UC-NRLF llllllllll U 1WffN1^^rt^^Nt¥ (I A aiROMCLE OF THE FAMILY OF RAJA KRISHNACHANDRA OF NAVADVIPA, BENGAL. EDITED AND TRANSLATED W. PERTSCH. BERLIN, 1852. FERD. DtTMMLER, PUBLISHER. THE LIBRARY OF TEE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA GIFT OF HORACE W. CARPENTIER AMIIOUAIIAAI CPJlVANDtRP« AMSTERDAM __ II fHitO^N^lH^^^dd U A CHRONICLE OF THE FAMILY OF RAJA KRISHNACHANDRA OF NAVADVIPA, BENGAL. EDITED AND TRANSLATED W. PERTSCH. BERLIN 1852. FERD. DUMMLER, PUBLISHER. CAI^PENTIER Printed by Unger, Brothers, in Berlin. TO D" ALBRECHT WEBER, AS A TESTIMONY OF THE AFFECTIONS! AND GRATITUDE * « OP HIS PUPIL W. PERTSCH. 003 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/chronicleoffamilOOpertrich PREFACE. xVbout nine months ago my respected teacher, Mr. Weber, whose name I have dared to put as the best recommandation at the head of this Httle work, being occupied with cataloguing the Chambers collection of Sanskrit manuscripts, which forms so valuable a part of the Koyal hbrary at Berlin, found also two manuscripts of the little historical work, which is now laid before those who take an interest in the gradual deve- lopment of the literature of a people, the study of whose an- tiquity acquires more and more importance for the investigation of our own origin and the history of mankind in general. He at first proposed to publish it himself; but being burdened with numerous other and more important labors, he invited me to undertake it. I consented, not without hesitation, doub- ting my competence to perform the task in a satisfactory man- ner, as being still but a beginner in Indian studies ; and indeed, if the present edition should be found to answer in some mea- sure to the just demands of Sanskrit philology, I am indebted for it only to the liberal assistance granted me by Mr. Weber in every part of the work, with that kindness which all his pupils are wont to find in him. The best manner, I think, in which I can express to him my thanks, is by promising, to do my best to bring no discredit upon such a teacher. To Mr. Whitney also, from Northampton, North America, my friend and fellow in studies, I feel much indebted for his kind assistance both in the correction of my English style, and the better comprehension of several passages. I, there- fore, express also to him my heartliest thanks. The Kshitipavam^avalicharitam (sometimes spelled also — avali — ), a chronicle of the ancestors of Krishnachandra, the famous Raja of Navadvipa or Nuddea in Bengal, who ruled during the greater part of the last century, famous for his own erudition and the protection he granted to art and knowledge, has, so far as I know, not been brought to light till now, and seems to be the only representative in Sanskrit of a class of compositions which form a considerable part of the Bengali literature. From this circumstance together with the orthography and language, characteristic for the time of its composition, it derives its chief interest ; its contents how- ever likewise, as affording a view, and, it should seem, a to- lerably undistorted one, of the relations subsisting between the native Rajas and the Mohammedan viceroys, is not without its share of interest. The two manuscripts, after which this edition has been made, bear in the original order of the Chambers collection the numbers 574 and 844 ; in that introduced by Mr. Weber 567 and 568. The former, Ch. 574 (D.), is weU written with Devanagari in European manner, that is to say, across an octavo page. On the first page of the first leaf, some person ignorant of Sanskrit, misled probably by the first word, has entitled it: purvarajnasya katha Valmiki (sic!), the history of former rajas by Valmeek; less incorrect is tlie title on the envelopping leaf: rajyavali rajakrishna- chandrasya, that is, an account of the family of Rajah Krishenchund. The second manuscript, N. 844 (B.), is written in an excellent Bengali character, with the exception only of fol. 29^— 31^ and 31^ 1. 3— 32S which are written as badly as the other are written well. The whole is written in Indian manner, each page having six lines, only f. 29^ has seven. The paper is yellowish - red, and the whole ms. lies between two wooden plates, which Ill are peinted green without and red within. On the first page of the first leaf is to be read: Navadvipiya^rikrish- nachandrarajiiah kulavarnanam, an account of the family of Raja Krishna Chandra Raja of Navadvipa or Nuddee, in the Bengal character. In matters afifecting the sense the two mss. are con- gruent in a high degree, but in externalities of language there are sHght differences between them, of which some account will be given below. The interpunctuation is almost entirely wanting in both mss., and has therefore been added. Only now and then a stroke is found, and then usually not where any interpunctuation is very especially called for. Once even (58, 7 after prasthiteshu) in both mss. a stroke is set in the middle of a sentence. As owing to the broken style, it would have been disagreeable for the eye and less clear to set nothing but the usual sign wherever punctuation was requi- red ; use, therefore, has been made also of the interval, so that a stroke corresponds nearly to the period in European languages, an interval to the comma or colon. That this manner of punc- tuating is not quite contrary to Indian custom itself, is shown by the editions of Bengali works published at Serampore, where the same system has been introduced. Often also the neglect of Sandhi represents the wanting interpunctuation in our manuscripts, a case of too frequent occurrence to require enumeration of single instances. In both mss. the division into parichhedas ceases with par. VI; and also the indication of the end is wanting, on account of which we are without any direct information as to its author and the time of its composition. Yet the latter is easily to be fixed, at least approximately : the narrative reaching to 1 728 A. D. (the year of the accession of king Krishnachandra), its composition must be of a later date than this year; and from the circumstance, that neither in our Kshit. is taken any notice of the Bengali biography of Krishnachandra (an account of which we shall give below), nor in the latter of our work, although both IV treat to a considerable extent of the same subject, we might perhaps conclude that both were written about the same time, that is to say, as we know of the latter, about the end of the last century (see also Index I p. 67 under Vadasaheba). The Bengali work then may have become more extensively circulated, partly as treating mainly of the history of a king so famous and so recent as Krishnachandra , partly as being written in Bengali, and very well. The form and language. Before all we cast a look on the orthographical peculia- rities of our manuscripts, which, as being not insignificant, have been to a considerable extent received into the present edition. There will be observed in this respect the frequent use of the virama, both in the middle and the end of a word (see e. g. 3, 8. 28, lo. 33, lo. 37, 20. 21. 39, 1. 40, is. 43, 10. — 21, 19. 39, 4. 48, 13), a manner of writing which, as applied also in D., is explainable from its being copied from a Ben- gali ms., a conjecture, which is supported also by the occa- sional interchange of v and r (eg. pratihavin 2, 17. B. D. sarajnah 48, 14 D.) or the omission of a virama, e. g. 7, 1 where both mss. write samratakalpam. A consonant fol- lowing an r between two vowels inconsequently is either doubl- ed or not (e. g. 22, 20, but 23, 3). Finally there is common to both mss. the false manner of writing, (which however, seems in later times to have become quite usual in India, as forms vrith it are received even into Wilson's dictionary), that instead of ttva always is written tva (see datva 9, 7. 11, 13. 23, 6. 27, 18. 29, 17. 39, 4. satva 10, 1. 12, 10. 35, 7. 53, 15. tatva 11, 15. chhitva 21, 8); only once (38, 21) we find ttva, at least intended, the reading being in B. kriyavatdvad and in D. kriyavatatvad (under the forth akshara of which by another hand a very small virama has been put). Besides, D. has one more pecularity, which Hkewise has been retained by us as being in agreement with the period of composition, namely the expression of all nasals preceding a consonant by anusvara: only a few exceptions are made by m (tambula 2, 15), and the guttural w, the latter chiefly in proper names, as Anga, Vanga, Arangajeva; but also in anga 32, 2; ^ringa 34, 13. 18; angikara 49, is; man- gala 50, 13. A 6 is never written; where it is printed, there- fore, it has been substituted for a t? of the mss. ; likewise the apostrophes between an e euphonically changed to a, and a following vowel have been introduced for perspicuity's sake. The rules of Sandhi are scarcely so often correctly ob- served as they are either neglected or improperly applied. Comparing the two mss. in this respect, B. is more correct, as the Table of Various Readings will more particularly specify ; yet, as also its correctness is not at all consequent, it bears more the appearance of longing for a learned look, and accor- dingly, yet without succeding, declining from the orthography natural to its writer. We have, therefore, taken for foundation the text of D., which, although full of faults, yet makes the impression of giving the orthography usual and natural to the author of our book, and perhaps in general to those who wrote Sanskrit at that period. Nor can at least the neglect of Sandhi have its origin in the ignorance of a copyist, for even correctly to resolve those forms written with Sandhi would suppose a thorough knowledge of the language. The following table is an attempt to give a systematical view of these anomahes. Vowels, when meeting at the end and the beginning of two words. 1 . a concluding a word is not contracted with a following a, the avagraha standing between, but causes it to be dropped 9, 7. 29, 17. 34, 18. 32, 11, while 32, 13 a and a are con- tracted, as well as 37, 4. 41, 14. 43, 6. 2. There are left unchanged: — a a — 18, 3. 4. 30, 4. — a a — *8, 1. 42, 9. — a i — VI *6, 20. *7, 21. *13, 11. *17, 3. *20, 21. *22, 8. 28, is. 45, 4. *46, 7. 10. *47, 8. 9. — a u — 38, 9. — a u — 37, 20. — — a e — 9, 5. 12, 12. 32, 21. 41, 20. 21. — a a — 28, 16. 21. — a i — 2, 20. 11, 1. *20. *12, 17. *39, 6. 9. *40, 1. *51, 17. — a e — 10, 1. 19, 6. 28, 15. — i a — 12, 20. *46, 10. — i i — *13, 10. *25, 21. *26, 20. - — iu — 56, 7. — ie — 7, 11. — ia— 10, 5. 42,20. — ei — *8, 8. *10, 20. *47, 6. M8, 1. M9, e. 7. — eu - 37, 21. 38, 3. — e u — 31, 16. — e e — 27, 3. 5. Consonants. I. When meeting at the end and the beginning of words. 1. t is left unchanged: before u 31, s; before g, 8, 2. 3. 8, 4; before ch, even in composition 22, 9. 27, 14. 28, 6. 48, 12; before chh, 18, 19. 28, 3. 52, 15; before j, 10, 20. 43, 5; before d, 2, 19. 27, 16. 31, 18. 19; and even in composition 23, 11, and often; before r, 45, 13; before 9 3, 8. 12. 8, 5. 6. 10, 8. 47, 18. 49, 7; the two words tat prutva are constantly written without Sandhi (6, 21. 19, 8. 30, 7 etc.), and the t and ^r are even compounded into one hgature 20, 4. 21, 7. 30, 2. 7, and often. Finally t is left unchanged also when meeting with a following h, 19, 4. 26, 1. 2. s following an a is changed to Visarga: before a, 12, 19. 27, 20; before i 12, 2; before e 12, 19; before ch 7, 20. 49, 7; before t 12, 1. 30, 7. 37, 9. 50, 21. 59, 6; before n 52, 8; before m, 12, 19. 20; be- fore y, 39, 6 (interpunctuation?); before r, 20, 15. It is dropped before y, 20, I6. Following an a it is changed to Visarga instead of being dropped: before a 59, 5; before n, 53, 19; be- fore e 12,21 (interpunctuation?) before bh, 35,6; before m, 12, 19. 20; 57, 5; before y, 3, 15; or it is dropped instead of being changed to Visarga: before p, 25, 8. 13. Vll Following an i it is changed to Visarga before d, 41, 18. — 41, 17, however, it is correctly changed to r. 3. m is changed to Anusvara: before a, *46, 14; before i, *12, i; *49, i; before u 19, 10 ; *53, 6; before e, 18, i5; 24, 14; 47, 12. II. In the middle of words sh frequently does not change a following t or n to t and n; thus drishtva and drishti are always written drishtva and drishti, while drashtum and drashtavy a are written rightly. The ligature shn also is frequently written as shn; in- mediately after r too n is sometimes put instead of n, e. g. Madumna instead of Madurnna. Finally in the affixes and terminations n is frequently put for n. All these faults have been corrected without remark, the former as having too barbarous an appearance, the latter as common to almost all Sanskrit manuscripts. Those cases which have been marked with an asterisk in the preceding table, are such, where the word following the letter which is put without Sandhi is a proper name: they are perhaps accountable for by the wish of the author to let these proper names stand by themselves, and without even orthographical connexion vidth the preceding word; yet, as in some other quite analogous passages a combination takes place (see 12, u. 13, 9. 46, 13. 47, 16. 48, 4. 49, 20. 50, 7), we see, that it was at least not a principle to separate for per- spicuity's sake the proper names from the current of common speech. Here again, therefore, as every where inconsequence is the chief fault of our author. Of incorrect forms but little is to be said: if occurring in one ms., they are usually corrected in the other, and but one passage (13, s) has been noticed, where in both mss. avatasuh is written instead of avatsuh, probably again 'through the influence of the omission of virama which is so usual in the Bengali character. Besides the right form is given also 50, 5. If but little of this kind occurs, so much VIII the more frequent are hard, faulty, and sometimes almost in- conceivable constructions. Of this kind are: Javanena sva- dhipatyam chakara 6, 20; Ka^inatho baddhva sai- nyenanivedito9, l9;paritushta9chaJavane9varo — ajnapto Durgadaso 11, le; amatyena daurjanyam vijnapayamasa 12, 16; Indraprasthapure^varo daur- janyam adhigachhanKachurayenapi gocharikritam 13, 9; te cha — sakshatkarayamasa 20, 6; yatra (na- navidhabhakshyadravyani) vilashanti 25, 10 (seeNote 12); vikretra eka paduka nichaih sthapayitva an- yaya ghatita, 28, 14. 15; rayena sarvah padukahkri- tva lokebhyo vi^ranayamasa 29, 15; 30, 5 is to be sup- phed: he said or continued; navikas tarir vahita 33, 21; bhavan tatsamnidhim gatva alapadina samvarddha- niyah, 35, 18, instead of bhavata — gatavata; pa- datidhanvinam sahasra^o 49, 15; Kamakrishnena cha mahata sainyena parivrito akramya — mahad bhayam udpaditam, 50, le; baddhena cha tena — mahim ^apasa, 58, 21. The unvrieldiness sufficiently proved already by these pas- sages, appears yet in another circumstance, in the often almost ridiculously circumstantial circumscriptions of comparatively simple notions. Of this kind is e. g. 38, 11: nasikadipa- rishkararthavasanaiichalam, an end of cloth for ador- ning the nose and the like i. e. a pocket - handkerchief; or 46, 11: etaddepiyayatharthalikhanakarmaniyuktas tadamatyah, a minister of his who was employed in the office of writing whatever was necessary i. e. his resident; the same notion is 8, 7 expressed by: tadde^avasthitaya- tharthavrittantalikhanarthaniyuktamatya, an offi- cer, who living in that country was employed for giving true reports of any event; 28,12: vikretrupanyastamulya- kretrupanyastamulyanyunadhikyavivechanayam, verbally: in the disputation on too little or too much in the price offered by the seller, and in the price offered by the IX buyer, i. e. in the higgling between the merchant and the purchaser; 42, is: prativarshaniy amitarajasamprada- nakaradanapurvakarajadhinamatiyariprabhritika- tichidgramadhikaritvam, the government over Matiyari and some other villages, which were subject to the king under the condition of paying tribute to him as a present for him, which was to be discharged every year. Some similar, but yet more complicated compounds will be explained in the two last notes upon the translation. Alike heavy are many of the frequent compositions with adi, which word our author em- ployed wherever it could be; entirely pleonastically iva is employed 54, 2, kalakalpa iva, for iva there seems to ex- press precisely the same sense which had been expressed al- ready by kalpa, „Hke similar to death", or ^similar, as it were, to death." See also 13, 10. Fmally, respecting sundry pecularities in the usage of language, we call attention to a peculiar manner of denoting higher numbers which are compounded with hundred and thou- sand, the numbers hundred and thousand being expressed by abstracts in i: see 9ati 2, 10. 37, 9. 55, is. 59, 7; sahasri, 24, 9. 29, 15, and once, 42, 20, sahasri, with Vriddhi in the first syllable; yet also the usual forms in a occur, at least sahasra, 12, is. 19. 24, 12. 49, 4. On the use of kartrika (16, 21), purvaka (3, 11. 42, 19. 44, 17. 48, 9. 49, 1. 50, 1. 52, e), and what equals the latter, purahsaram (11, 12. 52, 6. 53, 2), see Haughton, Rudiments of Bengali Gram- mar. §. 141. Farther, is to be noticed a periphrastical manner of expressing the future participle, with a notion of certainty, by the perfect participle with a suffixed kalpa; see 9, 5: mama pa^cad ayatakalpo bhrityah, a servant of mine, who (certainly) will come after me; properly: who is like one having come already. The adjective pray a, similar, suffixed to a noun means: being about to perform the action which the root of the noun expresses, or: having almost done so; thus e. g. 53, 13: vayam praptaprayah, we are about being reached, or: we are almost reached ; see also 53, 4. 34, 3. Fi- nally a syntactical peculiarity appears 37, 5: tat kim evam aha? where the third person is put in addressing another, b ha van being to be supplied. Content. A part of the history which forms the content of our work, viz. the period from the expulsion of king Kapinatha out of his realm to the accession of Krishnachandra, being treated also in the above mentioned Bengali biography of the latter king, we proceed now to give, for comparison's sake, an abstract from this part of that pretty composition. If any passages in it shall be found to have been misunderstood, I may lay claim to excuse on the score of having had no instruction in Ben- gali, and being without an authority to whom to refer in doubt- ful and difficult points. The edition used is that of London, 1811, the correctness of which leaves much to desire. The numbers set at the margin give, for ease in reference, the pages of this edition. 3. 5,Ka9iDatha, a zemindar residing in the village (grama) Kamkadi in the Bengal province Habili*) fell into a quarrel with the subahdar of Dakka, on account of the tribute required of him. Ka^inatha was defeated and fled into the province of Vaguyana **) to Vi9vanatha Samadvara ac- 4. companied by his wife who was with child. They were hospitably received; but Kapinatha, seeing that Yi^vanatha treated his wife as if she was his ovm daughter, soon repai- red secretly to Hastinapura, tired of the inactive life he led with. Samadvara. After the departure of Kapinatha, his help- less wife was adopted by Samadvara, and the child too which ♦) Habili is according to Hamilton, Description of Hindostan 11, 238 the city Hubly in Bejapur. **) The names are always given with pure Sanskrit pronunciation. XI she soon brought forth, was treated by him as his grandson. 5. This child obtained the name of Qrirama, and was usually sur- named Rama Samadvara. When the time had arrived, at which the young prince ought to be invested with the brah- manical cord, and his father had not yet returned, the cere- mony was after his twelveth year, according to the advice of the most celebrated Pandits, performed by Samadvara, and a wife given to him. He had a son, whom he named Bhavananda ; and afterward two more Harivallabha and Subuddhi.'' „Bhavananda was of equally excellent spirit and body; he studied the Yedas, the Qastras, learned the Bengali, Per- 6. sian and Arabic languages, was clever in the use of weapons, a second Nala in the art of driving horses, a second Vrihas- pati in all sciences. Later he was, as well as his brothers, married. Then he travelled to Dakka, where he received an appointment from the governor of Bengal, and obtained the title of Raya Majumadara, so that now his whole name was Bhavananda Raya Majumadara. After a time Pratapaditya, 7. king of Jessore (Yanahara), a man of high distinction, re- fused to pay his tribute, „an affair, the further particulars of which are to be found in the biography of this king." *) The war against Pratapaditya was committed to Raja Manasimha, who required for his companion Bhavananda R. M., as being a native of Gaur, and well acquainted with the localities of that country. The governor consented to this demand, al- though he was sorry to lose so skilful an officer as Bhava- nanda. Manasirnha then departed with an army of 900,000 (!) 8. soldiers, and passed on his march, two months after his de- parture, the grama Baluchara in Gaur on the Ganges, a beau- tiful place, where he stayed for some time; then, after one day's march, he arrived at Varddhamana (Burdwan), where 9. at this time Dhirasimha, the son of Virasimha, was king, by *) The history of Raja Pratapaditya, raja of Jessore, by Ram Ram Boshoo. Serampore 1802. — See Index II, under Pratapaditya. XII whom he was hospitably received, and invited to visit his ca- 10. pital. Having exchanged presents with him, he accepted the invitation. On the way to Dhirasimha's capital, Manasimha, happening to notice a mine, asked Bhavananda, who, by ma- king known to him the names and relations of all the places they had passed, had already given many proofs of his fami- liarity with the country, what this was. Whereupon he re- ceived the following information : Vidya, tlie learned daughter of Virasimha, had made a vow, to give her hand to whoever should excel her in scientific attainments. Many princes at- tempted it, but no one succeeded, until a certain very hand- 11. some and learned prince, called Sundara, son of Maharaja Gunasindhu of Kaiichipura in the Dekhan, came up on ru- mor of it to the house of a florister, called Hira, dug this mine, through which he gained access to the princess, over- came her, and entered with her into the Gandharva marriage. „The whole story is particularly related in the Chorapaiicha- 9at, from which also Bhavananda recited it to Manasimha." *) „0n his march from Burdwan to Jessore, Manasimha vi- sited also the native city of Bhavananda, Vaguyana, where he was overtaken by violently rainy weather. Bhavananda in- stantly caused all provisions from the whole district to be brought together, and with them entertained the whole army 12. of Manasimha for seven days, a service for which Manasimha promised him a fit reward after the subjection of Pratapaditya. The army then proceded, and soon overcame Pratapaditya, and after some repose returned to Dakka. Bhavananda Iv. M. too returned thither, and requested as a boon the government (zemindarship) over Vaguyana." Now a most miraculous event is related, how the goddess *) This notice is surprising, as in both the recensions of this poem which are known, no word is mentioned of such a story as the one refen-ed to here. We, therefore, must either suspect a mistake on the part of our author, or we must suppose another poem with the same title. To assume a third recension of the same poem would be the most improbable, as the difference would be too strong affecting the whole thread of the narrative. XIII Lakshmi came in person from the house of Harihoda in the 13 — 15. grama of Vadagachhi (Belcuchy? about 89. 