
 beginning of the establishment of the civil government in the 
 Philippines. The United States troops have reason to be proud 
 of their pioneer work in the Philippines. 
 
 3i The American Historical Beview, Vol. XXI, p. 302. 
 
II 
 
 LAWMAKING POWER : THE EVOLUTION OF THE 
 PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 
 
 An efficient system of administration does not always insure 
 the satisfaction of the* governed. In the sphere of government 
 the principle of the consent of the governed is not a thing to be 
 disregarded. A government which ignores this fundamental 
 right is doomed to destruction. History has shown this to be an 
 invariable truth, and Spain, because she refused to recognize this 
 fact, was crushed as a colonial power in the Far East. 
 
 In popular government the principle that the government de- 
 rives its power from the consent of the governed comes to its 
 fairest realization when the people exercise the right to choose 
 the officers who shall formulate the laws to rule their conduct. 
 When the matter is considered in connection with a subject race 
 the franchise has a far reaching significance. To exercise it is 
 to exercise the mo^Bacred trust, and to the extent and manner 
 it is used theMairnmidedness and common sense of a people are 
 judged. But it must also follow that l awmakin g, to say the 
 least, is the most important function of government, since it is 
 concerned with the practical and every day aspects of human 
 association. ■— 
 
 The development of a popular legislature in the Philippines 
 and the extension of lawmaking power in less than twenty years 
 is the American achievement that surprised the world. Because 
 of its paramount importance, it may be well to observe the sev- 
 eral steps which led to the realization of the ^Philippine legisla- 
 ture, the first and the only representative assembly in the Far 
 East. 
 
 THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION 
 
 The concession of legislative authority to Filipinos was a grad- 
 
 29 
 
30 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 ual process. It may be divided into three parts or stages. The 
 first part began September 1, 1900, when the United States 
 Philippine Commission assumed the legislative functions over 
 the Philippines. October 16, 1907, saw the beginning of the 
 second stage. On this memorable day the Philippine Assembly, 
 composed of Filipinos popularly elected, was inaugurated as the 
 lower house of the Philippine Legislature. The Philippine Com- 
 mission which became the upper house was composed of five 
 Americans and three Filipinos appointed by the President. The 
 third stage of the evolution took place on October 16, 1916, when 
 the Philippine Senate composed of Filipinos popularly elected 
 supplanted the appointive American-Filipino Commission. Thus, 
 it is seen that the Philippine Commission was the first lawmaking 
 body in the Philippines, having derived its ample powers from 
 the military authority of the President of the United States. 
 Some aspects of its nature and powers will be considered. 
 
 Under the authority conferred upon him by Congress to estab- 
 lish civil government in the Philippines until further legislation, 
 the President, on March 16, 1900, created the United States 
 Philippine Commission composed of Wm. H. Taft, chairman, 
 Dean C. Worcester, Luke E. Wright, Henry C. Ide, and Bernard 
 Moses. Formal instructions which embodied the powers of the 
 Commission were issued on April 7, 1900. The Commission re- 
 ported for duty in the Philippines early in the spring, and after 
 familiarizing itself with the conditions in the islands and with 
 the work which the military authorities had so nobly begun, the 
 Commission formally announced its presence and purposes in the 
 Islands and began to function September 1, 1900. An essential 
 feature of the proclamation was the provision that the citizens 
 of the Philippines were welcome to make any criticism or sug- 
 gestion on the measures under consideration by the Commission. 
 Copies of the bills would be distributed free and on certain days 
 the Commission would receive such criticisms and suggestions as 
 the public might offer. This opportunity for discussion was a 
 prerequisite to enactment and no bill was to be finally acted 
 upon until ample time had been granted for suggestions. The 
 executive authority remained under military control until the 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 31 
 
 inauguration of Mr. Taft as Civil Governor of the Philippine 
 Islands the following year. 32 
 
 The President's instruction defined the order in which the 
 Commission should establish civil government in the Islands. 
 The Commission was first to establish municipalities in which 
 Filipinos "shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their 
 own local affairs to the fullest extent of which they are capable, 
 and subject to the least degree of supervision and control". 
 Political training in local affairs and then larger responsibilities 
 in provincial affairs and ultimately in insular matters seem to 
 have been the order of political discipline designed for the 
 Filipinos. 33 
 
 July 4, 1901, saw the inauguration of Mr. Taft as Civil Gov- 
 ernor of the Philippines. On that same day President McKinley 
 proclaimed peace and amnesty, pardoning all those who had 
 participated in the insurrection. But from the standpoint of 
 the Filipinos the most notable step was that of September 1, 
 1901, when the President appointed three Filipinos to the 
 Philippine, Commission. The first appointee was Dr. T. H. 
 Pardo de Tavera, a former president of the Federal Party which 
 advocated early peace by accepting the sovereignty of the United 
 States. He had accompanied the Philippine Commission in its 
 tours through the country. The second man appointed was Sr. 
 Benito Legarda who in previous years had rendered valuable 
 service to the military authority. The third was Sr. Jose Luzu- 
 riaga who had been instrumental in establishing the short-lived 
 Republic of Negros. 34 These three Filipinos were the first to be 
 officially honored by the responsibility of formulating the policy 
 for their country. 
 
 The Philippine Commission, while acting in the capacity of a 
 legislative body, was also an executive board since it acted as the 
 cabinet to the Civil Governor. By executive order of the Presi- 
 
 32 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXI, p. 910 ; Report of the 
 Philippine Commission, 1901, pp. 19, 120, 121. 
 
 33 Annual Reports of the War Department, 1901, Vol. I, Pt. 1, p. 55. 
 
 34 Annual Reports of the War Department, 1901, Vol. I, Pt. 1, pp. 63, 64, 
 Pt. 8, pp. 16, 17, Pt. 9, p. 281. 
 
32 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 dent the Commission passed an act creating four executive de- 
 partments of the government, and these were assigned to the 
 members of the Commission as follows: Department of Interior, 
 Dean C. Worcester ; Department of Commerce and Police, Luke 
 E. Wright ; Department of Finance and Justice, Henry C. Ide ; 
 Department of Public Instruction, Bernard Moses. As chairman 
 of the Commission the Governor had general supervision over 
 these departments, the civil service board, and the municipal and 
 provincial governments. 35 
 
 It may be noted that the heads of the executive departments 
 were chosen from the American members of the Commission, 
 consequently each of these men was drawing two salaries — as 
 members of the United States Philippine Commission and as 
 members of the legislative body of the Philippines. The Civil 
 Governor had an aggregate salary of $15,000 and each of the 
 American members $10,500. The Filipino members were al- 
 lowed their share in the appointments on the various com- 
 mittees formed in the Commission. Out of fifteen committees, 
 the Filipinos held the chairmanship in six. Mr. Luzuriaga was 
 chairman of the committee on agriculture and finance, and of 
 the one on banking and currency. Mr. Legarda was chairman 
 of the committee on taxation and revenue. Dr. Tavera was 
 chairman of the committees on health and on municipal and 
 provincial governments. Some one of these men sat in every 
 other committee in the Commission. 36 
 
 Under this form of government the Filipinos were governed 
 until 1907. It was a government created under the authority of 
 the President as the commander-in-chief of the army and navy. 
 The concession only partially satisfied the desires and aspirations 
 of the Filipino people for increased participation in the insular 
 government. In the years from 1898 to 1901 Dewey's victory in 
 Manila Bay seems to have settled down as an historical fact and 
 there was a change of attitude in the American mind toward the 
 Philippine problem which may be noted briefly at this time. 
 
 33 Annual Reports of the War Department, 1901, Vol. I, Pt. 8, p. 18 ; Act 
 No. 222 of the United States Philippine Commission. 
 
 36 Annual Reports of the War Department, 1901, Vol. I, Pt. 8, p. 19. 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATUEE 33 
 
 • During these years the people of Luzon were reluctant if not 
 unwilling to recognize the authority of the United States. Im- 
 perialistic politicians in America drunk with the triumph of the 
 victories of Admiral Dewey in Manila Bay, became dazzled with 
 the glory and power. In Congress the anti-imperialists found a 
 strong opposition to contend with. About 1900 when the memory 
 of the havoc and terror inflicted by the dogs of war had faded 
 from the public mind the American politicians came to a sober 
 second thought and the amazing and staggering data of the war 
 caused a change of attitude toward the Philippine problem. 
 For the suppression of insurrections, bush warfare, and inter- 
 mittent fighting the United States had spent the staggering 
 amount of $600,000,000 and had sacrificed 10,000 of her youths. 
 Yet peace was not to be found in the Philippines. In Cuba, 
 American soldiers received the warm friendship of the Cubans; 
 in the Philippines the Filipinos' friendship and reverence for 
 their ally and liberator had turned into hatred and enmity. 
 The empty sleeves and wounds which returned from Cuba were 
 badges of honor; those which came back from the battlefields of 
 the Philippines were marks of antagonism inflicted by a people 
 who believed they were duped. 37 The three years, 1898-1901, 
 which wrought decisive changes in Cuba, to the satisfaction of 
 the Cubans, wrought also a change of attitude toward the Philip- 
 pine question in the United States, affecting the tone of ora- 
 tions and debates on the burning problem of the period. In 
 1898 and 1899 the lust of power furnished the backbone of all 
 the speeches that maintained that the American flag was never 
 to be hauled down in the Philippines; in 1901 this claim van- 
 ished like a cloud. It was publicly avowed then that America 
 must enter upon the novel task of colonial administration on 
 purely humanitarian grounds and must act as the schoolmaster 
 in the Philippines. This was the change which the years had 
 wrought in the United States, but a large army had to be main- 
 tained in the Philippines for garrison purposes. 38 
 
 The attitude of the Filipinos toward the United States during 
 
 37 See the account of Agninaldo-Pratt Alliance in Chapter VI, below. 
 
 3 8 See Senator Hoar 's speech in the Senate, May 22, 1902. 
 
34 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 these three years was not clear to the authorities, especially to 
 the civil officials. Doubting the purposes of the United 
 States in the Philippines, the Filipinos had naturally grown dis- 
 trustful. Their sad experiences with unfulfilled promises in the 
 past necessarily made them suspicious and distrustful of any 
 foreign pledge. Tired of autocracy and injustice and without 
 faith in solemn covenants, the Filipinos were inclined to question 
 the sincerity of the official proclamations. During the Spanish 
 rule promises were seldom fulfilled and now that that regime 
 was ended the Filipinos demanded acts rather than rosy hopes 
 derived from bright promises. It was this dominant skepticism 
 which, in the opinion of bush fighters, justified dual personality 
 — friends of the American administration during the day but 
 enemies during the night. Under the circumstances this method 
 of warfare was the last recourse. To meet the American army in 
 the open field would be a waste of life. So, rather than sacrifice 
 human life, the Filipinos accepted the sovereignty of the United 
 States, not because they were willing but because it was wise. 
 Between February, 1899, and June, 1900, 10,700 Filipinos were 
 killed in battle, 2,104 were wounded, and about 2,000 were cap- 
 tured, to say nothing of the towns and provinces which were 
 reduced to ashes. To the military authorities, water torture was 
 a justifiable and mild method of securing confessions, but to the 
 Filipinos it was a loud alarm warning them of the coming of 
 another autocracy. The very thought of it produced a deadly 
 terror in the population. Rather than perish, the Filipinos laid 
 down their arms, demanded the establishment of civil govern- 
 ment, and above all a definite statement of policy from Con- 
 gress. 39 Strictly speaking, real peace was not established in the 
 islands until 1916 when the Jones Law granted the Filipinos 
 full control of their legislature. 
 
 THE INAUGURATION OF THE PHILIPPINE ASSEMBLY 
 
 On July 1, 1902, a law was enacted which gave the Filipinos a 
 
 39 Report of the Philippine Commission, 1900, Vol. I, pp. 342, 644; Senate 
 Documents, 56th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XXXVI, Document No. 435, 
 p. 2, 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XVI, Document No. 187, p. 2. 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATUBE 35 
 
 feeling of partial security. The law "temporarily to provide 
 for the administration of civil affairs in the Philippine Islands 
 and for other purposes" approved all the acts of the President. 
 It approved the creation of the United States Philippine Com- 
 mission, the establishment of the Civil Governor as the chief 
 executive, and the organization of the four executive departments 
 and bureaus. But the provision which interested the Filipinos 
 most was that which established the Philippine Assembly or 
 lower house composed of Filipinos elected by popular vote. The 
 concession was conditional. Peace must exist in the Islands to 
 the satisfaction of the Philippine Commission which would certi- 
 fy the same to the President of the United States. The President 
 would then order the census to be taken and if peace continued 
 for two years after the publication of the census, the President, 
 upon the recommendation of the Commission, would order the 
 general election of the delegates to the Philippine Assembly. 
 These conditions were satisfied and the general election was 
 called for July 30, 1907. 40 
 
 The electorate was composed of all male residents at least 23 
 years of age not citizens or subjects of any foreign power, who 
 had resided in the municipality where the vote was to be cast at 
 least six months immediately preceding the election. In addi- 
 tion to these, each voter must belong to at least one of the fol- 
 lowing classes: a municipal captain, gpbernadorcillo, alcalde, 
 lieutenant, cabeza de barangay, or member of the ayuntamiento, 
 prior to August 13, 1898; a holder of real property valued at 
 500 pesos ; or pay a tax to the amount of ,30 pesos ; or speak, 
 write, v and read^ English and Spanish^ Those specifically dis- 
 qualified from voting were : delinquent tax payers since August 
 13, 1898; violators of their allegiance to the United States; 
 those who rose against the United States May 1, 1898, or there- 
 after ; those who since March 31, 1901, had lent aid to agitators 
 
 *o Annual Reports of the War Department, 1901, Vol. I, Pt. 10, p. 617, 
 1902, Vol. 10, Pt. 1, p. 5; United States Compiled Statutes, 1918, See. 3804; 
 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXII, Pt. 1, pp. 693, 694, 1059; 
 Official Gazette, February 13, 1907, pp. 109, 110, April 10, 1907, pp. 234, 
 235, 236. 
 
36 
 
 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 against the sovereignty of the United States ; the insane and the 
 feeble-minded. 41 
 
 Thirty-five provinces held the general election on July 30, 
 1907. Of the 104,966 who registered 100,493 actually voted. 
 The lack of interest in public affairs which these figures showed 
 aroused many serious criticisms of the concession which Congress 
 had made to the Filipinos. In the provincial elections in 1903 
 109,444 voted out of the 151,277 who were qualified to vote, and 
 in 1905, 130,000 polled their votes out of 143,000 who registered. 
 The difference in figures may be attributed to the difference in 
 the period of registration. Whereas in 1905 the registration 
 period was fifteen days, in 1907 it was only four days, and many 
 careless or indifferent electors failed to register in time. In the 
 provincial and municipal election in November, 1907, 161,697 
 actually voted out of 171,642 who registered. 42 
 
 The law provided that the delegates to the Assembly must rec- 
 ognize the sovereignty of the United States and be at least 25 
 years of age. Eighty-one delegates were elected, representing the 
 few political factions and parties which existed at that time: 
 Nacionalista, 32; Progresista, 17; Inmediatista, 7; Independista, 
 4 ; 20 who claimed no party affiliations ; and one candidate repre- 
 senting the Roman Catholic church. Of the eighty-one ten were 
 between 25 and 30 years of age and a few were over forty. More 
 than half of the total number were attorneys, thirteen were 
 journalists, eight professors, nine governors, under the American 
 rule, and about half had held office in the revolutionary govern- 
 ment. Thirty-six had the degree of Bachelor of Arts and almost 
 all had been to college. Six had had the privilege of travel in 
 the United States, one — Emilio Gala — being an alumnus of the 
 Law College of the University of Michigan. Two had studied in 
 Spain. All but ten were property holders. Three had been 
 
 4i Official Gazette, February 13, 1907, pp. 114, 117. 
 
 « Beport of the Philippine Commission, 1906, Pt. 1, p. 156, 1908, Pt. 1, 
 pp. 85, 86; Ide's The Philippine Assembly in The Independent, Vol. LXIII, 
 p. 600; The Outlook, Vol. LXXXVIII, p. 175. 
 
 The delegates to the Assembly were apportioned as follows: Albay 3, 
 Ambos Camarines 3, Antique 1, Bataan 1, Batangas 3, Bohol 3, Bulacan 2, 
 Cagayan 2, Capiz 3, Cavite 1, Cebu 7, Hocos Norte 2, Ilocos Sur 3, Hoilo 5, 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 37 
 
 defendants before the criminal courts, Dr. Dominador Gomez 
 being the most famous. 43 
 
 Mr. Taft, then Secretary of War, came to the Philippines and 
 with all due ceremonials opened the Philippine Assembly. 
 
 For many peoples the development of representative govern- 
 ment has been the product of hundreds of years of trial and 
 arduous preparation. The Filipinos secured it in nine short 
 years. The call of Governor Smith for the election of the dele- 
 gates to the Philippine Assembly marked an epoch in the history 
 of colonial administration. The Filipinos' capacity for self- 
 government and the unprecedented policy of the United States 
 were given a crucial test. The day determined once for all that 
 the United States must remain in the Philippines until the task 
 so well begun was finished. The call for the election surprised 
 America itself and astonished the whole of Europe. It was the 
 verdict of the first nine years of American rule. 
 
 The receipt of the President's order for a general election of 
 the delegates to the first Filipino Assembly gave universal satis- 
 faction in the Islands. A Filipino daily had this headline: 
 "Conservative Filipinos see the Fruit of their Patience and 
 Labor for Peace in their Country". 44 Prospective candidates, 
 anxious to fulfil the residence requirements, hastily vacated Ma- 
 nila and started campaigns in their respective provinces. The 
 country was divided on two main issues — immediate independ- 
 ence or independence later after due preparation. The Nacion- 
 alistas wished the immediate freedom of the Philippines from 
 
 Isabela 1, La Laguna 2, La Union 2, Leyte 4, Manila 2, Mindoro 1, 
 Misamis 2, Nueva Ecija 1, Occidental Negros 3, Oriental Negros 2, Palawan 
 1, Pampanga 2, Pangasinan 5, Rizal 2, Romblon 1, Samar 3, Sorsogon 2, 
 Surigao, 1, Tayabas 2, Zambales 1. Total 81, one delegate for every 90,000 
 population or major fraction thereof. — Official Gazette, February 13, 1907, 
 pp. 110, 111. 
 
 43 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXII, Pt. 1, p. 694, amended 
 by Act No. 2045, Sec. 7, of the Philippine Legislature; The American Re- 
 view of Reviews, Vol. XXXIX, p. 357; The Independent, Vol. LXIV, p. 
 357; The Outlook, Vol. LXXXVIII, pp. 175 ff.; The World To-Day, Vol. 
 XV, p. 848. 
 
 44 The Cablenews-American, March 31, 1907, p. 1. 
 
38 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 the United States while the Progresistas were for training and 
 education first eventually leading to the same happy end. Two 
 leading candidates stand out most prominently in the campaign. 
 Dr. Dominador Gomez, a Spaniard and the most eloquent orator 
 within the boundaries of the Philippines, ran on the Nacionalista 
 ticket, while Juan Sumulong on the Nacional Progresista plat- 
 form was his opponent. Since the record of Dr. Gomez later 
 became the object of criticism, it should be noted here. He was 
 the first president of the Workingmen's Union in the Philip- 
 pines. In 1903 he was arrested on the charge of misappropri- 
 ating the funds of the Union and for giving aid to the insurgents. 
 He was sentenced to twenty -six months' imprisonment. Again 
 in 1904 he was tried for treason but was acquitted for lack of 
 evidence. While he was a candidate for the Assembly he under- 
 took to secure the surrender of some noted outlaws of whom 
 Montalon and Sakay were the most famous, promising them light 
 punishment. 45 In a straw ballot taken by the El Benacimiento 
 Dr. Gomez was voted the most popular, most sincere, and ablest 
 of the delegates, and Dr. Tavera the most astute. 
 
 All the candidates who ran for office were self-nominated. The 
 enthusiasm displayed in these first political campaigns became a 
 matter of grave concern both to the anti-imperialists and the 
 imperialists in the United States and in the Philippines. Those 
 who favored the retention of the Philippine Islands entertained 
 the fear lest the concession should prove premature. The antis 
 expressed grave doubts as to the ability of the Filipinos to main- 
 tain popular government. 
 
 The American population in Manila took a non-partisan atti- 
 tude towards the election, but did not remain away from the 
 polls. In a non-partisan convention called by the American 
 population of Manila, Americans and Filipinos heard the planks 
 of each party from the candidates themselves. The purpose of 
 the convention was to determine for which candidate the Amer- 
 icans should cast their votes. Their choice was easily made. 
 Election day brought this glaring poster: "Cast your vote for 
 The American People's Candidate who has a sound Common 
 
 45 The Independent, Vol. LXIII, p. 303. 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 39 
 
 Sense Platform. We do not ask for electric, urgent or immediate 
 Independence but Willingly Wait Until Uncle Sam Sees Fit to 
 Grant It. Your Vote Will Be Appreciated ' \ 46 
 
 The Catholic party entered politics and boosted for its candi- 
 date on purely orthodox arguments. The friar element advo- 
 cated state religion and a parochial school under the auspices of 
 the Insular government. 47 
 
 After the election, forecasts of the coming Philippine Assem- 
 bly began to come. According to the Washington Star the can- 
 didates for the Assembly were unfit for the office. In the opinion 
 of Senator Albert J. Beveridge of Indiana, the Philippine As- 
 sembly was doomed to signal failure. The Senator was opposed 
 to America leaving the islands for his motto was "What we have, 
 we hold ; and where we are, we stay. ' ' James Bryce supported 
 the grant of the Assembly as legitimate. 48 
 
 While the concession to the Filipinos found ardent supporters 
 in the United States who believed that such a grant should be 
 made as of right, the American people were furnished sufficient 
 evidence to make them question the wisdom of the concession. 
 First, the small number of voters who participated in the elec- 
 tion aroused grave doubts as to whether the Filipinos had devel- 
 oped interest in public affairs. It gave rise to many comments 
 on the ability of the Filipinos to govern themselves. Many 
 Americans thought that the Filipinos did not yet understand 
 even the elementary duties of citizenship. Manila, a city of 
 240,000 population and supposedly the most civilized portion of 
 the whole archipelago, cast a meagre vote of 7,902 — 856 of which 
 were American votes. It was supposed that the failure of many 
 electors to provide themselves with cedulas, or poll tax receipts, 
 did much to reduce the registration, which was further reduced 
 by the fact that the registration period was only four days. 
 
 <« The Cablenews-American, March 28, 1907, p. 4, May 1, 1907, p. 4, May 
 21, 1907, p. 8, June 6, 1907, p. 1, June 7, 1907, p. 4, June 8, 1907, p. 4, 
 June 20, 1907, p. 5, June 25, 1907, pp. 1, 5, July 30, 1907, p. 5. 
 
 47 The Cablenews-American, June 19, 1907, p. 3, June 22, 1907, p. 4, 
 June 25, 1907, p. 4, June 28, 1907, p. 4, July 3, 1907, p. 4. 
 
 « The Cablenews-American, June 1, 1907, pp. 1, 5, June 2, 1907, p. 3. 
 
40 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 The second argument against the political grant was the elec- 
 tion of Dr. Gomez. It was felt that this choice indicated poor 
 judgment on the part of the electorate. His election was as- 
 sailed in the United States, embittered many of the Filipinos' 
 ardent supporters, and "dreadfully disappointed" the authori- 
 ties at Washington, especially Mr. Taft who, in the face of oppo- 
 sition, had made every effort to have the Philippine Assembly 
 provision adopted. The subject furnished a target for American 
 editors who flayed the policy of the United States in the Philip- 
 pines. It appeared that the Filipinos' strong hope for self- 
 government counted for naught and further efforts to attain it 
 would be futile. The Philippine Commission was not a little dis- 
 appointed in the outcome of the election. When approached by 
 some prominent Filipinos regarding the question of independence 
 a commissioner said : ' ' You have no more chance to secure inde- 
 pendence in the near future than a snowball has to grow fat in 
 hell." 49 
 
 It is difficult to explain why, in spite of his prison record, Dr. 
 Gomez was elected to the Assembly. It is not charged that he 
 secured the election by dishonest means. He was recognized as 
 the most eloquent and convincing orator in the Islands and this 
 asset alone counted for something among a people who have a 
 special passion for oratory. Under no circumstances could it be 
 asserted that the electorate approved of the conduct which sent 
 him to prison. Dr. Gomez' case was an example of what popu- 
 larity may do in the world of polities. He was also considered 
 as a bold and patriotic man who defied injustice and wrong 
 against his country. The common people, little informed of the 
 seriousness of the charges against him, had a sort of reverence 
 for Dr. Gomez as they would have for a hero. Partly because of 
 the prevailing suspicion of the American rule, his fame seems to 
 have worked a miracle in the mind of the electorate. The high 
 tide of popularity sent Dr. Gomez to the Philippine Assembly, 
 but by a vote of 40 to 35 he was unseated. 50 
 
 Upon the inauguration of the Philippine Assembly, October 
 
 49 The Cableneu'8-American, August 16, 1907, p. 4. 
 so The Independent, Vol. LXIV, p. 388. 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE £± 
 
 16, 1907, public discussion of the situation was renewed. In the 
 United States, gloomy forecasts for the Philippine lawmaking 
 body became gloomier when it was learned that Mr. Root, Secre- 
 tary of War, would rather see the Filipinos in full control of 
 their municipal and provincial governments than to grant them 
 the privilege of a legislative assembly. Some considered the 
 concession premature, others approved it, and some believed that 
 more could have been granted. At all events those who contend- 
 ed against the Assembly concentrated their argument on the 
 election of Dr. Gomez. 51 
 
 In the Philippines opposition and ridicule of the coming As- 
 sembly came from the American population while the opposing 
 parties remained more or less silent though sometimes their 
 satisfaction was over-shadowed by doubt. The American ele- 
 ment thought that the Assembly would be the organ of insur- 
 rection in the Islands and they watehed every step in the course 
 of legislation. When Guerero introduced a bill permitting the 
 inhabitants of the Philippines to bear arms, the American papers 
 thought another insurrection was looming in the near horizon. 
 The Cablenews, an American daily newspaper in Manila, printed 
 the "Song of the Assembly", the chorus of which was as follows : 
 
 How'd you like to have the place? 
 
 How'd you like to bear the mace? 
 How'd you like to dodge about between the bolo and the kriss? 
 
 How'd you like to see them gloat 
 
 As they cut each other's throat? 
 How'd you like to be the sergeant who will have to keep the peace? 52 
 
 In like manner the same paper made a version of Chapter 
 XIX, verses 32, 41, of the Acts of the Apostles which describes 
 the hopeless chaos in the congregation since some cried one thing 
 and others cried another, but because their cries were not heeded, 
 they sat down and remained quiet. The Philippine Assembly, 
 it was claimed, would quarrel over the question of independence, 
 
 siBeport of the Philippine Commission, 1907, Pt. 1, p. 224; Elliot's The 
 Philippines, Vol. II, preface and p. 11; The Independent, Vol. LXIII, p. 
 354; The Outlook, Vol. LXXXVII, pp. 363, 364, 879. 
 
 52 The Cablenews- American, September 6, 1907, p. 4. 
 
42 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 « 
 but because the delegates could not secure an audience with the 
 
 authorities in Washington they would ultimately restore order. 
 The Protestant church would place evangelization first and polit- 
 ical concession second. 53 
 
 To the Filipino people the inauguration of the Philippine 
 Assembly was the crowning achievement of a century's struggle 
 against the oppressive yoke of autocracy and injustice. The 
 inauguration laid the corner stone of Filipino liberty. It was 
 the reward of bitter tears and bloodshed at the hands of the 
 executioner. Furthermore, the opening of the Assembly en- 
 couraged well directed effort and conscientious labor for com- 
 plete freedom. It strengthened Filipino nationality to an extent 
 which the people never experienced before. It was a liberal 
 concession, the Filipino press acknowledged, and made the Fili- 
 pino race a debtor to American statesmanship. 54 Sergio Osmeiia, 
 who has been the speaker of the lower house since 1907, com- 
 mented on the inauguration of the Philippine Assembly in the 
 following words: 
 
 The inauguration of the Philippine Assembly marks an epoch in the 
 history of dependencies and a new era in the history of the Philippines. 
 The peace which preceded the inauguration was due to the expectation of 
 the people to see this body instituted. The inauguration of the assembly 
 abolished all opposition to the United States government and cleared off the 
 prevalent doubt as to what really the United States policy was. 55 
 
 SPECIAL POWERS OF THE PHILIPPINE COMMISSION 
 
 Upon the institution of the Philippine Assembly the United 
 States Philippine Commission, which up to this time had been 
 the entire legislative body, evolved into the upper house or Sen- 
 ate. Its organization was not affected in any way and it main- 
 tained the privilege of initiating measures, to the dissatisfaction 
 of the Assembly. The three Filipinos in the Commission re- 
 tained their seats among the five Americans but they had no 
 
 «3 The Cablenewg-American, September 13, 1907, p. 4, October 10, 1907, 
 p. 1. 
 
 54 Editorial in El Ideal (Iloilo), quoted in the Cablenews- American, Octo- 
 ber 25, 1907, p. 3. 
 
 55 The Outlook, Vol. LXXXVIII, p. 179. 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 
 
 43 
 
 executive portfolios. The Civil Governor was the chairman of 
 the Commission but had no veto. 
 
 There were two things which the Assembly wished to over- 
 come with respect to its relation with the Commission. First, 
 the fact that the Commission, appointed by the President, could 
 stand in the way of progress of the Filipino people. Further- 
 more, the Filipino members constituted a hopeless minority 
 having no influence in the body by virtue of their more or less 
 honorary office. To the Assembly the Commission was an ob- 
 struction, machinery set up beside it as a check on its authority. 
 Undoubtedly this was the purpose of the retention of the Com- 
 mission. Only one way to counteract this power was open: to 
 secure a Filipino majority in the Commission. 
 
 It is not recorded what direct means were employed to secure 
 the majority desired, but on May 11, 1908, scarcely one year 
 after the election of the first delegates, Congress passed an act 
 creating a new executive department and adding the fourth 
 Filipino to the Commission. Gregorio Araneta, Attorney Gen- 
 eral of the Philippine Islands, was appointed Secretary of 
 Finance and Justice and to fill the vacancy thus created in the 
 Commission, Rafael Palma was selected. This act is of signifi- 
 cance in that it marked the entrance of Filipinos into executive 
 responsibility under the American rule. Thus there were four 
 Filipinos and five Americans in the upper house. The Demo- 
 cratic victory in 1912 brought the fifth Filipino to the Com- 
 mission. In 1913 President Wilson appointed Victorino Mapa 
 to the Commission, giving it a membership of five Filipinos and 
 four Americans. This number was retained until 1916. 56 With 
 the Assembly composed of Filipinos and the Commission con- 
 trolled by them, and with the Civil Governor without any veto 
 power, the American control over legislation was reduced to 
 practically nil. The Governor could exercise control by recom- 
 mending the removal of Filipino Commissioners. 
 
 56 Annual Reports of the War Department, 1901, Vol. I, Pt. 1, pp. 63, 64, 
 1908, Vol. VIII, p. 5, 1914, Vol. Ill, p. 3. See Harrison's message to the 
 Philippine Legislature, October 6, 1913, and the President's message to 
 Congress, December 2, 1913. 
 
44 SELF-GOVEBNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 The removal of exclusive power of the Philippine Commission 
 to originate the budget constituted the second objective of the 
 Assembly. Appropriation bills did not originate in the Assem- 
 bly but in the American-Filipino Senate, appointed by the Presi- 
 dent of the United States. The organic law further provided 
 that, in case of deadlock on the budget, the appropriations for 
 the past year would, upon the recommendation of the Governor 
 General, 57 be the budget for the ensuing year. 
 
 The other exclusive power conferred upon the Commission by 
 the organic act was the jurisdiction over the non-Christian tribes 
 which occupied about one-third of the area of the Philippines. 
 
