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 THE 
 
 MAKING OF KELIGION
 
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 Now York ami Bombay.
 
 THE 
 
 MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 BY 
 
 ANDEEW LANG 
 
 M.A., LL.D. ST ANDREWS 
 
 HONORARY FELLOW OF MERTON COLLEGE, OXFORD 
 SOMETIME GIFFORD LECTURER IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ST ANDREWS 
 
 LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 
 
 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 
 NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 
 
 1898 
 
 All rights reserved
 
 TO THE PRINCIPAL 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ST. ANDREWS 
 
 DEAR PRINCIPAL DONALDSON, 
 
 I hope you will permit me to lay at the feet of the 
 University of St. Andrews, in acknowledgment of her life-long 
 kindnesses to her old pupil, these chapters on the early 
 History of Religion. They may be taken as representing the 
 Gifford Lectures delivered by me, though in fact they contain 
 very little that was spoken from Lord Gifford's chair. I 
 wish they were more worthy of an Alma Mater which fostered 
 in the past the leaders of forlorn hopes that were destined to 
 triumph; and the friends of lost causes who fought bravely 
 against Fate Patrick Hamilton, Cargill, and Argyll, Beaton 
 and Montrose, and Dundee. 
 
 Believe me 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 
 ANDREW LANG.
 
 PBEFACE 
 
 ' THE ONLY BEGETTER ' of this work is Monsieur Le- 
 febure, author of ' Les Yeux d'Horus,' and other studies 
 in Egyptology. He suggested the writing of the book, 
 but is in no way responsible for the opinions expressed. 
 
 The author cannot omit the opportunity of thanking 
 Mr. Frederic Myers for his kindness in reading the proof 
 sheets of the earlier chapters and suggesting some cor- 
 rections of statement. Mr. Myers, however, is probably 
 not in agreement with the author on certain points ; for 
 example, in the chapter on ' Possession.' As the second 
 part of the book differs considerably from the opinions 
 which have recommended themselves to most anthro- 
 pological writers on early Eeligion, the author must say 
 here, as he says later, that no harm can come of trying 
 how facts look from a new point of view, and that he cer- 
 tainly did not expect them to fall into the shape which he 
 now presents for criticism. 
 
 ST. ANDREWS : April 3, 1898.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 I. INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 1 
 
 II. SCIENCE AND ' MIRACLES ' 15 
 
 III. ANTHROPOLOGY AND KELIGION 43 
 
 IV. ' OPENING THE GATES OF DISTANCE ' .... 72 
 V. CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED ... 90 
 
 VI. ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS . . . . 113 
 
 VII. DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 138 
 
 VIII. FETISHISM AND SPIRITUALISM 159 
 
 IX. EVOLUTION OF THE IDEA OF GOD 173 
 
 X. HIGH GODS OF Low RACES 187 
 
 XI. SUPREME GODS NOT NECESSARILY DEVELOPED OUT OF 
 
 ' SPIRITS ' . ... 201 
 
 XII. SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 210 
 
 XIII. MORE SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 230 
 
 XIV. AHONE. TI-RA-WA. NA-PI. PACHACAMAC. Tui LAGA. 
 
 TAA-BOA 251 
 
 XV. THE OLD DEGENERATION THEORY 278 
 
 XVI. THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 294 
 
 XVII. CONCLUSION 317 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 A. OPPOSITIONS OF SCIENCE 337 
 
 B. THE POLTERGEIST AND HIS EXPLAINERS .... 352 
 
 C. CRYSTAL-GAZING 367 
 
 D. CHIEFS IN AUSTRALIA 370 
 
 INDEX . 371
 
 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 i 
 
 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 
 
 THE modern Science of the History of Religion has 
 attained conclusions which already possess an air of being 
 firmly established. These conclusions may be briefly 
 stated thus : Man derived the conception of ' spirit ' or 
 ' soul ' from his reflections on the phenomena of sleep, 
 dreams, death, shadow, and from the experiences of trance 
 and hallucination. Worshipping first the departed souls 
 of his kindred, man later extended the doctrine of spiritual 
 beings in many directions. Ghosts, or other spiritual 
 existences fashioned on the same lines, prospered till they 
 became gods. Finally, as the result of a variety of pro- 
 cesses, one of these gods became supreme, and, at last, 
 was regarded as the one only God. Meanwhile man 
 retained his belief in the existence of his own soul, surviv- 
 ing after the death of the body, and so reached the concep- 
 tion of immortality. Thus the ideas of God and of the 
 soul are the result of early fallacious reasonings about 
 misunderstood experiences. 
 
 It may seem almost wanton to suggest the desirable- 
 ness of revising a system at once so simple, so logical, 
 and apparently so well bottomed on facts. But there can 
 
 B
 
 y THE MAKING OF EELIGION 
 
 never be any real harm in studying masses of evidence 
 from fresh points of view. At worst, the failure of adverse 
 criticism must help to establish the doctrines assailed. 
 "Now, as we shall show, there are two points of view from 
 which the evidence as to religion in its early stages has not 
 been steadily contemplated. Therefore we intend to ask, 
 first, what, if anything, can be ascertained as to the nature 
 of the ' visions ' and hallucinations which, according to 
 Mr. Tylor in his celebrated work ' Primitive Culture,' 
 lent their aid to the formation of the idea of ' spirit.' 
 Secondly, we shall collect and compare the accounts 
 which we possess of the High Gods and creative beings 
 worshipped or believed in, by the most backward races. 
 We shall then ask whether these relatively Supreme 
 Beings, so conceived of by men in very rudimentary 
 social conditions, can be, as anthropology declares, mere 
 developments from the belief in ghosts of the dead. 
 
 We shall end by venturing to suggest that the savage 
 theory of the soul may be based, at least in part, on expe- 
 riences which cannot, at present, be made to fit into any 
 purely materialistic system of the universe. We shall 
 also bring evidence tending to prove that the idea of God, 
 in its earliest known shape, need not logically be derived 
 from the idea of spirit, however that idea itself may have 
 been attained or evolved. The conception of God, then, need 
 not be evolved out of reflections on dreams and ' ghosts.' 
 
 If these two positions can be defended with any suc- 
 cess, it is obvious that the whole theory of the Science of 
 Eeligion will need to be reconsidered. But it is no less 
 evident that our two positions do not depend on each other. 
 The first may be regarded as fantastic, or improbable, or 
 may be ' masked ' and left on one side. But the strength 
 of the second position, derived from evidence of a different 
 character, will not, therefore, be in any way impaired
 
 INTRODUCTORY 3 
 
 Our first position can only be argued for by dint of evi- 
 dence highly unpopular in character, and, as a general 
 rule, condemned by modern science. The evidence is 
 obtained by what is, at all events, a legitimate anthropo- 
 logical proceeding. We may follow Mr. Tylor's example, 
 and collect savage beliefs about visions, hallucinations, 
 'clairvoyance,' and the acquisition of knowledge appa- 
 rently not attainable through the normal channels of 
 sense. We may then compare these savage beliefs with 
 attested records of similar experiences among living and 
 educated civilised men. Even if we attain to no conclu- 
 sion, or a negative conclusion, as to the actuality and 
 supernormal character of the alleged experiences, still to 
 compare data of savage and civilised psychology, or even 
 of savage and civilised illusions and fables, is decidedly 
 part, though a neglected part, of the function of anthropo- 
 logical science. The results, whether they do or do not 
 strengthen our first position, must be curious and instruc- 
 tive, if only as a chapter in the history of human error. 
 That chapter, too, is concerned with no mean topic, but 
 with what we may call the X region of our nature. Out 
 of that region, out of miracle, prophecy, vision, have cer- 
 tainly come forth the great religions, Christianity and 
 Islam ; and the great religious innovators and leaders, our 
 Lord Himself, St. Francis, John Knox, Jeanne d'Arc, 
 down to the founder of the new faith of the Sioux and 
 Arapahoe. It cannot, then, be unscientific to compare 
 the barbaric with the civilised beliefs and experiences about 
 a region so dimly understood, and so fertile in potent 
 influences. Here the topic will be examined rather by 
 the method of anthropology than of psychology. We 
 may conceivably have something to learn (as has been 
 the case before) from the rough observations and hasty 
 inferences of the most backward races.
 
 4 THE MAKING OF .RELIGION 
 
 We may illustrate this by an anecdote : 
 
 ' The Northern Indians call the Aurora Borealis " Ed- 
 thin," that is "Deer." Their ideas in this respect are 
 founded on a principle one would not imagine. Experience 
 has shown them that when a hairy deer-skin is briskly 
 stroked with the hand on a dark night, it will emit many 
 sparks of electrical fire.' 
 
 So says Hearne in his ' Journey,' published in 1795 
 (p. 346). 
 
 This observation of the Red Men is a kind of parable 
 representing a part of the purport of the following treatise. 
 The Indians, making a hasty inference from a trivial 
 phenomenon, arrived unawares at a probably correct con- 
 clusion, long unknown to civilised science. They con- 
 nected the Aurora Borealis with electricity, supposing 
 that multitudes of deer in the sky rubbed the sparks out 
 of each other ! Meanwhile, even in the last century, a 
 puzzled populace spoke of the phenomenon as ' Lord 
 Derwentwater's Lights.' The cosmic pomp and splendour 
 shone to welcome the loyal Derwentwater into heaven, 
 when he had given his life for his exiled king. 
 
 Now, my purpose in the earlier portion of this essay 
 is to suggest that certain phenomena of human nature, 
 apparently as trivial as the sparks rubbed out of a deer's 
 hide in a dark night, may indicate, and may be allied to a 
 force or forces, which, like the Aurora Borealis, may shine 
 from one end of the heavens to the other, strangely 
 illumining the darkness of our destiny. Such phenomena 
 science has ignored, as it so long ignored the sparks from 
 the stroked deer-skin, and the attractive power of rubbed 
 amber. These trivial things were not known to be allied 
 to the lightning, or to indicate a force which man could 
 tame and use. But just as the Indians, by a rapid careless 
 inference, attributed the Aurora Borealis to electric in-
 
 INTRODUCTORY 5 
 
 fluences,so (as anthropology assures us) savages everywhere 
 have inferred the existence of soul or spirit, intelligence that 
 
 ' Does not know the bond of Time, 
 Nor wear the manacles of Space,' 
 
 in part from certain apparently trivial phenomena of human 
 faculty. These phenomena, as Mr. Tylor says, ' the great 
 intellectual movement of the last two centuries has 
 simply thrown aside as worthless.' l I refer to alleged 
 experiences, merely odd, sporadic, and, for commercial pur- 
 poses, useless, such as the transference of thought from one 
 mind to another by no known channel of sense, the occur- 
 rence of hallucinations which, priina facie, correspond 
 coincidentally with unknown events at a distance, all 
 that is called ' second sight,' or ' clairvoyance,' and other 
 things even more obscure. Reasoning on these realtor 
 alleged phenomena, and on other quite normal and accepted 
 facts of dream, shadow, sleep, trance, and death, savages 
 have inferred the existence of spirit or soul, exactly as the 
 Indians arrived at the notion of electricity (not so called 
 by them, of course) as the cause of the Aurora Borealis. 
 But, just as the Indians thought that the cosmic lights 
 were caused by the rubbing together of crowded deer in 
 the heavens (a theory quite childishly absurd), so the 
 savage has expressed, in rude fantastic ways, his conclusion 
 as to the existence of spirit. He believes in wandering 
 separable souls of men, surviving death, and he has 
 peopled with his dreams the whole inanimate universe. 
 
 My suggestion is that, in spite of his fantasies, the 
 savage had possibly drawn from his premises an inference 
 not wholly, or not demonstrably erroneous. As the sparks 
 of the deer-skin indicated electricity, so the strange lights 
 in the night of human nature may indicate faculties 
 
 1 Primitive Culture, i. ISO. London, 1801.
 
 6 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 which science, till of late and in a few instances, has 
 laughed at, ignored, ' thrown aside as worthless.' 
 
 It should be observed that I am not speaking of 
 ' spiritualism,' a word of the worst associations, inex- 
 tricably entangled with fraud, bad logic, and the blindest 
 credulity. Some of the phenomena alluded to have, 
 however, been claimed as their own province by ' spiritists,' 
 and need to be rescued from them. Mr. Tylor writes : 
 
 ' The issue raised by the comparison of savage, barbaric, 
 and civilised spiritualism is this : Do the Bed Indian 
 medicine-man, the Tatar necromancer, the Highland 
 ghost-seer, and the Boston medium, share the posses- 
 sion of belief and knowledge of the highest truth and 
 import, which, nevertheless, the great intellectual move- 
 ment of the last two centuries has simply thrown aside as 
 worthless ?' 
 
 Distinguo ! That does not seem to me to be the issue. 
 In my opinion the issue is : ' Have the Ked Indian, the 
 Tatar, the Highland seer, and the Boston medium (the 
 least reputable of the menagerie) observed, and reasoned 
 wildly from, and counterfeited, and darkened with im- 
 posture, certain genuine by-products of human faculty, 
 which do uot prima facie deserve to be thrown aside? ' 
 
 That, I venture to think, is the real issue. That 
 science may toss aside as worthless some valuable observa- 
 tions of savages is now universally admitted by people 
 who know the facts. Among these observations is the 
 whole topic of Hypnotism, with the use of suggestion for 
 healing purposes, and the phenomena, no longer denied, 
 of ' alternating personalities.' For the truth of this state- 
 ment we may appeal to one of the greatest of Continental 
 anthropologists, Adolf Bastian. 1 The missionaries, like 
 Livingstone, usually supposed that the savage seer's 
 
 1 Ueber psycliische Beobaclitimgcn bci Naturvolkern. Leipzig 
 Gunther, 1890.
 
 INTRODUCTORY 7 
 
 declared ignorance after his so-called fit of inspiration 
 of what occurred in that state, was an imposture. But 
 nobody now doubts the similar oblivion of what has 
 passed that sometimes follows the analogous hypnotic 
 sleep. Of a remarkable cure, which the school of the 
 Salpetriere or Nancy would ascribe, with probable justice, 
 to ' suggestion,' a savage example will be given later. 
 
 Savage hypnotism and ' suggestion,' among the Sioux 
 and Arapahoe, has been thought worthy of a whole 
 volume in the Eeports of the Ethnological Bureau of 
 the Smithsonian Institute ("Washington, U.S., 1892-93). 
 Republican Governments publish scientific matter ' re- 
 gardless of expense,' and the essential points might have 
 been put more shortly. They illustrate the fact that only 
 certain persons can hypnotise others, and throw light on 
 some peculiarities of rapport. 1 In brief, savages antici- 
 pated us in the modern science of experimental psychology, 
 as is frankly acknowledged by the Society for Experimental 
 Psychology of Berlin. ' That many of the so-called 
 mystical phenomena are much more common and pro- 
 minent among savages than among ourselves is familiar to 
 everyone acquainted with the subject. The ethnological 
 side of our inquiry demands penetrative study.' 2 
 
 That study I am about to try to sketch. My object 
 is to examine some ' superstitious practices ' and beliefs of 
 savages by aid of the comparative method. I shall com- 
 pare, as I have already said, the ethnological evidence 
 for savage usages and beliefs analogous to thought- 
 transference, coincidental hallucinations, alternating per- 
 sonality, and so forth, with the best attested modern 
 examples, experimental or spontaneous. This raises the 
 
 1 See especially pp. 922-926. The book is interesting in other ways, 
 and, indeed, touching, as it describes the founding of a new Red Indian 
 religion, on a basis of Hypnotism and Christianity. 
 
 '-' Programme of the Society, p. iv.
 
 8 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 question of our evidence, which is all-important. We 
 proceed to defend it. The savage accounts are on the 
 level of much anthropological evidence; they may, that 
 is, be dismissed by adversaries as ' travellers' tales.' But 
 the best testimony for the truth of the reports as to 
 actual belief in the facts is the undesigned coincidence of 
 evidence from all ages and quarters. 1 When the stories 
 brought by travellers, ancient and modern, learned and 
 unlearned, pious or sceptical, agree in the main, we have 
 all the certainty that anthropology can offer. Again, when 
 we find practically the same strange neglected sparks, not 
 only rumoured of in European popular superstition, but 
 attested in many hundreds of depositions made at first 
 hand by respectable modern witnesses, educated and re- 
 sponsible, we cannot honestly or safely dismiss the coinci- 
 dence of report as indicating a mere ' survival ' of savage 
 superstitious belief, and nothing more. 
 
 We can no longer do so, it is agreed, in the case of 
 hypnotic phenomena. I hope to make it seem possible 
 that we should not do so in the matter of the hallucinations 
 provoked by gazing in a smooth deep, usually styled 
 ' crystal-gazing.' Ethnologically, this practice is at least 
 as old as classical times, and is of practically world-wide 
 distribution. I shall prove its existence in Australia, 
 New Zealand, North America, South America, Asia, 
 Africa, Polynesia, and among the Incas, not to speak of 
 the middle and recent European ages. The universal idea 
 is that such visions may be ' clairvoyant.' To take a 
 Polynesian case, * resembling the Hawaiian wai harm.' 
 When anyone has been robbed, the priest, after praying, 
 has a hole dug in the floor of the house, and filled with 
 water. Then he gazes into the water, ' over which the 
 god is supposed to place the spirit of the thief. . . . The 
 
 1 Tylor, Primitive Culture, i. 9, 10.
 
 INTRODUCTORY 9 
 
 image of the thief was, according to their account, re- 
 flected in the water, and being perceived by the priest, he 
 named the individual, or the parties.' 1 Here the state- 
 ment about the ' spirit ' is a mere savage philosophical 
 explanation. But the fact that hallucinatory pictures 
 can really be seen by a fair percentage of educated 
 Europeans, in water, glass balls, and so forth, is now 
 confirmed by frequent experiment, and accepted by 
 opponents, 'non-mystical writers,' like Dr. Parish of 
 Munich. 2 I shall bring evidence to suggest that the 
 visions may correctly reflect, as it were, persons and places 
 absolutely unknown to the gazer, and that they may 
 even reveal details unknown to every one present. Such 
 results among savages, or among the superstitious, would 
 be, and are, explained by the theory of ' spirits.' Modern 
 science has still to find an explanation consistent with 
 recognised laws of nature, but ' spirits ' we shall not 
 invoke. 
 
 In the same way I mean to examine all or most of 
 the ' so-called mystical phenomena of savage life.' I 
 then compare them with the better vouched for modern 
 examples. To return to the question of evidence, I con- 
 fess that I do not see how the adverse anthropologist, 
 psychologist, or popular agnostic is to evade the following 
 dilemma : To the anthropologist we say, ' The evidence 
 we adduce is your own evidence, that of books of travel 
 in all lands and countries. If you may argue from it, so 
 may we. Some of it is evidence to unusual facts, more of 
 it is evidence to singular beliefs, which we think not 
 necessarily without foundation. As raising a presump- 
 tion in favour of that opinion, we cite examples in which 
 savage observations of abnormal and once rejected facts, 
 
 1 Ellis, Polynesian Researches, ii. p. 240. 
 
 2 Hallucinations and Illusions. English edition, pp. C3-70, 297.
 
 10 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 are now admitted by science to have a large residuum of 
 truth, we argue that what is admitted in some cases may 
 come to be admitted in more. No a priori line can here 
 be drawn.' 
 
 To the psychologist who objects that our modern 
 instances are mere anecdotes, we reply by asking, ' Dear 
 sir, what are your modern instances ? What do you 
 know of " Mrs. A.," whom you still persistently cite as 
 an example of morbid recurrent hallucinations ? Name 
 the German servant girl who, in a fever, talked several 
 learned languages, which she had heard her former 
 master, a scholar, declaim ! Where did she live ? who 
 vouches for her, who heard her, who understood her ? 
 There is, you know, no evidence at all ; the anecdote is 
 told by Coleridge : the phenomena are said by him to 
 have been observed " in a Eoman Catholic town in 
 Germany, a year or two before my arrival at Gottingen. . . . 
 Many eminent physiologists and psychologists visited the 
 town." Why do you not name a few out of the distin- 
 guished crowd ? ' l This anecdote, a rumour of a rumour 
 of a Protestant explanation of a Catholic marvel, was told 
 by Coleridge at least twenty years after the possible date. 
 The psychologists copy it, 2 one after the other, as a 
 flock of sheep jump where their leader has jumped. An 
 example by way of anecdote may be permitted. 
 
 According to the current anthropological theory, the 
 idea of soul or spirit was suggested to early men by their 
 experiences in dreams. They seemed, in sleep, to visit 
 remote places ; therefore, they argued, something within 
 them was capable of leaving the body and wandering 
 about. This something was the soul or spirit. Now it 
 is obvious that this opinion of early men would be con- 
 
 1 Sir William Hamilton's Lectures, i. 345. 
 
 2 Maudsley, Kerner, Carpenter, Du Prel, Zangwill.
 
 INTRODUCTORY 11 
 
 firmed if they ever chanced to acquire, in dreams, know- 
 ledge of places which they had never visited, and of facts 
 as to which, in their waking state, they could have no 
 information. This experience, indeed, would suggest 
 problems even to Mr. Herbert Spencer, if it occurred 
 to him. 
 
 Conversing on this topic with a friend of acknowledged 
 philosophical eminence, I illustrated my meaning by a 
 story of a dream. It was reported to me by the dreamer, 
 with whom I am well acquainted, was of very recent occur- 
 rence, and was corroborated by the evidence of another 
 person, to whom the dream was narrated, before its fulfil- 
 ment was discovered. I am not at liberty to publish the 
 details, for good reasons, but the essence of the matter 
 was this : A. and B. (the dreamer) had common interests. 
 A. had taken certain steps about which B. had only a 
 surmise, and a vague one, that steps had probably been 
 taken. A. then died, and B. in an extremely vivid dream 
 (a thing unfamiliar to him) seemed to read a mass of un- 
 known facts, culminating in two definite results, capable 
 of being stated in figures. These results, by the very 
 nature of the case, could not be known to A., so that, 
 before he was placed out of B.'s reach by death, he could 
 not have stated them to him, and, afterwards, had assuredly 
 no means of doing so. 
 
 The dream, two days after its occurrence, and after it 
 had been told to C., proved to be literally correct. 
 
 Now I am not asking the reader's belief for this anec- 
 dote (for that could only be yielded in virtue of knowledge 
 of the veracity of B. and C.), but I invite his attention to 
 the psychological explanation. My friend suggested that 
 A. had told B. all about the affair, that B. had not listened 
 (though his interests were vitally concerned), and that the 
 crowd of curious details, naturally unfamiliar to B., had
 
 12 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 reposed in his subconscious memory, and had been revived 
 in the dream. 
 
 Now B.'s dream was a dream of reading a mass of 
 minute details, including names of places entirely unknown 
 to him. It may be admitted, in accordance with the 
 psychological theory, that B. might have received all this 
 information from A., but, by dint of inattention ' the 
 malady of not marking ' might never have been con- 
 sciously aware of what he heard. Then B.'s subconscious 
 memory of what he did not consciously know might break 
 upon him in his dream. Instances of similar mental 
 phenomena are not uncommon. But the general result 
 of the combined details was one which could not possibly 
 be known to A. before his death ; nor to B. could it be 
 known at all. Yet B.'s dream represented this general 
 result with perfect accuracy, which cannot be accounted 
 for by the revival of subconscious memory in sleep. 
 Neither asleep nor awake can a man remember what it is 
 impossible for him to have known. The dream contained 
 no prediction, for the results were now fixed ; but (grant- 
 ing the good faith of the narrator) the dream did contain 
 information not normally accessible. 
 
 However, by way of psychological explanation of the 
 dream, my friend cited Coleridge's legend, as to the 
 German girl and her unconscious knowledge of certain 
 learned languages. ' And what is the evidence for the 
 truth of Coleridge's legend ? ' Of course, there is none, or 
 none known to all the psychologists who quote it from 
 Coleridge. Neither, if true, was the legend to the point. 
 However, psychology will accept such un authenticated 
 narratives, and yet will scoff at first hand, duly corrobo- 
 rated testimony from living and honourable people, about 
 recent events. 
 
 Only a great force of prejudice can explain this accept-
 
 INTRODUCTORY 13 
 
 ance, by psychologists, of one kind of marvellous tale 
 on no evidence, and this rejection of another class of 
 marvellous tale, when supported by first hand, signed and 
 corroborated evidence, of living witnesses. I see only one 
 escape for psychologists from this dilemma. Their marvel- 
 lous tales are possible, though unvouched for, because they 
 have always heard them and repeated them in lectures, 
 and read and repeated them in books. Our marvellous 
 tales are impossible, because the psychologists know 
 that they are impossible, which means that they have 
 not been familiar with them, from youth upwards, in 
 lectures and manuals. But man has no right to have 
 ' clear ideas of the possible and impossible,' like Faraday, 
 a priori, except in the exact sciences. There are other 
 instances of weak evidence which satisfies psychologists. 
 
 Hamilton has an anecdote, borrowed from Monboddo, 
 who got it from Mr. Hans Stanley, who, ' about twenty-six 
 years ago,' heard it from the subject of the story, Madame 
 de Laval. ' I have the memorandum somewhere in my 
 papers,' says Mr. Stanley, vaguely. Then we have two 
 American anecdotes by Dr. Flint and Mr. Rush ; and 
 such is Sir William Hamilton's equipment of odd facts 
 for discussing the unconscious or subconscious. The 
 least credible and worst attested of these narratives still 
 appears in popular works on psychology. Moreover, all 
 psychology, except experimental psychology, is based on 
 anecdotes which people tell about their own subjective ex- 
 periences. Mr. Galton, whose original researches are well 
 known, even offered rewards in money for such narratives 
 about visualised rows of coloured figures, and so on. 
 
 Clearly the psychologist, then, has no prima facie right 
 to object to our anecdotes of experiences, which he regards 
 as purely subjective. As evidence, we only accept them 
 at first hand, and, when possible, the witnesses have been
 
 14 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 cross-examined personally. Our evidence then, where it 
 consists of travellers' tales, is on a level with that which 
 satisfies the anthropologist. Where it consists of modern 
 statements of personal experience, our evidence is often 
 infinitely better than much which is accepted by the non- 
 experimental psychologist. As for the agnostic writer 
 on the Non-Keligion of the Future, M. Guyau actually 
 illustrates the Resurrection of our Lord by an American 
 myth about a criminal, of whom a hallucinatory phantasm 
 appeared to each of his gaol companions, separately and 
 successively, on a day after his execution ! For this 
 prodigious fable no hint of reference to authority is 
 given. 1 Yet the evidence appears to satisfy M. Guyau, and 
 is used by him to reinforce his argument. 
 
 The anthropologist and psychologist, then, must either 
 admit that their evidence is no better than ours, if as 
 good, or must say that they only believe evidence as to 
 ' possible ' facts. They thus constitute themselves judges 
 of what is possible, and practically regard themselves as 
 omniscient. Science has had to accept so many things 
 once scoffed at as ' impossible,' that this attitude of hers, as 
 we shall show in chapter ii., ceases to command respect. 
 
 My suggestion is that the trivial, rejected, or unheeded 
 phenomena vouched for by the evidence here defended 
 may, not inconceivably, be of considerable importance. 
 But, stating the case at the lowest, if we are only con- 
 cerned with illusions and fables, it cannot but be curious to 
 note their persistent uniformity in savage and civilised life. 
 
 To make the first of our two main positions clear, and 
 in part to justify ourselves in asking any attention for 
 such matters, we now offer an historical sketch of the 
 relations between Science and the so-called ' Miraculous ' 
 in the past. 
 
 1 Tlic Non-Religion of the Future, p. 92, 1897.
 
 15 
 
 II 
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES' 
 
 Historical Sketch 
 
 BE SEARCH in the X region is not a new thing under the 
 sun. When Saul disguised himself before his conference 
 with the Witch of Endor, he made an elementary attempt 
 at a scientific test of the supernormal. Croasus, the king, 
 went much further, when he tested the clairvoyance of 
 the oracles of Greece, by sending an embassy to ask what 
 he was doing at a given hour on a given day, and by then 
 doing something very bizarre. We do not know how the 
 Delphic oracle found out the right answer, but various 
 easy methods of fraud at once occur to the mind. How- 
 ever, the procedure of Croasus, if he took certain precau- 
 tions, was relatively scientific. Relatively scientific also 
 was the inquiry of Porphyry, with whose position our 
 own is not unlikely to be compared. Unable, or reluctant, 
 to accept Christianity, Porphyry ' sought after a sign ' of 
 an element of supernormal truth in Paganism. But he 
 began at the wrong end, namely at Pagan spiritualistic 
 seances, with the usual accompaniments of darkness and 
 fraud. His perplexed letter to Anebo, with the reply 
 attributed to lamblichus, reveal Porphyry wandering 
 puzzled among mediums, floating lights, odd noises, 
 queer dubious ' physical phenomena.' He did not begin 
 with accurate experiments as to the existence of rare, and 
 apparently supernormal human faculties, and he seems to
 
 16 THE MAKING OF EELIGION 
 
 have attained no conclusion except that ' spirits ' are 
 ' deceitful.' l 
 
 Something more akin to modern research began 
 about the time of the Keformation, and lasted till about 
 1680. The fury for burning witches led men of sense, 
 learning, and humanity to ask whether there was any 
 reality in witchcraft, and, generally, in the marvels of 
 popular belief. The inquiries of Thyrseus, Lavaterus, 
 Bodinus, Wierus, Le Loyer, Reginald Scot, and many 
 others, tended on the whole to the negative side as 
 regards the wilder fables about witches, but left the 
 problems of ghosts and haunted houses pretty much 
 where they were before. It may be observed that 
 Lavaterus (circ. 1580) already put forth a form of the 
 hypothesis of telepathy (that ' ghosts ' are hallucinations 
 produced by the direct action of one mind, or brain, upon 
 another), while Thyrseus doubted whether the noises 
 heard in ' haunted houses ' were not mere hallucinations 
 of the sense of hearing. But all these early writers, like 
 Cardan, were very careless of first-hand evidence, and, 
 indeed, preferred ghosts vouched for by classical authority, 
 Pliny, Plutarch, or Suetonius. With the Kev. Joseph 
 Glanvil, F.R.S. (circ. 1666), a more careful examination 
 of evidence came into use. Among the marvels of 
 Glanvil's and other tracts usually published together in 
 his ' Sadducismus Triumphatus ' will be found letters 
 which show that he and his friends, like Henry More and 
 Boyle, laboured to collect first-hand evidence for second 
 sight, haunted houses, ghosts, and wraiths. The con- 
 fessed object was to procure a ' Whip for the Droll/ a 
 reply to the laughing scepticism of the Restoration. The 
 result was to bring on Glanvil a throng of bores he was 
 
 1 See Mr. Myers's paper on the ' Ancient Oracles,' in Classical Essays, 
 and the author's ' Ancient Spiritualism,' in Cock Lane and Common Sense.
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES' 17 
 
 ' worse haunted than Mr. Mornpesson's house,' he says 
 and Mr. Pepys found his arguments ' not very convincing.' 
 Mr. Pepys, however, was alarmed by ' our young gib-cat,' 
 which he mistook for a 'spright.' With Henry More, 
 Baxter, and Glanvil practically died, for the time, the 
 attempt to investigate these topics scientifically, though 
 an impression of doubt was left on the mind of Addison. 
 Witchcraft ceased to win belief, and was abolished, as a 
 crime, in 1736. Some of the Scottish clergy, and John 
 Wesley, clung fondly to the old faith, but Wodrow, and 
 Cotton Mather (about 1710-1730) were singularly careless 
 and unlucky in producing anything like evidence for their 
 narratives. Ghost stories continued to be told, but not to 
 be investigated. 
 
 Then one of the most acute of philosophers decided 
 that investigation ought never to be attempted. This 
 scientific attitude towards X phenomena, that of refusing 
 to examine them, and denying them without examina- 
 tion, was fixed by David Hume in his celebrated essay 
 on ' Miracles.' Hume derided the observation and study 
 of what he called ' Miracles,' in the field of experience, 
 and he looked for an a priori argument which would for 
 ever settle the question without examination of facts. In 
 an age of experimental philosophy, which derided a priori 
 methods, this was Hume's great contribution to know- 
 ledge. His famous argument, the joy of many an honest 
 breast, is a tissue of fallacies which might be given for 
 exposure to beginners in logic, as an elementary exercise. 
 In announcing his discovery, Hume amusingly displays 
 the self-complacency and the want of humour with which 
 we Scots are commonly charged by our critics : 
 
 ' I flatter myself that I have discovered an argument 
 which, if just, will, with the wise and learned, be an 
 everlasting check to all kinds of superstitious delusions,
 
 18 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 and consequently will be useful as long as the world 
 endures.' 
 
 He does not expect, however, to convince the multitude. 
 Till the end of the world, ' accounts of miracles and pro- 
 digies, I suppose, will be found in all histories, sacred 
 and profane.' Without saying here what he means by a 
 miracle, Hume argues that ' experience is our only guide 
 in reasoning.' He then defines a miracle as ' a violation 
 of the laws of nature.' By a ' law of nature ' he means a 
 uniformity, not of all experience, but of such experience 
 as he will deign to admit ; while he excludes, without 
 examination, all evidence for experience of the absence 
 of such uniformity. That kind of experience cannot 
 be considered. ' There must be a uniform experience 
 against every miraculous event, otherwise the event would 
 not merit that appellation.' If there be any experience 
 in favour of the event, that experience does not count. 
 A miracle is counter to universal experience, no event is 
 counter to universal experience, therefore no event is a 
 miracle. If you produce evidence to what Hume calls a 
 miracle (we shall see examples) he replies that the 
 evidence is not valid, unless its falsehood would be more 
 miraculous than the fact. Now no error of human 
 evidence can be more miraculous than a 'miracle.' 
 Therefore there can be no valid evidence for 'miracles.' 
 Fortunately, Hume now gives an example of what he 
 means by ' miracles.' He says : 
 
 ' For, first, there is not to be found, in all history, any 
 miracle attested by a sufficient number of men, of such 
 unquestioned good sense, education, and learning, as to 
 secure us against all delusion in themselves ; of such 
 undoubted integrity, as to place them beyond all suspicion 
 of any design to deceive others ; of such credit and reputa- 
 tion in the eyes of mankind, as to have a great deal to lose 
 in case of their being detected in any falsehood ; and at
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES' 19 
 
 the same time attesting facts performed in such a public 
 manner, and in so celebrated a part of the world, as 
 to render the detection unavoidable ; all which circum- 
 stances are requisite to give us a full assurance in the 
 testimony of men.' l 
 
 Hume added a note at the end of his book, in which 
 he contradicted every assertion which he had made in the 
 passage just cited ; indeed, he contradicted himself before 
 he had written six pages. 
 
 ' There surely never was a greater number of miracles 
 ascribed to one person than those which were lately said 
 to have been wrought in France upon the tomb of Abbe 
 Paris, the famous Jansenist, with whose sanctity the 
 people were so long deluded. The curing of the sick, 
 giving hearing to the deaf, and sight to the blind, were 
 everywhere talked of as the usual effects of that holy 
 sepulchre. But what is more extraordinary, many of the 
 miracles were immediately proved upon the spot, before 
 judges of unquestioned integrity, attested by witnesses of 
 credit and distinction, in a learned age, and on the most 
 eminent theatre that is now in the world. Nor is this all. 
 A relation of them was published and dispersed every- 
 where ; nor were the Jesuits, though a learned body, 
 supported by the civil magistrate, and determined enemies 
 to those opinions, in whose favour the miracles were said 
 to have been wrought, ever able distinctly to refute or 
 detect them. Where shall we find such a number of cir- 
 cumstances, agreeing to the corroboration of one fact? 
 And what have we to oppose to such a cloud of witnesses, 
 but the absolute impossibility, or miraculous nature of the 
 events which they relate ? And this, surely, in the eyes 
 of all reasonable people, will alone be regarded as a suffi- 
 cient refutation.' 
 
 Thus Hume first denies the existence of such evidence, 
 given in such circumstances as he demands, and then he 
 
 1 The italics here are those of Mr. Alfred Russell Wallace, in his Miracles 
 aiul Modern Science. Mr. Huxley, in his exposure of Hume's fallacies (in 
 his Life of Hume), did not examine the Jansenist ' miracles ' which Huni3 
 was criticising.
 
 20 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 produces an example of that very kind of evidence. 
 Having done this, he abandons (as Mr. Wallace observes) 
 his original assertion that the evidence does not exist, and 
 takes refuge in alleging ' the absolute impossibility ' of the 
 events which the evidence supports. Thus Hume poses as 
 a perfect judge of the possible, in a kind of omniscience. 
 He takes his stand on the uniformity of all experience 
 that is not hostile to his idea of the possible, and dismisses 
 all testimony to other experience, even when it reaches his 
 standard of evidence. He is remote indeed from Virchow's 
 position ' that what we call the laws of nature must vary 
 according to our frequent new experiences.' ' In his note, 
 Hume buttresses and confirms his evidence for the Jansenist 
 miracles. They have even a martyr, M. Montgeron, who 
 wrote an account of the events, and, says Hume lightly, 
 ' is now said to be somewhere in a dungeon on account of 
 his book.' Many of the miracles of the Abbe Paris were 
 proved immediately by witnesses before the Bishop's 
 court at Paris, under the eye of Cardinal Noailles. . . . 
 ' His successor was an enemy to the Jansenists, yet 
 twenty-two cures of Paris . . . pressed him to examine 
 these miracles . . . But he wisely forbore.' Hume adds 
 his testimony to the character of these cures. Thus it is 
 wisdom, according to Hume, to dismiss the most public 
 and well-attested ' miracles ' without examination. This 
 is experimental science of an odd kind. 
 
 The phenomena were cases of healing, many of them 
 surprising, of cataleptic rigidity, and of insensibility to 
 pain, among visitors to the tomb of the Abbe Paris (1731). 
 Had the cases been judicially examined (all medical evi- 
 dence was in their favour), and had they been proved 
 false, the cause of Hume would have profited enormously. 
 A strong presumption would have been raised against the 
 ' Moll, Hypnotism, p. 357.
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES' 21 
 
 miracles of Christianity. But Hume applauds the wisdom 
 of not giving his own theory this chance of a triumph. 
 The cataleptic seizures were of the sort now familiar to 
 science. These have, therefore, emerged from the miraculous. 
 In fact, the phenomena which occurred at the tomb of the 
 Abbe Paris have emerged almost too far, and now seem 
 in danger of being too readily and too easily accepted. In 
 1887 MM. Binet and Fere, of the school of the Salpetriere, 
 published in English a popular manual styled ' Animal 
 Magnetism.' These authors write with great caution 
 about such alleged phenomena as the reading, by the 
 hypnotised patient, of the thoughts in the mind of the 
 hypnotiser. But as to the phenomena at the tomb of the 
 Abbe Paris, they say that ' suggestion explains them.' l 
 That is, in the opinion of MM. Binet and Fere the so- 
 called ' miracles ' really occurred, and were worked by 
 'the imagination,' by ' self-suggestion.' 
 
 The most famous case that of Mile. Coirin has 
 been carefully examined by Dr. Charcot. 2 
 
 Mile. Coirin had a dangerous fall from her horse, in 
 September 1716, in her thirty-first year. The medical 
 details may be looked for in Dr. Charcot's essay or in 
 Montgeron. 3 ' Her disease was diagnosed as cancer of the 
 left breast,' the nipple ' fell off bodily.' Amputation of 
 the breast was proposed, but Madame Coirin, believing 
 the disease to be radically incurable, refused her consent. 
 Paralysis of the left side set in (1718), the left leg shrivel- 
 ling up. On August 9, 1731, Mile. Coirin 'tried the off 
 chance ' of a miracle, put on a shift that had touched the 
 tomb of Paris, and used some earth from the grave. 
 On August 11, Mile. Coirin could turn herself in bed ; on 
 
 1 Animal Magnetism, p. 355. 
 
 * A translation of his work was published in the New Review, January 1893. 
 
 - 1 La Veritt dcs Miracles, Cologne, 1747, Septieme D6mon strati on.
 
 22 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 the 12th the horrible wound ' was staunched, and began 
 to close up and heal.' The paralysed side recovered life 
 and its natural proportions. By September 3, Mile. Coirin 
 could go out for a drive. 
 
 All her malady, says Dr. Charcot, paralysis, 'cancer,' 
 and all, was ' hysterical ; ' ' hysterical oedema,' for which 
 he quotes many French authorities and one American. 
 ' Under the physical [psychical ?] influence brought to 
 
 bear by the application of the shift the oedema, 
 
 which was due to vaso-motor trouble, disappeared almost 
 instantaneously. The breast regained its normal size.' 
 
 Dr. Charcot generously adds that shrines, like Lourdes, 
 have cured patients in whom he could not ' inspire the 
 operation of the faith cure.' He ' certainly cannot explain 
 everything which claims to be of supernatural origin in 
 the faith cure. We have to learn the lesson of patience. 
 I am among the first to recognise that Shakespeare's 
 words hold good to-day : 
 
 " There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, 
 Than are dreamt of in your philosophy." 
 
 If Dr. Charcot had believed in what the French call 
 suggestion mentale suggestion by thought-transference 
 (which I think he did not) he could have explained the 
 healing of the Centurion's servant, ' Say the word, Lord, 
 and my servant shall be healed,' by suggestion a distance 
 (telepathy), and by premising that the servant's palsy 
 was ' hysterical.' But what do we mean by ' hysterical ' ? 
 Nobody knows. The ' mind,' somehow, causes gan- 
 grenes, if not cancers, paralysis, shrinking of tissues ; 
 the mind, somehow, cures them. And what is the 
 'mind'? 
 
 As my object is to give savage parallels to modern 
 instances better vouched for, I quote a singular Red
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES 23 
 
 Indian cure by ' suggestion.' Hearne, travelling in 
 Canada in 1770, met a native who had ' dead palsy,' 
 affecting the whole of one side. He was dragged on a 
 sledge, ' reduced to a mere skeleton,' and so was placed in 
 the magic lodge. The first step in his cure was the 
 public swallowing by a conjurer of a board of wood, 
 ' about the size of a barrel-stave,' twice as wide across as 
 his mouth. Hearne stood beside the man, ' naked as he 
 was born,' ' and, notwithstanding I was all attention, I 
 could not detect the deceit.' Of course, Hearne believes 
 that this was mere legerdemain, and (p. 216) mentions 
 a most suspicious circumstance. The account is amusing, 
 and deserves the attention of Mr. Neville Maskelyne. The 
 same conjurer had previously swallowed a cradle ! Now 
 bayonet swallowing, which he also did, is possible, though 
 Hearne denies it (p. 217). 
 
 The real object of these preliminary feats, how- 
 ever performed, is, probably, to inspire faith, which Dr. 
 Charcot might have done by swallowing a cradle. The 
 Indians explain that the barrel staves apparently swallowed 
 are merely dematerialised by ' spirits,' leaving only the 
 forked end sticking out of the conjurer's mouth. In fact, 
 Hearne caught the conjurer in the act of making a sepa- 
 rate forked end. 
 
 Faith being thus inspired, the conjurer, for three 
 entire days, blew, sang, and danced round ' the poor 
 paralytic,' fasting. ' And it is truly wonderful, though 
 the strictest truth, that when the poor man was taken 
 from the conjuring house ... he was able to move all 
 the fingers and toes of the side that had been so long- 
 dead. ... At the end of six weeks he went a-hunting for 
 his family ' (p. 219). Hearne kept up his acquaintance, 
 and adds, what is very curious, that he developed almost 
 a secondary personality. ' Before that dreadful paralytic
 
 24 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 stroke, he had been distinguished for his good nature and 
 benevolent disposition, was entirely free from every appear- 
 ance of avarice, . . . but after this event he was the most 
 fractious, quarrelsome, discontented, and covetous wretch 
 alive' (p. 220). 
 
 Dr. Charcot, if he had been acquainted with this case, 
 would probably have said that it ' is of the nature of those 
 which Professor Kussell Reynolds has classified under the 
 head of " paralysis dependent on idea." ' l Unluckily, 
 Hearne does not tell us how his hunter, an untutored 
 Indian, became ' paralysed by idea.' 
 
 Dr. Charcot adds : ' In every case, science is a foe to 
 systematic negation, which the morrow may cause to melt 
 away in the light of its new triumphs.' The present 
 ' new triumph ' is a mere coincidence with the dicta of 
 our Lord, ' Thy faith hath made thee whole. ... I have 
 not found so great faith, no, not in Israel.' There are 
 cures, as there are maladies, caused ' by idea.' So, in fact, 
 we had always understood. But the point is that science, 
 wherever it agrees with David Hume, is not a foe, but a 
 friend to ' systematic negation.' 
 
 A parallel case of a ' miracle,' the stigmata of St. 
 Francis, was, of course, regarded by science as a fable or 
 a fraud. But, now that blisters and other lesions can be 
 produced by suggestion, the fable has become a probable 
 fact, and, therefore, not a miracle at all. 2 Mr. James re- 
 marks : ' As so often happens, a fact is denied till a 
 welcome interpretation comes with it. Then it is admitted 
 readily enough, and evidence quite insufficient to back a 
 claim, so long as the Church had an interest in making it, 
 proves to be quite sufficient for modern scientific enlighten- 
 
 1 See Dr. Russell Reynolds's paper in British Medical Journal, 
 November 1869. 
 
 2 James, Principles of Psychology, ii. 612. Charcot, op. cit.
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES' 25 
 
 ment the moment it appears that a reputed saint can 
 thereby be claimed as a case of " hystero-epilepsy." ' l 
 
 But the Church continues to have an interest in the 
 matter. As the class of facts which Hume declined to 
 examine begins to be gradually admitted by science, the 
 thing becomes clear. The evidence which could safely 
 convey these now admittedly possible facts, say from the 
 time of Christ, is so far proved to be not necessarily 
 mythical proved to be not incapable of carrying state- 
 ments probably correct, which once seemed absolutely 
 false. If so, where, precisely, ends its power of carrying 
 facts? Thus considered, the kinds of marvellous events 
 recorded in the Gospels, for example, are no longer to be 
 dismissed on a priori grounds as ' mythical.' We cannot 
 now discard evidence as necessarily false because it clashes 
 with our present ideas of the possible, when we have to 
 acknowledge that the very same evidence may safely 
 convey to us facts which clashed with our fathers' notions 
 of what is possible, but which are now accepted. Our 
 notions of the possible cease to be a criterion of truth or 
 falsehood, and our contempt for the Gospels as myths 
 must slowly die, as ' miracle ' after ' miracle ' is brought 
 within the realm of acknowledged law. With each such 
 admission the hypothesis that the Gospel evidence is 
 mythical must grow weaker, and weaker must grow the 
 negative certainty of popular science. 
 
 The occurrences which took place at and near the 
 tomb of Paris were attested, as Hume truly avers, by a 
 great body of excellent evidence. But the wisdom which 
 declined to make a judicial examination has deprived us 
 of the best kind of record. Analogous if not exactly 
 
 1 I do not need to be told that Dr. Maudsley denied the fact in 1880. 
 I am prepared with the evidence, if it is asked for by some savant who 
 happens not to know it.
 
 as THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 similar events now confessedly take place, and are no 
 longer looked upon as miraculous. But as long as they 
 were held to be miraculous, not to examine the evidence, 
 t,aid Hume, was the policy of ' all reasonable people.' 
 The result was to deprive Science of the best sort of record 
 of facts which she welcomes as soon as she thinks she can 
 explain them. 1 Examples of the folly of a priori negation 
 are common. The British Association refused to hear the 
 essay which Braid, the inventor of the word 'hypnotism,' 
 had written upon the subject. Braid, Elliotson, and other 
 English inquirers of the mid-century, were subjected to 
 such persecutions as official science could inflict. We read 
 of M. Deslon, a disciple of Mesmer, about 1783, that he 
 was 'condemned by the Faculty of Medicine, without 
 any examination of the facts.' The Inquisition proceeded 
 more fairly than these scientific obscurantists. 
 
 Another curious example may be cited. M. Guyau, 
 in his work ' The Non-Religion of the Future,' argues 
 that Religion is doomed. ' Poetic genius has withdrawn 
 its services,' witness Tennyson and Browning ! 'Among 
 orthodox Protestant nations miracles do not happen.' 2 
 But ' marvellous facts ' do happen. 3 These ' marvellous 
 facts,' accepted by M. Guyau, are what Hume called 
 ' miracles,' and advised the ' wise and learned ' to laugh 
 at, without examination. They were not facts, and could 
 not be, he said. Now to M. Guyau's mind they are facts, 
 and therefore are not miracles. He includes ' mental sug- 
 gestion taking place even at a distance.' A man ' can 
 
 1 I am not responsible, of course, for the scientific validity of Dr. 
 Charcot's theory of healing ' by idea.' My point merely is that certain 
 experts of no slight experience or mean reputation do now admit, as im- 
 portant certainties within their personal knowledge, exactly the phenomena 
 which Hume asks the wise and learned to laugh at, indeed, but never to 
 investigate. 
 
 - Pp. 353-355. 5 P. !)3.
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES' 27 
 
 transmit an almost compulsive command, it appears now- 
 adays, by a simple tension of his will.' If this be so, 
 if ' will ' can affect matter from a distance, obviously the 
 relations of will and matter are not what popular science 
 tells us that they are. Again, if this truth is now estab- 
 lished, and won from that region which Hume and popular 
 science forbid us to investigate, who knows what other 
 facts may be redeemed from that limbo, or how far they 
 may affect our views of possibilities? The admission of 
 mental action, operative a distance, is, of course, personal 
 only to M. Guyau, among friends of the new negative 
 tradition. 
 
 We return to Hume. He next argues that the plea- 
 sures of wonder make all accounts of ' miracles ' worthless. 
 He has just given an example of the equivalent pleasures 
 of dogmatic disbelief. Then Religion is a disturbing force ; 
 but so, manifestly, is irreligion. ' The wise and learned 
 are content to deride the absurdity, without informing 
 themselves of the particular facts.' The wise and learned 
 are applauded for their scientific attitude. Again, miracles 
 destroy each other, for all religions, have their miracles, 
 but all religions cannot be true. This argument is no 
 longer of force with people who look on 'miracles' as= 
 ' X phenomena,' not as divine evidences to the truth of 
 this or that creed. ' The gazing populace receives, without 
 examination, whatever soothes superstition,' and Hume's 
 whole purpose is to make the wise and learned imitate the 
 gazing populace by rejecting alleged facts ' without exami- 
 nation.' The populace investigated more than did the 
 wise and learned. 
 
 Hume has an alternative definition of a miracle ' a 
 miracle is a transgression of a law of nature by a parti- 
 cular volition of the Deity, or by the interposition of 
 some invisible agent.' We reply that what Hume calls a
 
 28 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 ' miracle ' may result from the operation of some as yet 
 unascertained law of nature (say self-suggestion), and that 
 our business, at present, is to examine such events, not to 
 account for them. 
 
 It may fairly be said that Hume is arguing against 
 men who wished to make so-called 'miracles' a test of 
 the truth of Jansenism, for example, and that he could 
 not be expected to answer, by anticipation, ideas not 
 current in his day. But he remains guilty of denouncing 
 the investigation of apparent facts. No attitude can be 
 less scientific than his, or more common among many 
 men of science. 
 
 According to the humorous wont of things in this 
 world, the whole question of the marvellous had no sooner 
 been settled for ever by David Hume than it was 
 reopened by Emanuel Swedenborg. Now, Kant was 
 familiar with certain of the works of Hume, whether he 
 had read his ' Essay on Miracles ' or not. Far from declining 
 to examine the portentous ' visions ' of Swedenborg, Kant 
 interested himself deeply in the topic. As early as 1758 
 he wrote his first remarks on the seer, containing some 
 reports of stories or legends about Swedenborg's ' clair- 
 voyance.' In the true spirit of psychical research, Kant 
 wrote a letter to Swedenborg, asking for information at 
 first hand. The seer got the letter, but he never answered 
 it. Kant, however, prints one or two examples of 
 Swedenborg's successes. Madame Harteville, widow of 
 the Dutch envoy in Stockholm, was dunned by a silver- 
 smith for a debt of her late husband's. She believed that 
 it had been paid, but could not find the receipt. She 
 therefore asked Swedenborg to use his renowned gifts. 
 He promised to see what he could do, and, three days 
 later, arrived at the lady's house while she was giving a 
 tea, or rather a coffee, party. To the assembled society
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES' 29 
 
 Swedenborg remarked, ' in a cold-blooded way, that he had 
 seen her man, and spoken to him.' The late M. Harteville 
 declared to Swedenborg that he had paid the bill, seven 
 months before his decease : the receipt was in a cupboard 
 upstairs. Madame Harteville replied that the cupboard 
 had been thoroughly searched to no purpose. Swedenborg 
 answered that, as he learned from the ghost, there was a 
 secret drawer behind the side-plank within the cupboard. 
 The drawer contained diplomatic correspondence, and the 
 missing receipt. The whole company then went upstairs, 
 found the secret drawer, and the receipt among the other 
 papers. Kant adds Swedenborg's clairvoyant vision, from 
 Gothenburg, of a great fire at Stockholm (dated Septem- 
 ber 1756). Kant pined to see Swedenborg himself, and 
 waited eagerly for his book, ' Arcana Ccelestia.' At last 
 he obtained this work, at the ransom, ruinous to Kant at 
 that time, of 11. But he was disappointed with what he 
 read, and in ' Traume eines Geistersehers,' made a some- 
 what sarcastic attempt at a metaphysical theory of 
 apparitions. 
 
 ' Velut aegri somnia vanse 
 Finguntur species ' 
 
 is his motto. 
 
 Kant's real position about all these matters is, I 
 venture to say, almost identical with that of Sir Walter 
 Scott. A Scot himself, by descent, Kant may have heard 
 tales of second-sight and bogles. Like Scott, he dearly 
 loved a ghost-story ; like Scott he was canny enough to 
 laugh, publicly, at them and at himself for his interest in 
 them. Yet both would take trouble to inquire. As Kant 
 vainly wrote to Swedenborg and others as he vainly 
 spent 11. on 'Arcana Coalestia,' so Sir Walter was anxious 
 to go to Egypt to examine the facts of ink-gazing clair- 
 voyance. Kant confesses that each individual ghost-story
 
 30 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 found him sceptical, whereas the cumulative mass made a 
 considerable impression. 1 
 
 The first seventy pages of the ' Traume ' are devoted 
 to a perfectly serious discussion of the metaphysics of 
 ' Spirits.' On page 73 he pleasantly remarks, ' Now we 
 shall understand that all said hitherto is superfluous,' and 
 he will not reproach the reader who regards seers not as 
 citizens of two worlds (Plotinus), but as candidates for 
 Bedlam. 
 
 Kant's irony is peculiarly Scottish. He does not him- 
 self know how far he is in earnest, and, to save his 
 self-respect and character for canniness, he ' jocks wi' 
 deeficulty.' He amuses himself with trying how far he 
 can carry speculations on metaphysics (not yet reformed 
 by himself) into the realm of the ghostly. He makes 
 admissions about his own tendency to think that he has 
 an immaterial soul, and that these points are, or may be, 
 or some day will be, scientifically solved. These admis- 
 sions are eagerly welcomed by Du Prel in his ' Philosophy 
 of Mysticism ; ' but they are only part of Kant's joke, 
 and how far they are serious, Kant himself does not know. 
 If spiritualists knew their own business, they would trans- 
 late and publish Kant's first seventy pages of ' Traume.' 
 Something like telepathy, action of spirit, even discar- 
 nate, on spirit, is alluded to, but the idea is as old as 
 Lavaterus at least (p. 52). Kant has a good deal to say, 
 like Scott in his ' Demonology,' on the physics of Halluci- 
 nation, but it is antiquated matter. He thinks the whole 
 topic of spiritual being only important as bearing on 
 hopes of a future life. As speculation, all is ' in the air,' 
 and as in such matters the learned and unlearned are on a 
 level of ignorance, science will not discuss them. He then 
 repeats the Swedenborg stories, and thinks it would be 
 
 1 Traume, p. 70.
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES' 31 
 
 useful to posterity if some one would investigate them 
 while witnesses are alive and memories are fresh. 
 
 In fact, Kant asks for psychical research. 
 
 As for Swedenborg's so costly book, Kant laughs at it. 
 There is in it no evidence, only assertion. Kant ends, 
 having pleased nobody, he says, and as ignorant as when 
 he began, by citing cultivons noire jar din. 
 
 Kant returned to the theme in ' Anthropologische 
 Didaktik.' He discusses the unconscious, or sub-conscious, 
 which, till Sir William Hamilton lectured, seems to have 
 been an absolutely unknown topic to British psychologists. 
 * So ist das Feld dunkler Vorstellungen das grosste in 
 Menschen.' He has a chapter on ' The Divining Faculty ' 
 (pp. 89-93). He will not hear of presentiments, and, 
 unlike Hegel, he scouts the Highland second-sight. The 
 ' possessed ' of anthropology are epileptic patients. Mystic? 
 (Swedenborg) are victims of Schwdrmerei. 
 
 This reference to Swedenborg is remarked upon by 
 Schubert in his preface to the essay of Kant. He points 
 out that ' it is interesting to compare the circumspection, 
 the almost uncertainty of Kant when he had to deliver a 
 judgment on the phenomena described by himself and as 
 to which he had made inquiry [i.e. in his letter re Sweden- 
 borg to Mile, de Knobloch], and the very decided opinions 
 he expressed forty years later on Swedenborg and his 
 companions ' [in the work cited, sections 35-37. The 
 opinion in paragraph 35 is a general one as to mystics. 
 There is no other mention of Swedenborg]. 
 
 On the whole Kant is interested, but despairing. He 
 wants facts, and no facts are given to him but the book 
 of the Prophet Emanuel. But, as it happened, a new, or ;-, 
 revived, order of facts was just about to solicit scientific 
 attention. Kant had (1766) heard rumours of healing by 
 magnetism, and of the alleged effect of the magnet on the
 
 32 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 human frame. The subject was in the air, and had already 
 won the attention of Mesmer, about whom Kant had 
 information. It were superfluous to tell again the familiar 
 story of Mesmer's performances at Paris. While Mesmer's 
 theory of ' magnetism ' was denounced by contemporary 
 science, the discovery of the hypnotic sleep was made by 
 his pupil, Puysegur. This gentleman was persuaded that 
 instances of ' thought-transference ' (not through known 
 channels of sense) occurred between the patient and the 
 magnetiser, and he also believed that he had witnessed 
 cases of ' clairvoyance,' ' lucidity,' vue a distance, in which 
 the patient apparently beheld places and events remote in 
 space. These things would now be explained by 'un- 
 conscious suggestion ' in the more sceptical schools of 
 pyschological science. The Eevolution interrupted scien- 
 tific study in France to a great degree, but ' somnambu- 
 lism ' (the hypnotic sleep) and ' magnetism ' were eagerly 
 examined in Germany. Modern manuals, for some reason, 
 are apt to overlook these German researches and specula- 
 tions. (Compare Mr. Vincent's ' Elements of Hypnotism,' 
 p. 34.) The Schellings were interested ; Eitter thought he 
 had detected a new force, ' Siderism.' Mr. Wallace, in his 
 preface to Hegel's ' Philosophie des Geistes,' speaks as if 
 Eitter had made experiments in telepathy. He may 
 have done so, but his ' Siderismus ' (Tubingen, 1808) is a 
 Eeport undertaken for the Academy of Munich, on the 
 doings of an Italian water-finder, or 'dowser.' Eitter 
 gives details of seventy-four experiments in ' dowsing ' for 
 water, metals, or coal. He believes in the faculty, but 
 not in ' psychic ' explanations, or the Devil. He talks 
 about 'electricity' (pp. 170,190). He describes his pre- 
 cautions to avoid vulgar fraud, but he took no precautions 
 against unconscious thought-transference. He reckoned 
 the faculty ' temperamental ' and useful.
 
 SCIENCE AND ' MIKACLES ' 33 
 
 Amoretti, at Milan, examined hundreds of cases of the 
 so-called Divining Kod, and Jung Stilling became an early 
 spiritualist and ' full-welling fountain head ' of ghost stories. 
 
 Probably the most, important philosophical result of 
 the early German researches into the hypnotic slumber 
 is to be found in the writings of Hegel. Owing to his 
 peculiar use of a terminology, or scientific language, all 
 his own, it is extremely difficult to make Hegel's meaning 
 even moderately clear. Perhaps we may partly elucidate 
 it by a similitude of Mr. Frederic Myers. Suppose we 
 compare the ordinarj^ everyday consciousness of each of 
 us to a spectrum, whose ends towards each extremity 
 fade out of our view. 
 
 Beyond the range of sight there may be imagined a 
 lower or physiological end : for our ordinary consciousness, 
 of course, is unaware of many physiological processes which 
 are eternally going on within us. Digestion, so long as it 
 is healthy, is an obvious example. But hypnotic experi- 
 ment makes it certain that a patient, in the hypnotic 
 condition, can consciously, or at least purposefully, affect 
 physiological processes to which the ordinary consciousness 
 is blind for example, by raising a blister, when it is sug- 
 gested that a blister must be raised. Again (granting the 
 facts hypothetically and merely for the sake of argument), 
 at the upper end of the spectrum, beyond the view of ordi- 
 nary everyday consciousness, knowledge may be acquired 
 of things which are out of the view of the consciousness 
 of every day. For example (for the sake of argument let 
 us admit it), unknown and remote people and places may 
 be seen and described by clairvoyance, or vue a distance. 
 
 Now Hegel accepted as genuine the facts which we 
 here adduce merely for the sake of argument, and by way 
 of illustrations. But he did not regard the clairvoyant 
 consciousness (or whatever we call it) which, ex Jiypothesi, 
 
 D
 
 34 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 is untrammelled by space, or even by time, as occupying 
 what we style the upper end of the psychical spectrum. On 
 the contrary, he placed it at the lower end. Hegel's upper 
 end ' loses itself in light ; ' the lower end, qu i voit tant 
 de choses, as La Fontaine's shepherd says, is not ' a 
 sublime mental phase, and capable of conveying general 
 truths.' Time and space do not thwart the consciousness 
 at Hegel's lower end, which springs from ' the great soul 
 of nature.' But that lower end, though it may see for 
 Jeanne d'Arc at Valcouleurs a battle at Rouvray, a hundred 
 leagues away, does not communicate any lofty philo- 
 sophic truths. 1 The phenomena of clairvoyance, in Hegel's 
 opinion, merely indicate that the ' material ' is really 
 ' ideal,' which, perhaps, is as much as we can ask from 
 them. ' The somnambulist and clairvoyant see with- 
 out eyes, and carry their visions directly into regions 
 where the waking consciousness of orderly intelligence 
 cannot enter ' (Wallace). Hegel admits, however, that 
 ' in ordinary self-possessed conscious life ' there are 
 traces of the ' magic tie,' ' especially between female 
 friends of delicate nerves,' to whom he adds husband and 
 wife, and members of the same family. He gives (with- 
 out date or source) a case of a girl in Germany who saw 
 her brother lying dead in a hospital at Valladolid. Her 
 brother was at the time in the hospital, but it was another 
 man in the next bed who was dead. ' It is thus impossible 
 to make out whether what the clairvoyants really see 
 preponderates over what they deceive themselves in.' 
 
 As long as the facts which Hegel accepted are not 
 officially welcomed by science, it may seem superfluous to 
 dispute as to whether they are attained by the lower or 
 the higher stratum of our consciousness. But perhaps 
 the question here at issue may be elucidated by some 
 
 1 Hegel accepts the clairvoyance of the Pucelle.
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES' 35 
 
 remarks of Dr. Max Dessoir. Psychology, he says, has 
 proved that in every conception and idea an image or 
 group of images must be present. These mental images 
 are the recrudescence or recurrence of perceptions. We 
 see a tree, or a man, or a dog, and whenever we have 
 before our minds the conception or idea of any of these 
 things the original perception of them returns, though of 
 course more faintly. But in Dr. Dessoir's opinion these 
 revived mental images would reach the height of actual 
 hallucinations (so that the man, dog, or tree would seem 
 visibly present) if other memories and new sensations did 
 not compete with them and check their development. 
 
 Suppose, to use Mile. Ferrand's metaphor, a human 
 body, living, but with all its channels of sensation hitherto 
 unopened. Open the sense of sight to receive a flash of 
 green colour, and close it again. Apparently, whenever 
 the mind informing this body had the conception of green 
 (and it could have no other) it would also have an halluci- 
 nation of green, thus 
 
 ' Annihilating all that's made, 
 To a green thought in a green shade.' 
 
 Now, in sleep or hypnotic trance the competition of new 
 sensations and other memories is removed or diminished, 
 and therefore the idea of a man, dog, or tree once sug- 
 gested to the hypnotised patient, does become an actual 
 hallucination. The hypnotised patient sees the absent 
 object which he is told to see, the sleeper sees things not 
 really present. 
 
 Our primitive state, before the enormous competition 
 of other memories and new sensations set in, would thus 
 be a state of hallucination. Our normal present condition, 
 in which hallucination is checked by competing memories 
 and new sensations, is a suppression of our original, 
 primitive, natural tendencies. Hallucination represents 
 
 n 2
 
 36 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 ' the main trunk of our psychical existence.' l In Dr. 
 Dessoir's theory this condition of hallucination is man's 
 original and most primitive condition, but it is not a 
 higher, rather a lower state of spiritual activity than 
 the everyday practical unhallucinated consciousness. 
 
 This is also the opinion of Hegel, who supposes 
 our primitive mental condition to be capable of descrying 
 objects remote in space and time. Mr. Myers, as we saw, 
 is of the opposite opinion, as to the relative dignity and 
 relative reality of the present everyday self, and the old 
 original fundamental Self. Dr. Dessoir refrains from pro- 
 nouncing a decided opinion as to whether the original, 
 primitive, hallucinated self within us does ' preside over 
 powers and actions at a distance,' such as clairvoyance ; 
 but he believes in hypnotisation at a distance. His theory, 
 like Hegel's, is that of 'atavism,' or 'throwing back' to 
 some very remote ancestral condition. This will prove of 
 interest later. 
 
 Hegel, at all events, believed in the fact of clair- 
 voyance (though deeming it of little practical use) ; he 
 accepted telepathy (' the magic tie ') ; he accepted inter- 
 change of sensations between the hypnotiser and the 
 hypnotised ; he believed in the divining rod, and, unlike 
 Kant, even in ' Scottish second-sight.' ' The intuitive soul 
 oversteps the conditions of time and space ; it beholds 
 things remote, things long past, and things to come.' 2 
 
 The pendulum of thought has swung back a long way 
 from the point whither it was urged by David Hume. 
 Hegel remarks : ' The facts, it might seem, first of all call 
 for verification. But such verification would be super- 
 
 1 See Dr. Dessoir, in Das Doppcl Icii, as quoted by Mr. Myers, Proceed- 
 ings, vol. vi. 213. 
 
 - Pliilosopkie des Gcistcs, Werke, vol. vii. 179. Berlin, 1845. The 
 examples and much of the philosophising are in the Zusatzc, not translated 
 in Mr. Wallace's version, Oxford, 1894.
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES' 37 
 
 fluous to those on whose account it was called for, since 
 they facilitate the inquiry for themselves by declaring the 
 narratives, infinitely numerous though they be, and accre- 
 dited by the education and character of the witnesses, 
 to be mere deception and imposture. Their a priori 
 conceptions are so rooted that no testimony can avail 
 against them, and they have even denied what they have 
 seen with their own eyes,' and reported under their own 
 hands, like Sir David Brewster. Hegel, it will be 
 observed, takes the facts as given, and works them into 
 his general theory of the Sensitive Soul (fuMende Seele). 
 He does not try to establish the facts ; but to establish, or 
 at least to examine them, is the first business of Psychical 
 Research. Theorising comes later. 
 
 The years which have passed between the date of 
 Hegel's ' Philosophy of Mind ' and our own time have 
 witnessed the long dispute over the existence, the nature, 
 and the causes of the hypnotic condition, and over the 
 reality and limitations of the phenomena. Thus the 
 Academy of Medicine in Paris appointed a Committee to 
 examine the subject in 1825. The Report on ' Animal 
 Magnetism,' as it was then styled, was presented in 1831. 
 The Academy lacked the courage to publish it, for the 
 Report was favourable even to certain of the still disputed 
 phenomena. At that time, in accordance with a survival 
 of the theory of Mesmer, the agent in hypnotic cases was 
 believed to be a kind of efflux of a cosmic fluid from the 
 ' magnetiser ' to the patient. There was ' a magnetic 
 connection.' 
 
 Though no distinction between mesmerism and hyp- 
 notism is taken in popular language, ' mesmerism ' is 
 a word implying this theory of ' magnetic ' or other 
 unknown personal influence. ' Hypnotism,' as will pre- 
 sently be seen, implies no such theory. The Academy's
 
 38 THE MAKING OF KELIGION 
 
 Report (1831) attested the development, under 'mag- 
 netism,' of ' new faculties,' such as clairvoyance and intui- 
 tion, also the production of ' great changes in the physical 
 economy,' such as insensibility, and sudden increase of 
 strength. The Report declared it to be ' demonstrated ' 
 that sleep could be produced ' without suggestion,' as we 
 say now, though the term was not then in use. ' Sleep 
 has been produced in circumstances in which the persons 
 could not see or were ignorant of the means employed to 
 produce it.' 
 
 The Academy did its best to suppress this Report, which 
 attests the phenomena that Hegel accepted, phenomena 
 still disputed. Six years later (1837), a Committee reported 
 against the pretensions of a certain Berna, a ' magnetiser.' 
 No person acted on both Committees, and this Report was 
 accepted. Later, a number of people tried to read a letter 
 in a box, and failed. ' This,' says Mr. Vincent, ' settled 
 the question with regard to clairvoyance ; ' though it 
 might be more logical to say that it settled the preten- 
 sions of the competitors on that occasion. The Academy 
 now decided that, because certain persons did not satisfy 
 the expectations raised by their preliminary advertise- 
 ments, therefore the question of magnetism was definitely 
 closed. 
 
 We have often to regret that scientific eminence 
 is not always accompanied by scientific logic. Where 
 science neglects a subject, charlatans and dupes take it up. 
 In England ' animal magnetism ' had been abandoned 
 to this class of enthusiasts, till Thackeray's friend, Dr. 
 Elliotson, devoted himself to the topic. He was persecuted 
 as doctors know how to persecute ; but in 1841, Braid, 
 of Manchester, discovered that the so-called ' magnetic 
 sleep ' could be produced without any ' magnetism.' He 
 made his patients stare fixedly at an object, and encouraged
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIRACLES 39 
 
 them to expect to go to sleep. He called his method 
 ' Hypnotism,' a term which begs no question. Seeming 
 to cease to be mysterious, hypnotism became all but 
 respectable, and was being used in surgical operations, 
 till it was superseded by chloroform. In England, the 
 study has been, and remains, rather suspect, while on the 
 Continent hypnotism is used both for healing purposes and 
 in the inquiries of experimental psychology. Wide differ- 
 ences of opinion still exist, as to the nature of the hypnotic 
 sleep, as to its physiological concomitants, and as to the 
 limits of the faculties exercised in or out of the slumber. It is 
 not even absolutely certain that the exercise of the stranger 
 faculties for instance, that the production of anaesthesia 
 and rigidity are the results merely of ' suggestion ' and 
 expectancy. A hypnotised patient is told that the middle 
 finger of his left hand will become rigid and incapable of 
 sensation. This occurs, and is explained by ' suggestion,' 
 though how ' suggestion ' produces the astonishing effect 
 is another problem. The late Mr. Gurney, however, 
 made a number of experiments in which no suggestion 
 was pronounced, nor did the patients know which of their 
 fingers was to become rigid and incapable of pain. The 
 patient's hands were thrust through a screen, on the other 
 side of which the hypnotist made passes above the finger 
 which was to become rigid. The lookers-on selected the 
 finger, and the insensibility was tested by a strong electric 
 current. The effect was also produced without passes, 
 the operator merely pointing at the selected finger, and 
 ' willing ' the result. If he did not ' will ' it, nothing 
 occurred, nor did anything occur if he willed without 
 pointing. The proximity of the operator's hand produced 
 no effect if he did not ' will,' nor was his ' willing ' success- 
 ful if he did not bring his hand near that of the patient. 
 Other people's hands, similarly situated, produced no effect.
 
 40 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Experiments in transferring taste, as of salt, sugar, 
 cayenne pepper, from operator to subject, were also suc- 
 cessful. Drs. Janet and Gibert also produced sleep in a 
 woman at a distance, by ' willing ' it, at hours which were 
 selected by a system of drawing lots. 1 These facts, of 
 course, rather point to an element of truth in the old 
 mesmeric hypothesis of some specific influence in the 
 operator. They cannot very well be explained by sug- 
 gestion and expectancy. But these facts and facts of 
 clairvoyance and thought-transference will be rejected as 
 superstitious delusions by people who have not met them 
 in their own experience. This need not prevent us from 
 examining them, because all the facts, including those 
 now universally accepted by Continental and scarcely 
 impeached by British science, have been noisily rejected 
 again and again on Hume's principles. 
 
 The rarer facts, as Mr. Gurney remarks, ' still go 
 through the hollow form of taking place.' Here is an 
 example of the mode in which these phenomena are 
 treated by popular science. Mr. Vincent says that ' clair- 
 voyance and phrenology were Elliotson's constant stock 
 in trade.' (Phrenology was also Braid's stock in trade.) 
 ' It is a matter of congratulation to have been so soon 
 delivered from what Dr. Lloyd Tuckey has well called 
 " a mass of superincumbent rubbish." ' 2 Clairvoyance is 
 part of a mass of rubbish, on page 57. On page 67, 
 Mr. Vincent says : ' There are many interesting questions, 
 such as telepathy, thought-reading, clairvoyance, upon 
 which it would be perhaps rash to give any decided 
 opinion. . . . All these strange psychical conditions pre- 
 sent problems of great interest,' and are only omitted 
 because ' they have not a sufficient bearing on the normal 
 
 1 Proceeding*, S.P.R., vol. ii. pp. 201-207, 390-392. 
 
 - Elements of Hypnotism, p. 57.
 
 SCIENCE AND 'MIKACLES' 41 
 
 states of hypnosis. . . .' Thus what was ' rubbish ' in 
 one page ' presents problems of great interest ' ten pages 
 later, and, after offering a decided opinion that clairvoy- 
 ance is rubbish, Mr. Vincent thinks it rash to give any 
 decided opinion. It is rather rash to give a decided 
 opinion, and then to say that it is rash to do so. 1 
 
 This brief sketch shows that science is confronted by 
 certain facts, which, in his time, Hume dismissed as 
 incredible miracles, beneath the contempt of the wise and 
 learned. We also see that the stranger and rarer pheno- 
 mena which Hegel accepted as facts, and interwove with 
 his general philosophy, are still matters of dispute. 
 Admitted by some men of science, they are doubted by 
 others ; by others, again, are denied, while most of the 
 journalists and authors of cheap primers, who inspire 
 popular tradition, regard the phenomena as frauds or 
 fables of superstition. But it is plain that these pheno- 
 mena, like the more ordinary facts of hypnotism, may 
 finally be admitted by science. The scientific world 
 laughed, not so long ago, at Ogham inscriptions, meteor- 
 ites, and at paleolithic weapons as impostures, or freaks 
 of nature. Now nobody has any doubt on these matters, 
 and clairvoyance, thought-transference, and telepathy may, 
 not inconceivably, be as fortunate in the long run as 
 meteorites, or as the more usual phenomena of hypnotism. 
 
 It is only Lord Kelvin who now maintains, or lately 
 maintained, that in hypnotism there is nothing at all but 
 fraud and malobservation. In years to come it may be that 
 only some similar belated voice will cry that in thought- 
 transference there is nothing but malobservation and fraud. 
 At present the serious attention and careful experiment 
 
 1 Possibly Mr. Vincent only means that Elliotson's experiments, ' little 
 more than sober fooling ' (p. 57), with the sisters Okey, were rubbish. But 
 whether the sisters Okey were or were not honest is a question on which 
 we cannot enter here.
 
 42 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 needed for the establishment of the facts are more com- 
 mon among French than among English men of science. 
 When published, these experiments, if they contain any 
 affirmative instances, are denounced as ' superstitious,' or 
 criticised after what we must charitably deem to be a very 
 hasty glance, by the guides of popular opinion. Examples 
 of this method will be later quoted. Meanwhile the 
 disputes as to these alleged facts are noticed here, because 
 of their supposed relation to the Origin of Eeligion.
 
 43 
 
 AMONG the various forms of science which are reaching 
 and affecting the new popular tradition, we have reckoned 
 Anthropology. Pleasantly enough, Anthropology has her- 
 self but recently emerged from that limbo of the un- 
 recognised in which Psychical Research is pining. The 
 British Association used to reject anthropological papers 
 as 'vain dreams based on travellers' tales.' No doubt the 
 British Association would reject a paper on clairvoyance 
 as a vain dream based on old wives' fables, or on hyste- 
 rical imposture. Undeniably the study of such themes is 
 hampered by fable and fraud, just as anthropology has to 
 be ceaselessly on its guard against ' travellers' tales,' against 
 European misunderstandings of savage ideas, and against 
 civilised notions and scientific theories unconsciously read 
 into barbaric customs, rites, traditions, and usages. Man, 
 ondoyant et divers, is the subject alike of anthropo- 
 logy and of psychical research. Man (especially savage 
 man) cannot be secluded from disturbing influences, and 
 watched, like the materials of a chemical experiment in a 
 laboratory. Nor can man be caught in a ' primitive ' 
 state : his intellectual beginnings lie very far behind the 
 stage of culture in which we find the lowest known races. 
 Consequently the matter on which anthropology works is 
 fluctuating ; the evidence on which it rests needs the most 
 sceptical criticism, and many of its conclusions, in the
 
 44 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 necessary absence of historical testimony as to times far 
 behind the lowest known savages, must be hypothetical. 
 
 For these sound reasons official science long looked 
 askance on Anthropology. Her followers were not re- 
 garded as genuine scholars, and, perhaps as a result of 
 this contempt, they were often ' broken men,' intellectual 
 outlaws, people of one wild idea. To the scientific mind, 
 anthropologists or ethnologists were a horde who darkly 
 muttered of serpent worship, phallus worship, Arkite 
 doctrines, and the Ten Lost Tribes that kept turning up 
 in the most unexpected places. Anthropologists were said 
 to gloat over dirty rites of dirty savages, and to seek reason 
 where there was none. The exiled, the outcast, the pariah 
 of Science, is, indeed, apt to find himself in odd company. 
 Round the camp-fire of Psychical Research too, in the 
 unofficial, unstaked waste of Science, hover odd, mena- 
 cing figures of Esoteric Buddhists, Satanistes, Occultists, 
 Christian Scientists, Spiritualists, and Astrologers, as the 
 Arkites and Lost Tribesmen haunted the cradle of 
 anthropology. 
 
 But there was found at last to be reason in the 
 thing, and method in the madness. Evolution was in 
 it. The acceptance, after long ridicule, of palaeolithic 
 weapons as relics of human culture, probably helped to 
 bring Anthropology within the sacred circle of permitted 
 knowledge. Her topic was full of illustrations of the 
 doctrine of Mr. Darwin. Modern writers on the theme 
 had been anticipated by the less systematic students of 
 the eighteenth century Goguet, de Brosses, Millar, 
 Fontenelle, Lafitau, Boulanger, or even Hume and Voltaire. 
 As pioneers these writers answer to the early mesmerists and 
 magnetists, Puysegur, Amoretti, Ritter, Elliotson, Mayo, 
 Gregory, in the history of Psychical Research. They 
 were on the same track, in each case, as Lubbock, Tylor,
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 45 
 
 Spencer, Bastian, and Frazer, or as Gurney, Eichet, 
 Myers, Janet, Dessoir, and Von Schrenck-Notzing. But 
 the earlier students were less careful of method and 
 evidence. 
 
 Evidence ! that was the stumbling block of anthro- 
 pology. We still hear, in the later works of Mr. Max 
 Miiller, the echo of the old complaints. Anything you 
 please, Mr. Max Miiller says, you may find among your 
 useful savages, and (in regard to some anthropologists) his 
 criticism is just. You have but to skim a few books of 
 travel, pencil in hand, and pick out what suits your case. 
 Suppose, as regards our present theme, your theory is that 
 savages possess broken lights of the belief in a Supreme 
 Being. You can find evidence for that. Or suppose you 
 want to show that they have no religious ideas at all ; you 
 can find evidence for that also. Your testimony is often 
 derived from observers ignorant of the language of the 
 people whom they talk about, or who are themselves 
 prejudiced by one or other theory or bias. How can you 
 pretend to raise a science on such foundations, especially 
 as the savage informants wish to please or to mystify 
 inquirers, or they answer at random, or deliberately con- 
 ceal their most sacred institutions, or have never paid any 
 attention to the subject ? 
 
 To all these perfectly natural objections Mr. Tylor has 
 replied. 1 Evidence must be collected, sifted, tested, as 
 in any other branch of inquiry. A writer, ' of course, is 
 bound to use his best judgment as to the trustworthi- 
 ness of all authors he quotes, and, if possible, to obtain 
 several accounts to certify each point in each locality.' 
 Mr. Tylor then adduces ' the test of recurrence,' of un- 
 designed coincidence in testimony, as Millar had already 
 
 1 Primitive Culture, i. 9, 10
 
 46 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 argued in the last century. 1 If a mediaeval Mahommedan 
 in Tartary, a Jesuit in Brazil, a Wesleyan in Fiji, one 
 may add a police magistrate in Australia, a Presbyterian 
 in Central Africa, a trapper in Canada, agree in describing 
 some analogous rite or myth in these diverse lands and 
 ages, we cannot set down the coincidence to chance or 
 fraud. ' Now, the most important facts of ethnography 
 are vouched for in this way.' 
 
 We may add that even when the ideas of savages are 
 obscure, we can often detect them by analysis of the 
 institutions in which they are expressed. 2 
 
 Thus anthropological, like psychical or any other 
 evidence, must be submitted to conscientious processes 
 of testing and sifting. Contradictory instances must be 
 hunted for sedulously. Nothing can be less scientific 
 than to snatch up any traveller's tale which makes for our 
 theory, and to ignore evidence, perhaps earlier, or later, or 
 better observed, which makes against it. Yet this, un- 
 fortunately, in certain instances (which will be adduced) has 
 been the occasional error of Mr. Huxley and Mr. Spencer. 3 
 Mr. Spencer opens his ' Ecclesiastical Institutions ' by the 
 remark that ' the implication [from the reported absence 
 of the ideas of belief in persons born deaf and dumb] is 
 that the religious ideas of civilised men are not innate ' 
 (who says they are?), and this implication Mr. Spencer 
 supports by ' proofs that among various savages religious 
 ideas do not exist.' ' Sir John Lubbock has given many 
 of these.' But it would be well to advise the reader to 
 consult Roskoff's confutation of Sir John Lubbock, and 
 Mr. Tylor's masterly statement. 4 Mr. Spencer cited Sir 
 
 1 Origin of Ranks. 
 
 - I may be permitted to refer to ' Reply to Objections ' in the appendix 
 to my Myth, Ritual, and Religion, vol. ii. 
 
 3 Spencer, Ecclesiastical Institutions, pp. 672, 673. 
 
 1 Primitive Culture, i. 417-425. Cf. however Princip. of Social, p. 304.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 47 
 
 Samuel Baker for savages without even ' a ray of super- 
 stition ' or a trace of worship. Mr. Tylor, twelve years 
 before Mr. Spencer wrote, had demolished Sir Samuel 
 Baker's assertion, 1 as regards many tribes, and so shaken 
 it as regards the Latukas, quoted by Mr. Spencer. The 
 godless Dinkas have ' a good deity and heaven-dwelling 
 creator,' carefully recorded years before Sir Samuel's 'rash 
 denial.' We show later that Mr. Spencer, relying on a 
 single isolated sentence in Brough Smyth, omits all his 
 essential information about the Australian Supreme 
 Being ; while Mr. Huxley overlooking the copious and 
 conclusive evidence as to their ethical religion charges 
 the Australians with having merely a non-moral belief in 
 casual spirits. We have also to show that Mr. Huxley, 
 under the dominance of his theory, and inadvertently, 
 quotes a good authority as saying the precise reverse of 
 what he really does say. 
 
 If the facts not fitting their theories are little observed 
 by authorities so popular as Mr. Huxley and Mr. Spencer ; 
 if instantice, contradictor ice, are ignored by them, or left 
 vague ; if these things are done in the green tree, we may 
 easily imagine what shall be done in the dry. But we need 
 not war with hasty vulgarisateurs and headlong theorists. 
 
 Enough has been said to show the position of an- 
 thropology as regards evidence, and to prove that, if he 
 confines his observations to certain anthropologists, the 
 censures of Mr. Max Miiller are justified. It is mainly 
 for this reason that the arguments presently to follow 
 are strung on the thread of Mr. Tylor's truly learned and 
 accurate book, 'Primitive Culture.' 
 
 Though but recently crept forth, vix aut ne vix 
 quidem, from the chill shade of scientific disdain, An- 
 thropology adopts the airs of her elder sisters among the 
 
 1 Op. cit. i. 423, 424.
 
 48 
 
 sciences, and is as severe as they to the Cinderella of the 
 family, Psychical Research. She must murmur of her 
 fairies among the cinders of the hearth, while they go 
 forth to the ball, and dance with provincial mayors at the 
 festivities of the British Association. This is ungenerous, 
 and unfortunate, as the records of anthropology are rich 
 in unexamined materials of psychical research. I am un- 
 acquainted with any work devoted by an anthropologist 
 of renown to the hypnotic and kindred practices of the 
 lower races, except Herr Bastian's very meagre tract, 
 ' Uber psychische Beobachtungen bei Naturvolkern.' l 
 We possess, none the less, a mass of scattered information 
 on this topic, the savage side of psychical phenomena, in 
 works of travel, and in Mr. Tylor's monumental ' Primitive 
 Culture.' Mr. Tylor, however, as we shall see, regards it 
 as a matter of indifference, or, at least, as a matter beyond 
 the scope of his essay, to decide whether the parallel 
 supernormal phenomena believed in by savages, and said to 
 recur in civilisation, are facts of actual experience, or not. 
 Now, this question is not otiose. Mr. Tylor, like 
 other anthropologists, Mr. Huxley, Mr. Herbert Spencer, 
 and their followers and popularisers, constructs, on an- 
 thropological grounds, a theory of the Origin of Eeligion. 
 That origin anthropology explains as the result of early 
 and fallacious reasonings on a number of biological and 
 psychological phenomena, both normal and (as is alleged 
 by savages) supernormal. These reasonings led to the 
 belief in souls and spirits. Now, first, anthropology has 
 taken for granted that the Supreme Deities of savages 
 are envisaged by them as ' spirits.' This, paradoxical as 
 the statement may appear, is just what does not seem 
 to be proved, as we shall show. Next, if ,the super - 
 
 1 Published for the Berlin Society of Experimental Psychology, Giinther. 
 Leipzig, 1890.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 49 
 
 normal phenomena (clairvoyance, thought-transference, 
 phantasms of the dead, phantasms of the dying, and 
 others) be real matters of experience, the inferences drawn 
 from them by early savage philosophy may be, in some 
 degree, erroneous. But the inferences drawn by mate- 
 rialists who reject the supernormal phenomena will also, 
 perhaps, be, let us say, incomplete. Religion will have 
 been, in part, developed out of facts, perhaps inconsistent 
 with materialism in its present dogmatic form. To put it 
 less trenchantly, and perhaps more accurately, the alleged 
 facts ' are not merely dramatically strange, they are not 
 merely extraordinary and striking, but they are " odd " in 
 the sense that they will not easily fit in with the views 
 which physicists and men of science generally give us of the 
 universe in which we live ' (Mr. A. J. Balfour^ President's 
 Address, 'Proceedings,' S.P.E. vol. x. p. 8, 1894). 
 
 As this is the case, it might seem to be the business 
 of Anthropology, the Science of Man, to examine, among 
 other things, the evidence for the actual existence of those 
 alleged unusual and supernormal phenomena, belief in 
 which is given as one of the origins of religion. 
 
 To make this examination, in the ethnographic field, 
 is almost a new labour. As we shall see, anthropolo- 
 gists have not hitherto investigated such things as the 
 ' Fire- walk ' of savages, uninjured in the flames, like the 
 Three Holy Children. The world-wide savage practice of 
 divining by hallucinations induced through gazing into a 
 smooth deep (crystal-gazing) has been studied, I think, by 
 no anthropologist. The veracity of ' messages ' uttered 
 by savage seers when (as they suppose) ' possessed ' or 
 ' inspired ' has not been criticised, and probably cannot 
 be, for lack of detailed information. The ' physical phe- 
 nomena ' which answer among savages to the use of the 
 ' divining rod,' and to ' spiritist ' marvels in modern times, 
 
 E
 
 50 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 have only been glanced at. In short, all the savage paral- 
 lels to the so-called ' psychical phenomena ' now under 
 discussion in England, America, Germany, Italy, and 
 France, have escaped critical analysis and comparison 
 with their civilised counterparts. 
 
 An exception among anthropologists is Mr. Tylor. He 
 has not suppressed the existence of these barbaric parallels 
 to our modern problems of this kind. But his interest 
 in them practically ends when he has shown that the 
 phenomena helped to originate the savage belief in 
 * spirits,' and when he has displayed the ' survival ' of that 
 belief in later culture. He does not ask ' Are the phe- 
 nomena real ? ' he is concerned only with the savage 
 philosophy of the phenomena and with its relics in 
 modern spiritism and religion. My purpose is to do, by 
 way only of ebauche, what neither anthropology nor 
 psychical research nor psychology has done : to put the 
 savage and modern phenomena side by side. Such 
 evidence as we can give for the actuality of the modern 
 experiences will, so far as it goes, raise a presumption 
 that the savage beliefs, however erroneous, however 
 darkened by fraud and fancy, repose on a basis of real 
 observation of actual phenomena. 
 
 Anthropology is concerned with man and what is in man 
 humani nihil a se alienum putat. These researches, 
 therefore, are within the anthropological province, espe- 
 cially as they bear on the prevalent anthropological 
 theory of the Origin of Keligion. By ' religion ' we mean, 
 for the purpose of this argument, the belief in the 
 existence of an Intelligence, or Intelligences not human, 
 and not dependent on a material mechanism of brain and 
 nerves, which may, or may not, powerfully control men's 
 fortunes and the nature of things. We also mean the 
 additional belief that there is, in man, an element so far
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 51 
 
 kindred to these Intelligences that it can transcend the 
 knowledge obtained through the known bodily senses, and 
 may possibly survive the death of the body. These two 
 beliefs at present (though not necessarily in their origin) 
 appear chiefly as the faith in God and in the Immortality 
 of the Soul. 
 
 It is important, then, to trace, if possible, the origin of 
 these two beliefs. If they arose in actual communion 
 with Deity (as the first at least did, in the theory of the 
 Hebrew Scriptures), or if they could be proved to arise in 
 an unanalysable sensus numinis, or even in ' a perception 
 of the Infinite ' (Max Miiller) , religion would have a 
 divine, or at least a necessary source. To the Theist, 
 what is inevitable cannot but be divinely ordained, there- 
 fore religion is divinely preordained, therefore, in essentials, 
 though not in accidental details, religion is true. The 
 atheist, or non-theist, of course draws no such inferences. 
 
 But if religion, as now understood among men, be the 
 latest evolutionary form of a series of mistakes, fallacies, 
 and illusions, if its germ be a blunder, and its present 
 form only the result of progressive but unessential refine- 
 ments on that blunder, the inference that religion is 
 untrue that nothing actual corresponds to its hypothesis 
 is very easily drawn. The inference is not, perhaps, 
 logical, for all our science itself is the result of progres- 
 sive refinements upon hypotheses originally erroneous, 
 fashioned' to explain facts misconceived. Yet our science 
 is true, within its limits, though very far from being ex- 
 haustive of the truth. In the same way, it might be argued, 
 our religion, even granting that it arose out of primitive 
 fallacies and false hypotheses, may yet have been refined, 
 as science has been, through a multitude of causes, into 
 an approximate truth. 
 