47. E. Lat. 24. 20. N. Long.) to settle in that of Bhavananda R. M.; how, by the way, she blessed and rewarded a poor ferrywoman, who was a zealous devotee of hers; how she appeared to the wife of Bhavananda in a dream, and said to her, that she had chosen this house for her dwelling, and had placed a small basket in the chamber of the queen, and that the latter must be faithful to her service and not open the basket; how all happened as predicted; and how even in the time when this was written, the basket was still to be seen at Yaguyana. The whole is related with great copiousness, but seems too irrelevant to be extracted here with all the particulars. ^Having returned to Dakka, Bhavananda paid his respects to Padishah Jehangir Shah, who had desired to see the man, whose merits Manasimha had so highly praised to him. The 16. Padishah overwhelmed Manasimha with favors, and finally in- vited him to request any boon of him , promising to grant it without reserve. Manasimha answered, that Bhavananda had been the cause of the victory, and that he, therefore, asked in the latter's behalf the government over Vaguyana in Bengal. The Padishah at once caused the document conferring the grant to be made out, and ratified it. Bhavananda then paid his re- spects, took leave also of Manasimha, and went home in a ship. 17. ^Bhavananda ruled over his subjects as a mild and be- loved prince, and was a devotee of Lakshmi, the whole story of whom his wife had related to him. After a time he had three sons, who in the succession of their age were: Gopala, Govinda, and Qrikrishna (but see Kshit. 18, 1 7. 21, 20). Of 18. these Gopala was preeminent for his knowledge. After a time Bhavananda gave wives to his sons, and Gopala had a son, whom he called Raghava. In a great assembly, which Bha- vananda had convoked to celebrate a feast in his grandson's honor, he granted to his two brothers Harivallabha and Su- buddhi a government; soon after which he died. XIV „Gopalaraya succeeded him and reigned for some time. He gave a government to his brothers Govinda and Qrikrishna, worshipped Ipvara, and died." „Raghava succeeded him, a very distinguished ruler. He journeyed to the capital, where he obtained from the emperor (samrat), who was well pleased \vith him, the sway over several countries, and the title of Maharaja, which all his 19. successors inherit. He had a son, Rudraraya, to whom, after a time, he transmitted the realm, while he himself gave up his whole mind to Ipvara." „Rudraraya Maharaja having built a palace in the pro- vince of Matiyari, lived there ; and this palace was yet exstant when this history was written. He had three sons: Kama- chandra, Ramakrishna, and Ramajivana." „Ramachandra was very vigorous. Having been anointed as king, he subdued the countries of several smaller zemin- dars, and so enlarged his own realm." „ After his death Ramakrishna became king, the contem- porary of whom as subahdar of Dakka was Murshed Ali Khan, who colonized Murshedabad, and transferred his resi- dence to this city (but see Index I under Japharakhan, and Index n under Murasidabada). Being on good terms with the subahdar, Ramakrishna cared little for the stipulated 20. tribute, kept a great army, and extended his realm. He ruled over 2,200,000 subjects." „ After his death Ramajivana succeeded to the throne.. He took up his residence at Krishnanagara , which had been founded by his brother. Having ruled for some time with much splendor, he had two sons : Raghurama and Ramagopala, the former of whom after some time succeeded him. He had for a long time no son, until one night, which he spent with 21.22. his wife, the latter saw in a dream a handsome youth who said to her, that he was her future son, being properly a servant of Ipvara whom she worshipped, wo had been ordered to become her son. Then having become very small, he slid XV into her mouth. Upon this in fact the queen conceived a son, on whose birth the king and the whole country were filled with the utmost joy. The astrologers declared, that the child 23. was to live long and happily, to become very learned, just, famous, and a great king. Growing day by day, like the moon, the young prince obtained the name of Krishnachandra (the Krishna -moon). Soon he was instructed in Sanskrit, Ben- gali, Persian literature, in the use of arms and the art of go- verning, and in all he distinguished himself. His father Ra- ghurama then resolved to marry him, and charged his coun- 24. sellers, to find for him a wife worthy of him in nobihty and beauty. They succeeded in doing so, and the nuptials were celebrated in the month Phaigun (February -March; the year is not mentioned). There were invited the kings and nobles of Radha, Gaur, and Bengal etc." There follows now a most circumstantial description of the whole feast, of which we shall give only some few traits, as finding their parallels in the Kshit., either in the description of Krishnachandra's annapra^ana or in some other. For the entertainment of the guests various magazins were estabUshed, and within them four kinds of pro- vision, viz. food to be chewed, sucked, licked, and drunk (see Kshit. 41, 4). He ordered to the servants to take care of the rich supply of his guests , received the kings himself, 25. 26. and assigned to them lodgings and servants to wait upon them, and sent to them of his provisions, while the whole city was decked with red, yellow, white and blue flags (see Kshit. 56, 19 sq.). „ After a time Raghurama transmitted the realm to Krish- nachandra, while he devoted himself to the service of Ipvara." If this report be compared with that given in the Kshit, it will be noticed, that the difierence between both is consi- derable, and, what is remarkable, becomes greater the nearer the time of the events related approaches to that of the re- lators. The most striking instance of this difference might XVI be found in the history of the three Kajas immediately pre- ceding Krishnachandra , viz. Ramajivana, Ramakrishna, and Raghurama. Both authors must assuredly have known the true facts of the case, and one of them must have knowingly reported them incorrectly; and that being so, the recital of the Kshit. seems preferable for its impartiality and detail. A native author, who, probably at the court and by invitation of his king, writes the history of the latter's ancestors, would never falsely impute to them so unhappy and little honorable fates as captivity in the prison of a Mohammedan governor, nor would he dare merely to invent so important facts as the dethronement and restoration of a king of his own country. And of all this the author of the Kshit. would be guilty, if the account of the Bengali biographer is correct, which makes Ra- majivana quietly succeed his brother in the government, knows nothing of Raghurama's captivity at Murshedabad, and lets Ra- makrishna disregard without punishment the stipulated tribute, while in the Kshit. all these kings appear in a state of the greatest dependence upon the Mohammedans. Perhaps also this impartiality may have conferred to its inferior popularity. If for the reason expressed we give greater credit to the Kshit., than to the Bengali account, we are on the other hand somewhat puzzled by the chronology of the former, though on the first view it seems to be extremely accurate. The Ben- gali work unfortunately gives, so far as the events reported there coincide with those of the Kshit., no chronological dates at all, which might otherwise have served to regulate those given in the Kshit. A list of the kings from Bhattanarayana, together with the duration of their respective reigns, is the following: Bhattanara- yana 24 years, Nipu 28, Halayudha 15, Harihara 20, Kandarpa 22, Yipvambhara 28, Narahari 27, Narayana 24, Priyankara 29, Dharmangada 20, Tarapati 47, Kama 32, Vipvanatha 31, Ra- machandra 23, Subuddhi 25, Trilochana 30, Kamsari 26, Shashthidasa 29, Ka^inatha 34; now ensues a period from the death of Kapinatha to the samskara of his posthumous XVII son Kama Samuddhara, which, according to the analogy of Durgadasa's age at the time of his sainskara (10, 17), we may assume to have been 11 or 12 years, as it is given also in the Bengali Krishnachandra. Then Rama Samuddhara reigns for 36 years, Durgadasa (Bhavananda Maj.) 20, Go- pala 7, Raghava 51, Rudraraya 11, Ramajivana 10, Rama- krishna 11, Raghurama 13, Krishnachandra. The sum of these reigns together makes 685 years; these added to the Qaka- year 1000 (that, in which Bhatta bought from king Adisura the five villages which formed the germ of his realm), gives 1 685 as the year of Krishnachandra's accession to the throne ; but this latter took place, according to the assertion of our author himself, Q. 1650 (A. D. 1728), and we have, therefore, a difference of 35 years. To get rid of this difference it would be necessary, either to remove the year in which Bhattana- rayana became sovereign lord of the five villages for 35 years, or to diminish the period falling between this event and the accession of Krishnachandra. The former woujd not seem to be venturing too much, if it be considered, that the year of Bhattanaray ana's bargain is given as just Q. 1000, which al- most seems to invite the conjecture, that it was given only in favor of a round number; the statement, however, in Ritter's Geography (VI. 1244; after which authority, I do not know), that king Adisura reigned about the year Q. 990, coincides too well with our date to allow of removing the latter to 25 years before Q, 990. The other expedient is no less im- practicable. It is true, that in the Bengali Biography it is not expressly said, that Rama Samuddhara, who was adopted by Harikrishna Samuddhara (or Yipvanatha Samadvara) , suc- ceeded the latter in the government ; if, therefore , we could throw out the 36 years of government which are attributed to this prince in the Kshit., the difference would be reduced to but one year. Yet this is impossible; for it is, of course, necessary, that a longer period than twelve years must have elapsed between the death of his father, whose posthumous XVIII son he was, and the accession of his own son. As to chro- nology, we are, therefore, rather at a loss, for of synchro- nisms too we have but very few. At first the notice, that Vi^vanatha (316 — 347 after Q. 1000, or 1394—1425 A. D.) was contemporary with Mahmud of Ghazna (f 1030), is so far absurd, but quite correct, if taken as a confusion with Mahmud Toghluck (1394—1398 A. D.); another statement, which makes Ka^inatha (480 — 514 after Q. 1000, or 1558 — 1592 A. D.) a contemporary of Akbar the Great (1556 — 1605 A. D.), and a third, that Aurengzeb (1657 — 1707 A. D.) was contemporary with Ramakrishna, who acceded to the throne 24 years before Krishnachandra i. e. A. D. 1704, are both quite correct; and so is the notice given in the Ben- gali work, that the majmuat-dar Bhavananda, who died 103 years before the accession of Krishnachandra i. e. A. D. 1625, after a reign of 20 years, and who, therefore, ruled 1605 — 1625 A. D., lived at the same time with Jehangir Shah (1605—1627 A. D.). It remains now, to say yet a few words respecting the manner in which the translation, the notes and the indices have been composed. — The whole has been written in Eng- lish, because it was hoped, that the little book might be of some interest for India itself; and there a German translation and other additions in German would have been less likely to be understood even than the orimnal itself — In the trans- lation it has been attempted, to adhere to the original as clo- sely as possible without violating too much the genius of the Enghsh language. As to the proper names, for the Sanskrit forms of Mohammedan names have been substituted the Ara- bic-Persian forms, wherever I felt tolerably sure of the latter; and to some of the most known and famous cities the names, by which they are known with us, have been given, while re- specting those places, for which the names given by the ori- XIX o-inal have been retained. Index 11 is to be consulted. The diffuse circumscriptions for subahdar and zemindar could, of course, not be retained, but were always translated by „Mo- hammedan governor", the original too not discriminating be- tween subahdar and zemindar but circumscribing both offices by almost the same terms. The Persian titles which are mentioned in the text have been retained, but in their ori- ginal Persian form, and an explanation of their meaning has been given. in the notes: to express their real sense by a translation would have rendered necessary heavy circum- scriptions. — For easier reference the pages of the text have been put on the margin of the translation. — The notes have by numbers been referred to the translation, those too, which belong to the text, in order to avoid disfiguring the Sanskrit text with interspersed numbers or signs. — The table of va- rious readings, far from giving all differences of the two mss. from the text received, exhibits only those, as seemed to be of some interest, either for the sense, or for the language and orthography. — The indices finally give both a short view of the history of each person and locality as it is related in our Kshit., and whatever else I have been able to learn in respect to them, chiefly the identification of the Indian geo- graphical names with those used commonly on maps and in European books. And thus I make over this little labor of mine to the judgement of the learned, who occupy themselves with the study of Sanskrit, confiding in their indulgence; and if only the application and zeal, with which I have labored it, shall not entirely fail of acknowledgment, I shaU feel content, and encouraged to pursue the path of study which I have chosen for my life. Berlin, January 1852. W. Pertsch. Veneration to the holy Ramachandra ! V almiki became the most celebrated ornament of the race of poets by exalting the hneage of the sun ; the son of Para- 9ara made himself chief among the poets by glorifying the eminent race of Bharata. Who can win distinction in the three- fold world if he does not extol great renown? Therefore do we celebrate the family of Bhattanarayana which sweeps away the pollution of the iron age. (*). In ancient times there lived in Vanga a prince called Adisura, who ruled over his subjects with the eye of law, as if they had been his children. One day a vulture ahghted upon his palace, whereon the king having seen and taken it for a sign of future misfortune, convoked a great assembly of Pandits and asked: „Hear ye. Pandits! a vulture has rushed down upon my house, which leads me to apprehend a mis- fortune. What rite can avert it?" The Pandits answered all together: „Your Majesty, this vulture must be killed and an oblation made of its flesh. This v^ill be the proper expiation." „But how shall I catch this vulture", replied the king, „or what kind of sacrifice is it that must be made of its flesh? Explain it clearly!" Upon this all the others were silent, while one Brahman who was sitting in the assembly and who a few days before had come from Kanyakubja, thus spoke: „I had gone to Kanyakubja on account of a procession 2. 1 to a holy place, and at that time a vulture descended upon the king's palace just as upon your Majesty's. Then the king ofKanyakubja convoking Bhattanarayana and the other Brah- mans retained the vulture by means of charms and offered a sacrifice of its flesh. Of this I was eye-witness, and I advise your Majesty after convoking Bhatta and the others to act in like manner." The king accordingly sent messengers with this Brah- man, and having ordered to bring Bhattanarayana , Daksha, Qriharsha, Chhandada and Vedagarbha before him together with their wives, their holy fire and all their sacrificial ap- paratus, assigned to them a house which he had previously built, in the ^aka-year 999. The next morning the Brahmans having said their morning prayers and performed all their other rites left their wives at home, took grass and fried grain in their hands aud went to pay their respects to the king. But the latter from the roof of his palace seeing the Brahmans from afar with their feet enclosed in leather shoes, their bodies covered vdth embroidered garments, their lips and eye-hds colored brown with betel nut which they had chewed during their travel, expressed his disregard by remaining in his place (^). The Brahmans, who had not noticed the king, stepped up to the door, saying to the doorkeeper: „Hark you! inform the king, that we, the Kanyakubjans have come to his door." The doorkeeper having withdrawn for a while returned and said: „Ye Brahmans! the king has just lain down to sleep; this is not the time of audience." Upon this the Brahmans, al- though perceiving the disrespect of the king, overcame their irri- tation and wrath, then uttered a charm and put the grain, grass and the other things they had brought along for the ceremony of the salutation in five places upon a dry wrestler's staff leaning near the door ; whereupon they went home. The next day from this wrestler's staff five boughs covered vdth young shoots had grown forth. Seeing this tKfe doorkeeper and his companions with great surprise referred the matter to the king, who ha- ving come to the place wondering asked, how it was with this miraculous event? „Your Majesty'', answered the doorkeeper and his companions, „the five Brahmans from Kanyakubja ha- ving spoken spells put fried grain, grass and other things in five places upon tliis dry staff, and in consequence of this boughs have grovm forth from it although it was dry and withered.'' »You are right", said the king, and wishing to atone for his offence fastened his clothes round his neck and going with his retinue to the Brahmans saluted them, saying : „ You are virtuous and of divine nature ; we are ignorant and do not understand your greatness. After this confession it is reasonable that you should pardon my fault." Thus and in many other ways he praised them; but they, whose virtue exalted them above anger, answered: „0 king, we are not angry, be sure of that; for if we had been angry, your city and retinue would be now but a mere heap of ashes. Enough then of ceremony. Rather carry out that on accomit of which we have been summoned." The king thereupon honored them with a banquet, and having obtained their permission went to his city to prepare, as he had been ordered, the sacrificial apparatus. This being done, he informed the Brahmans of it and asked them to per- form the sacrifice. Thus summoned by the king, Bhatta and his companions captured the vulture by means of spells con- sisting of magic songs and performed the sacrifice with its flesh according to rule. The king having rewarded them with the presents due them said with a cheerful heart: „Out of kindness towards me, you worthy men, consent to accept a dwelling here!" Bhatta, in whose face Daksha and the other three Brahmans doubtfiilly looked, answered: as your Majesty commands. The king, rejoiced at the fulfilment of his vdsh, built five cities filled with multitudes of palaces to serve as dwelling-places for the five Brahmans, and presented them to them. There they lived for one year. 1* 4 At this time the king being much pleased with the supernatu- ral exploits of Bhatta, who was son of a famous and powerful king in Kanyakubja called Kshiti^a, said : „Sir, I will make you a pre- sent of some villages; favor me, I pray you, by accepting them." „I cannot accept your villages", said Bhatta, ^filled with cattle, gold, sesamum, iron and similar precious things, since' they are an improper present for me" {^). To which the king: „What then can your obliged servant do? or how shall I en- sure my happiness in the other world?" „It is known that I possess much wealth", answered Bhatta, „with it I will buy some villages and you may sell them to me. If you really wish to do me a favor, you can in this manner do so sui- tably." The king having consented, Bhatta bought at a very low price many villages, to whose revenues he added those from the other ones (which he possessed already); and these villages he had purchased were enjoyed by him exempted from taxation for twenty four years. C*) CHAPTER II. King Bhatta died and went to the other world, leaving behind him sixteen sons, rich in virtues like their father, in the highest degree adorned with good behaviour, modesty and knowledge, and therefore respected by everybody. They were called Adivaraha, Vatu, Vama, Nana, Nipu, Guiii, Guntu, Asantu, Guna, Vika, Anila, Madhu, Kama, Deva, Soma, Adina. (^) Then Adivaraha and the three brothers next to him in age, being highly indifferent towards worldly objects and given to holy penance, anointed as king Nipu, who as for his age stood between them and the other eleven younger brothers, and being versed in royal polity was fit for the super- intendence of the kingdom, and full of graciousness. Diligent in the study of the Vedas, in offering sacrifices and in the performance of the Vaidic, legal and other precepts he ruled for twenty eight years with justice over his subjects, living at Ke9aragrama where he had built a splendid palace. From that time till now his descendants are called lords of Ke^a- ragrama. He having gone to the other world, his son Halayudha, beloved of all men, governed the realm with justice for fifteen years. After the death of Halayudha his son Harihara, endo- wed with great excellence, was king for twenty years. After he had gone to rest, his son Kandarpa sat on the throne for twenty eight years. When he after governing his realm had passed to the other world, his son Vi^vambhara, endowed vnih. a treasure of all virtues, reigned over his subjects for twenty eight years. After his death his son Narahari, a man incom- parably rich in virtues, protected the realm for twenty seven years. He being dead, his son, who was called Narayana and possessed virtues similar to those of Narayana, guarded his kingdom for twenty four years. When he was dead, his son, called Priyankara (amiable) because he was beloved by the whole world, was king for twenty nine years. After his death his son Dharmangada became king, and when the latter after a reign of twenty years had expired, his son Tarapati ruled for forty seven years. After his decease his son Kama go- verned for thirty two years. These eleven princes ruled happily and without paying tribute over the realm which had been bought 'from king Adisura. CHAPTER III. The four sons of king Kama, Vipvanatha and