 The effect of the fifth Filipino on the work of the Commission 
 in 1913 was observed with interest. The new American mem- 
 bers of the Commission did not arrive in Manila until the session 
 had well started in its business. At this session the Commission 
 proposed 103 bills, a number which had never been reached in 
 previous years. The following statistics 58 show the work of the 
 Assembly in conjunction with the American-Filipino Senate : 
 
 1910 1911 1912 1913 
 to to to to 
 
 1911 1912 1913 1914 
 
 Bills introduced in the Commission 63 69 71 103 
 
 Bills passed by the Commission 48 52 61 69 
 
 Commission bills enacted by the Legislature 17 17 18 50 
 
 Bills introduced in the Assembly 484 518 421 398 
 
 Bills passed by the Assembly 98 181 131 169 
 
 Assembly bills enacted by the Legislature. .33 69 51 51 
 Per cent of Commission bills enacted by the 
 
 Legislature 35 25 30 72 
 
 Per cent of Assembly bills enacted by the 
 
 Legislature 34 38 39 30 
 
 Per cent of total number of bills passed by 
 
 either house enacted by the Legislature.. 34 37 36 42 
 
 It appears that the addition of the fifth Filipino to the Com- 
 mission stimulated harmony and cooperation between the two 
 
 57 The Cooper Act of 1905 changed the title of the Civil Governor to 
 Governor General. 
 
 68 Speeches of Manuel Quezon in the House of Bepresentatives, September 
 26 to October 14, 1914. 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 45 
 
 houses as evidenced by the Commission bills which the Assembly 
 approved. This was 72 per cent of the Commission bills as 
 against 35, 25, and 30 per cent in previous years. More than 
 that the deadlock on the budget which the Legislature experi- 
 enced during the three years preceding the appointment of the 
 fifth Filipino has been overcome. The unfortunate discord due 
 to the failure to pass the annual appropriation bill has been 
 supplanted by a spirit of cooperation. 
 
 THE WORK OF THE PHILIPPINE ASSEMBLY 
 
 Amidst discouraging predictions that it would fail, the first 
 Philippine Assembly met on October 16, 1907, to enter upon its 
 most exacting task. On that day the Philippine Legislature 
 passed a joint resolution expressing to the President of the 
 United States the "profound sentiments of gratitude and high 
 appreciation of the signal concession made to the people of the 
 islands of participating directly in the making of the laws which 
 shall govern them." 59 
 
 Those who ridiculed the Philippine Assembly and made gloomy 
 forecasts of its future found disappointment in the initial re- 
 sults. During the inaugural session and the special session 
 which extended from October 16, 1907, to August 22, 1908, 
 seventy-eight laws were enacted. Eight of these concerned the 
 non-Christian tribes and were, therefore, the exclusive enact- 
 ments of the Commission. 60 As far as volume of legislation is 
 concerned the Philippine Assembly did not come up to what 
 might have been expected. But it should be borne in mind that 
 the Philippine Commission had been legislating since 1901, hav- 
 ing passed 1800 laws. Furthermore, the Civil Code, the Penal 
 Code, and the Commercial Code of Spain were retained in force, 
 thus saving the Assembly an enormous task of legislation. 
 
 The legislation of this session reveals some features which cast 
 a favorable light upon the much doubted delegates. The first 
 act passed was an appropriation of 1,000,000 pesos for the con- 
 
 59 Official Gazette, November 6, 1907, p. 778. 
 
 so Acts No. 1808, 1816, 1817, 1822, 1823, 1876, 1877, 1878, of the United 
 States Philippine Commission. 
 
4g SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 struction of schools in rural districts. 81 This act was followed 
 by another providing ' ' for popular civico-educational lectures in 
 the municipalities and principally in the barrios of the Philip- 
 pine Islands." The Director of Education was to supervise 
 these lectures which were to deal with ' ' the rights and duties of 
 a citizen, the Municipal Code and the Provincial Government 
 Act, the organization of the central government, of knowledge 
 or popular notions of certain common crimes and of any laws 
 which are important in the judgment of the Director of Educa- 
 tion, as well as of industry and commerce, especially the mining 
 industry, manufacturing, and the breeding and care of stock, 
 and the care and irrigation of plants and trees ; and in addition, 
 of a varied knowledge of geography and history." 62 
 
 For the better instruction of municipal teachers, the legisla- 
 ture appropriated 25,000 pesos. The teachers were to be selected 
 from all over the country to attend the special classes in Manila. 
 One act set aside 75,000 pesos for the compensation of teachers 
 in barrio schools. 63 The general appropriation for 1908 allowed 
 3,000,000 pesos for the Bureau of Education and 145,000 pesos 
 for the Philippine Medical School. 64 In harmony with the law 
 extending public schools into rural districts, the Governor Gen- 
 eral was authorized to convey insular property to provinces and 
 municipalities to be used for public school purposes. 65 For the 
 general education of the public the Legislature created the Phil- 
 ippine Public Library for which the sum of 4,000 pesos was set 
 aside. 66 A bill framed and introduced by the Secretary of 
 Public Instruction provided for the establishment of the Uni- 
 versity of the Philippines. It passed the Assembly without 
 amendment and on June 18, 1908, the university was inaugu- 
 rated, modeled after the American plan. 67 Thus, of the seventy- 
 
 «i Act No. 1801 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 62 Act No. 1829, Sec. 3, of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 63 Acts No. 1857, 1866 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 6* Act No. 1873 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 65 Act No. 1813 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 66 Act No. 1849 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 67 Act No. 1870 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 47 
 
 eight laws which the legislature had passed, eight concerned 
 public education. It is a notable feature of the legislation which 
 speaks for itself. 
 
 Another special feature of the legislation was the act which 
 created the Agricultural Bank of the Philippines, for which the 
 sum of 1,000,000 pesos was appropriated. While the bank re- 
 ceived deposits from all sources, its loans must be confined to the 
 development of agriculture. Hence no loan could be made but 
 to persons engaged in agricultural pursuits. 88 For the extension 
 of irrigation systems an annual sum of 750,000 pesos was set 
 aside. In order to prevent the recurring epidemics which took 
 away so many of the draft animals, the Legislature appropriated 
 the sum of 100,000 pesos. The sum of 150,000 pesos was set 
 aside for the purchase of land for quarantine purposes. 69 
 
 There were other acts which concerned public improvements, 
 such as granting franchises to public utilities. The Employers' 
 Liability Act passed in this session proves that modern methods 
 of handling industrial problems had been adopted. The act 
 applied to all workers, except agricultural and domestic em- 
 ployees, and gave them the right to sue a negligent employer for 
 damages not to exceed 2,500 pesos. 70 
 
 Aside from the bitter fight on the removal of Dr. Gomez, no 
 significant debates which delayed legislative action took place. 
 The act raising the per diem salary of the delegates to thirty 
 pesos 71 aroused some opposition. Another act which met con- 
 siderable opposition was that which appropriated $17,000 for 
 the salary and expenses of a delegate to the International Con- 
 ference on Navigation at St. Petersburg. The opposition was 
 based on the assertion that the delegate could not reach the city 
 in time. 72 
 
 The signal success of the Legislature was a stimulus to foreign 
 interests in the Philippines. About this time commercial organ- 
 
 •« Act No. 1865 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 6» Acts No. 1827, 1854, 1855, of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 to Act No. 1874 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 ti Act No. 1803 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 72 Act No. 1820 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
48 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 izations in Manila, of which the Manila Merchants' Association 
 was the principal, commissioned Mrs. Martin Egan to visit the 
 United States to advertise the commercial and industrial pros- 
 pects of the Philippines in particular, and in general to help 
 the American people realize what was being done in the Philip- 
 pines. Mrs. Egan took with her letters from Americans and 
 Filipinos engaged in business in the Philippines. President 
 Eoosevelt endorsed all the articles and the purposes of the 
 mission. 73 
 
 RESIDENT COMMISSIONERS IN WASHINGTON 
 
 The organic act of July 1, 1902, provides that at the first 
 meeting of the Legislature and every two years 74 thereafter 
 there shall be chosen two commissioners to the United States, 
 each house voting separately. These delegates are entitled to 
 the same privileges in the United States Congress as the mem- 
 bers of the House of Representatives except the privilege of 
 voting. They are to be the spokesmen on matters which pertain 
 to their country. The commissioners must be bona fide electors, 
 owing allegiance to the United States, at least 30 years of age, 
 and able to speak, read, and write the English language. 75 
 
 The choice of resident commissioners became a matter of con- 
 troversy and much concern, especially from the standpoint of 
 the Nacionalista Party which desired to sustain its platform in 
 the United States. The party, it should be remembered, advo- 
 cates immediate independence and it believed that the choice of 
 the right delegate spelled success in "Washington. While it was 
 in power in the legislative assembly and claiming leadership 
 because the speaker was a Nacionalista the independence boosters 
 in the Assembly saw an impediment in the Commission, at that 
 time composed of five Americans and three fair-minded Filipinos 
 who displayed little enthusiasm for immediate independence. 
 The first concern was, therefore, the manner of appointment. 
 
 73 The Outlook, Vol. XC, p. 450. 
 
 7 * Changed to three years. — United States Compiled Statutes, 1918, See. 
 3815. 
 
 ™ United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXII, Pt. 1, p. 694. 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 49 
 
 In accordance with the provisions of the joint resolution 
 adopted on November 22, 1907, each house chose a delegate, the 
 choice of each being subject to the approval of the other. The 
 election resulted in the appointment of Benito Legarda, a Na- 
 tional Progressive selected by the Philippine Commission fro,m 
 among its number, and Pablo Ocampo, a Nacionalista and choice 
 of the Philippine Assembly. 76 
 
 While the function of these commissioners is to give such in- 
 formation as Congress may desire from time to time for wise 
 and constructive legislation on the Islands, the exercise of their 
 duties has been subjected to political pressure from home. The 
 average citizen at home and in the United States knows the 
 Resident Commissioners as agents for Philippine independence. 
 The enthusiasm and patriotic demonstration staged in their 
 honor upon their return to the Islands is a measure of their 
 success in promoting this program. 
 
 SURVEY OF THE FIRST NINE YEARS 
 
 Under the most trying conditions which the United States ever 
 experienced the first nine years have done wonders in the Philip- 
 pines. The improvement during this period astonished the 
 whole world. Men trained in colonial administration were want- 
 ing and those who dared the vast Pacific were often impelled by 
 the mere spirit of adventure. The novel task was made doubly 
 difficult by the factors which held foreign capital aloof from the 
 Philippines. The early agitation for independence made the 
 conditions unstable and capital was lacking for developing 
 the unexplored Philippines. Congress failed to open the United 
 States markets to Philippine products and this alone placed the 
 production below normal. The country had been swept by epi- 
 demics which carried thousands to early graves, the rinderpest 
 of 1907 claimed eighty per cent of the draft animals, and in addi- 
 tion the locusts destroyed a large part of the crops of the year. 
 All these made for the retardation of national development. 
 
 76 Official Gazette, December 11, 1907, p. 1068; Annual Beports of the 
 War Department, 1908, Vol. VII, p. 8; The Independent, Vol. LXIV, p. 
 358. 
 
50 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 From an economic standpoint the Filipinos were unprepared to 
 receive the liberal concession of 1907. 
 
 Hardly had the smoke from the fields of battle cleared the 
 skies and the thundering echoes from Dewey's fleet subsided 
 when public schools rose one after another as if in perfect peace. 
 With a Springfield in one hand the United States army quelled 
 seething rebellions; and with a book in the other it gave in- 
 struction to the thousands of Filipinos of all ages and walks of 
 life who had come within the reach of the willing and faithful 
 soldier tutors. From among the people who armed themselves 
 against the sovereignty of the United States an efficient force of 
 the Philippines constabulary was organized which enforced peace 
 and order. By the good will of the senior army officers, civil 
 government supplanted military authority in towns occupied by 
 the troops. Popular elections had been introduced in munici- 
 palities long before a suggestion of a Philippine Assembly was 
 ever heard. The provinces came to enjoy practically a popular 
 system of government. Of the three executive officials in the 
 province, two were popularly elected, and the third was ap- 
 pointed under the civil service rules. An honest and efficient 
 civil service system has saved the country from the malignant 
 practice of political buccaneering; and an impartial judiciary 
 has eliminated all the unnecessary delay and unjust procedure 
 of the past centuries. In order that proper and intelligent laws 
 might be passed a census was taken. The benefit of free and 
 public education was extended to the rich and the poor alike. 
 Moreover, early in 1902 the policy of sending Filipino young 
 men to the United States was inaugurated in order that they 
 might enjoy the benefits of American institutions, then return to 
 their country and cooperate in its development and improve- 
 ment. Believing in the superimportance of transportation and 
 communication, the construction of modern first class roads and 
 bridges was much emphasized. Remote parts of the archipelago 
 were made neighbors by steamship and telegraph lines which 
 spanned the Islands. One hundred and seventeen lighthouses 
 and one hundred and seven buoys unfailingly guided the sailors 
 to roads of safety. To encourage railroad construction the 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 5^ 
 
 Philippine government granted a concession for 750 miles of 
 railroad with guarantee of interest on bonds issued for this pur- 
 pose. The purchase of the friar lands put an end, once for all, 
 to one of the difficulties which had menaced the country for cen- 
 turies. The public domain was opened to the inhabitants for 
 settlement with the opportunity of acquiring land at a low cost. 
 Perfect titles eliminated disputes over possession of lands due to 
 faulty documents. A postal system was established. 
 
 There were, likewise, many innovations for safe-guarding pub- 
 lic health. The unfortunate lepers were segregated and isolated 
 under the liberal direction of the government. Government lab- 
 oratories were established to study tropical diseases and to manu- 
 facture serums and vaccines. 
 
 The mediaeval city of Manila of 1898 became the metropolis 
 of the Orient in 1#07. Three million dollars were expended for 
 its harbors to say nothing of the $800,000 for the ports of Cebu 
 and Iloilo. The Bridge of Spain was broadened and, in addition, 
 two steel bridges rose over the Pasig River. An efficient fire 
 department equipped with modern apparatus supplanted the 
 antiquated bucket system. 
 
 Above all these, marking an era in the history of the Filipino 
 nation, is the guarantee of freedom of speech and liberty of the 
 press on condition that neither shall be used to incite disturb- 
 ance. Freedom of worship and the right to assemble peaceably 
 and petition for redress have crowned the life of the Filipino 
 race. But for these, the Filipinos would not have ceased making 
 immediate demands. 
 
 A just system of taxation in which each person carried his 
 own burden irrespective of his station in life replaced the annoy- 
 ing system of taxation hedged about by discriminations which 
 oppressed the poor. 77 
 
 These are some of the results which the first nine years of 
 American regime have wrought in the Philippines. Unprece- 
 dented in history and amidst discouraging predictions from 
 those who pretended to know what perils tomorrow would surely 
 
 77 See Governor Smith 'a Message to the First Philippine Legislature in 
 the Cablenews- American, October 18, 1907, p. 11. 
 
52 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 bring, the sons of liberty and justice braved the uncharted path 
 in colonial administration and in nine short years established a 
 system of government for which other nations had struggled for 
 hundreds of years and for which many a dependency has vainly 
 struggled since time immemorial. The magnanimity shocked the 
 conservatives in America and astonished the whole world. These 
 nine years saw the birth of a representative government — of 
 democracy — in the Far East, instituted under a foreign flag, 
 and destined to take deep roots in the Philippines. It gave the 
 Filipino nation the right to initiate laws, to modify or defeat 
 measures which the American Commission might propose. By 
 means of the Assembly, the people and the executive were 
 brought into closer relationship. 
 
 This miraculous progress has been attained in such a short 
 period not only from American altruism and unequalled gener- 
 osity, but also because the Filipino nation has proved good 
 material to work upon. At the time of the institution of the 
 popular assembly Filipinos had already filled responsible posi- 
 tions. Three Filipinos were members of the Philippine Com- 
 mission when the Assembly was inaugurated. The Chief Justice 
 of the Supreme Court has always been a Filipino. Two associate 
 justices in this court were Filipinos. The Attorney General was 
 a Filipino, and all the fiscals or prosecuting attorneys outside of 
 Manila were Filipinos. Nine judges of the Courts of First In- 
 stance, to say nothing of all the justices of the peace, were Fili- 
 pinos. Provincial secretaries were all Filipinos as were the 
 thousands of minor officials in every branch of civil service. 78 
 Unqualified willingness to cooperate coupled with a feeling of 
 self-confidence and a willingness to assume responsibility were 
 qualities which the Americans found in the Filipino people. 
 
 THE JONES LAW 
 
 After the passage of the organic act which established the 
 Philippine Assembly, the Philippines ceased to be a political 
 issue in the United States. The Democrats and the Republicans 
 
 'side's The Philippine Assembly in The Independent, Vol. LXIII, p. 
 599. 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 53 
 
 found a common ground in the extension of self-government to 
 the Filipinos, but one would extend it sooner than the other. 
 As Secretary Garrison said, the Philippines have become a moral 
 issue rather than a political one. In the Philippines, the ques- 
 tion of independence resulted in the birth of the ^Nacionalista 
 P_qrty and the Nati on »1 Prpgresista Part y. One desires immedi- 
 ate release from the United States, allowing the Philippines to 
 assume a complete independence, while the other, desiring the 
 same end, favors a period of tutelage and training before as- 
 suming such independent political life. The election of delegates 
 to the Philippine Assembly in 1907 centered on this vital prob- 
 lem, and on this issue of immediate independence the Nacion- 
 alista Party has maintained control in the Philippine Legislature 
 down to the present time. The speaker of the lower house, 
 Sergio Osmeiia, is a champion of immediate independence for 
 the Philippines, and so is the Resident Commissioner, Manuel L. 
 Quezon, now the president of the Philippine Senate, who put 
 forth his best efforts at Washington to secure the release of the 
 Islands. It is fair to say that most of the Congressional legisla- 
 tion further extending popular government to the Filipinos is 
 the fruit of the labors of these two leaders — leaders of their 
 party in particular and of the Filipino people in general. It 
 follows, therefore, that the extension of self-government to the 
 Filipinos has always been connected with the movement for 
 Philippine independence. 
 
 Previous to the enactment of the Jones Law the question of 
 granting the Philippines their independence had been suggested 
 in Congress in the form of resolutions and other acts. Various 
 resolutions 79 and bills were introduced which had for their ob- 
 ject the independence of the Philippines. A resolution intro- 
 duced in the House of Representatives on December 2, 1912, 
 authorized the President to open negotiations with the govern- 
 ments of Great Britain, Germany, France, Russia, Japan, China, 
 
 79 Resolutions to neutralize the Philippines : Senate Joint Resolution No. 
 54, December 16, 1915; House Joint Resolution, No. 22, December 6, 1915; 
 House Joint Resolution, No. 74, December 17, 1915; House Concurrent 
 Resolution, No. 3, December 6, 1915. 
 
54 SELF-GOVEENMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 and other countries to recognize the neutrality of the Philippine 
 Islands in case the United States should establish an independent 
 government in the Islands. 80 In the House of Representatives, 
 Mr. Jones of Virginia was the champion of Philippine inde- 
 pendence. In 1912 he introduced a bill providing for qualified 
 independence for eight years after July 4, 1913, and complete 
 independence after July 4, 1921. 81 The bill failed in the House. 
 In 1914 Mr. Jones presented another bill. It made no provision 
 for a definite date when the United States should withdraw from 
 the Philippines, but its preamble speaks of "the purpose of the 
 people of the United States to withdraw their sovereignty over 
 the Philippine Islands and to recognize their independence as 
 soonjis^a stable government can be established therein.'' To 
 attain this end, the bill continues, the powers of government must 
 be extended to the Filipinos as rapidly as possible in order that 
 they may learn the lessons by actual experience. This bill passed 
 the House on October 14, 1914, but was never acted upon by the 
 Senate. The Philippine Legislature expressed its appreciation 
 to the House of Representatives for acting upon the bill and 
 urged the President and the Senate to support the bill. 82 
 
 The history of the law which is now the organic act of the 
 Philippines is of singular interest, for the amendments which 
 were adopted in the Senate gave the Filipino people a surprise. 
 Having passed the House of Representatives, the bill was for- 
 warded to the Senate for action. The Senate committee reported 
 the bill practically rewritten with some important changes. 
 
 The two principal amendments were the Gronna 83 and the 
 Clarke 84 amendments. The Gronna amendment prohibited the 
 manufacture for sale or importation of intoxicants in the Philip- 
 
 80 Robertson 's Tlie Effect in the Philippines of the Senate ' ' Organic 
 Act" in the Journal of Bace Development, April, 1916, p. 372. 
 
 si House Resolution No. 22,143, 62nd Congress, 2nd Session. 
 
 82 House Documents, 63rd Congress, 3rd Session, Document No. 1350, p. 1. 
 
 83 Senate Bill No. 381, 64th Congress, 1st Session (December 10, 1915). 
 s* Senate Bill No. 381, 64th Congress, 1st Session (January 24, 1916). 
 
 See also the Hitchcock amendment to the Clarke amendment which Mr. 
 Hitchcock introduced on January 29, 1916. 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE. LEGISLATUBE 
 
 55 
 
 pines. The argument against this measure was the loss of reve- 
 nues to the government, and furthermore it was considered 
 unnecessary in a country like the Philippines where the people 
 do not indulge in drinking. The Clarke amendment authorized 
 the President to recognize the independence of the Philippines 
 within from two to four years. The bill passed the Senate by 
 the deciding vote of the president on February 4, 1916, and was 
 then returned to the House where a strong opposition was mani- 
 fested against the amendments, principally the Clarke amend- 
 ment. After repeated amendments in the committee it again 
 passed the House on May 1, 1916, with the famous amendments 
 stricken ou t. In transmitting it to the Senate, the House urged 
 a joint conference and on August 29, 1916, the Jones Bill, which 
 * was first introduced in 1914, w as enacted into law with t he\ 
 Clarke amenjlmeii t ^ftcluded and became th e organic act of the J 
 Philippine Islands It gave the Filipino people a popular legis-/? /? 
 
 '5 <£.£ 
 
 ^r-C^U<? 
 
 For nine years the Philippine Legislature was composed of a ^ ^ ' 
 Filipino Assembly elected by the people and an American- p m 
 Filipino Senate appointed by the President of the United States. 
 This Senate which was also the United States Philippine Com- 
 mission exercised exclusive jurisdiction over the non-Christian 
 peoples of the Islands, and for this reason these tribes were not 
 represented in the Philippine Assembly. The Commission had 
 also exclusive power in originating appropriation bills. Passage 
 of laws was determined by a majority vote in both houses, the 
 Governor General having no veto power over legislative bills. 
 It has already been pointed out that under this plan three suc- 
 cessive deadlocks occurred in 1910-1913 on appropriation bills, 
 and these might have continued had not President Wilson ap- 
 pointed the fifth Filipino to the Commission, and so secured a 
 Filipino majority in the Senate. Harmony and cooperation 
 seemed most difficult to secure and a new piece of legislation 
 became imperative. 
 
 On August 29, 1916, nine years after the inauguration of the 
 
56 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 Philippine Assembly, the Jones Act supplanted the organic act 
 of July 1, 1902. It granted the Filipinos more extensive partici- 
 pation in their government and put an end to all the administra- 
 tive and legislative discords which retarded the progress of the 
 Philippines. 
 
 The legislative changes which the new law made placed the 
 Philippine Legislature on the same plane as that of the United 
 States. "General legislative powers in the Philippines, except 
 as herein otherwise provided" were conferred on the "Philippine 
 Legislature" which is composed of a Senate and the House of 
 Representatives, both elected by the people. The United States 
 placed under the control and administration of the Philippine 
 government all the property and all the rights acquired from 
 Spain under the terms of the Treaty of Paris and all other lands 
 subsequently acquired by purchase except land and property 
 which the President had designated for military or other pur- 
 poses of the United States. The Philippine Legislature was 
 given full powers to enact laws for the welfare of the inhabit- 
 ants, but acts affecting the public domain, timber, and mining 
 must first be approved by the President of the United States 
 before they become laws. 85 
 
 The two houses of the Philippine Legislature are composed of 
 Filipinos elected by the voters except the Representatives and 
 Senators who represent the non-Christian tribes. These are ap- 
 pointed by the Governor General and hold their office until re- 
 moved by him. The House of Representatives is composed of 
 ninety members, an increase of nine over the former number. 
 The nine new members are appointed by the Governor General 
 to represent the non-Christian peoples. Elective members of the 
 House hold office for three years. 88 
 
 The Philippines were divided into twelve senatorial districts 
 each of which elects two Senators, except the twelfth district. 
 
 85 Senate Bill No. 381, 64th Congress, 1st Session, in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, February 8, 1916, Report No. 499; United States Statutes at 
 Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sees. 9, 12. 
 
 se United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sees. 
 14, 16. 
 
EVOLUTION OF THE PHILIPPINE LEGISLATURE 
 
 57 
 
 For this district, which is composed of The Mountain Province, 
 Baguio, Nueva Ecija, and the Department of Mindanao and 
 Sulu, the Governor General appoints two Senators who hold 
 office during his pleasure. The other twenty Senators hold office 
 for six years. In the first election in 1916, each senatorial dis- 
 trict elected one Senator for three years and one for six years. 
 
 But for the appointive Senators and Representatives, the 
 Philippine Legislature would have been thoroughly popular. In 
 place of the three common divisions — Christian, non-Christians, 
 and Moros — the Philippines consist of ninety representative 
 districts and twelve senatorial districts. The Legislature has 
 now full control of the suffrage. The Philippine Commission 
 continued to operate until January 1, 1917, when the act re- 
 organizing the executive departments took effect. The Governor 
 General ceased to be the chairman of the Commission which is 
 now dissolved. 
 
 QUALIFICATIONS OF THE LEGISLATIVE MEMBERS 
 A candidate for the Senate must be a qualified elector in the 
 Philippines, over thirty years of age, and must be able to read 
 and write Spanish or English. He must have resided in the 
 Philippines for at least two years and been for one year immedi- 
 ately preceding the election an actual resident of his district. 
 
 A candidate for the House of Representatives must be over 
 twenty-five years of age, able to read and write English or Span- 
 ish, and must be a qualified elector. He must have resided in the 
 district at least one year immediately preceding the election. 
 
 Appointments of the Senators and Representatives for the non- 
 Christian tribes are made ' ' without the consent of the senate and 
 without restriction as to residence." 87 
 
 GOVERNOR'S VETO POWER 
 
 Previous to the adoption of the Jones Law the Governor Gen- 
 eral had never had the veto power over legislative enactments. 
 As Civil Governor from July 4, 1901, to the inauguration of the 
 Philippine Assembly, the chief executive was the chairman of 
 
 87 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sees. 
 13, 14, 16. 
 
5g SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 the United States Philippine Commission in its dual capacity 
 both as an executive board and as one of the legislative branches 
 of the government. When the Philippine Assembly was insti- 
 tuted bills were enacted by majority vote of both houses. 
 
 The Jones Law placed the Governor General on practically 
 the same basis with respect to the Philippine Legislature as the 
 President of the United States is with respect to Congress. All 
 bills and joint resolutions passed by both houses shall, before 
 they become law, be presented to the Governor General for ap- 
 proval. A period of twenty days is allowed the Governor to act 
 upon the bills presented to him and failure to act within the 
 prescribed time will automatically validate the bills as if he had 
 signed them. A two-thirds vote in both houses passes a bill over 
 the Governor's veto. When such happens the Governor General 
 may either approve it or reject it. If he rejects it he shall 
 transmit the same to the President of the United States for the 
 last recourse. The President is allowed six months in which to 
 act. If he fails to veto the bill within that time it becomes a law. 
 
 The Governor General has the veto power over any item or 
 items of the appropriation but such veto shall not affect other 
 items. If the Legislature fails to pass the appropriation for the 
 fiscal year, the items of the last appropriation shall as far as 
 practicable be deemed appropriated until the Legislature passes 
 a new budget. This provision has never been used. Congress 
 reserves the power to annul all laws enacted by the Philippine 
 Legislature. 88 
 
 EXTENSION OF SUFFRAGE 
 
 Of no little importance to the political education of the Fili- 
 pino people is the provision of the Jones Act extending the right 
 of suffrage to those who read and write a native dialect. The 
 franchise was conferred on all male citizens twenty-one years of 
 age, who have been residents of the Philippines for one year, 
 and in the municipality six months preceding the election, and 
 belonged to one of the following classes: those who are legal 
 voters under the existing law, those who own real property to 
 
 88 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sec. 19. 
 
EFFECT OF THE CL1AH1JII& MftJLJUMUN T 
 
 59 
 
 the value of 500 pesos, and those who read and write Spanish, 
 English, or a native dialect. Under the old law suffrage was 
 enjoyed by 250,000 voters ; under the new law the electorate was 
 enlarged to over 750,000. 89 
 
 This is the result of the eighteen years of tutelage under the 
 American rule. On October 16, 1916, in the same place where 
 sixteen years ago the civil government received the responsibility 
 from the military authorities, Governor General Harrison deliv- 
 ered his message to the Fourth Philippine Legislature — the all- 
 Filipino legislature elected by popular vote. It is the first truly 
 representative ruling body ever assembled in the Philippines. 
 Among the eighty-one elected Representatives sat the nine Rep- 
 resentatives of the non-Christians ; and among the twenty elected 
 Senators sat the two appointees of the Governor to represent the 
 non-Christians. In recognition of the privilege extended to them, 
 the mountain peoples of Luzon and the Moros in the south sent 
 their delegations to attend the inauguration of the purely Fili- 
 pino Legislature. 
 
 The transformation which the Jones Act has brought about 
 carries with it grave significance. By this act, the United States 
 surrendered in good faith to the Filipino people its all important 
 check upon its territorial possession. On the part of the United 
 States, the law is the highest recognition of trust and confidence 
 in the ability of the Filipino people to govern themselves. To 
 the Filipinos it means untold opportunity for advancement on 
 the one hand and the gravest responsibility on the other. Repre- 
 sentative government in the Far East ceased to be a half measure 
 as it was from 1907 to 1916. The day on which the act was passed 
 saw the birth of a truly representative form of government 
 among the millions of Filipinos who have been struggling for the 
 coveted ideal. By it the Philippines have linked the East and 
 the West. It is true that Cuba,had been only three years under 
 the United States when self-government was granted to her, but 
 
 s» United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, See. 15; 
 Future Political Status of the People of the Philippine Islands, Senate Ee- 
 port No. 18, 64th Congress, 1st Session, December 17, 1915, pp. 2, 3. 
 
QQ SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 that self-government was under a protectorate. Great Britain 
 extended the franchise to the Boers before the smoke over the 
 battle fields had subsided, but these people had been self-govern- 
 ing for fifty years. 
 
 On August 29, 1916, there rose in the fortunate Philippines 
 the eternal torch of liberty and justice to shed its beneficent 
 radiance not only on the Filipinos alone but also on the down- 
 trodden Koreans, the struggling Irish and Polish, oppressed 
 India, Indo- China, and Egypt where the day of freedom has 
 scarcely dawned. 
 
Ill „ 
 
 THE EFFECT OF THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 
 IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 At the time of the debate over the Jones Bill it was no longer 
 a question whether the Filipinos were entitled to a wider par- 
 ticipation in their government. To grant this privilege was 
 recognized as the only certain way of training the Filipinos in 
 the art of modern government and the concession was considered 
 indispensable if the United States is to withdraw from the 
 Islands sometime in the future. The organic act of July 1, 1902, 
 had outlived its usefulness. A new piece of legislation, more 
 liberal and more far reaching, became imperative. Congress 
 realized this fact and put forth every effort in formulating the 
 most suitable law possible. But was the time ripe for making a 
 definite provision for the independence of the Philippines? To 
 Senator Clarke, conditions warranted the provision, for in the 
 Jones Bill he inserted his famo u s amendment pro viding for the 
 recognition of Philippine independence in not less than two years 
 nor more than four years at the discretion of the President. 
 
 Flashed across the waters to Manila, the famous Clarke amend- 
 ment placed the Filipino people in the most critical^ position in 
 their history. The suddenness with which independence ap- 
 peared, says a press report, "stunned most people and .... 
 rendered them incapable of coherent conclusions and sane specu- 
 lations". 90 "Manila has been shot to pieces this week", asserts 
 the Free Press in its editorial on ' ' The Jones Bill and Those Sen- 
 sational Amendments. " " The most radical .... is that of 
 Senator Clarke of Arkansas, a democrat and president pro tem- 
 pore of the senate." 91 "On the part of the Assembly, however, 
 
 »o Philippines Free Press, January 29, 1916, p. 11. 
 si Philippines Free Press, January 22, 1916, p. 8. 
 
