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 THE HISTORY OF THE CHORUS 
 IN THE GERMAN DRAMA 
 
 BY 
 
 ELSIE WINIFRED HELMRICH 
 
 SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR 
 
 THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, IN THE FACULTY 
 
 OF PHILOSOPHY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 
 
 NEW YORK 
 1912 
 
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY GERMANIC STUDIES 
 
 THE CHORUS IN THE GERMAN 
 DRAMA 
 
COLUMBIA 
 
 UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
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 NEW YORK: 
 
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 25 RICHMOND STREET, W. 
 
THE HISTORY OF THE CHORUS 
 IN THE GERMAN DRAMA 
 
 BY 
 
 ELSIE WINIFRED HELMRICH 
 
 SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR 
 
 THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, IN THE FACULTY 
 
 OF PHILOSOPHY, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 
 
 NEW YORK 
 1912 
 
Copyright, 1912 
 BY COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS 
 
 Printed from type, August, 1012 
 
PTGH 
 
 Accepted for publication on behalf of the Department of Ger- 
 manic Languages and Literatures of Columbia University. 
 
 CALVIN THOMAS 
 New York, May 75, 1912. 
 
 254202 
 
PREFACE 
 
 A chorus of some kind occurs with more or less frequency 
 throughout the whole history of the German drama. The 
 great mysteries or pageants of medieval Germany had their 
 origin in a church chorus, and for a considerable period of their 
 evolution were vitally connected with this chorus. In the 
 sixteenth century enthusiasm for the New Learning was 
 brought from Italy into Germany and gave rise to the era of 
 the Latin school-comedy and the Reformation drama with 
 choral odes between the acts. In the seventeenth century 
 the Renaissance drama of France and Holland was introduced, 
 and the Senecan chorus became an essential part of the drama. 
 With this century the chorus as a recognized part of dramatic 
 technic passed out of existence, but admiration for all things 
 Greek led, in the eighteenth century, to a renewed interest in 
 the chorus. Its value and significance for the drama were 
 discussed by many dramatists, and in a few cases it was used 
 by way of experiment. During the Romantic period the 
 chorus, with the exception of a few sporadic instances, again 
 disappears, only to reappear, in the middle of the nineteenth 
 century, in a new form, that of the orchestra in the music 
 dramas of Richard Wagner. 
 
 Although the chorus is found in every period of German 
 literature it is not possible to trace a definite line of develop- 
 ment. The chorus of one century did not evolve out of the 
 chorus of the preceding century, but in each case the chorus 
 was brought into Germany under the direct influence of some 
 foreign literature. 
 
 The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the chorus as 
 used by the German dramatists; to point out the important 
 differences in the method of treatment in the works of authors 
 of different periods and under different literary conditions; 
 and in the light of these investigations to account for the 
 failure to make the chorus an essential part of the technic of 
 
 vii 
 
Vlll 
 
 the drama. This examination is limited to the original dramas 
 in which the chorus appears. All discussion of the chorus in 
 translations, paraphrases, or in the various "Festspiele, " 
 "Singspiele" and operas of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
 centuries has been omitted. 
 
 It is a pleasure to acknowledge my indebtedness to Professor 
 Calvin Thomas for good counsel and helpful criticism in the 
 writing of this dissertation. My sincere thanks are also due 
 to Professor William H. Carpenter, Professor William A. 
 Hervey, and Professor Arthur F. J. Remy of the Germanic 
 Department, and Professor James Egbert of the Department 
 of Classical Philology for their kind interest in my work at 
 all times. 
 
 NEW YORK, April 8, 1912. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. INTRODUCTION i 
 
 II. THE CHORUS IN THE EARLY CHURCH PLAYS . 10 
 
 III. THE CHORUS UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF THE 
 
 LATIN COMEDY 23 
 
 IV. FROM GRYPHIUS TO GOTTSCHED ... 43 
 
 V. THE CHORUS IN THE EIGHTEENTH AND NINE- 
 TEENTH CENTURIES 63 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 90 
 
 INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 95 
 
 IX 
 
CHAPTER I 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 An exhaustive study of the history of the chorus in the 
 German drama is impossible without taking into consideration 
 the development which the original Greek chorus underwent 
 in the Roman, Italian, French, Dutch and English drama 
 before it was brought into Germany in the sixteenth, seven- 
 teenth and eighteenth centuries. For, owing to the break in 
 the history of German literature during the Thirty Years' 
 War and the breach caused by the essentially different com- 
 prehension of the drama that resulted from the teachings of 
 Lessing, the dramatists of one century were not influenced by 
 those of the preceding century, but in each case the introduc- 
 tion of the chorus was due to an influx of foreign ideas. 
 
 Greek drama, * originating as it did in the primitive hymns 
 sung by the rustic revellers at the rural festivals in honor of 
 Dionysus, the god of wine, was in its earliest form entirely 
 lyrical. Clad in goatskins, the inhabitants of the Attic 
 village gathered around a rustic altar, and as they sang accom- 
 panied their songs with dances under the direction of a leader 
 who regulated the movements of the dance. As time passed, 
 the leader of the chorus related, during the pauses in the sing- 
 ing, the adventures of Dionysus, his sufferings and triumphs, 
 and the chorus expressed in song and in appropriate move- 
 ments and gestures the feelings aroused by the story. Here 
 we have the intermediate stage in the transition from chorus 
 to drama. Gradually the rude improvisation gave way to 
 
 1 My chief authorities, in dealing with this introductory phase of the 
 subject, were A. E. Haigh, The Attic Theatre, Oxford, 1907; L. Campbell, 
 A Guide to Greek Tragedy, London, 1891 ; H. E. Butler, Post-Augustan Poetry 
 from Seneca to Juvenal, Oxford, 1909; A. Chassang, Des essais dramatiques 
 imites de Vantiquite au XIV e et au XV' siecle, Paris, 1852. Others are 
 referred to in the footnotes. 
 
 i 
 
chants in regular lyric form and the satyric chorus developed 
 into the dignified chorus with strophe, antistrophe and epode 
 as found in later tragedy. The chants were no longer sung 
 by the whole group of revellers, but by a trained chorus of 
 fifty persons, and thus, even before the dramatic element had 
 begun to develop, the chorus had reached an artistic form. 
 The dithyrambs, or choral songs and dances, were still further 
 developed when an actor was introduced, and the dialogue was 
 no longer carried on between the leader and the whole chorus, 
 but between the leader and this actor. 
 
 When ^Eschylus began to compose his dramas Greek trage- 
 dy was a sacred choral performance the chief interest of which 
 was centered in the lyrics of the chorus ; while the simple plot 
 sustained by the declamations of the actor, or by dialogues 
 between this actor and the chorus, served as the thread by 
 which the whole was held together. ^Eschylus by the intro- 
 duction of a second actor so far limited the choral parts as to 
 make them secondary to the action; for when the chorus was 
 no longer necessary for the representation of the plot the 
 center of interest was transferred from the orchestra to the 
 stage. But although ^Eschylus subordinated the chorus to 
 the dialogue he made no abrupt departure from the choral 
 drama of his predecessors. His tragedies are still in the form 
 of an oratorio, and the lyric odes are closely related to the 
 action itself; but the development of his dramatic powers 
 shows that from his time the history of the chorus is a history 
 of gradual decay. 
 
 According to Haigh 2 the increasing subordination of the 
 chorus takes two distinct forms. " In the first place there is a 
 gradual diminution in the length of the part assigned to the 
 chorus," and, secondly to quote Haigh again, there is appar- 
 ent "a constant tendency to reduce the importance of the 
 chorus by severing its connection with the plot." The 
 "Suppliants," the earliest of existing Greek tragedies, con- 
 sists of long choral songs and the dialogue is short and of 
 little importance. Moreover, the interest is centered in the 
 fate of the fugitive maidens, and the parts of Danaiis, the 
 a The Attic Theatre, p. 285. 
 
king, and the herald merely connect the various chants of the 
 maidens. In the "Seven against Thebes," however, a dis- 
 tinct advance is made in the development of the drama. The 
 chorus has lost much of its old significance and Eteocles is 
 the central figure; while in "Prometheus" the chorus for the 
 first time begins to assume the conventional and subordinate 
 r61e that it fills in Sophocles and in the early dramas of Euri- 
 pides. "It was at this period," says Haigh, 3 "that Attic 
 tragedy reached its highest perfection, and the question as 
 to the proper place of the chorus in the plot was solved in 
 the manner most consistent with the genius of Greek drama. 
 The chorus is now thrown much further into the background 
 and appears in most plays, not as a participant in the action, 
 but merely as a sympathetic witness. While the dialogue 
 is proceeding it follows the course of events with the keenest 
 interest, but seldom actively interferes. In the pauses 
 between the action it moralizes on the significance of the inci- 
 dents which have just occurred . Such is its position during the 
 middle of the (fifth) century. It has been removed from the 
 stress and turmoil of the action into a calmer and more remote 
 region, though it still preserves its interest in the events upon 
 the stage. " In the later plays of Euripides the development 
 is continued. Euripides is, in a sense, the first modern drama- 
 tist, and he changes the drama and with it the chorus to 
 suit his needs. Not able to eliminate entirely the chorus from 
 Greek tragedy, he justifies its presence by making it the con- 
 fidant of the principal actor. 4 "In the pauses between the 
 dialogue it sings odes of a mythological character, which have 
 only the remotest connection with the incidents of the plot. " s 
 That the evolution of the chorus continued along these lines 
 is seen from the words of Aristotle 6 , who complains of the 
 practice first begun by Agathon and followed by the poets of 
 his own time; namely of introducing "choral songs that per- 
 
 3 Op. cit., p. 286. 
 
 * Cf . the chorus of sympathizing women in the Medea, and the scene 
 between Phaedra, the nurse and the chorus in Hippolytus. 
 s Haigh, op. cit., p. 286. 
 6 Poetics, edited by S. Butcher, London, 1902, c. 18. 
 
tain as little to the subject of the piece as to that of any other 
 tragedy, and which are therefore sung as mere interludes." 
 When Aristotle in writing the "Poetics" demanded "that the 
 chorus should be regarded as one of the actors, that it should 
 be an integral part of the whole and share in the action, in 
 the manner not of Euripides but of Sophocles," he based his 
 observations upon the Greek drama of the great classic period. 
 But, in making this requirement, he failed to realize that, in 
 the time that had elapsed between the writing of "King 
 Oedipus" and the "Poetics," the natural evolution of the 
 Greek drama had forced the lyric element far into the back- 
 ground, and that any return to the older type of drama was 
 impossible. "We can hardly doubt," says Haigh, 7 "that the 
 tendency already strongly marked in Euripides had been 
 developed to its natural results, and that the tragic chorus of 
 the later fourth century was practically excluded from all 
 share in the conduct of the play. After the fourth century 
 very little is known about its history. But the evidence seems 
 to show that it was sometimes discarded even as early as the 
 third century ; and in later times this came to be more and more 
 the ordinary custom. Even when retained, its functions were 
 merely those of the modern band. " 
 
 In the lyrical portion of the Greek drama "music, poetry 
 and dancing were all brought into requisition. " 8 The poetry 
 was, however, in all cases the important part of the perfor- 
 mance, while the music and dancing served to interpret and 
 add vividness to the meaning of the words. But the dance as 
 a feature of Greek tragedy must be distinguished from the 
 modern dance. The Greek dance was essentially mimetic 
 in character; its principal function being to interpret and 
 illustrate the poetry by appropriate gesticulation. Aristotle 
 defines the tragic dance as "an imitation of actions, characters 
 and emotions by means of postures and rhythmical move- 
 ments. " 9 As a rule the motions were grave and majestic, 
 and more like walking than dancing in the modern sense. 
 The music of the Greek tragedy was also simple in character. 
 The choral odes were chanted in unison, syllable after syllable, 
 
 * Op. cit., p. 287. 8 Ibid., p. 311. ' Poetics, c. I. 
 
by the chorus. Both the singing and the instrumental accom- 
 paniment, which was generally limited to a single flute or 
 harp, were always subordinate to the poetry. By the blend- 
 ing of poetry, dancing and music into one harmonious whole, 
 the Greek chorus was enabled to make a threefold appeal to 
 the audience; the appeal of beautiful poetry and profound 
 thought, secondly the sensuous appeal of rhythmic motions 
 explaining and intensifying the meaning of the words, and 
 finally that of appropriate music accompanying both. 
 
 When at the close of the Punic Wars the Romans turned 
 seriously to the study, translation and imitation of Greek 
 literature, it was the drama to which they first gave their 
 attention. For a brief period the writing of tragedy continued 
 to be popular, and it became customary to give performances 
 at all the festivals of the city. I0 But, for the Romans, the less 
 refined pleasures of the amphitheatre, such 'as the horse races 
 and the gladiatorial combats, possessed far greater fascination 
 than the drama. With them the theatre never could become 
 the absorbing passion that it was to the Greeks; and when, 
 under Greek influence, they took up dramatic writing, they 
 produced a purely exotic form of literature; plays that, in 
 many cases, were merely translations of the Greek drama, 
 especially of Euripides. 11 As time went on, interest in the 
 drama died out ; even in the early Empire it had given way to 
 the mime and pantomime, and from that time drama proper 
 existed only as closet-drama, which was written by literary 
 men either as a pastime or for the entertainment of their 
 friends. There is no evidence of the performance of any 
 tragedy on the Roman stage during the " Silver Age. " I2 The 
 only extant Roman tragedies from this later period are those 
 of Seneca, important in the history of the chorus because of 
 
 10 For the popularity of the plays of Ennius, M. Pacuvius and L. Accius, 
 cf. Sellar, Roman Poets of the Republic, Oxford, 1905, p. 120. 
 
 11 The chorus was brought over into the early Roman drama, but it is 
 impossible to judge from the few extant fragments anything of its treat- 
 ment by the dramatists of that period. For a discussion of the chorus in 
 Roman tragedy cf . Ribbeck, Romische Tragodie, pp. 637 ff . 
 
 2 H. E. Butler, Post- Augustan Poetry from Seneca to Juvenal, p. 44. 
 
the influence he exerted on the tragedy of the Renaissance. 
 In examining the plays of Seneca we find a still further 
 development of the chorus. Soon after the introduction of 
 tragedy into Rome the orchestra ceased to be used for the 
 chorus, but was given up to the Roman senators; and the 
 chorus, thus crowded out of the orchestra, had to be brought 
 on the stage. This innovation had an important effect upon 
 the chorus. With the abolition of choral dances around the 
 altar in the orchestra the drama lost its religious signifi- 
 cance. Moreover, the nature of the chorus itself was changed. 
 When it occupied the stage with the actors, who were no 
 longer limited to three, there was no space for the choral 
 dance with its rhythmic movements to the right and then to 
 the left, as the strophe, antistrophe and epode were sung. There 
 was, accordingly, a tendency to thrust the chorus more and 
 more into the background, until it gradually became custom- 
 ary for the chorus to remain off the stage during the action 
 and appear only between the acts. As the Roman tragedies 
 were no longer produced but merely declaimed or recited in the 
 presence of the friends of the dramatist, the incongruity of 
 having the chorus comment upon events of which it was not 
 a witness was not very apparent. But as a result the drama 
 lost touch with the stage. In Euripides the connection 
 between the chorus and the plot is slight, in Seneca it disap- 
 pears entirely, and the r61e of the chorus is formal, artificial 
 and ineffectual. It is used to set forth long descriptions and 
 bombastic declamations in the style of the Alexandrian school. 
 The chorus is no longer needed, but is kept partly as a matter 
 of tradition, partly to supply music between the acts. The 
 meter in the choruses of Seneca differs from that of the Greeks. 
 There is no system of strophe, antistrophe and epode. The 
 choral songs are generally in the form of stanzas which are 
 repeated without variations. "The choruses in 'Agamem- 
 non' and 'Oedipus' are composed of fragments of Horatian 
 meter, thinly disguised by inversions and resolutions of 
 feet." 13 The anapestic, asclepiad, sapphic and glyconic 
 meters are also frequently employed. 
 x * Butler, op. cit., p. 71. 
 
During the Italian Renaissance, Seneca exerted the pre- 
 dominating influence on the development first of the Latin 
 drama and then of the vernacular drama produced under its 
 stimulus. At a time when Latin literature was much better 
 known than Greek the tragedies of Seneca were regarded as 
 the highest expression of ancient dramatic art, and every 
 drama from Mussato to Alfieri shows the effect of the Senecan 
 technic: the long speeches, the bombastic style, the division 
 into five acts and especially the use of the chorus. 14 But in 
 the latter half of the fifteenth century, although Seneca was 
 not forgotten, the return to classic literature found expression 
 in enthusiasm for Roman comedy. 15 It was this phase of 
 the humanistic movement that was brought into Germany in 
 the sixteenth century and which for the entire century ab- 
 sorbed the attention of the German dramatists. But in 
 Italy the enthusiasm quickly passed, and in the sixteenth 
 century the imitation of Seneca was again taken up. Italian 
 literature was at its height in the sixteenth century and it was 
 due to the late Italian humanists that Seneca was accepted as 
 the model for French, Dutch, Spanish and English drama. 
 The imitation of Seneca became a rule of art for the French 
 classical drama. Jodelle and Gamier, "though continually 
 referring to the Greek masterpieces, slavishly imitated the 
 Latin tragedy" 16 and handed the Senecan tradition down to 
 their successors. The chorus has an important part in the 
 French drama of the sixteenth century. To use the words of 
 E. Faguet, 17 "On pourrait presque dire que la trageMie du 
 XVP sidcle est une oeuvre lyrique; car c'est toujours la partie 
 lyrique qui en est la partie plus soignee et souvent qui en est 
 la meilleure. " 
 
 But, at the beginning of the seventeenth century when 
 
 14 Cf. J. Cunliffe, The Influence of Seneca on Elizabethan Tragedy. 
 London, 1893, p. 7. 
 
 15 Cf. A. Chassang, Des essais dramatiques imites de Vantiquitt au XIV e 
 et au XV siecle, pp. 61 ff. 
 
 16 Ibid., pp. 188-189. 
 
 ^ ^ Histoire de la litter ature fran$aise, Paris, 1894, Vol. I, p. 456. Cf. 
 also J. Cunliffe, Early French Tragedy (in Journal of Comparative Litera- 
 ture, I, 4, p. 3 1 6). 
 
8 
 
 psychological development and individual interest began to 
 play a part in tragedy, the presence of the chorus was felt to 
 be cumbersome. The chorus as it had been taken over from 
 the Italian drama no longer appealed to public taste, and the 
 dramatists were forced to contrive some means of making its 
 continual presence less awkward. It became customary to 
 omit the chorus at the presentation of the play, and there was 
 accordingly a tendency on the part of the poets to disregard 
 it in the writing of the play. "Les chceurs, " said Jean de 
 Boissin, l8 in the preface to his " Didon, " " y sont obmis comme 
 superflus a la representation." The chorus, however, con- 
 tinued to appear with more or less regularity until, in the middle 
 of the seventeenth century, Corneille undertook to purify the 
 French drama and abolished it completely. But the aboli- 
 tion of the chorus left a gap in the technic of the drama. Eu- 
 ripides, as we have seen, had to a certain extent made the 
 chorus the confidant of the leading person; the chorus by its 
 questions enabled the actor to set forth those inner emotions 
 and feelings which could not be made known to the other 
 actors and yet were necessary for the audience to know in the 
 development of the plot. This was an important r61e of the 
 chorus in the sixteenth century drama. After Corneille, the 
 chorus does not again appear in the French drama; 19 but with 
 Racine the confidant began to occupy the position formerly 
 filled by the chorus. The confidant, who did not exist in the 
 early drama, was not a direct outcome of the chorus, but was 
 introduced some time after its abolition to bring about the 
 motivation of the plot, as had previously been done by the 
 chorus. The confidant is, therefore, in a way, a degenerate 
 form of the chorus, and as such was taken over into the German 
 drama by Gottsched. 
 
 Under the influence of the Renaissance drama of Italy and 
 France, Lyly, Greene, Peele, Kyd, Marlowe and the other 
 
 18 Quoted from E. Fournier, Le the&tre fran$ais au XVI e et au XVII* 
 silcle, Paris, 1871, p. ix. 
 
 Racine's Athalie and Esther may be regarded as exceptions to the regu- 
 lar drama, since they were not written for the stage, but to be performed 
 by the girls of a certain school. 
 
Elizabethan dramatists introduced choral songs after the acts 
 of their plays. Such a practice was, however, foreign to the 
 English spirit and the chorus did not long remain on the stage 
 in its original form. The chorus in Shakespeare's " Henry V " 
 has nothing in common with the antique chorus. Instead of 
 moralizing on the events of the preceding act it looks for- 
 ward to the following act, and by giving the audience a mental 
 picture of the events that are to take place produces 4< at- 
 mosphere" and, to a certain extent, takes the place of stage 
 scenery. The old rdle of the chorus, that of ideal spectator 
 or actor, was given to the clown or the court fool. 
 
 Through the Renaissance drama of France, Seneca was 
 brought into Holland and affected the plays of Hooft and Von- 
 del. In the early part of the seventeenth century the Dutch 
 dramatists followed the Senecan technic closely, but toward 
 the middle of the century they began to turn their attention 
 to Greek tragedy. Seneca always remained the model for 
 Hooft, as he was for the early plays of Vondel, but in 1639 
 the latter turned from Seneca to the imitation of Sophocles. 
 Dutch literature was at its height in the middle of the seven- 
 teenth century; and when, at the close of the Thirty Years' 
 War, the Germans again turned to literary pursuits, Gryphius 
 and his followers took the Dutch tragedies as their models 
 and brought into Germany the chorus as used by Hooft and 
 Vondel. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 THE CHORUS IN THE EARLY CHURCH PLAYS 
 
 Even before the Revival of Learning and the return to 
 classical studies we find in the German drama a chorus, 
 similar in its early stages to the Greek chorus, * but in no way 
 influenced by the antique drama. For in the Middle Ages 2 
 there was almost a complete break in the dramatic tradition 
 of classical antiquity. 3 The scholars of the tenth and eleventh 
 centuries were familiar with merely the names of the Greek 
 dramatists, while they knew but little more of the comedies 
 of Plautus and the tragedies of Seneca. Terence alone had 
 escaped oblivion, but his plays were read and studied not 
 because of their dramatic merit, but because he was regarded 
 as a great teacher of the philosophy of life. 4 There is no 
 evidence that his plays were ever performed in the Middle 
 Ages, or that any attention was paid to their metrical form 
 
 1 There is a similarity between the early development of the Greek 
 drama and of the Christian Mysteries. They were both religious; the 
 Greek originating in the religious festivals in honor of Dionysus, the 
 mysteries as a part of the Easter morning service. They both had their 
 origin in the chorus, and in the course of their evolution the lyric element 
 was thrust into the background and the dramatic element became all- 
 important. But they soon developed along widely different lines. 
 
 3 Cf. W. Creizenach, Geschichte des neueren Dramas, Halle, 1893, Vol. I, 
 
 pp. 1-2. 
 
 * Cf . however, J. Tunison, Dramatic Traditions of the Dark Ages, Chicago, 
 1907, pp. 123-133 and pp. 137-182; W. Lawton, Three Dramas of Euripides, 
 Boston and New York, 1889, p. 4, and A.E. Haigh, The Tragic Drama of 
 the Greeks, p. 3, who argue that the medieval church plays were a develop- 
 ment of the Greek drama through an unbroken historical connection. 
 
 4 Cf . Hroswitha von Gandersheim, whose plays were written for the sole 
 purpose of counteracting the evil influence of Terence and of elevating the 
 morals of their readers. In the preface to her six comedies, she says: 
 " Sunt etiam alii qui licet alia gentilium spernant, Terentii tamen figmenta 
 frequentius lectitant, et, dum dulcedine sermonis delectantur, nefandarum 
 notitia rerum maculantur. Unde ego, clamor validus Gandeshemensis, 
 
 10 
 
II 
 
 or dramatic technic. 5 When, accordingly, the priests at- 
 tempted to bring the teachings of the Catholic church more 
 clearly before the minds of the unlettered people who could 
 not understand Latin, by representing the ritual in dramatic 
 form, they were ignorant of even the most elementary dramatic 
 laws; and the crude, formless pageants that evolved out of 
 these simple beginnings were an unconscious and natural 
 product of the needs of the time. 6 These medieval plays had 
 their origin in a brief responsive chant that can be traced back 
 to the tenth century. 7 This chant, which is the nucleus of all 
 the later Easter plays, consists of the following sentences, 
 sung alternately by the angels of the Resurrection and the 
 women who visit the grave: 8 
 
 1 Quern queritis in sepulchre, o christicole? 
 
 2 Jesum Nazarenum crucifixum, o caelicole. 
 
 3 Non est hie, surrexit sicut praedixerat, ite, nuntiate, quia 
 
 surrexit de sepulchre. 
 
 4 Surrexit dominus de sepulchro, qui pro nobis pependit in 
 
 ligno. 
 