his bro- thers, fought against each other, each of them wishing to ob- tain a part of the kingdom; but having heard that at this time the famous Persian, sultan Mahmud of Ghazna, had van-^ quished the lord of Delhi and founded in the city of the latter a kingdom under his own dominion, they addressed themselves to him as to a supreme lord. But he, although for a long while not able to compose the dijfferences of the brothers, yet desired them to pay him tribute from their realms. And Vip- vanatha agreed to pay it from his, as reward for which he got by order of the sultan the whole kingdom of his father, while his three brothers who refused to pay tribute, saying that they ought not to do so for a kingdom which they had obtained from their father exempt from taxes, got no share in the government. Vipvanatha being on good terms with the sultan added to his paternal kingdom Kamkadi and many other countries, and reigned for thirty one years with great renown. Since this time these kings are also subject to tribute. After Vi^vanatha's death Ramachandra paying the tribute obtained the kingdom and ruled happily for twenty three years. When he was dead, his son, prince Subuddhi, became king for twenty five years. The latter left his kingdom to his son, prince Trilochana, who passed to the other world after a reign of thirty years. After his death his son Kamsari succeeded him, and left his kingdom after governing twenty six years to Shashthidasa, who sat on the throne for twenty nine years. After the latter's death his son, prince Kapinatha, was king for thirty four years. Under the government of this prince it happened, that 8. from a troop of elephants which were sent from the king of J Tripura to Akbar, sultan of Delhi, one large elephant escaped, and straying about in a great forest now and then broke into villages and alarmed their inhabitants. Ka^inatha having been one day informed that this elephant had broken into one of his villages and put all the inhabitants to flight, gathered many soldiers about him and put the animal to death. But this oc- currence having been circumstantially made known to the sultan of Delhi by his resident, the former was much enraged at the information and ordered by letter the Mohammedan governor of Jamhagira to take Ka^inatha prisoner and bring him into his presence, assigning him an army for the purpose. The go- vernor upon the receipt of this order charged a great army to capture Kapinatha and bring him to Delhi. But Ka^inatha had hkewise been informed of all through his spies, and by the advice of his counsellors set out and fled toward the bank of the Bhagirathi, while the army of the Mohammedan governor constantly followed upon his rear, until at last the Mohamme- dan army and Ka^inatha were separated only one day's jour- ney. At this time Ka^inatha having arrived in the region called Vagoyana took his position to pass the river which touched the eastern part of the village of Anduliya. There a certain fisherwoman came to the camp to sell her fish. Ka^inatha at sight of them became glad, meditating thus: since a long time I have eaten no fish, and yet I have now no money; how then can I purchase these fish? After a while he threw the golden diamond -ring he wore on his hand to the fisherwoman, took a large fish and said: „A servant of mine who will fol- low me, shall pay you a suitable price which I will fix, and shall redeem my ring." Shortly after, when the soldiers of the Mohammedan governor being arrived at the spot saw this splen- did golden diamond -ring on the hand of the fisherwoman, they asked: „Tell us, fisherwoman, where you got this precious ring, and quickly too ; if you do not, we shall know you have stolen it. Then we will inform of it the prince of this coun- try, and you shall be punished as you deserve." Being thus addressed the fisherwoman trembling replied: „A Brahman bought a fish of me, and having pledged this ring for the price of it went off to get the money to pay for it." The soldiers of the governor answered: „ Where is this Brahman? Show him to us!" Thereupon the fisherwoman having sought for him and found him after bathing in that river (the Bha- girathi) quite absorbed in the veneration of the deity, made it known to them ; upon which the army of the governor took him prisoner. Some of his retinue escaped; but Kapinatha himself, when it had been announced by the army that he was a prisoner, being put to death by the irritated king while in the act of uttering with a loud voice the names of the blessed Narayana, obtained after his death a beatitude unattainable even by holy ascetics. The wife of Ka^inatha, who was with 8 10. child, took with her two hundred pounds of gold, one male and one female slave and one officiating Brahman, and went to live in the house of Harikrishna Samuddhara, as though it had been that of her father. CHAPTER IV. After a time at the auspicious rising of all propitious planets the wife of Ka^inatha bore a son distinguished with all the auspicious marks. On account of his beautiful (rama- niya) body the Pandits gave him the name of Rama, and Sam- muddhara, being himself without a son, loved him more than such a one. When he had attained the age of a youth, having ac- quired during his childhood like the holy Rama himself all kinds of knowledge, undergone also the ceremony of investi- ture, and studied the books of law, Samuddhara, who doted on him for his amiable qualities and his descent from an il- lustrious family, installed him in the government over his own kingdom; and all his ministers submitted to this arrangement of his. In consideration of Rama's being born in the house and having obtained the kingdom of Samuddhara, he was eve- rywhere known by the name of Rama Samuddhara. Having married a wife, his equal in virtue and nobility, he begot vdth her four sons, called Durgadasa, Jaga,dipa, Harivallabha and Subuddhi. The eldest brother, prince Durgadasa, just after having undergone in his eleventh year the ceremony of investiture, was once sojourning on the bank of the river which flows near Vallabhapura, to witness there sports and dances. At this time a Mohammedan governor sent by the sultan H. of Delhi arrived there in boats with a great army, upon which the retinue of Durgadasa seeing the army fled for fear, while Durgadasa quietly maintained his place. Then the governor asked him: „Tell me. Brahman, how many kropas*) is it *) One kroga is equal to 1} mile. 9 from here to the city known by the name of Hugali? and which road leads thither? Inform me, if you know!" Hereon Durgadasa, who by hunters and fishermen had been made fa- mihar with all the ways, told him every thing at length, the road leading thither, the number of the villages situated near it, that of the bends of the river, their measure and their con- tent of water; all this he explained as if he had seen it with his own eyes. The governor being very much pleased with his beauty, wisdom and intrepidity said: „I am highly satis- fied with your fearlessness and other virtues; come with me then to the country of Hugah." Durgadasa having taken counsel with his brothers consented. Durgadasa having accompanied the governor and having after many expressions of esteem received from him clothes, /^ ornaments and such like, as well as money to be spent for de- licacies, was appointed by him to read in Persian books ; and having then by the aid of his superior inteUigence acquired in a very short time the essence of all Persian knowledge, he excited the utmost satisfaction of the governor, who to express his con- tent appointed him by an order to the ofQce of a kanungo (^), as it is called in the Persian language. But Durgadasa said : „We are kings by inheritance and know not how to serve others." The governor answered: „Then I will write to the Sultan of Delhi that he grant you a title and a kingdom; but now do as I bid you." Having then without delay obeyed his 12. directions, Durgadasa received after some time the title of Majmuat - dar ( '^ ) Bhavananda , which the Sultan of Delhi conferred upon him, and on this account remained in his of- fice of a kanungo. Some time after, having come home and made a division with his brothers, he built a palace at Vallabhapura, and ha- ving obtained the realm of his father Samuddhara governed for twenty years. The other princes Uved happily, each of them having built a palace, prince Harivallabha at Phatepura, Ja- gadi^a at Kudalagachhi, and prince Subuddhi at Patikavadi. 10 At this time there lived in Vanga and the adjacent coun- tries twelve kings enjoying their kingdoms exempt from taxa- tion, the first of whom was Pratapaditya. Among them the latter was a most excellent ruler, conqueror of the hosts of his enemies, possessor of great wealth, and famous throughout the whole earth. The sultan of Delhi wishing to obtain tribute from these princes sent many armies, and actually succeeded in subduing eleven kings ; but Pratapaditya having repeatedly vanquished the Delhian armies shone as if he had been him- self a second sultan of Delhi. At this time the governors of Jamhagira and Hugali informed the sultan of Delhi of the manifold baseness of Pratapaditya, that he oppressed with his numerous armies the little princes, for before his door stood fifty two thousand soldiers armed with shields, fifty one thou- sand archers, many horsemen, many herds of furious elephants, besides innumerable soldiers armed with mallets and darts. In 13. a word, that he frequently killed even his relations. That an infant of his family, whose father and other relations had been put to death by him, had escaped and been brought up by his nurse in the Kachvi- forest, wherefrom he got the name of prince Kachu. That this prince being versed in Persian and other science, of a compassionate heart and possessing all dis- tinguishing marks of a king, Pratapaditya tried daily to kill him. That he sought also to subject themselves, and that there- fore, if the sultan would send an officer of high rank accompa- nied by many generals with elephants, horses and so forth, they would follow him and having captured Pratapaditya would deliver him up. These and other things of a like character they wrote to the sultan of Delhi. A short time after, the sultan of Delhi being informed by this letter of the baseness of Pratapaditya, and finding the re- port confirmed by the presence of prince Kachu who had come to Delhi, ordered, his lower lip swollen with wrath, an officer of high rank called Manasimha, together with twenty two ge- nerals, to march out with a large army, and after taking Pra- tapaditya prisoner to bring him as soon as possible into his presence. Hereupon Manasimha put the order upon his head (®), saying: Your Majesty is by this commission conferring a great favor upon me, and set out, followed by a large army; and wherever he stopped, the inhabitants fled away and the kings generally disappeared. Some days after, the Mohammedan army having come to the banks of the river which flows near Cha- pada, all the kings of the adjacent countries for fear hid them- selves with their retinues, with the exception only of the Maj- muat-darBhavananda, who, intrepid as he was, came near and 14. after the customary good -wishes saluted Manasimha putting off" from his hand his golden ring and other ornaments and ofiering them (as a tribute). Having thus gained the favor of Manasimha he said : „Lord of great power ! on your arrival all kings of this land have fled ; only I, lord of a few villages, have remained here to see your Grace, the king of justice; if you desire me, who am here to congratulate you, to do any- thing for you, be pleased but to order it." Manasimha ans- wered the Majmuat-dar: „Well then, Majmuat-dar, make the necessary preparations for passing the river, that my soldiers may safely reach the opposite bank." „Mylord", answered the Majmuat-dar, „althoughI have but a small retinue, yet at the order of your Grace all shall be performed." Hereupon he led the whole army of Manasimha with its elephants and horses safely over by means of various boats, transports and other vessels; when Manasimha himself had reached the opposite bank, he praised the Majmuat-dar. But having with his train crossed the river he met with foul weather which lasted for seven days, and during which no difference was to be observed between day and night ; for the host of the stars and the sun were covered, the heavenly spaces rent with mighty tempests, and the globe drenched with drops of rain falhng without in- terruption. It was impossible to march on in any direction, and the whole army was in great dejection. Not long before this the Majmuat-dar had accumulated a great store of various 12 provisions for celebrating the high feast of the nuptials between 15. the images of Lakshmi and Govinda, but being now by law forbidden it on account of the excessively rainy weather, with his characteristic wisdom he took his store, and having added yet more provisions to it, supplied Manasimha as well as his ge- nerals, heralds and bards, and his elephants, horses and foot- soldiers, to their high satisfaction. In this way Manasimha spent happily even this foul weather and after seven days, when it was over and the face of the heavens became visible again, he in the highest degree gratified addressed the Maj- muat-dar: „Tell me, after how many days or on what day can I arrive from here at the capital of Pratapaditya? and on which side is the entrance of the army practicable? Write it down accurately and give it to me." The Majmuat-dar having according to this order written everything accurately down and handed it to Manasimha, was praised by the latter with many fine words and graciously addressed in this way: „0h highminded Majmuat-dar, when I return again after the subjection of Pratapaditya, you shall utter a wish, and I will certainly grant it. But come yourself along with me to the capital of Pratapaditya." Thus much having spoken he was silent. Some days after Manasimha reached the city of Pra- tapaditya with his great army. But Pratapaditya, having learned through his spies the whole story of Manasimha's approach, had drawn up the bulk of his forces in a stronghold which he had rendered nearly inaccessible, and being therefore not reached by the darts and javelins thrown by the soldiers of Manasimha, signally defeated the army of the latter by means of his many missiles, his great forces of fifty two thousand shieldbearers , fifty one thou- 16. sand archers and his host of horsemen. Being informed of this Manasimha said angrily to his generals: „Hear ye, gene- rals ! unite all your armies at once and take that stronghold ; if you do not, I shall cause you to be suitably punished." With these words he enjoined upon them all at once the , 13 capture of the fort ; and in consequence of this order redoub- ling, as it were, their valor and fighting all together, their eye- lids red with wrath, they captured the stronghold. After this, both the armies, that of Manasimha and the garrison of the destroyed fortress, having come in sight of each other fiercely grappled together in many places and during many days, and each of them suffered great losses. Then Manasimha, percei- ving that but very few horsemen were left in the army of Pratapaditya, and taking counsel thereon with the Majmuat- dar, attended by various troops of elephants and horse attacked at once with thousands upon thousands of horsemen the army of Pratapaditya, and having destroyed it in an instant, fettered Pratapaditya, threw him into an iron cage, and turned back toward the Mahommedan emperor who resided at Delhi. Some time after this having come to Chapada, he called the Majmuat- dar before him and addressed him as follows: „I have been highly pleased by the zeal which you have manifested in this war, and you also have saved the lives of my soldiers during the foul weather, which lasted without interruption for seven days. Utter, therefore, any wish you please, and I will cer- tainly fulfil it." Being thus directed, the Majmuat-dar related the whole story of the coming of Bhattanarayana to the town of Adisura, the succession of his family in the government, the flight of king Kapinatha and his being killed by the Mo- 17. hammedan Sultan, and then uttered his wish to be reinstated in the government over the fourteen countries the first of which is Vagoyana. Having heard all this Manasimha promised to fulfil it without fail, and departed for Delhi to wait upon the Sultan, accompanied by the Majmuat-dar. The captive Pra- tapaditya died on the way at Benares. Soon after the arrival at Delhi Manasimha reported there to the Sultan all the particulars of his victory, and re- lated in full before him both the hospitality shown by the Majmuat-dar to the whole army during those seven foul days, and his cooperation in the subjection of Pratapaditya. Having 14 heard this the Sultan directed that the above mentioned kins- man of Pratapaditya, prince Kachu, should govern the king- dom of Yapohara, and favored him with the honorary title of Yapoharajit (i. e. conqueror of Ya^ohara). As to the Majmuat- dar, the Sultan learning his origin, that he was the son of the king Ka^inatha who had formerly killed his elephant, and being highly satisfied with the report of the hospitality he had shown in the way described, said to Manasimha: „Have you already granted a favor to the Majmuat-dar, son of Ka9matha? for he is an excellent man and has assisted greatly in the sub- jection of Pratapaditya." Manasimha answered: „The Majmuat- dar requests the government of Vagoyana and the other thir- teen countries, and is now here; but without the order of your Majesty I did not venture the donative of a kingdom." On this the Sultan repHed : j,Bring the Majmuat - dar before me, and also a document which shall signify that I grant him 18. the kingdom desired." Upon this the Majmuat-dar being caused by Manasimha to pay his respects to the Sultan, and having accordingly done so and held much converse with him, took his leave. Then the Sultan taking counsel with Manasimha agreed to give to the Majmuat-dar, the kingdom requested, and rejoiced him with his own signature to the diploma which granted him the royal title. The Majmuat-dar having imme- diately made all arrangements necessary for taking possession of the kingdom, and having been highly honored by Mana- simha, returned to his own country. Some time after, betaking himself to his palace which he possessed at Vallabhapura, he extended his power throughout the fourteen countries which he had obtained by order of the Sultan , and ruled over his subjects with justice. Having erected a palace both in the city called Matiyari and in the village named Deuliya, and set up there an image, he abode there for a time. 15 CHAPTER V. After a period filled up with festivals, the Mohammedan governor of Jamhagira wishing to obtain the government of the Majmuat-dar's kingdom, sent a messenger called Murad to call him lato his presence, whereupon the Majmuat-dar, hearing the matter from the mouth of the messenger, went to Jamhagira, accompanied by his grandson prince Gopiramana, the son of his eldest son, prince Qrikrishna, who was of uncom- mon strength and whom he loved very much. Soon by the go- vernor he was treacherously confined in prison; but his grand- son daily endeavored to deliver him. One day when prince Gopiramana had gone to the river to bathe, a number of strong 19. fellows exerted themselves to bring to the landing-place a large stone intended for the veneration of the deity (of the river) that she might sit upon it, but the great weight of the rock rendered all their endeavors fruitless. Just at this time an ele- phant-driver was leading a great and furious elephant to water him at the spot, and the fellows said to him; „Let your great elephant help bring this great stone to the landing - place, and we will give you money as much as you want to procure food with.'' Thus addressed, the elephant - driver set his ele- phant at work to move the great stone, but although the elephant several times strained with his trunk to lift the rock, yet its excessive size prevented him from doing so. The elephant-dri- ver seeing the efforts of his animal thus in vain withdrew in dejection. But Gopiramana having seen all this, called the fel- lows to him and said to them : „My lads, how does it happen that you are so much fatigued by your attempts to bring this rock to the landing-place? See, I will carry it there alone." And with these words seizing and lifting up the stone with both his arms he said to them all: „Tell me where it is to be put down." And he set down the rock with great ease upon the place pointed out by them. The others seeing this were all surprised, and went home praising among themselves 16^ Gopiramana's strength. The prince too went home having fini- shed his daily rite. 20. The next day the citizens reported to the governor of Jamhagira, that (wonderful to relate) a Brahman, called Go- piramana, had lifted and set down again upon the landing- place as if in sport a great stone which many men had not been able to lift, and which had foiled the eflPorts of a furious elephant. Hearing this the governor said to his retinue : „ Where is this Brahman? Search him out and bring him before me." When they had done so, the governor asked the prince : „Did you lift up that great stone and put it upon the landing-place?" The prince replied: „At the time of bathing I was able to do so thinking of your Mightiness' feet ( ^ ) ; to your Highness' greatness, therefore, is due the credit of my exploit." Upon this the Governor replied: „0h Brahman, I desire you to lift that rock once more before my eyes, that I may see it." „Your Highness' command shall be executed", replied the prince, and having sent many strong men vdth two cars he had the great stone brought up with much exertion. Then the Governor or- dered the prince to lift it, and he having made the customary obeisance to the governor took up the stone with both his arms, and having asked where he was to put it, carried it to the place appointed by the governor. The latter highly gra- tified said to the prince : „I am much pleased vdth your heroic strength; if you have any wish make it known." „Mylord", 21 . replied the prince, „I am Gopiramana^arman, grandson to the venerable Majmuat-dar Bhavananda, the friend of Manasimha dear to him as a brother, who by the grace of your High- ness' feet was confirmed in his kingdom of Vagoyana and the other thirteen countries given him by the Sultan of Delhi. My grandfather lies confined in your prison because he has not paid you the arrears of the stipulated tribute; him I beseech you to release; wealth and the like I do not desire." The Sul- tan feeling much pleased with these words, ordered the jailer to take off the iron fetters which confined the Majmuat-dar's 17 feet and to bring him before him; but prince Gopiramana said: „My lord, these men will be too slow about removing the fet- ters ; with your permission I will, my grandfather being brought hither, with my own hand unbind his feet." The governor gave his consent, and the Majmuat-dar being instantly brought before him, his feet bound with iron fetters, Gopiramana broke them mth his hand alone. All who witnessed it were astonished, and the governor having gladdened both of them with favors dismissed them. Being arrived at home they made manifold sacrifices and thank-offerings. After this the Majmuat-dar wishing to divide his king- dom among his three sons, the princes Qrikrishna, Gopala and Govindarama, who were young men of great merit, said to 22. them: „Take my kingdom, I have divided it into equal shares."y But the eldest son, Qrikrishna, objected: „No, the kingdom shall not be divided; to the eldest, according to custom, be- longs the whole." „You are very wise and learned", replied the Majmuat-dar angrily, „why do you not procure yourself another kingdom?" „If your Highness' feet permit me the ob- servation", answered Qrikrishna, „what is there wonderful in that?" (*") With these words bowing himself before his father and having obtained his permission he went straight to Delhi, where having with much difficulty obtained an audience before / the Sultan he made known to him his wishes. The Sultan ^ being pleased with him conferred upon him the government over Khoshadaha and Ukhada, two valuable provinces. Having in this manner obtained a kingdom, he after some time retur- ned home, and having paid the Majmuat-dar the respects due to him, related the whole story; whereupon the Majmuat-dar praised him highly. When the Majmuat-dar, after having thus ruled happily for twenty years, passed away to the other world, Qrikrishna reigned over the kingdom he had gained for himself, and his two brothers over the divided realm of their father. _. 