 Frequently as I am compelled to differ from Mr. Spencer 
 
 E 2
 
 52 
 
 both as to facts and their interpretation, I arn happy to 
 find that he has anticipated me here. Opponents will 
 urge, he says, that 'if the primitive belief (in ghosts) 
 ' was absolutely false, all derived beliefs from it must be 
 absolutely false.' Mr. Spencer replies : ' A germ of truth 
 was contained in the primitive conception the truth, 
 namely, that the power which manifests itself in con- 
 sciousness is but a differently conditioned form of the 
 power which manifests itself beyond consciousness.' In 
 fact, we find Mr. Spencer, like Faust as described by 
 Marguerite, saying much the same thing as the priests, 
 but not quite in the same way. Of course, I allow for a 
 much larger ' germ of truth ' in the origin of the ghost 
 theory than Mr. Spencer does. But we can both say 
 ' the ultimate form of the religious consciousness is ' (will 
 be ?) ' the final development of a consciousness which at 
 the outset contained a germ of truth obscured by multi- 
 tudinous errors.' ' 
 
 ' One God, one law, one element, 
 And one far-off divine event, 
 To which the whole creation moves.' 
 
 Coming at last to Mr. Tylor, we find that he begins by 
 dismissing the idea that any known race of men is devoid 
 of religious conceptions. He disproves, out of their own 
 mouths, the allegations of several writers who have made 
 this exploded assertion about ' godless tribes.' He says : 
 'The thoughts and principles of modern Christianity are 
 attached to intellectual clues which run back through far 
 prae-Christian ages to the very origin of human civilisation, 
 perhaps even of human existence.' ~ So far we abound in 
 Mr. Tylor's sense. ' As a minimum definition of religion f 
 he gives 'the belief in spiritual beings,' which appears 
 
 1 Ecclesiastical Institutions, 837-839. 
 Primitive Culture, i. 421, chapter xi.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 53 
 
 ' among all low races with whom we have attained to 
 thoroughly intimate relations.' The existence of this 
 belief at present does not prove that no races were ever, 
 at any time, destitute of all belief. But it prevents us 
 from positing the existence of such creedless races, in any 
 age, as a demonstrated fact. We have thus, in short, no 
 opportunity of observing, historically, man's development 
 from blank unbelief into even the minimum or most rudi- 
 mentary form of belief. We can only theorise and make , , 
 more or less plausible conjectures as to the first rudiments / ' '/ 
 of human faith in God and in spiritual beings. We find x, 
 no race whose mind, as to faith, is a tabula rasa. 
 
 *' 
 
 To the earliest faith Mr. Tylor gives the name of * 
 Animism, a term not wholly free from objection, though 
 ' Spiritualism ' is still less desirable, having been usurped 
 by a form of modern superstitiousness. This Animism, 'in 
 its full development, includes the belief in souls and in a 
 future state, in controlling deities and subordinate spirits.' 
 In Mr. Tylor's opinion, as in Mr. Huxley's, Animism, in 
 its lower (and earlier) forms, has scarcely any connection 
 with ethics. Its ' spirits ' do not ' make for righteousness.' 
 This is a side issue to be examined later, but we may 
 provisionally observe, in passing, that the ethical ideas, 
 such as they are, even of Australian blacks are reported 
 to be inculcated at the religious mysteries (Bora) of the 
 tribes, which were instituted by and are performed in 
 honour of the gods of their native belief. But this topic 
 must be reserved for our closing chapters. 
 
 Mr. Tylor, however, is chiefly concerned with Animism 
 as ' an ancient and world- wide philosophy, of which be- 
 lief is the theory, and worship is the practice.' Given 
 Animism, then, or the belief in spiritual beings, as the 
 earliest form and minimum of religious faith, what is the 
 origin of Animism '? It will be seen that, by Animism, Mr.
 
 54 THE MAKING OF EELIGION 
 
 Tylor does not mean the alleged early theory, implicitly if 
 not explicitly and consciously held, that all things whatso- 
 ever are animated and are personalities. 1 Judging from 
 the behaviour of little children, and from the myths of 
 savages, early man may have half-consciously extended 
 his own sense of personal and potent and animated 
 existence to the whole of nature as known to him. Not 
 only animals, but vegetables and inorganic objects, may 
 have been looked on by him as persons, like what he felt 
 himself to be. The child (perhaps merely because taught 
 to do so) beats the naughty chair, and all objects are persons 
 in early mythology. But this feeling, rather than theory, 
 may conceivably have existed among early men, before 
 they developed the hypothesis of 'spirits,' 'ghosts,' or 
 souls. It is the origin of that hypothesis, 'Animism,' 
 which Mr. Tylor investigates. 
 
 What, then, is the origin of Animism ? It arose in the 
 earliest traceable speculations on ' two groups of biological 
 problems.' 
 
 (1) ' What is it that makes the difference between a 
 living body and a dead one ; what causes waking, sleep, 
 trance, disease, and death ? ' 
 
 (2) ' What are those human shapes which appear in 
 dreams and visions ? ' 2 
 
 Here it should be noted that Mr. Tylor most properly 
 takes a distinction between sleeping ' dreams ' and waking 
 ' visions,' or ' clear vision.' The distinction is made even 
 by the blacks of Australia. Thus one of the Kurnai an- 
 nounced that his Yambo, or soul, could ' go out ' during 
 sleep, and see the distant and the dead. But ' while any 
 one might be able to communicate with the ghosts, during 
 
 1 This theory is what Mr. Spencer calls ' Animism,' and does not 
 believe in. What Mr. Tylor calls ' Animism ' Mr. Spencer believes in, but 
 he calls it the ' Ghost Theory." 
 
 - Primitive Culture, i. 428.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 65 
 
 sleep, it was only the wizards who were able to do so in 
 waking hours.' A wizard, in fact, is a person susceptible 
 (or feigning to be susceptible) when awake to hallucina- 
 tory perceptions of phantasms of the dead. ' Among the 
 Kulin of Wimmera Kiver a man became a wizard who, 
 as a boy, had seen his mother's ghost sitting at her grave.' ! 
 These facts prove that a race of savages at the bottom 
 of the scale of culture do take a formal distinction between 
 normal dreams in sleep and waking hallucinations a 
 thing apt to be denied. 
 
 Thus Mr. Herbert Spencer offers the massive generali- 
 sation that savages do not possess a language enabling a 
 man to say ' I dreamed that I saw/ instead of ' I saw ' 
 ('Principles of Sociology, p. 150). This could only be 
 proved by giving examples of such highly deficient 
 languages, which Mr. Spencer does not do. 2 In many 
 savage speculations there occur ideas as subtly meta- 
 physical as those of Hegel. Moreover, even the Australian 
 languages have the verb ' to see,' and the substantive 
 ' sleep.' Nothing, then, prevents a man from saying ' I 
 saw in sleep ' (insomnium, evvirviov). 
 
 We have shown too, that the Australians take an 
 essential distinction between waking hallucinations (ghosts 
 seen by a man when awake) and the common halluci- 
 nations of slumber. Anybody can have these ; the man t 
 who sees ghosts when awake is marked out for a ] 
 wizard. 
 
 At the same time the vividness of dreams among 
 certain savages, as recorded in Mr. Im Thurn's ' Indians 
 of Guiana,' and the consequent confusion of dreaming 
 
 1 Howitt, Journal of Anthropological Institute, xiii. 191-195. 
 
 - The curious may consult, for savage words for ' dreams,' Mr. Scott's 
 Dictionary of the Mang'anja Language, s.v. ' Lota,' or any glossary of any 
 savage language.
 
 56 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 and waking experiences, are certain facts. Wilson says 
 the same of some negroes, and Mr. Spencer illustrates 
 from the confusion of mind in dreamy children. They, 
 we know, are much more addicted to somnambulism than 
 grown-up people. I am unaware that spontaneous som- 
 nambulism among savages has been studied as it ought 
 to be. I have demonstrated, however, that very low 
 savages can and do draw an essential distinction between 
 sleeping and waking hallucinations. 
 
 Again, the crystal-gazer, whose apparently telepathic 
 crystal pictures are discussed later (chap, v.), was intro- 
 duced to a crystal just because she had previously been 
 known to be susceptible to waking and occasionally 
 veracious hallucinations. 
 
 It was not only on the dreams of sleep, so easily 
 forgotten as they are, that the savage pondered, in his 
 early speculations about the life and the soul. He 
 included in his materials the much more striking and 
 memorable experiences of waking hours, as we and 
 Mr. Tylor agree in holding. 
 
 Reflecting on these things, the earliest savage reasoners 
 would decide : (1) that man has a ' life ' (which leaves 
 him temporarily in sleep, finally in death) ; (2) that man 
 also possesses a ' phantom ' (which appears to other people 
 in their visions and dreams). The savage philosopher 
 would then ' combine his information,' like a celebrated 
 writer on Chinese metaphysics. He would merely ' com- 
 bine the life and the phantom,' as ' manifestations of one 
 and the same soul.' The result would be ' an apparitional 
 soul,' or ' ghost-soul.' 
 
 This ghost-soul would be a highly accomplished 
 creature, ' a vapour, film, or shadow,' yet conscious, 
 capable of leaving the body, mostly invisible and impal- 
 pable, ' yet also manifesting physical power,' existing and
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 57 
 
 appearing after the death of the body, able to act on the 
 bodies of other men, beasts, and things. 1 
 
 When the earliest reasoners, in an age and in mental 
 conditions of which we know nothing historically, had 
 evolved the hypothesis of this conscious, powerful, sepa- 
 rable soul, capable of surviving the death of the body, it 
 was not difficult for them to develop the rest of Eeligion, 
 as Mr. Tylor thinks. A powerful ghost of a dead man 
 might thrive till, its original owner being long forgotten, it 
 became a God. Again (souls once given) it would not be 
 a very difficult logical leap, perhaps, to conceive of souls, 
 or spirits, that had never been human at all. It is, we 
 may say, only le premier pas qui coute, the step to the be- 
 lief in a surviving separable soul. Nevertheless, when we 
 remember that Mr. Tylor is theorising about savages in 
 
 / o 
 
 the dim background of human evolution, savages whom 
 we know nothing of by experience, savages far behind 
 Australians and Bushmen (who possess Gods), we must 
 admit that he credits them with great ingenuity, and 
 strong powers of abstract reasoning. He may be right in 
 his opinion. In the same way, just as primitive men 
 were keen reasoners, so early bees, more clever than 
 modern bees, may have evolved the system of hexagonal 
 cells, and only an early fish of genius could first have hit 
 on the plan, now hereditary, of killing a fly by blowing 
 water at it. 
 
 To this theory of metaphysical genius in very low 
 savages I have no objection to offer. We shall find, 
 later, astonishing examples of savage abstract speculation, 
 certainly not derived from missionary sources, because 
 wholly out of the missionary's line of duty and reflection. 
 
 As early beasts had genius, so the earliest reasoners 
 appear to have been as logically gifted as the lowest 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. i. 429.
 
 58 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 savages now known to us, or even as some Biblical 
 critics. By Mr. Tylor's hypothesis, they first conceived the 
 extremely abstract idea of Life, 'that which makes the 
 difference between a living body and a dead one.' 1 This 
 highly abstract conception must have been, however, the 
 more difficult to early man, as, to him, all things, 
 universally, are 'animated.' 2 Mr. Tylor illustrates this 
 theory of early man by the little child's idea that ' chairs, 
 sticks, and wooden horses are actuated by the same sort 
 of personal will as nurses and children and kittens. . . . 
 In such matters the savage mind well represents the 
 childish stage.' 3 
 
 Now, nothing can be more certain than that, if 
 children think sticks are animated, they don't think so 
 because they have heard, or discovered, that they possess 
 souls, and then transfer souls to sticks. We may doubt, 
 then, if primitive man came, in this way, by reasoning 
 on souls, to suppose that all things, universally, were 
 animated. But if he did think all things animated a 
 corpse, to his mind, was just as much animated as any- 
 thing else. Did he reason : ' All things are animated. A 
 corpse is not animated. Therefore a corpse is not a 
 thing (within the meaning of my General Law)' ? 
 
 How, again, did early man conceive of Life, before he 
 identified Life (1) with ' that which makes the differ- 
 ence between a living body and a dead one ' (a difference 
 which, ex hypothesi, he did not draw, all things being 
 animated to his mind) and (2) with ' those human shapes 
 which appear in dreams and visions ' ? ' The ancient 
 savage philosophers probably reached the obvious inference 
 that every man had two things belonging to him, a life 
 and a phantom.' But everything was supposed to have 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. i. 428. - Ibid. i. 285. 3 Ibid. i. 285, 286.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 09 
 
 'a life,' as far as one makes out, before the idea of 
 separable soul was developed, at least if savages arrived at 
 the theory of universal animation as children are said 
 to do. 
 
 We are dealing here quite conjecturally with facts 
 beyond our experience. 
 
 In any case, early man excogitated (by the hypothesis) 
 the abstract idea of Life, before he first ' envisaged ' it in 
 material terms as ' breath,' or ' shadow.' He next decided 
 that mere breath or shadow was not only identical with 
 the more abstract conception of Life, but could also take 
 on forms as real and full-bodied as, to him, are the hallu- 
 cinations of dream or waking vision. His reasoning 
 appears to have proceeded from the more abstract (the 
 idea of Life) to the more concrete, to the life first shadowy 
 and vaporous, then clothed in the very aspect of the real 
 man. 
 
 Mr. Tylor has thus (whether we follow his logic 
 or not) provided man with a theory of active, intelligent, 
 separable souls, which can survive the death of the body. 
 At this theory early man arrived by speculations on the 
 nature of life, and on the causes of phantasms of the dead 
 or living beheld in 'dreams and visions.' But our author 
 by no means leaves oat of sight the effects of alleged 
 supernormal phenomena believed in by savages, with 
 their parallels in modern civilisation. These supernormal 
 phenomena, whether real or illusory, are, he conceives, 
 facts in that mass of experiences from which savages 
 constructed their belief in separable, enduring, intelligent 
 souls or ghosts, the foundation of religion. 
 
 While we are, perhaps owing to our own want of capa- 
 city, puzzled by what seem to be two kinds of early philo- 
 sophy (1) a sort of instinctive or unreasoned belief in 
 universal animation, which Mr. Spencer calls ' Animism '
 
 60 THE MAKING OF KELIGION 
 
 and does not believe in, (2) the reasoned belief in sepa- 
 rable and surviving souls of men (and in things), which 
 Mr. Spencer believes in, and Mr. Tylor call ' Animism '- 
 we must also note another difficulty. Mr. Tylor may 
 seem to be taking it for granted that the earliest, remote, 
 unknown thinkers on life and the soul were existing on 
 the same psychical plane as we ourselves, or, at least, as 
 modern savages. Between modern savages and ourselves, 
 in this regard, he takes certain differences, but takes none 
 between modern savages and the remote founders of 
 religion. 
 
 Thus Mr. Tylor observes : 
 
 ' The condition of the modern ghost-seer, whose imagi- 
 nation passes on such slight excitement into positive 
 hallucination, is rather the rule than the exception among 
 uncultured and intensely imaginative tribes, whose minds 
 may be thrown off their balance by a touch, a word, a 
 gesture, an unaccustomed noise.' l 
 
 I find evidence that low contemporary savages are 
 not great ghost-seers, and, again, I cannot quite accept 
 Mr. Tylor 's psychology of the ' modern ghost-seer.' Most 
 such favoured persons whom I have known were steady, 
 unimaginative, unexcitable people, with just one odd 
 experience. Lord Tennyson, too, after sleeping in the 
 bed of his recently lost father on purpose to see his ghost, 
 decided that ghosts ' are not seen by imaginative people.' 
 
 We now examine, at greater length, the psychical 
 conditions in which, according to Mr. Tylor, contemporary 
 savages differ from civilised men. Later we shall ask 
 what may be said as to possible or presumable psychical 
 differences between modern savages and the datelessly 
 distant founders of the belief in souls. Mr. Tylor 
 attributes to the lower races, and even to races high 
 
 1 Primitive Culture, i. 446.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 61 
 
 above their level, ' morbid ecstasy, brought on by medita- 
 tion, fasting, narcotics, excitement, or disease.' Now, we 
 may still ' meditate ' and how far the result is ' morbid ' 
 is a matter for psychologists and pathologists to deter- 
 mine. Fasting we do not practise voluntarily, nor would 
 we easily accept evidence from an Englishman as to 
 the veracity of voluntary fasting visions, like those of 
 Cotton Mather. The visions of disease we should set 
 aside, as a rule, with those of ' excitement,' produced, 
 for instance, by ' devil-dances.' Narcotic and alcoholic 
 visions are not in question. 1 For our purpose the induced 
 trances of savages (in whatever way voluntarily brought 
 on) are analogous to the modern induced hypnotic trance. 
 Any supernormal acquisitions of knowledge in these 
 induced conditions, among savages, would be on a 
 par with similar alleged experiences of persons under 
 hypnotism. 
 
 We do not differ from known savages in being able to 
 bring on non-normal psychological conditions, but we pro- 
 duce these, as a rule, by other methods than theirs, and such 
 experiments are not made on all of us, as they were 
 on all Bed Indian boys and girls in the ' medicine-fast,' at 
 the age of puberty. 
 
 Further, in their normal state, known savages, or 
 some of them, are more ' suggestible ' than educated 
 Europeans at least. 2 They can be more easily halluci- 
 nated in their normal waking state by suggestion. Once 
 more, their intervals of hunger, followed by gorges of 
 food, and their lack of artificial light, combine to make 
 savages more apt to see what is not there than are 
 comfortable educated white men. But Mr. Tylor goes 
 
 1 See, however, Dr. Von Schrenck-Notzing, Die Beobaclitung narcotiscJier 
 Mittel fiir den Hypnotismus, and S.P.E. Proceedings, x. 292-299. 
 - Primitive Culture, i. 306-315.
 
 62 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 too far when he says ' where the savage could see 
 phantasms, the civilised man has come to amuse himself 
 with fancies.' l The civilised man, beyond all doubt, is 
 capable of being enfantosme. 
 
 In all that he says on this point, the point of psychical 
 condition, Mr. Tylor is writing about known savages as they 
 differ from ourselves. But the savages who ex hypothesi 
 evolved the doctrine of souls lie beyond our ken, far 
 behind the modern savages, among whom we find belief 
 not only in souls and ghosts, but in moral gods. About 
 the psychical condition of the savages who worked out 
 the theory of souls and founded religion we necessarily 
 know nothing. If there be such experiences as clairvoy- 
 ance, telepathy, and so on, these unknown ancestors of 
 ours may (for all that we can tell) have been peculiarly 
 open to them, and therefore peculiarly apt to believe in 
 separable souls. In fact, when we write about these far- 
 off founders of religion, we guess in the dark, or by 
 the flickering light of analogy. The lower animals have 
 faculties (as in their power of finding their way home 
 through new unknown regions, and in the ants' modes of 
 acquiring and communicating knowledge to each other) 
 which are mysteries to us. The terror of dogs in ' haunted 
 houses ' and of horses in passing ' haunted ' scenes has 
 often been reported, and is alluded to briefly by Mr. Tylor. 
 Balaam's ass, and the dogs which crouched and whined 
 before Athene, whom Eumseus could not see, are ' classical ' 
 instances. 
 
 The weakness of the anthropological argument here 
 is, we must repeat, that we know little more about the 
 mental condition and experiences of the early thinkers 
 who developed the doctrine of Souls than we know about 
 the mental condition and experiences of the lower animals. 
 
 1 i. 315.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 63 
 
 And the more firmly a philosopher believes in the Dar- 
 winian hypothesis, the less, he must admit, can he suppose 
 himself to know about the twilight ages, between the 
 lower animal and the fully evolved man. What kind of 
 creature was man when he first conceived the germs, or 
 received the light, of Religion ? All is guess-work here ! 
 We may just allude to Hegel's theory that clairvoyance 
 and hypnotic phenomena are produced in a kind of tem- 
 porary atavism, or ' throwing back ' to a remotely ancient 
 condition of the ' sensitive soul ' (Fiihlende Seele) . The 
 ' sensitive ' [unconditioned, clairvoyant] faculty or ' soul ' is 
 ' a disease when it becomes a state of the self-conscious, 
 educated, self-possessed human being of civilisation.' l 
 1 Second sight,' Hegel thinks, was a product of an earlier 
 day and earlier mental condition than ours. 
 
 Approaching this almost untouched subject the early 
 psychical condition of man not from the side of meta- 
 physical speculations like Hegel, but with the instruments 
 of modern psychology and physiology, Dr. Max Dessoir, 
 of Berlin, following, indeed, M. Taine, has arrived, as we 
 saw, at somewhat similar conclusions. ' This fully con- 
 scious life of the spirit,' in which we moderns now live, 
 ' seems to rest upon a substratum of reflex action of a 
 hallucinatory type.' Our actual modern condition is not 
 ' fundamental,' and ' hallucination represents, at least in 
 its nascent condition, the main trunk of our psychical 
 existence.' 2 
 
 Now, suppose that the remote and unknown ancestors 
 of ours who first developed the doctrine of souls had not 
 yet spread far from ' the main trunk of our psychical 
 existence,' far from constant hallucination. In that case 
 
 1 Phil, des Geistes, pp. 406, 408. 
 
 2 See also Mr. A. J. Balfour's Presidential Address to the Society for 
 Psychical Research, Proceedings, vol. x. See, too, Taine, DC, V Intelligence, 
 i. 78, 100, 139.
 
 64 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 (at least, according to Dr. Dessoir's theory) their psychical 
 experiences would be such as we cannot estimate, yet 
 cannot leave, as a possibility influencing religion, out of 
 our calculations. 
 
 If early men were ever in a condition in which 
 telepathy and clairvoyance (granting their possibility) 
 were prevalent, one might expect that faculties so useful 
 would be developed in the struggle for existence. That 
 they are deliberately cultivated by modern savages we 
 know. The Indian foster-mother of John Tanner used, 
 when food was needed, to suggest herself into an hypnotic 
 condition, so that she became clairvoyante as to the 
 whereabouts of game. Tanner, an English boy, caught 
 early by the Indians, was sceptical, but came to practise 
 the same art, not unsuccessfully, himself. 1 His reminis- 
 cences, which he dictated on his return to civilisation, 
 were certainly not feigned in the interests of any theories. 
 But the most telepathic human stocks, it may be said, 
 ought, ceteris paribus, to have been the most successful 
 in the struggle for existence. We may infer that the 
 cetera were not paria, the clairvoyant state not being 
 precisely the best for the practical business of life. But 
 really we know nothing of the psychical state of the 
 earliest men. They may have had experiences tend- 
 ing towards a belief in ' spirits,' of which we can tell 
 nothing. 'We are obliged to guess, in considerable 
 ignorance of the actual conditions, and this historical 
 ignorance inevitably besets all anthropological speculation 
 about the origin of religion. 
 
 The knowledge of our nescience as to the psychical 
 condition of our first thinking ancestors may suggest 
 hesitation as to taking it for granted that early man was 
 on our own or on the modern savage level in ' psychical * 
 
 1 Tanner's Narrative, New York, 1830.
 
 9 
 
 'I 
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 65 
 
 experience. Even savage races, as Mr. Tylor justly says, 
 attribute superior psychical knowledge to neighbouring 
 tribes on a yet lower level of culture than themselves. 
 The Finn esteems the Lapp sorcerers above his own ; the 
 Lapp yields to the superior pretensions of the Samoyeds. 
 There may be more ways than one of explaining this 
 relative humility : there is Hegel's way and there is 
 Mr. Tylor' s way. We cannot be certain, a priori, that 
 the earliest man knew no more of supernormal or ap 
 parently supernormal experiences than we commonly do, 
 or that these did not influence his thoughts on religion. 
 
 It is an example of the chameleon-like changes of 
 science (even of ' science falsely so called ' if you please) 
 that when he wrote his book, in 1871, Mr. Tylor could 
 not possibly have anticipated this line of argument. 
 ' Psychical planes ' had not been invented ; hypnotism, 
 with its problems, had not been much noticed in England. 
 But ' Spiritualism ' was flourishing. Mr. Tylor did not 
 ignore this revival of savage philosophy. He saw very 
 well that the end of the century was beholding the partial 
 rehabilitation of beliefs which were scouted from 1660 to 
 1850. Seventy years ago, as Mr. Tylor says, Dr. Mac- 
 culloch, in his 'Description of the Western Islands of 
 Scotland,' wrote of ' the famous Highland second sight ' 
 that ' ceasing to be believed it has ceased to exist.' 1 
 
 Dr. Macculloch was mistaken in his facts. ' Second 
 sight ' has never ceased to exist (or to be believed to 
 exist), and it has recently been investigated in the 
 ' Journal ' of the Caledonian Medical Society. Mr. Tylor 
 himself says that it has been ' reinstated in a far larger 
 range of society, and under far better circumstances of 
 learning and prosperity.' This fact he ascribes generally 
 to ' a direct revival from the regions of savage philosophy 
 1 Primitive Culture, i. 143. 
 
 F
 
 66 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 and peasant folklore,' a revival brought about in great 
 part by the writings of Swedenborg. To-day things have 
 altered. The students now interested in this whole class 
 of alleged supernormal phenomena are seldom believers 
 in the philosophy of Spiritualism in the American sense 
 of the word. 1 
 
 Mr. Tylor, as we have seen, attributes the revival of 
 interest in this obscure class of subjects to the influence 
 of Swedenborg. It is true, as has been shown, that 
 Swedenborg attracted the attention of Kant. But modern 
 interest has chiefly been aroused and kept alive by the 
 phenomena of hypnotism. The interest is now, among 
 educated students, really scientific. 
 
 Thus Mr. William James, Professor of Psychology in 
 the University of Harvard, writes : 
 
 ' I was attracted to this subject (Psychical Research) 
 some years ago by my love of fair play in Science.' 2 
 
 Mr. Tylor is not incapable of appreciating this atti- 
 tude. Even the so-called ' spirit manifestations,' he says, 
 ' should be discussed on their merits,' and the investigation 
 ' would seem apt to throw light on some most interesting 
 psychological questions.' Nothing can be more remote 
 from the logic of Hume. 
 
 The ideas of Mr. Tylor on the causes of the origin of 
 religion are now criticised, not from the point of view of 
 spiritualism, but of experimental psychology. We hold 
 that very probably there exist human faculties of un- 
 known scope ; that these conceivably were more powerful 
 and prevalent among our very remote ancestors who 
 founded religion ; that they may still exist in savage as in 
 
 1 As ' spiritualism ' is often used in opposition to ' materialism,' and 
 with no reference to rapping ' spirits,' the modern belief in that class of 
 intelligences may here be called spiritism. 
 
 2 The Will to Believe, preface, p. xiv
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 67 
 
 civilised races, and that they may have confirmed, if they 
 did not originate, the doctrine of separable souls. If they 
 do exist, the circumstance is important, in view of the 
 fact that modern ideas rest on a denial of their existence. 
 
 Mr. Tylor next examines the savage and other names 
 for the ghost-soul, such as shadow (umbra), breath 
 (spiritus), and he gives cases in which the shadow of a 
 man is regarded as equivalent to his life. Of course, the 
 shadow in the sunlight does not resemble the phantasm 
 in a dream. The two, however, were combined and 
 identified by early thinkers, while breath and heart were 
 used as symbols of 'that in men which makes them live/ 
 a phrase found among the natives of Nicaragua in 1528. 
 The confessedly symbolical character of the phrase, ' it is 
 not precisely the heart, but that in them which makes 
 them live,' proves that to the speaker life was not 
 ' heart ' or ' breath,' but that these terms were known 
 to be material word-counters for the conception of life. 1 
 "Whether the earliest thinkers identified heart, breath, 
 shadow, with life, or whether they consciously used words 
 of material origin to denote an immaterial conception, of 
 course we do not know. But the word in the latter case 
 would react on the thought, till the Roman inhaled (as 
 his life?) the last breath of his dying kinsman, he well 
 knowing that the Manes of the said kinsman were 
 elsewhere, and not to be inhaled. 
 
 Subdivisions and distinctions were then recognised, as 
 of the Egyptian Ka, the ' double,' the Karen Jcelah, or 
 ' personal life-phantom ' (wraith), on one side, and the 
 Karen thah, 'the responsible moral soul,' on the other. 
 The Roman umbra hovers about the grave, the manes go 
 to Orcus, the spiritus seeks the stars. 
 
 > Primitive Culture, i. 432, 433. Citing Oviedo, Hist, dc Nicaragua, 
 pp. 21-51. 
 
 F 2
 
 68 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 We are next presented with a crowd of cases in which 
 sickness or lethargy is ascribed by savages to the absence 
 of the patient's spirit, or of one of his spirits. This idea 
 of migratory spirit is next used by savages to explain 
 certain proceedings of the sorcerer, priest, or seer. His 
 soul, or one of his souls is thought to go forth to distant 
 places in quest of information, while the seer, perhaps, 
 remains lethargic. Probably, in the struggle for existence, 
 he lost more by being lethargic than he gained by being 
 clairvoyant ! 
 
 Now, here we touch the first point in Mr. Tylor's 
 theory, where a critic may ask, Was this belief in the 
 wandering abroad of the seer's spirit a theory not only 
 false in its form (as probably it is), but also wholly 
 unbased on experiences which might raise a presumption 
 in favour of the existence of phenomena really super- 
 normal ? By ' supernormal ' experiences I here mean 
 such as the acquisition by a human mind of knowledge 
 which could not be obtained by it through the recognised 
 channels of sensation. Say, for the sake of argument,, 
 that a person, savage or civilised, obtains in trance infor- 
 mation about distant places or events, to him unknown,, 
 and, through channels of sense, unknowable. The savage 
 will explain this by saying that the seer's soul, shadow, or 
 spirit, wandered out of the body to the distant scene. 
 This is, at present, an unverified theory. But still, for the 
 sake of argument, suppose that the seer did honestly 
 obtain this information in trance, lethargy, or hypnotic 
 sleep, or any other condition. If so, the modern savage 
 (or his more gifted ancestors) would have other grounds for 
 his theory of the wandering soul than any ground presented 
 by normal occurrences, ordinary dreams, shadows, and so 
 forth. Again, in human nature there would be (if such 
 tilings occur) a potentiality of experiences other and stranger
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 69 
 
 than materialism will admit as possible. It will (granting 
 the facts) be impossible to aver that there is nihil in 
 intellectu quod non prius in sensu. The soul will be not 
 ce qu'un vain peuple pense under the new popular tra- 
 dition, and the savage's theory of the spirit will be, at 
 least in part, based on other than normal and every-day 
 facts. That condition in which the seer acquires in- 
 formation, not otherwise accessible, about events remote in 
 space, is what the mesmerists of the mid-century called 
 ' travelling clairvoyance.' 
 
 If such an experience be in rerum natura, it will not, 
 of course, justify the savage's theory that the soul is a 
 separable entity, capable of voyaging, and also capable of 
 existing after the death of the body. But it will give the 
 savage a better excuse for his theory than normal ex- 
 periences provide ; and will even raise a presumption that 
 reflection on mere ordinary experiences death, shadow, 
 trance is not the sole origin of his theory. For a savage 
 so acute as Mr. Tylor's hypothetical early reasoner might 
 decline to believe that his own or a friend's soul had been 
 absent on an expedition, unless it brought back informa- 
 tion not normally to be acquired. However, we cannot 
 reason, a priori, as to how far the logic of a savage might 
 or might not go on occasion. 
 
 In any case, a scientific reasoner might be expected 
 to ask : ' Is this alleged acquisition of knowledge, not 
 through the ordinary channels of sense, a thing in rerum 
 natura ? ' Because, if it is, we must obviously increase 
 our list of the savage's reasons for believing in a soul : 
 we must make his reasons include ' psychical ' experiences, 
 and there must be an X region to investigate. 
 
 These considerations did not fail to present themselves 
 to Mr. Tylor. But his manner of dealing with them is 
 peculiar. With his unequalled knowledge of the lower
 
 70 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 races, it was easy for him to examine travellers' tale& 
 about savage seers who beheld distant events in vision, 
 and to allow them what weight he thought proper, after 
 discounting possibilities of falsehood and collusion. He 
 might then have examined modern narratives of similar 
 performances among the civilised, which are abundant. 
 It is obvious and undeniable that if the supernormal 
 acquisition of knowledge in trance is a vera causa, a real 
 process, however rare, Mr. Tylor's theory needs modi- 
 fications ; while the character of the savage's reasoning 
 becomes more creditable to the savage, and appears as 
 better bottomed than we had been asked to suppose. But 
 Mr. Tylor does not examine this large body of evidence 
 at all, or, at least, does not offer us the details of his 
 examination. He merely writes in this place : 
 
 ' A typical spiritualistic instance may be quoted from 
 Jung-Stilling, who says that examples have come to his 
 knowledge of sick persons who, longing to see absent 
 friends, have fallen into a swoon, during which they have 
 appeared to the distant objects of their affection.' ' 
 
 Jung- Stilling (though he wrote before modern ' Spiri- 
 tualism ' came in) is not a very valid authority ; there is 
 plenty of better evidence than his, but Mr. Tylor passes 
 it by, merely remarking that ' modern Europe has kept 
 closely enough to the lines of early philosophy.' Modern 
 Europe has indeed done so, if it explains the supernormal 
 acquisition of knowledge, or the hallucinatory appearance 
 of a distant person to his friend by a theory of wandering 
 ' spirits.' But facts do not cease to be facts because 
 wrong interpretations have been put upon them by 
 savages, by Jung-Stilling, or by anyone else. The real 
 
 1 Primitive Culture, i. 440. Citing Stilling after Dale Owen, and 
 quoting Mr. Alfred Russel Wallace's Scientific Aspect of tlie Supernatural, 
 p. 43. Mr. Tylor also adds folk-lore practices of ghost-seeing, as on St. John's 
 Eve. St. Mark's Eve, too, is in point, as far as folk-lore goes.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND RELIGION 71 
 
 question is, Do such events occur among lower and higher 
 races, beyond explanation by fraud and fortuitous co- 
 incidence ? We gladly grant that the belief in Animism, 
 when it takes the form of a theory of ' wandering spirits,' 
 is probably untenable, as it is assuredly of savage origin. 
 But we are not absolutely so sure that in this aspect the 
 theory is not based on actual experiences, not of a normal 
 and ordinary kind. If so, the savage philosophy and its 
 supposed survivals in belief will appear in a new light. 
 And we are inclined to hold that an examination of the 
 mass of evidence to which Mr. Tylor offers here so slight 
 an allusion will at least make it wise to suspend our 
 judgment, not only as to the origins of the savage theory 
 of spirits, but as to the materialistic hypothesis of the 
 absence of a psychical element in man. 
 
 I may seem to have outrun already the limits of 
 permissible hypothesis. It may appear absurd to surmise 
 that there can exist in man, savage or civilised, a faculty 
 for acquiring information not accessible by the known 
 channels of sense, a faculty attributed by savage philo- 
 sophers to the wandering soul. But one may be permitted 
 to quote the opinion of M. Charles Eichet, Professor of 
 Physiology in the Faculty of Medicine in Paris. It is 
 not cited because M. Richet is a professor of physiology, 
 but because he reached his conclusion after six years of 
 minute experiment. He says : ' There exists in certain 
 persons, at certain moments, a faculty of acquiring 
 knowledge which has no rapport with our normal 
 faculties of that kind.' 1 
 
 Instances tending to raise a presumption in favour 
 of M. Richet's idea may now be sought in savage and 
 civilised life. 
 
 Proceedings, S.P.B. v. 167.
 
 72 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 IV 
 
 1 OPENING THE GATES OF DISTANCE ' 
 
 'To open the Gates of Distance' is the poetical Zulu 
 phrase for what is called clairvoyance, or vue a distance. 
 This, if it exists', is the result of a faculty of undetermined 
 nature, whereby knowledge of remote events may be 
 acquired, not through normal channels of sense. As the 
 Zulus say : ' Isiyezi is a state in which a man becomes 
 slightly insensible. He is awake, but still sees things 
 which he would not see if he were not in a state of 
 ecstasy (nasiyesi).' l The Zulu description of isiyezi 
 includes what is technically styled ' dissociation.' No 
 psychologist or pathologist will deny that visions of an 
 hallucinatory sort may occur in dissociated states, say 
 in the petit mat of epilepsy. The question, however, is 
 whether any such visions convey actual information not 
 otherwise to be acquired, beyond the reach of chance co- 
 incidence to explain. 
 
 A Scottish example, from the records of a court of 
 law, exactly illustrates the Zulu theory. At the moment 
 when the husband of Jonka Dyneis was in danger six 
 miles from her house in his boat, Jonka ' was found, and 
 seen standing at her own house wall in a trance, and 
 being taken, she could not give answer, but stood as 
 bereft of her senses, and when she was asked why she 
 
 1 Callaway, Religion of tlie Zulus, p. 232.
 
 'OPENING THE GATES OF DISTANCE' 73 
 
 was so moved, she answered, " If our boat be not lost, she 
 was in great hazard." ' (October 2, 1616.) l 
 
 The belief in opening the Gates of Distance is, of 
 course, very widely diffused. The gift is attributed to 
 Apollonius of Tyana, to Plotinus, to many Saints, to 
 Catherine de' Medici, to the Rev. Mr. Peden, 2 and to 
 Jeanne d'Arc, while the faculty is the stock in trade of 
 savage seers in all regions. 3 
 
 The question, however, on which Mr. Tylor does not 
 touch, is, Are any of the stories true ? If so, of course 
 they would confirm in the mind of the savage his theory 
 of the wandering soul. Now, to find anything like 
 attested cases of successful clairvoyance among savages is 
 a difficult task. White men either scout the idea, or are 
 afraid of seeming superstitious if they give examples, or, if 
 they do give examples, are accused of having sunk to the 
 degraded level of Zulus or Eed Indians. Even where 
 travellers, like Scheffer, have told about their own ex- 
 periences, the narratives are omitted by modern writers 
 on savage divination. 4 We must therefore make our own 
 researches, and it is to be noted that the stories of suc- 
 cessful savage clairvoyance are given as illustrations 
 merely, not as evidence to facts, for we cannot cross- 
 examine the witnesses. 
 
 Mr. Tylor dismisses the topic in a manner rather 
 cavalier : 
 
 'Without discussing on their merits the accounts of 
 what is called " second sight," 5 it may be pointed out that 
 
 1 Graham Dalzell, Darker Superstitions of Scotland, p. 481. 
 
 2 See good evidence in Ker of Kersland's Memoirs. 
 
 3 Aulus Gellius, xv. 18, Dio Cassius, Ixvii., Crespet, De la Haine du 
 Diable, Proces de Jeanne d'Arc. 
 
 4 See ' Shamanism in Siberia,' J.A.I., November 1894, pp. 147-149, and 
 compare Scheffer. The article is very learned and interesting. 
 
 5 Williams mentions second sight in Fiji, but gives no examples.
 
 74 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 they are related among savage tribes, as when Captain 
 Jonathan Carver obtained from a Cree medicine-man a 
 true prophecy of the arrival of a canoe with news next 
 day at noon ; or when Mr. J. Mason Brown, travelling 
 with two voyageurs on the Copper Mine River, was met 
 by Indians of the very band he was seeking, these having 
 been sent by their medicine-man, who, on enquiry, stated 
 that " he saw them coming, and heard them talk on their 
 journey." ' l 
 
 Now, in our opinion, the ' merits ' of stories of second 
 sight need discussion, because they may, if well attested, 
 raise a presumption that the savage's theory has a better 
 foundation than Mr. Tylor supposes. Oddly enough, 
 though Mr. Tylor does not say so, Dr. Brinton (from 
 whom he borrows his two anecdotes) is more or less of 
 our opinion. 
 
 ' There are,' says Dr. Brinton, ' statements supported by 
 unquestionable testimony, which ought not to be passed 
 over in silence, and yet I cannot but approach them with 
 hesitation. They are so revolting to the laws of exact 
 science, so alien, I had almost said, to the experience of 
 our lives. Yet is this true, or are such experiences only 
 ignored and put aside without serious consideration ? ' 
 
 That is exactly what we complain of : the alleged 
 facts are ' put aside without serious consideration.' 
 
 We, at least, are not slaves to the idea that ' the laws 
 of exact science ' must be the only laws at work in the 
 world. Science, however exact, does not pretend to have 
 discovered all 'laws.' 
 
 To return to actual examples of the alleged super- 
 normal acquisition of knowledge by savages : Dr. Brinton 
 gives an example from Charlevoix and General Mason 
 Brown's anecdote. 2 In General Mason Brown's instance 
 
 1 Primitive Culture, i. 447. Mr. Tylor cites Dr. Brinton's MytJis of the 
 New World, p. 269. The reference in the recent edition is p. 289. Carver's 
 case is given under the head ' Possession ' later. 
 
 2 Journal Historique, p. 302 ; Atlantic Monthly, July 1866.
 
 'OPENING THE GATES OF DISTANCE' 75 
 
 the medicine-man, at a great distance, bade his emissaries 
 ' seek three whites, whose horses, arms, attire, and personal 
 appearance he minutely described, which description was 
 repeated to General Brown by the warriors before they 
 saw his tiuo companions.'' General Brown assured Dr. 
 Brinton of ' the accuracy of this in every particular.' 
 Mr. Tylor has certainly not improved the story in his 
 condensed version. Dr. Brinton refers to ' many ' tales 
 such as these, and some will be found in 'Among the 
 Zulus,' by Mr. David Leslie (1875). 
 
 Mr. Leslie was a Scottish sportsman, brought up from 
 boyhood in familiarity with the Zulus. His knowledge 
 of their language and customs was minute, and his book, 
 privately printed, contains much interesting matter. He 
 writes : 
 
 ' I was obliged to proceed to the Zulu country to meet 
 my Kaffir elephant-hunters, the time for their return 
 having arrived. They were hunting in a very unhealthy 
 country, and I had agreed to wait for them on the North- 
 East border, the nearest point I could go to with safety. 
 I reached the appointed rendezvous, but could not gain 
 the slightest intelligence of my people at the kraal. 
 
 ' After waiting some time, and becoming very uneasy 
 about them, one of my servants recommended me to go to 
 the doctor, and at last, out of curiosity and pour passer le 
 temps, I did go. 
 
 ' I stated what I wanted information about my 
 hunters and I was met by a stern refusal. "I cannot 
 tell anything about white men," said he, " and I know 
 nothing of their ways." However, after some persuasion 
 and promise of liberal payment, impressing upon him the 
 fact that it was not white men but Kaffirs I wanted to 
 know about, he at last consented, saying " he would open 
 the Gate of Distance, and would travel through it, even 
 although his body should lie before me." 
 
 ' His first proceeding was to ask me the number and 
 names of my hunters. To this I demurred, telling him 
 that if he obtained that information from me he might 
 easily substitute some news which he may have heard
 
 76 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 from others, instead of the " spiritual telegraphic news " 
 which I expected him to get from his " familiar." 
 
 ' To this he answered : " I told you I did not understand 
 white men's ways ; but if I am to do anything for you it 
 must be done in my way not yours." On receiving this 
 fillip I felt inclined to give it up, as I thought I might 
 receive some rambling statement with a considerable dash 
 of truth, it being easy for anyone who knew anything of 
 hunting to give a tolerably correct idea of their motions. 
 However, I conceded this point also, and otherwise satis- 
 fied him. 
 
 ' The doctor then made eight little fires that being 
 the number of my hunters ; on each he cast some roots, 1 
 which emitted a curious' sickly odour and thick smoke ; 
 into each he cast a small stone, shouting, as he did so, the 
 name to which the stone was dedicated ; then he ate some 
 " medicine," and fell over in what appeared to be a trance 
 for about ten minutes, during all which time his limbs 
 kept moving. Then he seemed to wake, went to one of 
 the fires, raked the ashes about, looked at the stone 
 attentively, described the man faithfully, and said : " This 
 man has died of the fever, and your gun is lost." 
 
 'To the next fire as before: "This man" (correctly 
 described) " has killed four elephants," and then he 
 described the tusks. The next : " This man " (again de- 
 scribing him) " has been killed by an elephant, but your 
 gun is coming home," and so on through the whole, the 
 men being minutely and correctly described ; their success 
 or non-success being equally so. I was told where the 
 survivors were, and what they were doing, and that in 
 three months they would come out, but as they would not 
 expect to find me waiting on them there so long after the 
 time appointed, they would not pass that way. 
 
 ' I took a particular note of all this information at the 
 time, and to my utter amazement it turned out correct in 
 every particular. 
 
 ' It was scarcely within the bounds of possibility that 
 this man could have had ordinary intelligence of the 
 hunters ; they were scattered about in a country two 
 hundred miles away.' 
 
 Mr. Leslie could discover no explanation, nor was any 
 
 1 Probably impepo, eaten by seers, according to Callaway.
 
 'OPENING THE GATES OF DISTANCE' 77 
 
 suggested by friends familiar with the country and the 
 natives whom he consulted. He gives another example, 
 which may be explained by 'suggestion.' A parallel 
 case from Central Africa will be found in the ' Journal of 
 the Anthropological Institute,' November 1897, p. 320, 
 where 'private information,' as usual, would explain the 
 singular facts. 
 
 The Zulus themselves lay claim to a kind of clair- 
 voyance which looks like the result of intense visualising 
 power, combined with the awakening of the subconscious 
 memory. 1 
 
 ' There is among black men a something which is 
 divination within them. When anything valuable is lost, 
 they look for it at once ; when they cannot find it, each 
 one begins to practise this inner divination, trying to feel 
 where the thing is ; for, not being able to see it, he feels 
 internally a pointing, which tells him if he will go down 
 to such a place it is there, and he will find it. At length 
 it says he will find it ; at length he sees it, and himself 
 approaching it ; before he begins to move from where 
 he is, he sees it very clearly indeed, and there is an end of 
 doubt. That sight is so clear that it is as though it was 
 not an inner sight, but as if he saw the very thing itself, 
 and the place where it is ; so he quickly arises and goes 
 to the place. If it is a hidden place he throws himself 
 into it, as though there was something that impelled him 
 to go as swiftly as the wind ; and, in fact, he finds the 
 thing, if he has not acted by mere head-guessing. If it 
 has been done by real inner divination, he really sees it. 
 But if it is done by mere head-guessing and knowledge 
 that he has not gone to such a place and such a place, 
 and that therefore it must be in such another place, he 
 generally misses the mark.' 
 
 Other Zulu instances will be given under the heads 
 ' Possession ' and ' Fetishism.' 
 
 To take a Northern people : In his ' History of the 
 Lapps ' 2 Scheffer describes mechanical modes of divina- 
 
 1 Callaway's Religion of the Amazulu, p. 358. Oxford, 1674.
 
 78 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 tion practised by that race, who use a drum and other 
 objects for the purpose. These modes depend on mere 
 traditional rules for interpreting the accidental combina- 
 tions of lots. But a Lapp confessed to Scheffer, with 
 tears, that he could not help seeing visions, as he proved 
 by giving Scheffer a minute relation 'of whatever par- 
 ticulars had happened to me in my journey to Lapland. 
 And he further complained that he knew not how to 
 make use of his eyes, since things altogether distant were 
 presented to them.' This Lapp was anxious to become a 
 Christian, hence his regret at being a ' rare and valuable ' 
 example of clairvoyance. Torfoeus also was posed by 
 the clairvoyance of a Samoyed, as was Regnard by a Lapp 
 seer. 1 
 
 The next case is of old date, and, like the other savage 
 examples, is merely given for purposes of illustration. 
 
 ' 25 e Lettre. 2 
 ' "Suite des Traditions des Sauvages." 
 
 ' Au Fort de la Riviere de St. Joseph, 
 ce 14 Septembre 1721. 
 
 ' "Des Jongleurs " . . . Vous avez vu a Paris Madame 
 de Marson, & elle y est encore ; voici ce que M. le Marquis 
 de Vaudreuil son Gendre, actuellement notre Gouverneur 
 General, me raconta cet Hyver, & qu'il a 5911 de cette 
 Dame, qui n'est rien moins qu'un esprit foible. Elle 
 etoit un jour fort inquiette au sujet de M. de Marson, son 
 Mari, lequel commandoit dans un Poste, que nous avions 
 en Accadie ; et etoit absent, & le terns qu'il avoit marque 
 pour son retour, etoit passe. 
 
 ' Une Femme Sauvage, qui vit Madame de Marson en 
 peine, lui en demanda la cause, & 1'ayant apprise, lui dit, 
 apres y avoir un peu reve, de ne plus se chagriner, que 
 son Epoux reviendroit tel jour et a telle heure, qu'elle lui 
 marqua, avec un chapeau gris sur la tete. Comme elle 
 s'apper9ut que la Dame n'ajoutoit point foi a sa predic- 
 tion, au jour & a 1'heure, qu'elle avoit assignee, elle 
 
 1 Voyages. - From Charlevoix, Journal Historiquc, p. 362.
 
 'OPENING THE GATES OF DISTANCE 79 
 
 retourna chez elle, lui demanda si elle ne vouloit pas venir 
 voir arriver son Mari, & la pressa de telle sorte de la 
 suivre, qu'elle 1'entralna au bord de la Riviere. 
 
 'A peine y etoient-elles arrivees, que M. de Marson 
 parut dans un Canot, un chapeau gris sur la tte ; & 
 ayant appris ce qui s'etoit passe, assura qu'il ne pouvoit 
 pas comprendre comment la Sauvagesse avoit pu S9avoir 
 1'heure & le jour de son arrivee.' 
 
 It is unusual for European travellers and missionaries 
 to give anecdotes which might seem to ' confirm the 
 delusions of benighted savages.' Such anecdotes, again, 
 are among the arcana of these wild philosophers, and are 
 not readily communicated to strangers. When successful 
 cases are reported, it is natural to assert that they come 
 through Europeans who have sunk into barbarous super- 
 stition, or that they may be explained by fraud and 
 collusion. It is certain, however, that savage proficients 
 believe in their own powers, though no less certainly 
 they will eke them out by imposture. Seers are chosen 
 in Zululand, as among Eskimos and Samoyeds, from the 
 class which in Europe supplies the persons who used to 
 be, but are no longer the most favourite hypnotic subjects, 
 ' abnormal children,' epileptic and hysterical. These are 
 subjected to ' a long and methodical course of training.' l 
 Stoll, speaking of Guatemala, says that ' certainly most of 
 the induced and spontaneous phenomena with which we 
 are familiar occur among savages,' and appeals to travellers 
 for observations. 2 Information is likely to come in, as 
 educated travellers devote attention to the topic. 
 
 Dr. Callaway translates some Zulu communications 
 which indicate the amount of belief in this very prac- 
 tical and sceptical people. Amusing illustrations of their 
 scepticism will be quoted later, under 'Possession,' but 
 they do accept as seers certain hysterical patients. These 
 
 1 Bastian, Ueber psycli. Beobacht. p. 24. - Op. cit. p. 26.
 
 80 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 are tested by their skill in finding objects which have 
 been hidden without their knowledge. They then behave 
 much like Mr. Stuart Cumberland, but have not the 
 advantage of muscular contact with the person who knows 
 where the hidden objects are concealed. The neighbours 
 even deny that they have hidden anything at all. ' When 
 they persist in their denial ... he finds all the things that 
 they have hidden. They see that he is a great inyanga 
 (seer) when he has found all the things they have con- 
 cealed.' No doubt he is guided, perhaps in a super- 
 sensitive condition, by the unconscious indications of the 
 excited spectators. 
 
 The point is that, while the savage conjurer will doubt- 
 less use fraud wherever he can, still the experience of low 
 races is in favour of employing as seers the class of 
 people who in Europe were, till recently, supposed to make 
 the best hypnotic subjects. Thus, in West Africa, ' the 
 presiding elders, during your initiation to the secret society 
 of your tribe, discover this gift [of Ebumtupism, or second 
 sight], and so select you as " a witch doctor." ' l Among 
 the Karens, the ' Wees,' or prophets, ' are nervous excitable 
 men, such as would become mediums,' 2 as mediums are 
 diagnosed by Mr. Tylor. 
 
 In short, not to multiply examples, there is an element 
 of actual observation and of bona fides entangled in the 
 trickery of savage practice. Though the subjects may be 
 selected partly because of the physical phenomena of 
 convulsions which they exhibit, and which favourably 
 impress their clients, they are also such subjects as 
 occasionally yield that evidence of supernormal faculty 
 which is investigated by modern psychologists, like Richet, 
 Janet, and William James. 
 
 1 Miss Kingsley, Travels in West Africa, p. 460. 
 
 2 Primitive Culture, ii. 131 ; Mason's Burmah, p. 107.
 
 'OPENING THE GATES OF DISTANCE' 81 
 
 The following example, by no means unique, shows the 
 view taken by savages of their own magic, after they have 
 become Christians. Catherine Wabose, a converted Bed 
 Indian seeress, described her preliminary fast, at the age of 
 puberty. After six days of abstention from food she was 
 rapt away to an unknown place, where a radiant being 
 welcomed her. Later a dark round object promised her 
 the gift of prophecy. She found her natural senses 
 greatly sharpened by lack of food. She first exercised her 
 powers when her kinsfolk in large numbers were starving. 
 A medicine-lodge, or ' tabernacle ' as Lafitau calls it, was 
 built for her, and she crawled in. As is well known, these 
 lodges are violently shaken during the magician's stay 
 within them, which the early Jesuits at first attributed to 
 muscular efforts by the seers. In 1637 Pere Lejeune 
 was astonished by the violent motions of a large lodge, 
 tenanted by a small man. One sorcerer, with an appear- 
 ance of candour, vowed that ' a great wind entered bois- 
 terously,' and the Father was assured that, if he w r ent 
 in himself, he would become clairvoyant. He did not 
 make the experiment. The Methodist convert, Catherine, 
 gave the same description of her own experience : ' The 
 lodge began shaking violently by supernatural means. 
 I knew this by the compressed current of air above, 
 and the noise of motion.' She had been beating a 
 small drum and singing, now she lay quiet. The radiant 
 ' orbicular ' spirit then informed her that they ' must go 
 westwards for game ; how short-sighted you are ! ' ' The 
 advice was taken and crowned by instant success.' This 
 established her reputation. 1 Catherine's conversion was 
 led up to by a dream of her dying son, who beheld a 
 Sacred Figure, and received from Him white raiment. 
 
 1 Schoolcraft, i. 394. 
 
 G
 
 82 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Her magical songs tell how unseen hands shake the magic 
 lodge. They invoke the Great Spirit that 
 
 ' Illumines earth 
 Illumines heaven ! 
 
 Ah, say what Spirit, or Body, is this Body, 
 That fills the world around, 
 Speak, man, ah say 
 What Spirit, or Body, is this Body ? ' 
 
 It is like a savage hymn to Hegel's fulilende Seele : the 
 all-pervading Sensitive Soul. We are reminded, too, of 
 ' the doctrine of the Sanscrit Upanishads : There is no limit 
 to the knowing of the Self that knows.' * 
 
 Unluckily Catherine was not asked to give other 
 examples of what she considered her successes. 
 
 Acosta, who has not the best possible repute as an 
 authority, informs us that Peruvian clairvoyants ' tell 
 what hath passed in the furthest parts before news can 
 come. In the distance of two or three hundred leagues 
 they would tell what the Spaniards did or suffered in their 
 civil wars.' To Du Pont, in 1606, a sorcerer 'rendered a 
 true oracle of the coming of Poutrincourt, saying his 
 Devil had told him so.' 2 
 
 We now give a modern case, from a scientific labora- 
 tory, of knowledge apparently acquired in no normal way, 
 by a person of the sort usually chosen to be a prophet, or 
 wizard, by savages. 
 
 Professor Richet writes : 3 
 
 ' On Monday, July 2, 1888, after having passed all the 
 day in my laboratory, I hypnotised Leonie at 8 P.M., and 
 while she tried to make out a diagram concealed in 
 an envelope I said to her quite suddenly : " What has 
 happened to M. Langlois?" Leonie knows M. Langlois 
 from having seen him two or three times some time ago in 
 my physiological laboratory, where he acts as my assistant. 
 
 1 Brinton's Religions of Primitive Peoples, p. 57. 
 
 * Purchas, p. 629. 3 S.P.R. Proceedings, vol. vi. 69.
 
 'OPENING THE GATES OF DISTANCE' 83 
 
 " He has burnt himself," Leonie replied. " Good," I 
 said, " and where has he burnt himself ? " " On the left 
 hand. It is not fire : it is I don't know its name. Why 
 does he not take care when he pours it out? " " Of what 
 colour," I asked, " is the stuff which he pours out ? " " It 
 is not red, it is brown ; he has hurt himself very much 
 the skin puffed up directly." 
 
 ' Now, this description is admirably exact. At 4 P.M. 
 that day M. Langlois had wished to pour some bromine 
 into a bottle. He had done this clumsily, so that some of 
 the bromine flowed on to his left hand, which held the 
 funnel, and at once burnt him severely. Although he at 
 once put his hand into water, wherever the bromine had 
 touched it a blister was formed in a few seconds a blister 
 which one could not better describe than by saying, " the 
 skin puffed up." I need not say that Leonie had not left 
 my house, nor seen anyone from my laboratory. Of this I 
 am absolutely certain, and I am certain that I had not 
 mentioned the incident of the burn to anyone. Moreover, 
 this was the first time for nearly a year that M. Langlois 
 had handled bromine, and when Leonie saw him six 
 months before at the laboratory he was engaged in experi- 
 ments of quite another kind.' 
 
 Here the savage reasoner would infer that Leonie 's 
 spirit had visited M. Langlois. The modern inquirer will 
 probably say that Leonie became aware of what was 
 passing in the mind of M. Richet. This supranormal 
 way of acquiring knowledge was observed in the last 
 century by M. de Puysegur in one of his earliest cases 
 of somnambulism. MM. Binet and Fere say : ' It is not 
 yet admitted that the subject is able to divine the thoughts 
 of the magnetiser without any material communication ; ' 
 while they grant, as a minimum, that ' research should 
 be continued in this direction.' l They appear to think 
 that Leonie may have read ' involuntary signs ' in the 
 aspect of M. Richet. This is a difficult hypothesis. 
 
 Here follows a case recorded in his diary by Mr. 
 
 1 Binet and Fere, Animal Magnetism, p. 64. 
 
 o 2
 
 84 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Dobbie, of Adelaide, Australia, who has practised hyp- 
 notism for curative purposes. He explains (June 10, 
 
 1884) that he had mesmerised Miss on several 
 
 occasions to relieve rheumatic pain and sore throat. 
 He found her to be clairvoyant. 
 
 ' The following is a verbatim account of the second 
 time I tested her powers in this respect, April 12, 1884. 
 There were four persons present during the stance. One 
 of the company wrote down the replies as they were 
 spoken. 
 
 ' Her father was at the time over fifty miles away, but 
 we did not know exactly where, so I questioned her as 
 follows : " Can you find your father at the present 
 moment?" At first she replied that she could not see 
 him, but in a minute or two she said, " Oh, yes ; now I 
 can see him, Mr. Dobbie." "Where is he?" "Sitting 
 at a large table in a large room, and there are a lot of 
 people going in and out." " What is he doing ? " " Writing 
 a letter, and there is a book in front of him." " Whom is 
 he writing to ? " "To the newspaper." Here she paused 
 and laughingly said, " Well, I declare, he is writing to the 
 A B " (naming a newspaper). " You said there was a book 
 there. Can you tell me what book it is ?" "It has gilt 
 letters on it." " Can you read them, or tell me the name 
 of the author ?" She read, or pronounced slowly, " W. 
 L. W." (giving the full surname of the author). She 
 answered several minor questions re the furniture in the 
 room, and I then said to her, "Is it any effort or trouble 
 to you to travel in this way ? " " Yes, a little ; I have 
 to think." 
 
 ' I now stood behind her, holding a half-crown in my 
 hand, and asked her if she could tell me what I had 
 in my hand, to which she replied, "It is a shilling." It 
 seemed as though she could see what was happening 
 miles away easier than she could see what was going on 
 in the room. 
 
 ' Her father returned home nearly a week afterwards, 
 and was perfectly astounded when told by his wife and 
 family what he had been doing on that particular 
 evening ; and, although previous to that date he was a
 
 ' OPENING THE GATES OF DISTANCE ' 85 
 
 thorough sceptic as to clairvoyance, he frankly admitted 
 that my clairvoyant was perfectly correct in every par- 
 ticular. He also informed us that the book referred to 
 was a new one, which he had purchased after he had 
 left his home, so that there was no possibility of his 
 daughter guessing that he had the book before him. I 
 may add that the letter in due course appeared in the 
 paper ; and I saw and handled the book.' 
 
 A number of cases of so-called ' clairvoyance ' will be 
 found in the ' Proceedings of the Society for Psychical 
 Research.' ' As the authors of these essays remark, even 
 after discounting, in each case, fraud, malobservation, 
 and misreporting, the residue of cases can seldom justify 
 either the savage theory of the wandering soul (which is 
 not here seriously proposed) or Hegel's theory that the 
 fiihlende Seele is unconditioned by space. For, if thought 
 transference be a fact, the apparent clairvoyant may only 
 be reading the mind of a person at a distance. The 
 results, however, when successful, would naturally suggest 
 to the savage thinker the belief in the wandering soul, or 
 corroborate it if it had already been suggested by the 
 common phenomena of dreaming. 
 
 To these instances of knowledge acquired otherwise 
 than by the recognised channels of sense we might add 
 the Scottish tales of 'second sight.' That phrase is 
 merely a local term covering examples of what is called 
 ' clairvoyance ' views of things remote in space, hallu- 
 cinations of sight that coincide with some notable event, 
 premonitions of things future, and so on. The belief and 
 hallucinatory experiences are still very common in the 
 Highlands, where I have myself collected many recent 
 instances. Mr. Tyler observes that the examples ' prove 
 a little too much ; they vouch not only for human 
 apparitions, but for such phantoms as demon dogs, and 
 
 1 Vol. vii. Mrs. Sidgwiek, pp. 30, 356 ; vol. vi. p. CG, Professor Kichet ; 
 p. 407, Drs. Dufay and Azam.
 
 86 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 for still more fanciful symbolic omens.' This is perfectly 
 true. I have found no cases of demon dogs ; but wander- 
 ing lights, probably of meteoric or miasmatic origin, are 
 certainly regarded as tokens of death. This is obviously 
 a superstitious hypothesis, the lights being real phenomena 
 misconstrued. Again, funerals are not uncommonly seen 
 where no funeral is taking place ; it is then alleged that 
 a real funeral, similar and similarly situated, soon after- 
 wards occurred. On the hypothesis of believers, the 
 percipients somehow behold 
 
 ' Such refraction of events 
 As often rises ere they rise.' 
 
 Even the savage cannot account for this experience by 
 the wandering of the soul in space ; nor do I suggest any 
 explanation. I give, however, one or two instances. They 
 are published in the ' Journal of the Caledonian Medical 
 Society,' 1897, by Dr. Alastair Macgregor, on the authority 
 of the MSS. of his father, a minister in the island of Skye. 
 
 ' He once told me that when he first went to Skye he 
 scoffed at the idea of such a power as second sight being 
 genuine; but he said that, after having been there for 
 some years as a clergyman, he had been so often con- 
 sulted beforehand by people who said they had seen 
 visions of events which subsequently occurred, to my 
 father's knowledge, in exact accordance with the form and 
 details of the vision as foretold, that he was compelled to 
 confess that some folks had, apparently at least, the un- 
 fortunate faculty. 
 
 ' As my father expressed it, this faculty was " neither 
 voluntary nor constant, and was considered rather annoying 
 than agreeable to the possessors of it. The gift was 
 possessed by individuals of both sexes, and its fits came 
 on within doors and without, sitting and standing, at 
 night and by day, and at whatever employment the votary 
 might chance to be engaged." 
 
 Here follows a typical example of the vision of a 
 funeral :
 
 'OPENING THE GATES OF DISTANCE' 87 
 
 ' The session clerk at Dull, a small village in Perth- 
 shire, was ill, and my grandfather, clergyman there at 
 the time, had to do duty for him. One fine summer 
 evening, ahout 7 o'clock, a young man and woman came 
 to get some papers filled up, as they were going to be 
 married. My grandfather was with the couple in the 
 session clerk's room, no doubt attending to the papers, 
 when suddenly all three saw through the window a 
 funeral procession passing along the road. From their 
 dress the bulk of the mourners seemed to be farm labourers 
 indeed the young woman recognised some of them 
 as natives of Dull, who had gone to live and work near 
 Dunkeld. Kemarks were naturally made by my grand- 
 father and the young couple about the untimely hour for 
 a funeral, and, hastily filling in the papers, my grand- 
 father went out to get the key of the churchyard, which 
 was kept in the manse, as, without the key, the procession 
 could not get into God's acre. Wondering how it was 
 that he had received no intimation of the funeral, he went 
 to the manse by a short cut, got the key, and hurried 
 down to the churchyard gate, where, of course, he ex- 
 pected to find the cortege waiting. Not a soul was there 
 except the young couple, who were as amazed as my 
 grandfather ! 
 
 ' Well, at the same hour in the evening of the same day 
 in the following week the funeral, this time in reality, 
 arrived quite unexpectedly. The facts were that a boy, a 
 native of Dull, had got gored by a bull at Dunkeld, and 
 was so shockingly mangled that his remains were picked 
 up and put into a coffin and taken without delay to Dull. 
 A grave was dug as quickly as possible the poor lad 
 having no relatives and the remains were interred. My 
 grandfather and the young couple recognised several of 
 the mourners as being among those whom they had seen 
 out of the session clerk's room, exactly a week previously, 
 in the phantom cortege. The young woman knew some 
 of them personally, and related to them what she had 
 seen, but they of course denied all knowledge of the affair, 
 having been then in Dunkeld.' 
 
 I give another example, because the experience was 
 auditory, as well as visual, and the prediction was an- 
 nounced before the event.
 
 88 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 ' The parishioners in Skye were evidently largely imbued 
 with the Eomanist-like belief in the powers of intercession 
 vested in their clergyman ; so when they had a " warning " 
 or "vision " they usually consulted my father as to what 
 they could do to prevent the coming disaster befalling 
 their relatives or friends. In this way my father had the 
 opportunity of noting down the minutiae of the " warning " 
 or "vision" directly it was told him. Having had the 
 advantage of a medical, previous to his theological, 
 training, he was able to note down sound facts, unern- 
 bellished by superadded imagination. Entering into this 
 method of case-taking with a mind perfectly open, except 
 for a slight touch of scepticism, he was greatly surprised 
 to discover how very frequently realisations occurred 
 exactly in conformance with the minutiae of the vision as 
 detailed in his note-book. Finally, he was compelled to 
 discard his scepticism, and to admit that some people had 
 undoubtedly the uncanny gift. Almost the first case he 
 took (Case X.) was that of a woman who had one day a 
 vision of her son falling over a high rock at Uig, in Skye, 
 with a sheep or lamb. 
 
 ' CASE X. She heard her son exclaim in Gaelic, " This is 
 a fatal lamb for me." As her son lived several miles from 
 Uig, and was a fisherman, realisation seemed to my father 
 very unlikely, but one month afterwards the realisation 
 occurred only too true. Unknown to his mother, who 
 had warned him against having anything to do with 
 sheep or lambs, the son one day, instead of going out in 
 his boat, thought he would take a holiday inland, and 
 w r ent off to Uig, where a farmer enlisted his services in 
 separating some lambs from the ewes. One of the lambs 
 ran away, and the fisher lad ran headlong after it, and not 
 looking where he was going, on catching the lamb was 
 pulled by it to the edge of one of the very picturesque but 
 exceedingly dangerous rocks at Uig. Too late realising 
 his critical position, he exclaimed, " This is a fatal lamb 
 for me," but going with such an impetus he was unable to 
 bring himself up in time, and, along with the lamb, fell 
 over into the ravine below, and was, of course, killed on 
 the spot. The farmer, when he saw the lad's danger, 
 ran to his assistance, but was only in time to hear him 
 cry out in Gaelic before disappearing over the brink of the 
 precipice. This was predicted by the mother a month 
 before. Was this simply a coincidence? '
 
 ' OPENING THE GATES OF DISTANCE ' 89 
 
 Dr. Macgregor's remarks on the involuntary and 
 unwelcome nature of the visions is borne out by what 
 Scheffer, as already quoted, says concerning the Lapps. 
 
 In addition to visions which thus come unsought, 
 contributing knowledge of things remote or even future, 
 we may glance at visions which are provoked by various 
 methods. Drugs (impepd) are used, seers whirl in a wild 
 dance till they fall senseless, or trance is induced by 
 various kinds of self-suggestion or ' auto-hypnotism.' 
 Fasting is also practised. In modern life the self-induced 
 trance is common among ' mediums ' a subject to which 
 we recur later. 
 
 So far, it will be observed, our evidence proves that 
 precisely similar beliefs as to man's occasional power of 
 opening the gates of distance have been entertained in a 
 great variety of lands and ages, and by races in every 
 condition of culture. 1 The alleged experiences are still 
 said to occur, and have been investigated by physiologists 
 of the eminence of M. Richet. The question cannot but 
 arise as to the residuum of fact in these narrations, and it 
 keeps on arising. 
 
 In the following chapter we discuss a mode of 
 inducing hallucinations which has for anthropologists the 
 interest of universal diffusion. The width of its range 
 in savage races has not, we believe, been previously 
 observed. We then add facts of modern experience, 
 about the authenticity of which we, personally, entertain 
 no doubt ; and the provisional conclusion appears to be 
 that savages have observed a psychological circumstance 
 which has been ignored by professed psychologists, and 
 which, certainly, does not fit into the ordinary materialistic 
 hypothesis. 
 
 1 The examples in the Old Testament, and in the Life of St. Columba by 
 Adamnan, need only be alluded to as too familiar for quotation.
 
 90 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 V 
 
 CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED 
 
 AMONG savage methods of provoking hallucinations 
 whence knowledge may be supernormally obtained, 
 various forms of ' crystal-gazing ' are the most curious. 
 We find the habit of looking into water, usually in a 
 vessel, preferably a glass vessel, among Bed Indians 
 (Lejeune), Romans (Varro, cited in Civitas Dei, iii. 457), 
 Africans of Fez (Leo Africanus) ; while Maoris use a 
 drop of blood (Taylor), Egyptians use ink (Lane), and 
 Australian savages employ a ball of polished stone, into 
 which the seer ' puts himself ' to descry the results of an 
 expedition. 1 
 
 I have already given, in the Introduction, Ellis's 
 record of the Polynesian case. A hole being dug in the 
 floor of his house, and filled with water, the priest looks 
 for a vision of the thief who has carried off stolen goods. 
 The Polynesian theory is that the god carries the spirit 
 of the thief over the water, in which it is reflected. 
 Lejeune's Bed Indians make their patients gaze into the 
 water, in which they will see the pictures of the things in 
 the way of food or medicine that will do them good. In 
 modern language, the instinctive knowledge existing im- 
 plicitly in the patient's subconsciousness is thus brought 
 into the range of his ordinary consciousness. 
 
 In 1887 the late Captain J. T. Bourke, of the U.S. 
 
 1 Information, with a photograph of the stones, from a correspondent in 
 West Maitland, Australia.
 
 CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED 91 
 
 Cavalry, an original and careful observer, visited the 
 Apaches in the interests of the Ethnological Bureau. 
 He learned that one of the chief duties of the medicine- 
 men was to find out the whereabouts of lost or stolen 
 property. Na-a-cha, one of these jossaJceeds, possessed 
 a magic quartz crystal, which he greatly valued. Captain 
 Bourke presented him with a still finer crystal. ' He 
 could not give me an explanation of its magical use, 
 except that by looking into it he could see everything 
 he wanted to see.' Captain Bourke appears never to 
 have heard of the modern experiments in crystal-gazing. 
 Captain Bourke also discovered that the Apaches, like the 
 Greeks, Australians, Africans, Maoris, and many other 
 races, use the bull-roarer, turndun, or rliotnbos a piece 
 of wood which, being whirled round, causes a strange 
 windy roar in their mystic ceremonies. The wide use 
 of the rhombos was known to Captain Bourke ; that of 
 the crystal was not. 
 
 For the Iroquois, Mrs. Erminie Smith supplies infor- 
 mation about the crystal. ' Placed in a gourd of water, 
 it could render visible the apparition of a person who has 
 bewitched another.' She gives a case in European times 
 of a medicine-man who found the witch's habitat, but got 
 only an indistinct view of her face. On a second trial 
 he was successful. 1 One may add that treasure-seekers 
 among the Huille-che ' look earnestly '. for what they 
 want to find ' into a smooth slab of black stone, which 
 I suppose to be basalt.' 2 
 
 The kindness of Monsieur Lefebure enables me to give 
 another example from Madagascar. 3 Flacourt, describing 
 
 1 Eeport Ethnol. Bureau, 1887-88, p. 460; vol. ii. p. C9. Captain 
 Bourke's volume on The Medicine Men of the Apaches may also be 
 consulted. 
 
 2 Fitzroy, Adventure, vol. ii. p. 389. 
 
 3 L'Histoire de la grand lie Madagascar, par le Sieur de Flacourt.
 
 92 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 the Malagasies, says that they squillent (a word not 
 in Littre), that is, divine by crystals, which ' fall from 
 heaven when it thunders.' Of course the rain reveals the 
 crystals, as it does the flint instruments called ' thunder- 
 bolts ' in many countries. ' Lorsqu'ils squillent, ils ont 
 une de ces pierres au coing de leurs tablettes, disans 
 qu'elle a la vertu de faire faire operation a leur figure 
 de geomance.' Probably they used the crystals as do 
 the Apaches. On July 15 a Malagasy woman viewed, 
 whether in her crystal or otherwise, two French vessels 
 which, like the Spanish fleet, were 'not in sight,' also 
 officers, and doctors, and others aboard, whom she had 
 seen, before their return to France, in Madagascar. The 
 earliest of the ships did not arrive till August 11. 
 
 Dr. Callaway gives the Zulu practice, where the chief 
 ' sees what will happen by looking into the vessel.' l The 
 Shamans of Siberia and Eastern Russia employ the 
 same method. 2 The case of the Inca, Yupanqui, is 
 very curious. ' As he came up to a fountain he saw a 
 piece of crystal fall into it, within which he beheld a figure 
 of an Indian in the following shape. . . . The apparition 
 then vanished, while the crystal remained. The Inca 
 took care of it, and they say that he afterwards saw 
 everything he wanted in it.' 3 
 
 Here, then, we find the belief that hallucinations can 
 be induced by one or other form of crystal-gazing, in 
 ancient Peru, on the other side of the continent among 
 the Huille-che, in Fez, in Madagascar, in Siberia, among 
 Apaches, Hurons, Iroquois, Australian black fellows, 
 Maoris, and in Polynesia. This is assuredly a wide range 
 
 Paris, 1661, ch. 76. Veue de deux Navires de France predite par les 
 Negres, avant que 1'on en peust s<;avoir des Nouvelles, &c. 
 
 1 Religion of the Amazulu, p. 341. 
 
 '-' J.A.I., November 1894, p. 155. Ryckov is cited ; Zhurnal, p. 86. 
 
 3 Rites and Laws of tlie Yncas, Christoval de Molina, p. 12.
 
 CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED 93 
 
 of geographical distribution. We also find the practice 
 in Greece (Pausanias, VII. xxi. 12), in Home (Varro), in 
 Egypt, and in India. 
 
 Though anthropologists have paid no attention to the 
 subject, it was of course familiar to later Europe. ' Miss X ' 
 has traced it among early Christians, in early Councils, in 
 episcopal condemnations of specularii, and so to Dr. Dee, 
 under James VI.; Aubrey; the Kegent d'Orleans in St.- 
 Simon's Memoirs ; the modern mesmerists (Gregory, Mayo) 
 and the mid-Victorian spiritualists, who, as usual, explained 
 the phenomena, in their prehistoric way, by ' spirits.' ' 
 Till this lady examined the subject, nobody had thought 
 of remarking that a belief so universal had probably some 
 basis of facts, or nobody if we except two professors 
 of chemistry and physiology, Drs. Gregory and Mayo. 
 Miss X made experiments, beginning by accident, like 
 George Sand, when a child. 
 
 The hallucinations which appear to her eyes in ink, or 
 crystal, are : 
 
 1. Revived memories ' arising thus, and thus only, from 
 the subconscious strata ; ' 
 
 ' 2. Objectivation of ideas or images (a) consciously 
 or (b) unconsciously in the mind of the percipient ; 
 
 ' 3. Visions, possibly telepathic or clairvoyant, implying 
 acquirement of knowledge by supernormal means.' 2 
 
 The examples given of the last class, the class which 
 would be so useful to a priest or medicine-man asked to 
 discover things lost, are of very slight interest. 3 
 
 Since Miss X drew attention to this subject, experi- 
 ments have proved beyond doubt that a fair percentage 
 
 1 See Miss X's article, S.P.R. Proceedings, v. 486. - Op. cit. v. 505. 
 
 3 If any reader wishes to make experiments, he, or she, should not be 
 astonished if the first crystal figure represents ' the sheeted dead,' or a 
 person ill in bed. For some reason, or no reason, this is rather a usual 
 prelude, signifying nothing.
 
 94 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 of people, sane and healthy, can see vivid landscapes, and 
 figures of persons in motion, in glass balls and other 
 vehicles. This faculty Dr. Parish attributes to ' dissociation/ 
 practically to drowsiness. But he speaks by conjecture, 
 and without having witnessed experiments, as will be 
 shown later. I now offer a series of experiments with a 
 glass ball, coming under my own observation, in which 
 knowledge was apparently acquired in no ordinary way. 
 Of the absence of fraud I am personally convinced, not 
 only by the characters of all concerned, but by the nature 
 of the circumstances. That adaptive memory did not later 
 alter the narratives, as originally told, I feel certain, be- 
 cause they were reported to me, when I was not present, 
 within less than a week, precisely as they are now given, 
 except in cases specially noted. 
 
 Early in the present year (1897) I met a young lady 
 who told me of three or four curious hallucinatory ex- 
 periences of her own, which were sufficiently corroborated. 
 She was innocent of psychical studies, and personally 
 was, and is, in perfect health ; the pale cast of thought 
 being remote from her. I got a glass ball, and was -pre- 
 sent when she first looked into it. She saw, I remember, 
 the interior of a house, with a full-length portrait of a 
 person unknown. There were, I think, one or two other 
 fancy pictures of the familiar kind. But she presently 
 (living as she was, among strangers) developed a power of 
 ' seeing ' persons and places unknown to her, but familiar 
 to them. These experiences do seem to me to be good 
 examples of what is called ' thought transference ; ' indeed, 
 I never before could get out of a level balance of doubt on 
 that subject, a balance which now leans considerably to 
 the affirmative side. There may be abundance of better 
 evidence, but, knowing the persons and circumstances, 
 and being present once at what seemed to me a crucial
 
 CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED 95 
 
 example, I was more inclined to be convinced. This 
 attitude appears, to myself, illogical, but it is natural and 
 usual. 
 
 We cannot tell what indications may be accidentally 
 given in experiments in thought transference. But, in these 
 cases of crystal-gazing, the detail was too copious to be con- 
 veyed, by a looker-on, in a wink or a cough. I do not mean 
 to say that success was invariable. I thought of Dr. W. G. 
 Grace, and the scryer saw an old man crawling along with 
 a stick. But I doubt if Dr. Grace is very deeply seated 
 in that mystic entity, nay subconscious self. The ' scries ' 
 which came right were sometimes, but not always, those of 
 which the ' agent ' (or person scried for) was consciously 
 thinking. But the examples will illustrate the various 
 kinds of occurrences. 
 
 Here one should first consider the arguments against 
 accepting recognition of objects merely described by an- 
 other person. The crystal-gazer may know the inquirer 
 so intimately as to have a very good guess at the subject 
 of his meditation. Again, a man is likely to be thinking 
 of a woman, and a woman of a man, so the field of 
 conjecture is limited. In answer to the first objection 
 I may say that the crystal-gazer was among strangers, 
 all of whom, myself included, she now saw for the 
 first time. Nor could she have studied their histories 
 beforehand, for she could not know (normally) when she 
 left home, that she was about to be shown a glass ball, 
 or whom she would meet. The second objection is met 
 by the circumstance that ladies were not usually picked 
 out for men, nor men for women. Indeed, these choices 
 were the exceptions, and in each case were marked by 
 minutely particular details. A third objection is that 
 credulity, or the love of strange novelties, or desire to 
 oblige, biases the inquirers, and makes them anxious to
 
 96 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 recognise something familiar in the scryer's descriptions. 
 In the same way we know how people recognise faces in 
 the most blurred and vague of spiritist photographs, or 
 see family resemblances in the most rudimentary dough- 
 faced babies. Take descriptions of persons in a passport, 
 or in a proclamation sketching the personal appearance of 
 a criminal. These fit the men or women intended, but 
 they also fit a crowd of other people. The descrip- 
 tion given by the scryer then may come right by a for- 
 tuitous coincidence, or may be too credulously recognised. 
 The complex of coincidences, however, could not be 
 attributed to chance selection out of the whole possible 
 field of conjecture. We must remember, too, that a series 
 of such hits increases, at an enormous rate, the odds 
 against accidental conjecture. Of such mere luck I 
 may give an example. I was writing a story of which 
 the hero was George Kelly, one of the ' Seven Men of 
 Moidart.' A year after composing my tale, I found 
 the Government description of Mr. Kelly (1736). It 
 exactly tallied with my purely fanciful sketch, down to 
 eyes, and teeth, and face, except that I made my hero 
 ' about six feet,' whereas the Government gave him five 
 'feet ten. But I knew beforehand that Mr. Kelly was a 
 clergyman ; his curious career proved him to be a person 
 of great activity and geniality and he was of Irish birth. 
 Even a dozen such guesses, equally correct, could not 
 suggest any powers of ' vision,' when so much was known 
 beforehand about the person guessed at. I now give 
 cases in the experience of Miss Angus, as one may call 
 the crystal-gazer. The first occurred the day after she 
 got the glass ball for the first time. She writes : 
 
 'I. A lady one day asked me to scry out a friend of whom 
 she would think. Almost immediately I exclaimed "Here 
 is an old, old lady looking at me with a triumphant smile
 
 CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED 97 
 
 on her face. She has a prominent nose and nut-cracker 
 chin. Her face is very much wrinkled, especially at the 
 sides of her eyes, as if she were always smiling. She is 
 wearing a little white shawl with a black edge. But ! . . . 
 she can't be old as her hair is quite brown ! although her 
 face looks so very very old." The picture then vanished, 
 and the lady said that I had accurately described her 
 friend's mother instead of himself ; that it was a family 
 joke that the mother must dye her hair, it was so brown, 
 and she was eighty-two years old. The lady asked me if 
 the vision were distinct enough for me to recognise a like- 
 ness in the son's photograph ; next day she laid several 
 photographs before me, and in a moment, without the 
 slightest hesitation I picked him out from his wonderful 
 likeness to my vision ! ' 
 
 The inquirer verbally corroborated all the facts to me, 
 within a week, but leaned to a theory of ' electricity.' She 
 hasTead and confirms this account. 
 
 ' II. One afternoon I was sitting beside a young lady 
 whom I had never seen or heard of before. She asked 
 if she might look into my crystal, and while she did so I 
 happened to look over her shoulder and saw a ship 
 tossing on a very heavy choppy sea, although land was 
 still visible in the dim distance. That vanished, and, as 
 suddenly, a little house appeared with five or six (I forget 
 now the exact number I then counted) steps leading up to 
 the door. On the second step stood an old man reading a 
 newspaper. In front of the house was a field of thick 
 stubbly grass where some lambs, I was going to say, but 
 they were more like very small sheep . . . were grazing. 
 
 ' When the scene vanished, the young lady told me I 
 had vividly described a spot in Shetland where she and 
 her mother were soon going to spend a few weeks.' 
 
 I heard of this case from Miss Angus within a day or two 
 of its occurrence, and it was then confirmed to me, verbally, 
 by the other lady. She again confirms it (December 21, 
 1897). Both ladies had hitherto been perfect strangers to 
 each other. The old man was the schoolmaster, appa- 
 rently. In her MS., Miss Angus writes ' Skye,' but at the 
 
 H
 
 98 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 time both she and the other lady said Shetland (which I 
 have restored). In Shetland the sheep, like the ponies, are 
 small. Fortuitous coincidence, of course, may be invoked. 
 The next account is by another lady, say Miss Rose. 
 
 ' III. Writes Miss Eose My first experience of crystal 
 gazing was not a pleasant one, as will be seen from the 
 following which I now relate as exactly as I can remem- 
 ber. I asked my friend, Miss Angus, to allow me to 
 look in her crystal, and, after doing so for a short time, 
 gave up, saying it was very unsatisfactory, as, although I 
 saw a room with a bright fire in it and a bed all curtained 
 and people coming and going, I could not make out who 
 they were, so I returned the crystal to Miss Angus, with 
 the request that she might look for me. She said at once, 
 " I see a bed with a man in it looking very ill and a lady 
 in black beside it." Without saying any more Miss 
 Angus still kept looking, and, after some time, I asked to 
 have one more look, and on her passing the ball back to 
 me, I received quite a shock, for there, perfectly clearly in 
 a bright light, I saw stretched out in bed an old man 
 apparently dead ; for a few minutes I could not look, and 
 on doing so once more there appeared a lady in black and 
 out of dense darkness a long black object was being carried 
 and it stopped before a dark opening overhung with 
 rocks. At the time I saw this I was staying with 
 cousins, and it was a Friday evening. On Sunday we 
 heard of the death of the father-in-law of one of my 
 cousins ; of course I knew the old gentleman was very ill, 
 but my thoughts were not in the least about him when 
 looking in the crystal. I may also say I did not recognise 
 in the features of the dead man those of the old gentleman 
 whose death I mention. On looking again on Sunday, I 
 once more saw the curtained bed and some people.' 
 
 I now give Miss Angus's version of this case, as 
 originally received from her (December 1897). I had 
 previously received an oral version, from a person present 
 at the scrying. It differed, in one respect, from what 
 Miss Angus writes. Her version is offered because it is 
 made independently, without consultation, or attempt to 
 reconcile recollections.
 
 CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED 99 
 
 ' At a recent experience of gazing, for the first time 
 I was able to make another see what I saw in the crystal. 
 Miss Rose called one afternoon, and begged me to look in 
 the ball for her. I did so, and immediately exclaimed, 
 4 ' Oh ! here is a bed, with a man in it looking very ill [I 
 saw he was dead, but refrained from saying so], and there 
 is a lady dressed in black sitting beside the bed." I did 
 not recognise the man to be anyone I knew, so I told her 
 to look. In a very short time she called out, " Oh ! I see 
 the bed too ! But, oh ! take it away, the man is dead \ " 
 She got quite a shock, and said she would never look in it 
 again. Soon, however, curiosity prompted her to have 
 one more look, and the scene at once came back again, 
 and slowly, from a misty object at the side of the bed, the 
 lady in black became quite distinct. Then she described 
 several people in the room, and said they were carrying 
 something all draped in black. When she saw this, she 
 put the ball down and would not look at it again. She 
 called again on Sunday (this had been on Friday) with 
 her cousin, and we teased her about being afraid of the 
 crystal, so she said she would just look in it once more. 
 She took the ball, but immediately laid it down again, 
 saying, " No, I won't look, as the bed with the awful man 
 in it is there again ! " 
 
 ' When they went home, they heard that the cousin's 
 father-in-law had died that afternoon, 1 but to show he had 
 never been in our thoughts, although we all knew he had 
 not been well, no one suggested him ; his name was never 
 mentioned in connection with the vision.' 
 
 ' Clairvoyance,' of course, is not illustrated here, the 
 corpse being unrecognised, and the coincidence, doubtless, 
 accidental. 
 
 The next case is attested by a civilian, a slight 
 acquaintance of Miss Angus's, who now saw him for the 
 second time only, but better known to her family. 
 
 ' IV. On Thursday, March ? 1897, I was lunching 
 with my friends the Anguses, and during luncheon the 
 
 1 Sunday afternoon. It is not implied that the pictures on Friday were 
 prophets. Probably Miss Rose saw what Miss Angus had seen by aid of 
 ' suggestion.'
 
 100 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 conversation turned upon crystal balls and the visions 
 that, by some people, can be seen in them. The subject 
 arose owing to Miss Angus having just been presented 
 with a crystal ball by Mr. Andrew Lang. I asked her to 
 let me see it, and then to try and see if she could conjure 
 up a vision of any person of whom I might think, ... I 
 fixed my mind upon a friend, a young trooper in the 
 [regiment named], as I thought his would be a striking 
 and peculiar personality, owing to his uniform, and also 
 because I felt sure that Miss Angus could not possibly 
 know of his existence. I fixed my mind steadily upon 
 my friend, and presently Miss Angus, who had already 
 seen two cloudy visions of faces and people, called out, 
 " Now I see a man on a horse most distinctly ; he is 
 dressed most queerly, and glitters all over why, it's a 
 soldier ! a soldier in uniform, but it's not an officer." My 
 excitement on hearing this was so great that I ceased to 
 concentrate my attention upon the thought of my friend, 
 and the vision faded away and could not afterwards be 
 recalled. December 2, 1897.' 
 
 The witness gives the name of the trooper, whom he 
 had befriended in a severe illness. Miss Angus's own 
 account follows : she had told me the story in June 1897. 
 
 ' Shortly after I became the happy possessor of a 
 " crystal " I managed to convert several very decided 
 "sceptics," and I will here give a short account of my 
 experiences with two or three of them. 
 
 ' One was with a Mr. , who was so determined 
 
 to baffle me, he said he would think of a friend it would 
 not be possible for me to describe ! 
 
 ' I had only met Mr. the day before, and knew 
 
 almost nothing about him or his personal friends. 
 
 ' I took up the ball, which immediately became misty, 
 and out of this mist gradually a crowd of people appeared, 
 but too indistinctly for me to recognise anyone, until 
 suddenly a man on horseback came galloping along. I 
 remember saying, " I can't describe what he is like, but he 
 is dressed in a very queer way in something so bright 
 that the sun shining on him quite dazzles me, and I can- 
 not make him out ! " As he came nearer I exclaimed. 
 " Why, it's a soldier in shining armour, but it's not an
 
 CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED 101 
 
 officer, only a soldier ! " Two friends who were in the 
 
 room said Mr. 's excitement was intense, and my 
 
 attention was drawn from the ball by hearing him call 
 out, " It's wonderful ! it's perfectly true ! I was thinking 
 of a young boy, a son of a crofter, in whom I am deeply 
 
 interested, and who is a trooper in the in London, 
 
 which would account for the crowd of people round him 
 in the street ! " 
 
 The next case is given, first in the version of the lady 
 who was unconsciously scried for, and next in that of 
 Miss Angus. The other lady writes : 
 
 ' V. I met Miss A. for the first time in a friend's house 
 in the south of England, and one evening mention was 
 made of a crystal ball, and our hostess asked Miss A. to 
 look in it, and, if possible, tell her what was happening 
 to a friend of hers. Miss A. took the crystal, and our 
 hostess put her hand on Miss A.'s forehead to "will her." 
 I, not believing in this, took up a book and went to the 
 other side of the room. I was suddenly very much 
 startled to hear Miss A., in quite an agitated way, describe 
 a scene that had most certainly been very often in my 
 thoughts, but of which I had never mentioned a word. 
 She accurately described a race-course in Scotland, and 
 an accident which happened to a friend of mine only a 
 week or two before, and she was evidently going through 
 the same doubt and anxiety that I did at the time as to 
 whether he was actually killed or only very much hurt. 
 It really was a most wonderful revelation to me, as it was 
 the very first time I had seen a crystal. Our hostess, 
 of course, was very much annoyed that she had not been 
 able to influence Miss A., while I, who had appeared so 
 very indifferent, should have affected her. November 23, 
 1897.' 
 