 After the third responsory and before the Te Deum of the 
 early mass on Easter Sunday morning, the choir 9 walked in sol- 
 emn procession to a wooden structure which was built before 
 
 non recusavi ilium imitari dictando, quern alii colunt legendo; quo, eodem 
 dictationis genere, quo turpia lascivarum incesta feminarum recitabantur, 
 laudabilis sacrarum castimonia virginum, juxta mei facultatem ingenioli, 
 celebraretur." (In Migne, J. P., ed. Patrologiae cursus completus. . . . 
 series Latina, 1879, Vol. 137, col. 939-1196, p. 971.) 
 
 5 One illustration of the confusion with regard to the drama in the Middle 
 Ages is the idea that one actor recited the whole play, while the others did 
 the acting; "dass ein einziger Recitator das ganze Stuck mit Rede und 
 Gegenrede vortrug und dass dazu mehrere stumme Darsteller die Empfin- 
 dungen der einzelnen Personen des Dramas durch Gebardenspiel aus- 
 druckten." (Creizenach, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 5.) 
 
 6 The religious drama arose about the tenth century. Cf . Creizenach, 
 op. cit., Vol. I, p. 48. 
 
 ?Cf. R. Froning, Das Drama des Mittelalters, Stuttgart, 1891, Vol. I 
 (vol. 14 of Kurschner's Deutsche Nationalliteratur). 
 8 The text is from Froning, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 13. 
 These Easter services were always performed by priests. 
 
12 
 
 the principal altar of the church and represented the tomb 
 of Christ. There it separated into two parts, one singing 
 the words of the three Marys and the other those of the two 
 angels. In the course of time it became customary for the choir 
 to remain in its place and for two groups to walk toward the 
 grave and sing alternately the four Latin sentences of the ritual. 
 These groups in turn gave way to individuals, and the chant 
 was sung by three members of one group, personating the three 
 Marys, and by two of the other, personating the angels. The 
 latter took their position near the grave, while the former ad- 
 vanced only a short distance from the chorus. I0 When the chant 
 was finished the women returned to the chorus, announced the 
 news with the words " surrexit dominus de sepulchro, " and the 
 performance ended with a Te Deum sung by the chorus. 
 
 A wish to acquaint the people still further with the meaning 
 of the services led to the introduction of more sentences from 
 the liturgy. The first expansion 11 was the invitation to the 
 women to come and see the place where the Lord lay. 12 As 
 time passed new elements were added and other actors 
 were taken from the chorus. The mourning women had been 
 told to report the news to the disciples. Accordingly, Peter 
 and John were introduced, I3 although in most cases they were 
 thought of together as "discipuli." While the chorus sang 
 the "Currebant duo simul" of the liturgy the apostles has- 
 tened to the grave, were convinced of the Resurrection, and 
 returned with the words " Cernitis, o socii. " The women and 
 the angels had been regarded as groups, but with the intro- 
 duction of Peter and John we get a hint of the individualization 
 of character that was to be more clearly brought out in the 
 further development of the Easter services. x 4 The next change 
 
 10 In the Easter services the rdle of chorus is taken by the choir, and I 
 shall use the term chorus when referring to the choir. 
 
 11 Cf. Osterfeier, Strassburg I (Antiphonar, 1200), text in Froning, op. 
 cit., Vol. I, p. 14. 
 
 13 " Venite et videte locum ubi positus erat dominus." 
 
 *3 Cf. Osterfeier, Augsburg I, text in Froning, op. cit., Vol. I, p.i6. 
 
 J * The Germans distinguish between Osterfeier and Osterspiel. It seems 
 
 advisable to do the same in this discussion, and I shall refer to Osterfeier 
 
 as Easter service and Osterspiel as Easter play. 
 
13 
 
 was that the women, with the exception of Mary Magdalene, 
 left the tomb after they had been told of the Resurrection. 
 She however remained, and a dialogue ensued between her 
 and Christ, whom she mistook for the gardener. In this 
 dialogue we have for the first time characters that stand out 
 as distinct and independent individuals. 15 
 
 With the scene between Christ and Mary Magdalene the 
 evolution of the Easter service as a part of the Easter morning 
 mass ceases. * 6 What was the effect of this development on the 
 chorus? In the first place it had been deprived of all particir 
 pation in the action. The liturgy, which had originally been 
 sung by the whole chorus, was soon sung by selected members, 
 by the groups of mourning women and angels. Thus we have 
 a main chorus which stands aloof from the action, and two 
 secondary choruses 17 which play an active rdle in it. These 
 minor choruses, however, did not long hold the stage. Indi- 
 vidual characters such as Peter and John were introduced from 
 the principal chorus, and, although the original liturgical 
 sentences continued to be sung by the groups, the members of 
 these groups gradually came to be thought of as distinct 
 personages; 18 and new parts, when added, were generally 
 assigned to definite characters. 
 
 But even though all dramatic action was taken from the 
 original chorus it was not entirely forced into the background. 
 It still existed as the framework about which the drama was 
 developed. Up to this time no attention had been paid to 
 even the most elementary dramatic requirements, and when 
 the priests had wished to lengthen the simple Easter services 
 they went to the ritual for their material. These new liturgical 
 sentences were generally sung by the chorus, while the charac- 
 ters performed the actions suggested by the words. It was 
 
 15 Cf. Osterfeier, Niirnberg II (Antiphonar, 13 Jahrh.), text in Froning, 
 op. cit., Vol. I, p. 17. 
 
 16 These three scenes are broadened and elaborated by the introduction 
 of many church songs and hymns, but no new scenes are added. 
 
 *? The term "chorus" may be understood to mean any group of two or 
 more persons who sing together. 
 
 18 Cf. the scene between Christ and Mary Magdalene. 
 
always so, first the liturgical sentences and then the actions 
 based upon them. 19 In these sentences, which might almost 
 be regarded as stage directions, the chorus tells what is going 
 to take place, and the action is carried on as it is described. 
 So, in spite of the fact that every additional element brought 
 the individual more and more into prominence, and at the 
 same time made the chorus of little significance in the r61e of 
 actor, the lyric elements continued to be very important. The 
 Easter services always remained oratorios in character. This 
 is seen by the fact that the women sing as they walk to the 
 grave : ' ' Et dicebant ad invicem ' Quis revolvet nobis lapidem 
 ab hostio monumenti? ' ", singing "dicebant " as if it were part 
 of the r61e. 20 In some of the later plays, the chorus, without 
 leaving its original place, does to a certain extent take part 
 in the action, in that, when the women are returning from the 
 grave, it frequently asks them what they have seen, and then 
 ensues a dialogue between the women and the chorus. 21 
 
 An idea of the r61e played by the chorus in the later Easter 
 services may be obtained by examining the "Nurnberg Oster- 
 f eier ' ' of the thirteenth century. 2 2 After the third responsory , 
 the chorus sings: "Maria Magdalena'et alia Maria ferebant 
 diluculo aromata, dominum querentes in monumento. " The 
 three Marys then advance from the chorus carrying spices and 
 incense and approach the tomb, singing first a hymn and 
 afterward the words "Quis revolvet nobis ab ostio lapidem?" 
 The conversation at the grave between the women and the 
 angels takes place exactly as in the earlier performances. 
 When it is finished two of the women return to the chorus, 
 leaving Mary Magdalene weeping at the sepulchre. In the 
 meantime the chorus sings "Maria ploransadmonumentum." 
 This is followed by the words of Mary "Heu redemptio 
 Israhel, ut qui mortem sustinuit, " to which the chorus an- 
 
 1 9 This is illustrated later. 
 
 20 Cf. Osterfeier, Bamberg I, text in C. Lange, Die lateinischen Oster- 
 feiern, Munchen, 1887, p. 29. 
 
 21 Cf. Trier Osterfeier, "quibus versibus sic cantatis chorus cantet: Die 
 nobis, Maria, quid vidisti in via?" (text in Froning, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 15). 
 
 22 The text is from Froning, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 17. 
 
15 
 
 swers "Non sufficiens sibi." Christ then appears and the 
 scene between Him and Mary Magdalene takes place. Mary 
 returns to the chorus, and in answer to the question of the 
 disciples, "Die nobis Maria," 23 she tells of the Resurrection; 
 after which the chorus sings: "Credendum est magis soli 
 Marie veraci quam ludeorum turbe fallaci." Mary sings, 
 "Scio Christum surrexisse a mortuis vere, " and the chorus, 
 "Tu nobis, victor rex, miserere." Peter and John then run 
 to the tomb and, as they are going, the chorus sings: "Curre- 
 bant duo simul et ille alius discipulus precucurrit cicius Petro 
 et venit prior ad monumentum, alleluia." The disciples 
 show the linen and the napkin to the chorus, with the words, 
 " Cernitis, o socii, ecce linteamina et sudarium. " They return 
 to the chorus singing "Surrexit enim, sicut dixit, dominus, " 
 and the performance ends with the "Te Deum laudamus" 
 sung by the whole chorus. 
 
 From this analysis it may be seen that the original chorus, 
 though not directly taking part in the performance, is never- 
 theless important because, by the singing of the liturgical 
 sentences, it controls and directs the action. 24 There is very 
 little direct conversation between it and the actors, but consti- 
 tuting, as it does, the central point about which the action 
 revolves, and from which the characters depart and to which 
 they return, it is indirectly kept before the eyes of the con- 
 gregation. The r61e of the secondary choruses remains 
 unchanged, but most of the new parts are taken by definite 
 characters. 
 
 With the introduction of the scene between Mary Magdalene 
 and Christ the priests felt that the Easter services could not 
 be developed further if they were to be a part of the Easter 
 morning mass. But dramatic expansion was inevitable. 
 The people eagerly demanded more and more action, until at 
 length the clergy were compelled to discontinue the Easter 
 services as a part of the mass and give them as a sepa- 
 rate service. But, even then, the elements that could be 
 introduced within the church were naturally of a limited 
 
 2 3 In most plays this is sung by the chorus. 
 
 a " In this short play it sings four sentences from the ritual. 
 
16 
 
 character; sentences from the ritual, scenes from the Gospels 
 and church hymns. Latin was still used and everything was 
 sung. The people were, however, not long satisfied with 
 this; what they wanted was lively action, fun, dramatic real- 
 ism and, above all, the German language. 25 As long as the 
 plays remained in the church these things were impossible; 
 but the demand was so persistent that the priests were finally 
 forced to take the plays out of the church, and from that time 
 they were performed in the market-place. Here many secular 
 elements were introduced, together with much that was coarse 
 and vulgar. Many folk-songs were added and the comic 
 scenes were elaborated to such an extent that they were out of 
 proportion to the rest of the drama. At the same time the 
 German language was introduced, not to take the place of the 
 Latin which, in the church plays, was never omitted, but in 
 the form of translations or rather paraphrases and ampli- 
 fications of the original. We frequently find a long German 
 passage or even a whole scene in explanation of a short Latin 
 sentence; and later, German sentences are introduced inde- 
 pendently of the Latin. Thus the German drama grew up, as 
 it were, about the original Latin sentences, and in the course 
 of time the German elements became all-important. 
 
 The transference of the Easter play from the church to the 
 market-place, with the resultant growth of secular elements 
 and the increase of dramatic action, naturally had its effect 
 upon the chorus. The connection between the chorus and 
 the action had long been purely superficial. The chorus was 
 no longer needed to explain the action, and when the plays 
 ceased to be performed in the church it was possible to break 
 away from the old formal liturgical drama and the chorus 
 was omitted entirely. Even in the Easter services the rdle 
 of the chorus had been curtailed by the groups, as that of the 
 groups was later by the individual characters ; and now, when 
 all restraint of development was removed, it was the individual 
 character in whom the dramatist was interested. But al- 
 though the chorus does not appear certain of its functions 
 
 a *For the influence of the "clerici vagantes" upon the increasing secular- 
 ity of the plays, cf . Froning, op. tit., Vol. I, pp. 25-27. 
 
I 7 ' 
 
 are retained and are bestowed upon the various actors. Some 
 of the liturgical sentences that had been sung by the chorus 
 were assigned to the actors themselves. Two sentences sung 
 in the Easter services by the chorus and in the Easter plays 
 by Peter and John will serve as illustration. After Mary 
 Magdalene announces the Resurrection the chorus sings 
 "Credendum est magis soli Marie veraci quam ludeorum 
 turbe fallaci"; 26 and while the apostles are running to the 
 grave it sings: "Currebant duo simul et ille alius discipulus 
 precucurrit cicius Petro et venit prior ad monumentum, 
 alleluia." 27 In the "Innsbruck Easterplay" 28 the stage 
 direction reads as follows: "Petrus et Johannes recedunt et 
 cantant 'Credendum est magis soli Marie' etc., et corruunt 
 ante sepulchrum et cantant ' Currebant duo simul et ille alius 
 discipulus'"; and in the "Sterzing Easterplay" 29 "Tune 
 Petrus et Johannes currunt ad monumentum cantando ' Cur- 
 rebant duo simul. ' ' Other liturgical sentences, however, 
 had little significance beyond that of stage directions sung by 
 the chorus, and they seem to have been given up entirely. 
 Many Easter services begin with the sentence: "Maria Mag- 
 dalena et alia Maria ferebant diluculo aromata, dominum 
 querentes in monumento. " This does not appear in the 
 Easter plays, nor does "Maria plorans ad monumentum," 
 another much- used sentence. In the absence of the chorus 
 it became customary for the actors to address the people. 30 
 In the early Easter plays the Latin was sung by groups, as 
 it had been in the Easter services, while the German para- 
 phrases were in almost every case spoken by definite charac- 
 ters. 31 In the new portions such as the merchant-scenes, all 
 the roles were taken by individuals; 32 save when Latin from 
 
 26 Cf. Trier Osterfeier, ibid., Vol. I, p. 15. 
 
 3 7 Cf. Augsburg Osterfeier, ibid., Vol. I, p. 16; cf. also Niirnberg Osterfeier, 
 which contains both sentences. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 17. 
 
 ** Ibid., Vol. I, p. 96. " Ibid., Vol. I, p. 103. 
 
 3Cf. SterzingerOsterspiel: " Petrus dicit ad populum"; "Johannes dicit 
 ad populum." (Text in A. Pichler, Uber das Drama des Mittelalters in 
 Tirol, Innsbruck, 1850, p. 167). 3I Ibid., p. 165. 
 
 3'Cf. Wolfenbuttler Osterspiel, text in Froning, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 60-62; 
 also Erlauer Spiel, ibid., Vol. I, pp. 62-94. 
 
18 
 
 the ritual was introduced, in which case the Latin was sung 
 by groups. 33 
 
 But while there was a tendency to put the action more and 
 more into the hands of individuals, there was also a parallel 
 tendency to bring on the stage the groups with which the 
 individuals were associated in the Bible. Consequently, with 
 the lengthening of the Easter plays to include the watch at 
 the grave and Christ's descent into hell, many new groups 
 were added; as the soldiers of Pilate at the tomb, the angels 
 who awaken Christ and the souls imprisoned in hell. It was 
 customary for all the actors to march upon the stage in solemn 
 procession before the play began and to remain there during 
 the performance. Thus there was always a great mass of 
 actors on the stage, who for convenience grouped themselves 
 about the principal actors. When, in the' course of this drama- 
 tic epic, one event after the other was enacted, each leading 
 character, as he came to the front, brought with him his 
 particular group, and each group in its turn played the r61e of 
 the chorus; as chorus of angels, of devils, of souls, etc. 34 These 
 groups were continually changing during the process of the 
 action, and consequently we never find one definite chorus 
 throughout the play. 
 
 Under the influence of the Easter plays arose the Passion 
 plays, 35 in which the choral groups are even more prominent; 
 for, inasmuch as the action of these plays generally included 
 the principal events in the life of Christ from His baptism to 
 His burial, a greater opportunity was given for the introduc- 
 tion of groups; as followers of John the Baptist, apostles 
 of Christ, angels, wicked Jews, prophets, etc. These choral 
 groups were more vitally connected with the drama than was 
 the original chorus, for they took an active part, as it had not 
 done. Thus it happens that in the later Easter and Passion 
 
 "Cf. Redentiner Osterspiel, where, in the scene in which Christ releases 
 the souls imprisoned in hell, are found directions such as: "Et cantant 
 anime," "Et ducit animas, que cantant." (Ibid., Vol. I, pp. 123-198.) 
 
 34 These various choral groups remained distinct throughout the play. 
 
 35 Although some Passion plays are older than the Easter plays, they 
 became popular in the fifteenth century when the development of the 
 Easter play began to decline. 
 
19 
 
 plays, although all the important r61es are played by indi- 
 viduals, the groups or minor choruses again come into promi- 
 nence, under the necessity of providing room upon the stage 
 for all the actors. 36 
 
 In the later plays there is apparent a tendency to unite all 
 the minor choruses into one large chorus. Hints of this 
 tendency to return to the original chorus are found in the 
 "Redentin Easter Play" 37 in a chorus sung by the combined 
 groups. In the "Frankfurter Dirigierrolle" 38 it is quite usual 
 to find, in addition to choral songs by groups, stage directions 
 such as : 3 9 " persone universaliter cantabunt versiculum hunc, ' ' 
 "persone quoque universaliter cantabunt" or "hie persone 
 cantabunt"; and in the "Tirol-Lichtmesspiel" 40 sentences 
 such as: "tune omnes canunt simul, " "tune canunt omnes" 
 or "simul omnibus cantantibus. " In the Alsfeld Passion 
 play 41 a number of verses are undoubtedly sung by the united 
 choruses; for, inasmuch as these verses are practically the 
 same as those sung by the "persone universaliter" of the 
 "Frankfurter Dirigierrolle, " which served as the model for this 
 play, the simple term "chorus" which is always used must 
 refer to the new composite chorus. The duties of this new 
 chorus are even more limited than were those of the original 
 chorus. It takes no part in the action; in fact it does little 
 more than sing Latin hymns and stereotyped phrases. In the 
 course of development a new character had been added, the 
 "proclamator," whose duty was to speak the prologue and the 
 epilogue, to give the contents and purpose of the play and to 
 set forth the moral. 42 Thus it happened that the "procla- 
 
 36 It is impossible to ascertain whether the chorus occupied a specific 
 place on the stage. Cf . R. Heinzel, Beschreibung des geistlichen Schauspiels, 
 Hamburg, 1898, p. 26. 
 
 3?Cf. Froning, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 146, where the following stage direction 
 is found, "chorus cantat: 'Sanctorum populus'." 
 
 3* The text is from Froning, op. cit., Vol. II. 
 
 39 Such stage directions occur fourteen times in this play. 
 
 4 Cf. Pichler, op. cit., pp. 101 and no. 
 
 * The text is from Froning, op, cit., Vol. III. 
 
 2 Such a r61e is played by St. Augustine in the "Frankfurt Passion 
 Play.' 
 
 
20 
 
 mator" had to a certain extent assumed some of the duties 
 of the original chorus, and the old liturgical sentences, which 
 had dwindled down to stage directions and had disappeared 
 when the chorus was omitted, were not brought back. Those 
 liturgical sentences, however, that had been assigned to the 
 individual actors were again sung by the chorus ; thus showing 
 that there was a feeling of relationship between this and the old 
 chorus. 
 
 No attempt to trace the evolution of the chorus in the great 
 medieval pageants can be very satisfactory. 43 Although there 
 is apparent a gradual subordination of the lyric elements to 
 the dramatic, the rdle actually played by the chorus is con- 
 fused and uncertain. The reason is obvious. The authors 
 of the religious dramas were priests of little or no creative 
 genius, who wrote not for the sake of producing great plays 
 but that they might bring clearly before the eyes of the people 
 the significance of the teachings of the church. Everything 
 had to be represented on the stage, nothing was left to the 
 imagination; hence were evolved great dramatic epics, the 
 performance of which lasted several days and employed a 
 multitude of actors. 44 In writing these plays the dramatists 
 did not hesitate to utilize the plays of their predecessors; 45 
 either copying them without change 46 or working them over 
 and amplifying them. Even in the latter case the original 
 form was always apparent. Familiar portions of the pieces, 
 as formulae, hymns and ritual sentences, were always intro- 
 duced just as they had existed in the early Easter celebrations. 
 Thus the choral songs, which always remained unaltered even 
 when the plays in which they were found were incorporated into 
 the longer plays, soon became typical and stereotyped. For 
 
 43 The history of the dramatic services proves that the chronological 
 order of the monuments does not show their internal development. Cf . 
 Creizenach, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 58. 
 
 44 Contrast the Greek method of narration by the messenger, where the 
 whole plot was familiar to the audience before presentation. 
 
 4 s Cf. L. Wirth, Die Oster-und Passionsspiele bis zum XVI. Jahrhun- 
 dert, Halle, 1889, p. 228. 
 
 46 The author of the Alsfeld Passion play copied almost all of the Trierer 
 Marienklage. 
 
21 
 
 this reason one cannot really speak of the evolution of the 
 chorus in the religious drama. The drama developed out of 
 the chorus, but the chorus itself remained unchanged, and even 
 in the latest German plays is found in its original form. More- 
 over, the development of the plays depended to a great extent 
 upon the individuality of the author. If he was of a religious 
 temperament, as was the writer of the " Alsfeld Passion play, " 
 a great many liturgical sentences and hymns would be in- 
 troduced; but if he preferred realism and emphasized such 
 scenes as the " Teuf elspiel " or the merchant-scenes, which 
 had no liturgical foundation, the chorus played little or no 
 part. Furthermore, any attempt at originality on the part 
 of the author was naturally a movement away from the litur- 
 gical drama and consequently a movement away from the 
 chorus. Thus it happens that in some of the later plays the 
 chorus is prominent, while in others it does not appear at 
 all. 
 
 We have seen from the preceding examination that the reli- 
 gious drama had its origin in the old church choir, or chorus, 
 that the chorus soon gave way to the smaller choruses or 
 groups, and these in turn to the individual characters. Even 
 while the drama was still a part of the Easter morning mass 
 the chorus had ceased to take part in the action, and its duties 
 were confined to the singing of liturgical sentences or to dia- 
 logue with the actors. When, under the continual demand for 
 more realism and the German language, the plays were trans- 
 ferred from the church to the market-place, the original chorus 
 was omitted, and the liturgical sentences which it had pre- 
 viously sung were either discarded or assigned to individual 
 actors. The principal rdles were now taken by distinct charac- 
 ters, the secondary groups still singing their original songs. 
 With the growth of the plays and the introduction of new 
 characters, the leading personages brought on the stage with 
 them the characters with whom they were associated in the 
 Bible, and the groups again became an important factor in 
 the development of the action. Later these groups were 
 united into one composite chorus, which, though bearing a 
 certain resemblance to the original chorus, must be sharply 
 
22 
 
 distinguished from it. For certain functions of the old chorus 
 had been assumed by the " proclamator, " who had been added 
 in the course of development. These functions were not given 
 to the new composite chorus, but its duty was confined to the 
 singing of hymns and of such liturgical sentences as had been 
 retained. But in the meantime the German elements had 
 been developed and elaborated to such an extent that the Latin 
 sentences appear only in scattered instances throughout the 
 drama. Consequently the composite chorus appears only as 
 an anomaly and never becomes a regular part of the dramatic 
 technic. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 THE CHORUS UNDER THE INFLUENCE OF THE LATIN COMEDY 
 
 In order that the character of the chorus in the drama of the 
 sixteenth century may be clearly understood, it is first neces- 
 sary to give a brief summary of the radical changes that took 
 place in the drama as a whole during this period. At the end 
 of the fifteenth century German literature was at a low ebb. 
 It was a period of moral, religious and social disintegration, 
 and the literature of the period naturally reflected this condi- 
 tion ; it was vulgar, coarse, satiric, in the worst sense plebeian. 
 The religious drama had developed into a great unwieldy 
 folk- drama; and in the course of its evolution so much that 
 was rude and repulsive had been introduced that the plays 
 fell into disrepute. For some time there had been a tendency 
 to treat religion more seriously, and at the beginning of the 
 sixteenth century the old religious drama passed out of exist- 
 ence. The Shrove- tide plays which were the only other type 
 of drama in this period, were crude, vulgar farces, in doggerel 
 verse and generally more or less satiric in character. In the 
 sixteenth century the type was greatly improved by Hans 
 Sachs, who wrote no less than eighty-five Shrove- tide plays. 
 His technic is very simple. There is no division into acts and 
 scenes, and the characters come and go as it suits his pleasure. 
 The Shrove-tide plays continued to flourish throughout the 
 sixteenth century, but early in the seventeenth they too were 
 given up. 
 