2 18 CHAPTER VT. Afterward, prikrishna having died childless of smallpox, and prince Govinda being less competent to govern, prince Gopala, enriched with various virtues, ruled over the kingdom 23. for seven years. When he also had died, among his three sons, the princes Narendra, Ramepvara and Raghava, the first was of headstrong character and not acceptable to his subjects, and also Rame^vara not at all fit for the government; but prince Raghava, as being endowed with every virtue, seeking for the welfare of his subjects and accomplished in a high de- gree, was made king. Giving to his brothers a certain sum every month and paying the tribute due to the Mohammedan Sultan he obtained high renown and became the confidential friend of the latter. After a time he erected in the village ' called Reui a beautiful residence, and built to the east and to the west of it two palaces like mountains, and in the south a seraglio with a multitude of magnificent palaces. There he ■ lived happily for a time. Some time after, the king of Sata- sa'ika, called Saif khan, a dear friend of Raghava, came to this city to see the latter. When then after mutual salutations and the other customary ceremonies they were seated at ease and con- versing in a friendly manner together, the Mohammedan king said to Raghava: „ Great and mighty king, although here in your own city, you live as it were the whole twelve months in exile." „Why, my friend", answered Raghava, „how can you assert, that one who lives in his own city spends his time in exile?" „What other name", replied his friend, „can be given to the dwelling of him, who lives where he hears neither the weeping of his children nor the tinkling of ornaments?" Ra- 24. ghava assented, and having entertained the Mohammedan king to his satisfaction with all fit hospitality, suffered him to depart. Some time after, instigated by this speech of the Mohammedan, he destroyed the seraglio which stood to the south far (^^) from his palace, and built another beautiful one of grass, wood and 19 other materials in the north near his own dwelling. He erected also a palace in a village called Madurna, and both the pa- laces were royal residences full of happy and well-fed servants. Thus, owing to his orderly instituted venerations of the god of love, he became famous throughout all the land by the mul- titude of songs, to which he gave the occasion. Some time after this he began to dig a great pond, but though he spent upon it twelve thousand silver pieces, yet he saw no signs of water coming forth. He, therefore, removed the superintendent who was set over the digging of the pond, called Qivaramabhagyavat, and employed in his place another clever man, to whom he gave fifteen thousand silver pieces. Many men being constantly employed in digging the pond, all at once a stream of water gushed forth from a vein which they had struck beneath in the middle of the pond, and having during seven days flooded even the most distant fields, gardens, and towns, emptied itself into the Ganga. After seven days, when the current of this stream had ceased to flow, it remained quiet in the pond which it had filled. On the eastern shore of this pond the king built a palace of bricks, in size like the mountain Kailasa, and at the same time bought for 300,000 silver pieces besides what was to be contributed by each city, a great mass of things necessary for the dedication of the tank and for the erection of a phallus of Qiva in the palace. He 25. then invited many Brahmans from Anga, Vanga, Magadha, Ka^i, Kaiichi and other countries, and besides these, kings, princes and ministers from various regions, who glad by the hospitaUty shown them dwelt in various temporary habitations of bricks, trees, wood, cloth and the like, and filled with pro- visions, which had been erected both on the shore of the tank and in villages. Here too were for the use of the Brahmans and the others who were not invited, hundredfold streams of clarified butter, milk and honey, together with spirituous liquors, which were consumed (^'^) as fast as the servants, who guarded them for the hungry Brahmans and the other guests, 20 served them up. Here were also to be found mountain -like heaps of barley, wheat and other flour, and immense stores of rice, peas and soup. At the sight of all these preparations the princes and whoever else had been invited celebrated aloud the glory of king Raghava. Soon, the dedication of the tank and phallus being accomplished by priests similar to the teacher of the gods, in the middle of the great assembly of wise princes from all countries, the king dismissed the in- vited crowds, having entertained them to their heart's content. The whole remnant of the purchases of stores of clarified butter, wheat and flour he had formerly made, he presented to the Brahmans. By the wonderful arrangements here described Raghava rendered himself highly celebrated. Up to this time the kings of Gaur and the adjacent coun- tries had never obtained a donative of elephants from the Sul- 26. tan of Delhi ; but Raghava, gratifying the latter by the payment of the fixed tribute and by his presents, obtained it for the first time. Some time after this, having set up at Navadvipa a statue of Gane^a, he began to erect a building of bricks which should contain a phallus of Mahe^a. When however this was but half finished, he expired and attained the final felicity, having thus ruled over the earth for fifty one years as if he had been the chief of the gods. CHAPTER VII. Raghava had two sons, the princes Rudraraya and Yip- vanatha, of whom Rudraraya, who was rich with virtues like his father, became king. Having finished the building which his father had begun at Navadvipa, he erected there, following the example of his father, a phallus of Qiva, which he called Raghavepvara (the lord of Raghava). The Sultan of Delhi gave to Rudraraya the government over the two countries Khadi and Judi and, as a token of his favor, the title of a Maharaja; further, the permission which no other prince had yet been able to obtain, to eredt upon his palace a story which 21 in Persian is called kangurah ("^), and a donation of arrows, flags, drums and the like. jAs a suitable return for this, Ru- draraya made him a gift of one thousand head of cattle and the sixteen other great gifts among which was a mass of gold equal to Rudraraya's own weight. Leading always a virtuous life, a friend of truth, liberal, compassionate, he ruled over his subjects like another Yudhi- shthira. The place Reui he called Krishnanagara in honor of Krishna and because many herdsmen lived there, and seeing 27. in Madurna great numbers of lotus flowers, he gawe the place the name of (J^rmagara. Near Krishnanagara flows a small river, which, however, is wont to rise in the rainy season; at such times boats used to come and go there. One year a Mohammedan general attempted to stop with his boat at a landing-place near the seraglio of Krishnanagara, which the servants of Rudraraya endeavored to prevent by such harsh words as: you may not stop here, Mohammedan! you must go farther away ! and the like. From words it came to blows between them, and on both sides some lives were lost. After the expiration of one year, damming up this same river to the North and South, he constructed a canal containing an abun- dance of water and extending northward and southward, con- nected with the ditch which surrounded the city. Six years after his accession he was summoned by the governor of Jam- hagira, who wished to obtain the tribute from his realm, but he did not make his appearance. On this the governor, called Saristhakhan, sent messengers to bring Rudraraya before him ; and the latter on their arrival made every efibrt in their power to accomplish their mission. But Rudraraya having bribed them with a considerable present, sent the tribute to the governor of Jamhagira , but did not appear personally before him. Upon this the governor highly irritated wrote to the govertiors of Murshedabad, Mrijanagara and Hugly and some others who were subjected to him, that Rudraraya affecting 28. an equahty with himself, although repeatedly summoned be- 22 fore liim, had never obeyed the summons ; and that they must by some stratagem or other take him prisoner and bring him to his city. By this order he caused Rudraraya to be enticed by some trick into the neighborhood of Hugly , to be there surrounded by a body of soldiers and brought to Jamhagira. On his arrival there Rudraraya paid the governor his respects saluting him with the customary ceremonies, in return for which the governor honored him repeatedly with gracious and friendly conversations. About this time it happened one day that Ru- draraya after a conversation w4th the governor, going home from the residence to his own dwelling, saw in a shop near the road a merchant who was dealing in leather shoes, and remarking the beauty of the shoes gave orders to his servants to buy some of them. But as they could not agree respecting the price, a dispute arose between them, in which the mer- chant manifested disrespect towards the servant as he was about to turn and go away, by putting down one shoe and beating it with another, using at the same time the insulting words: „such higgling is worthy only of beggars; get you gone from here!" But Rudraraya, who on hearing this was quite distracted with rage, ordered his servants to lay hold of the fellow and after beating him severely with the shoes to throw him out of his shop. The other shoe merchants who had seen the affair, having laid their comrade upon a bed 29. hastened to inform the governor of the Maharaja's misconduct; but the latter out of fear sent also a minister of his to the governor with a letter in which he promised to pay a fine of one hundred thousand silver pieces. The governor having learned by inquiry the whole matter, was astounded at the prince's violence; but as the latter's servant just then came to deliver him the above mentioned letter, he read it and by and by tore it with a smile, and said: „The prince has only punished some scoundrels who had transgressed their proper limits; I can not, therefore, be angry with him, I can only praise him. If I were to punish him on account of his rough 23 treatment of you, how then could good citizens abide in my city or rest there? On the contrary, the scoundrels would then gain the upper hand. The prince, therefore, has acted for the public welfare." With these and like words having encouraged the minister of the prince, he dismissed him. Mean- while the prince having bought all the shoes for a sum of ten thousand pieces, and distributed them among the people, ex- cited by this deed the high satisfaction of the governor, who dismissed him after bestowing upon him a donative of ele- phants, horses and the like, and granted him any wish lie might choose. Upon this a man called Harinarayana, who held the office of a kanungo, hearing of the great favor which had been bestowed by the governor upon the Maharaja, said to his followers in an irritated manner, and so that it must come to the ears of Rudraraya: „You know the great honor which has been conferred upon Rudraraya; he has prepared 30. to depart without paying me a visit, and takes no notice of me; see, then, what is to be done in the matter!'* Rudraraya being informed of this said in return: „Prince Harinarayana owes his office to money, and I owe my kingdom to money too." With these words seeing a large bambu staflC, the end of which was provided with a sharp iron point, standing near, (he continued) with a loud voice: „ While I can give a heap of gold high enough to cover an upright staff as long as this here, where is the gold of Harinarayana, to do the same?" (^3") A servant of Harinarayana who was near by and heard tliis speach, instantly went away to report it to his master, whereon the latter, trembhng for fear that he should lose his office, went forth to wait upon Rudraraya, who well pleased went himself to meet him. Harinarayana having paid court to him with many flattering words dismissed him home. Having thus obtained permission to retm-n, the prince took home with him an architect called Alavakha^a, by whose aid he began after his arrival to erect his palace at Krishnanagara ; in the first place he built four palaces eastward from his own palace, 24 ^ with a road leading through the lower story capable of serving as a path for elephants, horses, carriages and the like; they were moreover very high and able to furnish a commodious lodging for many persons in their extensive middle story, while the upper story rejoiced the eye with its variegated hues. These four palaces were situated towards the four quarters of heaven, and made an agreeable impression by their symmetry. After these palaces he built a large elephant hall and a beautiful stable. Further he had erected by his architect above the jilst mentioned buildings a palace of brick in which was a con- 31. cert hall (*''); then another the midst of which was adorned by a road leading to the palace door ; in the West of the latter a temple to the goddess Durga rejoicing the heart of all who saw it, and another to the East of great beauty; finally a seraglio embellished with numbers of the most pleasing edifices. At the same time he built from the south western quarter of Krishnanagara a causeway high as a man and very broad as far as Qantipura, and planted on both sides of it rows of holy ^g trees, leaving proper intervals between them; then he dedicated it according to rule. He led a very righteous life and found his pleasure in a truly Brahmanical behavior. While he stayed at Jamha- gira, the governor being pleased with him had presented him a robe woven of gold and other precious stuffs, and a very valuable shawl to be worn as a turban; as well as flags, ar- rows, drums and such things. It is a custom then, in accep- ting the gift of a drum, having lifted it upon one's shoulder, to pay to one's lord the due reverence. When then in the present case the drum bearer was preparing for the same ce- remony, the prince said to the persons present: „As a Brah- man, I may not take the drum upon my shoulder; for doing so I should contaminate myself." The others replied: „How! this is once for all the traditionary custom of all officers ; how is it possible then to do otherwise?'' The prince rephed: „If this be so, the gift of the drum is not for me." The governor 25 then being informed by the drum bearers of the whole matter, gave orders, that if Brahmans be contaminated by lifting a drum, Rudraraya should not be forced to do so, but the do- 32. native should nevertheless be given him. It is likewise custom during an audience before a Mohammedan Sultan, or such a person, to put on an embroidered garment covering all the limbs, and another embroidered upper garment reaching from the feet as far as the waist. But the prince had only put on a garment with three hems and not embroidered, on account of which the persons surrounding the governor happening to see it said : » Why do you come in such an attire to pay your respects to the governor when it is forbidden by the etiquette of the court?'' „ Virtuous Brahmans", replied Rudraraya, „use to wear such a garment as mine; but by court dresses they are contaminated." The governor overhearinor this conversation said to his retinue: „How can you say so? If by any custom Brahmans are contaminated, why should they be required to follow it?" On this decision the courtiers were silent; and in this way the governor being pleased with Rudraraya was wont always to take the latter's part. Rudraraya was also a great composer of quarrels. Once a quarrel between two Brahmans of Matiyari about sharing their inheritance was brought before the king, who being infor- med of all, saw, that the partition of their share having already taken place, there was nothing more to be divided, and that, therefore, they were merely quarrelling without reason. He, therefore, decided, that as nothing but the name of Bhatta- charya, which the members of their family bore as an honorary title, was yet unshared, this name should be divided, and one of them be called Bhatta, the other Acharya. This anecdote 33 is famous even to this day. The elder brother, Bhatta, lived then at Matiyari, but Acharya chose Kudaligachhi for his abode. Rudraraya had two wives, with the elder of whom he begot two sons, the princes Ramachandra and Ramajivana, 26 and with the younger prince Ramakrishna. Of these, prince Ramachandra being extremely vigorous like another Bhimasena, and a great eater, stood in consequence of his fondness for athletic exercises in high favor with wrestlers. One day, having by impulse of a desire gone to the river to bathe there, as he used to do every day, and playing in the water, a stout boat of thirty two oars and manned by the same number of sailors and a helmsman approached rapidly the landing place where he was bathing. At the sight of this the prince, faste- ning his hip belt with his upper garment and taking a posi- tion to push back the boat, said : ^Helmsman, let your sailors row the boat on with all their might; I will then with my two hands drive it back again." The helmsman replied an- xiously: „My lord, how dare we do so? For if the vessel ru- shing on with great speed does any harm, I shall suffer for it in this world and the next." The prince answered angrily: „If you disregard my commands, I shall have you punished as you deserve. Hasten, therefore, to quicken the motion of your boat." Being thus ordered, the helmsman drove his boat 34. forward with great speed, and the prince, considering that it was now his duty to prevent it from striking the shore, re- pelled it with his hands with such force as almost to break it to pieces. The helmsman and his sailors were all petrified with astonishment (verbally: were like painted boys). Prince Ramachandra being also a very skilful huntsman built a pa- lace at Bhempura to rest there after the chase, and used to go thither from time to time in order to hunt. Thus, one morning, having accomplished the daily observances, as well as those appointed for such an occasion he mounted a swift horse to ride to the hunt to Bhempura, after having put on his armor, taken a mace and a sword, and selected for his train a host of servants armed with spears, darts, arrows and the hke. On his way he was suddenly informed by his servants, that close to him in the midst of the forest a huge buffalo with sharp horns, which had not been remarked at a 27 distance by reason of the fog which filled the atmosphere, was on account of its natural antipathy against the horse rushing upon the one he rode ; and that therefore the latter was trem- bling in its gait for fear. The prince having observed the same himself alighted from his horse, and having given the bridle into th^ hand of a servant and taken a mace into his own, took his position in front of the buffalo, as firm as a post. The buffalo, bending down its head until its horns tou- ched the ground, and raising a cloud of dust like a whirlwind by its continual wrathful snorting, came rushing furiously upon the prince. So soon as it was in reach, the prince having sei- zed its horns with both his hands flung the beast far from 35, him, and just as it was getting up upon its hind -feet after its fall, killed it with one powerfiil stroke of his mace. Then having torn out its two horns with his hands he went home. This story being famous everywhere and with everybody, some time after there came from various countries young wrest- lers who having heard the story wished to wrestle with Ra- machandra; but surprised by the sight of his body and his dexterity gave up their desire and desisted from the trial, prai- sing the prince as a wonderful man and an incarnation of some god. Having been hospitably entertained by him they returned each to his home again. Some time being elapsed there came a high Mohammedan officer, aFaujdar('^) as it is called in Persian, who being gifted with great strength and skilled in athletic contests had come to wrestle with our prince. After his arrival prince Ramachandra informed his father of it, saying: „Your Majesty, a high Mohammedan of- ficer has arrived to wrestle with me; as your Majesty com- mands, so it shall be done." Rudraraya replied: „A house must be prepared for the Mohammedan officer to live in, and delicacies for his food. But how may we wrestle with a Mo- hammedan? If he wish to witness yom* strength, you may ex- hibit it to him. Go also to his lodging to pay him hospi- table attention and entertain him with conversation." When 28 the next morning Ramachandra had repaired to the Mohamme- dan officer and gone through the usual ceremonies of mutual salutation, he was informed by the latter of his desire as follows : 36. „I wished to wrestle with you since you are a great hero and a skilful wrestler, and I too am practised in the same art. Now let me know your opinion." The prince replied with a reve- rence: ^You are employed by my superior in a high office, and therefore always an object of my veneration. We princes are to be admonished by you to what is proper; I will act, therefore, as it shall please you who are judge of what is becoming or unbecoming." The Mohammedan being highly pleased with these words answered : „ You are superior to me, O prince, not