 61 
 
Q2 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 and all political leaders, without regard to party, there appears 
 to be enthusiasm and jubilation," but as the comment tells us, 
 it is because the United States pledged itself to protect the 
 islands and secure their neutrality. 92 As if foreseeing the fate 
 of the Filipinos the Free Press of January 29, 1916, published a 
 cartoon entitled, "Giving Jonah to the "Whale", in which Uncle 
 Sam and Congress were represented as picking up Jonah 
 (Philippines) to throw to the whale (Japan). 93 
 
 Most of the Filipino papers, being organs of some party or 
 other, made political capital of the issue. In all their comments,^ 
 however, indications of fear and doubts were mingled with the L 
 loud praises for the party responsible for the achievement. 
 According to El Ideal the Clarke amendment was in accordance 
 with the policy that territories which menace the peace of the 
 United States must be gotten rid of. However, it advised the 
 citizens that they "be armed with prudence and must realize the 
 great responsibility rests on their shoulders". 94 The Consoli- 
 dation National was not reserved in lauding the success of the 
 Nacionalista Party, glorifying Speaker Osmeiia to the skies. 95 
 Like El Ideal, La Venguardia praised the United States for its 
 courage in facing probable complications with Japan, but 
 strongly hoped that the powers would join in neutralizing the 
 Islands. Seemingly half assured, the paper said that the Fili- 
 pino people were, more than ever before, prepared to meet the 
 consequences, and "with the aid of God and men of good will" 
 they would maintain "a free government." 96 La Democracia, in 
 its conservatism, entertained much apprehension, and advocated 
 that if the Filipinos did not want independence Congress must 
 be so informed. 97 
 
 »2 Philippines Free Press, January 29, 1916, p. 11. 
 »3 Philippines Free Press, January 29, 1916, p. 1. 
 
 9* Quoted in the Philippines Free Press, January 29, 1916, p. 17, February 
 12, 1916, p. 17. 
 
 •■ Quoted in the Philippines Free Press, January 17, 1916, p. 17. 
 
 96 Quoted in the Philippines Free Press, January 29, 1916, p. 17, February 
 12, 1916, p. 17. 
 
 97 Quoted in the Philippines Free Press, February 12, 1916, p. 17. 
 
EFFECT OF THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 
 
 63 
 
 The passage of the Jones Bill with the Clarke am e ndmen t in 
 the Senate on February 4, 1916, brought forth the following edi- 
 torial in the Philippines Free Press: 
 
 Pain often carries with it a certain anesthesia, and, in the presence of 
 great events, a certain numbness of the faculties, an inability to grasp the 
 full significance of what is transpiring, frequently follows. 
 
 So is it to-day with the pregnant news which is coming over the wires 
 from Washington. Independence heretofore little more than a vociferously 
 expressed national aspiration, and, on occasion, a mere party shibbolith, 
 seems now to be standing on the very threshold of the real, the actual, and 
 to be about to assume definite shape and form. But, in its imminent pres- 
 ence, we are dazed and confounded, and find it almost impossible to visual- 
 ize the circumstances it will create and to make tangible to our mind the 
 train of consequences which will follow. As a result, the air is full of wild 
 speculations and impossible conjectures, and the very foundations appear 
 to be shifting beneath our feet. ... a deadly chill .... seems 
 to be passing over our business men at present as a result of the Jones 
 bill.98 
 
 It seems that the jubilee which came in consequence of the 
 passage of the Jones Bill with th e Cl arke amendment in the 
 Senate was confined to politicians. The Daily Bulletin, an 
 American paper in Manila, observed that it appeared as if 
 nothing out of the ordinary had happened. Parades and 
 pompous demonstrations were wanting. The editorial of the 
 Cablenews- American which referred to the recent parade of the 
 American troops in Manila, was sad in tone. The paper said 
 that that would be the last time the troops appeared until they 
 embarked for the homeland." 
 
 It was reported that when the Clarke amendment was pending 
 in the Senate the Philippine Assembly cabled to Congress urging 
 the passage of the bill. Governor General Harrison is said to 
 have unreservedly endorsed the bill. Mr. Osmefia, the speaker 
 of the Assembly, said on one occasion : 
 
 Determined to become independent, our duty in these moments is not 
 compatible with any vacillation on our part. We should continue the cam- 
 paign to the final approval of the Jones bill, and the establishment in 
 
 »8 Philippines Free Press, February 12, 1916, p. 14. 
 
 »» Philippines Free Press, February 12, 1916, p. 17, March 11, 1916, p. 17. 
 
(54 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 proper time, of those conditions which make of Philippine independence a 
 permanent and general good. There is no reason for alarm. On the con- 
 trary, we can and we should look to the future with calm and confident 
 hope. 100 
 
 Interviews with other prominent men showed that guaranteed 
 independence, neutralization, or a protectorate were preferred to 
 absolute independence. Vicente Singson Encarnacion, now in 
 the Philippine Senate, and Juan Villamor, Governor of Ilocos 
 Sur, preferred guaranteed independence. Mr. Villamor said, ' ' I 
 do not think there is a Filipino who would not prefer a guaran- 
 teed independence. . . . During the first years of our life, we 
 will undoubtedly need some one or something to shield us against 
 external aggression. ' ' In like manner Evaristo Francisco, a ship- 
 owner and business man, would have guaranteed independence 
 for his first choice or an autonomy like that of Canada or 
 Australia for his second choice. 101 
 
 The Clarke amendment stimulated an intelligent reaction 
 among the younger generation of the Filipino people, trained in 
 the Philippine public schools and in the universities of America. 
 Because of the training the logie of their reasoning, and their 
 non-partisanship, the timely comments of some of these younger 
 Filipinos on the national issue merit a special notice. 
 
 The first of these comments, by a young man from Bacolod, 
 Occidental Negros, who signed a nom de plume of Nezar, read in 
 part as follows: 
 
 I am not the son of a prophet, but I predict that if our political inde- 
 pendence is granted it may benefit the hungry office seekers for a short 
 time, but it will bring a deluge of tears for the common people and ulti- 
 
 io« The Spanish of this quotation is as follows : ' ' Determinados a ser 
 independientes, nuestro deber en estos momentos no es compatible con 
 ninguna vacilacion de nuestro parte. Debemos proseguir la campana hasta 
 la aprobaeion final del bill Jones, y el establecimiento, a su debido tiempo, 
 de aquellas condiciones que hagan la independencia filipina un bien general 
 y permanente. No hay ningun motivo actual de alarma. Por el contrario 
 podemos y debemos mirar el porvenir con serenidad y confiada esperenza." 
 — Philippines Free Press, February 19, 1916, p. 24; House Report No. 499, 
 64th Congress, 1st Session, April 6, 1916, pp. 17, 18. 
 
 i°i Philippines Free Press, March 11, 1916, p. 20. 
 
EFFECT OF THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 
 
 65 
 
 mately worse than tears for the politicians. I am afraid that behind the 
 mask of patriotism of too many of our politicians there lie selfish designs. 
 . . . . The hope commonly entertained that independence would bring 
 redemption would vanish at the sight of political chaos. Neither the Jones 
 bill nor a hundred of Jones bills will bring us real independence which 
 makes for the happiness of the mass of the people. . . . When the 
 right time comes and the Filipinos are prosperous and further advanced in 
 civilization, there will be no trouble in securing our independence, and 
 America would be only too willing to give it. The dreams of too many of 
 our politicos is the dream of a Ceasar .... but from such a dream 
 there will be a terrible awakening and we shall repent in sackcloth and 
 ashes.102 
 
 In contrast to the gloomy forecasts of this article, a young 
 Filipino girl expressed "hope — 'for the best,' " and unwaver- 
 ing faith. In reply to the article just cited the young woman 
 said: 
 
 I am no daughter of a politician, nor an ardent advocate of Philippine 
 Independence, but, being a native of the islands, most decidedly I am not an 
 indifferent onlooker. Therefore I contend against the spirit of that proph- 
 ecy. I can tolerate a foreigner declaiming over the woes that Independence 
 would bring to the Islands, but a countryman — never. Let their 's be to 
 predict, ours to hope, even against hope, — ' ' for the best ' '. The world may 
 smile grimly or pityingly at our most absurd dreams and impossible hopes; 
 but they are better by far to cherish than dire prophecies and woeful 
 fears. So, please, do not have a voice "sad and prophetic," but rather 
 "watch and pray", and firmly believe that the righteous are never for- 
 saken. With eyes of hope, born out of faith, I, for one, do not see or fear 
 "political chaos"; but, above and beyond the troubles that be, a better, 
 greater and happier Philippines. 103 
 
 At this time Mr. Luis Rivera, a product of American univer- 
 sities, wrote a thoughtful article entitled "A Problem of Life 
 and Death". He expresses fear of eternal colonization by Japan ; 
 and rather than risk exploitation by a foreign power, advised 
 that the Filipinos remain content with the present peace and 
 prosperity under the United States. 104 
 
 Bienvenido Tan struck the keynote of the younger generation 
 
 w>2 Philippines Free Press, February 5, 1916. 
 
 103 Philippines Free Press, February 26, 1916, p. 11. 
 
 io* Philippines Free Press, February 19, 1916, pp. 15, 24. 
 
66 SELF-GOVEKNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 which he represents when he delivered a speech during his cam- 
 paign for election to the Municipal Board of. Manila. Mr. Tan 
 is a young man 25 years of age, and was educated in the Philip- 
 pine public schools. Speaking of the Jones Bill with the Clarke 
 amendment the young lawyer said : 
 
 I have observed that most of the people do not understand the real 
 situation in regard to the Jones bill. The politicians of the "old school" 
 tell the people, either intentionally or from ignorance, only about the ad- 
 vantages to be gotten from the Jones bill but not the responsibilities that 
 go with it. They tell the people that with the Jones bill we shall be a free 
 people, have less taxation, and no worry for anything. Some of the people 
 believe that with independence taxes will be abolished. ... I ex- 
 plained to them that just the contrary will happen — that taxes will be 
 doubled; for the expenses then will be greater. . . . 
 
 . . . . I am going to tell the people the real truth, the hard cold 
 bitter truth, no matter what happens. I am not afraid. I have observed 
 that if you will express an opinion contrary to independence you will be 
 branded as unpatriotic and a traitor to the legitimate aspirations of the 
 people. If to tell the truth I am unpatriotic, then I am unpatriotic, and 
 dare to be so. . . . 
 
 We may be branded as radicals, idealists and inexperienced callow youths ; 
 but we believe we understand what we are doing, and we are ready to put 
 our ideas to the test.iois 
 
 A very sane appeal to the Filipino politicians is found in an 
 article entitled "An Appeal to Intelligent Patriotism", by Jose 
 L. Jalandoni. Mr. Jalandoni is a product of one of the largest 
 universities in the United States and is now a successful young 
 farmer. He said in part: 
 
 There are times when almost every one of us except the greedy benefici- 
 aries becomes tired of politics, and politicians have taken advantage of this 
 fact to seduce the more ignorant people for their own benefit. But times 
 such as these are not for petty politics. The intelligent citizens who here- 
 tofore have not taken an active part in politics should come ahead and lead 
 the people and show them clearly that they must either live or die in ac- 
 cordance with their decisions. . . . 
 
 I am not opposed to independence, but I believe that ample time should 
 be allowed us, so that we can devote all our efforts and energies to the 
 development of the vast agricultural resources of our country. ... I 
 am not questioning the capability of our people to conduct an efficient 
 
 105 Philippines Free Press, March 11, 1916, p. 13. 
 
EFFECT OF THE CLAEKE AMENDMENT Q>J 
 
 government of our own, but I believe, and I know that there is a consider- 
 able number of patriotic Filipinos who believe with me, that such a measure, 
 because of probable foreign aggressions, will endanger the lives, liberties 
 and properties in this country. Why, then, shall be put our very existence 
 in jeopardy such as it will be at the will of the President? . . . Let 
 us urge the passage of the Jones bill but protest with all our might against 
 the Clarke amendment. ... let us see clearly the issue before us. Are 
 you ready to exchange our present condition of peace, progress and pros- 
 perity to that of danger and uncertainty? Do not let our patriotism rise 
 from the heart .... Let our emotions be controlled by our intel- 
 lects. . . . Let us show the masses of our people that safe and perma- 
 nent progress is the result of human forethought, that the blunders of a 
 nation are not less deplorable and blameworthy than those of an individual. 
 Let us realise that the question is vital for all and as such it should be 
 carefully considered. . . . The great majority of our professional and 
 ignorant politicians are actually insisting upon independence under what- 
 ever form without calmly considering the responsibilities that it brings 
 with it. They have flattered and seduced the people into this belief, calling 
 us "traitors" without stopping to ascertain that the interests of our coun- 
 try are dearer to our hearts than to theirs. . . . Countrymen, it is not 
 given to men to foretell what they shall be; but of this we may be sure, 
 that with continuous peace, universal education and intelligent patriotism, 
 the glorious possibilities of our country will be unlimited. 1 ©* 
 
 This, in brief, was the effect of the sensational Clarke amend- 
 ment upon the Filipinos. Notwithstanding the glories which the 
 word ' ' independence ' ' conveys, and in spite of the fact that every 
 Filipino, young and old, would love to see his country inde- 
 pendent, many feel that to be set adrift alone in the midst of 
 greedy nations is a perilous step to take at the present time. 
 The fear of external aggression is dominant although at times 
 it is concealed under the cloak of rosy optimism. That Speaker 
 Osmefia himself, the spokesman of the Nacionalista Party and an 
 influential leader of his people, recognized this prevailing fear 
 among the inhabitants is obvious, for he said: "There is no 
 reason for alarm. On the contrary, we can and we should look 
 to the future with calm and confident hope." This must be 
 obvious enough to every one who understands the sentiment of 
 the Filipino people. The consensus of opinion tells us that while 
 the Filipinos desire independence, they do not desire to be en- 
 
 we Philippines Free Press, April 8, 1916, p. 5. 
 
68 
 
 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 tirely free in the family of nations within so short a period as 
 the Clarke amendment provides. That would be too sudden. 
 Independence, if granted at all within four years, must be under 
 a guarantee of neutrality. 
 
 It is of interest to note the non-partisan opinion of the younger 
 generation, and of the student body. The young people realize, 
 the seriousness of independence. They realize that mere capa- 
 bility for maintaining peace and order does not constitute the 
 only indispensable qualification of a nation for independence 
 They are unanimous in asserting that it is necessary to develop 
 the economic resources of their country on the one hand and to 
 raise the standard of their civilization on the other. Then and 
 only then, do they feel assured that independence would be A 
 success in the Philippines. 
 
 Two other points may be noted which the young people advo- 
 cate : first, that the problem of independence should be divorced 
 from politics; second, that the uninformed mass of the people 
 should be educated in the pros and cons of the problem of inde- 
 pendence. This has never been done so far, and the claim that 
 the people want independence is based on the assumption that 
 because their Representatives and Senators are for it the voters 
 must be for it too. It has not been taken into consideration that 
 the electorate is not responsible for the acts of their representa- 
 tives after they get into office. Uncolored by any party affilia- 
 tions, the thoughtful contributions of the younger generation on 
 this national issue should command serious consideration. 107 
 
 Is independence desired ? it may be asked. It has been desired 
 and it probably will be desired until obtained, but not under the 
 terms of the Clarke amendment. Independence, if it comes at 
 all, must be conditional, that is, the freedom of the Philippines 
 guaranteed by other nations. If the sensational Clarke amend- 
 ment produced such a result as it did in the Philippines, it clearly 
 shows that the Filipinos do not now desire it. Representative 
 
 "> T At this time a talented Filipino student in the United States drew a 
 cartoon (unpublished) representing Japan as a reptile having already de- 
 voured China, Korea, and Formosa, and set to uncoil upon the Filipino 
 who jubilantly carries his papers of independence from Uncle Sam. 
 
EFFECT OF THE CLARKE AMENDMENT 
 
 69 
 
 Jones and Mr. Quezon put forth every effort to secure a definite 
 period to grant independence, but met a sad defeat. Mr. Quezon 
 was said to be very much disappointed at having failed to 
 achieve what was generally conceived to be his special mission in 
 the United States, and it was asserted that his not returning to 
 America as a Commissioner was due to this failure. He is the 
 most capable man for the office and his resignation means the 
 retardation of the national cause. 
 
 Upon the defeat of the Jones Bill with the amendment in the 
 House by a vote of 193 to 151 the Philippines Free Press said : 
 
 There may be a perfunctory cry of protest from professional politicians 
 about the failure of the Clarke amendment in the house of representatives; 
 but we believe the calm and considered judgment of the thinking element 
 among the Filipino people, unswayed by partisan proclivities, will approve 
 the failure. We also believe the Filipino people are to be congratulated on 
 the action taken by the house.ios 
 
 In the opinion of the paper Congress decided that the "logical 
 and orderly processes which have marked the work of the United 
 States in these islands shall continue." 
 
 To the El Ideal the failure of the Clarke amendment was a 
 "painful disappointment" but there was no reason for despair. 
 La Democracia, however, attributed the defeat to the underhand 
 means employed for personal gains. 109 
 
 /* The bill which finally passed Congress and was approved on \t 
 f August 29, 1916, was still the Jones Bill but with the Clark e J 
 y ajnendment_a nd the unnecessary Gronna amendment omitted. /, 
 The victory caused quite an excitement in the Philippines. < 
 Twenty thousand persons paraded through a crowd of forty 
 thousand spectators. Forty bands "competed" with each other 
 for two solid hours, amidst standards and cries of "Long Live 
 President Wilson"; "Long Live Governor General Harrison"; 
 "Long Live Congressman Jones"; "Long Live the United States 
 Congress"; and "Long Live America — Magnanimous, Great 
 and Just." 
 
 Personal tributes followed. To Governor General Harrison 
 and to the President of the United States were presented two 
 
 108 Philippines Free Press, May 6, 1916, p. 14. 
 
 109 Philippines Free Press, May 6, 1916, p. 17. 
 
 ?'"T 
 
7Q SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 silver tablets in which was inscribed the appreciation of the 
 Filipino people "for their untiring and unselfish labors in behalf 
 of the Jones bill." The Filipino statesmen were recipients of 
 thousands of congratulations. The "Quezon Gate", the "Jones 
 Bridge", and "Harrison Park" were named to perpetuate the 
 memory of the friends of the bill. 110 
 
 no Philippines Free Press, August 26, 1916, p. 5, September 9, 1916, p. 
 13. Mr. Robertson of the Library of Congress has treated this same sub- 
 ject. When Mr. Jones died the Philippine Legislature appropriated 
 $30,000 for a monument over his grave. 
 
IV 
 FILIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE 
 
 The matter of promoting Filipinos to high executive and re- 
 sponsible positions in the insular service has been one of the 
 burning problems during the American rule. Although not 
 championed in political speeches this problem has been felt in 
 the administration. That the Filipinos have always desired to 
 conduct their own affairs is undebatable. The Revolution of 
 1896 was evidence of the conviction that in order to establish a 
 government to the satisfaction of the Filipino people that govern- 
 ment must be run by Filipinos themselves. Disappointed to the 
 last degree with the good but unfulfilled promises of the Spanish 
 authorities and worn out by indescribable wrongs and injustice 
 of the former regime, the Filipinos lost their trust and confidence 
 in any avowal made to them by any foreign nation. This helped 
 to make the Filipinos bitter enemies of the United States. How- 
 ever, the hopelessness of the struggle with the superior nation 
 forced them to lay down their arms and to accept the sovereignty 
 of the United States, not because they welcomed the foreign 
 command, but because it was inevitable. Thus, they surrendered 
 but their national aspiration to administer their own affairs was 
 not in the least discouraged. 
 
 Keeping this point in mind, it can readily be seen why the 
 desire for independence has found expression on every platform 
 on every occasion. There has been a constant demand that the 
 United States definitely state when the Islands should be re- 
 leased, ignoring the difficulty on the part of the United States 
 of making such critical declaration at an early date. Neverthe- 
 less, it shows very clearly to what degree the Filipinos ' sentiment 
 of nationality had developed when the Americans took the coun- 
 try. Congress, however, did not see its way clear to declare by 
 act of legislation the purpose of the United States regarding the 
 
 71 
 
72 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 Philippines, and in the organic act of July 1, 1902, it simply 
 approved the President's policy and temporarily provided for 
 the administration of civil affairs in the Philippines. The United 
 States established in the Philippines a "Government by Filipinos 
 aided and taught by Americans" 111 with the aim of extending 
 full self-government later to the Filipinos. 
 
 The policy of Filipinization was inaugurated by President 
 McKinley and has been endorsed by succeeding presidents, but 
 it has been reluctantly executed by most governors of the Philip- 
 pines. Mr. Taft endorsed it in his famous slogan, "Philippines 
 for the Filipinos". The first Philippine Commission assured the 
 Filipino people that "the United States is not only willing, but 
 anxious, to establish in the Philippine Islands an enlightened 
 system of government under which the Philippine people may 
 enjoy the largest measure of home rule and the amplest liberty 
 consonant with the supreme ends of government and compatible 
 with those obligations which the United States has assumed to- 
 ward the civilized nations of the world." 112 Specific instruction 
 for the fulfillment of this policy was given to the United States 
 Philippine Commission of which Mr. Taft was chairman. In his 
 instructions President McKinley said : " In all cases the munici- 
 pal officers, who administer the local affairs of the people, are to 
 be selected by the people, and that wherever officers of more 
 extended jurisdiction are to be selected in any way, natives of 
 the islands are to be preferred, and if they can be found com- 
 petent and willing to perform the duties, they are to receive the 
 offices in preference to any others .... the government 
 which they are establishing is designed not for our satisfaction 
 . . . . but for the happiness, peace and prosperity of the 
 people of the Philippine Islands." 113 This general policy was 
 later crystallized into law and became the standard of adminis- 
 tration. The Civil Service Act, the fifth law enacted by the 
 
 in House Documents, 61st Congress, 3rd Session, Document No. 1261, 
 p. 45. 
 
 112 Proclamation of the First Philippine Commission, ' ' To the People of 
 the Philippine Islands". 
 
 us Instruction to the Taft Commission, April 7, 1900. 
 
FILIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE 73 
 
 Philippine Commission, requires that in the matter of appoint- 
 ments preference should be made to "Natives of the Philippine 
 Islands", and to all "honorably discharged soldiers, and sailors 
 and marines of the United States." 114 
 
 How far must the civil service in the Philippines be American 
 and how far Filipino has been the main question. In the early 
 days of the American regime Mr. Taf t announced that on account 
 of the Filipinos ' unf amiliarity with American methods and their 
 inability to use the English language it was practically necessary 
 to confine them to subordinate and ministerial positions. 115 
 From the standpoint of economy, to replace Americans with 
 Filipinos is a saving to the insular treasury, since high salaries 
 must necessarily be paid to Americans to induce them to leave 
 their homes. Those who are affected by the application of the 
 policy make the strongest protest, saying, "We are here to 
 teach. It is ridiculous to teach from the pupils' seat." 116 
 Branding Filipinization as a "grave mistake" and overdone as 
 early as 1907 the Americans in the Philippines have always op- 
 posed the policy, on the argument that to maintain an efficient 
 and clean administration in the Philippines Anglo-Saxon energy 
 is necessary. Early appointments by the Philippine Commission 
 of Filipinos to local executive offices met with severe criticism 
 from pro-Americans. 117 
 
 THE TREND OF FILIPINIZATION 
 
 Although the Filipinization of the civil service was not carried 
 out in the first few years as rapidly as some Filipinos wished, 
 the record shows that under existing conditions the progress 
 could not have been hastened without detriment to the general 
 welfare. The Americans in the Philippine service did not reach 
 an appreciable number until 1903 when there were 2,777 or 51 
 
 114 Act No. 5 of the United States Philippine Commission, See. 19. 
 
 usTaft's speech at the inauguration of the Philippine Assembly in the 
 Cablenews- American, October 17, 1907, p. 12. 
 
 118 Cablenews- American, August 10, 1907, p. 4. 
 
 iit Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XXIII, Document 
 No. 331, Pt. 1, p. 64. 
 
74 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 per cent of the entire force. These American officials drew an 
 aggregate salary of 7,236,700 pesos or 76 per cent of the entire 
 payroll. Of the total number 1,998 were in the insular bureaus, 
 585 in the service for the city of Manila, 43 in the judicial ser- 
 vice, and 141 in the provinces. In the same year 2,697 Filipinos 
 constituting 49 per cent of the force, did a considerable part of 
 the routine work at an aggregate salary of 2,189,376 pesos or 23 
 per cent of the total appropriation for salaries. The Filipino 
 force was apportioned as follows: 1,186 in the insular service; 
 738 in the service of the city of Manila ; 215 in the judicial ser- 
 vice ; and 552 in the provinces. The Philippine Commission was 
 composed of five Americans and three Filipinos each having his 
 American or Filipino private secretary. 118 
 
 In 1904 the percentage of Americans in the civil service de- 
 creased to 49 per cent while that of the Filipinos increased to 51 
 per cent. It would appear from this that the reduction of the 
 American force was inaugurated in 1904, but the fact is that it 
 increased by 16 per cent while that of the Filipinos increased by 
 25 per cent. Three-fourths of the total salary of the service was 
 paid to Americans and one-fourth to the Filipinos. 
 
 In 1905 the Americans constituted 45 per cent of the govern- 
 ment force and the Filipinos 55 per cent. Actually, however, 
 the American force increased by 2.4 per cent against an increase 
 of 19 per cent of the Filipinos. 119 
 
 This relative decrease of Americans in the Philippine govern- 
 ment service continued with appreciable regularity until 1913. 
 The increasing percentage of Filipinos was not as much due to 
 Americans making room for them in the service as to the rapid 
 increase of Filipino force in clerical positions. 
 
 Worthy of note in this connection is the average salary of 
 Americans and Filipinos. In 1903 the average salary of Amer- 
 ican employees was 2,605.94 pesos a year and that of Filipinos 
 811.76 pesos. A gradual increase is noted until 1915 when the 
 average salary paid to Americans was 3,698.49 pesos and to Fili- 
 
 n s Annual Report of the Philippine Civil Service Board, 1902, pp. 68-75. 
 
 us Annual Report of the Philippine Civil Service Board, 1904, p. 87, 1905, 
 p. 753. 
 
FILIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE 75 
 
 * 
 pinos 998.17 pesos a year although the Director of the Civil Ser- 
 vice had believed in 1908 that the salaries paid to the Filipinos 
 had already reached their highest limit. 
 
 When the Philippine Assembly was inaugurated in 1907, 
 2,616 Americans or 40 per cent of the entire service personnel 
 were drawing 71 per cent of the salary appropriations. In local 
 government and in some departments of the general government, 
 especially in judicial service, the Filipinos assumed control early 
 in the American regime. The municipalities have had Filipino 
 officials ever since the beginning. The Supreme Court of the 
 Philippine Islands had three Filipino justices one of whom was 
 the chief justice. Of the twenty-one justices of the Courts of 
 First Instance, ten were Filipinos. The chief of the Bureau of 
 Justice was a Filipino assisted by Filipinos and Americans ; and 
 the Court of Land Registration was represented by a Filipino 
 and an American. All the officials of the provinces were Fili- 
 pinos, elected by the voters. 120 
 
 Although the proportion of Americans in government service 
 decreased each year by reason of the employment of more Fili- 
 pinos than Americans, material reduction in the American force I 
 did not take place until the inauguration of a Democratic ad- 
 ministration. In 1914 the percentage of Americans in the service 
 dropped from 29 per cent in 1913 to 23 per cent. Six hundred 
 and thirty-three Americans left the Philippine service in 1914 
 and 920 Filipinos were ushered in. The number of withdrawals, 
 however, was not especially large but the number of Filipinos 
 employed in 1914 was greater than that in any previous year. 
 The Filipino force received 51 per cent of the salary appropria- 
 tion in 1915. In previous years the larger share of the salary 
 appropriation went to the American employees. Progressing by 
 leaps and bounds, the percentage of Filipinos in service as com- 
 pared with the total number of employees, reached 76 in 1918, 
 and for the first time in their history the Filipinos received an 
 average salary of 1,047.79 pesos a year. By 1918, the Americans 
 constituted only 9 per cent of the entire force at an aggregate 
 salary of 24 per cent of the entire salary appropriation. 
 
 120 Governor Smith's Message to the First Philippine Legislature in the 
 Cdblenews- American, October 18, 1907, p. 13. 
 
76 
 
 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 The following table shows the percentage of Americans and 
 Filipinos in the Philippine civil service and their average salaries 
 from 1903-1918. 121 
 
 Table Showing the Percentage of 
 
 Americans and Filipinos in 
 
 
 Permanent Appointive Positions 
 
 in the Philippine Civil 
 
 
 Service, and Their Salaries from 1903 
 
 -1918122 
 
 
 Year 
 
 Total 
 Number or 
 Employees 
 
 Percentage of 
 
 Total 
 
 Salaries 
 (in Pesos) 
 
 Percentage 
 Paid to 
 
 Average Salaries 
 (in Pesos) 
 
 Amer- 
 icans 
 
 Fili- 
 pinos 
 
 Amer- 
 icans 
 
 Fili- 
 pinos 
 
 Americans 
 
 Filipinos 
 
 1903 
 
 5,474 
 
 51 
 
 49 
 
 9,426,076 
 
 76 
 
 23 
 
 2,605.94 
 
 811.76 
 
 1904 
 
 6,605 
 
 49 
 
 51 
 
 11,596,554 
 
 75 
 
 25 
 
 2,693.92 
 
 868.48 
 
 1905 
 
 7,330 
 
 45 
 
 55 
 
 12,252,162 
 
 73 
 
 27 
 
 2,704.08 
 
 822.70 
 
 1907 
 
 6,518 
 
 40 
 
 60 
 
 11,103,736 
 
 71 
 
 29 
 
 3,008.12 
 
 828.93 
 
 1908 
 
 6,559 
 
 38 
 
 62 
 
 11,436,091 
 
 68 
 
 32 
 
 3,125.95 
 
 903.64 
 
 1909 
 
 7,056 
 
 38 
 
 62 
 
 12,595,950 
 
 68 
 
 32 
 
 3,225.63 
 
 914.03 
 
 1910 
 
 7,272 
 
 36 
 
 64 
 
 13,052,382 
 
 67 
 
 33 
 
 3,325.29 
 
 926.25 
 
 1911 
 
 7,614 
 
 35 
 
 65 
 
 13,623,659 
 
 65 
 
 35 
 
 3,401.00 
 
 937.33 
 
 1912 
 
 8,713 
 
 31 
 
 69 
 
 14,715,299 
 
 63 
 
 37 
 
 3,450.42 
 
 906.37 
 
 1913 
 
 8,986 
 
 29 
 
 71 
 
 15,076,014 
 
 61 
 
 39 
 
 3,524.45 
 
 916.45 
 
 1914 
 
 9,431 
 
 23 
 
 77 
 
 14,715,320 
 
 53 
 
 47 
 
 3,611.75 
 
 955.28 
 
 1915 
 
 9,816 
 
 20 
 
 80 
 
 14,944,320 
 
 49 
 
 51 
 
 3,698.49 
 
 988.17 
 
 1916 
 
 10,455 
 
 17 
 
 83 
 
 14,805,312 
 
 43 
 
 57 
 
 3,686.03 
 
 966.02 
 
 1917 
 
 11,169 
 
 12 
 
 88 
 
 14,361,071 
 
 33 
 
 67 
 
 3,666.88 
 
 969.82 
 
 1918 
 
 10,866123 
 
 9 
 
 91 
 
 15,084,333 
 
 24 
 
 76 
 
 3,913.46 
 
 1,046.79 
 
 FILIPINIZATION IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 In the provincial and municipal governments, the tendency 
 has been toward intensive popular government without much 
 
 121 Compiled from the Report of the Philippine Commission, 1907, Pt. 1, 
 p. 79; Special Beport of Secretary of War Dickinson, 1910, pp. 17-19; 
 Eighteenth Annual Beport of the Bureau of Civil Service, p. 15. 
 
 122 No data for 1906. 
 
 123 Based on statistics for first six months of 1918. 
 
FILIPINIZATION OP THE INSULAE SERVICE 
 
 77 
 
 reference to Filipinization, although the same result was at- 
 tained. In the provinces, the executive officers formerly consisted 
 of the governor, the treasurer, the supervisor, and the fiscal or 
 prosecuting attorney. The governor, the treasurer, and the 
 supervisor made up the provincial board, the legislative body 
 of the province. The governor was usually a Filipino and was 
 formerly elected by the municipal councils, but the treasurer 
 and supervisor were Americans appointed by the Philippine 
 Commission. The supervisor was always an engineer and had 
 charge of public works. 124 
 
 In 1915, the provincial treasurer ceased to be a member of the 
 board, thus divorcing him from political duties. His successor 
 was called the vocal and was appointed by the Governor General 
 from among the municipal presidents in office. 125 In February, 
 1916, the members of the provincial board heretofore appointed 
 by the Governor General were made elective. 126 
 
 Most of the American high officials of the provinces were as- 
 signed to non-Christian provinces. In Christian provinces the 
 office of treasurer has been the last to be transferred to the na- 
 tives. Of the 38 provincial governors in 1906, 29 were Filipinos 
 and 9 were Americans. In 1914 there were only 7 American 
 governors ; all the rest were Filipinos. In 1914, before the treas- 
 urer was removed from the provincial board there were 18 Amer- 
 ican treasurers as against 15 Filipinos. In 1916 the American 
 treasurers numbered 12, and in 1917 only 7 Americans held this 
 office. 127 
 
 The supervision over provinces and municipalities was for- 
 merly exercised by the Governor General through the executive 
 secretary. Now the power is exercised by the Secretary of In- 
 
 124 Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XXIII, Document 
 No. 331, Pt. 1, pp. 9, 10. 
 