 Such were the conditions in Germany when a movement 
 arose which was to produce a new drama based on classic 
 models ; a drama which, under the influence of the Reformation, 
 was to give the vernacular drama a stricter and more regular 
 form, and then work hand in hand with this popular drama in 
 furthering the teachings of Luther. This movement was 
 
 23 
 
24 
 
 begun in Germany by the German students who had studied 
 at Padua, Rome and Bologna, and who had brought back with 
 them the enthusiasm for Latin literature which was at that 
 time widespread in Italy. Under the influence of Italian 
 humanism the Roman comedies were everywhere held in the 
 highest esteem. Not content with studying and interpreting 
 them, the German humanists had them performed at the 
 universities, and gradually the schoolmasters began to write 
 original Latin dramas based on the classic comedies, for the 
 sole purpose of facilitating the study of Latin. These plays 
 were performed by the students at the schools and universities. 
 But the early humanists had little conception of dramatic 
 technic, for their plays are very primitive in form. ' They are 
 either little more than a succession of dialogues 2 in prose, or 
 else elaborate court pageants, consisting of five loosely con- 
 nected acts held together by choral songs, partly in prose, and 
 partly in verse; such as were written by Locher and Celtis, 
 the most important of the early humanists. 3 
 
 The only noteworthy exception is the " Scaenica progymnas- 
 mata " or " Henno " (1497) of Reuchlin, a peasant-comedy based 
 on the well-known French farce "Maitre Pathelin. " 4 This 
 play was epoch-making, not only because it was the first 
 successful attempt on the part of a German humanist to re- 
 produce the spirit as well as the form of the old Roman come- 
 dies, but also because it was the first instance of the introduc- 
 
 1 Cf. Creizenach, op. tit., Vol. II, p. 31. 
 
 3 These plays might be characterized by the title which Heinrich Bebe 
 (1501) gives his play: Comoedia (vel potius dialogus.} 
 
 3 The court pageants, although they contain choral songs, do not deserve 
 a close investigation, for they died out without further development and 
 without exerting the slightest influence on the German drama. They 
 were not translated into German, but remained, as they were intended to 
 be, a purely scholastic type of literature. "The Latin drama which was 
 to attain high perfection in Germany during the sixteenth century produced 
 only its forerunners in the humanistic period." (L. Geiger, Renaissance und 
 Humanismus in Italien und Deutschland, Berlin, 1882, p. 473). 
 
 4 It was impossible to obtain the text of Reuchlin's comedy. I have, 
 therefore, been compelled to follow the detailed analysis of the play given 
 by Creizenach, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 43 ff. 
 
25 
 
 tion of the chorus into the New Latin comedy. The play was 
 performed January 31, 1497, by the students at Heidelberg, 
 where it was received with great enthusiasm. But in spite of 
 his popularity Reuchlin had no immediate followers. For 
 nearly half a century, the pageants and dialogues continued to 
 be the favorite form of literature among the humanists ; and the 
 "Henno" seems to have remained without effect until 1535. 
 In that year the Dutch humanist Georgius Macropedius pro- 
 duced his "Aluta" and his "Rebelles, " s in the preface to 
 which he says that it was Reuchlin who first inspired him 
 to write. 6 
 
 At this time there existed in Switzerland a bitterly satiric 
 vernacular drama, parallel to but entirely independent of the 
 scholastic drama. 7 The authors of this crude but powerful 
 ' ' Tendenzdrama " were stern, serious men who were unac- 
 quainted with the new literary movement and used the old 
 Shrove-tide type as a means of expressing their dissatisfaction 
 with the church and the clergy. Written by burghers and 
 performed in the market-places on Sundays by burghers, 
 these plays were in every sense folk-dramas. As in the old 
 church drama, every thing was represented and the plays 
 developed until they sometimes took two days to perform 
 and employed hundreds of characters. Then came the 
 Reformation, forcing into the background by the very vehe- 
 mence of its advance all that could not serve its purpose. The 
 religious strife became the one overwhelming event of the 
 time. But with Luther's translation of the Bible and his 
 words 8 in approval of the drama there sprang up a widespread 
 
 5 The humanistic plays, written as they were in Latin, could be read with 
 equal facility by the people of every country and hence served as models 
 in the writing of later plays. 
 
 6 "Is (Reuchlin) mihi primus, ut verum fatear, ansam scribendi dedit, 
 is me primus excitavit. Si praeter eum alii ante me scripserint, nescio; 
 hoc scio, quod alios non viderim." (Text in the Lateinische Litteraturdenk- 
 mdler des XV. und XVI. Jahrhunderts, edited by J. Bolte, Berlin, 1897, 
 Vol. 13.) 
 
 ? Cf . Die Totenfresser of P. Gengenbach, and Der Ablasskrdmer of Nicklaus 
 Manuel. 
 
 Cf . Preface to the Book of Judith and to the Book of Tobit, quoted 
 
26 
 
 enthusiasm for dramatic productions. From all parts of 
 Germany and Switzerland came the impulse to use the stage 
 as a weapon of the Reformation, and to write plays on subjects 
 taken from the Old and the New Testament. This Biblical 
 drama was not an affair of the burgher class exclusively, but, 
 in Germany especially, the clergy and the schoolmasters 
 wrote plays to be performed by the students. Thus we have 
 two types of vernacular drama, one written by the unlearned 
 and performed in the market-places ; the other written by the 
 schoolmasters and the clergy and performed in the schools. 
 These schoolmasters had studied the Roman comedies and 
 they followed classic models in the composition of the popular 
 drama. The loose continuity of the plays was divided into 
 what might be called acts, although at first the division into 
 three or five parts was purely artificial and did not in the least 
 depend upon the inner motivation or development of the 
 plot. At first the plays were not actually divided into acts, 
 but the parts were separated by choruses in short strophes, 
 which at one time resemble Latin odes and at another medie- 
 val hymns. In 1527 appeared "Der verlorne Sohn" by 
 Burkard Waldis, 9 the oldest Protestant drama based upon a 
 Biblical story and the first German drama written under the 
 influence of the classic tradition. In 1535 the "Susanna" of 
 Paul Rebhun 10 was produced. Under the influence of the 
 Reformation the satiric drama of Switzerland gave way to 
 the Biblical drama in classic form, and in 1532 appeared the 
 "Fiinferlei Betrachtnisse " of Johannes Kolross 11 and the 
 "Susanna" of Sixt Birck. 12 These plays were followed by 
 those of Boltz along parallel lines. 
 
 Even the Latin drama was not unaffected by the Reforma- 
 
 by H. Holstein, Die Reformation im Spiegelbilde der dramatischen Litteratur 
 des 16. Jahrhunderts, Halle, 1886, p. 20. (In Schriften des Vereins 
 fur Reformationsgeschichte, Vols. 14-15.) 
 
 9 Edited by Froning. (In Kurschner's Deutsche Nationalliteratur, Vol. 22.) 
 
 10 Edited by J. Tittmann, Schauspiele aus dem sechzehntenJahrhundert, 
 Leipzig, 1868, Vol. II. 
 
 "Text in Schweizerische Schauspiele des 16. Jahrhunderts, edited by 
 J. Bachtold, Zurich, 1890, Vol. I. 
 
 "Ibid., Vol. II. 
 
27 
 
 tion. Under its influence the dialogues and the pageants gave 
 way to a new type of drama, more or less in the form of the 
 old Roman comedies, but treating subjects taken either from 
 contemporary life or from the Scriptures. This new tendency 
 had its origin in Holland. The first dramatist to employ a 
 Biblical subject in the style of Terence and Plautus was the 
 Dutch humanist Gnapheus, who in 1529 produced the most 
 famous and the best drama on the subject of the Prodigal 
 Son, "Acolastus sive de filio prodigo." 13 In the prologue, 
 Gnapheus says that he was influenced by Terence in the 
 treatment of the parable and refers to himself as the first 
 who dared to use a Biblical subject in the manner of the Roman 
 comedy writers. The moral at the end is characteristic of 
 the Latin school-drama of the Reformation, for now the drama 
 was intended not merely to drill the students in colloquial 
 Latin, but also to serve as a means of teaching and spreading 
 the ideas of the Reformation. This play attained great popu- 
 larity in Holland, and was brought into Italy, England and 
 Germany. In Germany and Switzerland it met with great 
 success, owing to the fact that in these places the indigenous 
 Biblical drama was just then absorbing the interest of all the 
 people. 14 The "Acolastus" was immediately translated into 
 German that it might be understood by those who did not 
 know Latin. The next year Sixt Birck rewrote his "Susan- 
 na " (!537) i n Latin, 15 and in the prologue to this version 
 referred to the "Acolastus" in a way which implies that it 
 was perfectly familiar to the audience. Birck was the first 
 German to produce a Latin Biblical drama, but his example 
 was quickly followed, and it soon became customary for the 
 authors of the vernacular drama either to translate the doggerel 
 verse into Latin or to write entirely new plays in this language. 
 Under the influence of the Dutch school the German 
 
 1 s Edited by J. Bolte in Lateinische Litteraturdenkmaler des XV. und 
 XVI. Jahrhunderts, Berlin, 1891, Vol. I. This play does not, however, 
 contain a chorus. 
 
 14 The Latin Biblical drama was ushered into Germany by the perform- 
 ance of Acolastus, in 1536. 
 
 *s Edited by J. Bolte, op. cit., Vol. 8. 
 
28 
 
 humanists abandoned the pageants and dialogues and turned 
 to the Latin Biblical drama, which soon became the only 
 type written by them. Thus the two literary currents ran 
 side by side, exerting a mutual influence. The same subjects 
 were treated and the same dramatists frequently wrote both 
 in Latin and in German. In spite of their religious signifi- 
 cance the Biblical plays never lost their pedagogic character, 
 and at various times during the year the schoolboys were 
 compelled to give a performance in Latin before the school 
 authorities, to show their facility in the language, and then 
 one in German in the town-hall or in the market-place before 
 the assembled populace, that "beid gelert und ungelert, 
 Burger, Bawr und alle man den profectum wachs und zunem- 
 men der Schulen sehen und erfaren. Auch ein jeder deste 
 mehr lust, die seinen zur Schulen zu halten, haben muge, wirt 
 solche Comedien ferner offentlich unter dem freien Himmel 
 fur jederman aus unser schulen agiret und gespilet." 16 Al- 
 though this translating of German plays into Latin or of 
 Latin into German naturally led to an almost universal 
 adoption of the Roman technic, the Biblical school-drama of 
 the sixteenth century is a distinct type, for in it is found an 
 element which was not derived from the old Roman comedies, 
 and that is the introduction of the chorus between the acts. 
 Here an important question arises as to why the chorus was 
 used in the German drama of the sixteenth century. The 
 first instance of the chorus is in the "Henno, " I? a New Latin 
 comedy by Reuchlin (1497). In writing his play Reuchlin 
 followed the dramatic form of Terence. But this does not, 
 however, explain the introduction of the chorus, for it is not 
 used in the comedies of Terence or Plautus; 18 nor is there any 
 case of the chorus either in the Italian comedy modeled upon 
 
 16 Cf. Baumgarten, Juditium Solomonis, 1561, quoted by K. Goedeke, 
 Grundriss zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtung, Dresden, Vol. II, p. 356. 
 
 1 7 This play was later worked over by Hans Sachs, who omitted the 
 chorus. 
 
 18 Cf. Rudens of Plautus, Act II, Sc. I, for the only case of the chorus in 
 Roman comedy. This chorus of fifteen lines is recited by a group of 
 fishermen who do not appear again in the play. 
 

 29 
 
 them or in the French farce "Maitre Pathelin, " the source of 
 Reuchlin's play. But although Reuchlin nowhere states defi- 
 nitely the reason for this innovation, there is a reference in his 
 commentary 19 that seems to point clearly to Greek influence; 
 for in this passage he speaks of his play as " Comoedia secundae 
 aetatis juxta Diomedem." Diomedes 20 in turn quotes Sueto- 
 nius who in his "De poetis" describes the chorus in Greek 
 comedy. If we remember that Reuchlin was the most famous 
 Greek scholar of the humanistic period 21 and was familiar 
 with the antique drama, it is safe to understand his words as 
 meaning that the chorus was introduced in imitation of the 
 chorus in Attic comedy. 
 
 Reuchlin's "Henno" is divided into five acts with a choral 
 song at the end of the first four. These choruses have no 
 part in the action, nor is any attempt made to connect them 
 even in the slightest degree with the plot. The play is a Shrove- 
 tide farce of country life in the dramatic form of Terence, but 
 the choruses are classic in form and classic in treatment. 
 At the conclusion of the first act, in which Elsa laments the 
 loss of the money that has been stolen from her, the chorus 
 sings of vacillating fortune and the blessings of poverty, for the 
 poor can lose nothing. In the remaining odes it sings of poets 
 and their divine gift. The choruses in the "Henno" were 
 printed with music, thus showing that they were intended to 
 be sung by the students at the university and not declaimed. 
 
 The "Henno" immediately became popular. It was per- 
 
 x Cf. Creizenach, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 48. 
 
 J0 Cf . Ars Grammatica (given in Keil, Grammatici Latini, I, p. 491) where 
 Diomedes quotes Suetonius, De poetis, p. 1 1, as describing the chorus in an- 
 cient Greek comedy as follows: "Membra comoediarum sunt tria, diverbia, 
 canticum, chorus. ... In choris numerus personarum definitus non est, 
 quippe junctim omnes loqui debent, quasi voce confusa et concentu in 
 unam personam reformantes. Latinae igitur comoediae chorum non 
 habent." 
 
 21 The first Greek text of Demosthenes in Germany (1522) was edited by 
 Reuchlin. For a discussion of Reuchlin's importance in Greek scholarship 
 cf. L. Geiger, op. cit., pp. 481 ff. Cf. also L. Geiger, Johann Reuchlin, sein 
 Leben und seine Werke, Leipzig, 1871, p. 100, who regards Reuchlin "als 
 den ersten Verbreiter des Griechischen in Deutschland." 
 
30 
 
 formed at the universities and studied in connection with 
 Terence and Plautus, and, in spite of the fact that it had at 
 first few imitators, it soon became familiar to all the German 
 scholars of the time. 22 Then the Reformation drama arose 
 with the all-engrossing desire on the part of its authors to 
 spread the Gospel. Many of the plays were written by clergy- 
 men and schoolmasters and these men, who show in their 
 technic the influence of the Latin comedies, saw in the chorus, 
 as treated by Reuchlin, an excellent means of enforcing the 
 teachings of Luther and introduced the singing of popular 
 hymns between the acts. The underlying motive of all these 
 dramas was a didactic one, and in a short time the chorus 
 became, like the rest of the drama, didactic. 
 
 An entirely different reason for the introduction of the chorus 
 is given by K. Borinski, 23 who thinks that the chorus was used in 
 the sixteenth century school-drama in imitation of the chorus 
 in the medieval church plays. 24 He quotes as his authority 
 Greff, 25 who in the preface to his "Lazarus" (1545) says: 
 "Wir wissen, dass man vor Zeiten in den alten actionibus 
 zuweilen drein gesungen hat, latein und deutsch, welches 
 nicht ungeschickt gewesen ist, sonderlich das Volk ein wenig 
 munterer und lustiger zu horen. " But in spite of the fact 
 that the later sixteenth century dramatists may have felt that 
 they were following the old German drama in the use of the 
 chorus, it is very unlikely that the originators of the Reforma- 
 tion drama, who consciously followed classical technic, 26 and 
 
 22 In the second quarter of the sixteenth century both German and 
 Dutch comedy writers in the classic style refer to Reuchlin as their model. 
 
 2 3"Das Chorlied als Zwischenspiel hatte das Schuldrama des sech- 
 zehnten Jahrhunderts schon von der Misterienbuhne ubernommen." 
 (Die Poetik der Renaissance und die Anfange der liter arischen Krilik in 
 Deutschland, Berlin, 1886, p. 220.) 
 
 2 * Cf . also H. Palm, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der deutschen Liter atur des X VI. 
 und XVII. Jahrhunderts, Breslau, 1877, p. 91, who thinks that P. Rebhun 
 in introducing the chorus between the acts "nahm nur damit eine, 
 wie es scheint, schon etwas vergessene Sitte wieder auf." Palm also quotes 
 as his authority J. Greff. 
 
 s Cf. J. Greff, preface to Lazarus. 
 
 26 Cf. B. Waldis, preface to Der verlorne Sohn, who says his play was 
 written under classic influence . . . 
 
31 
 
 many of whom were confessed imitators of Reuchlin, 27 passed 
 by the chorus in the New Latin comedy to imitate it in a 
 drama that by 1530 was almost forgotten. It is, however, 
 apparent from the way in which the chorus was used that 
 the dramatists did not understand its rdle in the classic 
 drama. They probably never concerned themselves about 
 the traditional chorus. With them the chorus never took 
 part in the action ; it was always didactic, always reflective. 
 It was almost always sung, sometimes by a group of people, 
 sometimes by one actor. 
 
 The first known Latin writer to model his plays upon the 
 "Henno" was Georgius Macropedius, whose "Rebelles" 
 and "Aluta" may be taken as types of the sixteenth century 
 Latin drama; "Aluta" of that class in which the scenes were 
 taken from daily life, and "Rebelles" of student life on the 
 stage. 28 The influence of Reuchlin is seen in Macropedius' 
 employment of the chorus at the end of the first four acts. 
 These choruses are, however, more closely connected with the 
 rest of the play than are those of Reuchlin, in that they con- 
 tain moral reflections upon the preceding action and the truths 
 which Macropedius wishes to teach, but even they in no way 
 affect the development of the plot. The choruses in the 
 "Rebelles" and the "Aluta" are merely musical interludes; 
 and, as in the "Henno, " they were prefixed to the play with 
 
 "Dat unnsser Stilus ys sso slicht, 
 
 Mit Terentio gar wenich stymbt, 
 
 Nach mit Plauto overeyn kumbt, 
 
 De wyle ydt ys keyn fabel gedicht, 
 
 Sender up de rechte wahrheit gericht." (i. 212-216.) 
 3 ?Cf. G. Macropedius, preface to Aluta and Rebelles. Cf. also supra, 
 footnote 6, p. 25. 
 
 28 These plays awakened interest in dramatic production and served as 
 models for many later German dramas. The Rebelles was translated into 
 German in 1 556 and in 1 557. It influenced among other dramas of student 
 life Wickram's Knabenspiegel (1554), Hayneccius' Almansor in Latin 
 (1578), in German (1582) and Schonaeus' Dyscoli. The Aluta was trans- 
 lated into German three times during the sixteenth century. It served as 
 the model for the Vilnius (1595) of Schonaeus. Cf. also Bolte, op. cit., 
 introduction to Rebelles, p. xvi. 
 
32 
 
 their musical accompaniments, 29 that every one might be able 
 to sing the choral odes according to definite melodies without 
 troubling to scan them. 30 All the choruses are written in 
 Horatian meter; in "Rebelles" each chorus is an ode of eight 
 lines and in "Aluta" an ode of twelve, all in iambic dimeter. 
 They were intended to be sung by the boys in the school. 
 According to the "dramatis personae" of "Rebelles" the 
 chorus is composed "ex Aristippicae scholae auditoribus." 
 Macropedius has two choruses in "Aluta" after each of the 
 first four acts. In addition to a chorus of peasant women who 
 moralize upon the events of the preceding act, there is a chorus 
 of Bacchantes who chant the songs of Bacchus. It begins 
 each time with the words "Jacche Bacche ohe, ohe, " and is 
 always the same. 
 
 Even before the Dutch school had taken the "Henno" 
 as its model the German and Swiss schoolmasters had come 
 under the influence of Reuchlin's chorus and had converted 
 it to their own use. The first German drama in which the 
 chorus appears is "Der verlorne Sohn" of Burkard Waldis. 
 Although a Shrove- tide play in Low German, it is saturated 
 with the New Learning. According to Waldis' own statement 
 it was written under the influence of the ancient drama. It 
 is divided into two acts, the first treating of the departure of 
 the Prodigal and his downfall, and the second of his return 
 and restoration to his father's favor. The choral songs are 
 apparently hymns that were well-known in the sixteenth 
 century, for Waldis gives only the first line of each. The 
 chorus is composed sometimes of four and sometimes of five 
 persons. After the prologue has been delivered, and before 
 the action opens, a choral song is sung : 3 x " Hyr wordt gesungen 
 de Lavesangk, 'Nu bidden my den hilgen geyst,' mit vyff 
 stemmen." At the end of the first act there is an epilogue 
 
 2 'The musical accompaniments for the choruses were first printed in the 
 edition of 1553. 
 
 3"Adjectae sunt choris post singulos actus notulae quaedam musicae, 
 quo simplici tenore quisque possit citra laborem versiculos modulari." 
 (Cf. Bolte, op. cit., introduction to Rebelles, p. xxxviii.) 
 
 s'L. 219. 
 
33 
 
 followed by the chorus, 32 "Darnha wardt gesungen de xiij 
 Psalm, ' Idt spreckt der unwysser mundt wol,' mit vyff stem- 
 men." The second act is concerned with the son's return. 
 While the feast is being prepared the Te Deum is sung, and 
 during the feast instrumental music is introduced in the form 
 of trumpets, reed-pipes and flutes. Even while the feast is 
 in progress the opportunity for introducing sacred songs 
 is not overlooked. Just before the end 33 "wardt gesungen der 
 cxxix Psalm, 'Uth deper noeth' etc., met v. stemmen"; and 
 the play closes with an epilogue. In addition to the psalms 
 sung during the play six others are printed at the end. The 
 first three (2, 3, 24) were translated into German by Andreas 
 Knopf er, a reformer of Riga, and the others are the work of 
 Burkard Waldis. Thus we see that at every possible oppor- 
 tunity the chorus is utilized for the singing of psalms. 
 
 The first Swiss drama in which the chorus appears is "Eyn 
 schcen spil von funfferley betrachtnussen den menschen zuor 
 Buss reytzende, durch Joannen Kolrossen uss der heyligen 
 geschrifft gezogen." It was performed at Basel in 1532. 
 The subject is not taken from the Bible, but is an original 
 treatment of the "death dance" in which a young man, dis- 
 regarding his religious instruction for a life of pleasure, is 
 wounded by the dart of Death, but is saved by repentance. 
 The play is not actually divided into acts, but that such a 
 division was to be understood is seen from the introduction 
 of four choruses in rimed sapphic meter. The chorus is 
 composed of four actors. The play opens and closes with a 
 choral song: "zum ersten singt man mit fier stimmen nach- 
 gende tiidtsche Saphica. " Here the chorus has the r61e 
 of prologue, urging all to heed the teaching of the play. 
 This is followed by the prologue proper in which a herald 
 commands silence and bids the people give their attention 
 to the play. The choral songs are closely connected with the 
 plot, in that they give a deeply religious touch to the play by 
 setting forth the moral and by earnestly and seriously urging 
 the people to profit by it, for : 
 
 3L. 1277. L. 1934. 
 
 3 
 
34 
 
 "Sydt wir nit wussen, wan der tod werd kummg, 
 So sind geflissen, O jr lieben frummen, 
 Wachend all stunde, halltend Gottes Bunde, 
 Dwyl jr sind gsunde!" 34 
 
 At the same time they serve to fill the pauses in the action; 
 for while the chorus is singing the youth who has been granted 
 
 a new lease of life in which to repent goes away ' ' und diewyl 
 
 man singt, ziicht er die waltlich kleydung ab, unnd legt demu- 
 tige kleyder an." 35 After the epilogue the chorus calls to 
 mind the five considerations that lead men to repentance and 
 the whole play concludes with a prayer to God. 
 
 The work begun by Kolross was carried on by Sixt Birck in 
 ' ' Dje history von der fromen Gottsforchtigen frouwen Su- 
 sanna" (1532). 36 In the manner of Kolross he divided his 
 play into three acts by means of two choruses in rimed sapphic 
 meter. 37 In 1537, under the influence of the Latin Biblical 
 drama, Birck rewrote his "Susanna" in Latin, employing 
 instead of the original three acts the classical five acts. The 
 chorus following the first act is the same in both plays, and 
 the chorus at the end of the third act of the Latin version 
 corresponds to that at the end of the second act of the 
 German. The three remaining choruses are new; for, in 
 this play, even the fifth act ends with a chorus followed 
 by the epilogue. In addition to the hymns after each of 
 the acts the boys of the school sing before the play opens. 38 
 All the choruses harmonize to a certain extent with the 
 religious treatment of the subject, inasmuch as they are 
 hymns based upon the psalms; but Birck's treatment of the 
 first two choruses shows how little connection there was in 
 
 340.328-331. 3 s L. 320. 
 
 36 This play became the model for the many German and Latin Susannas 
 composed during the sixteenth century; Rebhun (1535) was influenced by 
 the German version, Stockel (1559) and Frischlin (1578), by the Latin 
 version. 
 
 37 Cf . for Birck's use of antique meter in the choruses, Hopfner, Reform- 
 bestrebungen auf dem Gebiet der deutschen Dichtung des 16. u. 77. Jahrh. 
 (Berliner Progr., 1866, p. 9.) 
 
 3' The musical accompaniment for this hymn is printed with the text. 
 
