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 OFFICIAL REPORT 
 
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 Democratic - :< Convention, 
 
 I,1) IX THE HALL OF THE 
 
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 13ATON ROUGE, LA. 
 
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Howard Memorial Library 
 
 NEW ORLEANS, LA. 
 

OFFICIAL REPORT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 Democratic Convention, 
 
 HELD IN THE HALL OF THE- 
 
 Houise of Representatives, 
 
 BATON ROUGE, LA. 
 
 -ON- 
 
 THURSDAY AND FRIDAY, AUGUST 7 & 8, 1890. 
 
 NEW ORLEANS : 
 1890. 
 
As" 
 
THE CALL 
 
 HEADQUARTERS ANTI-LOTTERY LEAGUE OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 No. 10 CARONDELET STREET, 
 
 NEW ORLEANS, July 18, 1890. 
 
 At a meeting of the Anti-Lottery League of Louisiana, the 
 following resolution was unanimously adopted : 
 
 Whereas, at a meeting of the Anti-Lottery League held at 
 Shreveport, at which meeting there were present delegates from 
 various leagues in North Louisiana, it was resolved that 'it was 
 expedient and necessary to call a State Convention of the Demo- 
 cratic opponents of rechartering, or chartering, a lottery in this 
 State ; and 
 
 Whereas, This League concurring in the wisdom of calling a 
 
 State Convention of the Democrats opposed to rechartering, or 
 chartering, a lottery, has consulted with a Committee appointed 
 by the Shreveport League, and the said Committee and the 
 President of this League have fixed upon Baton Rouge as a 
 proper place for holding said Convention, and Thursday, August 
 7, 1890, as the day on which said' Convention should assemble; 
 Therefore, be it Resolved, That the President of this League 
 in conformitv with the understanding between the Committee 
 appointed by the Caddo League, as aforesaid, be requested to 
 publish a call for a State Convention of Democrats opposed to" 
 rechartering, or chartering, a lottery, to be held at Baton Rouge 
 on Thursday, August 7, 1890. That the various Parishes in 
 which there are Anti-Lottery Leagues, be requested to send 
 delegates to said Convention, and that in Parishes where there 
 are no Anti Lottery Leagues, the Democratic opponents to re- 
 chartering the Louisiana Lottery, or chartering any lottery, be 
 requested to send delegates to said Convention, to be selected by 
 such means as they may deem best. , 
 
 In pursuance ot said resolution a convention of the Democratic 
 opponents to rechartering the Louisiana Lottery, or chartering 
 :ny other Lottery, is convo.ked to meet at the City of Baton 
 Rouge on Thursday, Agust 7, 1890, at 12 m. 
 
 \V. G. VINCENT, President. 
 
 M154355 
 
PRELUDE. 
 
 The Orleans delegation assembled at headquarters, 10 Caron- 
 delet Street, on the morning of Thursday, August yth, and re- 
 ceived Hon. Murphy J. Foster, who had been invited to go to 
 Baton Rouge as their guest. At 8:45 they formed in line, 160 
 strong, headed by a brass band, accompanied by the delegations 
 from south-west Louisiana, and escorted by many members of 
 the League, and marched by way of Camp and Poydras streets 
 to the depot. At 9:15 the special train engaged for the occasion 
 rolled out of the Mississippi Valley Railroad depot, amid great 
 cheering. 
 
 The arrival of the train at Baton Rouge was welcomed with 
 salvoes of artillery. The Baton Rouge Anti-Lottery League, 
 with their local band, was at the depot to receive them. Forming 
 in line, the entire body moved up the Boulevard and filed into the 
 hall of the House of Representatives. 
 
 THE OPENING. 
 
 The Anti-Lottery Convention was called to order at ten min- 
 uets to i o'clock, p. m. in the House of Representatives, the hall 
 being filled to its utmost capacity, with many delegates unable to 
 get within the railing. 
 
 After music by the band, Colonel W. G. Vincent, the Presi- 
 dent of the Anti-Lottery League, -iscended the stand and said : 
 
 U I have the honor, gentlemen, of calling the Anti-Lottery 
 Democratic Convention of the State of Louisiana to order." Mr. 
 Vincent then called 
 
 HON. T. S. FONTENOT 
 
 of St. Landry, to the chair as temporary chairman. 
 
 Mr. Fontenot took the chair, amidst great applause, and said : 
 " Fellow Citizens of the State of Louisiana : 
 
 "I was very much surprised a moment ago when I was called 
 aside and informed that I was to be selected as temporary chairman. 
 I am not prepared to address you; I am not an orator, as every- 
 body who has served with me in the Senate heretofore knows, 
 
and I will not attempt right now to give you a speech on the 
 subject that has brought us all together here to-day, and I ask 
 yonr indulgence, because I have not had much experience as a 
 chairman, but I hope that we will get along smoothly. I thank 
 you very much, gentlemen, and I feel very much honored by the 
 position." 
 
 It was then moved that five secretaries be elected, which 
 motion was carried, and the following named gentlemen were 
 nominated and elected by acclamation : Geo. W. Young, of 
 Orleans; C. V. Porter, of Natchitoches; Henry B. McMurray, of 
 Orleans; V. Grosjean, of Caddo; and J. D. Wall, of Feliciana. 
 
 Mr. John Dymond, of Plaquemines, moved that the Chair ap- 
 point a committee of six persons, one from each congressional 
 district, 
 
 ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 
 
 The motion was carried. The chair appointed the following : 
 First Congressional District, Frank Marquez ; Second District, 
 J. C. Wickliffe ; Third District, R. S. Perry ; Fourth District, 
 G. W. Bolton ; Fifth District, J. M. Kennedy ; Sixth District, J. 
 J. Thompson. 
 
 Mr. Dymond moved that the Chair 'appoint a committee on 
 credentials, to be composed of two members from each Con- 
 gressional District, and five from the StPte at large. Carried. 
 The Chair appointed : 
 
 At Large W. G. Vincent, W. F. Theobalds, E. G. Hunter, 
 J. M. Rollings worth and J. W. McFarland. First Congress- 
 ional District, H. McManus, F. J. Dreyfus ; Second District, 
 James C. Moise, Euclid Borland ; Third District, N. H. Pujo, 
 Richard McCall ; Fourth District, R. Prosper -Landry, G. L. P 
 Wren ; Fifth District, A. C. Calhoun, C. Newton ; Sixth Dis- 
 trict, E. J. Joftrion, Henry Newsom. 
 
 Senator-elect E. D. White said that the hall was not large 
 enough to accommodate the delegates to this Convention, and 
 that he saw before him a large bodv of gentlemen who had no 
 seats. He therefore suggested, before adjournment, the appoint- 
 ment of a committee of four to endeavor either to make arrange- 
 ments in this hall for seating all the delegates, or for procuring 
 some other place of meeting, which can be announced before 
 
the Convention meets again, so as to provide sitting room for 
 every gentleman who is a delegate to this Convention. 
 
 The motion was adopted. 
 
 The Chair appointed the following gentlemen as the com- 
 mittee : 
 
 Messrs. D. \V. Pipes, H. N. Sherburne, S. Me C. Lawrason and 
 John Kleinpeter, of Baton Rouge. 
 
 By Mr. J. Massie Martin, of Lafayette I move that, in order 
 to facilitate the committee on credentials, each delegation be re- 
 quested to select a chairman, who should hand the credentials of 
 his delegation to the secretary of the Convention for the use of 
 the committee on credentials, either prior to, or immediately after 
 the adjournment- of the Convention. 
 
 Mr. R. H. Browne, Orleans I would say that so far as the 
 Orleans delegation is concerned and s.o far as I am concerned and 
 the gentlemen who sit beside me, we have no credentials what- 
 ever, except the appointments which were made by the League, 
 and we cannot hand in credentials to anybody. 
 
 Mr. John C. Wickliffe, of Orleans Mr. George W. Young, 
 as Secretary of the Anti-Lottery League of New Orleans, has a 
 complete list of the delegates from the parish of Orleans. The 
 city delegation need not trouble themselves about that at all. 
 
 On motion, the Convention, at i:io p. m., took a recess till 4 
 o'clock this evening. 
 
 EVENING SESSION. 
 