 125 Act No. 2501 of the Philippine Legislature. See also Act No. 2562. 
 «6 Act No. 2586 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 127 Report of the Governor General, 1916, p. 112, 1917, pp. 13, 32; Report 
 of the Philippine Commission, 1906, Pt. 1, p. 155; Report of the Executive 
 Secretary, March 1, 1914, p. 25 (MS.). 
 
7g SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 terior through the chief of the executive bureau, both officials 
 being Filipinos. This practically gives the Filipinos absolute 
 control over their non-Christian population. The policy of the 
 central government has been to encourage self-government in 
 provincial and municipal affairs, always refraining from inter- 
 vention unless by compulsion. This policy has afforded a whole- 
 some training for the officers. The Governor General 's report for 
 1916 contains the following estimate: "Whereas, before they 
 had to be guided in every turn or step, now their administration 
 is characterized by initiative and efficient actions." 128 
 PILIPINIZATION OF PUBLIC SCHOOLS 
 
 In educational work Filipinos have always realized that execu- 
 tive as well as teaching positions will gradually be transferred 
 to them in the course of time. In 1902 there were 790 American 
 teachers in the Philippines. This number continued to be ap- 
 proximately the same for seven years and then it began to de- 
 cline. In 1915 there were only 488 American teachers. The 
 period from 1909 to 1915 saw the number of Filipino teachers 
 increase from 7,949 to 10,214. American teachers had to be em- 
 ployed in all branches of school work, assisted by Filipinos in 
 primary grades only. In 1906 there were 82 Filipinos teaching 
 in the intermediate schools and 34 in the high schools. At this 
 time they were assigned to supervising work, becoming a few 
 years later, industrial teachers and supervisors. In the years 
 1907 to 1915 marvellous progress has been shown. The primary 
 grades were practically transferred to Filipino teachers in 1914. 
 There were, then, 7,556 Filipinos and 14 Americans in the pri- 
 mary grades. In the intermediate schools there were 833 Fili- 
 pinos and 104 Americans ; in the secondary schools 17 Filipinos 
 and 175 Americans; in industrial work 726 Filipinos and 106 
 Americans. In that year there were 175 Filipino supervisors 
 and 139 American supervisors. The close of 1915 saw 1,004 
 Filipinos and 92 Americans in the intermediate schools; and in 
 the high schools the number of Filipino teachers increased from 
 17 in 1907 to 61 in 1915. As supervisors the Filipinos out- 
 numbered the Americans in the ratio of 200 to 120, and in indus- 
 trial work the ratio was 713 to 87. 
 
 128 Beport of the Governor General, 1916, p. 37. 
 
FILIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE 79 
 
 The most advanced step was made in 1915 when one school 
 division was placed in the hands of a Filipino, Camilo Osias, 
 now assistant director of education. Mr. Osias is a product of 
 the Philippine public schools and educated in American univer- 
 sities. His appointment as division superintendent marks an 
 epoch in the Philippine educational work. In 1916 Honorio 
 Poblador was appointed division superintendent. Mr. Poblador 
 was the first Filipino to become principal of a high school in the 
 Philippines, and like Mr. Osias also a product of the Philippine 
 public schools. 129 
 
 THE POLICY OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY 
 
 For four presidential elections following 1900 the Philippine 
 problem was a leading issue in the United States. In 1900 the 
 Democratic Party made "imperialism" one of the paramount 
 issues in the campaign, and in 1904 it attacked the administra- 
 tive policy in the Philippines. In the two campaigns which 
 followed the Democrats advocated early independence for the 
 Islands. The election of President Wilson in 1912 with a Demo- 
 cratic Congress marked the end of one policy and the beginning 
 of another. 
 
 Upon the Democratic Party fell the lot of making the Philip- 
 pine government one of Filipinos aided by Americans. Mr. Taft 
 is remembered in the Philippines for his constructive work; 
 Mr. Wright for the restoration of law and order ; Mr. Smith for 
 his democratic spirit; Mr. Ide for his currency and revenue sys- 
 tems; Mr. Forbes for his good roads policy; and Mr. Harrison 
 for Filipinizing the Philippine service. Of all the reforms which 
 have been effected under the Democratic regime in the Philip- 
 pines the Filipinization of the insular service is most significant. 
 
 It appears that the new executive had already planned to 
 extend to the Filipinos the widest participation in the adminis- 
 tration before he reached the Islands. Six months after his in- 
 auguration as Governor General of the Philippines Mr. Harrison 
 
 129 Sixteenth Annual Report of the Director of Education, pp. 14, 15 ; 
 Philippines Free Press, July 1, 1916, p. 11. 
 
g() SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 urged Congress to pass the Jones bill providing for a more 
 autonomous form of government in which the Filipinos could 
 have greater participation than before. The new Governor be- 
 lieved that this change was necessary to a better understanding 
 of the two peoples and for the good of the administration. 
 
 For three successive years — 1911, 1912, and 1913 — the two 
 houses of the Legislature failed to agree upon the appropriations 
 and the Governor General was forced to declare the appropria- 
 tion for 1910 operative for these years. While the Philippine 
 Assembly or lower house was composed of Filipinos, the Philip- 
 pine Commission or the Senate, which exercised the exclusive 
 power of originating the appropriation bills, contained a major- 
 ity of Americans. The appointment of the fifth Filipino to the 
 Philippine Commission in 1913 placed the Americans in the 
 minority in the Legislature. The appointment wiped out most 
 of the discords between the two houses, and the untiring efforts 
 of the Philippine Assembly to let Filipinos control their funds 
 seemed to have received the sanction of the new administration. 
 
 As newly constituted the Philippine Commission was com- 
 posed of the following Filipinos : Justice Victorino Mapa of the 
 Supreme Court, Secretary of Finance and Justice ; Jaime C. De 
 Veyra, former governor of Leyte and delegate to the Assembly ; 
 Vicente Ilustre of Batangas ; and Vicente Singson, delegate from 
 Hocos Sur. The American members were : Henderson E. Martin 
 of Kansas, Vice Governor and Secretary of Public Instruction; 
 Winfred T. Denison, Secretary of the Interior; John L. Riggs, 
 Secretary of Commerce and Police; and Francis B. Harrison, 
 Governor General and chairman of the Commission. 
 
 The governor and commanding general of the Moro Provinces 
 in the south retired and the American regiments were withdrawn 
 from the Moro land. To the vacancy thus created in the execu- 
 tive office Frank W. Carpenter, executive secretary, was as- 
 signed. He was succeeded by Ignacio Villamor in the executive 
 office. 
 
 The newly constituted Commission seemed to work in harmony 
 with the Assembly in the session of 1913. In 1914 the budget 
 was passed for the first time in three years, thus doing away 
 
FILIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE gj 
 
 with many of the points at issue. Principal among these was the 
 insistence of the Filipino Assembly that they exercise more con- 
 trol over the so-called reimbursible funds. Income producing 
 bureaus of the government were permitted, upon the discretion 
 of the chiefs, to expend their funds. This resulted in unbearable 
 extravagance in the disbursement of the public money. Further- 
 more, bureaus which furnished supplies to other departments 
 would charge excessively in order to make a favorable showing. 
 By the appropriation bill of January, 1914, the income producing 
 bureaus were required to deposit their funds in the insular 
 treasury and at the end of the fiscal year to return to it all un- 
 expended money. 
 
 The Filipino control of the purse strings was a saving to the 
 national treasury of some 19 per cent of the expenditures for 
 1913 or five million pesos. For three years the government ex- 
 pended from two to two and a half millions of pesos in excess of 
 its funds. Bankruptcy would have resulted but for the reform 
 by the new administration. 130 What these reforms were may 
 be noted at this time. 
 
 REFORMS EFFECTED BY THE NEW LEGISLATURE 
 
 The liberal spirit of the new administration produced harmony 
 and cooperation in the Legislature and quickened its action. 
 This is shown by the fact that in 1914 the Philippine Assembly 
 approved 72 per cent of the bills originated in the Commission 
 against 30 per cent in 1913, thus surpassing the record of pre- 
 vious years. 131 One hundred and one bills were enacted into law 
 in 1914 against 69, 86, and 50 in the three years immediately pre- 
 ceding. Apprehension concerning the financial condition of the 
 insular treasury compelled the Legislature to adopt drastic re- 
 trenchments which made the new administration unpopular 
 among the pro-Americans in the Islands. 
 
 The rehabilitation of the treasury was accomplished by the 
 passage of the appropriation bill on January 31, 1914. 132 As 
 
 130 Report of the Philippine Commission, 1914, pp. 12, 13. 
 
 i3i See table in Ch. II. 
 
 132 Act No. 2319 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 6 
 
82 
 
 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 has already been suggested it did away with the so-called re- 
 imbu/sible funds, thus restricting the bureau chiefs. It reduced 
 all salaries above 6,000 pesos from five to ten per cent. The 
 bureau of navigation which had outlived its purposes was abol- 
 ished, 138 and its functions were allotted to the bureaus of cus- 
 toms and public works. This was a saving of 400,000 pesos to the 
 insular treasury, and was done without decreasing the efficiency 
 of the administration. Other bureaus were consolidated wher- 
 ever possible for purposes of economy. Those affected by the 
 changes felt some dissatisfaction, especially Ihe Americans who 
 were practically compelled to make room for Filipinos. As a 
 result many resigned. 134 
 
 The general appropriation bill for 1914 was the first framed 
 by the Assembly since its creation in 1907. Amended and re- 
 drafted by the Commission, it was passed by the Assembly after 
 a conference. It was a saving to the insular treasury of some 
 two million pesos. 
 
 Not only in this particular bill did the new Legislature demon- 
 strate its capacity for legislation. An act was passed revising 
 and consolidating the laws relating to internal revenue. 135 To 
 increase the powers of the public utility commissioner, the act 
 creating the office was amended, much to the indignation of the 
 railroads and corporations concerned; 136 and in order to dispose 
 more wisely of the ' ' Friar Lands ' ' the Legislature passed an act 
 limiting the sale of this land to sixteen hectares to an individual 
 and 1,024 hectares to a corporation. 137 For a long time each 
 hemp concern in the Philippines had its own method of stand- 
 ardizing, to the dissatisfaction of importers. This defect would 
 have proved a loss to the trade of the country but for the step 
 Avhich the Legislature took. It passed a law providing for the 
 inspection, grading, and baling of hemp, maguey sisal, and other 
 
 133 Aet No. 2308 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 134 Beport of the Philippine Commission, 1914, p. 13; speeches of Manuel 
 Quezon in the House of Representatives, September 26 to October 14, 1914. 
 
 las Act No. 2339 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 136 Act No. 2362 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 1ST Act No. 2379 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
FILIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE 33 
 
 fibers of the Philippines. 138 Of no little importance to the coun- 
 try in general was the act granting a franchise to the Wireless 
 Telegraph Company of America to establish and operate in the 
 Philippines sending and receiving stations. 139 One other act 
 deserves special mention. Some Americans believed that an anti- 
 slavery law was a dire need of the Philippines. A campaign 
 against the Filipinos and particularly against the Philippine 
 Legislature for refusing to act upon it, was started in the United 
 States. 140 The accusation proved to be without foundation for 
 
 188 Act No. 2380 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 139 Act No. 2384 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 140 In the April, 1913, number of the National Humane Review an article 
 was published entitled, "Human Slavery Still Exists under the United 
 States Flag". The article was chiefly made up of a letter from Dean C. 
 Worcester, Secretary of Interior in the Philippines, to the president of the 
 American Humane Association, Dr. William O. Stillman. Mr. Worcester, 
 basing his charge on the decisions of the Supreme Court of the Philippine 
 Islands, insisted that the Philippine Assembly proved its incapacity to 
 legislate on modern humane problems by refusing to pass a bill punishing 
 slavery in the Islands. 
 
 Mr. Worcester found no sympathizers among the American people in the 
 Philippines. In reply to the article Justice James F. Tracey, who wrote 
 the opinion of the court on the supposed slavery question, said the custom 
 of selling children was practiced by the Igorots but, in fact, it was nothing 
 more than a contract for services. The custom could not be considered in- 
 voluntary servitude for it required the consent or sufferance of the parents 
 or guardian. Justice Tracey 's opinion was that the custom was like "an 
 indenturing of children, in accordance with custom, unprotected by statu- 
 tory safeguards." The refusal of the Philippine Assembly to enact the 
 law can plainly be understood. The term slavery is not understood in the 
 Philippines as it is in the United States, and if it ever existed in the 
 Islands at all the Assembly did not believe it was known among the civil- 
 ized portions of the country and was confined to the non-Christian tribes 
 which are under the exclusive jurisdiction of the Philippine Commission of 
 which Mr. Worcester was a member. The power of regulating the evil 
 practice therefore rested on the Philippine Commission in general and upon 
 Mr. Worcester in particular because he was the Secretary of Interior which 
 had charge of the non-Christian tribes. 
 
 Justice Tracey flatly denied the charge of "Slaves Even in Manila", 
 declaring that he was "too well aware of Mr. Worcester's skill as a 
 seasoned controversialist to believe that he has ventured upon a specific 
 
g^ SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 the Philippine Legislature passed the act prohibiting slavery, in- 
 voluntary servitude, and peonage in the Philippines. 141 
 
 It is not necessary to rehearse the accomplishment of the new 
 Legislature in which for the first time the Filipinos assumed a 
 control. What has been cited tends to show that Filipinizing 
 the responsible positions is not, after all, a disaster to the inter- 
 ests of the Filipino people. For the first time in nine years the 
 unwieldy Legislature which had been working with indescribable 
 difficulty proceeded with noiseless speed. For the first time in 
 the history of the Legislature an annual appropriation was ap- 
 proved early in the session of 1914, and a special session was not 
 necessary. 142 
 
 GOVERNOR HARRISON'S POLICY 
 
 Governor Harrison's policy concerning Filipinization of the 
 insular service was not a novelty in the American administration 
 in the Philippines. His predecessors declared its wisdom and 
 justice to the Filipino people. Whether the preceding governors 
 general of the Philippines saw it or not, Governor Harrison 
 realized early in his term that the Filipinos really desired to 
 have a full control of their government, and that the only way 
 to eliminate the jarrings in the governmental machinery was to 
 recognize their claim. The salient feature of the new regime 
 lies in the liberal spirit of the administration. 
 
 When an administration incurs the opposition of the governed 
 it is futile to continue the policy and ignore the claim of the 
 populace. This seems to have been the case with the Filipinos 
 
 assertion without holding some proof of it in reserve." Concluding his 
 reply Justice Tracey said: 
 
 "I may be permitted to say that while not one of those who think 
 Philippine independence is timely or tenable thing to-day, I deplore the 
 creation of a public opinion in this country based on the misconception of 
 a subject that truly needs all the light that can be shed on it by men hold- 
 ing official places." 
 
 See Justice Tracey 'a letter quoted by Mr. Quezon in the Congressional 
 Record, 63rd Congress, 2nd Session, p. 16218. 
 
 141 Act No. 2300 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 1*2 Beport of tlie Philippine Commission, 1914, pp. 12-14. 
 
FILIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE 35 
 
 when the Democratic Party came into power. There had devel- 
 oped a sort of antagonism between some branches of the govern- 
 ment and the Filipino people. In every appointment made in 
 1914, a liberal interpretation of the civil service law, wherever it 
 was concerned, was observed in so far as it did no injury to the 
 service. Four considerations governed the initial changes of 
 1914 : first, Filipinization as the policy of the American adminis- 
 tration; second, reduction of force for purposes of economy; 
 third, dismissals and resignations; fourth, the need of securing 
 the unqualified cooperation of the responsible Filipino officials. 
 
 Notwithstanding the established policy of Filipinizing the ser- 
 vice, Governor Harrison found more Americans in permanent 
 positions on July 1, 1913, than in 1907 or 1908. Of the thirty- 
 one bureaus and offices, four had a Filipino as a chief. Fully 
 realizing that the success of a department depends upon the 
 loyal cooperation of the bureau chiefs Governor Harrison as- 
 signed Filipinos to the bureaus. By December, 1913, eight Fili- 
 pinos were placed as heads of as many executive bureaus. 
 American assistant chiefs were replaced by Filipinos in the bu- 
 reaus of health, internal revenue, agriculture, and prisons. In 
 the municipal board of Manila the Filipinos assumed the ma- 
 jority and likewise in the council of the city of Baguio. A Fili- 
 pino was appointed city attorney for the city of Manila and for 
 the first time in history a Filipino became prosecuting attorney 
 for the capital city. A majority of positions in the Courts of 
 First Instance were given to Filipinos, besides an increased 
 number of responsible positions in the provinces. 
 
 The practice of sending to the United States for employees to 
 perform purely clerical positions was discontinued early in 
 Governor Harrison 's term. Concerning this phase of the subject 
 the Governor General issued an executive order directing that 
 "when there are names on the proper eligible register of the 
 Bureau of Civil Service no appointment shall be made to a posi- 
 tion in the classified civil service of a person residing outside the 
 Philippine Islands, unless, after comment by the appointing offi- 
 cer and the Director, the Governor General shall decide that the 
 eligibles do not possess the technical knowledge and training or 
 
gg SELF-GOVEBNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 other qualifications necessary for the position sought to be filled 
 or that the best interests of the service require the appointment 
 of a non-resident." 143 
 
 This order seems to find justification in the statement by the 
 Director of the Civil Service that "on account of the increasing 
 number of better educated Filipinos who were able to qualify in 
 the first and second grade examinations appointing officers have 
 almost ceased making appointments in Manila from the third 
 (lowest) grade register of eligibles, and there has been a marked 
 decrease in the number of eligibles appointed from this register 
 in the provinces. For this reason the third grade examination 
 was given only once during 1914." 144 
 
 A reform in the morale of the Americans in the civil service 
 was found imperative. Notwithstanding the executive order 
 which forbids government employees making investments in the 
 Islands without permission, it had been the practice of the former 
 administration to grant it unreservedly. The practice of per- 
 mitting officials to invest in the countries where they are sent to 
 administer the government has inevitably resulted in mere ex- 
 ploitation. To say nothing of the time which such business 
 demands, the practice should not be permitted because it leads to 
 the befogging of judgment and thus corrupts the administration. 
 To correct this pernicious tendency Governor Harrison issued 
 Executive Order No. 103, December 1, 1913, regulating the prac- 
 tice. This was followed by another order prohibiting Americans 
 in the service from participating in American politics in the 
 Philippines. 145 
 
 Observers began to pass judgment on the seemingly radical 
 policy under the Democratic administration. While the Filipino 
 press hailed Harrison as the "Messiah who had come to liberate 
 us from the yoke of oppression", 146 the American press in the 
 
 143 Beport of the Philippine Commission, 1914, p. 28. 
 
 i-*4 Beport of the Philippine Commission, 1914, p. 28. 
 
 i« Official Gazette, December 17, 1913, pp. 2201, 2202. 
 
 i*« The Manila Times, February 28, 1915, p. 4, March 26, 1915, p. 7, 
 September 20, 1915, p. 4. 
 
FILIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE 37 
 
 Philippines flayed the new administration. Basing its argument 
 on "experience" as the only just cause for promotion, the 
 Manila Times condemned the preamble of the Jones Law which 
 provides for extension of the control of government to Filipinos. 
 Voicing the American opinion, the press in the Islands continues 
 to condemn the creation of an elective Senate and especially to 
 the making of appointments with its consent. On the other 
 hand Vice Governor Martin said, "Let the Filipinos have the 
 jobs." 147 Every time an office was vacated through furloughs 
 or otherwise, the Filipino press always took the occasion of rec- 
 ommending a Filipino for the office. 
 
 CARDINAL APPOINTMENTS 
 
 As has already been intimated the Philippine Legislature be- 
 came practically Filipinized in October, 1913, upon the appoint- 
 ment of Victorino Mapa as a member of the Philippine Commis- 
 sion and as Secretary of Finance and Justice. The vacancy thus 
 created in the Supreme Court by his resignation was filled by 
 Manule Araullo, president of the Code Committee. 148 
 
 Following his announced policy of giving the Filipino people 
 a directing control in their affairs, Governor Harrison inaugu- 
 rated the plan of appointing Filipinos in the executive bureaus. 
 Some of the most notable changes so made took place in the 
 bureau of lands and in the bureau of health of the Department 
 of the Interior. A special situation in the bureau of lands de- 
 manded a drastic change. The Filipino people have always been 
 opposed to the selling of the friar lands in large lots to corpora- 
 tions. It appears that Charles H. Sleeper, the director of the 
 bureau, had repeatedly made such sales according to the policy 
 of the former administration. As a solution to this problem, 
 Governor Harrison requested the resignation of the American 
 director and placed Manuel Tinio, then director of the bureau of 
 labor, in charge. The theory was that the Filipino people should 
 be given the control of their lands. Mr. Tinio resigned the fol- 
 
 147 The Manila Times, March 28, 1915, p. 1, April 23, 1915, p. 1, Sep- 
 tember 25, 1915, p. 4. 
 
 1*8 Report of the Philippine Commission, 1914, p. 23. 
 
gg SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 lowing year and Rafael Corpus, then the Solicitor General of the 
 Philippine government, was assigned to the position. Mr. Tinio 's 
 resignation was caused by a charge that he had made illegal 
 grants of homesteads, and those who opposed the appointment 
 spread the rumor in Manila. Informal and official investiga- 
 tions proved the charge unfounded. Walter E. Jones, provincial 
 treasurer of Pangasinan, was appointed assistant chief to the 
 bureau of lands. It is reported that Mr. Corpus succeeded in 
 establishing good relations between Americans and Filipinos in 
 the bureau. 149 
 
 The resignation of Dr. Victor G. Heiser from the directorship 
 of the bureau of health promoted Dr. J. D. Long, assistant di- 
 rector to the office, to the directorship. Dr. Vicente de Jesus, 
 for twelve years in the staff of the bureau, was promoted to the 
 assistant directorship. 
 
 By Act No. 2307 of the Philippine Legislature, the Board of 
 Public Utility Commissioners supplanted the Board of Rate 
 Regulation, to the dissatisfaction of the railroad corporations. 
 The chairman appointed was Mariano Cui who was judge of a 
 Court of First Instance for six years. Stephen Bonsai and Clyde 
 A. Dewitt composed the membership of the Board. 
 
 Some changes were made in the bureau of justice. Upon the 
 resignation of John J. Pershing in December, 1913, as governor 
 of the Moro Province, Executive Secretary Frank W. Carpenter 
 was appointed to the post. Ignacio Villamor was made executive 
 secretary, leaving his office as Attorney General to Ramon Avan- 
 cenia, of the Court of First Instance. After serving seventeen 
 months as executive secretary Mr. Villamor resigned to accept 
 the presidency of the University of the Philippines. Solicitor 
 General George R. Harvey became judge of the Court of First 
 Instance and Rafael Corpus was assigned to his place. 
 
 It was always believed that the bureau of agriculture should be 
 Filipinized more rapidly than any other bureau for it is so 
 closely connected with the life of the Filipino people. A decisive 
 step toward this goal was made by the appointment of Adriano 
 
 149 Report of the Philippine Commission, 1914, pp. 18, 19, 98. 
 
FTLIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE §9 
 
 Hernandez, formerly governor of Iloilo, to assistant director- 
 ship. 150 
 
 Perhaps Filipinization proceeded with unequal pace in the 
 bureau of forestry. In 1915, 95 per cent of the administrative 
 force were Filipinos. Of the eleven forest districts in the Philip- 
 pines nine were in the charge of Filipinos and all subordinates 
 were Filipinos. 151 
 
 These are some of the appointments which early in Governor 
 Harrison's term in the Philippines aroused bitter criticisms 
 among his countrymen, who charged that the new administration 
 had granted independence to Filipinos before Congress had an 
 opportunity to act upon the matter. 152 From January 1 to May 
 13, 1914, 316 Americans left the Philippine service. Of these 94 
 were due to reduction of force for purposes of economy, 210 were 
 voluntary resignations, and the rest for various reasons. In 
 April alone, 82 Filipinos were appointed to office as compared 
 with 5 Americans and 162 Filipinos were promoted against 31 
 Americans in different bureaus of the government. 153 During 
 the fiscal year 1914, 633 or 29y 2 per cent of the American force 
 were withdrawn from the service as follows: 478 resigned on 
 their own volition ; 127 resigned as a result of reduction of force ; 
 18 were removed for cause ; and 10 died. During the first eight- 
 een months of the new administration, from January 1, 1913, to 
 July 1, 1914, 807 Filipinos were added to the Philippine service 
 to say nothing of 113 telegraph operators in the bureau of 
 posts. 154 Ninety-three persons were employed from the United 
 States in 1914, of whom 45 were teachers and the rest officers 
 and technical experts. The importation of clerks was discon- 
 tinued. 
 
 THE OSMENA RETIREMENT ACT 
 
 The Osmena Retirement Act passed February 4, 1916, is effect- 
 
 150 Beport of the Philippine Commission, 1914, pp. 17, 18, 22, 23. 
 i5i The Manila Times, February 28, 1915, p. 8. 
 
 152 Cablenews- American, June 6, 1914, p. 4. 
 
 153 Cablenews- American, May 13, 1914, p. 5. 
 
 154 Beport of the Philippine Commission, 1914, pp. 28, 29. 
 
90 SELF-GOVEBNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 ing intensive Filipinization of the Philippine service. For years 
 Filipinization of the civil service had been slow. There was no 
 inducement by which American employees might be persuaded 
 to leave their good positions in the Islands. Arguing on the 
 subject of Filipinization in 1914, Mr. Quezon, then Resident 
 Commissioner at Washington, said: "The debate would then 
 turn simply upon the abstract desirability of protecting Amer- 
 ican office holders in the Philippines. There can be no doubt as 
 to how it would eventuate." 155 It was an opportune time for 
 such a measure. During the years 1914, 1915, and 1916, while 
 the Philippine autonomy bill was pending in Congress, a civil 
 pension had become a vital problem in official circles, especially 
 among the Americans who, upon the passage of the bill, would 
 practically be compelled to retire by virtue of the provisions of 
 the act. 
 
 The retirement act concerns those officers and employees who 
 are regularly and permanently appointed to the Philippine ser- 
 vice. Upon his own initiative, an officer of this class who has 
 rendered faithful service for at least six years may apply to the 
 Governor General for retirement under the provisions of the 
 law. Action upon the application is at the discretion ~ of the 
 chief executive and depends upon the exigencies of the service. 
 It must be filed before July 1, 1916. The amount of the gratuity 
 varies from 60 per cent of the year's salary for six years' service 
 to one full year's gratuity for ten years' service or more, payable 
 in monthly installments. It has always been realized that the 
 salary paid to Americans is too large for the Philippine treasury, 
 but it was considered necessary in order to induce them to enter 
 the Philippine service. 
 
 In order to prevent the recurrence of this expensive arrange- 
 ment the law provides that except in the judiciary, and except 
 where the emergency board recommends the continuance of the 
 office a position so vacated shall be considered abolished ipso 
 facto, but if it has to be maintained the compensation shall be 
 decreased by one-third. To safeguard the Philippine treasury 
 the act provides that an officer retired under its terms shall not 
 
 i&« The Filipino People, September, 1914, p. 15. 
 
FILIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE 
 
 91 
 
 be re-appointed to the service of the Philippine government, and 
 if re-instated he shall refund the gratuities granted to him and 
 waive all claim for retirement under the provisions of the act. 
 For three years at least his salary shall not exceed the salary 
 paid to him when he retired. lSB 
 
 These are the provisions of the pension act which concerned 
 most of the Americans in the Philippine civil service. In 1916 
 the Governor General reported that "There are 500 Americans 
 in the service not eligible for retirement under the terms of Act 
 No. 2589 who will have rendered from three to seven years of 
 service at the end of 1917. " 157 There were in July, 1916, 1,730 
 Americans in the Philippine civil service. 158 The eligibles there- 
 fore numbered 1,230. The Governor General reports that in 
 1916, 1,064 Americans applied for retirement under the act and 
 all but fifty were granted a total gratuity of 1,053,357 pesos. 
 
 While the policy adopted is not intended to retire Filipinos 
 from the service except for physical reasons, sixty-one retired 
 under the provisions of the act at a total gratuity of 66,022 
 pesos. 169 In 1917, 187 Americans and 28 Filipinos were retired 
 at a total outlay of 1,928,517 pesos ; and in January, 1918, there 
 were still 440 Americans who were entitled to leave the service 
 under the act. 160 
 
 Whether the retirement act was merely an expression of liber- 
 ality on the part of the Philippine government toward its faith- 
 ful servants, or one of its many reforms toward economy, the 
 dominant result is the Filipinization of the civil service. At- 
 tendant circumstances encouraged many Americans to take ad- 
 vantage of the act. First, on account of the war into which the 
 United States was on the point of entering, the Americans in the 
 Philippines were eagerly awaiting the call to the colors. To 
 
 is« Act No. 2589 of the Philippine Legislature, 
 is? Beport of the Governor General, 1916, p. -9. 
 
 158 Seventeenth Annual Beport of the Bureau of Civil Service, 1916, p. 
 23. 
 
 "» Beport of the Governor General, 1916, p. 9. 
 leo Beport of the Governor General, 1917, p. 11. 
 
92 
 
 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 leave the Philippine service under the provision of the act was 
 only sound economic foresight. Secondly, the agitation for inde- 
 pendence in connection with the Jones Bill which was pending 
 in Congress contributed very largely to the uncertainty of Amer- 
 ican officials in the Philippine government. As a result, many 
 tendered their resignations and the number of Filipinos in- 
 creased to 10,866 in 1918, a net increase of 2,000 since the pas- 
 sage of the act. The number of Americans dwindled from 1,730, 
 in 1916, to 948, in 1918. Expressed in percentages, 29 per cent 
 of the American employees resigned in 1916, 32 per cent in 1917, 
 and 41 per cent in 1918. 161 
 
 TEANSFER TO FEDERAL SERVICE IN THE UNITED STATES 
 
 Another measure adopted by the new administration which 
 tended to encourage American withdrawals from the Philippine 
 service was the greater opportunity for transferring from service 
 in the Islands to similar positions in the Federal service at home. 
 In previous years Americans who withdrew from the Philippine 
 service had to seek other positions because the places they left 
 had been filled. It would be but just to faithful service in the 
 Philippines to place the returning officials in the Federal service. 
 In 1914 President "Wilson modified this rule. The three years' 
 service which by contract must be rendered in the Philippines 
 was reduced to two years and in case of separation from the 
 island service due to Filipinization or other reduction of Amer- 
 ican force, an employee, through the agency of the Bureau of 
 Insular Affairs, would be re-instated in a similar position in the 
 United States, although sometimes at a considerably less sal- 
 
 ary 
 
 162 
 
 A COMMON ASPIRATION 
 
 From the standpoint of the administration, the policy of 
 placing Filipinos in the civil service is supported by two consid- 
 erations : first, it is justice to the Filipino people who are entitled 
 to a directing voice in their government ; second, it is an economy 
 
 lei Nineteenth Annual Beport of the Bureau of Civil Service, pp. 16, 17. 
 162 Beport of the Philippine Commission, 1914, p. 29. 
 
FILIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE 93 
 
 to the treasury. From the standpoint of the Filipino people as 
 a whole the policy is important for other reasons. In order to 
 fully appreciate the characteristic of the Filipino people of 
 which the peaceful movement for Filipinizing the government is 
 an expression, it is essential to portray first the status of the 
 Filipinos at the beginning of the American occupation and then 
 to relate their attitude toward the American rule. 
 
 It is to be regretted that the Filipinos have never gained the 
 full sympathy of the American people. The general attitude of 
 the American people toward the Filipinos has never changed 
 one whit since Dewe3 r 's victory in Manila Bay. This is not en- 
 tirely the fault of the credulous American public, for the Philip- 
 pines have been grossly misrepresented. Furthermore, in the 
 midst of colossal problems with which that vast commonwealth 
 is confronted, the Philippines are but an insignificant atom. 
 They occupy only the minor attention of Congress. The Amer- 
 ican people have not fully realized that the Filipinos, although 
 broken up into "tribes" seemingly diverse from each other, had, 
 under the oppression of the Spaniards, developed a national 
 spirit to an appreciable degree. This spirit has been expressed 
 in many ways — in the Revolution against Spain in which the 
 Filipino people decided to run their own government ; in the war 
 against the United States ; and in the so-called guerrilla warfare. 
 Of late the national feeling has been expressed in the aspiration 
 to gain the fullest control of the administrative affairs. A direct 
 protest against the American rule may not have been made, and 
 the Filipinos may have appeared well contented with what has 
 been conceded to them, but in their hearts they yearn for a 
 Filipino government. The mere thought of a Filipino nation 
 generates a pride which every Filipino old and young loves to 
 cherish ; and although an American protectorate may have been 
 desired by a few, the Filipinos have continued to aspire to na- 
 tional independence. Every American who has been in the 
 Islands has found that although a Filipino may not favor im- 
 mediate independence he usually expresses a desire for inde- 
 pendence in the future. This feeling can not be crushed: it 
 gains deeper roots every day, as the civilization of the Filipino 
 
94 SELF-GOVEKNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 people advances. It was this longing for independence which, in 
 the opinion of the generals, made the Filipinos in 1900 friends 
 during the day but bitter enemies during the night. American 
 officials have acknowledged that had it not been for the conces- 
 sion of a Filipino Assembly in 1902, the bush warfare would 
 have continued ; and, strictly speaking, peace was not attained in 
 the Islands until 1916, when Congress granted the Filipinos 
 control of their Senate. 
 