 Miss Angus herself writes : 
 
 ' Another case was a rather interesting one, as I some- 
 how got inside the thoughts of one lady while another 
 was doing her best to influence me ! 
 
 'Miss - , a friend in Brighton, has strange "mag- 
 netic" powers, and felt quite sure of success with me and 
 the ball.
 
 102 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 ' Another lady, Miss H., who was present, laughed at 
 the whole thing, especially when Miss - - insisted on 
 holding my hand and putting her other hand on my fore- 
 head ! Miss H. in a scornful manner took up a book, and, 
 crossing to the other side of the room, left us to our folly. 
 
 ' In a very short time I felt myself getting excited, 
 which had never happened before, when I looked in the 
 crystal. I saw a crowd of people, and in some strange 
 way I felt I was in it, and we all seemed to be waiting 
 for something. Soon a rider came past, young, dressed 
 for racing. His horse ambled past, and he smiled and 
 nodded to those he knew in the crowd, and then was lost 
 to sight. 
 
 'In a moment we all seemed to feel as if something 
 had happened, and I went through great agony of sus- 
 pense trying to see what seemed just beyond my view. 
 Soon, however, two or three men approached, and carried 
 him past before my eyes, and again my anxiety was 
 intense to discover if he were only very badly hurt or if 
 life were really extinct. All this happened in a few 
 moments, but long enough to have left me so agitated 
 that I could not realise it had only been a vision in a 
 glass ball. 
 
 ' By this time Miss H. had laid aside her book, and 
 came forward quite startled, and told me that I had 
 accurately described a scene on a race-course in Scotland 
 which she had witnessed just a week or two before a 
 scene that had very often been in her thoughts, but, as we 
 were strangers to each other, she had never mentioned. 
 She also said I had exactly described her own feelings at 
 the time, and had brought it all back in a most vivid 
 manner. 
 
 ' The other lady was rather disappointed that, after she 
 had concentrated her thoughts so hard, I should have 
 been influenced instead by one who had jeered at the 
 whole affair.' 
 
 [This anecdote was also told to me, within a few days 
 of the occurrence, by Miss Angus. Her version was that 
 she first saw a gentleman rider going to the post and 
 nodding to his friends. Then she saw him carried on a 
 stretcher through the crowd. She seemed, she said, to be 
 actually present, and felt somewhat agitated. The fact 
 of the accident was, later, mentioned to me in Scotland 
 by another lady, a stranger to all the persons. A. L.]
 
 CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED 103 
 
 VI. I may briefly add an experiment of December 21, 
 1897. A gentleman had recently come from England to 
 the Scottish town where Miss Angus lives. He dined 
 with her family, and about 10.15 to 10.30 P.M. she 
 proposed to look in the glass for a scene or person of 
 whom he was to think. He called up a mental picture 
 of a ball at which he had recently been, and of a young 
 lady to whom he had there been introduced. The lady's 
 face, however, he could not clearly visualise, and Miss 
 Angus reported nothing but a view of an empty ball-room, 
 with polished floor and many lights. The gentleman 
 made another effort, and remembered his partner with 
 some distinctness. Miss Angus then described another 
 room, not a ball-room, comfortably furnished, in which 
 a girl with brown hair drawn back from her forehead, and 
 attired in a high-necked white blouse, was reading, or 
 writing letters, under a bright light in an unshaded glass 
 globe. The description of the features, figure, and height 
 tallied with Mr. - 's recollection ; but he had never 
 seen this Geraldine of an hour except in ball dress. He 
 and Miss Angus noted the time by their watches (it was 
 10.30), and Mr. - - said that on the first opportunity he 
 would ask the young lady how she had been dressed 
 and how employed at that hour on December 21. On 
 December 22 he met her at another dance, and her reply 
 corroborated the crystal picture. She had been writing 
 letters, in a high-necked white blouse, under an incan- 
 descent gas lamp with an unshaded glass globe. She was 
 entirely unknown to Miss Angus, and had only been seen 
 once by Mr. - . Mr. - - and the lady of the crystal 
 picture corroborated all this in writing. 
 
 I now suggested an experiment to Miss Angus, which , 
 after all, was clearly not of a nature to establish a ' test ' 
 for sceptics. The inquirer was to write down, and
 
 inclose in an envelope, a statement of his thoughts ; Miss 
 Angus was to do the same with her description of the 
 picture seen by her ; and these documents were to be 
 sent to me, without communication between the inquirer 
 and the crystal-gazer. Of course, this could in no way 
 prove absence of collusion, as the two parties might 
 arrange privately beforehand what the vision was to be. 
 
 Indeed, nobody is apt to be convinced, or shaken, 
 unless he is himself the inquirer and a stranger to the 
 seeress, as the people in these experiments were. Evi- 
 dence interesting to them and, in a secondary degree, to 
 others who know them can thus be procured ; but 
 strangers are left to the same choice of doubts as in 
 all reports of psychological experiences, ' chromatic audi- 
 tion,' views of coloured numerals, and the other topics 
 illustrated by Mr. Galton's interesting researches. 
 
 In this affair of the envelopes the inquirer was a 
 Mr. Pembroke, who had just made Miss Angus's ac- 
 quaintance, and was but a sojourner in the land. He 
 wrote, before knowing what Miss Angus had seen in the 
 ball: 
 
 'VII. On Sunday, January 23, 1898, whilst Miss 
 Angus was looking in the crystal ball, I was thinking of 
 my brother, who was, I believe, at that time, somewhere 
 between Sabathu (Punjab, India) and Egypt. I was 
 anxious to know what stage of his journey he had 
 reached.' 
 
 Miss Angus saw, and wrote, before telling Mr. 
 Pembroke : 
 
 ' A long and very white road, with tall trees at one 
 side ; on the other, a river or lake of greyish water. 
 Blue sky, with a crimson sunset. A great black ship is 
 anchored near, and on the deck I see a man lying, 
 apparently very ill. He is a powerful-looking man, fair, 
 and very much bronzed. Seven or eight Englishmen, in
 
 CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED 105 
 
 very light clothes, are standing on the road beside the 
 boat. 
 
 ' January 23, 1898.' 
 
 ' A great black ship/ anchored in ' a river or lake,' 
 naturally suggests the Suez Canal, where, in fact, Mr. 
 Pembroke's brother was just arriving, as was proved by a 
 letter received from him eight days after the experiment 
 was recorded, on January 31. At that date Mr. Pem- 
 broke had not yet been told the nature of Miss Angus's 
 crystal picture, nor had she any knowledge of his brother's 
 whereabouts. 
 
 In February 1898, Miss Angus again came to the place 
 where I was residing. We visited together the scene 
 of an historical crime, and Miss Angus looked into the 
 glass ball. It was easy for her to ' visualise ' the inci- 
 dents of the crime (the murder of Cardinal Beaton), for 
 they are familiar enough to many people. What she did ft 
 see in the ball was a tall, pale lady, ' about forty, but &,<- 
 looking thirty-five,' with hair drawn back from the brows, . 
 standing beside a high chair, dressed in a wide farthingale ' 
 of stiff grey brocade, without a ruff. The costume corre- ;:/,. 
 spends well (as we found) with that of 1546, and I said, 
 ' I suppose it is Mariotte Ogilvy ' to whom Miss Angus's 
 historical knowledge (and perhaps that of the general pub- 
 lic) did not extend. Mariotte was the Cardinal's lady-love, 
 and was in the Castle on the night before the murder, 
 according to Knox. She had been in my mind, whence 
 (on the theory of thought transference) she may have 
 passed to Miss Angus's mind ; but I had never speculated 
 on Mariotte's costume. Nothing but conjecture, of course, 
 comes of these apparently ' retrospective ' pictures ; though 
 a most singular and picturesque coincidence occurred, 
 which may be told in a very different connection. 
 
 The next example was noted at the same town. The
 
 106 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 lady who furnishes it is well known to me, and it was 
 verbally corroborated by Miss Angus, to whom the lady, 
 her absent nephew, and all about her, were entirely 
 strange. 
 
 ' VIII. I was very anxious to know whether my 
 nephew would be sent to India this year, so I told Miss 
 Angus that I had thought of something, and asked her to 
 look in the glass ball. She did so, but almost immediately 
 turned round and looked out of the window at the sea, 
 and said, " I saw a ship so distinctly I thought it must be 
 a reflection." She looked in the ball again, and said, "It 
 is a large ship, and it is passing a huge rock with a light- 
 house on it. I can't see who are on the ship, but the 
 sky is very clear and blue. Now I see a large building, 
 something like a club, and in front there are a great many 
 people sitting and walking about. I think it must be 
 some place abroad, for the people are all dressed in very 
 light clothes, and it seems to be very sunny and warm. 
 I see a young man sitting on a chair, with his feet 
 straight out before him. He is not talking to anyone, 
 but seems to be listening to something. He is dark and 
 slight, and not very tall ; and his eyebrows are dark and 
 very distinctly marked." 
 
 ' I had not had the pleasure of meeting Miss Angus 
 before, and she knew nothing whatever about my nephew ; 
 but the young man described was exactly like him, both 
 in his appearance and in the way he was sitting.' 
 
 In this case thought transference may be appealed to. 
 The lady was thinking of her nephew in connection with 
 India. It is not maintained, of course, that the picture 
 was of a prophetic character. 
 
 The following examples have some curious and 
 unusual features. On Wednesday, February 2, 1897, 
 Miss Angus was looking in the crystal, to amuse six or 
 seven people whose acquaintance she had that day made. 
 A gentleman, Mr. Bissett, asked her 'what letter was in 
 his pocket.' She then saw, under a bright sky, and, as it 
 were, a long way off, a large building, in and out of which
 
 CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED 107 
 
 many men were coming and going. Her impression was 
 that the scene must be abroad. In the little company 
 present, it should be added, was a lady, Mrs. Cockburn, 
 who had considerable reason to think of her young 
 married daughter, then at a place about fifty miles away. 
 After Miss Angus had described the large building and 
 crowds of men, some one asked, ' Is it an exchange ? ' 
 ' It might be,' she said. ' Now comes a man in a great 
 hurry. He has a broad brow, and short, curly hair ; 1 
 hat pressed low down on his eyes. The face is very 
 serious ; but he has a delightful smile.' Mr. and Mrs. 
 Bissett now both recognised their friend and stockbroker, 
 whose letter was in Mr. Bissett's pocket. 
 
 The vision, which interested Miss Angus, passed away, 
 and was interrupted by that of a hospital nurse, and of a 
 lady in a peignoir, lying on a sofa, with bare feet? Miss 
 Angus mentioned this vision as a bore, she being more 
 interested in the stockbroker, w r ho seems to have inherited 
 what was once in the possession of another stockbroker 
 ' the smile of Charles Lamb.' Mrs. Cockburn, for whom 
 no pictures appeared, was rather vexed, and privately 
 expressed with freedom a very sceptical opinion about the 
 whole affair. But, on Saturday, February 5, 1897, Miss 
 Angus was again with Mr. and Mrs. Bissett. When 
 Mrs. Bissett announced that she had ' thought of some- 
 thing,' Miss Angus saw a walk in a wood or garden, beside 
 a river, under a brilliant blue sky. Here was a lady, very 
 well dressed, twirling a white parasol on her shoulder as 
 she walked, in a curious ' stumpy ' way, beside a gentle- 
 man in light clothes, such as are worn in India. He was 
 broad-shouldered, had a short neck and a straight nose, 
 
 1 Miss Angus could not be sure of the colour of the hair. 
 - The position was such that Miss Anyus could not see the face of the 
 lady.
 
 108 THE MAKING OF EELIGION 
 
 and seemed to listen, laughing, but indifferent, to his 
 obviously vivacious companion. The lady had a ' drawn ' 
 face, indicative of ill health. Then followed a scene in 
 which the man, without the lady, was looking on at 
 a number of Orientals busy in the felling of trees. 
 Mrs. Bissett recognised, in the lady, her sister, Mrs. 
 Clifton, in India above all, when Miss Angus gave a 
 realistic imitation of Mrs. Clifton's walk, the peculiarity 
 of which was caused by an illness some years ago. Mrs. 
 and Mr. Bissett also recognised their brother-in-law in 
 the gentleman seen in both pictures. On being shown a 
 portrait of Mrs. Clifton as a girl, Miss Angus said it was 
 ' like, but too pretty.' A photograph done recently, 
 however, showed her ' the drawn face ' of the crystal 
 picture. l - 
 
 Next day, Sunday, February 6, Mrs. Bissett received, 
 what was not usual a letter from her sister in India, 
 Mrs. Clifton, dated January 20. Mrs. Clifton described 
 a place in a native State, where she had been at a great 
 ' function,' in certain gardens beside a river. She added 
 that they were going to another place for a certain 
 purpose, ' and then we go into camp till the end of 
 February.' One of Mr. Clifton's duties is to direct the 
 clearing of wood preparatory to the formation of the 
 camp, as in Miss Angus's crystal picture. 2 The sceptical 
 Mrs. Cockburn heard of these coincidences, and an idea 
 occurred to her. She wrote to her daughter, who has 
 been mentioned, and asked whether, on Wednesday, 
 February 2, she had been lying on a sofa in her bed-room, 
 with bare feet. The young lady confessed that it was 
 
 1 I saw the photographs. 
 
 2 I have been shown the letter of January 20, which confirmed the 
 evidence of the crystal pictures. The camp was formed for official purposes 
 in which Mr. Clifton was concerned. A letter of February 9 unconsciously 
 corroborates.
 
 109 
 
 indeed so ; l and, when she heard how the fact came to be 
 known, expressed herself with some warmth on the abuse 
 of glass balls, which tend to rob life of its privacy. 
 
 In this case the prima facie aspect of things is that 
 a thought of Mr. Bissett's about his stockbroker, dulce 
 ridentem, somehow reflected itself into Miss Angus's mind 
 by way of the glass ball, and was interrupted by a 
 thought of Mrs. Cockburn's, as to her daughter. But how 
 these thoughts came to display the unknown facts con- 
 cerning the garden by the river, the felling of trees for 
 a camp, and the bare feet, is a question about which it is 
 vain to theorise. 2 
 
 On the vanishing of the jungle scene there appeared 
 a picture of a man in a dark undress uniform, beside a 
 great bay, in which were ships of war. Wooden huts, as 
 in a plague district, w r ere on shore. Mr. Bissett asked, 
 ' What is the man's expression ? ' ' He looks as if he had 
 been giving a lot of last orders.' Then appeared ' a place 
 like a hospital, with five or six beds no, berths : it is 
 a ship. Here is the man again.' He was minutely 
 described, one peculiarity being the way in which his hair 
 grew or, rather, did not grow on his temples. 
 
 Miss Angus now asked, ' Where is my little lady ? '- 
 meaning the lady of the twirling parasol and staccato 
 walk. ' Oh, I've left off thinking of her,' said Mrs. 
 Bissett, who had been thinking of, and recognised in the 
 officer in undress uniform, her brother, the man with the 
 singular hair, whose face, in fact, had been scarred in that 
 way by an encounter with a tiger. He was expected to 
 sail from Bombay, but news of his setting forth has not 
 
 1 The incident of the feet occurred at 4.30 to 7.30 P.M. The crystal 
 picture was about 10 P.M. 
 
 '-' Miss Angus had only within the week made the acquaintance of Mrs. 
 Cockburn and the Bissetts. Of these relations of theirs at a distance she 
 had no knowledge.
 
 110 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 been received (February 10) at the moment when this is 
 written. 1 
 
 In these Indian cases, ' thought transference ' may 
 account for the correspondence between the figures seen 
 by Miss Angus and the ideas in the mind of Mr. and Mrs. 
 Bissett. But the hypothesis of thought transference, 
 while it would cover the wooden huts at Bombay (Mrs. 
 Bissett knowing that her brother was about to leave that 
 place), can scarcely explain the scene in the garden by the 
 river and the scene with the trees. The incident of the 
 bare feet may be regarded as a fortuitous coincidence, 
 since Miss Angus saw the young lady foreshortened, and 
 could not describe her face. 
 
 In the Introductory Chapter it was observed that the 
 phenomena which apparently point to some unaccount- 
 able supernormal faculty of acquiring knowledge are 
 4 trivial.' These anecdotes illustrate the triviality ; but 
 the facts certainly left a number of people, wholly un- 
 familiar with such experiments, under the impression that 
 Miss Angus's glass ball was like Prince Ali's magical 
 telescope in the ' Arabian Nights.' 2 These experiments, 
 however, occasionally touch on intimate personal matters, 
 and cannot be reported in such instances. 
 
 It will be remarked that the faculty is freakish, and 
 does not always respond to conscious exertion of thought 
 
 1 I have seen a photograph of this gentleman, Major Hamilton, which 
 tallies with the full description given by Miss Angus, as reported by Mrs. 
 Bissett. All the proper names here, as throughout, are altered. 
 
 This account I wrote from the verbal statement of Mrs. Bissett. It 
 was then read and corroborated by herself, Mr. Bissett, Mr. Cockburn, Mrs. 
 Cockburn, and Miss Angus, who added dates and signatures. 
 
 z The letters attesting each of these experiments are in my possession. 
 The real names are in no case given in this account, by my own desire, 
 but (with permission of the persons concerned) can be communicated 
 privately.
 
 CRYSTAL VISIONS, SAVAGE AND CIVILISED 111 
 
 in the mind of the inquirer. Thus, in Case I. a connection 
 of the person thought of is discerned; in another the 
 mind of a stranger present seems to be read. In another 
 case (not given here) the inquirer tried to visualise a card 
 for a person present to guess, while Miss Angus was asked 
 to describe an object much present to the inquirer's mind, 
 but, for the moment, in the background behind the 
 thought of the card. The double experiment was a double- 
 barrelled success. 
 
 It seems hardly necessary to point out that chance 
 coincidence will not cover this set of cases, where in each 
 ' guess ' the field of conjecture is boundless, and is not 
 even narrowed by the crystal-gazer's knowledge of the 
 persons for whose diversion she makes the experiment. 
 As ' muscle-reading ' is not in question (in the one case 
 of contact between inquirer and crystal-gazer the results 
 were unexpected), and as no unconsciously made signs 
 could convey, for example, the idea of a cavalry soldier 
 in uniform, or an accident on a race-course in two 
 tableaux, I do not at present see any more plausible ex- 
 planation than that of thought transference, though how 
 that is to account for some of the cases given I do not 
 precisely understand. 
 
 Any one who can accept the assurance of my personal 
 belief in the good faith of all concerned will see how very 
 useful this faculty of crystal-gazing must be to the 
 Apache or Australian medicine-man or Polynesian priest. 
 Freakish as the faculty is, a few real successes, well 
 exploited and eked out by fraud, would set up a wizard's 
 reputation. That a faculty of being thus affected is 
 genuine seems proved, apart from modern evidence, by 
 the world-wide prevalence of crystal-gazing in the ethno- 
 graphic region. But the discovery of this prevalence
 
 112 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 had not been made, to my knowledge, before modern 
 instances induced me to notice the circumstances, sporadi- 
 cally recorded in books of travel. 
 
 The phenomena are certainly of a kind to encourage the 
 savage theory of the wandering soul. How else, thinkers 
 would say, can the seer visit the distant place or person, 
 and correctly describe men and scenes which, in the body, 
 he never saw ? Or they would encourage the Polynesian 
 belief that the ' spirit ' of the thing or person looked for is 
 suspended by a god over the water, crystal, blood, ink, or 
 whatever it may be. Thus, to anthropologists, the dis- 
 covery of crystal-gazing as a thing widely diffused and 
 still flourishing ought to be grateful, however much they 
 may blame my childish credulity. I may add that I have 
 no ground to suppose that crystal-gazing will ever be 
 of practical service to the police or to persons who have 
 lost articles of portable property. But I have no objection 
 to experiments being made at Scotland Yard. 1 
 
 1 The faculty of seeing ' fancy pictures ' in the glass is far from 
 uncommon. I have only met with three other persons besides Miss Angus, 
 two of them men, who had any success in ' telepathic ' crystal-gazing. In 
 correcting ' revises ' (March 16), I learn that the brother of Mr. Pembroke 
 (p. 105) wrote from Cairo on January 27. The ' scry ' of January 23 repre- 
 sented his ship in the Suez Canal. He was, as his letter shows, in quarantine 
 at Suez, at Moses's Wells, from January 25 to January 26. Major Hamilton 
 (pp. 109, 110), on the other hand, left Bombay, indeed, but not by sea, as in 
 the crystal-picture. See Appendix C.
 
 113 
 
 VI 
 
 ANTHBOPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 
 
 WE have been examining cases, savage or civilised, in 
 which knowledge is believed to be acquired through no 
 known channel of sense. All such instances among 
 savages, whether of the nature of clairvoyance simple, 
 or by aid of gazing in a smooth surface, or in dreams, 
 or in trance, or through second sight, would confirm 
 if they did not originate the belief in the separable 
 soul. The soul, if it is to visit distant places and 
 collect information, must leave the body, it would be 
 argued, and must so far be capable of leading an in- 
 dependent life. Perhaps we ought next to study cases 
 of 'possession,' when knowledge is supposed to be con- 
 veyed by an alien soul, ghost, spirit, or god, taking 
 up its abode in a man, and speaking out of his lips. 
 But it seems better first to consider the alleged super- 
 normal phenomena which may have led the savage 
 reasoner to believe that he was not the only owner of a 
 separable soul : that other people were equally gifted. 
 
 The sense, as of separation, which a savage dreamer 
 or seer would feel after a dream or vision in which he 
 visited remote places, would satisfy him that his soul, 
 at least, was volatile. But some experience of what 
 he would take to be visits from the spirits of others, 
 would be needed before he recognised that other men, 
 as well as he, had the faculty of sending their souls a 
 journeying. 
 
 I
 
 114 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Now, ordinary dreams, in which the dreamer seemed 
 to see persons who were really remote, would supply 
 to the savage reasoner a certain amount of affirmative 
 evidence. It is part of Mr. Tylor's contention that 
 savages (like some children) are subject to the difficulty 
 which most of us may have occasionally felt in deciding 
 ' Did this really happen, or did I dream it ? ' Thus, 
 ordinary dreams would offer to the early thinker some 
 evidence that other men's souls could visit his, as he 
 believes that his can visit them. 
 
 But men, we may assume, were not, at the assumed 
 stage of thought, so besotted as not to take a great 
 practical distinction between sleeping and waking expe- 
 rience on the whole. As has been shown, the distinction 
 is made by the lowest savages of our acquaintance. One 
 clear waking hallucination, on the other hand, of the 
 presence of a person really absent, could not but tell more 
 with the early philosopher than a score of dreams, for to 
 be easily forgotten is of the essence of a dream. Savages, 
 indeed, oddly enough, have hit on our theory, ' dreams 
 go by contraries.' Dr. Callaway illustrates this for the 
 Zulus, and Mr. Scott for the Mang'anza. Thus they do 
 discriminate between sleeping and waking. We must 
 therefore examine waking hallucinations in the field of 
 actual experience, and on such recent evidence as may be 
 accessible. If these hallucinations agree, in a certain ratio, 
 beyond what fortuitous coincidence can explain, with real 
 but unknown events, then such hallucinations would greatly 
 strengthen, in the mind of an early thinker, the savage 
 theory that a man at a distance may, voluntarily or 
 involuntarily, project his spirit on a journey, and be seen 
 where he is not present. 
 
 When Mr. Tylor wrote his book, the study of the 
 occasional waking hallucinations of the sane and healthy
 
 ANTHKOPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 115 
 
 was in its infancy. Much, indeed, had been written about 
 hallucinations, but these were mainly the chronic false 
 perceptions of maniacs, of drunkards, and of persons in 
 bad health such as Nicolai and Mrs. A. The hallucina- 
 tions of persons of genius Jeanne d'Arc, Luther, Socrates, 
 Pascal, were by some attributed to lunacy in these famous 
 people. Scarcely any writers before Mr. Galton had 
 recognised the occurrence of hallucinations once in a 
 life, perhaps, among healthy, sober, and mentally sound 
 people. If these were known to occur, they were dis- 
 missed as dreams of an unconscious sleep. This is still 
 practically the hypothesis of Dr. Parish, as we shall see 
 later. But in the last twenty years the infrequent 
 hallucinations of the sane have been recognised by Mr. 
 Galton, and discussed by Professor James, Mr. Gurney, 
 Dr. Parish, and many other writers. 
 
 Two results have followed. First, ' ghosts ' are shown to 
 be, when not illusions caused by mistaking one object for 
 another, then hallucinations. As these most frequently 
 represent a living person who is not present, by parity of 
 reason the appearance of a dead person is on the same level, 
 is not a space-filling ' ghost,' but merely an hallucination. 
 Such an appearance can, prima facie, suggest no reason- 
 able inference as to the continued existence of the dead. 
 On the other hand, the new studies have raised the 
 perhaps insoluble question, ' Do not hallucinations of the 
 sane, representing the living, coincide more frequently 
 than mere luck can account for, with the death or other 
 crisis of the person apparently seen ? ' If this could be 
 proved, then there would seem to be a causal nexus, a 
 relation of cause and effect between the hallucination and 
 the coincident crisis. That connection would be pro- 
 visionally explained by some not understood action of the 
 mind or brain of the person in the crisis, on that of the 
 
 i 2
 
 116 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 person who has the hallucination. This is no new idea ; 
 only the name, Telepathy, is modern. Of course, if all 
 this were accepted, it would be the next step to ask 
 whether hallucinations representing the dead show any 
 signs of being caused by some action on the side of the 
 departed. That is a topic on which the little that we 
 have to say must be said later. 
 
 In the meantime the reader who has persevered so far 
 is apt to go no further. The prejudice against ' wraiths ' 
 and ' ghosts ' is very strong ; but, then, our innocent 
 phantasms are neither (as we understand their nature) 
 ghosts nor wraiths. Kant broke the edges of his meta- 
 physical tools against, not these phantasms, but the logically 
 inconceivable entities which were at once material and 
 non-material, at once ' spiritual ' and ' space-filling.' There 
 is no such difficulty about hallucinations, which, whatever 
 else may be said about them, are familiar facts of experience. 
 The only real objections are the statements that hallucina- 
 tions are always morbid (which is no longer the universal 
 belief of physiologists and psychologists), and that the 
 alleged coincidences of a phantasm of a person with the 
 unknown death of that person at a distance are ' pure 
 flukes.' That is the question to which we recur later. 
 
 In the meantime, the defenders of the theory, that there 
 is some not understood connection of cause and effect, 
 between the death or other crisis at one end and the per- 
 ception representing the person affected by the crisis at 
 the other end, point out that such hallucinations, or other 
 effects on the percipient, exist in a regular rising scale of 
 potency and perceptibility. Suppose that ' A's ' death in 
 Yorkshire is to affect the consciousness of ' B ' in Surrey 
 before he knows anything about the fact (suppose it for the 
 sake of argument), then the effect may take place (1) on 
 ' B's ' emotions, producing a vague malaise and gloom ;
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 117 
 
 .-(2) on his motor nerves, urging him to some act ; (3) or 
 may translate itself into his senses, as a touch felt, a voice 
 heard, a figure seen ; or (4) may render itself as a phrase 
 or an idea. 
 
 Of these, (1) the emotional effect is, of course, the 
 vaguest. We may all have had a sudden fit of gloom 
 which we could not explain. People rarely act on such 
 impressions, and, when they do, are often wrong. Thus a 
 friend of my own was suddenly so overwhelmed, at golf, 
 with inexplicable misery (though winning his match) that 
 he apologised to his opponent and walked home from the 
 ninth hole. Nothing was wrong at home. Probably 
 some real ground of apprehension had obscurely occurred 
 to his mind and expressed itself in his emotion. 
 
 But one may illustrate what did look like a coincidence 
 by the experience of the same friend. He inhabited, as a 
 young married man, a flat in a house belonging to an 
 acquaintance. The hall was covered by a kind of glass 
 roof, over part of its extent. He was staying in the 
 country with his wife, and as they travelled home the 
 lady was beset with an irresistible conviction that some- 
 thing terrible had occurred, not to her children. On 
 reaching their house they found that one of their maids 
 had fallen through the glass roof and killed herself. They 
 also learned that the girl's sister had arrived at the house, 
 immediately after the accident, explaining that she was 
 driven to come by a sense that something dreadful had 
 happened. The lawyer, too, who represented the owner of 
 the house, had appeared, unsummoned, from a conviction, 
 which he could not resist, that for some reason unknown 
 he was wanted there. 1 Here, then, was not an hallucina- 
 tion, but an emotional effect simultaneously reaching the 
 
 1 The lady, her husband, and the lawyer, all known to me, gave me the 
 story in writing ; the servant's sister has been lost sight of.
 
 118 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 consciousness of three persons, and coinciding with an 
 unknown crisis. 1 
 
 Cases in which a person feels urged to an act (2) are 
 also recorded. Indeed, the lawyer's in our anecdote is such 
 an instance. Not to trouble ourselves (3) with ' voices,' 
 hallucinations of sight, coinciding with a distant unknown 
 crisis, are traced from a mere feeling that somebody is in 
 the room, followed by a mental, or mind's eye picture of 
 a person dying at a distance, up to a kind of ' vision ' of a 
 person or scene, and so on to hallucinations appealing, at 
 once, to touch, sight, and hearing. As some hundreds of 
 these narratives of coincidental hallucinations in every 
 degree have been collected from witnesses at first hand, 
 often personally known, and usually personally cross- 
 questioned, by the student, it is difficult to deny that there 
 is a,primafacie case for inquiry. 2 
 
 There is here no question of 'spirits,' with all their 
 physical and metaphysical difficulties. Nor is there any 
 desire to shirk the fact that many ' presentiments ' and 
 hallucinations of the sane coincide with no ascertainable 
 fact. We only provisionally posit the possibility of an 
 influence, in its nature unknown, of one mind on another 
 at a distance, such influence translating itself into an 
 hallucination. An inquiry into this subject, in the ethno- 
 graphic and modern fields, may be new but involves no 
 ' superstition.' 
 
 We now return to Mr. Tylor, who treats of hallucina- 
 tions among other experiences which led early savage 
 thinkers to believe in ghosts or separable souls, the origin 
 of religion. 
 
 1 See three other cases in Proceedings, S.P.E., ii. 122, 123. Two others 
 are offered by Mr. Henry James and Mr. J. Neville Maskelyne of the 
 Egyptian Hall. 
 
 - See ' Phantasms of the Living ' and ' A Theory of Apparitions,' ' 
 Proceedings, S.P.R., vol. ii., by Messrs. Gurney and Myers.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 119 
 
 As to the causes of hallucinations in general, Mr. Tylor 
 has something to say, but it is nothing systematic. 
 ' Sickness, exhaustion, and excitement ' cause savages to 
 behold ' human spectres,' in ' the objective reality ' of 
 which they believe. But if an educated modern, not sick, 
 nor exhausted, nor excited, has an hallucination of a friend's 
 presence, he, too, believes that it is ' objective,' is his 
 friend in flesh and blood, till he finds out his mistake, by 
 examination or reflection. As Professor William James 
 remarks, in his ' Principles of Psychology,' such solitary 
 hallucinations of the sane and healthy, once in a life-time, 
 are difficult to account for, and are by no means rare. 
 ' Sometimes,' Mr. Tylor observes, ' the phantom has the 
 characteristic quality of not being visible to all of an 
 assembled company,' and he adds ' to assert or imply that 
 they are visible sometimes, and to some persons, but not 
 always, or to everyone, is to lay down an explanation of 
 facts which is not, indeed, our usual modern explanation, 
 but which is a perfectly rational and intelligible product 
 of early science.' 
 
 It is, indeed, nor has later science produced any 
 rational and intelligible explanation of collective hallucina- 
 tions, shared by several persons at once, and perhaps not 
 perceived by others who are present. Mr. Tylor, it is 
 true, asserts that ' in civilised countries a rumour of some 
 one having seen a phantom is enough to bring a sight of 
 it to others whose minds are in a properly receptive 
 state.' But this is arguing in a circle. What is ' a 
 properly receptive state ' ? If illness, overwork, ' ex- 
 pectant attention,' make ' a properly receptive state,' I 
 should have seen several phantoms in several ' haunted 
 houses.' But the only thing of the sort I ever 
 saw occurred when I was thinking of nothing less, 
 when I was in good health, and when I did not know
 
 120 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 (nor did I learn till long after) that it was the right and 
 usual phantom to see. Mr. Podmore remarks that various 
 members of the Psychical Society have sojourned in 
 various ' haunted houses,' ' some of them in a state of 
 expectancy and nervous excitement,' which never caused 
 them to see phantoms, for they saw none. 1 
 
 Mr. Tylor treats of waking hallucinations in much the 
 same manner as he deals with ' travelling clairvoyance.' 
 He does not study them ' in the field of experience.' He 
 is not concerned with the truth of the facts, important as 
 we think it would be, but with his theory that hallucina- 
 tions, among other causes, would naturally give rise to 
 the belief in spirits, and thus to the early philosophy 
 of Animism. Now, certainly, the hallucination of a 
 person's presence, say at the moment of his death at a 
 distance, would suggest to a savage that something of the 
 dying man's, something symbolised in the word ' shadow,' 
 or 'breath' (apiritus), had come to say farewell. The 
 modern ' spiritualistic ' theory, again, that the dead man's 
 ' spirit ' is actually present to the percipient, in space, 
 corresponds to, and is derived from, the animistic philo- 
 sophy of the savage. But we may believe in such ' death- 
 wraiths,' or hallucinatory appearances of the dying, with- 
 out being either savages or spiritualists. We may believe 
 without pretending to explain, or we may advance the 
 theory of ' Telepathy,' Hegel's ' magical tie,' according to 
 which the distant mind somehow impresses itself, in a 
 more or less perfect hallucination, on the mind of the 
 person who perceives the wraith. If this be so, or even 
 if no explanation be offered, the truth of the stories of 
 coincidental apparitions becomes important, as pointing 
 to a new region of psychical inquiry. Then the evidence 
 of savages as to hallucinations of their own, coincident 
 1 Studies in Psychical Research, p. 333.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 121 
 
 with the death of their absent friends, will confirm, 
 quantum valeat, the evidence of many modern observers 
 in all ranks of life, and all degrees of culture, from Lord 
 Brougham to an old nurse. 1 
 
 As to hallucinations coincident with the death of the 
 person apparently seen, Mr. Tylor says : ' Narratives of this 
 class I can here only specify without arguing on them, 
 they are abundantly in circulation.' 2 Now, the modern 
 hallucinations themselves can scarcely, perhaps, be called 
 ' survivals from savagery,' though the opinion that an 
 hallucination of a person must be his ' spirit ' is really 
 such a survival. It is with that opinion, with Animism in 
 its hallucinatory origins, that Mr. Tylor is concerned, not 
 with the hallucinations themselves or with the evidence 
 for their veridical existence. 
 
 Mr. Tylor gives three anecdotes, narrated to him, in 
 two cases, by the seers, of phantasms of the living beheld 
 by them (and in one case by a companion also) when the 
 real person was dying at a distance. He adds : ' My own 
 view is that nothing but dreams and visions could have 
 ever put into men's minds such an idea as that of souls 
 being ethereal images of bodies.' 3 The idea may be per- 
 fectly erroneous ; but if the occurrence of such coincidental 
 appearances as Mr. Tylor tells us about could be shown 
 to be too frequent for mere chance to produce, then there 
 would be a presumption in favour of some unknown 
 
 1 This, at least, seems to myself a not illogical argument. Mr. Leaf 
 has argued on the other side, that ' Darwinism may have done something 
 for Totemism, by proving the existence of a great monkey kinship. But 
 Totemism can hardly be quoted as evidence for Darwinism.' True, but 
 Darwinism and Totemism are matters of opinion, not facts of personal 
 experience. To a believer in coincidental hallucinations, at least, the 
 alleged parallel experiences of savages must yield some confirmation to his 
 own. His belief, he thinks, is warranted by human experience. On what 
 does he suppose that the belief of the savage is based ? Do his experience 
 and their belief coincide by pure chance ? 
 
 - Prim. Cult. i. 449. :i Ibid. i. 450.
 
 122 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 faculties in our nature a proper theme for anthro- 
 pology. 
 
 The hallucinations of which we hear most are those 
 in which a person sees the phantom of another person, 
 who, unknown to him, is in or near the hour of death. 
 Mr. Tylor, in addition to his three instances in civilised 
 life, alludes to one in savage life, with references to other 
 cases. 1 We turn to his savage instance, offering it at full 
 length from the original. 2 
 
 ' Among the Maoris ' (says Mr. Shortland) ' it is always 
 ominous to see the figure of an absent person. If the 
 figure is very shadowy, and its face is not seen, death, 
 although he may ere long be expected, has not seized his 
 prey. If the face of the absent person is seen, the omen 
 forewarns the beholder that he is already dead.' 
 
 The following statement is from the mouth of an eye- 
 witness : 
 
 ' A party of natives left their village, with the inten- 
 tion of being absent some time, on a pig -hunting 
 expedition. One night, while they were seated in the 
 open air around a blazing fire, the figure of a relative 
 who had been left ill at home was seen to approach. 
 The apparition appeared to two of the party only, and 
 vanished immediately on their making an exclamation 
 of surprise. When they returned to the village they 
 inquired for the sick man, and then learnt that he had 
 died about the time he was said to have been seen.' 
 
 I now give Maori cases, communicated to me by 
 Mr. Tregear, F.K.G.S., author of a ' Maori Comparative 
 Dictionary.' 
 
 A very intelligent Maori chief said to me, ' I have 
 seen but two ghosts. I was a boy at school in Auckland, 
 and one morning was asleep in bed when I found myself 
 aroused by some one shaking me by the shoulder. I 
 looked up, and saw bending over me the well-known form 
 of my uncle, whom I supposed to be at the Bay of 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. vol. i. p. 450. 
 
 '-' From Shortland's Traditions of New Zealand, p. 140.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 123 
 
 Islands. I spoke to him, but the form became dim and 
 vanished. The next mail brought me the news of his 
 death. Years passed away, and I saw no ghost or spirit 
 not even when my father and mother died, and I was 
 absent in each case. Then one day I was sitting reading, 
 when a dark shadow fell across my book. I looked up, 
 and saw a man standing between me and the window. 
 His back was turned towards me. I saw from his figure 
 that he was a Maori, and I called out to him, " Oh 
 friend ! " He turned round, and I saw my other uncle, 
 Ihaka. The form faded away as the other had done. 
 I had not expected to hear of my uncle's death, for I had 
 seen him hale and strong a few hours before. However, 
 he had gone into the house of a missionary, and he (with 
 several white people) was poisoned by eating of a pie 
 made from tinned meat, the tin having been opened and 
 the meat left in it all night. That is all I myself had 
 seen of spirits.' 
 
 One more Maori example may be offered : l 
 
 From Mr. Francis Dart Fenton, formerly in the 
 Native Department of the Government, Auckland, New 
 Zealand. He gave the account in writing to his friend, 
 Captain J. H. Crosse, of Monkstown, Cork, from whom 
 we received it. In 1852, when the incident occurred, 
 Mr. Fenton was ' engaged in forming a settlement on the 
 banks of the Waikato.' 
 
 ' March 25, 1860. 
 
 ' Two sawyers, Frank Philps and Jack Mulholland, 
 were engaged cutting timber for the Eev. B. Maunsell at 
 the mouth of the Awaroa creek a very lonely place, a 
 vast swamp, no people within miles of them. As usual, 
 they had a Maori with them to assist in felling trees. He 
 came from Tihorewam, a village on the other side of the 
 river, about six miles off. As Frank and the native were 
 cross-cutting a tree, the native stopped suddenly, and said. 
 "What are you come for?" looking in the direction of 
 Frank. Frank replied, "What do you mean?" He 
 said, " I am not speaking to you ; I am speaking to my 
 brother." Frank said, "Where is he?" The native 
 replied, "Behind you. What do you want?" (to the 
 
 1 Gurney and Myers, ' Phantasms of the Living,' vol. ii. ch. v. p. 557.
 
 J24 THE MAKING OF EELIGION 
 
 other Maori). Frank looked round and saw nobody. The 
 native no longer saw anyone, but laid down the saw and 
 said, " I shall go across the river ; my brother is dead." 
 
 ' Frank laughed at him, and reminded him that he 
 had left him quite well on Sunday (five days before), and 
 there had been no communication since. The Maori 
 spoke no more, but got into his canoe and pulled across. 
 When he arrived at the landing-place, he met people 
 coming to fetch him. His brother had just died. I knew 
 him well.' 
 
 In answer to inquiries as to his authority for this 
 
 narrative, Mr. Fenton writes : 
 
 ' December 18, 1883. 
 
 ' I knew all the parties concerned well, and it is quite 
 true, valeat quantum, as the lawyers say. Incidents of 
 this sort are not infrequent among the Maoris. 
 
 'F. D. FENTON, 
 
 ' Late Chief Judge, Native Law-Court of N.Z.' 
 
 Here is a somewhat analogous example from Tierra 
 del Fuego : 
 
 ' Jemmy Button was very superstitious ' (says Admiral 
 Fitzroy, speaking of a Fuegian brought to England). 
 ' While at sea, on board the " Beagle," he said one morning 
 to Mr. Bynoe that in the night some man came to the 
 side of his hammock and whispered in his ear that his 
 father was dead. He fully believed that such was the 
 case,' and he was perfectly right. . . . 'He reminded 
 Bennett of the dream.' * 
 
 Mr. Darwin also mentions this case, a coincidental audi- 
 tory hallucination. 
 
 I have found no other savage cases quite to the point. 
 This is, undeniably, ' a puir show for Kirkintilloch,' a 
 meagre collection of savage death-wraiths, but it may be 
 so meagre by reason of want of research, or of lack of 
 records, travellers usually pooh-poohing the benighted 
 superstitions of the heathen, or fearing to seem super- 
 
 1 The ' Adventure ' and ' Beagle,' iii. 181, cf. 204.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 125 
 
 stitious if they chronicle instances. However few the 
 instances, they are, undeniably, exact parallels to those 
 recorded in civilise^ life. 
 
 In filling up the lacuna in Mr. Tylor's anthropological 
 work, in asking questions as to the proportion between 
 phantasms of the living which coincide with a crisis in the 
 experience of the person seen, and those which do not, it 
 is obviously necessary to reject all evidence of people who 
 were ill, or anxious, or overworked, or in poignant grief at 
 the time of the hallucination. It will be seen later that 
 neither grief nor amatory passion (dominating the associa- 
 tion of our ideas as they do) beget many phantasms. Our 
 business, however, is with the false perceptions of persons 
 trustworthy, as far as we know, sane, healthy, not usually 
 visionary, and in an unperturbed state of mind. 
 
 There remains a normal cause of subjective hallucina- 
 tions, expectancy. This appears to be a real cause of 
 hallucination or, at least, of illusion. Waiting for the sound 
 of a carriage you may hear it often before it comes, you 
 taking other sounds for that which you desire. Again, in 
 an inquiry embracing 17,000 people, the S.P.E. collected 
 thirteen cases of an hallucinatory appearance of one person 
 to another who was expecting his arrival. Once more, it 
 is very conceivable that a trifle, the accidental opening of 
 a door, a noise of a familiar kind in an unfamiliar place, 
 may touch the brain into originating an hallucination of a 
 person passing through the door, or of the place where the 
 sound now heard used once to be familiar. Expectancy, 
 again, and nervousness, might doubtless cause an hallucina- 
 tion to a person who felt uncomfortable in a house with a 
 name to be ' haunted,' though, as w r e have seen, the effect 
 is far less common than the cause. All these sorts of 
 causes are undoubtedly more apt to be prevalent among 
 superstitious savages than among educated Europeans
 
 126 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 And it stands to reason that savages, where one man 
 ' thinks he sees something,' will be readier than we are to 
 think they ' see something ' too. Yet Collective hallucina- 
 tions, which are shared by several persons at once, are 
 especially puzzling. Even if they occur when all are in a 
 strained condition of expectancy, it is odd that all see 
 them in the same way. 1 Examples will occur later. 
 When there is no excitement, the mystery is increased. 
 We may note that, among the expectant multitudes who 
 looked on while Bernadette was viewing the Blessed 
 Virgin at Lourdes, not one person, however superstitious 
 or hysterical, pretended to share the vision. Again, only 
 one person, and he on doubtful evidence, is asserted to have 
 shared, once, the visions of Jeanne d'Arc. In both cases all 
 the conditions said to produce collective hallucination 
 were present in the highest degree. Yet no collective 
 hallucination occurred. 
 
 Narratives about hallucinations coincident with a 
 death, narratives well attested, are abundant in modern 
 times, so abundant that one need only refer the curious to 
 Messrs. Gurney and Myers's two large volumes, ' Phantasms 
 of the Living,' and to the S.P.R. ' Report of Census of 
 Hallucinations' (1894). Mr. Tylor says : 'The spiritual- 
 istic theory specially insists on cases of apparitions, where 
 the person's death corresponds more or less nearly with 
 the time when some friend perceives his phantom.' 
 But visionaries, he remarks truly, often see phantoms of 
 living persons when nothing occurs. That is the case, 
 and the question arises whether more such phantoms 
 are viewed (not by ' visionaries ') in connection with the 
 death or other crisis of the person whose hallucinatory 
 appearance is perceived, than ought to occur, if there be 
 no connection of some unknown cause between deaths and 
 
 1 It will, of course, be said that they worked their stories into conformity.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 127 
 
 appearances. As Mr. Tylor observes, ' Man, as yet in a low 
 intellectual condition, came to associate in thought those 
 things which he found by experience to be connected 
 in fact.' l Did early man, then, find in experience that 
 apparitions of his friends were ' connected in fact ' with 
 their deaths ? And, if so, was that discovered connection 
 in fact the origin of his belief that an hallucinatory appear- 
 ance of an absent person sometimes announced his death ? 
 That the belief exists in New Zealand we saw, and find 
 confirmed by this instance, one of ' many such relations,' 
 says the author. A Maori chief was long absent on the 
 war-path. One day he entered his wife's hut, and sat mute 
 by the hearth. She ran to bring witnesses, but on her 
 return the phantasm was no longer visible. The woman 
 soon afterwards married again. Her husband then re- 
 turned in perfect health, and pardoned the lady, as she 
 had acted on what, to a Maori mind, seemed good legal 
 evidence of his decease. Of course, even if she fabled, the 
 story is evidence to the existence of the belief. 2 
 
 What, then, is the cause of the belief that a phantom 
 of a man is a token of his death? On the theory of 
 savage philosophy, as explained by Mr. Tylor himself, a 
 man's soul may leave his body ^and become visible to 
 others, not at death only, but on many other occasions, 
 in dream, trance, lethargy. All these are much more 
 frequent conditions, in every man's career, than the fact 
 of dying. Why, then, is the phantasm supposed by savages 
 to announce death ? Is it because, in a sufficient ratio of 
 cases to provoke remark, early man has found the ap- 
 pearance and the death to be ' things connected in fact ' ? 
 
 I give an instance in which the philosophy of savages 
 would lead them not to connect a phantasm of a living 
 man with his death. 
 1 Prim. Cult. i. 116. - Polack's Manners of the Neiv Zcalandcrs, i. 268.
 
 128 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 The Woi Worung, an Australian tribe, hold that ' the 
 Murup [wraith] of an individual could be sent from him by 
 magic, as, for instance, when a hunter incautiously went to 
 sleep when out hunting.' l In this case the hunter is 
 exposed to the magic of his enemies. But the Murup, or 
 detached soul, would be visible to people at a distance 
 when its owner is only asleep according to the savage 
 philosophy. Why, then, when the wraith is seen, is the 
 owner believed to be dying ? Are the things bound to be 
 ' connected in fact ' ? 
 
 As is well known, the Society for Psychical Research 
 has attempted a little census, for the purpose of discover- 
 ing whether hallucinations representing persons at a 
 distance coincided, within twelve hours, with their deaths, 
 in a larger ratio than the laws of chance allow as possible. 
 If it be so, the Maori might have some ground for his 
 theory that such hallucinations betoken a decease. I do 
 not believe that any such census can enable us to reach 
 an affirmative conclusion which science will accept. In 
 spite of all precautions taken, all warnings before, and 
 ' allowances ' made later, collectors of evidence will 
 ' select ' affirmative cases already known, or (which is- 
 equally fatal) will be t suspected of doing so. Again, 
 illusions of memory, increasing the closeness of the 
 coincidence, will come in or it will be easy to say that 
 they came in. ' Allowances ' for them will not be accepted. 
 
 Once more, 17,000 cases, though a larger number than 
 is usual in biological inquiries, are decidedly not enough for 
 a popular argument on probabilities ; a million, it will be 
 said, would not be too many. Finally, granting honesty, 
 accurate memory, and non-selection (none of which will 
 be granted by opponents), it is easy to say that odd things 
 must occur, and that the large proportion of affirmative 
 
 1 Howitt, op. cit. p. 186.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 129 
 
 answers as to coincidental hallucinations is just a speci- 
 men of these odd things. 
 
 Other objections are put forward by teachers of popular 
 science who have not examined or, having examined, 
 misreport the results of the Census in detail. I may give 
 an example of their method. 
 
 Mr. Edward Clodd is the author of several handbooks 
 of science 'The Story of Creation,' 'A Manual of 
 Evolution,' and others. Now, in a signed review of a 
 book, a critique published in ' The Sketch ' (October 13, 
 1897), Mr. Clodd wrote about the Census : ' Thousands 
 of persons were asked whether they had ever seen appa- 
 ritions, and out of these some hundreds, mostly un- 
 intelligent foreigners, replied in the affirmative. Some 
 eight or ten of the number envied mortals had seen 
 "angels," but the majority, like the American in the 
 mongoose story, had seen only " snakes." ... In weigh- 
 ing evidence we have to take into account the competency 
 as well as the integrity of the witnesses.' Mr. Clodd 
 has most frankly and good-humouredly acknowledged 
 the erroneousness of his remark. Otherwise we might 
 ask : Does Mr. Clodd prefer to be considered not 
 ' competent ' or not ' veracious ' ? He cannot be both on 
 this occasion, for his signed and published remarks were 
 absolutely inaccurate. First, thousands of persons were 
 not asked ' whether they had seen apparitions.' They 
 were asked : ' Have you ever, when believing yourself 
 to be perfectly awake, had a vivid impression of seeing, 
 or being touched by a living being or inanimate object, 
 or of hearing a voice ; which impression, so far as you 
 could discover, was not due to any external physical 
 cause ? ' Secondly, it is not the fact that ' some hun- 
 dreds, mostly unintelligent foreigners, replied in the 
 affirmative.' Of English-speaking men and women, 
 
 K
 
 130 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 1,499 answered the question quoted above in the affirma- 
 tive. Of foreigners (naturally ' unintelligent '), 185 re- 
 turned affirmative answers. Thirdly, when Mr. Clodd 
 says, 'The majority had seen only "snakes,"' it is not 
 easy to know what precise sense ' snakes ' bears in the 
 terminology of popular science. If Mr. Clodd means, 
 by 'snakes,' fantastic hallucinations of animals, these 
 amounted to 25, as against 830 representing human 
 forms of persons recognised, unrecognised, living or dead. 
 But, if by ' snakes ' Mr. Clodd means purely subjective 
 hallucinations, not known to coincide with any event and 
 this is his meaning his statement agrees with that of the 
 Census. His observations, of course, were purely accidental 
 errors. 
 
 The number of hallucinations representing living or 
 dying recognised persons in the answers received, was 
 352. Of first-hand cases, in which coincidence of the 
 hallucination with the death of the person apparently 
 seen was affirmed, there were 80, of which 26 are given. 
 
 The non-coincidental hallucinations were multiplied by 
 four, to allow for forgetfulness of ' misses.' The results being 
 compared, it was decided that the hallucinations collected 
 coincided with death 440 more often than ought to be the 
 case by the law of probabilities. Therefore there was 
 proof, or presumption, in favour of some relation of cause 
 and effect between A's death and B's hallucination. 
 
 If we were to attack the opinion of the Committee on 
 Hallucinations, that ' Between deaths and apparitions of 
 the dying a connection exists which is not due to chance 
 alone,' the assault should be made not only on the 
 method, but on the details. The events were never of 
 very recent, and often were of remote occurrence. The 
 remoteness was less than it seems, however, as the 
 questions were often answered several years before
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 131 
 
 the publication of the Report (1894). There was 
 scarcely any documentary evidence, any note or letter 
 written between the hallucination and the arrival of news 
 of the death. Such letters, the evidence alleged, had in 
 some cases existed, but had been lost, burnt, eaten by 
 white ants, or written on a sheet of blotting paper or the 
 whitewashed wall of a barrack room. If I may judge 
 by my own lifelong success in mislaying, losing, and 
 casually destroying papers, from cheques to notes made 
 for literary purposes, from interesting letters of friends to 
 the manuscripts of novelists, or if I may judge by Sir 
 Walter Scott's triumphs of the same kind, I should not 
 think much of the disappearance of documentary evidence 
 to death-wraiths. Nobody supposed, when these notes 
 were written, that Science would ask for their production ; 
 and even if people had guessed at this, it is human to lose 
 or destroy old papers. 
 
 The remoteness of the occurrences is more remark- 
 able, for, if these things happen, why were so few recent 
 cases discovered '? Again, the seers were sometimes 
 under anxiety, though such cases were excluded from 
 the final computation : they frequently knew that the 
 person seen was in bad health : they were often very 
 familiar with his personal aspect. Now what are called 
 ' subjective hallucinations,' non-coincidental hallucina- 
 tions, usually represent persons very familiar to us, 
 persons much in our minds. I know seven cases in which 
 such hallucinations occurred. 1, 2, of husband to wife ; 
 3, son to mother ; 4, brother to sister ; 5, sister to sister ; 
 6, cousin (living in the same house) to cousin ; 7, friend 
 (living a mile away) to two friends. In no case was there 
 a death-coincidence. Only in case 4 was there any kind 
 of coincidence, the brother having intended to do (un- 
 known to the sister) what he was seen doing driving in a 
 
 K 2
 
 132 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 dog-cart with a lady. But he had not driven. We cannot,, 
 of course, prove that these seven cases were not telepathic,, 
 but there is no proof that they were. Now most of the 
 coincidental cases, on which the Committee relied as their 
 choicest examples, represented persons familiarly known to 
 the seers. This looks as if they were casual ; but, of course, 
 if telepathy does exist, it is most likely (as Hegel says) to 
 exist between kinsfolk and friends. 1 
 
 The dates might be fresher ! 
 
 In case 1, percipient knew that his aunt in England 
 (he being in Australia) was not very well. No anxiety. 
 
 2. Casual acquaintance. No anxiety. Case of acci- 
 dent or suicide. 
 
 3. Acquaintance who feared to die in childbed, and 
 did. Percipient not much interested, nor at all anxious. 
 
 4. Father in England to son in India. No anxiety. 
 
 5. Uncle to niece. Sudden death. No anxiety. No 
 knowledge of illness. 
 
 6. Brother-in-law to sister-in-law, and her maid. No 
 anxiety reported. Russian. 
 
 7. Father to son. No anxiety reported. Russian. 
 
 8. Friend to friend. No knowledge of illness or 
 anxiety reported. 
 
 9. Grandmother !to grandson. No anxiety. No know- 
 ledge of illness. 
 
 10. Casual acquaintance, to seven people, and appa- 
 rently to a dog. Illness known. Russian. 
 
 11. Step-brother to step-brother. No anxiety. No 
 knowledge of illness. 
 
 12. Friend to friend. No anxiety or knowledge of 
 illness. 
 
 1 On examining Jthe cases, [we? find, in 1894, these dates of reported 
 occurrences, in twenty-eight cases: 1890, 1882, 1879, 1876, 1863, 1861, 
 1888, 1885, 1881, 1880, 1878, 1874, 1869, 1869, 1845, 1887, 1881, 1877, 
 1874, 1873, 1860 (?), 1864 (?), 1855, 1830 (?!), 1867, 1862, 1888, 1879.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 133 
 
 13. Casual acquaintance. No anxiety. 
 
 14. Aunt to nephew and to his wife. Illness known. 
 No anxiety. 
 
 15. Sister to brother. Illness known. No anxiety. 
 
 16. Father to daughter. No knowledge of illness. 
 No anxiety. 
 
 17. Father to son. Much anxiety. (Uncounted.) 
 
 18. Sister to sister. Illness known. ' No immediate 
 danger ' surmised. 
 
 19. Father to son. Much anxiety. Russian. (Un- 
 counted.) 
 
 20. Friend to friend. Illness known. Percipient had 
 been nursing patient. Brazilian. (Very bad case !) 
 
 21. Friend to friend. Illness known. No anxiety. 
 
 22. Brother to brother. Illness known. No anxiety. 
 
 23. Grandfather to grand-daughter. Illness known. 
 No pressing anxiety. 
 
 24. Grandfather to grandson. Illness known. No 
 \anxiety. 
 
 25. Father's hand. Illness chronic. No anxiety. 
 Percipient a daughter. Russian. 
 
 26. Husband to wife. Anxiety in time of war. 
 
 27. Brother to sister. Slightly anxious from receiving 
 no letter. 
 
 28. Friend to friend. No anxiety. 
 
 Anxiety is only reported, or to be surmised, in two or 
 three cases. In a dozen the existence of illness was known. 
 It may therefore be argued, adversely, that in the selected 
 coincidental hallucinations, the persons seen were in the 
 class most usually beheld in non-coincidental and, probably, 
 purely subjective hallucinations representing real persons ; 
 also, that knowledge of their illness, even when no anxiety 
 existed, kept them in some cases before the mind ; also, 
 that several cases are foreign, and that ' most foreigners
 
 134 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 are fools.' On the other hand, affection, familiarity, and 
 knowledge of illness had not produced hallucinations even 
 in the case of these percipients, till within the twelve 
 hours (often much less) of the event of death. 
 
 It would have been desirable, of course, to publish all 
 the wow-coincidental cases, and show how far, in these not 
 veridical cases, the recognised phantasms were those of 
 kindred, dear friends, known to be ill, and subjects of 
 anxiety. 1 
 
 The Census, in fact, does contain a chapter on ' Mental 
 and Nervous Conditions in connection with Hallucinations,' 
 such as anxiety, grief, and overwork. Do these produce, 
 or probably produce, many empty hallucinations not co- 
 incident with death or any great crisis ? If they do, then 
 all cases in which a coincidental hallucination occurred 
 to a person in anxiety, or overstrained, will seem to be,, 
 probably, fortuitous coincidences like the others. All 
 percipients, of all sorts of hallucinations, hits or misses, 
 were asked if they were in grief or anxiety. Now, out 
 of 1,622 cases of hallucination of all known kinds 
 (coincidental or not), mental strain was reported in 
 220 instances ; of which 131 were cases of grief about 
 known deaths or anxiety. These mental conditions, there- 
 fore, occur only in twelve per cent, of the instances. On 
 the whole, it does not seem fair to argue that anxiety 
 produces so much hallucination that it will account by 
 itself for those which we have analysed as coincidental. 
 
 The impression left on my own mind by the Census 
 does not wholly agree with that of its authors. Fairly 
 well persuaded of the possibility of telepathy, on other 
 grounds, and even inclined to believe that it does 
 
 1 On this point see Report, p. 250. Fifty phantasms out of the whole 
 occurred during anxiety or presumable anxiety. Of these, thirty-one 
 coincided (within twelve hours) with the death of the person apparently 
 seen. In the remaining nineteen, the person seen recovered in eight cases.
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 135 
 
 produce coincidental hallucinations, the evidence of the 
 Census, by itself, assuredly would not convince me. We 
 want better records; we want documentary evidence 
 recording cases before the arrival of news of the co- 
 incidence. Memories are very adaptive. The authors, 
 however, made a gallant effort, at the cost of much labour, 
 and largely allowed for all conceivable drawbacks. 
 
 I am, personally, illogical enough to agree with Kant, 
 and to be more convinced by the cumulative weight of the 
 hundreds of cases in ' Phantasms of the Living,' in other 
 sources, in my own circle of acquaintance, and even by 
 the coincident traditions of European and savage peoples, 
 than by the statistics of the Census. The whole mass, 
 Census and all, is of very considerable weight, and there 
 exist individual cases which one feels unable to dispute. 
 Thus while I would never regard the hallucinatory figure 
 of a friend, perceived by myself, as proof of his death, I 
 would entertain some slight anxiety till I heard of his 
 well-being. 
 
 On this topic I will offer, in a Kantian spirit, an 
 anecdote of the kind w r hich, occurring in great quantities, 
 disposes the mind to a sort of belief. It is not given as 
 evidence to go to a jury, for I only received it from the 
 lips of a very gallant and distinguished officer and V.C., 
 whose own part in the affair will be described. 
 
 This gentleman was in command of a small British 
 force in one of the remotest and least accessible of our 
 dependencies, not connected by telegraph, at the time of 
 the incident, with the distant mainland. In the force was 
 a particularly jolly young captain. One night he went 
 to a dance, and, as the sleeping accommodation was 
 exhausted, he passed the night, like a Homeric hero, on 
 a couch beneath the echoing loggia. Next day, contrary 
 to his wont, he was in the worst of spirits, and, after
 
 136 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 moping for some time, asked leave to go a three days' 
 voyage to the nearest telegraph station. His commanding 
 officer, my informant, was good-natured, and gave leave. 
 At the end of a week Captain - - returned, in his usual 
 high spirits. He now admitted that, while lying awake 
 in the verandah, after the ball, he had seen a favourite 
 brother of his, then in, say, Peru. He could not shake 
 off the impression ; he had made the long voyage to the 
 nearest telegraph station, and thence had telegraphed to 
 another brother in, let us say, Hong Kong, ' Is all well 
 with John ? ' He received a reply, ' All well by last 
 mail,' and so returned, relieved in mind, to his duties. 
 But the next mail bringing letters from Peru brought 
 news of his Peruvian brother's death on the night of the 
 vision in the verandah. 
 
 This, of coarse, is not offered as evidence. For evi- 
 dence we need Captain 's account, his Hong Kong 
 
 brother's account, date of the dance, official date of the 
 Peruvian brother's death, and so on. But the character 
 of my informant indisposes me to disbelief. The names 
 of places are intentionally changed, but the places were 
 as remote from each other as those given in the text. 
 
 We find ourselves able to understand the Master of 
 Kavenswood's cogitations after he saw the best wraith 
 in fiction : 
 
 ' She died expressing her eager desire to see me. Can 
 it be, then can strong and earnest wishes, formed during 
 the last agony of nature, survive its catastrophe, surmount 
 the awful bounds of the spiritual world, and place before 
 us its inhabitants in the hues and colouring of life ? 
 And why was that manifested to the eye, which could not 
 unfold its tale to the ear ? ' (' Her withered lips moved 
 fast, although no sound issued from them.') ' And where- 
 fore should a breach be made in the laws of nature, yet 
 its purpose remain unknown?'
 
 ANTHROPOLOGY AND HALLUCINATIONS 137 
 
 The Master's reasonings are such as, in hearing similar 
 anecdotes, must have occurred to Scott. They no longer 
 represent our views. The death and apparition were 
 coincidental almost to the minute : it would be impossible 
 to prove that life was utterly extinct, when Alice seemed 
 to die, 'as the clock in the distant village tolled one, 
 just before ' Kavenswood's experience. We do not, like 
 him, postulate ' a breach in the laws of nature,' only a 
 possible example of a law. The tale was not ' unfolded to 
 the ear,' as the telepathic impact only affected the sense 
 of sight. 
 
 Here, perhaps, ought to follow a reply to certain 
 scientific criticisms of the theory that telepathy, or the 
 action of one distant mind, or brain, upon another, may be 
 the cause of ' coincidental hallucinations,' whether among 
 savage or civilised races. But, not to delay the argument 
 by controversy, the Reply to Objections has been relegated 
 to the Appendix. 1 
 
 Appendix A.
 
 138 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 VII 
 
 DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 
 
 THEEE is a kind of hallucinations namely, Phantasms 
 of the Dead about which it seems better to say nothing 
 in this place. If such phantasms are seen by savages 
 when awake, they will doubtless greatly corroborate that 
 belief in the endurance of the soul after death, which 
 is undeniably suggested to the early reasoner by the 
 phenomena of dreaming. But, while it is easy enough 
 to produce evidence to recognised phantasms of the dead 
 in civilised life, it would be very difficult indeed to 
 discover many good examples in what we know about 
 savages. Some Fijian instances are given by Mr. Fison 
 in his and Mr. Howitt's ' Kamilaroi and Kurnai.' Others 
 occur in the narrative of John Tanner, a captive from 
 childhood among the Ked Indians. But the circumstance, 
 already noted, that an Australian lad became a wizard on 
 the strength of having seen a phantasm of his dead 
 mother, proves that such experiences are not common ; 
 and Australian black fellows have admitted that they, for 
 their part, never did see a ghost, but only heard of ghosts 
 from their old men. Mr. David Leslie, previously cited, 
 gives some first-hand Zulu evidence about a haunted 
 wood, where the Esemkofu, or ghosts of persons killed by 
 a tyrannical chief, were heard and felt by his native 
 informant ; the percipient was also pelted with stones, as 
 by the European Poltergeist. The Zulu who dies com- 
 monly becomes an Ihlozi, and receives his share of
 
 DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 139 
 
 sacrifice. The Esemkofu, on the other hand, are disturbed 
 and haunting spirits. 1 
 
 As a rule, so far as our information goes, it is not 
 recognised phantasms of the dead, in waking vision, 
 which corroborate the savage belief in the persistence of 
 the spirit of the departed. The savage reasoner rather 
 rests his faith on the alleged phenomena of noises and 
 physical movements of objects apparently untouched, 
 which cause so many houses in civilised society to be 
 shut up, or shunned, as ' haunted.' Such disturbances 
 the savage naturally ascribes to ' spirits.' Our evidence, 
 therefore, for recognised phantasms of the savage dead 
 is very meagre, so it is unnecessary to examine the much 
 more copious civilised evidence. The facts attested may, 
 of course, be theoretically explained as the result of 
 telepathy from a mind no longer incarnate ; and, were 
 the evidence as copious as that for coincidental hallucina- 
 tions of the living, or dying, it would be of extreme 
 importance. But it is not so copious, and, granting even 
 that it is accurate, various explanations not involving 
 anything so distasteful to science as the action of a dis- 
 carnate intelligence may be, and have been, put forward. 
 
 We turn, therefore, from a theme in which civilised 
 testimony is more bulky than that derived from savage 
 life, to a topic in which savage evidence is much more full 
 than modern civilised records. This topic is the so-called 
 Demoniacal Possession. 
 
 In the philosophy of Animism, and in the belief of 
 many peoples, savage and civilised, spirits of the dead, 
 or spirits at large, can take up their homes in the bodies 
 of living men. Such men, or women, are spoken of as 
 ' inspired,' or ' possessed.' They speak in voices not their 
 own, they act in a manner alien to their natural character, 
 1 Among the Zulus, p. 120.
 
 140 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 they are said to utter prophecies, and to display knowledge 
 which they could not have normally acquired, and, in 
 fact, do not consciously possess, in their normal con- 
 dition. All these and similar phenomena the savage 
 explains by the hypothesis that an alien spirit perhaps 
 a demon, perhaps a ghost, or a god has taken posses- 
 sion of the patient. The possessed, being full of the 
 spirit, delivers sermons, oracles, prophecies, and what the 
 Americans call ' inspirational addresses,' before he returns 
 to his normal consciousness. Though many such prophets 
 are conscious impostors, others are sincere. Dr. Mason 
 mentions a prophet who became converted to Christianity. 
 ' He could not account for his former exercises, but said 
 that it certainly appeared to him as though a spirit spoke, 
 and he must tell what it communicated.' Dr. Mason also 
 gives the following anecdote : 
 
 ' . . . Another individual had a familiar spirit that he 
 consulted and with which he conversed ; but, on hearing 
 the Gospel, he professed to become converted, and had no 
 more communication with his spirit. It had left him, he 
 said ; it spoke to him no more. After a protracted trial 
 I baptised him. I watched his case with interest, and 
 for several years he led an unimpeachable Christian life ; 
 but, on losing his religious zeal, and disagreeing with 
 some of the church members, he removed to a distant 
 village, where he could not attend the services of the 
 Sabbath, and it was soon after reported that he had com- 
 munications with his familiar spirit again. I sent a 
 native preacher to visit him. The man said he heard 
 the voice which had conversed with him formerly, but 
 it spoke very differently. Its language was exceedingly 
 pleasant to hear, and produced great brokenness of heart. 
 It said, " Love each other ; act righteously act uprightly," 
 with other exhortations such as he had heard from the 
 teachers. An assistant was placed in the village near 
 him, when the spirit left him again ; and ever since he has 
 maintained the character of a consistent Christian.' ' 
 
 1 Burmah, p. 107.
 
 DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 141 
 
 This anecdote illustrates what is called by spiritists 
 ' change of control.' After receiving, and deserting, Chris- 
 tian doctrine, the patient again spoke unconsciously, but 
 under the influence of the faith which he had abandoned. 
 In the same way we shall find that a modern American 
 ' Medium,' after being for a time constantly in the society 
 of educated and psychological observers, obtained new 
 ' controls ' of a character more urbane and civilised than 
 her old ' familiar spirit.' l 
 
 It is admitted that the possessed sometimes display an 
 eloquence which they are incapable of in their normal 
 condition. 2 In China, possessed women, who never com- 
 posed a line of poetry in their normal lives, utter their 
 thoughts in verse, and are said to give evidence of clair- 
 voyant powers. 3 
 
 The book Demon Possessionin China of Dr. Nevius, 
 for forty years a missionary, was violently attacked by 
 the medical journals of his native country, the United 
 States. The doctor had the audacity to declare that lit 
 could find no better explanation of the phenomena than 
 the theory of the Apostles namely, that the patients 
 were possessed. Not having the fear of man before hi& 
 eyes, he also remarked that the current scientific explana- 
 tions had the fault of not explaining anything. 
 
 For example, ' Mr. Tylor intimates that all cases of 
 supposed demoniacal possession are identical with hysteria, 
 delirium, and mania, and suchlike bodily and mental 
 derangements.' Dr. Nevius, however, gave what he con- 
 ceived to be the notes of possession, and, in his diagnosis, 
 
 1 Hodgson, Proceedings, S.P.E., vol. xiii. pt. xxxiii. Dr. Hodgson by no 
 means agrees with this view of the case the case of Mrs. Piper. 
 
 - Prim. Cult. ii. 134. 
 
 ' Nevius's Demon Possession in China, a curious collection of examples 
 by an American missionary. The reports of Catholic missionaries abound 
 in cases.
 
 142 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 distinguished them from hysteria (whatever that may 
 mean), delirium, and mania. Nor can it honestly be 
 denied that, if the special notes of possession actually 
 exist, they do mark quite a distinct species of mental 
 affection. Dr. Nevius then observed that, according to 
 Mr. Tylor, ' scientific physicians now explain the facts on 
 a different principle,' but, says Dr. Nevius, ' we search in 
 vain to discover what this principle is.' l Dr. Nevius, 
 who had the courage of his opinions, then consulted a 
 work styled ' Nervous Derangement,' by Dr. Hammond, a 
 Professor in the Medical School of the University of New 
 York. 2 He found this scientific physician admitting that 
 we know very little about the matter. He knew, what is 
 very gratifying, that ' mind is the result of nervous action,' 
 and that so-called ' possession ' is the result of ' material 
 derangements of the organs or functions of the system.' 
 
 Dr. Nevius was ready to admit this latter doctrine in 
 cases of idiocy, insanity, epilepsy, and hysteria ; but then, 
 said he, these are not what I call possession. The Chinese 
 have names for all these maladies, ' which they ascribe to 
 physical causes,' but for possession they have a different 
 name. He expected Dr. Hammond to account for the 
 abnormal conditions in so-called possession, but ' he has 
 hardly even attempted to do this.' Dr. Nevius next 
 perused the works of Dr. Griesinger, Dr. Baelz, Professor 
 William James, M. Eibot, and, generally, the literature of 
 'alternating personality.' He found Mr. James profess- 
 ing his conviction that the ' alternating personality ' (in 
 popular phrase, the demon, or familiar spirit) of Mrs. Piper 
 knew a great deal about things which Mrs. Piper, in her 
 normal state, did not, and could not know. Thus, after 
 consulting many physicians, Dr. Nevius was none the 
 better, and came back to his faith in Diabolical Possession. 
 
 1 Op. cit. p. If. '-' Putnam, 1*81.
 
 DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 143 
 
 He was therefore informed that he had written ' one of 
 the most extraordinarily perverted books of the present 
 day ' on the evidence of ' transparent ghost stories ' 
 which do not occur in his book. 
 
 The attitude of Dr. Nevius cannot be called strictly 
 scientific. Because pathologists and psychologists are 
 unable to explain, or give the modus of a set of pheno- 
 mena, it does not follow that the devil, or a god, or a ghost, 
 is in it. 
 
 But this, of course, was precisely the natural inference 
 of savages. 
 
 Dr. Nevius catalogues the symptoms of possession 
 thus : 
 
 1. The automatic, persistent and consistent acting out 
 of a new personality, which calls himself shieng (genius) 
 and calls the patient liiang to (incense burner, ' medium '). 
 
 2. Possession of knowledge and intellectual power not 
 owned by the patient '(in his normal state), nor explainable 
 on the pathological hypothesis. 
 
 3. Complete change of moral character in the patient. 
 Of these notes, the second would, of course, most 
 
 confirm the savage belief that a new intelligence had 
 entered into the patient. If he displayed knowledge of 
 the future, or of the remote, the inference that a novel and 
 wiser intelligence had taken possession of the patient's 
 body would be, to the savage, irresistible. But the more 
 cautious modern, even if he accepted the facts, would be 
 reduced to no such extreme conclusion. He would say 
 that knowledge of the remote in space, or in the past, might 
 be telepathically communicated to the brain of some living 
 person ; while, for knowledge of the future, he could fly, 
 with Hartmann, to contact with the Absolute. 
 
 But the question of evidence for the facts is, of course, 
 the only real question. Now, in Dr. Nevius's book, this
 
 144 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 evidence rests almost entirely on the written reports of 
 native Christian teachers, for the Chinese were strictly 
 reticent when questioned by Europeans. 'My heathen 
 brother, you have a sister who is a demoniac ? ' asks the 
 intelligent European. The reply of the heathen brother 
 is best left in the obscurity of a remarkably difficult and 
 copious Oriental language. We are thus obliged to fall 
 back on the reports of Mr. Leng and other native Christian 
 teachers. They are perfectly modest and rational in style. 
 We learn that Mrs. Sen, a lady in her normal state 
 incapable of lyrical efforts, lisped in numbers in her 
 secondary personality, and detected the circumstance that 
 Mr. Leng was on his way to see her, when she could not 
 have learned the fact in any normal way. 1 ' They are 
 now crossing the stream, and will be here when the sun is 
 about so high ; ' which was correct. The other witnesses 
 were examined, and corroborated. 2 Dr. Nevius himself 
 examined Mrs. Kwo, when possessed, talking in verse, 
 and, physically, limp. 3 
 
 The narratives are of this type ; the patient, on 
 recovering consciousness, knows nothing of what has 
 occurred ; Christian prayers are often efficacious, and 
 there are many anecdotes of movements of objects 
 untouched. 4 
 
 By a happy accident, as this chapter was passing 
 through the press, a scientific account of a demoniac and 
 his cure was published by Dr. Pierre Janet. 5 Dr. Janet 
 has explained, with complete success, everything in the 
 matter of possession, except the facts which, in the 
 opinion of Dr. Nevius, were in need of explanation. 
 
 1 Nevius, p. 33. 2 Ibid. p. 35. 3 Op. cit. p. 38. 
 
 * See ' Fetishism and Spiritualism.' 
 
 5 Ndvroscs ct IcUes Fixes. Alcan, Paris, 1898. This is the first of a series 
 of works connected with the Laboratoire de Psychologic, at the Salpetri^re, in 
 Paris.
 
 DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 145 
 
 These facts did not occur in the case of the demoniac 
 ' exorcised ' by Dr. Janet. Thus the learned essay of 
 that eminent authority would not have satisfied Dr. 
 Nevius. The facts in which he was interested did not 
 present themselves in Dr. Janet's patient, and so Dr. Janet 
 does not explain them. 
 
 The simplest plan, here, is to deny that the facts in 
 which Dr. Nevius believes ever present themselves at all ; 
 but, if they ever do, Dr. Janet's explanation does not 
 explain them. 
 
 1. His patient, Achille, did not act out a new per- 
 sonality. 
 
 2. Achille displayed wo knowledge or intellectual power 
 which he did not possess in his normal state. 
 
 3. His moral character was not completely changed ; 
 he was only more hypochondriacal and hysterical than 
 usual. 
 
 Achille was a poor devil of a French tradesman who, 
 like Captain Booth, had infringed the laws of strict 
 chastity and virtue. He brooded on this till he became 
 deranged, and thought that Satan had him. He was con- 
 vulsed, anaesthetic, suicidal, involuntarily blasphemous. 
 He was not ' exorcised ' by a prayer or by a command, 
 but after a long course of mental and physical treatment. 
 His cure does not explain the cures in which Dr. Nevius 
 believed. His case did not present the features of which 
 Dr. Nevius asked science for an explanation. Dr. Janet's 
 essay is the dernier cri of science, and leaves Dr. Nevius 
 just where it found him. 
 
 Science, therefore, can, and does, tell Dr. Nevius that 
 his evidence for his facts is worthless, through the lips 
 of Professor W. Komaine Newbold, in ' Proceedings, 
 S.P.E.,' February 1898 (pp. 602-604). And the same 
 number of the same periodical shows us Dr. Hodgson 
 
 L
 
 146 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 accepting facts similar to those of Dr. Nevius, and ex- 
 plaining them by possession ! (p. 406). 
 
 Dr. Nevius's observations practically cover the whole 
 field of ' possession ' in non-European peoples. But other 
 examples from other areas are here included. 
 
 A rather impressive example of possession may be 
 selected from Livingstone's 'Missionary Travels ' (p. 86). 
 The adventurous Sebituane was harried by the Matabele 
 in a new land of his choice. He thought of descending the 
 Zambesi till he was in touch with white men ; but Tlapane, 
 ' who held intercourse with gods,' turned his face west- 
 wards. Tlapane used to retire, ' perhaps into some cave, to 
 remain in a hypnotic or mesmeric state ' until the moon 
 was full. Then he would return en prophete. ' Stamping, 
 leaping, and shouting in a peculiarly violent manner, or 
 beating the ground with a club ' (to summon those under 
 earth), 'they induce a kind of fit, and while in it pretend 
 that their utterances are unknown to themselves,' as they 
 probably are, when the condition is genuine. Tlapane, 
 after inducing the ' possessed ' state, pointed east : ' There, 
 Sebituane, I behold a fire ; shun it, it may scorch thee. 
 The gods say, Go not thither ! ' Then, pointing west, 
 he said, ' I see a city and a nation of black men, men 
 of the water, their cattle are red, thine own tribe are 
 perishing, thou wilt govern black men, spare thy future 
 tribe.' 
 
 So far, mere advice ; then, 
 
 ' Thou, Ramosinii, thy village will perish utterly. If 
 Mokari moves first from the village, he will perish first ; 
 and thou, Ramosinii, wilt be the last to die.' 
 
 Then, 
 
 ' Like some bold seer in a trance, 
 Seeing all his own mischance,' 
 
 1 The gods have given other men water to drink, but
 
 DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 147 
 
 to me they have given bitter water. They call me away. 
 I go.' ' 
 
 Tlapane died, Mokari died, Ramosinii died, their vil- 
 lage was destroyed soon after, and so Sebituane wandered 
 westward, not disobedient to the voice, was attacked by 
 the Baloiana, conquered, and spared them. 
 
 Such is ' possession ' among savages. It is superfluous 
 to multiply instances of this world-wide belief, so freely 
 illustrated in the New Testament, and in trials for witch- 
 craft. The scientific study of the phenomena, as Littre 
 complained, ' had hardly been sketched ' forty years ago. 
 In the intervening years, psychologists and hypnotists 
 have devoted much attention to the theme of these 
 ' secondary personalities,' which Animism explains by the 
 theory of possession. The explanations of- modern philo- 
 sophers differ, and it is not our business to discuss their 
 physiological and pathological ideas. 2 Our affair is to ask 
 whether, in the field of experience, there is any evidence 
 that persons thus ' possessed ' really evince knowledge 
 which they could not have acquired through normal 
 channels ? If such evidence exists, the facts would 
 naturally strengthen the conviction that the possessed 
 person was inspired by an intelligence not his own, that 
 is, by a spirit. Now it is the firm conviction of several 
 men of science that a certain Mrs. Piper, an American, 
 does display, in her possessed condition, knowledge which 
 she could not normally acquire. The case of this lady is 
 precisely on a level with that of certain savage or barbaric 
 seers. Thus : ' The Fijian priest sits looking steadily at a 
 whale's tooth ornament, amid dead silence. In a few minutes 
 
 1 ' Macleort shall return, but Macrimmon shall never ! ' 
 - See Ribot, Lcs Maladies de la P&rsonnaliU; Bourru et Burot, Variations 
 de laPcrsonnalit?,; Janet, & Automatism?. Psyclioloyiquc; James, Principles 
 of Psycholor/i; ; Myers, in Proceeding., of H.P.B., ' The Mechanism of Genius,' 
 'The Subliminal Self.' 
 
 i, 2
 
 148 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 he trembles, slight twitchings of face and limbs come on, 
 which increase to strong convulsions. . . . Now the god 
 has entered.' l 
 
 In China, ' the professional woman sits at a table in 
 contemplation, till the soul of a deceased person from 
 whom communication is desired enters her body and talks 
 through her to the living. . . .' - 
 
 The latter account exactly describes Mrs. Piper. When 
 consulted she passes through convulsions into a trance, 
 after which she talks in a new voice, assumes a fresh 
 personality, and affects to be possessed by the spirit of a 
 French doctor (who does not know French) Dr. Phinuit. 
 She then displays a varying amount of knowledge of dead 
 and living people connected with her clients, who are 
 usually strangers, often introduced under feigned names. 
 Mrs. Piper and her husband have been watched by 
 detectives, and have not been discovered in any attempts 
 to procure information. She was for some months in 
 England under the charge of the S.P.K. Other ghosts, 
 besides Dr. Phinuit, ghosts more civilised than he, now 
 influence her, and her latest performances are said to 
 exceed her former efforts. 3 
 
 Volumes of evidence about Mrs. Piper have been 
 published by Dr. Hodgson, who unmasked Madame 
 Blavatsky and Eusapia Paladino. 4 He was at first con- 
 vinced that Mrs. Piper, in her condition of trance, obtains 
 knowledge not otherwise and normally accessible to her. 
 It was admitted that her familiar spirit guesses, attempts 
 to extract information from the people who sit with her, 
 and tries sophistically to conceal his failures. Here follow 
 the statements of Professor James of Harvard. 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. ii. 133. - Doolittle's Chinese, i. 143 ; ii. 110, 320. 
 
 3 Proceedings, S.P.R., pt. xxxiii. 
 
 4 Proceedings, S.P.B., vi. 430-650 ; viii. 1-1G7 ; xiii. 284-582.
 
 DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 149 
 
 ' The most convincing things said about my own 
 immediate household were either very intimate or very 
 trivial. Unfortunately the former things cannot well be 
 published. Of the trivial things I have forgotten the 
 greater number, but the following, rarce nantes, may 
 serve as samples of their class. She said that we had lost 
 recently a rug, and I a waistcoat. (She wrongly accused 
 a person of stealing the rug, which was afterwards found 
 in the house.) She told of my killing a grey-and-white 
 cat with ether, and described how it had " spun round and 
 round " before dying. She told how my New York aunt 
 had written a letter to my wife, warning her against all 
 mediums, and then went off on a most amusing criticism, 
 full of traits vifs, of the excellent woman's character. 
 (Of course, no one but my wife and I knew the existence 
 of the letter in question.) She was strong on the events 
 in our nursery, and gave striking advice during our first 
 visit to her about the way to deal with certain " tantrums " 
 of our second child "little Billy-boy," as she called him, 
 reproducing his nursery name. She told how the crib 
 creaked at night, how a certain rocking-chair creaked 
 mysteriously, how my wife had heard footsteps on a stair, 
 &c. &c. Insignificant as these things sound when read, 
 the accumulation of them has an irresistible effect ; and I 
 repeat again what I said before, that, taking everything 
 that I know of Mrs. Piper into account, the result is to 
 make me feel as absolutely certain as I am of any personal 
 fact in the world that she knows things in her trances 
 which she cannot possibly have heard in her waking 
 state, and that the definitive philosophy of her trances 
 is yet to be found. The limitations of her trance infor- 
 mation, its discontinuity and fitfulness, and its apparent 
 inability to develop beyond a certain point, although they 
 end by arousing one's moral and human impatience with 
 the phenomenon, yet are, from a scientific point of view, 
 amongst its most interesting peculiarities, since where 
 there are limits there are conditions, and the discovery of 
 them is always the beginning of an explanation. 
 
 ' This is all I can tell you of Mrs. Piper. I wish it 
 were more "scientific." But valeat quantum! it is the 
 best I can do.' 
 
 Elsewhere Mr. James writes : 
 
 ' Mr. Hodgson and others have made prolonged study
 
 150 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 of this lady's trances, and are all convinced that super- 
 normal powers of cognition are displayed therein. They 
 are, prima facie, due to " spirit control." But the con- 
 ditions are so complex that a dogmatic decision either for 
 or against the hypothesis must as yet be postponed.' ' 
 
 Again 
 
 ' In the trances of this medium I cannot resist the 
 conviction that knowledge appears which she has never 
 gained by the ordinary waking use of her eyes, ears, 
 and wits. 
 
 ' The trances have broken down, for my own mind, the 
 limits of the admitted order of nature.' 
 
 M. Paul Bourget (who is not superstitious), after 
 consulting Mrs. Piper, concludes : 
 
 ' L'esprit a des procedes de connaitre non soup9onnes 
 par notre analyse.' - 
 
 In this treatise I may have shown ' the will to believe ' 
 in an unusual degree ; but, for me, the interest of Mrs. 
 Piper is purely anthropological. She exhibits a survival 
 or recrudescence of savage phenomena, real or feigned, of 
 convulsion and of secondary personality, and entertains 
 a survival of the animistic explanation. 
 
 Mrs. Piper's honesty and excellent character, in her 
 normal condition, are vouched for by her friends and 
 observers in England and America ; nor do I impeach her 
 normal character. But 'secondary personalities ' have often 
 more of Mr. Hyde than of Dr. Jekyll in their composition. 
 It used to be admitted that, when ' possessed,' Mrs. Piper 
 would cheat when she could -that is to say, she would 
 make guesses, try to worm information out of her sitter, 
 describe a friend of his, alive or dead, as ' Ed.,' who may be 
 Edgar, Edmund, Edward, Edith, or anybody. She would 
 shuffle, and repeat what she had picked up in a former 
 
 1 TJie Wilt to Believe, p. 314. 2 Figaro, January 14, 1895.
 
 DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 151 
 
 sitting with the same person ; and the vast majority of her 
 answers started from vague references to probable facts 
 (as that an elderly man is an orphan), and so worked on 
 to more precise statements. Professor Macalister wrote : 
 
 ' She is quite wide-awake enough all through to profit 
 by suggestions. I let her see a blotch of ink on my 
 finger, and she said that I was a writer. . . . Except 
 the guess about my sister Helen, who is alive, there was 
 not a single guess which was nearly right. Mrs. Piper is 
 not anaesthetic during the so-called trance, and if you ask 
 my private opinion, it is that the whole thing is an 
 imposture, and a poor one.' ' 
 
 Mr. Barkworth said that, as far as his experience 
 went, ' Mrs. Piper's powers are of the ordinary thought- 
 reading [i.e. muscle-reading] kind, dependent on her hold 
 of the visitor's hand.' Each of these gentlemen had only 
 one ' sitting.' M. Paul Bourget also informed me, in 
 conversation, that Mrs. Piper held his hand while she 
 told the melancholy tale connected with a key in his 
 possession, and that she did not tell the story promptly 
 and fluently, but very slowly and hesitatingly. Even so, 
 he declared that he did not feel able to account for her 
 performance. 
 
 As these pages were passing through the press, Dr. 
 Hodgson's last report on Mrs. Piper was published. 2 It 
 is quite impossible, within the space allotted, to criticise 
 this work. It would be necessary to examine minutely 
 scores of statements, in which many facts are suppressed 
 as too intimate, while others are remarkably incoherent. 
 Dr. Hodgson deserves the praise of extraordinary patience 
 and industry, displayed in the very distasteful task of 
 watching an unfortunate lady in the vagaries of 'trance.' 
 His reasonings are perfectly calm, perfectly unimpassioned, 
 
 1 Proceedings, vi. 605, GOG. 
 Proceedings, S.P.R., part xxxiii. vol. xiii.
 
 152 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 and his bias has not hitherto seemed to make for cre- 
 dulity. We must, in fact, regard him as an expert in this 
 branch of psychology. But he himself makes it clear 
 that, in his opinion, no written reports can convey 
 the impressions produced by several years of personal 
 experience. The results of that experience he sums up 
 in these words : 
 
 'At the present time I cannot profess to have any 
 doubt but that the chief "communicators" to whom I 
 have referred in the foregoing pages are veritably the 
 personalities that they claim to be, that they have sur- 
 vived the change we call death, and that they have 
 directly communicated with us, whom we call living, 
 through Mrs. Piper's entranced organism.' l 
 
 This means that Dr. Hodgson, at present, in this case, 
 accepts the hypothesis of ' possession ' as understood by 
 Maoris and Fijians, Chinese and Karens. 
 
 The published reports do not produce on me any such 
 impression. As a personal matter of opinion, I am con- 
 vinced that those whom I have honoured in this life 
 would no more avail themselves of Mrs. Piper's ' en- 
 tranced organism ' (if they had the chance) than I would 
 voluntarily find myself in a ' sitting ' with that lady. 
 It is unnecessary to wax eloquent on this head ; and 
 the curious can consult the writings of Dr. Hodgson for 
 themselves. Meanwhile we have only to notice that an 
 American ' possessed ' woman produces on a highly edu- 
 cated and sceptical modern intelligence the same impres- 
 sion as the Zulu ' possessed ' produce on some Zulu 
 intelligences. 
 
 The Zulus admit ' possession ' and divination, but are 
 not the most credulous of mankind. The ordinary pos- 
 sessed person is usually consulted as to the disease of an 
 
 1 Op, cit. part xxxiii. p. 406.
 
 DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 153 
 
 absent patient. The inquirers do not assist the diviner 
 by holding his hand, but are expected to smite the ground 
 violently if the guess made by the diviner is right ; gently 
 if it is wrong. A sceptical Zulu, named John, having a 
 shilling to expend on psychical research, smote violently 
 at every guess. The diviner was hopelessly puzzled ; 
 John kept his shilling, and laid it out on a much more 
 meritorious exhibition of animated sticks. 1 
 
 Uguise gave Dr. Callaway an account of a female 
 possessed person with whom Mrs. Piper could not compete. 
 Her spirit spoke, not from her mouth, but from high in 
 the roof. It gave forth a kind of questioning remarks 
 which were always correct. It then reported correctly a 
 number of singular circumstances, ordered some remedies 
 for a diseased child, and offered to return the fee, if ample 
 satisfaction was not given. 2 
 
 In China and Zululand, as in Mrs. Piper's case, the 
 spirits are fond of diagnosing and prescribing for absent 
 patients. 
 
 A good example of savage possession is given in his 
 travels by Captain Jonathan Carver (1763). 
 