 The Convention reassembled at 4:10 p. m., Mr. Fontenot, 
 temporary president, in the chair. 
 
 Mr. H. N. Sherburne, of East Baton Rouge, on behalf of the 
 committee on hall, reported that the hall of the House of Repre- 
 sentatives was the best hall that could be secured, and recom- 
 mended that the parishes be called alphabetically, and, as called, 
 that the delegation from each parish be seated in regular order. 
 
 It was moved that the report of the committee be adopted. 
 An amendment was made that the report of the committee on 
 arrangements, so far as this hall is concerned, be adopted. The 
 motion as amended was adopted. 
 
Hen. G. W. Bolton, of Rapides, stated that the Committee on 
 Credentials asked thirty minutes longer to co nplete their report. 
 
 On motion, the time asked for was granted. 
 
 The Chair The next question before the Convention is the 
 calling of the parishes alphabetically and the seating ol the 
 delegates. 
 
 It was moved that the motion to seat delegates alphabetically 
 be laid on the table. 
 
 The motion was put and a division called for. 
 
 The Chair All those in favor of tabling the motion will please 
 rise. 
 
 The secretary reported that it was impossible to count the vote. 
 
 Mr. Ambrose Smith, Orleans, made the point that, until the 
 Committee on Credentials reported, and we know who is en- 
 titled to cast a vote upon this question, no vote can be taken. 
 
 The Chair ruled that the point of order was well taken. 
 
 It was moved and seconded that the Convention adjourn until 
 the Committee on Credentials reported. 
 
 It was moved as a substitute that the delegates remain seated 
 until the committee reported. 
 
 Mr. H. N. Sherburne said : " I have been in conference with 
 the Committee on Credentials with regard to making their re- 
 port. The Committee on Credentials informed me that there 
 were two thousand names to be called over here." 
 
 The Chair The question recurs on the amendment that the 
 delegates retain their seats until the Committee on Credentials 
 reports. 
 
 A delegate I suggest that a sergeant-at-arms be appointed, 
 with assistants, to see that no one leaves the hall. 
 
 Mr. S. H. Decker, of St. Tammany Gentlemen, so far as 
 we are concerned, we have come here for business, and if we 
 have to stay for three months fighting this lottery company, we 
 propose to stay. 
 
 The Chair here announced that the chairman of the Commit- 
 tee on Credentials was ready to make a partial report, and that 
 the balance of the report would be handed in as fast as the work 
 could be done. 
 
 The committee then presented a partial report of the delegates 
 from fifteen parishes. 
 
 The Chair instructed the Secretary to read the names. 
 
8 
 
 Judge Fiank McGloin, of Orleans, moved that the reading 
 of the names be dispensed with. Carried. 
 
 Judge McGloin suggested that the roll of parishes be called, 
 and that the Secretary give 
 
 THE NUMBER OF EACH DELEGATION. 
 
 The roll was called and a number of corrections made. The 
 list as corrected is as follows : 
 
 Acadia 9, Ascension 58, Assumption 36, Avoyelles 25, Bien- 
 ville 6, Bossier 4, Caddo 26, Calcasieu 13, Cameron i, Catahoula 
 i, Claiborne 12, De Soto 2, East Baton Rouge 54, East Carroll 
 7, East Feliciana 54, Franklin 2, Grant 21, Iberia 27, Jberville 16, 
 Jackson 10, Lafayette 22, Lafourche 20, Lincoln 12, Livingston 
 15, Madison 16, Morehouse 22, Natchitoches 34, Orleans 
 197, Ouachita 13, Plaquemines 6. Pointe Coupee 58, Rapides 26, 
 Red River 5, Richland 4, Sabine 27, St. Bernard 7, St. Helena 
 7, St. James 38, St. John the Baptist 3, St. Landry 15, St. Mary 
 26, St. Tammany 15, Tangipahoa 13, Terrebonne i, Union n, 
 Vermilion 4, Vernon 2, Washington 5, Webster 3, West Carroll 
 3, West Baton Rouge 15, West Feliciana, 1 6 Winn 6. 
 
 Mr. T. H. Lewis, of St. Landry I would like to inquire 
 whether there is any parish not represented here. 
 
 The Chair There is the parish of Caldwell and one or two 
 other parishes that have failed to send in their reports. 
 
 A delegate moved the adoption of the report. 
 
 The report was adopted. 
 
 The Chair then announced that the roll contained the names of 
 959 delegates, and that 53 parishes were represented. 
 
 Hon. Frank Marquez. of Orleans, on behalf of the 
 
 COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION, 
 
 submitted the following report, which was read by Hon. G. W. 
 
 Bolton of Rapides. 
 
 To the Hon. T. S. Fontenot, Temporary Chairman of the Anti 
 
 Lottery Democratic Convention : 
 
 Your committee on permanent organization respectfully sub- 
 mits the following report : 
 
 We recommend for Permanent President of the Convention 
 T. F. Bell, of Caddo, and for vice presidents thirteen from the 
 State at large as follows : 
 
 F. J. Dreyfus, Hugh McManus, E. K. Skinner, Michael Foley, 
 
M. J. Foster, J. C. Leblew, F.'Seip, R. H. Curry, J. M. Tilley, 
 J. A. Manning, A, L. Stork, H. C. Newsom, J. J. Thompson. 
 
 Also one vice president for each parish and representative 
 district of Orleans represented in this Convention, to be selected 
 by the delegates from said parishes and representative districts. 
 
 The temporary secretaries to be permanent secretaries of the 
 Convention. 
 
 Sergeants-at-arms, Robert Sanchez, C. C. Cornelius. 
 
 We also recommend that a committee of fifteen on resolutions 
 and address to the people of this State be appointed by the Presi- 
 dent of this Convention. 
 
 We also recommend the appointment of a committee of eight- 
 een by the President of this Convention, whose duty it shall be 
 to prepare an address to the people of the United States and to 
 memorialize the President and Congress to enact such legislation 
 as will forever rid our State of this monster of all iniquity. 
 
 We further recommend that the President of this Convention 
 be authorized to appoint an executive committee to conduct the 
 campaign against the rechartering of the Louisiana State Lottery 
 or the establishment of any lottery whatever in our State, said 
 committee to consist of twenty-nine members, ten of whom 
 shall constitute a quorum, with power to appoint sub-committees 
 and auxiliary committees, as they deem proper, in the various 
 parishes of the State. Respectfully submitted, 
 
 F. MARQUEZ, Chairman. 
 J. M. KENNEDY, 
 
 J. J. THOMPSON, 
 R. S. PERRY, 
 
 G. W. BOLTOX, 
 JNO. C. WICKLIFFE. 
 
 The report of the committee was adopted by a unanimous 
 rising vote. 
 
 Mr. Boltoti then moved that a committee of three be appointed 
 to conduct the 
 
 HON. T. F. BELL, 
 
 of Caddo, to the chair of the Convention. 
 
 The motion was adopted. 
 
 The Chair appointed W. G. Vincent, T. S. Adams and G. W- 
 Bolton. 
 
 THE HON. T. F. BELL 
 
 having been conducted to the chair, the temporary chairman 
 said : "Gentlemen, it is now my pleasure to introduce to you the 
 Hon. T. F. Bell, of the parish of Caddo, whom you have selected 
 as permanent chairman of this Convention." 
 
io 
 
 Mr. Bell was greeted with thunders of applause. He addressed 
 the Convention as follows : 
 
 Gentlemen of the Convention I do not dissemble when I tell vou that if 
 I had been consulted that I would much rather have preferred that vou 
 should have called upon some person else to preside over the deliberations 
 of this convention ; but I have come here not for the purpose of seeking 
 position or of shirking any duty, and I would certainly be insensible to the 
 good esteem of my fellow-citizens if I did not appreciate, and aporeciate 
 very highly too, this token of your esteem and your confidence, and I assure 
 you that it is in no spirit of mere perfunctory courtesy that I tell you that I 
 feel that you have conferred upon rne to-day the proudest and the highest 
 honor of my life. [Applause.] 
 