 On this subject of national "opposition" against the Amer- 
 ican rule, the military and the civil officers in the Philippines 
 have differed since 1900. By virtue of their occupation, the 
 military authorities realized the unity of the Filipino people in 
 the early days of the American regime, amounting always to the 
 desire for a government by Filipinos. In an interview with a 
 prominent Filipino who was neither a politician nor a soldier 
 but a man of property and of culture, an army official relates his 
 experience. Referring to the rights of the Filipino people to a 
 separate government the Filipino rose and with the most em- 
 phatic gesture exclaimed: "I am not a Spaniard, I am not an 
 American, I am not a Filipino — what am 1 1 " "■ This state- 
 ment, declared the officer, expressed the yearning of the ten mil- 
 lion Filipinos in 1901. That yearning, it must be added, has not 
 waned in the least. Untold sacrifice has but added to it ; precious 
 lives have been dedicated to the national sentiment; and it can 
 not be ignored. The lessons learned from the extreme sacrifice 
 which the Filipino hero made in 1896 will forever tie the Fili- 
 pino people into one people. It was this feeling of national pride, 
 and not the fact that he was an agitator, which made Mabini 
 refuse to take the oath of allegiance to the United States, and it 
 is this same pride which made Pio del Pilar violate his oath of 
 allegiance. While in exile in the island of Guam, Mabini said, 
 "I cannot give up to the idea that others shall legislate for me 
 and my people and in so doing govern us. It is better for me to 
 die in exile than to prostitute my conscience. ' ' 164 Mabini is one 
 
 i«3 Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XX, Document No. 
 273, pp. 19, 20. 
 
 !«•* The Manila American, July 15, 1902, p. 4. 
 
REFORMS UNDER THE JONES ACT 
 
 95 
 
 of the ablest leaders who have struggled to defend the Filipinos 
 as a people. This statement meets with the approval and the 
 united support of the Filipinos to-day. 
 
 Whether the Filipinos will be able to maintain a stable govern- 
 ment of their own or not remains yet to be seen, but the fact 
 remains that they yearn for a government of the Philippines by 
 the Filipinos. It is this yearning which is behind the movement 
 of Filipinizing the government service. 
 
 ECONOMIC PREJUDICE 
 
 Closely associated with the other arguments for the Filipiniza- 
 tion of the civil service is the feeling on the part of the Filipinos 
 that they have been subjected to unnecessary discrimination in 
 the matter of compensation. A Filipino newspaper expressed 
 this feeling when it declared that while the Americans get ' ' fab- 
 ulous salaries the Filipinos get the crumbs". 1 ' 65 Despite their 
 prolonged training in civil service, the Filipinos have always 
 been in subordinate positions, making the situation, says one 
 newspaper, a burlesque and a "painful contradiction for those 
 who have faith in the improvement promised. ' ' It appears that 
 despite the uniform rule of civil service there is one set of rules 
 governing the appointment of Americans and another set govern- 
 ing the appointment of Filipinos. Although a Filipino may have 
 passed the same civil service examination the same as an Amer- 
 ican the salaries of the two are most unequal. The situation 
 appears to be made doubly unjust to Filipino employees by the 
 rapid promotion of the Americans. Each year each American 
 bureau chief submits a large estimate of expenditures and creates 
 superior offices for Americans and only inferior ones for Fili- 
 pinos. What is the secret of the Philippine administration, mur- 
 mur the Filipinos in the service. Is it based on the theory that 
 "birds must be fed"? 166 Such thoughts as these present them- 
 selves to the mind of the Filipino people. The problem becomes 
 
 i« s Quoted in the Cablenews- American, May 22, 1907, p. 4. 
 
 loo This phrase was uttered by a man who has been in the United States 
 Senate for sixteen years. Referring to the intention of the United States 
 in the Philippines the Senator told the author that the United States 
 
96 SELF-GOVEBNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 the topic of private discussions — on the way from the office, and 
 at the table. 
 
 A glance over the table presented elsewhere in this chapter 
 supports the statements. This is one of the many things which 
 made the Filipino people present formal petitions for reform. 167 
 On the occasion of his official visit to the Philippine Islands in 
 1910 Secretary of War Dickinson received numerous petitions 
 from the citizens among which were the following : eight petitions 
 for an elective Senate; six petitions for Filipinization of the 
 civil service; two petitions for a Filipino Vice Governor; two 
 petitions for equalization of salaries between Americans and 
 Filipinos; and two petitions for an equal number of Americans 
 and Filipinos as secretaries. These petitions were presented to 
 the Secretary at public hearings where the citizens presented 
 their claims. Municipal councils, municipal presidents, provin- 
 cial boards, and prominent citizens were the sponsors of the 
 several petitions. 168 
 
 The political education and training of the Filipinos rests in 
 the hands of the Governor General. As the representative of 
 America he can be liberal or conservative. The interpretation of 
 the civil service rule depends largely on the Governor. 
 
 Second to the Jones Act which granted the Filipino people 
 full control of their Legislature, Filipinization should be counted 
 a salient feature in the Democratic administration in the Philip- 
 pines. The changes in staff which ordinarily follow the victory 
 of a party coupled to the passage of the Jones Act in 1916 which 
 
 would never let the Islands go, first because of the love of power, second 
 because of "the theory that birds must be fed." 
 
 See also Cablenews- American, May 29 and 31, 1907. 
 
 Petition of the Naeionalista Party in Special Report of Secretary of War 
 Dickinson, 1910, pp. 80, 85. For the same cause the Progresista Party 
 joined in the petition to the Secretary. 
 
 i«" The Manila Times, June 28, 1915, p. 1. 
 
 i«s Special Beport of Secretary of War Dickinson, 1910, Appendix A 
 B D, and pp. 45, 56, 57. For testimonies bearing on the subject see Beport 
 of the Philippine Commission, 1900, Vol. I, pp. 342, 644; Senate Documents, 
 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XVI, Document No. 187, p. 2. 
 
FILIPINIZATION OF THE INSULAR SERVICE 97 
 
 guarantees Filipinization of the civil service, and added to all 
 these the reforms which the Legislature effected, have made the 
 Democratic administration in the Philippine Islands very un- 
 popular among the Americans who have been in the Philippine 
 service since 1900. The Filipinos, however, have not seen any 
 reason for regret in the Democratic administration. 
 
 Through the peaceful process of Filipinization the Filipinos 
 have attained practical independence. Except the Governor 
 General the high American officials in the Philippines to-day 
 hold non-political positions, that is to say, positions which neces- 
 sitate no participation in politics. In former years the Philippine 
 government was one of Americans aided by Filipinos, to-day it 
 is a government by Filipinos advised by a few Americans. 
 
EXECUTIVE REFORMS UNDER THE JONES ACT 
 
 Those who have followed the conditions in the Philippines 
 during the last twelve years must have realized that the organic 
 act of July 1, 1902, had outlived its usefulness by 1913. The 
 popularly elected Filipino Assembly and the appointive Amer- 
 ican-Filipino Commission worked together for only three short 
 years, and then followed the irreconcilable deadlocks for three 
 successive years. Had not President Wilson appointed the fifth 
 Filipino to the Commission and so secured a Filipino majority, 
 untold difficulties would have ensued. 
 
 The framework created by the organic act of July 1, 1902, was 
 a peculiar bicameral system. The Philippine Commission was 
 appointed by the President of the United States and responsible 
 to him. As the Senate of the Legislature it had the exclusive 
 power of drafting the appropriation bill. The Filipino members 
 were more or less honorary for they held no portfolio. The four 
 executive departments were distributed among the American 
 members of the Commission. Furthermore, the Commission had 
 exclusive power over the non-Christian provinces which consti- 
 tute one-third of the Philippine Archipelago. The Philippine 
 Assembly was popularly elected and was a Filipino body. As 
 such it was responsible to the Filipino people whom it represent- 
 ed. In spite of this it had no power to originate appropriation 
 bills, nor any jurisdiction over certain portions of the Philippine 
 Islands. 
 
 Under this anomaly, it may be seen that discord was almost 
 inevitable, especially when it is taken into consideration that the 
 Assembly has persistently made efforts to take over the financial 
 initiative in matters of drafting the budget. The Jones Act of 
 August 29, 1916, eliminated many causes of disagreements. Its 
 preamble is worthy of notice : 
 
 98 
 
REFORMS UNDER THE JONES ACT 99 
 
 Whereas it was never the intention of the people of the United States in 
 the incipiency of the War with Spain to make it a war of conquest or for 
 territorial aggrandizement; and 
 
 Whereas it is, as it has always been, the purpose of the people of the 
 United States to withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine Islands 
 and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can be 
 established therein; and 
 
 Whereas for the speedy accomplishment of such purpose it is desirable 
 to place in the hands of the people of the Philippines as large a control of 
 their domestic affairs as can be given them without, in the meantime, im- 
 pairing the exercise of the rights of sovereignty by the people of the United 
 States, in order that, by the use and exercise of popular franchise and 
 governmental powers, they may be better prepared to fully assume the 
 responsibilities and enjoy all the privileges of complete independence.!" 
 
 The preamble is significant in two respects : first, it embodies 
 the definite purpose of the United States in the Philippines; 
 second, it declares in the most solemn words the heretofore well 
 accepted policy of extending to the Filipino people the responsi- 
 bility for their domestic affairs. From the standpoint of the 
 Filipino people the preamble is of greatest moment, surpassing 
 in importance the provision granting an effective Senate. While 
 the bill was pending in Congress the point of contention between 
 the American and Filipino press in the Philippines was the pre- 
 amble. The administration was provisional as expressed in the 
 words of the organic act: "Temporarily to provide for the ad- 
 ministration of the affairs of the civil government". That this 
 uncertainty proved an economic loss to the Islands by keeping 
 away capital that might otherwise have developed the resources 
 of the country has been admitted. This is one of the reasons why 
 the Filipino people through their popular Assembly have always 
 insisted on some specific statement from Congress. 
 
 The preamble is also significant in that it extends to the Fili- 
 pino people responsibility for their domestic affairs in order that 
 they may as soon as possible fit themselves for -complete inde- 
 pendence. In other words, it is the policy of Filipinization of 
 the Philippine service expressed by law. This provision was a 
 source of great satisfaction to the Filipino people. 
 
 169 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Oh. 416. 
 
100 
 
 SELF-GOVEKNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 IMPOKTANT FEATUKES OF THE JONES ACT 
 
 From the point of view of Philippine administration the 
 organic act, known as the Jones Bill, is one of the best pieces of 
 legislation which Congress has ever drafted. The first advantage 
 to be noted is the broad delegation of powers to the Philippine 
 Legislature. General legislative powers are conferred upon the 
 Philippine Legislature which, at its discretion, may alter or 
 amend many of the laws. As the law-making body of the country, 
 it may pass laws governing the properties and rights acquired by 
 the United States in the Philippines. 170 Restrictions are made 
 concerning the laws on tariff, public lands, immigration, and 
 currency. Before these laws can be enforced they must be ap- 
 proved by the President. Furthermore, no duties may be levied 
 on exports from the Philippines. 171 All expenses which may be 
 incurred by the administration must be paid by the Philippine 
 treasury except those expenses which the United States incurs 
 for defenses and works for the exclusive use of the army and 
 navy. The Philippine Legislature has power to fix the salaries 
 of the officials and may increase or decrease them as the need 
 may demand, but the salaries of the Secretary of Public Instruc- 
 tion, of the justices of the Supreme Court, of the auditor, of the 
 deputy auditor, and of the Governor General may not be 
 changed. 172 Most important of all, the much coveted power of 
 framing the budget was given to the Filipinos. However, the 
 provision that in case of failure of the Legislature to pass the 
 appropriation, the budget for the year immediately preceding 
 shall become operative, has been retained. 173 Furthermore, in 
 the matter of appointments the Philippine Senate has a voice 
 with the Governor General. Exceptions to this rule are the 
 appointments of the Secretary of Public Instruction, who is pro- 
 
 170 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sees. 
 7-9. 
 
 "i United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sees, 
 10, 11. 
 
 172 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sees. 
 4, 29. 
 
 173 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sec. 19. 
 
REFORMS UNDER THE JONES ACT JQ^ 
 
 vided for in the law, and the Representatives and Senators to 
 represent the non-Christian tribes. The government of the Phil- 
 ippines reserves the power of eminent domain. It may grant 
 franchises to companies and corporations with the understanding 
 that the Congress of the United States has the power to alter or 
 annul these franchises. Except where it is expressly provided, 
 the laws enacted by Congress do not apply in the Philippine 
 Islands. 174 
 
 PARLIAMENTARY-PRESIDENTIAL SYSTEM 
 
 The organic act also provides that the Philippine Legislature 
 may, by appropriate legislation, reorganize the executive depart- 
 ments as instituted by the act of July 1, 1902, but the Depart- 
 ment of Public Instruction and the Department of Interior 
 shall not be abolished. The changes effected under this provision 
 placed the Philippine government in the list of modern govern- 
 ments. 
 
 Accordingly, on November 18, 1916, the Philippine Legislature 
 passed an act providing for six executive departments in place of 
 four. These are the departments of Public Instruction, Finance, 
 Justice, Agriculture and Natural Resources, Interior, and Com- 
 merce and Communications. 175 Formerly there were four de- 
 partments — Interior, Commerce and Police, Finance and Jus- 
 tice, and Public Instruction. Except the Secretary of Public 
 Instruction, all the executive secretaries must be citizens of the 
 Philippine Islands, thirty years of age, and must have resided 
 in the Islands for three consecutive years prior to the appoint- 
 ment. 176 An act passed on December 14, 1916, fixed the salaries 
 of officials and employees in the civil service, and since it pro- 
 vides for salaries on the basis of a Filipino personnel the law is 
 considered of some importance. 177 
 
 During the debate on the bill reorganizing the executive de- 
 
 174 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sees. 5, 
 28. 
 
 1" Act No. 2666 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 176 Administrative Code of the Philippine Islands, 1917, Sec. 78. 
 
 177 Act No. 2668 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
2Q2 SELF-GOVEBNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 partments two issues dominated: first, how to coordinate the 
 executive and the legislative branches of government, thereby 
 establishing an efficient and responsible type of government; 
 second, how best to secure economy without impairing the work 
 of the administration. As suggested in the organic act the presi- 
 dential system would seem to be intended. Experience has shown 
 that this type of administrative organization creates separate 
 powers and is, therefore, irresponsible and unwieldy. In the 
 Philippines the Governor General appoints the heads of the de- 
 partments by and with the consent of the Philippine Senate. 
 The Vice Governor is by law the Secretary of Public Instruction. 
 Under this arrangement the chief executive, by virtue of his 
 exclusive power to appoint Representatives and Senators for the 
 non-Christian territories could appoint every secretary of the 
 executive departments members of the Legislature. With this 
 exclusive privilege, coupled to the broad powers which the or- 
 ganic law confers upon him, the Governor could practically have 
 absolute control over the entire domestic affairs of the Philip- 
 pines. The Legislature thought that some provision should be 
 made to overcome this theoretical absolutism, and so inserted the 
 clause providing that the "Secretaries may be called, and shall 
 be entitled to be heard, by either of the two Houses of the Legis- 
 lature, for the purpose of reporting on matters pertaining to 
 their Departments, unless the public interest shall require other- 
 wise and the Governor-General shall so state in writing." 178 
 Wilful refusal to appear or give testimony when summoned by 
 either house entails punishment for contempt. With respect to 
 the preparation of the budget the chairman of the Committee on 
 Appropriations may require any information from any bureau 
 or official in the government. 179 
 
 In this manner the two departments of the government have 
 been linked together. This is no less true even in the case of the 
 chief executive, for the secretaries of the departments constitute 
 his cabinet. The organic act provides that positions created by 
 
 "8 Act No. 2666 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
 if 9 Administrative Code of the Philippine Islands, 1917, Sees. 101, 102, 
 580. 
 
REFORMS UNDER THE JONES ACT ^03 
 
 the Legislature can not be filled by members of that body. The 
 Department of Interior is not its creation, and Senator Rafael 
 Palma was appointed the secretary of the department. 180 When 
 it is taken into account that the law provides that each year 
 each head of the department shall submit to the Governor Gen- 
 eral an estimate of expenditures and an annual report of the 
 department, the importance of adopting the parliamentary sys- 
 tem makes itself apparent. Since the adoption of the plan, 
 appropriation bills have passed the Legislature with the least 
 possible delay. For instance, the budget for 1919 passed the 
 Legislature one week after it was introduced in the House of 
 Representatives as the Assembly is designated in the new organic 
 act. 181 The provision of calling the secretary of a department 
 to appear before the Legislature was applied in 1919 when Secre- 
 tary of Finance Barretto was summoned before the House to 
 explain certain items in the budget. 182 
 
 The plan proposed by the new government to reduce the gen- 
 eral expenses of the administration met with criticism especially 
 from the American press in Manila. The increase of the depart- 
 ments from four to six invited the charge of extravagance, 
 aggravating it by the charge of spoils system in the creation 
 of the office of under secretary in each department. 183 Formerly, 
 the secretaries of each of the four departments received 18,000 
 pesos each or a total of 72,000 pesos in all. In addition to this 
 each received 9,000 pesos for service on the Commission. After 
 the passage of the law fixing the salaries of officials each secre- 
 tary, except the Secretary of Public Instruction, received 12,000 
 pesos a year; and each under secretary 7,500 pesos, making a 
 total of 117,000 pesos per year. 184 
 
 THE COUNCIL OF STATE: ITS ADMINISTRATIVE SIGNIFICANCE 
 An organ added to the administrative machinery of the Philip- 
 
 iso Report of the Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, 1917, p. 8. 
 i8i The Manila Times, December 12, 1918, p. 1, December 21, 1918, p. 1. 
 
 182 The Manila Times, December 4, 1919, p. 1. 
 
 183 The Manila Times, November 4, 1916, p. 4, November 9, 1916, p. 11. 
 
 184 Act No. 2668 of the Philippine Legislature. 
 
104 
 
 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 pine government which has promoted harmony of action between 
 the legislative and the executive branches is the Council of State. 
 For about two years the secretaries of the departments consti- 
 tuted the informal cabinet of the Governor General. This in- 
 formal relation proved beneficial to the administration, but it 
 was later conceived that this body could be made more effective 
 by official recognition and by permitting the Legislature to par- 
 ticipate. 185 Accordingly, on October 16, 1918, the Governor 
 General issued an executive order creating the Council of State 
 as his official advisory board "to aid and advise the Governor- 
 General on matters of public importance, said Council to con- 
 sist of such persons as may be from time to time appointed and 
 summoned by the Governor-General. There shall be a president 
 and a vice-president of the Council, the president ex-officio being 
 the Governor-General and the vice-president such member of the 
 Council as may be elected by the Council." 186 On November 
 27th the chief executive announced that the Council was to be 
 composed of the Speaker of the House of Representatives, the 
 President of the Senate, and the six secretaries of the depart- 
 ments. In its first meeting the Council of State elected Speaker 
 Osmefia vice president. 187 
 
 While some made political capital out of the creation of the 
 body and others saw in it autocracy looming on the Philippine 
 horizon, 188 the Council of State has proven an indispensable 
 asset to the good and efficient administration of the Philippine 
 affairs. It can readily be seen that the Council is an immense 
 improvement upon the parliamentary system contemplated in 
 the act reorganizing the executive departments. It is, in fact, 
 the application of the preamble to the Jones Law, not to mention 
 Governor Harrison's policy, that in order to secure a stable 
 government in the Philippines, the Filipinos must be given a 
 
 i»s The Manila Times, October 16, 1918, p. 2. 
 
 186 Executive Order No. 37, October 16, 1918. 
 
 187 Executive Order No. 47, November 27, 1918. 
 
 188 The Manila Times, October 17, 1918, p. 9, December 14, 1918, p. 4, 
 December 18, 1918, p. 9. 
 
REFORMS UNDER THE JONES ACT - JQ5 
 
 directing voice in their affairs. If the informal cabinet served as 
 a factor in creating harmony between the Legislature and the 
 executive, the Council of State promoted that harmony. Judging 
 the Council by its personnel the Governor's selection was wise 
 and practicable. The importance of giving places on the Coun- 
 cil to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House 
 is too obvious to need further comment. Except for their addi- 
 tion the composition of the unofficial cabinet did not otherwise 
 change. The Council of State has facilitated administrative and 
 legislative procedure to the disappointment of skeptical ob- 
 servers. It has proven an invaluable asset to the government and 
 so far has been responsible for some constructive pieces of legis- 
 lation. Meeting regularly at least once a week, the two depart- 
 ments — the legislative and the executive — of government can 
 not but work together. The presence of the Speaker of the 
 House and of the President of the Senate is indispensable in 
 facilitating legislative action which the Council may desire. It 
 serves as a link between the executive and the legislative depart- 
 ments. Through the Council, unnecessary jarrings tending to 
 develop discord between the two branches have been largely 
 eliminated. Its good results are seen in the making and passing 
 of the budget, which for three successive years put the success 
 of the Philippine government in doubt. To-day, decision on it 
 is reached in the meeting of the Council of State, and when the 
 budget is presented by the Governor General in the form of a 
 recommendation it is practically in finished form, and the Legis- 
 lature has been more or less acquainted with the items. The 
 budget for 1919 passed the Legislature with only minor amend- 
 ments. 189 
 
 Besides facilitating budget-making, the Council of State has 
 shown its usefulness in other ways. It has sponsored many 
 enactments among which are the appropriation of 30,000,000 
 pesos for elementary education and of 300,000 pesos to send 
 Filipinos to the United States to qualify themselves for civil 
 service in the Philippines. These bills were framed in the 
 
 189 The Manila Times, December 12, 1918, p. 1, December 21, 1918, p. 1, 
 November 7, 1919, p. 4, November 9, 1919, p. 4, November 16, 1919, p. 4. 
 
2Q6 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 Council of State and received the sanction of the Legislature. 190 
 The charge that the Council would encroach upon the inherent 
 prerogatives of the Legislature has found no support. 
 
 Another temporary board may be mentioned in passing, as it 
 shows to what extent the Filipinos have been permitted to 
 formulate the policy of their country. During the prosecution 
 of the World War in which the Filipinos demonstrated their 
 unqualified loyalty to the United States, the Governor General 
 fully recognized the Filipinos' share. Upon the recommendation 
 of the Council of National Defense, the Governor created the 
 Council of Defense for the Philippines to advise him on measures 
 concerning the safeguarding of public opinion and for the mo- 
 bilization of resources in the prosecution of the war. A few days 
 after its organization, on August 1, 1918, the Council was en- 
 larged. Among the important additions were the Speaker of the 
 House and the President of the Senate. 191 
 
 BUDGET SYSTEM ESTABLISHED 
 
 A piece of reform which is very important in the administra- 
 tion of the Philippine government is the adoption of a sound 
 budget system. According to the organic act the Governor Gen- 
 eral "shall submit within ten days of the opening of the session 
 of the Philippine Legislature a budget of receipts and expend- 
 itures, which shall be the basis of the annual appropriation 
 bill." 192 The method heretofore observed in framing the bill 
 was that each bureau prepared an estimate of the receipts and 
 expenditures not for the head of the department but for the 
 executive secretary on behalf of the Governor General. The 
 result was that each bureau tried to get as big an appropriation 
 as possible, ignoring, if not ignorant of, the receipts of the in- 
 sular treasury. In 1916 the Governor reported that the expend- 
 itures for 1913 exceeded the revenues by 7,196,482 pesos and 
 
 »*• Act No. 2785 of the Philippine Legislature ; The Manila Times, De- 
 cember 14, 1918, p. 4. 
 
 i9i Executive Order No. 25, August 1, 1918, and No. 28, August 17, 1918. 
 
 i»2 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sec. 21. 
 
REFORMS UNDER THE JONES ACT ^07 
 
 those for 1914 exceeded the revenues by 2,841,118.81 pesos. 193 
 It is apparent that a thorough financial reform was needed. 
 Accordingly, an order was promulgated prescribing a new pro- 
 cedure of budget-making, so far as this could be done without 
 violating the provisions of the organic act. The new system was 
 inaugurated in 1917. Each bureau chief was requested to pre- 
 pare an estimate of the receipts and expenditures for his bureau 
 to be submitted to the head of the department. This arrange- 
 ment brings the bureau chief and the head of the department 
 together to discuss the items of the bill. Then each department 
 head submits the bill to the Secretary of Finance who, in turn, 
 with the impartial and independent aid of the Insular Auditor, 
 goes over the different estimates and compares them with the 
 estimated receipts of the government for the fiscal year. Before 
 submitting the entire bill to the Legislature, it is thoroughly 
 discussed in the cabinet meeting where the Secretary of Finance 
 offers his amendments. Once agreed to by the cabinet it is sub- 
 mitted to the Governor General for transmittal to the Legis- 
 lature. The practice, however, has been to let the Secretary of 
 Finance appear before the joint session of the Legislature on 
 behalf of the chief executive. This practice seems to be appro- 
 priate for the Secretary of Finance is the man to explain any 
 ambiguities. In 1917 he appeared first before the House of 
 Representatives and then before the Senate to answer various 
 questions. It is interesting to note that the budget for 1917 was 
 enacted as it was approved by the cabinet. 
 
 The adoption of the budget system is a beneficent reform in 
 the government of the Philippine Islands. It has established a 
 sound financial policy in which the responsibility is placed where 
 it should be. It has separated the budget-making from the 
 general function of legislation. At any time during the consid- 
 eration of the bill in the House, in the Senate, or in the Com- 
 mittee on Appropriations, the secretary of a department may be 
 summoned to explain the items concerning his particular depart- 
 ment. In this way the heads of the departments are made re- 
 sponsible to the Legislature. It has abolished buccaneering with 
 
 193 Beport of the Governor General, 1916, p. 5. 
 
208 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 the funds of the people. But most important of all it established 
 a common understanding among the departments of the govern- 
 ment, thereby eliminating unnecessary friction and delay. With 
 the Governor General, the executive secretaries, the Speaker of 
 the House, and the President of the Senate participating in the 
 discussions over government matters, unity and coordination of 
 action is secured. Through the power of the Legislature to 
 summon an official for testimony no department or bureau 
 escapes publicity, something which could not be attained in 
 previous years. The budget system adopted in 1917 is an 
 achievement in the Philippine administration. 194 
 
 THE POLICY WITH THE NON-CHRISTIAN TRIBES 
 
 The territories inhabited by the Mohammedan and pagan 
 tribes of the Philippines were under the exclusive jurisdiction 
 of the Philippine Commission until the passage of the Jones Act. 
 The territories comprise about 45,152 square miles or forty per 
 cent of the entire area of the Philippine Islands, with a popula- 
 tion of about a million people. 195 
 
 By this act of Congress, approved August 29, 1916, the con- 
 trol of these territories was turned over to the Philippine Legis- 
 lature, but the following provision was added : ' ' There is hereby 
 established a bureau, to be known as the Bureau of Non-Chris- 
 tian tribes, which said bureau shall be embraced in one of the 
 executive departments to be designated by the Governor General, 
 and shall have general supervision over the public affairs of the 
 inhabitants of the territory represented in the legislature by ap- 
 pointive senators and representatives." 196 
 
 Pursuant to this provision the Legislature passed Act No. 
 2666 which placed the bureau under the Department of Inte- 
 rior while Act No. 2674 provided for the administration of the 
 bureau. This law was later reenacted in the Administrative Code 
 
 i»4 Report of the Governor General, 1917, pp. 104, 105. 
 
 185 Report of the Governor General, 1917, pp. 54, 55; Worcester's The 
 Philippines, Past and Present, Vol. II, p. 1000. The Philippine census for 
 1919 gives 500,000 for the non-Christians. 
 
 i»6 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sec. 22. 
 
EEFORMS UNDER THE JONES ACT ^QQ 
 
 of the Philippine Islands, 1917, which is the law of the entire 
 archipelago. Frank W. Carpenter, governor of the Department 
 of Mindanao and Sulu, was appointed director of the bureau, 
 with the assistance of an undersecretary and special agents to 
 the non-Christian people who reside among the civilized element. 
 The law reads in part as follows : "It shall be the duty of the 
 Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes to continue the work for ad- 
 vancement and liberty in favor of the regions inhabited by non- 
 christian Filipinos and foster by all adequate means and in a 
 systematical, rapid and complete manner, the moral, material, 
 economic, social, and political development of those regions, al- 
 ways bearing in view the aim of rendering permanent the mu- 
 tual intelligence between and complete fusion of all the Chris- 
 tian and non-Christian elements populating the province of the 
 Archipelago. ' ' 197 
 
 The two Senators appointed to represent the non-Christian 
 tribes were Juaquin D. Luna, Mountain Province; and Hadji 
 Butu Abdul Baki, representing Mindanao and Sulu. In the 
 House of Representatives five Christians, two Mohammedans, 
 and two pagans represented the non-Christians. These were 
 Juan Carino, Rafael Bulayungan, Pedro Aunario, all from the 
 Mountain Province; Wenceslao Valera, Datu Piang, Pablo 
 Lorenzo, Teodoro Palma Gil, Datu Benito, Isidro Vamenta, rep- 
 resenting Mindanao and Sulu. 198 
 
 The uncivilized tribes in the Philippines have been accorded 
 a representation in the Philippine Legislature, a privilege hereto- 
 fore unknown to them. The purpose of the government is to 
 extend to them civilizing opportunities which will ultimately 
 bring about complete fusion with their Christian brothers. Ef- 
 forts have been directed to public education, to the development 
 of their natural resources, and to sanitation and public works. 
 
 The education extended to the non-Christian tribes is also 
 vocational. In the primary grades the pupils are trained in 
 agriculture, and schools along the coast place emphasis upon the 
 development of marine products, not only sea foods but industry 
 
 i»7 Act No. 2674 of the Philippine Legislature, Sec. 3. 
 i»8 Report of the Governor General, 1917, p. 56. 
 
210 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 in shells, pearls, and sponges. Roads and bridges are being pro- 
 vided in districts which have been isolated for centuries. The 
 socializing influence of public works can not be overestimated. 
 
 The government has even done more than merely extend the 
 ordinary curricula to the non-Christian tribes. It is investi- 
 gating the talents of these peoples with a view to developing 
 them. Recently scholarships have been established in household 
 industries, in nursing, in agriculture, in arts, and in trade and 
 commerce. The uncivilized peoples have broken down the bar- 
 riers of the centuries and have gone forth even to the United 
 States in search of further training. The Philippine govern- 
 ment is making a permanent investment which insures profit by 
 encouraging these young people to prepare themselves to serve 
 their own people. 199 
 
 In 1917 the Philippine government passed an appropriation 
 of 100,000 pesos to aid such inhabitants of Luzon and the 
 Visayas who might desire to immigrate to the southern islands 
 either to acquire land or to seek employment. Over five thou- 
 sand were transported to Mindanao on government vessels in 
 the same year and more are awaiting accommodation. 200 This 
 program will not only develop the resources of the south but will 
 bring the two elements of Filipino people together as they never 
 have been before and will thus abolish the tribal differences 
 which have existed for ages. 
 
 The surrender of the non-Christian tribes to civilization and 
 their acceptance of authorities other than their Sultan, marks 
 the turning point in the history of the Moro people. Since time 
 immemorial the religious officials of Mindanao and Sulu have 
 been looked upon as the sole instruments to effect economic and 
 social development. Naturally, any usurpation of these privi- 
 leges and rights by an impartial and strange government is 
 taken as a pernicious activity. This part of the Moro problem 
 has always been complex and delicate and it has delayed the 
 complete submission to the sovereignty of the United States. 201 
 
 i»» Report of the Philippine Commission, 1914, pp. 350, 351. 
 200 Report of the Governor General, 1917, pp. 68, 69. 
 2oi Report of the Governor General, 1917, p. 30. 
 