 Carver was waiting impatiently for the arrival of 
 traders with provisions, near the Thousand Lakes. A 
 priest, or jossakeed, offered to interview the Great Spirit, 
 and obtain information. A large lodge was arranged, and 
 the covering drawn up (which is unusual), so that what 
 went on within might be observed. In the centre was a 
 chest-shaped arrangement of stakes, so far apart from each 
 other ' that whatever lay within them was readily to be 
 discerned.' The tent was illuminated ' by a great number 
 of torches.' The priest came in, and was first wrapped in 
 an elk's skin, as Highland seers were wrapped in a black 
 
 1 See ' Fetishism.' Compare Callaway, p. 328. 
 Callaway, pp. 361-374.
 
 164 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 bull's hide. Forty yards of rope made of elk's hide were 
 then coiled about him, till he ' was wound up like an 
 Egyptian mummy.' 
 
 I have elsewhere shown l that this custom of binding 
 with bonds the seer who is to be inspired, existed in 
 Grseco-Egyptian spiritualism, among Samoyeds, Eskimo, 
 Canadian Hareskin Indians, and among Australian blacks, 
 
 ' The head, body, and limbs are wound round with 
 stringy bark cords.' 2 This is an extraordinary range of 
 diffusion of a ceremony apparently meaningless. Is the 
 idea that, by loosing the bonds, the seer demonstrates the 
 agency of spirits, after the manner of the Davenport 
 Brothers ? 3 But the Grseco-Egyptian medium did not 
 undo the swathings of linen, in which he was rolled, like 
 a mummy. They had to be unswathed for him, by others. ' 
 Again, a dead body, among the Australians, is corded 
 up tight, as soon as the breath is out of it, if it is to be 
 buried, or before being exposed on a platform, if that is 
 the custom. 5 Again, in the Highlands second-sight was 
 thus acquired : the would-be seer ' must run a Tedder 
 (tether) of Hair, which bound a corpse to the Bier, about 
 his Middle from end to end,' and then look between his 
 legs till he sees a funeral cross two marches. 6 The Green- 
 land seer is bound ' with his head between his legs.' 7 
 
 Can it be possible, judging from Australia, Scotland, 
 Egypt, that the binding, as of a corpse or mummy, is a 
 symbolical way of putting the seer on a level with the 
 dead, who will then communicate with him? In three 
 remote points, we find seer-binding and corpse-binding ; 
 
 1 Cock Lane and Common Sense, p. 55. 
 
 - Brough Smyth, i. 475. This point is disputed, but I did not invent it, 
 and a case appears in Mr. Curr's work on the natives. 
 
 3 Prim. Cult. i. 152. 4 Eusebius, Prcep, Evany, v. 9. 
 
 Brough Smyth, i. 100, 113. 
 
 " Kirk, Secret Commonwealth 1691. ' Crantz, p. 209.
 
 DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 156 
 
 but we need to prove that corpses are, or have been, 
 bound at the other points where the seer is tied up in a 
 reindeer skin among the Samoyeds, an elk skin in North 
 America, a bull's hide in the Highlands. 
 
 Binding the seer is not a universal Bed Indian 
 custom ; it seems to cease in Labrador, and elsewhere, 
 southwards, where the prophet enters a magic lodge, 
 unbound. Among the Narquapees, he sits cross-legged, 
 and the lodge begins to answer questions by leaping 
 about. 1 The Eskimo bounds, though he is tied up. 
 
 It would be decisive, if we could find that, wherever 
 the sorcerer is bound, the dead are bound also. I note 
 the following examples, but the Creeks do not, I think, 
 bind the magician. 
 
 Among the Creeks, 
 
 ' The corpse is placed in a hole, with a blanket wrapped 
 about it, and the legs bent under it and tied together.'' 2 
 
 The dead Greenlanders were ' wrapped and sewed up 
 in their best deer-skins.' 3 
 
 Carver could only learn that, among the Indians he 
 knew, dead bodies were ' wrapped in skins ; ' that they 
 were also swathed with cords he does not allege, but he 
 was not permitted to see all the ceremonies. 
 
 My theory is, at least, plausible, for this manner of 
 burying the dead, tied tightly up, with the head between 
 the legs (as in the practice of Scottish and Green- 
 land seers), is very old and widely diffused. Ellis 
 says, of the Tahitians, ' the body of the dead man 
 was . . . placed in a sitting posture, with the knees 
 elevated, the face pressed down between the knees, . . . 
 
 1 Pere Arnaud, in Hind's Labrador, ii. 102. 
 
 2 Major Swan, 1791, official letter on the Creek Indians, Schoolcraft. 
 v270. 
 
 3 Crantz, p. 237.
 
 156 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 and the whole body tied with cord or cinet, wound 
 repeatedly round.' l 
 
 The binding may originally have been meant to 
 keep the corpse, or ghost, from 'walking.' I do not 
 know that Tahitian prophets were ever tied up, to await 
 inspiration. But I submit that the frequency of the 
 savage form of burial with the corpse tied up, or swathed, 
 sometimes with the head between the legs ; and the 
 recurrence of the savage practice of similarly binding the 
 sorcerer, probably points to a purpose of introducing the 
 seer to the society of the dead. The custom, as applied to 
 prophets, might survive, even where the burial rite had 
 altered, or cannot be ascertained, and might survive, for 
 corpses, where it had gone out of use, for seers. The 
 Scotch used to justify their practice of putting the head 
 between the knees when, bound with a corpse's hair 
 tether, they learned to be second-sighted, by what Elijah 
 did. The prophet, on the peak of Carmel, ' cast himself 
 down upon the earth, and put his face bet ween his knees.' 2 
 But the cases are not analogous. Elijah had been hearing 
 a premonitory ' sound of abundance of rain ' in a cloudless 
 sky. He was probably engaged in prayer, not in prophecy. 
 
 Kirk, by the way, notes that if the wind changes, 
 while the Scottish seer is bound, he is in peril of his life. 
 So children are told, in Scotland, that, if the wind changes 
 while they are making faces, the grimace will be perma- 
 nent. The seer will, in the same way, become what he 
 pretends to be, a corpse. 
 
 This desertion of Carver's tale may be pardoned for 
 the curiosity of the topic. He goes on : 
 
 ' Being thus bound up like an Egyptian mummy ' 
 (Carver unconsciously making my point) , ' the seer was 
 lifted into the chest-like enclosure. I could now also 
 
 1 Polynesian Researches, i. 519. 2 1 Kings xviii. 42.
 
 DEMONIACAL POSSESSION 157 
 
 discern him as plain as I had ever done, and I took care 
 not to turn my eyes away a moment ' in which effort he 
 probably failed. 
 
 The priest now began to mutter, and finally spoke 
 in a mixed jargon of scarcely intelligible dialects. He 
 now yelled, prayed, and foamed at the mouth, till in 
 about three quarters of an hour he was exhausted and 
 speechless. ' But in an instant he sprang upon his feet, 
 notwithstanding at the time he was put in it appeared 
 impossible for him to move either his legs or arms, and 
 shaking off his covering, as quick as if the bands with 
 which it had been bound were burst asunder,' he pro- 
 phesied. The Great Spirit did not say when the traders 
 would arrive, but, just after high noon, next day, a canoe 
 would arrive, and the people in it would tell when the 
 traders were to appear. 
 
 Next day, just after high noon, a canoe came round a 
 point of land about a league away, and the men in it, who 
 had met the traders, said they would come in two days, 
 which they did. Carver, professing freedom from any 
 tincture of credulity, leaves us ' to draw what conclusions 
 we please.' 
 
 The natural inference is ' private information,' about 
 which the only difficulty is that Carver, who knew the 
 topography and the chances of a secret messenger arriving 
 to prompt the Jossakeed, does not allude to this theory. 1 
 He seems to think such successes not uncommon. 
 
 All that psychology can teach anthropology, on this 
 whole topic of ' possession,' is that secondary or alter- 
 nating personalities are facts in rerum natura, that the 
 man or woman in one personality may have no conscious 
 memory of what was done or said in the other, and that 
 cases of knowledge said to be supernormally gained in the 
 secondary state are worth inquiring about, if there be a 
 chance of getting good evidence. 
 
 A few fairly respectable savage instances are given 
 in Dr. Gibier's ' Le Fakirisme Occidental ' and in Mr. 
 
 1 Carver, pp. 123, 184.
 
 158 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Manning's ' Old New Zealand ; ' but, while modem 
 civilised parallels depend on the solitary case of Mrs. 
 Piper (for no other case has been well observed), no 
 affirmative conclusion can be drawn from Chinese, Maori, 
 Zulu, or Red Indian practice.
 
 159 
 
 VIII 
 
 FETISHISM AND SPIRITUALISM 
 
 IT has been shown how the doctrine of souls was developed 
 according to the anthropological theory. The hypothesis 
 as to how souls of the dead were later elevated to the rank 
 of gods, or supplied models after which such gods might 
 be inventively fashioned, will be criticised in a later 
 chapter. Here it must suffice to say that the conception 
 of a separable surviving soul of a dead man was not only 
 not essential to the savage's idea of his supreme god, as it 
 seems to me, but would have been wholly inconsistent 
 with that conception. There exist, however, numerous 
 forms of savage religion in addition to the creed in a 
 Supreme Being, and these contribute their streams to the 
 ocean of faith. Thus among the kinds of belief which 
 served in the development of Polytheism, was Fetishism, 
 itself an adaptation and extension of the idea of separable 
 souls. In this regard, like ancestor-worship, it differs 
 from the belief in a Supreme Being, which, as we shall try 
 to demonstrate, is not derived from the theory of ghosts 
 or souls at all. 
 
 Fetish (fetiche) seems to come from Portuguese fei tigo, 
 a talisman or amulet, applied by the Portuguese to various 
 material objects regarded by the negroes of the west coast 
 with more or less of religious reverence. These objects 
 may be held sacred in some degree for a number of 
 incongruous reasons. They may be tokens, or may be of 
 value in sympathetic magic, or merely odd, and therefore
 
 160 THE MAKING OF EELIG10N 
 
 probably endowed with unknown mystic qualities. Or 
 they may have been pointed out in a dream, or met in a 
 lucky hour and associated with good fortune, or they may 
 (like a tree with an unexplained stir in its branches, as 
 reported by Kohl) have seemed to show signs of life by 
 spontaneous movements ; in fact, a thing may be what 
 Europeans call a fetish for scores of reasons. For our 
 present purpose, as Mr. Tylor says, ' to class an object as 
 a fetish demands explicit statement that a spirit is con- 
 sidered as embodied in it, or acting through it, or communi- 
 cating by it, or, at least, that the people it belongs to do 
 habitually think this of such objects ; or it must be shown 
 that the object is treated as having personal consciousness 
 or power, is talked with, worshipped . . . ' and so forth. 
 The in-dwelling spirit may be human, as when a fetish is 
 made out of a friend's skull, the spirit in which may even 
 be asked for oracles, like the Head of Bran in Welsh 
 legend. 
 
 We have tried to show that the belief in human souls 
 may be, in part at least, based on supernormal phenomena 
 which Materialism disregards. We shall now endeavour 
 to make it probable that Fetishism (the belief in the souls 
 tenanting inanimate objects) may also have sources which 
 perhaps are not normal, or which at all events seemed 
 supernormal to savages. We say ' perhaps not normal ' 
 because the phenomena now to be discussed are of the 
 most puzzling character. We may lean to the belief in a 
 supernormal cause of certain hallucinations, but the alleged 
 movements of inanimate objects which probably supply 
 one origin of Fetishism, one suggestion of the presence of 
 a spirit in things dead, leave the inquiring mind in 
 perplexity. In following Mr. Tylor's discussion of the 
 subject, it is necessary to combine what he says about 
 Spiritualism in his fourth with what he says about
 
 FETISHISM AND SPIRITUALISM 161 
 
 [Fetishism in his fourteenth and later chapters. For 
 some reason his book is so arranged that he criticises 
 ' Spiritualism ' long before he puts forward his doctrine of 
 the origin and development of the belief in spirits. 
 
 We have seen a savage reason for supposing that 
 human spirits inhabit certain lifeless things, such as skulls 
 and other relics of the dead. But how did it come to be 
 thought that a spirit dwelt in a lifeless and motionless 
 piece of stone or stick ? Mr. Tylor, perhaps, leads us to a 
 plausible conjecture by writing : ' Mr. Darwin saw two 
 Malay women in Keeling Island, who held a wooden spoon 
 dressed in clothes like a doll : this spoon had been carried to 
 the grave of a dead man, and becoming inspired at full moon, 
 in fact lunatic, it danced about convulsively, like a table 
 or a hat at a modern spirit seance.' l Now M. Lefebure 
 has pointed out (in ' Melusine ') that, according to De 
 Brosses, the African conjurers gave an appearance of 
 independent motion to small objects, which were then 
 accepted as fetishes, being visibly animated. M. Lefebure 
 next compares, like Mr. Tylor, the alleged physical phe- 
 nomena of spiritualism, the flights and movements of 
 inanimate objects apparently untouched. 
 
 The question thus arises, Is there any truth whatever 
 in these world-wide and world-old stones of inanimate 
 objects acting like animated things ? Has fetishism one of 
 its origins in the actual field of supernormal experience in 
 the X region ? This question we do not propose to answer, 
 as the evidence, though practically universal, may be said 
 to rest on imposture and illusion. But we can, at least, give 
 a sketch of the nature of the evidence, beginning with that 
 as to the apparently voluntary movements of objects, not 
 untouched. Mr. Tylor quotes from John Bell's ' Journey 
 
 1 Darwin, Journal, p. 458 ; Tylor, Prim. Cult. ii. 152. The spoon was 
 not untouched. 
 
 M
 
 162 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 in Asia ' (1719) an account of a Mongol Lama who wished 
 to discover certain stolen pieces of damask. His method 
 was to sit on a bench, when 'he carried it, or, as was 
 commonly believed, it carried him, to the very tent ' of the 
 thief. Here the bench is innocently believed to be self- 
 moving. Again, Mr. Rowley tells how in Manganjah the 
 sorcerer, to find out a criminal, placed, with magical 
 ceremonies, two staffs of wood in the hands of some young 
 men. ' The sticks whirled and dragged the men round 
 like mad,' and finally escaped and rolled to the feet of the 
 wife of a chief, who was then denounced as the guilty 
 person. 1 
 
 Mr. Duff Macdonald describes the same practice 
 among the Yaos : 2 
 
 ' The sorcerer occasionally makes men take hold of a 
 stick, which, after a time, begins to move as if endowed 
 with life, and ultimately carries them off bodily and with 
 great speed to the house of the thief.' 
 
 The process is just that of Jacques Ayrnard in the 
 celebrated story of the detection of the Lyons murderer. 3 
 
 In Melanesia, far enough away, Dr. Codrington found 
 a similar practice, and here the sticks are explicitly said 
 by the natives to be moved by spirits. 4 The wizard and 
 a friend hold a bamboo stick by each end, and ask what 
 man's ghost is afflicting a patient. At the mention of the 
 right ghost ' the stick becomes violently agitated.' In 
 the same way, the bamboo ' would run about ' with a 
 man holding it only on the palms of his hands. Again, 
 a hut is built with a partition down the middle. Men sit 
 there with their hands under one end of the bamboo, 
 while the other end is extended into the empty half of the 
 
 1 Rowley, Universities' Mission, p. 217. " Africana, vol. i. p. 161. 
 
 3 In the author's Custom and Myth, ' The Divining Rod.' 
 ' Codrington's Melanesia, p. 210.
 
 FETISHISM AND SPIRITUALISM 163 
 
 hut. They then call over the names of the recently dead, 
 till 'they feel the bamboo moving in their hands.' A 
 bamboo placed on a sacred tree, ' when the name of a 
 ghost is called, moves of itself, and will lift and drag 
 people about.' Put up into a tree, it would lift them 
 from the ground. In other cases the holding of the sticks 
 produces convulsions and trance. 1 The divining sticks of 
 the Maori are also ' guided by spirits,' 2 and those of the 
 Zulu sorcerers rise, fall, and jump about. 3 
 
 These Zulu performances must be really very curious. 
 In the last chapter we told how a Zulu named John, 
 having a shilling to lay out in the interests of psychical 
 research, declined to pay a perplexed diviner, and reserved 
 his capital for a more meritorious performance. He 
 tried a medium named Unomantshintshi, who divined by 
 Umabakula, or dancing sticks 
 
 ' If they say " no," they fall suddenly ; if they say " yes," 
 they arise and jump about very much, and leap on the 
 person who has come to inquire. They " fix themselves 
 on the place where the sick man is affected ; ... if the 
 head, they leap on his head. . . . Many believe in Uma- 
 bakula more than in the diviner. But there are not 
 many who have the Umabakula." 
 
 Dr. Callaway's informant only knew two Umabakulists. 
 John was quite satisfied, paid his shilling, and went 
 home. 4 
 
 The sticks are about a foot long. It is not reported 
 that they are moved by spirits, nor do they seem to be 
 regarded as fetishes. 
 
 Mr. Tylor also cites a form of the familiar pendulum 
 experiment. Among the Karens a ring is suspended by a 
 thread over a metal basin. The relations of the dead 
 strike the basin, and when he who was dearest to the 
 
 Op. cit. pp. 223-225. - Prim. Cult. vol. i. p. 125. 
 
 : Callaway, Amasuhi, p. 330. 4 Ibid. p. 353. 
 
 M 2
 
 164 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 ghost touches it the spirit twists the thread till it breaks,, 
 and the ring falls into the basin. With us a ring is held 
 by a thread over a tumbler, and our unconscious move- 
 ments swing it till it strikes the hour. How the Karens 
 manage it is less obvious. These savage devices with 
 animated sticks clearly correspond to the more modern 
 ' table-turning.' Here, when the players are honest, the 
 pushing is certainly unconscious. 
 
 I have tested this in two ways first by trying the 
 minimum of conscious muscular action that would stir a 
 table at which I was alone, and by comparing the absolute 
 unconsciousness of muscular action when the table began 
 to move in response to no voluntary push. Again, I tried 
 with a friend, who said, ' You are pushing,' when I gently 
 removed my hands altogether, though they seemed to 
 rest on the table, which still revolved. My friend was 
 himself unconsciously pushing. It is undeniable that, to 
 a solitary experimenter, the table seems to make little 
 darts of its own will in a curious way. Thus, the uncon- 
 sciousness of muscular action on the part of savages- 
 engaged in the experiment with sticks would lead them 
 to believe that spirits were animating the wood. The 
 same fallacy beset the table-turners of 1855-65, and was, 
 to some extent, exposed by Faraday. Of course, savages 
 would be even more convinced by the dancing spoon of 
 Mr. Darwin's tale, by the dancing sticks of the Zulus, 
 and the rest, whether the phenomena were supernormal 
 or merely worked by unseen strings. The same remark 
 applies to modern experimenters, when, as they declare, 
 various objects move untouched, without physical contact. 
 Still more analogous than turning tables to the savage 
 use of inspired sticks for directing the inquirer to a lost 
 object or to a criminal, is the modern employment of the 
 divining-rod a forked twig which, held by the ends,
 
 FETISHISM AND SPIRITUALISM 165 
 
 revolves in the hands of the performer when he reaches 
 the object of his quest. He, like the savage cited, is 
 occasionally agitated in a convulsive manner; and cases 
 are quoted in which the twig writhes when held in a pair 
 of tongs! The best -known modern treatise on the 
 divining - rod is that of M. Chevreul, ' La Baguette 
 Divinatoire ' (1854). We have also ' L'Histoire du 
 Merveilleux dans les Temps Modernes,' by M. Figuier 
 (1860). In 1781 Thouvenel published his 600 experi- 
 ments with Bleton and others ; and Hegel refers to 
 Amoretti's collection of hundreds of cases. The case 
 of Jacques Aymard, who in the seventeenth century 
 discovered a murderer by the use of the rod in true 
 savage fashion, is well known. In modern England the 
 rod is used in the interests of private individuals and 
 public bodies (such as Trinity College, Cambridge) for the 
 discovery of water. 
 
 Professor Barrett has lately published a book of 280 
 pages, in which evidence of failures and successes is 
 collected. 1 Professor Barrett gives about one hundred and 
 fifty cases, in which he was only able to discover, on good 
 authority, twelve failures. He gives a variety of tests 
 calculated to check frauds and chance coincidence, and 
 he publishes opinions, hostile or agnostic, by geologists. 
 The evidence, as a general rule, is what is called first- 
 hand in other inquiries. The actual spectators, and often 
 the owners of the land, or the persons in whose interest 
 water was wanted, having been present, give their testi- 
 mony ; and it is certain that the ' diviner ' is called in by 
 people of sense and education, commonly too practical 
 to have a theory, and content with getting what they 
 want, especially where scientific experts have failed.- 
 
 1 Tfic So-called Divining-Rod, S.P.K. 1897. 
 
 ' J See especially The V/aterfotd Experiments, p. 10(i.
 
 166 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 In Mr. Barrett's opinion, the subconscious perception 
 of indications of the presence of water produces an equally 
 unconscious muscular ' spasm,' which twirls the rod till it 
 often breaks. Yet 'it is almost impossible to imitate 
 its characteristic movement by any voluntary effort.' I 
 have myself held the hands of an amateur performer when 
 the twig was moving, and neither by sight nor touch could 
 I detect any muscular movement on his part, much less a 
 spasm. The person was bailiff on a large estate, and, 
 having accidentally discovered that he possessed the gift, 
 used it when he wanted wells dug for the tenants on 
 the property. 
 
 The whole topic is obscure ; nor am I concerned here 
 with the successes or failures of the divining-rod. But 
 the movements of the twig have never, to my knowledge, 
 been attributed by modern English performers to the 
 operation of spirits. They say 'electricity.' Mr. Tylor 
 merely writes : 
 
 'The action of the famous divining-rod, with its 
 curiously versatile sensibility to water, ore, treasure, and 
 thieves, seems to belong partly to trickery and partly to 
 more or less conscious direction by honester operators.' 
 
 As the divining-rod is the only instance in which 
 automatism, whatever its nature and causes, has been 
 found of practical value by practical men, and as it is 
 obviously associated with a number of analogous pheno- 
 mena, both in civilised and savage life, it certainly 
 deserves the attention of science. But no advance will 
 be made till scientifically trained inquiier.s themselves 
 arrange and test a large number of experiments. Know- 
 ledge of the geological ignorance of the dowsers, examples 
 of fraud on their part, and cases of failure or reported 
 failure, with a general hostile bias, may prevent such 
 experiments from being made by scientific experts on an
 
 FETISHISM AND SPIKITUALISM 167 
 
 adequate scale. Such experts ought, of course, to avoid 
 working the dowsers into a state of irritation. 
 
 It is just worth while to notice cases in which the rod 
 acts like those of the Melanesians, Africans, and other 
 savages. A Mr. Thomas Welton published an English 
 translation of 'La Verge de Jacob' (Lyon, 1693). In 
 1851 he asked his servant to bring into the garden ' a 
 stick that stood behind the parlour door. In great terror 
 she brought it to the garden, her hand firmly clutched on 
 it, nor could she let it go.' When Mrs. Welton took the 
 stick, ' it drew her with very considerable velocity to 
 nearly the centre of the garden,' where a well was found. 
 Mr. Welton is not likely to have known of the lately 
 published savage examples. The coincidence with the 
 African and Melanesian cases is, therefore, probably 
 undesigned. 
 
 Again, in 1694, the rod was used by le Pere Menestrier 
 and others, just as it is by savages, to indicate by its 
 movements answers to all sorts of questions. Experiments 
 of this kind have not been made by Professor Barrett, and 
 other irfodern inquirers, except by M. Eichet, as a mode of 
 detecting automatic action. But it would be just as 
 sensible to use the twig as to use planchette or any other 
 ' autoscopic ' apparatus. If these elicit knowledge uncon- 
 sciously present to the mind, mere water- finding ought not 
 to be the sole province of the rod. In the same class as 
 these rods is the forked twig which, in China, is held at 
 each end by two persons, and made to write in the sand. 
 The little apparatus called planchette, or the other, the 
 ouija, is of course, consciously or unconsciously, pushed by 
 the performers. In the case of the twig, as held by water- 
 seekers, the difficulty of consciously moving it so as to 
 escape close observation is considerable. 
 
 In the case of the ouija (a little tripod, which, under
 
 168 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 the operators' hands, runs about a table inscribed with 
 letters at which it points), I have known curious successes 
 to be achieved by amateurs. Thus, in the house of a lady 
 who owned an old chateau in another county, the ouija, 
 operated on by two ladies known to myself, wrote a number 
 of details about a visit paid to the chateau for a certain 
 purpose by Mary Stuart. That visit, and its object, a 
 purely personal one, are unknown to history, and the 
 chateau is not spoken of in Mr. Hay Fleming's careful, 
 but unavoidably incomplete, itinerary of the Queen's re- 
 sidence in Scotland. After the communication had been 
 made, the owner of the chateau explained that she was 
 already acquainted with the circumstances described, as 
 she had recently read them in documents in her charter 
 chest, where they remain. 
 
 Of course, the belief we extend to such narratives is 
 entirely conditioned by our knowledge of the personal 
 character of the performers. The point here is merely the 
 civilised and savage practice of automatism, the apparent 
 eliciting of knowledge not otherwise accessible, by the 
 movements of a stick, or a bit of wood. These movements, 
 made without conscious exertion or direction, seem, to 
 savage philosophy, to be caused by in-dwelling spirits, the 
 sources of Fetishism. 
 
 These examples, then, demonstrating unconscious 
 movement of objects by the operators, make it clear that 
 movements even of touched objects, may be attributed, by 
 some civilised and by savage amateurs, to ' spirits.' The 
 objects so moved may, by savages, be regarded in some 
 cases as fetishes, and their movements may have helped to 
 originate the belief that spirits can inhabit inanimate objects. 
 When objects apparently quite untouched become vola- 
 tile, the mystery is deeper. This apparent animation and 
 frolicsome behaviour of inanimate objects is reported all
 
 FETISHISM AND SPIRITUALISM 169 
 
 through history, and attested by immense quantities of 
 evidence of every degree. It would be tedious to give a 
 full account of the antiquity and diffusion of reports about 
 such occurrences. We find them among Neo-Platonists, 
 in the English and Continental Middle Ages, among 
 Eskimo, Hurons, Algonkins, Tartars, Zulus, Malays, 
 Nasquapees, Maoris, in witch trials, in ancient Peru 
 (immediately after the Spanish Conquest), in China, in 
 modern Russia, in New England (1680), all through the 
 career of modern spiritualism, in Hayti (where they are 
 attributed to ' Obeah '), and, sporadically, everywhere. 1 
 
 Among all these cases, \ve must dismiss whatever the 
 modern paid medium does in the dark. The only thing 
 to be done with the ethnographic and modern accounts 
 of such marvels is to ' file them for reference.' If a spon- 
 taneous example occurs, under proper inspection, we can 
 then compare our old tales. Professor James says : ' Their 
 mutual resemblances suggest a natural type, and I confess 
 that till these records, or others like them, are positively 
 explained away, I cannot feel (in spite of such vast 
 amounts of detected frauds) as if the case of physical 
 mediumship itself, as a freak of nature, were definitely 
 closed. ... So long as the stories multiply in various 
 lands, and so few are positively explained away, it is bad 
 method to ignore them.' 2 Here they are not ignored, 
 because, whatever the cause or causes of the phenomena, 
 they would buttress, if they did not originate, the savage 
 belief in spirits tenanting inanimate matter, whence came 
 Fetishism. As to facts, we cannot, of course, ' explain 
 away ' events of this kind, which we know only through 
 report. A conjurer cannot explain a trick merely from a 
 
 1 Authorities and examples are collected in the author's Cock Lane and 
 Common Sense. 
 
 - Proceedings, xii. 7, 8.
 
 170 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 description, especially a description by a non-conjurer. 
 But, as a rule, nothing so much leads to doubt on this 
 theme as the ' explanation ' given except, of course, in 
 the case of ' dark seances ' got up and prepared by paid 
 mediums. We know, sometimes, how the ' explanation r 
 arose. 
 
 Thus, the house of a certain M. Zoller, a lawyer 
 and member of the Swiss Federal Council, a house at 
 Stans, in Unterwalden, was made simply uninhabitable in 
 1860-1862. The disturbances, including movements of 
 objects, were of a truly odious description, and occurred 
 in full daylight. M. Zoller, deeply attached to his home, 
 which had many interesting associations with the part his 
 family played in the struggle against revolutionary France, 
 was obliged to abandon the place. He had made every 
 conceivable sort of research, and had called in the local 
 police and savants, to no purpose. 
 
 But the affair was explained away thus : While the 
 phenomena could still be concealed from public curiosity, 
 a client called to see M. Zoller, who was out. The 
 client, therefore, remained in the drawing-room. Loud 
 and heavy blows resounded through the room. The 
 client, as it chanced, had once felt the effects of an 
 electric battery, for some medical reason, apparently. M. 
 Zoller writes : ' My eldest son was present at the time, 
 and, when my client asked whether there was such a 
 thing as an electrical machine in the house (the family 
 having been enjoined to keep the disturbances as secret as 
 possible), he allowed S. to think that there was.' Con- 
 sequently, the phenomena were set down to M. Zoller's 
 singular idea of making his house untenantable with 
 an ' electric machine ' which he did not possess. 1 A 
 number of the most respected citizens, including the 
 
 1 Personal Narrative, by M. Zoller. Hanke, Zurich, 18G3.
 
 FETISHISM AND SPIRITUALISM 171 
 
 Superintendent of Police, and the chief magistrate for law, 
 published a statement that neither Zoller, nor any of his 
 family, nor any of themselves, produced or could have 
 produced the phenomena witnessed by them in August 1862. 
 This declaration they put forth in the ' Schwytzer Zeitung,' 
 October 5, 1863. ! No electric machine known to mortals 
 could have produced the vast variety of alleged effects, 
 none was ever found ; and as M. Zoller changed his 
 servants without escaping his tribulations, they can 
 hardly be blamed for what, prima facie, it seems that 
 they could not possibly do. However, 'electricity,' like 
 Mesopotamia, is 'a blessed word.' * 
 
 My own position in this matter of ' physical phe- 
 nomena ' is, I hope, clear. They interest me, for my 
 present purpose, as being, whatever their real nature and 
 origin, things which would suggest to a savage his theory 
 of Fetishism. ' An inanimate object may be tenanted by 
 a spirit, as is proved by its extraordinary movements.' 
 Thus the early thinker might reason, and go on to revere 
 the object. It is to be wished that competent observers 
 would pay more attention to such savage practices as 
 crystal-gazing and automatism as illustrated by the sticks 
 of the Melanesians, Zulus, and Yaos. Our scanty in- 
 formation we pick up out of stray allusions, but it has 
 the advantage of being uncontaminated by theory, the 
 European spectator not knowing the wide range of such 
 practices and their value in experimental psychology. 
 
 We have now finished our study of the less normal 
 and usual phenomena, which gave rise to belief in 
 separable, self-existing, conscious, and powerful souls. 
 We have shown that the supernormal factors which, 
 
 1 Daumer, ReicJi des Wumlcrsamcn, Eegensburg, 1872, pp. 26-j, 2G6. 
 - A criticism of modern explanations of the phenomena here touched 
 upon will be found in Appendix B.
 
 172 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 when reflected on, probably supported this belief, are 
 represented in civilised as well as in savage life, while as 
 to their existence among the founders of religion we can 
 historically know nothing at all. If we may infer from 
 certain considerations, the supernormal experiences were 
 possibly more prevalent among the remote ancestors of 
 known savage races than among their modern descendants. 
 We have suggested that clairvoyance, thought transference, 
 and telepathy cannot be dismissed as mere fables, by a 
 cautious inquirer, while even the far more obscure stories 
 of ' physical manifestations ' are but poorly explained 
 away by those who cannot explain them. 1 Again, these 
 faculties have presented in the acquisition of otherwise 
 unattainable knowledge, in coincidental hallucinations, 
 and in other ways just the kind of facts on which the 
 savage doctrine of souls might be based, or by which it 
 might be buttressed. Thus, while the actuality of the 
 supernormal facts and faculties remains at least an open 
 question, the prevalent theory of Materialism cannot be 
 admitted as dogmatically certain in its present shape. 
 No more than any other theory, nay, less than some other 
 theories, can it account for the psychical facts which, 
 at the lowest, we may not honestly leave out of the 
 reckoning. 
 
 We have therefore no more to say about the super- 
 normal aspects of the origins of religion. We are 
 henceforth concerned with matters of verifiable belief 
 and practice. We have to ask whether, when once the 
 doctrine of souls was conceived by early men, it took 
 precisely the course of development usually indicated by 
 anthropological science. 
 
 1 See Appendix B.
 
 173 
 
 IX 
 
 EVOLUTION OF THE IDEA OF GOD 
 
 To the anthropological philosopher ' a plain man ' would 
 naturally put the question : ' Having got your idea of 
 spirit or soul your theory of Animism out of the idea 
 of ghosts, and having got your idea of ghosts out of 
 dreams and visions, how do you get at the Idea of God ? ' 
 Now by ' God ' the proverbial ' plain man ' of controversy 
 means a primal eternal Being, author of all things, 
 the father and friend of man, the invisible, omniscient 
 guardian of morality. 
 
 The usual though not invariable reply of the anthro- 
 pologist might be given in the words of Mr. Im Thurn, 
 author of a most interesting work on the Indians of 
 British Guiana : 
 
 ' From the notion of ghosts,' says Mr. Im Thurn, ' a 
 belief has arisen, but very gradually, in higher spirits, and 
 eventually in a Highest Spirit, and, keeping pace with the 
 growth of these beliefs, a habit of reverence for, and 
 worship of spirits. . . . The Indians of Guiana know 
 no God.' l 
 
 As another example of Mr. Im Thurn's hypothesis 
 that God is a late development from the idea of spirit 
 may be cited Mr. Payne's learned ' History of the New 
 World,' a work of much research : 2 
 
 ' The lowest savages not only have no gods, but do not 
 even recognise those lower beings usually called spirits, 
 
 1 Journal Anthrop. Inst. xi. 374. We shall return to this passage. 
 
 2 Vol. i. p. 389, 1892.
 
 174 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 the conception of which has invariably preceded that of 
 gods in the human mind.' 
 
 Mr. Payne here differs, toto ccelo, from Mr. Tylor, 
 who finds no sufficient proof for wholly non-religious 
 savages, and from Boskoff, who has disposed of the 
 arguments of Sir John Lubbock. Mr. Payne, then, for 
 ethnological purposes, defines a god as ' a benevolent 
 spirit, permanently embodied in some tangible object, 
 usually an image, and to whom food, drink,' and so on, 
 ' are regularly offered for the purpose of securing assistance 
 in the affairs of life.' 
 
 On this theory ' the lowest savages ' are devoid of 
 the idea of god or of spirit. Later they develop the idea 
 of spirit, and when they have secured the spirit, as it were, 
 in a tangible object, and kept it on board wages, then the 
 spirit has attained to the dignity and the savage to the 
 conception of a god. But while a god of this kind is, in 
 Mr. Payne's opinion, relatively a late flower of culture, 
 for the hunting races generally (with some exceptions) 
 have no gods, yet ' the conception of a creator or maker of 
 all things . . . obviously a great spirit' is 'one of the 
 earliest efforts of primitive logic.' 1 
 
 Mr. Payne's own logic is not very clear. The 
 ' primitive logic ' of the savage leads him to seek for a 
 cause or maker of things, which he finds in a great 
 creative spirit. Yet the lowest savages have no idea even 
 of spirit, and the hunting races, as a rule, have no god. 
 Does Mr. Payne mean that a great creative spirit is not 
 a god, while a spirit kept on board wages in a tangible 
 object is a god ? We are unable, by reason of evidence 
 later to be given, to agree with Mr. Payne's view of 
 the facts, while his reasoning appears somewhat incon- 
 sistent, the lowest savages having, in his opinion, no idea 
 1 Payne, i. 458.
 
 EVOLUTION OF THE IDEA OF GOD 175 
 
 of spirit, though the idea of a creative spirit is, for all that, 
 one of the earliest efforts of primitive logic. 
 
 On any such theories as these the belief in a moral 
 Supreme Being is a very late (or a very early?) result 
 of evolution, due to the action of advancing thought upon 
 the original conception of ghosts. This opinion of Mr. 
 Im Thurn's is, roughly stated, the usual theory of anthro- 
 pologists. We wish, on the other hand, to show that the 
 idea of God, as he is conceived of by our inquiring plain 
 man, occurs rudely, but recognisably, in the lowest-known 
 grades of savagery, and therefore cannot arise from the 
 later speculation of men, comparatively civilised and 
 advanced, on the original datum of ghosts. We shall 
 demonstrate, contrary to the opinion of Mr. Spencer, 
 Mr. Huxley, and even Mr. Tylor, that the Supreme Being, 
 and, in one case at least, the casual sprites of savage 
 faith, are active moral influences. What is even more 
 important, we shall make it undeniable that Anthropology 
 has simplified her problem by neglecting or ignoring her 
 facts. While the real problem is to account for the 
 evolution out of ghosts of the eternal, creative moral god 
 of the ' plain man,' the existence of such a god or being 
 in the creeds of the lowest savages is by anthropologists 
 denied, or left out of sight, or accounted for by theories 
 contradicted by facts, or, at best, is explained away as a 
 result of European or Islamite influences. Now, as the 
 problem is to account for the evolution of the highest 
 conception of God, as far as that conception exists among 
 the most backward races, the problem can never be solved 
 while that highest conception of God is practically 
 ignored. 
 
 Thus, anthropologists, as a rule, in place of facing and 
 solving their problem, have merely evaded it doubtless 
 unwittingly. This, of course, is not the practice of
 
 176 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Mr. Tylor, though even his great work is professedly 
 much more concerned with the development of the idea 
 of spirit and with the lower forms of animism than with 
 the real crux the evolution of the idea (often obscured 
 by mythology) of a moral, uncreated, undying God among 
 the lowest savages. This negligence of anthropologists 
 has arisen from a single circumstance. They take it for 
 granted that God is always (except where the word for 
 God is applied to a living human being) regarded as a 
 Spirit. Thus, having accounted for the development 
 of the idea of spirit, they regard God as that idea carried 
 to its highest power, and as the final step in its evolution. 
 But, if we can show that the early idea of an eternal, 
 moral, creative being does not necessarily or logically 
 imply the doctrine of spirit, then this idea of an eternal, 
 moral, creative being may have existed even before the 
 doctrine of spirit was evolved. 
 
 We may admit that Mr. Tylor's account of the process 
 by which Gods were evolved out of ghosts is a little touffu 
 rather buried in facts. We ' can scarcely see the wood 
 for the trees.' We want to know how Gods, makers 
 of things (or of most things), fathers in heaven, and 
 friends, guardians of morality, seeing what is good or bad 
 in the hearts of men, were evolved, as is supposed, out 
 of ghosts or surviving souls of the dead. That such 
 moral, practically omniscient Gods are known to the very 
 lowest savages Bushmen, Fuegians, Australians we 
 shall demonstrate. 
 
 Here the inquirer must be careful not to adopt the 
 common opinion that Gods improve, morally and other- 
 wise, in direct ratio to the rising grades in the evolution 
 of culture and civilisation. That is not necessarily the 
 case ; usually the reverse occurs. Still less must we take 
 it for granted, following Mr. Tylor and Mr. Huxley, that
 
 177 
 
 the ' alliance [of religion and morality] belongs almost, or 
 wholly, to religions above the savage level not to the 
 earlier and lower creeds ; ' or that ' among the Australian 
 savages,' and ' in its simplest condition,' ' theology is 
 wholly independent of ethics.' ' These statements can be 
 proved (by such evidence as anthropology is obliged to 
 rely upon) to be erroneous. And, just because these 
 statements are put forward, Anthropology has an easier 
 task in explaining the origin of religion ; while, just 
 because these statements are incorrect, her conclusion, 
 being deduced from premises so far false, is invalidated. 
 
 Given souls, acquired by thinking on the lines already 
 described, Mr. Tylor develops Gods out of them. But he 
 is not one of the writers who is certain about every detail. 
 He ' scarcely attempts to clear away the haze that covers 
 great parts of the subject.' 2 
 
 The human soul, he says, has been the model on 
 which man 'framed his ideas of spiritual beings in 
 general, from the tiniest elf that sports in the grass 
 up to the heavenly creator and ruler of the world, the 
 Great Spirit.' Here it is taken for granted that the 
 Heavenly Euler was from the first envisaged as a 
 ' spiritual being ' which is just the difficulty. Was He ? 3 
 
 The process of framing these ideas is rather obscure. 
 The savage ' lives in terror of the souls of the dead as 
 harmful spirits.' This might yield a Devil ; it would not 
 yield a God who 'makes for righteousness.' Happily, 
 ' deified ancestors are regarded, on the whole, as kindly 
 spirits.' The dead ancestor is ' now passed into a deity.' 4 
 Examples of ancestor-worship follow. But we are no 
 nearer home. For among the Zulus many Amatongo 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. vol. ii. p. 381 ; Science and Hebrew Tradition, pp. 340, 
 372. - Prim. Cult. vol. ii. p. 109. 
 
 3 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 110. 4 Ibid. vol. ii. p. 113. 
 
 N
 
 178 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 (ancestral spirits) are sacred. ' Yet their father [i.e. the 
 father of each actual family] is far before all others when 
 they worship the Amatongo. . . . They do not know the 
 ancients who are dead, nor their laud-giving names, nor 
 their names.' ' Thus, each new generation of Zulus 
 must have a new first worshipful object its own father's 
 Itongo. This father, and his very name, are, in a genera- 
 tion or two, forgotten. The name of such a man, there- 
 fore, cannot survive as that of the God or Supreme Being 
 from age to age ; and, obviously, such a real dead man, 
 while known at all, is much too well known to be taken 
 for the creator and ruler of the world, despite some 
 African nattering titles and superstitions about kings 
 who control the weather. The Zulus, about as ' godless ' 
 a people as possible, have a mythical first ancestor, 
 Unkulunkulu, but he is ' beyond the reach of rites,' and is 
 a centre of myths rather than of worship or of moral ideas. '- 
 
 After other examples of ancestor-worship, Mr. Tylor 
 branches off into a long discussion of the theory of 
 ' possession ' or inspiration, 3 which does not assist the 
 argument at the present point. Thence he passes to 
 fetishism (already discussed by us), and the transitions 
 from the fetish (1) to the idol; (2) to the guardian 
 angel (' subliminal self ') ; (3) to tree and river spirits, 
 and local spirits which cause volcanoes ; and (4) to 
 polytheism. A fetish may inhabit a tree ; trees being 
 generalised, the fetish of one oak becomes the god of the 
 forest. Or, again, fetishes rise into ' species gods ; ' the 
 gods of all bees, owls, or rabbits are thus evolved. 
 
 Next, 4 
 
 ' As chiefs and kings are among men, so are the great 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. vol. ii. pp. 115, 116, citing Callaway and others. 
 
 '-' The Zulu religion will be analysed later. 
 
 : < Prim. Cult. vol. ii. pp. 130-144. Ibid. vol. ii. p. 248.
 
 EVOLUTION OF THE IDEA OF GOD 179 
 
 gods among the lesser spirits. . . . With little exception, 
 wherever a savage or barbaric system of religion is tho- 
 roughly described, great gods make their appearance in the 
 spiritual world as distinctly as chiefs in the human tribe.' 
 
 Very good ; but whence comes the great God among 
 tribes which have neither chief nor king nor any dis- 
 tinction of rank, as among the Fuegians, Bushmen, and 
 Australians '? The maker and ruler of the world known 
 to these races cannot be the shadow of king or chief, 
 reflected and magnified on the mist of thought ; for chief 
 or king these peoples have none. This theory (Hume's) 
 will not work where people have a great God but no king 
 or chief ; nor where they have a king but no Zeus or 
 other supreme King-god, as among the Aztecs. 
 
 We now reach, in Mr. Tylor's theory, great fetish 
 deities, such as Heaven and Earth, Sun and Moon, and 
 ' departmental deities,' gods of Agriculture, War, and so 
 forth, unknown to low savages. 
 
 Next Mr. Tylor introduces an important personage. 
 ' The theory of family Manes, carried back to tribal Gods, 
 leads to the recognition of superior deities of the nature of 
 Divine Ancestor, or First Man,' who sometimes ranks as 
 Lord of the Dead. As an instance, Mr. Tylor gives the 
 Maori Maui, who, like the Indian Yama, trod first of men 
 the path of death. But whether Maui and Yama are the 
 Sun, or not, both Maori and Sanskrit religion regard these 
 heroes as much later than the Original Gods. In Kam- 
 schatka the First Man is the ' son ' of the Creator, and it is 
 about the origin of the idea of the Creator, not of the 
 First Man, that we are inquiring. Adam is called ' the 
 son of God ' in a Biblical genealogy, but, of course, Adam 
 was made, not begotten. The case of the Zulu belief 
 will be analysed later. On the whole, we cannot explain 
 away the conception of the Creator as a form of the 
 
 N 2
 
 180 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 conception of an idealised divine First Ancestor, because 
 the conception of a Creator occurs where ancestor- worship 
 does not occur ; and again, because, supposing that the idea 
 of a Creator came first, and that ancestor-worship later 
 grew more popular, the popular idea of Ancestor might be 
 transferred to the waning idea of Creator. The Creator 
 might be recognised as the First Ancestor, apres coup. 
 
 Mr. Tylor next approaches Dualism, the idea of 
 hostile Good and Bad Beings. We must, as he says, 
 be careful to discount European teaching, still, he admits, 
 the savage has this dualistic belief in a ' primitive ' form. 
 But the savage conception is not merely that of ' good = 
 friendly to me,' 'bad=hostile to me.' Ethics, as we 
 shall show, already come into play in his theology. 
 
 Mr. Tylor arrives, at last, at the Supreme Being of 
 savage creeds. His words, well weighed, must be cited 
 textually :- 
 
 ' To mark off the doctrines of monotheism, closer 
 definition is required [than the bare idea of a Supreme 
 Creator], assigning the distinctive attributes of Deity to 
 none save the Almighty Creator. It may be declared 
 that, in this strict sense, no savage tribe of monotheists 
 has been ever known. 1 Nor are any fair representatives 
 of the lower culture in a strict sense pantheists. The 
 doctrine which they do widely hold, and which opens to 
 them a course tending in one or other of these directions, 
 is polytheism culminating in the rule of one supreme 
 divinity. High above the doctrine of souls, of divine 
 Manes, of local nature gods, of the great gods of class and 
 element, there are to be discerned in barbaric theology, 
 shadowings, quaint or majestic, of the conception of a 
 Supreme Deity, henceforth to be traced onward in ex- 
 panding power and brightening glory along the history of 
 Keligion. It is no unimportant task, partial as it is, to 
 select and group the typical data which show the nature 
 
 1 And very few civilised populations, if any, are monotheistic in 
 this sense.
 
 EVOLUTION OF THE IDEA OF GOD 181 
 
 and position of the doctrine of supremacy, as it comes 
 into view within the lower culture.' 1 
 
 We shall show that certain low savages are as 
 monotheistic as some Christians. They have a Supreme 
 Being, and the ' distinctive attributes of Deity ' are not 
 by them assigned to other beings, further than as 
 Christianity assigns them to Angels, Saints, the Devil, 
 and, strange as it appears, among savages, to mediating 
 4 Sons.' 
 
 It is not known that, among the Andamanese and 
 other tribes, this last notion is due to missionary 
 influence. But, in regard to the whole chapter of savage 
 Supreme Beings, we must, as Mr. Tylor advises, keep 
 watching for Christian and Islamite contamination. The 
 savage notions, as Mr. Tylor says, even when thus con- 
 taminated, may have ' to some extent, a native substratum.' 
 We shall select such savage examples of the idea of a 
 Supreme Being as are attested by ancient native hymns, 
 or are inculcated in the most sacred and secret savage 
 institutions, the religious Mysteries (manifestly the last 
 things to be touched by missionary influence), or are 
 found among low insular races defended from European 
 contact by the jealous ferocity and poisonous jungles of 
 people and soil. We also note cases in which mis- 
 sionaries found such native names as ' Father,' ' Ancient 
 of Heaven,' ' Master of Earth,' ' Maker of All,' ready-made 
 to their hands. 
 
 It is to be remarked that, while this branch of the 
 inquiry is practically omitted by Mr. Spencer, Mr. Tylor 
 can spare for it but some twenty pages out of his large 
 work. He arranges the probable germs of the savage 
 idea of a Supreme Being thus : A god of the polytheistic 
 crowd is simply raised to the primacy, which, of course, 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. vol. ii. pp. 332, 333.
 
 182 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 cannot occur where there is no polytheism. Or the 
 principle of Manes worship may make a Supreme Deity 
 out of ' a primeval ancestor,' say Unkulunkulu, who is so 
 far from being supreme, that he is abject. Or, again, a 
 great phenomenon or force in Nature-worship, say Sun, 
 or Heaven, is raised to supremacy. Or speculative philo- 
 sophy ascends from the Many to the One by trying to 
 discern through and beyond the universe a First Cause. 
 Animistic conceptions thus reach their utmost limit in 
 the notion of the Anima Mundi. He may accumulate all 
 powers of all polytheistic gods, or he may 'loom vast r 
 shadowy, and calm .... too benevolent to need human 
 worship .... too merely existent to concern himself 
 with the petty race of men.' 1 But he is always 
 animistic. 
 
 Now, in addition to the objections already noted in 
 passing, how can we tell that the Supreme Being of low 
 savages was, in original conception, animistic at all ? 
 How can we know that he was envisaged, originally, as 
 Spirit ? We shall show that he probably was not, that 
 
 the question ' spirit or not spirit ' was not raised at all, 
 
 ^ 
 
 that the Maker and Father in Heaven, prior to Death, 
 was merely regarded as a deathless Being, no question of 
 ' spirit ' being raised. If so, Animism was not needed for 
 the earliest idea of a moral Eternal. This hypothesis 
 will be found to lead to some very singular conclusions. 
 It will be more fully stated and illustrated, presently, but 
 I find that it had already occurred to Dr. Brinton. 2 He 
 is talking specially of a heaven-god ; he says ' it came to 
 pass that the idea of God was linked to the heavens long 
 ere man asked himself, Are the heavens material and God 
 spiritual ? ' Dr. Brinton, however, does not develop his 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. vol. ii. pp. 335, 33(5. 
 
 " M>/t1is of the New World, 18158, p. 47.
 
 EVOLUTION OF THE IDEA OF GOD 183 
 
 idea, nor am I aware that it has been developed pre- 
 viously. 
 
 The notion of a God about whose spirituality nobody 
 has inquired is new to us. To ourselves, and doubtless 
 or probably to barbarians on a certain level of culture, 
 such a Divine Being must be animistic, must be a 'spirit.' 
 To take only one case, to which we shall return, the 
 Banks Islanders (Melanesia) believe in ghosts, ' and in 
 the existence of Beings who were not, and never had 
 been, human. All alike might be called spirits,' says 
 Dr. Codrington, but, ex hypothesi, the Beings ' who 
 never were human ' are only called ' spirits,' by us, 
 because our habits of thought do not enable us to en- 
 visage them except as ' spirits.' They never were men, 
 ' the natives will always maintain that he (the Vui) was 
 something different, and deny to him the fleshly body of 
 a man,' while resolute that he was not a ghost. 1 
 
 This point will be amply illustrated later, as we study 
 that strangely neglected chapter, that essential chapter, 
 the Higher beliefs of the Lowest savages. Of the exist- 
 ence of a belief in a Supreme Being, not as merely 
 ' alleged,' there is as good evidence as we possess for any 
 fact in the ethnographic region. 
 
 It is certain that savages, when first approached by 
 curious travellers, and missionaries, have again and again 
 recognised our God in theirs. 
 
 The mythical details and fables about the savage God 
 are, indeed, different ; the ethical, benevolent, admonish- 
 ing, rewarding, and creative aspects of the Gods are apt 
 to be the same.' 2 
 
 1 I observed this point in My{h, Ritual, and Religion, while I did not 
 see the implication, that the idea of ' spirit ' was not necessarily present 
 in the savage conception of the primal Beings, Creators, or Makers. 
 
 - See one or two cases in Prim. Cult. vol. ii. p. 340.
 
 184 THE MAKING OF KELIGION 
 
 ' There is no necessity for beginning to tell even the 
 most degraded of these people of the existence of God, or 
 of a future state, the facts being universally admitted.' l 
 
 ' Intelligent men among the Bakwains have scouted 
 the idea of any of them ever having been without a 
 tolerably clear conception of good and evil, God and the 
 future state. Nothing we indicate as sin ever appeared 
 to them as otherwise,' except polygamy, says Livingstone. 
 
 Now we may agree with Mr. Tylor that modern 
 theologians, familiar with savage creeds, will scarcely 
 argue that ' they are direct or nearly direct products of 
 revelation ' (vol. ii. p. 356). But we may argue that, con- 
 sidering their ethical factors (denied or minimised by many 
 anthropologists) and the distance which separates the 
 high gods of savagery from the ghosts out of which they 
 are said to have sprung ; considering too, that the rela- 
 tively pure and lofty element which, ex hypothesi, is most 
 recent in evolution, is also, not the most honoured, but 
 often just the reverse ; remembering, above all, that we 
 know nothing historically of the mental condition of the 
 founders of religion, we may hesitate to accept the anthro- 
 pological hypothesis en masse. At best it is conjectural, 
 and the facts are such that opponents have more justifica- 
 tion than is commonly admitted for regarding the bulk of 
 savage religion as degenerate, or corrupted, from its own 
 highest elements. I am by no means, as yet, arguing 
 positively in favour of that hypothesis, but I see what its 
 advocates mean, or ought to mean, and the strength of 
 their position. Mr. Tylor, with his unique fairness, says 
 ' the degeneration theory, no doubt in some instances 
 with justice, may claim such beliefs as mutilated and per- 
 verted remains of higher religion ' (vol. ii. p. 336). 
 
 I do not pretend to know how the lowest savages 
 
 1 Livingstone, speaking of the Bakwain, Missionary Travels, p. 158.
 
 EVOLUTION OF THE IDEA OF GOD 186 
 
 evolved the theory of a God who reads the heart and 
 ' makes for righteousness.' It is as easy, almost, for me 
 to believe that they ' were not left without a witness,' 
 as to believe that this God of theirs was evolved out of 
 the maleficent ghost of a dirty mischievous medicine- 
 man. 
 
 Here one may repeat that while the ' quaint or majes- 
 tic foreshadowings ' of a Supreme Being, among very 
 low savages, are only sketched lightly by Mr. Tylor ; in 
 Mr. Herbert Spencer's system they seem to be almost 
 omitted. In his ' Principles of Sociology ' and ' Eccle- 
 siastical Institutions ' one looks in vain for an adequate 
 notice ; in vain for almost any notice, of this part of his 
 topic. The moral, heart-reading, friendly, creative being 
 of low savage faith, whence was he evolved ? The cir- 
 cumstance of his existence, as far as I can see ; the 
 chastity, the unselfishness, the pitifulness, the loyalty 
 to plighted word, the prohibition of even extra-tribal 
 homicide, enjoined in various places on his worshippers, 
 are problems that appear somehow to have escaped 
 Mr. Spencer's notice. We are puzzled by endless diffi- 
 culties in his system : for example as to how savages 
 can forget their great-grandfathers' very names, and yet 
 remember ' traditional persons from generation to gene- 
 ration,' so that ' in time any amount of expansion and 
 idealisation can be reached.' ' 
 
 Again, Mr. Spencer will argue that it is a strange 
 thing if ' primitive men had, as some think, the conscious- 
 ness of a Universal Power whence they and all other 
 things proceeded,' and yet ' spontaneously performed to 
 that Power an act like that performed by them to the 
 dead body of a fellow savage ' by offerings of food. 2 
 
 1 Principles of Sociology, vol. i. p. 450. 
 * Op. cit. vol. i. p. 302.
 
 186 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Now, first, there would be nothing strange in the 
 matter if the crude idea of ' Universal Power ' came 
 earliest, and was superseded, in part, by a later propitia- 
 tion of the dead and ghosts. The new religious idea 
 would soon refract back on, and influence by its ritual, 
 the older conception. And, secondly, it is precisely this 
 ' Universal Power ' that is not propitiated by offerings of 
 food, in Tonga, (despite Mr. Huxley) Australia, and Africa, 
 for example. We cannot escape the difficulty by saying 
 that there the old ghost of Universal Power is regarded as 
 dead, decrepit, or as a roi faineant not worth propitiating, 
 for that is not true of the punisher of sin, the teacher 
 of disregard of self, and the solitary sanction of faith 
 between men and peoples. 
 
 It would appear then, on the whole, that the question 
 of the plain man to the anthropologist, ' Having got your 
 idea of spirit into the savage's mind, how does he develop 
 out of it what I call God ? ' has not been answered. God 
 cannot be a reflection from human kings where there are 
 no kings ; nor a president elected out of a polytheistic 
 society of gods where there is as yet no polytheism ; nor 
 an ideal first ancestor where men do not worship their 
 ancestors ; while, again, the spirit of a man who died, real 
 or ideal, does not answer to the usual savage conception 
 of the Creator. All this will become much more obvious 
 as we study in detail the highest gods of the lowest races. 
 
 Our study, of course, does not pretend to embrace the 
 religion of all the savages in the world. We are content 
 with typical, and, as a rule, well-observed examples. We 
 range from the creeds of the most backward and worst- 
 equipped nomad races, to those of peoples with an 
 aristocracy, hereditary kings, houses and agriculture, 
 ending with the Supreme Being of the highly civilised 
 Incas, and with the Jehovah of the Hebrews.
 
 87 
 
 To avoid misconception we must repeat the necessary 
 cautions about accepting evidence as to high gods of low 
 races. The missionary who does not see in every alien 
 god a devil is apt to welcome traces of an original super- 
 natural revelation, darkened by all peoples but the Jews. 
 We shall not, however, rely much on missionary evidence, 
 and, when we do, we must now be equally on our guard 
 against the anthropological bias in the missionary himself. 
 Having read Mr. Spencer and Mr. Tylor, and finding 
 himself among ancestor-worshippers (as he sometimes 
 does), he is apt to think that ancestor- worship explains 
 any traces of a belief in the Supreme Being. Against each 
 and every bias of observers we must be watchful. 
 
 It may be needful, too, to point out once again another 
 weak point in all reasoning about savage religion, namely 
 that we cannot always tell what may have been borrowed 
 from Europeans. Thus, the Fuegians, in 1830-1840, 
 were far out of the way, but one tribe, near Magellan's 
 Straits, worshipped an image called Cristo. Fitzroy 
 attributes this obvious trace of Catholicism to a Captain 
 Pelippa, who visited the district some time before his own 
 expedition. It is less probable that Spaniards established 
 a belief in a moral Deity in regions where they left no 
 material traces of their faith. The Fuegians are not 
 easily proselytised. ' When discovered by strangers, the 
 instant impulse of a Fuegian family is to run off into the
 
 188 THE MAKING OF EELIGION 
 
 woods.' Occasionally they will emerge to barter, but 
 ' sometimes nothing will induce a single individual of the 
 family to appear.' Fitzroy thought they had no idea of a 
 future state, because, among other reasons not given, 'the 
 evil spirit torments them in this world, if they do wrong, 
 by storms, hail, snow, &c.' Why the evil spirit should 
 punish evil deeds is not evident. ' A great black man is 
 supposed to be always wandering about the woods and 
 mountains, who is certain of knowing every word and 
 every action, who cannot be escaped and who influences 
 the weather according to men's conduct.' l 
 
 There are no traces of propitiation by food, or sacrifice, 
 or anything but conduct. To regard the Deity as ' a 
 magnified non-natural man ' is not peculiar to Fuegian 
 theologians, and does not imply Animism, but the reverse. 
 But the point is that this ethical judge of perhaps the 
 lowest savages ' makes for righteousness ' and searches the 
 heart. His morality is so much above the ordinary savage 
 standard that he regards the slaying of a stranger and an 
 enemy, caught redhanded in robbery, as a sin. York's 
 brother (York was a Fuegian brought to England by 
 Fitzroy) killed a ' wild man ' who was stealing his birds. 
 ' Rain come down, snow come down, hail come down, 
 wind blow, blow, very much blow. Very bad to kill man. 
 Big man in woods no like it, he very angry.' Here be 
 ethics in savage religion. The sixth commandment is in 
 force. The Being also prohibits the slaying of flappers 
 before they can fly. ' Very bad to shoot little duck, come 
 wind, come rain, blow, very much blow.' - 
 
 Now this big man is not a deified chief, for the 
 Fuegians ' have no superiority of one over another 
 
 1 Fitzroy, ii. 180. 
 
 2 Ibid. We seem to have little information about Fuegian religion either 
 before or after the cruise of the Beagle.
 
 HIGH GODS OF LOW RACES 189 
 
 . . . but the doctor-wizard of each party has much 
 influence.' Mr. Spencer disposes of this moral 'big man' 
 of the Fuegians as ' evidently a deceased weather-doctor.' ' 
 But, first, there is no evidence that the being is regarded 
 as ever having died. Again, it is not shown that Fuegians 
 are ancestor-worshippers. Next, Fitzroy did not think 
 that the Fuegians believed in a future life. Lastly, when 
 were medicine-men such notable moralists ? The worst 
 spirits among the neighbouring Patagonians are those of 
 dead medicine-men. As a rule everywhere the ghost of a 
 ' doctor-wizard,' shaman, or whatever he may be called, 
 is the worst and wickedest of all ghosts. How, then, the 
 Fuegians, who are not proved to be ancestor-worshippers, 
 evolved out of the malignant ghost of an ancestor a being 
 whose strong point is morality, one does not easily con- 
 ceive. The adjacent Chonos ' have great faith in a good 
 spirit, whom they call Yerri Yuppon, and consider to be 
 the author of all good ; him they invoke in distress or 
 danger.' However starved they do not touch food till a 
 short prayer has been muttered over each portion, ' the 
 praying man looking upward.' 2 They have magicians, 
 but no details are given as to spirits or ghosts. If 
 Fuegian and Chono religion is on this level, and if this 
 be the earliest, then the theology of many other higher 
 savages (as of the Zulus) is decidedly degenerate. ' The 
 Bantu gives one accustomed to the negro the impression 
 that he once had the same set of ideas, bid haft forgotten 
 half of them,' says Miss Kingsley. :$ 
 
 Of all races now extant, the Australians are probably 
 lowest in culture, and, like the fauna of the continent, 
 are nearest to the primitive model. They have neither 
 metals, bows, pottery, agriculture, nor fixed habitations ; 
 
 1 Principles of Sociology, i. 422. '-' Fitzroy, ii. 190, 191, 
 
 s Travels in Went Africa, p. 442.
 
 190 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 and no traces of higher culture have anywhere been found 
 above or in the soil of the continent. This is important, 
 for in some respects their religious conceptions are so 
 lofty that it would be natural to explain them as the 
 result either of European influence, or as relics of a higher 
 civilisation in the past. The former notion is discredited 
 by the fact that their best religious ideas are imparted in 
 connection with their ancient and secret mysteries, while 
 for the second idea, that they are degenerate from a loftier 
 civilisation, there is absolutely no evidence. 
 
 It has been suggested, indeed, by Mr. Spencer that the 
 singularly complex marriage customs of the Australian 
 blacks point to a more polite condition in their past 
 history. Of this stage, as we said, no material traces 
 have ever been discovered, nor can degeneration be recent. 
 Our earliest account of the Australians is that of Dampier, 
 who visited New Holland in the unhappy year 1688. He 
 found the natives ' the miserablest people in the world. 
 The Hodmadods, of Monomatapa, though a nasty people, 
 yet for wealth are gentlemen to these : who have no 
 houses, sheep, poultry, and fruits of the earth. . . . They 
 have no houses, but lie in the open air.' Curiously 
 enough, Dampier attests their unselfishness : the main 
 ethical feature in their religious teaching. ' Be it little or 
 be it much they get, every one has his part, as well the 
 young and tender as the old and feeble, who are not able 
 to go abroad, as the strong and lusty.' Dampier saw no 
 metals used, nor any bows, merely boomerangs (' wooden 
 cutlasses'), and lances with points hardened in the fire. 
 ' Their place of dwelling was only a fire with a few boughs 
 before it ' (the gunyeh). 
 
 This description remains accurate for most of the 
 unsophisticated Australian tribes, but Dampier appears 
 only to have seen ichthyophagous coast blacks.
 
 HIGH GODS OF LOW KACES 191 
 
 There is one more important point. In the Bora, or 
 Australian mysteries, at which knowledge of ' The Maker ' 
 and of his commandments is imparted, the front teeth 
 of the initiated are still knocked out. Now, Dampier 
 observed ' the two fore-teeth of their upper jaw are want- 
 ing in all of them, men and women, old and young.' If 
 this is to be taken quite literally, the Bora rite, in 1688, 
 must have included the women, at least locally. Dampier 
 was on the north-west coast in latitude 16 degrees, 
 longitude 122 degrees east (Dampier Land, West Aus- 
 tralia). The natives had neither boats, canoes, nor bark 
 logs ; but it seems that they had their religious mysteries 
 and their unselfishness, two hundred years ago. 1 
 
 The Australians have been very carefully studied by 
 many observers, and the results entirely overthrow Mr. 
 Huxley's bold statement that ' in its simplest condition, 
 such as may be met with among the Australian savages, 
 theology is a mere belief in the existence, powers, and 
 dispositions (usually malignant) of ghost-like entities who 
 may be propitiated or scared away ; but no cult can 
 properly be said to exist. And in this stage theology is 
 wholly independent of ethics.' 
 
 Remarks more crudely in defiance of known facts 
 could not be made. The Australians, assuredly, believe 
 in ' spirits,' often malicious, and probably in most cases 
 regarded as ghosts of men. These aid the wizard, 
 and occasionally inspire him. That these ghosts are 
 worshipped does not appear, and is denied by Waitz. 
 Again, in the matter of cult, ' there is none ' in the way 
 of sacrifice to higher gods, as there should be if these 
 gods were hungry ghosts. The cult among the Austra- 
 lians is the worship of the heart, expressed in moral 
 teaching, supposed to be in conformity with the institutes 
 1 Early Voyages to Australia, 102-111 (Hakluyt Society).
 
 192 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 of their God. Worship takes the form, as at Eleusis, of 
 tribal mysteries, originally instituted, as at Eleusis, by 
 the God. The young men are initiated with many 
 ceremonies, some of which are cruel and farcical, but 
 the initiation includes ethical instruction, in conformity 
 with the supposed commands of a God who reads the 
 heart. As among ourselves, the ethical ideal, with its 
 theological sanction, is probably rather above the moral 
 standard of ordinary practice. What conclusion we 
 should draw from these facts is uncertain, but the facts, 
 at least, cannot be disputed, and precisely contradict the 
 statement of Mr. Huxley. He was wholly in the wrong 
 when he said : ' The moral code, such as is implied 
 by public opinion, derives no sanction from theological 
 dogmas.' 1 It reposes, for its origin and sanction, on such 
 dogmas. 
 
 The evidence as to Australian religion is abundant, 
 and is being added to yearly. I shall here content 
 myself with Mr. Howitt's accounts. 2 
 
 As regards the possible evolution of the Australian 
 God from ancestor-worship, it must be noted that Mr. 
 Howitt credits the groups with possessing ' headmen,' 
 a kind of chiefs, whereas some inquirers, in Brough 
 Smyth's collection, disbelieve in regular chiefs. Mr. 
 Howitt writes : 
 
 ' The Supreme Spirit, who is believed in by all the 
 tribes I refer to here [in South-Eastern Australia], either 
 as a benevolent, or more frequently as a malevolent 
 being, it seems to me represents the defunct headman.' 
 
 Now, the traces of ' headmanship ' among the tribes 
 are extremely faint ; no such headman rules large areas 
 of country, none is known to be worshipped after death, 
 
 1 Science and Hebrew Tradition, p. 346. 
 - Journal of flic Anthrop. Institute, 1884.
 
 HIGH GODS OF LOW EACES 193 
 
 and the malevolence of the Supreme Spirit is not illus- 
 trated by the details of Mr. Howitt's own statement, but 
 the reverse. Indeed, he goes on at once to remark that 
 ' Darumulun was not, it seems to me, everywhere thought 
 a malevolent being, but he was dreaded as one who could 
 severely punish the trespasses committed against these 
 tribal ordinances and customs whose first institution is 
 ascribed to him.' 
 
 To punish transgressions of his law is not the essence 
 of a malevolent being. Darumulun ' watched the youths 
 from the sky, prompt to punish, by disease or death, the 
 breach of his ordinances,' moral or ritual. His name is 
 too sacred to be spoken except in whispers, and the 
 anthropologist will observe that the names of the human 
 dead are also often tabooed. But the divine name is not 
 thus tabooed and sacred when the mere folklore about 
 him is narrated. The informants of Mr. Howitt in- 
 stinctively distinguished between the mythology and the 
 religion of Darumulun. 1 This distinction the secrecy 
 about the religion, the candour about the mythology 
 is essential, and accounts for our ignorance about the 
 inner religious beliefs of early races. Mr. Howitt him- 
 self knew little till he was initiated. The grandfather 
 of Mr. Howitt's friend, before the white men came to 
 Melbourne, took him out at night, and, pointing to a 
 star, said : ' You will soon be a man ; you see Bunjil 
 [Supreme Being of certain tribes] up there, and he can see 
 you, and all you do down here.' Mr. Palmer, speaking of 
 the Mysteries of Northern Australians (mysteries under 
 divine sanction), mentions the nature of the moral in- 
 struction. Each lad is given, 'by one of the elders, 
 advice so kindly, fatherly, and impressive, as often to 
 soften the heart, and draw tears from the youth.' He 
 
 1 Journal, xiii. 193. 
 
 O
 
 194 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 is to avoid adultery, not to take advantage of a woman 
 if he finds her alone, he is not to be quarrelsome. 1 
 
 At the Mysteries Darumulun's real name may be 
 uttered, at other times he is ' Master ' (Biamban) or 
 ' Father ' (Papang), exactly as we say ' Lord ' and 
 ' Father.' 
 
 It is known that all these things are not due to 
 missionaries, whose instructions would certainly not be 
 conveyed in the Bora, or tribal mysteries, which, again, 
 are partly described by Collins as early as 1798, and must 
 have been practised in 1688. Mr. Howitt mentions, 
 among moral lessons divinely sanctioned, respect for old 
 age, abstinence from lawless love, and avoidance of the 
 sins so popular, poetic, and sanctioned by the example of 
 Gods, in classical Greece. 2 A representation is made of 
 the Master, Biamban ; and to make such idols, except at 
 the Mysteries, is forbidden ' under pain of death.' Those 
 which are made are destroyed as soon as the rites are 
 ended. 3 The future life (apparently) is then illustrated 
 by the burial of a living elder, who rises from a grave. 
 This may, however, symbolise the ' new life ' of the 
 Mystae, ' Worse have I fled ; better have I found,' as was 
 sung in an Athenian rite. The whole result is, by what 
 Mr. Howitt calls ' a quasi-religious element,' to ' impress 
 upon the mind of the youth, in an indelible manner, those 
 rules of conduct which form the moral law of the tribe.' 4 
 
 Many other authorities could be adduced for the 
 religious sanction of morals in Australia. An all-knowing 
 being observes and rewards the conduct of men ; he is 
 named with reverence, if named at all ; his abode is the 
 heavens ; he is the Maker and Lord of things ; his lessons 
 ' soften the heart.' 5 
 
 1 Journal, xiii. 296. 2 Op. cit. p. 450. 3 P. 453. 4 P. 457. 
 
 ' See Brough Smyth, Aborigines, i. 428 ; Taplin, Native Races of
 
 HIGH GODS OF LOW RACES 195 
 
 ' What wants this knave 
 That a God should have ? ' 
 
 I shall now demonstrate that the religion patronised 
 by the Australian Supreme Being, and inculcated in his 
 Mysteries, is actually used to counteract the immoral 
 character which natives acquire by associating with 
 Anglo-Saxon Christians. 1 
 
 Mr. Howitt 2 gives an account of the Jeraeil, or 
 Mysteries of the Kurnai. The old men deemed that 
 through intercourse with whites ' the lads had become 
 selfish and no longer inclined to share that which they 
 obtained by their own exertions, or had given them, 
 with their friends.' One need not say that selflessness 
 is the very essence of goodness, and the central moral 
 doctrine of Christianity. So it is in the religious 
 Mysteries of the African Yao ; a selfish man, we shall 
 see, is spoken of as ' uninitiated.' So it is with the 
 Australian Kurnai, whose mysteries and ethical teaching 
 are under the sanction of their Supreme Being. So much 
 for the anthropological dogma that early theology has no 
 ethics. 
 
 The Kurnai began by kneading the stomachs of 
 
 Australia. According to Taplin, Nurrumdere was a deified black fellow, 
 who died on earth. This is not the case of Baiame and Daramulun. 
 
 1 From a brief account of the Fire Ceremony, or Engwurra of certain 
 tribes in Central Australia, it seems that religious ceremonies connected 
 with Totems are the most notable performances. Also ' certain mythical 
 ancestors,' of the ' alchcringa, or dream-times,' were celebrated; these real 
 or ideal human beings appear to ' sink their identity in that of the object 
 with which they are associated, and from which they are supposed to have 
 originated.' There appear also to be places haunted by ' spirit individuals,' 
 in some way mixed up with Totems, but nothing is said of sacrifice to 
 these Manes. The brief account is by Professor Baldwin Spencer and 
 Mr. F. J. Gillen, Proc. Royal Soc. Victoria, July 1897. This Fire Ceremony 
 is not for lads not a kind of confirmation in the savage church but is 
 intended for adults. Details have not yet been published, but, as far as 
 already sketched, the rites are neither moral nor theistic . 
 
 J. Antlirop. Inst. 1885, p. 301. 
 
 o 2
 
 196 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 the lads about to be initiated (that is, if they have 
 been associating with Christians), to expel selfishness 
 and greed. The chief rite, later, is to blindfold every 
 lad, with a blanket closely drawn over his head, to 
 make whirring sounds with the tundun, or Greek 
 rkombos, then to pluck off the blankets, and bid the 
 initiate raise their faces to the sky. The initiator points 
 to it, calling out, ' Look there, look there, look there ! ' 
 They have seen in this solemn way the home of the 
 Supreme Being, ' Our Father,' Mungun-ngaur (Mungun = 
 'Father,' ngaur=' our '), whose doctrine is then unfolded 
 by the old initiator (' headman ') ' in an impressive 
 manner.' l ' Long ago there was a great Being, Mungun- 
 ngaur, who lived on the earth.' His son Tundun is 
 direct ancestor of the Kurnai. Mungun initiated the 
 rites, and destroyed earth by water when they were im- 
 piously revealed. ' Mungun left the earth, and ascended 
 to the sky, where he still remains.' 
 
 Here Mungun-ngaur, a Being not denned as spirit, 
 but immortal, and dwelling in heaven, is Father, or rather 
 grandfather, not maker, of the Kurnai. This may be 
 interpreted as ancestor-worship, but the opposite myth, 
 of making or creating, is told by Narrinyeri, Boonorong, 
 the Wolgal, Ngarego, Theddora, Coast Murring, and 
 Wiraijuri, worshippers of Darumulun. His precepts are : 
 
 1. To obey the old. (Fifth Commandment.) 
 
 2. To share all with their friends. (Do to others as 
 you would have others do to you.) 
 
 3. To live peaceably with their friends. 
 
 4. Not to interfere with girls or married women. 
 (Seventh Commandment.) 
 
 5. To obey the food restrictions. (Leviticus, passim.) 
 Mr. Howitt concludes : ' I venture to assert that it can 
 
 1 J. Antlirop. Inst. 1885, p. 313.
 
 HIGH GODS OF LOW RACES 197 
 
 no longer be maintained that the Australians have no 
 belief which can be called religious, that is, in the sense 
 of beliefs which govern tribal and individual morality 
 under a supernatural sanction.' On this topic Mr. 
 Hewitt's opinion became more affirmative the more 
 deeply he was initiated. 1 
 
 The Australians are the lowest, most primitive savages, 
 yet no propitiation by food is made to their moral Ruler, 
 in heaven, as if he were a ghost. 
 
 The laws of these Australian divine beings apply to 
 ritual as well as to ethics, as might naturally be expected. 
 But the moral element is conspicuous, the reverence is 
 conspicuous : we have here no mere ghost, propitiated by 
 food or sacrifice, or by purely magical rites. His very 
 image (modelled on a large scale in earth) is no vulgar 
 idol : to make such a thing, except on the rare sacred 
 occasions, is a capital offence. Meanwhile the mythology 
 of the God is a kind of joke, with no sacredness about it. 
 
 On the whole it is evident that Mr. Herbert Spencer, 
 for example, underrates the nature of Australian religion. 
 He cites a case of addressing the ghost of a man recently 
 dead, which is asked not to bring sickness, ' or make loud 
 noises in the night,' and says : ' Here we may recognise the 
 essential elements of a cult.' But Mr. Spencer does not 
 allude to the much more essentially religious elements 
 which he might have found in the very authority whom 
 he cites, Mr. Brough Smyth. 2 This appears, as far as my 
 scrutiny goes, to be Mr. Spencer's solitary reference to 
 Australia in the work on 'Ecclesiastical Institutions.' Yet 
 the facts which he and Mr. Huxley ignore throw a light 
 very different from theirs on what they consider ' the 
 simplest condition of theology.' 
 
 1 J. Anthrop. Inst. xiii. p. 459. See also Joimuil, May 1895, pp. 423, 424. 
 2 Ecclesiastical Institutions, p. 674.
 
 198 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Among the causes of confusion in thought upon 
 religion, Mr. Tylor mentions ' the partial and one-sided 
 application of the historical method of inquiry into 
 theological doctrines.' l Here, perhaps, we have examples. 
 
 In its highest aspect that ' simplest theology ' of 
 Australia is free from the faults of popular theology in 
 Greece. The God discourages sin, he does not set the 
 example of sinning. He is almost too sacred to be named 
 (except in mythology) and far too sacred to be represented 
 by idols. He is not moved by sacrifice ; he has not the 
 chance ; like Death in Greece, ' he only, of all Gods, loves 
 not gifts.' Thus the status of theology does not corre- 
 spond to the status in material and intellectual culture. 
 It would scarcely be a paradox to say that the popular 
 Zeus, or Ares, is degenerate from Darumulun, or the 
 Fuegian being who forbids the slaying of an enemy, and 
 almost literally ' marks the sparrow's fall.' 
 
 If we knew all the mythology of Darumulun, we 
 should probably find it (like much of the myth of Pundjel 
 or Bunjil) on a very different level from the theology. 
 There are two currents, the religious and the mythical, 
 flowing together through religion. The former current, 
 religious, even among very low savages, is pure from the 
 magical ghost-propitiating habit. The latter current, 
 mythological, is full of magic, mummery, and scandalous 
 legend. Sometimes the latter stream quite pollutes the 
 former, sometimes they flow side by side, perfectly dis- 
 tinguishable, as in Aztec ethical piety, compared with the 
 bloody Aztec ritualism. Anthropology has mainly kept 
 her eyes fixed on the impure stream, the lusts, mummeries, 
 conjurings, and frauds of priesthoods, while relatively, or 
 altogether, neglecting (as we have shown) what is honest 
 and of good report. 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. ii. 450.
 
 HIGH GODS OF LOW RACES 199 
 
 The worse side of religion is the less sacred, and there- 
 fore the more conspicuous. Both elements are found 
 co-existing, in almost all races, and nobody, in our total 
 lack of historical information about the beginnings, can 
 say which, if either, element is the earlier, or which, if 
 either, is derived from the other. To suppose that pro- 
 pitiation of corpses and then of ghosts came first is 
 agreeable, and seems logical, to some writers who are not 
 without a bias against all religion as an unscientific 
 superstition. But we know so little ! The first mission- 
 aries in Greenland supposed that there was not, there, a 
 trace of belief in a Divine Being. ' But when they came 
 to understand their language better, they found quite the 
 reverse to be true . . . and not only so, but they could 
 plainly gather from a free dialogue they had with some 
 perfectly wild Greenlanders (at that time avoiding any 
 direct application to their hearts) that their ancestors 
 must have believed in a Supreme Being, and did render 
 him some service, which their posterity neglected little by 
 little . . .' ! Mr. Tylor does not refer to this as a trace of 
 Christian Scandinavian influence on the Eskimo. 2 
 
 That line, of course, may be taken. But an Eskimo 
 said to a missionary, ' Thou must not imagine that no 
 Greenlander thinks about these things ' (theology) . He 
 then stated the argument from design. ' Certainly there 
 must be some Being who made all these things. He must 
 be very good too . . . Ah, did I but know him, how I 
 would love and honour him.' As St. Paul writes : ' That 
 which may be known of God is manifest in them, for God 
 hath showed it unto them . . . being understood by the 
 things which are made . . . but they became vain in their 
 imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened.' 3 In 
 
 1 Cranz, pp. 198, 199. * Journal Anthrop. Inst. xiii. 348-356. 
 
 3 Rom. i. 19. Cranz, i. 199.
 
 200 THE MAKING OF KELIGION 
 
 fact, mythology submerged religion. St. Paul's theory of 
 the origin of religion is not that of an ' innate idea,' nor of 
 a direct revelation. People, he says, reached the belief in 
 a God from the Argument for Design. Science conceives 
 herself to have annihilated teleological ideas. But they 
 are among the probable origins of religion, and would 
 lead to the belief in a Creator, whom the Greenlander 
 thought beneficent, and after whom he yearned; This is 
 a very different initial step in religious development, if 
 initial it was, from the feeding of a corpse, or a ghost. 
 
 From all this evidence it does not appear how non- 
 polytheistic, non- monarchical, non-Manes-worshipping 
 savages evolved the idea of a relatively supreme, moral, 
 and benevolent Creator, unborn, undying, omniscient, and 
 omnipresent. ' He can go everywhere, and do everything.' l 
 
 1 In Mr. Curr's work, The Australian Race, reports of 'godless' natives 
 are given, for instance, in the Mary Eiver country and in Gippsland. 
 These reports are usually the result of the ignorance or contempt of white 
 observers, cf. Tylor, i. 419
 
 201 
 
 XI 
 
 SUPREME GODS NOT NECESSARILY DEVELOPED 
 OUT OF 'SPIRITS' 
 
 BEFOKE going on to examine the high gods of other 
 low savages, I must here again insist on and develop 
 the theory, not easily conceived by us, that the Supreme 
 Being of savages belongs to another branch of faith than 
 ghosts, or ghost-gods, or fetishes, or Totems, and need 
 not be probably is not essentially derived from these. 
 We must try to get rid of our theory that a powerful, 
 moral, eternal Being was, from the first, ex officio, con- 
 ceived as ' spirit ; ' and so was necessarily derived from a 
 ghost. 
 
 First, what was the process of development ? 
 
 We have examined Mr. Tylor's theory. But, to take 
 a practical case : Here are the Australians, roaming in 
 small bands, without more formal rulers than ' headmen ' 
 at most ; not ancestor worshippers ; not polytheists ; with 
 no departmental deities to select and aggrandise ; not apt 
 to speculate on the Anima Mundi. How, then, did they 
 bridge the gulf between the ghost of a soon-forgotten 
 fighting man, and that conception of a Father in Heaven, 
 omniscient, moral, which, under various names, is found 
 all over a huge continent ? I cannot see that this problem 
 has been solved or frankly faced. 
 
 The distinction between the creative, all-seeing, un- 
 decaying Australian deity, unpropitiated by sacrifice, and 
 the ordinary, waning, easily forgotten, cheaply propitiated
 
 302 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 ghost of a tribesman, is essential. It is not easy to show 
 how, in ' the dark backward ' of Australian life, the notion 
 of Darumulun grew from the idea of the ghost of a 
 warrior. But there is no logical necessity for the belief 
 in the evolution of this god out of that ghost. These two 
 factors in religion ghost and god seem to have perfectly 
 different sources, and it appears extraordinary that an- 
 thropologists have not (as far as I am aware) observed 
 this circumstance before. 
 
 Mr. Spencer, indeed, speaks frequently of living 
 human beings adored as gods. I do not know that 
 these are found on the lowest levels of savagery, and 
 Mr. Jevons has pointed out that, before you can hail a 
 man as a god, you must have the idea of God. The 
 murder of Captain Cook notoriously resulted from 
 a scientific experiment in theology. 'If he is a god, 
 he cannot be killed.' So they tried with a dagger, 
 and found that the honest captain was but a mortal 
 British mariner no god at all. ' There are degrees.' 
 Mr. Spencer's men-gods become real gods after death. 1 
 
 Now the Supreme Being of savage faith, as a rule, 
 never died at all. He belonged to a world that knew not 
 Death. 
 
 One cause of our blindness to the point appears to 
 be this : We have from childhood been taught that 
 ' God is a Spirit.' We, now, can only conceive of an 
 eternal being as a ' spirit.' We know that legions of 
 savage gods are now regarded as spirits. And therefore 
 we have never remarked that there is no reason why 
 we should take it for granted that the earliest deities 
 of the earliest men were supposed by them to be ' spirits ' 
 at all. These gods might most judiciously be spoken of, 
 
 1 Principles of Sociology, i. 417, 421. ' The medicine men are treated 
 as gods The medicine man becomes a god after death.'
 
 SUPREME GODS 203 
 
 not as ' spirits,' but as ' undefined eternal beings.' To us, 
 such a being is necessarily a spirit, but he was by no 
 means necessarily so to an early thinker, who may not 
 yet have reached the conception of a ghost. 
 
 A ghost is said, by anthropologists, to have developed 
 into a god. Now, the very idea of a ghost (apart from a 
 wraith or fetch) implies the previous death of his proprietor. 
 A ghost is the phantasm of a dead man. But anthropo- 
 logists continually tell us, with truth, that the idea of 
 death as a universal ordinance is unknown to the savage, 
 Diseases and death are things that once did not exist, and 
 that, normally, ought not to occur, the savage thinks. 
 They are, in his opinion, supernormally caused by magi- 
 cians and spirits. Death came into the world by a 
 blunder, an accident, an error in ritual, a decision of a god 
 who was before Death was. Scores of myths are told 
 everywhere on this subject. 1 
 
 The savage Supreme Being, with added power, omni- 
 science, and morality, is the idealisation of the savage, 
 as conceived of by himself, minus fleshly body (as a rule), 
 and minus Death. He is not necessarily a ' spirit,' though 
 that term may now be applied to him. He was not origi- 
 nally differentiated as ' spirit ' or ' not spirit.' He is a 
 Being, conceived of without the question of ' spirit,' or ' no 
 spirit ' being raised ; perhaps he was originally conceived 
 of before that question could be raised by men. When we 
 call the Supreme Being of savages a ' spirit ' we introduce 
 our own animistic ideas into a conception where it may 
 not have originally existed. The Gippsland tribes ' have 
 no knowledge of God. . . . They believe the Creator was 
 a gigantic black, living among the stars.' 2 Mr. Matthew 
 
 1 I have published a chapter on Myths on the Origin of Death in 
 Modern Mythology. 
 
 2 Curr, The. Australian Race.
 
 204 THE MAKING OF KELIGION 
 
 Arnold might as well have said : ' The British Philistine 
 has no knowledge of God. He believes that the Creator 
 is a magnified non-natural man, living in the sky.' The 
 Gippsland or Fuegian or Blackfoot Supreme Being is just 
 a Being, anthropomorphic, not a mrart, or ' spirit.' The 
 Supreme Being is a wesen, Being, Vui ; we have hardly a 
 term for an immortal existence so undefined. If the being 
 is an idealised first ancestor (as among the Kurnai), he is 
 not, on that account, either man or ghost of man. In the 
 original conception he is a powerful intelligence who was 
 from the first : who was already active long before, by a 
 breach of his laws, an error in the delivery of a message, 
 a breach of ritual, or what not, death entered the world. 
 He was not affected by the entry of death, he still exists. 
 
 Modern minds need to become familiar with this in- 
 determinate idea of the savage Supreme Being, which, 
 logically, may be prior to the evolution of the notion of 
 ghost or spirit. 
 
 But how does it apply when, as by the Kurnai, the 
 Supreme Being is reckoned an ancestor ? 
 
 It can very readily be shown that, when the Supreme 
 Being of a savage people is thus the idealised First 
 Ancestor, he can never have been envisaged by his 
 worshippers as at any time a ghost ; or, at least, can- 
 not logically have been so envisaged where the nearly 
 universal belief occurs that death came into the world 
 by accident, or needlessly. 
 
 Adam is the mythical first ancestor of the Hebrews, 
 but he died, vTrsp popov, and was not worshipped. 
 Yama, the first of Aryan men who died, was worshipped 
 by Vedic Aryans, but confessedly as a ghost-god. Mr. 
 Tylor gives a list of first ancestors deified. The Ancestor 
 of the Mandans did not die, consequently is no ghost ; 
 emigravit, he ' moved west.' Where the First Ancestor is
 
 SUPREME GODS 205 
 
 also the Creator (Dog-rib Indians), he can hardly be, and 
 is not, regarded as a mortal. Tamoi, of the Guaranis, was 
 ' the ancient of heaven,' clearly no mortal man. The 
 Maori Maui was the first who died, but he is not one of 
 the original Maori gods. Haetsh, among the Kamchadals, 
 precisely answers to Yama. Unkulunkulu will be 
 described later. 1 
 
 This is the list : Where the First Ancestor is equi- 
 valent to the Creator, and is supreme, he is from the 
 first deathless and immortal. When he dies he is a 
 confessed ghost-god. 
 
 Now, ghost-worship and dead ancestor-worship are 
 impossible before the ancestor is dead and is a ghost. 
 But the essential idea of Darumulun, and Baiame, and 
 most of the high gods of Australia, and of other low 
 races, is that they never died at all. They belong to the 
 period before death came into the world, like Qat among 
 the Melanesians. They arise in an age that knew not death, 
 and had not reflected on phantasms nor evolved ghosts. 
 They could have been conceived of, in the nature of the 
 case, by a race of immortals who never dreamed of such 
 a thing as a ghost. For these gods, the ghost-theory is 
 not required, and is superfluous, even contradictory. The 
 early thinkers who developed these beings did not need to 
 know that men die (though, of course, they did know it in 
 practice), still less did they need to have conceived by 
 abstract speculation the hypothesis of ghosts. Baiame, 
 Cagn, Bunjil, in their adorers' belief, were there ; death 
 later intruded among men, but did not affect these divine 
 beings in any way. 
 
 The ghost-theory, therefore, by the evidence of anthro- 
 pology itself, is not needed for the evolution of the high 
 gods of savages. It is only needed for the evolution of 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. ii. 311-310.
 
 206 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 ghost -propitiation and genuine dead -ancestor worship. 
 Therefore, the high gods described were not necessarily 
 once ghosts were not idealised mortal ancestors. They 
 were, naturally, from the beginning, from before the coming 
 in of death, immortal Fathers in Heaven. Between them 
 and apotheosised mortal ancestors there is a great gulf 
 fixed the river of death. 
 
 The explicitly stated distinction that the high creative 
 gods never were mortal men, while other gods are spirits 
 of mortal men, is made in every quarter. 'Ancestors 
 known to be human were not worshipped as [original] 
 gods, and ancestors worshipped as [original] gods were 
 not believed to have been human.' l 
 
 Both kinds may have a generic name, such as kalou, 
 or wakan, but the specific distinction is universally made 
 by low savages. On one hand, original gods ; on the other, 
 non-original gods that were once ghosts. Now, this 
 distinction is often calmly ignored ; whereas, when any 
 race has developed (like late Scandinavians) the Euheme- 
 ristic hypothesis ('all gods were once men'), that hypo- 
 thesis is accepted as an historical statement of fact by 
 some writers. 
 