 I have had the honor of participating in many political conventions when 
 honest, earnest and patriotic citizens of the State w r ere assembled in conven- 
 tion for the purpose of selecting their rulers, but in this convention there is 
 no self-seeking ; there are no offices to fill, no favors to bestow. This assem- 
 bly represents the patriotic and virtuous sons of Louisiana who have heard 
 the cry of help from the State and have rallied to the rescue. Hence I feel 
 proud that you gentlemen have selected me, almost a stranger to nearly all 
 of you, to preside over your deliberations. 
 
 I am not going to make a speech; but if you will indulge me for awhile, I 
 deem it not improper to submit this : We, who have been engaged in this 
 fight that now confronts us have heard it whispered by the schemers who 
 would fasten this lottery stain upon the State for the purpose of sowing the 
 seeds of dissension in our ranks, that this contest in which we are now so 
 earnestly engaged is but the slumbering fires of the old Nicholls and 
 McEnery contest that so unhappily divided this State about three years ago. 
 
 If you will pardon me, I wish to say a word or two, and I feel as if I have 
 a right to speak somewhat from the book on this. You, gentlemen, know 
 the conduct of the parish of Caddo in that contest, and as one of the parties 
 that triumphed in that parish in that contest I give you the assurance to-day 
 that you can rely in this fight on Caddo doing her full duty. 
 
 That line has faded out there and I wish to say this, that Governor 
 McEnery had not a prouder or a more earnest supporter in the State of Lou- 
 isiana than he whom you h*ave called upon to preside over your convention to- 
 day ; and what I have said I intend merely as a preface to this, that when I 
 read the message of Governor Francis T. Nicholls upon this lottery ques- 
 tion, from the bottom of my heart I voted him my sincerest thanks, and I 
 say that every man that owned a home in Louisiana, every man that had a 
 wife and child in Louisiana, every man who -desires the name of Louisiana 
 to remain unstained cannot withhold the meed of his approbation. [Ap- 
 plause.] c- 
 
 Gentlemen, that line has faded out. We are here now none the less as 
 Democrats, because^ we are anti-lottery men. Why, gentlemen, I understand 
 that the doctrine handed down to us from Thomas Jefferson downward as the 
 fundamental doctrine of the Democratic party is, "equal rights to all and 
 special favors to none." I have understood ever since I was able to under- 
 
II 
 
 stand .anything of tne political doctrine of the Democratic party in the 
 political history of my country, that the Democratic party has always con- 
 sidered it as the shibboleth of their faith to oppose monopoly wherever U 
 raised its horny head. 
 
 More than that, fellow-citizens, there is not a single man now within the 
 sound of my voice that does not know that the record of the Democratic 
 party of the State is unbroken, from 1868, when this infernal lottery cotn- 
 panv was chartered and foisted upon the State, down to the present time, in 
 opposition to this lottery company. Time and time again we have put it in 
 the platforms in our State Democratic conventions. Time and again your 
 Democratic governors have called the attention of Democratic assemblies 
 to the evil, and in 1879 the Democratic party expressed its voice by passing 
 an act in the General Assembly of the State of Louisiana wiping it out of 
 existence. Hence I say we are standing on Democratic doctrine on Demo- 
 cratic ground here, when we, as anti-lottery men, put down this evil, and we 
 are not to be read out of the party for doing it. 
 
 Now, fellow-citizens, I promised you not to make a speech. I am not 
 going to do it, although^ I never was so tempted to do it in my life. [Cries 
 of "Goon."] 
 
 About forty days ago I stood right in this hall, and I tell you this air don't 
 breathe to-day like it did then. I tell you, fellow-citizens, I believe if we had 
 had this crowd here then, that there would not have been any necessity for 
 its being here to-day. But, fellow-citizens, it is good for us to be here. We 
 are going to win this fight. We are going to win it because \ve are right. 
 
 Now, I wish to say one word here, and then I am going to stop. [Cries of 
 "Go on."] If ever a people in this world had a cause that they could trust 
 to calm and temperate argument, we have it now. [Cries of "You are 
 right."] We can stand upon that platform and proudly challenge our oppo- 
 nents to meet us in temperate, dispassionate discussion, if they will. Hence 
 let me urge upon my anti-lottery friends, who will take part in the discus- 
 sions of this question throughout the State from now on, calmness and dis- 
 pa^sion. Let us remember that we have a cause that has everything to win 
 by calm and temperate argument. 
 
 Now, there has been some difference of opinion amongst the Democrats 
 of this State. All of them have not thought on this question as we have, 
 but, fellow-citizens and gentlemen of the convention, just as sure as truth is 
 clothed with an inherent power to crush the lie, just so sure by argument, 
 by agitation, calm, fair and dispassionate, by earnest argument we can win 
 back to our ranks every one of our Democrats, unless he has had the palm 
 of his hand anointed with the "lottery oil of gladness. 
 
 Now, with all others, let us argue we cun get them -back, but I do not 
 think that the others will be any good to us if we do get them back. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, I promised that I would not make a speech and I won't 
 interrupt the proceedings of the convention. I now take the chair and we 
 will proceed to business. [Prolonged applause.] 
 
 It was moved as an act of courtesy that Hon. T. &. Adams, the 
 
12 
 
 President of the Farmers' Union, be requested to take * se&t on 
 the platform beside the president. 
 
 A motion was then made and adopted, that the Convention 
 signify their approbation of the motion inviting 
 
 CAPTAIN T. S. ADAMS 
 
 to a seat beside the president by a rising vote. 
 
 The convention rose in a body. 
 
 A motion having been made that a committee of three be 
 appointed to conduct Mr. Adams to the platform, the Chair 
 appointed the following committee: G. W. Bolton, J. Massie 
 Martin and John Dymond, and the committee escorted the gen- 
 tleman to the stand. 
 
 (Cries of "Adams! Adams! ") 
 
 MR. ADAMS 
 
 addresed the convention as follows: 
 
 Mr. Chaiiman and gentlemen of this convention I feel that it would be 
 a matter of supererogation for me to make any protracted remarks on 
 this auspicious occasion. I feel very deeply Mr. Chairman and gentlemen 
 of the convention, the honor conferied upon me on this especially auspicious 
 occasion. 
 
 Speaking for the order which I have the honor t represent I wish to say, 
 gentlemen, that twelve months ago we pronounced our sentiment on this lot- 
 tery question, and, sir, we have burned the ships behind us. [Applause ] 
 
 We are wedded to the theory gentlemen, that honest men must rule the 
 great commonwealth of the State of Louisiana [Applause;] and no matter 
 what may be the billingsgate denounced against officials in this matter, it is 
 a confession on the part of these people who have attempted to vilify the 
 characters of great and good men, that they have no argument to present. 
 
 .Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Convention, God never intended that 
 a civilized community should be controlled by anything like a lottery. [Ap- 
 plause.] It belonged to the dark ages of France and other countries when 
 the sun of the great Messiah had gone out in darkness. But to-day we, who 
 live in this civilized community, feel the reflections that are cast upon this 
 great commonwealth that we are pauperized; to see it published to the world 
 that we are not capable of sustaining our own institutions ; that we must be 
 dependent upon some contingency other than right. Mr. Chairman and 
 gentlemen, if it is evident that we, who possess this soil and who work it, are 
 not capable of maintaining a revenue sufficient to support our institutions, 
 and that we must look to some sinister means for securing a revenue. Then 
 I say, that this is one of the strongest arguments, the grandest argument, that 
 immigration must be stopped in this direction. It goes out to the world that 
 we are pauperized, mat we are not able to take care of ourselves, and hence 
 
13 
 
 I feel that this lottery question is one of the most ruinous and vicious that 
 has ever been presented on any civilized community. 
 
 Gentlemen, you can count upon it that we will hew square to the line, no 
 matter where the chips fall. It has been said that we are divided on this 
 question. I wish to state here to-day, in the presence of this intelligent 
 audience, that there was a resolution passed by our order unanimously 
 adopting my views against the lottery. [Applause.] 
 
 I will say that we will never surrender the sh ; p. The Farmers' Alliance 
 will stand true to the colors, and when they go down it will be a dark night 
 of misfortune that befalls our country. 
 
 I thank you, gentlemen, for your courtesy. [Cheers.] 
 
 Cries of 
 
 " WHITE ! WHITE !" 
 