REFORMS UNDER THE JONES ACT J 11 
 
 The passage of the Jones Law guaranteeing independence to the 
 Philippine Islands aroused a suspicion in the Mohammedan 
 islands. Fearing that an independent Philippines meant an en- 
 croachment upon their religion and their social practices, Hadji 
 Abdulla Nuno circulated a protest among his people. The move- 
 ment reached the authorities and Hadji Nuno and his followers 
 were summoned to Manila where the Governor General explained 
 to them the real situation, to the satisfaction of the Moro people. 
 
 When the Philippine Legislature was inaugurated in 1916 a 
 delegation headed by the Sultan of Sulu presented a memorial, 
 through the Governor General, to the Legislature in which the 
 datus expressed their gratitude for the material benefits and 
 political privileges accorded to them and for the liberal treat- 
 ment by the government in matters of public education, health, 
 and public works. They expressed the hope that their fraternal 
 relationship with their Christian brothers might be strengthened. 
 The Mohammedan Senator, Hadji Butu, Abdul Baki, and the 
 Representatives, Datu Piang and Datu Benito, were permitted 
 to take the oath on the Koran. This extraordinary concession 
 gave complete satisfaction to the Moros. 202 
 
 The present policy of the Philippine government toward the 
 non-Christian tribes has been presented in brief. It is a continu- 
 ation of the enterprise so nobly and so heroically begun and 
 carried out by Dean C. Worcester who for twelve years was the 
 Secretary of the Department of Interior. To him and to his 
 faithful and conscientious force must be given credit for the 
 conditions now existing in the non-Christian territories. It can 
 not be argued that heretofore the Filipinos never knew their 
 Mohammedan and pagan brothers: they had no sympathy with 
 them and never even thought of establishing peaceful relations 
 with them. The noble work of Jeff D. Gallman, who a thousand 
 times risked his life in the effort to establish friendship with the 
 head hunters; of Walter F. Hale, who converted the tattooed 
 Kalinggas into efficient soldiers to maintain peace and order ; of 
 Bryant, who braved the wilds of Nueva Vizcaya in search of 
 friends; of Samuel E. Kane who linked together the remote 
 
 202 Beport of the Governor General, 1916, pp. 77, 84. 
 
112 
 
 SELF-OOVERNMEXT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 villages with trails, is the salvation of the pagan people and the 
 guarantee of peace and everlasting unity of the Filipino people. 
 Furthermore, to William 6. Pack who, although weakened by 
 illness, found a constant pleasure in his task, to E. Y. Miller, 
 governor of Palawan, to Lieutenant Olney Bondurant, who while 
 burning with malaria fever, engaged in battle with the Moros, 
 and to Captain Frederick Johnson, faithful unto the end, must 
 be given the tribute of original and unselfish achievement. They 
 were the pioneers who braved the untrodden path of the south 
 where no man before ever dared to set his foot. They pushed 
 the southern frontier of the Philippine Islands as far south as 
 it could go. These faithful servants established the trails of 
 civilization into the very heart of the wilds of Luzon and Min- 
 danao. The conversion of the non-Christian tribes is a monu- 
 mental achievement of the American people in the Philippines, 
 and it is to be hoped that the pagan peoples in particular and 
 the Filipino people in general may pay an everlasting tribute to 
 the service of these heroes. 
 
 The significance of the conversion of the uncivilized peoples to 
 orderly life is far-reaching. Politically, it means unqualified 
 solidarity of the Filipino people who legitimately desire an inde- 
 pendent personality among the family of nations. The realiza- 
 tion of the aim of the government is a sure guarantee of ever- 
 lasting peace heretofore never known between the two elements 
 of the Philippine population. Economically, the fusion of the 
 Christian and the non-Christian Filipinos places the Philippines 
 on the right road to economic and industrial development. The 
 action of the government in encouraging immigration to Min- 
 danao is indeed laudable and should command support. The 
 island itself, second in size to Luzon, can produce sufficient food 
 stuffs to supply the whole of the Philippines and export besides. 
 Forest and marine products abound, but how could these be 
 utilized if the Mohammedan population were bitter foes to the 
 Filipinos? The pioneer work of the American heroes is at once 
 realized. The hostilities of the past have become a record of 
 history. 
 
 With constant faithfulness, it is the purpose of the Philippine 
 
REFORMS UNDER THE JONES ACT -Q3 
 
 government to raise the non-Christians to the level of their 
 Christian fellows. It is expected that the Bureau of the Non- 
 Christian Tribes will ultimately be abolished and the southern 
 and northern provinces will be organized as regular provinces 
 under one law. This aim is being realized every day. The pro- 
 visions of the Jones Law governing the non-Christian tribes are 
 an excellent reflection of the Congress of the United States. By 
 placing the people under a special bureau and by making the 
 Senators and Representatives appointive, Congress has excluded 
 the affairs of the non-Christians from politics. It is a solemn 
 guarantee to the heroes that the task they so nobly began will be 
 carried on. 
 
 The relations which to-day exist between the Moros and the 
 Igorots on the one hand and the Filipinos on the other were 
 never known before, and much less dreamed of. Through con- 
 tact and through the peaceful achievement of a common educa- 
 tion the social and psychological abyss which the centuries have 
 established between the two groups is narrowing itself at an 
 almost incredible speed. 
 
 CHECKS AND BALANCES 
 
 A brief statement of the system of checks and balances in the 
 Philippine government should be made. As a check upon the 
 broad powers of the Philippine Legislature Congress reserves 
 the power of annulling laws enacted by the local government. 203 
 The local government may enact laws on every subject but laws 
 on tariff, immigration, public lands, and currency must first be 
 approved by the President before they can be enforced. 204 No 
 duties on exports from the Philippines may be levied by the 
 Legislature, and the national indebtedness must not exceed 
 $15,000,000 exclusive of the friar lands. No province or munici- 
 pality may incur a liability exceeding seven per cent of its tax- 
 able valuation. 205 
 
 203 United States Statute* at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, See. 19. 
 
 204 The Public Land Law of the Philippines took effect by virtue of the 
 failure of the President to act before the expiration of six months. 
 
 205 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. 1, Ch. 416, Sec. 11. 
 
 8 
 
]J4 SELF-GO VEKNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 In regard to the power to create or abolish executive depart- 
 ments Congress made a very essential restriction: the Depart- 
 ment of Public Instruction with the Vice Governor as its secre- 
 tary shall remain and shall include the bureau of education and 
 the bureau of health. Likewise the Department of Interior 
 must continue although its bureaus may be reorganized. The 
 bureau of the non- Christian tribes is a creation of Congress 
 although the formulation of policy is left with the local govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Very much condemned by the American press in Manila is the 
 requirement that the Philippine Senate must approve the ap- 
 pointments made by the Governor General. Critics based their 
 objections on the fear of political buccaneering in the matter of 
 appointments. Fortunately, this matter is transacted in the 
 meeting of the Council of State which takes charge of all pro- 
 motions and appointments to offices, and the Senate simply 
 stamps its approval. 
 
 Formerly the Governor General was also the chairman of the 
 Philippine Commission, the former Senate of the Philippine 
 Legislature. Upon the institution of the Filipino Senate this 
 position was dissolved. His powers, however, are extraordinarily 
 broad. He is the "supreme executive power" in the Philippine 
 government with the general supervision over all the executive 
 departments and bureaus, including the ordinary veto power 
 over legislation and over items in the appropriation bills. As 
 the representative of the United States and the appointee of the 
 President, the Governor General is charged with the duty of 
 executing the laws of the United States applicable to the Islands, 
 and the laws passed by the Philippine Legislature. He may 
 mobilize the local army and militia ; suspend the writ of habeas 
 corpus ; and call upon the army and navy of the United States to 
 suppress violence or insurrection. With his power to appoint 
 officers the Governor General may place the appointive Senators 
 and Representatives as heads of the departments and thus con- 
 trol the affairs of the government. This is, however, counter- 
 balanced by the power of the Senate over appointments and by 
 the authority of the Legislature to compel testimony from any 
 
^^TiTm>ri^-<°rm^PTfp^pTT,TPT>rn ptjyvpt.-b -q£ 
 
 official. The Governor General may grant pardons and remit 
 fines and forfeitures. He may establish a uniform system of 
 accounting with the auditor, and all claims against the auditor 
 must be made to him. Each year the Governor General shall 
 receive the reports of the departments and bureaus of the gov- 
 ernment, and shall make a report on the Philippines to the 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 Above the Governor General is the President of the United 
 States. Being his appointee, the Governor is responsible to him 
 and must report to him any exercise of the military power. All 
 laws passed by the Philippine Legislature affecting tariff, immi- 
 gration, public land, and currency must be approved by the 
 President before going into effect. 
 
 Entirely favorable to the Philippines is the matter connected 
 with the Resident Commissioners at Washington. These officials 
 are elected by the Philippine Legislature and are responsible to 
 that body. Their compensation, however, is paid from the treas- 
 ury of the United States, and except the privilege of voting the 
 Commissioners are on equal footing with the Representatives in 
 Congress. The creation of the office of the Resident Commis- 
 sioner proves the good will and liberality of America. It is not 
 recorded that the Congress has ever directed or supervised these 
 officers in Washington — in fact their best efforts have been 
 directed to securing legislation for the independence of the 
 Philippines. 
 
 The Philippine judiciary has been left untouched. The judi- 
 cial system is composed of the Supreme Court of the Philippine 
 Islands, the Courts of First Instance, and the justice of the peace 
 courts. The Supreme Court has remained independent of the 
 other two departments of the government and has maintained its 
 prestige. Since its justices are appointed by the President, and 
 their compensation fixed in the organic act, the Supreme Court 
 is more independent than the Supreme Court of the United 
 States. 
 
 An act more perfect than the Jones Law could scarcely be 
 enacted for the government of a territory. The arrangement 
 prevents any encroachment of powers. It would be of interest 
 
Jig SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 to note some of the safeguards against politics in the functions 
 which should remain excluded from the probable political cor- 
 ruption. The provision concerning the Department of Public 
 Instruction is a practical guarantee that the work of education 
 must continue in spite of any changes which may be adopted. 
 The law provides that the Vice Governor will continue to be the 
 secretary in charge of this department which includes the bureau 
 of education and the bureau of health. The grouping of educa- 
 tion and health under one department is, indeed, a very wise 
 provision. Since the Secretary of Public Instruction is appoint- 
 ed by the President at a fixed compensation that office is prac- 
 tically free from any local control. The Philippine Legislature 
 can exercise restraint on this department only by refusing to 
 appropriate funds for its support. 
 
 The same feature is true of the auditing of accounts. The 
 Insular Auditor and the deputy auditor are appointed by the 
 President of the United States at a stated compensation which 
 the Philippine Legislature can not alter. This plan is a guar- 
 antee of the independence of the financial system of the Philip- 
 pine government. The auditors are responsible to the President 
 and not to the Filipino people. 
 
VI 
 THE HERITAGE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 
 
 The development of the Filipinos' feeling of nationality is a 
 tragic story, brightened only by the hope that sometime in the 
 future they must see the dawn of the new day. The policy 
 Spain adopted in the Philippines and the means which she used 
 to gain her end were dictated by religious selfishness and political 
 oppression. Desiring to perpetuate the Catholic faith, the Span- 
 iards deluded themselves by the idea that by keeping the Fili- 
 pinos ignorant of the outside world they could carry out their 
 program with the least opposition. They realized that knowledge 
 is power, and, rather than sacrifice their religious ambition, they 
 determined to isolate the Islands. So, for three hundred and 
 thirty years the Philippines were purposely kept out of the 
 world's influence. Trade with Japan was much restricted, and 
 Chinese immigration was absolutely prohibited. In this manner, 
 the Spaniards succeeded in excluding even the echoes of the 
 struggles of the other people for freedom. The gallant fight of 
 America against the oppression of Great Britain never reached 
 the Filipinos who were laboring under similar conditions. Of 
 the American Indians battling single-handed for a place in their 
 native land they heard not; nor of the repeated revolts of the 
 Spanish colonies in America. 
 
 But this was not all ! The Spaniards refused to teach certain 
 things. The Filipino who learned to pray and gaze into the 
 heavens for the salvation of his soul must not learn to read the 
 Spanish language lest he should become independent and search 
 for knowledge himself. Nor could he use any book he wished, 
 for the ecclesiastical body of censors passed on all printed mat- 
 ter. The Filipinos suffered exile in their own country for three 
 centuries. They did not know even their own country ; but they 
 
 117 
 
Ug SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 knew that they were carrying a burden which must be thrown 
 off at some appropriate time. 
 
 OPENING OF THE SUEZ CANAL: THE FIRST MARTYRS 
 
 Time brings changes in spite of man's selfish efforts to with- 
 hold them. The opening of the Suez Canal made the Cape of 
 Good Hope only a memory in the world of trade and commerce. 
 China, which had been closed for centuries, unlocked her doors 
 to the world. The momentous event placed the Spaniards in the 
 Philippines in a perplexing dilemma — should they open the 
 Philippines and be in touch with the progressive world, or ig- 
 nore the progressive influences and lose honor among the civil- 
 ized world. The Spaniards chose the first. 
 
 To the Filipino people the opening of the Suez Canal marked 
 a turning point in their history. It opened to them the road to 
 reform. They began to think and their first reflections blos- 
 somed into a formal petition to the Courts of Spain and Rome 
 to recover the Filipino secular parishes which the government 
 had taken from them to give to the friars. The church evaded 
 the legitimate claim by charging Father Burgos, the initiator of 
 the petition, with agitation for revolt. The removal of the friars 
 from the parishes, said the church authorities, meant the collapse 
 of the whole religious structure in the Philippines. But when a 
 people reaches the end of their endurance and determines to 
 effect a reform of their condition, the suppression of one move- 
 ment spells the eruption of another elsewhere in a more drastic 
 form. While the petition was arbitrarily suppressed by the 
 mysterious operation of the church and state, the workers in the 
 Cavite arsenal mutinied. The friars suspected that they were 
 back of the petition and ordered their arrest. No other trials in 
 history were conducted with more mystery. Executions were 
 secret and a comment on them entailed the penalty of death. 
 Father Burgos and two other secular priests, Father Gomez and 
 Father Zamora, gave their lives on the scaffold. 
 
 The friars, in so executing Father Burgos, desired to instill a 
 profound fear in the heart of the Filipino people, believing that 
 through fear the movement for reform might be checked. But 
 
HERITAGE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 
 
 119 
 
 just the contrary happened ; for the wrongs and injustice which 
 marked the father's mysterious trial set the heart of the Filipino 
 people aflame. It made them braver and more determined. 
 The veil of ignorance which hid the light of day for three hun- 
 dred years was rent. On February 17, 1872, Father Burgos 
 gave his life so that his people might gain theirs. 
 
 PROPAGANDA 
 
 In these crucial times the church became the dictator of the 
 officials in the government and even of the Spanish minister. 
 Personal enemies of the friars became the enemies of the govern- 
 ment by which they were delivered to the civil guard for execu- 
 tion, and the Filipinos realized that they must conduct a 
 propaganda which would reach the utmost parts of the Philip- 
 pine Archipelago not only to expose the wrongs and injustice 
 but also to educate the people so that the reform movement 
 might secure the undivided support of the mass. Supported by 
 a few well-to-do Filipinos who were known as propagandistas, 
 the ardent patriots published La SoUdaridad, first under the 
 editorship of Graciano Lopez-Jaena and subsequently under the 
 direction of Marcelo H. del Pilar. 
 
 This weekly newspaper sought the following reforms: (1) the 
 abolition of the military form of government, and the establish- 
 ment of civil government in which the arbitrary powers of the 
 Governor General should be limited by a constitution; (2) the 
 protection of the rights and liberties of the Filipino people; 
 
 (3) representation of the Philippines in the Cortes of Spain; 
 
 (4) the establishment of a merit system under which the offices 
 should be filled; (5) the expulsion of the friars or the return of 
 the parishes to secular priests. In reply to these demands the 
 friars contended that the Filipinos were not entitled to such 
 concessions because they were indolent and their education was 
 hopelessly defective. The Filipinos replied that if their educa- 
 tion was defective, their teachers or lack of teachers had made 
 it so. To this the friars answered that "the liberties of the 
 Peninsula had cost the Spaniards their precious blood." Not- 
 withstanding this, the Filipinos believed that they must first 
 
220 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 educate the common mass in the nature and justness of their 
 cause. To effect this end the propaganda must continue. 
 
 Conspicuous among the loyal supporters of La Solidaridad 
 was Dr. Jose Rizal y Mercado, the Filipino scholar and hero. He 
 had written many articles for the paper but realizing that it did 
 not produce the desired result, he severed his relations in order 
 that he might enter upon a more profound enterprise with the 
 same end in view. He directed his talents to writing novels 
 which his people might read and thus be guided to orderly 
 action. The first novel he produced was Noli Me Tangere 
 (Social Cancer). The plot is here reproduced. 
 
 The hero is Ibarra, the only son of a wealthy family in Manila, 
 in whose veins ran a mixture of Spanish and Filipino blood. 
 Having had the privilege of education abroad, Ibarra was looked 
 upon by his people as the instrument with which to secure re- 
 forms for his country. But unfortunately he did not understand 
 the needs of his people, for when asked by a citizen named Elias 
 /"for aid to secure the construction of a schoolhouse, Ibarra con- 
 \ tended that the people were not ready for such improvement or 
 \ for any other. The request was later renewed, this time by his 
 </ ^* i ( ^sweetheart — personifying the Philippines — the only daughter 
 ( <y of a friar in the city. The girl promised to marry him on condi- 
 r/ ** on that ne build a schoolhouse. To Ibarra this was the least 
 Jr jtftequest that could be made to a devoted and wealthy lover, so 
 the building was rushed with all the encouragement of the exeeu- 
 jr tive authorities. But the betrothal found an impediment in the 
 
 father who denounced the engagement of his daughter to a man 
 who would not kiss his hand nor pay such other respects as the 
 public is wont to accord to a divine representative. He ar- 
 ranged the marriage of his daughter to a friar., Madly enraged 
 by this news, Ibarra planned to attack the convent, assassinate 
 the friar lover, and carry his sweetheart away. The plan was 
 executed but the friar was not to be found. Arrests began and 
 many of Ibarra's men fell into the hands of the cruel civtt 
 guard. Some in order to escape torture committed suicide. 
 Ibarra himself was being pursued by the guard. The faithful 
 Elias fled with him. He induced Ibarra to go abroad and live 
 
HERITAGE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 
 
 121 
 
 on the money received for his gems and other treasures which he 
 had put away for him. To save Ibarra from the pursuing 
 guards, Elias managed to have them pursue him instead, and so 
 gave his life for the liberator. 
 
 The story is continued in the second novel which followed — 
 El Filibusterismo {The Reign of Greed). Ibarra amassed 
 wealth abroad and under an assumed name became an intimate 
 friend of the Governor of Cuba, Through this influence Ibarra 
 succeeded in securing the transfer of his friend to the Philip- 
 pine Islands and Ibarra also returned to the Philippines to 
 avenge the wrong done to him personally. He formed another 
 plot. He planned a reception to all the friars and officials in the 
 city and during the occasion the building was to be blown up. 
 But an accomplice betrayed him and the plot was discovered. 
 In his hurried flight Ibarra received a mortal wound, finding 
 shelter in the house of a parish priest, Plorentino, who ex- 
 plained to him his mistake. 
 
 Abounding in wealth of details, and portraying the pictur- 
 esque life of the Filipino people made bitter by the injustice of 
 the friars, the novels set up a standard for Filipino patriots. A 
 social reform, in order to succeed, must not be colored by per- 
 sonal ambition as was the plan of Ibarra. A patriot finds an 
 example in the unselfish Elias who gave his life for his country 's 
 cause. The story, however, was not read, for its publication was 
 suppressed, but these novels cost Rizal his life. 
 
 LA LIGA FTLIPINA 
 
 In 1892 Rizal convoked a secret meeting to organize the Liga 
 Filipino,. Before an assemblage of men representing all walks 
 of life he read the rules and regulations which he had drawn. 
 These were unanimously adopted. The ultimate end of the 
 league was the independence of the Philippines from Spain 
 through the following means : promotion of culture by means of 
 study; the encouragement of material development by stimu- 
 lating industry; unqualified support of La Solidaridad as a 
 means of propagating knowledge, especially advanced political 
 ideas; and free assemblages to discuss matters of public impor- 
 
122 
 
 SELF-GOVEKNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 tance. It was also provided that as soon as conditions warranted, 
 the Filipino people would rise in armed rebellion for the inde- 
 pendence of the Philippines. 
 
 Those who witnessed the birth of the society declared their 
 unqualified allegiance and support in a peculiar ceremony. Be- 
 fore a human skull every man most solemnly took his oath to 
 support the league and the cause for which it stood, and after 
 kissing the skull each signed the document with his own blood 
 obtained by making an incision in the arm. The skull symbolized 
 death, which to the initiated meant that they were willing to 
 give their life. Membership in the league imposed the duty of 
 propaganda by every means possible. It was absolute denial of 
 self and blind obedience to the superiors. Above all every mem- 
 ber must exercise impenetrable silence under penalty of death. 206 
 
 This was the organization which Rizal had instituted before 
 his deportation to Dapitan. Through mismanagement of its 
 funds the league was dissolved. It was reestablished later by its 
 ardent supporters, but was again dissolved, to be followed by the 
 famous Katipunan. 
 
 THE KATIPUNAN 
 
 La Liga Filipino, was dissolved after the deportation of Dr. 
 Rizal to Dapitan. It was reorganized later by Andres Bonifacio, 
 Domingo Franca, and others. lAs instituted then the purpose of 
 the league was to collect funds for the support of La Solidaridad 
 and otherwise to support the organ in order to maintain the 
 propaganda for the cause of the Philippines. But because of 
 doubts as to its good results, enhanced by the threats and risks 
 under which the few loyal patriots labored, the league was dis- 
 solved, to be succeeded by Ang Kataastaasan Kagalanggalang 
 Katipunan Mga Anak ruing Bay an (The Sovereign Worshipful 
 Association of the Sons of the Soil), under the leadership of 
 Andres Bonifacio. 207 
 
 Within a year the membership of the Katipunan had extended 
 
 2o«St. Clair's The Katipunan (Manila, 1902), pp. 26-31. 
 
 2orOn November 30, 1919, the Filipinos of Manila celebrated the birth 
 of Andres Bonifacio, and a brass tablet was placed in the house where the 
 
HERITAGE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 
 
 123 
 
 from all over Manila to Cavite and Bulacan. The reform society 
 was organized secretty. In August, 1896, the Diario de Manila 
 discovered that its employees were members of some secret soci- 
 ety. Without any preliminary investigation sweeping arrests of 
 the suspects were started, not even excluding the Freemasons. 
 Believing that the movement must be engineered by the educated 
 class further arrests were made. Sentences were swift as they 
 were secret, and barbarous tortures were employed to extract 
 confession, while many were smothered in the dark cell. It was 
 during this time that Dr. Rizal was executed, an act which in- 
 tensified the bitterness of the Filipino people toward the Span- 
 iards, and made the opposition to the wrongs and injustice more 
 united and national. The execution was based on no evidence 
 but on mere suspicion that had it not been for Rizal's novels and 
 articles in La Solidaridad the Filipino people would not have 
 dreamed of any political reform. 
 
 Andres Bonifacio was compelled to take to the mountains with 
 his staff and there organized an army against the civil guard 
 that was pursuing him. Under the command of Captain Emilio 
 Aguinaldo the Katipuneros were able to maintain their post. 
 This struggle marks the beginning of the Philippine Revolution 
 in which 35,000 armed Spaniards proved inferior to the imper- 
 fectly organized Filipino troops with not more than six hundred 
 rifles. The war was quelled by the Treaty of Biac-na-bato con- 
 cluded December 14, 1897, in which Governor General Primo de 
 Rivera agreed to pay $400,000 to Aguinaldo provided he and his 
 
 first meeting of the Katipunan was held. The following was the inscription : 
 
 1 ' The Filipino People 
 Through the durability of this metal 
 Consecrate and perpetuate 
 The historical value of this house, 
 Cradle of the popular revindications, 
 Where on July 6, 1892, 
 Was born to fight and triumph 
 Under the leadership of Andres Bonifacio 
 The highest and most respectable association 
 Of the sons of the soil, 
 The 'KATIPUNAN' " 
 
^24 SELF-GOVEBNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 staff would leave for Singapore. Furthermore, the Spanish gov- 
 ernment agreed to the following conditions: to expel the friars 
 and restore the lands held by them in the towns; to recognize 
 the Filipino clergy; to recognize religious freedom, freedom of 
 the press, and equality of persons ; to abolish the deportation of 
 Filipinos; and to allow representation in the Cortes of Spain. 208 
 
 Whatever significance may be attributed to the Liga Filipina 
 or to the Katipunan it must be admitted that the society marked 
 the birth of an idea rather than of an institution. The Kati- 
 punan was an offshoot of the Liga FiUpina and while it differed 
 somewhat from its mother society it was organized to support the 
 principles which the league had advanced. The changes that 
 were effected were due to the new conditions of the time. The 
 father of the Katipunan, Andres Bonifacio, was a profound 
 student of history. Those who were well acquainted with the 
 reformer testify that Bonifacio would pass many a night reading 
 and his mind was so influenced that he was sometimes called the 
 Filipino Don Quixote. He read much on the French revolution 
 and naturally his reforms were aimed at a Philippine Commune 
 equal to that of the French. 
 
 Besides giving expression to the Filipinos' aspiration for a 
 unified nationality, the Katipunan was also the origin of that 
 national symbol which to-day flies beside the Stars and Stripes 
 — the Tricolor of the Filipino people. Pantaleon Torres, a 
 prominent Katipunero, relates that the Filipino flag originated 
 from the symbol of the Katipunan. The insignia of the society 
 was a triangle signifying the three divisions of the Philippine 
 Archipelago — Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao. Where the 
 rising sun is on the flag there used to be a K signifying the 
 Katipunan, surrounded by sixteen sun rays which represented 
 the Supreme Council of sixteen members. The red, white, and 
 blue was adopted from the French tri-color. 
 
 During its life from 1892-1896 the Katipunan experienced 
 repeated dissolution and rebirth. Each time it revived it as- 
 sumed a somewhat different aspect according to conditions, but 
 
 208 Report of the Philippine Commission, 1900, "Vol. I, p. 170. 
 
HERITAGE OP THE FILIPINO PEOPLE J25 
 
 it maintained its political nature. It was re-instituted in 1906 
 but gradually dwindled away to extinction. 209 The organ has 
 vanished, but the idea is stronger than ever. It will not rise 
 again for its need is past but its tradition has lodged in the soul 
 of every Filipino. By virtue of the Katipunan the Filipino 
 people, seemingly divided into groups, have found a common 
 cause for which they have offered their best. 
 
 THE PR ATT- AGUINALDO ALLIANCE: THE LOST CAUSE 
 
 During the war in Cuba there were in Singapore a number of 
 Filipino political exiles who were eagerly watching the develop- 
 ment of events especially with regard to the probable conflict 
 between the "Great North American Republic" and Spain. 
 Here developed the tacit alliance between United States Consul 
 Spencer Pratt at Singapore and General Emilio Aguinaldo — 
 the historical incident which will forever be remembered in the 
 annals of the Philippine history. 
 
 General Aguinaldo arrived in Singapore on April 21, 1898, 
 the day when the United States declared war with Spain to lib- 
 erate oppressed Cuba. Only two days elapsed before Mr. Pratt 
 learned that Aguinaldo was sojourning incognito in Singapore, 
 and "being aware of the great prestige of General Aguinaldo 
 with the insurgents, and that no one, either at home or abroad, 
 could exert over them the same influence and control that he 
 could", he determined at once to see him. 210 A "secret inter- 
 
 20» The oath adopted in 1906 was as follows: 
 
 "By the name of the Supreme Bathala and in the presence of his image 
 and of all the brethren of the K K K as well as of the sons of the country 
 I swear from the innermost of my heart to love and obey everything that 
 is set forth in the doctrine of the K K K of the sons of the country that 
 has been read to me and which I find to be unquestionable. I promise and 
 swear to observe, obey and follow the United States of America and that I 
 will never forswear myself. 
 
 And in testimony of this oath and promise, I sign it with the blood 
 drawn from my breast and over my heart." — Cablenews-American, Septem- 
 ber 1, 1907, p. 3. 
 
 210 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, p. 341; see Blount's American Occupation of the Philippines, 
 Chs. I, II. 
 
226 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 view" was arranged in which Howard W. Bray, ' ' Aguinaldo 's 
 Englishman", who left the Islands on account of the revolution, 
 acted as the interpreter. What transpired in the interview is 
 well portrayed in the columns of The Singapore Free Press of 
 May 4, 1898, which read, in part, as follows: 
 
 During the conference, at which Mr. Bray acted as interpreter, General 
 Aguinaldo explained to the American consul-general, Mr. Pratt, the inci- 
 dents and objects of the late rebellion, and described the present disturbed 
 state of the country. General Aguinaldo then proceeded to detail the 
 nature of the cooperation he could give, in which he, in the event of Amer- 
 ican forces from the squadron landing and taking possession of Manila, 
 would guarantee to maintain order and discipline among the native troops 
 and inhabitants in the humane way in which he had hitherto conducted the 
 war, and prevent them from committing outrages on defenseless Spaniards 
 beyond the inevitable in fair and honorable warfare. He further declared 
 his ability to establish a proper and responsible government on liberal prin- 
 ciples, and would be willing to accept the same terms for the country as the 
 United States intend giving Cuba. 
 
 General Aguinaldo 's policy embraces the independence of the Philippines, 
 where internal affairs would be controlled under European and American 
 advisers. American protection would be desirable temporarily, on the same 
 lines as that which might be instituted hereafter in Cuba. The ports of the 
 Philippines would be free to the trade of the world .... complete 
 reform of the present corrupt judicature .... the right of public 
 meeting .... general religious toleration .... abolition and 
 expulsion of the tyrannical religious fraternities who have laid such strong 
 hands on every branch of civil administration. . . . Full provision . . 
 . . for the exploitation of the natural resources and wealth of the country 
 by roads and railways. . . . The preservation of public safety and 
 order. . . .211 
 
 The consul general of the United States, approving the general 
 views expressed during the discussion, telegraphed to Admiral 
 Dewey: "Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here. Will come Hong- 
 kong arrange with Commodore for general cooperation insur- 
 gents Manila if desired. Telegraph". Admiral Dewey replied, 
 "Tell Aguinaldo come soon as possible." 212 
 
 211 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, p. 345. 
 
 212 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, p. 342. 
 
HERITAGE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE J27 
 
 Mr. Pratt had a busy time securing transportation for Aguin- 
 aldo and his staff under assumed names, but being compelled to 
 remove his squadron from neutral waters, Admiral Dewey de- 
 parted before the party could arrive. It was not until May 16, 
 1898, that Mr. Wildman, United States consul at Hongkong, 
 succeeded in putting Aguinaldo on board the McCulloch for 
 Manila. They arrived there three days later. 
 
 It is now proper to consider what the Filipinos themselves 
 were doing and in what frame of mind they were all this time. 
 Before Admiral Dewey had arrived in Manila Bay the Filipinos 
 at Singapore forwarded a manifesto to Manila with this heading, 
 " America's Allies — The Manifesto op the Filipinos." 
 Parts of the manifesto read as follows : 
 
 Compatriots: Divine Providence is about to place independence within 
 our reach. . . . 
 
 The Americana not from mercenary motives but for the sake of humanity 
 and the lamentations of so many persecuted people, have considered it 
 opportune to extend this protecting mantle to our beloved country, now that 
 they have been obliged to sever relations with Spain, owing to the tyranny 
 this nation is exercising in Cuba. . . . 
 
 At the present moment an American squadron is preparing to sail for the 
 Philippines. 
 
 We .... are very much afraid that you may be induced to fire on 
 the Americans. No, brothers, never make this mistake. Rather blow your 
 own brains out than fire a shot or treat as enemies those who are your 
 liberators. . . . 
 
 Take note, the Americans will attack by sea .... we insurgents 
 must attack by land. . . . 
 
 There, where you see the American flag flying, assemble in numbers; they 
 are our redeemers. 
 