 It is part of my theory that the more popular 
 ghost-worship of souls of people whom men have loved, 
 invaded the possibly older religion of the Supreme 
 Father. Mighty beings, whether originally conceived of 
 as ' spirits ' or not, came, later, under the Animistic theory, 
 to be reckoned as spirits. They even (but not among 
 the lowest savages) came to be propitiated by food and 
 sacrifice. The alternative, for a Supreme Being, when 
 once Animism prevailed, was sacrifice (as to more popular 
 ghost deities) or neglect. We shall find examples of both 
 alternatives. But sacrifice does not prove that a God was, 
 
 1 Jcvons, Introduction, p. 107.
 
 SUPREME GODS 207 
 
 in original conception, a ghost, or even a spirit. ' The 
 common doctrine of the Old Testament is not that God is 
 spirit, but that the spirit [ruah 1 wind,' ' living breath '] 
 of Jehovah, going forth from him, works in the world and 
 among men.' ] 
 
 To resume. The high Gods of savagery moral, all- 
 seeing directors of things and of men are not explicitly 
 envisaged as spirits at all by their adorers. The notion 
 of soul or spirit is here out of place. We can best 
 describe Daruinulun and Napi and Baiame as ' magnified 
 non-natural men,' or undefined beings who were from 
 the beginning and are eternal. They are, like the easy 
 Epicurean Gods, nikil indiga nostri. Not being ghosts, 
 they crave no food from men, and receive no sacrifice, as 
 do ghosts, or gods developed out of ghosts, or gods to 
 whom the ghost-ritual has been transferred. For this 
 very reason, apparently, they seem to be spoken of by 
 Mr. Grant Allen as ' gods to talk about, not gods to adore ; 
 mythological conceptions rather than religious beings.' 2 
 All this is rather hard on the lowest savages. If they 
 sacrifice to a god, then the god is a hungry ghost ; if they 
 don't, then the god is ' a god to talk about, not to adore.' 
 Luckily, the facts of the Bora ritual and the instruction 
 given there prove that Darumulun and other names are 
 gods to adore, by ethical conformity to their will and by 
 solemn ceremony, not merely gods to talk about. 
 
 Thus, the highest element in the religion of the lowest 
 savages does not appear to be derived from their theory 
 of ghosts. As far as we can say, in the inevitable absence 
 of historical evidence, the highest gods of savages may have 
 been believed in, as Makers and Fathers and Lords of an 
 indeterminate nature, before the savage had developed the 
 
 1 Robertson Smith, The Prophets of Israel, p. 61. 
 - Evolution of the Idea of God, p. 170.
 
 208 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 idea of souls out of dreams and phantasms. It is logically 
 conceivable that savages may have worshipped deities like 
 Baiame and Darumulun before they had evolved the 
 notion that Tom, Dick, or Harry has a separable soul, 
 capable of surviving his bodily decease. Deities of the 
 higher sort, by the very nature of savage reflections on 
 death and on its non-original casual character, are prior, 
 or may be prior, or cannot be shown not to be prior, to 
 the ghost theory the alleged origin of religion. For 
 their evolution the ghost theory is not logically demanded ; 
 they can do without it. Yet they, and not the spirits, 
 bogles, Mrarts, Brewin, and so forth, are the high gods, 
 the gods who have most analogy as creators, moral 
 guides, rewarders, and punishers of conduct (though that 
 duty is also occasionally assumed by ancestral spirits) 
 with our civilised conception of the divine. Our concep- 
 tion of God descends not from ghosts, but from the 
 Supreme Beings of non-ancestor-worshipping peoples. 
 
 As it seems impossible to point out any method by 
 which low, chiefless, non-polytheistic, non-metaphysical 
 savages (if any such there be) evolved out of ghosts the 
 eternal beings who made the world, and watch over 
 morality : as the people themselves unanimously distin- 
 guish such beings from ghost-gods, I take it that such 
 beings never were ghosts. In this case the Animistic 
 theory seems to me to break down completely. Yet these 
 high gods of low savages preserve from dimmest ages of 
 the meanest culture the sketch of a God which our 
 highest religious thought can but fill up to its ideal. 
 Come from what germ he may, Jehovah or Allah does not 
 come from a ghost. 
 
 It may be retorted that this makes no real difference. 
 If savages did not invent gods in consequence of a fal- 
 lacious belief in spirit and soul, still, in some other equally
 
 SUPREME GODS 209 
 
 illogical way they came to indulge the hypothesis that 
 they had a Judge and Father in heaven. But, if the ghost 
 theory of the high Gods is wrong, as it is conspicuously 
 superfluous, that does make some difference. It proves 
 that a widely preached scientific conclusion may be as 
 spectral as Bathybius. On other more important points, 
 therefore, we may differ from the newest scientific opinion 
 without too much diffident apprehensiveness.
 
 210 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 IT is among ' the lowest savages ' that the Supreme Beings 
 are most regarded as eternal, moral (as the morality of the 
 tribe goes, or even on a higher level), and powerful. I 
 have elsewhere described the Bushman god Cagn, as he 
 was portrayed to Mr. Orpen by Qing, who 'had never 
 before seen a white man except fighting.' Mr. Orpen got 
 the facts from Qing .by inducing him to explain the 
 natives' pictures on the walls of caves. ' Cagn made all 
 things, and we pray to him,' thus : ' Cagn, Cagn, 
 are we not thy children ? Do you not see us hunger ? 
 Give us food.' As to ethics, ' At first Cagn was very 
 good, but he got spoilt through fighting so many things.' 
 ' How came he into the world ? ' ' Perhaps with those 
 who brought the Sun : only the initiated know these 
 things.' It appears that Qing was not yet initiated in the 
 dance (answering to a high rite of the Australian Bora) in 
 which the most esoteric myths were unfolded. 1 
 
 In Mr. Spencer's ' Descriptive Sociology ' the religion 
 of the Bushmen is thus disposed of. ' Pray to an insect 
 of the caterpillar kind for success in the chase.' That is 
 
 1 When I wrote Myth, Ritual, and Religion (ii. 11-13) I regarded Cagn 
 as ' only a successful and idealised medicine man.' But I now think that 
 I confused in my mind the religious and the mythological aspects of Cagn. 
 One of unknown origin, existing before the sun, a Maker of all things, 
 prayed to, but not in receipt of sacrifice, is no medicine man, except in 
 his myth.
 
 SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 211 
 
 rather meagre. They make arrow-poison out of cater- 
 pillars. 1 
 
 The case of the Andaman Islanders may be espe- 
 cially recommended to believers in the anthropological 
 science of religion. For long these natives were the joy 
 of emancipated inquirers as the ' godless Andamanese.' 
 They only supply Mr. Spencer's ' Ecclesiastical Insti- 
 tutions ' with a few instances of the ghost-belief. 2 Yet 
 when the Andamanese are scientifically studied in situ by an 
 educated Englishman, Mr. Man, who knows their language, 
 has lived with them for eleven years, and presided over 
 our benevolent efforts ' to reclaim them from their savage 
 state,' the Andamanese turn out to be quite embarrassingly 
 rich in the higher elements of faith. They have not only 
 a profoundly philosophical religion, but an excessively 
 absurd mythology, like the Australian blacks, the Greeks, 
 and other peoples. If, on the whole, the student of the 
 Andamanese despairs of the possibility of an ethnological 
 theory of religion, he is hardly to be blamed. 
 
 The people are probably Negritos, and probably ' the 
 original inhabitants, whose occupation dates from pre- 
 historic times.' 3 They use the bow, they make pots, and 
 are considerably above the Australian level. They have 
 second-sighted men, who obtain status ' by relating an 
 
 1 The omissions in Mr. Spencer's system may possibly be explained by 
 the circumstance that, as he tells us, he collected his facts ' by proxy.' 
 While we find Waitz much interested in and amazed by the benevolent 
 Supreme Being of many African tribes, that personage is only alluded to as 
 ' Alleged Benevolent Supreme Being ' in Mr. Spencer's Descriptive Sociology, 
 and is usually left out of sight altogether in his Principles of Sociology and 
 Ecclesiastical Institutions, Yet we have precisely the same kind of evi- 
 dence of observers for this ' alleged ' benevolent Supreme Being as we have 
 for the catuiillc of ghosts and fetishes. If he is a deity of a rather lofty 
 philosophic conception, cf course he cannot be propitiated by human 
 sacrifices or cold chickens. Tliat kind of material evidence to the faith in 
 him must be absent by the nature of the case ; but the coincident testimony 
 of travellers to belief in a Supreme Being cannot be dismissed as ' alleged.' 
 
 - Pp. 670, 077. 3 Man, J. A. I. xii. 70. 
 
 r o
 
 212 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 extraordinary dreain, the details of which are declared to 
 have been borne out subsequently by some unforeseen 
 event, as, for instance, a sudden death or accident.' They 
 have to produce fresh evidential dreams from time to time. 
 They see phantasms of the dead, and coincidental halluci- 
 nations. 1 All this is as we should expect it to be. 
 
 Their religion is probably not due to missionaries, as 
 they always shot all foreigners, and have no traditions of 
 the presence of aliens on the islands before our recent 
 arrival.' 2 Their God, Puluga, is ' like fire,' but invisible. 
 He was never born, and is immortal. By him were all 
 things created, except the powers of evil. He knows even 
 the thoughts of the heart. He is angered by yubda = 
 sin, or wrong-doing, that is falsehood, theft, grave assault, 
 murder, adultery, bad carving of meat, and (as a crime 
 of witchcraft) by burning wax. 3 ' To those in pain or 
 distress he is pitiful, and sometimes deigns to afford relief.' 
 He is Judge of Souls, and the dread of future punishment 
 ' to some extent is said to affect their course of action in 
 the present life.' 4 
 
 This Being could not be evolved out of the ordinary 
 ghost of a second-sighted man, for I do not find that 
 ancestral ghosts are worshipped, nor is there a trace 
 of early missionary influence, while Mr. Man consulted 
 elderly and, in native religion, well-instructed Andamanese 
 for his facts. 
 
 Yet Puluga lives in a large stone house (clearly derived 
 from ours at Port Blair), eats and drinks, foraging for 
 himself, and is married to a green shrimp. 5 There is the 
 usual story of a Deluge caused by the moral wrath of 
 Puluga. The whole theology was scrupulously collected 
 from natives unacquainted with other races. 
 
 1 Man, J.A.I, xii. 96-98. - xii. 150, 157. 
 
 3 xii. 112. 4 xii. 158. 5 xii. 158.
 
 SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 213 
 
 The account of Andamanese religion does not tally 
 with the anthropological hypothesis. Foreign influence 
 seems to be more than usually excluded by insular con- 
 ditions and the jealousy of the ' original inhabitants.' 
 The evidence ought to make us reflect on the extreme 
 obscurity of the whole problem. 
 
 Anthropological study of religion has hitherto almost 
 entirely overlooked the mysteries of various races, except 
 in so far as they confirm the entry of the young people 
 into the ranks of the adult. Their esoteric moral and 
 religious teaching is nearly unknown to us, save in a 
 few instances. It is certain that the mysteries of Greece 
 were survivals of savage ceremonies, because we know 
 that they included specific savage rites, such as the use of 
 the rhombos to make a whirring noise, and the custom of 
 ritual daubing with dirt ; and the sacred ballets d'action, 
 in which, as Lucian and Qing say, mystic facts are 
 ' danced out.' 1 But, while Greece retained these relics of 
 savagery, there was something taught at Eleusis which 
 filled minds like Plato's and Pindar's with a happy 
 religious awe. Now, similar ' softening of the heart ' was 
 the result of the teaching in the Australian Bora : the 
 Yao mysteries inculcate the victory over self ; and, till 
 we are admitted to the secrets of all other savage mysteries 
 throughout the world, we cannot tell whether, among 
 mummeries, frivolities, and even license, high ethical 
 doctrines are not presented under the sanction of religion. 
 The New Life, and perhaps the future life, are undeniably 
 indicated in the Australian mysteries by the simulated 
 Resurrection. 
 
 I would therefore no longer say, as in 1887, that 
 the Hellenic genius must have added to ' an old medicine 
 dance ' all that the Eleusinian mysteries possessed of 
 : Myth, Ritual, and Religion, i. 281-28K.
 
 214 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 beauty, counsel, and consolation. 1 These elements, as 
 well as the barbaric factors in the rites, may have been 
 developed out of such savage doctrine as softens the 
 hearts of Australians and Yaos. That this kind of 
 doctrine receives religious sanction is certain, where we 
 know the secret of savage mysteries. It is therefore quite 
 incorrect, and strangely presumptuous, to deny, with 
 almost all anthropologists, the alliance of ethics with 
 religion among the most backward races. We must 
 always remember their secrecy about their inner religion, 
 their frankness about their mythological tales. These we 
 know r : the inner religion we ought to begin to recognise 
 that we do not know. 
 
 The case of the Andamanese has taught us how vague, 
 even now, is our knowledge, and how obscure is our 
 problem. The example of the Melanesians enforces these 
 lessons. It is hard to bring the Melanesians within any 
 theory. Dr. Codrington has made them the subject of a 
 careful study, and reports that while the European in- 
 quirer can communicate pretty freely on common subjects 
 ' the vocabulary of ordinary life is almost useless when 
 the region of mysteries and superstitions is approached.' 2 
 The Banks Islanders are most free from an Asiatic, element 
 of population on one side, and a Polynesian element on 
 the other. 
 
 The Banks Islanders ' believe in two orders of intelli- 
 gent beings different from living men.' (1) Ghosts of the 
 dead, (2) ' Beings who were not, and never had been, 
 human.' This, as we have shown, and will continue to 
 show, is the usual savage doctrine. On the one hand are 
 separable souls of men, surviving the death of the body. 
 On the other are beings, creators, who were before men 
 were, and before death entered the world. It is impossible,. 
 1 Lobeck, Aglaophamus, 133. - J. A.I. x. 203.
 
 SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 215 
 
 logically, to argue that these beings are only ghosts of real 
 remote ancestors, or of ideal ancestors. These higher 
 beings are not safely to be defined as ' spirits,' their 
 essence is vague, and, we repeat, the idea of their existence 
 might have been evolved before the ghost theory was 
 attained by men. Dr. Codrington says, 'the conception 
 can hardly be that of a purely spiritual being, yet, by 
 whatever name the natives call them, they are such as in 
 English must be called spirits.' 
 
 That is our point. ' God is a spirit,' these beings are 
 Gods, therefore ' these are spirits.' But to their initial 
 conception our idea of ' spirit ' is lacking. They are 
 beings who existed before death, and still exist. 
 
 The beings which never were human, never died, are 1 
 Vui, the ghosts are Tamate. Dr. Codrington uses ' ghosts ' 
 for Tamate, ' spirits ' for Vui. But as to render Vui 
 1 spirits ' is to yield the essential point, we shall call Vui 
 1 beings,' or, simply, Vui. A Vui is not a spirit that has 
 been a ghost ; the story may represent him as if a man, 
 ' but the native will always maintain that he was some- 
 thing different, and deny to him the fleshly body of a 
 man.' l 
 
 This distinction, ghost on one side eternal being, not 
 a man, not a ghost of a man, on the other is radical and 
 nearly universal in savage religion. Anthropology, neglect- 
 ing the essential distinction insisted on, in this case, by 
 Dr. Codrington, confuses both kinds under the style of 
 ' spirits,' and derives both from ghosts of the dead. 
 Dr. Codrington, it should be said, does not generalise, but 
 confines himself to the savages of whom he has made a 
 special study. But, from the other examples of the same 
 distinction which we have offered, and the rest which 
 we shall offer, we think ourselves justified in regarding the 
 
 1 J.A.I. 2(17.
 
 216 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 distinction between a primeval, eternal, being or beings, 
 on one hand, and ghosts or spirits exalted from ghost's 
 estate, on the other, as common, if not universal. 
 
 There are corporeal and incorporeal Vuis, but the 
 body of the corporeal Vui is ' not a human body.' ' The 
 chief is Qat, ' still at hand to help and invoked in prayers.' 
 ' Qat, Marawa, look down upon me, smooth the sea for us 
 two, that I may go safely over the sea ! ' Qat ' created 
 men and animals,' though, in a certain district, he is 
 claimed as an ancestor (p. 268). Two strata of belief 
 have here been confused. 
 
 The myth of Qat is a jungle of facetiae and frolic, with 
 one or two serious incidents, such as the beginning of 
 Death and the coming of Night. His mother was, or 
 became, a stone ; stones playing a considerable part in the 
 superstitions. 
 
 The incorporeal Vuis, * with nothing like a human life, 
 have a much higher place than Qat and his brothers in 
 the religious system.' They have neither names, nor 
 shapes, nor legends, they receive sacrifice, and are in some 
 uncertain way connected with stones ; these stones usually 
 bear a fanciful resemblance to fruits or animals (p. 275). 
 The only sacrifice, in Banks Islands, is that of shell- 
 money. The mischievous spirits are Tamate, ghosts of 
 men. There is a belief in mana (magical rapport). 
 Dr. Codrington cannot determine the connection of this 
 belief with that in spirits. Mana is the uncanny, is X, 
 the unknown. A revived impression of sense is nunuai, 
 as when a tired fisher, half asleep at night, feels the 
 ' draw ' of a salmon, and automatically strikes. 2 The 
 common ghost is a bag of nunuai, as living man, in the 
 
 1 J.A.I. 267. 
 
 2 P. 281. This is a nunuai with which I am familiar. Flying fish, in 
 Banks Island, take the rdle of salmon. The natives think it real, but 
 without form or substance.
 
 SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 217 
 
 opinion of some philosophers, is a bag of ' sensations.' 
 Ghosts are only seen as spiritual lights, which so com- 
 monly attend hallucinations among the civilised. Except 
 in the prayers to Qat and Marawa, prayer only invokes 
 the dead (p. 285) . ' In the western islands the offerings 
 are made to ghosts, and consumed by fire ; in the eastern 
 (Banks) isles they are made to spirits (beings, Vui), and 
 there is no sacrificial fire.' Now, the worship of ghosts 
 goes, in these isles, with the higher culture, ' a more con- 
 siderable advance in the arts of life ; ' the worship of non- 
 ghosts, Vui, goes with the lower material culture. 1 This 
 is rather the reverse of what we should expect, in accord- 
 ance with the anthropological theory. According, how- 
 ever, to our theory, Animism and ghost- worship may be 
 of later development, and belong to a higher level of 
 culture, than worship of a being, or beings, that never 
 were ghosts. In Leper's Isle, ' ghosts do not appear to 
 have prayers or sacrifices offered to them,' but cause 
 disease, and work magic. 2 
 
 The belief in the soul, in Melanesia, does not appear to 
 proceed ' from their dreams or visions in which deceased 
 or absent persons are presented to them, for they do not 
 appear to believe that the soul goes out from the dreamer, 
 or presents itself as an object in his dreams,' nor does 
 belief in other spirits seem to be founded on ' the appear- 
 ance of life or motion in inanimate things.' :{ 
 
 To myself it rather looks as if all impressions had 
 their nunuai, real, bodiless, persistent, after-images ; that 
 the soul is the complex of all of these nunuai ; that there 
 is in the universe a kind of magical ether, called mana, 
 possessed, in different proportions, by different men, Vui, 
 tamate, and material objects, and that the atai or ataro 
 
 ' Codrington, Melanesia, p. 122. '' J. A. I. x. 294. 
 
 * Op. cit. x. 313.
 
 2t8 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 of a man dead, his ghost, retains its old, and acquires new 
 mana. 1 It is an odd kind of metaphysic to find among 
 very backward and isolated savages. But the lesson of 
 Melanesia teaches us how very little we really know of 
 the religion of low races, how complex it is, how hardly 
 it can be forced into our theories, if we take it as given 
 in our knowledge, allow for our ignorance, and are not 
 content to select facts which suit our hypothesis, while 
 ignoring the rest. On a higher level of material culture 
 than the Melanesians are the Fijians. 
 
 Fijian religion, as far as we understand, resembles the 
 others in drawing an impassable line between ghosts and 
 eternal gods. The word Kalou is applied to all supernal 
 beings, and mystic or magical things alike. It seems to 
 answer to mana in New Zealand and Melanesia, to loakan 
 in North America, and to fee in old French, as when 
 Perrault says, about Bluebeard's key, ' now the key was 
 fee.' All Gods are Kalou, but all things that are Kalou 
 are not Gods. Gods are Kalou vu ; deified ghosts are 
 Kalou yalo. The former are eternal, without beginning 
 of days or end of years ; the latter are subject to infirmity 
 and even to death. 2 
 
 The Supreme Being, if we can apply the term to him, 
 is Ndengei, or Degei, ' who seems to be an impersonation 
 of the abstract idea of eternal existence.' This idea is not 
 easily developed out of the conception of a human soul 
 which has died into a ghost and may die again. His 
 myth represents him as a serpent, emblem of eternity, 
 or a body of stone with a serpent's head. His one 
 manifestation is given by eating. So neglected is he that 
 a song exists about his lack of worshippers and gifts. 
 ' We made men,' says Ndengei, ' placed them on earth, 
 
 1 J. A. I. x. 300. 
 
 - Williams's Fiji, p. 218. See Mr. Fison's remarks cited later.
 
 SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 219- 
 
 and yet they share to us only the under shell.' l Here is 
 an extreme case of the self -existent creative Eternal, 
 mythically lodged in a serpent's body, and reduced to a 
 jest. 
 
 It is not easy to see any explanation, if we reject the 
 hypothesis that this is an old, fallen form of faith, ' with 
 scarcely a temple.' The other unborn immortals are 
 mythical warriors and adulterers, like the popular deities 
 of Greece. Yet Ndengei receives prayers through two 
 sons of his, mediating deities. The priests are possessed, 
 or inspired, by spirits and gods. One is not quite clear 
 as to whether Ndengei is an inspiring god or not ; but 
 that prayers are made to him is inconsistent with the 
 belief in his eternal inaction. A priest is represented as 
 speaking for Ndengei, probably by inspiration. ' My own 
 mind departs from me, and then, when it is truly gone, 
 my god speaks by me,' is the account of this ' alternating 
 personality ' given by a priest. 2 
 
 After informing us that Ndengei is starved, Mr. 
 Williams next tells about offerings to. him, in earlier days, 
 of hundreds of hogs. 3 He sends rain on earth. Animals, 
 men, stones, may all be Kalou. There is a Hades as 
 fantastic as that in the Egyptian ' Book of the Dead,' and 
 second sight flourishes. 
 
 The mysteries include the sham raising of the dead,, 
 and appear to be directed at propitiatory ghosts rather 
 than to Ndengei. There are scenes of license ; ' particulars 
 of almost incredible indecency have been privately for- 
 warded to Dr. Tylor. ' ' 
 
 Suppose a religious reformer were to arise in one of the 
 many savage tribes who, as we shall show, possess, but 
 neglect, an Eternal Creator. He would do what, in the 
 
 1 Fiji, p. 217. - Ib. p. -2-28. 
 
 '' Ib. p. 230. ' /. .4. /. xiv. 30.
 
 220 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 secular sphere, was done by the Mikado of Japan. The 
 Mikado was a political Dendid or Ndengei an awful, with- 
 drawn, impotent potentate. Power was wielded by the 
 Tycoon. A Mikado of genius asserted himself ; hence arose 
 modern Japan. In the same way, a religious reformer like 
 Khuen Ahten in Egypt would preach down minor gods, 
 ghosts and sacred beasts, and proclaim the Eternal Creator, 
 Ndengei, Dendid, Mtanga. ' The king shall hae his ain 
 again.' Had it not been for the Prophets, Israel, by the 
 time that Greece and Home knew Israel, would have been 
 worshipping a horde of little gods, and even beasts and 
 ghosts, while the Eternal would have become a mere name 
 perhaps, like Ndengei and Atahocan and Unkulunkulu, 
 a jest. The Old Testament is the story of the prolonged 
 effort to keep Jehovah in His supreme place. To make 
 and to succeed in that effort was the differentia of Israel. 
 Other peoples, even the lowest, had, as we prove, the ger- 
 minal conception of a God assuredly not demonstrated to 
 be derived from the ghost theory, logically in no need of 
 the ghost theory, everywhere explicitly contrasted with the 
 ghost theory. ' But their foolish heart was darkened.' 
 
 It is impossible to prove, historically, which of the 
 two main elements in belief the idea of an Eternal Being 
 or Beings, or the idea of surviving ghosts came first into 
 the minds of men. The idea of primeval Eternal Beings, 
 as understood by savages, does not depend on, or require, 
 the ghost theory. But, as we almost always find ghosts 
 and a Supreme Being together, where we find either, 
 among the lowest savages, we have no historical ground 
 for asserting that either is prior to the other. Where we 
 have no evidence to the belief in the Eternal, we must 
 not conclude that no such belief exists. Our knowledge 
 is confused and scanty ; often it is derived from men who 
 do not know the native language, or the native sacred
 
 SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 221 
 
 language, or have not been trusted with what the savage 
 treasures as his secret. Moreover, if anywhere ghosts are 
 found without gods, it is an inference from the argument 
 that an idea familiar to very low savage tribes, like the 
 Australians, and falling more and more into the back- 
 ground elsewhere, though still extant and traceable, might, 
 in certain cases, be lost and forgotten altogether. 
 
 To take an example of - half -forgotten deity. Mr. Im 
 Thurn, a good observer, has written on ' The Animism of 
 the Indians of British Guiana.' Mr. Im Thurn justly says : 
 ' The man who above all others has made this study 
 possible is Mr. Tylor.' But it is not unfair to remark that 
 Mr. Im Thurn naturally sees most distinctly that which Mr. 
 Tylor has taught him to see namely, Animism. He has 
 also been persuaded, by Mr. Dorman, that the Great Spirit 
 of North American tribes is ' almost certainly nothing 
 more than a figure of European origin, reflected and 
 transmitted almost beyond recognition on the mirror of 
 the Indian mind.' That is not my opinion : I conceive 
 that the Red Indians had their native Eternal, like the 
 Australians, Fijians, Andamanese, Dinkas, Yao, and so 
 
 forth, as will be shown later. 
 
 Mf 
 
 Mr. Im Thurn, however, dilares on the dream origin 
 of the ghost theory, giving examples from his own know- 
 ledge of the difficulty with which Guiana Indians discern 
 the hallucinations of dreams from the facts of waking life. 
 Their waking hallucinations are also so vivid as to be 
 taken for realities. 1 Mr. Im Thurn adopts the hypothesis 
 that, from ghosts, ' a belief has arisen, but very gradually, 
 in higher spirits, and, eventually, in a Highest Spirit ; and, 
 keeping pace with the growth of these beliefs, a habit 
 of reverence for and worship of spirits.' On this hypo- 
 thesis, the spirit latest evolved, and most worshipful, ought, 
 
 1 J. A. I. xi. 361-366.
 
 222 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 of course, to be the ' Highest Spirit.' But the reverse, as 
 usual, is the case. The Guiana Indians believe in the 
 continued, but not in the everlasting, existence of a man's 
 ghost. 1 They believe in no spirits which were not once 
 tenants of material bodies. 2 
 
 The belief in a Supreme Spirit is only attained ' in the 
 highest form of religion ' Andamanese, for instance as 
 Mr. Im Thurn uses ' spirit ' where we should say ' being.' 
 ' The Indians of Guiana know no god.' 3 
 
 ' But it is true that various words have been found in 
 all, or nearly all, the languages of Guiana which have 
 been supposed to be names of a Supreme Being, God, a 
 Great Spirit, in the sense which those phrases bear in the 
 language of the higher religions.' 
 
 Being interpreted, these Guiana names mean 
 
 The Ancient One, 
 
 The Ancient One in Sky -land, 
 
 Our Maker, 
 
 Our Father, 
 
 Our Great Father. 
 
 ' None of these in any way involves the attributes 
 of a god.' 
 
 The Ancient of Days', Our Father in Heaven, Our 
 Maker, do rather convey the sense of God to a European 
 mind. Mr. Im Thurn, however, decides that the beings 
 thus designated were supposed ancestors who came into 
 Guiana from some other country, ' sometimes said to have 
 been that entirely natural country (?) which is separated 
 from Guiana by the ocean of the air.' 4 
 
 Mr. Im Thurn casually observed (having said nothing 
 about morals in alliance with Animism) : 
 
 ' The fear of unwittingly offending the countless 
 visible and invisible beings . . . kept the Indians very 
 
 1 J. A. I. xi. 374. 2 Ib. xi. 370. s Ib. xi. 370. Ib. xi. 378.
 
 SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 223 
 
 strictly within their own rights and from offending 
 against the rights of others.' 
 
 This remark dropped out at a discussion of Mr. Im 
 Thurn's paper, and clearly demonstrated that even a very 
 low creed ' makes for righteousness.' l 
 
 Probably few who have followed the facts given here 
 will agree with Mr. Im Thurn's theory that ' Our Maker,' 
 ' Our Father,' ' The Ancient One of the Heaven,' is 
 merely an idealised human ancestor. He falls naturally 
 into his place with the other high gods of low savages. 
 But we need much more information on the subject than 
 Mr. Im Thurn was able to give. 
 
 His evidence is all the better, because he is a loyal 
 follower of Mr. Tylor. And Mr. Tylor says : ' Savage 
 Animism is almost devoid of that ethical element which 
 to the educated modern mind is the very mainspring of 
 practical religion.' 2 ' Yet it keeps the Indians very strictly 
 within their own rights and from offending the rights of 
 others.' Our own religion is rarely so successful. 3 
 
 In the Indians of Guiana we have an alleged case of 
 a people still deep in the animistic or ghost-worshipping 
 case, who, by the hypothesis, have not yet evolved the 
 idea of a god at all. 
 
 When the familiar names for God, such as Maker, 
 Father, Ancient of Days, occur in the Indian language, 
 Mr. Im Thurn explains the neglected Being who bears 
 these titles as a remote deified ancestor. Of course, when 
 a Being with similar titles occurs where ancestors are not 
 worshipped, as in Australia and the Andaman Islands, 
 
 1 J.A.I, xi. 382. * Prim. Cult. ii. 360. 
 
 3 Conceivably, however, the Guiana spirits who have so much moral 
 influence, exert it by magical charms. ' The belief in the power of charms 
 for good or evil produces not only honesty, but a great amount of gentle 
 dealing,' says Livingstone, of the Africans. However they work, the spirits 
 work for righteousness.
 
 224 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 the explanation suggested by Mr. Im Thurn for the 
 problem of religion in Guiana, will not fit the facts. 
 
 It is plain that, a priori, another explanation is con- 
 ceivable. If a people like the Andamanese, or the 
 Australian tribes whom we have studied, had such a 
 conception as that of Puluga, or Baiame, or Darumulun, 
 and then, later, developed ancestor- worship with its 
 propitiatory sacrifices and ceremonies, ancestor-worship, 
 as the newest evolved and infinitely the most practical 
 form of cult, would gradually thrust the belief in a 
 Puluga, or Durumulun, or Cagn into the shade. The 
 ancestral spirit, to speak quite plainly, can be ' squared ' 
 by the people in whom he takes a special interest for 
 family reasons. The equal Father of all men c&nnot 
 be ' squared,' and declines (till corrupted by the bad 
 example of ancestral ghosts) to make himself useful to 
 one man rather than to another. For these very intel- 
 ligible, simple, and practical reasons, if the belief in a 
 Darumulun came first in evolution, and the belief in 
 a practicable bribable family ghost came second, the 
 ghost-cult would inevitably crowd out the God-cult. 1 
 The name of the Father and Maker would become a 
 mere survival, nominis umbra, worship and sacrifice going 
 to the ancestral ghost. That explanation would fit the 
 state of religion which Mr. Im Thurn has found, rightly 
 or wrongly, in British Guiana. 
 
 But, if the idea of a universal Father and Maker 
 came last in evolution, as a refinement, then, of course, 
 it ought to be the newest, and therefore the most fashion- 
 able and potent of Guianese cults. Precisely the reverse 
 is said to be the case. Nor can the belief indicated in 
 such names as Father and Maker be satisfactorily ex- 
 
 1 Obviously there could be no Family God before there was the institu- 
 tion of the Family.
 
 SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 225 
 
 plained as a refinement of ancestor-worship, because, we 
 repeat, it occurs where ancestors are not worshipped. 
 
 These considerations, however unpleasant to the 
 devotees of Animism, or the ghost theory, are not, in 
 themselves, illogical, nor contradictory of the theory of 
 evolution, which, on the other hand, fits them perfectly 
 well. That god thrives best who is most suited to his 
 environment. Whether an easy-going, hungry ghost-god 
 with a liking for his family, or a moral Creator not to be 
 bribed, is better suited to an environment of not especially 
 scrupulous savages, any man can decide. Whether a set 
 of not particularly scrupulous savages will readily evolve 
 a moral unbribable Creator, when they have a serviceable 
 family ghost-god eager to oblige, is a question as easily 
 resolved. 
 
 Beyond all doubt, savages who find themselves under 
 the watchful eye of a moral deity whom they cannot 
 ' square ' will desert him as soon as they have evolved a 
 practicable ghost-god, useful for family purposes, whom 
 they can square. No less manifestly, savages, who already 
 possess a throng of serviceable ghost-gods, will not enthu- 
 siastically evolve a moral Creator who despises gifts, and 
 only cares for obedience. ' There is a great deal of 
 human nature in man,' and, if Mr. Im Thurn's descrip- 
 tion of the Guianese be correct, everything we know of 
 human nature, and of evolution, assures us that the 
 Father, or Maker, or Ancient of Days came first ; the 
 ghost-gods, last. What has here been said about the 
 Indians of Guiana (namely, that they are now mere ghost 
 and spirit worshippers, with only a name surviving to 
 attest a knowledge of a Father and Maker in Heaven) 
 applies equally well to the Zulus. The Zulus are the 
 great standing type of an animistic or ghost-worshipping 
 race without a God. But, had they a God (on the 
 
 Q
 
 226 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Australian pattern) whom they have forgotten, or have 
 they not yet evolved a God out of Animism ? 
 
 The evidence, collected by Dr. Callaway, is honest, 
 but confused. One native, among others, put forward 
 the very theory here proposed by us as an alternative to 
 that of Mr. Im Thurn. ' Unkulunkulu ' (the idealised 
 but despised First Ancestor) ' was not worshipped [by 
 men]. For it is not worship when people see things, as 
 rain, or food, or corn, and say, " Yes, these things were 
 made by Unkulunkulu .... Afterwards they [men] had 
 power to change those things, that they might become 
 the Amatongos " [might belong to the ancestral spirits], 
 They took them away from Unkulunkulu.' l 
 
 Animism supplanted Theism. Nothing could be 
 more explicit. But, though we have found an authentic 
 Zulu text to suit our provisional theory, the most eminent 
 philosophical example must not reduce us into supposing 
 that this text settles the question. Dr. Callaway collected 
 great masses of Zulu answers to his inquiries, and it is 
 plain that a respondent, like the native theologian whom 
 we have cited, may have adapted his reply to what he 
 had learned of Christian doctrine. Having now the 
 Christian notion of a Divine Creator, and knowing, too, 
 that Unkulunkulu is said to have ' made things,' while 
 only Amatongos, or ancestral spirits, are worshipped, the 
 native may have inferred that worship (by Christians 
 given to the Creator) was at some time transferred by 
 the Zulus from Unkulunkulu to the Amatongo. The 
 truth is that both the anthropological theory (spirits first, 
 Gods last), and our theory (Supreme Being first, spirits 
 next) can find warrant in Dr. Callaway's valuable collec- 
 tions. For that reason, the problem must be solved 
 after a survey of the whole field of savage and barbaric 
 1 Callaway, Rcl. of Amazidu, p. 17.
 
 SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 227 
 
 religion ; it cannot be settled by the ambiguous case of 
 the Zulus alone. 
 
 Unkulunkulu is represented as ' the First Man, who 
 broke off in the beginning.' ' They are ancestor- 
 worshippers,' says Dr. Callaway, ' and believe that their 
 first ancestor, the First Man, was the Creator.' l But they 
 may, like many other peoples, have had a different original 
 tradition, and have altered it, just because they are now 
 such fervent ancestor-worshippers. Unkulunkulu was 
 prior to Death, which came among men in the usual 
 mythical way. 2 Whether TJnkuhmkulu still exists, is 
 rather a moot question : Dr. Callaway thinks that he 
 does not. 3 If not, he is an exception to the rule in Aus- 
 tralia, Andaman, among the Bushmen, the Fuegians, and 
 savages in general, who are less advanced in culture than 
 the Zulus. The idea, then, of a Maker of things who has 
 ceased to exist occurs, if at all, not in a relatively primi- 
 tive, but in a relatively late religion. On the analogy 
 of pottery, agriculture, the use of iron, villages, hereditary 
 kings, and so on, the notion of a dead Maker is late, not 
 early. It occurs where men have iron, cattle, agriculture, 
 kings, houses, a disciplined army, not where men have 
 none of these things. The Zulu godless ancestor-worship, 
 then, by parity of reasoning, is, like their material culture, 
 not an early but a late development. The Zulus ' hear of 
 a King which is above ' ' the heavenly King.' 4 ' We did 
 not hear of him first from white men. . . . But he is not 
 like Unkulunkulu, who, we say, made all things.' 
 
 Here may be dimly descried the ideas of a God, and a 
 subordinate demiurge. ' The King is above, Unkulunkulu 
 is beneath.' The King above punishes sin, striking the 
 sinner by lightning. Nor do th;; Zulus know how they 
 
 1 Callaway, p. 1. ' Op. cit. p. 3. 
 
 3 Op. cit. p. 7. ' Op. cit. p. 19.
 
 228 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 have sinned. ' There remained only that word about the 
 heaven,' ' which,' says Dr. Callaway, ' implies that there 
 might have been other words which are now lost.' There 
 is great confusion of thought. Unkulunkulu made the 
 heaven, where the unknown King reigns, a hard task for a 
 First Man. 1 ' In process of time we have come to worship 
 the Amadhlozi (spirits) only, because we know not what 
 to say about Unkulunkulu.' 2 ' It is on that account, 
 then, that we seek out for ourselves the Amadhlozi (spirits), 
 that we may not always be thinking about Unkulunkulu.' 
 
 All this attests a faint lingering shadow of a belief 
 too ethereal, too remote, for a practical conquering race, 
 which prefers intelligible serviceable ghosts, with a special 
 regard for their own families. 
 
 Ukoto, a very old Zulu, said : ' When we were children 
 it was said " The Lord is in heaven." . . . They used to 
 point to the Lord on high ; we did not hear his name.' 
 Unkulunkulu was understood, by this patriarch, to refer to 
 immediate ancestors, whose names and genealogies he 
 gave. 3 ' We beard it said that the Creator of the world 
 was the Lord who is above ; people used always, when I 
 was growing up, to point towards heaven.' 
 
 A very old woman was most reluctant to speak of 
 Unkulunkulu ; at last she said, ' Ah, it is he in fact who is 
 the Creator, who is in heaven, of whom the ancients spoke.' 
 Then the old woman began to babble humorously of how 
 tho white men made all things. Again, Unkulunkulu is 
 said to have been created by Utilexo. Utilexo was in- 
 visible. Unkulunkulu was visible, and so got credit not 
 really his due. 4 When the hoaven is said to be the Chief's 
 (tho chief being a living Zulu) ' they do not believe what 
 they say,' the phrase is a mere hyperbolical compliment.' 
 
 1 Callaway, pp. 20, 21. 2 Pp. 26, 27. 
 
 3 !'p. 49, 50. 4 P. 07. P. 122.
 
 SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 229 
 
 On this examination of the evidence, it certainly seems 
 as logical to conjecture that the Zulus had once such an 
 idea of a Supreme Being as lower races entertain, and then 
 nearly lost it ; as to say that Zulus, though a monarchical 
 race, have not yet developed a King-God out of the throng 
 of spirits (Amatongo). The Zulus, the Norsemen of the 
 South, so to speak, are a highly practical military race. 
 A Deity at all abstract was not to their liking. Service- 
 able family spirits, who continually provided an excuse 
 for a dinner of roast beef, were to their liking. The less 
 developed races do not kill their flocks commonly for food. 
 A sacrifice is needed as a pretext. To the gods of 
 Andamanese, Bushmen, Australians, no sacrifice is offered. 
 To the Supreme Being of most African peoples no sacrifice 
 is offered. There is no festivity in the worship of these 
 Supreme Beings, no feasting, at all events. They are not 
 to be ' got at ' by gifts or sacrifices. The Amatongo are 
 to be ' got at,' are bribable, supply an excuse for a good 
 dinner, and thus the practical Amatongo are honoured, 
 while, in the present generation of Zulus, Unkulunkulu is 
 a joke, and the Lord in Heaven is the shadow of a name. 
 Clearly this does not point to the recent but to the remote 
 development of the higher ideas, now superseded by 
 spirit-worship. 
 
 We shall next see how this view, the opposite of the 
 anthropological theory, works when applied to other races, 
 especially to other African races.
 
 230 THE MAKING OF FtELIGION 
 
 XIII 
 
 MORE SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 
 
 IF many of the lowest savages known to us entertain 
 ideas of a Supreme Being such as we find among Fue- 
 gians, Australians, Bushmen, and Andamanese, are there 
 examples, besides the Zulus, of tribes higher in material 
 culture who seem to have had such notions, but to have 
 partly forgotten or neglected them ? Miss Kingsley, a 
 lively, observant, and unprejudiced, though rambling 
 writer, gives this very account of the Bantu races. 
 Oblivion, or neglect, will show itself in leaving the 
 Supreme Being alone, as he needs no propitiation, while 
 devoting sacrifice and ritual to fetishes and ghosts. That 
 chis should be done is perfectly natural if the Supreme 
 Being (who wants no sacrifice) were the first evolved in 
 thought, while venal fetishes and spirits came in as a 
 result of the ghost theory. But if, as a result of the 
 ghost theory, the Supreme Being came last in evolution, 
 he ought to be the most fashionable object of worship, 
 the latest developed, the most powerful, and most to be 
 propitiated. He is the reverse. 
 
 To take an example : the Dinkas of the Upper Nile 
 (' godless,' says Sir Samuel Baker) ' pay a very theoretical 
 kind of homage to the all-powerful Being, dwelling in 
 heaven, whence he sees all things. He is called " Dendid " 
 (great rain, that is, universal benediction?).' He is omni- 
 potent, but, being all beneficence, can do no evil ; so, not 
 being feared, he is not addressed in prayer. The evil
 
 MORE SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 281 
 
 spirit, on the other hand, receives sacrifices. The Dinkas 
 have a strange old chant : 
 
 ' At the beginning, when Dendid made all things, 
 
 He created the Sun, 
 And the Sun is born, and dies, and comes again ! 
 
 He created the Stars, 
 And the Stars are born, and die, and come again ! 
 
 He created Man, 
 And Man is born, and dies, and returns no more ! ' 
 
 It is like the lament of Moschus. 1 
 
 Bussegger compares the Dinkas, and all the neigh- 
 bouring peoples who hold the same beliefs, to modern 
 Deists. 2 They are remote from Atheism and from cult ! 
 Suggestions about an ancient Egyptian influence are 
 made, but popular Egyptian religion was not monotheistic, 
 and priestly thought could scarcely influence the ancestors 
 of the Dinkas. M. Lejean says these peoples are so 
 practical and utilitarian that missionary religion takes no 
 hold on them. Mr. Spencer does not give the ideas of the 
 Dinkas, but it is not easy to see how the too beneficent 
 Dendid could be evolved out of ghost-propitiation, ' the 
 origin of all religions.' Bather the Dinkas, a practical 
 people, seem to have simply forgotten to be grateful to 
 their Maker ; or have decided, more to the credit of the 
 clearness of their heads than the warmth of their hearts, 
 that gratitude he does not want. Like the French philo- 
 sopher they cultivate I' independence du coeur, being in 
 this matter strikingly unlike the Pawnees. 
 
 Let us now take a case in which ancestor- worship, 
 and no other form of religion (beyond mere superstitions), 
 has been declared to be the practice of an African people. 
 Mr. Spencer gives the example of natives of the south- 
 
 1 Lejean, Rev. des Deux Mondes, April 1862, p. 760. Citing for the 
 chant, Beltrame, Dizionario della lingua denka, MS. 
 
 2 Waitz, ii. 74.
 
 232 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 eastern district of Central Africa described by Mr. Mac- 
 donald in ' Africana.' l The dead man becomes a ghost-god, 
 receives prayer and sacrifice, is called a Mulungu (= great 
 ancestor or =sky ?), is preferred above older spirits, now 
 forgotten ; such old spirits may, however, have a mountain 
 top for home, a great chief being better remembered ; the 
 mountain god is prayed to for rain ; higher gods were 
 probably similar local gods in an older habitat of the 
 Yao. 2 
 
 Such is in the main Mr. Spencer's resume of Mr. Duff 
 Macdonald's report. He omits whatever Mr. Macdonald 
 says about a Being among the Yaos, analogous to the Dendid 
 of the Dinkas, or the Darumulun of Australia, or the Huron 
 Ahone. Yet analysis detects, in Mr. Macdonald's report, 
 copious traces of such a Being, though Mr. Macdonald 
 
 himself believes in ancestor-worship as the Source of the 
 
 L 
 
 local religion. Thus, Mulungu, or Mlungu, used as a 
 proper name, ' is said to be the great spirit, msimu, of all 
 men, a spirit formed by adding all the departed spirits 
 together.' 3 This is a singular stretch of savage philo- 
 sophy, and indicates (says Mr. Macdonald) ' a grasping 
 after a Being who is the totality of all individual 
 existence. ... If it fell from the lips of civilised men 
 instead of savages, it would be regarded as philosophy. 
 Expressions of this kind among the natives are partly 
 traditional, and partly dictated by the big thoughts 
 of the moment.' Philosophy it is, but a philosophy 
 dependent on the ghost theory. 
 
 I go on to show that the Wayao have, though Mr. 
 Spencer omits him, a Being who precisely answers to 
 Uarumulun, if stripped (perhaps) of his ethical aspect. 
 On this point we are left in uncertainty, just because 
 Mr. Macdonald could not ascertain the secrets of his 
 1 1882. z Ecclesiastical Institutions, 681. ' Africana, i. 66.
 
 MORE SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 233 
 
 mysteries, which, in Australia, have been revealed to a 
 few Europeans. 
 
 Where Mulungu is used as a proper name, it ' certainly 
 points to a personal Being, by the Wayao sometimes said 
 to be the same as Mtanga. At other times he is a Being 
 that possesses many powerful servants, but is himself 
 kept a good deal beyond the scene of earthly affairs, like 
 the gods of Epicurus.' 
 
 This is, of course, precisely the feature in African 
 theology which interests us. The Supreme Being, in 
 spite of the potency which his supposed place as latest 
 evolved out of the ghost-world should naturally give him, 
 is neglected, either as half forgotten, or for philosophical 
 reasons. For these reasons Epicurus and Lucretius make 
 their gods otiosi, unconcerned, and the Wayao, with their 
 universal collective spirit, are no mean philosophers. 
 
 ' This Mulungu ' or Mtanga, ' in the world beyond the 
 grave, is represented as assigning to spirits their proper 
 places,' whether for ethical reasons or not we are not 
 informed. 1 Santos (1586) says ' they acknowledge a God 
 who, both in this world and the next, measures retribution 
 for the good or evil done in this.' 
 
 ' In the native hypothesis about creation "the people 
 of Mulungu" play a very important part.' These 
 ministers of his who do his pleasure are, therefore, as is 
 Mulungu himself, regarded as prior to the existing world. 
 Therefore they cannot, in Wayao opinion, be ghosts of 
 the dead at all ; nor can we properly call them ' spirits.' 
 They are beings, eternal, creative, but undefined. The 
 word Mulungu, however, is now applied to spirits of 
 individuals, but whether it means ' sky ' (Salt) or whether 
 it means 'ancestor' (Bleek), it cannot be made to prove 
 that Mulungu himself was originally envisaged as ' spirit.' 
 
 1 Africana, i. 07.
 
 234 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 For, manifestly, suppose that the idea of powerful beings, 
 undefined, came first in evolution, and was followed by 
 the ghost idea, that idea might then be applied to ex- 
 plaining the pre-existent creative powers. 
 
 Mtanga is by ' some ' localised as the god of Mangochi, 
 an Olympus left behind by the Yao in their wanderings. 
 Here, some hold, his voice is still, audible. 'Others say 
 that Mtanga never was a man ... he was concerned in 
 the first introduction of men into the world. He gets 
 credit for .... making mountains and rivers. He is 
 intimately associated with a year of plenty. He is called 
 Mchimwene juene, ' a very chief.' He has a kind of evil 
 opposite, Chitowe, but this being, the Satan of the creed, 
 'is a child or subject of Mtanga,' an evil angel, in fact. 1 
 
 The thunder god, Mpambe, in Yao, Njasi (lightning) 
 is also a minister of the Supreme Being. ' He is sent 
 by Mtanga with rain.' Europeans are cleverer than 
 natives, because we ' stayed longer with the people of 
 God (Mulungu).' 
 
 I do not gather that, though associated with good 
 crops, Mtanga or Mulungu receives any sacrifice or pro- 
 pitiation. ' The chief addresses his own god ; ' 2 the chief 
 ' will not trouble himself about his great-great-grand- 
 father ; he will present his offering to his own immediate 
 predecessor, saying, ' O father, I do not know all your 
 relatives ; you know them all : invite them to feast with 
 you.' 3 
 
 ' All the offerings are supposed to point to some want 
 of the spirit.' Mtanga, on the other hand, is nihil indiga 
 nostri. 
 
 A village god is given beer to drink, as Indra got 
 Soma. A dead chief is propitiated by human sacrifices. 
 I find no trace of any gift to Mtanga. His mysteries are 
 
 1 Africana, i. 71, 72. - i. 88. :1 i. 68.
 
 MORE SAVAGE SUPIiEME BEINGS 235 
 
 really unknown to Mr. Macdonald : they were laughed at 
 by a travelled and ' emancipated ' Yao. 1 
 
 ' These rites are supposed to be inviolably concealed 
 by the initiated, who often say that they would die if they 
 revealed them.' 2 
 
 How can we pretend to understand a religion if we do- 
 not know its secret ? That secret, in Australia, yields the 
 certainty of the ethical character of the Supreme Being. 
 Mr. Macdonald says about the initiator (a grotesque 
 figure) : 
 
 ' He delivers lectures, and is said to give much good 
 advice . . . the lectures condemn selfishness, and a selfish 
 person is called mwisicliana, that is, "uninitiated." 
 
 There could not be better evidence of the presence of the 
 ethical element in the religious mysteries. Among the 
 Yao, as among the Australian Kurnai, the central secret 
 lesson of religion is the lesson of Our Lord. 
 
 It is not stated that Mtanga instituted or presides over 
 the mysteries. Judging from the analogy of Eleusis, the 
 Bora, the Bed Indian initiations, and so on, \ve may 
 expect this to be the belief ; but Mr. Macdonald knows 
 very little about the matter. 
 
 The legendary tales say ' all things in this world 
 were made by " God." ' At first there w r ere not 
 people, but " God " and beasts.' ' God ' here, is Mlungu. 
 The other statement is apparently derived from exist- 
 ing ancestor-worship, people who died became ' God ' 
 (Mlungu). But God is prior to death, for the Y"ao< 
 have a form of the usual myth of the origin of death, 
 also of sleep : ' death and sleep are one word, they are 
 of one family.' God dwells on high, while a malevolent 
 ' great one,' who disturbed the mysteries and slew the 
 initiated, was turned into a mountain/'' 
 
 1 Africana, i. 130. - Ilml. : i. 279-301.
 
 236 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 In spite of information confessedly defective, I have 
 extracted from Mr. Spencer's chosen authority a mass of 
 facts, pointing to a Yao belief in an eternal being, maker 
 of mountains and rivers ; existent before men were ; not 
 liable to death which came late among them beneficent ; 
 not propitiated by sacrifice (as far as the evidence goes) ; 
 moral (if we may judge by the analogy of the mysteries), 
 and yet occupying the religious background, while the 
 foreground is held by the most recent ghosts. To prove 
 Mr. Spencer's theory, he ought to have given a full 
 account of this being, and to have shown how he was 
 developed out of ghosts which are forgotten in inverse 
 ratio to their distance from the actual generation. 1 
 conceive that Mr. Spencer would find a mid-point between 
 a common ghost and Mtanga, in a ghost of a chief 
 attached to a mountain, the place and place-name 
 preserving the ghost's name and memory. But it is, I 
 think, a far cry from such a chief's ghost to the pre- 
 human, angel-served Mtanga. 
 
 Of ancestor worship and ghost worship, we have 
 abundant evidence. But the position of Mtanga raises 
 one of these delicate and crucial questions which cannot 
 be solved by ignoring their existence. Is Mtanga evolved 
 out of an ancestral ghost ? If so, why, as greatest of 
 divine beings, ' Very Chief,' and having powerful minis- 
 ters under him, is he left unpropitiated, unless it be by 
 moral discourses at the mysteries? As a much more 
 advanced idea than that of a real father's ghost, he ought 
 to be much later in evolution, fresher in conception, and 
 more adored. How do we explain his lack of adoration ? 
 Was he originally envisaged as a ghost at all, and, if so, 
 by what curious but uniform freak of savage logic is he 
 regarded as prior to men, and though a ghost, prior to 
 death ? Is it not certain that such a being could be con-
 
 MORE SA.VAGE SUPREME BEINGS 237 
 
 ceived of by men who had never dreamed of ghosts ? 
 Is there any logical reason why Mtanga should not be 
 regarded as originally on the same footing as Darumulun, 
 but now half forgotten and neglected, for practical or 
 philosophical reasons ? 
 
 On these problems light is thrown by a successor of 
 Mr. Spencer's authority, Mr. Duff Macdonald, in the 
 Blantyre Mission. This gentleman, the Rev. David 
 Clement Scott, has published ' A Cyclopaedic Dictionary 
 of the Mang'anja Language in British Central Africa.' ' 
 Looking at ancestral spirits first, we find Mzimu, ' spirits 
 of the departed, supposed to come in dreams.' Though 
 abiding in the spirit world, they also haunt thickets, 
 they inspire Mlauli, prophets, and make them rave and 
 utter predictions. Offerings are made to them. Here 
 is a prayer : ' Watch over me, my ancestor, who died long 
 ago ; tell the great spirit at the head of my race from 
 whom my mother came.' There are little hut-temples,, 
 and the chief directs the sacrifices of food, or of animals. 
 There are religious pilgrimages, with sacrifice, to moun- 
 tains. God, like men in this region, has various names, 
 as Chiuta, ' God in space and the rainbow sign across ; ' 
 Mpambe, ' God Almighty ' (or rather ' pro-excellent ') ; 
 Mlezi, ' God the Sustainer,' and Mulungu, ' God who is 
 spirit.' Mulungu=God, 'not spirits or fetish.' 'You 
 can't put the plural, as God is One,' say the natives. 
 There are no idols called gods, and spirits are spirits of 
 people who have died, not gods.' Idols are Zitunzi-zitunzi. 
 ' Spirits are supposed to be with Mulungu.' God made 
 the world and man. Our author says ' when the chief or 
 people sacrifice it is to God,' but he also says that they 
 sacrifice to ancestral spirits. There is some confusion of 
 
 1 Edinburgh, 1892.
 
 238 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 ideas here : Mr. Macdonald says nothing of sacrifice to 
 Mtanga. 
 
 Mr. Scott does not seeni to. know more about the 
 Mysteries than Mr. Macdonald, and his article on 
 Mulungu does not much enlighten us. Does Mulungu, as 
 Creative God, receive sacrifice, or not ? l Mr. Scott gives 
 no instance of this, under Nsemle (sacrifice), where ances- 
 tors, or hill-dwelling ghosts of chiefs, are offered food ; 
 yet, as we have seen, under Mulungu, he avers that the 
 chiefs and people do sacrifice to God. He appears to be 
 confusing the Creator with spirits, and no reliance can be 
 placed on this part of his evidence. ' At the back of all 
 this ' (sacrifice to spirits) ' there is God.' If I understand 
 Mr. Scott, sacrifices are really made only to spirits, but he 
 is trying to argue that, after all, the theistic conception 
 is at the back of the animistic practice, thus importing 
 his theory into his facts. His theory would, really, be in 
 a better way, if sacrifice is not offered to the Creator, but 
 this had not occurred to Mr. Scott. 
 
 It is plain, in any case, that the religion of the 
 Africans in the Blantyre region has an element not 
 easily to be derived from ancestral spirit-worship, an 
 element not observed by Mr. Spencer. 
 
 Nobody who has followed the examples already 
 adduced will be amazed by what Waitz calls the ' sur- 
 prising result ' of recent inquiries among the great negro 
 race. Among the branches where foreign influence is 
 least to be suspected, we discover, behind their more con- 
 spicuous fetishisms and superstitions, something which 
 we cannot exactly call Monotheism, yet which tends in 
 
 1 Incidentally Mr. Macdonald shows that, contrary to Mr. Spencer's 
 opinion, these savages have words for dreams and dreaming. They inter- 
 pret dreams by a system of symbols, ' a canoe is ill luck,' and ' dreams go 
 by contraries.'
 
 MORE SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 239 
 
 that direction. 1 Waitz quotes Wilson for the fact that, 
 their fetishism apart, they adore a Supreme Being as the 
 Creator : and do not honour him with sacrifice. 
 The remarks of Waitz may be cited in full : 
 
 ' The religion of the negro may be considered by 
 some as a particularly rude form of polytheism and may 
 be branded with the special name of fetishism. It would 
 follow, from a minute examination of it, that apart from 
 the extravagant and fantastic traits, which are rooted in 
 the character of the negro, and which radiate therefrom 
 over all his creations in comparison with the religions of 
 other savages it is neither very specially differentiated nor 
 very specially crude in form. 
 
 ' But this opinion can be held to be quite true only 
 while we look at the outside of the negro's religion, or 
 estimate its significance from arbitrary pre-suppositions, 
 as is specially the case with Ad. Wuttke. 
 
 ' By a deeper insight, which of late several scientific 
 investigators have succeeded in attaining, we reach, 
 rather, the surprising conclusion that several of the negro 
 races on whom we cannot as yet prove, and can hardly 
 conjecture, the influence of a more civilised people in the 
 embodying of their religious conceptions are further ad- 
 vanced than almost all other savages, so far that, even if 
 we do not call them monotheists, we may still think of 
 them as standing on the boundary of monotheism, seeing 
 that their religion is also mixed with a great mass of rude 
 superstition which, in turn, among other peoples, seems 
 to overrun completely the purer religious conceptions.' 
 
 This conclusion as to an element of pure faith in 
 negro religion would not have surprised Waitz, had recent 
 evidence as to the same creed among lower savages lain 
 before him as he worked. 
 
 This volume of his book was composed in 1860. In 
 1872 he had become well aware of the belief in a good 
 Creator among the Australian natives, and of the absence 
 among them of ancestor worship. 2 
 
 1 Waitz, Anthropolotjie, ii. 167. 
 
 2 Waitz und Gerland, Anthropologie, vi. 796-799 and 809. In 1874
 
 240 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Waitz's remarks on the Supreme Being of the Negro 
 are well worth noting, from his unconcealed astonishment 
 at the discovery. 
 
 Wilson's observations on North and South Guinea 
 religion were published in 1856. After commenting on 
 the delicate task of finding out what a savage religion 
 really is, he writes : ' The belief in one great Supreme Being, 
 who made and upholds all things, is universal.' ' The 
 names of the being are translated ' Maker,' ' Preserver/ 
 'Benefactor,' 'Great Friend.' Though compact of all 
 good qualities, the being has allowed the world to ' come 
 under the control of evil spirits,' who, alone, receive 
 religious worship. Though he leaves things uncontrolled, 
 yet the chief being (as in Homer) ratifies the Oath, at a 
 treaty, and is invoked to punish criminals when ordeal 
 water is to be drunk. So far, then, he has an ethical 
 influence. ' Grossly wicked people ' are buried outside of 
 the regular place. Fetishism prevails, with spiritualism, 
 and Wilson thinks that mediums might pick up some 
 good tricks in Guinea. He gives no examples. Their 
 inspired men do things ' that cannot be accounted for,' by 
 the use of narcotics. 
 
 The South Guinea Creator, Anyambia ( = good spirit?), 
 is good, but capricious. He has a good deputy, Ombwiri 
 (spelled ' Mbuiri ' by Miss Kingsley) ; he alone has no 
 priests, but communicates directly with men. The 
 neighbouring Shekuni have mysteries of the Great Spirit. 
 No details are given. This great being, Mwetyi, witnesses 
 covenants arid punishes perjury. This people are ancestor- 
 worshippers, but their Supreme Being is not said to receive 
 
 Mr. Hewitt's evidence on the moral element in the mysteries was not pub- 
 lished. Waitz scouts the idea that the higher Australian beliefs are of 
 European origin. ' Wir sehen vielmehr uralte Triimmer iihnlicher Mytho- 
 logenie in ihnen,' (vi. 798) flotsam from ideas of immemorial antiquity. 
 ' Wilson, p. 209.
 
 MORE SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 241 
 
 sacrifice, as ghosts do, while he is so far from being 
 powerless, like Unkulunkulu, that, but for feaa: of his 
 wrath, ' their national treaties would have little or no 
 force.' ' Having no information about the mysteries, of 
 course, we know nothing of other moral influences which 
 are, or may be, exercised by these great, powerful, and not 
 wholly otiose beings. 
 
 The celebrated traveller, Mungo Park, who visited 
 Africa in 1805, had good opportunities of understanding 
 the natives. He did not hurry through the land with a 
 large armed force, but alone, or almost alone, paid his 
 way with his brass buttons. ' I have conversed with all 
 ranks and conditions upon the subject of their faith,' he 
 says, ' and can pronounce, without the. smallest shadow 
 of doubt, that the belief in one God and in a future state 
 of reward and punishment is entire and universal among 
 them.' This cannot strictly be called monotheism, 
 as there are many subordinate spirits who may be 
 influenced by * magical ceremonies.' But if monotheism 
 means belief in One Spirit alone, or religious regard paid 
 to One Spirit alone, it exists nowhere no, not in Islam. 
 
 Park thinks it remarkable that ' the Almighty ' only 
 receives prayers at the new moon (of sacrifice to the 
 Almighty he says nothing), and that, being the creator 
 and preserver of all things, he is ' of so exalted a nature 
 that it is idle to imagine the feeble supplications of 
 wretched mortals can reverse the decrees and change the 
 purpose of unerring Wisdom.' The new moon prayers 
 are mere matters of tradition ; ' our fathers did it before 
 us.' ' Such is the blindness of unassisted nature,' says 
 Park, who is not satirising, in Swift's manner, the prayers 
 of Presbyterians at home on Yarrow. 
 
 Thus, the African Supreme Being is unpropitiated, 
 
 ' Wilson, p. 392.
 
 242 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 while inferior spirits are constrained by magic or pro- 
 pitiated with food. 
 
 We meet our old problem : How has this God, in 
 the conception of whom there is so much philosophy, 
 developed out of these hungry ghosts ? The influence of 
 Islam can scarcely be suspected, Allah being addressed, of 
 course, in endless prayers, while the African god receives 
 none. Indeed, it would be more plausible to say that 
 Mahomet borrowed Allah from the widespread belief which 
 we are studying, than that the negro's Supreme Being 
 was borrowed from Allah. 
 
 Park had, as we saw, many opportunities of familiar 
 discussion with the people on whose mercies he threw 
 himself. 
 
 ' But it is not often that the negroes make their 
 religious opinions the subject of conversation ; when 
 interrogated, in particular, concerning their ideas of a 
 future state, they express themselves with great reverence, 
 but endeavour to shorten the discussion by saying, "Mo o 
 mo inta allo " (" No man knows anything about it ").' ! 
 
 Park himself, in extreme distress, and almost in 
 despair, chanced to observe the delicate beauty of a small 
 moss-plant, and, reflecting that the Creator of so frail a 
 thing could not be indifferent to any of His creatures, 
 plucked up courage and reached safety. 2 He was not of 
 the negro philosophy, and is the less likely to have 
 invented it. The new moon prayer, said in a whisper, 
 was reported to Park, 'by many different people,' to 
 contain ' thanks to God for his kindness during the 
 existence of the past moon, and to solicit a continuation of 
 his favour during the new one.' This, of course, may prove 
 Islamite influence, and is at variance with the general 
 tendency of the religious philosophy as described. 
 
 1 Park's Journey, i. 274, 275, 1815. a P. 245.
 
 MORE SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 243 
 
 We now arrive at a theory of the Supreme Being 
 among a certain African race which would be entirely 
 fatal to my whole hypothesis on this topic, if it could be 
 demonstrated correct in fact, and if it could be stretched 
 so as to apply to the Australians, Fuegians, Andamanese, 
 and other very backward peoples. It is the hypothesis 
 that the Supreme Being is a ' loan-god,' borrowed from 
 Europeans. 
 
 The theory is very lucidly set forth in Major Ellis's 
 
 * Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast.' l Major 
 Ellis's opinion coincides with that of Waitz in his 
 
 * Introduction to Anthropology ' (an opinion to which 
 Waitz does not seem bigoted) namely, that ' the origi- 
 nal form of all religion is a raw, unsystematic polytheism,' 
 nature being peopled by inimical powers or spirits, and 
 everyone worshipping what he thinks most dangerous or 
 most serviceable. There are few general, many local or 
 personal, objects of veneration. 2 Major Ellis only met 
 this passage when he had formed his own ideas by 
 observation of the Tshi race. We do not pretend to 
 guess what ' the original form of all religion ' may have 
 been ; but we have given, and shall give, abundant 
 evidence for the existence of a loftier faith than this, 
 among peoples much lower in material culture than the 
 Tshi races, who have metals and an organised priesthood. 
 They occupy, in small villages (except Coomassie and 
 Djuabin), the forests of the Gold Coast. The mere 
 mention of Coomassie shows how vastly superior in 
 civilisation the Tshis (Ashantis and Fantis) are to the 
 naked, houseless Australians. Their inland communities, 
 however, are ' mere specks in a vast tract of impenetrable 
 forest.' The coast people have for centuries been in touch 
 with Europeans, but the ' Tshi-speaking races are now 
 
 1 London, 1887. 2 Ellis, pp. 20, 21. 
 
 R 2
 
 244 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 much in the same condition, both socially and morally r 
 as they were at the time of the Portuguese discovery.' l 
 
 Nevertheless, Major Ellis explains their Supreme 
 Being as the result of European influence ! A priori this 
 appears highly improbable. That a belief should sweep 
 over all these specks in impenetrable forest, from the 
 coast-tribes in contact with Europeans, and that this 
 belief should, though the most recent, be infinitely the least 
 powerful, cannot be regarded as a plausible hypothesis. 
 Moreover, on Major Ellis's theory the Supreme Beings of 
 races which but recently came for the first time in contact 
 with Europeans, Supreme Beings kept jealously apart 
 from European ken, and revered in the secrecy of ancient 
 mysteries, must also, by parity of reason, be the result of 
 European influence. Unfortunately, Major Ellis gives no 
 evidence for his statements about the past history of Tshi 
 religion. Authorities he must have, and references would 
 he welcome. 
 
 With people in the condition in which the natives of 
 the Gold Coast now are, religion is not in any way allied 
 with moral ideas.' 2 We have given abundant evidence 
 that among much more backward tribes morals rest on a 
 religious sanction. If this be not so on the Gold Coast 
 we cannot accept these relatively advanced Fantis and 
 Ashantis as representing the ' original ' state of ethics and 
 religion, any more than those people with cities, a king, 
 a priesthood, iron, and gold, represent the ' original ' 
 material condition of society. Major Ellis also shows 
 that the Gods exact chastity from aspirants to the priest- 
 hood. :! The present beliefs of the Gold Coast are kept up 
 by organised priesthoods as ' lucrative business.' 4 Where 
 there is no lucre and no priesthood, as among more back- 
 ward races, this kind of business cannot be done. On the 
 
 1 Kllis. p. 4. 2 P. 10. 3 P. 120. ' P. 15.
 
 MORE SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 245 
 
 Gold Coast men can only approach gods through priests. 1 
 This is degeneration. 
 
 Obviously, if religion began in a form relatively pure 
 and moral, it must degenerate, as civilisation advances, 
 under priests who ' exploit ' the lucrative, and can sec no 
 money in the pure elements of belief and practice. That 
 the lucrative elements in Christianity were exploited by 
 the clergy, to the neglect of ethics, was precisely the 
 complaint of the Reformers. From these lucrative 
 elements the creed of the Apostles was free, and a similar 
 freedom marks the religion of Australia or of the Pawnees. 
 We cannot possibly, then, expect to find the 'original ? state 
 of religion among a people subdued to a money-grubbing 
 priesthood, like the Tshi races. Let religion begin as 
 pure as snow, it would be corrupted by priestly trafficking 
 in its lucrative animistic aspect. And priests are developed 
 relatively late. 
 
 Major Ellis discriminates Tshi gods as 
 
 1. General, worshipped by an entire tribe or more tribes. 
 
 2. Local deities of river, hill, forest, or sea. 
 
 3. Deities of families or corporations. 
 
 4. Tutelary deities of individuals. 
 
 The second class, according to the natives, were 
 appointed by the first class, who are ' too distant or in- 
 different to interfere ordinarily in human affairs.' Thus, 
 the Huron god, Ahone, punishes nobody. He is all 
 sweetness and light, but ' has a partner, Mr. Jorkins,' called 
 Okeus. On our hypothesis this indifference of high gods 
 suggests the crowding out of the great disinterested God 
 by venal animistic competition. All of class II. ' appear 
 to have been originally malignant.' Though, in native 
 belief, class I. was prior to, and ' appointed ' class II., 
 Major Ellis thinks that malignant spirits of class II. were 
 ' Ellis, p. 125.
 
 246 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 raised to class I. as if to the peerage, while classes III. 
 and IV. ' are clearly the product of priesthood ' therefore 
 late. 
 
 Major Ellis then avers that when Europeans reached 
 the Gold Coast, in the fifteenth century, they ' appear to- 
 have found ' a Northern God, Tando, and a Southern God r 
 Bobowissi, still adored. Bobowissi makes thunder and 
 rain, lives on a hill, and receives, or received, human 
 sacrifices. But, ' after an intercourse of some years with 
 Europeans,' the villagers near European forts ' added ta 
 their system a new deity, whom they termed Nana Nyan- 
 kupon. This was the God of the Christians, borrowed 
 from them, and adapted under a new designation, meaning 
 ' Lord of the sky.' (This is conjectural. Nyankum=ica,m. 
 Nyansa has ' a later meaning, " craft."') l 
 
 Now Major Ellis, later, has to contrast Bosnian's, 
 account of fetishism (1700) with his own observations. 
 According to Bosnian's native source of information, men 
 then selected their own fetishes. These are now selected 
 by priests. Bosnian's authority was wrong or priest- 
 hood has extended its field of business. Major Ellis 
 argues that the revolution from amateur to priestly 
 selection of fetishes could not occur in 190 years, ' over a 
 vast tract of country, amongst peoples living in semi- 
 isolated communities, in the midst of pathless forests, 
 where there is but little opportunity for the exchange of 
 ideas, and where ioe know they have been uninfluenced by 
 any higher race.' 
 
 Yet Major Ellis's theory is that this isolated people 
 were influenced by a higher race, to the extent of adopting 
 a totally new Supreme Being, from Europeans, a being 
 whom they in no way sought to propitiate, and who was 
 of no practical use. And this they did, he says, not 
 
 1 Ellis, pp. 24, 25.
 
 MORE SAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 247 
 
 under priestly influence, but in the face of priestly 
 opposition. 1 
 
 Major Ellis's logic does not appear to be consistent. 
 In any case we ask for evidence how, in the ' impene- 
 trable forests,' did a new Supreme Deity become universally 
 known? Are we certain that travellers (unquoted) did 
 not discover a deity with no priests, or ritual, or ' money 
 in the concern,' later than they discovered the blood- 
 stained, conspicuous, lucrative Bobowissi ? Why was 
 Nyankupon, the supposed new god of a new powerful set 
 of strangers, left wholly unpropitiated ? The reverse was 
 to be expected. 
 
 Major Ellis writes : ' Almost certainly the addition of 
 one more to an already numerous family ' of gods, ' was 
 strenuously resisted by the priesthood,' who, confessedly, 
 are adding new lower gods every day ! Yet Nyankupon is 
 universally known, in spite of priestly resistance. Nyan- 
 kupon, I presume = Anzambi, Anyarnbi, Nyambi, Nzambi, 
 Anzam, Nyam, the Nzam of the Fans, ' and of all 
 Bantu coast races, the creator of man, plants, animals, 
 and the earth ; he takes no further interest in the affair.' 2 
 The crowd of spirits take only too much interest ; and, 
 therefore, are the lucrative element in religion. 
 
 It is not very easy to believe that Nyam, under all his 
 names, was picked up from the Portuguese, and passed 
 apparently from negroes to Bantu all over West Africa, 
 despite the isolation of the groups, and the resistance of 
 the priesthood. 
 
 Nyam, like Major Ellis's class I., appoints a sub- 
 ordinate god to do his work : he is truly good, and governs 
 the malevolent spirits. 3 
 
 The spread of Nyankupon, as described by Major 
 Ellis, is the more remarkable, since ' five or six miles 
 
 1 Ellis, p. 189. - Miss Kingsley, p. 442. 3 Ellis, p. 229.
 
 248 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 from the sea, or even less, the country was a terra 
 incognita to Europeans.' * Nyankupon was, it is alleged, 
 adopted, because our superiority proved Europeans to be 
 ' protected by a deity of greater power than any of those 
 to which they themselves ' (the Tshi races) ' offered 
 sacrifices.' 
 
 Then, of course, Nyankupon would receive the best 
 sacrifices of all, as the most powerful deity ? Far from 
 that, Nyankupon received no sacrifice, and had no priests. 
 No priest would have a traditional way of serving him. 
 As the unlucky man in Voltaire says to his guardian 
 angel, ' It is well worth while to have a presiding genius,' 
 so the Tshis and Bantu might ironically remark, ' A 
 useful thing, a new Supreme Being ! ' A quarter of a 
 continent or so adopts a new foreign god, and leaves him 
 plant e la ; unserved, unhonoured, and unsung. He there- 
 fore came to be thought too remote, or too indifferent, ' to 
 interfere directly in the affairs of the world.' ' This idea 
 was probably caused by the fact that the natives had not 
 experienced any material improvement in their condition 
 . . . although they also had become followers of the god 
 of the whites.' 2 
 
 But that was just what they had not done ! Even at 
 Magellan's Straits, the Fuegians picked up from a casual 
 Spanish sea-captain and adored an image of Cristo. 
 Name and effigy they accepted. The Tshi people took 
 neither effigy nor name of a deity from the Portuguese 
 settled among them. They neither imitated Catholic 
 rites nor adapted their own ; they prayed not, nor sacri- 
 ficed to the ' new ' Nyankupon. Only his name and the 
 idea of his nature are universally diffused in West African 
 belief. He lives in no definite home, or hill, but ' in 
 Nyankupon's country.' Nyankupon, at the present day, 
 
 1 Ellis, p. 25. * Op. cit. p. 27.
 
 MORE RAVAGE SUPREME BEINGS 249 
 
 is ' ignored rather than worshipped,' while Bobowissi has 
 priests and offerings. 
 
 It is clear that Major Ellis is endeavouring to explain, 
 by a singular solution (namely, the borrowing of a God 
 from Europeans), and that a solution improbable and 
 inadequate, a phenomenon of very wide distribution. 
 Nyankupon cannot be explained apart from Taaroa, 
 Puluga, Ahone, Ndengei, Dendid, and Ta-li-y-Tooboo, 
 Gods to be later described, who cannot, by any stretch 
 of probabilities, be regarded as of European origin. All 
 of these represent the primeval Supreme Being, more or 
 less or altogether stripped, under advancing conditions 
 of culture, of his ethical influence, and crowded out by 
 the horde of useful greedy ghosts or ghost gods, whose 
 business is lucrative. Nyankupon has no pretensions to 
 be, or to have been a ' spirit.' l 
 
 Major Ellis's theory is a natural result of his belief in 
 a tangle of polytheism as ' the original state of religion.' 
 If so, there was not much room for the natural develop- 
 ment of Nyankupon, in whom ' the missionaries find a 
 parallel to the Jahveh of the Jews.' 2 On our theory 
 Nyankupon takes his place in the regular process of the 
 corruption of theism by animism. 
 
 The parallel case of Nzambi Mpungu, the Creator 
 among the Fiorts (a Bantu stock), is thus stated by 
 Miss Kingsley : 
 
 ' I have no hesitation in saying I fully believe Nzambi 
 Mpungu to be a purely native god, and that he is a great 
 god over all things, but the study of him is even more 
 difficult than the study of Nzambi, because the Jesuit 
 missionaries who gained so great an influence over the 
 Fiorts in the sixteenth century identified him with 
 Jehovah, and worked on the native mind from that 
 stand-point. Consequently semi-mythical traces of Jesuit 
 
 1 Ellis, p. '29. 2 Op. cit. y. 28.
 
 250 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 teaching linger, even now, in the religious ideas of the 
 Fiorts.' l 
 
 Nzambi Mpungu lives ' behind the firmament.' ' He 
 takes next to no interest in human affairs ; ' which is not 
 a Jesuit idea of God. 
 
 In all missionary accounts of savage religion, we have 
 to guard against two kinds of bias. One is the bias 
 which makes the observer deny any religion to the native 
 race, except devil-worship. The other is the bias which 
 leads him to look for traces of a pure primitive religious 
 tradition. Yet we cannot but observe this reciprocal phe- 
 nomenon : missionaries often find a native name and idea 
 which answer so nearly to their conception of God that 
 they adopt the idea and the name, in teaching. Again, 
 on the other side, the savages, when first they hear the 
 missionaries' account of God, recognise it, as do the 
 Hurons and Bakwain, for what has always been familiar 
 to them. This is recorded in very early pre-missionary 
 travels, as in the book of William Strachey on Virginia 
 (1612), to which we now turn. The God found by 
 Strachey in Virginia cannot, by any latitude of conjecture, 
 be regarded as the result of contact with Europeans. 
 Yet he almost exactly answers to the African Nyankupon, 
 who is explained away as a ' loan-god.' For the belief in 
 relatively pure creative beings, whether they are morally 
 adored, without sacrifice, or merely neglected, is so widely 
 diffused, that Anthropology must ignore them, or account 
 for them as ' loan-gods ' or give up her theory ! 
 
 1 'African Religion and Law,' National Reviciv, September 1897, p. 132.
 
 251 
 
 XIV 
 
 AHONE. TI-EA-WA. NA-PL PACHACAMAC. 
 TUI LAGA. TAA-BOA 
 
 IN this chapter it is my object to set certain American 
 Creators beside the African beings whom we have been 
 examining. We shall range from Hurons to Pawnees 
 and Blackfeet, and end with Pachacamac, the supreme 
 being of the old Inca civilisation, with Tui Laga and 
 Taa-roa. It will be seen that the Hurons have been 
 accidentally deprived of their benevolent Creator by a 
 bibliographical accident, while that Creator corresponds 
 very well with the Peruvian Pachacamac, often regarded 
 as a mere philosophical abstraction. The Pawnees will 
 show us a Creator involved in a sacrificial ritual, which is 
 not common, while the Blackfeet present a Creator who is 
 not envisaged as a spirit at all, and, on our theory, re- 
 presents a very early stage of the theistic conception. 
 
 To continue the argument from analogy against 
 Major Ellis's theory of the European origin of Nyan- 
 kupon, it seems desirable first to produce a parallel to 
 his case, and to that of his blood-stained subordinate 
 deity, Bobowissi, from a quarter where European in- 
 fluence is absolutely out of the question. Virginia was 
 first permanently colonised by Englishmen in 1607, and 
 the ' Historic of Travaile into Virginia,' by William 
 Strachey, Gent., first Secretary of the Colony, dates 
 from the earliest years (1612-1616). It will hardly be
 
 262 THE MAKING OF EELIGION 
 
 suggested, then, that the natives had already adopted 
 our Supreme Being, especially as Strachey says that the 
 native priests strenuously opposed the Christian God. 
 Strachey found a house-inhabiting, agricultural, and settled 
 population, under chiefs, one of whom, Powhattan, was a 
 kind of Bretwalda. The temples contained the dried 
 bodies of the weroances, or aristocracy, beside which was 
 their Okeus, or Oki, an image ' ill favouredly carved,' all 
 black dressed, ' who doth them all the harm they suffer. 
 He is propitiated by sacrifices of their own children ' 
 (probably an error) ' and of strangers.' 
 
 Mr. Tylor quotes a description of this Oki, or Okeus, 
 with his idol and bloody rites, from Smith's ' History of 
 Virginia ' (1632). } The two books, Strachey's and Smith's, 
 are here slightly varying copies of one original. But, 
 after censuring Smith's (and Strachey's) hasty theory 
 that Okeus is ' no other than a devil,' Mr. Tylor did 
 not find in Smith what follows in Strachey. Okeus 
 has human sacrifices, like Bobowissi, 'whilst the great 
 God (the priests tell them) who governes all the world, 
 and makes the sun to shine, creatyng the moone and 
 starrs his companyons . . . they calling (sic) Ahone. 2 
 The good and peaceable God requires no such dutyes, 
 nor needs to be sacrificed unto, for he intendeth all good 
 unto them.' Okeus, on the contrary, ' looking into all 
 men's accions, and examining the same according to the 
 severe scheme of justice, punisheth them. . . . Such is 
 the misery and thraldome under which Sathan hath 
 bound these wretched miscreants.' 
 
 As if, in Mr. Strachey's own creed, Satan does not 
 punish, in hell, the offences of men against God ! 
 
 Here, then, in addition to a devil (or rather a divine 
 
 1 hi Pinkerton, xiii. pp. 13, 39 ; Prim. Cult. ii. 342. 
 
 In his ' Dictionarip," Strachey gives God = Ahone, not God = Okeus.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 25$ 
 
 police magistrate), and general fetishism and nature 
 worship, we find that the untutored Virginian is equipped 
 with a merciful Creator, without idol, temple, or sacrifice, 
 as needing nought of ours. It is by the merest accident, 
 the use of Smith's book (1632) instead of Strachey's book 
 (1.612), that Mr. Tylor is unaware of these essential 
 facts. 
 
 Dr. Brinton, like Mr. Tylor, cites Smith for the 
 nefarious or severe Okeus, and omits any mention of 
 Ahone, the benevolent Creator. 1 Now, Strachey's evidence 
 is early (1612), is that of a well-educated man, fond of 
 airing his Greek, and not prejudiced in favour of these 
 worshippers of ' Sathan.' In Virginia he found the un- 
 propitiated loving Supreme Being, beside a subordinate, 
 like Nyankupon beside Bobowissi in Africa. 
 
 Each highest deity, in Virginia or on the Gold Coast, 
 is more or less eclipsed in popular esteem by nascent 
 polytheism and nature worship. This is precisely what 
 we should expect to find, if Ahone, the Creator, were 
 earlier in evolution, while Okeus and the rest were of the 
 usual greedy class of animistic corruptible deities, useful 
 to priests. This could not be understood while Ahone 
 was left out of the statement. 2 
 
 Probably Mr. Strachey's narrative justifies, by analogy, 
 our suspicion of Major Ellis's theory that the African 
 Supreme Being is of European origin. The purpose in the 
 
 1 Myths of the New World, p. 47. 
 
 : There is a description of Virginia, by W. Strachey, including Smith's 
 remarks, published in 1612. Strachey interwove some of this work with 
 his own MS. in the British Museum, dedicated to Bacon (Verulam). This 
 MS. was edited by Mr. Major, for the Hakluyt Society, in 1849, with a 
 glossary, by Strachey, of the native language. The remarks on religion are 
 in Chapter VII. The passage on Ahone occurs in Strachey (1612), but not 
 in Smith (1632), in Pinkerton. I owe to the kindness of Mr. Edmund 
 Gosse photographs of the drawings accompanying the MS. Strachey's 
 .story of sacrifice of children (pp. 94, 95) seems to refer to nothing worse 
 than the initiation into the mysteries.
 
 264 THE MAKING OF EELIGION 
 
 Ahone-Okeus creed is clear. God (Ahone) is omnipotent 
 and good, yet calamities beset mankind. How are these 
 to be explained? Clearly as penalties for men's sins, 
 inflicted, not by Ahone, but by his lieutenant, Okeus. 
 But that magistrate can be, and is, appeased by sacrifices, 
 which it would be impious, or, at all events, useless, to 
 offer to the Supreme Being, Ahone. It is a logical creed, 
 but how was the Supreme Being evolved out of the ghost 
 of a ' people-devouring king ' like Powhattan ? The facts, 
 very fairly attested, do not fit the anthropological theory. 
 It is to be remarked that Strachey's Ahone is a much 
 less mythological conception than that which, on very 
 good evidence, he attributes to the Indians of the 
 Patowemeck River. Their Creator is spoken of as 
 ' a godly Hare,' who receives their souls into Paradise, 
 whence they are reborn on earth again, as in Plato's 
 myth. They also regard the four winds as four Gods. 
 How the god took the mythological form of a hare is 
 diversely explained. 1 
 
 Meanwhile the Ahone-Okeus creed corresponds to 
 the Nyankupon-Bobowissi creed. The American faith 
 is certainly not borrowed from Europe, so it is less likely 
 that the African creed is borrowed. 
 
 As illustrations of the general theory here presented, 
 we may now take two tribal religions among the North 
 American Indians. The first is that of the equestrian 
 Pawnees, who, thirty years ago, were dwelling on the 
 Loup Fork in Nebraska. The buffaloes have since been 
 destroyed, the lands seized, and the Pawnees driven into 
 a ' Reservation,' where they are, or lately were, cheated 
 and oppressed in the usual way. They were originally 
 known to Europeans in four hordes, the fourth being the 
 Skidi or Wolf Pawnees. They seem to have come into 
 
 1 See Brinton, Myths of the New World, for a philological theory.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 255 
 
 Kansas and Nebraska, at a date relatively remote, from 
 Mexico, and are allied with the Lipans and Tonkaways of 
 that region. The Tonkaways are a tribe who, in a 
 sacred mystery, are admonished to ' live like the wolves,' 
 in exactly the same way as were the Hirpi (wolf tribe), of 
 Mount Soracte, who practised the feat of walking unhurt 
 through fire. 1 The Tonkaways regard the Pawnees, who 
 also have a wolf tribe, as a long-separated branch of their 
 race. If, then, they are of Mexican origin, we might 
 expect to find traces of Aztec ritual among the Pawnees. 
 
 Long after they obtained better weapons they used 
 flint-headed arrows for slaying the only two beasts which 
 it was lawful to sacrifice, the deer and the buffalo. They 
 have long been a hunting and also an agricultural people. 
 The corn was given to them originally by the Ruler : 
 their god, Ti-ra-ivd, 'the Spirit Father.' They offer the 
 sacrifice of a deer with peculiar solemnity, and are a very 
 prayerful people. The priest ' held a relation to the 
 Pawnees and their deity not unlike that occupied by 
 Moses to Jehovah and the Israelites.' A feature in ritual 
 is the sacred bundles of unknown contents, brought from 
 the original home in Mexico. The Pawnees were created 
 by Ti-ra-wa. They believe in a happy future life, while 
 the wicked die, and there is an end of them. They cite 
 their dreams of the dead as an argument for a life beyond 
 the tomb. ' We see ourselves living with Ti-ra-wa ! ' An 
 evil earlier race, which knew not Ti-ra-wa, was destroyed 
 by him in the Deluge ; evidence is found in large fossil 
 bones, and it would be an interesting inquiry whether 
 such fossils are always found where the story of a ' sin- 
 flood ' occurs. If so, fossils must be universally diffused. 
 
 As is common, the future life is attested, not only by 
 dreams, but in the experience of men who ' have died ' 
 
 1 Compare ' The Fire Walk ' in Modern Mythology.
 
 256 THE MAKING OF KELIGION 
 
 and come back to life, like Secret Pipe Chief, who told 
 the story to Mr. Grinnell. These visions in a state of 
 apparent death are not peculiar to savages, and, no doubt, 
 have had much effect on beliefs about the next world. 1 
 Ghosts are rarely seen, but auditory hallucinations, as of a 
 voice giving good advice in time of peril, are regarded as the 
 speech of ghosts. The beasts are also friendly, as fellow 
 children with men of Ti-ra-wa. To the Morning Star 
 the Skidi or Wolf Pawnees offered on rare occasions a 
 captive man. The ceremony was not unlike that of the 
 Aztecs, though less cruel. Curiously enough, the slayer 
 of the captive had instantly to make a mock flight, as in 
 the Attic Bouphonia. This, however, was a rite paid to 
 the Morning Star, not to Ti-ra-wa, ' the power above 
 that moves the universe and controls all things.' Sacrifice 
 to Ti-ra-wa was made on rare and solemn occasions 
 out of his two chief gifts, deer and buffalo. ' Through 
 corn, deer, buffalo, and the sacred bundles, we worship 
 Ti-ra-wd. 1 
 
 The flesh was burned in the fire, while prayers were 
 made with great earnestness. In the old Skidi rite the 
 women told the fattened captive what they desired to gain 
 from the Ruler. It is occasionally said that the human 
 sacrifice was made to Ti-ra-wd himself. The sacrificer 
 not only fled, but fasted and mourned. It is possible 
 that, as among the Aztecs, the victim was regarded as 
 also an embodiment of the God, but this is not certain, 
 the rite having long been disused. Mr. Grinnell got the 
 description from a very old Skidi. There was also a 
 festival of thanks to Ti-ra-wa for corn. During a sacred 
 dance and hymn the corn is held up to the Ruler by a 
 
 1 Compare St. Augustine's curious anecdote in De Cura pro Mortuis 
 habenda about the dead and revived Curio. The founder of the new Sioux 
 religion, based on hypnotism, ' died ' and recovered.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 257 
 
 woman. Corn is ritually called * The Mother,' as in Peru. 1 
 ' We are like seed, and we worship through the Corn.' 
 
 Disease is caused by evil spirits, and many American 
 soldiers were healed by Pawnee doctors, though their 
 hurts had refused to yield to the treatment of the United 
 States Army Surgeons. 2 
 
 The miracles wrought by Pawnee medicine men, 
 under the eyes of Major North, far surpass what is told 
 of Indian jugglery. But this was forty years ago, and it 
 is probably too late to learn anything of these astounding 
 performances of naked men on the hard floor of a lodge. 
 ' Major North told me ' (Mr. Grinnell) ' that he saw with 
 his own eyes the doctors make the corn grow,' the doctor 
 not manipulating the plant, as in the Mango trick, but 
 standing apart and singing. Mr. Grinnell says : ' I have 
 never found any one who could even suggest an explana- 
 tion.' 
 
 This art places great power in the hands of the 
 doctors, who exhibit many other prodigies. It is notable 
 that in this religion we hear nothing of ancestor- worship ; 
 all that is stated as to ghosts has been reported. We find 
 the cult of an all-powerful being, in whose ritual sacri- 
 fice is the only feature that suggests ghost-worship. The 
 popular tales and historical reminiscences of the last 
 generation entirely bear out by their allusions Mr. Grin- 
 nell's account of the Pawnee faith, in which the ethical 
 element chiefly consists in a sense of dependence on and 
 touching gratitude to Ti-ra-wa, as shown in fervent 
 prayer. Theft he abhors, he applauds valour, he punishes 
 the wicked by annihilation, the good dwell with him in 
 his heavenly home. He is addressed as A-ti-us ta-kaw-a, 
 ' Our father in all places.' 
 
 1 Cf. Demeter. 
 
 - Major North, for long the U.S. Superintendent of the Pawnees.
 
 258 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 It is not so easy to see how this Being was developed 
 out of ancestor- worship, of which we find no traces among 
 Pawnees. For ancestor-worship among the Sioux, it is 
 usual to quote a remark of one Prescott, an interpreter : 
 ' Sometimes an Indian will say, " "Wah negh on she wan 
 da," which means, " Spirits of the dead have mercy on me." 
 Then they will add what they want. That is about the 
 amount of an Indian's prayer.' ' Obviously, when we 
 compare Mr. Grinnell's account of Pawnee religion, based 
 on his own observations, and those of Major North, and 
 Mr. Dunbar, who has written on the language of the 
 tribe, we are on much safer ground, than when we follow 
 a contemptuous, half-educated European. 
 