35 
 
 the minds of the sixteenth century dramatists between the 
 chorus as they used it and that of the classic drama. To 
 them the chorus meant nothing more than singing between 
 the acts, and it was immaterial whether this was done by a 
 group or merely by one person. The choral ode after the first 
 act, though a poetic version of the thirtieth psalm, is nothing 
 more than a soliloquy in sapphic meter in which Susanna 
 expresses her faith in the justice of God. In the second chorus 
 a still further innovation is made by the introduction of the 
 allegorical figure of "Sapientia" to sing a selection from the 
 eighth chapter of Proverbs. 39 The other choruses are, how- 
 ever, sung by a group of boys. 
 
 In 1535 appeared the first drama as an art form (Kunst- 
 drama) in the German language, the "Susanna" of Paul Reb- 
 hun. In this play there is apparent for the first time a clear 
 comprehension of the classical technic and a conscious effort 
 to reproduce the poetic form and dramatic structure of the 
 ancient drama; especially of the antique chorus. In the use 
 of the chorus Rebhun departed from the usual custom of intro- 
 ducing at the end of the act familiar songs or hymns, which 
 might, perhaps, because of their religious significance, harmon- 
 ize with the action or emphasize the teaching of the piece. In- 
 stead of this he composed lyrics that were closely connected 
 with the preceding action, and which, as in the old Greek 
 drama, might be said to express the thoughts and feelings of 
 the ideal spectator. Rebhun bestowed great care upon the 
 structure of his choruses. They were intended to be sung 
 and were written in strophic form. The first chorus consists 
 of four strophes of ten lines each. The first two strophes tell 
 of the power of Venus and her son, and in the last two, which 
 are sung as " proportio " to the first two, chaste love is extolled 
 in contrast to unholy love : 
 
 ' ' solch lieb kumt nicht von Venus her, 
 
 sant Paul gepeuts in seiner ler ; 
 
 darumb wirs billich preisen, 
 
 darumb wirs billich preisen." 40 
 
 39 The stage direction for this choral song is "ex VIII Proverbiorum capite 
 sub persona Sapientiae." LI. 306-308. 
 
36 
 
 In the second chorus five four-line strophes are sung, followed 
 by the "proportio, " which consists of two ten-line strophes 
 in entirely different meter. The third and fourth choruses 
 are in the complicated style of the court lyric, each chorus 
 being composed of three strophes of thirteen lines each. As 
 in the "leich," 41 the lines are of unequal length and are written 
 in various kinds of meter. In the third chorus an eight- 
 syllable trochaic line is followed by a single iambus, followed 
 in turn by a seven-syllable iambic line, etc. 
 "David, der prophetisch man, 
 
 zeigt an, 
 
 durch Gottes geist geleret: 
 
 wer sich fest auf Got erbaut 
 
 und traut, 
 
 der wirt nicht umbgekeret ; etc." 42 
 
 Although the first two choruses resemble the court song in 
 metrical form it is likely that Rebhun intended that the ' ' pro- 
 portio" should correspond to the antistrophe of the Greek 
 chorus; for a contrasted idea is always treated in the "pro- 
 portio. " 43 Rebhun's plays were a decided advance upon 
 those of his predecessors, but the other dramatists of the six- 
 teenth century, who were not interested in the form of the 
 drama, ignored the innovations of this scholar and continued 
 to write their plays in the old " Knittelvers." 44 
 
 A whole flood of Biblical dramas in classical form followed 
 in the wake of these early plays. But in spite of their number 
 there were no great dramatists, and but few who are worthy 
 of mention. The sixteenth century dramatists were interested 
 not in the literary but in the pedagogical aspect of the drama. 
 There was, accordingly, no thought of originality; the same 
 subjects were treated again and again, and in exactly the 
 
 . the "leich" as written by Walter von der Vogelweide. 
 
 * LI. 307 ff. 
 
 Cf. F. Bohme, Geschichte des Tanzes in Deutschland, Leipzig, 1886, 
 Vol. I, pp. 254 ff., who believes that these choruses were accompanied by 
 dances. 
 
 44 Cf . Hans Sachs, the greatest dramatist of the period, who always used 
 the Knittelvers. 
 
37 
 
 same way. The earliest drama on any subject was likely to 
 become the model for all later ones. Keeping in mind this 
 inevitable similarity, I have endeavored, so far as it was 
 possible, to examine the texts of those plays which were most 
 popular at the time they were written and which exerted the 
 greatest influence on the subsequent dramas of the sixteenth 
 century, and which may, accordingly, be taken as types. 
 A further investigation of the Latin and German school-plays 
 would doubtless bring to light new details with regard to the 
 chorus, but the general characteristics would remain the same. 
 What, then, are the characteristics of the sixteenth century 
 chorus? It is most sharply distinguished from either the 
 Greek or the Latin chorus by its didactic and religious nature. 
 It had no other significance beyond that of a musical interlude 
 sung at the end of an act, or even, occasionally, during the 
 act to bridge over pauses in the action. The treatment of 
 Biblical subjects, as has been pointed out, naturally led to the 
 use of familiar church songs, 45 which because of their religious 
 character expressed to a certain degree the lesson which the 
 dramatist wished to teach. But the cases were few where, as 
 in the "Susanna" of Rebhun, the choruses were composed 
 expressly for the drama and therefore closely connected with 
 it. A proof that the dramatists in many cases did not write 
 definite choruses for their plays, but used instead appropriate 
 hymns or psalms, is that directions are frequently given for 
 singing when the songs are not printed with the text. In 
 the "Joseph "of Gart 46 (1540) we read " volgend maggesungen 
 werden diser nachgeschribner Psalm." 47 That the chorus 
 was, moreover, felt to have no vital connection with the action, 
 is seen from the fact that the dramatists employed or omitted 
 it at will. Rebhun uses it in his "Susanna," but not in 
 " Die Hochzeit zu Cana " ; Naogeorgus has it in his " Incendia," 
 (1541) but not in his "Pammachius" (1538); W. Gnapheus 
 
 45 The chorus was usually accompanied by definite melodies. 
 
 < 6 End of Act II. (Text in Elsdssische Litteraturdenkmaler aus dem XI V- 
 X VII. Jahrhundert, edited by Ernst Martin and Erich Schmidt, Strass- 
 burg, 1880, Vol. II.) 
 
 *' Cf. also Der verlorne Sohn of B. Waldis, supra, p. 32. 
 
38 
 
 does not have it in his "Acolastus" (1529), but does in his 
 "Hypocrisis" (1544). 
 
 The plays were generally supplied with a prologue and 
 an epilogue, and the choruses were introduced at the end 
 of the first four acts. Sometimes the play ended with a 
 chorus, either before or after the epilogue; as in the "Re- 
 belles" of Macropedius or the "Incendia" of Naogeorgus. 
 Zeigler in his "Pedonothia" (1543) has a chorus after all 
 the acts except the fourth. Choral songs are also occasion- 
 ally sung before the opening of the action. Such a use of 
 the chorus is found in Kolross' "Fiinferlei Betrachtnisse " ; 
 in Birck's "Susanna" (1537); in Kruger's "Action von dem 
 Anfang und Ende der Welt" (1566). In some few cases the 
 choral song appears even in the middle of the act. In the 
 "Action von dem Anfang und Ende der Welt" the chorus 
 of angels sings both in the middle and at the end of the first 
 scene of the first act. 
 
 The choral songs were of course sung by the schoolboys, 
 but little can be said about the size of the chorus, There 
 seems to have been no definite number. In the "Susanna" 
 of Birck (1537) the first two choruses are sung by one actor; in 
 Kruger's "Action von dem Anfang und Ende der Welt" 
 (1566) we read with regard to the chorus of angels, "angeli, 
 und so vil man irer sonsten immer haben kan. " 48 In most 
 cases, however, the list of "dramatis personae" does not 
 include the chorus. 
 
 In a few instances the audience took part in the play. In 
 "Saul" (1606) of Wolfhart Spangenberg, Saul praises David 
 and concludes with the words: 49 
 
 " Dass dein Lob immer grosser sey 
 Gott woll dich lieben Hertziglich : 
 
 All Menschen mussen preysen dich : 
 Auch unser Volck musse vollbringen 
 .Dein Lob mit Reygen und mit singen," 
 
 48 Cf. "dramatis personae "of the play. (Text in Schauspiele aus dem 
 sechzehnten Jahrhundert, edited by J. Tittmann, Leipzig, 1868, Vol. II.) 
 
 End of Act I. (Text in Elsassische Litter aturdenkmdler aus dem XIV- 
 XVII. Jahrhundert, vol. IV.) 
 
39 
 
 after which follows the chorus, sung apparently by "das 
 Volk. " In the "Susanna" (1537) of Birck, 50 the eighth psalm 
 is sung by the "populus. " Thus we see that the dramatists 
 of this period took the chorus as they understood it and 
 modernized it by adapting it to their own needs. 
 
 The meter used in the choral songs varies. The Latin 
 choruses were originally odes in Horatian meter. They were 
 generally written in iambic or trochaic dimeter, asclepiad, 
 sapphic, gly conic or alcaic meter; and a desire to write chor- 
 uses according to a classic model led, in some cases, to the 
 employment of these meters for the German plays. Both 
 Kolross in his "Fiinferlei Betrachtnisse " and Birck in his 
 "Susanna" (1532) used "gereimte teutsche Sapphica. " 
 Rebhun is, I believe, the only sixteenth century dramatist 
 who attempted to compose, in the German language, choruses 
 according to the Greek model in strophe and antistrophe. 
 But in general the choral songs of the German drama were in 
 the crude doggerel meter of the religious songs of the sixteenth 
 century, 51 many, as we have seen, being hymns taken over 
 directly from the church service. 52 
 
 The great work of the Reformation was finished by 1555. 
 But although there was a tendency to turn from religious to 
 secular subjects and to tragic treatment, the Senecan drama 
 which at that time was all-important in Italy, France and 
 England, seems to have had no imitators in Germany. The 
 tragedies that were taken from Virgil, Livy and Ovid were 
 based upon the Roman comedies, 53 and the favorite dramatic 
 form continued to be that of the half-Biblical, half-Terentian 
 school-drama 54 But even in the dramas of this period there 
 were present tendencies which were to force the chorus into 
 
 s Act V, sc. 4. 
 
 s 1 Cf. Luther's Einfeste Burg, based on the forty-sixth psalm. 
 
 s* Cf. supra, p. 33 B. Waldis, to whose play were suffixed six psalms. 
 
 s^Nicodemus Frischlin, the foremost dramatist of the latter half of the 
 sixteenth century in writing his Dido and Venus aimed to create a 
 "Terentius Christianus." Cf. further Holstein, op. cit., p. 63. 
 
 sCf. Creizenach, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 425; cf., however, C. H. Herford 
 Studies in the Literary Relations of England and Germany in the Sixteenth 
 Century, Cambridge, 1886, pp. 98-99. 
 
40 
 
 the background. The popular drama that was performed in 
 the market-places did not have a regular chorus, but scattered 
 throughout the plays of Jacob Ruff, Hans Rudolf Manuel, 
 Jakob Funcklin, and many others are references such as 
 1 ' Musica, " " Trummeten, " " Pfif en, " " Pausando. ' ' This in- 
 strumental music, which at first served to bridge over pauses 
 in the plot, was later used to signify the division of the play 
 into acts, and when the plays were actually so written it 
 supplied entertainment between the acts. But it was not 
 long before instrumental music, the use of which had origi- 
 nated with the Swiss dramatists and had spread to the German 
 popular drama was adopted by the authors of the German 
 school-drama and was found side by side with the choral 
 songs. ss In the "Joseph" (1540) of Gart 56 are found the 
 following directions: "Hie mag gesungen, gepfiffen oder 
 georglet werden diss nachvolgende oder anders. " Susanna in 
 Birck's "Susanna" (1532) says just before she sings the first 
 choral ode: 57 
 
 "wie ich yetzunder singen wil 
 von hertzen uff dem orgel spil. " 
 
 In Kruger's "Action von dem Anfang und Ende der Welt," 
 after Gabriel announces the birth of Christ to the shepherds, 
 the chorus of angels returns to heaven "singende: all er und 
 lob sol Gottes sein etc.," 58 and when Christ ascends into 
 heaven "die engel mit posaunen und trommeten, oder ander 
 seitenspiel in empfangen sollen." 59 In the second half of the 
 century, however, when the didactic purpose of the drama 
 became less pronounced, and the urgent need of spreading 
 the Gospel was no longer felt, there was a tendency to give up 
 the choral song entirely for instrumental music which became 
 more and more the favorite form of interlude. 
 
 In 1587 appeared English players who controlled the German 
 
 ss There are, of course, cases in the early Biblical drama, as for example, 
 Der verlorne Sohn of B. Waldis where instrumental music was used in 
 connection with the choral song, but the practice did not become general 
 until later in the century. 56 End of Act I. 5? L. 485. 
 
 5 Act II, sc. i. s End of Act III. 
 
41 
 
 stage until the Thirty Years' War. 60 In spite of the fact that 
 choral songs are found in the plays of Lyly, Peele, Marlowe 
 and the other Elizabethan dramatists, 61 these plays as per- 
 formed in Germany by the "English comedians" do not 
 contain a chorus. 62 The plays were brought into Germany by 
 second-rate actors who were not concerned with faithfully 
 producing them, for there is only the remotest connection 
 between the original English dramas and those played in 
 Germany. What they aimed to do was to emphasize and 
 bring into prominence those things which appealed to popular 
 taste. At first the plays were performed in English and be- 
 tween the acts a clown was introduced who spoke in German, 
 but whose sayings were seldom more than coarse horse-play 
 and whose acting consisted of acrobatic tricks. Instrumental 
 music was always a prominent feature of the English plays, 
 especially between the acts. As time passed the interlude 
 was developed until it completely overshadowed the rest of 
 the play, and the whole effect was that of noise and confusion 
 caused by horns, trumpets, drums, fireworks, dancing and the 
 tricks of the clown ; all of which formed so essential a part of 
 the English productions. With the appearance of the "Eng- 
 lish comedians," the chorus practically disappears. In the 
 enthusiasm aroused by the foreign plays and the professional 
 actors, the old Biblical drama and the performances of the 
 mechanics and the schoolboys were forgotten. Nor is there 
 any trace of the chorus in the German plays that were written 
 under English influence, but instrumental music is the usual 
 form of entertainment between the acts. 63 
 
 Before concluding this chapter, it seems advisable to review 
 briefly the development of the chorus in the century we have 
 just been studying. But it is first necessary to emphasize the 
 fact that there is no connection between the choral songs of 
 
 60 "The earliest record of this English invasion dates from 1587." Cf. 
 C. Thomas, A History of German Literature, New York, 1909, p. 164. 
 
 6l Cf. supra, pp. 8-9. 
 
 6a Cf. Creizenach, Die Schauspiele der englischen Komodianten. (In Vol. 
 23 of Kurschner's Deutsche Nationalliteratur, Einleitung, p. xcii. 
 
 6 3 Cf . Jacob Ayrer and Duke Heinrich Julius von Braunschweig in whose 
 dramas instrumental music is introduced between the acts. 
 
42 
 
 the sixteenth century and those sung by the groups of minor 
 characters centered about the leading characters of the old 
 church plays. For even before the era of the Biblical drama, 
 these old plays were regarded with disfavor and began to pass 
 out of existence. The chorus is found for the first time in the 
 sixteenth century drama in the "Henno" of Reuchlin. This 
 chorus which, according to the indirect statement of the 
 author, was introduced under the influence of the chorus in 
 Attic comedy, was taken over by the writers of the Reforma- 
 tion drama and was used as a means of enforcing the teachings 
 of the play. The tendency to use popular hymns between the 
 acts, which was first apparent in the plays of the German 
 schoolmasters and clergy, became more pronounced when in 
 1636 the Latin Biblical drama was introduced into Germany by 
 the performance of "Acolastus. " The play was immediately 
 translated and affected both the Latin and the vernacular 
 drama. Under its influence the dialogues and pageants of 
 the humanists gave way to the Biblical drama in Latin. Men 
 who had previously written in German began to translate 
 their plays or to compose anew in Latin. The use of the Latin 
 language led to a more or less general adoption of the classical 
 technic, and consequently to the use of the choral songs as 
 a recognized part of this technic. By the middle of the 
 century the work of the Reformation was finished, religious 
 subjects gave way to secular, but the Graeco-Roman technic 
 of Reuchlin, popularized by the Latin and the German Bibli- 
 cal drama continued to be used. But a counter-influence was 
 at work. Even before the advent of the English players the 
 increasing popularity of instrumental music, as a means of 
 entertainment between the acts, tended toward the gradual 
 elimination of the choral song. At first instrumental music 
 was introduced in addition to the chorus, but later in the 
 century there was a tendency to omit the choral ode en- 
 tirely. Consequently the appearance of the "English come- 
 dians," who relied for their popularity upon the use of 
 instrumental music, dances and acrobatic feats between the 
 acts of their plays, hastened rather than caused the abolition 
 of the choral song. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 FROM GRYPHIUS TO GOTTSCHED 
 
 During the Thirty Years' War practically all connection 
 with the literature of the sixteenth century was severed. With 
 the exception of the English plays which were occasionally 
 performed dramatic productions were entirely forgotten. 1 
 Accordingly when, at the end of the war, the dramatists again 
 turned to play-writing, they were compelled to follow foreign 
 models. In the second half of the seventeenth century 
 there were three types of drama: 2 the popular drama, showing 
 in the antics of the clown and in the use of instrumental music 
 between and during the acts the influence of the English 
 players; the opera which was imported from Italy and was 
 received with favor by the nobility; and the so-called "Kunst- 
 drama, " modeled upon the Senecan technic, which was 
 brought into Germany by the imitation of the Dutch and to a 
 lesser degree of the French drama. 3 
 
 Andreas Gryphius, the greatest German dramatist of the 
 seventeenth century, was the first to produce tragedies in 
 imitation of Renaissance models. All his plays are tragedies 
 of martyrdom; dramas of passive suffering in the spirit of 
 Seneca. With the exception of "Cardenio und Celinde, " 4 
 
 1 "The few weak attempts at Biblical drama during this period have no 
 significance." Goedeke, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 189. 
 
 2 Cf. further, A. Koberstein, Grundriss der Geschichte der deutschen 
 Nationattiteratur, Leipzig, 1872, Vol. II, p. 234. 
 
 3 By the middle of the seventeenth century Seneca had exerted his great- 
 est influence in France, England and Holland; but the Thirty Years' War 
 had so far retarded the development of German literature that in 1648, 
 with the exception of the Jesuit drama, there had been practically no 
 imitation of the Roman tragedies in Germany. 
 
 4 It is interesting to note that this play was the indirect cause of Graf 
 von Platen's attack upon Immermann in Der romantische Oedipus, a sa- 
 tiric comedy with a chorus in imitation of the chorus in Old Greek Comedy. 
 Cf . infra, p. 80. 
 
 43 
 
44 
 
 the heroes are always innocent victims "rejoicing to suffer 
 death for virtue and religion." Every drama has a didactic 
 purpose; to teach the vanity of human affairs, "die vergang- 
 ligkeit menschlicher sachen in gegenwertigem und etlich fol- 
 gen den trauerspielen vorzust ellen . " s 
 
 Gryphius was not an original genius. He was a pioneer in 
 the dramatic field of the seventeenth century, and in his 
 choruses especially he seems to have followed first one model 
 and then another without adhering consistently to any one 
 form of treatment. He was acquainted with the Dutch, 
 French, 6 Italian and Jesuit 7 dramas, but the influence of the 
 Dutch and the Jesuit is most apparent in his plays. 8 The 
 influence of the Jesuit drama is especially discernible in his 
 fondness for the bizarre or the unusual both in subject and in 
 character. 9 The influence of Vondel is traceable in every 
 play. 10 
 
 5 Cf. preface to Leo Armenius. Andreas Gryphius, Trauerspiele, edited 
 by H. Palm, Tubingen, 1882. This edition was used throughout. 
 
 6 The French drama was more strongly influenced by Seneca than was 
 the Dutch. Gryphius follows the Dutch whenever it departs from the 
 French and Seneca. Cf . R. Kollewijn, Uber den Einfluss des holldndischen 
 Dramas auf Andreas Gryphius, Heilbronn, S. A., p. 71. 
 
 Although the chorus was an essential part of the technic of the Jesuit 
 drama, I have not attempted to discuss it, because the Jesuit drama was 
 always written in Latin until the end of the seventeenth century and was 
 always confined to the schools. For a discussion of the chorus in the 
 Jesuit drama cf. Holstein, op. cit., pp. 271 ff. ; also P. Bahlmann, Das Drama 
 der Jesuiten. (In Euphorion, 1895, Vol. II, pp. 271 ff.) 
 
 The classical drama of the ancients had almost no direct influence. 
 Cf. Goedeke, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 189. But the indirect influence of the 
 Greek and the Latin drama was strong, i. e., the influence of Seneca through 
 the dramas of Hooft and of Sophocles through the dramas of Vondel. 
 
 ' For the influence of the Jesuit drama upon Gryphius cf . Willi Hairing, 
 Andreas Gryphius und das Drama der Jesuiten, Halle, 1907. (dissertation). 
 
 10 For example, the "Reyhen der Hofe-Junckern Papiniani" at the end 
 of Act I of Papinianus is very similar to the " Rey van Eubeers " in Act III 
 of the Palamedes of Vondel. Also, the fourth choral song of Leo Armenius 
 corresponds to the second and third of Vondel's Gysbreght van AemsteL 
 In each case there is a three-fold chorus. Vondel's influence upon the 
 metrical form of Gryphius' choruses will be discussed later. Cf . Kollewijn, 
 op. cit., pp. 62 ff., for a detailed comparison of Vondel and Gryphius. 
 
45 
 
 It was undoubtedly this familiarity with so many types of 
 the Renaissance drama, coupled with a misunderstanding of 
 the essential nature of the chorus and a total disregard of 
 stage requirements, that gave to most of the choruses of Gry- 
 phius their incongruous and highly artificial character. Not 
 quite certain in his own mind as to the proper treatment of 
 the chorus, he lets his imagination run riot in this part of the 
 play. 11 Strange experiments in characters, form and subject 
 show how far he has departed from truth and reality. With 
 few exceptions the choruses are utterly devoid of life and make 
 the plays dramatically ineffective. 
 
 Gryphius has a chorus after each of the first four acts; 
 only in "Leo Armenius" III. i, "Papinianus" II and V 
 and "Carolus Stuardus" V, does the chorus appear in the 
 middle of the act. The stage-directions show that, with these 
 exceptions, the chorus is not on the stage during the course of 
 the action but appears at the conclusion of the act. In 
 "Carolus Stuardus" I the chorus of murdered English 
 kings leaves the stage with the words: "Weicht geister! 
 Britten ist kein ort vor stille seelen!" 12 In " Papinianus" IV 
 the furies are supposed to vanish before the eyes of the audi- 
 ence. 13 In "Papinianus" II, Justice descends from the 
 clouds, calls the furies from the lower world and, at the con- 
 clusion of the choral song, again mounts to heaven. Gry- 
 phius generally has, moreover, a different chorus for each act, 
 thus making it impossible for the chorus to remain on the 
 stage during the progress of the play. The song of joy sung by 
 the attendants of Catharina of Georgia after the decree of 
 death is pronounced by Chach Abas would lead one to imagine 
 that the chorus was not even supposed to be aware of the 
 course of the action. 
 
 As might be expected, the choruses have little or no vital 
 connection with the rest of the play. In the few cases in which 
 the chorus does appear during the course of the action, its r61e 
 
 11 Cf. Carolus Stuardus, Acts I and II; also Cardenio und Celinde, Act IV. 
 
 12 L. 351. 
 
 x * "Die geister verschwinden," stage direction at the end of Act IV. 
 
46 
 
 is that of a sympathetic witness rather than of an actor. 14 
 Even when the choral song consists of observations and re- 
 flections of a moral tendency suggested more or less directly 
 by the content of the preceding act, the tragic effect is 
 often spoiled and an artificial tone is given to the whole 
 because these reflections are sung by mythological personages 
 who bear no relation to the words they sing. But Gryphius 
 frequently goes even further, and the choruses are interludes 
 pure and simple. They are given by allegorical figures and 
 are so little connected with the action that they might be 
 transferred from one play to another without any loss of 
 appropriateness: for example, "Cardenio und Celinde" III, 
 where a scene is enacted by Time, Man and the Four Seasons 
 in the form of the four ages of man; or "Catharina von 
 Georgien" IV, where, after Virtue has urged mortals to be 
 constant, a dialogue takes place between Death and Love. 
 
 The characters found in the choruses are rarely such as 
 belong inherently to the play. 15 In addition to living person- 
 ages such as maidens, priests and courtiers, Gryphius intro- 
 duced spirits, mythological and allegorical characters. Dead 
 kings, furies, sirens, religion, heresy, virtue, love, death, justice, 
 time, all have a r61e in his choruses. Spirits and allegorical 
 figures, although not found in the choruses of the classic trage- 
 dy, 16 were regarded as an essential part of the technic of the 
 Renaissance drama and were extensively used in the Jesuit 
 drama. 17 They are also found in a more limited number in 
 the plays of Hooft, and Gryphius' adoption of them is prob- 
 ably due to these influences. Another Renaissance charac- 
 
 r Papinianus II and V; also Carolus Stuardus V. 
 
 s There is no regularity with regard to the size of the chorus, but the 
 number of characters varies in the different choruses. 
 