 Tlie Chair Gentlemen of the Convention, one moment. Just 
 wait until a little work can be done. 
 
 Mr. E. H. Farrar, 01 Orleans I would like to offer a resolu- 
 tion pertinent to the placing of Mr. Adams upon that stand and 
 to the remarks which he has just made. 
 
 The resolution was read by Mr. Farrar, as follows : 
 
 Resolved, That this convention recognizes with gratitude the fact that the 
 FARMERS' UNION, 
 
 a body of men comprising a large portion of the bone and sinew of the State 
 men whose hearts are always for the right and whose hands are ready to 
 execute their sentiments made the initial step in the war against the lottery 
 company, and was the first organized body of Louisiana's brave sons to de- 
 nounce the scheme of its recharter. 
 
 Resolved further, That the State Farmers' Union is hereby requested to 
 co-operate with this body in the campaign now on foot against the Morris 
 lottery proposition, or any other proposition, and to take such steps as will 
 place its executive committee in full and free relations with the executive 
 committee appointed by this convention. 
 
 Resolved further, That a copy of these resolutions be immediately trans- 
 mitted to the said State Union, now in session in the city of Baton Rouge. 
 
 Mr. Branch M. King, of Orleans, moved the adoption of the 
 resolutions. 
 
 An amendment was offered to Mr. King's motion, that the 
 resolutions be amended by inserting after the words " lottery 
 proposition," the words "or any other lottery proposition. 1 ' 
 
 The amendment was accepted, and the resolutions as amended 
 were on motion adopted by a unanimous rising vote. 
 
 Mr. Bolton, of Rapides I now move that the Chair proceed 
 to appoint the committees stated in the resolutions of the Co.Yi 
 
14 
 
 mittee on Permanent Organization the Committee on Resolu- 
 tions and Address to the people of the State, and the Committee 
 on Address to the people of" the United States. 
 
 The chair announced the following as the 
 
 COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS 
 
 and address to the people of the State : 
 
 F. P. Stubbs, T. H. Lewis, R. S. Perry, Frank McGloin, 
 E. X. Pugh, J. A. Tetts, John Dymond, H. C. Calhoun, C. Har- 
 rison Parker, J G. White, J. M. Kennedy, C. V. Porter, 
 James McConnell, Dr. L. G. Perkins, W. C. Roberts. 
 
 Mr. Bolton moved that the Committee on Resolutions, if they 
 desired, be permitted to retire, and that all resolutions be submit- 
 ted to that committee without debate. Carried. 
 
 A. motion was made that the Committee on Resolutions be 
 requested to report a resolution commendatory of President Har- 
 rison and Postmaster General Wanamaker for the position they 
 have taken in regard to this lottery. 
 
 Mr. E. H. Farrar, of Orleans, moved to lay the motion on the 
 table, for the reason that a great many suggestions are going to 
 come before the committee as to the best way of destroying the 
 lottery company, and that there are other constitutional effective 
 and destructive means within the power of the government to 
 recommend to Congress to stab this monopoly through the heart. 
 
 Mr. McGloin moved to refer the matter to the Committee on 
 Resolutions. 
 
 Judge Walter H. Rogers made the point of order that the 
 Convention has already adopted a rule that all resolutions be 
 referred to the Committee on Resolutions without debate, and 
 therefore this matter should be referred to that committee with- 
 out debate. 
 
 The Chair The motion that was adopted a while ago was to 
 the effect that all resolutions would be referred to the commit- 
 tee that the Chair had then appointed, without debate, and I rule 
 that the motion of the gentleman will now be referred to that 
 Committee on Resolutions without debate. 
 
 Mr. Moon, of Orleans, moved that all the Representatives and 
 
15 
 
 Senators who stood by the State in the fight against the lottery 
 be invited to take seats on the platform. 
 
 The motion was unanimously adopted by a rising vote. 
 
 The Chair here announced the following Committee on 
 
 ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 and Memorializing Congress: E. H. Farrar, John M. Avery, O. 
 O. Provosty, John A. Buckner, H. R. Lott, H. C. Miller, J. 
 R. Land, C. Lagarde. Dr. E. DeNux, J. G. Hawkes, T. S. 
 Adams, Dr. M. L. Lyons, S. McC. Lawrason, A. L. Ponder, 
 O. P. Amacker, Thos. : C. McKowen, F. A. Monroe, Chas. Par- 
 lange. 
 
 The Convention here took a recess till 9 o'clock p. M. 
 
 The Committees on -Resolutions and Address to the People of 
 the State and on Address to the people of the United States and 
 Memorializing Congress here retired to deliberate. 
 
 At this stage of the meeting cries of WHITE ! WHITE ! 
 were heard from all parts of the hall. United States Senator- 
 Elect 
 
 E. D. WHITE 
 
 spoke as follows: 
 
 Mr. President and Fellow-Democrats of the Anti-Lottery Movement If 
 there was doubt in the mind of a man in this State as to what is to be the 
 result of this lottery struggle, looking into the faces of these brave men 
 gathered here that doubt, it seems to me, would melt away like snow under a 
 summer's sun. 
 
 It was remarked to me just now by a gentleman who perhaps has had as 
 much experience in public assemblies as any man in this State, that lie has 
 seen many conventions assembled, he had in fact witnessed nearly all the 
 conventions of any magnitude from the days of 1868 down to the present 
 time, but that it had never been his good fortune to see a body of men more 
 representative and bearing upon their countenances a grander, a more right- 
 eous and more determined purpose to act for the good of their State. 
 
 It's a consoling thing, Mr. President, to see this Convention assemble, as 
 it has, on such short notice. It shows that there's life in the old land yet. 
 It shows that the spirit which marshaled our brothers in '61, when the 
 appeal to arms rang out from one end of the State to the other, yet lives. It 
 shows that the love of country that rallied the sons of this State, from the 
 hills of North Louisiana to the prairies of the parish of Plaquemines, when 
 they were needed to overthrow the carpet-bag government, is not dead. It 
 shows ihat the same grand purpose which caused our brothers to shed their 
 blood in the streets of New Orleans on the i_}th of September [loud ap- 
 
i6 
 
 plause], that the same spirit, true and everlasting, beats in the hearts of the 
 sons of Louisiana to-day as it did then. [Great applause.] 
 
 Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention, this anti-lottery question 
 has been so much discussed that it seems superfluous to do s. / again. I rec- 
 ollect a gentleman telling me that when he was a boy he was particularly 
 fond of horse racing, but that his father was opposed to it. He had a great 
 desire to see a four-mile track and would often lay awake at night thinking 
 what a four- mile track could be, and how in the world one could see to the 
 end of it, and so one day he stole from school to see a four-mile race, and he 
 said: " You can imagine my disgust when I got there and found that the 
 horses were running the same mile over four times." [Laughter.] 
 
 I am very much afraid that would be the position in which I should find 
 myself were I to attempt to rediscuss the whole lottery question. There are, 
 however, some aspects of it which I desire particularly to call to your atten- 
 tion. The first is the 
 
 DANGER TO THE MATERIAL PROSPERITY 
 
 and development of the State of Louisiana to flow from the continuance of 
 the lottery within its borders. 
 
 Now two and more years ago we had a contest in this State for governer. 
 Thanks be to God, as just said by our Chairman, like true Democrats, when 
 the nominating convention adjourned here, we recollected nothing of the 
 struggle, and now only remember that when it was all over, the Democratic 
 party united, hand in hand, to elect the gentleman whom that convention 
 nominated. [Loud applause.] I refer to these matters, for we all know how 
 in that struggle there were many hands which threw upon the political can- 
 vas of the State a picture of prosperity, development and success unequaled. 
 Well, now, when the lottery question arises the same hands which drew that 
 picture then have thrown upon the same canvas a picture of misery, which, 
 if it were true, would fill us with most dire forebodings for the future of our 
 State. [Applause.] 
 
 Gentlemen, I think the picture drawn then was not wholly true, and, 
 thanks be to God, I believe the one drawn to-day to be not wholly true 
 either. We are not so prosperous as we ought to be, but looking back at the 
 past and looking forward to the future, who is there who knows this great 
 State, who does not see opening up before her a great and glorious career 
 if we do not do anything to prevent the capital and good people from 
 other States from coming into this and helping us build it up. [Applause.] 
 