 The religion of the Blackfoot Indians appears to be a 
 ruder form of the Pawnee faith. Whether the differences 
 arise from tribal character, or from decadence, or because 
 the Blackfoot belief is in an earlier and more backward 
 condition than that of the Pawnees, it is not easy to be 
 certain. As in China, there exists a difficulty in deciding 
 whether the Supreme Being is identical with the great 
 nature-god ; in China the Heaven, among the Blackfeet 
 the Sun ; or is prior to him in conception, or has been, 
 later, substituted for him, or placed beside him. The 
 Blackfoot mythology is low, crude, and, except in tales 
 of Creation, is derisive. As in Australia, there is a 
 specific difference of tone between mythology and 
 religion. 
 
 The Blackfoot country runs east from the summit of 
 the Kocky Mountains, to the mouth of the Yellowstone 
 river on the Missouri, then west to the Yellowstone 
 sources, across the Rocky Mountains to the Beaverhead, 
 thence to their summit. 
 
 1 Schoolcraft, iii. 237.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 259 
 
 As to spirits, the Blackfeet believe in, or at least tell 
 stories of, ghosts, which conduct themselves much as in 
 our old-fashioned ghost stories. -They haunt people in a 
 rather sportive and irresponsible way. The souls or 
 shadows of respectable persons go to the bleak country 
 called the Sand Hills, where they live, in a dull, mono- 
 tonous kind of Sheol. The shades of the wicked are 
 ' earth-bound ' and mischievous, especially ghosts of men 
 slain in battle. They cause paralysis and madness, but 
 dread interiors of lodges ; they only ' tap on the lodge- 
 skins.' Like many Indian tribes, the Blackfeet have the 
 Eurydice legend. A man grieving for his dead wife finds 
 his way to Hades, is pitied by the dead, and allowed to 
 carry the woman back with him, under certain ritual 
 prohibitions, one of which he unhappily infringes. The 
 range of this deeply touching story among the Eed Men, 
 and its close resemblance to the tale of Orpheus, is one of 
 the most curious facts in mythology. Mr. Grinnell's 
 friend Young Bear, when lost with his wife in a fog, 
 heard a Voice, 'It is well. Go on, you are going right.' 
 ' The top of my head seemed to lift up. It seemed as if 
 a lot of needles were running into it. ... This must 
 have been a ghost.' As the wife also heard the Voice it 
 was probably human, not hallucinatory. 
 
 Animals receive the usual amount of friendly respect 
 from the Blackfeet. They have also an inchoate poly- 
 theism, 'Above Persons, Ground Persons, and Under 
 Water Persons.' Of the first, Thunder is most important, 
 and is worshipped. There is the Cold Maker, a white 
 figure on a white horse, the Wind, and so on. 
 
 The Creator is Na-pi, Old Man ; Dr. Brinton thinks 
 he is a personification of Light, but Mr. Grinnell reckons 
 it absurd to attribute so abstract a conception to the 
 Blackfeet. Nii-pi is simply a primal Being, an Immortal 
 
 3 2
 
 260 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Man, 1 who was before Death came into the world, concern- 
 ing which one of the usual tales of the Origin of Death is 
 told. ' All things that he had made understood him when 
 he spoke to them birds, animals, and people,' as in the 
 first chapters of Genesis. With Na-pi, Creation worked 
 on the lines of adaptation to environment. He put the 
 bighorn on the prairie. There it was awkward, so he set 
 it on rocky places, where it skipped about with ease. The 
 antelope fell on the rocks, so he removed it to the level 
 prairie. Na-pi created man and woman out of clay, but 
 the folly of the woman introduced Death. Na-pi, as a 
 Prometheus, gave fire, and taught the forest arts. He 
 inculcated the duty of prayer ; his will should be done 
 by emissaries in the shape of animals. Then he went to 
 other peoples. The misfortunes of the Indians arise from 
 disobedience to his laws. 
 
 Chiefs were elective, for conduct, courage, and 
 charity. 
 
 Though weapons and utensils were buried with the dead, 
 or exposed on platforms, and though great men were left 
 to sleep in their lodges, henceforth never to be entered by 
 the living, there is no trace known to me of continued 
 ancestor-worship. As many Blackfeet change their names 
 yearly, ancestral names are not likely to become those of 
 gods. 
 
 The Sun is by many believed to have taken the 
 previous place of Na-pi in religion; or perhaps Na-pi is 
 
 1 As envisaged here, Na-pi is not a spirit. The question of spirit or 
 non-spirit has not arisen. So far, Ni\-pi answers to Marrangarrah, the 
 Oiviitivo. JJeing of the Larrakeah tribe of Australians. ' A very good Man 
 called Marrangarrah lives in the sky ; he made all living creatures, except 
 Mack fellows. Ho made everything. . . . He never dies, and likes all black 
 lello'.vs.' He has a demiurge, Dawed (Mr. Foelsche, apud Dr. Stirling. 
 -/. .1. /., Nov. Is'Jl, p. 191). It is curious to observe how savage creeds 
 often .shift the responsibility for evil from the Supreme Creator, entirely 
 fooiitticetu, on to a subordinate deity.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 261 
 
 the Sun. However, he is still separately addressed in 
 prayer. The Sun receives presents of furs and so forth ; a 
 finger, when the prayer is for life, has been offered to 
 him. Fetishism probably shows itself in gifts to a great 
 rock. There is daily prayer, both to the Sun and to Na-pi. 
 Women institute Medicine Lodges, praying, ' Pity me, Sun. 
 You have seen my life. You know that I am pure.' ' We 
 look on the Medicine Lodge woman as you white people 
 do on the Roman Catholic Sisters.' Being 'virtuous 
 in deed, serious, and clean-minded,' the Medical Lodge 
 woman is in spiritual rapport with Na-pi and the Sun. 
 To this extent, at least, Blackfoot religion is an ethical 
 influence. 
 
 The creed seems to be a nascent polytheism, sub- 
 ordinate to Na-pi as supreme Creator, and to the per- 
 sonified Sun. As Blackfoot ghosts are ' vaporous, in- 
 effectual ' for good, there seems to be nothing like ancestor 
 worship. 
 
 These two cults and beliefs, Pawnee and Blackfoot, 
 may be regarded as fairly well authenticated examples of 
 un-Christianised American religion among races on the 
 borderland of agriculture and the chase. It would be 
 difficult to maintain that ghost-worship or ancestor- 
 worship is a potent factor in the evolution of the death- 
 less Tir-a-wa or the immortal Creator Na-pi, who has 
 nothing of the spirit about him, especially as ghosts are 
 not worshipped. 1 
 
 Let us now look at the Supreme Being of a civilised 
 American people. There are few more interesting accounts 
 of religion than Garcilasso de la Vega's description of faith 
 in Peru. Garcilasso was of Inca parentage on the spindle 
 side ; he was born in 1540, and his book, taken from the 
 traditions of an uncle, and aided by the fragmentary 
 
 1 GrinnelPs Blackfoot Lodge-Talcs and Pawnee Hero Stories.
 
 262 THE MAKING OF KELIGTON 
 
 collections of Father Bias Valera, was published in 1609, 
 In Garcilasso's theory the original people of Peru, 
 Totemists and worshippers of hills and streams, Earth 
 and Sea, were converted to Sun worship by the first Inca r 
 a child of the Sun. Even the new religion included 
 ancestor-worship and other superstitions. But behind 
 Sun worship was the faith in a Being who ' advanced the 
 Sun so far above all the stars of heaven.' l This Being 
 was Pachacamac, ' the sustainer of the world.' The 
 question then arises, Is Pachacamac a form of the same 
 creative being whom we find among the lowest savages, 
 or is he the result of philosophical reflection ? The latter 
 was the opinion of Garcilasso. ' The Incas and their 
 Amautas ' (learned class) ' were philosophers.' 2 
 
 ' Pacha,' he says, = universe, and ' cama ' = soul. 
 Pachacamac, then, is Anima Mundi. ' They did not 
 even take the name of Pachacamac into their mouths,' 
 or but seldom and reverently, as the Australians will not, 
 in religious matters, mention Darumulun. Pachacamac 
 had no temple, ' but they worshipped him in their hearts.' 
 That he was the Creator appears in an earlier writer, 
 cited by Garcilasso, Agustin de Zarate (ii. ch. 5). Garci- 
 lasso, after denying the existence of temples to Pacha- 
 camac, mentions one, but only one. He insists, at length, 
 and with much logic, that He whom, as a Christian, he 
 worships, is in Quichua styled Pachacamac. Moreover, 
 the one temple to Pachacamac w r as not built by an Inca, 
 but by a race which, having heard of the Inca god, 
 borrowed his name, without understanding his nature, that 
 of a Being who dwells not in temples made with hands 
 (ii. 186). In the temple this people, the Yuncas, offered 
 even human sacrifices. By the Incas to Pachacamac no 
 sacrifice was offered (ii. Id9). This negative custom they 
 
 1 Giu-cilasso, i. 101. 2 Op. cit. i. 10(>.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 263 
 
 also imposed upon the Yuncas, and they removed idols 
 from the Yunca temple of Pachacamac (ii. 190). Yunca 
 superstitions, however, infested the temple, and a Voice 
 gave oracles therein. 1 The Yuncas also had a talking 
 idol, which the Inca, in accordance with a religious 
 treaty, occasionally consulted. 
 
 While Pachacamac, without temple or rite, was rec- 
 koned the Creator, we must understand that Sun-worship 
 and ancestor-worship were the practical elements of the 
 Inca cult. This appears to have been distasteful to the 
 Inca Huayna Ccapac, for at a Sun feast he gazed hard on 
 the Sun, was remonstrated with by a priest, and replied 
 that the restless Sun ' must have another Lord more 
 powerful than himself.' 2 
 
 This remark could not have been necessary if Pacha- 
 camac were really an article of living and universal belief. 
 Perhaps we are to understand that this Inca, like his 
 father, who seems to have been the original author of the 
 saying, meant to sneer at the elaborate worship bestowed 
 on the Sun, while Pachacamac was neglected, as far as 
 ritual went. 
 
 In Garcilasso's book we have to allow for his desire 
 to justify the creed of his maternal ancestors. His 
 criticism of Spanish versions is acute, and he often 
 appeals to his knowledge of Quichua, and to the direct 
 traditions received by him from his uncle. Against his 
 theory of Pachacamac as a result of philosophical thought, 
 it may be urged that similar conceptions, or nearly similar, 
 exist among races not civilised like the Incas, and not 
 provided with colleges of learned priests. In fact, the 
 
 ' From all this we might conjecture, like Mr. Prescott, that the Incas 
 borrowed Pachacamac from the Yuncas, and etherealised his religion. But 
 Mr. Clements Markham points out that ' Pachacamac is a pure Quichua 
 word. 1 
 
 - Garcilasso, ii. 446, 447.
 
 264 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 position of Pachacamac and the Sun is very nearly that 
 of the Blackfoot Creator Na-pi, and the Sun, or of Shang-ti 
 and the Heaven, in China. We have the Creative Being 
 whose creed is invaded by that of a worshipped aspect 
 of nature, and whose cult, quite logically, is nil, or nearly 
 nil. There are also, in different strata of the Inca empire, 
 ancestor-worship, or mummy-worship, Totemism and 
 polytheism, with a vague mass of huaca=Elohim, kalou, 
 wakan. 
 
 Perhaps it would not be too rash to conjecture that 
 Pachacamac is not a merely philosophical abstraction, 
 but a survival of a Being like Na-pi or Ahone. Cieza 
 de Leon calls Pachacamac ' a devil,' whose name means 
 ' creator of the world ' ! l The name, when it was uttered, 
 was spoken with genuflexions and signs of reverence. So 
 closely did Pachacamac resemble the Christian Deity, that 
 Cieza de Leon declares the devil to have forged and 
 insisted on the resemblance ! 2 It was open to Spanish 
 missionaries to use Pachacamac, as to the Jesuits among 
 the Bantu to use Mpungu, as a fulcrum for the introduction 
 of Christianity. They preferred to regard Pachacamac 
 as a fraudulent fiend. Now Nzambi Mpungu, among the 
 Bantu, is assuredly not a creation of a learned priesthood, 
 for the Bantu have no learned priests, and Mpungu would 
 be useless to the greedy conjurers whom they do consult, 
 as he is not propitiated. On grounds of analogy, then, 
 Pachacamac may be said to resemble a savage Supremo 
 Being, somewhat etherealised either by Garcilasso or by 
 the Amautas, the learned class among the subjects of 
 the Incas. He does not seem, even so, much superior to 
 the Ahone of the Virginians. 
 
 We possess, however, a different account of Inca 
 religion, from which Garcilasso strongly dissents. The 
 
 1 Cieza de Leon, p. 253. * Markham's translation, p. 253.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 266 
 
 best version is that of Christoval de Molina, who was 
 chaplain of the hospital for natives, and wrote between 
 1570 and 1584. l Christoval assembled a number of old 
 priests and other natives who had taken part in the 
 ancient services, and collected their evidence. He calls 
 the Creator ('not born of woman, unchangeable and 
 eternal ') by the name Pachayachachi, ' Teacher of the 
 world ' and ' Tecsiviracocha,' which Garcilasso dismisses as 
 meaningless. 2 He also tells the tale of the Inca Yupanqui 
 and the Lord of the Sun, but says that the Incas had 
 already knowledge of the Creator. To Yupanqui he 
 attributes the erection of a gold image of the Creator, 
 utterly denied by Garcilasso. 3 Christoval declares, again 
 contradicted by Garcilasso, that sacrifices were offered to 
 the Creator. Unlike the Sun, Christoval says, the Creator 
 had no woman assigned to him, ' because, as he created 
 them, they all belonged to him ' (p. 26), which, of course, 
 is an idea that would also make sacrifice superfluous. 
 
 Christoval gives prayers in Quichua, wherein the 
 Creator is addressed as Uiracocha. 
 
 Christoval assigns images, sacrifice, and even human 
 sacrifice, to the Creator Uiracocha. Garcilasso denies 
 that the Creator Pachacamac had any of these things, 
 he denies that Uiracocha was the name of the Creator, 
 and he denies it, knowing that the Spaniards made the 
 assertion. 4 Who is right? Uiracocha, says Garcilasso, 
 is one thing, with his sacrifices ; the Creator, Pachacamac, 
 without sacrifices, is another, is GOD. 
 
 Mr. Markham thinks that Garcilasso, writing when he 
 did, and not consciously exaggerating, was yet less trust- 
 worthy (though 'wonderfully accurate') than Christoval. 
 
 1 Bites and Laivs of the Yncas, Markham's translation, p. vii. 
 - Rites, p. G. Garcilasso, i. 109. 3 Rites, p. 11. 
 
 1 Compare Reports on Discovery of Peru, Introduction.
 
 -266 THE MAKING OF EELIGION 
 
 Garcilasso, however, is ' scrupulously truthful.' l ' The 
 excellence of his memory is perhaps best shown in hi& 
 topographical details. . . . He does not make a single 
 mistake,' in the topography of three hundred and twenty 
 places ! A scrupulously truthful gentleman, endowed with 
 an amazing memory, and a master of his native language, 
 flatly contradicts the version of a Spanish priest, who also 
 appears to have been careful and honourable. 
 
 I shall now show that Christoval and Garcilasso have 
 different versions of the same historical events, and that 
 Garcilasso bases his confutation of the Spanish theory 
 of the Inca Creator on his form of this historical tradi- 
 tion, which follows : 
 
 The Inca Yahuarhuaccac, like George II., was at odds 
 with his Prince of Wales. He therefore banished the 
 Prince to Chita, and made him serve as shepherd of the 
 llamas of the Sun. Three years later the disgraced 
 Prince came to Court, with what the Inca regarded as a 
 cock-and-bull story of an apparition of the kind technically 
 styled ' Borderland.' Asleep or awake, he knew not, he 
 saw a bearded robed man holding a strange animal. The 
 appearance declared himself as Uiracocha (Christoval's 
 name for the Creator), a Child of the Sun; by no means as 
 Pachacamac, the Creator of the Sun. He announced a 
 distant rebellion, and promised his aid to the Prince. 
 The Inca, hearing this narrative, replied in the tones of 
 Charles II., when he said about Monmouth, ' Tell James 
 to go to hell ! ' 2 The predicted rebellion, however, broke 
 out, the Inca fled, the Prince saved the city, dethroned 
 his father, and sent him into the country. He then 
 adopted, from the apparition, the throne-name Uiracocha, 
 grew a beard, and dressed like the apparition, to whom he 
 erected a temple, roofless, and unique in construction. 
 
 1 Rites, p. xv. - Lord Ailesbury's Memoirs.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 267 
 
 Therein he had an image of the god, for which he himself 
 gave frequent sittings. When the Spaniards arrived, 
 bearded men, the Indians called them Uiracochas (as all 
 the Spanish historians say), and, to flatter them, declared 
 falsely that Uiracocha was their word for the Creator. 
 Garcilasso explodes the Spanish etymology of the name, 
 in the language of Cuzco, which he ' sucked in with his 
 mother's milk.' ' The Indians said that the chief Spaniards 
 were children of the Sun, to make gods of them, just as 
 they said they were children of the apparition, Uiracocha.' l 
 Moreover, Garcilasso and Cieza de Leon agree in their 
 descriptions of the image of Uiracocha, which, both assert, 
 the Spaniards conceived to represent a Christian early 
 missionary, perhaps St. Bartholomew. 2 Garcilasso had 
 seen the mummy of the Inca Uiracocha, and relates the 
 whole tale from the oral version of his uncle, adding many 
 native comments on the Court revolution described. 
 
 To Garcilasso, then, the invocations of Uiracocha, in 
 Christoval's collection of prayers, are a native adaptation 
 to Spanish prejudice : even in them Pachacamac occurs. 3 
 
 Now, Christoval has got hold of a variant of Garci- 
 lasso's narrative, which, in Garcilasso, has plenty of 
 humour and human nature. According to Christoval it 
 was not the Prince, later Inca Uiracocha, who beheld 
 the apparition, but the Inca Uiracocha's son, Prince of 
 Wales, as it were, of the period, later the Inca Yupanqui. 
 
 Garcilasso corrects Christoval. Uiracocha saw the 
 apparition, as Pere Acosta rightly says, and Yupanqui was 
 not the son but the grandson of this Inca Uiracocha. 4 
 Uiracocha's own son was Pachacutec, which simply 
 means ' Revolution,' ' they say, by way of by-word 
 Pachamcutin, which means " the world changes." 
 
 1 Garcilasso, ii. 68. '-' Cieza de Loon, p. 357. 
 
 :t Rites, pp. 28, 29. ' Acosta, lib. vi. eh. 21 ; Garcilasso. ii. 88, 89.
 
 268 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Christoval's form of the story is peculiarly gratifying 
 in one way. Yupanqui saw the apparition in a piece of 
 crystal, ' the apparition vanished, while the piece of crystal 
 remained. The Inca took care of it, and they say that he 
 afterwards saw everything he wanted in it.' The appari- 
 tion, in human form and in Inca dress, gave itself out for 
 the Sun ; and Yupanqui, when he came to the throne, 
 ' ordered a statue of the Sun to be made, as nearly as 
 possible resembling the figure he had seen in the crystal.' 
 He bade his subjects to ' reverence the new deity, as they 
 had heretofore worshipped the Creator,' J who, therefore; 
 was prior to Uiracocha. 
 
 Interesting as a proof of Inca crystal-gazing, this legend 
 of Christoval's cannot compete as evidence with Acosta 
 and Garcilasso. The reader, however, must decide as to 
 whether he prefers Garcilasso's unpropitiated Pachacamac, 
 or Christoval's Uiracocha, human sacrifices, and all. 2 
 
 Mr. Tylor prefers the version of Christoval, making 
 Pachacamac a title of Uiracocha. 3 He thinks that we 
 have, in Inca religion, an example of ' a subordinate god ' 
 (the Sun) ' usurping the place of the supreme deity,' ' the 
 rivalry between the Creator and the divine Sun.' In 
 China, as we shall see, Mr. Tylor thinks, on the other 
 hand, that Heaven is the elder god, and that Shang-ti, 
 the Supreme Being, is the usurper. 
 
 The truth in the Uiracocha versus Pachacamac con- 
 troversy is difficult to ascertain. I confess a leaning 
 toward Garcilasso, so truthful and so wonderfully accurate, 
 rather than to the Spanish priest. Christoval, it will 
 be remarked, says that ' Chanca-Uiracocha was a huaca 
 (sacred place) in Chuqui-chaca.' 4 Now Chuqui-chaca is 
 the very place where, according to Garcilasso, the Inca 
 
 1 Kites, p. 12. * Ib. p. 54. 
 
 3 Prim. Cult. ii. 337, 338. " Rites, p. 29.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 269 
 
 Uiracocha erected a temple to ' his Uncle, the Apparition.' l 
 Uiracocha, then, the deity who receives human sacrifice, 
 would be a late, royally introduced ancestral god, no real 
 rival of the Creator, who receives no sacrifice at all, and, 
 as he was bearded, his name would be easily transferred to 
 the bearded Spaniards, whose arrival the Inca Uiracocha 
 was said to have predicted. But to call several or all 
 Spaniards by the name given to the Creator would be 
 absurd. Mr. Tylor and Mr. Markham do not refer to 
 the passage in which Christoval obviously gets hold of a 
 wrong version of the story of the apparition. 
 
 There is yet another version of this historical legend, 
 written forty years after Christoval's date by Don Juan 
 de Santa Cruz Pachacuti-yamqui Salcamayhua. He ranks 
 after Garcilasso and Christoval, but before earlier Spanish 
 writers, such as Acosta, who knew not Quichua. According 
 to Salcamayhua, the Inca Uiracocha was like James III., 
 fond of architecture and averse to war. He gave the 
 realm to his bastard, Urea, who was defeated and killed 
 by the Chancas. Uiracocha meant to abandon the con- 
 test, but his legitimate son, Yupanqui, saw a fair youth 
 on a rock, who promised him success in the name of the 
 Creator, and then vanished. The Prince was victorious, 
 and the Inca Uiracocha retired into private life. This 
 appears to be a mixture of the stories of Garcilasso and 
 Christoval.- 
 
 It is not, in itself, a point of much importance whether 
 the Creator was called Uiracocha (which, if it means 
 anything, means 'sea of grease!'), or whether he w r as 
 called Pachacamac, maker of the world, or by both names. 
 The important question is as to whether the Creator 
 received even human sacrifices (Christoval) or none at 
 all (Garcilasso). As to Pachacamac, we must consult 
 
 1 Gavcilasso, ii. 09. 2 .Rites and Laws, p. 91 et seq.
 
 270 THE MAKTNG OF RELIGION 
 
 Mr. Payne, who has the advantage of being a Quichua 
 scholar. He considers that Pachacamac combines the 
 conception of a general spirit of living things with that 
 of a Creator or maker of all things. ' Pachacamac and 
 the Creator are one and the same,' but the conception of 
 Pachayachacic, ' ruler of the world,' ' belongs to the later 
 period of the Incas.' l Mr. Payne appears to prefer 
 Christoval's legend of the Inca crystal-gazer, to the rival 
 version of Garcilasso. The Yunca form of the worship of 
 Pachacamac Mr. Payne regards as an example of de- 
 gradation. 2 He disbelieves Garcilasso's statement that 
 human sacrifices were not made to the Sun. Garcilasso 
 must, if Mr. Payne is right, have been a deliberate liar, 
 unless, indeed, he was deceived by his Inca kinsfolk. 
 The reader can now estimate for himself the difficulty of 
 knowing much about Peruvian religion, or, indeed, of any 
 religion. For, if Mr. Payne is right about the lowest 
 savages having no conception of God, or even of spirit, 
 though the idea of a great Creator, a spirit, is one of the 
 earliest efforts of 'primitive logic,' we, of course, have 
 been merely fabling throughout. 
 
 Garcilasso's evidence, however, seems untainted by 
 Christian attempts to find a primitive divine tradition. 
 Garcilasso may possibly be refining on facts, but he asks 
 for no theory of divine primitive tradition in the case of 
 Pachacamac, whom he attributes to philosophical reflec- 
 tion. 
 
 In the following chapter we discuss ' the old Degenera- 
 tion theory,' and contrast it with the scheme provisionally 
 offered in this book. We have already observed that the 
 Degeneration theory biasses the accounts of some mis- 
 
 1 Payne i. 459. 
 
 - Op. cit. i. 463. Mr. Payne absolutely rejects Ixtlilochitl's story of the 
 monotheism of Nezahualcoyotl ' Torquemada knows nothing of it,' i. 490.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 271 
 
 sionaries who are obviously anxious to find traces of a 
 Primitive Tradition, originally revealed to all men, but 
 only preserved in a pure form by the Jews. To avoid 
 deception by means of this bias we have chosen examples 
 of savage creative beings from wide areas, from diverse 
 ages, from non-missionary statements, from the least 
 contaminated backward peoples, and from their secret 
 mysteries and hymns. 
 
 Thus, still confining ourselves to the American con- 
 tinent, we have the ancient hymns of the Zunis, in no 
 way Christianised, and never chanted in the presence of 
 the Mexican Spanish. These hymns run thus : ' Before 
 the beginning of the New Making, Awonawilona, the 
 Maker and container of All, the All-Father, solely had 
 being.' He then evolved all things ' by thinking himself 
 outward in space.' Hegelian ! but so are the dateless 
 hymns of the Maoris, despite the savage mythology which 
 intrudes into both sets of traditions. The old fable of 
 Ouranos and Gaia recurs in Zufii as in Maori. 1 
 
 I fail to see how Awonawilona could be developed out 
 of the ghost of chief or conjurer. That in which all things 
 potentially existed, yet who was more than all, is not the 
 ghost of a conjurer or chief. He certainly is not due to 
 missionary influence. No authority can bo better than 
 that of traditional sacred chants found among a populace 
 which will not sing them before one of their Mexican 
 masters. 
 
 We have tried to escape from the bias of belief in a 
 primitive divine tradition, but bias of every kind exists, 
 and must exist. At present the anthropological hypo- 
 thesis of ancestor-worship as the basis, perhaps (as in 
 Mr. Spencer's theory) the only basis of religion, affects 
 observers. Before treating the theory of Degeneration 
 1 Cashing, Report, EthnoL Bureau, 1891-02, p. :-}7!).
 
 272 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 let us examine a case of the anthropological bias. The 
 Fijians, as we learned from Williams, have ancestral 
 gods, and also a singular form of the creative being, 
 Ndengei, or, as Mr. Lorimer Fison calls him, Degei. 
 Mr. Fison writes : ' It is clear that the Fijians humanised 
 their gods, because they had once existed on earth in human 
 form. . . . Like other primitive people, the Fijians deified 
 their ancestors.' Yet the Fijians ' may have forgotten the 
 names of their ancestors three generations back ' ! How 
 in the world can you deify a person whom you don't 
 remember '? Moreover, only malevolent chiefs were dei- 
 tied, so apparently a Fijian god is really a well-born 
 human scoundrel, so considerable that he for one is not 
 forgotten just as if we worshipped the wicked Lord 
 Lyttelton ! Of course a god like Ahone could not be 
 made out of such materials as these, and, in fact, we 
 learn from Mr. Fison that there are other Fijian gods of 
 a different origin. 
 
 ' It is probable that there were here and there, gods 
 that were the creation of the priests that ministered to them, 
 and were not the spirits of dead chiefs. Such was the god 
 of the Bure Tribe on the Ea coast, who was called Tui 
 Laga or " Lord of Heaven." When the missionaries first 
 went to convert this town they found the heathen priest 
 their staunch ally. He declared that they had come to 
 preach the same god that he had been preaching, the Tui 
 Laga, and that more had been revealed to them than to 
 him of the mysteries of the god.' 
 
 Mr. Fison is reminded of St. Paul at Athens, ' whom 
 then ye ignorantly worship, him declare I unto you.' l 
 
 Mr. Fison has clearly no bias in favour of a God like 
 our own, known to savages, and not derived from ghost- 
 worship. He deduces this god, Tui Laga, from priestly 
 reflection and speculation. But we find such a God where 
 
 1 J.A.I. May 1895, pp. 341-344.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 273 
 
 we find no priests, where a priesthood has not been de- 
 veloped. Such a God, being usually unpropitiated by sacri- 
 fice and lucrative private practice, is precisely the kind of 
 deity who does not suit a priesthood. For these reasons 
 that a priesthood ' sees no money in ' a God of this kind, 
 and that Gods of this kind, ethical and creative, are found 
 where there are no priesthoods we cannot look on the 
 conception as a late one of priestly origin, as Mr. Fison 
 does, though a learned caste, like the Peruvian Amautas, 
 may refine on the idea. Least of all can such a God be 
 ' the creation of the priests that minister to him,' when, 
 as in Peru, the Andaman Isles, and much of Africa, this 
 God is ministered to by no priests. Nor, lastly, can we 
 regard the absence of sacrifice to the Creative Being as a 
 mere proof that he is an ancestral ghost who ' had lived 
 on earth at too remote a time ; ' for this absence of 
 sacrifice occurs where ghosts are dreaded, but are not 
 propitiated by offerings of food (as among Australians, 
 Andamanese, and Blackfoot Indians), while the Creative 
 Being is not and never was a ghost, according to his 
 worshippers. 
 
 At this point criticism may naturally remark that 
 whether the savage Supreme Being is feted, as by the 
 Comanches, who offer puffs of smoke : or is apparently 
 half forgotten, as by the Algonquins and Zulus : whether 
 he is propitiated by sacrifice (which is very rare indeed), 
 or only by conduct, I equally claim him as the probable 
 descendant in evolution of the primitive, undifferentiated, 
 not necessarily ' spiritual ' Being of such creeds as the 
 Australian. 
 
 One must reply that this pedigree cannot, indeed, 
 be historically traced, but that it presents none of the 
 logical difficulties inherent in the animistic pedigree 
 namely, that the savage Supreme Being is the last and 
 
 T
 
 274 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 highest result of evolution on animistic lines out of ghosts, 
 It does not run counter to the evidence universally offered 
 by savages, that their Supreme Being never was mortal 
 man. It is consistent, whereas the animistic hypothesis 
 is, in this case, inconsistent, with the universal savage 
 theory of Death. Finally, as has been said before, grant- 
 ing my opinion that there are two streams of religious 
 thought, one rising in the conception of an undifferentiated 
 Being, eternal, moral, and creative, the other rising in the 
 ghost-doctrine, it stands to reason that the latter, as best 
 adapted to everyday needs and experiences, normal and 
 supernormal, may contaminate the former, and introduce 
 sacrifice and food-propitiation into the ritual of Beings 
 who, by the original conception, 'need nothing of ours.' 
 At the same time, the conception of ' spirit,' once attained, 
 would inevitably come to be attached to the idea of the 
 Supreme Being, even though he was not at first conceived 
 of as a spirit. We know, by our own experience, how 
 difficult it has become for us to think of an eternal, 
 powerful, and immortal being, except as a spirit. Yet 
 this way of looking at the Supreme Being, merely as 
 being, not as spirit, must have existed, granting that the 
 idea of spirit has ghost for its first expression, as, by their 
 very definition, the high gods of savages are not ghosts, 
 and never were ghosts, but are prior to death. 
 
 Here let me introduce, by way of example, a Supreme 
 Being not of the lowest savage level. Metaphysically he 
 is improved on in statement, morally he is stained with 
 the worst crimes of the hungry ghost-god, or god framed 
 on the lines of animism. This very interesting Supreme 
 Being, in a middle barbaric race, is the Polynesian Taa-roa, 
 as described by Ellis in that fascinating book ' Polynesian 
 Researches. 1 ' Several of their taata-paari, or w r ise men, 
 
 1 ii. 191, 1829.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 275 
 
 pretend that, according to other traditions, Taa-roa was 
 only a man who was deified after death.' Euhemerism, 
 in fact, is a natural theory of men acquainted with 
 ancestor-worship, but a Euhemeristic hypothesis by a 
 Polynesian thinker is not a statement of national belief. 
 Taa-roa was ' uncreated, existing from the beginning, or 
 from the time he emerges from the po, or world of dark- 
 ness.' In the Leeward Isles Taa-roa was Toivi, fatherless 
 and motherless from all eternity. In the highest heavens 
 he dwells alone. He created the gods of polytheism, the 
 gods of war, of peace, and so on. Says a native hymn, 
 ' He was : he abode in the void. No earth, no sky, no 
 men ! He became the universe.' In the Windward 
 Isles he has a wife, Papa the rock = Papa, Earth, wife of 
 K-angi, Heaven, in Maori mythology. Thus it may be 
 argued, Taa-roa is no ' primaeval theistic idea,' but merely 
 the Heaven-God (Ouranos in Greece). But we may dis- 
 tinguish : in the Zuiii hymn we have the myth of the 
 marriage of Heaven and Earth, but Heaven is not the 
 Eternal, Awonawilona, who ' thought himself out into the 
 void,' before which, as in the Polynesian hymn, ' there 
 was no sky.' ' 
 
 Whence came the idea of Taa-roa ? The Euhemeristic 
 theory that he was a ghost of a dead man is absurd. But 
 as we are now among polytheists it may be argued that, 
 given a crowd of gods on the animistic model, an origin 
 had to be found for them, and that origin was Taa-roa. 
 This would be more plausible if we did not find Supreme 
 Beings where there is no departmental polytheism to 
 develop them out of. In Tahiti, Atuas are gods, Oramutuas 
 tiis are spirits ; the chief of the spirits were ghosts of 
 warriors. These were mischievous ; they, their images, 
 and the skulls of the dead needed propitiation, and these 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. ii. 845, 3-10. Ellis, ii. 193. 
 
 T 2
 
 276 THE MAKING OF KELIGION 
 
 ideas (perhaps) were reflected on to Taa-roa, to whom 
 human victims were sacrificed. 1 
 
 Now this kind of horror, human sacrifice, is unknown, 
 I think, in early savage religions of Supreme Beings, as 
 in Australia, among the Bushmen, the Andamanese, and 
 so on. I therefore suggest that in an advanced poly- 
 theism, such as that of Polynesia, the evil sacrificial rites 
 unpractised by low savages come to be attached to the 
 worship even of the Supreme Being. Ghosts and ghost- 
 gods demanded food, and food was therefore also offered 
 to the Supreme Being. 
 
 It was found difficult, or impossible, to induce Christian 
 converts, in Polynesia, to repeat the old prayers. They 
 began, trembled, and abstained. They had a ritual ' for 
 almost every act of their lives,' a thing unfamiliar to low 
 savages. In fact, beyond all doubt, religious criminal acts, 
 from human sacrifice to the burning of Jeanne d'Arc, 
 increase as religion and culture move away from the stage 
 of Bushmen and Andamanese to the stage of Aztec and 
 Polynesian culture. The Supreme Being is succeeded 
 in advancing civilisation, and under the influences of 
 animism, by ruthless and insatiable ghost-gods, full of 
 the worst human qualities. Thus there is what we may 
 really call degeneration, moral and religious, inevitably 
 accompanying early progress. 
 
 That this is the case, that the first advances in culture 
 necessarily introduce religious degeneration, we shall now 
 try to demonstrate. But we may observe, in passing, that 
 our array of moral or august savage supreme beings (the 
 first who came to hand) will, for some reason, not be 
 found in anthropological treatises on the Origin of 
 Religion. They appear, somehow, to have been over- 
 
 1 Ellis, ii. 221.
 
 AMERICAN CREATORS 277 
 
 looked by philosophers. Yet the evidence for them is 
 sufficiently good. Its excellence is proved by its very 
 uniformity, assuredly undesigned. An old, nay, an obso- 
 lete theory that of degeneration in religion has facts 
 at its basis, which its very supporters have ignored, 
 which orthodoxy has overlooked. Thus the Bev. Pro- 
 fessor Flint informs the audience in the Cathedral of 
 St. Giles's, that, in the religions ' at the bottom of the 
 religious scale,' ' it is always easy to see how wretchedly 
 the divine is conceived of ; how little conscious of his 
 own true wants ... is the poor worshipper.' The poor 
 worshipper of Baiame wishes to obey His Law, which 
 makes for righteousness. 1 
 
 1 The Faiths of the World, p. 413.
 
 278 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 XV 
 
 THE OLD DEGENERATION THEORY 
 
 IF any partisan of the anthropological theory has read 
 so far into this argument, he will often have murmured 
 to himself, ' The old degeneration theory ! ' On this 
 Dr. Brinton remarked in 1868 : 
 
 ' The supposition that in ancient times and in very 
 unenlightened conditions, before mythology had grown, a 
 monotheism prevailed which afterwards, at various times, 
 was revived by reformers, is a belief that should have 
 passed away when the delights of savage life and the 
 praises of a state of nature ceased to be the theme of 
 philosophers.' l 
 
 ' The old degeneration theory ' practically, and falla- 
 ciously, resolved itself, as Mr. Tylor says, into two 
 assumptions 'first, that the history of culture began 
 with the appearance on earth of a semi-civilised race of 
 men ; and second, that from this stage culture has pro- 
 ceeded in two ways backward to produce savages, and 
 forward to produce civilised men.' 2 That hypothesis is 
 false to all our knowledge of evolution. 
 
 The hypothesis here provisionally advocated makes no 
 assumptions at all. It is a positive fact that among some 
 of the lowest savages there exists, not a doctrinal and 
 abstract Monotheism, but a belief in a moral, powerful, 
 kindly, creative Being, while this faith is found in juxta- 
 position with belief in unworshipped ghosts, totems, 
 
 1 Myths of the New World, p. 44. 2 Prim. Cult. i. 35.
 
 THE OLD DEGENERATION THEORY 279 
 
 fetishes, and so on. The powerful creative Being of savage 
 belief sanctions truth, unselfishness, loyalty, chastity, and 
 other virtues. I have set forth the difficulties involved in 
 the attempt to derive this Being from ghosts and other 
 lower forms of belief. 
 
 Now, it is mere matter of fact, and not of assumption, 
 that the Supreme Being of many rather higher savages 
 differs from the Supreme Being of certain lower savages 
 by the neglect in which he is left, by the epicurean repose 
 with which he is credited, and by his comparative lack of 
 moral control over human conduct. In his place a mob 
 of ghosts and spirits, supposed to be potent and helpful 
 in everyday life, attract men's regard and adoration, and 
 get paid by sacrifice even by human sacrifice. 
 
 Turning to races yet higher in material culture, we 
 find a crowd of hungry and cruel gods. 
 
 On this point Mr. Jevons remarks, in accordance with 
 my own observation, that ' human sacrifice appears at a 
 much earlier period in the rites for the dead than it does 
 in the ritual of the gods.' l The dead chief needs servants 
 and wives in Hades, who are offered to him. The 
 Australians have some elements of cannibalism, but do 
 not, as a general rule, offer any human victims. So far, 
 then, ancestor- worship introduced a sadly ' degenerate ' 
 rite, compared with the moral faith in unfed gods. 
 
 To gods the human sacrifice was probably extended 
 (in some cases) either by a cannibal civilised race, like the 
 Aztecs, or by way of piacula, the god being conciliated 
 for man's sin by the offering of what man most prized, 
 the ' jealousy ' of the god being appeased in a similar way. 
 But these are relatively advanced conceptions, not to be 
 found, to my knowledge, among the lowest and most 
 backward races. Therefore, advance to the idea of spirit 
 1 Introduction, p. 199 ; also p. 1C1.
 
 280 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 at one point, meant degeneration at another point, to the 
 extent of human sacrifice. 
 
 Thus, on looking at relatively advanced races, we find 
 them worshipping polytheistic deities and ghosts of the 
 kings just dead, who are often propitiated by terrible 
 massacres of human victims, while, as in the case of 
 Taa-roa, the blood spurts back even on the uncreated 
 Creator, who was before earth was, or sea, sun, or sky. 
 Undeniably the hungry, cruel gods are degenerate from 
 the Australian Father in Heaven, who receives no sacri- 
 fice but that of men's lusts and selfishness ; who desires 
 obedience, not the fat of kangaroos ; who needs nothing of 
 ours ; is unfed and unbribed. Thus, in this particular 
 respect the degeneration of religion from the Australian 
 or Andamanese to the Dinka standard and infinitely 
 more to the Polynesian, or Aztec, or popular Greek 
 standard is as undeniable as any fact in human history. 
 
 Anthropology has only escaped the knowledge of this 
 circumstance by laying down the rule, demonstrably 
 unbased on facts, that ' the divine sanction of ethical 
 laws . . . belongs almost or wholly to religions above the 
 savage level, not to the earlier and lower creeds ; ' that 
 ' savage Animism is almost devoid of that ethical element 
 which to the educated modern mind is the very main- 
 spring of practical religion.' ' 
 
 I have argued, indeed, that the God of low savages 
 who imparts the divine sanction of ethical laws is not of 
 animistic origin. But even where Mr. Im Thurn finds, in 
 Guiana, nothing but Animism of the lowest conceivable 
 type, he also finds in that Animism the only or most 
 potent moral restraint on the conduct of men. 
 
 While Anthropology holds the certainly erroneous 
 idea that the religion of the most backward races is 
 1 Prim. Cult. ii. 360, 361.
 
 THE OLD DEGENERATION THEOEY 281 
 
 always non-moral, of course she cannot know that there 
 has, in fact, been great degeneration in religion (if religion 
 began on the Australian and Andamanese level, or even 
 higher) wherever religion is non-moral or immoral. 
 
 Again, Anthropology, while fixing her gaze on totems, 
 on worshipped mummies, adored ghosts, and treasured 
 fetishes, has not, to my knowledge, made a comparative 
 study of the higher and purer religious ideas of savages. 
 These have been passed by, with a word about credulous 
 missionaries and Christian influences, except in the 
 brief summary for which Mr. Tylor found room. In 
 this work I only take a handful of cases of the higher 
 religious opinions of savages, and set them side by side 
 for purposes of comparison. Much more remains to be 
 done in this field. But the area covered is wide, the 
 evidence is the best attainable, and it seems proved beyond 
 doubt that savages have ' felt after ' a conception of a 
 Creator much higher than that for which they commonly 
 get credit. Now, if that conception is original, or is very 
 early (and nothing in it suggests lateness of development) , 
 then the other elements of their faith and practice are 
 degenerate. 
 
 ' How,' it has been asked, ' could all mankind forget a 
 pure religion ? ' 1 That is what I now try to explain. 
 That degeneration I would account for by the attractions 
 which animism, when once developed, possessed for the 
 naughty natural man, ' the old Adam.' A moral creator 
 in need of no gifts, and opposed to lust and mischief, 
 will not help a man with love-spells, or with malevolent 
 ' sendings ' of disease by witchcraft ; will not favour one 
 man above his neighbour, or one tribe above its rivals, as 
 a reward for sacrifice which he does not accept, or as 
 constrained by charms which do not touch his omni- 
 
 1 Prof. Menzies, History of Religion, p. 2.'5.
 
 282 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 potence. Ghosts and ghost-gods, on the other hand, in 
 need of food and blood, afraid of spells and binding 
 charms, 1 are a corrupt, but, to man, a useful constituency. 
 Man being what he is, man was certain to 'go a 
 whoring ' after practically useful ghosts, ghost-gods, and 
 fetishes which he could keep in his wallet or medicine 
 bag. For these he was sure, in the long run, first to 
 neglect his idea of his Creator ; next, perhaps, to reckon 
 Him as only one, if the highest, of the venal rabble of 
 spirits or deities, and to sacrifice to Him, as to them. And 
 this is exactly what happened ! If we are not to call it 
 ' degeneration,' what are we to call it ? It may be an old 
 theory, but facts ' winna ding,' and are on the side of 
 an old theory. Meanwhile, on the material plane, culture 
 kept advancing, the crafts and arts arose ; departments 
 arose, each needing a god ; thought grew clearer ; such 
 admirable ethics as those of the Aztecs were developed, 
 and while bleeding human hearts smoked on every altar, 
 Nezahuatl conceived and erected a bloodless fane to 
 ' The Unknown God, Cause of Causes,' without altar 
 or idol ; and the Inca, Yupanqui, or another, declared 
 that ' Our Father and Master, the Sun, must have a 
 Lord.' 2 
 
 But, at this stage of culture, the luck of the state, and 
 the interests of a rich and powerful clergy, were involved 
 in the maintenance of the old, animistic, relatively non- 
 moral system, as in Cuzco, Greece, and Home. That 
 popular and political regard for the luck of the state, that 
 priestly self-interest (quite natural), could only be swept 
 away by the moral monotheism of Christianity or of Islam. 
 Nothing else could do it. In the case of Christianity, the 
 central and most potent of many combined influences, 
 
 1 \fy6/j.fvai 6fwv avdyKat. Porphyry. 
 
 - Ixtlilochitl. Balboa, Hist, du Pcrou, p. 62.
 
 THE OLD DEGENERATION THEORY 283 
 
 .apart from the Life and Death of Our Lord, was the moral 
 monotheism of the Hebrew religion of Jehovah. 
 
 Now, it is undeniable that Jehovah, at a certain 
 period of Hebrew history, had become degraded and 
 anthropomorphised, far below Darumulun, and Puluga, 
 and Pachacamac, and Ahone, as conceived of in their 
 purest form, and in the high mood of savage mysteries 
 which yet contain so much that is grotesque. Even the 
 Big Black Man of the Fuegians is on a higher level (as 
 we reckon morals), when he forbids the slaying of a robber 
 enemy, than Jehovah is when He commands the massacre 
 of Agag. The Black Man of shivering communistic 
 savages is nearer the morality of our Lord than the 
 Jehovah of Judges. 
 
 Again, traces of human sacrifice appear in the ritual 
 of Israel, and it is only relatively late that the great 
 prophets, justly declaring Jehovah to be indifferent to 
 the blood of bulls and rams, try to bring back his service 
 to that of the unpropitiated, unbought Dendid, or Ahone, 
 or Pundjel. Here is degeneration, even in Israel. How 
 the conception of Jehovah arose in Israel, whether it 
 was a revival of a half-obliterated idea, such as we find 
 among low savages ; or whether it was borrowed from 
 some foreign creed ; or was the result of meditation on 
 the philosophical Supreme Being of high Egyptian 
 theology, is another question. The Biblical statement 
 leans to the first alternative. Jehovah, not by that name, 
 had been the God of Israel's fathers. The question will 
 be discussed later ; but, unless new facts are discovered, 
 we must accept the version of the Pentateuch, or take 
 refuge in conjecture. 
 
 Not only is there degeneration from the Australian 
 conception of Darumulun to the conception of the Semitic 
 gods in general, but, ' humanly speaking,' if religion
 
 284 
 
 began in a pure form among low savages, degeneration 
 was inevitable. Advancing social conditions compelled 
 men into degeneration. Darumulun is, so far, in line 
 with our own ideas of divinity because he is not localised. 
 He dwelleth not in temples made with hands ; it is not 
 likely that he should, when his worshippers have neither 
 house, tent, nor tabernacle. As Mr. Robertson Smith 
 says, ' where the God had a house or a temple, we recog- 
 nise the work of men who were no longer pure nomads, 
 but had begun to form fixed homes.' By the nature of 
 Australian society, Darumulun could not be tied to a 
 temple, and temple-ritual, and consequent myths to 
 explain that ritual, could not arise. Nor could Darumu- 
 lun be attached to a district, just as ' the nomad Arabs 
 could not assimilate the conception of a god as a land- 
 owner, and apply it to their own tribal deities, for the 
 simple reason that in the desert private property in land 
 was unknown.' l 
 
 Darumulun is thus not capable of degenerating into 
 ' a local god, as Baal, or lord of the land,' because this 
 ' involves a series of ideas unknown to the primitive life 
 of the savage huntsman,' like the widely spread Murring 
 tribes. 2 
 
 Nor could Darumulun be tied down to a place in 
 Semitic fashion, first by manifesting himself there, there- 
 fore by receiving an altar of sacrifice there, and in the 
 end a sanctuary, for Darumulun receives no sacrifice at all. 
 
 Again, the scene of the Bora could not become a per- 
 manent home of Darumulun, because, when the rites are 
 over, the effigy of the god is scrupulously destroyed. 
 Thus Darumulun, in his own abode ' beyond the sky,' can 
 ' go everywhere and do everything ' (is omnipresent and 
 
 1 Eobertson Smith, Religion of tlie Semites, pp. 104, 105. 
 - Op. cit. p. 106.
 
 THE OLD DEGENERATION THEORY 285 
 
 omnipotent), dwells in no earthly places, has no temple, 
 nor tabernacle, nor sacred mount, nor, like Jehovah, any 
 limit of land. 1 
 
 The early Hebrew conception of Jehovah, then, is 
 infinitely more conditioned, practically, by space, than 
 the Supreme Being, ' The Master,' in the conception of 
 some Australian blacks. 
 
 ' By a prophet like Isaiah the residence of Jehovah in 
 Zion is almost wholly dematerialised. . . . Conceiving 
 Jehovah as the King of Israel, he necessarily conceives 
 His kingly activity as going forth from the capital of the 
 nation.' 2 
 
 But nomad hunter tribes, with no ancestor-worship, 
 no king and no capital, cannot lower their deity by the 
 conditions, or limit him by the limitations, of an earthly 
 monarchy. 
 
 In precisely the same way, Major Ellis proves the 
 degeneration of deity in Africa, so far as being localised 
 in place of being the Universal God, implies degene- 
 ration, as it certainly does to our minds. By being 
 attached to a given hill or river ' the gods, instead of 
 being regarded as being interested in the whole of man- 
 kind, would eventually come to be regarded as being 
 interested in separate tribes or nations alone.' 
 
 To us Milton seems nobly Chauvinistic when he talks 
 of what God has done by ' His English.' But this local- 
 ised and essentially degenerate conception was inevitable, 
 as soon as, in advancing civilisation, the god who had been 
 ' interested in the whole of [known] mankind ' was settled 
 on a hill, river, or lagoon, amidst a nation of worshippers. 
 
 In the course of the education of mankind, this form 
 of degeneration (abstractly so considered) was to work, 
 
 1 On the Glenelg some holy caves and mountain tops are haunted or 
 holy. Waitz, vi. 804. No authority cited. 
 - Religion of Semites, p. 110.
 
 '286 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 as nothing else could have worked, towards the lofty con- 
 ception of universal Deity. For that conception was only 
 brought into practical religion (as apart from philosophic 
 speculation) by the union between Israel and the God of 
 Sinai and Zion. The Prophets, recognising in the God of 
 Sinai, their nation's God One to whom righteousness 
 was infinitely dearer than even his Chosen People freed 
 the conception of God from local ties, and made it over- 
 spread the world. 
 
 Mr. Robertson Smith has pointed out, again, the 
 manner in which the different political development of 
 East and West affected the religion of Greece and of the 
 Semites. In Greece, monarchy fell, at an early period, 
 before the aristocratic houses. The result was ' a divine 
 aristocracy of many gods, only modified by a weak remi- 
 niscence of the old kingship in the not very effective 
 sovereignty ' (or prytany] ' of Zeus. In the East the 
 national god tended to acquire a really monarchic sway.' ! 
 Australia escaped polytheistic degeneracy by having no 
 aristocracy, as in Polynesia, where aristocracy, as in early 
 Greece, had developed polytheism. Ghosts and spirits 
 the Australians knew, but not polytheistic gods, nor 
 departmental deities, as of war, agriculture, art. The 
 savage had no agriculture, and his social condition was 
 not departmental. In yet another way, political advance 
 produces religious degeneration, if polytheism be degenera- 
 tion from the conception of one relatively supreme moral 
 being. To make a nation, several tribes must unite. 
 Each has its god, and the nation is apt to receive them 
 all, equally, into its Pantheon. Thus, if worshippers of 
 Baiame, Pundjel, and Daruinulun coalesced into a nation, 
 we might find all three gods living together in a new 
 polytheism. In fact, granting a relatively pure starting- 
 1 Rcl. Scm. p. 74
 
 THE OLD DEGENERATION THEORY 287 
 
 point, degeneration from it must accompany every step of 
 civilisation, to a certain distance. 
 
 Unlike Semitic gods, Darumulun receives no sacrifice. 
 As we have said, he has no kin with ghosts, and their 
 sacrifices could not be carried on into his cult, if Waitz- 
 Gerland (vi. 811) are right in saying that the Australians 
 have no ancestor- worship. The Kurnai ghosts ' were 
 believed to live upon plants,' l which are not offered 
 to them. Chill ghosts, unfed by men, would come to 
 waning camp-fires and batten on the broken meats. The 
 Ngarego and Wolgal held, more handsomely, that Thara- 
 mulun (Darumulun) met the just departed spirit ' and 
 conducted it to its future home beyond the sky.' ' 2 Ghosts 
 might also accompany relics of the body, such as the 
 dead hand, carried about by the family, who would wave 
 the black fragment at the dreaded Aurora Borealis, 
 crying, ' Send it away ! ' I am unacquainted with any 
 sacrifices to ancestral ghosts among this people who cannot 
 long remember their ancestors, consequently the practice 
 has not been refracted on their supreme Master's cult. 3 
 In the cult of Darumulun, and of other highest gods of 
 low r est savages, nothing answers to the Hebrew technical 
 priestly word for sacrifice, 'food of the deity.'* Nobody 
 feeds Puluga, nobody fed Ahone. We hear of no Fuegian 
 sacrifices. Mr. Robertson Smith says : ' In all religions 
 in which the gods have been developed out of totems 
 [worshipped animals and other things regarded as akin to 
 human stocks] the ritual act of laying food before the 
 deity is perfectly intelligible.' Pundjel, an Australian 
 Supreme Being, is mixed up with animals in some myths, * 
 but it is not easy to see how such Supreme Beings as he 
 
 1 Howitt, J. A. I. 1884, p. 187. -' Op. cit. p. 188. 
 
 a There is a story of sacritices of girls biennially in Queensland. Lang, 
 Queensland, pp. 374-380 ; Keville, i. 1S;J. 
 4 Eel. Sem. p. 207.
 
 288 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 could be ' developed out of totems ' ! I am not aware, 
 again, that any Australian tribe feeds the animals who 
 are its totems, so Darumulun could not, and did not 
 inherit sacrifice through them. Mr. Kobertson Smith 
 had a celebrated theory that cereal sacrifice is a tribute 
 to a god, while sacrifice of a beast or man is an act of 
 communion with the god. 1 Men and gods dined together. 2 
 ' The god himself was conceived of as a being of the same 
 stock as his comrades.' Beasts were also of the same 
 stock, one beast, say a lobster, was of the same blood as a 
 lobster kin, and its god. 3 Occasionally the sacred beast 
 of the kin (say the lobster), usually not to be slain or tasted, 
 is ' eaten as a kind of mystic sacrament.' 4 
 
 Now, there is, I believe, some evidence, lately col- 
 lected if not published, which makes in favour of the 
 eating of totems by Australians, at a certain very rare 
 and solemn mystery. It would not even surprise me 
 (' from information received ') if a very deeply initiated 
 person were occasionally slain, as the highest degree 
 of initiation, on certain most unusual occasions. This 
 remains uncertain, but I have at present no evidence that, 
 either by one road or another, either from ghost-feeding or 
 totem-feeding, or feeding on totems, any Australian Supreme 
 Being receives any sacrifice at all. Much less, as among 
 Pawnees and Semitic peoples (to judge from certain traces), 
 is the Australian Supreme Being a cause of and partaker in 
 human sacrifice.'' The horrible idea of the Man who is 
 the God, and is eaten in the God's honour, occurs among 
 polytheistic Aztecs, on a high level of material culture, not 
 among Australians, Andamanese, Bushmen, or Fuegians. 6 
 
 1 Bel. Scm. p. 225. - Op. cit. p. 247. 
 
 3 Op. cit. p. 209. 4 Op. cit. p. 277. 
 
 ;> Op. cit. p. 343. Citing Gen. xxii., 2 Kings xxi. G, Micah vi. 7, 
 2 Kings iii. 27. 
 
 Iy I mean, does not occur to my knowledge. New evidence is always 
 upsetting anthropological theories.
 
 THE OLD DEGENERATION THEORY 289 
 
 Thus, on the whole, the Darumulun, or other Supreme 
 Being of the lowest known savages, men roaming wild, 
 when originally met, on a continent peopled by older 
 kinds of animals than ours, was (as we regard purity) on 
 a higher plane by far than the gods of Greeks and 
 Semites in their earliest known characters. Setting 
 mythology aside and looking only at cult, the God of 
 the Murring or the Kurnai, whose precepts soften the 
 heart, who knows the heart's secrets, who inculcates 
 chastity, respect of age, unselfishness, who is not bound 
 by conditions of space or place, who receives no blood of 
 slaughtered man or beast, is a conception from which the 
 ordinary polytheistic gods of infinitely more polite peoples 
 are frankly degenerate. The animistic superstitions 
 wildly based on the belief in the soul have not soiled 
 him, and the social conditions of aristocracy, agriculture, 
 architecture, have not made him one in a polytheistic 
 crowd of rapacious gods, nor fettered him as a Baal to 
 his estate, nor localised him in a temple built with hands. 
 He cannot appear as a ' God of Battles ; ' no Te Deum 
 can be sung to him for victory in a cause perhaps unjust, 
 for he is the Supreme Being of a certain group of allied 
 local tribes. One of these tribes has no more interest with 
 him than another, and the whole group do not, as a body, 
 wage war on another alien group. The social conditions 
 of his worshippers, then, preserve Darumulun from the 
 patent blots on the scutcheon of gods among much more 
 advanced races. 
 
 Once more, the idea of Animism admits of endless 
 expansion. A spirit can be located anywhere, in any 
 stone, stick, bush, person, hill, or river. A god made 
 on the animistic model can be assigned to any depart- 
 ment of human activity, down to sports, or lusts, or the 
 province of Cloacina. Thus religion becomes a mere 
 
 u
 
 290 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 haunted and pestilential jungle of beliefs. But the theistic 
 conception, when not yet envisaged as spiritual, cannot be 
 subdivided and eparpille. Thus, from every point of view, 
 and on every side, Animism is full of the seeds of religious 
 degeneration, which do not and cannot exist in what I 
 take to be the earliest known form of the theistic con- 
 ception : that of a Being about whose metaphysical 
 nature spirit or not spirit no questions were asked, 
 as Dr. Brinton long ago remarked. 
 
 That conception alone could neither supply the moral 
 motive of ' a soul to be saved,' nor satisfy the meta- 
 physical instinct of advancing mankind. To meet these 
 wants, to supply ' soul,' with its moral stimulus, and to 
 provide a phrase or idea under which the Deity could 
 be envisaged (i.e. as a spirit) by advancing thought, 
 Animism was necessary. The blending of the theistic 
 and the animistic beliefs was indispensable to religion. 
 But, in the process of animistic development under 
 advancing social conditions, degeneration was necessarily 
 implied. Degeneration of the theistic conception for a 
 while, therefore, occurred. The facts are the proofs ; 
 and only contradictory facts, in sufficient quantity, can 
 annihilate the old theory of Degeneration when it is 
 presented in this form. 
 
 It must be repeated that on this theory an explanation 
 is given of what the old Degeneration hypothesis does 
 not explain. Granting a primal religion relatively pure 
 in its beginnings, why did it degenerate ? 
 
 Mr. Max Miiller, looking on religion as the develop- 
 ment of the sentiment of the Infinite, regards fetishism 
 as a secondary and comparatively late form of belief. 
 We find it, he observes, in various forms of Christianity ; 
 Christianity, therefore, is primary there, relic worship is 
 secondary. Keligion beginning, according to him, in the
 
 THE OLD DEGENERATION THEORY 291 
 
 sense of the infinite, as awakened in man by tall trees, 
 high hills, and so on, it advances to the infinite of space 
 and sky, and so to the infinitely divine. This is primary : 
 fetishism is secondary. Arguing elsewhere against this 
 idea, I have asked : What was the modus of degeneration 
 which produced similar results in Christianity, and in 
 African and other religions ? How did it work ? I am not 
 aware that Mr. Max Miiller has answered this question. 
 But how degeneration worked namely, by Animism sup- 
 planting Theism is conspicuously plain on our theory. 
 
 Take the early chapters of Genesis, or any savage 
 cosmogonic myth you please. Deathless man is face to 
 face with the Creator. He cannot degenerate in religion. 
 He cannot offer sacrifice, for the Creator obviously needs 
 nothing, and again, as there is no death, he cannot slay 
 animals for the Creator. But, in one way or another, 
 usually by breach of a taboo, Death enters the world. 
 Then comes, by process of evolution, belief in hungry 
 spirits, belief in spirits who may inhabit stones or sticks ; 
 again there arise priests who know how to propitiate spirits 
 and how to tempt them into sticks and stones. These 
 arts become lucrative and are backed by the cleverest 
 men, and by the apparent evidence of prophecies by con- 
 vulsionaries. Thus every known kind of degeneration in 
 religion is inevitably introduced as a result of the theory of 
 Animism. We do not need an hypothesis of Original Sin as 
 a cause of degeneration, and, if Mr. Max Miiller's doctrine 
 of the Infinite were viable, we have supplied, in Animism, 
 under advancing social conditions, what he does not seem 
 to provide, a cause and modus of degeneration. Fetishism 
 would thus be really ' secondary,' ex liypothesi, but as 
 we nowhere find Fetishism alone, without the other 
 elements of religion, we cannot say, historically, whether 
 it is secondary or not. Fetishism logically needs, in 
 
 u 2
 
 292 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 some of its aspects, the doctrine of spirits, and Theism, 
 in what we take to be its earliest known form, does not 
 logically need the doctrine of spirits as given matter. So 
 far we can go, but not farther, as to the fact of priority 
 in evolution. Nevertheless we meet, among the most 
 backward peoples known to us, among men just emerged 
 from the palaeolithic stage of culture, men who are in- 
 volved in dread of ghosts, a religious Idea which certainly 
 is not born of ghost-worship, for by these men, ancestral 
 ghosts are not worshipped. 
 
 In their hearts, on their lips, in their moral training 
 we find (however blended with barbarous absurdities, and 
 obscured by rites of another origin) the faith in a 
 Being who created or constructed the world ; who was 
 from time beyond memory or conjecture ; who is eternal, 
 who makes for righteousness, and who loves mankind. 
 This Being has not the notes of degeneration ; his home 
 is ' among the stars,' not in a hill or in a house. To him 
 no altar smokes, and for him no blood is shed. 
 
 ' God, that made the world and all things therein, 
 seeing that He is lord of heaven and earth, dwelleth 
 not in temples made with hands ; neither is worshipped 
 with men's hands, as though He needed any thing . . . 
 and hath made of one blood all nations of men . . . 
 that they should seek the Lord, if haply they might feel 
 after Him, and find Him, though He be not far from every 
 one of us : for in Him we live, and move, and have our 
 being.' 
 
 That the words of St. Paul are literally true, as to 
 the feeling after a God who needs not anything at man's 
 hands, the study of anthropology seems to us to demon- 
 strate. That in this God ' we have our being,' in so far 
 as somewhat of ours may escape, at moments, from the 
 bonds of Time and the manacles of Space, the earlier 
 part of this treatise is intended to suggest, as a thing by
 
 THE OLD DEGENERATION THEORY 293 
 
 no means necessarily beyond a reasonable man's power 
 to conceive. That these two beliefs, however attained 
 (a point on which we possess no positive evidence), have 
 commonly been subject to degeneration in the religions 
 of the world, is only too obvious. 
 
 So far, then, the nature of things and of the reasoning 
 faculty does not seem to give the lie to the old Degenera- 
 tion theory. 
 
 To these conclusions, as far as they are matters of 
 scientific opinion, we have been led by nothing but the 
 study of anthropology.
 
 294 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 XVI 
 
 THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 
 
 ALL speculation on the early history of religion is apt 
 to end in the endeavour to see how far the conclusions 
 can be made to illustrate the faith of Israel. Thus, the 
 theorist who believes in ancestor- worship as the key of all 
 the creeds will see in Jehovah a developed ancestral 
 ghost, or a kind of fetish-god, attached to a stone- 
 perhaps an ancient sepulchral stele of some desert sheikh. 
 The exclusive admirer of the hypothesis of Totemism will 
 find evidence for his belief in worship of the golden calf and 
 the bulls. The partisan of nature-worship will insist on 
 Jehovah's connection with storm, thunder, and the fire of 
 Sinai. On the other hand, whoever accepts our sugges- 
 tions will incline to see, in the early forms of belief in 
 Jehovah, a shape of the widely diffused conception of a 
 Moral Supreme Being, at first (or, at least, when our 
 information begins) envisaged in anthropomorphic form, 
 but gradually purged of all local traits by the unexampled 
 and unique inspiration of the great Prophets. They, as 
 far as our knowledge extends, were strangely indifferent 
 to the animistic element in religion, to the doctrine of 
 surviving human souls, and so, of course, to that element 
 of Animism which is priceless the purification of the 
 soul in the light of the hope of eternal life. Just as the 
 hunger after righteousness of the Prophets is intense, so 
 their hope of finally sating that hunger in an eternity 
 of sinless bliss and enjoyment of God is confessedly
 
 THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 295 
 
 inconspicuous. In short, they have carried Theism to its 
 austere extreme ' though He slay me, yet will I trust in 
 Him 'while unconcerned about the rewards of Animism. 
 This is certainly a strange result of a religion which, 
 according to the anthropological theory, has Animism for 
 its basis. 
 
 We therefore examine certain forms of the animistic 
 hypothesis as applied to account for the religion of Israel. 
 The topic is one in which special knowledge of Hebrew 
 and other Oriental languages seems absolutely indispen- 
 sable ; but anthropological speculators have not been 
 Oriental scholars (with rare exceptions), while some 
 Oriental scholars have borrowed from popular anthropo- 
 logy without much critical discrimination. These circum- 
 stances must be our excuse for venturing on to this 
 difficult ground. 
 
 It is probably impossible for us to trace with accuracy 
 the rise of the religion of Jehovah. ' The wise and 
 learned ' dispute endlessly over dates of documents, over 
 the amount of later doctrine interpolated into the earlier 
 texts, over the nature, source, and quantity of foreign 
 influence Chaldaean, Accadian, Egyptian, or Assyrian. 
 We know that Israel had, in an early age, the conception 
 of the moral Eternal ; we know that, at an early age, that 
 conception was contaminated and anthropomorphised ; 
 and we know that it was rescued, in a great degree, from 
 this corruption, while always retaining its original ethical 
 aspect and sanction. Why matters went thus in Israel 
 and not elsewhere we know not, except that such was the 
 will of God in the mysterious education of the world. 
 How mysterious that education has been is best known 
 to all who have studied the political and social results of 
 Totemism. On the face of it a perfectly crazy and 
 degrading belief on the face of it meant for nothing
 
 296 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 but to make the family a hell of internecine hatred 
 Totemism rendered possible nay, inevitable the union 
 of hostile groups into large and relatively peaceful tribal 
 societies. Given the materials as we know them, we 
 never should have educated the world thus ; and we do 
 not see why it should thus have been done. But we are 
 very anthropomorphic, and totally ignorant of the con- 
 ditions of the problem. 
 
 An example of anthropological theory concerning 
 Jehovah was put forth by Mr. Huxley. 1 Mr. Huxley's 
 general idea of religion as it is on the lowest known level 
 of material culture through which the ancestors of Israel 
 must have passed like other people has already been 
 criticised. He denied to the most backward races both 
 cult and religious sanction of ethics. He was demon- 
 strably, though unconsciously, in error as to the facts, 
 and therefore could not start from the idea that Israel, 
 in the lowest historically known condition of savagery, 
 possessed, or, like other races, might possess, the belief in 
 an Eternal making for righteousness. ' For my part,' he 
 says, ' I see no reason to doubt that, like the rest of the 
 world, the Israelites had passed through a period of mere 
 ghost - worship, and had advanced through ancestor- 
 worship and Fetishism and Totemism to the theological 
 level at which we find them in the Books of Judges and 
 Samuel.' 2 
 
 But why does he think the Israelites did all this ? 
 The Hebrew ghosts, abiding, according to Mr. Huxley, in 
 a rather torpid condition in Sheol, would not be of much 
 practical use to a worshipper. A reference in Deuteronomy 
 xxvi. 14 (Deuteronomy being, ex hypothesi, a late pious 
 imposture) does not prove much. The Hebrew is there 
 bidden to remind himself of the stay of his ancestors in 
 1 Science and Hebrew Tradition. 2 Op. cit. p. 361.
 
 THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 297 
 
 Egypt, and to say, ' Of the hallowed things I have not 
 given aught for the dead ' namely, of the tithes dedi- 
 cated to the Levites and the poor. A race which abode 
 for centuries among the Egyptians, as Israel did among 
 a people who elaborately fed the Jcas of the departed 
 might pick up a trace of a custom, the giving of food for 
 the dead, still persevered in by St. Monica till St. Ambrose 
 admonished her. But Mr. Huxley is hard put to it for 
 evidence of ancestor-worship or ghost-worship in Israel 
 when he looks for indications of these rites in ' the singular 
 weight attached to the veneration of parents in the Fourth 
 Commandment.' l The Fourth Commandment, of course, 
 is a slip of the pen. He adds : ' The Fifth Commandment, 
 as it stands, would be an excellent compromise between 
 ancestor- worship and Monotheism.' Long may children 
 practise this excellent compromise ! It is really too far- 
 fetched to reason thus : ' People were bidden to honour 
 their parents, as a compromise between Monotheism and 
 ghost-worship.' Hard, hard bestead is he who has to 
 reason in that fashion ! This comes of ' training in the 
 use of the weapons of precision of science.' 
 
 Mr. Huxley goes on : ' The Ark of the Covenant may 
 have been a relic of ancestor- worship ; ' ' there is a good 
 deal to be said for that speculation.' Possibly there is, 
 by way of the valuable hypothesis that Jehovah was a 
 fetish stone which had been a grave-stone, or perhaps a 
 lingam, and was kept in the Ark on the plausible pretext 
 that it was the two Tables of the Law ! 
 
 However, Mr. Huxley really finds it safer to suppose 
 that references to ancestor-worship in the Bible were 
 obliterated by late monotheistic editors, who, none the less, 
 are so full and minute in their descriptions of the various 
 heresies into which Israel was eternally lapsing, and must 
 1 Science and Hebrew Tradition, p. 308.
 
 298 THE MAKING OF KEL1GION 
 
 not be allowed to lapse again. Had ancestor-worship 
 been a peche mignon of Israel, the Prophets would have 
 let Israel hear their mind on it. 
 
 The Hebrews' indifference to the departed soul is, 
 in fact, a puzzle, especially when we consider their 
 Egyptian education so important an element in Mr. 
 Huxley's theory. 
 
 Mr. Herbert Spencer is not more successful than 
 Mr. Huxley in finding ancestor - worship among the 
 Hebrews. On the whole subject he writes : 
 
 ' Where the levels of mental nature and social pro- 
 gress are lowest, we usually find, along with an absence 
 of religious ideas generally, an absence, or very slight 
 development, of ancestor -worship. . . . Cook [Captain 
 Cook], telling us what the Fuegians were before contact 
 with Europeans had introduced foreign ideas, said there 
 were no appearances of religion among them ; and we are 
 not told by him or others that they were ancestor- 
 worshippers.' * 
 
 Probably they are not ; but they do possess a Being who 
 reads their hearts, and who certainly shows no traces 
 of European ideas. If the Fuegians are not ancestor- 
 worshippers, this Being was not developed out of 
 ancestor- worship . 
 
 The evidence of Captain Cook, no anthropologist, but 
 a mariner who saw and knew little of the Fuegians, is 
 precisely of the sort against which Major Ellis warns us. 2 
 The more a religion consists in fear of a moral guardian 
 of conduct, the less does it show itself, by sacrifice or 
 rite, to the eyes of Captain Cook, of his Majesty's ship 
 Endeavour. Mr. Spencer places the Andamanese on the 
 same level as the Fuegians, ' so far as the scanty evidence 
 may be trusted.' We have shown that (as known to 
 
 1 Prin. Soc. p. 306. 2 TJie Tshi-spcaking Races, p. 182.
 
 THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 299 
 
 Mr. Spencer in 1876) it may not be trusted at all; the 
 Andamanese possessing a moral Supreme Being, though 
 they are not, apparently, ancestor-worshippers. The 
 Australians ' show us not much persistence in ghost- 
 propitiation,' which, if it exists, ceases when the corpses 
 are tied up and buried, or after they are burned, or after 
 the bones, carried about for a while, are exposed on 
 platforms. Yet many Australian tribes possess a moral 
 Supreme Being. 
 
 In fact ghost-worship, in Mr. Spencer's scheme, 
 cannot be fairly well developed till society reaches the 
 level of ' settled groups whose burial-places are in their 
 midst.' Hence the development of a moral Supreme 
 Being among tribes not thus settled, is inconceivable, on 
 Mr. Spencer's hypothesis. 1 By that hypothesis, ' wor- 
 shipped ancestors, according to their remoteness, were 
 regarded as divine, semi-divine, and human.' 2 Where we 
 find, then, the Divine Being among nomads who do not 
 remember their great-grandfathers, the Spencerian theory 
 is refuted by facts. We have the effect, the Divine Being, 
 without the cause, worship of ancestors. 
 
 Coming to the Hebrews, Mr. Spencer argues that 
 ' the silence of their legends (as to ancestor-worship) is 
 but a negative fact, which may be as misleading as 
 negative facts usually are.' They are, indeed ; witness 
 Mr. Spencer's own silence about savage Supreme Beings. 
 But we may fairly argue that if Israel had been given to 
 ancestor-worship (as might partly be surmised from the 
 mystery about the grave of Moses) the Prophets would 
 
 1 Some Australian tribes have cemeteries, and I have found one native 
 witness, King Billy, to the celebration of the mysteries near one of these 
 burying-places. I have not discovered other evidence to this effect, though 
 I have looked for it. The spot selected is usually ' near the camp,' and the 
 place for so large a camp is chosen, naturally, where the supply of food is 
 adequate. 
 
 2 Cf. the Aryans. Principles of Sociology, p. 314.
 
 300 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 not have spared them for their crying. The Prophets 
 were unusually outspoken men, and, as they undeniably 
 do scold Israel for every other kind of conceivable heresy, 
 they were not likely to be silent about ancestor-worship, 
 if ancestor-worship existed. Mr. Spencer, then, rather 
 heedlessly, though correctly, argues that ' nomadic habits 
 are unfavourable to evolution of the ghost-theory.' 1 Alas, 
 this gives away the whole case ! For, if all men began 
 as nomads, and nomadic habits are unfavourable even to 
 the ordinary ghost, how did the Australian and other 
 nomads develop the Supreme Being, who, ex hypothesi, 
 is the final fruit of the ghost-flower ? If you cannot have 
 ' an established ancestor- worship ' till you abandon nomadic 
 habits, how, while still nomadic, do you evolve a Supreme 
 Being ? Obviously not out of ancestor- worship. 
 
 Mr. Spencer then assigns, as evidence for ancestor- 
 worship in Israel, mourning dresses, fasting, the law 
 against self-bleeding and cutting off the hair for the 
 dead, and the text (Deut. xxvi. 14) about ' I have not 
 given aught thereof for the dead.' ' Hence, the conclusion 
 must be that ancestor-worship had developed as far as 
 nomadic habits allowed, before it was repressed by a 
 higher worship.' 2 But whence came that higher worship 
 which seems to have intervened immediately after the 
 cessation of nomadic habits ? 
 
 There are obvious traces of grief expressed in a 
 primitive way among the Hebrews. 'Ye shall not cut 
 yourselves, nor make any baldness between your eyes for 
 the dead ' (Deut. xiv. 1). ' Neither shall men lament for 
 them, nor cut themselves, nor make themselves bald for 
 them ; neither shall men tear themselves for them in 
 mourning, to comfort them for the dead ' (by way of 
 counter-irritant to grief) ; ' neither shall men give them the 
 
 1 Principles, p. 316. 2 Ibid. p. 317.
 
 THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 301 
 
 cup of consolation to drink for their father or their 
 mother,' because the Jews were to be removed from their 
 homes. 1 ' Ye shall not make any cuttings in your flesh 
 for the dead, nor print any marks upon you.' 2 
 
 It may be usual to regard inflictions, such as cutting, 
 by mourners, as sacrifices to the ghost of the dead. But one 
 has seen a man strike himself a heavy blow on receiving 
 news of a loss not by death, and I venture to fancy 
 that cuttings and gashings at funerals are merely a more 
 violent form of appeal to a counter-irritant of grief, and, 
 again, a token of recklessness caused by a sorrow which 
 makes void the world. One of John Nicholson's native 
 adorers killed himself on news of that warrior's death, 
 saying, ' What is left worth living for ? ' This was not a 
 sacrifice to the Manes of Nicholson. The sacrifice of the 
 mourner's hair, as by Achilles, argues a similar indifference 
 to personal charm. Once more, the text in Psalm cvi. 28, 
 ' They joined themselves unto Baal-Peor, and ate the sacri- 
 fices of the dead,' is usually taken by commentators as a 
 reference to the ritual of gods who are no gods. But it 
 rather seems to indicate an acquiescence in foreign burial 
 rites. All this additional evidence does not do much to 
 prove ancestor-worship in Israel, though the secrecy of the 
 burial of Moses, ' in a valley of the land of Moab, over 
 against Beth-peor ; but no man knoweth of his sepulchre 
 to this day,' may indicate a dread of a nascent worship 
 of the great leader. 3 The scene of the defection in 
 Psalm cvi., Beth-peor, is indicated in Numbers xxv., where 
 Israel runs after the girls and the gods of Moab : ' And 
 Moab called the people unto the sacrifices of their gods ; 
 and the people did eat, and bowed down to their gods. 
 And Israel joined himself unto Baal-peor.' Psalm cvi. is 
 
 1 Jeremiah xvi. 6, 7. " Leviticus xix. 28. 
 
 3 Deuteronomy xxxiv. G.
 
 302 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 obviously a later restatement of this addiction to the 
 Moabite gods, and the Psalm adds ' they ate the sacrifices 
 of the dead.' 
 
 It is plain that, for whatever reason, ancestor- worship 
 among the Hebrews was, at the utmost, rudimentary. 
 Otherwise it must have been clearly denounced by the 
 Prophets among the other heresies of Israel. Therefore, 
 as being at the most rudimentary, ancestor-worship in 
 Israel could not be developed at once into the worship of 
 Jehovah. 
 
 Though ancestor-worship among the Hebrews could 
 not be fully developed, according to Mr. Spencer, because 
 of their nomadic habits, it was fully developed, according 
 to the Eev. A. W. Oxford. ' Every family, like every old 
 Roman and Greek family, was firmly held together by the 
 worship of its ancestors, the hearth was the altar, the 
 head of the family the priest. . . . The bond which kept 
 together the families of a tribe was its common religion, 
 the worship of its reputed ancestor. The chief of the 
 tribe was, of course, the priest of the cult.' Of course ; 
 but what a pity that Mr. Huxley and Mr. Spencer omitted 
 facts so invaluable to their theory ! And how does the 
 Eev. Mr. Oxford know ? Well, ' there is no direct proof,' 
 oddly enough, of so marked a feature in Hebrew religion, 
 but we are referred to 1 Sam. xx. 29 and Judges xviii. 19. 
 1 Sam. xx. 29 makes Jonathan say that David wants 
 to go to a family sacrifice, that is, a family dinner 
 party. This hardly covers the large assertions made by 
 Mr. Oxford. His second citation is so unlucky as to con- 
 tradict his observation that ' of course ' the chief of the 
 tribe was the priest of the cult. Micah, in Judges xvii., 
 xviii., is not the chief of his tribe (Ephraim), neither is he 
 even the priest in his own house. He ' consecrated one 
 of his own sons who became his priest,' till he got hold of
 
 THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 303 
 
 a casual young Levite, and said, ' Be unto me a father and 
 a priest,' for ten shekels per annum, a suit of clothes, and 
 board and lodging. 
 
 In place, then, of any remote reference to a chief's 
 being priest of his ancestral ghosts, we have here a 
 man of one tribe who is paid rather handsomely to be 
 family chaplain to a member of another tribe. Some 
 moss-troopers of the tribe of Dan then kidnapped this 
 valuable young Levite, and seized a few idols which 
 Micah had permitted himself to make. And all this, 
 according to our clerical authority, is evidence for 
 ancestor-worship ! l 
 
 All this appears to be derived from some incoherent 
 speculations of Stade. For example, that learned German 
 cites the story of Micah as a proof that the different 
 tribes or clans had different religions. This must be so, 
 because the Danites asked the young Levite whether it 
 was not better to be priest to a clan than to an individual ? 
 It is as if a patron offered a rich living to somebody's 
 private chaplain, saying that the new position was more 
 creditable and lucrative. This would hardly prove a 
 difference of religion between the individual and the 
 parish. 2 
 
 Mr. Oxford next avers that ' the earliest form of the 
 Israelite religion was Fetishism or Totemism.' This is 
 another example of Stade's logic. Finding, as he believes, 
 names suggestive of Totemism in Simeon, Levi, Rachel, 
 and so on, Stade leaps to the conclusion that Totemism in 
 Israel was prior to anything resembling monotheism. 
 For monotheism, he argues, could not give the germs of 
 the clan or tribal organisation, while Totemism could do so. 
 Certainly it could, but as, in many regions (America, 
 
 1 Slwrt Introduction to History of Ancient Israel, pp. 83, 84. 
 
 2 Stade, i. 403.
 
 304 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Australia), we find Totemism and the belief in a benevo- 
 lent Supreme Being co-existing among savages, when first 
 observed by Europeans, we cannot possibly say dogmati- 
 cally whether a rough monotheism or whether Totemism 
 came first in order of evolution. This holds as good of 
 Israel (if once totemistic) as it does of Pawnees or 
 Kurnai. Stade has overlooked these well-known facts, 
 and his opinion filters into a cheap hand-book, and is set 
 in examinations ! l 
 
 We also learn from Mr. Oxford's popular manual 
 of German Biblical conjecture that 'Jehovah was not 
 represented as a loving Father, but as a Being easily 
 roused to wrath,' a thing most incident to loving fathers. 
 
 Again, Mr. Oxford avers that ' the old Israelites knew 
 no distinction between physical and moral evil. . . . The 
 conception of Jehovah's holiness had nothing moral in it ' 
 (p. 90). This rather contradicts "VVellhausen : 'In all 
 ancient primitive peoples . . . religion furnishes a motive 
 for law and morals ; in the case of none did it become 
 so with such purity and power as in that of the 
 Israelites.' 2 
 
 We began by examining Mr. Huxley's endeavours to 
 find traces of ancestor-worship (in his opinion the origin 
 of Jehovah-worship) among the Israelites. We next 
 criticised Mr. Spencer's efforts in the same quest, and the 
 more dogmatic assertions of Mr. Oxford and Stade. We 
 now return to Mr. Huxley's account of the evolution from 
 ghost-cult to the cult of Jehovah. 
 
 From the history of the Witch of Endor, which 
 Mr. Huxley sees no reason to regard as other than a 
 
 1 Stade, i. 406. 
 
 2 Wellhausen, History of Israel, p. 437. Mr. Oxford's book is only 
 noticed here because it is meant for a popular manual. As Mr. Henry 
 Foker says, ' it seems a pity that the clergy should interfere in these 
 matters.'
 
 THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 305 
 
 sincere statement of what really occurred, he gathers 
 that the Witch cried out, ' I see Elohim.' These Elohim 
 proved to be the phantasm of the dead Samuel. Moved 
 by this hallucination the Witch uttered a veridical pre- 
 monition, totally adverse to her own interests, and 
 uncommonly dangerous to her life. This is, psychically, 
 interesting. The point, however, is that Elohim is a 
 term equivalent to Red Indian WaJcan, Fijian Kalou, 
 Maori or Melanesian Mana, meaning the ' supernatural,' 
 the vaguely powerful in fact X. 
 
 This particular example of Elohim was a phantasm of 
 the dead, but Elohim is also used of the highest Divine 
 Being, therefore the highest Divine Being is of the same 
 genus as a ghost so Mr. Huxley reasons. ' The difference 
 which was supposed to exist between the different Elohim 
 was one of degree, not of kind.' ! 
 
 ' If Jehovah was thus supposed to differ only in degree 
 from the undoubtedly zoomorphic or anthropomorphic 
 " gods of the nations," why is it to be assumed that he 
 also was not thought to have a human shape ? ' He was 
 thought to have a human shape, at one time, by some 
 theorists : no doubt exists on that head. That, however, 
 is not where we demur. We demur when, because an 
 hallucination of the Witch of Endor (probably still in- 
 completely developed) is called by her Elohim, therefore 
 the highest Elohim is said by Mr. Huxley to differ from 
 a ghost only in degree, not in kind. Elohim, or El, the 
 creative, differs from a ghost in hind, because he, in 
 Hebrew belief, never was a ghost, he is immortal and 
 without beginning. 
 
 Mr. Huxley now enforces his theory by a parallel 
 between the religion of Tonga and the religion of Israel 
 under the Judges. He quotes Mariner,'- 2 whose statement 
 
 1 Science and Hebrew Tradition, p. 299. " ii. 127. 
 
 X
 
 306 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 avers that there is a supreme Tongan being : ' of his 
 origin they had no idea, rather supposing him to be 
 eternal. His name is Ta-li-y-Tooboo =" Wait-there- 
 Toobqo." ' He is a great chief from the top of the sky 
 down to the bottom of the earth.' He, and other ' original 
 gods ' of his making, are carefully and absolutely dis- 
 criminated from the atua, which are ' the human soul 
 after its separation from the body.' All Tongan gods are 
 atua (Elohim), but all atua are not 'original gods,' 
 unserved by priests, and unpropitiated by food or liba- 
 tion, like the highest God, Ta-li-y-Tooboo, the Eternal of 
 Tonga. ' He occasionally inspires the How ' (elective 
 King), but often a How is not inspired at all by Ta-li-y- 
 Tooboo, any more than Saul, at last, was inspired by 
 Jehovah. 
 
 Surely there is a difference in kind between an 
 eternal, immortal God, and a ghost, though both are 
 atua, or both are Elohim the unknown X. 
 
 Many people call a ghost ' supernatural ; ' they also 
 call God ' supernatural,' but the difference between a 
 phantasm of a dead man and the Deity they would 
 admit, I conceive, to be a difference of kind. We have 
 shown, or tried to show, that the conceptions of ' ghost ' 
 and ' Supreme Being ' are different, not only in kind, but 
 in origin. The ghost comes from, and depends on, the 
 animistic theory ; the Supreme Being, as originally thought 
 of, does not. All Gods are Elohim, kalou, wakan ; all 
 Elohim, kalou, wakan are not Gods. 
 
 A ghost-god should receive food or libation. Mr. 
 Huxley says that Ta-li-y-Tooboo did so. ' If the god, 
 like Ta-li-y-Tooboo, had no priest, then the chief place 
 was left vacant, and was supposed to be occupied by the 
 god himself. When the first cup of Kava was filled, the 
 mataboole who acted as master of the ceremonies said,
 
 THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 307 
 
 *' Give it to your god," and it was offered, though only as 
 a matter of form.' l 
 
 This is incorrect. In the case of Ta-li-y-Tooboo 
 * there is no cup filled for the god." 2 'Before any .cup is 
 filled the man by the side of the bowl says : " The Kava 
 is in the cup"' (which it is not), 'and the mafcaboole 
 answers, " Give it to your god;"' but the Kava is not 
 in the cup, and the Tongan Eternal receives no oblation. 
 The sacrifice, says Mr. Huxley, meant ' that the god 
 was either a deified ghost, or, at any rate, a being of like 
 nature to these.' 3 But as Ta-li-y-Tooboo had no sacrifice, 
 contrary to Mr. Huxley's averment, he was not 'a deified 
 ghost, or a being of like nature to these.' To the lower, 
 non-ghostly Tongan gods the animistic habit of sacrifice 
 had been extended, but not yet to the Supreme Being. 
 
 Ah, if Mr. Gladstone, or the Duke of Argyll, or some 
 bishop had made a misstatement of this kind, how Mr. 
 Huxley would have crushed him ! But it is a mere error 
 of careless reading, such as we all make daily. 
 
 It is manifest that we cannot prove Jehovah to be a 
 ghost by the parallel of a Tongan god, who, by ritual and 
 by definition, was not a ghost. The proof therefore rests 
 on the anthropomorphised pre-prophetic accounts, and on 
 the ritual, of Jehovah. But man naturally ' anthropises ' 
 his deities : he does not thereby demonstrate that they 
 were once ghosts. 
 
 As regards the sacrifices to Jehovah, the sweet savour 
 which he was supposed to enjoy (contrary to the opinion 
 of the Prophets), these sacrifices afford the best presump- 
 tion that Jehovah was a ghost-god, or a god constructed 
 on ghostly lines. 
 
 But we have shown that among the lowest races 
 
 1 Science and Hebrew Tradition, p. 331. 
 
 - Mariner, ii. 205. 3 Op. cit. p. 335. 
 
 x 2
 
 308 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 neither are ghosts worshipped by sacrifice, nor does the 
 Supreme Being, Darumulun or Puluga, receive food 
 offerings. We have also instanced many Supreme Beings 
 of more advanced races, Ahone, and Dendid, and Nyan- 
 kupon, who do not sniff the savour of any offerings. If 
 then (as in the case of Taa-roa), a Supreme Being does 
 receive sacrifice, we may argue that a piece of animistic 
 ritual, not connected with the Supreme Being in Australia 
 or Andaman, not connected with his creed in Virginia or 
 Africa (where ghost-gods do receive sacrifice) may in 
 other regions be transferred from ghost-gods to the 
 Supreme Being, who never was a ghost. There seems to 
 be nothing incredible or illogical in the theory of such 
 transference. 
 
 On a God who never was a ghost men may come to 
 confer sacrifices (which are not made to Baiame and 
 the rest) because, being in the habit of thus propitiating 
 one set of bodiless powers, men may not think it civil 
 or safe to leave another set of powers out. By his 
 very nature, man must clothe all gods with some human 
 passions and attributes, unless, like a large number of 
 savages, he leaves his high God severely alone, and is the 
 slave of fetishes and spectres. But that practice makes 
 against the ghost-theory. 
 
 In the attempt to account thus, namely by trans- 
 ference, for the sacrifices to Jehovah, we are met by a 
 difficulty of our own making. If the Israelites did not 
 sacrifice to ancestors (as we have shown that there is 
 very scant reason for supposing that they did), how 
 could they transfer to Jehovah the rite which, by our 
 hypothesis, they are not proved to have offered to 
 ancestors ? 
 
 This is certainly a hard problem, harder (or perhaps 
 easier), because we know so very little of the early history
 
 309 
 
 of the Hebrews. According to their own traditions, 
 Israel had been in touch with all manner of races much 
 more advanced than themselves in material culture, and 
 steeped in highly developed polytheistic Animism. Ac- 
 cording to their history, the Israelites ' went a-whoring ' 
 incorrigibly after strange gods. It is impossible, per- 
 haps, to disentangle the foreign and the native elements. 
 
 It may therefore be tentatively suggested that early 
 Israel had its Ahone in a Being perhaps not yet named 
 Jehovah. Israel entertained, however, perhaps by reason 
 of ' nomadic habits,' only the scantiest concern about 
 ancestral ghosts. We then find an historical tradition 
 of secular contact between Israel and Egypt, from which 
 Israel emerges with Jehovah for God, and a system of 
 sacrifices. Kegarding Jehovah as a revived memory of 
 the moral Supreme Being whom Israel must have known 
 in extremely remote ages (unless Israel was less favoured 
 than Australians, Bushmen, or Andamanese), we might 
 look on the sacrifices to him as an adaptation from the 
 practices of religion among races more settled than Israel, 
 and more civilised. 1 
 
 Speculation on subjects so remote must be conjectural, 
 but our suggestion would, perhaps, account for sacrifices 
 to Jehovah, paid by a race which, by reason of ' nomadic 
 habits,' was never much given to ancestor-worship, but 
 had been in contact with great sacrificing, polytheistic 
 civilisations. Mr. Huxley, however, while he seems to 
 slur the essential distinction between ghost-gods and the 
 Eternal, grants, later, that ' there are very few people (s ?) 
 without additional gods, which cannot, with certainty, be 
 
 1 Of course, it is understood that Israel (in the dark backward and 
 abysm of time) may also have been totemistic, like the Australians, as 
 texts pointed out by Mr. Robertson Smith seem to hint. There was also 
 worship of terapliim, respect paid to stones and trees, and so forth.
 