 16 Cf., however, the chorus in Old Greek Comedy which was often com- 
 posed of mythological beings, as furies, sphinxes, sirens; also of fanciful 
 personifications, as towns, clouds, seasons. Were the Jesuits influenced 
 by Old Greek Comedy? 
 
 *Cf. "Chor der streitenden kirchen" and "Reyhen der himmlischen" 
 (including, "Die seligkeit," "die zwei Engel") which are found in Die 
 heilige Felicitas of the French Jesuit, Nicolaus Caussin, translated by 
 Gryphius (1634). 
 
47 
 
 teristic is the use of the double chorus. This is found only two 
 or three times in Greek tragedy 18 and only twice in Seneca, 19 
 but it is not uncommon in the Renaissance drama. 20 Gryphius 
 makes frequent use of it, as, for example, the chorus of priests 
 and maidens in "Leo Armenius" IV, or of the attendants of 
 Plautia and of Papinianus in "Papinianus." This is dis- 
 cussed more fully later. 
 
 Gryphius calls his choruses "Reyhen" in imitation of Von- 
 del. 2 * They are either composed 2 2 in the three-fold division of 
 "Satz," "Gegensatz" and "Zusatz," taken by Vondel from 
 Sophocles, 23 or in the strophic form of Seneca. 24 The " Satz ' ' 
 was probably intended to be sung by one half of the chorus, 
 the " Gegensatz" by the other, and the "Zusatz" by the 
 whole chorus ; for Gryphius sometimes designates this form by 
 "chor, " "gegenchor" and "chor und gegenchor zusammen." 
 Gryphius divides his chorus in this way in "Leo Arme- 
 nius" I and III and in "Catharina von Georgien" I and 
 II. The metrical form of the "Gegensatz" always corre- 
 sponds to that of the "Satz," while that of the "Zusatz" 
 is different. Gryphius still further imitates Vondel by occa- 
 sionally repeating the "Satz," "Gegensatz" and "Zusatz"; as 
 in "Leo Armenius" IV, in "Carolus Stuardus" II, and 
 "Papinianus" III. In "Carolus Stuardus" I, it is re- 
 peated twice. Gryphius employs a variety of meter in the 
 choruses in imitation of Seneca, but "most frequent are the 
 
 18 Cf. Euripides, Hippolytus ; Aeschylus, Seven against Thebes. 
 
 x Cf. Agamemnon and Hercules Oetaeus. 
 
 20 Cf. for French Renaissance drama, Jodelle, Didon, in which there 
 is a chorus of the attendants of Dido and a chorus of the attendants of 
 Aeneas. Also, Gamier, Porcie, in which there are three choruses, and 
 Antigone. For Dutch Renaissance drama, cf. Vondel, Palamedes, in 
 which there is a Rey van Eubeers and a Rey van Ithakoiser. 
 
 21 In 1639 Vondel in his de Maagden for the first time divided his chorus 
 into "Zang," "Tegenzang" and "Toezang." Further, cf. Kollewijn, op. 
 cit., p. 64. 
 
 22 For a detailed discussion of the meter in the choruses of Gryphius, 
 cf. Kollewijn, op. cit., pp. 74-76. 
 
 2 3 This division is not found in the French or the Senecan drama. 
 
 2 4 It is not unusual to find the Greek technic of Vondel and the Latin 
 technic of Hooft employed in the same drama. 
 
4 8 
 
 four-, six- or eight-line strophes in iambic or trochaic meter: 
 as in "Leo Armenius" II, "Catharina von Georgien" III, 
 "CardenioandCelinde" I, II, and IV, "Carolus Stuardus" III 
 and " Papinianus" I. The only instance of the use of dactylic 
 meter is in "Papinianus" IV. 25 Gryphius seldom employs 
 Alexandrine meter for his choruses. In "Carolus Stuardus" 
 IV, where the chorus is spoken by Religion and Heresy, Religion 
 speaks in Alexandrine meter and Heresy in five foot iambic 
 meter. The women and attendants in "Papinianus" V also 
 speak in Alexandrine meter. That some if not all of the 
 choruses were intended to be sung to the accompaniment of 
 orchestral music is seen from the fact that in "Leo Armen- 
 ius" III, the stage-direction is "Violen. Unter wahrendem 
 seitenspiel und gesang entschlafft Leo auf dem stuhle sitzend." 
 The following plays illustrate most clearly the character- 
 istics of the choruses in the dramas of Gryphius: "Leo 
 Armenius," where the sanest treatment of the chorus is found, 
 for no allegorical figures are introduced; " Papinianus, " where 
 the treatment resembles that of the Sophoclean rather than of 
 the Senecan chorus ; and " Carolus Stuardus," where the chorus 
 has reached the height of artificiality and loses all excuse for 
 existence. The r61e played by the chorus in "Leo Armenius " 
 is purely lyrical, for it does nothing to further the development 
 of the plot. The first three choruses, which are sung by a 
 group of courtiers, are reflective and didactic, two important 
 characteristics of the Renaissance drama. After the fourth 
 act there is a double chorus of priests and virgins. The words 
 of the chorus at the end of the first act are those of the ideal 
 spectator, who, having observed the preceding events, feels 
 that the disaster of Balbus is due to his recklessness in express- 
 ing his views to the emperor's councilor. The "Satz" extols 
 "speech" by means of which all the marvels of the earth have 
 been disclosed; and upon which the life of man depends. In 
 the " Gegensatz " the contrasted idea is taken up ; 26 the destruc- 
 
 a s Kollewijn, op. cit., p. 75. 
 
 36 Cf. supra, p. 36, Rebhun's use of a contrasted idea in the "propor- 
 tio" of the choral song. 
 
49 
 
 tive power of the tongue, for to reckless words are due all the 
 woes of mankind. 
 
 "Wie manchen hat die zung in seine gruff t verdrungen! 
 Des menschen tod beruht auf iedes menschen zungen. " 27 
 
 The "Zusatz" concludes with a moral precept, 
 
 "Lernt, die ihr lebt, den zaum in eure lippen legen, . . . 
 Dein leben, mensch ! und todt halt stets auf deiner zungen ! " 2 * 
 
 At the end of the second act we again find the chorus in the 
 r61e of ideal spectator ; for, impressed by the sudden fall of Bal- 
 bus, it here reflects upon the uncertainty of life. 29 The chorus 
 of musicians and singers in the first scene of the third act does 
 not actually appear on the stage, but is supposed to be sta- 
 tioned outside the emperor's room. 30 It serves a definite 
 purpose in that it bridges over a gap in the action, for the 
 emperor is represented as sleeping "unter wahrendem seiten- 
 spiel und gesang. " The choral song is, however, lyrical and 
 not dramatic. It creates an impression of peace and security, 
 and thus furnishes a contrast to the terror aroused by the 
 appearance of the spirit of Tarasius. The continuity of the 
 action is broken by the chorus at the end of the third act. 
 During the act our thoughts are focused on Balbus and his 
 chances of escape. He fills the scene and the chorus shatters 
 the illusion by commonplace remarks about dreams, remarks 
 that have no connection with the last part and only a forced 
 connection with the first part of the act. After the fourth 
 act there is a double chorus and a double set of "Satz," 
 1 ' Gegensatz ' ' and ' * Zusatz. ' ' The ' ' Satz ' ' is sung by the vir- 
 gins, the "Gegensatz" by the priests, while both join in sing- 
 ing the "Zusatz." In the second case the "Satz" is sung by 
 the priests, the "Gegensatz" by the virgins and the "Zusatz" 
 again by both. Although the choral songs are Christmas 
 carols there is a slight connection with the action; for the 
 
 27 II. 359-540. 28 II. 54i and 554. 
 
 3 Compare the sentiment of this chorus with the last choral ode of 
 Oedipus Rex of Sophocles. 
 
 3 o Act III, 1.6. " Ruffe du die sanger vor die thur. ' ' 
 
50 
 
 conspirators gained access to Leo's palace disguised as priests 
 and planned to kill him during the singing of the second 
 hymn. 
 
 In "Papinianus" there are five distinct choruses: the chorus 
 of Papinianus' pages, of the attendants of Julia, of the furies, 
 of the Roman courtiers and of the ladies-in-waiting of Plautia. 
 Although there is not so much freedom in the choice of the 
 characters who compose the choruses, there is greater freedom 
 in the way in which these choruses are used. The first act is 
 concluded by a song in praise of the goodness and virtue of 
 Papinianus. It consists of eleven six-line strophes sung by 
 the pages of Papinianus. In the second act the attendants of 
 the empress Julia are present when Geta is stabbed by Bas- 
 sianus. After the murder Julia swoons and Bassianus 
 rushes from the stage. The chorus bridges over the gap in 
 the action with lamentations and cries of horror. These are 
 arranged in dialogue form as if intended to be spoken by in- 
 dividual members of the chorus. But here, as in all other 
 cases when the chorus appears in the middle of the act, it 
 does not affect the development of the plot. When Julia 
 comes to her senses the action is, it is true, carried on by her 
 and the chorus, but the r61e of the chorus is limited to single 
 exclamations which reecho the grief of Julia. When a second 
 actor comes on the stage the chorus remains silent. After 
 the second act there is an unusual employment of the chorus. 
 It is neither Greek nor Roman, but bears a certain resemblance 
 to the interlude of the popular drama. 31 This interlude is in 
 the form of a scene between Justice and the furies, who sing 
 separately as individuals and together as a group. During 
 the sounding of trumpets Justice descends from the clouds 
 to the earth and sings of the punishment that is to be devised 
 for the fratricide, a punishment so terrible that all the earth 
 
 3 J In the popular drama, it was customary for the interlude to be in the 
 form of a scene enacted by characters other than those in the drama. The 
 use of the " Zwischenspiel " either with or without the chorus is also found in 
 the Jesuit drama. Cf. J. Zeidler, Studien und Beitrdge zur Geschichte der 
 Jesuitenkomodie und des Klosterdramas. (Theater geschicMiche Forschun- 
 gen, hrsg. von B. Litzmann, Heft 4, s. 
 
will speak of it. She then calls the furies, who come from the 
 lower world to avenge the murder of Geta. Each presents 
 herself separately to Justice and is given power to torture 
 Bassianus. 
 
 "Das grosse Rom erstarrt ob seinem Bassian. 
 Sein bruder fiel durch ihn; fallt ihr den morder an!" 32 
 
 is her command to them, after which she again returns to 
 heaven. This chorus, which is of the same type as the chorus 
 of Religion and Heresy in " Carolus Stuardus," 33 has absolutely 
 nothing in common with the traditional chorus; in fact, it 
 can hardly be called a chorus at all. It is merely a dramatic 
 scene bearing a certain relation, it is true, to preceding events, 
 but a relation that is artificial and unnatural. At the con- 
 clusion of the third act the chorus which is sung by courtiers 
 refers to the fall of Laetus, the instigator to the murder. It 
 contains commonplace reflections upon the impossibility of 
 escaping the consequences of sin, describing in great detail 
 the tortures of the sin-laden conscience. The Sophoclean form 
 of " Satz," " Gegensatz " and " Abgesang" is sung twice. After 
 the fourth act we again find a fanciful treatment of the chorus. 
 It is a scene between a group of furies and the spirit of Severus, 
 the father of Bassianus, and is really a continuation of the 
 scene after the second act. 34 According to the stage directions 
 the emperor Bassianus is represented as sleeping in his chair. 
 An anvil and hammers are brought on the stage by several 
 winged spirits and upon this the three furies forge a dagger. 
 As they work, each of these furies sings a verse of a song 
 referring to Bassianus and the punishment they are preparing 
 for him. After each verse the group sings the following refrain : 
 
 "So wie die schlag auff diss eisen abgehen, 
 Musse, wer schuldig, die hammer ausstehen ! 
 So wie die funcken umfliegen und springen, 
 
 3 II. 571-572. 33 End of Act IV. 
 
 34 This also reminds one of the popular drama, in which a connected 
 interlude between the acts of the drama was not unusual. 
 
52 
 
 Mtisse der blitzen sein hertze durchdringen ! 
 
 So wie sich feuer und stahl hier vermahlen, 
 
 Muss ihn der fluch auch durchbrennen und qualen!" 35 
 
 The spirit of Severus expresses his horror of the deed and 
 asks the furies for the dagger they are making, that he may 
 perform the duty of avenger. When it is finished they give 
 it to him. Then all the spirits vanish, and after their dis- 
 appearance the emperor awakens and sorrowfully leaves the 
 stage. In this case the furies may, perhaps, be said to take 
 part in the action, for they are represented as appearing to 
 the emperor in a dream and torturing him as he sleeps. In 
 the fifth act there are two choruses; the attendants of 
 Papinianus and the chorus of Roman women, whom Plautia 
 calls "auserkohrne frauen und freundinnen. " The action 
 practically ends with the death of Papinianus, but the re- 
 mainder of the act is devoted to expressions of sorrow and 
 grief over the disaster that has befallen him. Both choruses 
 join in these lamentations. The chorus of Roman women 
 has, in addition, an important r61e as ideal spectator, in that 
 it gives expression to the feelings which Gryphius wished to 
 be aroused in the audience by the misfortune that has befallen 
 a righteous man. The play ends with four lines sung by the 
 chorus of women. They are in the form of an epilogue to the 
 play, but there is no choral song after the fifth act such as is 
 found at the end of the first four acts. 
 
 Gryphius introduces into "Carolus Stuardus" four distinct 
 choruses that have absolutely no relation to each other. They 
 represent all the types employed by him: living personages, 
 mythological, allegorical and spiritual figures. The first chorus 
 warns the English people of the confusion and uproar that 
 will result from the execution of Charles, and tells of the 
 punishments that come to those who put the kings to death. 
 It refers to King Charles whose greatest crime was "zu viel 
 geduld. " 36 But in spite of the connection with the preceding 
 action, the tragic effect is lost because the words are sung by a 
 chorus of spirits of murdered English kings. The "Chor," 
 
 s II. 455-460. 36 1. 328. 
 
53 
 
 "Gegenchor" and "Abgesang" are sung three times, thus giving 
 an even more artificial tone to the whole. The second choral 
 song, in which the sirens reflect upon the changes that have 
 taken place on the European thrones during recent years, 
 consists of general observations that have only the slightest 
 connection with the action. This slight connection is, more- 
 over, forgotten when the words are sung by a band of sirens, for 
 it is hard to see the relation between the fate of King Charles 
 and a chorus of sirens. Here the " Chor," " Gegenchor " and 
 "Abgesang" are sung twice. After the third act a double 
 chorus of maidens and matrons lament the conditions in Eng- 
 land. Their song bears a general relation to the whole play 
 rather than to any particular act. It consists of six eight-line 
 strophes, overladen with mythological references in the style 
 of Seneca. The maidens sing the first, third and fifth strophes, 
 and the matrons the others, but the choral song is, however, 
 not in dialogue form, for the words of the matrons amplify 
 rather than answer those of the maidens. After the fourth 
 act there is an interlude in Alexandrine meter, which was 
 probably intended to be spoken and not sung. It is not lyric 
 but dramatic, being a scene between Religion and Heresy. 37 
 Religion is personated by one character and Heresy by nine. 
 The interlude begins with a monologue by Religion, who 
 determines to leave the world where crime is committed in her 
 name. Now the responsibility for the execution of the king 
 will be placed upon her. As she is about to ascend into the 
 clouds the other chorus tries to prevent her flight from the 
 earth. The mantle which she wears falls to the ground, and a 
 struggle ensues between the members of the chorus represent- 
 ing Heresy for the possession of it. The concluding words 
 are spoken by Religion from the clouds. The chorus re- 
 presenting Heresy does not speak in unison, but each mem- 
 ber speaks as a distinct individual. Two choruses appear on 
 the stage during the fifth act. A chorus of maidens stand at 
 the windows of the palace and watch as King Charles is led 
 to the scaffold and executed. They take no part in the 
 action and never address the actors ; their only function being 
 37Cf. supra, p. 51. 
 
54 
 
 to comment upon what is taking place. They speak in Alex- 
 andrine meter as individuals, and only when the deed is done 
 and they give utterance to their grief do they speak as a group. 
 After the death of the king and at the end of the act the 
 chorus of murdered English kings again appears and plays a 
 peculiar rdle. It cannot be said to take part in the action, 
 for the action really ends with the death of the king and the 
 other actors do not again appear. Nor is it in the form of a 
 lyric choral song such as we ordinarily find at the end of the 
 act. It is rather a dramatic epilogue to the play, in which the 
 members speak both as individuals and as a group, probably 
 to represent the confusion of the chorus. They call for 
 Revenge, who appears and speaks the closing words. 
 
 Gryphius became the model for the other "Kunstdramen" 
 of the seventeenth century. The best known of his successors 
 are Daniel Casper von Lohenstein, August von Haugwitz 
 and Johann Christian Hallmann, who imitated him slavishly 
 both in form and content. 38 Typical members of the Second 
 Silesian School, they carried to excess all the faults of the 
 Renaissance tragedy and produced tiresome dramas in which 
 everything is exaggerated and unnatural. In accordance with 
 Gryphius and the Senecan tradition they always introduced a 
 chorus at the conclusion of the first four acts. This chorus 
 was frequently composed either of mythological or of allegori- 
 cal figures such as justice, virtue, revenge, Jupiter, Mars, the 
 Parcae, etc. Nor did these dramatists hesitate to personify 
 rivers, mountains, countries, etc. Lohenstein in his "Epicha- 
 ris" 39 introduced the Tiber and the seven hills of Rome, who 
 lament the tyranny of Nero, and in the fourth choral song he 
 introduced as members of the chorus Europe, Asia and Africa. 
 The choruses are full of pedantry, bombastic conversation 
 
 3* It was not possible to obtain the dramas of Haugwitz or of Lohenstein 
 (with the exception of Cleopatra) and I was compelled in the case of these 
 two dramatists to follow E. Grucker, Histoire des doctrines litter aires et 
 esthetiques en Allemagne, Paris, 1883; G. Gervinus, Geschichte der deutschen 
 Dichtung, Leipzig, 1871, Vol. V, p. 565; Koberstein, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 281 ff. 
 Also, B. Huebner, Die kleineren Dichtungen und Dramen des Prodromus 
 Poeticus von Aug. Ad. von Haugwitz, Neuwied, 1893. 
 
 End of Act III. 
 
55 
 
 and erudite moralizing. They have absolutely no connection 
 with the plot and, overladen as they are with mythological 
 references, are entirely lacking in reality and life. In fact, 
 with Lohenstein the chorus has so completely ceased to be 
 regarded as a part of the action that at the conclusion of the 
 act the scene is sometimes changed before the appearance 
 of the chorus. The stage-direction for the second choral 
 song of "Cleopatra" 40 is: "Der Schauplatz bildet ab ein 
 lustiges Gebirge," and for the fourth, "Der Schauplatz 
 verandert sich in eine lustige Gegend am Flusse Nilus. " 
 As in the tragedies of Gryphius, the choral songs are either in 
 the Senecan form or in the " Satz," " Gegensatz " and " Zusatz " 
 of the Greek. 
 
 Hallmann followed the dramatic form of Lohenstein, but 
 the influence of the Italian opera is seen in the prominence of 
 the lyric element in his dramas. More and more songs were 
 introduced in addition to the regular chorus, until Hallmann 
 finally left the field of tragedy and gave himself up to the 
 pastoral and the opera. 
 
 In i684 41 the "Kunstdrama" passed away. With its dis- 
 appearance the chorus ceased to be a recognized part of drama- 
 tic technic. The reason for its brief period of existence is 
 to be found in the character of the drama itself. Written 
 entirely for scholars, the type never became popular ; the plays 
 were seldom performed and consequently never succeeded in 
 gaining a firm foothold in Germany. Even with Lohenstein 
 clearness of expression had been neglected in the desire to 
 give an air of erudition to the dramas. Accordingly, with the 
 increasing importance given to song, it was but a step from 
 the ' ' Kunstdrama " to the opera in which the words were 
 entirely subordinated to the music. 
 
 40 Edited by F. Bobertag. (Vol. 36 of Kiirschner's Deutsche National- 
 liter atur.) 
 
 r "Mit dem Jahre 1684, in dem die dramatischen Werke von Hallmann 
 und Haugwitz gesammelt erschienen, erlischt das deutsche Renaissance - 
 drama; es hatte abgewirtschaftet, wie am besten die letzten Auslaufer 
 zeigen." (Paul Stachel, Seneca und das deutsche Renaissancedrama, Berlin, 
 1907, P- 349-) 
 
56 
 
 At this point it seems desirable to say a few words about the 
 theory of the chorus in the seventeenth century. The Ger- 
 man dramatists have in general preferred to follow models 
 rather than to evolve theories; but during the Renaissance 
 period in which everything was justified by reason, and again 
 during the transition period of the early eighteenth century 
 and the formation of the regular drama, the theory of poetry 
 assumed importance. Many theories were written during the 
 seventeenth century, but of this number but few have any 
 reference to the chorus . 4 2 Literary criticism i n the seventeenth 
 century was almost entirely dominated by the works of 
 Scaliger, Heinsius and Ronsard, which had been brought into 
 Germany by Opitz. Just as in the criticism of the drama 
 in general, so in the criticism of the chorus in particular, there 
 is apparent no desire to set forth new ideas, but each critic 
 follows closely the opinion of his predecessor. 4 3 Consequently, 
 to know the theories of a few critics is to know the theories 
 of all. 
 
 The sixteenth century dramatists had used the chorus 
 blindly. No theories of dramatic criticism were written, and 
 to them the chorus meant nothing but a song between the 
 acts. The seventeenth century writers knew that the chorus 
 had been used in the classic drama, but had no clear idea of the 
 purpose it had served. No effort is made to explain its pre- 
 sence in the seventeenth century drama, but the discussions 
 of the chorus are merely superficial statements of the r61e 
 it played in this drama. Birken 44 in the third chapter of 
 " Teutsche Rede-bind und Dicht-Kunst " 4S describes the chorus 
 
 42 The first work of dramatic criticism by a German was the Buck von 
 der deutschen Poeterei, by Opitz (1624). In this, however, there is no men- 
 tion of the chorus. 
 
 4 s "Was Opitz am Eingange des Jahrhunderts uber das Drama gesagt 
 hat, das finden wir getreulich abgedruckt bei Omeis, nebst dem, was alle 
 seine Vorgangerauf demGebiete der 'edlen Poeterey' geschrieben haben." 
 (Georg Popp, Uber den Begriff des Dramas in den deutschen Poetiken des 
 17. Jahrhunderts, Leipzig, 1895, p. 28.) 
 
 44 1 was unable to obtain the texts of the poetic theories of the seventeenth 
 century, but was fortunate enough to find the important theories quoted 
 in G. Popp, op. cit. *s Quoted by G. Popp, op. cit., p. 34. 
 
57 
 
 as follows: "Die Chore oder Zwischenlieder sind nach alien 
 Handlungen zwischen eingeschaltet und entweder von einem 
 oder mehreren Personen in eine Musik pflegen abgesungen 
 zu werden. Diese Lieder reden gemeiniglich von den Tugen- 
 den oder Lastern, welche die vorhergehendsten Spielpersonen 
 an sich gehabt: da jene gelobet, und diese gescholten werden. 
 Diese Lieder dienen nicht allein den Spielschauern zu zeigen, 
 was sie aus dem Schauspiel zu lernen haben, sondern auch den 
 Schauspielern, dass sie Zeit gewinnen, sich etwa nach notdurft 
 umzukleiden." In the didactic purpose of the chorus is seen 
 the influence of Horace. 46 It is interesting to note that the 
 choral songs were not only intended to teach the audience, but 
 to assist the actors by giving them an opportunity to change 
 their costumes for the next act. The same idea is brought out 
 in Harsdorfer, 47 who says of the chorus : 48 " Dieses Lied hat die 
 Lehren, welche aus vorhergehender Geschichte zu ziehen, 
 begriffen, und in etlichen Reimsatzen mit einer oder mehr 
 Stimmen deutlich horen lassen. Die Reimsatze oder Gesetze 
 dienen dies Orts, damit der Singer dazwischen ein wenig mit 
 dem Odem rasten kann und dass die Meinungen nicht zu 
 sehr ineinander gemenget sind, wie in ungebundener Rede 
 von etlichen zu geschehen pfleget." Even though the play 
 itself be in prose, the choruses must always be in metrical 
 form. " Wann man aber die ungebundene Rede als naturliche 
 gebrauchen wollte, weil der allerfliessenste Reim nicht ohne 
 Zwang ist, so mussen doch die Chorlieder reimweis gesetzt 
 werden." 49 The choral song was used only in tragedy. In 
 comedy the acts were separated by music, but not by singing, 
 "Musik ohne Gesang. Wann aber die ganze Verfassung in 
 ungebundener Rede, so konnte man viel dazu gewidmete 
 Lieder singen lassen; sonsten aber, wann es durch und durch 
 Verse und keine Lehren beygebracht, so ist die Musik allein 
 genug. " so To this statement Omeis 51 adds: ". . . der Chor 
 
 * 6 Cf. Ars Poetica, 11. 193-201. 
 