 Now it will not be gainsaid it can not be gainsaid, that if we permit the 
 renewal of the charter of a lottery company we shall go counter to the mora 
 sentiment and intellectual convictions of the people of the United States 
 from Maine to California. 
 
 There can br no doubt of this. Let us see if there can be. This lottery 
 question has fixed the attention of the whob country and the unanimous 
 opinion is against it. Everywhere 
 
 THE PRESS HAS CONDEMNED IT. 
 
 In all places outside of this State, wherever the voice of public opinion has 
 been heard, it has spoken with one accord as to the enormity of carrying on 
 
a government by .means of a lottery. Now, sir, if we do this thing, which 
 the public opinion of the United States so absolutely condemns, how are we 
 to expect capital and population to come in from other States to aid us in the 
 development of our fair State? If we do what is abhorrent to the moral 
 sense of the American people, can we avoid their considering us with abhor- 
 rence? 
 
 If we recharter this lottery for twenty -five years how can we expect immi- 
 gration? In what language shall we couch the invitation? Shall we say, 
 come among us; we have chartered a lottery, we sustain the government by 
 it, come bring your household goods, your children, and rear them in the 
 atmosphere which we have created? I say to you, gentlemen of this Con- 
 vention, it seems to me if we do this every step we take in the direction of 
 doing it, will serve to raise higher and higher the barriers shutting us off from 
 the way of development and prosperity which awaits us. [Applause.] 
 
 But there is 
 
 ANOTHER BUSINESS ASPECT 
 
 of the question which I wish briefly to refer to. Let me state it. Those 
 who favor the lottery amendment do so because they think the State needs 
 the money. Now if we are to consider the money, are we not going to ob- 
 tain the best possible price? Will we sell our birthright without first ascer- 
 taining what it is worth? Are we to be less careful in selling that which so 
 many claim to be the fair name the future and the freedom of the State 
 than we would be in selling a horse, or a cow, or a pig? I ask my friend 
 Captain Adams who sits on the platform as the representative of the farmers 
 of this State, if there is a farmer who taking a pig to market would sell it for 
 twenty-five cents without first ascertaining whether it was worth more? 
 
 [Captain Adams u Certainly not. "] 
 
 Now, gentlemen, if this be the case what becomes of the lottery amend- 
 ment? Have any steps been taken to ascertain how much this franchise 
 is worth. Was any examination made, was any public announce- 
 ment given, so that all might bid for it? Why, sirs, as I have just said, we 
 think that the sale involves the fair name of the State, its future prosperity, 
 its all. Will we sell these priceless objects without taking the ordinary 
 safeguards? If these things have not been done, how will one who tavors a 
 lottery franchise, for money, support this particular one, for a fixed sum 
 without the knowledge whether the sum fixed is adequate or not? 
 
 I say, Mr. Chairman, that these views seem to me so conclusive that, I 
 hope as this campaign goes on, as from the hustings in this State everywhere 
 the question is discussed, there will be such a voice of unanimity coming up 
 in favor of right as against wrong [applause] in favor of the defeat of this 
 lottery amendment, t*iat by the time '92 comes 'round, there will not be a 
 real contest. [Applause.] 
 
 But, Mr. President, 
 
 LOOKING FORWARD TO THE STRUGGLE, 
 
 supposing there is to be a serious struggle, I have a few words to say. A 
 few words which I think it well to say, and I am not going to keep you long, 
 and that is this: Seeing the determination written in the faces of you all 
 
i8 
 
 and knowing that determination as it exists over this State, I say let us be 
 calm; let us be just as we discuss this question 
 
 There is an issue in this State, the most important one in it, one which 
 has saved our State in the past and which is to be its safeguard in the future, 
 and that is the solid, earnest and undivided union of all the white people of 
 this State within the lines of the Democratic party. [Loud applause.] 
 
 It can not be gainsaid by any man that on this lottery question in the past, 
 and now, there has been and is division among the ranks of the white voters 
 of tin's State. Lured on by the dazzling effect of the offer of money; appalled 
 by the wafers pouring in upon our alluvial lands; reckoning not of the 
 grave conseqviences which were to follow the granting of this charter, rea- 
 soning from points of expediency only, there is no doubt that many good 
 and true men in this State espoused the lottery side, and there are many 
 good and true men who honestly espouse it to-day. [Applause.] 
 
 But, Mr. President, this Convention is proof that the light of reason is 
 going out to them, if we use reason and not bitterness and recklessness. 
 
 If we approach those who differ with us with the irresistible arguments 
 against the amendment, doing nothing to harden and wound, the natural 
 force of reason and association will bring them all into our ranks, and we 
 will thus not only defeat the lottery amendment, but we will defeat it with a 
 triumphant and united Democratic party. [Applause.] 
 
 Mr. President, I say let us recollect the plain proverb "you catch more 
 flies with molasses than with vinegar." When we adjourn and go to our 
 homes, I implore all to recollect this, that our struggle is not only to defeat 
 the lottery amendment, but our struggle is also to defeat it, and, at the same 
 time, create no discord, no dissension, no bitterness within the ranks of the 
 white peop-le of this State. Gentlemen, if we start out recognizing this 
 principle, if we continue the struggle bearing in mind the fact that \ve have 
 a question to discuss, a question which involves the weal or woe of this great 
 commonwealth for all time to come, there can be no doubtful result a result 
 the more precious since it will leave this people united and harmonious. 
 [Great applause.] * 
 
 I was in the Treasurer's office to-day and took up by accident a book ; 
 turning over its pages they were found to contain a great oration, delivered 
 not long since on a memorable occasion. As I glanced over its pages the 
 >Yords of the orator brought to my mind the wonderful character he por- 
 trayed. My thought was, would that 
 
 EVERY MAN IN THIS STATE WHO DOUBTED 
 
 on this question could decide it by the lessons and example which that life 
 teaches. I see now that character how sublimely noble, how full of duty, 
 of love of country ; calm, serene, true, and in all things devoted ; a great 
 leader in battle, a pillar of fire to illumine the darkness and desolation of de- 
 feat ; the greatest exponent of our Southern civilization, and, as I think, one 
 of the noblest characters in the tide of time. Need I mention the immortal 
 name of Robert E. Lee ! [Great applause.] Ah ! if we could raise his dust 
 from where it is sleeping, if his majestic presence could stand here, if his 
 revered lineaments could look down upon us all, would we not with one 
 
19 
 
 accord say : You led our sons in war, you counselled them in defeat, speak 
 to us now ! But it cannot be. We cannot call him back from immortality 
 to our mortal turmoil. Yet, though dead he speaketh by the lessons of his 
 great life. Ah ! reading that life rightly, is there one of us who cannot hear 
 his voice saying : I have seen your dauntless battalions pour out their blood 
 like water for your dear State and her fair name ; their glory is yours and 
 her heritage ; preserve it untarnished and unsullied forever. [Great ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 THE HON. MURPHY J. FOSTER, 
 
 of St. Mary, was loudly called for, 
 
 Mr. Foster spoke as follows : 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen of this Convention I am feeling very badly 
 at present ; in fact, I am suffering and am unable to make you any lengthy 
 speech, nor am I prepared to make you any set speech ; but looking into the 
 faces of these delegates, and knowing the motive which has prompted their 
 coining here, I should indeed be lost to every sense of pride if I did not 
 respond to your very flattering call. [Applause.] 
 
 Gentlemen of this Convention, it may be that I was in this fight so long, 
 but somehow or other my whole soul is wrapped up in this anti-lottery cause. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 I see gathered here to-day the bone and sinew of Louisiana. I see the 
 manhood of my State and the manhood of the Democratic party here. 
 [Applause.] They have come in the interest of no man and of no faction 
 They are not here in the interest of the Nicholls faction nor of the McEnery 
 faction ; they are here in the interest of no man nor set of men ; but they 
 have come here in the interest of their loved State and in the interest of the 
 Democratic party of Louisiana. [Applause.] They are here representing 
 the virtue, the manhood and the integrity of the white men of Louisiana. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 Thev have come in the interest of no clique, but solely in the interest of a 
 grand and glorious cause. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Convention, one reason why I am so earnest in my oppo- 
 sition to this Morris proposition is this : I may be wrong in my view, but I 
 believe and I measure my words I believe that the success of the Morris 
 proposition means the absorption of the Democratic party or its disruption 
 as well as the destruction of good and honest government. [Applause.] 
 