 Our unworthy names are as nothing, but one and all of us invoke the 
 name of the patriot our country has seen, in the sure and certain hope that 
 his spirit will be with us in those moments and guide us to victory — our 
 immortal Jose Rizal.sis 
 
 How the Filipinos took to this proclamation was described as 
 follows by Oscar F. Williams, American consul in Manila, in his 
 letter to the State Department on May 12, 1898 : 
 
 213 Senate Documents. 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, p. 346. 
 
]28 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 To aid you, if possible, permit me to give assurance of the friendliness of 
 the Philippine natives to our country and to me as its representative. . . . 
 I last week went on shore at Cavite with British consul, in his launch, to 
 show the destruction wrought by our fleet. As soon as the natives found me 
 out, they crowded around me, hats off, shouting, "Viva los Americanos," 
 thronged about me by hundreds to shake either hand, even several at a 
 time, men, women, and children striving to get even a finger to shake. So I 
 moved half a mile, shaking continuously with both hands. . . . 214 
 
 Mr. Pratt gave the same testimony in his letter to Secretary 
 Day on June 2, 1898, although he seemed to have some personal 
 motive as may be seen from the following quotation: 
 
 Considering the enthusiastic manner General Aguinaldo has been received 
 by the natives and the confidence with which he already appears to have 
 inspired Admiral Dewey, it will be admitted, I think, that I did not over- 
 rate his importance and that I have materially assisted the cause of the 
 United States in the Philippines in securing his cooperation.215 
 
 The attitude of mind in which Aguinaldo and his staff were in 
 upon landing in Manila may be shown by some correspondence 
 with the American representatives, always bearing in mind what 
 had transpired in the " secret interview". On June 11, 1898, 
 Mr. Pratt wrote Aguinaldo: 
 
 I wrote fully to Admiral Dewey concerning you, and to the American 
 people have pointed out that you and you alone were equal to the occasion. 
 
 From Consul General Wildman at Hongkong Aguinaldo re- 
 ceived this message, dated June 25th: 
 
 I have vouched for your honesty and earnestness of purpose to the Presi- 
 dent of the United States and to our own people, and they are ready to 
 extend their hand to you as a brother and aid you in every laudable ambi- 
 tion. I give you my assurance that you can always call upon me to act as 
 your champion should any try to slander your name. 
 
 Do not forget that the United States undertook this war for the sole 
 purpose of relieving the Cubans from the cruelties under which they were 
 suffering, and not for the love of conquest or the hope of gain. They are 
 actuated by precisely the same feelings toward the Filipinos. Whatever the 
 final disposition toward the conquered territory may be, you can trust the 
 
 214 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, p. 327. 
 
 215 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, p. 347. 
 
HERITAGE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE ^29 
 
 United States that justice and honor will control all their dealings with 
 you. 2 i 6 
 
 This was diplomatic encouragement for Aguinaldo as if to say, 
 "Go to it, my man, and lick the Spaniards while the army is 
 rushed across the Pacific ' ', and Mr. Wildman carefully refrained 
 from discouraging Aguinaldo. 
 
 The Filipinos, thirty thousand strong, hailed Aguinaldo when 
 he landed in Cavite. Five days later Consul Williams reported 
 to Secretary Day that ' ' 37,000 insurgents stand ready to aid the 
 United States forces, and General Aguinaldo 's headquarters 
 were this A. M. at 7 o'clock surrounded by 500 to 1,000 men 
 eager to enlist. I was there at that hour and saw the men." 217 
 
 Such was the attitude of the Filipino people and their enthusi- 
 astic cooperation with the United States. Their expectations 
 were, indeed, obvious as to the disposition of the Philippines. 
 They received the diplomatic encouragement of the American 
 consuls. 
 
 It is unfortunate that Admiral Dewey was not summoned to 
 report on his relations with Aguinaldo until a long time had 
 elapsed, when the memories of the years had become dim. Four 
 years later, before the Senate committee, Admiral Dewey ap- 
 peared to testify concerning the information which had come to 
 the Senate pertaining to Aguinaldo and the revolution. The 
 Admiral began thus : 
 
 Aguinaldo came to see me. I said, "Well, now, go ashore there, we have 
 got our foree at the arsenal at Cavite, go ashore and start your army." 
 He came back in the course of a few hours and said, ''I want to leave here; 
 I want to go to Japan." I said, "Don't give it up, Don Emilio. " I 
 wanted his help you know. He did not sleep ashore that night; he slept on 
 board the ship. The next morning he went on shore, still inside my lines, 
 and began recruiting men.218 
 
 The Senate committee wanted to know the exact relations 
 
 2i6 Congressional Record, 56th Congress, 1st Session, p. 4287 (April 17, 
 1900). 
 
 2it Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, p. 329. 
 
 218 Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XXV, Document 
 No. 331, Pt. 3, p. 2928. 
 
 9 
 
J30 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 which existed between Aguinaldo and Mr. Pratt. It is rather 
 curious to note that the Admiral repeatedly said, "I did not 
 attach any importance to it." 219 
 
 A member of the committee seemed to have sensed this, for we 
 read in the report : 220 
 
 Admiral Dewey: "I do not think it makes any difference what my 
 
 opinion is on these things." 
 
 Senator Patterson: "There is no man whose opinion goes further with 
 
 the country than yours does, Admiral, and therefore I think you ought to be 
 
 prudent in expressing your view." 
 
 Senator Beveridge (Acting Chairman): "The chairman will not permit 
 
 any member to lecture Admiral Dewey on his prudence or his imprudence." 
 Senator Patterson: "I was not lecturing him." 
 Senator Beveridge: "Yes, you said he ought to be prudent." 
 Senator Patterson: "And I think it was well enough to suggest those 
 
 things. ' ' 
 
 Admiral Dewey declared that he had used the Filipinos as 
 the Federal troops used the negroes during the Civil War, upon 
 which Senator Patterson replied that the negroes were slaves 
 and the Filipinos were expecting freedom. The Admiral testi- 
 fied that the Filipinos were slaves, too, who looked upon him as 
 their liberator. Then why did the Admiral say that "these 
 people (Filipinos) are far superior in their intelligence and 
 more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I 
 am familiar with both races", adding later, "Further inter- 
 course with them has confirmed me in this opinion"? 221 Would 
 a representative of a powerful nation make an alliance with 
 slaves? Admiral Dewey could certainly not associate Filipino 
 aspirations with the freedom of the slaves. 
 
 While the United States troops were speeding across the Pa- 
 cific the Filipino troops kept the Spaniards hemmed within the 
 Walled City on ever shortening rations. "Under our guns", 
 
 2i» Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XXV, Document 
 No. 331, Pt. 3, p. 2948. 
 
 220 Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XXV, Document 
 No. 331, Pt. 3, p. 2965. 
 
 221 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, p. 383. 
 
HERITAGE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE ±%± 
 
 and united by the thought of "Cuba libre", the Filipinos 
 1 ' whipped the Spaniards battle after battle. ' ' 222 Every Filipino 
 that fell was a life laid down for an American. "He (Aguin- 
 aldo) was most obedient", declared the Admiral before the com- 
 mittee. "Up to the time the army came he did everything I 
 requested." 223 The general impression given the Filipinos was, 
 "We intend to whip the Spaniards and set you free." 224 The 
 Filipinos captured thousands of Spaniards and Admiral Dewey 
 turned over to Aguinaldo his prisoners for care. Under these 
 circumstances the Admiral, could not but attach importance to 
 the cause of the Filipino people. Furthermore, Aguinaldo was 
 very closely watched by Admiral Dewey, Consul Williams, and 
 his own junta in Hongkong, and Consul Williams wrote Secre- 
 tary Day on August 4, 1898: 
 
 It has been ray study to keep on pleasant terms with General Aguinaldo 
 for ultimate objects. By so doing I have avoided certain troubles and aided 
 our forces. Admiral Dewey says I have planted the seeds of cordial co- 
 operation. 225 
 
 But man forgets and Admiral Dewey did "not remember 
 having said that." 226 
 
 A reader of the proceedings of the Senate committee receives 
 two impressions : either Admiral Dewey could not remember, for 
 it was four years ago ; or he was reserved in his statement. So it 
 is not surprising that the situation did not get any clearer, and 
 has remained so to the present time. It will probably never be 
 clarified to the complete satisfaction of future historians. 
 
 222 Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XXV, Document 
 No. 331, Pt. 3, p. 2928. 
 
 223 Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XXV, Document 
 No. 331, Pt. 3, p. 2956. 
 
 224 Congressional "Record, 56th Congress, 1st Session, p. 4288 (April 17, 
 1900). 
 
 22« Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, p. 331. 
 
 22« Senate Documents, 57th Congress, 1st Session, Vol. XXV, Document 
 No. 331, Pt. 3, p. 2951. 
 
J39 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 While the Filipino forces were engaged in these battles, the 
 climax of the story was transpiring in Singapore. The Filipinos 
 in Singapore paid their respects to Consul Pratt after the vic- 
 tories of Aguinaldo. What took place on this occasion is well 
 portrayed in the Singapore Free Press of June 9, 1898, and in 
 the Straits Times of the same date, copies of which Mr. Pratt 
 forwarded to the State Department "with duplicates for the 
 press should you consider their publication desirable.' ' 
 
 A little after five in the afternoon, says the press, representa- 
 tives of the Filipino residents in Singapore waited upon Consul 
 General Pratt at his residence in Raffles Hotel. Their purpose 
 was to present an address congratulating the consul on the suc- 
 cess of the Americans and to express their gratitude for the 
 protection which the United States gave their national cause. 
 Among the prominent people present were W. G. St. Clair, 
 editor of the Singapore Free Press, and A. Reid, editor of the 
 Straits Times. Wearing the badge of the Liga Filipina, which 
 Aguinaldo had presented him, Mr. Pratt appeared before the 
 delegation. Mr. Bray, also wearing the badge, presented the 
 delegation to the consul and Dr. Santos, the spokesman of the 
 Filipinos, addressed the American representative in French, 
 speaking in part as follows : 227 
 
 Sir: The Filipino colony resident in this port, composed of representa- 
 tives of all social classes, have come to present their respects to you as the 
 legitimate representative of the great and powerful American Republic, in 
 order to express our eternal gratitude for the moral and material protection 
 extended by Admiral Dewey to our trusted leader Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo, 
 who has been driven to take up arms in the name of 8,000,000 Filipinos in 
 defense of those very principles of justice and liberty, of which your coun- 
 try is the foremost champion. 
 
 Our countrymen, at home, and those of us residing here, refugees from 
 Spanish misrule and tyranny in our native land, hope that the United 
 States, your nation, persevering in its humane policy, will efficaciously sec- 
 ond the program arranged between you, sir, and General Aguinaldo in this 
 port of Singapore, and secure to us our independence under the protection 
 of the United States. 
 
 Our warmest thanks are especially due to you, sir, personally, for having 
 
 227 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, pp. 350-353. 
 
HERITAGE OF THE FILDPINO PEOPLE J33 
 
 been the first to cultivate relations with General Aguinaldo and arrange for 
 his cooperation with Admiral Dewey, thus supporting our aspirations which 
 time and subsequent actions have developed and caused to meet with the 
 applause and approbation of your nation. 
 
 After listening to the address Mr. Pratt also speaking in 
 French replied: 
 
 Gentlemen, the honor you have conferred upon me is so unexpected that 
 I can not find appropriate words with which to thank you and with which 
 to reply. . . . Rest assured, though, that I fully understand and sin- 
 cerely appreciate the motives that have prompted your present action and 
 that your words, which have sunk deep in my heart, shall be faithfully 
 repeated to the President, to Admiral Dewey, and to the American people — 
 from whom I am sure that they will meet with full and generous response. 
 A little over a month ago the world resounded with the praises of Admiral 
 Dewey and his fellow-officers and men for a glorious victory won by the 
 American Asiatic Squadron in the Bay of Manila. Now we have the news 
 of the brilliant achievements of your own distinguished leader, Gen. Emilio 
 Aguinaldo, cooperating on land with the Americans at sea. You have just 
 reason to be proud of what has been and is being accomplished by General 
 Emilio Aguinaldo and your fellow-countrymen under his command. When 
 six weeks ago I learned that General Aguinaldo had arrived incognito in 
 Singapore, I immediately sought him out. An hour's interview convinced 
 me that he was the man for the occasion; and having communicated with 
 Admiral Dewey, I accordingly arranged for him to join the latter, which he 
 did, at Cavite. The rest you know. 
 
 I am thankful to have been the means, though incidental means, of bring- 
 ing about the arrangement between General Aguinaldo and Admiral Dewey, 
 which has resulted so happily. I can only hope that the eventful outcome 
 will be all that can be desired for the happiness and the welfare of the 
 Filipinos. 
 
 After Mr. Pratt's speech Dr. Santos, addressing his paisanos, 
 made some complimentary remarks about the keen foresight of 
 the consul. He further expressed his desire to have an American 
 flag as a token of the patriotic occasion. Gladly complying with 
 the request Mr. Pratt presented the flag saying: 
 
 This flag was borne in battle, and is the emblem of that liberty that you 
 are seeking to attain. Its red stripes represent the blood that was shed for 
 the cause; the white represents the purity of the motive; the blue field 
 stands for the azure of the sky; the stars are the free and independent 
 States of the Union. Take the flag and keep it as a souvenir of the 
 occasion. 
 
-J34 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 Dr. Santos received it most reverently and waving it amidst 
 cheers said to Mr. Pratt it would be preserved for future gener- 
 ations to look upon. 
 
 Amidst successive vivas the assemblage cheered the President 
 of the United States, Consul General Pratt, Admiral Dewey, 
 General Aguinaldo, and England, the "nation hospitaliere", 
 after which the consul retired to listen to the serenade of the 
 Filipino band. 
 
 Mr. Pratt kept the State Department informed by cable and 
 this was followed by correspondence. The first news the consul 
 received from the State Department was, "Avoid unauthorized 
 negotiations with Philippine insurgents", to which he replied: 
 "No intention negotiate. Left that Dewey who desired Aguin- 
 aldo come." 
 
 These telegraphic exchanges were dated June 17th, and the 
 State Department also sent a letter to the consul regarding his 
 telegraphic communications, but when he received this no one 
 knows. Furthermore, these exchanges took place after the patri- 
 otic demonstration for Mr. Pratt when things had developed to 
 the highest point. Among other things, the official letter said : 
 
 To obtain the unconditional personal assistance of General Aguinaldo in 
 the expedition to Manila was proper, if in so doing he was not induced to 
 form hopes which might not be practicable to gratify.228 
 
 Obviously the State Department was not aware of the events 
 which were developing on the other side of the sea, and did not 
 find reason to question Mr. Pratt's dealings until the receipt of 
 the Straits Times which described the patriotic rally. Shocked 
 by the speeches the Department wrote Mr. Pratt: 
 
 The extract communicated by you from the Straits Times of the 9th of 
 June has occasioned a feeling of disquietude and a doubt as to whether 
 some of your acts may not have borne a significance and produced an im- 
 pression which this government would be compelled to regret. 
 
 The address presented to you by the twenty-five or thirty Filipinos who 
 gathered about the consulate discloses an understanding on their part that 
 the object of Admiral Dewey was to support the cause of General Aguin- 
 
 228 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, pp. 354, 355. 
 
HERITAGE OP THE FILIPINO PEOPLE J35 
 
 aldo, and that the ultimate object of our action is to secure the independ- 
 ence of the Philippines "under the protection of the United States." 
 
 Your address does not repeal this implication, and it moreover represents 
 that General Aguinaldo was "sought out by you", whereas it has been the 
 understanding of the Department that you received him only upon the re- 
 quest of a British subject named Bray who formerly lived in the Philip- 
 pines. Your further reference to General Aguinaldo as "the man for the 
 occasion" and to your "bringing about" the "arrangement" between 
 "General Aguinaldo and Admiral Dewey which has resulted so happily", 
 also represents the matter in a light which causes apprehension lest your 
 action may have laid ground for future complications. 
 
 For these reasons the Department has not caused the article to be given 
 to the press, lest it might seem thereby to lend a sanction to views the 
 expression of which it had not authorized. 228 
 
 The fear of the State Department for ''future complications" 
 was like a prophecy. It is not the purpose of this monograph to 
 recall the blunders of the past and thus revive the profound 
 disappointment and the unspeakable bitterness which over- 
 whelmed the Filipino people in 1898. In the light of these 
 documents the war between the Americans and the Filipinos was 
 not a part of the Spanish-American War : it was a separate war 
 by itself. The misunderstanding was as unfortunate as it was 
 unnecessary, but the Filipinos could not be blamed for the stand 
 they took. They felt they had been tricked, deceived, duped, 
 and deprived of their legitimate and natural rights and liberties, 
 of which "the United States of the North is a foremost cham- 
 pion"; and all this happened because of Mr. Pratt's seeking 
 Aguinaldo. How one man can change the history of a na- 
 tion! 230 The Filipinos fought for the Americans; and when 
 the troops arrived in June the war was over. Because of the 
 long distance which was made doubly long by the notoriously 
 slow mail, the authorities at Washington were unavoidably ig- 
 
 229 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, p. 357. 
 
 2 30 in his book, The Filipino Martyrs, Ch. V, Richard Sheridan, B. M. P., 
 an eye witness of the happenings during the year assigns the negotiation 
 with Aguinaldo to Admiral Dewey. Consul Pratt caused the misunder- 
 standing and Admiral Dewey complicated it. 
 
236 SELE-GOVEENMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 norant of the details of the events across the waters until they 
 had developed too far. It seems, however, that in one instance, 
 especially since it took place after the collapse of Mr. Pratt, the 
 State Department could have gone a step further in its instruc- 
 tion to Consul Williams in Manila. 
 
 On the same day that the Department of State was reading 
 the story of the Filipinos' visit to Mr. Pratt at Singapore, 
 Consul Williams in Manila was writing to Secretary Day, de- 
 scribing the successive victories of Aguinaldo 's forces. Among 
 other things the consul said, "Last Sunday, 12th, they held a 
 council to form a provisional government. I was urged to attend 
 but thought best to decline." In reply to this the Department 
 wrote, "Your course, while maintaining amicable relations with 
 the insurgents, in abstaining from any participation in their 
 adoption of their so-called provisional government, is ap- 
 proved." 231 Having fully understood the real situation why did 
 not the State Department go a step more in the instruction, and 
 discourage Aguinaldo from entertaining his hopes? This letter 
 was dated August 4, 1898, and the war with the Filipinos did 
 not break out until February, 1899. w-- 
 
 When the United States troops landed in Cavite General 
 Aguinaldo had already promulgated a declaration that the 
 Philippines were independent and forwarded a copy to Admiral 
 Dewey who sent it to the State Department without reading it. 
 The opinion of another official who was not connected with the 
 plan may throw some light on the contested subject. When 
 General Anderson called on Aguinaldo in company with Ad- 
 miral Dewey, the Filipino chief asked him whether "the United 
 States of the North" had recognized the independence of the 
 Philippines. 232 "I am not quite sure", General Anderson con- 
 tinues, "as to the form of the question, whether it was 'had' or 
 'would'. In either form it was embarrassing." But because he 
 was "trying to contract with the Filipinos for horses, carts, fuel 
 
 23i Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, pp. 329, 330. 
 
 232 Congressional Becord, 56th Congress, 1st Session, p. 4289 (April 17, 
 1900). 
 
HERITAGE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE ^37 
 
 and forage", General Anderson evaded the question to the dis- 
 pleasure of Aguinaldo. The Filipino general then remarked, 
 ' ' I have studied attentively the Constitution of the United States 
 and I find in it no authority for colonies, and I have no fear." 
 Add to this Admiral Dewey's statement himself to Aguinaldo 
 that "we were honorable and having plenty of land, desired no 
 colonies", and the reason for the war is seen. General Anderson 
 continues : 
 
 Whether Admiral Dewey, Consuls Pratt, Wildman, and Williams did or 
 did not give Aguinaldo assurances that the Philippine government would be 
 recognized, the Filipinos certainly thought so, probably inferring this from 
 their acts rather than their statement. 
 
 The common saying was, "We intend to free you from 
 Spain." Whatever this might mean the Filipinos felt assured 
 that their program would receive the recognition of the United 
 States. It may be observed that if General Anderson had per- 
 ceived the situation a few days after his arrival how could 
 Admiral Dewey afford to repeat: "I did not attach any impor- 
 tance to it"? "I wanted his ( Aguinaldo 's) help, you know." 
 This "ultimate object" seemed to have drowned the considera- 
 tion of other things ; and this was just what hurt the Filipinos. 
 Admiral Dewey desired Aguinaldo to whip the Spaniards so that 
 the United States army could "march in". They did "march 
 in" for the Filipino troops kept the common enemy bottled up 
 in the Walled City. 
 
 General Anderson relates an incident which deserves mention 
 because of its singularity. At a banquet given by the Filipino 
 officers to the American officials in the city of Manila, toasts and 
 speeches were given by the army and navy officials. One of them 
 said that the United States had come not to make the Filipinos 
 slaves but freemen. A singular spectacle followed. All the 
 Filipinos rose to their feet and Buencamino, raising his glass of 
 wine, said, "We wish to be baptized in that sentiment." So 
 saying every one poured his wine over his head. 
 
 Then came General Merritt, a man who was more of a soldier 
 than a diplomat, with instruction to avoid the Filipinos. Con- 
 ditions changed as if overnight. The general, instead of tempo- 
 
138 
 
 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 rizing, deliberately ignored the Filipinos and turned a deaf ear 
 to their cause. He not only refused the cooperation of the Fili- 
 pino forces but ordered the Filipinos to remove from the city of 
 Manila. Had General Merritt exercised the least diplomacy 
 with the Filipinos, the American occupation of the Philippines 
 would have been spotless. 
 
 The opening of hostilities between the Americans and the Fili- 
 pinos on February 4, 1899, added a chapter to the history of the 
 Filipino people. It changed the destiny of the ten million Fili- 
 pinos, for what might have been their story had America left the 
 Islands to them as could have been done under the circumstances ? 
 But Consul Pratt had arranged it and the war broke out. On 
 those who fought for them the American soldiers turned their 
 guns and slaughtered them by the thousands. The homes that 
 received them were reduced to ashes, and province after province 
 was devastated. The mere statement of the facts is sufficient. 
 
 A question has been raised as to whether the Philippine Re- 
 public which General Aguinaldo organized had really the sup- 
 port of the Filipino people. Instead of relying upon the opinion 
 of a Filipino, the words of General MacArthur on this phase of 
 the problem may be quoted : 
 
 t\When I first started in against these rebels, I believed that Aguinaldo 's 
 troops represented only a faction. I did not like to believe that the whole 
 population on Luzon — the native population, that is — were opposed to 
 us and our offers of aid and good government. But after having come this 
 far, after having occupied several towns and cities in succession, and hav- 
 ing been brought much in contact with both insurrectos and amigos, I have 
 been reluctantly compelled to believe that the Filipino masses are loyal and 
 devoted to Aguinaldo and the government which he heads. 233 
 
 The fact that Aguinaldo was dictator did not necessarily 
 mean that he imposed his authority upon an unwilling people. 
 A dictatorship happens in every revolution. What he might 
 have done had his Philippine Republic been recognized is an- 
 other question, but in one instance Aguinaldo said that as soon 
 
 233 Congressional Record, 56th Congress, 1st Session, p. 4288 (April 17, 
 1900). 
 
HERITAGE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE 
 
 139 
 
 as peace was established he would resign the temporarily as- 
 sumed authority. 
 
 Speculation in America as to the proper disposition of the 
 Philippines began even before the United States army had left 
 the port of San Francisco. One day in June, Aguinaldo came 
 across the Singapore Times for May 5th in which was an article 
 intimating that the United States would retain the Islands until 
 the war was over, and then if Spain failed to pay the indemnity, 
 would sell them to Great Britain. Aguinaldo communicated at 
 once with the President of the United States through his friend, 
 Mr. Bray of Singapore. It appears, however, that something 
 mysterious happened to the correspondence, for in forwarding 
 it Mr. Bray noted that an enclosed telegram and "other docu- 
 ments" had "been extracted from the cover during transit." 
 Whatever those "other documents" might be which Mr. Bray 
 never found, Aguinaldo 's letter was a strong protest against the 
 proposed disposal of the Philippines. 234 
 
 On the other hand the London Spectator urged that the 
 United States retain the Islands in order to maintain the "bal- 
 ance of power" in the Far East. England had already too 
 much and Germany must not be encouraged in her designs upon 
 China. Russia must be kept away from Australia, and Russia 
 and France must be kept apart. It could not be conceived, 
 asserted the Spectator, that a pagan nation like Japan should 
 rule a Christian people like the Filipinos. As to the main- 
 tenance of peace and order, the Spectator would recommend 
 five thousand negro troops for the Philippines. 
 
 It is needless to say that the proposal aroused the opposition 
 of the Filipino people especially because of the suggestion that 
 negro troops should be stationed to keep peace and order. Had 
 this recommendation been acted upon, the American occupation 
 of the Philippines would have been more than sensational. 
 
 Mr. Bray saw the article, and in reply urged neither the sale 
 
 234 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, pp. 359-361. 
 
240 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 of the Islands nor their occupation by the United States, but an 
 independent Philippines under American protectorate. 235 
 
 Now let us examine the opinion of an American authority, 
 Consul Williams of Manila. Two days after the United States 
 army had landed at Cavite Consul Williams forwarded a special 
 correspondence to Secretary Day, urging American emigration 
 to the Philippines. Mr. Williams urged an influx of 10,000 
 ambitious Americans representing all trades and occupations 
 that year for all "can live well, become enriched, and patriot- 
 ically assist your representatives in the establishment and main- 
 tenance of republican government." 236 
 
 The signing of the Treaty of Paris on December 10, 1898, 
 closed the Spanish-American War. The Filipinos lost the 
 cause which they thought they would surely gain by the fra- 
 ternal aid of the United States. They were destined to undergo 
 another period of tutelage and make their way to independent 
 statehood through industry and peaceful progress. The dark 
 era ended and the epoch of free ideas and liberalism began. 
 
 RIZAL 'S LEGACY 
 
 A consideration of the Filipinos' struggle for freedom under 
 the oppressive yoke of Spain would be incomplete without refer- 
 ence to the unselfish labors of the most revered Filipino hero — 
 Dr. Jose Kizal. 
 
 Under an arbitrary government wherein the freedom of 
 speech was totally repressed, to criticize the government brought 
 the doom of a critic. Rizal was one of those few Filipinos of 
 his time who desired to see a better governed Philippines. 
 Having been educated in Europe and had the privilege of 
 travel all over the world, Rizal saw the backwardness of his 
 country. His wish was to raise the Filipino people to a higher 
 plane through progressive and timely action of the Spanish 
 government. He was the severest critic the Philippines have 
 
 235 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, pp. 348-350. 
 
 236 Senate Documents, 55th Congress, 3rd Session, Vol. VIII, Document 
 No. 62, Pt. 2, p. 331. 
 
AMERICAN OTANDARD IN TIIE nilLirriWE a. ^41 
 
 ever produced, but his criticism was honest and well meant. 
 As he said, criticism is to a government what a symptom of a 
 disease is to an individual. It is a fair warning which calls for 
 immediate action. This was Rizal's attitude toward the Spanish 
 government and because he spoke thus he was executed in spite 
 of unspoken public opposition. This is the core of Rizal's 
 heroism. 
 
 Rizal's labors were directed toward the independence of the 
 Philippines. This was the ultimate object of the Liga Filipina 
 which he organized; but he said, "I place as prior condition 
 the education of the people". This was his theory and when he 
 wrote he had this idea dominant in mind. In Noli Me Tangere 
 Rizal said that he was speaking not to the people of his time 
 but to the coming generation. When the Philippines were 
 seething with revolution, Rizal was charged with being the 
 instigator. Replying to this he wrote to his "Countrymen" 
 saying: 
 
 I have given proofs that I am one of the most anxious for the liberties 
 of our country, and I am still desirous of them. But I place as a prior 
 condition the education of the people, that by means of instruction and 
 industry our country may have an individuality of its own and make itself 
 worthy of these liberties. I have recommended in my writings the study of 
 civic virtues, without which there is no redemption.237 
 
 A propaganda which has for its slogan the progress and 
 development of a people through peaceful means should entail 
 no dangerous results. In spite of this the Spanish government 
 decreed that Rizal was a filibuster and must be executed. The 
 Filipinos to-day are blessed with the bill of rights which guar- 
 antees their personal liberties : that no person shall be deprived 
 of life or liberty without due process of law; that in all cases 
 the accused must be accorded speedy and public trial; that he 
 be informed of the accusation made against him and have a 
 compulsory process of obtaining counsel in his favor. Not one 
 of these was granted to Rizal. The fundamental principle that 
 the accused is presumed innocent until proved guilty was not 
 even recognized, for before the victim had arrived the sentence 
 was practically decided. The court room was full of his enemies 
 
 237 See Craig's The Life and Lineage of Jose Bisal. 
 
2^2 SELF-GOVEBNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 clamoring for his execution. So, on December 30, 1896, Jose 
 Rizal stood before a firing squad and received the fatal bullet 
 which took away the life of one of the most unselfish of men. 
 Because of its gross injustice, the Filipino people were driven 
 to desperation. Instead of inculcating fear as the Spaniards 
 expected the execution made the Filipinos all the more united in 
 their hatred and bitterness against the wrongs committed before 
 their very eyes. 
 
 Thus fell the most consecrated hero of the Filipino people. 
 The man is no more but his spirit lives in every Filipino heart, 
 nay, it is the North Star which guides to the future Philippine 
 Republic. Ever since his days the growth of free and liberal 
 ideas has been the dominant feature in the history of the Philip- 
 pines. Rizal accomplished the one supreme need of the Filipino 
 people. Among his disunited countrymen he produced a com- 
 mon patriotism and a spirit of nationality which have made the 
 Filipinos determined to set their foot on the right road to 
 progress and development. His prize poem, "To the Philippine 
 Youth", 238 had "Growth" for a theme. This theory has found 
 a responsive chord in the younger generation of to-day. Prog- 
 ress through education is the slogan of the Filipino youth and 
 
 ass TO THE PHILIPPINE YOUTH 
 
 Theme : Growth 
 (Translated by Charles Derbyshire) 
 
 Hold high thy brow serene, 
 O youth, where now you stand; 
 Let the bright sheen 
 Of your grace be seen, 
 Pair hope of my fatherland. 
 
 Come now, thou genius grand, 
 
 And bring down inspiration; 
 
 With thy mighty hand 
 
 Swifter than the wind's volation, 
 
 Eaise the eager mind to higher station. 
 
 Come down with pleasing light 
 Of art and science to the fight, 
 O youth, and there untie 
 The chains that heavy lie 
 Your spirit free to blight. 
 
HERITAGE OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE J43 
 
 to that extent they support Rizal's ideal with vigor and loyalty. 
 Rizal taught the youths that self-respect and self-control were 
 prerequisites to a freer and more wisely governed country. 
 Every day brightens the hope of the Filipino people. The 
 Filipinos look forward to the day when their Philippines shall 
 be to the Orient as England is to Europe or the United States to 
 the Americas; and judging from the trend of the Philippine 
 civilization to-day all evidences are in their favor. Occidental 
 liberalism and institutions are being inculcated in the Philip- 
 pines. These are bound to be the future ideals of the Oriental 
 Republic. Especially is the situation very encouraging when 
 to-day free education is the national pride of the Filipino peo- 
 ple. The Filipinos are aware that they will gain much by 
 
 See how in flaming zone 
 Amid the shadows thrown, 
 The Spaniards' holy land 
 A crown's resplendent hand 
 Proffers to this Indian land. 
 
 Thou who now wouldst rise 
 On wings of rich emprise, 
 Seeking from Olympian skies 
 Songs of sweetest strain, 
 Softer than ambrosial rain; 
 
 Thou whose voice divine 
 Rivals Philomel's refrain, 
 And with varied line 
 Through the night benign 
 Frees mortality from pain; 
 
 Thou who by sharp strife 
 
 Wakest the mind to life; 
 
 And the memory bright 
 
 Of thy genius' light 
 
 Makest immortal in its strength 
 
 And thou in accents clear 
 
 Of Phoebus, to Appelles dear; 
 
 Or by the brushes' magic art 
 
 Takest from nature's store a part, 
 
 To fix it on the simple canvas length; 
 
144 
 
 SELF-GOVEKNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 learning, for instance, the most universal language — the Eng- 
 lish language. 
 
 On August 13, 1898, the Spanish flag was lowered in the 
 Philippines to be suppplanted by the Stars and Stripes, the em- 
 blem of liberalism. The Filipino people, not unmindful of 
 Rizal's statement that "those of you who live to see the dawn 
 of the new day should not be forgetful of those who fell during 
 the night", dedicated the first number of the Filipino papers 
 issued under the American flag to Rizal. December 30th is a 
 legal holiday in the Philippines when the Filipino people pay 
 tribute to the man who died that they might live. 
 
 The lessons which they learned by experience are the national 
 heritage of the Filipino people. The regime of Spain has made 
 them resentful and bitter against any wrong and injustice com- 
 mitted by a government. The Filipinos have sacrificed too 
 many precious lives to give up their ideal. In less than twenty 
 years they have made strides which surprised the whole world. 
 Their ambition fires them and they are forging ahead under 
 the government of liberal ideas. 
 