 *i Poetischer Trickier, die Teutsche Dicht- und Reimkunst, ohne Behuf der 
 lateinischen Sprache, in VI Stunden einZugiessen, etc., Nurnberg, 1653. 
 Quoted by G. Popp, op. cit., p. 37. 49 Ibid., p. 38. so ibid., p. 40 
 s * " Grundliche Anleitung zur Teutschen akkuraten Reim- und Dichtkunst 
 
58 
 
 heutzutage nicht allein zwischen den actibus, sondern auch 
 im Anfange und Ende des Spiels durch Vocal- und Instru- 
 mentalconcert sich horen lasst. " 52 He also emphasizes the 
 "usefulness" of the chorus: "Chor oder Zwischenlieder dienen 
 zur Information, indem sie zeigen, was aus dem Spiel zu 
 lernen sei, als auch den Schauspielern, dass sie Zeit gewinnen, 
 sich nach Nothdurft auss- und umzukleiden." 53 Thus in 
 the seventeenth century, as in the sixteenth, the chorus was 
 regarded as a song that was sung by one or more persons 
 between the acts of the tragedy. Its purpose was didactic, 
 to teach by pointing out the vices and virtues of the actors. 
 In no case do the theorists say that the chorus should be 
 present during the action, but it is always designated as 
 "Zwischenlied. " During this century no attempt was made 
 to study the chorus intensively or to explain its significance 
 in the technic of the drama ; and it is not until the eighteenth 
 century that serious criticism of the drama began with Gott- 
 sched's "Versuch einer critischen Dichtkunst" (1737), in 
 which is found a somewhat more comprehensive discussion of 
 the chorus. 
 
 The remainder of the seventeenth century and the early 
 years of the eighteenth was a period of dramatic decadence. 
 The popular drama had developed into the Haupt -und Staats- 
 action with all its crudities and vulgarities. Songs, dances 
 and instrumental music were introduced during and after the 
 acts, and all distinction between drama, opera and ballet 
 seems to have been lost. Goedeke 54 says of this epoch: "Und 
 so verlauf t die dramatische Literatur mehr und mehr in Uber- 
 setzungen und Aufzuge, Ballette und Opern." The only 
 dramatists worthy of mention in this period are Christian 
 Felix Weise and Gottsched, neither of whom employed the 
 chorus in their dramas. 
 
 Toward the beginning of the second quarter of the eighteenth 
 century the influence of Gottsched led to the reform of the 
 
 durch richtige Lehrsatze und Lehrart deutliche Reguln und reine Exempeln 
 vorgestellet von Magnus Daniel Omeis." 
 
 s a Quoted by G. Popp, op. cit. t p. 46. 
 
 S3 Ibid,, p. 47. *< Op. tit., Vol. Ill, p. 230. 
 
59 
 
 coarse and boisterous German stage and to the gradual 
 abandonment of the Haupt- und Staatsactionen for the digni- 
 fied regular drama, at first entirely under French influence, 
 and later, in accordance with the ideas of Johann E. Schlegel 
 and Lessing under English influence. But although Gott- 
 sched does not employ the chorus ss in his dramas, he discusses 
 it in his " Versuch einer critischen Dichtkunst. " s6 Gottsched 
 was the first to attempt an explanation of the significance of 
 the ancient chorus ; in fact he restricts himself almost entirely 
 to a discussion of the chorus as he thought it was used by the 
 Athenians. But, in common with the Renaissance critics, 
 his theories show the influence of the " Ars Poetica" of Horace 
 rather than of the " Poetics" of Aristotle. In his opinion the 
 antique tragedy was "ausserlichem Ansehen nach, in zweyer- 
 ley Stucke eingetheilet : nemlich in das, was gesungen, und in 
 das, was nur gesprochen wurde . . . freylich war das Singen 
 die vornehmste Pflicht des Chores, welches zu vier verschie- 
 denen Malen, nemlich zwischen alien funf Handlungen 
 geschah. " S7 The old chorus had three distinct functions: first 
 and foremost, that of setting forth moral precepts, for the 
 chorus "stimmete allezeit in seinen Liedern solche moralische 
 Betrachtungen, Gebethe und Lobgesange an, die sich zu der 
 unmittelbar vorhergehenden Handlung schicketen. Diese 
 lernte man damals gar auswendig, und pflegte sie im gemeinen 
 Leben als Lehrsatze und Denkspruche bey Gelegenheit an- 
 zubringen. " s8 Its second function was that of connecting 
 the five acts. "Es waren aber diese funf Handlungen un- 
 tereinander eben durch den Chor der Sanger verbunden; und 
 also," he adds, "wurde die Aufmerksamkeit der Zuschauer 
 auf die gespielte Fabel nie ganz unterbrochen : So wie es bey 
 uns durch die Musikanten geschieht, die allerley lustige 
 
 ss Gottsched belonged to the French school of theorists. He, in accord- 
 ance with the technic of the French drama, did not employ the chorus, 
 but introduced the confidant which the French theater had adopted as a 
 substitute for the old chorus. Cf. supra, p. 8. 
 
 s fi Leipzig, 1737, Vol. II, Chap. 10. 
 
 "Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. X, par. 7 and 8. 
 
 s Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. 10, par. 4. 
 
6o 
 
 Stiicke darzwischen spielen ; oder auch wohl gar durch Tanzer, 
 die sich zwischen den Aufzugen sehen lassen. " S9 Finally it 
 was a spectator of the action. "Diese Leute (der Chor) nun 
 fanden sich bald in der ersten Handlung auf der Schaubuhne 
 ein, und behielten ihren Platz bis ans Ende des ganzen Spieles. 
 Sie vertraten daselbst die Stelle der Zuschauer, die bey der 
 Handlung, so man spielete, zugegen gewesen, als sie wirklich 
 geschehen war." 60 Although Gottsched regarded the chorus 
 as an important part of the technic of the classic drama he 
 does not say that it should be employed in the contemporary 
 drama. For with him everything was judged by its " Wahr- 
 scheinlichkeit. " The chorus was natural to the antique 
 drama and therefore probable. " Denn das muss man wissen, 
 dass die wichtigsten Handlungen der alten griechischen 
 Fiirsten nicht zwischen vier Wanden; sondern offentlich vor 
 ihren Pallasten, oder auf den Markten ihrer Stadte vorgiengen. 
 Da war nun allezeit eine Menge von Zuschauern zugegen, die 
 an dem Thun und Lassen ihrer Konige Theil nahmen ; auch 
 wohl nach Gelegenheit ihre Meynung davon sagten, gute 
 Anschlage gaben, oder sonst ihre Betrachtungen druber 
 anstelleten. Da nun die Poeten die ganze Natur solcher 
 offentlichen Handlungen vorstellen wollten und soil ten; so 
 mussten sie auch Zuschauer derselben auf die Buhne bringen : 
 Und das war denn der Chor." 61 If the Greek scene, then, was 
 to be true to life, there had to be a chorus, but "heute zu 
 Tage, da unsre Fursten alles in ihren Zimmern verrichten," 62 
 it is no longer probable to imagine the action as taking place 
 "vor den Augen alles Volks. " 63 But, although Gottsched felt 
 no need of a chorus that should remain upon the stage through- 
 out the action, he did feel that a certain advantage was to be 
 gained by the introduction of a group of singers between the 
 acts. Lively instrumental music or dancing such as was 
 customary between the acts of the German drama, in his 
 
 S9lbid., Vol. II, Chap. 10, par. 9. 
 " Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. 10, par. 7. 
 
 61 Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. 10, par. 7. 
 
 62 Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. 10, par. 18. 
 3 Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. 10, par. 18. 
 
6i 
 
 opinion, served only to distract the attention of the audience 
 from the drama itself. 64 Gottsched, accordingly, wonders 
 "ob es nicht moglich ware anstatt der alten Oden des Chores, 
 eine nach unsrer Art eingerichtete Cantata, von etlichen 
 Vocalisten absingen zu lassen; aber eine solche, die sich alle- 
 zeit zu den kurz zuvor gespielten Begebenheiten schickte, 
 und folglich moralische Betrachtungen dartiber anstellete. 
 Dieses wurde ohne Zweif el die Zuhorer in dem Affecte, darinn 
 sie schon stiinden, erhalten, und zum bevorstehenden desto 
 besser zubereiten. Und eine solche Tragodie wurde zehnmal 
 schoner seyn, als eine Opera, die den Liebhabern der Musik 
 zu gef alien alles durchgehends musikalisch vorstellen lasset; 
 aber dabey ganz und gar von der Natur abgehet, und die 
 ganze Wahrscheinlichkeit aufhebet. " 6s Thus an opportunity 
 would be given to connect the acts and to set forth the moral 
 precepts; an idea that was, of course, entirely in accordance 
 with Horace and the Renaissance tradition. 
 
 Thus we have seen that the choral song of the sixteenth 
 century, yielding to a natural tendency, which was hastened 
 by^the appearance of the English players, had given way to 
 instrumental music between the acts. During the Thirty 
 Years' War the dramatic productions of the preceding cen- 
 tury were practically forgotten, and the introduction of the 
 chorus in the seventeenth was due to a new influx of foreign 
 literature. The chorus that was brought into Germany in 
 this century was the product of a long line of development 
 from the Greek through the Senecan, Italian, French and 
 Dutch dramas, and Gryphius followed as his model choruses 
 that had long lost vital connection with the drama. The 
 blind imitation of a number of models coupled with the 
 neglect of stage conventions resulted in choruses that were 
 altogether artificial and incongruous, and in which there is 
 apparent no effort to appeal to popular taste. His successors 
 were members of the Second Silesian School. They found in 
 the choral song an opportunity to display their erudition by 
 means of obscure mythological references, and they carried 
 
 6 4 Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. 10, par. 9 and 26. 
 fi s Ibid., Vol. II, Chap. 10, par. 26. 
 
62 
 
 to the extreme all the inconsistencies and incongruities of the 
 choruses of Gryphius. At the same time the music became 
 so important a factor of these performances that in 1684 
 the drama itself gave way to the opera and to the pastoral, 
 and the chorus ceased to be regarded as a part of dramatic 
 technic. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 THE CHORUS IN THE EIGHTEENTH AND NINETEENTH 
 CENTURIES 
 
 Contemporaneously with the English influence in Germany 
 interest in ancient literature began to assert itself ; the Greek 
 tragedies were translated T and some few attempts were made 
 to adapt the chorus to the German stage. Pyra used a chorus 
 in his tragedy "Jephta" 2 and Cronegk, probably under the 
 influence of Racine's "Athalie," attempted in "Olint und 
 Sophronia" to employ the chorus as a means of connecting 
 the acts more closely. But the chorus was not popular, 3 and 
 when the play was performed in the "Hamburg National 
 Theater" in 1767 it was omitted. 4 Lessing's " Hamburgische 
 Dramaturgic" (1767) with its strong insistence upon the imi- 
 tation of the Greeks failed to exert any immediate influence ; all 
 antique tendencies were swept aside by the "Storm and Stress" 
 movement, and it was not until the great classical period of 
 German literature that the gospel of the imitation of the Greeks 
 began to spread. The first instance 5 of the chorus in this 
 period is "Timoleon (1785), ein Trauerspiel mit Choren, " 
 by Fr. L. Graf zu Stolberg. In 1787 appeared a number of 
 
 1 Early in the eighteenth century, many German dramatists translated 
 the Greek tragedies into German. Joh. Elias Schlegel made some transla- 
 tions in 1737. Cf. Koberstein, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 360. 
 
 2 Cf. Koberstein, op. cit., Vol. V, pp. 360-361. 
 
 3 Gebler (1770) wrote an heroic drama with a chorus. Cf. Koberstein, 
 op. cit., Vol. V, p. 393. 
 
 4 To this period belong the "Bardiete" of Klopstock: "Hermanns 
 Schlacht" (1767), "Hermann und die Fursten" (1784) and "Hermanns 
 Tod" (1787), each with the sub-title "Ein Bardiet fur die Schaubuhne." 
 But although these plays contain "bardic" choruses, they need only be 
 mentioned in this discussion, for Klopstock was not a dramatist, and the 
 "Bardiete," though written for the stage, are in no sense dramatic. 
 
 s Cf. Koberstein, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 401. 
 
 63 
 
6 4 
 
 "Schauspiele mit Choren" by the brothers Chr. and Fr. L. 
 Grafen zu Stolberg. 6 But these attempts also remained 
 without imitation and were merely closet-dramas. At this 
 time the ghost of the antique chorus was haunting the mind of 
 Goethe. His study of the Greek poets had made him feel the 
 need of the lyric element in the drama, and he accordingly 
 introduced the "Song of the Parcae" into his "Iphigenie" 
 (1787). The lyric element is also prominent in "Faust," 
 both in the first and the second parts; in fact, Goethe never 
 neglects an opportunity to bring in groups of singers : such as 
 the chorus of angels and women on Easter morning, the chorus 
 of soldiers, of peasants, of spirits, of witches or of mythological 
 characters. 7 In 1795 Goethe took up the serious study of 
 Greek tragedy with Schiller, for both dramatists felt that 
 only in the imitation of classic models was the ideal dramatic 
 form to be found. At the same time Goethe began but never 
 completed "Der befreite Prometheus" in which he intended 
 there should be a chorus of Nereids. In 1803 he made a 
 careful study of the Greek chorus, as is shown by his treatise 
 upon the development of the ancient chorus ("Uber Entwick- 
 lung des antiken Chors"), which he sent to Zelter in June of 
 that year. 
 
 Schiller's interest in the Greek drama was stimulated by 
 the "Iphigenie" and he became eager to try his hand at "a 
 simple tragedy in the strict Greek form." 8 He had translated 
 some of the choral odes in the " Iphigenia in Aulis " of Euripides 
 and had become interested in the Greek chorus. In 1788 he 
 
 6 These plays are Theseus, Belsazar, Otanes and Der Saugling; the first 
 and fourth are by the younger, the second and third by the older brother. 
 Cf. Koberstein, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 402. 
 
 7 Although the grumblings of the crowd in the first act of the second part 
 are in reality comments upon the events that are taking place, it is very 
 improbable that Goethe was, in this case, thinking of a chorus, in either 
 the ancient or the modern sense. For at no time is a connected thought 
 spoken by the mob as a whole, but what we have is a series of interrupted 
 expressions which together suggest the dissatisfaction of the crowd. Cf. 
 C. Thomas, Goethe's Faust, Boston, 1905, Pt. II, note to 1. 4756. 
 
 8 Cf. Letter to Korner, May 13, 1801. (Schiller s Brief e, edited by F. 
 Jonas, Stuttgart, Vol. VI, p. 277.) 
 
65 
 
 began "Die Maltheser." He intended that the chorus should 
 be an important part of this drama and should be composed 
 of sixteen knights of the religious order. 9 This plan, however, 
 never came to completion and it was not until August of 1802 
 that he seriously set about writing a tragedy in the Greek form. 
 On May 2, 1803, he writes W. Becker: 10 "Die Braut von Mes- 
 sina ist freilich nicht im Geschmack der Zeit, aber ich habe den 
 Wunsch nicht bezwingen konnen, mich auch einmal mit den 
 alten Tragikern in ihrer eigenen Form zu messen, und zugleich 
 die dramatische Wirkung des alten Chors zu erproben." 
 Schiller's "Braut von Messina" was entirely an experiment, 
 in which, as he writes Iffland," he thought more of himself 
 than of the public. It was not until the play was almost 
 finished that he began to wonder about the effect upon the 
 public. " Die Handlung wird zwar theatralisch genug seyn, " 
 he writes in a letter to Korner, January 7, 1803," "aber die 
 Ausfiihrung ist durchaus zu lyrisch fur den gemeinen Zweck, 
 und, ich darf mit gutem Gewissen hinzusetzen, fur das Talent 
 gemeiner Schauspieler zu antik." His fears were not ground- 
 less, for in spite of its enthusiastic reception at the first per- 
 formance at Weimar, the "Braut von Messina" did not 
 receive unmixed praise. This tragedy is unique in German 
 literature. No other drama has ever been so ardently admired 
 or so bitterly attacked as this attempt to follow the Greek 
 form, and from the first the question of the tragic effect of 
 the chorus has been one of the most important points of dis- 
 cussion . After the first performance Schiller wrote to Korner : 1 3 
 1 ' tiber den Chor und das vorwaltend Lyrische in dem Stucke 
 sind die Stimmen naturlich sehr getheilt, da noch ein grosser 
 Theil des ganzen deutschen Publikums seine prosaischen 
 Begriffe von dem Naturlichen in einem Dichterwerk nicht 
 ablegen kann. Es ist der alte und der ewige Streit, den wir 
 beizulegen nicht hoffen durfen. Was mich selbst betrifft, 
 so kann ich wohl sagen, dass ich in der Vorstellung der Braut 
 
 Cf. L. Bellermann, Schillers Dramen, Leipzig, 1908, Vol. Ill, p. 205. 
 "Schillers Briefe, Vol. VII, p. 37. 
 
 11 Cf. Letter to Iffland, April 22, 1803, Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 34. 
 " Ibid., Vol. VII, p. i. '3 March 28, 1803, Ibid., Vol. VII, pp. 29-30. 
 
66 
 
 von Messina zum erstenmal den Eindruck einer wahren Tra- 
 godie bekam. Der Chor hielt das Ganze trefflich zusammen, 
 und ein hoher, furchtbarer Ernst waltete durch die ganze 
 Handlung. Goethen ist es auch so ergangen, er meint, der 
 theatralische Boden ware durch diese Erscheinung zu etwas 
 hoherem eingeweiht worden." 
 
 The tragedy was also enthusiastically received in Hamburg 
 and in Berlin. Iffland sent word from Berlin that the total 
 effect was profound, lofty and awesome. " Die Chore wurden 
 meisterhaft gesprochen und senkten sich wie ein Wetter uber 
 das Land." 14 
 
 Korner 15 felt that the chorus heightened the dramatic effect. 
 He also felt that the picture gained in richness by the diversity 
 of character in both choruses. On the other hand, the play 
 met with violent opposition. Herder regarded it as "ein 
 crasses Unding," and the Romanticists,?Tieck and the Schlegels, 
 unsparingly criticised both the chorus and Schiller's concep- 
 tion of fate. Bellermann l6 cites the following illustration 
 of how widely the contemporary dramatic critics differed as 
 to the effect of the chorus. In reporting the first performance 
 of the "Braut von Messina" in Berlin on June 14, 1803, the 
 Konigliche privilegierte Zeitung von Staats- und gelehrten 
 Sachen of June 16 says of the chorus: ". . . die gesprochenen 
 Chore machten zum Teil eine herrliche Wirkung." On the 
 same day the Berliner Nachrichten von Staats- und gelehrten 
 Sachen reported of the same performance: "... die Chore 
 rissen viele unwillkurlich zum Lachen hin, und am Ende des 
 Stuckes ging man sehr ruhig fort. . . . Der gesprochene Chor 
 tat mehr eine spasshafte als imponierende Wirkung." 
 
 It was the opposition that induced Schiller in June, 1803, 
 to write his famous treatise, "Uber den Gebrauch des Chors 
 in der Tragodie. " * 7 In it he defends his use of the chorus and 
 
 ' Cf. letter to Schiller, April 8, 1803. 
 
 . J s Letter to Schiller, February 28, 1803. (Schiller s Briefwechsel mit 
 Korner ', edited by K. Goedeke, Leipzig, 1878, Pt. II, pp. 434-435.) 
 
 **Op. cit., Vol. Ill, p. 3. 
 
 " Cf. Schiller's Braut von Messina, edited by W. Carruth, New York, 
 1901, pp. 121-132. 
 
67 
 
 at the same time takes the opportunity to make known his 
 opposition to naturalism. The highest type of art, he says, 
 is that which is ideal and in the strictest sense real. "The 
 artist can use no single element of the actual as he finds it. 
 His work must be ideal in all its parts if it is to have an in- 
 trinsic reality and is to harmonize with nature." The same is 
 true of tragedy. Here also it is necessary to contend with 
 the ordinary notion of the natural, which destroys all poetry. 
 "All the externals of a theatrical representation are but 
 symbols of the real :" time, architecture, language all are ideal. 
 Why then must the action alone be real? With the adoption 
 of poetic diction a great advance was made toward the ideal 
 drama, but "the final, the decisive step" in the elevation of 
 the tragedy from the realm of the natural to that of the ideal 
 would be "the introduction of the chorus." "The ancient 
 tragedy found the chorus in nature, and for that reason em- 
 ployed it. It grew out of the poetical aspect of real life." But, 
 he goes on to argue, since "the modern poet no longer finds 
 the chorus in nature, he must create it poetically; that is, he 
 must so transform his material as to be able to set the action 
 back into the time when life was simple and poetic." This is 
 the first duty of the chorus. It must free the action from the 
 prevailing naturalism of the modern stage, and "give to it its 
 ideal ground, its poetic freedom." "The chorus thus renders 
 more substantial service to the modern dramatist than to the 
 ancient, for the reason that it transforms the commonplace 
 actual world into the old poetic one. " " The chorus, moreover, 
 purifies tragedy by separating the unavoidable reflection from 
 the action" and by restricting it to the choral passages. At 
 the same time "the tragic poet entwines his rigidly contracted 
 plot with a web of lyrical magnificence in which, as in flowing 
 robes of purple, the actors move freely and nobly with dignity 
 and lofty calm." The lyric splendor of the chorus compels 
 the poet to elevate the diction of the entire drama. "This 
 one giant form on his canvas obliges him to mount all his 
 figures on the cothurnus and thus impart a tragic grandeur 
 to his picture." "As the chorus gives life to the language, 
 so also it gives repose to the action" ; for it not only allays the 
 
68 
 
 passionate feelings of the spectators "by the calm observations 
 that it utters between the outbursts of passion," but it also 
 by its reflections moderates the passions of the actors. 
 
 "This is what the chorus effects in tragedy. It is, in itself, 
 not an individual but a universal conception; yet it is repre- 
 sented by a palpable body which appeals to the senses with an 
 imposing grandeur. It leaves the narrow sphere of the action 
 to enlarge upon the past and the future, upon distant times 
 and nations, upon whatever is human; to sum up the great 
 results of life and to express the maxims of wisdom. But it 
 does this with the full power of fancy, with a bold lyrical 
 freedom which moves along on the high summit of human 
 affairs, as it were, with the stride of the gods; and it does it 
 accompanied by the whole sensuous power of rhythm and of 
 music in tone and movement." 
 
 Here for the first time in the history of the German chorus 
 emphasis is placed upon the esthetic significance of the chorus, 
 which tends to elevate and ennoble us by lifting our thoughts 
 and feelings above the commonplaces of life. Schiller was 
 correct in saying that "the chorus of the Greek drama, the 
 chorus as a single ideal person, furthering and accompanying 
 the whole action, had never been reproduced since the decline 
 of the old tragedy." 18 
 
 In conclusion Schiller remarks that he has divided the chorus 
 into two parts and has represented it in conflict with itself; 
 but this, he adds, is only the case when it acts as a real person 
 and as an unthinking multitude. As chorus and as ideal 
 person it is always one and united. This is more clearly 
 brought out in a letter to Korner : * 9 " Wegen des Chors bemerke 
 ich noch, dass ich in ihm einen doppelten Charakter darzu- 
 stellen hatte, einen allgemein menschlichen, namlich, wenn er 
 sich im Zustand der ruhigen Reflexion befindet, und einen 
 specifischen, wenn er in Leidenschaft gerath und zur handeln- 
 den Person wird. In der ersten Qualitat ist er gleichsam 
 ausser dem Stuck und bezieht sich also mehr auf den Zuschauer. 
 Er hat, als solcher, eine Uberlegenheit uber die handelnden 
 
 18 Uber den Gebrauch des Chors in der Tragodie, p. 131. 
 ' March 10, 1803. (Schillers Briefe, Vol. VII, p. 24.) 
 
6 9 
 
 Personen, aber bloss diejenige, welche der ruhige iiber den 
 passionierten hat. ... In der zweiten Qualitat, als selbst- 
 handelnde Person, soil er die ganze Blindheit, Beschranktheit, 
 dumpfe Leidenschaftlichkeit der Masse darstellen, und so 
 hilft er die Hauptfiguren herausheben." 
 