 The end and 
 
 THE AIM OF ALL GOVERNMENTS 
 
 is the protection of the individual in the enjoyment of his life, liberty and 
 property, and it is a fundamental principle in the science of government that 
 in order to do this crime must be checked and vice must be suppressed; and 
 when a State or a people enters into an unholy union with one, or consorts 
 in an unnatural alliance with the other, I tell you, fellow-citizens, that the 
 object and aim of government is defeated and destroyed, [Applause.] and 
 whenever the Democratic party adopts any measure giving exclusive privi- 
 leges to a class, it is no longer the Democratic party. You mav as well say 
 that the Democratic party can adopt a protective tariff, as to say that it can 
 
2O 
 
 aid and become the promoter of monopolies, and this is one of the reasons 
 why I say that if this lottery company ever becomes incorporated into the 
 fundamental law of the land through the Democratic party, it means the 
 disruption of the party or else the absorption of the party. In other 
 words it will be the lottery party in the guise of Democracy. 
 
 Now, fellow-citizens, let us look calmly at this proposition. Let us see 
 what it means. We are a proud people. We have a proud ancestry. We 
 have proud traditions. We have everything that should make a State grand 
 and great. God in His goodness has been kind and generous to Louisiana. 
 He has given her a soil that you need but " tickle it with the hoe and it will 
 smile with the harvest." He has given her riches which vet lie dormant in 
 her fertile bosom. We have here everything that should make a proud 
 State, and we can easily, if we are worthy of the land, become 
 
 THE PROUDEST COMMONWEALTH 
 
 in the sisterhood of Southern States. [Applause.] 
 
 But, fellow-citizens, we can never do it, we can never march onward and 
 upward, we can never enter the race with our sister States handicapped with 
 this infernal lottery. [Applause.] We can never enter this contest of States 
 unless we do it as a sovereign State, and this proposition means that the 
 tovereignty of the State shall be sold, her political manhood shall be emas- 
 culated, the integrity of our party destroyed. 
 
 This proposition means that we, the white people of the State, must 
 declare to the civilized and to the Christian world that we are dependent 
 upon the turning of the wheel for the maintenance of our levees, the educa- 
 tion of our children and the support of our charitable institutions. These, 
 gentlemen of the convention, are the solemn responsibilities of statehood ; 
 these duties are what a proud people should glory in doing ; these obligations 
 and these responsibilities are what a State should take a pride in executing, 
 but we are asked to publish to the world that the manhood of Louisiana is 
 unable, unwilling and incompetent to perform these sacred and these high 
 duties. 
 
 Fellow citizens, it is written upon your faces ; it is written in the heart of 
 every true Louisianian that you never will accept this proposition nor issue 
 this proclamation. [Cries of No ! no !] 
 
 We cannot afford to do it, fellow-citizens. We cannot afford to do it for 
 our State, tor there are some things which are not for sale. There is no 
 market value placed upon the 
 
 HONOR OR THE MANHOOD OF A PEOPLE ; 
 
 it is not quoted in the columns of commercial papers, and the lottery com- 
 pany has made a mistake when k thinks it can buy the honor, the virtue and 
 the manhood of this State with dollars and cents. [Applause.] It is not for 
 sale, and it never will be for sale. [Applause.] 
 
 I do not mean to say, fellow-citizens, and I would not say it for anything 
 in the world, that there are not some good men in this State who have hon- 
 estly been deluded by the glare and glitter of this proposition. I know that 
 there are good men and true men who have been deceived and deluded by 
 this proposition ; but I believe that, as certain as the sunlight comes from on 
 high, that when it is discussed in a calm aad dispassionate manner before 
 
21 
 
 them they will be found ready to uphold the honor and the dignity of their 
 State. [Applause.] I have consideration for these citizens. But, fellow 
 citizens, I have no consideration nor any mercy for this great tempter which 
 s endeavoring to undermine to-day the citizenship of Louisiana by teaching 
 the dangerous lesson that money can be made otherwise than by honest toil, 
 and that government can be supported otherwise than by legitimate taxation. 
 [Applause.] I have seen its workings. I have seen it strike down splendid 
 manhood and crush it out forever. And I have seen it, like the monster that 
 it is, encircle within its toils the best young men of our country, luring them 
 on to destruction. What cares it for Louisiana ? What cares it for her 
 sons? What cares this concern for her honor? What cares it for the pros- 
 perity of our State? When the flood of waters broke in 1882, deluging the 
 fairest portions of Louisiana in its sweep and carrying destruction and deso- 
 lation everywhere, where was the Louisiana Lottery Company then, with its 
 millions? [Loud applause.] 
 
 When in 1884 the cry of distress went up from the overflowed district, 
 where then, in a single instance, did it seek to alleviate that distress? But 
 now, in 1890, it seeks to pose before the world as the munificent benefactor 
 of our people. 
 
 I say, gentlemen, that to me, to my mind, 
 
 OF ALL THE IGNOBLE ACTS 
 
 that this company has ever been guilty of, that which it did when it sent this 
 relief boat in the guise of charity to the overflowed parishes, was the most 
 despicable and ignoble, taking advantage of a poor, suffering people, taking 
 advantage of their wants and of their distress, in order to win them from 
 their allegiance to honor, and to win them from the path of rectitude to one 
 of shame, to win them from their loyalty to their State to fealty to this 
 gambling concern. [Loud applause.] 
 
 i say, sir, that there are some things I can forgive them for the want of 
 principle getting a man here and there into trouble; getting some poor 
 clerk to steep his soul in everlasting sin, getting some poor market girl to 
 rob her employer, getting some poor, misguided youth to spend his money 
 here and there; all these I might overlook, but, great God, when they strike 
 at the manhood of my people, when they strike at the honor of my State, 
 when thej r attempt to prostitute honest < overnment to their foul ends, when 
 they attempt to win my people by corrupt gifts, I say that sin is unpardon- 
 able. [Loud applause.] 
 
 Knowing no God, knowing no religion, knowing no people, knowing no 
 faith or State, without a habitation, it stalks abroad in our land seeking to 
 destroy that which we all hold dearer than life, the honor of our State, the 
 integrity of our party and the absolute supremacy of our race. 
 
 I say to you, my friends, that if there ever be a cause, 
 
 A JUST AND HOLY CAUSE, 
 
 almost as holy and just, probably more so, in a moral view, than that which 
 called you to strap on your knapsacks in '61 and face the then unknown 
 hardships and perils of war, it is the one in which we are now engaged. 
 Now is the time, gentlemen of the Convention, to strap on your knapsacks. 
 
22 
 
 I don't mean that there is any physical war, but I mean fora warfare against 
 this monster which is seeking to undermine the citizenship of this State, to 
 sap its honor and destroy its future prosperity; not by argument but by the 
 insidious and dangerous workings of the almighty dollar. 
 
 What is it doing? What has it done? 
 
 Why, fellow -citizens, men whose characters are as spotless as the sun, 
 men who have devoted their time, their energies and their splendid abilities 
 to this State and to your service, men who have been leaders in the Demo- 
 cratic party, these are the men it is assailing and seeking to strike down, 
 seeking to strike them down through the scurrilous insinuations of the press 
 of our State in order lhat the success of this concern may be built upon the 
 wrecks of their ruined reputations. 
 
 Fellow -citizens, there are some things that we cherish. There are some 
 things that as Louisianians we ought to cherish. There are some things 
 that ought to be dear to us, and among them is the reputation and character 
 of our public men. [Loud applause.] And I tell you I believe it is time for 
 the manhood of this State, it is time for its courage and bravery to come to 
 the rescue of the manhood of Louisiana which is sought to be stricken down 
 by this monster in order that it may ride rough-shod over the barriers which 
 the people are placing across its path. 
 
 Mr. Chairman, I have talked more than I intended. In fact, when I get 
 hold of this subject, it generally gets hold of me, and runs entirely away 
 with me. [Applause.] 
 