 310 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 accounted for as deified ancestors.' Ta-li-y-Tooboo, of 
 course, is one of these gods, as is Jehovah. Mr. Huxley 
 gives no theory of liow these gods came into belief, except 
 the suggestion that ' the polytheistic theology has be- 
 come modified by the selection of the cosmic or tribal 
 god, as the only god to whom worship is due on the part 
 of that nation,' without prejudice to the right of other 
 nations to worship other gods. 1 This is 'monolatry,' and 
 ' the ethical code, often of a very high order, comes into 
 closer relation with the theological creed,' why, we are 
 not informed. Nor do we learn out of what polytheistic 
 deities Jehovah was selected, nor for what reason. The 
 hypothesis, as usual, breaks down on the close relation 
 between the ethical code and the theological creed, among 
 low savages, with -a relatively Supreme Being, but without 
 ancestor-worship, and without polytheistic gods from 
 whom to select a heavenly chief. 
 
 Whence came the moral element in the idea of 
 Jehovah ? Mr. Huxley supposes that, during their resi- 
 dence in the land of Goshen (and a fortiori before it), the 
 Israelites ' knew nothing of Jehovah.' 2 They were poly- 
 theistic idolaters. This follows, apparently, from Ezekiel 
 xx. 5 : ' In the day when I chose Israel, and lifted up mine 
 hand unto the seed of the house of Jacob, and made my- 
 self known unto them in the land of Egypt.' The Biblical 
 account is that the God of Moses's fathers, the God 
 of Abraham, enlightened Moses in Sinai, giving his name 
 as ' I am that I am ' (Exodus iii. 6, 14 ; translation 
 uncertain). We are to understand that Moses, a religious 
 reformer, revived an old, and, in the Egyptian bondage, 
 a half-obliterated creed of the ancient nomadic Beni- 
 Israel. They were no longer to ' defile themselves with 
 the idols of Egypt,' as they had obviously done. We 
 
 1 Science and Hebrew Tradition, p. 349. - P. 351.
 
 THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 311 
 
 really know no more about the matter. Wellhausen 
 says that Jehovah was ' originally a family or tribal god, 
 either of the family of Moses or of the tribe of Joseph.' 
 How a family could develop a Supreme Being all to itself, 
 we are not informed, and we know of no such analogous 
 case in the ethnographic field. Again, Jehovah was ' only 
 a special name of El, current within a powerful circle.' 
 And who was El ? l ' Moses was not the first dis- 
 coverer of the faith.' Probably not, but Mr. Huxley 
 seems to think that he was. 
 
 Wellhausen's and other German ideas filter into 
 popular traditions, as we saw, through 'A Short Intro- 
 duction to the History of Ancient Israel ' (pp. 19, 20), by 
 the Eev. A. W. Oxford, M.A., Vicar of St. Luke's, Soho. 
 Here follows Mr. Oxford's undeniably ' short way with 
 Jehovah.' ' Moses was the founder of the Israelite reli- 
 gion. Jehovah, his family or tribal god, perhaps origi- 
 nally the God of the Kenites, was taken as a tribal god 
 by all the Israelite tribes .... That Jehovah was not 
 the original god of Israel ' (as the Bible impudently 
 alleges) ' but was the god of the Kenites, we see mainly 
 from Deut. xxxiii. 2, Judges v. 4, 5, and from the 
 history of Jethro, who, according to Judges i. 16, was a 
 Kenite.' 
 
 The first text says that, according to Moses, ' the Lord 
 came from Sinai,' rose up from Seir, and shone from 
 Mount Paran. The second text mentions Jehovah's 
 going up out of Seir and Sinai. The third text says 
 that Jethro, Moses's Kenite (or Midianite) father-in-law, 
 dwelt among the people of Judah ; Jethro being a priest 
 of Midian. How all this proves that ' Moses was a great 
 impostor,' as the poet says, and that Jehovah was not ' the 
 original God of Israel,' but (1) Moses's family or tribal 
 
 1 History of Israel, p. 443 note.
 
 312 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 god, or (2) ' the god of the Kenites,' I profess my inability 
 to comprehend. 
 
 Wellhausen himself had explained Jehovah as ' a 
 family or tribal god, either of the family of Moses ' (tribe 
 of Levi) ' or of the tribe of Joseph.' It seems to be all 
 one to Mr. Oxford whether Jehovah was a god of Moses's 
 tribe or quite the reverse, ' a Kenite god.' Yet it really 
 makes a good deal of difference ! For in a complex of 
 tribes, speaking one language, it is to the last degree 
 unexampled (within my knowledge) that one tribe, or 
 family, possesses, all to itself, a family god who is also 
 the Creator and is later accepted as such by all the other 
 tribes. One may ask for instances of such a thing in any 
 known race, in any stage of culture. Peru will not help 
 us not the Creator, Pachacamac, but the Sun, is the 
 god of the Inca family. If, on the other hand, Jehovah 
 was a Kenite god, the Kenites were a half-Arab Semitic 
 people connected with Israel, and may very well have 
 retained traditions of a Supreme Being which, in Egypt, 
 were likely to be dimmed, as Exodus asserts, by foreign 
 religions. The learned Stade, to be sure, may disbelieve 
 in Israel's sojourn in Egypt, but that revolutionary 
 opinion is not necessarily binding on us and involves a 
 few difficulties. 
 
 Have critics and manual-makers no knowledge of the 
 science of comparative religion ? Are they unaware that 
 peoples infinitely more backward than Israel was at 
 the date supposed have already moral Supreme Beings 
 acknowledged over vast tracts of territory ? Have they a 
 tittle of positive evidence that early Israel was benighted 
 beyond the darkness of Bushmen, Andamanese, Pawnees, 
 Blackfeet, Hurons, Indians of British Guiana, Dinkas, 
 Negroes, and so forth ? Unless Israel had this rare ill- 
 luck (which Israel denies) of course Israel must have had
 
 THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 313 
 
 a secular tradition, however dim, of a Supreme Being. 
 We must ask for a single instance of a family or tribe, in 
 a complex of semi-barbaric but not savage tribes of one 
 speech, owning a private deity who happened to be the 
 Maker and Ruler of the world, and, as such, was accepted 
 by all the tribes. Jehovah came out from Sinai, because, 
 there having been a Theophany at Sinai, that mountain 
 was regarded as one of his seats. 1 
 
 We have seen that it seemed to make no difference to 
 Mr. Oxford whether Jehovah was a god of Moses's family 
 or tribe or a Kenite god. The former (with the alter- 
 native of Joseph's family or tribal god) is Wellhausen's 
 theory. The latter is Stade's. 2 Each is inconsistent 
 with the other ; Wellhausen's fancy is inconsistent with 
 all that we know of religious development : Stade's is 
 hopelessly inconsistent with Exodus iv. 24-26, where 
 Moses's Kenite wife reproaches him for a ceremony of 
 his, not of her, religion. Therefore the Kenite differed 
 from the Hebrew sacra. 
 
 The passage is very extraordinary, and is said by 
 critics to be very archaic. After the revelation of the 
 Burning Bush, Jehovah met Moses and his Kenite wife, 
 Zipporah, and their child, at a khan. Jehovah was 
 anxious to slay Moses, nobody ever knew why, so Zipporah 
 appeased Jehovah's wrath by circumcising her boy with a 
 flint. 'A bloody husband art thou to me,' she said, 
 ' because of the circumcision ' an Egyptian, but clearly 
 not a Kenite practice. Whatever all this may mean, it 
 does not look as if Zipporah expected such rites as 
 circumcision in the faith of a Kenite husband, nor does 
 it favour the idea that the sacra of Moses were of Kenite 
 origin. 
 
 Without being a scholar, or an expert in Biblical 
 1 Rel. of Semites. 2 Gcscldclite dcs Volkcs Israel, i. 130.
 
 314 THE MAKING OF KELIGION 
 
 criticism, one may protest against the presentation to 
 the manual - reading intellectual middle classes of a 
 theory so vague, contradictory, and (by all analogy) so 
 impossible as Mr. Oxford collects from German writers. 
 Of course, the whole subject, so dogmatically handled, is 
 mere matter of dissentient opinion among scholars. Thus 
 M. Renan derives the name of Jehovah from Assyria, 
 from ' Aramaised Chaldseanism.' 1 In that case the name 
 was long anterior to the residence in Egypt. But again, 
 perhaps Jehovah was a local god of Sinai, or a provincial 
 deity in Palestine. 2 He was known to very ancient sages, 
 who preferred such names as El Shaddai and Elohim. 
 In short, we have no certainty on the subject. 3 
 
 I need hardly say, perhaps, that I have no antiquated 
 prejudice against Biblical criticism. Assuredly the Bible 
 must be studied like any other collection of documents, 
 linguistically, historically, and in the light of the com- 
 parative method. The leading ideas of Wellhausen, for 
 example, are conspicuous for acumen : the humblest lay- 
 man can see that. But one may protest against criti- 
 cising the Bible, or Homer, by methods like those which 
 prove Shakspeare to have been Bacon. One must protest, 
 too, against the presentation of inconsistent and probably 
 baseless critical hypotheses in the dogmatic brevity of 
 cheap handbooks. 
 
 Yet again, whence comes the moral element in 
 Jehovah ? Mr. Huxley thinks that it possibly came from 
 the ethical practice and theory of Egypt. In the Egyp- 
 tian Book of the Dead, ' a sort of Guide to Spirit Land,' 
 there are moral chapters ; the ghost tells his judges in 
 Amenti what sins he has not committed. Many of 
 
 1 Histoirc du Peuple d' Israel, citing Schrader, p. 23. 2 Op. cit. p. 85. 
 
 * See Professor Robertson's Early Religion of Israel for a list of these 
 conjectures, and, generally, for criticisms of the occasional vagaries of 
 critics.
 
 THEORIES OF JEHOVAH 315 
 
 these sins are forbidden in the Ten Commandments. 
 They are just as much forbidden in the precepts of 
 Darumulun or Pundjel. Moses did not need the Book of 
 the Dead to teach him elementary morals. From the 
 mysteries of Mtanga or Pundjel he might have learned, 
 also, had he been present, to love his neighbour as him- 
 self. If the creed of Jehovah, or of El, retained only as 
 much of ethics as is under divine sanction among the 
 Kurnai, adaptation from the Book of the Dead was super- 
 fluous. 
 
 The care for the departed, the ritual of the Ka, the 
 intense pre-occupation with the future life, which, far 
 more than its morality, are the essential characteristics of 
 the Book of the Dead Israel cared for none of these 
 animistic things, brought none of these, or very little of 
 these, out of the land of Egypt. Moses was certainly 
 very eclectic ; he took only the morality of Egypt. 
 But as Mr. Huxley advances this opinion tentatively,, 
 as having no secure historical authority about Moses, 
 it hardly answers our question, Whence came the moral 
 element in Jehovah ? One may surmise that it was the 
 survival of the primitive divinely sanctioned ethics of the 
 ancient savage ancestors of the Israelite, known to them, 
 as to the Kurnai, before they had a pot, or a bronze 
 knife, or seed to sow, or sheep to herd, or even a tent 
 over their heads. In the counsels of eternity Israel was 
 chosen to keep burning, however obscured with smoke 
 of sacrifice, that flame which illumines the darkest places 
 of the earth, ' a light to lighten the Gentiles, and the 
 glory of thy people Israel ' a flame how litten a light 
 whence shining, history cannot inform us, and anthro- 
 pology can but conjecture. Here scientific nescience is 
 wiser than the cocksureness of popular science, with her 
 ghosts and fetish -stones, and gods that sprang from
 
 316 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 ghosts, which ghosts, however, could not be developed, 
 owing to nomadic habits. 
 
 It appears, then, if our general suggestion meets with 
 any acceptance, that what occurred in the development 
 of Hebrew religion was precisely what the Bible tells us 
 did occur. This must necessarily seem highly para- 
 doxical to our generation ; but the whole trend of our 
 provisional system makes in favour of the paradox. If 
 savage nomadic Israel had the higher religious concep- 
 tions proved to exist among several of the lowest known 
 races, these conceptions might be revived by a leader of 
 genius. They might, in a crisis of tribal fortunes, become 
 the rallying point of a new national sentiment. Ob- 
 scured, in some degree, by acquaintance with ' the idols 
 of Egypt,' and restricted and localised by the very 
 national sentiment which they fostered, these conceptions 
 were purified and widened far beyond any local, tribal, 
 or national restrictions widened far as the flammantia 
 mcenia mundi by the historically unique genius of the 
 Prophets. Blended with the doctrine of our Lord, and 
 recommended by the addition of Animism in its pure and 
 priceless form the reward of faith, hope, and charity in 
 eternal life the faith of Israel enlightened the world. 
 
 All this is precisely what occurred, according to the 
 Old and New Testaments. All this is just what, on our 
 hypothesis, might be expected to occur if, out of the 
 many races which, in their most backward culture, had 
 a rude conception of a Moral Creative Being, relatively 
 supreme, one race endured the education of Israel, showed 
 the comparative indifference of Israel to Animism and 
 ghost gods, listened to the Prophets of Israel, and gave 
 birth to a greater than Moses and the Prophets. 
 
 To this result the Logos, as Socrates says, has led us, 
 by the path of anthropology.
 
 317 
 
 XVII 
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 WE may now glance backward at the path which we 
 have tried to cut through the jungles of early religions. 
 It is not a highway, but the track of a solitary explorer ; 
 and this essay pretends to be no more than a sketch 
 not an exhaustive survey of creeds. Its limitations are 
 obvious, but may here be stated. The higher and even 
 the lower polytheisms are only alluded to in passing, our 
 object being to keep well in view the conception of a 
 Supreme, or practically Supreme, Being, from the lowest 
 stages of human culture up to Christianity. In poly- 
 theism that conception is necessarily obscured, showing 
 itself dimly either in the Prytanis, or President of the 
 Immortals, such as Zeus ; or in Fate, behind and above 
 the Immortals ; or in Mr. Max Muller's Henotheism, 
 where the god addressed Indra, or Sorna, or Agni is, 
 for the moment, envisaged as supreme, and is adored in 
 something like a monotheistic spirit ; or, finally, in the 
 etherealised deity of advanced philosophic speculation. 
 
 It has not been necessary, for our purpose, to dwell 
 on these civilised religions. Granting our hypothesis of 
 an early Supreme Being among savages, obscured later 
 by ancestor-worship and ghost-gods, but not often 
 absolutely lost to religious tradition, the barbaric and the 
 civilised polytheisms easily take their position in line, 
 and are easily intelligible. Space forbids a discussion of 
 all known religions; only typical specimens have been
 
 318 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 selected. Thus, nothing has been said of the religion 
 of the great Chinese empire. It appears to consist, on its 
 higher plane, of the worship of Heaven as a great fetish- 
 god a worship which may well have begun in days, as 
 Dr. Brinton says, ' long ere man had asked himself, " Are 
 the heavens material and God spiritual?" perhaps, 
 for all we know, before the idea of ' spirit ' had been 
 evolved. Thus, if it contains nothing more august, the 
 Chinese religion is, so far, beneath that of the Zunis, or 
 the creed in Taa-roa, in Beings who are eternal, who 
 were before earth was or sky was. The Chinese religion 
 of Heaven is also coloured by Chinese political conditions ; 
 Heaven (Tien) corresponds to the Emperor, and tends to 
 be confounded with Shang-ti, the Emperor above. ' Dr. 
 Legge charges Confucius,' says Mr. Tylor, ' with an 
 inclination to substitute, in his religious teaching, the 
 name of Tien, Heaven, for that known to more ancient 
 religion, and used in more ancient books Shang-ti, the 
 personal ruling deity.' If so, China too has its ancient 
 Supreme Being, who is not a divinised aspect of nature. 
 
 But Mr. Tylor's reading, in harmony with his general 
 theory, is different : 
 
 ' It seems, rather, that the sage was, in fact, uphold- 
 ing the tradition of the ancient faith, thus acting according 
 to the character on which he prided himself that of a 
 transmitter, not a maker, a preserver of old knowledge, 
 not a new revealer.' l 
 
 This, of course, is purely a question of evidence, to be 
 settled by Sinologists. If the personal Supreme Being, 
 Shang-ti, occupies in older documents the situation held 
 by Tien (Heaven) in Confucius's later system, why are 
 we to say that Confucius, by putting forward Heaven in 
 place of Shang-ti, was restoring an older conception? 
 
 1 Prim. Cult. ii. 352.
 
 CONCLUSION 319 
 
 Mr. Tylor's affection for his theory leads him, perhaps, to 
 that opinion ; while my affection for my theory leads me 
 to prefer documentary evidence in its favour. 
 
 The question can only be settled by specialists. As 
 matters stand, it seems to me probable that ancient 
 China possessed a Supreme Personal Being, more remote 
 and original than Heaven, just as the Zunis do. On the 
 lower plane, Chinese religion is overrun, as everyone 
 knows, by Animism and ancestor-worship. This is so 
 powerful that it has given rise to a native theory of 
 Euhemerism. The departmental deities of Chinese poly- 
 theism are explained by the Chinese on Euhemeristic 
 principles : 
 
 ' According to legend, the War God, or Military Sage, 
 was once, in human life, a distinguished soldier ; the 
 Swine God was a hog-breeder who lost his pigs and died 
 of sorrow ; the God of Gamblers was un decave.' l 
 
 These are not statements of fact, but of Chinese 
 Euhemeristic theory. On that hypothesis, Confucius 
 should now be a god ; but of course he is not ; his spirit 
 is merely localised in his temple, where the Emperor 
 worships him twice a year as ancestral spirits are 
 worshipped. 
 
 Every theorist will force facts into harmony with his 
 system, but I do not see that the Chinese facts are 
 contrary to mine. On the highest plane is either a 
 personal Supreme Being, Shang-ti, or there is Tien, Heaven 
 (with Earth, parent of men), neither of them necessarily 
 owing, in origin, anything to Animism. Then there is 
 the political reflection of the Emperor on Religion (which 
 cannot exist where there is no Emperor, King, or Chief, 
 and therefore must be late), there is the animistic rabble 
 of spirits ancestral or not, and there is departmental 
 
 1 Abridged from Prim. Cult. ii. 119.
 
 320 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 polytheism. The spirits are, of course, fed and furnished 
 by men in the usual symbolical way. Nothing shows or 
 hints that Shang-ti is merely an imaginary idealised first 
 ancestor. Indeed, about all such explanations of the 
 Supreme Being (say among the Kurnai) as an idealised 
 imaginary first ancestor, M. Reville justly observes as 
 follows : ' Not only have we seen that, in wide regions of 
 the uncivilised world, the worship of ancestors has invaded 
 a domain previously occupied by " Naturism " and Animism 
 properly so called, that it is, therefore, posterior to these ; 
 but, further, we do not understand, in Mr. Spencer's 
 system, why, in so many places, the first ancestor is the 
 Maker, if not the Creator of the world, Master of life and 
 death, and possessor of divine powers, not held by any of 
 his descendants. This proves that it was not the first 
 ancestor who became God, in the belief of his descendants, 
 but much rather the Divine Maker and Beginner of all, 
 who, in the creed of his adorers, became the first 
 ancestor.' l 
 
 Our task has been limited, in this way, mainly to 
 examination of the religion of some of the very lowest 
 races, and of the highest world-religions, such as Judaism. 
 The historical aspect of Christianity, as arising in the Life, 
 Death, and Resurrection of our Lord, would demand a 
 
 1 Histoire des Religions, ii. 237, note. M. Reville's system, it will be 
 observed, differs from mine in that he finds the first essays of religion in 
 worship of aspects of nature (naturisme) and in ' animism properly so 
 called,' by which he understands the instinctive, perhaps not explicitly 
 formulated, sense that all things whatever are animated and personal. I 
 have not remarked this aspect of belief as much prevalent in the most 
 backward races, and I do not try to look behind what we know historically 
 about early religion. I so far agree with M. Kville as to think the belief in 
 ghosts and spirits (Mr. Tylor's ' Animism ') not necessarily postulated in 
 the original indeterminate conception of the Supreme Being, or generally, 
 in ' Original Gods.' But M. Eeville says, ' L'objet de la religion humaine 
 est necessairement un esprit ' (ProUgomtnes, 107). This does not seem 
 consistent with his own theory.
 
 CONCLUSION 321 
 
 separate treatise. This would, in part, be concerned with 
 the attempts to find in the narratives concerning our 
 Lord, a large admixture of the mythology and ritual 
 connected with the sacrificed Rex Nemorensis, and what- 
 ever else survives in our rural Jack-in-the-Green. 1 
 
 After these apologies for the limitations of this essay, 
 we may survey the backward track. We began by 
 showing that savages may stumble, and have stumbled, 
 on theories not inconsistent with science, but not till 
 recently discovered by science. The electric origin of the 
 Aurora Borealis (whether absolutely certain or not) was 
 an example ; another was the efficacy of ' suggestion,' 
 especially for curative purposes. It was, therefore, hinted 
 that, if savages blundered (if you please) into a belief in 
 God and the Soul, however obscurely envisaged, these 
 beliefs were not therefore necessarily and essentially 
 false. We then stated our purpose of examining the 
 alleged supernormal phenomena, savage or civilised, 
 which, on Mr. Tylor's hypothesis, help to originate the 
 conception of ' spirits.' We defended the nature of our 
 evidence, as before anthropologists, by showing that, for 
 the savage belief in the supernormal phenomena, we have 
 exactly the kind of evidence on which all anthropological 
 science reposes. The relative weakness of that evidence, 
 our need of more and better evidence, we would be the 
 very last to deny, indeed it is part of our case. Our 
 existing evidence will hardly support any theory of religion. 
 Anyone who is in doubt on that head has only to read 
 M. Reville's ' Les Eeligions des Peuples Non-Civilises, ' 
 under the heads ' Melanesiens,' ' Mincopies,' 'Les Aus- 
 traliens' (ii. 116-143), when he will observe that this 
 eminent French authority is ignorant of the facts about 
 
 1 Compare Mr. Frazer's Golden IJovgh with Mr. Grant Allen's Evolution 
 of the Idea of God. 
 
 Y
 
 322 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 these races here produced. In 1883 they had not come 
 within his ken. Such minute and careful inquiries by 
 men closely intimate with the peoples concerned, as Dr. 
 Codrington's, Mr. Hewitt's, Mr. Man's, and the authori- 
 ties compiled by Mr. Brough Smyth, were unfamiliar to 
 M. Keville. Thus, in turn, new facts, or facts unknown 
 to us, may upset my theory. This peril is of the essence 
 of scientific theorising on the history of religion. 
 
 Having thus justified our evidence for the savage belief 
 in supernormal phenomena, as before anthropologists, 
 we turned to a court of psychologists in defence of our 
 evidence for the fact of exactly the same supernormal 
 phenomena in civilised experience. We pointed out that 
 for subjective psychological experiences, say of tele- 
 pathy, we had precisely the same evidence as all non- 
 experimental psychology must and does rest upon. Nay, 
 we have even experimental evidence, in experiments in 
 thought-transference. We have chiefly, however, state- 
 ments of subjective experience. For the coincidence of 
 such experience with unknown events we have such 
 evidence as, in practical life, is admitted by courts of 
 law. 
 
 Experimental psychology, of course, relies on experi- 
 ments conducted under the eyes of the expert, for 
 example, by hypnotism or otherwise, under Dr. Hack 
 Tuke, Professor James, M. Eichet, M. Janet. The evi- 
 dence is the conduct rather than the statements of the 
 subject. There is also physiological experiment, by vivi- 
 section (I regret to say) and post-mortem dissection. 
 But non-experimental psychology reposes on the self- 
 examination of the student, and on the statements of 
 psychological experiences made to him by persons whom 
 he thinks he can trust. The psychologist, however, if he 
 be, as Mr. Galton says, ' unimaginative in the strict but
 
 CONCLUSION 323 
 
 unusual sense of that ambiguous word,' needs Mr. Galton's 
 'word of warning.' He is asked 'to resist a too frequent 
 tendency to assume that the minds of every other sane 
 and healthy person must be like his own. The psycho- 
 logist should inquire into the minds of others as he should 
 into those of animals of different races, and be prepared to 
 find much to which his own experience can afford little 
 if any clue.' ' Mr. Galton had to warn the unimaginative 
 psychologist in this way, because he was about to unfold 
 his discovery of the faculty which presents numbers to 
 some minds as visualised coloured numerals, ' so vivid as 
 to be undistinguishable from reality, except by the aid 
 of accidental circumstances.' 
 
 Mr. Galton also found in his inquiries that occasional 
 hallucinations of the sane are much more prevalent than 
 he had supposed, or than science had ever taken into 
 account. All this was entirely new to psychologists, 
 many of whom still (at least many popular psychologists 
 of the press) appear to be unacquainted with the circum- 
 stances. One of them informed me, quite gravely, that 
 ' he never had an hallucination,' therefore his mind 
 being sane and healthy the inference seemed to be that 
 no sane and healthy mind was ever hallucinated. Mr. 
 Galton has replied to that argument ! His reply covers, 
 logically, the whole field of psychological faculties little 
 regarded, for example, by Mr. Sully, who is not exactly 
 an imaginative psychologist. 
 
 It covers the whole field of automatism (as in auto- 
 matic writing) perhaps of the divining rod, certainly of 
 crystal visions and of occasional hallucinations, as Mr. 
 Galton, in this last case, expressly declares. Psychologists 
 at least need not be told that such faculties cannot, any 
 more than other human faculties, be always evoked for 
 
 1 J.A. I. x. 85. 
 
 Y 2
 
 324 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 study and experiment. Our evidence for these faculties 
 and experiences, then, is usually of the class on which the 
 psychologist relies. But, when the psychologist, following 
 Leibnitz, Sir William Hamilton, and Kant, discusses the 
 Subconscious (for example, knowledge, often complex and 
 abundant, unconsciously acquired) we demonstrated by 
 examples that the psychologist will contentedly repose on 
 evidence which is not evidence at all. He will swallow 
 an undated, unlocalised legend of Coleridge, reaching 
 Coleridge on the testimony of rumour, and told at least 
 twenty years after the unverified occurrences. Nay, the 
 psychologist will never dream of procuring contempo- 
 rary evidence for such a monstrous statement as that 
 an ignorant German wench unconsciously acquired and 
 afterwards subconsciously reproduced huge cantles of 
 dead languages, by virtue of having casually heard a 
 former master recite or read aloud from Hebrew and Greek 
 books. This legend do psychologists accept on no evidence 
 at all, because it illustrates a theory which is, doubtless, a 
 very good theory, though, in this case, carried to an extent 
 ' imagination boggles at.' 
 
 Here the psychologist may reply that much less 
 evidence will content him for a fact to which he 
 possesses, at least, analogies in accredited experience, 
 than for a fact (say telepathic crystal-gazing) to which 
 he knows, in experience, nothing analogous. Thus, for 
 the mythical German handmaid, he has the analogy of 
 languages learned in childhood, or passages got up by 
 rote, being forgotten and brought back to ordinary con- 
 scious memory, or delirious memory, during an illness, 
 or shortly before death. Strong in these analogies, the 
 psychologist will venture to accept a case of language 
 not learned, but reproduced in delirious memory, on no 
 evidence at all. But, not possessing analogies for tele-
 
 CONCLUSION 325 
 
 pathic crystal-gazing, he will probably decline to examine 
 ours. 
 
 I would first draw his attention to the difference 
 between revived memory of a language once known 
 (Breton and Welsh in known examples), or learned by 
 rote (as Greek, in an anecdote of Goethe's), and verbal 
 reproduction of a language not known or learned by rote, 
 but overheard each passage probably but once as some- 
 body recited fragments. In this instance (that of the 
 mythical maid) ' the difficulty .... is that the original 
 impressions had not the strength that is, the distinct- 
 nessof the reproduction. An unknown language over- 
 heard is a mere sound . . . .' 1 
 
 The distinction here drawn is so great and obvious 
 that for proof of the German girl's case we need better 
 evidence than Coleridge's rumour of a rumour, cited, as it 
 is, by Hamilton, Maudsley, Carpenter, Du Prel, and the 
 common run of manuals. 
 
 Not that I deny, a priori, the possibility of Coleridge's 
 story. As Mr. Huxley says, ' strictly speaking, I am 
 unaware of anything that has a right to the title of an 
 " impossibility," except a contradiction in terms.' 2 To 
 the horror of some of his admirers, Mr. Huxley would not 
 call the existence of demons and demoniacal possession 
 ' impossible.' 3 Mr. Huxley was no blind follower of 
 Hume. I, too, do not call Coleridge's tale ' impossible,' 
 but, unlike the psychologists, I refuse to accept it on 
 ' Bardolph's security.' And I contrast their conduct, 
 in swallowing Coleridge's legend, with their refusal (if 
 they do refuse) to accept the evidence for the auto- 
 matic writing of not-consciously-known languages (as 
 of eleventh -century French poetry and prose by Mr. 
 
 ' Massey. Note to Du Prel, Philosophy of Mysticism, ii. 19. 
 
 ' L Science find Christian Tradition, p. 197. ;t Op. cit. p. 195.
 
 326 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Schiller), or their refusal (if they do refuse) to look at 
 the evidence for telepathic crystal-gazing, or any other 
 supernormal exhibitions of faculty, attested by living 
 and honourable persons. 
 
 I wish I saw a way for orthodox unimaginative psycho- 
 logy out of its dilemma. 
 
 After offering to anthropologists and psychologists 
 these considerations, which I purposely reiterate, we 
 examined historically the relations of science to 'the- 
 marvellous,' showing for example how Hume, following 
 his a priori theory of the impossible, would have declined 
 to investigate, because they were ' miraculous,' certain 
 occurrences which, to Charcot, were ordinary incidents in 
 medical experience. 
 
 We next took up and criticised the anthropological 
 theory of religion as expounded by Mr. Tylor. "We then 
 collected from his work a series of alleged supernormal 
 phenomena in savage belief, all making for the foundation 
 of animistic religion. Through several chapters we 
 pursued the study of these phenomena, choosing savage 
 instances, and setting beside them civilised testimony to 
 facts of experience. Our conclusion was that such 
 civilised experiences, if they occurred, as they are 
 universally said to do, among savages, would help to 
 originate, and would very strongly support the savage 
 doctrine of souls, the base of religion in the theory of 
 English anthropologists. But apart from the savage 
 doctrine of 'spirits' (whether they exist or not), the 
 evidence points to the existence of human faculties not 
 allowed for in the current systems of materialism. 
 
 We next turned from the subject of supernormal 
 experiences to the admitted facts about early religion. 
 Granting the belief in souls and ghosts and spirits, 
 however attained, how was the idea of a Supreme Being
 
 CONCLUSION 327 
 
 to be evolved out of that belief ? We showed that, taking 
 the creed as found in the lowest races, the processes put 
 forward by anthropologists could not account for its 
 evolution. The facts would not fit into, but contradicted, 
 the anthropological theory. The necessary social con- 
 ditions postulated were not found in places where the 
 belief is found. Nay, the necessary social conditions for 
 the evolution even of ancestor-worship were confessedly 
 not found where the supposed ultimate result of ancestor- 
 worship, the belief in a Supreme Being, flourished abun- 
 dantly. 
 
 Again, the belief in a Supreme Being, ex hypothesi 
 the latest in evolution, therefore the most potent, was 
 often shelved and half forgotten, or neglected, or ridiculed, 
 where the belief in Animism (ex hypothesi the earlier) 
 was in full vigour. We demonstrated by facts that 
 Anthropology had simplified her task by ignoring that 
 essential feature, the prevalent alliance of ethics with 
 religion, in the creed of the lowest and least developed 
 races. Here, happily, we have not only the evidence of 
 an earnest animist, Mr. Im Thurn, on our side, but that 
 of a distinguished Semitic scholar, the late Mr. Robertson 
 Smith. ' We see that even in its rudest forms Eeligion 
 was a moral force, the powers that man reveres were on 
 the side of social order and moral law ; and the fear of 
 the gods was a motive to enforce the laws of society, 
 which were also the laws of morality.' ' Wellhausen has 
 already been cited to the same effect. 
 
 However, the facts proving that much of the Deca- 
 logue and a large element of Christian ethics are divinely 
 sanctioned in savage religion are more potent than the 
 most learned opinion on that side. 
 
 Our next step was to examine in detail several reli- 
 1 Religion of tlie Semites, p. 53.
 
 328 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 gions of the most remote and backward races, of races 
 least contaminated with Christian or Islamite teaching. 
 Our evidence, when possible, was derived from ancient 
 and secret tribal mysteries, and sacred native hymns. 
 We found a relatively Supreme Being, a Creator, sanc- 
 tioning morality, and unpropitiated by sacrifice, among 
 peoples who go in dread of ghosts and wizards, but do 
 not always worship ancestors. We showed that the 
 anthropological theory of the evolution of God out of 
 ghosts in no way explains the facts in the savage con- 
 ception of a Supreme Being. We then argued that the 
 notion of ' spirit,' derived from ghost-belief, was not 
 logically needed for the conception of a Supreme Being 
 in its earliest form, was detrimental to the conception, 
 and, by much evidence, was denied to be part of the 
 conception. The Supreme Being, thus regarded, may be 
 (though he cannot historically be shown to be) prior to 
 the first notion of ghost and separable souls. 
 
 We then traced the idea of such a Supreme Being 
 through the creeds of races rising in the scale of material 
 culture, demonstrating that he was thrust aside by the 
 competition of ravenous but serviceable ghosts, ghost- 
 gods, and shades of kingly ancestors, with their magic 
 and their bloody rites. These rites and the animistic 
 conception behind them were next, in rare cases, re- 
 flected or refracted back on the Supreme Eternal. Aris- 
 tocratic institutions fostered polytheism with the old 
 Supreme Being obscured, or superseded, or enthroned as 
 Emperor-God, or King-God. We saw how, and in what 
 sense, the old degeneration theory could be defined and 
 defended. We observed traces of degeneration in certain 
 archaic aspects of the faith in Jehovah ; and we proved 
 that (given a tolerably pure low savage belief in a Supreme 
 Being) that belief must degenerate, under social condi-
 
 CONCLUSION 329 
 
 tions, as civilisation advanced. Next, studying what we 
 may call the restoration of Jehovah, under the great 
 Prophets of Israel, we noted that they, and Israel gene- 
 rally, were strangely indifferent to that priceless aspect of 
 Animism, the care for the future happiness, as conditioned 
 by the conduct of the individual soul. That aspect had been 
 neglected neither by the popular instinct nor the priestly 
 and philosophic reflection of Egypt, Greece, and Rome. '" 
 Christianity, last, combined what was good in Animism, 
 the care for the individual soul as an immortal spirit 
 under eternal responsibilities, with the One righteous 
 Eternal of prophetic Israel, and so ended the long, intri- 
 cate, and mysterious theological education of humanity. 
 Such is our theory, which does not, to us, appear to lack 
 evidence, nor to be inconsistent (as the anthropological 
 theory is apparently inconsistent) with the hypothesis of 
 evolution. 
 
 All this, it must be emphatically insisted on, is pro- 
 pounded ' under all reserves.' While these four stages, 
 say (1) the Australian unpropitiated Moral Being, 
 
 (2) the African neglected Being, still somewhat moral, 
 
 (3) the relatively Supreme Being involved in human 
 sacrifice, as in Polynesia, and (4) the Moral Being rein- 
 stated philosophically, or in Israel, do suggest steps in 
 evolution, we desire to base no hard-and-fast system of 
 ascending and descending degrees upon our present evi- 
 dence. The real object is to show that facts may be 
 regarded in this light, as well as in the light thrown by 
 the anthropological theory, in the hands whether of Mr. 
 Tylor, Mr. Spencer, M. Beville, or Mr. Jevons, whose 
 interesting work comes nearest to our provisional hypo- 
 thesis. We only ask for suspense of judgment, and for 
 hesitation in accepting the dogmas of modern manual- 
 makers. An exception to them certainly appears to be
 
 330 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Mr. Clodd, if we may safely attribute to him a review 
 (signed C.) of Mr. Grant Allen's ' Evolution of the Idea of 
 God.' 
 
 'We fear that all our speculations will remain sum- 
 maries of probabilities. No documents are extant to 
 enlighten us ; we have only mobile, complex and con- 
 fused ideas, incarnate in eccentric, often contradictory 
 theories. That this character attaches to such ideas 
 should keep us on guard against framing theories whose 
 symmetry is sometimes their condemnation' ('Daily 
 Chronicle,' December 10, 1897). 
 
 Nothing excites my own suspicion of my provisional 
 hypothesis more than its symmetry. Jt really seems to 
 fit the facts, as they appear to me, too neatly. I would 
 suggest, however, that ancient savage sacred hymns, and 
 practices in the mysteries, are really rather of the nature 
 of ' documents ; ' more so, at least, than the casual 
 observations of some travellers, or the gossip extracted 
 from natives much in contact with Europeans. 
 
 Supposing that the arguments in this essay met with 
 some acceptance, what effect would they have, if any, on 
 our thoughts about religion? What is their practical 
 tendency ? The least dubious effect would, be, I hope, to 
 prevent us from accepting the anthropological theory of 
 religion, or any other theory, as a foregone conclusion. I 
 have tried to show how dim is our knowledge, how weak, 
 often, is our evidence, and that, finding among the lowest 
 savages all the elements of all religions already developed 
 in different degrees, we cannot, historically, say that one 
 is earlier than another. This point of priority we can 
 never historically settle. If we met savages with ghosts 
 and no gods, we could not be sure but that they once 
 possessed a God, and forgot him. If we met savages with 
 a God and no ghosts, we could not be historically certain 
 that a higher had not obliterated a lower creed. For
 
 CONCLUSION 331 
 
 these reasons dogmatic decisions about the origin of 
 religion seem unworthy of science. They will appear yet 
 more futile to any student who goes so far with me as to 
 doubt whether the highest gods of the lowest races could 
 be developed, or can be shown to have been developed, by 
 way of the ghost-theory. To him who reaches this point 
 the whole animistic doctrine of ghosts as the one germ of 
 religion will appear to be imperilled. The main practical 
 result, then, will be hesitation about accepting the latest 
 scientific opinion, even when backed by great names, and 
 published in little primers. 
 
 On the hypothesis here offered to criticism there are 
 two chief sources of Religion, (1) the belief, how attained 
 we know not, 1 in a powerful, moral, eternal, omniscient 
 Father and Judge of men ; (2) the belief (probably 
 developed out of experiences normal and supernormal) in 
 somewhat of man which may survive the grave. This 
 second belief is not, logically, needed as given material 
 for the first, in its apparently earliest form. It may, for 
 all we know, be the later of the two beliefs, chrono- 
 logically. But this belief, too, was necessary to religion ; 
 first, as finally supplying a formula by which advancing 
 intellects could conceive of the Mighty Being involved in 
 the former creed ; next, as elevating man's conception of 
 his own nature. By the second belief he becomes the 
 child of the God in whom, perhaps, he already trusted, 
 and in whom he has his being, a being not destined to 
 perish with the death of the body. Man is thus not only 
 the child but the heir of God, a ' nurseling of immortality,' 
 capable of entering into eternal life. On the moral in- 
 fluence of this belief it is superfluous to dwell. 
 
 From the most backward races historically known to 
 us, to those of our own status, all have been more or less 
 
 1 The hypothesis of St. Paul seems not the most unsatisfactory.
 
 332 
 
 washed by the waters of this double stream of religion. 
 The Hebrews, as far as our information goes, were chiefly 
 influenced by the first belief, the faith in the Eternal ; 
 and had comparatively slight interest in whatever pos- 
 thumous fortunes might await individual souls. Other 
 civilised peoples, say the Greeks, extended the second, or 
 animistic theory, into forms of beautiful fantasy, the 
 material of art. Yet both in Greece and Home, as we learn 
 from the ' Republic ' (Books i. iii.) of Plato, and from the 
 whole scope of the poem of Lucretius, and from the 
 Painted Porch at Delphi, answering to the frescoes of the 
 Pisan Campo Santo, there existed, among the people, what 
 was unknown to the Hebrews, an extreme anxiety about 
 the posthumous fortunes and possible punishment of the 
 individual soul. A kind of pardoners and indulgence- 
 sellers made a living out of that anxiety in Greece. For 
 the Greek pardoners, who testify to an interest in the 
 future happiness of the soul not found in Israel, Mr. Jevons 
 may be cited : 
 
 ' The agyrtes professed by means of his rites to purify 
 men from the sins they had themselves committed . . . and 
 so to secure to those whom he purified an exemption from 
 the evil lot in the next world which awaited those who were 
 not initiated.' 'A magic mirror' (crystal-gazing) 'was 
 among his properties.' l 
 
 In Egypt a moral life did not suffice to secure 
 immortal reward. There was also required knowledge 
 of the spells that baffle the demons who, in Amenti, as 
 in the Eed Indian and Polynesian Hades, lie in wait 
 for souls. That knowledge was contained in copies of 
 the Book of the Dead the gagne-pain of priests and 
 scribes. 
 
 Early Israel, having, as far as we know, a singular 
 
 1 Introd. to Hist, of Eel. p. 333 ; Aristoph. Frogs, 159.
 
 CONCLUSION 333 
 
 lack of interest in the future of the soul, was born to give 
 himself up to developing, undisturbed, the theistic con- 
 ception, the belief in a righteous Eternal. 
 
 Polytheism everywhere in Greece especially held of 
 the animistic conception, with its freakish, corruptible 
 deities. Greek philosophy could hardly restore that 
 Eternal for whom the Prophets battled in Israel ; whom 
 some of the lowest savages know and fear; whom the 
 animistic theory or cult everywhere obscures with its 
 crowd of hungry, cruel, interested, food-propitiated ghost- 
 gods. In the religion of our Lord and the Apostles the 
 two currents of faith in one righteous God and care for 
 the individual soul were purified and combined. ' God is 
 a Spirit, and they who worship Him must worship Him 
 in spirit and in truth.' Man also is a spirit, and, as such, 
 is in the hands of a God not to be propitiated by man's 
 sacrifice or monk's ritual. We know how this doctrine 
 was again disturbed by the Animism, in effect, and by 
 the sacrifice and ritual of the Mediaeval Church. Too 
 eager ' to be all things to all men,' the august and bene- 
 ficent Mother of Christendom readmitted the earlier 
 Animism in new forms of saint-worship, pilgrimage, and 
 popular ceremonial things apart from, but commonly 
 supposed to be substitutes for, righteousness of life and 
 the selflessness enjoined in savage mysteries. For the 
 softness, no less than for the hardness of men's hearts, 
 these things were ordained : such as masses for the 
 beloved dead. 
 
 Modern thought has deanthropomorphised what was 
 left of anthropomorphic in religion, and, in the end, has 
 left us for God, at most, ' a stream of tendency making 
 for righteousness,' or an energy unknown and unknow- 
 able -the ghost of a ghost. For the soul, by virtue of his 
 belief in which man raised himself in his own esteem,
 
 334 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 and, more or less, in ethical standing, is left to us a 
 negation or a wistful doubt. 
 
 To this part of modern scientific teaching the earlier 
 position of this essay suggests a demurrer. By aid of the 
 tradition of and belief in supernormal phenomena among 
 the low races, by attested phenomena of the same kinds 
 of experience among the higher races, I have ventured to 
 try to suggest that ' we are not merely brain ; ' that man 
 has his part, we know not how, in we know not what 
 has faculties and vision scarcely conditioned by the limits 
 of his normal purview. The evidence of all this deals 
 with matters often trivial, like the electric sparks rubbed 
 from the deer's hide, which yet are cognate with an 
 illimitable, essential potency of the universe. Not being 
 able to explain away these facts, or, in this place, to offer 
 what would necessarily be a premature theory of them, 
 I regard them, though they seem shadowy, as grounds 
 of hope, or, at least, as tokens that men need not yet 
 despair. Not now for the first time have weak things 
 of the earth been chosen to confound things strong. Nor 
 have men of this opinion been always the weakest ; not 
 among the feeblest are Socrates, Pascal, Napoleon, 
 Cromwell, Charles Gordon, St. Theresa, and Jeanne 
 d'Arc. 
 
 I am perfectly aware that the ' superstitiousness ' 
 of the earlier part of this essay must injure any effect 
 which the argument of the latter part might possibly 
 produce on critical opinion. Yet that argument in no 
 way depends on what we think about the phenomena 
 normal, supernormal, or illusory on which the theory of 
 ghost, soul, or spirit may have been based. It exhibits 
 religion as probably beginning in a kind of Theism, which 
 is then superseded, in some degree, or even corrupted, 
 by Animism in all its varieties. Finally, the exclusive
 
 CONCLUSION 335 
 
 Theism of Israel receives its complement in a purified 
 Animism, and emerges as Christianity. 
 
 Quite apart, too, from any favourable conclusion 
 which may, by some, be drawn from the phenomena, and 
 quite apart from the more general opinion that all mo- 
 dern instances are compact of imposture, malobservation, 
 mythoposic memory, and superstitious bias, the systematic 
 comparison of civilised and savage beliefs and alleged 
 experiences of this kind cannot wisely be neglected by 
 Anthropology. Humani nihil a se alienum putat.
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 APPENDIX A 
 
 OPPOSITIONS OF SCIENCE 
 
 THE most elaborate reply to the arguments for telepathy, 
 based on the Report of the Census of Hallucinations, is 
 that of Herr Parish, in his ' Hallucinations and Illusions.' l 
 
 Herr Parish is, at present, opposed to the theory that 
 the Census establishes a telepathic cause in the so-called 
 ' coincidental ' stories, ' put forward/ as he says, ' with due 
 reserve, and based on an astonishing mass of materials, 
 to some extent critically handled.' 
 
 He first demurs to an allowance of twelve hours 
 for the coincidence of hallucination and death ; but, if 
 we reflect that twelve hours is little even in a year, 
 coincidences within twelve hours, it may be admitted, 
 donnent a penser, even if we reject the theory that, 
 granted a real telepathic impact, it may need time and 
 quiet for its development into a complete hallucination. 
 We need not linger over the very queer cases from 
 Munich, as these are not in the selected thirty of the 
 Keport. Herr Parish then dwells on that hallucination 
 of memory, in which we feel as if everything that is going 
 on had happened before. It may have occurred to most 
 of us to be reminded by some association of ideas during 
 the day, of some dream of the previous night, which we 
 had forgotten. For instance, looking at a brook from a 
 bridge, and thinking of how I would fish it, I remem- 
 bered that I had dreamed, on the previous night, of 
 casting a fly for practice, on a lawn. Nobody would 
 think of disputing the fact that I really had such a dream, 
 
 1 Walter Scott.
 
 338 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 forgot it and remembered it when reminded of it by asso- 
 ciation of ideas. But if the forgotten dream had been ' ful- 
 filled/ and been recalled to memory only in the moment 
 of fulfilment, science would deny that I ever had such a 
 dream at all. The alleged dream would be described as 
 an ' hallucination of memory.' Something occurring, it 
 would be said, I had the not very unusual sensation, ' This 
 has occurred to me before,' and the sensation would become 
 a false memory that it had occurred in a dream. This 
 theory will be advanced, I think, not when an ordinary 
 dream is recalled by a waking experience, but only when 
 the dream coincides with and foreruns that experience, 
 which is a thing that dreams have no business to 
 do. Such coincidental dreams are necessarily 'false 
 memories,' scientifically speaking. Now, how does this 
 theory of false memory bear on coincidental hallucina- 
 tions ? 
 
 The insane, it seems, are apt to have the false 
 memory ' This occurred before,' and then to say that the 
 event was revealed to them in a vision. 1 The insane may 
 be recommended to make a note of the vision, and have it 
 properly attested, before the event. The same remark 
 applies to the ' presentiments ' of the sane. But it does 
 not apply if Jones tells me ' I saw my great aunt last 
 night,' and if news comes after this remark that Jones's 
 aunt died, on that night, in Timbuctoo. Yet Herr 
 Parish (p. 282) seems to think that the argument of 
 fallacious memory comes in pat, even when an hallucina- 
 tion has been reported to another person before its fulfil- 
 ment. Of course all depends on the veracity of the 
 narrator and the person to whom he told his tale. To 
 take a case given : 2 Brown, say, travelling with his wife, 
 dreams that a mad dog bit his boy at home on the elbow. 
 He tells his wife. Arriving at home Brown finds that it 
 was so. Herr Parish appears to argue thus : 
 
 Brown dreamed nothing at all, but he gets excited 
 when he hears the bad news at home ; he thinks, by false 
 memory, that he has a recollection of it, he says to his 
 wife, ' My dear, didn't I tell you, last night, I had dreamed 
 all this ? ' and his equally excited wife replies, ' True, my 
 Brown, you did, and I said it was only one of your 
 dreams.' And both now believe that the dream occurred. 
 
 1 Parish, p. 278. - Ibid. pp. 282, 283.
 
 APPENDIX A 339 
 
 This is very plausible, is it not ? only science would not 
 say anything about it if the dream had not been fulfilled 
 if Brown had remarked, ' Egad, my dear, seeing that 
 horse reminds me that I was dreaming last night of 
 driving in a dog-cart.' For then Brown was not excited. 
 
 None of this exquisite reasoning as to dreams applies 
 to waking hallucinations, reported before the alleged co- 
 incidence, unless we accept a collective hallucination of 
 memory in seer or seers, and also in the persons to whom 
 their story was told. 
 
 But, it is obvious, memory is apt to become mytho- 
 pceic, so far as to exaggerate closeness of coincidence, 
 and to add romantic details. We do not need Herr 
 Parish to tell us that ; we meet the circumstance in all 
 narratives from memory, whatever the topic, even in Herr 
 Parish's own writings. 
 
 We must admit that the public, in ghostly, as in all 
 narratives on all topics, is given to ' fanciful addenda.' 
 Therefore, as Herr Parish justly remarks, we should 
 ' maintain a very sceptical attitude to all accounts ' of 
 veridical hallucinations. ' Not that we should dismiss 
 them as old wives' fables an all too common method or 
 even doubt the narrator's good faith.' We should treat 
 them like tales of big fish that get away ; sometimes there 
 is good corroborative evidence that they really were big 
 fish, sometimes not. We shall return to these false 
 memories. 
 
 Was there a coincidence at all in the Society's cases 
 printed in the Census ? Herr Parish thinks three of the 
 selected twenty-six cases very dubious. In one case is a 
 possible margin of four days, another (wrongly numbered 
 by the way) does not occur at all among the twenty- 
 six. In the third, Herr Parish is wrong in his state- 
 ment. 1 This is a lovely example of the sceptical slipshod, 
 and, accompanied by the miscitation of the second case, 
 shows that inexactitude is not all on the side of the seers. 
 However the case is not very good, the two percipients 
 fancying that the date of the event was less remote than 
 it really was. Unluckily Herr Parish only criticises 
 these three cases, how accurately we have remarked. He 
 had no room for more. 
 
 Herr Parish next censures the probable selection of 
 
 1 P. 287, Mr. Sims, Proceedings, \. 230. 
 
 7. 2
 
 340 THE MAKING OF EELIGION 
 
 good cases by collectors, on which the editors of the 
 Census have already made observations, as they have also- 
 made large allowances for this cause of error. He then 
 offers the astonishing statement that, ' in the view of the 
 English authors, a view which is, of course, assumed in 
 all calculations of the kind, an hallucination persists 
 equally long in the memory and is equally readily recalled 
 in reply to a question, whether the experience made but 
 a slight impression on the percipient, or affected him 
 deeply, as would be the case, for instance, if the hallu- 
 cination had been found to coincide with the death of a 
 near relative or friend.' ' This assertion of Herr Parish's 
 is so erroneous that the Report expressly says ' as years 
 recede into the distance,' the proportion of the hallucina- 
 tions that are remembered in them to those which are 
 forgotten, or at least ignored, 'is very large.' Again, 
 ' Hallucinations of the most impressive class will not 
 only be better remembered than others, but will, we may 
 reasonably suppose, be more often mentioned by the 
 percipients to their friends.' 2 
 
 Yet Herr Parish avers that, in all calculations, it is 
 assumed that hallucinations are equally readily recalled 
 whether impressive or not ! Once more, the Report says 
 (p. 246), ' It is not the case ' that coincidental (and im- 
 pressive) hallucinations are as easily subject to oblivion 
 as non-coincidental, and non-impressive ones. The 
 editors therefore multiply the non-coincidental cases by 
 four, arguing that no coincidental cases (hits) are for- 
 gotten, while three out of four non-coincidentals (misses) 
 are forgotten, or may be supposed likely to be forgotten. 
 Immediately after declaring that the English authors 
 suppose all hallucinations to be equally well remembered 
 (which is the precise reverse of what they do say), Herr 
 Parish admits that the authors multiply the misses by 
 four, ' influenced by other considerations' (p. 289). By 
 what other considerations ? They give their reason (that 
 very reason which they decline to entertain, says Herr 
 Parish), namely, that misses are four times as likely to 
 be forgotten as hits. ' To go into the reason for adopting 
 this plan would lead us too far/ he writes. Why, it is 
 the very reason which, he says, does not find favour with 
 the English authors ! 
 
 1 Parish pp. 288, 289. - Report, p. 68.
 
 APPENDIX A 341 
 
 How curiously remote from being ' coincidental ' with 
 plain facts, or ' veridical ' at all, is this scientific criticism ! 
 Herr Parish says that a ' view ' (which does not exist) is 
 ' of course assumed in all calculations ; ' and, on the very 
 same page, he says that it is not assumed ! ' The witnesses 
 of the report influenced, it is true, by other considera- 
 tions ' (which is not the case), 'have sought to turn the 
 point of this objection by multiplying the whole number 
 of (non-coincidental) cases by four.' Then the ' view ' is 
 not ' assumed in all calculations,' as Herr Parish has just 
 asserted. 
 
 What led Herr Parish, an honourable and clear- 
 headed critic, into this maze of incorrect and contradic- 
 tory assertions? It is interesting to try to trace the 
 causes of such non-veridical illusions, to find the points 
 de repere of these literary hallucinations. One may 
 suggest that when Herr Parish ' recast the chapters ' of 
 his German edition, as he says in his preface to the 
 English version, he accidentally left in a passage based 
 on an earlier paper by Mr. Gurney, 1 not observing that it 
 was no longer accurate or appropriate. 
 
 After this odd passage, Herr Parish argues that a 
 ' veridical ' hallucination is regarded by the English 
 authors as ' coincidental,' even when external circum- 
 stances have made that very hallucination a probable 
 occurrence by producing ' tension of the corresponding 
 nerve element groups.' That is to say, a person is in a 
 condition a nervous condition likely, a priori, to beget 
 an hallucination. An hallucination is begotten, quite 
 naturally ; and so, if it happens to coincide with an 
 event, the coincidence should not count it is purely 
 fortuitous. 2 
 
 Here is an example. A lady, facing an old sideboard, 
 saw a friend, with no coat on, and in a waistcoat with a 
 back of shiny material. Within an hour she was taken 
 to where her friend lay dying, without a coat, and in a 
 waistcoat with a shiny back. 3 Here is the scientific 
 explanation of Herr Parish : ' The shimmer of a reflect- 
 ing surface [the sideboard ?] formed the occasion for the 
 hallucinatory emergence of a subconsciously perceived 
 shiny black waistcoat [quotation incorrect, of course], and 
 .an individual subconsciously associated with that impres- 
 
 1 P. 271, note 1. a Parish, p. 290. 3 Report, p. 297. 
 
 *
 
 342 THE MAKING OF KELIGION 
 
 sion.' 1 I ask any lady whether she, consciously or 
 subconsciously, associates the men she knows with the 
 backs of their waistcoats. Herr Parish's would be a 
 brilliantly satisfactory explanation if it were only true 
 to the printed words that lay under his eyes when he 
 wrote. There was no ' shiny black waistcoat ' in the 
 case, but a waistcoat with a shiny back. Gentlemen, and 
 especially old gentlemen who go about in bath-chairs 
 (like the man in this story), don't habitually take off their 
 coats and show the backs of their waistcoats to ladies of 
 nineteen in England. And, if Herr Parish had cared to 
 read his case, he would have found it expressly stated 
 that the lady ' had never seen the man without his coat ' 
 (and so could not associate him with an impression of a 
 shiny back to his waistcoat) till after the hallucination, 
 when she saw him coatless on his death-bed. In this 
 instance Herr Parish had an hallucinatory memory, all 
 wrong, of the page under his eyes. The case is got rid 
 of, then, by aid of the 'fanciful addenda,' to which Herr 
 Parish justly objects. He first gives the facts incorrectly, 
 and then explains an occurrence which, as reported by 
 him, did not occur, and was not asserted to occur. 
 
 I confess that, if Herr Parish's version were as correct 
 as it is essentially inaccurate, his explanation would leave 
 me doubtful. For the circumstances were that the old 
 gentleman of the story lunched daily with the young 
 lady's mother. Suppose that she was familiar (which 
 she was not) with the shiny back of his waistcoat, still, 
 she saw him daily, and daily, too, was in the way of 
 seeing the (hypothetically) shiny surface of the sideboard. 
 That being the case, she had, every day, the materials, 
 subjective and objective, of the hallucination. Yet it only 
 occurred once, and then it precisely coincided with the 
 death agony of the old gentleman, and with his coatless 
 condition. Why only that once? C'est Id le miracle! 
 ' How much for this little veskit ? ' as the man asked 
 David Copperfield. 
 
 Herr Parish next invents a cause for an hallucina- 
 tion, which, I myself think, ought not to have been 
 reckoned, because the percipient had been sitting up with 
 the sick man. This he would class as a ' suspicious ' case. 
 But, even granting him his own way of handling the 
 
 1 Parish p. 290.
 
 APPENDIX A 343 
 
 statistics, he would still have far too large a proportion 
 of coincidences for the laws of chance to allow, if we are 
 to go by these statistics at all. 
 
 His next argument practically is that hallucinations 
 are always only a kind of dreams. 1 He proves this by 
 the large number of coincidental hallucinations which 
 occurred in sleepy circumstances. One man went to bed 
 early, and woke up early ; another was ' roused from 
 sleep ; ' two ladies were sitting up in bed, giving their 
 babies nourishment ; a man was reading a newspaper on 
 a sofa ; a lady was lying awake at seven in the morning ; 
 and there are eight other English cases of people 
 ' awake ' in bed during an hallucination. Now, in Dr. 
 Parish's opinion, we must argue that they were not awake, 
 or not much ; so the hallucinations were mere dreams. 
 Dreams are so numerous that coincidences in dreams 
 can be got rid of as pure flukes. People may say, to be 
 sure, ' I am used to dreams, and don't regard them ; this 
 was something solitary in my experience.' But we must 
 not mind what people say. 
 
 Yet I fear we must mind what they say. At least, we 
 must remember that sleeping dreams are, of all things, 
 most easily forgotten ; while a full-bodied hallucination, 
 when we, at least, believe ourselves awake, seems to us 
 on a perfectly different plane of impressiveness, and 
 (experto crede) is really very difficult to forget. Herr 
 Parish cannot be allowed, therefore, to use the regular 
 eighteenth-century argument ' All dreams ! ' For the 
 two sorts of dreams, in sleep and in apparent wakefulness, 
 seem, to the subject, to differ in kind. And they really 
 do differ in kind. It is the essence of the every night 
 dream that we are unconscious of our actual surroundings 
 and conscious of a fantastic environment. It is the 
 essence of wideawakeness to be conscious of our actual 
 surroundings. In the ordinary dream, nothing actual 
 competes with its visions. When we are conscious of 
 our surroundings, everything actual does compete with 
 any hallucination. Therefore, an hallucination which, 
 when we are conscious of our material environment, does 
 compete with it in reality, is different in kind from an 
 ordinary dream. Science gains nothing by arbitrarily 
 declaring that two experiences so radically different are 
 
 1 Pp. 291, 292.
 
 344 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 identical. Anybody would see this if he were not arguing 
 under a dominant idea. 
 
 Herr Parish next contends that people who see 
 pictures in crystal balls, and so on, are not so wide awake 
 as to be in their normal consciousness. There is ' dis- 
 sociation ' (practically drowsiness), even if only a little. 
 Herr Moll also speaks of crystal-gazing pictures as 
 ' hypnotic phenomena.' l Possibly neither of these learned 
 men has ever seen a person attempt crystal-gazing. 
 Herr Parish never asserts any such personal experience 
 as the basis of his opinion about the non-normal state of 
 the gazer. He reaches this conclusion from an anecdote 
 reported, as a not unfamiliar phenomenon, by a friend of 
 Miss X. But the phenomenon occurred when Miss X. 
 was not crystal-gazing at all ! She was looking out of a 
 window in a brown study. This is a noble example 
 of logic. Some one says that Miss X. was not in her 
 normal consciousness on a certain occasion when she was 
 not crystal-gazing, and that this condition is familiar to 
 the observer. Therefore, argues Herr Parish, nobody 
 is in his normal consciousness when he is crystal-gazing. 
 
 In vain may ' so good an observer as Miss X. think 
 herself fully awake ' (as she does think herself) when 
 crystal-gazing, because once, when she happened to have 
 ' her eyes fixed on the windoio,' her expression was 
 ' associated ' by a friend ' with something uncanny,' and 
 she afterwards spoke 'in a dreamy, far-away tone' 
 (p. 297). Miss X., though extremely ' wide awake,' may 
 have looked dreamily at a window, and may have seen 
 mountains and marvels. But the point is that she was 
 not voluntarily gazing at a crystal for amusement or 
 experiment perhaps trying to see how a microscope 
 affected the pictures or to divert a friend. 
 
 I appeal to the shades of Aristotle and Bacon against 
 scientific logic in the hands of Herr Parish. Here is his 
 syllogism : 
 
 A. is occasionally dreamy when not crystal-gazing. 
 A. is human. 
 
 Therefore every human being, when crystal-gazing, is 
 more or less asleep. 
 
 He infers a general affirmative from a single affinna- 
 1 Moll, Hypnotism, p. 1.
 
 APPENDIX A 345 
 
 tive which happens not to be to the point. It is exactly 
 as if Herr Parish argued : 
 
 Mrs. B. spends hours in shopping. 
 Mrs. B. is human. 
 
 Therefore every human being is always late for 
 dinner. 
 
 Miss X., I think, uplifted her voice in some review, 
 and maintained that, when crystal-gazing, she was quite 
 in her normal state, dans son assiette. 
 
 Yet Herr Parish would probably say to any crystal- 
 gazer who argued thus, ' Oh, no ; pardon me, you were 
 not wholly awake you were a-dream. I know better 
 than you.' But, as he has not seen crystal-gazers, while 
 I have, many scores of times, I prefer my own opinion. 
 And so, as this assertion about the percipient's being 
 ' dissociated,' or asleep, or not awake, is certainly untrue 
 of all crystal-gazers in my considerable experience, I 
 cannot accept it on the authority of Herr Parish, who 
 makes no claim to any personal experience at all. 
 
 As to crystal-gazing, when the gazer is talking, laugh- 
 ing, chatting, making experiments in turning the ball, 
 changing the light, using prisms and magnifying-glasses, 
 dropping matches into the water-jug, and so on, how can 
 we possibly say that ' it is impossible to distinguish 
 between waking hallucinations and those of sleep ' 
 (p. 300) ? If so, it is impossible to distinguish between 
 sleeping and waking altogether. We are all like the 
 dormouse ! Herr Parish is reasoning here a priori, 
 without any personal knowledge of the facts ; and, above 
 all, he is under the ' dominant idea ' of his own theory 
 that of dissociation. 
 
 Herr Parish next crushes telepathy by an argument 
 which like one of the reasons why the bells were not 
 rung for Queen Elizabeth, namely, that there were no 
 bells to ring might have come first, and alone. We are 
 told (in italics very impressive to the popular mind) : 
 4 No matter how great the number of coincidences, they 
 afford not even the shadow of a proof for telepathy ' 
 (p. 301). What, not even if all hallucinations, or ninety- 
 nine per cent., coincided with the death of the person 
 seen ? In heaven's name, why not ? Why, because the 
 ' weightiest ' cause of all has been omitted from our
 
 346 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 calculations, namely, our good old friend, the association 
 of ideas (p. 302). Our side cannot prove the absence 
 (italics) of the association of ideas. Certainly we cannot ; 
 but ideas in endless millions are being associated all day 
 long. A hundred thousand different, unnoticed associa- 
 tions may bring Jones to my mind, or Brown. But I 
 don't therefore see Brown, or Jones, who is not there. 
 Still less do I see Dr. Parish, or Nebuchadnezzar, or a 
 monkey, or a salmon, or a golf ball, or Arthur's Seat (all 
 of which may be brought to my mind by association 
 of ideas), when they are not present. 
 
 Suppose, then, that once in my life I see the absent 
 Jones, who dies in that hour (or within twelve hours). 
 I am puzzled. Why did Association choose that day, 
 of all days in my life, for her solitary freak? And, 
 if this choice of freaks by Association occurs among 
 other people, say two hundred times more often than 
 chance allows, the freak begins to suggest that it may 
 have a cause. 
 
 Not even the circumstance cited by Herr Parish, that 
 a drowsy tailor, ' sewing on in a dream,' poor fellow, saw 
 a client in his shop while the client was dying, solves the 
 problem. The tailor is not said even once to have seen 
 a customer who was not dying ; yet he writes, ' I was 
 accustomed to work all night frequently.' The tailor 
 thinks he was asleep, because he had been making 
 irregular stitches, and perhaps he was. But, out of all 
 his vigils and all his customers, association only formed 
 one hallucination, and that was of a dying client whom 
 he supposed to be perfectly well. Why on earth is 
 association so fond of dying people granting the sta- 
 tistics, which are ' another story ' ? The explanation 
 explains nothing. Herr Parish only moves the difficulty 
 back a step, and, as we cannot live without association 
 of ideas, they are taken for granted by our side. Associa- 
 tion of ideas does not cause hallucinations, as Mrs. Sidg- 
 wick remarks, though it may determine their contents. 
 
 The difficult theme of coincidental collective hallu- 
 cinations, as when two or more people at once have, or 
 profess to have, the same false perception of a person 
 who is really absent and dying, is next disposed of by 
 Herr Parish. The same points de repere, the same 
 sound, or flicker of light, or arrangement of shadow, may
 
 APPENDIX A 347 
 
 beget the same or a similar false perception in two or 
 more people at once. Thus two girls, in different rooms, 
 are looking out on different parts of the hall in their 
 house. ' Both heard, at the same time, an [objective ?] 
 noise' (p. 313). Then, says Herr Parish, ' the one sister 
 saw her father cross the hall after entering ; the other 
 saw the dog (the usual companion of his walks) run past 
 her door.' Father and dog had not left the dining-room. 
 Herr Parish decides that the same point de repere (the 
 apparent noise of a key in the lock of the front door) 
 ' acted by way of suggestion on both sisters,' producing, 
 however, different hallucinations, ' in virtue of the dif- 
 ference of the connected associations.' One girl asso- 
 ciated the sound with her honoured sire, the other with 
 his faithful hound ; so one saw a dog, and the other saw 
 an elderly gentleman. Now, first, if so, this should 
 always be occurring, for we all have different associations 
 of ideas. Thus, we are in a haunted house ; there is a 
 noise of a rattling window ; I associate it with a burglar, 
 Brown with a milkman, Miss Jones with a lady in green, 
 Miss Smith with a knight in armour. That collection 
 of phantasms should then be simultaneously on view, 
 like the dog and old gentleman ; all our reports should 
 vary. But this does not occur. Most unluckily for Herr 
 Parish, he illustrates his theory by telling a story which 
 happens not to be correctly reported. At first I thought 
 that a fallacy of memory, or an optical delusion, had 
 betrayed him again, as in his legend of the waistcoat. 
 But I am now inclined to believe that what really 
 occurred was this : Herr Parish brought out his book in 
 German, before the Report of the Census of Hallucina- 
 tions was published. In his German edition he probably 
 quoted a story which precisely suited his theory of the 
 origin of collective hallucinations. This anecdote he had 
 found in Prof. Sidgwick's Presidential Address of July 
 1890. * As stated by Prof. Sidgwick, the case just fitted 
 Herr Parish, who refers to it on p. 190, and again on 
 p. 314. He gives no reference, but his version reads 
 like a traditional variant of Prof. Sidgwick's. Now 
 Prof. Sidgwick's version was erroneous, as is proved by 
 the elaborate account of the case in the Report of the 
 Census, which Herr Parish had before him, but neglected 
 
 1 Proceedings, vol. vi. p. 433.
 
 348 THE MAKING OF KELIGION 
 
 when he prepared his English edition. The story was 
 wrong, alas ! in the very point where, for Herr Parish's 
 purpose, it ought to have been right. The hallucination 
 is believed not to have been collective, yet Herr Parish 
 uses it to explain collective hallucinations. Doubtless he 
 overlooked the accurate version in the Report. 1 
 
 The facts, as there reported, were not what he 
 narrates, but as follows : 
 
 Miss C. E. was in the breakfast-room, about 6.30 P.M., 
 in January 1883, and supposed her father to be taking a 
 walk with his dog. She heard noises, which may have 
 had any other cause, but which she took to be the sounds 
 of a key in the door lock, a stick tapping the tiles of the 
 hall, and the patter of the dog's feet on the tiles. She 
 then saw the dog pass the door. Miss C. E. next entered 
 the hall, where she found nobody ; but in the pantry she 
 met her sisters Miss E., Miss H. G. E. and a working- 
 woman. Miss E. and the working-woman had been in 
 the hall, and there had heard the sound, which they, like 
 Miss C. E., took for that of a key in the lock. They were 
 breaking a little household rule in the hall, so they ' ran 
 straightway into the pantry, meeting Miss H. G. E. on 
 the way.' Miss C. E. and Miss E. and the working- 
 woman all heard the noise as of a key in the lock, but 
 nobody is said to have ' seen the father cross the hall ' (as 
 Herr Parish asserts). ' Miss H. G. E. was of opinion 
 that Miss E. (now dead) saw nothing, and Miss C. E. was 
 inclined to agree with her.' Miss E. and the work- woman 
 (now dead) were ' emphatic as to the father having 
 entered the house ; ' but this the two only inferred from 
 hearing the noise, after which they fled to the pantry. 
 Now, granting that some other noise was mistaken for 
 that of the key in the lock, we have here, not (as Herr 
 Parish declares) a collective yet discrepant hallucination 
 the discrepancy being caused ' by the difference of con- 
 nected associations ' but a solitary hallucination. Herr 
 Parish, however, inadvertently converts a solitary into a 
 collective hallucination, and then uses the example to 
 explain collective hallucinations in general. He asserts 
 that Miss E. ' saw her father cross the hall.' Miss E.'s 
 sisters think that she saw no such matter. Now, suppose 
 that Mr. E. had died at the moment, and that the case 
 
 1 Parish, p. 313.
 
 APPENDIX A 349 
 
 was claimed on our part as a 'collective coincidental 
 hallucination.' How righteously Herr Parish might 
 exclaim that all the evidence was against its being 
 collective ! The sound in the lock, heard by three per- 
 sons, would be, and probably was, another noise mis- 
 interpreted. And, in any case, there is no evidence for 
 its having produced two hallucinations ; the evidence is 
 in exactly the opposite direction. 
 
 Here, then, Herr Parish, with the printed story under 
 his eyes, once more illustrates want of attention. In one 
 way his errors improve his case. 'If I, a grave man of 
 science, go on telling distorted legends out of my own 
 head, while the facts are plain in print before me,' Herr 
 Parish may reason, 'how much more are the popular 
 tales about coincidental hallucinations likely to be dis- 
 torted ? ' It is really a very strong argument, but not 
 exactly the argument which Herr Parish conceives 
 himself to be presenting. 1 
 
 This unlucky inexactitude is chronic, as we have 
 shown, in Herr Parish's work, and is probably to be 
 explained by inattention to facts, by ' expectation ' of 
 suitable facts, and by ' anxiety ' to prove a theory. He 
 explains the similar or identical reports of witnesses to a 
 collective hallucination by ' the ease with which such 
 appearances adapt themselves in recollection' (p. 313), 
 especially, of course, after lapse of time. And then he 
 unconsciously illustrates his case by the ease with which 
 printed facts under his very eyes adapt themselves, quite 
 erroneously, to his own memory and personal bias as he 
 copies them on to his paper. 
 
 Finally he argues that even if collective hallucinations 
 are also ' with comparative frequency ' coincidental, that 
 is to be explained thus : ' The rarity and the degree of 
 interest compelled by it ' (by such an hallucination) ' will 
 naturally tend to connect itself with some other pro- 
 minent event ; and, conversely, the occurrence of such 
 an event as the death or mortal danger of a friend is 
 most calculated to produce memory illusions of this kind.' 
 
 In the second case, the excitement caused by the 
 death of a friend is likely, it seems, to make two or more 
 sane people say, and believe, that they saw him some- 
 where else, when he was really dying. The only evidence 
 
 1 Compare Report, pp. 181-83, with Parish, pp. 1'JO and 313, 314.
 
 .350 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 for this fact is that such illusions occasionally occur, not 
 collectively, in some lunatic asylums. ' It is not, how- 
 ever, a form of mnemonic error often observed among 
 the insane.' ' Kraepelin gives two cases.' ' The process 
 occurs sporadically in certain sane people, under certain 
 exciting conditions.' No examples are given ! What is 
 rare as an individual folly among lunatics, is supposed by 
 Herr Parish to explain the theoretically ' false memory ' 
 whereby sane people persuade themselves that they had 
 an hallucination, and persuade others that they were told 
 of it, when no such thing occurred. 
 
 To return to our old example. Jones tells me that he 
 has just seen his aunt, whom he knows to be in Tim- 
 buctoo. News comes that the lady died when Jones 
 beheld her in his smoking-room. ' Oh, nonsense,' Herr 
 Parish would argue, ' you, Jones, saw nothing of the kind, 
 nor did you tell Mr. Lang, who, I am sorry to find, agrees 
 with you. "What happened was this : When the awful 
 news came to-day of your aunt's death, you were naturally, 
 and even creditably, excited, especially as the poor lady was 
 killed by being pegged down on an ant-heap. This ex- 
 citement, rather praiseworthy than otherwise, made you 
 believe you had seen your aunt, and believe you had told 
 Mr. Lang. He also is a most excitable person, though I 
 admit he never saw your dear aunt in his life. He, there- 
 fore (by virtue of his excitement), now believes you told 
 him about seeing your unhappy kinswoman. This kind 
 of false memory is very common. Two cases are recorded 
 by Kraepelin, among the insane. Sure you quite under- 
 stand my reasoning '? ' 
 
 I quite understand it, but I don't see how it comes to 
 seem good logic to Herr Parish. 
 
 The other theory is funnier still. Jones never had an 
 hallucination before. ' The rarity and the degree of 
 interest compelled by it ' made Jones ' connect it with 
 some other prominent event,' say, the death of his aunt, 
 which, really, occurred, say, nine months afterwards. But 
 this is a mere case of evidence, which it is the affair of 
 the S.P.R. to criticise. 
 
 Herr Parish is in the happy position called in American 
 speculative circles ' a straddle.' If a man has an hallu- 
 cination when alone, he was in circumstances conducive 
 to the sleeping state. So the hallucination is probably a
 
 APPENDIX A 351 
 
 dream. But, if the seer was in company, who all had the 
 same hallucination, then they all had the same points de 
 repbre, and the same adaptive memories. So Herr Parish 
 kills with both barrels. 
 
 If anything extraneous could encourage a belief in 
 coincidental and veridical hallucinations, it would be 
 these ' Oppositions of Science.' If a learned and fair 
 opponent can find no better proofs than logic and (un- 
 conscious) perversions of facts like the logic and the 
 statements of Herr Parish, the case for telepathic hallu- 
 cinations may seem strong indeed. But we must grant 
 him the existence of the adaptive and mythopoaic powers 
 of memory, which he asserts, and also illustrates. I 
 grant, too, that a census of 17,000 inquiries may only 
 have 'skimmed the cream off' (p. 87). Another dip of 
 the net, bringing up 17,000 fresh answers, might alter the 
 whole aspect of the case, one way or the other. More- 
 over, we cannot get scientific evidence in this way of 
 inquiry. If the public were interested in the question, 
 and understood its nature, and if everybody who had an 
 hallucination at once recorded it in black and white, duly 
 attested on oath before a magistrate, by persons to whom 
 he reported, before the coincidence was known, and if all 
 such records, coincidental or not, were kept in the British 
 Museum for fifty years, then an examination of them 
 might teach us something. But all this is quite impossi- 
 ble. We may form a belief, on this point of veridical 
 hallucinations, for ourselves, but beyond that it is im- 
 possible to advance. Still, Science might read her brief !
 
 352 
 
 APPENDIX B 
 
 THE POLTERGEIST AND HIS EXPLAINERS. 
 
 IN the chapter on 'Fetishism and Spiritualism' it was 
 suggested that the movements of inanimate objects, 
 apparently without contact, may have been one of the 
 causes leading to fetishism, to the opinion that a spirit 
 may inhabit a stick, stone, or what not. We added that, 
 whether such movements were caused by trickery or not, 
 was inessential as long as the savage did not discover the 
 imposture. 
 
 The evidence for the genuine supernormal character 
 of such phenomena was not discussed, that we might 
 preserve the continuity of the general argument. The 
 history of such phenomena is too long for statement here. 
 The same reports are found ' from China to Peru/ from 
 Eskimo to the Cape, from Egyptian magical papyri to 
 yesterday's provincial newspaper. 1 
 
 About 1850-1870 phenomena, which had previously 
 been reported as of sporadic and spontaneous occurrence, 
 were domesticated and organised by Mediums, generally 
 American. These were imitators of the enigmatic David 
 Dunglas Home, who was certainly a most oddly gifted 
 man, or a most successful impostor. A good deal of 
 scientific attention was given to the occurrences ; Mr. 
 Darwin, Mr. Tyndall, Dr. Carpenter, Mr. Huxley, had all 
 glanced at the phenomena, and been present at seances. 
 In most cases the exhibitions, in the dark, or in a very 
 bad light, were impudent impostures, and were so re- 
 garded by the savants who looked into them. A series of 
 exposures culminated in the recent detection of Eusapia 
 Paladino by Dr. Hodgson and other members of the 
 S.P.E. at Cambridge. 
 
 1 A sketch of the history will be found in the author's Cock Lane and 
 Common Sense.
 
 APPENDIX B 353 
 
 There was, however, an apparent exception. The 
 arch mystagogue, Home, though by no means a clever 
 man, was never detected in fraudulent productions of 
 fetishistic phenomena. This is asserted here because 
 several third-hand stories of detected frauds by Home 
 are in circulation, and it is hoped that a well-attested 
 first-hand case of detection may be elicited. 
 
 Of Home's successes with Sir William Crookes, Lord 
 Crawford, and others, something remains to be said ; but 
 first we shall look into attempted explanations of alleged 
 physical phenomena occurring not in the presence of a 
 paid or even of a recognised ' Medium.' It will appear, 
 we think, that the explanations of evidence so widely 
 diffused, so uniform, so old, and so new, are far from 
 satisfactory. Our inference would be no more than that 
 our eyes should be kept on such phenomena, if they are 
 reported to recur. 
 
 Mr. Tylor says, ' I am well aware that the problem 
 [of these phenomena] is one to be discussed on its merits, 
 in order to arrive at a distinct opinion how far it may 
 be connected with facts insufficiently appreciated and 
 explained by science, and how far with superstition, 
 delusion, and sheer knavery. Such investigation, pursued 
 by careful observation in a scientific spirit, would seem 
 apt to throw light on some interesting psychological 
 questions.' 
 
 Acting on Mr. Tylor's hint, Mr. Podmore puts forward 
 as explanations (1) fraud ; (2) hallucinations caused by 
 excited expectation, and by the Schwarmerei consequent 
 on sitting in hushed hope of marvels. 
 
 To take fraud first : Mr. Podmore has collected, and 
 analyses, eleven recent sporadic cases of volatile objects. 1 
 His first instance (Worksop, 1883) yields no proof of 
 fraud, and can only be dismissed by reason of the bad 
 character of the other cases, and because Mr. Podmore 
 took the evidence five weeks after the events. To this 
 example we confine ourselves. This case appears to have 
 been first reported in the ' Ketford and Gainsborough 
 Times ' ' early in March,' 1883 (really March 9). It does 
 not seem to have struck Mr. Podmore that he should 
 publish these contemporary reports, to show us how far 
 
 1 The best source is his article on ' Poltergeists.' Proceedings xi. 
 45-116. See, too, his ' Poltergeists ' in Studies in Psychical Research. 
 
 A A
 
 354 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 they agree with evidence collected by him on the spot 
 five weeks later. To do this was the more necessary, as 
 he lays so much stress on failure of memory. I have 
 therefore secured the original newspaper report, by the 
 courtesy of the editor. To be brief, the phenomena began 
 on February 20 or 21, by the table voluntarily tipping up, 
 and upsetting a candle, while Mrs. White only saved the 
 wash tub by alacrity and address. ' The whole incident 
 struck her as very extraordinary.' It is not in the news- 
 paper report. On February 26, Mr. White left his home, 
 and a girl, Eliza Hose, ' child of a half -imbecile mother,' 
 was admitted by the kindness of Mrs. White to share her 
 bed. The girl was eighteen years of age, was looking for 
 a place as servant, and nothing is said in the newspaper 
 about her mother. Mr. White returned on Wednesday 
 night, but left on Thursday morning, returning on Friday 
 afternoon. On Thursday, in Mr. White's absence, phe- 
 nomena set in. On Thursday night, in Mr. White's 
 presence, they increased in vigour. A doctor was called 
 in, also a policeman. On Saturday, at 8 A.M., the row 
 recommenced. At 4 P.M. Mr. White sent Eliza Rose 
 away, and peace returned. We now offer the 
 
 STATEMENT OF POLICE CONSTABLE HIGGS. A man 
 of good intelligence, and believed to be entirely 
 honest. . . . 
 
 ' On the night of Friday, March 2nd, I heard of the 
 disturbances at Joe White's house from his young brother, 
 Tom. I went round to the house at 11.55 P.M., as near 
 as I can judge, and found Joe White in the kitchen of 
 his house. There was one candle lighted in the room, 
 and a good fire burning, so that one could see things 
 pretty clearly. The cupboard doors were open, and White 
 went and shut them, and then came and stood against the 
 chest of drawers. I stood near the outer door. No one 
 else was in the room at the time. White had hardly 
 shut the cupboard doors when they flew open, and a large 
 glass jar came out past me, and pitched in the yard out- 
 side, smashing itself. I didn't see the jar leave the cup- 
 board, or fly through the air ; it went too quick. But I 
 am quite sure that it wasn't thrown by White or any one 
 else. White couldn't have done it without my seeing
 
 APPENDIX B 355 
 
 him. The jar couldn't go in a straight line from the cup- 
 board out of the door ; but it certainly did go. 
 
 ' Then "White asked me to come and see the things 
 which had been smashed in the inner room. He led the 
 way and I followed. As I passed the chest of drawers in 
 the kitchen I noticed a tumbler standing on it. Just 
 after I passed I heard a crash, and looking round, I saw 
 that the tumbler had fallen on the ground in the direction 
 of the fireplace, and was broken. I don't know how it 
 happened. There was no one else in the room. 
 
 ' I went into the inner room, and saw the bits of 
 pots and things on the floor, and then I came back with 
 White into the kitchen. The girl Eose had come into 
 the kitchen during our absence. She was standing with 
 her back against the bin near the fire. There was a cup 
 standing on the bin, rather nearer the door. She said 
 to me, " Cup'll go soon ; it has been down three times 
 already." She then pushed it a little farther on the bin, 
 and turned round and stood talking to me by the fire. 
 She had hardly done so, when the cup jumped up suddenly 
 about four or five feet into the air, and then fell on the 
 floor and smashed itself. White was sitting on the other 
 side of the fire. 
 
 ' Then Mrs. White came in with Dr. Lloyd ; also 
 Tom White and Solomon Wass. After they had been in 
 two or three minutes, something else happened. Tom 
 White and Wass were standing with their backs to the 
 fire, just in front of it. Eliza Eose and Dr. Lloyd were 
 near them, with their backs turned towards the bin, 
 the doctor nearer to the door. I stood by the drawers, 
 and Mrs. White was by me near the inner door. Then 
 suddenly a basin, which stood on the end of the bin near 
 the door, got up into the air, turning over and over as it 
 went. It went up not very quickly, not as quickly as if 
 it had been thrown. When it reached the ceiling it fell 
 plump and smashed. I called Dr. Lloyd's attention to it, 
 and we all saw it. No one was near it, and I don't know 
 how it happened. I stayed about ten minutes more, but 
 saw nothing else. I don't know what to make of it all. 
 I don't think White or the girl could possibly have done 
 the things which I saw.' 
 
 This statement was made five weeks after date to Mr. 
 Podmore. We compare it with the intelligent constable's
 
 356 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 statement made between March 3 and March 8, that is r 
 immediately after the events, and reported in the local 
 paper of March 9. 
 
 STATEMENT BY POLICE CONSTABLE HIGGS. During 
 Friday night, Police Constable Higgs visited the house, 
 and concerning the visit he makes the following state- 
 ment. ' About ten minutes past [to ?] twelve on Friday 
 night, I was met in Bridge Street by Buck Ford, and 
 Joe's brother, Tom "White and Dr. Lloyd. Tom said to 
 me, " Will you go with us to Joe's, and you will see some- 
 thing you have never seen before? " I went ; and when 
 I got into the house Joe went and shut the cupboard 
 doors. No sooner had he done so than the doors flew 
 open again, and an ordinary sized glass jar flew across the 
 kitchen, out of the door into the yard. A sugar jar also 
 flew out of the cupboard unseen. In fact, we saw nothing 
 and heard nothing until we heard it smash. The distance 
 travelled by the articles was about seven yards. I stood 
 a minute or two, and then the glass which I noticed on 
 the drawers jumped off the drawers a yard away, and 
 broke in about a hundred bits. The next thing was a 
 cup, which stood on the flour-bin just beyond the yard 
 door. It flew upwards, and then fell to the ground and 
 broke. The girl said that this cup had been on the floor 
 three times, and that she had picked it up just before it 
 went off the bench. I said, " I suppose the cup will be 
 the next." The cup fell a distance of two yards away 
 from the flour-bin. Dr. Lloyd had been in the next house 
 lancing the back of a little boy who had been removed 
 there. He now came in, and we began talking, the 
 doctor saying, "It is a most mysterious thing." He 
 turned with his back to the flour-bin, on which stood a 
 basin. The basin flew up into the air obliquely, went 
 over the doctor's head, and fell at his feet in pieces. The 
 doctor then went out. I stood a short time longer, but 
 saw nothing further. There were six persons in the room 
 while these things were going on, and so far as I could 
 see, there was no human agency at work. I had not the 
 slightest belief in anything appertaining to the super- 
 natural. I left just before one o'clock, having been in the 
 house thirty minutes.' 
 
 As the policeman says, there was nothing ' super-
 
 APPENDIX B 357 
 
 natural/ but there was an appearance of something rather 
 supernormal. On the afternoon of Saturday White sent 
 the girl Eose away, and a number of people watched 
 in his house till after midnight. Though the sceptical 
 reporter thought that objects were placed where they 
 might easily be upset, none were upset. The ghost was 
 laid. ' Excited expectation ' was so false to its function 
 as to beget no phenomena. 
 
 The newspaper reports contain no theory that will 
 account for White's breaking his furniture and crockery, 
 nor for Eose's securing her own dismissal from a house 
 where she was kindly received by wilfully destroying the 
 property of her hostess. An amateur published a theory 
 of silken threads attached to light articles, and thick cords 
 to heavy articles, whereof no trace was found by witnesses 
 who examined the volatile objects. An elaborate ma- 
 chinery of pulleys fixed in the ceiling, the presence of 
 a trickster in a locked pantry, apparent errors in the 
 account of the flight of the objects, and a number of 
 accomplices, were all involved in this local explanation, 
 the explainer admitting that he could not imagine why 
 the tricks were played. Six or eight pounds' worth of 
 goods were destroyed, nor is it singular that poor Mrs. 
 White wept over her shattered penates. 
 
 The destruction began, of course, in the absence of 
 White. The girl Eose gave to the newspaper the same 
 account as the other witnesses, but, as White thought 
 she was the agent, so she suspected White, though she 
 admitted that he was not at home when the trouble 
 arose. 
 
 Mr. Podmore, reviewing the case, says, ' The pheno- 
 mena described are quite inexplicable by ordinary mecha- 
 nical means.' 1 Yet he elsewhere 2 suggests that Eose 
 herself, ' as the instrument of mysterious agencies, or 
 simply as a half-witted girl, gifted with abnormal cunning 
 and love of mischief, may have been directly responsible 
 for all that took place.' That is to say, a half-witted girl 
 could do (barring ' mysterious agencies ') ' what is quite 
 inexplicable by ordinary mechanical means,' while, accord- 
 ing to the policeman, she was not even present on some 
 occasions. But it is not easy to make out, in the evidence 
 
 1 Studies in Psychical Hi-search, p. 140. 
 - Proceedings, S.P.B., part xxx.
 
 358 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 of White, the other witness, whether this girl Eose was 
 present or not when the jar flew circuitously out of the 
 cupboard, a thing easily worked by a half-witted girl. 
 Such discrepancies are common in all evidence to the most 
 ordinary events. In any case a half-witted girl, in Mr. 
 Podmore's theory, can do what 'is quite inexplicable by 
 ordinary mechanical means.' There is not the shadow of 
 evidence that the girl Eose had the inestimable advantage 
 of being ' half-witted ; ' she is described by Mr. Podmore 
 as 'the child of an imbecile mother.' The phenomena 
 began, in an isolated case (the tilted table), before Eose 
 entered the house. She was admitted in kindness, acted 
 as a maid, and her interest was not to break the crockery 
 and upset furniture. The troubles, which began before the 
 girl's arrival, were apparently active when she was not 
 present, and, if she was present, she could not have caused 
 them ' by ordinary mechanical means,' while of extraordi- 
 nary mechanical means there was confessedly no trace. 
 The disturbances ceased after she was dismissed nothing 
 else connects her with them. 
 
 Mr. Podmore's attempt at a normal explanation by 
 fraud, therefore, is of no weight. He has to exaggerate 
 the value, as disproof, of such discrepancies as occur in 
 all human evidence on all subjects. He has to lay stress 
 on the interval of five weeks between the events and the 
 collection of testimony by himself. But contemporary 
 accounts appeared in the local newspapers, and he does 
 not compare the contemporary with the later evidence, as 
 we have done. There is one discrepancy which looks as 
 if a witness, not here cited, came to think he had seen 
 what he heard talked about. Finally, after abandoning the 
 idea that mechanical means can possibly have produced 
 the effect, Mr. Podmore falls back on the cunning of a half- 
 witted girl whom nothing shows to have been half-witted. 
 The alternative is that the girl was ' the instrument of 
 mysterious agencies.' 
 
 So much for the hypothesis of a fraud, which has been 
 identical in results from China to Peru and from Green- 
 land to the Cape. 
 
 We now turn to the other, and concomitantly active 
 cause, in Mr. Podmore's theory, hallucination. ' Many 
 of the witnesses described the articles as moving slowly 
 through the air, or exhibiting some peculiarity of flight.'
 