 That Schiller's chorus is not Greek has been frequently 
 pointed out by the commentators. But Schiller did not set 
 out to imitate a Greek tragedy. What he intended was a 
 tragedy that should be strictly Greek in form ; " with a simple 
 action, few characters, close observation of the unities, and 
 a chorus that was to be the ' Hauptwirkung ' of the whole 
 drama," 20 and yet, at the same time, one that should be dis- 
 tinctly his own creation. The chorus in the "Braut von 
 Messina" is, accordingly, not an imitation of the old chorus 
 but a new creation, and as such is interesting and important for 
 the history of the chorus in the German drama. The question 
 is, therefore: Is the chorus, as Schiller conceived it, logical and 
 consistent, and does it perform for the tragedy the office 
 Schiller claims it should? Most of the critics say no. From 
 the first appearance of the "Braut von Messina" criticism 
 has centered about two points that were first mentioned 
 by Wilhelm von Humboldt. In a letter to Schiller 21 (October 
 22, 1803,) he wrote that he had two objections to make with 
 regard to the chorus. u Er ist den handelnden Personen zu 
 nah." The members of the chorus, he felt, should not have 
 been represented as the vassals of the two brothers, for "da 
 sie jeder einem andern Herrn folgen, sind sie nicht mehr reine 
 Burger von Messina, und da ihr eigner Ehrgeiz ins Spiel 
 kommt, ist ihr Urtheil nicht das unpartheiische des Schicksals, 
 so wie es sich in Menschen ausspricht." The second objection 
 concerns the division of the chorus into two parts. "Den 
 Chor auf eine Art fur die ganze Okonomie des Stxicks wichtige 
 und geltende zu theilen," Humboldt considers an excellent 
 idea; but, he continues, "Ihre Theilung hat mich nicht ganz 
 befriedigt. An sich ware das Alter gewiss ein ganz schicklicher 
 
 20 Letter to Iffland, February 24, 1803, Ibid., Vol. VII, p. 17. 
 
 21 Briefwechsel zwischen Schiller und Wilhelm von Humboldt. Edited 
 by A. Leitzmann, Stuttgart, 1900, pp. 309-313. 
 
70 
 
 Theilungsgrund. Allein da beide Theile Ihres Chors noch jetzt 
 dienende und mitwirkende Ritter sind. . . so giebt er eigent- 
 lichen Zwiespalt, da er nur Contrast zeigen sollte. Denn in 
 allem, was auf die Handlung Bezug hat, muss der Chor mit 
 sich selbst vollkommen ubereinstimmend sein." 
 
 Humboldt's words have been echoed by the critics ever 
 since. Thus in the first place they claim that the chorus takes 
 so active a part in the action that it is blinded by passion and 
 because of partisanship is hindered from the universal point 
 of view which is the office of the chorus. Secondly, 22 they 
 maintain that the chorus never forms a unified whole ; that it 
 is psychologically impossible for two semi-choruses that have 
 such contradictory interests in the action and that possess all 
 the narrowness, blindness and stupid passion of the mob to 
 unite in harmonious reflection and express the same sentiments. 
 
 Schiller attempted to justify the division of the chorus by 
 saying that there is such a division only when the chorus acts 
 as "wirkliche Person" and as "blinde Menge." But neither 
 this statement nor his claim that the chorus as ideal spectator 
 is always one with itself is convincing. The fact is, Schiller's 
 effort to make the chorus play a double r61e resulted in some- 
 thing quite different from what he had intended. He was not 
 satisfied to introduce a chorus in imitation of the Sophoclean 
 chorus, that is, one that by its questions would further the 
 development of the plot, and during the pauses in the action 
 would reflect upon the events that were taking place ; but his 
 chorus must also bring into prominence the characters of the 
 leaders. This necessitated the division of the chorus into two 
 groups with characteristics so utterly different that as a result 
 the impression of two distinct choruses is much stronger than 
 that of a single chorus at times divided into two parts. This 
 impression is, moreover, emphasized by the way in which 
 Schiller develops the action, for the first chorus is always in 
 the foreground, it is the leading chorus and to it are given the 
 important reflective passages. At their first appearance the 
 
 22 This is the substance of the criticism made by B. Gerlinger, Die 
 griechischen Elements in Schiller s Braut von Messina, Augsburg, 1858, 
 P- 33- 
 
two groups are placed in strong contrast: the followers of Don 
 Manuel, older and accordingly more serious, more reserved, 
 and more given to the "reflection that befits old age"; 23 the 
 followers of Don Cesar, younger, hasty, wrathful and desirous 
 of war. For this reason, the first choral passage, "Hort, was 
 ich bei mir selbst erwogen," 24 which is spoken by the knights 
 of Don Manuel, must be regarded as being the sentiments of 
 this chorus alone. It is, however, only natural that the whole 
 chorus should unite in saying: 
 
 ' ' Aber wir f echten ihre Schlachten ; 
 Der ist kein Tapfrer, kein Ehrenmann, 
 Der den Gebieter lasst verachten"; 25 
 
 for all are vassals whose only law is the command of the leaders. 
 During the two most important choral passages, "Sage was 
 werden wir jetzt beginnen," 26 and "Sagt mir! Ich kann's 
 nicht fassen und deuten," 27 the first chorus is on the stage alone. 
 The choral passage, " Durch die Strassen der Stadte" 28 is also 
 spoken by the first chorus as the body of Don Manuel is brought 
 on the stage. In these lyric passages the chorus produces the 
 effect that Schiller claims it should. Here it approaches its 
 ideal significance and rises to its loftiest heights, giving a moral 
 and poetic grandeur to the tragedy. The passages spoken 
 by the second chorus alone, "Heil dir, O Jungfrau," 29 and " Den 
 begunstigten Sohn der Gotter beneid' ich," 3 are not reflective, 
 but are in the lighter and more joyous vein of the hymeneal 
 song, and accordingly entirely in keeping with the character 
 of the younger chorus. 
 
 In the last act, however, when the death of Don Manuel 
 forces the allegiance of the first chorus to Don Cesar, and when 
 tragic events such as would stir the depths of even the lightest 
 and most thoughtless nature lift the second chorus above its 
 hatred and enmity to a contemplation of the great underlying 
 principles of life, the chorus is, for the first time, "ems mit sich 
 
 3 *L. 155. 2 L1. 190-254. SLI. 187-189. 
 
 a6 LI. 861-980. *7 LI. 1929-2027. ' LI. 2267-2308. 
 
 3 'L1. 1174-1210. *L1. 1230-1259. 
 
72 
 
 selbst," 31 and becomes, in truth, the ideal spectator. Then 
 and then only do both groups unite in saying "Auf den 
 Bergen ist Freiheit!" 32 and for the remainder of the play there 
 is but one chorus. It is just this division into two distinct 
 groups, one a band of serious men who, because of their ex- 
 perience and maturity, might reasonably give utterance to deep 
 and profound thoughts, and the other, a band of impulsive, 
 passionate men who do not reflect, that makes the chorus 
 psychologically possible. 33 For by this division, Schiller, even 
 while developing the semi-choruses in such a way as to make 
 them reflect the characters of their leaders, is enabled to avoid 
 the necessity of "uniting the utterly dissimilar choruses in 
 harmonious reflection or of making them express the same 
 sentiments." 34 The other objection raised by the critics may 
 be stated thus: How can the chorus without contradicting 
 itself at one time blindly follow the course of events and at 
 another be capable of impartial judgment? This objection 
 might be brought against the impulsive, wrathful followers 
 of Efon Cesar, but until the end of the play they do not reflect. 
 According to Humboldt 35 "der Chor muss ohnmachtig, dienend 
 und schwach sein, aber frei und nicht einmal durch Neigung 
 gefesselt." This is true of Schiller's first chorus. For a 
 group of men who as members of a conquered race are bound 
 to their rulers by no ties of sympathy or regard, who as vassals 
 must acknowledge an allegiance they do not feel, are not likely 
 to be so carried away by feelings of partisanship as to be in- 
 capable of calm and impartial reflection. The first chorus 
 asks: 
 
 " Warum ziehn wir mit rasendem Beginnen 
 
 Unser Schwert fur das fremde Geschlecht? 
 
 Es hat an diesen Boden kein Recht." 36 
 
 3* Cf. Uber den Gebrauch des Chors in der Tragbdie, p. 132. 
 
 3' LI. 2585-2588. 
 
 33 It seems as though Schiller's dramatic feeling guided him safely where 
 his theories, if actually carried out, would have led him astray; for a chorus 
 such as he claims his is, would have been psychologically impossible. 
 
 3< Cf. supra, footnote to p. 70. 
 
 35 Letter to Schiller, October 22, 1803, op. cit., p. 309. 
 
 a 6 LI. 203-205. 
 
73 
 
 "Sklaven sind wir in den eigenen Sitzen, 
 Das Land kann seine Kinder nicht schiitzen." 37 
 
 In fact, the point that is most clearly brought out at the first 
 appearance of the chorus is that it does not express personal 
 enmity, but the enmity that a vassal must feel for the enemies 
 of his prince. 38 
 
 11 Dich nicht hass' ich ! Nicht du bist mein Feind ! 
 Eine Stadt ja hat uns geboren, 
 Jene sind ein fremdes Geschlecht. 
 Aber wenn sich die Fiirsten befehden, 
 Mussen die Diener sich morden und toten, 
 Das ist die Ordnung, so will es das Recht." 39 
 
 Moreover, although the chorus does not stand aloof from 
 the storm and stress of the action, as does the Greek chorus, 
 the feelings it expresses are merely reflected feelings. Schiller 
 gives the chorus the blindness, pettiness and stupid passion 
 of the mob that it may the more naturally reflect the charac- 
 teristics of the leaders and thus throw them into prominence; 
 but the chorus never by its own actions vitally affects the 
 development of the plot. 40 
 
 When the chorus is considered as two distinct groups each 
 group is seen to be logically and consistently developed and 
 
 LI. 222-223. 
 
 3* The antique chorus always stands in a definite relation to the hero, 
 in most cases, one of loyalty, though sometimes of hostility. In the Ajax 
 of Sophocles the chorus of Salaminian sailors is bound to Ajax by closest 
 ties of allegiance, but is too weak either to prevent his death or to secure 
 his burial. Like the chorus in the Braut von Messina, this chorus takes 
 part in the action but is powerless to affect the development of the plot. 
 
 3 9 LI. 175-180. 
 
 4 In several cases Schiller goes too far in making them reflect the leaders. 
 When the members of the chorus embrace after the reconciliation of the 
 brothers the effect more closely approaches the ludicrous than the dramatic. 
 Although later in the play it is not unnatural that, under provocation, 
 the habits of a lifetime should come to the fore and that the first chorus 
 should contend with the second, still the whole scene impresses one as being 
 an unnecessary lowering of the dignity of the chorus. 
 
74 
 
 the first chorus, reserved, serious, fearful of consequences, in 
 fact possessing all the characteristics of the Greek chorus, is 
 far enough removed from the action to be capable of impartial 
 reflection. 
 
 Schiller made no attempt to imitate the complicated metrical 
 form of Greek tragedy with the strophe, antistrophe and epode, 
 but used the simplest verse forms; the most usual being the 
 irregular stanza composed of trochaic and dactylic tetrameter. 
 The lyrics have all the dignity and sublimity of the antique 
 choral odes. In spite of the very great disagreement on other 
 points, all the critics agree with Hoffmeister, 41 who says with 
 regard to the choral songs: "diese mit der grossten Sorgfalt 
 ausgearbeiteten und mit erhabener Pracht vorgetragenen, das 
 ganze Leben iiberblickenden, himmelansteigenden Hymnen 
 und Betrachtungen ... in denen eine Ideenfulle, eine Kraft, 
 Frische und Kuhnheit der Darstellung und eine Kunst des 
 Ausdrucks und Versmasses aufgeboten ist, dass diese Strophen 
 zu dem Schonsten gehoren, was Schiller gedichtet hat." 
 
 Bulthaupt 42 says of the "Braut von Messina": "sieist voll 
 Kraft und Leben, und wenn es uberhaupt moglich ware, 
 unserem Theater den antiken Chor zuruckzugewinnen, so 
 ware sie fur diese Moglichkeit der beste Beweis gewesen." 
 The chorus is, moreover, logically and consistently developed, 
 and performs in the tragedy the office Schiller claims it 
 should. And yet this tragedy served only to bring the 
 chorus again to the fore and to prove once and for all the im- 
 possibility of making it a part of dramatic technic. 43 Schiller's 
 prefatory essay is itself not convincing. Of the four ways in 
 which he claims the drama would be benefited by the intro- 
 duction of the chorus, all would not be accepted as advan- 
 tageous, and in the case of each the same effect could be se- 
 cured without the chorus. That the chorus does elevate the 
 diction of the drama is, of course, indisputable; but Schiller's 
 
 41 Quoted from Bellermann, op. cit., Vol. Ill, p. 82. 
 
 43 Dramaturgic des Schauspiels, Leipzig, 1898, Vol. I, p. 398. 
 
 43 Schiller, of course, never intended that the introduction of the chorus 
 should be an advance in the development of German tragedy, but merely 
 an experiment in the antique form. Cf . supra, p. 65. 
 
75 
 
 own dramas are sufficient proof of the possibility of maintain- 
 ing a high poetic tone without a chorus. On the other hand, 
 the poet who adopts the chorus is necessarily restricted in the 
 selection of his subject, for in order that the "chorus may not 
 appear as a disturbing element in the drama, the plot must 
 be so transformed that it can be set back in that simple poetic 
 form of life of which the chorus is the natural product. ' ' 4 4 This 
 means that none save the simplest plot can be used, for such 
 a transformation would be impossible in the case of the highly 
 developed and highly concentrated action of the historical 
 drama, such as " Wallenstein," "Wilhelm Tell," "Macbeth" 
 or "Richard III." Nor is the naive poetic conception of life 
 which the introduction of the chorus demands compatible 
 with the realism of Ibsen's "Ghosts," Hauptmann's " Die 
 Weber," " Vor Sonnenaufgang," or in fact any of our modern 
 naturalistic dramas. The drama has always been a history of 
 advance and development; the dramatist must deal with the 
 problems of his own day and must use that dramatic form 
 which best enables him to do so. Accordingly, any technical 
 requirement that demands a return to the simple life of an age 
 that is past would mean the sacrifice of the highest office of 
 the drama. 45 This difficulty presented itself to Wilhelm von 
 Humboldt. "Ich wiinschte," he wrote, 46 "dassSiemit den 
 neuen Foderungen, die Sie, nach dem Gelingen dieses S tucks, 
 mit Recht an sich machen konnen, bald wieder einen in sich 
 schwereren, schon durch seinen Umfang muhsam zu bandi- 
 genden Stoff, wenn nicht einen wie 'Wallenstein,' doch wie 
 die 'Jungfrau' behandelten." A great part of the public, 
 
 44 Cf. Uber den Gebrauch des Chors in der Tragodie, p. 127. 
 
 45 Freytag claims that modern tragedy is composed of a main and a 
 secondary action. These actions, which he designates as "Spiel" and 
 "Gegenspiel," are distinct or even hostile to each other throughout the 
 development of the plot, but are united in the catastrophe. The antique 
 tragedy, on the other hand, had a simple action which was entirely concerned 
 with the fate of the hero. Consequently, the subordinate characters of 
 the modern drama are able to express perfectly that which was expressed 
 in the antique tragedy by the chorus. Cf . Die Technik des Dramas, Leipzig, 
 1890, pp. 91-99- 
 
 < 6 Letter to Schiller, October 22, 1803, op. cit., p. 312. 
 
76 
 
 he continues, would prefer the "Jungfrau von Orleans" to 
 the "Braut von Messina" "weil sie, neben der kiinstlerischen 
 Wirkung, auch einer durch ihren blossen Stoff fahig sind." 
 Humboldt himself realized that, "zwischen der alten und 
 neuen Tragodie noch ein andrer Unterschied ist, als der der 
 blossen Kunstform. . . . Es versetzt das Gemiit in eine andere 
 Stimmung, wenn eine reichere Welt sich bewegt, und wenn 
 nicht bloss die grossen Partieen der Menschheit, wenn auch 
 feine Charakterntiancen erscheinen." The chorus purifies 
 the tragedy by restricting the reflection to the lyric passages, 47 
 and at the same time gives repose to the action by the senti- 
 ments it expresses in these passages. It is just this, how- 
 ever, that makes the chorus dramatically ineffective; for 
 the prominence of the lyric element inevitably results in lack 
 of action, and what the tragedy gains in repose by the presence 
 of the chorus it loses in dramatic reality. Moreover, the 
 lyrics frequently retard the action at vital points and thus 
 weaken the tragic tension. The greeting of the chorus 48 
 when Isabella appears with her sons is too long for the dramatic 
 situation. In the last act 49 the lament of the first chorus is 
 psychologically impossible, for it is not natural that Isabella 
 should have to wait until the chorus has finished its dirge 
 before she is told of the death of her son. In spite of the 
 beauty of the lyric passage the needless pause destroys the 
 tragic effect . Reflection does play an important rdle in the mod- 
 ern psychological drama, but it must be scattered through 
 the play, it must follow spontaneously from the action or 
 event that prompted it. 50 What we object to is reflection 
 reserved for one necessary moment, reflection that seems to 
 retard the action merely to instruct or elevate. Besides, the 
 
 47 Other dramatists have felt the need of separating the reflective element 
 from the rest of the drama. Cf . Hebbel, who in his " Tagebuch," June 28, 
 1844, complains that modern tragedy in giving up the chorus has lost an 
 intrinsic element in the attainment of tragic effect. He felt the need of an 
 agent by means of which the dramatist could express his own ideas 
 without putting them in the mouths of the actors. 
 
 < 8 LI. 255-293. 49 Act IV, sc. 4. 
 
 Cf. the use of the reflective element in Augustus Thomas' intensely 
 psychological play As a Man Thinks. 
 

 77 
 
 great poet is always able to develop the plot in such a way 
 that the necessary reflection may be spoken by the actors; 51 
 and other means have also been found for relieving the painful 
 tension of the tragic situation. 52 
 
 Probably the greatest objection that can be brought against 
 the chorus is the impossibility of having it on the stage during 
 moments of intense feeling and strong psychological effect. 
 This was recognized by the Greek poets whose dramas are 
 not notably psychological, and this accounts for the removal 
 of the chorus from the orchestra in the "Ajax" of Sophocles. 
 Schiller himself does not bring the chorus on the stage during 
 the scenes in which Isabella tells Don Manuel and Don Cesar 
 of their sister, 53 nor the one in which Diego reports the disap- 
 pearance of Beatrice. 54 The presence of the chorus when 
 Isabella is endeavoring to conciliate her sons is esthetically 
 ineffective and we sympathize with her when she says : 
 
 ' ' Wozu die f remde Schar, wenn eine Mutter 
 Das Herz aufschliessen will vor ihren Kindern?" 55 
 
 From the first there were practical difficulties of stage pre- 
 sentation. It was not advisable for the choral passages to be 
 sung when the rest of the play was to be recited, 56 and it was 
 also monotonous and unnatural for the lyrics to be declaimed 
 by all. 57 It was, accordingly, necessary to divide them among 
 five or six individuals. s8 But with these unavoidable changes, 
 we lose the true effect of the chorus, for its intrinsic nature 
 is destroyed. 59 The best criticism of the chorus is probably 
 
 s 1 Cf. the use of monologues. 
 
 s 2 Cf . Shakespeare's use of the comic element. 
 
 S3 Act II, sc. 5. S4 Act II, sc. 6. 550.331-332 
 
 s 6 Cf. letter of Korner to Schiller, February 28, 1803, Briefwechsel 
 zwischen Korner und Schiller, p. 435. 
 
 sf Schiller at first wished the chorus to be sung with musical accompani- 
 ment, but later gave up the idea. Cf. letter to Zelter, February 28, 1803. 
 (Schillers Briefe, Vol. VII, p. 18). 
 
 s Cf. letter to Korner, February 6, 1803. (Schillers Briefe, Vol. VII, 
 p. 10), "Es ist nichts nothig, als dass ich den Chor, ohne an den Worten 
 das geringste zu verandern, in 5 oder 6 Individuen auflose." Cf. also, 
 letter to Goethe, February 8, 1803. (Vol. VII, p. 1 1). 
 
 J'Cf. letter to Korner, February 6, 1803. (Schillers Briefe, Vol. VII, 
 
78 
 
 Schiller's own statement 60 with regard to the impossibility of 
 presenting it properly on the modern stage. "Das tragische 
 Dichterwerk wird erst durch die theatralische Vorstellung zu 
 einem Ganzen; nur die Worte giebt der Dichter, Musik und 
 Tanz mussen hinzukommen, sie zu beleben. Solange also dem 
 Chor diese sinnlich machtige Begleitung fehlt, solange wird er 
 in der Okonomie des Trauerspiels als ein Aussending, als ein 
 fremdartiger Korper und als ein Aufenthalt erscheinen, der 
 nur den Gang der Handlung unterbricht, der die Tauschung 
 stort, der den Zuschauer erkaltet." Thus, as Schiller him- 
 self points out, the essential difficulty with the chorus is 
 that it lacks the vital characteristics of the Greek chorus, song 
 and the sensuous appeal of rhythmic motion. To be sure 
 there is left the appeal of beautiful poetry, but this poetry, 
 which could neither be sung nor declaimed by the chorus as a 
 whole, would have been more effective in the form of a 
 monologue. 61 
 
 A number of antique dramas with choruses followed in the 
 wake of the "Braut von Messina," but none were of any 
 importance. 62 In 1805, Joh. Aug. Apel wrote "Polyidos." 
 This was followed in 1806 by "Die Aitolier," and in 1807 by 
 "Kallirrhoe." In 1805 G. Ant. Fr. Ast wrote "Krosus," and 
 in 1807 appeared the "Niobe" of Wilh. von Schiitz. This 
 was followed by "Graf und die Grafin von Gleichen" in 1808. 
 
 But even in this period there were some who objected to 
 the imitation of Greek tragedy. Both in the "Fragmente 
 iiber die neuere deutsche Litteratur" and in the " Ideen zur 
 Geschichte und Kritik der Poesie und bildenden Kunste," 
 1794-96, Herder speaks forcefully against any attempt to re- 
 
 p. n), in which Schiller writes: "Sie (die Dresdner Schauspieler) sollen mir 
 das Stuck spielen, ohne nur zu wissen, dass sie den Chor der alten Tragodie 
 auf die Buhne gebracht haben." This is true, for with the distribution 
 of the choral odes among the individuals, there ceased to be a chorus. 
 
 60 Uber den Gebrauch des Chors in der Tragodie, p. 121. 
 
 61 There is little difference between the lyrics of the Braut von Messina 
 and the monologues of Shakespeare. In fact, a chorus could equally well 
 have been introduced in Hamlet to reflect upon the enigma of life instead 
 of having this in the form of a soliloquy spoken by the Prince of Denmark. 
 
 62 Cf. Koberstein, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 402. 
 

 79 
 
 produce the classic drama. "In Sprache und Sitten werden 
 wir nie Griechen und Romer werden, wir wollen es auch nicht 
 sein," 63 is his reason for the impossibility of imitating any type 
 of antique literature. Referring directly to the use of the chorus 
 in the German drama, he says: "Bei den Griechen war die 
 ganze Sprache Gesang ; in die kleinsten Theile und Wortfugun- 
 gen derselben, in die verschlungensten Gange der poetischen 
 Erzahlung erstreckte sich die eben so verschlungene Kunst des 
 Rhythmus und der Metrik." 64 This is apparent in all the tragic 
 and comic choruses. But the German language ' ' ist zu philoso- 
 phisch altklug, zu eingeschrankt unter Gesetze und nicht zu den 
 Sylbenmassen des Pindars und der Chore vieltrittiggenug." 65 
 Herder considered merely the emotional aspect of the chorus. 66 
 To him the choral ode was the expression of the emotions and 
 its sole function was to furnish music for the Greek drama 67 
 which was sung throughout. Accordingly, when the drama 
 ceased to be sung, the chorus lost all excuse for existence. 
 
 But in spite of his strong objections to the imitation of the 
 classic dramas, Herder himself wrote plays upon Greek sub- 
 jects in which he introduced the chorus. 68 In the preface to 
 "Admetus Haus" (1803) Herder's son describes the play as 
 an attempt to reproduce the Greek drama. "Die hohe Ein- 
 falt," he writes, "des griechischen Drama, der tiefe Sinn des 
 griechischen Chors schwebte ihm (Herder) vor Augen, und 
 sofort ist 'Admetus Haus,' wie dessen fruhere Sch western, 
 Ariadne und der entfesselte Prometheus, Versuch das grie- 
 chische Drama auf deutschen Boden zu verpflanzen." Herder's 
 plays have, however, little significance in the development of 
 the German drama, for they are little more than paraphrases 
 of the Greek originals. 
 
 The nineteenth century ushered in the Romantic period, 
 and the Greek poets were forgotten in enthusiasm for the 
 
 6 3 Sammtliche Werke, Stuttgart, 1853, Vol. XXIV, p. 318. 
 
 6 < Ibid., Vol. XXI, p. 390. 's Ibid., Vol. XVIII, p. 247. 
 
 66 " Bei den Griechen war die lyrische Poesie nichts anders als ein Schwung 
 der Empfindung durch mancherlei Tone." Ibid., Vol. XXII, p. 10. 
 