 I have nothing more to say than this, that we have 
 
 A LONG FIGHT AHEAD 
 
 of us if this question ever goes to the people. We have got to keep up thi s 
 fight for eighteen months before the decisive battle comes off. It will re_ 
 quire a good deal of nerve, a good deal of energy, and a great deal of endur- 
 ance to stand this fight for such a length of time, but I believe that as the 
 tide rolls on it will grow stronger and stronger. Its ground swells are 
 being felt all over the land even reaching the beautiful marble building on 
 St. Charles street. Nexv Orleans has caught the contagion [loud applause] 
 and I notice one thing about New Orleans of course I don't mean to say 
 that New Orleans is ever wrong, but when New Orleans is right, it gets 
 just about as near right and determined as any place I ever saw. and from 
 what I witnessed yesterday, I think New Orleans is getting right very fast. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 In the country the tide has turned. In the country the mutterings of 
 thunder can be heard not only from the hills of North Louisiana, but it can 
 be heard coming even from the swamp lands and the spreading prairies; and 
 the people are in earnest, gentlemen. They are fearfully in earnest. They 
 see danger ahead. Some of them have felt it. I tell you they have felt it 
 up in North Louisiana. You, gentlemen, from Bienville; you, gentlemen 
 from Lincoln. [Applause.] You, gentlemen, from Grant you have felt 
 the power oi this concern; you know what it can do, and I tell you. with 
 *he same manhood and the same courage with which you are going to fight 
 
23 
 
 this thing, so it will be fought even upon the spreading prairies of Opelousas 
 and within the swamps of the Attakapas. [Applause.] 
 
 In response to loud and repeated calls, 
 
 HON. FELIX J. DREYFOUS. 
 
 of Orleans, spoke as follows : 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention I beg your indulgence 
 while I make a few brief remarks, fd I am not accustomed to speaking in 
 public. I do a great deal of thinking, but Seldom ever speak. All I can say 
 is, that when the nomination was tendered me to represent the district in 
 which I live I accepted it, and although I knew the sacrifice which it would 
 entail, I made up my mind to dQ but one thing, and that was to fight the 
 lottery as long as I could [loud applause], and immediately upon my elec- 
 tion I proceeded to fight. I was told on all sides that the lottery company 
 was mighty because it had an unlimited supply of money, but I felt and be- 
 lieved that there must be many people in this State whose love for their 
 State, for their country, for their children and for their rights was paramount 
 to any feeling they might have for the lottery company. [Applause.] 
 
 When I had the honor to stand upon this floor as a member of the House 
 of Representatives, I continued the fight notwithstanding the persecution to 
 which I was subjected, for I saw the necessity of getting rid of the power 
 that was controlling our politics; and when I persisted in my opposition to 
 the lottery company I was told by the great Democrat James D. Houston, 
 the partner of those other good Democrats, Albert Baldwin, John A. Mor- 
 ris and P. B. S. Pinchback, that there was no chance of ever getting 
 elected to any public office if I persisted in my fight against the lottery. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 Still the warfare against me continued until I defied these men who stated 
 that lotteries were a necessity, and I told them on this floor that I defied 
 them to show the necessity therefor. When thev were confronted with the 
 proposition which was far in excess of the Morris proposition, did they ac- 
 cept it? Was it approved by the newspapers which have been subsidized by that 
 lottery company? [Applause.] The biased reporters misinterpreted my re- 
 marks which were to the effect that I did defy them, and I do now defy them, 
 to show that they voted for love of State. They know and we all know it 
 was for John A. Morris- and Albert Baldwin. [Applause.] I told them I 
 was perfectly willing to sacrifice any chances I might have for political ad- 
 vancement; that I was not a politician, and that I would continue in my 
 course, and, as far as my strength permitted, do all that I could to defeat the 
 Morris proposition. 
 
 I was told that the people who sent me to represent them in the Legisla- 
 ture had complained that I was not voicing their sentiment, but I tell 
 you, gentlemen, that since then some of these very people have come to me 
 and admitted their error. [Great applause.] And I am satisfied that if this 
 question ever comes before the people (which I doubt very much) the people 
 of the ward which I have the honor to represent will vote solidiv against the 
 Jonerv. [Applause.] 
 
NIGHT SESSION. 
 
 The Convention reassembled at 9 o'clock p. m., Captain Bell 
 in the chair. 
 
 It was moved, and the motion was carried, that the delegates 
 from the various parishes of the State and the representative 
 districts of the parish of Orleans, be requested to send to the 
 secretaries the names of such of their members as they see proper 
 to select for Vice Presidents of the Convention in accordance 
 with the request of the Committee on Permanent Organization. 
 The following names were handed in, many of the delegations 
 not having had an opportunity to consult on the subject : 
 
 Acadia Dr. R. R. Lyons. 
 Ascension . R. McCall. 
 Assumption C. Numa Folse. 
 Avoyelles A. B. Irion. 
 Bienville F. G. Hulse. 
 Bossier J A. Snyder. 
 Caddo N. Gregg. 
 Calcasieu Gabriel A. Fournet. 
 Cameron J. H. Doxey. 
 Catahoula M. D. N. Thompson 
 Claiborne John R. Phipps. 
 DeSoto Wm. Goss. 
 East Feliciana D. W. Pipes. 
 
 Orleans 
 
 Sixth O. W. Long. 
 Seventh F. O. Koehle. 
 Eighth T. O'Brien. 
 Ninth R. L. Schroeder. 
 Tenth Euelid Borland 
 Eleventh A. A. Woods. 
 Twelfth H. C. Miller. 
 Thirteenth E. R. Chevalley. 
 Fourteenth -Jos. H. Duggan. 
 Fifteenth Thos. E. Higgins. 
 Sixteenth and Seventeenth 
 S. L. Henrv. 
 
 East Baton Rouge W. G. Sam-Ouachita F. P. Stubbs. 
 
 uels. 
 
 East Carroll Peter Mathison. 
 Franklin A. A. Sanders. 
 Grant B. C. Dean. 
 Iberia J. A. Fagot. 
 Iberville J. David. 
 Jackson J. T. M. Hancock. 
 Jefferson J. L. Boney. 
 Lafayette Overton Cade. 
 
 Plaquemines J. Dymond. 
 Pointe Coupee D. T. Merrick. 
 Rapides G. W. Bolton. 
 Red River Jas. F. Pearson. 
 Richland H. P. Wells. 
 St. Bernard H. T. Lawler. 
 St. James H. E. Himel. 
 St. Landry W. F. Clayton. 
 St. Mary L. S. Allemon. 
 
 Lafourche Judge J. M. Howell.St. Tammany Geo. H. Gause. 
 Lincoln G. M Lomax. Tangipahoa O. P. Amacker. 
 
 Livingston John B. Easterley. Terrebonne Ennis Williams. 
 
 Morehouse N. W. Johnson. 
 Natchitoches W. H. Carver. 
 Orleans 
 
 First Ward J. R. Con way. 
 
 Second Jerry Lyons. 
 
 Third M. J. Long. 
 
 Fourth M. J. Lehman. 
 
 Fifth J. Israel. 
 
 Union W. W. Heard. 
 Vernon Jno.. Franklin. 
 Washington W. L. Smith. 
 Webster J. T. Watkins. 
 West Baton Roirge A. Levert. 
 West Carroll H. R. Lott. 
 West Feliciana W. W. Leake. 
 Winn R. L. Tannehill. 
 
25 
 
 Mr. E. T. Merrick, Jr., of Orleans, offered a resolution, endors- 
 ing THE NEW DELTA. 
 
 Mr. J. Massie Martin I make this motion. The resolution 
 which has been offered by the gentleman in regard to the NEW 
 DELTA has been handed over to the Committee on Resolutions. 
 I think, gentlemen of the convention, that we can afford to pass 
 these resolutions without passing them over to the Committee. 
 I think that it is due to the NEW DELTA to pass it without any 
 other formality, and I therefore make the motion that these reso- 
 lutions be acted upon immediately. 
 