only in strength, but also in judgement. We, therefore, will not wrestle together, but I will rather witness what you can do." The prince consented, and having taken hold with both hands of a mango tree of four or five years growth and full of branches and boughs, which was stan- ding before the Mohammedan, tore it up with a single effort. The Mohammedan and his retinue said to each other: a man of such exceeding power we have never yet seen nor heard of; the prince has given us here an exhibition of superhuman strength. After these and similar praises the Mohammedan went home satisfied in a high degree. When after a short time Ramachandra came to Jamha- gira, he was celebrated there by everybody under the name of the strong man and the mighty eater. Hearing of this, Nan- dalala, a minister of the Amir al Umara ('^''*) appointed over Jamhagira, who himself managed the concerns of the realm, saluting Ramachandra said to him, that he wished to witness 37. his appetite and his vigor. But Ramachandra replied: „How is it possible that you should see my appetite when I am not permitted to eat near a Qudra?" Nandalala answered: „ After having put on a white garment, taken a bath and observed the other rites I only wished to see it from afar off." But Ramachandra said: „ After all these ceremonies you are nothing 29 but a Qiidra; why then should you purpose it? But if you wish to witness my vigor, what prevents you from doing so? If you are desirous to see it, I will show you my power." The next day Ramachandra having gone to Nandalala, the latter said: „I have bought a very swift and strong horse for 800 pieces to ride upon; this I wished to have mounted by you." Ramachandra replied: „I am wont to ride a horse belonging to the famous race of Balkh and Turkistan ; but this is a horse of low race and without strength; as soon as mounted by me, it will instantly die. It is, therefore, not proper that I should mount it." But Nandalala said: „If this horse dies on account of your mounting it, let it die. My desire to see the spectacle is great, while if it dies the loss is not great. Ride it there- fore with all vigor." Although Ramachandra again and again endeavored to dissuade liim from uselessly killing the horse, he had it made ready and produced it before Ramachandra. Upon this the latter said anew: „ Magnanimous lord, if I mount the horse from a low position, the violence of my leap will in- stantly break its hip. I wiU, therefore, place myself on a 38. somewhat elevated part of your palace and mount the horse as it stands below me." This proposal having been approved by Nandalala, Ramachandra mounted the horse. But when, having rode a little way, he pressed it with his heels and legs for the sake of quickening its progress, it fell down and died, aU its bones on both sides breaking with a crashing noise (*^). All who saw this spectacle were astounded and extolled Ra- machandra as a demigod. One day Ramachandra lifting up with his hand a great pillar of wood in the building where Nandalala lived, which was strongly built in with bricks above and below, put under it a pocket handkerchief he had noticed in the hand of a servant, saying to all the youth: „I wonder if you are able to pull this cloth out again." Thus addressed all stood silent, deliberating on the possibility of what he de- manded to be done. Seeing them in this embarrassment he lifted the pillar with both his arms, and breaking the flat roof 30 of the palace ('^) drew out the cloth. At sight of this all were struck dumb with surprise. Some days after this, Nan- dalala wishing to witness the appetite of Ramachandra caused a relation of the latter's to boil for him in his own garden a great store of fish, meat and other eatables; Nandalala when he saw the quantify, was astonished. Similar proofs of his power Ramachandra gave in many other ways. In consequence of his being occupied with such exploits he did not pay his daily veneration to the gods, and was 39. unable (^®) to converse with the Pandits; while his father Ru- draraya was on account of his ever exemplary life celebrated under the name of Rudrarishi (i. e. Rudra the holy sage). Thus Ramachandra being not obedient to his father was not much beloved by him ; Rudraraya, therefore, did not transmit the kingdom to him, but, either with the intention of gi- ving the kingdom to another of his sons, or in order to in- fluence Ramachandra, by the fear of losing it, to behave himself in a manner agreeable to him, wrote to the Sultan of Delhi, requesting, the latter might give orders, that to whomsoever of his sons he should give his kingdom, the same should be established in it. The Sultan of Delhi having assented in- formed Rudraraya of his permission by a letter of reply. Having after the reception of this autograph letter from the Sultan ruled happily for some time longer over his kingdom, he fell sick ; on which account wishing to see the Bhagirathi he re- paired to Sukhasagara; but being cured there by the physi- cians and his sickness checked, he went home to Krishnanagara, where he arranged with great pomp the grand autumnal feast. Yet his sickness increasing he went back again to Sukhasa- gara, having procured previously the whole apparatus necessary for the performance of his funeral ceremonies, and collected great sums of money in order to satisfy with presents the in- vited Brahmans. Then feeling his end near, he distributed gold pieces, land, garments and food very liberally among the Brah- mans, and said to his sons and followers: „ I have previously m 31 procured all things necessary for my funeral, and the time of my death is near; only a boat which I have sent to the coun- 40. try of Hiigly to fetch sandal wood for my concremation, has not yet arrived. If it delay yet longer, I shall not see it, nor be burned with it, and this is causing me great sorrow." As he said this, the host of servants standing before him informed him, that the boat loaded with that burden of wood had just arrived. He then said in presence of all his ministers and sons: „Prince Ramachandra is not obedient to me, nor does he find his delight in protecting his subjects; prince Ramaji- vana, on the contrary, is anxious for the love of his subjects and devoted to me; I, therefore, anoint him king." And with these words he instantly anointed him. Upon this prince Ra- machandra said to his father: ^Yoiu* Majesty, what means of subsistence will remain to me your servant?" Rudraraya replied : „I shall provide for your sustenance by your brother." „Rama- jivana always had a hatred against me", said Ramachandra, „he never will take care of me." „But if I order it, he will do so", rephed Rudraraya; upon which Ramachandra replied again: „I, Ramachandra, will always submit to the arrange- ments of my father; but if Ramajivana do not take care of me, I shall know how to find my sustenance." With these words he was silent. After a time Rudraraya died and ^tttained the state of eternal happiness, his body lying half on the bank and half in the water of the Bhagirathi, and his mind employed in meditating on the names of Rama. His sons and his ministers having then burned him with sandal wood and clarified butter, and presented the obsequial 41. cakes to his manes, went home to Krishnanagara, their hearts perplexed with grief Having respectfully invited thither the Pandits of Anga, Vanga, Magadha, Saurashtra, Kapi, Kafi- chi and yet other districts, together with the kings, princes and ministers of the same countries, (Ramajivana) erected a building filled with hundreds upon hundreds of dishes with eatables of all kinds ('^), and employed there faithful and plea- 32 saiit spoken servants to furnish ever to the Brahmans and the others who might come thither rich food to appease their ap- petite. Further, for the lodgement of the Brahmans who should arrive, he built toward each of the four quarters of heaven from Krishnanagara a camp extending for a kropa (1| mile), and able to accomodate thousands upon thousands; there too he established a store of various provisions. To the Brahmans then, who on their arrival from various countries had been received by his brothers with expressions of esteem, he assigned their lodgements in the previously erected buildings ; and also the Brahmans and other persons who had come, attracted by the mere rumor of the burial, he entertained with all kinds of eatables. Ten days having been filled up with the numerous ceremonies, upon the eleventh the three brothers distributed among the Brahmans garments, ornaments and vessels of sil- ver, brass, copper, bronze and the like, for their father's sake. A certain collection of gifts, to the number of sixteen, land being the first among them, is generally known as „the sixteen" : these, sixteen times repeated, constitute what is ter- med a gift- ocean. (^^^•) Of these so called gift-oceans there were distributed twenty one, viz. sixteen consisting of bronze ves- 42. sels, four of silver, and one of gold; further there were given many Resents of elephants, horses, boats, hammocks and the like, as well as of bulls, each of which was coupled together with four kine; more than one hundred thousand persons too were fed to their fill. In short, whoever came was satisfied, as it was at the sacrifice of Yudhishthira. When after this the three brothers had taken their places in the midst of the Pandits and princes, who, having been sea- ted in the assembly upon carpets and couches for the purpose of receiving the customary honor of audience, saluted them as they entered by rising from their seats, prince Ramachandra addressed himself to all who were present, with these words: ^Before you, by whose presence this assembly is rendered glo- rious like a council of gods, I wish to lay an affair of mine; 33 be pleased to hear it. My father laid upon me this injunction : you shall be cared for by Ramajivana, but the kingdom shall go to the latter. Now, if my brother actually does make pro- vision for me, this order of my father shall never be trans- gressed by me. Let him then declare in this assembly in your presence, in what way he will make me this provision; you shall be witnesses thereof" As upon these words Rama- jivana remained silent, Ramachandra began anew: 5,My brother declines to reply; I, therefore, must myself fix the conditions of our agreement in regard to my provision. Matiyari and sundry other villages subject to the king with the obligation of paying him an annual tribute shall pass into my possession; further ten thousand silver coins, four horses for my driving, and, as I am fond of fish, the pond called Poyaladaha shall be given to me, the latter free from taxation. This is the 4'd. way in which my brother shall take care of me." Upon this all who were sitting in the assembly, cried: „His Highness prince Ramachandra has spoken well; this his Highness prince Ramajivana certainly ought to do." Ramajivana, however, did not consent, but said: 5,How can your Highness make such a proposal? In the same way as you have been supported by my father, you shall also be sujpported by me. But how can you lay claim to the possession of Matiyari and the other villages and to all those things you demand?" By these words the heart of Ramachandra being moved to anger, he called to witness all who were present, went to his stable, mounted that excellent horse of his which was able to bear him, bade all his servants accompany him, and departed instantly for the capital Hugly. But Ramajivana being informed of the whole matter, ordered a number of soldiers to bring him back; yet as soon as they had come within sight of him, and been looked at by him mth an eye red with wrath, they fled away. Having arrived at Hugly, Ramachandra related the whole matter to the Faujdar residing these. In the meanwhile Ramajivana having after a splendid 3 34 entertainment dismissed the invited Brahmans and other guests became anxious, and ruled over his kingdom without tranquil- lity, while the Faujdar of Hugly, being much pleased with the heroic qualities of Ramachandra, reported by letter the affair of the two brothers to the governor of Jamhagira ; and having re- ceived an answer v^dth the latter' s own signature, conferring upon 44. Ramachandra the government over his paternal kingdom, dis- missed the latter to his own country which was now made over into his own possession. Ramachandra then went to his residence at Qrinagara and began to conduct the government of the realm. But Ramajivana having collected a great army to fight against his brother, they now and then gave battle to each other. Yet as during the following three years which were thus filled up with war, Ramajivana repeatedly sent tribute to the Mohammedan governor, he succeeded in retaining his paternal kingdom, while Ramachandra obtained for a sea- son the sway over some villages. After some time Ramaji- vana having by some stratagem taken Ramachandra prisoner, and sent him secretly to Jamhagira (^^), remained himself in possession of the whole and undivided kingdom. But as he never went to pay his respects to the governor of Jamhagira, and also neglected to pay in full the stipulated tribute, the governor being much irritated by this conduct sent an am- bassador, called prince Radhavallabha, to the court of Rama- jivana with the commission to call in both the arrears of the former tribute and the whole amount now to be paid, and to explore at the same time, how much revenue Ramajivana re- ceived from his kingdom. When a few days after the arrival of RadhavaUabha a very vehement and even violent strife arose between them in consequence of a quarrel which had taken place between their servants on occasion of the delivery of the tribute, Radhaval- labha, suppressing his excessive wrath, reported by letter to the governor of Jamhagira the great baseness of Ramajivana and his opposition to paying the tribute justly demanded from 35 him, and at the same time the excellence of his younger bro- ther Kamakrishna. Having received upon this a letter with 45. the governor's own signature, to the effect that he should take Ramajivana prisoner and give the kingdom to Ramakrishna, he occupied himself with the latter's installation into the go- vernment. At this time it happened, that the capital of Qobhasimha, king of Chetuya, was plundered by Krishnarama, king of Var- dhamana, whose country was not far from that of Qobhasimha. But soon Qobhasimha, greatly enraged at this attack, mar- ching through a forest by a road unknown to the inhabitants of Vardhamana, passed the river Damodara, on the bank of which Vardhamana hes, and took up a position before the latter city. Prince Ko-ishnarama then observing the advance of the hostile army, and perceiving that he was doomed to perish with his followers, as no expedient of escape from the enemy appeared, all opportunity to flee being taken from him, and preparation for a war not having been made, in consequence of this reflection caused his son, Qrijagadrama, to put on fe- male apparel, and to seat himself upon a car for women, and sent him, undetected by the hostile army, to the court of Ka- makrishna at Krishnanagara. Considering further, that it would be a great disgrace for his retinue (^*) to fall into the hands of the enemy, he rather put them to death with his own hand. After this Qobhasimha having arrived with his army and slain Krishnarama as the latter had his retinue, overflowed Var- dhamana; but Jagadrama, who had fled, was kept concealed by Ramakrishna in the province of Matiyari. Meanwhile pobhasimha extended his power all over Vardhamana, the rest of Krishnarama's followers, who were yet alive, having fled. At this time Simha having seen a very beautiful daughter 46. of Krishnarama who by some chance had escaped death, and fallen in love with her, began to keep her as his mistress. And in spite of the admonitions of his counsellors, to the effect that he should not inconsiderately enjoy one who belonged to 3* 36 the party of his enemies, until, after having overcome his ad- versaries and firmly established his authority over Vardha- mana, he might enjoy her with security, he yet persisted in his imprudence. And having got proud of his conquest of Var- dhamana he sent generals against many royal cities, to destroy the povrer which the Sultan of Delhi possessed in Yanga and the adjacent countries. He also generally succeeded in over- coming the little princes. But Aurengzeb, Sultan of Delhi, who was engaged just at this time in a war against enemies in the southern district (i. e. the English), having been informed by a letter from his resident in that quarter of the conquest of Yardhamana and all the evil - doings of Qobhasimha, sent his well beloved grandson, Azim-us-shan, vnth many gene- rals, to destroy Qobhasimha. After some time the grandson of the Sultan of Delhi being advanced as far as Murshedabad, Qobhasimha was killed, when in a state of drunkenness, by the daughter of Krishnarama, who having gone to bed with him ripped up his belly with a small but sharp -edged knife which she had hidden in her luxuriant hair; he obtained after death the fate his deeds deserved. Upon this Hemmatasimha, the younger brother of Qobha- 47. simha, having after no long time ceased his mourning, came with a great army to Yardhamana, and began to behave in the same way as his brother had done. In order also to sub- ject Ramakrishna, king of Navadvipa, to his power, he sent out many generals, but Ramakrishna vdth but a small number of soldiers, who, however, had a powerful protection in the circumstance that their thoughts were directed upon the su- preme deity, rooted out the generals of pobhasimha as if they had been mere tufts of grass. At this very time the grandson of the Sultan of Delhi having come himself from Murshedabad to Palapi, while the vanguard of his army was arrived already at the village of Katuyam, there arose there a very violent battle between the two armies, and of each party great num- bers fell. Neamet Khan, a Mohammedan, and general of Simha, 37 had taught an elephant of his own, when attacked by hostile soldiers, to rush about holding in its outstretched trunk a broad and sharp sword, and to kill with it as if in sport ten or twelve persons. As this elephant, by such attacks repeatedly kiUing numbers of soldiers both with its sword and by tram- pling them with its feet, put the Delhian army into confusion, the latter was obliged to retreat for some distance. But soon the grandson of the Sultan of Delhi having heard these news from his messengers, hastened from Pala^i to his army, and by means of fire-arms, called jejala(^^), caused a great de- struction in the army of Hemmatasimha : many horsemen of the latter's also were killed by the Delhian cavalry. The army of Simha finding itself in consequence of this in great confu- 48. sion, great numbers of his soldiers were also put to death by the enemy in various ways by means of swords, darts, mallets and arrows. Upon this sight Simha ran away afoot and re- paired to some (hidden) place. Thenceforth the Delhian sol- diers raised their cries of victory and elevating the flag of conquest congratulated their lord by the sound of drums. As the grandson of the Sultan of Delhi stayed for some time longer to regulate the affairs of the government over Vardhamana, Gauda, and the adjacent countries, all kings came to wait upon him, reverencing him with folded hands, having put off* the hems of their garments, laid aside their golden ornaments, and offerring gifts of wealth and the like. While the others, not daring to show their wealth, left their trains at home and appeared only with a few followers, lia- makrishna came surrounded by a stately retinue. At sight of these princes with their small trains the grandson of the Sultan of Delhi said with a distainful gesture to his followers : „These are no princes, but offsprings of low families ; else they would not have such retinues. But prince Ramakrishna is the off*- spring of a great family, for he alone has a stately^ retinue comparable to my own ; he himself too appears like a second Kandarpa and shines before one like the sun, and is like Vrir- 38 haspati in his speech ; he is surrounded by numerous soldiers, waited upon by hosts of ministers, who themselves are honored by retinues in splendid carriages. Thus he is a man gladde- ning the eyes of such persons as I am, and certainly the first among the princes of Gauda and these other countries." Then, 49. Kamakrishna having according to custom offered his salutation and paid his respect, the grandson of the Sultan of Delhi ad- dressed to him many obhging words. Then, just at that time, Rajadhira the nephew of Jayasimha Deva, being his sister's son, the commander of a body of twenty two thousand hor- semen and an eminent general, having arrived, a verbal dis- pute arose between the latter and Kamakrishna, in consequence of which they frequently committed acts of violence against one another. The grandson of the Sultan having heard this affair from his spies, endeavored in sight of the whole army to compose their difference, and having called them both before him reconciled them, appeasing their anger by persua- sive words; then he put the finishing upon their friendship by causing them to exchange turbans. They, on their part, hved for some time in great mutual affection, paying visits to each other and offering and returning various presents. Kama- krishna kept also in pay to execute his orders three thousand horsemen mounted on horses of excellent race, seven thousand soldiers with fire-arms, and thousands of foot -soldiers with bows. After a time the grandson of the Sultan expressed to Kamakrishna the high pleasure which he had derived from long intercourse with him and acquaintance with his in all respects excellent character, by granting to him whatever fa- vor he wished, and having gone to Jamhagira, where he resided for a time, made known by letter to his grandfather the ex- cellency of Kamakrishna in every respect, while the latter after the entire destruction of the army of Qobhasimha's 50. younger brother, who had fled, .made his entrance into Krish- nanagara amid cries of victory and thank-offerings. Jagatseta and the other (bankers who were the) creditors of 39 all princes, being in possession of the favor of Ramakrishna (^^) were entertained by the latter at Krishnanagara in a hall built of bricks in the outward open court yard ( of his palace ) ; and having lived there for one month, richly supplied with all pro- visions, they went back to their own houses, highly contented and under mutual assurances of regard. Thus Ramakrishna lived happily at Krishnanagara for a long time, and any matter of interest of which he gave notice to the grandson of the Sultan of Delhi who resided at Jam- hagira, was executed without fail by the latter, who scarcely having got notice of it gave his instructions in a letter of answer. Ramakrishna lived also in friendship with Vada Saheb, who at that time was governor of the southern foreigners (i. e. the EngHsh) in Calcutta; the latter, therefore, showed likewise