 APPENDIX B 359 
 
 (See e.g. the Worksop case.) Mr. Podmore adds another 
 English case, presently to be noted, and a German one. 
 ' In default of any experimental evidence ' (how about Mr. 
 William Crookes's ?) ' that disturbances of this kind are 
 ever due to abnormal agency, I am disposed to explain 
 the appearance of moving slowly or flying as a sensory 
 illusion, conditioned by the excited state of the percipient.' 
 C Studies,' 157, 158.) 
 
 Before criticising this explanation, let us give the 
 English affair, alluded to by Mr. Podmore. 
 
 The most curious modern case known to me is not of 
 recent date, but it occurred in full daylight, in the pre- 
 sence of many witnesses, and the phenomena continued 
 for weeks. The events were of 1849, and the record is 
 expanded, by Mr. Bristow, a spectator, from an account 
 written by him in 1854. The scene was Swanland, near 
 Hull, in a carpenter's shop, where Mr. Bristow was em- 
 ployed with two fellow workmen. To be brief, they were 
 pelted by odds and ends of wood, about the size of a 
 common matchbox. Each blamed the others, till this 
 explanation became untenable. The workrooms and space 
 above were searched to no purpose. The bits of wood 
 sometimes danced along the floor, more commonly sailed 
 gently along, or " moved as if borne on gently heaving 
 waves." This sort of thing was repeated during six 
 weeks. One piece of wood " came from a distant corner 
 of the room towards me, describing what may be likened 
 to a geometrical square, or corkscrew of about eighteen 
 inches diameter. . . . Never was a piece seen to come in 
 at the doorway." Mr. Bristow deems this period 'the 
 most remarkable episode in my life.' (June 27, 1891.) 
 The phenomena ' did not depend on the presence of any 
 one person or number of persons.' 
 
 Going to Swanland, in 1891, Mr. Sidgwick found one 
 surviving witness of these occurrences, who averred that 
 the objects could not have been thrown because of the 
 eccentricities of their course, which he described in the 
 same way as Mr. Bristow. The thrower must certainly 
 have had a native genius for ' pitching ' at base-ball. This 
 witness, named Andrews, was mentioned by Mr. Bristow 
 in his report, but not referred to by him for confirmation. 
 Those to whom he referred were found to be dead, or 
 had emigrated. The villagers had a superstitious theory
 
 360 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 about the phenomena being provoked by a dead man, 
 whose affairs had not been settled to his liking. So Mr. 
 Darwin's spoon danced on a grave. 1 
 
 This case has a certain interest a propos of Mr. 
 Podmore's surmise that all such phenomena arise in 
 trickery, which produces excitement in the spectators, 
 while excitement begets hallucination, and hallucination 
 takes the form of seeing the thrown objects move in a 
 non-natural way. Thus, I keep throwing things about. 
 You, not detecting this stratagem, get excited, consequently 
 hallucinated, and you believe you see the things move in 
 spirals, or undulate as if on waves, or hop, or float, or 
 glide in an impossible way. So close is the uniformity 
 of hallucination that these phenomena are described, 
 in similar terms, by witnesses (hallucinated, of course) 
 in times old and new, as in cases cited by Glanvil, 
 Increase Mather, Telfer (of Berrick), and, generally, in 
 works of the seventeenth century. Nor is this uniform 
 hallucination confined to England. Mr. Podmore quotes 
 a German example, and I received a similar testimony (to 
 the flight of an object round a corner) from a gentleman 
 who employed Esther Teed, ' the Amherst Mystery,' in his 
 service. He was not excited, for he was normally engaged 
 in his normal stable, when the incident occurred unex- 
 pectedly as he was looking after his live stock. One may 
 add the case of Cideville (1851) and Sir W. Crookes's 
 evidence, and that of Mr. Schhapoff. 
 
 Mr. Podmore must, therefore, suppose that, in states 
 of excitement, the same peculiar form of hallucination 
 develops itself uniformly in America, France, Germany, 
 and England (not to speak of Russia), and persists through 
 different ages. This is a novel and valuable psychological 
 law. Moreover, Mr. Podmore must hold that ' excite- 
 ment ' lasted for six weeks among the carpenters in the 
 shop at Swanland, one of whom writes like a man of much 
 intelligence, and has thriven to be a master in his craft. 
 It is difficult to believe that he was excited for six weeks, 
 and we still marvel that excitement produces the same 
 uniformity of hallucination, affecting policemen, car- 
 penters, marquises, and a F.R.S. We allude to Sir W. 
 Crookes's case. 
 
 Strictly scientific examination of these prodigies has 
 
 1 Proceeditigs, S.P.R. vii. 383-394.
 
 APPENDIX B 361 
 
 been very rare. The best examples are the experiments 
 of Sir William Crookes, F.R.S., with Home. 1 He de- 
 monstrated, by means of a machine constructed for the 
 purpose, and automatically registering, that, in Home's 
 presence, a balance was affected to the extent of two 
 pounds when Home was not in contact with the table on 
 which the machine was placed. He also saw objects float 
 in air, with a motion like that of a piece of wood on small 
 waves of the sea (clearly excitement producing hallucina- 
 tion), while Home was at a distance, other spectators 
 holding his hands, and his feet being visibly enclosed in a 
 kind of cage. All present held each other's hands, and all 
 witnessed the phenomena. Sir W. Crookes being, pro- 
 fessionally, celebrated for the accuracy of his observations, 
 these circumstances are difficult to explain, and these 
 are but a few cases among multitudes. 
 
 I venture to conceive that, on reflection, Mr. Podmore 
 will doubt whether he has discovered an universal law of 
 excited mal-perception, or whether the remarkable, and 
 certainly undesigned, coincidence of testimony to the 
 singular flight of objects does not rather point to an 
 4 abnormal agency ' uniform in its effects. Contagious 
 hallucination cannot affect witnesses ignorant of each 
 other's existence in many lands and ages, nor could they 
 cook their reports to suit reports of which they never heard. 
 
 We now turn to peculiarities in the so-called Medium, 
 such as floating in air, change of bulk, and escape from 
 lesion when handling or treading in fire. Mr. Tylor says 
 nothing of Sir William Crookes's cases (1871), but speaks 
 of the alleged levitation, or floating in air, of savages and 
 civilised men. These are recorded in Buddhist and Neo- 
 platonic writings, and among Red Indians, in Tonquin 
 (where a Jesuit saw and described the phenomena, 1730), 
 in the ' Acta Sanctorum,' and among modern spiritualists. 
 In 1760, Lord Elcho, being at Eome, was present at the 
 proces for canonising a Saint (unnamed), and heard 
 witnesses swear to having seen the holy man levitated. 
 Sir W. Crookes attests having seen Home float in air on 
 several occasions. In 1871, the Master of Lindsay, now 
 Lord Crawford and Balcarres, F.R.S., gave the follow- 
 ing evidence, which was corroborated by the two other 
 spectators, Lord Adare and Captain Wynne. 
 
 1 See Sir W. Crookes's RescarcJics in Spiritualism.
 
 362 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 ' I was sitting with Mr. Home and Lord Adare and a 
 cousin of his. During the sitting, Mr. Home went into 
 a trance, and in that state was carried out of the window 
 in the room next to where we were, and was brought in 
 at our window. The distance between the windows was 
 about seven feet six inches, and there was not the slightest 
 foothold between them, nor was there more than a twelve- 
 inch projection to each window, which served as a ledge 
 to put flowers on. We heard the window in the next 
 room lifted up, and almost immediately after we saw 
 Home floating in the air outside our window. The moon 
 was shining full into the room ; my back was to the light, 
 and I saw the shadow on the wall of the window sill, and 
 Home's feet about six inches above it. He remained in 
 this position for a few seconds, then raised the window 
 and glided into the room feet foremost and sat down. 
 
 ' Lord Adare then went into the next room to look 
 at the window from which he had been carried. It was 
 raised about eighteen inches, and he expressed his wonder 
 how Mr. Home had been taken through so narrow an 
 aperture. Home said, still entranced, "I will show you," 
 and then with his back to the window he leaned back and 
 was shot out of the aperture, head first, with the body 
 rigid, and then returned quite quietly. The window is 
 about seventy feet from the ground.' The hypothesis of 
 a mechanical arrangement of ropes or supports outside 
 has been suggested, but does not cover the facts as 
 described. 
 
 Mr. Podmore, who quotes this, offers the explanation 
 that the witnesses were excited, and that Home ' thrust 
 his head and shoulders out of the window.' But, if he 
 did, they could not see him do it, for he was in the next 
 room. A brick wall was between them and him. Their 
 first view of Home was ' floating in the air outside our 
 window.' It is not very easy to hold that a belief to 
 which the collective evidence is so large and universal, 
 as the belief in levitation, was caused by a series of saints, 
 sorcerers, and others thrusting their heads and shoulders 
 out of windows where the observers could not see them. 
 Nor in Lord Crawford's case is it easy to suppose that 
 three educated men, if hallucinated, would all be halluci- 
 nated in the same way. 
 
 The argument of excited expectation and consequent
 
 APPENDIX B 363 
 
 hallucination does not apply to Mr. Hamilton Aide and 
 M. Alphonse Karr, neither of whom was a man of science. 
 Both were extremely prejudiced against Home, and at 
 Nice went to see, and, if possible, to expose him. Home 
 was a guest at a large villa in Nice, M. Karr and Mr. 
 Aide were two of a party in a spacious brilliantly lighted 
 salon, where Home received them. A large heavy table, 
 remote from their group, moved towards them. M. Karr 
 then got under a table which rose in air, and carefully 
 examined the space beneath, while Mr. Aide observed it 
 from above. Neither of them could discover any explana- 
 tion of the phenomenon, and they walked away together, 
 disgusted, disappointed, and reviling Home. 1 
 
 In this case there was neither excitement nor desire 
 to believe, but a strong wish to disbelieve and to expose 
 Home. If two such witnesses could be hallucinated, 
 we must greatly extend our notion of the limits of the 
 capacity for entertaining hallucinations. 
 
 One singular phenomenon was reported in Home's 
 case, which has, however, little to do with any con- 
 ceivable theory of spirits. He was said to become 
 elongated in trance. 2 Mr. Podmore explains that 'per- 
 haps he really stretched himself to his full height ' one 
 of the easiest ways conceivable of working a miracle, 
 lamblichus reports the same phenomenon in his possessed 
 men. 3 lamblichus adds that they were sometimes 
 broadened as well as lengthened. Now, M. Fere observes 
 that ' any part of the body of an hysterical patient may 
 change in volume, simply owing to the fact that the 
 patient's attention is fixed on that part.' 4 Conceivably 
 the elongation of Home and the ancient Egyptian 
 mediums may have been an extreme case of this ' change 
 of volume.' Could this be proved by examples, Home's 
 elongation would cease to be a ' miracle.' But it would 
 follow that in this case observers were not hallucinated, 
 and the presumption would be raised that they were not 
 hallucinated in the other cases. Indeed, this argument is 
 of universal application. 
 
 1 Mr. 4 Aide has given me this information. Ho recorded the circum- 
 stances in his Diary at the time. 
 
 2 Report of Dialectical Society, p. 209. 
 
 3 See Porphyry, in Panthey's edition (Berlin, 1857), iii. 4. 
 
 4 Bulletin de la Societt tie Biologic, 1880, p. 399.
 
 364 THE MAKING OF KELIGION 
 
 There is another class of ' physical phenomena,' which 
 has no direct bearing on our subject. Many persons, in 
 many ages, are said to have handled or walked through 
 fire, not only without suffering pain, but without lesion 
 of the skin. lamblichus mentions this as among the 
 peculiarities of his ' possessed ' men ; and in ' Modern 
 Mythology ' (1897) I have collected first-hand evidence 
 for the feat in classical times, and in India, Fiji, Bulgaria, 
 Trinidad, the Straits Settlements, and many other places. 
 The evidence is that of travellers, officials, missionaries, 
 and others, and is backed (for what photographic testi- 
 mony is worth) by photographs of the performance. To 
 hold glowing coals in his hand, and to communicate the 
 power of doing so to others, was in Home's repertoire. 
 Lord Crawford saw it done on eight occasions, and 
 himself received from Home's hand the glowing coal 
 unharmed. A friend of my own, however, still bears the 
 blister of the hurt received in the process. Sir W. 
 Crookes's evidence follows : 
 
 ' At Mr. Home's request, whilst he was entranced 
 I went with him to the fireplace in the back drawing- 
 room. He said, " We want you to notice particularly 
 what Dan is doing." Accordingly I stood close to the 
 fire, and stooped down to it when he put his hands in. 
 
 ' Mr. Home then waved the handkerchief about in the 
 air two or three times, held it above his head, and then 
 folded it up and laid it on his hand like a cushion. 
 Putting his other hand into the fire, he took out a large 
 lump of cinder, red-hot at the lower part, and placed the 
 red part on the handkerchief. Under ordinary circum- 
 stances it would have been in a blaze. In about half a 
 minute he took it off the handkerchief with his hand, 
 saying, "As the power is not strong, if we leave the coal 
 longer it will burn." He then put it on his hand, and 
 brought it to the table in the front room, where all but 
 myself had remained seated.' 
 
 Mr. Podmore explains that only two candles and the 
 fire gave light on one occasion, and that 'possibly' Home's 
 hands were protected by some ' non-conducting substance.' 
 He does not explain how this substance was put on Lord 
 Crawford's hands, nor tell us what this valuable substance 
 may be. None is known to science, though it seems to
 
 APPENDIX B 365 
 
 be known to Fijians, Tongans, Klings, and Bulgarians, 
 who walk through fire unhurt. 
 
 It is not necessary to believe Sir W. Crookes's asser- 
 tions that he saw Home perform the fire-tricks, for we 
 can fall back on the lack of light (only two candles and 
 the fire-light), as also on the law of hallucination caused 
 by excitement. But it is necessary to believe this dis- 
 tinguished authority's statement about his ignorance of 
 ' some non-conducting substance : ' 
 
 ' Schoolboys' books and mediaeval tales describe how 
 this can be done with alum and other ingredients. It is 
 possible that the skin may be so hardened and thickened 
 by such preparations that superficial charring might take 
 place without the pain becoming great ; but the surface 
 of the skin would certainly suffer severely. After Home 
 had recovered from the trance, I examined his hand with 
 care to see if there wero any signs of burning or of 
 previous preparation. I could detect no trace of injury 
 to the skin, which was soft and delicate, like a woman's. 
 Neither were there signs of any preparation having been 
 previously applied. I have often seen conjurers and others 
 handle red-hot coals and iron, but there were always 
 palpable signs of burning.' l 
 
 In September 1897 a crew of passengers went from 
 New Zealand to see the Fijian rites, which, as reported in 
 the 'Fiji Times/ corresponded exactly with the descrip- 
 tion published by Mr. Basil Thompson, himself a witness. 
 The interesting point, historically, is the combination in 
 Home of all the repertoire of the possessed men in 
 lamblichus. We certainly cannot get rid of the fire-trick 
 by aid of a hypothetical 'non-conducting substance.' Till 
 the ' substance ' is tested experimentally it is not a vera 
 causa. We might as well say ' spirits ' at once. Both 
 that ' substance ' and those ' spirits ' are equally ' in the 
 air.' Yet Mr. Podmore's 'explanations ' (not satisfactory 
 to himself) are conceived so thoroughly in the spirit of 
 popular science one of them casually discovering a new 
 psychological law, a second contradicting the facts it 
 seeks to account for, a third generously inventing an 
 unknown substance that they ought to be welcomed 
 by reviewers and lecturers. 
 
 1 Crookes, Proceedings, ix. 308.
 
 366 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 It seems wiser to admit our ignorance and suspend 
 our belief. 
 
 Here closes the futile chapter of explanations. Fraud 
 is a vera causa, but an hypothesis difficult of application 
 when it is admitted that the effects could not be caused 
 by ordinary mechanical means. Hallucination, through 
 excitement, is a vera causa, but its remarkable uniformity, 
 as described by witnesses from different lands and ages, 
 knowing nothing of each other, makes us hesitate to 
 accept a sweeping hypothesis of hallucination. The case 
 for it is not confirmed, when we have the same reports 
 from witnesses certainly not excited. 
 
 This extraordinary bundle, then, of reports, practically 
 identical, of facts paralysing to belief, this bundle made 
 up of statements from so many ages and countries, can 
 only be ' filed for reference.' But it is manifest that any 
 savage who shared the experiences of Sir W. Crookes, 
 Lord Crawford, Mr. Hamilton Ai'de, M. Kobert de St. 
 Victor at Cideville, and Policeman Higgs at Worksop, 
 would believe that a spirit might tenant a stick or stone 
 so believing he would be a Fetishist. Thus even of 
 Fetishism the probable origin is in a region of which we 
 know nothing the x region.
 
 367 
 
 APPENDIX C 
 
 CRYSTAL-GAZING 
 
 SINCE the chapter on crystal-gazing was in type, a work 
 by Dr. Pierre Janet has appeared, styled ' Les Nevroses 
 et les Idees Fixes.' ' It contains a chapter on crystal- 
 gazing. The opinion of Dr. Janet, as that of a savant 
 familiar, at the Salpetriere, with ' neurotic ' visionaries, 
 cannot but be interesting. Unluckily, the essay must be 
 regarded as seriously impaired in value by Dr. Janet's 
 singular treatment of his subject. Nothing is more ne- 
 cessary in these researches than accuracy of statement. 
 Now, Dr. Janet has taken a set of experiences, or 
 experiments, of Miss X/s from that lady's interesting 
 essay, already cited ; has attributed them, not to Miss X., 
 but to various people for example, to une jeune fille, 
 une pauvre voyante, une personne un pen mystique ; has 
 altered the facts in the spirit of romance ; and has 
 triumphantly given that explanation, revival of memory, 
 which was assigned by Miss X. herself. 
 
 Throughout his paper Dr. Janet appears as the calm 
 man of science pronouncing judgment on the visionary 
 vagaries of ' haunted ' young girls and disappointed 
 seeresses. No such persons were concerned ; no such 
 hauntings, supposed premonitions, or ' disillusions ' oc- 
 curred ; the romantic and ' marvellous ' circumstances are 
 rnythopoeic accretions due to Dr. Janet's own memory or 
 fancy ; his scientific explanation is that given by his 
 trinity of jeune fille, pauvre voyantc, and personne un pen 
 mystique. 
 
 Being much engaged in the study of ' neurotic ' and 
 
 hysterical patients, Dr. Janet thinks that they are most 
 
 apt to see crystal visions. Perhaps they are ; and one 
 
 doubts if their descriptions are more to be trusted than 
 
 1 Alcan, Paris, 1898.
 
 368 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 the romantic essay of their medical attendant. In citing 
 Miss X.'s paper (as he did), Dr. Janet ought to have 
 reported her experiments correctly, ought to have attri- 
 buted them to herself, and should, decidedly, have re- 
 marked that the explanation he offered was her own 
 hypothesis, verified by her own exertions. 
 
 Not having any acquaintances in neurotic circles, I 
 am unable to say whether such persons supply more 
 cases of the faculty of crystal vision than ordinary people ; 
 while their word, one would think, is much less to be 
 trusted than that of men and women in excellent health. 
 The crystal visions which I have cited from my own 
 knowledge (and I could cite scores of others) were beheld 
 by men and women engaged in the ordinary duties of life. 
 Students, barristers, novelists, lawyers, school-masters, 
 school-mistresses, golfers to all of whom the topic was 
 perfectly new have all exhibited the faculty. It is 
 curious that an Arabian author of the thirteenth century, 
 Ibn Khaldoun, cited by M. Lefebure, offers the same 
 account of how the visions appear as that given by Miss 
 Angus in the Journal of the S.P.R., April 1898. M. 
 Lefebure's citation was sent to me in a letter. 
 
 I append M. Lefebure's quotation from Ibn Khaldoun. 
 The original is translated in ' Notices et Extraits des 
 MSS. de la Bibliotheque Imperiale,' I. xix. p. 643-645. 
 
 ' Ibn Kaldoun admet que certains homines ont la faculte 
 de deviner 1'avenir. 
 
 ' " Ceux, ajoute-t-il, qui regardent dans les corps 
 diaphanes, tels que les miroirs, les cuvettes remplies d'eau 
 et les liquides ; ceux qui inspectent les coeurs, les foies et 
 les os des animaux, .... tous ces gens-la appartiennent 
 aussi a la sategorie des devins, mais, a cause de 1'imperfec- 
 tion de leur nature, ils y occupent un rang inf erieur. Pour 
 ecarter le voile des sens, le vrai devin n'a pas besoin de 
 grands efforts ; quant aux autres, ils tachent d'arriver au 
 but en essayant de concentrer en un seul sens toutes leurs 
 perceptions. Comme la vue est le sens le plus noble, ils 
 lui donnent la preference ; fixant leur regard sur un objet 
 a superficie unie, ils le considerent avec attention jusqu'a 
 ce qu'ils y aperoivent la chose qu'ils veulent annoncer. 
 Quelques personnes croient que 1'image apergue de cette 
 maniere se dessine sur la surface du miroir ; mais ils 
 se trompent. Le devin regarde fixement cette surface
 
 369 
 
 jusqu'a ce qu'elle disparaisse et qu'un rideau, semblable 
 a un brouillard, s'interpose entre lui et le miroir. Sur 
 ce rideau se dessinent les choses qu'il desire aper- 
 cevoir, et cela lui permet de donner des indications 
 soit affirmatives, soit negatives, sur ce que Ton desire 
 savoir. II raconte alors les perceptions telles qu'il les 
 re9oit. Les devins, pendant qu'ils sont dans cet 
 etat, n'aper9oivent pas ce qui se voit reellement dans le 
 miroir ; c'est un autre mode de perception qui nait chez 
 eux et qui s'opere, non pas au moyen de la vue, mais de 
 1'ame. II est vrai que, pour eux, les perceptions de I'dme 
 ressemblent a celles des sens au point de les tromper ; 
 fait qui, du reste, est bien connu. La meme chose 
 arrive a ceux qui examinent les coeurs et les foies 
 d'animaux. Nous avons vu quelques-uns de ces individus 
 entraver I' operation des sens par 1'emploi de simples fumi- 
 gations, puis se servir d' 'incantations 1 afin de donner a 
 1'ame la disposition requise ; ensuite ils racontent ce qu'ils 
 ont aper9u. Ces formes, disent-ils, se rnontrent dans Fair 
 et representent des personnages : elles leur apprennent, 
 aft moyen d'emblemes et de signes, les choses qu'ils 
 cherchent a savoir. Les individus de cette classe se 
 detachent moins de 1'innuence des sens que ceux de la 
 classe precedente. 
 
 1 L'auteur arabe avait deja mentionne (p. 209) 1'emploi des incantations 
 et indique qu'elles etaient un simple adjuvant physique destine a donner a 
 certains hommes une exaltation dont ils se servaient pour tacher de 
 decouvrir 1'avenir. 
 
 ' Pour arriver au plus haut degre d'inspiration dont il est capable, le 
 devin doit avoir recours a 1'emploi de certaines phrases qui se distinguent 
 par une cadence et un parallelisms particuliers. II essaye ce moyen ajin dc 
 soustraire son dme aux influences des sens et de lui donner assez de force 
 pour se mettre dans un contact imparfait avec le monde spirituel." Cette 
 agitation d'esprit, jointe a 1'emploi des moyens intrinseques dont nous avons 
 paiie, excite dans son cceur des idees que cet organe exprime par le 
 ministere de la langue. Les paroles qu'il prononce sont tantot vraies, tantot 
 iausses. En effet, le devin, voulant supplier a 1'imperfection de son naturel, 
 se sert de moyens tout a fait etrangers a sa faculte perceptive et qui ne 
 s'accordent en aucune facon avec elle. Done la verite et 1'erreur se 
 presentent a lui en meme temps, aussi ne doit-on mettre aucune confiance 
 en ses paroles. Quelquefois meme il a recours a des suppositions et a des 
 conjectures dans 1'espoir de rencontrer la v6rit6 et de tromper ceux qui 
 1'interrogent.' 
 
 " Compare Tennyson's way of attaining a state of trance by repeating to hiin- 
 K:lf his own name. 
 
 B B
 
 370 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 APPENDIX D 
 
 CHIEFS IN AUSTRALIA 
 
 IN the remarks on Australian religion, it is argued that 
 chiefs in Australia are, at most, very inconspicuous, and 
 that a dead chief cannot have thriven into a Supreme 
 Being. Attention should be called, however, to Mr. 
 Howitt's remarks on Australian ' Head-men,' in his tract 
 on ' The Organisation of Australian Tribes ' (pp. 103-113). 
 He attaches more of the idea of power to ' Head-men ' 
 than does Mr. Curr in his work, ' The Australian Race.' 
 The Head-men, as a rule, arrive at such influence as they 
 possess by seniority, if accompanied by courage, wisdom, 
 and, in some cases, by magical acquirements. There are 
 traces of a tendency to keep the office (if it may be called 
 one) in the same kinship. ' But Vich Ian Vohr or Chin- 
 gahgook are not to be found in Australian tribes ' (p. 113). 
 I do not observe that the manes or ghost of a dead Head- 
 man receives any worship or service calculated to fix him 
 in the tribal memory, and so lead to the evolution of a 
 deity, though one Head-man was potent through the 
 whole Dieyri tribe over three hundred miles of country. 
 Such a person, if propitiated after death, might conceivably 
 develop into a hero, if not into a creative being. But we 
 must await evidence to the effect that any posthumous 
 reverence was paid to this man, lalina Piramurana (New 
 Moon). Mr. Howitt's essay is in the 'Transactions of 
 the Royal Society of Victoria for 1889.'
 
 INDEX 
 
 ACADEMY of Medicine, Paris, inquiry 
 into animal magnetism, 37, 38 
 
 Achille, the case of, 145 
 
 Acosta, Pere. cited, 82, 267, 269 
 
 Adare, Lord, cited, 361 
 
 Addison, cited. 17 
 
 Africans, religious faiths of, 231, 
 232, 241, 242. See under separate 
 tribal names. 
 
 Ahone, North American Indian god, 
 252, 253, 254, 264, 272, 283, 287, 
 308 
 
 A'ide, Hamilton, cited, 363 
 
 Algonqnins, the, 273 
 
 Allen, Grant, cited, 207 
 
 American Creators, 251; parallel with 
 African gods, 251 ; savage gods of 
 Virginia, 252 ; the Ahone-Okeus 
 creed, 253. 254; Pawnee tribal re- 
 ligions, 254-257 ; Ti-ra-wa, the 
 Spirit Father, 255, 256 ; rite to 
 the Morning Star, 256 ; religion 
 of the Blackfeet, 258 ; Na-pi, 259, 
 260, 261 ; one account of the Inca 
 religion, 261-265; Sun-worship, 
 262, 263 ; cult of Pachacamac, the 
 Inca deity, 262-270 ; another ac- 
 count of the Inca religion, 265- 
 270 ; hymns of the Zunis, 271 ; 
 Awonawilona, 271 
 
 Amoretti, Sig.. cited. 33, 165 
 
 Ancestor-worship, 177, 178, 179, 
 180, 192, 224, 231, 232, 294, 297- 
 390, 300-304 
 
 Andamanese, the, religious beliefs of, 
 isl, 211-214, 223, 224, 227, 230, 
 273, 276, 280, 281, 298 
 
 ' Angus. Miss,' cases in her ex- 
 perience of crystal-gazing, 96-111, 
 368 
 
 Animal magnetism, inquiry into, 32, 
 37, 38 
 
 Animism, nature and influence of, 
 53, 54, 71, 139, 182, 206, 208, 225, 
 280,281, 290, 291, 294, 295, 333 
 
 Anthropology and hallucinations, 
 113 ; sleeping and waking ex- 
 perience, 114; hallucinations in 
 mentally sound people, 115; ghosts, 
 115 ; coincidence of hallucina- 
 tions of the sane with death or 
 other crisis of person seen, 115 ; 
 morbid hallucinations and coinci- 
 dental ' flukes,' 116 ; connection 
 of cause and effect, 116 ; the 
 emotional effect, 117 ; illustrative 
 coincidence, 117; hallucinations 
 of sight, 118 ; causes of hallucina- 
 tions, 119 ; collective hallucina- 
 tions, 119 ; the properly receptive 
 state, 119; telepathy, 120; phan- 
 tasms of the living, 121 ; Maori 
 cases, 122-124 ; evidence to be re- 
 jected, 125 ; subjective hallucina- 
 tion caused by expectancy, 125 ; 
 puzzling nature of hallucinations 
 shared by several people at once, 
 126 ; hallucinations coincident 
 with a death, 126 ; apparitions 
 and deaths connected in fact, 127 ; 
 Census of the Society for Psychical 
 Research thereupon, 128 ; number 
 and character of the instances, 
 128 ; weighing evidence, 129 ; 
 opinion of the Committee on 
 Hallucinations, 130; remoteness 
 of occurrence of instances, 130 ; 
 want of documentary evidence, 
 131 ; non-coincidental hallucina- 
 tions, 131 ; telepathy existing be- 
 tween kinsfolk and friends, 132 ; 
 influence of anxiety, 133; exist- 
 ence of illness known, 133; mental 
 and nervous conditions in con-
 
 372 
 
 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 nection with hallucinations, 134 ; 
 value of the statistics of the Cen- 
 sus, 135 ; anecdote of an English 
 officer, 135 
 
 Anthropology and religion, 43 ; 
 early scientific prejudice against, 
 44 ; evolution, 44 ; testing of evi- 
 dence, 45-47 ; psychical research, 
 48 ; origin of religion, 48 ; in- 
 ferences drawn from supernormal 
 phenomena, 49, 59 ; savage pa- 
 rallels of psychical phenomena, 
 50 ; meanings of religion, 50, 51 ; 
 disproof of godless tribes, 52 ; 
 Animism, 53, 54 ; limits of savage 
 tongues, 55 ; waking and sleeping 
 hallucinations, 55 ; crystal-gazing, 
 56 ; the ghost-soul, 56 ; savage 
 abstract speculation, 57 ; analogy 
 of the ideas of children and 
 primitive man, 58 ; early man's 
 conception of life, 58 ; ghost-seers, 
 60 ; psychical conditions in which 
 savages differ from civilised men, 
 60 ; power of producing non- 
 normal psychological conditions, 
 61 ; faculties of the lower animals, 
 62 ; man's first conception of 
 religion, 63 ; the suggested hyp- 
 notic state, 64 ; second-sight, 65 ; 
 savage names for the ghost-soul, 
 67 ; the migratory spirit, 68-71 
 
 Anyambia, South Guinea Creator, 
 240 
 
 Apaches, crystal-gazing by, 91, 92 
 
 Apollonius of Tyana, 73 
 
 Atua, the Tongan Elohim, 306 
 
 Aurora Borealis, savage ideas of the, 
 4, 287, 321 
 
 Australians, religious beliefs of, 55, 
 90, 128, 138, 179, 189, 190-198, 
 201, 205, 213, 223, 224, 227, 230, 
 235, 239, 245, 262, 273, 279, 280, 
 
 281, 286, 287, 288, 289 
 Automatism, 168 
 
 Awonawilona, Zufii deity, 271, 275 
 Aymard, Jacques, case of, 162, 165 
 Aztecs, creed of, 198, 255, 256, 279, 
 
 282, 288 
 
 BAELZ, Dr., cited, 142 
 
 Baiame, deity, 205, 207, 208, 224, 
 
 286, 308 
 
 Baker, Sir Samuel, cited, 47, 230 
 Bakwains, the, 184 
 Balfour, A. J., quoted, 49 ; 63 note 
 
 Banks Islanders, their gods, 183, 
 214-217 
 
 Bantus, religious beliefs of, 189, 230, 
 264 
 
 Barkworth, Mr., his opinion of Mrs. 
 Piper, 151 
 
 Barrett, Professor, on the divining- 
 rod, 165, 166, 167 
 
 Bastian, Adolf, cited, 6, 48 
 
 Baxter, cited, 17 
 
 Beaton, Cardinal, his mistress visual- 
 ised, 105 
 
 Bell, John, cited, 161 
 
 Beni-Israel, 310 
 
 Berna, magnetiser, 38 
 
 Bernadette, case of, 126 
 
 Big Black Man, Fuegian deity, 283 
 
 Binet and Fere, quoted, 21, 83 
 
 Bissett, Mr. and Mrs., experiences 
 of crystal-gazing, 106-110 
 
 Blackfeet, beliefs of, 251, 258 
 
 Blantyre region, religion in the, 237, 
 238 
 
 Bobowissi, Gold Coast god, 246, 
 247, 249, 251, 252, 253 
 
 Bodinus, cited, 16 
 
 Book of the Dead, 314, 315, 332 
 
 Bora, Australian mysteries, 191, 192, 
 194, 207, 213, 284 
 
 Bosnian, cited, 246 
 
 Bourget, Paul, his opinion of Mrs. 
 Piper, 150, 151 
 
 Bourke, Captain J. G., cited, 91 
 
 Boyle, cited, 16 
 
 Braid, inventor of the word ' hypnot- 
 ism,' 26, 38, 40 
 
 Brewster, Sir David, cited, 37 
 
 Brinton, Dr., cited, 74, 75, 182, 253, 
 259, 278, 290, 318 
 
 Bristow, Mr., cited, 259 
 
 British Association, decline to hear 
 Braid's essay, 26 ; rejection of 
 anthropological papers, 43 
 
 Brosses, de, cited, 161 
 
 Brown, General Mason, cited, 74, 75 
 
 Bunjil, deity, 205 
 
 Bushmen, religious beliefs of, 179, 
 210, 227, 230, 276 
 
 Button. Jemmy, the Fuegian, case 
 of, 124 
 
 CAOX, Bushman deity, 205, 210, 224 
 Callaway, Dr., on Zulu beliefs, 79, 
 
 92, 114, 153, 163, 226, 227, 228 
 Cardan, cited, 16 
 Carpenter, Dr., cited, 352
 
 INDEX 
 
 373 
 
 Carver, Captain Jonathan, his in- 
 stance of savage possession, 153 ; 
 cited, 74, 155, 156, 157 
 Charcot, Dr., on faith cures, 21-24, 
 
 26 note 
 Chevreul, M., cited, 165 
 
 Chinese, the, demon possession in, 
 141, 144 ; divining-rod, 167 ; 
 religious beliefs, 258, 318, 319, 
 320 
 
 Chonos, the, 189 
 
 Circumcision, 313 
 
 Clairvoyance (vtie a distance), 72 ; 
 'opening the Gates of Distance,' 72, 
 73 ; attested cases among savages, 
 73 ; conflict with the laws of exact 
 science, 74 ; instances, 75 ; among 
 the Zulus, 75-77 ; among the 
 Lapps, 77 ; the Marson case, 78 ; 
 seers, 79 ; the element of trickery, 
 80 ; a Red Indian seeress, 81 ; 
 Peruvian clairvoyants, 82 ; Pro- 
 fessor Bichet's case, 82 ; Mr. 
 Dobbie's case, 84 ; Scottish tales 
 of second-sight, 85-88 ; visions 
 provoked by various methods, 89. 
 See Crystal visions 
 
 Clodd, Edward, cited, 129, 130, 330 
 
 Cockburn, Mrs.,' test of crystal- 
 gazing, 107, 108, 109 
 
 Codrington, Dr., cited, 162, 183, 214, 
 215, 216 
 
 Coirin, Mile., her miraculous cure, 
 21 
 
 Coleridge, quoted, 10, 12, 324, 325 
 
 Collins, cited, 194 
 
 Comanches, the, 273 
 
 Confucius, religious teaching of, 318, 
 319 
 
 Cook, Captain, cited, 298 
 
 Corpse-binding, 155, 156 
 
 Crawford, Lord, cited, 353, 361, 362, 
 364 
 
 Creeks, the, 155 
 
 Crcesus, tests the Delphic Oracle, 15 
 
 Crookes, Sir William, cited, 353, 
 359, 360, 361, 364, 365 
 
 Crystal visions, 90 ; savage instances, 
 90, 91, 92 ; in later Europe, 93 ; 
 nature of ' Miss X's ' experiments, 
 
 93 ; attributed to ' dissociation,' 
 
 94 ; examples of ' thought-trans- 
 ference,' 94; arguments against 
 accepting recognition of objects 
 described by another person, 95 ; 
 coincidence of fact and fiction. 96 ; 
 cases in the experience of ' Miss 
 
 Angus,' 96-111; 'Miss Rose's' 
 experience, 98, 99 ; phenomena 
 suggest the savage theory of the 
 wandering soul, 112; cited, 8, 49, 
 56, 344, 345, 367 
 Cumberland, Stuart, 80 
 Cures by suggestion, 21, 22, 23 
 Curr, Mr., reports 'godless' savages, 
 200 note 
 
 DAMPIER, cited, 190, 191 
 Dancing sticks, 162, 163, 164 
 Darumulun, Australian Supreme 
 Being, 193, 194, 198, 202, 205, 
 207, 208, 224, 232, 237, 262, 283, 
 284, 286, 287, 288, 289, 308 
 Darwin, cited, 124, 161, 352, 360 
 Death, savage ideas on, 203 
 Degeneration theory, the, 278; the 
 powerful creative Being of lowest 
 savages, 278 ; differences between 
 the Supreme Being of higher and 
 lower savages, 279 ; human sacri- 
 fice, 279 ; hungry, cruel gods 
 degenerate from the Australian 
 Father in Heaven, 280 ; savage 
 Animism, 280 ; a pure religion 
 forgotten, 281 ; an inconvenient 
 moral Creator, 281 ; hankering 
 niter useful ghost-gods, 282 ; lower- 
 ing of the ideal of a Creator, 282 ; 
 maintenance of an immoral system 
 in the interests of the State an 
 the clergy, 282 ; moral monotheism 
 of the Hebrew religion, 283 ; 
 degradation of Jehovah, 283 ; 
 human sacrifice in ritual of Israel, 
 283 ; origin of conception of Je- 
 hovah, 283; Semitic gods, 283; 
 status of Darumulun, 284 ; con- 
 ception of Jehovah conditioned by 
 space, 285 ; degeneration of deity 
 in Africa, 285 ; political advance 
 produces religious degeneration, 
 286; sacrificial ideas, 287, 288; 
 the savage Supreme Being on a 
 higher plane than the Semitic and 
 Greek gods, 289 ; Animism full of 
 the seeds of religious degeneration, 
 290; falling off in the thcistic 
 conception, 290 ; modus of de- 
 generation by Animism supplant- 
 ing Theism, 291 ; fetishism, 290, 
 291 ; feeling after a God who needs 
 not anything at man's hands, 292 
 Demoniacal possession, 138; the
 
 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 'inspired' or 'possessed,' 139; 
 'change of control,' 141; gift of 
 eloquence and poetry, 141 ; in- 
 stances in China, 141 ; attempted 
 explanations of the phenomena, 
 141, 142; 'alternating personality,' 
 142 ; symptoms of possession, 
 143 ; evidence for, 144 ; scientific 
 account of a demoniac and his 
 cure, 144, 145 ; inducing the 
 ' possessed ' state, 146 ; exhibition 
 of abnormal knowledge by the 
 possessed, 147 ; scientific study of 
 the phenomena, 147 ; details of 
 the case of Mrs. Piper, 147-152 ; 
 diagnosing and prescribing for 
 patients, 153 ; Carver's example 
 of savage possession, 153, 156, 
 157 ; custom of binding the seer 
 with bonds, 154 ; corpse-binding, 
 155, 156 
 
 Dendid, Dinka Supreme Being, 230, 
 231, 283, 308 
 
 Deslon, M., disciple of Mesmer, 26 
 
 Dessoir, Dr. Max, quoted, 35, 36, 63, 
 64 
 
 Dinkas, beliefs of the, 47, 230, 231, 
 280 
 
 Divining-rod, use of the, 33, 164, 
 165, 166, 167, 168 
 
 Dobbie, Mr., his case of clairvoyance, 
 84 
 
 Dorman, Mr., cited, 221 
 
 Dunbar, Mr., cited, 258 
 
 Du Pont, cited, 82 
 
 Du Prel, cited, 30 
 
 Dyneis, Jonka, trance of, 72 
 
 EBUMTUPISM, second sight, 80 
 Egyptians, beliefs of, 90, 332 
 Elcho, Lord, cited, 361 
 Eleusinian mysteries, 213 
 Elliotson, Dr., cited, 26, 38, 40 
 Ellis, Major, on Polynesian and 
 
 African religious ideas, 90, 155, 
 
 243-2 19, 253, 274, 285, 298 
 Elohim, savage equivalents to the 
 
 term, 305 
 
 Esemkofu, Zulu ghosts, 138, 139 
 Eskimo, religious beliefs of, 79, 155, 
 
 199 
 
 FAITH-CURES, 19-24 
 Fenton, Francis Dart, on Maori 
 ghost-seeing, 123 
 
 Ferrand, Mile., on hallucinations, 
 
 85 
 
 Fetishism and Spiritualism, 159 ; 
 the fetish, 159 ; sources super- 
 normal to savages, 160 ; indepen- 
 dent motion in inanimate objects, 
 161 ; comparison with physical 
 phenomena of spiritualism, 161 ; 
 Melanesian belief in sticks moved 
 by spirits, 162, 163 ; a sceptical 
 Zulu, 163 ; a form of the pendu- 
 lum experiment, 163 ; table-turn- 
 ing, 164 ; the divining-rod, 164- 
 167 ; the civilised and savage 
 practice of automatism, 168 ; dark 
 room manifestations, 169 ; the 
 disturbances in the house of 
 M. Zoller, 170 ; consideration of 
 physical phenomena, 171 ; in- 
 stanced, 178, 246, 290, 291, 303, 
 352-366 
 
 Figuier, M., cited, 165 
 Fijians, religious beliefs of, 138, 147, 
 
 218, 272, 365 
 Finns, the, 65 
 
 Fire ceremony, the, 195 note 
 Fison, Lorimer, cited, 138, 273 
 Fitzroy, Admiral, cited, 124, 187. 
 
 188, 189 
 
 Flacourt, Sieur de, on crystal- 
 gazing in Madagascar, 91 
 Flint, Professor, cited, 277 
 Francis, St., Stigmata of, 24 
 Fuegians, beliefs and customs of, 
 124, 179, 187, 188, 189, 198, 204, 
 227, 230, 248, 283, 287, 298 
 
 GAI/TOX, Mr., cited, 13, 104, 115, 322, 
 
 323 
 Garcilasso de la Vega, on Inca 
 
 beliefs, 261, 262, 263, 264, 265, 
 
 266, 267 
 ' Gates of Distance, Opening the,' 
 
 72, 73, 75 
 Ghost-seers, 60, 70 
 Ghost-soul, the, 56 ; names for the, 
 
 67 
 
 Gibert, Dr., on ' wiling ' sleep, 40 
 Gibier, Dr., cited, 157 
 Gippsland tribes, 203, 204 
 Glanvil, Rev. Joseph, his scientific 
 
 investigations, 16 
 God, evolution of the idea of, 173 ; 
 
 anthropological hypothesis, 173 ; 
 
 primitive logic of the savage, 174 ; 
 
 regarded as a spirit, 176 ; idea
 
 INDEX 
 
 375 
 
 of spiritual beings framed on 
 the human soul, 177 ; deified 
 ancestors, 177 ; the Zulu first 
 ancestor, 178 ; fetishes, 178 ; 
 great gods in savage systems of 
 religion, 179 ; the Lord of the 
 Dead, 179 ; conception of an 
 idealised divine First Ancestor, 
 180, 204 ; hostile Good and Bad 
 Beings, 180 ; the Supreme Being 
 of savage creeds, 180 ; media- 
 ting ' Sons,' 181 ; Christian and 
 Islamite influence on savage con- 
 ceptions, 181 ; probable germs of 
 the savage idea of a Supreme 
 Being, 181 ; animistic concep- 
 tions, 182 ; ghosts, and Beings 
 who never were human, 183 ; 
 recognition by savages of our God 
 in theirs, 183 ; the hypothesis 
 of degeneracy, 184 ; the moral, 
 friendly creative Being of low 
 savage faith, 185 ; food offerings 
 to a Universal Power, 185, 186 ; 
 the High Gods of low races, 187 ; 
 intrusion of European ideas into 
 savage religions, 187 ; the Fuegian 
 Big Man, 188 ; ghosts of dead 
 medicine-men, 189 ; the Bora, or 
 Australian tribal mysteries, 191, 
 192, 194 ; possible evolution of the 
 Australian god, 192 ; mythology 
 and theology of Darumulun, the 
 highest Australian god, 193, 194, 
 198 ; religious sanction of morals, 
 194 ; selflessness the very essence 
 of goodness, 195 ; precepts of 
 Darumulun, 196, 197 ; argument 
 from design, 199 ; Supreme Gods 
 not necessarily developed out 
 of 'spirits,' 201; distinction be- 
 tween deities and ghosts, 201 ; 
 human beings adored as gods, 
 
 202 ; deathlessness of the Supreme 
 Being of savage faith, 202, 205 ; 
 idealisation of the savage himself, 
 
 203 ; negation of the ghost-theory, 
 204, 205 ; high creative gods 
 never were mortal men, 206 ; low 
 savage distinction between gods, 
 206 ; propitiation by food and 
 sacrifice, 206 ; ' magnified non- 
 natural men,' 207 ; gods to talk 
 about, not to adore, 207 ; higher 
 gods prior to the ghost-theory, 
 208. See Supreme Beings ; 
 American Creators ; Jehovah 
 
 Greeks, the, beliefs of, 332 
 Greenlanders, the, 155, 199 
 Gregory, Dr., cited, 93 
 Griesinger, Dr., cited, 142 
 Grinnell, Mr., on Pawnee beliefs, 
 
 256, 257, 258, 259 
 Guiana Indians, religious beliefs of, 
 
 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 280 
 Guinea, North and South, religious 
 
 beliefs in, 240 
 Gurney, Mr., his experiments in 
 
 hypnotism, 39, 40; cited, 115, 
 
 123, 126 
 Guyau, M., cited, 14, 26, 27 
 
 HALLUCINATIONS. See Anthropology 
 and Hallucinations 
 
 Hamilton, Sir William, cited, 13 
 
 Hammond, Dr., on demoniacal 
 possession, 142 
 
 Harteville, Madame, case of, 28 
 
 Hearne, on the Aurora Borealis, 4 ; 
 on cure by suggestion, 22, 23, 24 
 
 Hebrews. See Israelites 
 
 Hegel, cited, 33, 34, 36, 55, 63, 65, 
 85, 120, 165 
 
 Higgs, Police Constable, statement 
 of, on the disturbances at Mr. 
 White's house, 354-356 
 
 Highland second-sight, 154, 155, 
 156 
 
 Hodgson, Dr., report on Mrs. Piper, 
 148, 151, 152 ; cited, 145, 352 
 
 Home, David Dunglas, his powers as 
 a medium, 352, 353, 361, 362, 363, 
 364, 365 
 
 Howitt, Mr., cited, 138, 192, 193, 
 194, 195, 196 
 
 Hume, David, attitude towards 
 miracles, 17 ; definition of a 
 miracle, 18 ; self-contradictions, 
 19; refuses to examine miracles 
 of the Abbe Paris, 20, 24, 25, 26, 
 27; alternative definition of a 
 miracle, 27 ; cited, 326 
 
 Huxley, Professor, on savage re- 
 ligious cults, 46, 47, 53, 175, 176, 
 186, 191, 192, 197; on the evolu- 
 tion of Jehovah, 296, 297, 304, 
 306, 307, 30!), 310, 314, 315 ; citi'd, 
 19, 325. 352 
 
 Hypnotism, 6, 7, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 
 39, 41, 82, S3, 84 
 
 IAMIJLICIU'S, cited, 15, 3(53, 364, 3(>~> 
 Ibn Khaldoun, cited, 3(58
 
 376 
 
 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Im Thurn, on the religious ideas of 
 the Indians of Guiana, 55, 173, 
 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 280, 
 327 
 
 Incas, the, 92, 262-270, 282 
 
 Iroquois, the, 91, 92 
 
 Islam, influence of, on African be- 
 liefs, 242 
 
 Israelites, development of their re- 
 ligious ideas, 283, 285, 294-312, 
 332 
 
 JAMES, Professor William, quoted, 
 24, 66, 80, 115, 119, 142, 148, 169, 
 322 
 
 Janet, Dr. Pierre, on ' willing ' sleep, 
 40; on demoniacal possession, 144, 
 145 ; cited, 80, 322, 367, 368 
 
 Jeanne d'Arc, 34, 73, 115, 126, 276 
 
 Jehovah, theories of, 283, 285, 294 ; 
 as a Moral Supreme Being, 294 ; 
 anthropological theory of the 
 origin of Jehovah- worship, 296 ; 
 absence of ancestor-worship from 
 the Hebrew tradition, 297-300; 
 alleged evidence for ancestor-wor- 
 ship in Israel, 300-304 ; evolution 
 from ghost-cult to the cult of 
 Jehovah, 304 ; the term Elohim, 
 305 ; human shape assumed, 305 ; 
 considered as a ghost-god, 307; 
 sacrifices to, 307, 308 ; suggestion 
 of a Being not yet named Jehovah, 
 309 ; traditional emergence of 
 Jehovah as the god of Israel, 309 ; 
 as a deified ancestor, 310 ; moral 
 element in the idea of Jehovah, 
 310, 314 ; a mere tribal god, 311 ; 
 a Kenite god, 311, 312 ; inconsis- 
 tencies of theorists concerning, 
 313, 314 ; the moral element a sur- 
 vival of primitive ethics in the 
 savage ancestors of the Israelites, 
 315; verity of the Biblical account, 
 316 ; cited, 328, 329 
 
 Jeraeil, mysteries of the Kurnai, 195 
 
 Jevons, Mr., cited, 202, 279, 329, 332 
 
 Jugglery, Pawnee, 257 
 
 Jung-Stilling, cited, 33, 70 
 
 KALOO, Fijian name for gods, 218, 
 219 
 
 Kamschatkans, 179 
 
 Kant, inquires into Swedenborg's 
 visions, 28,66; disappointed with 
 Swedenborg's 'Arcana Ccclestia,' 
 
 29 ; on the metaphysics of ' spirits,' 
 30 ; discusses the sub-conscious, 
 31 ; cited, 135 
 
 Karens, beliefs of, 67, 80, 163, 164 
 
 Karr, Alphonse, cited, 363 
 
 Kelvin, Lord, on hypnotism, 41 
 
 Kenites, the, 312 
 
 Kingsley, Miss, cited, 189, 230, 240, 
 249 
 
 Kirk, cited, 156 
 
 Kohl, cited, 160 
 
 Kulin, Australian tribe, 55 
 
 Kurnai, Australian tribe, their re- 
 ligious conceptions, 54, 195, 196, 
 204, 235, 287, 289, 315, 320 
 
 LANGLOIS, M., the case of, 82, 83 
 
 Lapps, beliefs of, 65, 78, 89 
 
 Latukas, the, 47 
 
 Lavaterus, telepathic hypothesis of, 
 16 
 
 Le Loyer, cited, 16 
 
 Leaf, Mr., cited, 121 note 
 
 Leeward Isles, ideas of a god in, 275 
 
 Lefebure, M., cited, 91, 161, 368 
 
 Legge, Dr., on the teaching of Con- 
 fucius, 318 
 
 Lejean, on the Dinkas, 231 
 
 Lejeune, Pere, cited, 81, 90 
 
 Leng, Mr., cited, 144 
 
 Leon, Cieza de, cited, 264, 267 
 
 Leonie, the case of her hypnotisation, 
 82, 83 
 
 Leslie, David, on Zulu clairvoyance, 
 75 ; on ghosts, 1 38 
 
 Levitation, 361 
 
 Littre, M., cited, 147 
 
 Livingstone, Dr., cited, 6, 146, 184 
 
 Lloyd, Dr., cited, 355, 356 
 
 Loan-god, a, Tshi theory of, 243-250 
 
 Lourdes, cures at, 22 
 
 Lubbock, Sir John, cited, 46 
 
 MACALISTEB, Professor, his opinion 
 of Mrs. Piper, 151 
 
 MacCulloch, Dr., on second-sight, 65 
 
 Macdonald, Duff, cited, 162, 232, 235, 
 238 
 
 Macgregor, Dr. Alastair, gives in- 
 stances of second-sight, 86, 87, 88 
 
 Madagascar, 91 
 
 Magnetism, 32, 37, 38 
 
 Malagasies, beliefs of, 92 
 
 Malays of Keeling Island, fetishism 
 in, 161
 
 INDEX 
 
 377 
 
 Man, Mr., on Andamanese religion 
 and mythology, 211-214 
 
 Mana, magical rapport, 216, 218 
 
 Mandans, the, 204 
 
 Manganjah, practice of sorcery in, 
 162 
 
 Manning, Mr., cited, 158 
 
 Maoris, religious beliefs of, 90, 122, 
 123, 127, 128, 163, 179, 205 
 
 Marawa, Banks Islands deity, 216, 
 217 
 
 Mariner, cited, 304 
 
 Markham, Mr., cited, 265, 269 
 
 Marson, Madame, case of, 78 
 
 Mason, Dr., on familiar spirits, 140 
 
 Mather, Cotton, cited, 17, 61 
 
 Maudsley, Dr., cited, 25 note 
 
 Maui, Maori deity, 179, 205 
 
 Mayo, Dr., cited, 93 
 
 Medici, Catherine de', cited, 73 
 
 Medicine-men, 91 
 
 Mediums, 352-366 
 
 Melanesians, religious beliefs of, 102, 
 183, 205, 214, 217, 218 
 
 Menestrier, le Pere, uses the divin- 
 ing-rod, 167 
 
 Menzies, Professor, cited, 281 
 
 Mesmer, his theory of magnetism, 
 32, 37, 38 
 
 Millar, cited, 44, 45 
 
 Miracles, regarded from the stand- 
 point of science, 15 ; early tests, 
 
 15 ; and more modern research, 
 
 16 ; witchcraft, 16, 17 ; Hume's 
 essay on, 17 ; and his definitions 
 of a miracle. 18, 27 ; cures at the 
 tomb of the Abbe Paris. 19-22, 25 ; 
 Binet and Ft-re's explanation of 
 these cures, 21 ; cures by sugges- 
 tion, 21, 22, 23 ; Dr. Charcot's 
 views, 22 ; faith cures, 22, 23, 24 ; 
 science opposed to systematic ne- 
 gation. 24 ; refusal to examine 
 evidence, 25, 26, 27, 28 ; ' marvel- 
 lous facts,' '26 ; suggestion a dis- 
 tance, 27 ; Kant's researches, 28- 
 32 ; Swedenborg's clairvoyance, 
 28, 29 ; thought-transference and 
 hypnotic sleep, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39 ; 
 water-finding, 32 ; phenomena of 
 clairvoyance, 34; Hrgel's 'ma- 
 gic tie,' 34; Dr. Max Dessoir's 
 views, 35, 36; hallucinations, 35, 
 36 ; animal magnetism, 37, 38 ; 
 hypnotism, 3'.l ; ' willing,' 31), 40 ; 
 facts and phenomena confronting 
 science, 41 
 
 ' Miss X,' on crystal-gazing, 93, 344, 
 
 345, 367, 368 
 Mlungu, Central African deity, 232, 
 
 233, 234, 235, 237, 238 
 Molina, Christoval de, on Inca beliefs, 
 
 265, 266 
 
 Moll, Herr, cited, 344 
 Mongeron, M., cited, 20, 21 
 More, Henry, cited, 16, 17 
 Moses, founder of the Hebrew re- 
 ligion, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315 
 Mtanga, African deity, 233, 234, 236, 
 
 237 
 Miiller, Max, cited, 45, 47, 51, 290, 
 
 291, 317 
 Mungun-ngaur, Kurnai Supreme 
 
 Being, 196 
 
 Mwetyi, Shekuni Great Spirit, 240 
 Myers, Frederic, on hypnotic slumber, 
 
 33, 36 ; cited, 16 note 
 
 NANA NYAXKUPON, Gold Coast Su- 
 preme Being, 246, 247, 248, 249, 
 253, 308 
 
 Na-pi, American Indian deity, 255, 
 259, 260, 261, 264 
 
 Ndengei, Fijian Supreme Being, 218, 
 219, 220, 249, 272 
 
 Nevius, Dr., on demoniacal posses- 
 sion, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146 
 
 Newbold, Professor W. Komaine, 
 145 
 
 Nezahuatl, erects a bloodless fane 
 to the Unknown God, 282 
 
 Nicaraguans, the, 67 
 
 North, Major, on Pawnee jugglery, 
 257; 258 
 
 Nzambi Mpungu, Bantu Supreme 
 Being, 246, 247, 264 
 
 OKKUS (Oki), American Indian deity, 
 
 25-2, 253 
 
 Okey, the sisters, case of, 41 note 
 Ombwiri, South Guinea god, 240 
 Orpen, Mr., cited, '210 
 Oxford. Rev. A. W., on ancient Israel, 
 
 302, 303, 304, 311, 312, 313, 314 
 
 PACHAC.'.MAC, Inca Supreme Being. 
 
 251, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 
 
 268, 269, 270, 283 
 Pachayachachi, Inca god, 265 
 Paladino. Eusapia, case of, 352 
 Palmer, Mr., cited, 193
 
 378 
 
 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Paris, Abb6, miracles wrought at his 
 tomb, 19, 20, 21, 25 
 
 Parish, Herr, criticism of his reply 
 to the arguments for telepathy, 
 337-351 ; cited, 9, 93, 115 
 
 Park, Mungo, on African beliefs, 241, 
 242 
 
 Pawnees, religious beliefs and prac- 
 tices of, 231, 245, 251, 254, 255, 
 256, 257, 258, 289 
 
 Payne, Mr., cited, 173, 174, 175, 270 
 
 Peden, Rev. Mr., cited, 73 
 
 Pelippa, Captain, cited, 187 
 
 Pendulum experiment, a form of the, 
 163 
 
 Pepys, cited, 17 
 
 Peruvians, religious ideas and prac- 
 tices of, 82, 261-270 
 
 Phantasms of the Dead, 138 
 
 Phinuit, Dr. See Mrs. Piper 
 
 Piper, Mrs., the case of, 142, 147- 
 152 
 
 Pliny, cited, 16 
 
 Plotinus, cited, 73 
 
 Plutarch, cited, 16 
 
 Podmore, Mr., on psychical research, 
 120, 353, 355, 357, 358, 359, 360, 
 361, 362, 363, 364, 365 
 
 Poltergeist, the, and his explainers, 
 352-366 
 
 Polynesians, religious beliefs of, 8, 
 90, 274-276, 280 
 
 Polytheism, 317, 319, 333 
 
 Porphyry, cited, 15 
 
 Powhattan, Virginian chief, 252, 
 254 
 
 Puluga, Andamanese Supreme Being, 
 212, 224, 249, 283, 287 
 
 Pundjel, Australian god, 283, 286, 
 287, 315 
 
 Puys6gur, de, his discovery of hyp- 
 notic sleep, 32 ; cited, 83 
 
 QAT, Banks Islands deity, 205, 216, 
 
 217 
 Qing, Bushman, his ideas of the god 
 
 Gang, 210, 213 
 
 RAVENSWOOD, Master of, instanced, 
 
 136 
 Red Indians, beliefs and practices 
 
 of, 4, 6, 7, 21-24, 90, 138, 154, 155, 
 
 221 
 
 Regnard, M., cited. 78 
 Renan, M., cited, 314 
 
 RSville, M., cited, 320, 321 
 
 Reynolds, Dr. Russell, cited, 24 
 
 Rhombos, use of the, 91 
 
 Ribot, M., cited, 142 
 
 Richet, Professor Charles, hypnotises 
 
 Leonie, 82, 83 ; cited, 71, 80, 89, 
 
 167, 322 
 
 Ritter, Dr., believes in Siderism, 32 
 Romans, religious ideas of, 232 
 ' Rose, Miss,' her experience of 
 
 crystal-gazing, 98, 99 ; cited, 355, 
 
 357, 358 
 
 Roskoff, cited, 46 
 Rowley, Mr., cited, 162 
 Russegger, cited, 231 
 
 SALCAMAYHUA, cited, 269 
 
 Samoyeds, 65, 79 
 
 Sand, George, cited, 93 
 
 Santos, cited, 233 
 
 Saul and the Witch of Endor, 15 
 
 Scheffer, cited, 73, 77, 78, 99 
 
 Schoolcraft, Mr., cited, 258 
 
 Schrenck-Notzing, von, cited, 61 
 note 
 
 Scot, Reginald, cited, 16 
 
 Scott, Rev. David Clement, cited, 55 
 note, 114, 237, 238 
 
 Scott, Sir Walter, his attitude towards 
 clairvoyance, 29 ; cited, 131, 137 
 
 Sebituane, case of, 146, 147 
 
 Second-sight, 63, 73, 85, 86, 87, 88 
 
 Seers, 79 
 
 Shang-ti, Chinese Supreme Being, 
 268, 318, 319 
 
 Sidgwick, Professor, cited, 347, 359 
 
 Shortland, Mr., quoted, 122 
 
 Sioux, the, 258 
 
 Skidi or Wolf Pawnees, the, 254, 256 
 
 Smith, Mrs. Erminie, on crystal- 
 gazing, 91 
 
 Smith, historian of Virginia, cited, 
 252, 253 
 
 Smith, Robertson, cited, 284, 286, 
 287, 288, 309 note, 327 
 
 Smyth, Brough, cited, 47, 192, 197 
 
 Society for Psychical Research, 125, 
 128 
 
 Spencer, Herbert, on early religious 
 ideas, 46, 47 ; ghosts, 52 ; Animism, 
 54 note, 59, 60 ; limits of savage 
 language, 55 ; the Fuegian Big 
 Man, 189 ; Australian marriage 
 customs, 190; Australian religion, 
 197 ; men-gods, 202 ; religion of
 
 INDEX 
 
 379 
 
 Bushmen, 210 ; ancestor-worship, 
 231, 232, 298, 299, 300 ; cited, 175, 
 181, 185, 236, 238, 320 
 
 Spiritualism, 352-366. See Fetishism | 
 
 Stade, Herr, cited, 303, 312, 313 
 
 Stanley, Hans, cited, 13 
 
 Strachey, William, cited, 250, 251, i 
 252, 253 
 
 Suetonius, cited, 16 
 
 Sully, Mr., cited, 323 
 
 Sun-worship, 261, 2G2, 263, 266, 268 
 
 Supreme Beings of savages, regarded 
 as eternal, moral, and powerful, 
 210 ; Cagn, the Bushman god, 211; 
 Puluga, the Andamanese god, 212; 
 savage mysteries and rites, 213; 
 alliance of ethics with religion, 
 214 ; the Banks Islanders' belief in 
 Tamate (ghosts) and Vui (Beings 
 who never had been human), 214, 
 215 ; corporeal and incorporeal 
 Vuis, 216 ; sacrificial offerings to 
 ghosts and spirits, 217 ; the soul 
 the complex of real bodiless after- 
 images, 217; Fijian belief, 218; 
 Ndengei, the Fijian chief god, 218, 
 219 ; the idea of primeval Eternal 
 Beings, 220 ; the Great Spirit of 
 North American tribes, 221 ; dream 
 origin of the ghost theory, 221 ; 
 Guiana Indian names indicating 
 a belief in a Great Spirit, 222, 223, 
 224 ; the God-cult abandoned for 
 the Ghost-cult, 224, 225; Unku- j 
 lunkulu, the Zulu Creator, 226- 
 229 ; the notion of a dead Maker, I 
 227 ; preference for serviceable 
 family spirits, 228, 229; the j 
 Dinka Creator. 230 ; African an- 
 cestor-worship, 232 ; Mlungu, a j 
 deity formed by aggregation of i 
 departed spirits, 232 ; ethical ele- | 
 ment in religious mysteries, 235 ; 
 the position of Mtanga, 236 ; 
 religious beliefs in the Blantyre 
 region, 237, 238 ; negro tendency 
 to monotheism, 238, 239 ; beliefs 
 in North and South Guinea, 240 ; 
 Mungo Park's observation of 
 African beliefs, 241 ; Islamic in- , 
 Huence, 242 ; the Tshi theory of a 1 
 ' loan-god,' borrowed from Euro- 
 peans, 243-250 ; varieties of Tshi 
 gods, 245, 246 ; fetishes, 246 ; 
 Nana Nyankupon, the 'God of the 
 Christians,' 246-250 ; American 
 Creators (see under), 251-277 ; the 
 
 Polynesian cult, 274-276 ; Chinese 
 conceptions, 318-320 
 Swedenborg, Emanuel, visions of, 
 28 ; recovers Mme. Harteville's 
 receipt, 28; his 'Arcana Ccelesti a,' 
 29 ; noticed by Kant, 31, 66 
 
 TAA-ROA, Polynesian deity, 274-276, 
 
 280, 308 
 
 Table-turning, 164 
 Tahitians, 275 
 Taine, M., cited, 63 
 Ta-li-y-Tooboo, Tongan deity, 306, 
 
 307, 310 
 Tamate, Banks Islands ghosts, 215, 
 
 216 
 
 Tamoi, the ' ancient of heaven,' 205 
 Tando, Gold Coast god, 246 
 Tanner, John, case of, 64, 138 
 Teed, Esther, the Amherst mystery, 
 
 360 
 
 Telepathy, oppositions of science 
 to, 337-351 ; hallucination of 
 memory, 337 ; presentiments, 338 ; 
 dreams, 338, 339, 343; veridical 
 hallucinations, 339, 341 ; coin- 
 cidence in S.P.R.'s Census cases, 
 339 ; non-coincidental cases, 340 ; 
 condition to beget hallucination, 
 341 ; hallucinations mere dreams, 
 343; crystal-gazing, 344, 345; 
 number of coincidences no proof, 
 345 ; association of ideas, 346 ; 
 coincidental collective hallucina- 
 tions, 346-351. See Crystal 
 visions 
 
 Thompson, Basil, cited, 365 
 Thought-transference, 5, 32-35, 39, 
 
 94; illustrative cases, 96-111 
 Thouvenel, M., cited, 165 
 Thyrsus on ghosts, 16 
 Tien, Chinese heaven, 318, 319 
 Ti-ra-wa, American Indian god, 255. 
 
 250, 257, 261 
 
 Tlapanu, African wizard, 146 
 Tongans, religious beliefs of, 304, 
 
 305, 306, 307 
 
 Tonkaways, American tribe, 255 
 Torfscus, "cited, 78 
 Totemism, 262, 264, 287, 288, 295, 
 
 296, 303, 304 
 Tregrar, Mr., on Maori ghost-seeing, 
 
 122 
 
 Tshi theory of a loan-god, 243 249 
 Tuckey, Dr. Lloyd, cited, 40 
 Tui Laga, Fijian deity, 272
 
 380 
 
 THE MAKING OF RELIGION 
 
 Tundun, ancestor of the Kurnai, 
 196 
 
 Tylor, Mr., his test of recurrence, 45 ; 
 on anthropological origin of reli- 
 gion, 48 ; on savage philosophy of 
 supernormal phenomena, 50, 59 ; 
 disproves the assertion about ' god- 
 less ' tribes, 52 ; his term Anim- 
 ism, 53, 54 ; theory of metaphysi- 
 cal genius in low savages, 57 ; 
 ghost-seers, 60 ; on psychical con- 
 ditions of contemporary savages, 
 60-62; on the influence of 
 Swedenborg, 66 ; savage names 
 for the ghost-soul, 67 ; second- 
 sight, 73 ; mediums, 80 ; dreams, 
 114 ; hallucinations, 118-122, 126, 
 127 ; demoniacal possession, 141, 
 142; fetishism, 160, 161, 178; 
 divining-rod, 166 ; evolution of 
 gods from ghosts, 176, 177 ; fetish 
 deities, 179 ; dualistic idea, 180 ; 
 Supreme Being of savage creeds, 
 180, 181 ; the degeneration theory, 
 184, 278 ; confusion of thought 
 upon religion, 198 ; list of first 
 ancestors deified, 204 ; savage 
 mysteries, 219 ; savage Animism, 
 223; Okeus and his rites, 252; 
 Pachacamac, 268 ; Confucius's 
 teaching, 318, 319 ; the mysta- 
 gogue Home, 353; levitation, 361 ; 
 cited, 56, 58, 65, 68, 69, 70, 71, 
 85, 163, 174, 175, 185, 187, 199, 
 201, 221, 253, 269, 281, 321, 
 326 
 
 Tyndall, Professor, cited, 352 
 
 UIRACOCHA, Inca Creator, 265, 266, 
 
 267, 268, 269 
 Umtibakulists, diviners by sticks, 
 
 163 
 Unkulunkulu, Zulu mythical first 
 
 ancestor, 178, 182, 205, 220, 226, 
 
 241 
 
 VINCENT, Mr., 32 ; on clairvoyance, 
 38, 40, 41 
 
 Virchow, cited, 20 
 
 Vui, non-ghost gods, 183, 215, 216, 
 217 
 
 WABOSE, Catherine, Red Indian 
 seeress, experience of, 81, 82 
 
 Waitz, cited, 191, 211 note, 238, 
 239, 240, 243 
 
 Wallace, Alfred Bussel, on Hume's 
 theory of ' miracles,' 19, 20 ; on 
 Hitter, 32 ; on clairvoyance, 34 
 
 Wayao, Supreme Being of the, 232, 
 233 
 
 Wellhausen, cited, 304, 311, 312, 
 313, 314, 327 
 
 Welton, Thomas, on the divining- 
 rod, 167 
 
 Wesley, John, cited, 17 
 
 White, Joseph, spirit manifestations 
 at his house, 354-358 
 
 Wierus, cited, 16 
 
 Williams, Mr., cited, 219, 272 
 
 Wilson, Mr., cited, 56, 239, 240 
 
 Windward Isles, ideas of a God in, 
 275 
 
 Witch of Endor, the, 15, 304, 305 
 
 Witchcraft, 15, 16, 17 
 
 Wodrow, Mr., cited, 17 
 
 Wolf tribes, 255 
 
 Wynne, Captain, cited, 361 
 
 YAMA, Vedic-Aryan ghost-god, 204 
 Yaos, religious beliefs of, 162, 232, 
 
 234, 235, 236 
 Yerri Yuppon, good spirit of the 
 
 Chonos, 189 
 
 York, a Fuegian, cited, 188 
 Yuncas, a Peruvian race, worship of. 
 
 262, 263, 270 
 
 ZARATE, Augustin de, cited, 262 
 Zoller, M., disturbances in the house 
 
 of, 170, 171 
 Zulus, religious beliefs and customs 
 
 of, 72, 73, 75, 77, 79, 92, 138, 
 
 152, 153, 163, 164, 225, 226, 227, 
 
 228, 229 
 Zulus, hymns of the, 271, 275 
 
 - d: Co. Printers, New-street Square, London
 
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 16 
 
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 18 
 
 16 
 24 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 INDEX OF AUTHORS AND 
 
 EDITORS. 
 
 fa 
 
 ge ' Pa 
 
 a 
 
 / 
 
 \iKt- 
 
 
 I'age 
 
 Abbott (Evelyn) - 3, 
 
 ib Bain (Alexander) 
 
 1 
 
 Broadfoot (Major W.) 
 
 IO 
 
 Corder (Annie) 
 
 "9 
 
 (T. K.) 
 
 14 
 
 Baker (Sir S. \V.) - S. 
 
 IO 
 
 Brugger (W. C.) - 
 
 8 
 
 Coventry (A.) - 
 
 n 
 
 (E. A.) 
 
 : . 
 
 Baldwin iC. S.) 
 
 H 
 
 Brookinns i\V.) 
 
 -9 
 
 Cox (Harding) 
 
 10 
 
 Acland (A. H. D.) - 
 
 3 
 
 Balfour (A. ].) -11, 
 
 31 
 
 Browning iH. Ellen) 
 
 9 
 
 Crake (Rev. A. D.) 
 
 26 
 
 Acton (Eliza) - 
 
 28 
 
 BalMJ.T.)" - 
 
 3 
 
 Buck (H. A.) - 
 
 1 1 
 
 Creu'hton (Bishop) 
 
 3. 4 
 
 Adeane (j. H.) - 
 
 7 
 
 Baring-Gould (Rev. 
 
 
 Buckle (H. T.)- 
 
 3 
 
 Cro/ier ij. B.> - 
 
 U 
 
 /Eschvlus 
 
 18 S.) - 27, 
 
 29 
 
 Bull (T.) - 
 
 2b 
 
 Crump i A.) 
 
 21 
 
 Ainger (A. C.) - 
 
 ii Harriett (Rev. S. A. in 
 
 
 Burke (U. R.) - 
 
 3 
 
 Cuningham (G. C.I - 
 
 3 
 
 Albemarle (Earl ofi - 
 
 II 
 
 Mrs.) - 
 
 16 
 
 Burrosvs (Montagu) 
 
 4 
 
 Cur/on (Hon. (i. N.) 
 
 3 
 
 Allen (Grant) - 
 
 24 
 
 Baynes (T. S.) - 
 
 29 
 
 Butler (Ii. A.) - 
 
 24 
 
 Cutts (Rev. E. L.) - 
 
 4 
 
 Allmgham (W.) - ib. 
 
 
 
 Beaconsfield (Earl of) 
 
 21 
 
 (Samuel) - 
 
 21) 
 
 nallingrr d . \\ ) - 
 
 4 
 
 (E.) - 
 
 21 
 
 Beaufort (Duke of") - 10. 
 
 i : 
 
 
 
 Davidson t \V . L.I 14, 
 
 16. i-' 
 
 Andre iR.) 
 
 12 
 
 Becker (Prof.) - 
 
 18 
 
 Cameron of Lochiel 
 
 IJ 
 
 Pavics ij. l-'.i - 
 
 ib 
 
 Anstev (E.) 
 
 21 
 
 Beeslv (A. H.) - 
 
 '9 
 
 Camperdown (Earl of) 
 
 7 
 
 Deland (Mrs I - 
 
 JI. JO 
 
 Archer (W.) - 
 
 8 
 
 Bell ("Mrs. Hugh) 
 
 19 
 
 Cannan (E.) 
 
 17 
 
 Denl (C. T.I - 
 
 1 1 
 
 Aristophanes - 
 
 18 
 
 - (Mrs. Arthur) - 
 
 7 
 
 (E. Laura) 
 
 i i 
 
 Deploige 
 
 17 
 
 Aristotle - - 14, 
 
 ib. 
 
 Bent (J. Theodore) - 
 
 b 
 
 Chesnev (Sir (i.) 
 
 .i 
 
 De Sabs (Mrs.l 
 
 2S, I,) 
 
 Armstrong (G. E. 
 
 
 Besant (Sir \Valtcr)- 
 
 3 
 
 Chisholm (G. G.) - 
 
 25 
 
 De TocquevilletA.)- 
 
 
 Savage) 
 
 '9 
 
 BickerdvkeiJ.) 
 
 U 
 
 Cholmondelev-I'cnnell 
 
 
 Dev.is (C. S.I 
 
 K) 
 
 (E. 1. Savage) 7, 19 
 
 29 
 
 Bicknelf (A. C.) 
 
 8 
 
 (H.) 
 
 1 1 
 
 Dickinson (G. I. ) - 
 
 4 
 
 Arnold (Sir Edwin) - b 
 
 19 
 
 Bird (R.) - 
 
 31 
 
 Churchill (W. Spencer) 
 
 9 
 
 Diderot 
 
 
 . (Dr. T.) - 
 
 3 
 
 Black (Clementina) . 
 
 21 
 
 Cicero 
 
 18 
 
 Dougall (L.) 
 
 .1 
 
 Ashlev (W. J.)- 
 
 16 
 
 Blackwell (Eli/abeth) 
 
 7 
 
 Clarke (Rev. R. E.) - 
 
 1 6 
 
 Douglas iSir G.i 
 
 19 
 
 Astor (J. J.I 
 
 21 BlandlMrs. Hubert) 
 
 Jo 
 
 Clodd (Edward) 
 
 17 
 
 Dowell (S.I 
 
 K'. i" 
 
 Atelier ditLysi Author 
 
 Boase (Rev. C. \\ '.) - 
 
 4 
 
 Clutter buck (\V. J.)- 
 
 9 
 
 Dovlc I.V Ctniani - 
 
 
 oft - - - - 
 
 26 Boedder (Rev. B.) - 
 
 10 
 
 Cochrane (A.) 
 
 l ( ) 
 
 Drevlus i Irm.i) 
 
 -,, 
 
 Ayre (Rev. J.) - 
 
 25 Bosanquet (B.) 
 
 14 
 
 Coleridge iS. T.) 
 
 
 Dii llois i\V. E. B.I- 
 
 4 
 
 
 BosdfKev.A.K. H.)7.2'i. 
 
 31 
 
 Comvn (L. N.) 
 
 26 
 
 Dullrr.n.M.uqrisofl 
 
 
 Bacon - 7. 
 
 14 Brassey (Lady) 
 
 ') 
 
 Coninglon ( lohn) - 
 
 Ib 
 
 Dunb.tr (M.ir\ 1 i 
 
 
 Baden-I'owell (B. H.) 
 
 3 (Lord) 3, 8, ii. 
 
 id 
 
 ConybeaielRev.W. J.) 
 
 
 
 
 Bagehot (W.) - 7, ifi, 
 Bagwell (R.) - 
 
 29 Brav (C. and Mrs.) - 
 3 Bright (Rev. J. E.) - 
 
 14 
 
 \ Ilnwson (Dean) 
 Cor!)et( (Julian S.I - 
 
 27 
 .1 
 
 Earulcv- ^N i.nit >t CA] 
 
 S.i' 
 
 "
 
 INDEX OF 
 
 AUTHORS 
 
 AND EDITOR S continued. 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Page 
 
 Ebrington (Viscount) 12 
 
 ienery-Shee (R.) - 17 
 
 Moore (T.) - - 25 
 
 Sprigge (S. Squire) - 8 
 
 Egbert (J. C.) - - 18 
 
 erome (Jerome K.) - 22 
 
 (Rev. Edward) - 14 
 
 Stanley (Bishop) - 24 
 
 Eggleston (E.) - - 4 
 
 ohnson (J. & J. H.) 30 
 
 Morgan (C. Lloyd) - 17 
 
 Steel (A. G.) - - 10 
 
 Ellis (I. H.) - - 12 
 
 ones (H. Bence) - 25 
 
 Morris (VV.) - 20, 22, 31 
 
 (J.H.) - - 10 
 
 (R. L.) - - 14 
 
 (Owen G.) - 9 
 
 (Mowbray) - ii 
 
 Stephen (Leslie) - g 
 
 Evans (Sir John) - 30 
 
 Jordan (W. L.) - 16 
 
 Mulhall (M. G.) - 17 
 
 Stephens (H. Morse) 6 
 
 
 Jowett (Dr. B.) - 17 
 
 Munk(W.) - - 7 
 
 Stevens (R. W.) - 31 
 
 Farrar (Dean) - - 16, 21 
 
 Joyce (P. W.) - - 5 
 
 
 Stevenson (R. L.) - 23, 26 
 
 Fitzwygram (Sir F.) 10 
 
 Justinian - - - 14 
 
 Nansen (F.) - - 9 
 
 Stock (St. George) - 15 
 
 Folkard (H. C.) - 12 
 
 
 Nesbit (E.) - - 20 
 
 'Stonehenge' - - 10 
 
 Ford (H.) 12 
 
 Kalisch (M. M.) - 32 
 
 Nettleship (R. L.) - 14 
 
 Storr (F.) - - - 14 
 
 Fowler (Edith H.) - 21 
 
 Kant (I.) - - - 14 
 
 Newman (Cardinal) - 22 
 
 Stuart-Wortley(A.J.) n.ia 
 
 Foxcrpft (H. C.) - 7 
 
 Kaye (Sir J. VV.) - 5 
 
 
 Stubbs (J. W.)- - 6 
 
 Francis (Francis) - 12 
 
 Kerr (Rev. J.) - - n 
 
 Ogle(W.)- - - 18 
 
 Sturdy (E. T.) - - 30 
 
 Freeman (Edward A.) 4 
 
 Killick (Rev. A. H.) - 15 
 
 Oliphant (Mrs.) - 22 
 
 Suffolk & Berkshire 
 
 Froude (James A.) 4, 7, 9, 21 
 
 Kitchin (Dr. G. W.) 4 
 
 Oliver (W. D.) - 9 
 
 (Earl of) - - ii 
 
 Furneaux (W.) - 24 
 
 Knight (E. F.) - 5, 9, n 
 
 Onslow (Earl of) - n 
 
 Sullivan (Sir E.) - ii 
 
 
 K6stlin(J.) - - 7 
 
 Orchard (T. N.) - 31 
 
 (J. F.) - - 26 
 
 Gallon (W. F.) 17 
 
 
 Osbourne (L) - - 23 
 
 Sully (James) - - 15 
 
 Gardiner (Samuel R.) 4 
 
 Ladd (G. T.) - - 15 
 
 
 Sutherland (A. and G.) 6 
 
 Gathorne-Hardy (Hon. 
 A. E.) - - 12 
 Gerard (Dorothea) - 26 
 
 Lang (Andrew) 5, 10, u, 13, 
 17, 18, 19. 20, 22, 26, 30 
 Lascelles (Hon. G.) 
 
 Park ( VV .) 13 
 Parr (Louisa) - - 26 
 Payne-Gallwey (Sir 
 
 \J \ T T T -> 
 
 (Alex.) - - 15, 31 
 Suttner (B. von) - 23 
 Swinburne (A. J.) - 15 
 
 Gibbons (J. S.) - n, 12 
 Gibson (Hon. H.) - 13 
 (C. H.) - - 14 
 (Hon. W.) - 32 
 Gilkes (A. H.) - - 21 
 
 IO, II, 12 
 
 Laughton (J. K.) - 8 
 Laurie (S. S.) - - 5 
 Layard (Nina F.) - 19 
 Leaf (Walter) - - 31 
 
 K.I -11,13 
 
 Peek (Hedley) - - n 
 Pembroke (Earl of) - ii 
 Phillipps-Wollev(C.) 10,22 
 Pleydell-Bouverle(E.O.) n 
 
 Symes (J. E.) - - 17 
 
 Tacitus - - - 18 
 Tavlor (Col. Meadows) 17 
 - (Una) - - 23 
 
 GilKH.J.) - - 22 
 Gleig (Rev. G. R.) - 8 
 Goethe - - 19 
 
 Lear (H. L. Sidnev)- 29 
 Leckv (W. E. H.)" - 5, 19 
 Lees (J. A.) - - 9 
 
 Pole (W.) - 13 
 Pollock (W. H.) - ii 
 Poole(\V.H.andMrs.) 29 
 
 Tebbutt (C. G.) - n 
 Thompson (N. G.) - 13 
 Thornhill (VV. J.) - 18 
 
 Graham (P. A.) - 13, 21 
 
 Lejeune (Baron) - 7 
 
 Poore (G. V.) 31 
 
 Todd (A.) - 6 
 
 (G. F.) - - 16 
 Granby (Marquis of) 12 
 
 Leslie (T. E. Cliffe) - 16 
 Lester (L. V.) - - 7 
 
 Potter (J.) ~ Jo 
 Praeger (S. Rosamond) 26 
 
 Toynbee (A.) - - 17 
 Trevelvan(SirG.O-) 7 
 
 Grant (Sir A.) - - 14 
 Graves (R. P.) - - 7 
 Green (T. Hill) - 14 
 
 Levett- Yeats (S.) - 22 
 Lewes (G. H.) - - 15 
 Lillie (A.)- 13 
 
 Prevost (C.) - ii 
 Pritchett (R. T.) - n 
 Proctor (R. A.) 13, 24, 28, 31 
 
 (C. P.) - - 17 
 Trollope (Anthony)- 23 
 Tupper (J. L.) - - 20 
 
 Greville (C. C. F.) - 4 
 
 Lindley (J.) - - 25 
 
 Quill (A. W.) - - 18 
 
 Turner (H. G.) - 31 
 
 Grev (Maria) - 26 
 
 Lodge (H. C.) - - 4 
 
 Quillinan (Mrs.) - 9 
 
 Tvndall (J.) - - 9 
 
 Grose (T. H.) - - 14 
 
 Loftie (Rev. W. J.) - 4 
 
 Quintana (A.) - - 22 
 
 Tyrrell (K. Y.) - - 18 
 
 Grove (F. C.) - - ii 
 (Mrs. Lilly) - n 
 Gurdon ( Lady Camilla) 21 
 
 Longman (C. J.) 10, 13, 30 
 (F. VV.) - - 13 
 (G. H.) - -11,12 
 
 Raine (Rev. James) - 4 
 Ransome (Cyril) - 3 
 
 Upton (F. K. and 
 Bertha) - - 26 
 
 Gurney (Rev. A.) - 19 
 
 Lowell (A. L.) - - 5 
 
 Kawlmson (Kev. 
 
 
 Gwilt (J.) - - - 25 
 
 Lubbock (Sir John) - 17 
 Lucan - - - 18 
 
 Canon) - - 8 
 Rhoades(J.) - - 18 
 
 Vaughan (Cardinal) - 17 
 Verney (Frances P. 
 
 Haggard (H. Rider) 21, 22 
 Hake (O.) - - - n 
 
 Lutoslawski (W.) - 15 
 Lyall (Edna) - - 22 
 
 Rhoscomyl (O.) - 23 
 Ribblesdale (Lord) - 13 
 
 and Margaret M.) 8 
 Vincent (]. E.)- - 17 
 
 Halliwell-Phillipps(J.) 8 
 Hamlin (A. D. F.) - 30 
 
 Lyttelton (Hon. R. H.) 10 
 (Hon. A.) - - ii 
 
 Rich (A.) - 18 
 Richardson (C.) - 12 
 
 Virgil 18 
 Vivekananda (Swami) 32 
 
 Hammond (Mrs. 1. H.) 4 
 Hamptcn (Lady Laura) 30 
 Harding (S. B.) 4 
 Harte (Bret) - - 22 
 
 Lytton (Earl of) - 19 
 
 MacArthur (Miss E. A.) 17 
 Macaulav (Lord) 5, 6, 20 
 
 Richman (I. B.) - 6 
 Rickaby (Rev. John) 16 
 (Rev. Joseph) - 16 
 Ridley (Annie E.) - 7 
 
 Vivian (Herbert) - 9 
 
 Wakeman (H. O.) - 6 
 Walford (L. B.) - 23 
 
 Harting (J. E.)- - 12 
 Hartwig (G.) - - 24 
 Hassall (A.) - - 6 
 Haweis (Rev. H. R.) 7, 30 
 Heath (D. D.) - 14 
 Heathcote (J. M.and 
 C. G.) - ii 
 
 MacColl'(Canon) - 6 
 Macdonald (G.) - 9 
 (Dr. G.) - - 20, 32 
 Macfarren(Sir G. A.) 30 
 Mackail (J. VV.) - 18 
 Mackinnon (J.) - 6 
 Macleod (H. D.) - 16 
 
 M~ ( ?i ir ;\ " " l8 Walker (Jane H.) - 29 
 RileylJ.W.) - - 20 W allas (Graham - 8 
 
 loffsen (NT ' " ' *! Wal P le (Sir S P enCer) 6 
 Rolfsen (NO - 8 Walrond (C ol. H.) - 10 
 
 Romanes (G.J.) Walsmgham (Lord)- n 
 8,15.17.20,32 Walter (J.) - - 8 
 
 R^aldsTl) ' i, Warwick (Countess of) 31 
 
 Helmholtz (Hermann 
 
 Macpherson (Rev. H. A.)i2 
 
 Konaios (t\.) - - 13 
 Roosevelt (T.) - - 4 
 
 Watson (A. E.T.) 
 
 von) - - - 24 
 Henderson (Lieut- 
 
 Madden (D. H.) - 13 
 Maher (Rev. M.) - 16 
 
 Rossetti (Maria Fran- 
 
 IO, II, 12, 23 
 
 Waylen (H. S. H.) - 30 
 
 Col. G. F.) - 7 
 
 Malleson (Col. G.B.) 5 
 
 cesca) - - - 31 
 
 Webb (Mr. and Mrs. 
 
 Henry (W.) - n 
 Herbert (Col. Kenney) 12 
 
 MandcllolJ.) - - 17 
 Marbot (Baron de) - 8 
 
 (VV. M.) - - 20 
 Russell (Bertrand) - 17 
 
 Sidney) - - 17 
 (T. E.) - 19 
 
 Hewins (W. A. S.) - 17 
 
 Marshman (J. C.) - 7 
 
 (Alys) - - 17 
 
 Weber (A.) - - 15 
 
 Hill (Svlvia M.) - 21 
 
 Martineau (Dr. James) 32 
 
 Saintsburv (G.) - 12 
 
 Weir (Capt. R.) - n 
 
 Hillier (G. Lacy) - 10 
 
 Masktlyne (J. N.) - 13 
 
 Sandars (t. C.) 14 
 
 Wevman (Stanley) - 23 
 
 Hime (Lieut. -Col. H. 
 
 Maunder (S.) - - 25 
 
 Schreiner (S. C. Cron- 
 
 Whatelv'Archbishop) 14, 15 
 
 VV. L.) 30 
 
 Max Miiller (F.) 
 
 wright) - - 10 
 
 (E. Jane) - 16 
 
 Hodgson (ShadworthH.) 14 
 
 S, 15, 1 6, 30, 32 
 
 Seebohm (F.) - - 6, 8 
 
 Whishaw (F. J.) 23 
 
 Holroyd (Maria J.) - 7 
 
 (Mrs.) 9 
 
 Selous (K. C.) - 10 
 
 White (VV. Hale) - 20 
 
 Hope (Anthony) - 22 
 
 May (Sir T. Erskine) 6 
 
 Selss (A. M.) - 19 
 
 Whitelaw (R.) - 18 
 
 Horace - iS 
 
 Meade (L. T.) - 26 
 
 Sewell (Elizabeth M.) 23 
 
 Wilcocks (J. C.) - 13 
 
 Hornung (E. W.) - 22 
 
 Melville (G.J. Whyte) 22 
 
 Shakespeare - - 20 
 
 Wilkins (G.) 18 
 
 Houston (I). F.) - 4 
 
 Merivale (Dean) - 6 
 
 Shand (A I.) - - 12 
 
 Willich (C. M.) - 25 
 
 Howell (G.) - - 16 
 
 Merriman (H. S.) - 22 
 
 Sharpe (R. R.) - 6 
 
 Witham (T. M.) - ii 
 
 Howitt (VV.) - - 9 
 
 Mill (James) - - 15 
 
 Shearman (M.) - 10 
 
 Wood (Rev. J. G.) - 25 
 
 Hudson (W. H.) 24 
 
 (John Stuart) - 15, i" 
 
 Sinclair (A.) - n 
 
 Woodgate (VV. B.) - 10 
 
 Hueffer (F. M.) 7 
 
 Milner ((i.) - - 30 
 
 Smith (R. Bosworth) 6 
 
 Wood-Martin (W. G.) 6 
 
 Hume (David) - - 14 
 
 Miss Molly (Atithorof) 26 
 
 (T. C.) 4 
 
 Woods (Margaret L.) 23 
 
 Hunt (Rev. W.) - 4 
 
 Mofiat (IX) 13 
 
 (W. P. Haskett) 9 
 
 Wordsworth (Elizabeth) 26 
 
 Hutchinson (Horace G.) n 
 
 Molc-sworth (Mrs.) - 26 
 
 Soderini (Count E.) - 17 
 
 (William) - - 20 
 
 Ingelow (Jean - in, 26 
 
 Monck(W..H. S.) - 15 
 Montague (F. C.) - 6 
 
 Solovyoft (V. S.) - 31 
 Sophocles 18 
 
 Wylie (J. H.) - - 6 
 Youatt (VV.) - - 10 
 
 James (VV.) - 14 
 
 Montagu (Hon. John 
 
 Soulsby (Lucy H.) 26,31 
 
 
 efferies (Richard) - 30 
 
 Scott) - 12 
 
 Spudding (J.) - - 7, 14 
 
 Zeller (E.) 15
 
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