 Go forth and then the sacred fire 
 
 Of thy genius to the laurel may aspire; 
 
 To spread around the fame, 
 
 And in victory acclaim, 
 
 Through wider spheres the human name. 
 
 Day, O happy day, 
 
 Fair Filipinas for thy land! 
 
 So bless the power to-day 
 
 That places in thy way 
 
 This favor and this fortune grand. 
 
VII 
 THE AMERICAN STANDARD IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 Retracing the successive steps which the Filipinos have taken 
 during the last twenty-three years shows how they have devel- 
 oped. The American policy in the Philippines is a challenge to 
 the world, proving that a deviation from the seemingly estab- 
 lished path of colonial administration is not necessarily detri- 
 mental to the interests of the conquered and much less to the 
 purposes of the sovereign. 
 
 The American rule in the Philippines shows three salient 
 features which are worthy of notice: first, that under proper 
 methods and standards two races entirely different from each 
 other can enter into a partnership and work together as if one ; 
 second, the Philippine administration is a reflection of the spirit 
 of America — America in its ambitious youth and utmost na- 
 tional pride ; third, that the Philippine policy has been a success 
 because of the willing cooperation of the Filipino people. 
 
 The Americans and the Filipinos are two distinct races which 
 were foreign to each other until the Spanish-American War 
 which brought the two peoples face to face. With the exception 
 perhaps of the Catholic religion, their civilization has nothing 
 in common. They live under opposite climatic conditions; and 
 have different temperaments, with ideas and traditions most dis- 
 similar. Yet their partnership has worked with the least pos- 
 sible friction. This aspect alone should command the admiration 
 of the world in general, and of that class of people in particular 
 which has made charges that the administration of the Philip- 
 pine affairs is a total failure. It is not quite possible to state 
 the reason for this harmony which stands unparalleled in the 
 history of colonization. This much may be said that those who 
 have been in contact with Filipinos in experiences where their 
 opportunities are equally recognized will agree with the writer 
 
 145 
 10 
 
246 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 that of all Orientals the Filipinos are most assimilable and 
 come nearest to the Americans. Aside from the American 
 sympathy for his "brown brother", they soon find a common 
 ground. It is true the Filipinos are Catholic as are many 
 Americans but where the church and state are divorced the 
 church exerts little influence and may become negligible. Some 
 have attributed the extraordinary harmony of the two peoples 
 to the fact that the Filipino people are to a degree civilized in 
 European mediaevalism which places them at an advantage over 
 the rest of the Oriental peoples. This argument may have some 
 bearing on the controversy but what about England in India or 
 in Egypt? England has been in these countries for many dec- 
 ades, yet these people find little reason for appreciating the 
 British policy. It may be that the Filipinos are a peculiar 
 people to adapt themselves to new conditions, as it has been 
 supposed, but the writer is inclined to believe that any people 
 can adapt itself to a new situation especially if it is superior to 
 theirs if they are given the opportunity. It all depends upon 
 how much is conceded and if England, for instance, had tried 
 to Anglicize her colonies as the United States did her territories 
 they would perhaps have established a sympathetic relationship 
 which would grow closer as time rolled by. The cooperation has 
 been possible because America is human. She carried out her 
 policy but was not unmindful of the aspirations and desires of 
 the Filipino people. For this reason America deserves the 
 everlasting gratitude of the Filipinos, of the Porto Ricans, and 
 of the Cubans. As someone has said America has conquered 
 with ideas where others have failed with swords. 
 
 Perhaps there is no other people in the world who are so 
 proud of their ideals, institutions, and government as the Amer- 
 ican people. There are more in America than anywhere else 
 who are willing to lay down their lives for the defense of their 
 tradition. Proud of their ideals the Americans bravely pushed 
 the western frontier to the ocean, and expanded the vast country 
 as far north and south as it could be made to go. This is the 
 spirit which dared to girdle the vast area of America with steel, 
 piercing the rocky obstructions and reaching from one side of 
 
AMERICAN STANDARD IN THE PHILIPPINES ^47 
 
 the valley to the other. This is the strong and bold spirit which 
 raised the channels of traffic overhead; it is the spirit which 
 bored subways, and built over them massive structures which 
 defy the skies. The ambition of young America is made mani- 
 fest in a multitude of ways. 
 
 With respect to her colonies it is significant that America 
 Americanizes wherever she goes. She has Americanized the 
 Hawaiian Islands; she carried the same spirit to the Porto 
 Ricans, and in less than a quarter of a century, she established 
 an Oriental America in the Philippines. America is the only 
 country which offers her social system to the territories and 
 teaches her traditions to all those with which she comes in con- 
 tact and in this peaceful way extends an invitation to join in 
 fraternal fellowship and mutual understanding. This has been 
 realized abroad; it is emphasized at home among the millions 
 who hail from all quarters of the globe. They are taught the 
 traditions of America so that they, too, may enjoy the blessings 
 of liberty which make for progress and self-development. The 
 public schools of America are the backbone of American loyalty 
 and patriotism, molding the lives of millions to the standard of 
 American citizenship. The public schools work .upon the young ; 
 the Americanization movement works upon the old. Such a 
 spirit should command the unqualified support of patriotic 
 Americans who wish to see the pride and tradition of America 
 maintained against the oncoming millions. America is the only 
 country which allows political rebirth; the other countries of 
 the world depend upon the multiplication of their subjects. 
 Education as the basis of representative government is being 
 emphasized in the Philippines. In her external obligations and 
 policies America alone reveals the humane motive. The several 
 wars America has entered have been actuated by humane mo- 
 tives. "In the name of humanity and on behalf of civilization 
 the war in Cuba must stop" is an oft repeated saying in the 
 Philippines. The interventions in Mexico were all caused by 
 inhuman cruelties. The United States entered the World War 
 to make "the world safe for democracy". 
 
 The spirit of America has been made manifest in the Philip- 
 
148 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 pines in several ways. Three may be noticed: firs t, in the 
 material development of the country; second, in the educational 
 system ; third, in the popular participation in government. 
 
 Those who have watched the progress of the Philippines along 
 material lines must have realized the enormous changes which 
 have occurred during the last decade. To be sure, the resources 
 of the Philippines have not been developed as much as could be 
 desired but never before did the Filipino people see a more 
 progressive era. The spirit of American progress is apparent 
 in many ways — in the improved means of communication in- 
 cluding railroads, paved roads, telephone and telegraph lines; 
 in public works of all kinds; in modern means of sanitation; 
 and especially in the popularity of goods and articles "Made in 
 America". This phase is so apparent to the casual observer 
 that it would not be overstressing it to say that as the United 
 States of to-day is not the same United States as in 1898, so the 
 Philippines of to-day are not the same Philippines as before the 
 Spanish-American War. In that year the United States laid 
 aside its policy of isolation : in that year the Philippine Islands 
 opened their doors to the western civilization. It can not be 
 disputed that the Americans have offered to the Filipinos better 
 opportunities than they have ever known. The multitude of 
 public and permanent improvements which the American genius 
 has achieved in the Philippines will remain as a source of in- 
 spiration to the Filipino youth. 
 
 In the second place America Americanized the Filipinos 
 through the public schools. The Filipinos have learned that 
 education alone enlightens people. Little do the American peo- 
 ple perhaps realize that through the Philippine public schools 
 the Filipinos learn the institutions, customs, and traditions of 
 America. Through this peaceful means the Filipinos learn of 
 the "land of the free and the home of the brave". They study 
 the struggles of the Americans against British oppression, read 
 of American aspirations for independent statehood, and of the 
 marvellous progress which the Americans have achieved during 
 the last centur^ which has placed them as one of the sovereigns 
 of the world, i "Whatever you want done by the State put it in 
 
AMERICAN STANDARD IN THE PHILIPPINES }49 
 
 schools" was a principle announced by a German statesman. 
 America conquered through schools and the Filipinos are real- 
 izing that but for the schools democracy would be a failure in 
 the Philippines. It goes without saying that the Filipinos have 
 been most responsive and appreciative so that they, too, are all 
 the more inspired to become a strong nation in the Far East. 
 
 Textbooks written by American authors and American liter- 
 ature have made for the rapid Americanization of the Filipino 
 people. Because of the public schools seventy per cent of the 
 Philippine population above ten years of age have been saved 
 from illiteracy. In two decades the English language has over- 
 shadowed the Spanish, reducing the old language to a place of 
 insignificant importance as an instrument of communication. 
 The knowledge of the English language is a national asset of 
 universal significance to the Filipino people. Its mastery will 
 qualify them not only for the world of commerce but also for a 
 membership in the family of nations. 
 
 Thirdly, the Americans have extended to the Filipino people 
 what they fought for in 1896. They have individual liberty 
 with its inherent privilege of participation in the government. 
 A government created by the people and maintained by the 
 people is least felt but not least effective. For this reason it 
 coincides with human character. It is an established opinion 
 that the liberal spirit on the part of the United States explains 
 the success of the American regime in the Philippines. The 
 Filipino people gratefully acknowledge the concession which 
 they never saw before. 
 
 The manner in which the Filipinos were given the privilege of 
 shaping their own government has been intensive as well as 
 extensive. Even in the first days of military rule local govern- 
 ments were organized on principles of popular government. 
 Nine years after the destruction of the Spanish fleet, the Philip- 
 pine Assembly was inaugurated, composed of Filipinos and elect- 
 ed by Filipinos ; and nine years later the Philippine Legislature 
 became popularly elected. Add to this the gradual promotion 
 of Filipinos to appointive positions, a process popularly known 
 as the Filipinization of the insular service, and it is not too much 
 
 / 
 
250 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 to say that in eighteen short years the government of the Philip- 
 pine Islands changed from one of Americans with the coopera- 
 tion of the Filipinos to one of Filipinos with the aid of 
 Americans. 
 
 To an impartial observer the magnitude and significance of 
 such a policy is far reaching. The mere idea that every indi- 
 vidual is an indispensable part of the great commonwealth, the 
 sum total of whose support makes for the maintenance of society, 
 is an enviable blessing to be cherished by every man. This is 
 one of the outstanding attractions of the United States to the 
 peoples on the other side of the ocean. Arbitrary rule can be 
 endured for some time, but never all the time. The Israelites 
 endured making bricks without straw for four hundred years; 
 the Filipinos endured arbitrary taxation for three hundred and 
 thirty years. Time has brought the verdict. Kingdoms and 
 empires are disappearing one after another. They were a neces- 
 sary stage in the human development, but their terms have 
 expired and there is now evolving a form of law and justice 
 which comes closest to human conscience and sentiment. Like 
 a home the best government is where discipline is least felt. 
 
 The policy of England in her colonies and that of the United 
 States in the Philippines show very decided contrasts. In the 
 first place, England never intended to Anglicize her many colo- 
 nies. It seems that the scores of years in Egypt, the century in 
 the Malay States and the three hundred years in India have 
 failed to impart the English language to over one per cent of 
 the population. These countries have refused the social systems 
 of Great Britain. Obviously, the main object of the British 
 government is to develop the material resources of her colonies 
 and stimulate commerce to the highest degree. At the same 
 time it is hoped that the inhabitants will be more contented as 
 they become more productive /and progressive. In this respect, 
 the United States has yet to learn from England. The develop- 
 ment of the Philippine resources has been retarded for two 
 reasons : first, because of the constant agitation for independence 
 and the failure of the United States to define its policy until 
 1916. This fact kept conditions rather unstable. The second 
 
AMERICAN STANDARD IN THE PHILIPPINES ^5^ 
 
 reason is because of certain class interests which controlled the 
 majority in Congress for a decade. 
 
 The question may be raised as to whether a European govern- 
 ment may thrive in Asia. To be sure, there are obstructions in 
 the way; for instance there are dynasties to be broken down, 
 besides numerous castes which tend to oppose liberal govern- 
 ment. But in return it may be said that the Filipinos never 
 saw a republican form of government before and yet they have 
 carried it out successfully. The American policy in the Philip- 
 pines will weaken the prestige of England in her colonies by 
 inspiring the colonial inhabitants to desire the same era of lib- 
 eral ideas and progress as the Filipinos now enjoy. 
 
 The third feature of the American administration in the 
 Philippines which must be observed, is that the administration 
 has been made possible because of the willing cooperation of the 
 Filipino people. This is recognized by the officials who have to 
 do with the Philippine affairs and stands as an indisputable fact. 
 No policy can be put into execution upon an unwilling people. 
 The Filipinos are ambitious and because they are, they have 
 given every assistance to the American authorities in order to 
 hasten the realization of their ambition. 
 
 Within the last eight years occasional charges have been made 
 to the effect that the Philippines have been hopelessly neglected. 
 These charges are either the after effects of the changes which 
 followed the Democratic victory in 1912 or are an evidence of 
 party loyalty, if not party prejudice. Indeed the extension of 
 self-government has been hastened during the last eight years 
 to the dismay of the conservative factions in the United States. 
 The passage of the Jones Law in 1916 was considered a radical 
 step which almost overshadowed the Republican policy in the 
 Philippines for sixteen years. From 1898 to 1916 the adminis- 
 tration of the Philippine affairs had been provisional with no 
 definite policy embodied in law. The Filipinos took things for 
 granted on the basis of official diplomacy on the part of Amer- 
 ican officials in the Islands. The Jones Law provided among 
 other things for the Filipinization of the Philippine service. It 
 gave the Filipino people the elective Senate with all the ordi- 
 
252 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 nary prerogatives of that body, especially the power to approve 
 the appointments made by the Governor General. The Philip- 
 pine Legislature, was given the broadest powers, including the 
 power to reorganize the executive departments which are now 
 under the Filipinos themselves. Lastly, the law promised the 
 recognition of Philippine independence as soon as a stable gov- 
 ernment shall be established therein. 
 
 These provisions shocked the more or less conservative fac- 
 tions in the United States who believed that the work of the 
 first sixteen years was shattered. The Filipinos know that such 
 provisions were not forthcoming for a decade under the Repub- 
 lican rule. The question may be asked whether such concessions 
 under the Democratic Party were not a little too rapid for the 
 safety and interests of the Filipino people. This remains to be 
 seen, but so far there has not been any evidence to that effect. 
 
 The Republican victory in the last general election raises two 
 questions in regard to the administration and policy in the 
 Philippines within the next four years. It has been noted that 
 throughout the Democratic administration in the Philippines 
 the Republicans pitilessly condemned the policy of Filipinizing 
 the civil service. Will the next Republican Governor General 
 restore the old order of American superiors and Filipino sub- 
 ordinates in the offices or is he going to continue the liberalism 
 of the outgoing party in this respect? This is a very serious 
 aspect- of the Philippine administration for the change can not 
 be effected without the strong opposition of the majority of the 
 Filipino people. The policy of Filipinizing the Philippine ser- 
 vice is officially provided for in the Jones Law but its execution 
 rests with the Governor General. From this standpoint the 
 problem of making the change according to the Republican 
 theory of administration hinges on the chief executive. It is to 
 be hoped that whatever changes may be made or proposed, will 
 be effected in the most amicable way and to the interests of the 
 Filipino people as it should always be. After the liberalism of 
 the Democratic administration the Republican Party will find 
 the restoration of old methods in the Philippines a difficult task. 
 
 The other aspect of the Democratic regime which has always 
 
AMERICAN STANDARD IN THE PHILIPPINES J53 
 
 been considered an unnecessary mistake by party opponents is 
 the power of the Philippine Senate to approve the appointments 
 made by the Governor General. This raises the second question 
 — will the Republicans strike this provision out of the Jones 
 Law? If the new administration decides to return to the old 
 order of appointing Americans to the executive departments this 
 action will meet with the determined opposition of the Senate. 
 Of these two aspects of the problem, this much may be said: 
 the Filipinos are determined to remain where they now are and 
 any attempt to change their position which has the effect of 
 throwing them back will create friction. They have gone too far 
 to turn and retrace their steps. The continuity of the peace 
 and progress of the Philippines will depend upon the diplomatic 
 tact of the next Republican Governor General of the Philippines. 
 
 There is no doubt that foreign capital will be more encour- 
 aged to flow into the Philippines under the Republican rule 
 than under the Democratic regime. Within the last three years 
 capital entered the Islands in the most unprecedented way, but 
 it is supposed that it was because independence was not forth- 
 coming as it seemed in 1915, and since the Republicans were 
 bound to return and under their administration independence is 
 much less likely to be realized, capital felt safe to enter the 
 Islands. If this opinion proves true, and it seems to be in ac- 
 cordance with American inclination, then the Philippines will 
 see the banner period of economic development under the Re- 
 publican Party. This much is encouraging and the Filipinos 
 will be most benefited. 
 
 The triumph of the Republican Party will defer the prospect 
 for independence for at least four years. While it will stimulate 
 the well directed efforts of propaganda, the Filipino people can 
 not but feel that they are like a football which is kicked from 
 one end of the field to the other and arrives nowhere. It seems 
 that the national progress of the Filipinos will have to be the 
 mean or the resultant mean of the two mighty Republican and 
 Democratic forces which pull in opposite directions. This is the 
 attendant experience of a dependency. It is at the mercy of 
 
154 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 party prejudices. A structure which one party builds rises only 
 to be crushed down by the other. 
 
 THE AMERICAN ATTITUDE TOWARD INDEPENDENCE 
 
 It is not within the compass of this monograph to discuss the 
 readiness or the unreadiness of the Filipinos for independence, 
 the burning subject which, in spite of its nobleness of purpose, 
 has been much mutilated by political prejudice. However, it 
 seems fitting to make at least an estimate of how the problem 
 stands in the mind of the average American citizen in the 
 United States. Therefore an impartial presentation of the gen- 
 eral attitude of the Americans toward the subject of Philippine 
 independence seems desirable at this point. 
 
 It is now provided by law that the United States will some- 
 time in the future withdraw from the Philippine Islands and 
 recognize their political independence. This promise to the 
 Filipinos is to be fulfilled as soon as a stable government can be 
 established therein. On the theory that a law is a solemn ex- 
 pression of public opinion, the Jones Law of August 29, 1916, 
 embodies this purpose of the Americans. 
 
 The political history of the Central and South American 
 Republics, not excluding Mexico and the Philippines, led the 
 world to question whether the Latin races have the genius for 
 political independence. The rise of arbitrary dictatorship in 
 Central and South America and in Mexico has created an 
 opinion in the United States which only time and good works 
 can eradicate. The sister republics in the south seem to have 
 regained their reputation ; and it remains for the Mexicans and 
 the Filipinos to do likewise. To the American people, Mexico 
 and the Philippines are first degree political cousins if not 
 brothers of the same Spanish parentage for they seem to have 
 identical political temperaments. Indeed the popular opinion is 
 that when independence is granted to the Filipinos, Mexico will 
 be duplicated in the Far East. It is, indeed, unfortunate that 
 such an opinion should be entertained in the United States, but 
 the history of the Philippine Revolution seems to have justified 
 the westerners in this attitude of mind. It is chiefly derived 
 
AMERICAN STANDARD IN THE PHILIPPINES J55 
 
 from the story of General Emilio Aguinaldo, the first President 
 of the short-lived Philippine Republic, whose power as a dic- 
 tator developed in the following manner. 239 
 >|At the meeting of the Katipuneros in San Fernando de Mala- 
 bon, on March 12, 1897, Don Emilio Aguinaldo then command- 
 ing captain of a battalion against Spain was elected President 
 of the Central Government which would have charge of the pro- 
 posed revolution against Spain. Andres Bonifacio, the organ- 
 izer of the society of Katipunan, was elected the Director of the 
 Department of Interior; but, offended because some opposed 
 his nomination, he left the hall in disgust, saying that as the 
 organizer of the society he refused to recognize the actions taken 
 at the meeting. He and his two brothers betook themselves to 
 the mountains. Aguinaldo despatched two companies to arrest 
 the brothers. In the fight which ensued one of the brothers was 
 killed and Andres, himself wounded, was captured and, with his 
 remaining brother, was shot later. 
 
 There is yet to be found an impartial critic and witness of 
 this event who could furnish a justifiable reason for Aguinaldo 's 
 act. This was the beginning of the rise of his personal ambition 
 which earned him the title of insurgent leader and arbitrary 
 dictator to stain the spotless and legitimate aspirations of the 
 Filipino people. Furthermore, during the war with the Amer- 
 icans and at the time military services and intellectual facul- 
 ties were most needed, Aguinaldo eliminated General Luna in 
 the most treacherous manner, simply because Aguinaldo thought 
 his colleague was trying to replace him. This incident destroyed 
 the favorable impression of the statesmanship and valor of the 
 Filipino people formerly held by the Americans, compelling 
 them to believe that the aspiration for independence is a class 
 agitation under the cloak of unselfish patriotism. 
 
 The reforms which were demanded of Spain were unquestion- 
 ably the crystallization of the honorable aspiration of the Fili- 
 pino race for a freer life. But when personal ambition, dis- 
 guised in patriotic clothes, dominates, a cause however praise- 
 worthy and noble becomes corrupt, to the contempt and disgust 
 
 239 See Mabini 's The Bise and Fall of the Philippine 'Revolution. 
 
256 SELF-GOVEKNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 of the world. Such is the result, the unfortunate result of the 
 Philippine Revolution of 1896 and of the war with the Amer- 
 icans in 1899. The execution of Andres Bonifacio shows Aguin- 
 aldo overwhelmingly ambitious for personal power. Upon this 
 very weakness the enemies of the stern but loyal General Luna 
 concentrated their selfish efforts. By employing the men whom 
 General Luna had punished for discipline Aguinaldo crushed 
 the morale of the Filipino force. Andres Bonifacio used to say 
 that we should fear history. The Philippine Revolution failed 
 because it was badly directed. In his reliable and trustworthy 
 colleague in the person of General Luna, Aguinaldo saw a rival 
 who tried to snatch his power away from him. It has not been 
 fully realized in the Philippines that Aguinaldo 's arbitrary acts 
 during the war, followed later in 1907, by the election of Dr. 
 Gomez to the Philippine Assembly, have led the American peo- 
 ple to question the ability and the genius of the Filipinos for 
 popular government. This distrust retards the movement for 
 self-government and the immediate consequence is that the ques- 
 tion of independence, worthy of consideration as it is, has re- 
 ceived only scant attention in the United States; there is a 
 strong suspicion that it is a movement engineered by a few of 
 Aguinaldo 's type and temperament. For this reason it has 
 failed to acquire the dignity of a great popular agitation. Add 
 to this the apparent backwardness and poverty of the Filipinos 
 and the sincere agitation for self-government loses its prestige. 
 The Filipinos have not yet gained the confidence of the Amer- 
 ican people — indeed their most highly esteemed statesmen are 
 classed with the famous Villa of Mexico. 
 
 There are other aspects of the independence movement which 
 should command the earnest consideration of every citizen of 
 the Philippine Islands. First, the movement has been hopelessly 
 corrupted in politics. Those who watch Philippine politics must 
 have realized how campaign speeches are enlivened by the ap- 
 peal for independence. Championed on the stump and on every 
 occasion the independence propaganda has assumed the aspect 
 of partisan agitation. The Filipino press supports the natural 
 aspiration of the people and it has not been slow to make polit- 
 
AMERICAN STANDARD IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 157 
 
 ical capital of every issue which relates to the problem. The 
 independence movement should be divorced from politics. By 
 its nature and character, it is a national aspiration which should 
 command the earnest consideration of every Filipino citizen. 
 
 The second phase of the movement which must not be over- 
 looked is the fact that ever since the American rule the Nacion- 
 alista Party has been the sponsor of the agitation. To that 
 extent it seems to an impartial observer like a class agitation. 
 
 Thirdly, there has not been any systematic attempt to educate 
 the Filipino people on the issue of independence. According 
 to American standard the great mass should be educated on 
 all phases of the issue and the fact that the Legislature which 
 is elected by the people endorses the movement does not neces- 
 sarily indicate the desire of the public. This is a very essential 
 aspect of the issue which the Filipino leaders have overlooked in 
 the campaign for independence. To the American people who 
 will pass their opinion on the subject this need is indispensable 
 before any favorable consideration can be entertained, and until 
 a popular vote is taken the American people will continue to 
 nourish the idea that the agitation for independence is a class 
 agitation. 
 
 The passage of the Jones Law promising independence as 
 soon as a stable government shall be established therein has been 
 a source of encouragement. It has encouraged and stimulated a 
 more organized propaganda for independence in America than 
 ever before. Worthy of note in the propaganda is the fact that 
 the Filipino press has been confining its argument for the issue 
 to the legal aspect and insists that America must fulfill her 
 promise. In the opinion of the Filipino press "America is On 
 Trial" to redeem her word. To the American mind, however, 
 the promise is discretionary, giving to Congress a wide discrim- 
 ination. It is believed that the Filipino people must demon- 
 strate the best in every respect of national existence in order to 
 convince America that they are prepared to be given the duties 
 and the responsibilities of an independent nation ; that a perfect 
 governmental machinery which operates without loud jarrings 
 does not necessarily guarantee perfect peace and order in time 
 
258 SELF-GOVEBNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 of crisis. In other words, the American people believe that 
 political stability is only a partial fulfillment of the required 
 condition for a stable government, and the Filipinos must also 
 overcome the apparent backwardness which is so evident to the 
 observer. The Americans believe thai the Filipinos have devel- 
 oped politically in a wonderful manner ; that as far as this phase 
 is concerned they are far ahead of Cuba when independence was 
 conceded to it. But according to the American standard they 
 must develop economically for economic development and inde- 
 pendence are the measure of efficient government and a prosper- 
 ous people. 
 
 This is the general attitude in America toward the Filipinos 
 with respect to their aspiration for self-government. Time and 
 facts only will convince Americans. In regard to conceding 
 independence, the Democrats and the Republicans have prac- 
 tically identical policies although the former are inclined to 
 grant it sooner than the latter. This is indicated by the fact 1 
 that during the Democratic administration the Filipinos became 
 practically independent as has already been shown. Whatever 
 the aspiration of the Filipinos may be, the United States has set 
 up a high standard for them. As an official once said, the apple 
 is high and the Filipinos must climb for it and not merely shake 
 it into their hat. While President of the United States, Mr. 
 Taft said: "We should endeavor to secure for the Filipinos 
 economic independence and to fit them for complete self-govern- 
 ment, with the power to decide eventually, according to their 
 own largest good, whether such self-government shall be accom- 
 panied by independence." In 1913 Governor General Harrison 
 conveyed this message of President Wilson to the Filipino 
 people : 
 
 We regard ourselves as trustees acting not for the advantage of the 
 United States but for the benefit of the Philippine Islands. Every step we 
 take will be taken with a view to the ultimate independence of the Islands 
 and as preparation for that independence. And we hope to move toward 
 that end as rapidly as the safety and permanent interests of the Islands 
 will permit. After each step taken, experience will guide us to the next. 
 
 The Republican platform for 1920 made no provision concern- 
 
AMERICAN STANDARDS IN THE PHILIPPINES ^59 
 
 ing the Philippines and the Democratic platform merely re- 
 stated the well established policy which every person has com- 
 mitted to memory that Philippine independence will be granted 
 ''without unnecessary delay". These testimonies tend to show 
 that America is determined to pursue the process of gradual 
 evolution; that she is reluctant to leave her task unfinished. 
 The Republican Party has never been disposed to grant the 
 Filipinos their freedom, and coupled with this the fact that in 
 the United States the Philippine problem is like a drop in the 
 bucket, the prospect for the realization of the Filipinos' aspira- 
 tion does no/ appear bright. The term which begins in March 
 has before tt colossal problems to solve and unless the Filipinos 
 win the attention of the new Congress the cause is bound to be 
 drowned. 
 
 AMERICA'S PRD3E IN THE PHDLIPPINES 
 
 Perhaps it is not fully realized in the United States that the 
 Filipino people, notwithstanding their constant agitation for 
 independence which has given the impression of dissatisfaction, 
 are indebted to the American people for what is in the Philip- 
 pines to-day. The Philippines have been so metamorphosed 
 during the last twenty-three years that the Philippines of to-day 
 are no longer the Philippines of yesterday. The Americans who 
 question the administration in the Philippines should, instead, 
 take pride in the public improvements which have been effected 
 during their regime. In place of narrow roads, which at times 
 became impassable, there are to-day broad and well kept high- 
 ways which shorten the distance from one town to another. 
 The Philippines take pride in the seven thousand miles of the 
 best macadamized roads in the world. Modern bridges span the 
 rivers and dales where before feeble structures made traffic so 
 insecure. In the provincial capitals large concrete buildings 
 have replaced the wooden ones to house the ever increasing 
 business of the government. Added to these are the many mod- 
 ern school houses which have arisen since the American admin- 
 istration and still continue to rise one after another to accommo- 
 date the eager youths to get an education. There is every 
 reason for encouragement. The Philippines are making a place 
 
260 SELF-GOVERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 in the world's trade. Steam has shortened the world's girdle to 
 Manila and has likewise made inter-island traffic most common. 
 Isolation is no longer tolerated in the Philippines. Port works 
 have been expanded and lighthouses erected to direct sailors to 
 paths of safety. The opening of the Islands alone makes for a 
 more united Filipino race and adds to the solidarity of the 
 ambitious people. 
 
 Under the American rule the Philippines have entered into 
 government ownership of the railroads. The government has 
 been operating the railroad at a profit much larger than the 
 private owner ever gained. The Philippine National Bank, 
 established in 1916, increased its total assets from 11,800,000 
 pesos to 210,942,000 pesos in 1918. It is practically owned by 
 the Filipino people through their government which furnished 
 over half the capital. The National Development Company and 
 the National Hemp Company were created by the government 
 and largely capitalized by it in 1919 to exploit and develop the 
 natural resources of the Islands, especially the hemp industry. 
 The government of the Philippines opened the rich island of 
 Mindanao to settlers, labor, and capital. The development of 
 this island means the economic growth of the Philippines. 240 
 
 Public health is to-day far safer than it was twenty years ago. 
 The Philippines are adopting modern methods of sanitation. 
 One of the best equipped hospitals in the world and the model 
 hospital in the Far East is the Philippine General Hospital in 
 Manila. 
 
 The Filipino people take a superlative pride in their educa- 
 tional system and its accomplishment. The enterprise saved 
 seventy per cent of the population above ten years of age from 
 illiteracy. The appropriation of fifteen million dollars in 1918 
 will extend primary education to the most remote places, which 
 have not been reached so far. There are universities and col- 
 leges in the Philippines but the largest and most modern is the 
 University of the Philippines which was organized in 1908. It 
 
 240 See Harrison's article in Reconstruction, June, 1920; The Modern Re- 
 view (Calcutta), March, 1919, p. 298; The Manila Times, November 2, 
 1919, pp. 1, 4. 
 
AMERICAN STANDARDS IN THE PHILIPPINES JgJ 
 
 has the colleges of liberal arts, education, medicine, law, agri- 
 culture, engineering, veterinary science, besides the schools of 
 pharmacy, dentistry, forestry, fine arts and music. The Far 
 East looks upon the Philippines as a model in educating the 
 Oriental peoples. 
 
 During this period the Filipinos have perfected a govern- 
 mental machinery which is adapted to the temper and peculiar 
 conditions of the country. Indeed the Filipinos believe they 
 have a better structure and a more workable government than the 
 United States, their teacher and their tutor. As has been dem- 
 onstrated the Philippines have adopted a budget system, some- 
 thing which the United States has never known. The parlia- 
 mentary system has done away with the irresponsibility inherent 
 in the presidential system. This is an improvement which the 
 Filipinos are proud of. 
 
 The political life of the Philippines to-day is a paradise com- 
 pared with their previous condition under the Spanish regime. 
 Well protected by law the Filipinos to-day live under conditions 
 which they never knew before. Their inalienable rights and 
 liberties are now made the concern of the government. No law 
 may be passed which shall deprive any person of life, liberty, or 
 property without due process of law ; and every person is guar- 
 anteed equal protection of the laws. In the Philippines, Amer- 
 icans and Filipinos come before the same court and are judged 
 under the same law. The bill of rights enumerated in the 
 organic law protects the freedom of speech, the freedom of the 
 press, and the freedom of religion. Once for all the church and 
 state have been separated. All these make for a freer and more 
 secure public life which have been realized under the American 
 regime Needless to saj' the conversion of the non-Christian 
 tribes to accept the government, marks the beginning of the 
 unification of the Filipino people. 
 
 That the Filipino people remain gratefully indebted to the 
 United States is unquestionable. The Philippines will always be 
 the ally of the United States. With the ever increasing spirit of 
 nationality among the Filipino people, reinforced by their 
 
162 SELF-fcOYERNMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES 
 
 V.T- 
 
 ardent ambitiojf*for independent statehood, the Philippines are 
 bound to become America in miniature. 
 
 America conquered with wisdom and ideals where others have 
 failed with force and compulsion. 
 
 
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