continual friendship towards him, and placed a garrison of 2500 so called „ soldiers", who were skilled in the use of all kinds of weapons and missiles, in Krishnanagara to execute the plans of Ramakrishna. While he thus governed his realm with great ability, a violent difference arose between him and the sovereign prince of Ya^ohara, on account of the boundary of some of their villages. Ramakrishna, therefore, marched with a great army towards the city of Ya^ohara, and having vanquished its sovereign and plundered his city, excited great apprehen- sion in the minds of the other princes, who, perplexed with fear, employed ambassadors at the court of Ramakrishna to inform them daily of what each of them ought to know in order to satisfy Ramakrishna. Whatever Ramakrishna wrote to the grandson of the Sultan of Delhi to request, was without 51 reserve granted by a letter with the latter's own signature; so that a Mohammedan called Jafar Khan, who was appointed over Jamhagira by the Sultan of Delhi, was not able to do him any harm, although he continually endeavored to do so, and was obliged to be content with the tribute which Rama- krishna of his own pleasure gave him ; the stipulated tribute, 40 therefore, he was never able to obtain. Thus after a govern- ment of eleven years, having paid but very little of what he was under obligation to pay, while the greater part remained in arrear, he was with great pains allured to Jamhagira and there by treachery, with aid of the formerly emprisoned Ra- majivana, was closely confined. In the prison he died after some time of smallpox. Upon news of this the grandson of the Sultan was very much distressed and troubled with sorrow. After a time Jafar Khan reported to the grandson of the Sul- tan: Ramakrishna being dead, to whom is the government over Navadvipa now to be committed? He answered: If there be a son, a fosterson, a grandson or any such relation of Ra- makrishna, commit it to him. Jafar Khan replying, that their ^ was no such relation, the grandson of the Sultan ordered: Then give it to any minister of Ramakrishna, who is fit for the government, and who will protect the wife and family of Ramakrishna. Jafar Khan replied: Your Highness, there is 52. also no such minister; Ramakrishna's elder brother, however, prince Ramajivana, lives in prison here. If you command, I will commit the kingdom to him. The decision of the grand- son of the Sultan then w^as: If there is no other descendant of Ramakrishna fit for the government, you must of course give the kingdom to his elder brother, prince Ramajivana. Having got this order, Jafar Khan appointed the latter over the kingdom of Navadvipa, and having greatly honored him with donatives of carriages, ornaments, clothes and the hke, established him in his government. Ramajivana on his part, having made the necessary arrangements and taken leave after an audience, arrived at home and governed his realm in accordance vdth law. As he was well skilled in the sciences of poetry, singing and acting, showed many particular virtues, and was clever in managing the affairs of the govern- ment, he gained the favor of his subjects. His son, prince Raghurama, by his mercy, his richness ipL virtues, his magnificence and his readiness in assisting others, 41 acquiring the affection of the people while his father was yet ahve, was without interruption the object of the latter's tenderness, and extended the glory becoming to his race. He was also a hero and a very skilful archer. At this time it happened that all kings having been one after another taken prisoners by Jafar Khan, governor of Murshedabad, by the employment of treachery, Raghurama was present there in the city to attend upon his father who was likewise in prison. Just then the governor sent a general called Laharimalla with a great army against Udayaraya, king of Rajasai, who in con- sequence of a quarrel with the governor had taken his position with a considerable force near the village Virakati. By the advice of Ramajivana he gave with many expressions of respect 53. as attendant to Malla, to watch over him, the prince Raghu- rama, who was skilled in counsel, highly courageous, and a master of the art of archery. Some days after this the two armies of Laharimalla and Udayaraya had come almost in sight of each other, when Ali Mahmud, the son of Ghulam Mahmud, the first general of Udayaraya, a very young man, but skilful in war, came on horseback, carrying in his hands a sharp sword and a shield, and accompanied by nineteen soldiers with chariots and wearing ornaments, weapons and missiles, to fall upon Laharimalla, who by some chance being some distance removed from the bulk of his army, was taking counsel with Raghurama, accompanied by no more than five or six attendants. At sight of this Laharimalla said to Raghurama: „0h my prince, our soldiers are far away, and the enemy are close upon us. What then is to be done? For we are too weak to contend with success against their power.'' The prince replied: „0h magnanimous Laharimalla, it is disgraceful to fly in battle; for if you fly, your soldiers will certainly suffer a defeat, and if they are defeated, it will go hard with us whether we fall into the hands of the enemy or of Jafar Khan. Therefore, let firmness be your stay in this combat; three or four men, although with uphfted arms, shall 42 quickly be slain by me, and then, no doubt, the other enemies too shall be overcome." While they were talking thus, not far from them the son of Ghulam Mahmud spurred on his 54. horse, and with his sharp sword drawn out of its sheath came rushing, like Death himself, upon Laharimalla, who although with his eye fixed upon the foe, slowly retired backwards, and said to the prince : „Kaghurama, the enemy is near, why does not your Grace even yet endeavor to oppose him?" The prince replied : „Be tranquil ; fear not ; I will manage it ; when the enemy comes nearer, you shall see!" Upon these words Malla with confused senses and almost clinging to the prince, and hiding himself behind his back, was scarcely able to main- tain himself (upon his horse). But Raghurama, with a sharp arrow which he drew back to his ear and shot from his circularly curved bow, pierced the son of Ghulam Mahmud, who meanwhile having come nearer excited the fear of Malla's retinue. The arrow even after passing through his breast, which Avas covered with an iron mailcoat, flew away a con- siderable distance farther. Ali Mahmud, his heart being pierced by the arrow of Raghurama, fell from the back of his horse with expressions of praise: such as, that he had never yet seen in the many battles he had witnessed a youth of equal strength and skill in archery, and then said: „0h great prince, a burning thirst vexes me ; but as all my retinue have fled as soon as they saw the effect of your arrow, give me some water to drink." The compassionate prince gave him sweet water and having thus revived him said: „ Great hero, you shall accompany us to our army, and there you shall be cured by the art of physicians. If you have any 55. other desire (^*) utter it!" He rephed: „0h prince, why do you speak thus ? By the stroke of your arrow my life is brought to its end ; and it is no sorrow for me to die in battle by the hand of a most valiant hero. So long as the breath remains in my body, I beseech you to stand before me, who have been abandonned by my friends." The prince bedewed him 43 with the rain of his falling tears and endeavored together with his retinue to encourage him. But after a time he died and obtained such a felicity as he merited. Then the bulk of the army, which had come near meanwhile, having raised cries of victory, Laharimalla who now had regained his cou- rage, paid by true reports high praise to Raghurama, and shewed him honor together with his army. He then marched to Murshedabad, the flag of victory elevated, and there reported the heroism of Raghurama, his firmness in battle and his dex- terity in counsel to Jafar Khan, who expressed to the prince his high satisfaction by such words as: how should one be astonished at Raghurama's heroism, since he is of such an eminent family ! Ramajivana too, highly pleased, rejoiced Ra- ghurama with his blessings. Thus the latter's exploits, worthy to be admired by everybody, have been sung by men down to this day. In consequence of this the governor having shown honors to Ramajivana sent them home. In the ^akayear 1632 (= A. D. 1710) a son was born to Raghurama at the time of constellation of all friendly pla- nets, and of the auspicious rise of the star (that governed the year), the source of a shoreless ocean of joy to his father and grandfather, the cause of great rejoicing to their subjects, and endowed with an exceedingly handsome body. After his birth the astronomers assembled, and having deliberated on the rise (of the planets) at the time of his birth, announced 56. to his father and grandfather, that this child was to become endowed with manifold virtues. The king having honored them with presents of carriages, garments and ornaments of various sorts sent them home. Then there came in hosts both native and foreign Brahmans from all quarters, to see the young prince, and to wish him continual freedom from sick- ness and grief, richness in virtues, and a long life(^^). The king having hospitably entertained these Brahmans dismissed them. When the child had reached an age of six months, the king, at a time when the astronomers had announced 44 to him the auspicious rise (of the planets), wishing to cele- brate the ceremonies of giving him his name and of feeding him with rice for the first time, invited the kings, princes and Brahmans, who found their pleasure in penance and prayer, from Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Kapi, Kanchi and the adjacent countries. For their dwelling he built a camp of one kropa in length and half a kropa in breadth, which was constructed of cloth and the hke, resplendent with ranges of various pa- laces, adorned with rows of white, blue, yellow and other flags and surrounded by a fence likewise of cloth and such materials. There he deposited stores of daintiest provisions, and appointed a number of ministers to care for the enter- tainment of the assembled princes and Brahmans. And also 57. for those of various castes, who had come without being in- vited to witness the feast, were provided stores of various and abundant provisions; there were many streams of curdled and fresh milk, clarified butter, honey and the like, and in- numerable heaps of beans, peas, bilobes (?) and similar fruits; and the piles of rice and such things, how could they be counted? Then the day before the ceremony, having led the assembled Brahmans and princes with suitable demonstrations of reverence into the erected dwelling - place , he entertained them with his provisions; the next day when they were sit- ting in the assembly, he began the ceremony at the auspicious rise (of the planets) as announced by the astronomers. Then 58. commenced a feast, at whose noise and splendor the earth was so astonished, that she did not know what to make of it (^^). After this the hosts of Brahmans and princes, satisfied with presents and honors, rejoiced the child with prayers for his happiness, such as, that he might rule over the earth for a long time, endowed with manifold virtues and free from troubles; that in whatever he wished to perform, the highest goddess might give him success, and more the like. Then, the Brahmans and the others having gone home, and after the performance of the rites supplementary to the cere- 45 ,mony of giving the child rice for the first time , Ramajivana was summoned by a minister of Jafar Khan to Murshedabad, on account of the tribute to be paid by him; and there he died after a time and obtained the highest felicity, having reigned over his kingdom for ten years. After him his son, called Raghurama, whose excellence has already been glorified, became a king like Raghu himself. Under his government the people was exceedingly rich with prosperity; there was no second person like him in affability, justice and majesty. Possessing the favor of the gods and the Brahmans he governed the kingdom for two years at Krish- nanagara. But Jafar Khan, who had already previously sub- dued the other kings, now at last captured also Raghurama and kept him in confinement at Murshedabad. Yet, although emprisoned, he was wont generally every day, whether solici- ted or not, to distribute land to Brahmans to gain their sub- sistance from it, and whatever any one asked from him, he was sure to obtain. Thus he governed even in- prison the country which had no other lord, for eleven years wanting four months. Some time after this having returned from Mur- shedabad to Krishnanagara he ruled yet over the realm for 59. four months. Under his government poverty was nowhere to be found among the Brahmans, nor the least injustice among his subjects; his friends were plunged in an ocean of prospe- rity, and his ministers were addicted to sacrifices and holy rites. Then having himself observed sacrifices and the other rites he expired, after a government of thirteen years, on the bank of the Bhagirathi, in the ^aka-year 1650 (= A.D. 1728), and obtained the highest fehcity. The same year the ministers anointed as king, according to the order of the governor of Murshedabad, prikrishna- chandra, the son of Raghurama, a man possessed of a trea- sure of many virtues. NOTES. *) This introductory strophe is written in the Sragdhara metre, which is frequent in dramatical poetry and consists of two hemistichs each of which is again divided into two parts. The scheme of one such part is: The most natural translation of the third hne, according to the position of words, is that here given ; the sense would become better however, if na could be taken with the verb labhante: how should they not obtain fame in the threefold world, who extol great renown? I do not precisely know if the latter translation is admissible. '^) The original calls the garments of these Brahmans suchi-viddha, a word which is not explained either in Wilson's or in Haughton's dictionary. It properly means ^needle- sewed", which yet seems to have such a signification as the one proposed in the translation; for a „needle- sewed" dress seems to have been particularly luxurious, and therefore unbecoming to a Brahman, as appears partly from our pas- sage, for on account of their luxurious and little ascetic ap- pearance the king disregarded them, partly from another pas- sage, 32, 2 sq. The relation in the Qabdakalpadruma (see note 4) makes the Brahmans appear in a warrior -like apparel, and thus excite distrust of their capability in the heart of the king. ^ ) The villages offered to Bhattanarayana by the king are, together with their contents, called in the original dush- pratigraha, i. e. an improper present for Brahmans; why, I do not know. In the Qabdakalpadruma I find indeed in the 47 article „pratigraha" (Vol. Ill p. 2338) the following notice: rajaditah pratigrahanishedho, yatha: na rajnah pratigrihmyan na ^udrapatitad api | na chanyasmad a^aktap cha ninditan varjayed budliah 1| iti kaiu-me uparibhage 15 adhyayah|| Yet the sense of this passage is not at all clear, and in an old and good manuscript of the Kurmapurana (Chamb. 244"), in which I sought for it in the hope, that it might perhaps receive light from the connexion in which it stands, I have not found it at all in the chapter quoted (fol. 116"' — 118''). Our passage becomes yet more striking, as it is repeatedly mentioned in the course of the narrative, that grants of land were made to Brahmans by the kings of Navadvipa (for such they were, though Brahmans at the same time), and accep- ted by the former without scruple (see 39, 18. 58,19), and only a few lines before it is related, that the same five Kan- yakubjan Brahmans had accepted already five villages pre- sented to them by king Adisura. Perhaps one might, by drop- ping the -technical sense of pratigraha, translate: I can not accept your villages vdthout your receiving something in re- turn. Yet this explanation is somewhat ambiguous, since the whole connexion seems to demand that pratigraha should be taken in its usual technical sense. *) The whole content of this first chapter is related also in se- veral other works, of which we mention first those from which extracts are given in the Qabdakalpadruma under the article ^kayastha" (Vol. I p. 542). The first book cited and extracted there is the Dakshinaradhiyaghatakakarika; to afibrd a view of the content of the extract communicated, we shall give the superscriptions of the single chapters. They are: atha Adipurarajapra^amsa: (among other things here is said, that Adipura expelled the Buddhists from his realm, Gaur) — athadi^urasya patram — atha Virasimham prati lipipreranam — atha lipiprakarah — atha brahmana^udranam Gaudadepe ga- manechchha — athadifurasamipe brahmanapreranam — atha brahmananam garaanam — atha brahmananam Gaudarajyapra- vepo rajasamipe a^irarthara gamanam cha — atha raj akartrikam 48 brahmananam pra9ant(v)anam gotranamapra^nap cha — atha panchabrahmananam parichayah — atha ^udraparichayapra^- nah — atha panchapudranam prapnah — athashtau siddhamau- likah — atha dvisaptatih sadhyamaulikah. — There follows now (p. 545) an extract from E,amananda9arman's kula- dipika, called Van gajag hat aka. The first chapter contains the myth of the origin and first genealogy of the Kayasthas or writer caste, from the Agnipurana. The next four chapters are merely genealogical; then follows one chapter, which, as referring to the whole story of our first chapter, we shall communicate entire; it runs thus (p. 546): atha Kanyakubjat panchanam vipranam ^udranam chaga- manam aha Devivarah | Ambasht(h)akulasambhiita Adi^uro nripe^varah | Radha-Gauda-Varendra^ cha Vangade^as tathaiva cha || 1. etesham nripatip chaiva sarvabhiimipvaro yatha | amatyair bandhavaip chaiva mantribhir dvijavrindakaih || 2. etaih saha mahipala ekada "sa nijalaye | upavishto dvijan prashtum dharmapastraparayanah || 3. kena yajiiena bhagavatpritir bhavati ni^chitam 1 tat sarvam protum ichchhami ; kathayadhvam, dvijottamah || 4. iti ^rutva dvijah sarve kharvikritakalevarah | kathayanti nripagre tu sarve vivritamanasah || 5. (p. 547). kena kena vidhanena yajno va kriyate budhaih | vayam sarve na janimo vidhanam kidri^am kratoh \\ 6. iti tesham vachah ^rutva chintayukto mahipatih | kim karomi? kva gachchhami? vilalapa punah punah || 7. Kanyakubjat samanitan dutena dvijapanchakan | veda^astreshv avagatan sarvastre cha viparadan || 8. goyanarohitan vipran khadgacharmadibhir yutan | pattive^an samalochya nishado jayate hridi || 9. apraddha jayate rajna iti jiiatva dvijottamah | apirvadarthanirmalyam mallakashthopari sthitam || 10. tada kashtham sajivam syat kalapallavasamyutam*) i iti drishtva nripas tasmin kampanvitakalevarah || 11. *) kala, in Beng. a sprout. 49 stotram cha bahudha tesham akarot sa nripottamah | asanam padyam aniya dadau vinayapurvakam || 12. upavishta dvijah paiicha tatha cha ^udrapaiichakah | rajams te kupalam sarvam prochup chety avadat sa tan || 13. adya me sakalam janma jivitam cha sujivitam | putam cha bhavanam jatam yushmakam gamanam yatah || 14. evam cha kriyate stotram prishtva 'nyat pudrapanchake | yushmakam gotram akhya cha kimarthe va dvijaih saha || 15. tat sarvam protum ichchhami; bruta, bhoh ^udrapumgavah | iti rajno vachah ^rutva 'kathayan namagotrake || 16. Ka^yape chaiva gotre cha Dakshanama mahamatih | tasya daso Gautamasya gotre Da^aratho Vasuh || 17. Qandilyagotre sambhuto Bhattanarayanah kriti | SaukaUna^cha daso 'yam Ghoshah Qrimakarandakah || 18. Bharadvajeshu vikhyatah Qriharsho munisattamah | dasas tasya Viratakhyo Guhakah Kapyapah smritah 1 1 19. Savarnagotranirdishto Vedagarbhamunis tv ayam | tasya daso Mitravampo Vaipvamitrap cha gotrakah || 20. KaHdasa iti khyatah ^udravam^asamudbhavah | Vatsyagotreshu sambhuta^ Chhandada^ cheti samjnitah || 21. Maudgalyagotrajo Dattah Purushottamasamjiiakah | etesham rakshanarthaya (?) agato 'smi tavalaye || 22. iti ^rutva nripas tatra manasa harsham agatah | vidhanenaiva nirvartya kratum cha dharmasamjnitam || 22. gramam suvarnam gam chaiva vastrani vividhani cha | dakshinarthe dvijatibhyah pradadau sa nripottamah || 23. atra de^e kritavasah sarve cha dvijapudrakah | bahavag cha praja jata nanade9anivasinah |1 24. The three next and last chapters are again genealogical and consist scarcely of anything else but names; they are entitled: atha Vallalakritaprenivibhagah — atha Vangajaka- yasthapreninirnayah — atha Yangajakulinadinirupanam. — Another mention of our story, but only occasionally and likewise for the purpose of showing, how the Kayasthas came to Gaur, is made in the Raj ab ali, written in Bengali by Mri t- yunjaya Qarman (ed. Serampore p. 80 ) , a work which perhaps would have aflforded me yet more desirable points of 4 50 comparison and explanation, had it not unfortunately come too late to my hands. In one particular the narrative given here is different from the rest, it being said, that Adi^iira (with 9) invited those five Brahmans from Kanyakubja, which country then was ruled by a king called Virasimha (who is named also in the 3d chapter of the Dakshinaradhiyagha- takakarika), on account of a sacrifice for obtaining rain during a drought. Further mention of our tale is made in Colebrooke's „ enu- meration of Indian classes" (As. Res. V. 64. Misc. Ess. 11. 187). In all these reports the families of these Rve Brahmans are mentioned (see the chapter communicated of the Van- gajaghataka): Bhattanarayana is uniformly called a des- cendant of the family of Qandila, Daksha of that of Kapyapa, Qriharsha of that of Bharadvaja. Vedagarbha by Colebrooke is written Vedagarva and said to be of the family of Vatsa, Chandada (according to Colebrooke Chandra) of that of Sa- varna, while the three other reports invert the matter, attri- buting Vedagarbha to the family of Savarna, Chandada to that of Yatsa. — Respecting the orthography of the name of Adisura see the Index. ^) Although the names given here for the sons of Bhat- tanarayana may look rather unbrahmanical, yet the compound word, in which they are given , must be thus divided to get the required number of sixteen. We may also for some of the most striking names give analogies from the last genea- logical chapters of the Vangajaghataka, as communi- cated in the Qabdakalpadruma. There are to be found two names, Bhuni and Puni, which in their formation quite correspond to our Guni, the form which is read in Ms. B, and to which we ought therefore to have gi- ven the preference instead of the Gumni received into the text. Further Deva and Guna alone are both mentioned there as names, as well as many other words, which usually occur only as parts of proper names, e. g. Datta, Dasa, Sena, Kara, Chandra, Dhara, ^arman etc. Besides there are to be found there many names, which are no less remarkable in 51 their formation than ours, as Aicha, Hui, K!hama, Roi, and others. ^) Our text writes kanagoi == Pers. ^^jCi^ilj, the office of a ^jCioli*, for which Richardson gives the follow- ing two significations: 1. an officer whose duty is to regi- ster and expound the laws of the empire. 