 6 7 "Der Chor war allein fur die Musik eingerichtet." Ibid., Vol. XXII, 
 p. 197. 68 Ibid., Vol. XV, pp. 93-204. 
 
8o 
 
 Middle Ages. In this period only a few experiments with 
 the antique chorus are found. The Schlegel brothers, both 
 of whom were classical scholars, made unsuccessful attempts to 
 imitate Greek tragedy; Aug. W. Schlegel in his "Ion" based 
 upon the "Ion" of Euripides, and his brother in "Alarcos." 
 There is no chorus in "Ion," but in Act II, sc. i, the song 
 sung by Ion is in the form of the Greek choral ode with Strophe, 
 Gegenstrophe and Nachlass. In 1826 the satiric comedies of 
 Graf von Platen appeared. They are skilful imitations of the 
 Aristophanean comedies, with choruses in the manner of the 
 Old Greek Comedy. "Die verhangnissvolle Gabel" was 
 directed against the writers of the fate- tragedies, while "Der 
 romantische Oedipus" (1827), in which there is a chorus of 
 sheep, was an attack upon Immermann. 
 
 Finally in 1827 came that magnificent union of the Classic 
 and the Romantic, the Helena episode in the second part of 
 "Faust." Goethe wished the first part to be performed as a 
 tragedy and the second as an opera; 69 intending thus to bring 
 the dignity and calm of classicism into sharp contrast with 
 the reckless unrestraint of romanticism. The third act opens 
 as Helena, accompanied by a chorus of captive Trojan maidens, 
 stands before the palace of Menelaus in Sparta. Although 
 Goethe does not follow the classical technic in all its details, 
 the first part, as far as 1. 9i8i, 7 is written entirely in the spirit 
 of a Greek tragedy. The severely classical character of the 
 interlude ceases, however, with the entrance of Faust, and for 
 the remainder of the scene the antique and the medieval are 
 represented side by side. In the second part the scene is laid 
 in Arcadia and the action is romantic throughout. 
 
 Goethe follows Aeschylus closely in his treatment of the 
 chorus. To a slight degree the influence of Sophocles is also 
 apparent. The chorus is on the stage throughout the whole 
 act. It takes an active part in the dialogue and is an import- 
 ant factor in the development of the action. The choral odes 
 are either closely related to the dialogue, or are in the nature 
 
 6 Cf. Eckermann, Gesprdche mit Goethe, January 29, 1827. Edited by 
 Biedermann, Leipzig, 1890, Vol. VI, p. 38. 
 
 7 Goethe's Faust, edited by C. Thomas, Boston, 1905, Part II. 
 

 8i 
 
 of comment upon the events that are taking place. Three of 
 the odes are addressed directly to Phorkyas. In the second 
 ode, 71 after the chorus has described the burning of Troy, it 
 turns to Phorkyas with the question: "Welche von Phorkys 
 Tochtern nur bist du?" 72 and for the remainder of the ode 
 speaks directly to her. After Helena swoons, the chorus 
 addresses the ode beginning, "Schweige, schweige!" 73 to Phor- 
 kyas, as it also does the ode on Hermes. 74 The character of 
 the chorus does not change with the transference of the scene 
 to the medieval castle of Faust. Even in the second part 
 where the action is represented as taking place in Arcadia, 
 its antique nature is retained for a short time. 75 The ode in 
 which the chorus describes the cleverness of the child Hermes, 
 when Phorkyas tells them of the birth of Euphorion, is splendid 
 in its closeness to the spirit of the Sophoclean choral songs. 
 
 Goethe's conception of the third act naturally affected his 
 treatment of the chorus. He intended that Euphorion should 
 "express, in his very personality, the infectious spell of song," 76 
 and that this might be most effectively carried out, the action 
 from his appearance to his death had to be cast in the form of 
 opera. The antique elements, accordingly, disappear entirely, 
 "for music, as 'art of the infinite,' . . .is pre-eminently 
 the romantic art." 77 In the first part, the Trojan maidens 
 are giddy, thoughtless and fearful of danger, reminding us 
 of the chorus of maidens in the "Seven against Thebes." 
 These characteristics they retain, but after the appearance of 
 Euphorion, they no longer speak in antique meter. They 
 sing instead choral odes in the rimed stanzas that Goethe 
 makes symbolic of romantic poetry. They sing and dance 
 with Euphorion and the stately antique chorus becomes for 
 a time the gay bright chorus of the opera. At first their song 
 is one of gladness, but when they see Euphorion climbing 
 
 7* LI. 8697-8754. Goethe was influenced by Virgil's description of the 
 burning of Troy. (Aen. Bk. 2, 11. 310 ff.) in the writing of this ode. 
 7* LI. 8728-8729. 73 LI. 8882-8908. 
 
 74 LI. 9629-9678. 7s Until 1. 9678. 
 
 ? 6 C. Thomas, op, cit. t Introduction to Faust, Part II, p. xxiv. 
 
 77 Ibid. 
 
 6 
 
82 
 
 higher and higher with ever-increasing danger to himself, 
 their joy gives way to anxiety, and as he suddenly falls at the 
 feet of Helena and Faust, their song becomes a lament 
 (Goethe's beautiful tribute to the memory of Lord Byron). 
 Goethe himself realized the abrupt change in the character 
 of the chorus at this point. "Der Chor," he said to Ecker- 
 mann, 78 "fallt bei dem Trauergesang ganz aus der Rolle. Er 
 ist fruher und durchgehends antik gehalten oder verleugnet 
 doch nie seine Madchennatur, hier aber wird er mit einem Mai 
 ernst und hoch reflectirend und spricht Dinge aus, woran er 
 nie gedacht hat und auch nie hat denken konnen." 
 
 After the death of Euphorion the chorus resumes its antique 
 character. The leader Panthalis follows Helena back to 
 Orcus, but the other Trojan maidens, not wishing to return 
 to the realm of shades, prefer to give up their own individuality 
 and become identified with nature's elements. The lyric 
 passages (except those in the Euphorion scene) are in antique 
 meter, such as the anapestic, choriambic and glyconic, for 
 Goethe did not attempt to imitate the strict metrical form. 
 "His principle was to reproduce the effect of the Greek measure, 
 but to avoid metrical pedantry in adapting it to the German 
 language." 79 
 
 With the era of Romanticism the history of the chorus in 
 the spoken drama comes to an end. 8o The attempts of Schiller 
 and Goethe to vitalize the chorus had not been successful. 
 What the great poets could not accomplish was beyond the 
 power of their less gifted successors, and the chorus was, ac- 
 cordingly, disregarded entirely. The creative writers made 
 no further effort to use it, and the theorists and philosophers 
 in discussing its significance referred to it as an art-form that 
 had outgrown its need and had passed away. A few years 
 
 78 July 5, 1827. Cf. Biedermann, op. cit. t Vol. VI, p. 153. 
 
 C. Thomas, op. cit., Notes to Faust, Part II, p. 410. 
 
 80 The only case, to my knowledge, in contemporary drama, in which 
 there is even a suggestion of the classic chorus, is the Odipus und die Sphinx 
 by Hugo von Hofmannsthal. In this play he introduces "die Stimmen 
 der Ahnen," spirits that are not seen, but which comment upon the action, 
 and thus to a certain extent perform the function of the old chorus. 
 
83 
 
 after the appearance of the " Braut von Messina," 81 August W. 
 Schlegel, in referring to the attempts to use the chorus in the 
 modern drama, said: 82 "Neuere Dichter, und zwar vom ersten 
 Range, haben haufig versucht, den Chor in ihren Stucken 
 anzubringen, meistens ohne einen rechten, und besonders 
 ohne einen lebendigen Begriff von seiner Bestimmung. Aber 
 wir haben keinen angemessenen Gesang und Tanz, wir haben 
 auch bei der Verfassung unserer Buhne keinen schicklichen 
 Platz fur ihn, und es wird daher schwerlich gelingen, ihn je 
 einheimisch unter uns zu machen. Uberhaupt mochte wohl 
 die griechische Tragodie in ganz unveranderter Gestalt fur 
 unsre heutigen Theater immer eine auslandische Pflanze 
 bleiben, der man kaum im Treibhause gelehrter Kunstiibung 
 einiges Gedeihen versprechen darf. Der Stoff der alten 
 Tragodie, die griechische Mythologie, ist der Denkart und 
 Einbildungskraft der meisten Zuschauer eben so fremd, als 
 deren Form und theatralische Darstellungsweise. Einen ganz 
 andern Stoff, aber, z. B. einen historischen in jene Form 
 zwangen zu wollen, ist ein misslicher Versuch." 
 
 Hegel 83 also discusses the question of whether the chorus 
 should be used in modern tragedy. Many dramatists have felt 
 the need, he says, of "solch einer substantiellen Grundlage," 
 but have been unsuccessful in their attempts to use it, because 
 they have never understood the essential significance of the 
 chorus in Greek tragedy. To Hegel the chorus was u das 
 substantielle hohere, von falschen Konflikten abmahnende, 
 den Ausgang bedenkende Bewusstsein." ". . . er ist die 
 wirkliche Substanz des sittlichen heroischen Lebens und 
 Handelns selbst, den einzelnen Heroen gegenuber das Volk 
 als das fruchtbare Erdreich, aus welchem die Individuen, wie 
 die B lumen und hervorragenden Baume aus ihrem eigenen 
 heimischen Boden, emporwachsen, und durch die Existenz 
 desselben bedingt sind. ' ' The chorus has no part in the action, 
 
 81 The exact date in 1808. 
 
 82 Vorlesungen uber dramatische Kunst und Litter atur, edited by E. 
 Bdcking, Leipzig, 1846, Vol. V. Part I, pp. 78-79. 
 
 8 3 Werke, Vol. X, Part 3, pp. 547 ff. (Vollstandige Ausgabe durch 
 einen Verein von Freunden des Verewigten, Berlin, 1838.) 
 
8 4 
 
 "sondern spricht nur theoretisch sein Urtheil." The chorus 
 was an essential part of Greek tragedy ; ' ' wie das Theater selbst 
 seinen aussern Boden, seine Scene und Umgebung hat, so ist 
 der Chor, das Volk, gleichsam die geistige Scene." Modern 
 tragedy, however, does not need the chorus," da ihre Handlun- 
 gen nicht auf diesem substantiellen Grunde, sondern auf dem 
 subjektiven Willen und Charakter, sowie auf dem scheinbar 
 ausserlichen Zufall der Begebenheiten und Umstande beruhn." 
 In Greek tragedy "der Chor gehort wesentlich zur dramatis- 
 chen Handlung. " But it is not a vital part of the modern drama 
 and "iiberhaupt kann er da nicht seine rechte Stelle finden, 
 wo es sich um partikulare Leidenschaften, Zwecke und Charak- 
 tere handelt, oder die Intrigue ihr Spiel zu treiben hat." 84 
 
 The chorus had, however, not entirely passed away. It 
 would indeed be strange if the efforts of centuries were to 
 cease without any solution of the problem. The chorus in 
 the spoken drama had failed, and yet there are in this drama 
 hints of the solution that was eventually to come from another 
 direction. The lyric monologues in ' ' Wallenstein, " "Maria 
 Stuart," "Iphigenie" and "Faust," all of which reflect the 
 tendency to enlist the power of music, or at least of the lyric 
 element, to increase the effect of the spoken drama, 85 point to 
 the fact that the dramatists of the classic period were looking 
 forward to a new art-form in which music should have a nec- 
 essary part. In fact, many poets, as Lessing, 86 Goethe and 
 Schiller, felt that the ideal of the drama was to be found in the 
 opera. Although it was impossible for the choral passages of 
 the " Braut von Messina " to be sung when the rest of the drama 
 was declaimed, Schiller seems to have had a premonition of 
 the final solution of the dramatic problem, when he wrote: 87 
 
 8 Ibid., p. 550. 
 
 8 * The writers of the recent symbolic dramas felt the power of the lyric 
 element and introduced songs into their plays. Cf. G. Hauptmann, Die 
 versunkene Glocke, Hanneles Himmelfahrt. Also, H. Sudermann, Die drei 
 Reiherfedern. 
 
 86 Cf . R. Wagner, Zukunftsmusik (Gesammelte Schriften und Dichtungen, 
 Leipzig, 1873, Vol. VII, p. 140). 
 
 <" Cf. Letter to Goethe, December 29, 1797. (Schillers Briefe, Vol. V, 
 P. 3I3-) 
 

 85 
 
 "Ich hatte immer ein gewisses Vertrauen zur Oper, dass aus 
 ihr wie aus den Choren des alten Bacchusfestes das Trauer- 
 spiel in einer edlern Gestalt sich loswickeln sollte." In prac- 
 tice Goethe went even further than Schiller, for the second 
 part of the Helena episode is partly in operatic form. 
 
 These men were, however, poets and not musicians. For 
 that reason they could not put their theories into practice, 
 and it was not until the middle of the nineteenth century that 
 the problem was solved by the dramatist and composer, 
 Richard Wagner. 88 He realized that the highest development 
 of the drama could not be found in the opera as it existed at 
 that time, 89 for the opera had become a purely musical creation 
 in which the dramatic action had little significance beyond 
 that of connecting the various vocal selections. 90 A study of 
 Greek tragedy, in which both the music and the dance were 
 
 88 Cf. Zukunftsmusik. 
 
 8 ' It is interesting to note that Herder foreshadows the reform of the opera 
 later undertaken by R. Wagner, and the rise of the music drama. He 
 says: "Der Fortgang des Jahrhunderts wird uns auf einen Mann fuhren, 
 der, diesen Trodelkram wortloser Tone verachtend, die Notwendigkeit 
 einer innigen Verknupfung reinmenschlicher Empfindung und der Fabel 
 selbst mit seinen T6nen einsah. Von jener Herrscherhohe, auf welcher 
 sich der gemeine Musikus brustet, dass die Poesie seiner Kunst diene, stieg 
 er hinab und liess, soweit es der Geschmack der Nation, fur die er in Tonen 
 dichtete, zuliess, den Worten der Empfindung, der Handlung selbst seine 
 Tone nur dienen. Dass er namlich die ganze Bude des zerschnittenen und 
 zerfetzten Opern-Klingklangs umwerfe, und ein Odeum auf richte, ein zusam- 
 menhangend lyrisches Gebaude, in welchem Poesie, Musik, Action, Deco- 
 ration Bins sind." (Werke, Vol. XXI, p. 390.) 
 
 90 Opera was the outcome of an attempt on the part of the Italian scholars 
 of the sixteenth century to revive Greek tragedy. (Cf . Baltzell, History of 
 Music, Philadelphia, 1910, p. 177.) But in spite of its literary origin, the 
 development of the Italian opera and of the German, which was closely 
 modeled upon the Italian, brought the purely musical element to the fore; 
 the dramatic significance was entirely obscured and the opera became a 
 puppet-show for the display of vocal art. (Cf. Baltzell, op. cit. t p. 215.) 
 Because of the purely musical development of the opera in Germany, it 
 does not seem necessary to discuss in this essay the chorus in the opera. 
 Wagner, however, by going back to the original conception of opera as 
 a drama, appears as the creator of a new art construction, the lyric drama, 
 and must accordingly, be considered as a dramatist rather than as an 
 operatic composer. 
 
86 
 
 subservient to the poetry, 9 1 suggested to his mind the possibility 
 of an art-work in which the drama should be of paramount 
 importance and should of itself form a complete whole, and in 
 which the music should be, as it were, a flexible and unceasing 
 current accompanying and at the same time intensifying and 
 interpreting the meaning of the words. 92 In such a drama, in 
 which music is employed to increase the effect of the dramatic 
 action, the "poet's message will be conveyed directly to the 
 feelings as emotion and not to the understanding as thought." 
 Consequently, the deepest and the most profound truths will, 
 Wagner claims, produce so irresistible and so convincing an 
 impression at the moment of the stage performance that 
 all reflective criticism will become unnecessary. 93 And to 
 Wagner's mind "the ideal art-form is that which can be 
 grasped without a shadow of reflection and through which 
 the poet's lesson can be most clearly conveyed to the unim- 
 peded feeling." 94 
 
 A presentation of this ideal or music-drama is rendered 
 possible by the orchestra as elaborated and developed by 
 Beethoven. The r61e played by the orchestra is much the 
 same as that played by the chorus in the Greek tragedy. 95 
 A comparison of the antique chorus of human beings and the 
 modern orchestra of stringed instruments may, at first sight, 
 appear impossible. The purely human significance of the 
 chorus was, however, entirely disregarded by Wagner. 96 He 
 was concerned merely with the ideal aspect of the chorus ; and 
 since the chorus, in its ideal aspect, is "not an individual but 
 a universal conception," 97 it may, logically, be as well repre- 
 
 x Cf. supra, p. 5. 
 
 9 "This new creation he called the music-drama in distinction from the 
 opera. Cf. Zukunftsmusik, p. 179. 
 
 " Ibid., pp. 124-125. 94 ibid., p. 172. 95 Ibid., pp. 172-173. 
 
 6 The Sophoclean chorus, it will be remembered, had a dual character. 
 In the dialogue it represented the ordinary mass of human beings as opposed 
 to the heroic figures upon the stage; and in the choral odes it had an ideal 
 character and became, as it were, the mouthpiece of the poet. It is the 
 ideal and not the human aspect of the chorus that is represented by Wagner's 
 orchestra. 
 
 9i Cf. Schiller, Uber den Gebrauch des Chors in der Tragodie, p. 129. 
 
87 
 
 sen ted by the orchestra as by a group of individuals. At any 
 rate the orchestra performs the essential function of the chorus; 
 a function which, as Schiller rightly maintains, has never been 
 given to any chorus since the decline of the antique tragedy, 
 that of a " single ideal person, furthering and accompanying 
 the whole plot." 98 Like the Greek chorus, the orchestra is 
 always present and has its position off the stage," and like the 
 Greek chorus it follows the events upon the stage with keen 
 interest. The orchestra also serves to direct the feelings, 
 for by means of the " Leitmotiv " I0 the music is able to reflect 
 everything that takes place upon the stage ; the slightest alter- 
 ation of scenic effect, the slightest change of mood, in fact, 
 every phase in the psychological development of the action 
 has its orchestral response, and, as did the old chorus, the 
 orchestra is thus enabled to furnish a continuous comment 
 upon the action; for, "although music cannot think, the 
 ' Leitmotiv ' can produce a definite impression upon the feel- 
 ings and incite them to a function akin to thought." 101 Thus 
 the ' ' ideal interest of the chorus in the action passes completely 
 to the orchestra and is there manifested in continual but 
 never troubling presence." 102 
 
 But if the ideal aspect of the chorus is assumed by the 
 orchestra, what then becomes of the old Greek chorus that had 
 been taken over into the opera by the Italian musicians of the 
 sixteenth century ? This chorus went the way of the opera and 
 soon came to have practically no significance beyond that of 
 a group of singers. When in the nineteenth century Wagner 
 undertook his reform of the opera, the chorus occupied an 
 important place upon the operatic stage. But it had entirely 
 lost the significance of its antique prototype and, since there 
 was no room in the economy of the lyric drama for characters 
 
 ** Ibid., p. 131. 
 
 "Cf. Zukunfamusik, p. 172. 
 
 100 The "Leitmotiv" is a definite musical phrase associated with each 
 important character or event in the drama, and can be used to call to mind 
 the idea which it represents at any time during the course of the action. 
 
 101 Cf. R. Wagner, Oper und Drama, Vol. IV, p. 231. 
 Ioa Cf. Zukunftsmusik, p. 173. 
 
88 
 
 that had no part in the development of the action, it was 
 banished save as an active personage in the plot, and in the 
 Wagnerian dramas it appears on the stage only when its pre- 
 sence as such is required: as chorus of maidens in "Parzival," 
 chorus of Walkyrs in "Die Walktire, " or the chorus of pilgrims 
 in "Tannhauser." 
 
 The orchestra has, however, a far more vital and more es- 
 sential duty than that of reflecting the lyric and dramatic 
 elements of the action. It has an important share in the psy- 
 chological development of the plot. In this r61e it accompanies 
 the dramatic action; and whenever the action itself is not fully 
 intelligible it conveys to the feelings the full significance of 
 that action and thus takes the place of thought. 103 Thus, 
 "while the orchestra as the harmonic carrier of the verse- 
 melody alone confers upon the melody its definite expression, 
 it, at the same time, keeps the melody in the requisite unceas- 
 ing flow and thus convincingly impresses the inner motives 
 of the dramatic action upon the feelings. " ' 4 This is Wagner's 
 "endless melody." The orchestra by unceasingly supporting 
 and explaining the action, has an unbroken share in the dra- 
 matic action and succeeds in uniting the poetry and the music 
 into one complete whole. 
 
 The antique chorus appealed primarily to the intellect, for 
 the lyric portions of the Greek drama contained the prof ound- 
 est thoughts of the whole composition; but it also appealed 
 to the emotions through music and the rhythmic move- 
 ments of the dance. "The modern orchestra has, however, 
 assumed merely the emotional significance of the old chorus." IOS 
 The antique chorus by its meditations lifts the mind above 
 the confusion and turmoil of passing events to a contemplation 
 of the great truths which the drama seeks to teach and thus, 
 through thought, appeals to the understanding; whereas the 
 orchestra by supplying the musical accompaniment for the 
 words, and guiding the feelings along definite lines, conveys 
 the teaching of the drama directly to the listener's emotions 
 and itself takes the place of thought. 
 
 '3 Cf. Oper und Drama, p. 222. 10 < Zukunftsmusik, p. 172. 
 
 lo s Oper und Drama, p. 238. 
 
8 9 
 
 This, then, is the final solution of the problem. For here 
 and here only, when the chorus finds its proper medium of 
 expression; when all the sensuous charm of the orchestration 
 is employed for the express purpose of intensifying the dra- 
 matic emotion, does the chorus most nearly approach its ancient 
 prototype and truly come to its own. 
 
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INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 
 
 This index is limited to the names of those writers who either used the 
 chorus themselves or referred to its significance in the German drama. 
 
 ^Eschylus, 2 
 
 Agathon, 3 
 
 Apel, Joh. Aug., 78 
 
 Aristotle, 3, 4 
 
 Ast, G. Ant. Fr., 78 
 
 Bellermann, Ludwig, 66 
 
 Birck, Sixt., 26, 27, 34, 35, 38, 
 
 39.40 
 
 Birken, 56, 57 
 Boissin, Jean de, 8 
 Borinski, Karl, 30 
 Bulthaupt, Heinrich, 74 
 
 Cronegk, 63 
 Diomedes, 29 
 Euripides, 3 
 Faguet, E., 7 
 
 Gamier, 7 
 
 Gart, 37, 40 
 
 Gnapheus, 27, 38 
 
 Goedeke, K., 58 
 
 Goethe, 64, 80, 81, 82 
 
 Gottsched, 58, 59, 60, 61 
 
 Greene, 8 
 
 Greff, 30 
 
 Gryphius, Andreas, 43-54, 61 
 
 Haigh, A. E., 2, 3, 4 
 Hallmann, Joh. Chr., 54, 55 
 Harsdorfer, 57 
 Haugwitz, Aug. von, 54 
 Hegel, 83 
 Herder, 66, 78, 79 
 Hoffmeister, 74 
 Hooft, 9, 46 
 Horace, 57 
 
 Humboldt, Wilhelm von, 69, 72, 
 75,76 
 
 Iffland, 66 
 Jodelle, 7 
 
 Kolross, Joh., 26, 33, 34, 38, 39 
 Korner, 66 
 Kruger, 38, 40 
 Kyd, 8 
 
 Lohenstein, Casper von, 54, 55 
 Lyly, 8 
 
 Macropedius, 25, 31, 32, 38 
 
 Marlowe, 8 
 
 Naogeorgus, 37 
 Omeis, 57, 58 
 
 Peele, 8 
 
 Platen, Graf von, 80 
 
 Pyra,63 
 
 Rebhun, Paul, 26, 35, 36, 37, 39 
 Reuchlin, 24, 25, 28, 29, 42 
 
 Schiller, 64-78, 85, 87 
 Schlegel, Aug. W., 66, 80, 83 
 Schlegel, F., 66, 80 
 Schutz, Wilh. von, 78 
 Seneca. 5, 6, 47 
 Shakespeare, 9 
 Sophocles, 3 
 Spangenberg, 38 
 Stolberg, Graf zu, 63 
 Suetonius, 29 
 
 Vondel, 9, 47 
 
 Wagner Richard, 85-89 
 Waldis, Burkard, 26, 32 
 
 95 
 
VITA 
 
 The writer of this dissertation was born in New Rochelle, 
 New York, June 16, 1886. She received her early education 
 in the public schools of that city, entering New Rochelle High 
 School in 1900. In 1904 she matriculated at Barnard College, 
 and was graduated in 1908. In the following year she began 
 graduate work at Columbia University, receiving the degree 
 of A.M. in 1909. Since that time she has continued work 
 for the degree of Ph.D. in the Germanic and the Classical 
 Departments. 
 
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