2. an officer in each district acquainted with the customs and the nature of the tenures of the land. Haughton (s. v. kangui or kanftngo) gives only the former, Shakspear only the latter signification. — The word is mentioned again 29, 18. J) Our author writes majamudara, which approaches nearer to the Persian .]o<2^Cyj.3:^v«c, than the Bengali orthogra- phy mojumdar. As to the signification, it is given by Ri- chardson as: 1. one who checks or audits the account of the revenue-collector in each district. 2. A record-keeper. Shak- spear and Haughton give only the latter signification, adding : a title given to servants of a kanungo. This modification, however, seems not to be applicable to our passage; on the contrary, the sense of the latter requires the majmuat-dar to be superior to the kanungo, because Durgadasa being not content with the title of a kaniingo was appeased by having con- ferred upon him that of a majmuat-dar. — Further mention of this word is made 13, 21. 14, 7 sq. ^) On this mode of expression see Lassen, anthologia Sanscritica p. 67 1. 14, and the note to that passage. 9) See the note quoted in ^. ^^) gurunam yushmakam charanaprasadap cet, kim idam vichitram? This passage, taken by itself, ad- mits of a double explication, the one here given, and again as follows : if your Highness gives me permission to go, why do you mock at me?, taking char an a in the sense of „ going, walking," and vichitra in that of „irony," which it has at least according to the dictionary of Yates (Calcutta 1846). Though the latter might seem perhaps more natural, I have yet given the preference to the one proposed in the transla- 4* 52 tion, because it is favored by the analogy of similar passages in our text. As to the phrase kim idam vichitram, the same occurs once more 55, 13, where the sense of vichitra „ wonderful" cannot be questioned, while char an a always means „foot" (21, ii. 21, 13. 35, 1. 57, 14), and is even the word constantly employed in the phrase for honorifically cir- cumscribing the second person (20, 8. 21, 2). *^) Both manuscripts give svavasaduravartyantah- puram, (having destroyed) the seraglio near his palace, but the sense requires the emendation received also into the text, of svavasaduravartyantahpuram, the seraglio distant from his palace. ^^) In translation the emendation of vilashanti into vilashyante was necessary, although in the text the rea- ding of both manuscripts could not be altered, because it is very probable, that the author himself committed this fault of construction as well as the many others of which he is guilty (see the preface). ^^) kamgura = Pcrs. » JCaT^ a pinnacle, a turret. *^') bhara, a weight of gold. **) Respecting the two instruments ^ani and tuni men- tioned here among others, I have not been able to learn anything. '^) phaujadara = Pers. »(lXc^^5, an officer of the police in Hindostan and chief magistrate of a ^xSZs^ (e. g. that of Hoogly in Bengal ) , who takes cognizance of all criminal matters (Richardson). See also the explicatory index of oriental expressions prefixed to Vol. I. of: The History of British India by James Mill, 4th edition, with notes and con- tinuation by H. H. Wilson; where the following explication is given: „Foujedar, Fojedar, Phousdar, Fogedar. Un- der the Mogul government a magistrate of police over a large district, who took cognizance of all criminal matters within his jurisdiction, and sometimes was employed as receiver -ge- neral of the revenues. " *^*) rayarayinam, which the text gives after amir a 53 u mar a 5 seems to be a translation of this Arabic-Persian ex- pression into some modern Indian dialect, though I do not know into which, it being neither Bengali nor Hindustani. *®) madamada, a word imitating the sound of crashing bones; see Mrichchhakatika ed. Stenzler 21,23: madamada- ippam, where the Calcutta edition translates: madamada iti kritva bhakshayishyami. ") Wilson's dictionary gives as the significations of chat- vara only: a levelled spot for a sacrifice, a court-yard; but see Haughton under chatala, which is a corruption of chatvara: „an inclosed plain space: a terrace, the roof of a house, a sheet of water." '®) napakto = na apakto. ^^) The original describes those provisions more distinctly as such as are „to be chewed, sucked, licked and drunk." See the same expression near the end of the extract from the Bengali biography of Raja Krishnachandra , communicated in the Preface, and Ramay. I, 52, 24. *^') See Qabdakalpadruma VI. 5677, under the article shoda^adanam: bhumyasanam jalam vastram pradipo 'nnam tatah param | tambulachchhatragandhag cha malyam phalam atah param || ^ayya cha paduka gavah kanchanam rajatam tatha | danam etat shoda^akam pretam uddi^ya diyate || tatshoda^akair eko danasagaro bhavati. — Respecting the s h o - dapamahadanam mentioned 2 6, 1 7 I was not able to learn any- thing more. Perhaps it is the same, the presents being only gran- ted in greater portions, and their order changed; for both the presents mentioned 26, 17, cattle and gold, are enumerated also as parts of the bhumyadishoda^adanam. *•') It is not clear, how Ramajivana could have kept his brother confined in Jamhagira, the residence of the Moham- medan governor, of whose consent to the deed no word is said, though it is unexplainable, how this could go on without his getting intelligence of it. No farther mention either is made of the emprisoned Ramachandra, so that we do not know, what became of him. The whole passage is very badly related. 54 ^•) By parivarah 5,retinue" here seem to be meant the wives of Krishnarama, for thus understood the expression gains the best sense, as it would have been a great disgrace for them to fall into the hands of the conqueror; also what is said of Krishnarama's daughter, that she by some chance had escaped death, is probably to be referred to this slaughter which Krishnarama caused in his Harem. The sentence ha- tapeshakrishnaramaparivare palayamane, „those of Krishnarama's followers, who were yet alive, having fled," then would refer to those followers and ministers of Krishnarama, who had escaped the sword of the victorious Qobhasimha. The whole is only a new instance of our author's awkward- ness and want of clearness in relating. . ^^) This word, which I find in no dictionary, and the etymology of which is unknown to me, is thus explained in the above cited index before the first volume of Mill's history of British India: „jinjal, a large musket fixed on a swivel, used in Indian forts and fired with great precision." *^) premnabaddhah; the most natural understanding of this expression seems to be the one given; yet it is not im- possible also to write premna baddhah, and to understand it thus : „they were by Raghurama, out of care for them (to protect them from the treacherous machinations of their credi- tors), kept prisoners (for some time)" etc. ^*) ruchi seems to be used here as an adjective in the neuter gender, being usually a substantive masc. or fem. To write yatharuchi, and take the whole as an avyayibhava- compound, is forbidden, I think, by the construction ; for then ought to be written: yatharuchi bhavan prakapayatu or yatharuchi bhavata prakapyatam. ^*) This passage verbally translated would run thus : Then from many sides, from the four heavenly quarters and the re- gions lying between them, there came Brahmans, who, having made a connexion in masses, had conceived a gradually in- creasing climax of desire to see (the young prince), although they were very slow in consequence of the thick sea of plea- sure of their interior, which was gladdened by the splendor of 55 the nectar of the news of the birth of the young prince, the great Indra of the earth, the magnanimous, famous already for the stabiUty of the joy of the mass of his subjects, who were swimming in a sea of the utmost pleasure. *^) Verbal translation of the description of this feast ; Then the earth, being filled during four days throughout its four heavenly quarters by the recitals of the Brahmans from the Vedas; by the panegyric hymns of the minstrels, bards and singers ; by the disputations of the Nyaya and Mimamsa phi- losophers; by musical instruments, as conchs, bells, kettle- drums, trumpets, drums and the like; by the movement of the lovely tripping feet, loaded with tingling ornaments, of the crowds of women, the mass of whom were very slow through the weight of their excessive joy; by songs, which, strengthened one by the other's accompaniment, were united with music and dances; by the loud cries: bring! eat! take! which, at times proper for serving up the food to the masses of invited or uninvited Brahmans, the crowds of servants sent forth; by the noise of the herds of all the elephants which the kings arrived had brought along; by the neighing of the numerous horses; by the hon-like roar of heroes which arose from mock-fights between them ; — (the earth) perceiving this great feast of the annaprapana of its prince in person of a gentle boy, the exploits of whom were very delightful, was highly resplendent with the utmost joy: thinking, there must be some nuptials, or even (a feast celebrated) with yet greater and happier magnificence. VARIOUS READINGS. 2, 17. pratihavin B. D. — 2, is. de9iyan sman B. smana D. — 2, 19. kiyadduram B. — 2, 20. susvapa B. D. — 3, 18. nastiti B. — 3, 21. tamartham B. — 4, 8. nirikhsyamte D. — 4, 15. grihitum D. — 5, 8. Guiii B. — 7, 1. samratakalpo B. D. — 7, 6. cha is omitted in D. — 7, 7. jagadup cha B. — 7, 9. Kakadi D. — 7, 20. rayap chat" corrected from rayo chat® B. — 8, 9.10. samyag avatya maharoshavivishtah B. — 10, 2. Ha- rekrishna B. D. — 10, 6. suvava B, from which also in D. sushava is corrected. — 10, 20. ka^chijj" B. — 11, 12. purassaram B. — ibid, alamk*' B. — 12, 1. tatha kur- vatas tasya -kiyaddin" B. — 12, 2. adishto D. — 12, 7. Kudalagachi D. — 12,21. vadhante B. — 14, 8. utta- ritum B. — 14,21. tadd" D. — 15, 3. cha is omitted in D, — 15, 17. nagariB. — 16, 1. bahubhir jarjarichakara D. — ib. Manasimhah D., but corrected from Simhah. — 16, 19. tadava^yakarf^ B. — ib. samudishto B. — 18, 19. kinchichhaP B. — 19, 5. paniyam D. — 19, 4. 6. 8. hastipaka D, in line 6 and 8 even changed from hasti- paka. — 20, 3. chhelaya B. — 20, 4. etachchhr" B. — 22, 1. 2. vibhaktarajyam D. — 22, 4. prasiddhaivety- akarnya D. — 22, 9. tadadhipam jav*' B. — 23 11, Sa- tasaiika D. — 24, 3. svavasadura B. D. — 24, 12. sam- kshaka" D. — 25, 21. nripapatir B, which originally was written also inD. — 26, 15. prasadaD, from which also B has corrected. — 26, 15. grihitum D. — 27, 14. sakshachch" B. — 27, 16. katichidd'^B. — 28, 1. yato corrected from yatha D. — 28, 6. sakshachch" B. — 28, 18. nirvart- tasvamiti B. — 29, 11. sadhavah B. — 29, 20. bodha- nukulah D. — 30, 7. anucharas tat. B. — 30, I6. vartti 57 D. — 32, 11. prutvanuch'^ B. — 35, 4. tarunatarava- yaskamallair B. — 35, 6. vismita B. — 36, i. vyaya- mupila B. — 36, ii. samakrishtaika B. D. In D it seems to be changed from an original "shyai^. - 36, 18. rayarayina B. — 36, 19. umura D. — 36, 20. samkaut" D. — 37, 8. sannidhim B. — 37, 9. mudraya B. — 37, 15. chet B. — 38, 21. 9auryyakriyavatatvannahnika changed into %riyavat-tvan. D. — 39, 3. cha omitted in D. — 39, 8. rajyasthiram B. — 39, 19. In B between putra and dayo by another hand has been inserted di- bhyo jag ad a re. In D. between jagadi and re an in- terval is left. Probably the form jagadi re was unknown to the copists. — 40, 2. yadi vila abhivishyati B. — 41, 3. tattadde^iyarajan D. — 41, 4. amatyam B. — 41, 8. agamishyatam B. — 41, 20. svarnaghatitap cha D. — 42, 4. bahuna vacham B. — 43, 4. ava^vakart^ B. — 43, 14. Hugulim D. Hugalim B. — 44, 17. balatkare pfirv" D. — 45, 3. javanasvaksharankitam B. — 45, 4. sq. B. writes both Varddamana and Varddhamana. — 45, 19. Jagatrayam B. D. — 46, 19. sthita instead of sthapita D. — 47, 8. Katuya B. — 47, 16. charana- marddanadicha B., originally thus also D. — 47, 20. bhri- ^amarddayamasa B. — 48, 12. sakshachch*' B. — 48, 14. sarajnah D. — 48, 17. parichedah D. — 48, I8. ra- smir B. D. — 49, 3. sapada B. — 49, 7. pautrap ch^ B. — 51, 11. tachchhr® B. — 51, 12. kshinno D. — 51, 2. 13. iti khyato javana B. — 52, 15. kinchichchh" B. — 53, 10. 11. B writes Laharimalva. — 53, 19. purusha B. — 54, 10. Golamamahamuda B. — 54, 17. I8. paniyam D. — 55, 6. sa omitted in D. — 55, 8. sunritabahuvi- dhavacoparipujayan B, which originally was written also in D. — 55, 20. pathodhim B. D. — 56, 5. nimajjada- dakhila B. nimaJjadakhila D. — 56, 21. kropaya- marddhakropavistaram D. — 59, 6. kriyas trayo- dapa B. — Page 60 is to be added; 12,16 readPratapadityasya. — 42, 4. read bahuna. — 47, I6. read mardanadina cha. INDEX I. Names of Persons. A din a, a son of Bhattanarayana 5, 9. . ^ [ sons of Bhattanarayana 5, 8. A. san tu J Arangajeva, the famous emperor Aurengzeb of Delhi (A. D. 1657 — 1707); made war against the Enghsh46, 10; sent his grandson Azim us-shan against pobhasimha and Hem- matasimha 46, 14. Akabara 8, 1. i. e. Sultan Akbar of Delhi who reigned A. ^ D. 1556—1605. Acharya, see Bhattacharya. Ajimohsa, i. e. (jUwJtajuic the grandson of Aurengzeb and son of Moazim ; sent by his grandfather against Qobhasimha, and Hemmatasimha 46, 14. Adivaraha, a son of Bhattanarayana 5, 7. He together with his three brothers next to him in age, Vatu, Vama and Nana, resigned the throne in favor of their fourth bro- ther, Nipu 5, 10. Adisura, King of Gaur, who invited jfrom Kanyakubja iive Brahmans, among whom was Bhattanarayana the ancestor of the kings of Naradvipa, to have a sacrifice performed by them 1 , 6 sq. ; presented and sold land to these Brahmans, from which subsequently arose the realm of Navadvipa 4, 11. 5, 1. His name is mentioned 1, 6. 6, 14. 16, 20. Re- specting the orthography of the name, it is in the Qabda- kalpadruma and in the RajabaH always and with more probabihty spelled Adi9ura (with 9). Yet, as our Mss. give without variation Adisura, I thought it necessary to retain 59 this orthography. D. twice seems to have corrected s from 9, while B. has always quite distinctly s. Colebrooke, in the treatise quoted in note 4, writes in the As. Res. Adisura, while m the Misc. Essays the name is altered to Adipvara. — Mention of this king is made also in Ritter's Erd- ^ kunde von Asien IV, 2. p. 1118. 1195. 1244. Alavakhapa, an architect whom Rudraraya took with him from Jamhagira, to have erected by him various buil- dings 30, 13. Alimamuda = o^=*^/0 C5^? the son of Ghulam Mahmud (Golamamamuda 53, 7), "was killed by Raghurama 53, 21 — 55, 6. Udaya, king of Rajasai: with the assistance of Raghurama, was overcome by Laharimalla, the general of Jafarkhan, 52, 17 — 55, 17. K am sari, the son and successor of Trilochana 7, 17; gover- ned his realm for 26 years 7, I8. Kachu, a relation of Pratapaditya, who, his family having been destroyed by the latter, was brought up by his nurse in the Kachvi-forest, from which he obtained his name 13, 3. Then he fled to the Sultan of Delhi (13, 10), from whom he obtained after the subjection of Pratapaditya the realm of the latter and the title Yapoharajit, i. e. conqueror of Jessore 17, 10. 11. Kandarpa 1.* The god of love, 48, 17. — 2. The son and successor of Harihara 6, 1; reigned for 26 years 6, 2. Kama 1. a son of Bhattanarayana 5, 9. — 2. The son and successor of Tarapati; ruled for 32 years 6, 13. Ka^inatha, the son and successor of Shashthidasa ; reigned for 34 years 7, 20. — Having killed an elephant which was sent by the king of Tripura to Sultan Akbar of Delhi, he was made war upon by the latter, and, having been made prisoner, killed (7, 20 — 9, 21). His wife fled to Harikrishna Samuddhara 9, 21 sq. Krishnachandra, the son of Raghurama, born Qaka year 1632 = A. D. 1710 (55, is), and anointed as king Q, 1650 = A. D. 1728 (59, 6. 9-11). — See the Calcutta 6.0 Review XIII. 1850 p. 130 note: „Krishn. aspired to be a second Vikramaditya, and to make Nadiya another Ujain. He gave an immense stimulus to native literature .... Learned men from all parts of the country were collected at Nadiya , and supported by rich endowments granted by the Raja, who made Nadiya as celebrated for logic as Oxford now is, the Raja being very partial to Nyaya stu- dies which still retain the ascendancy at Nadiya. The Raja set an example of correct diction which encouraged the people to study Bengali with uncommon diligence. He ad- hered very conscientiously to Brahmanical rites." — H oil- well (in his work quoted under „Jafarkhan" I. 202) says, that he possessed a tract of country of about twelve days journey, and that he was taxed at nine Lac per annum, though his revenues exceeded twenty five Lac. — On his biography written in Bengali prose by Rajib Lochan see the Preface. — He died about the year 1780, see Weber's „ Catalog der Berliner Sanskrithandschriften" no. 894 p. 267. Krishnarama, king of Varddhamana or Burdwan ; having plundered the town of Qobhasimha, was invaded by the latter, and killed himself as well as his wives, while he committed his son Qrijagatrama to the protection of Ra- makrishna, 45, 4 sq. Kshiti^a, king of Kanyakubja, father of Bhattanarayana, and ancestor of the royal family , whose deeds form the subject of our work 4, 12. G an e 9 a ; his statue was erected at Navadvipa by Raghava, 26, 4. Guni, Guna, Guntu, three sons of Bhattanarayana 5, 8. Gopala, the second son of Durgadasa 21, 20, divided with his younger brother Govindarama the realm of their father 22, 16; reigned for 7 years 22, 19. Gopiramana, son of Qrikrishna and grandson of Durgadasa : having gained the favor of the governor of Jamhagira, by his skill in athletic exercises, obtained from the latter the deliverance of his grandfather 18, I6 — 21, 19. Golama Mamuda = 05-j.sroo^^, the chief general of Udaya, king ofRajasai, in his war against Jafarkhan 53, 7. 61 Govinda. Nuptials between his image and that of Laksh- mi, 14, 19. Govindarama, the third son of Durgadasa (21, 20), who reiffned ill over the share he had obtained of the realm of his father (22, I6. 20). — 22, 20 his name is written Go- vindaraya, probably through a fault of writing, which would be better corrected in our text. Chhandada, one of the four Brahmans who in the com- pany of Bhattanarayana came to Gaur 2, 8. Jagatseta 50, 2. See the Journal of the As. Soc. of Ben- gal no. CCXVn. Calcutta 1850. pg. 554 note: Jagat Set, or the banker of the world, a title he received from the court of Delhi, was a member of a Jain family, as famous for banking transactions as the Kothschild. Burke said, that their transactions were as extensive as the bank of England's. See also Hollwell I. 75. Jagadipa, the third son of Rama Samuddhara (10, 15), who having divided with his brother their paternal realm (12, 4), resided at Kudalagachhi (12, 7). J ay a si mh a Deva, the uncle of Rajadhira, 49, 3. Japharakham, (jliw --X^^, governor of Jamhagira (51, 2); took Ramakrishna prisoner, and reinstated in the latter's place the formerly dethroned Ramajivana (51, 6 — 52, 5); he was also governor of Murshedabad (52, 14); took Ra- majivana prisoner (52, 15); but delivered him again as re- ward for the services shown to him by his (Ramajivana's) son, Raghurama, in a war against Udayaray a, king of Rajasai (52, 16 — 55, 17); took Ramajivana anew prisoner (58, s); and kept him to his death (58, 10); confined also Raghu- rama for eleven years wanting four months, 58, I6. — Holl- well (interesting historical events respecting the provinces of Bengal and the empire of Indostan. London 1766. I, 152) describes his character as follows: „His name, to this day, is remembered with detestation; to fiU his coffers he inflic- ted the most cruel punishments on the Rajahs and Zimin- dars, by ways and means unheard of, and unknown, but in 62 this Eastern government. He also highly oppressed the Europeans settled in these parts; yet notwithstanding his very mal-administration, he had the address to obtain the governments over Bahar and Orissa, united with that of Bengal in his person, which ever before had been distinct and separate Nabobships; ... he removed from Dacca to Moorshedabad." See also Mill and Wilson History of Br. Ind. HI. 30. Ritter IV, 2. 1204. Tarapati, the son and successor of Priyankara, reigned for 47 years, 6, 12. Trilochana, the son and successor ofSubuddhi, reigned for 30 years, 7, 15. Daks ha, one of the four Brahmans who came to Gaur with Bhattanarayana, 2, 8. 4, 8. Durgadasa, the eldest son of Rama Samuddhara, 10, 15. Having obtained from the Sultan of Delhi the title „maj- muat-dar Bhavananda," and held for some time the of- fice of a kanungo near a Mohammedan governor, he re- turned home and divided with his brothers their paternal realm (10, 20 — 12, 8). Then having assisted the Delhian general Manasimha in the conquest of king Pratapaditya of Jessore, he obtained as reward the reinstallation into the government over Vagoyana „and the adjacent fourteen coun- tries," from which his grandfather Ka^inatha had been ex- pelled (12, 8 — 18, 7). He resided at Vallabhapura (12, 4. 18, 8) and erected palaces at Matiyari and DeuHya (18, 10. 11). Afterward having been taken prisoner by the governor of Jamhagira on account of some irregularity in the payment of his tribute, but delivered by his grandson Gopiramana (18, 14 — 21, 19), he died after a reign of 20 years (12, 6 22, 14). Deva, a son of Bhattanarayana, 5, 9. Devi, a name of the goddess Durga, to whom Rudraraya erected a palace at Krishnanagara, 31, 3. Dharmangada, the son and successor of Priyankara, 6,10; reigned for 20 years, 6, 11. Nandalala, the minister of the Amir al Umara of Jamha- 63 gira; to whom Ramachandra gave proofs of his strength (36, 17 — 38, 16), and of his mighty appetite (38, 17— 21). Narahari, the son and successor of Vi^vambhara, governed his realm for 27 years, 6, 5. Narendra, the eldest son of Gopala, who was excluded from succession, 23, 1. 2. Nana, a son of Bhattanarayana, 5, 8. See also Adivaraha. Narayana 1. a name of Vishnu 6, 6. 9, 20. — 2. The son and successor of Narahari, ruled 24 years, 6, 7. Nipu, the fifth son of Bhattanarayana (5, 11); succeeded his fa- ther (5, 10 sq.); and reigned for 28 years (5, 15) ; built a palace at Ke^aragrama (5, le). Neyamatakham = (jl£w(^JC^Jt>?, the Mohammedan general of Hemmatasimha, skilled in training war-elephants 47, 1 1 sq. Para^arya, the son of Parapara, i. e. Vyasa, the supposed author of the Mahabharata etc., 1, 3. Pratapaditya, king of Jessore, who, refusing to pay tri- bute to the Sultan of Delhi was with the aid of the majmuat-dar Bhavananda subdued by the Delhian general Manasimha, and died on the march to Delhi as prisoner at Benares (12, 8 — 17, 5). — There exists a biography of this king written in Bengali, which has been printed in India*), but of \7l1ich it was impossible to me to obtain a copy. Yet there is an extract from it given in the „ Cal- cutta Review" XIII. 1850. p. 135; there this war and the end of Pratapaditya are mentioned with these words: „ he rebelled against Akbar. A Mussulman army was sent against him, which came as far as Sulkea, and Raja Prat, being warned by his tutelar goddess, that destruction was near, surrendered himself to the Mussulman general, and was put to death." Priyankara, the son and successor of Narayana, governed his realm for 29 years, 6, 9. Bhatta, see 1. Bhattanarayana. 2. Bhattacharya. Bhattanarayana 1, 5. A famous Brahman of Kanyakubja and son ofKshiti^a, the king of that country (4, 12); was invi- •) See the Preface p. XI, and the Note there. 64 ted to Gaur by king Adisura, together with four other Brahmans (2, 7), to whom he was superior (4, s). As lord of some land, partly presented, partly sold to him by king Adisiira (4, 5 sq.), over which he ruled for 24 years (5, 3), he became the ancestor of the kings of Navadvipa. He is called only Bhatta 2, 6. 4, 4 sq. Bhattacharya the surname of a Brahman family, which by Kudraraya was shared between two brothers quarrelling about the division of their inheritance, 32, 14 sq. Bharata; from his race are the heroes celebrated in the Mahabharata, 1, 3. Bhavananda, see Durgadasa. Bhimasena, the Pandu prince in the Mahabharata, with whom Eamachandra is compared on account of his strength, 33, 6. Majamudara see Durgadasa. Madhu, a son of Bhattanarayana, 5, 8. Mall a, see Laharimalla. Mahe^a (25, le), or Mahe^vara (26, 4), names of Qiva; see piva. Manasimha, a Delhian general, who with the aid of the majmuat-dar Bhavananda subdued king Pratapaditya (13, ii_i7); is called only Simha, 16, 1. Mamudagajanavi, i. e. Mahmud of Ghazna, 6,19. See the Preface p. XVm. Murada = o(^, a messenger, who summoned the majmuat- dar Bhavananda before the governor of Jamhagira, 18, 15. Ya9oharajit, see Kachu. Yudhishthira, the model of a good king, 26, 19; his sa- crifice mentioned as a specimen of a splendid and liberal one, 42, 3. Raghu, the greatgrandfather of Rama, the hero. With him Raghurama is compared, 58, 12. Raghurama, the son of Ramajivana, a man of an excellent character, and skilled in the use of weapons (52, 10 sq.); assisted Jafarkhan in a war, (in which he killed Ali Mah- mud, the son of Ghulam Mahmud), and obtained as reward for this service the dehverance of his father, who had been taken prisoner by Jafarkhan (52, 16 — 55, 17). Having 65 obtained the throne of his father, he governed exemplarily (58, 12 sq.); but for almost eleven years from the prison, in which Jafarkhan kept him confined at Murshedabad (58, 16 — 59, i). His government having lasted 13 years, he died in the Qaka year 1650 = A. D. 1728 (59, e). He is mentioned also in Hamilton's Description of Hindo- stan I. 144. Raghava, the third son and successor of Gopala (23, i. s); built palaces at Reui and Madurna (23, 7. 24, 5); dug a large pond (24, 8 sq.); erected a phallus of Qiva (24, 20); and at Navadvipa a statue of Gane^a (26, 4); while death prevented him from achieving the erection of another phallus of ^iva at Navadvipa (26, 4). Having obtained great fa- vors from the Sultan of Delhi (25, 20 sq.), he died after a government of 51 years (26, 5). Raghavepvara, the name given by Rudraraya, in honor of his father Raghava, to a Qivalinga, the temple of which having been commenced by the latter at Navadvipa, was finished by Rudraraya 26, 11. Rajadhira, the nephew of Jayasimha Deva, and a general of cavalry in the army of Azim us-shan (49, 3); fell into a quarrel with Ramakrishna, which, however, was composed by Azim us-shan, 49, 5 sq. Radhavallabha, a messenger of the governor of Jamhagira to Ramajivana, 44, 12. Rama 1. the hero, 10, 8. 40, 9. — 2. The posthumous son of Kapinatha, and adoptive son and successor of Harikrishna Samuddhara (10, 5 sq.); got the name Rama Samuddhara on account of his having been adopted by the latter (10, 13); and ruled for 36 years (10, 16 ). Ramakrishna, the son of Rudraraya by his younger wife (33, 5); was after his brother Ramajivana's dethronement made king by the governor of Jamhagira (45, 1) ; secretly entertained the son of Krishnarama, king of Burdwan, who was overthrovra by Qobhasimha (45, 13); was on good terms with Azim us-shan, the grandson of Aurengzeb (48, 6 — 49, 2); his contest with Rajadhira (49, 2 sq.); lives on good 5 66 terms with the Enghsh (50, o) ; overcomes the king of Jes- sore (50, 14 sq.); but is taken prisoner by Jafar-khan, go- vernor of Jamhagira, and dies in the prison of smallpox (51, 2— ii), after a government of 11 years (51, e). Ramachandra 1. the hero; to him the whole work is de- dicated, 1,1. — 2. the successor of Vipvanatha (7, is), who ruled for 23 years. — 3. The eldest son of Rudraraya by his elder wife (33, 4); was eminent for his excessive strength of which various anecdotes are related (33, 6 — 34, 4; 34, 4 — 35, 9; 35, 9 — 36, 15; 36, le -- 38, 7; 38 7—21). On account of his want of erudition and devoutness (38, 21 sq.) he was by his father excluded from succession in favor of his younger brother Ramajivana (40, 6 sq.). But Ramajivana refusing to provide for his brother as the latter demanded, he having addressed himself to the governor of Jamhagira, obtained a share in the realm of his father (42, 8 — 44, 3). Yet soon he was taken prisoner by his brother and kept confined (44, 7. s). Ramajivana, the second son of Rudraraya by his elder wife (33, 4). His relation to his brother Ramachandra see under the latter's name. He was dethroned by the governor of Jamhagira in favor of his younger brother Ramakrishna (44, 10 — 45, 4) ; but reinstated by Jafarkhan after the death of Ramakrishna (51, 12 sq.). Then he was by the same taken prisoner again, but dehvered through his son Raghurama (52, 14 — 55, 17). Having magnificently celebrated the birth of his grandson Krishnachandra, he died after a reign of 10 years (55, 17 — 58, 11). Rame^vara, the second son of Gopala, who was, as well as his eldest brother, excluded from succession in favor of their youngest brother, Raghava, 23, 1. 3. Rudraraya, the eldest son of Raghava and his successor (26, 10); finished the temple of a Qivahnga commenced by his father at Navadvipa (26, 10); obtained many favors from the Sultan of Delhi (26, 12 sq.) ; changed the names of Reui and Madurna to Krishnanagara and Qrinagara (26, 20 sq.); contest of his servants with a Mohammedan officer (27, 3 sq.) ; 67 dug a tank (27, lo); was summoned by the governor of Jam- hagira, but bribing the messengers did not appear (27, 13 sq.); anecdote related of him, how he obtained a honorifical leave to return home (28, 8 — 29, is); another anecdote (29, 18 30, is) ; by a Mohammedan architect he had erected several magnificent palaces at Krishnanagara (30, 13 sq.); and a cau- seway from there to Qantipura (31, 4); favors bestowed upon him by the governor of Jamhagira (31, 9 sq.); anec- dotes shovdng his scrupulousness in observing the duties of a Brahman (31, 12 — 32, i; 32, i — u); pleasing anecdote showing his wit (32, 14 — 33, 3); excluded his son Rama- chandra from the succession (38, 21 sq.); died after having made himself all preparations for his funeral, while taking a bath in the Bhagirathi, after a reign of 11 years (40, 19). Lakshmi, see Govinda. Ijaharimalla, a general of Jafarkhan, who overcame Uday a, king of Rajasai, with the aid of Raghurama (52, 20 — 55, 6); is called only Malla: 53, 1. 54, s. 10. Vadasaheba 50, 10 = Mr. Ward? I could not find any particulars about him. — Saheba is the Arabic - Persian s^^r^Lo. In the Bengali biography of Krishnachandra the same man is mentioned as the Governor General (raja Vada saheb) contemporary to Krishnach. himself toward the end of his reign, and friendly to him. There probably Warren Hastings is to be understood (1772 — 85), and the mention which is made of him in our passage may be a mistake. -^ ^ • j sons of Bhattanarayana, 5, 8. See also Adivaraha. Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana, 1, 2. Vika, a son of Bhattanarayana, 5, 8. Vi^vanatha 1. The eldest son of Kama, who obtained the sway over the undivided realm of his father by the assi- stance of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna (! sic), to whom he agreed to pay tribute (6, 17 sq.) (see the Preface p. XVIII.) Through the favor of the same he obtained Kamkadi and yet other countries (7, 9); and reigned for 31 years (7, u); 5* 68 his successors remain subject to tribute (7, ii). — 2. The second son of Raghava, 26, 9. Vipvambhara, the son and successor of Kandarpa, ruled for 28 years 6, 3. Vrihaspati, the teacher of the gods, here the model of elo- quence 48, 18. V^edagarbha, a Brahman and one of the four companions of Bhattanarayana 2, 8. Qiva; the worship of his phallus was favored by Raghava (24, 20. 26, 4), and his son Rudraraya (26, lo sq.). Qivaramabhagyavat, an incapable architect of Raghava 24, 11. ^obhasimha, king of Chetuya, overcame Krishnarama, king of Burdwan, but was murdered by the latter's daughter, whom he kept as his mistress (45, 4 — 46, 21); is called only Simha 46, 3. Qrikrishna, the eldest son of the majmuat-dar Bhavananda, and father of Gopiramana, 18, 17. 21, 20. Being not con- tent with the intention of his father to divide his realm among his three sons, he repaired to the Sultan of Delhi, from whom he obtained the government over Khoshadaha and Ukhada, 21, 19 sq. He died childless 22, 19. Qrijagadrama, the son of Krishnarama; having been safed from Qobhasimha, was secretly entertained by Ramakrishna near Matiyari 45, 13. Qriharsha, one of the four Brahmans, who were with Bhatta- narayana invited from Kanyakubja by king Adisura, 2, 8. Shashthidasa, the son and successor of Kamsari, ruled for 29 years, 7, 19. Samuddhara, see Harikrishna and Rama. Sayephakham (not Say., as through a missprint has been written in the text), the Mohammedan king of Satasa'ika and friend to Raghava, 23, 11. Perhaps (jli^ ^^^ or Saristhakham, governor of Jamhagira, 27, 15. — 69 Sim ha, see Manasimha, Qobhasimha and Hemmatasimha. Subuddhi, 1. the son and successor of Vipvanatha, ruled for 25 years, 7, 14. — 2. The fourth son of Kama Samud- dhara (10, le), who having obtained a part of the reahii of his father (12, 4), resided at Patikavadi (12, 7). Surapati, i. e. Indra, 26, 6. Suryavampa, the race of the sun, the dynasty of which Kama, the hero, was a member, 1, 2. Soma, a son of Bhattanarayana, 5, 9. Harikrishna Samuddhara, 10, 2 sq. He hospitably re- ceived the wife of Kapinatha, who had been vanquished and killed by the Sultan Akbar of Delhi, and having adopted his posthumous son, transmitted to the latter his own realm, so that the dynasty of Bhattanarayana ruled for some time over the realm of Har. Sam., not over its own inherited kingdom, until the majmuat-dar Bhavanan da was reinstated in the latter (17, 12. See Vagoyana in Index 11). — Is Samuddhara perhaps a title? The Bengali biography of Krishnachandra writes Samadvara, and calls him Vipvanatha. Harinarayana, a kanimgo at the court of Jamhagira, who fell into a contest with Kudraraya, 29, 18 sq. Harivallabha, the second son of Kama Samuddhara (10, 15), who got a share of the realm of his father (12, 4); resided at Phatepura, 12, 6. Harihara, the son and successor of Halayudha, reigned for 15 years, 5, 20. 21. Halayudha, the son and successor of Nipu, reigned for 15 years, 5, 19. 20. Hemmatasimha, the younger brother and successor of ^o- bhasimha (46, 21); waged war against Kamakrishna, but was vanquished by the latter (47, 2 sq.) ; and expelled from his realm by Azim us-shan (47, 6 — 48, 4). He is called only Simha 48, 1. 2. s. INDEX II. Geographical names. Books made use of: R. Ritter's Erdkunde, 2^ ed. Vol. 4—6. Berl. 1834-36. Wahl. Wahl's Erdbeschreibmig von Ostindien, forming V. 4 of Biisching's Erdbeschreibung. Hambm-g 1807. Briggs. The index of geographical names at the end of the fourth volume of Briggs' translation of Ferishta's history of the rise of the Mohammedan power in India. W. Wilson's Sanskrit dictionary, 2*^ ed. H. Haughton's Bengali and Sanskrit dictionary. Ham. A Geographical, Statistical, and Historical Descrip- tion of Hindostan and the Adjacent Countries. By Wal- ther Hamilton. London 1820. The maps used were those pubhshed under the superinten- dence of the Society for the Diffiision of Useful Kjiow- ledge, London 1831—35. Anga, Bengal proper including Bhagalpore (H.) 25, i. 41, 2. 56, 15. Anduliya, a village (grama) in Vagoyana, 8, 17. Indraprastha, the Sanskrit name for Delhi; is mentioned very frequently throughout the whole book, the Sultans of Delhi appearing since yi9vanatha as the paramount lords of the descendants of Bhattanarayana and many of the other little Rajas of Bengal. Ukhada, a country, the government over which the Sultan of Delhi conferred upon Qrikrishna, 22, 11. 71 Kachvi- forest; there a relation of Pratapaditya, king of Jessore, the parents of whom had been persecuted and mur- dered by the latter, was brought up, and got from it the name of „Prince Kachu", 13, i sq. — kachvi means the esculent Arum root. Kalikata, i. e. Calcutta, mentioned as the residence of the English (dakshinatyamlechhah) 50, lo. Kalinga, the name of a country, 56, i5. The name of K. is in the Puranas applied to several places, but it especially signifies a district on the Coromandel coast, extending from below Cuttack to the vicinity of Madras (H.). See also R. IV. 1162. VI. 432. Kamkadi, a country which, through the favor of the Sultan of Delhi, Vipvanatha obtained, in addition to the realm of his father 7, 9. — D. writes Kakadi, but the orthography with the ardhachandra is that of B. and of the Bengali biography of Krishnachandra. The latter calls Kamkadi (ynih. i) a grama (1, i), and makes it the residence of Ka- ^inatha. Kaiichi, one of the seven sacred cities of the Hindus (H.), 25, 1. 41, 2. 56, 15. Katuyam, a village (grama) near Pala^i, 47, 8. Probably Cutwa, the Sanskrit name for which is given by Ham. I. 157 as Kangtoya. Kanyakubja, the modern Canouge. Five Brahmans were invited from there by king Adisura, to perform an expia- tory sacrifice for him, 2, 6 sq. Ka^i, the commun name for Benares, 25, i. 41, 2. 56, 15. Kudalagachhi, the residence of prince Jagadi^a, 12, 7; the dwelhng- place of Acharya, 33, 3. In the latter place it is in both Mss. spelled Kudahgachhi. Krishnanagara, formerly Reui q. v. Rudraraya having gi- ven it this name, had erected there by a Mohammedan ar- chitect a palace (30, 15); and built a causeway from there to Qantipura (3 1 , 5). From this time it seems to have been the residence of the kings of Navadvipa, as it is expressly said of Rudraraya (39, u), and Ramakrishna (50, e). — It 72 is the city on the river JeUinghy, Eastward from Nuddea, usually written on the maps I^shenagur. Ke^aragrama, the residence of king Nipu, who built there a palace, 5, le; and the descendants of whom remained in the possession of this place, 5, 17. Kailasa, the residence of the gods, a mountain in the Hi- malaya range, 24, 19. Khadi, a country, the government over which Rudraraya obtained from the Sultan of Delhi, 26, 13. Koshadaha, a province, the government over which the Sultan of Delhi bestowed upon ^rikrishna, 22, 10. Gajanavin, of Ghazna, see Mamuda in Index I. Gauda, i. e. Gaur, the central district of Bengal, 25, 21; is mentioned together with Varddhamana (Burdwan)? 48, 7. 20. Chapada, a village (grama), 13, 19. 16, 15. Perhaps Chu- prah in Bahar, E. Long. 25. 46, N. Lat. 24. 46. Ham. 1. 278. Chetuya, the realm of Qobhasimha, near Burdwan, 45, 5. Jamhagira (8, 10. 27, 13. 15. 44, 19), or better Jamhagi- r an agar a (8, 12. 12, 15. 18, 14. 18, and wherever the name of this city occurs save in the passages just mentioned), i. e. the city of the emperor Jehangir of Delhi (A. D. 1605 — 1627), a name of the famous Bengal city Dakka (Wahl p. 452 and 1116). Though Jamhagiranagara be the more correct form, Jamhagira has always been written for the sake of brevity. — This city was the residence of the most powerful Mohammedan governor, the subahdar of Bengal, the influence of whom upon the little Rajas of Bengal shows itself throughout the whole book; that also the other Mo- hammedan governors of Bengal, (at least three of them,) were subject to him, is shown by 27, 20. Jafarkhan remo- ved his residence from Dakka to Murshedabad (see the passages of H oil we 11 andRitter quoted under Jafarkhan in Index I), by which it becomes clear, why Jafarkhan ap- pears from 52, u to the end as governor of Murshedabad. 73 Judi, a country, the government over which was bestowed by the Sultan of Delhi upon Rudraraya, 26, 13. Turakin, of Turkestan; horses from there are of noble race and very strong, 37, ii. Tripura, the Sanscrit name for Tipperah, the country be- tween Sylhet (Qrihatta) and Chittagong (Chaturgrama). A king of Tr. sent a herd of elephants to Akbar of Delhi, 7, 21. Damodara, the Dummooda river flowing near the city Burd- wan, 45, 8. Deuliya, a village (grama), where the majmuat - dar Bhava- nanda erected a palace, 18, 11. Navadvipa, now Nadiya or Nuddea in Bengal, on the con- fluence of .the Bhagirathi and Jellinghy rivers. Raghava erected there a statue of Ganepa, and began to build a temple for a Qivalinga, which after his death was finished by his son Rudraraya, 26, 3 — 12; Ramakrishna for the first time is called „lord of Navadvipa", 47, 2. 51, 14; then Ra- makrishna, 52, 4; while Raghurama seems again to have resided at Krishnanagara, 59, 2. Pala^i, a town (nagara), 47, 7; or a village (grama), 47, 18. It is Plassey, Ham. I. 146. Patikavadi, the residence of prince Subuddhi, the son of Rama Samuddhara, 12, 7. It is probably Putcabarry, which I find noted between Plassey and JeUinghy, on the bank of the Jellinghy river. As it is known, d is in Bengali very commonly pronounced as r (Haughton 49). Parasika, Persian, 11, 13. 15. 13, a. Poyaladaha, a pond rich in fish, which Ramachandra de- manded from his brother, 42, 21. Phatepura, the residence of prince Harivallabha , 12, 6. Briggs gives three difierent towns vdth the name Futteh- poor (->js:-0C5), but according to their situation only one, E. Long. 86. 45, N. Lat. 25, 35, can possibly be our Pha- tepura. But upon the maps I do not find this town in the place denoted, but somewhat more toward the S. E., about E. Long. 87. I8, N. Lat. 24. 10. It is even to be doubted, 74 whether this Futtehpoor be our Phatepura, for it seems to be too distant from the centre of the realm of the kings of Navadvipa and Krishnanagara. Balakhin, of Balkh. This country is mentioned as being famous for its noble and strong horses, 37, ii. Bhagirathi, that branch of the Ganges, on whose confluence with, the Jellinghy Navadvipa is situated. Kapinatha, when attacked by Akbar, fled toward this river, 8, 15; Eudraraya feeling himself near his end, repeatedly repaired to its bank (39, 12. 15); and died while taking a bath in it (40, 19). Bhempura, a village (grama), where Ramachandra, the son of Rudraraya, possessed a hunting -castle, 34, 5. 8. Magadha, a country on the Sonabhadra river. South - Bahar or Bahar proper (H.), 25, i. 41, 2. 56, 15. Matiyari, a town (nagara), in which the majmuat-dar Bhava- nanda erected a palace, 18, lo; the dwelling-place of two Brahmans, a quarrel of whom was brought before Rudraraya, 32, 15 ; one of these Brahmans, Bhatta, stayed there, 33, 2 ; the possession of Matiyari required by Ramachandra from his brother, 42, 19. D. writes 32, 15 Matiyari, while B. has the usual orthography with i in the second syllable. It would have been better to retain this orthography in the text also in this passage. Madurna, a village (grama), where Raghava built a palace, 24, 5; was called Qrinagara by Rudraraya, 27, 2. In the former passage by a missprint is written Madarna instead of Madurna. Murasidabada, i. e. Murshedabad, 46, 17. 47, 6; was the seat of a Mohammedan governor, who was subject to that of Jamhagira, 27, 20; but afterward it became the residence of Jafarkhan (who had removed thither from Jamhagira), 52, 15. 55, 9. 18. 59, 2. Mrijanagara, probably Mirjanagur on the Cobbaduck river in Jessore. The governor of this town was subject to that of Jamhagira 27, 20. Ya^ohara, the country and town of Jessore. Although it is not expressly said by our author, it is known, that this 75 country was the realm of Pratapaditya. After the conquest of the latter by the Delhians^ prince Kachu obtained the government over it (17, lo), and the title of ^conqueror of Jessore" (17, ii). A king of Jessore was overcome by Ea- makrishna (50, 14 sq.), and his capital plundered (50, is). Rajasai, the kingdom of Udaya, 52, 17. It is Rajshahi, the centre of Bengal, between the 24*^ and 25*'* degrees N. Lat. In it is situated e. g. Rajmahal. Ham. I. 197. Reui, a village (grama), where Raghava built several palaces and a seraglio, 23, 7 ; was by Rudraraya called Krishnana- gara, 26, 20. Vang a, Bengal or the Eastern part of the modern province (W.), 1, 6. 12, 8. 25, 1. 41, 2. 46, 7. 56, 15. Adisura's king- dom was situated there, 1, 6. Varddhamana, i. e. Burdwan (W. and Ham. I. 153.), the country and city. Is was the realm of Krishnarama, 45, 4 sq. ; is mentioned together with Gaur, 48, 7. 20. Vallabhapura, a village (grama), 10, 18; the residence of the majmuat-dar Bhavananda, 12, 4. 18, 8. Vagoyana, a country (prade^a), in which Kapinatha was taken prisoner by the army of Akbar (8, 19 sq.); was be- stowed upon the majmuat - dar Bhavananda as reward for the services shown by him to the Sultan of Delhi (17, 1. 17 sq. 21, 1). It being not said, that this country was taken again from the descendants of the majmuat-dar, it must be a part of the realm of Krishnachandra. The Bengali biography of the latter writes Vaguyan, and calls it a parganah (1, e). Varanasi i. e. Benares. The captive Pratapaditya died there, 17, 5. Virakati, a village (grama) in Rajshahi, 52, 19. Qantipura, now Santipour, a town to the S. W. of Krish- nanagara, on the Hugly. A causeway was built by Rudra- jraya from Krishnanagara to this place, 31, 5. Qrinagara, formerly Madurna q. v. The residence of Rama- chandra, when he had obtained from the governor of Jam- hagira the permission to hold the government over a part 76 of the realm of his father 44, 2. Probably it is Sirinagur, to the N. E. of Hugly. Satasaika, the realm of the Mohammedan king Saifkhan, who was a friend to Raghava, 23, 11. D. writes Satasaiika. Sukhasagara, a village (grama), toward the North of Cal- cutta and Chandernagore (R. VI. 1190), on the Bhagirathi, 39, 12. 15. Saurashtra (usually Surashtra), the modern Surat, 41, 2. Svarnadi, the Ganges (24, le), properly that of heaven. Hugali (27, 20. 28, 3. 40, 1. 43, u), or Hugali (11, 10. 12, 16. 43, 17 etc., so usually), or Huguli (11, 2 and D. 43, 14), Hugly, the well known city in Bengal; was the seat of a Mohammedan governor (12, ig), who, however, was subject to that of Jamhagira (27, 20); the residence of a faujdar, (probably a title which belonged to all the go- vernors of Hugly,) 43, 14; the country about Hugly rich in sandal wood, 40, 1. Gedruckt bei A. W. So hade iu Berlin, Griinstr. 18. II ^krR^^[ni ^m' ii miivj-i^: ^i^SJ^^Rfq^^^i^njt^rspT^I ^"^f^ra^ ^Mi(<^JMmi H4mHrM H^I^w^T ^- fH*4r^ri l >ip^ ^T^nor: V! 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