 Col. Frank C. Zacharie, of Orleans, said that there had already 
 been handed into the Committee a resolution upon this subject, 
 and that it would be a work of supererogation to pass one reso- 
 lution now, and then pass another resolution which is already 
 complete and covers more ground and has in view substantial 
 and practical action in regard to converting the Neva Delta 
 into a morning paper. Mr. Zacharie then suggested that the 
 resolution take its regular course. 
 
 Mr. Martin withdrew his motion. 
 
 The resolution referred to reads as follows: 
 
 WHEREAS, of all the papers published in the metropolis of the South, 
 there is but one bold and independent enough to join us in fighting for the 
 cause of honest and pure government; and 
 
 WHEREAS, that one paper, single and alone, has been most ably and fear- 
 lessly conducted; and 
 
 WHEREAS, all other daily papers published in the city of New Orleans 
 have not even had the courage to state the facts concerning the anti-lottery 
 movement; therefore 
 
 Be it Resolved, That it is the sense of this Convention that the New 
 Delta's course in the past be approved; that our aid and encouragement be 
 extended to it in the future, and tha 1 : prompt and effective measures be taken 
 to the end that the New Delta be established as a morning paper. 
 
 Mr. L. F. Paychaud offered the following resolution, which 
 was referred to the committee on resolutions : 
 
 Resolved by the Anti- Lottery Democratic Convention, That it is the 
 sense of the Convention that the members of the Anti-Lottery League 
 throughout the State, and the sympathizers in the mighty struggle for the 
 sovereignty and independence of the State, do boycott the Times-Democrnt, 
 the Daily States and the City Item of New Orleans. 
 
 A Voice They are Republican papers and the people cannot 
 depend on them. 
 
26 
 Mr. E. T. Merrick submitted the folio wi no- : 
 
 5 
 
 To the President of the Anti-Lottery Convention, Baton Rouge, La. : 
 
 THE PEOPLE OF CRYSTAL SPRINGS, MISS., 
 
 in mass meeting assembled, send greeting to the Anti-Lottery Convention 
 of Louisiana. We join with you in expressing abhorrence of the degrading 
 and debauching influence of the Lottery Company, and trust that in fighting 
 the accursed monster you will acquit yourselves ns true men and uphold in 
 peaceful times that which in war was always nobly defended, the honor and 
 fair fame of Louisiana. J. M. NEWTOX, 
 
 Chairman Citizens' Meeting. 
 
 George A. Newton, chairman of committee ; J. W. McNeili, W. C. Wil- 
 kinson, A. Lotterhas, R. E.Jones, Ira M. Eagan, V. L. Terrell, J. M. New- 
 ton. 
 
 And offered the following resolution : 
 
 WHEREAS, the citizens of Crystal Springs, Miss., in mass meeting 
 assembled, have sent greetings to this Convention, with words of cheer and 
 encouragement ; 
 
 Resolved, That the President do return the fraternal sentiments expressed 
 by the citizens of Crystal Springs to the Mayor of the city, with the expres- 
 sion of the high appreciation of this Convention for the interest of the citi- 
 zens of our sister State in the struggle we are waging with the Lottery Com- 
 pany. 
 
 Mr. Bolton moved to amend that the Convention will uphold 
 the honor and the fair name of Louisiana. Adopted by a unani- 
 mous rising vote. 
 
 It was then moved and seconded that the people of Crystal 
 Springs be informed of the adoption of the resolution. Carried. 
 
 Mr. E. D. Farrar, on behalf of the committee on the prepara- 
 tion of 
 
 AN ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 submitted the following report : 
 
 To the people of the United States : Your fellow-citizens of the State 01 
 Louisiana opposed to lottery gambling and lottery charters, assembled in 
 convention at Baton Rouge this 7th day of August, 1890, make to you this 
 appeal for aid in the struggle they are engaged in with a powerful gambling 
 corporation which sits here among us, like a giant octopus, and stretches its 
 arms to the remotest hamlet in the land. For your sympathy they ask nob 
 because that they have this well they know by the unanimous voice of the 
 free press of this great country, which, untouched and untouchable by lottery 
 influence, has denounced, in .no uncertain tones, the infamy we are combat- 
 ing. We desire briefly to state to you the facts. In 1868 the carpet-bag 
 Legislature of Louisiana, at the instigation of a syndicate of gamblers 
 formed in New York in 1863, composed of John A. Morris, Ben Wood, C. 
 
H. Murray and others, chartered the Louisiana Lottery Company with a 
 capital of $1,000,000, giving it a monopoly of drawing lotteries in the State 
 for twenty-five years. This grant was notoriously obtained by bribery and 
 corruption. At that time the public regarded it with horror, and the men 
 connected with it were pursued with public and private condemnation and 
 disgrace. For ten years it maintained itself against constant legislative 
 assault by similar corrupt means. In 1879 the Legis'ature repealed this 
 charter, a result accomplished by a majority of only two votes in the Senate. 
 This repeal was practically nullified by an injunction issued by Edward C. 
 Billings, United States district judge for Louisiana, who held in -the very 
 teeth of the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, rendered in 
 the similar case of Boyd vs. Alabama, that an immoral bargain, such as this 
 charter enclosed, was a sacred contract protected by the constitution of the 
 United States and binding upon the police power of a sovereign State. 
 The same Legislature that repealed this charter called a constitutional con- 
 vention. This convention was attacked by the lottery people with money, 
 with Judge Billings' decision, with promises to give up its monopoly, to retire 
 from politics, and to allow a provision to be inserted in the constitution, pro- 
 hibiting all lotteries after Jan i, 1895. 
 
 Several distinguished attorneys of the lottery company were elected to this 
 body. The whole convention was surrounded by a strong lobby of pur- 
 chased respectability. Under these combined influences, a provision was 
 inserted in the projected constitution reinstating the repealed charter, with- 
 out the monopoly feature, permitting the Legislature to charter other lot- 
 teries, and providing that after Jan. i, 1895, all lotteries should be prohibited. 
 This provision was intended and regarded as a compromise, and rather than 
 .lefeat the whole constitution in which it was imbedded the people adopted it 
 /vith the belief that in a few years the evil would die beyond any prospect of 
 resurrection, and such was the pledge of the lottery company. Mark the 
 result. With this new lease of life came a new lease of power and pros- 
 perity jncredible. They have practically enjoyed their renounced monopoly 
 by preventing every Legislature elected since 1880 from granting additional 
 lottery charters. This has be accomplished by the unlimited use of money, 
 by playing npon the opposition of good men to the multiplication of such 
 charters, and by their control, through the ownership of certain dominant 
 politicians of both political parties, of nominations to the Legislature. The 
 market value of their stock has risen from $35 per share in 1879, to I 1 200 per 
 share in 1890, so that now it is more than double that of the whole banking 
 capital of the State. They have built up the original capital, which wa s 
 never subscribed, and have accumulated an enormous surplus of unknown 
 amount, while declaring dividends of from So to 170 per cent per annum 
 and that, too, out of only one-half of the net earnings, as the other halt 
 belongs to the lessees, Howard and Morris. 
 
 Definite information as to their list of stockholders, officers, profits and 
 business affairs cannot be obtained, as they are kept studiously concealed 
 from the public. The scheme of their drawings has increased from a 
 monthly capital prize of $30,000 to a monthly capital prize of $300,000 and a 
 semi-annual prize of $600,000. 
 
28 
 
 The aggregate of the schemes of the monthly ana semi-annual drawings is 
 the fabulous sum of $28,000,000 per annum and the aggregate of their daily 
 drawings is over $20,000,000 more. They receive annually a million and a 
 quarter from the written policies sold on the numbers of the daily 
 drawing, apart from the regular printed tickets. They receive annually 
 about $22,000,000 from theii monthly and semi-annual drawings. The 
 schemes of the last drawings are so ai ranged that they can sell 75 per cent, 
 of their tickets, pay 10 per cent for selling them, lose all the prizes provided 
 for in the schemes, pay $1,000,000 for expenses, and still make $3,000,000 
 profit per annum. 
 
 We make no idle assertion when we denounce these schemes as fraudulent, 
 even from a lottery standpoint. This company offers to distribute less than 
 53 per cent in prizes. No authorized lottery on earth that we know of outside 
 of Mexico, is allowed to distribute less than 70 per cent. The chance to 
 win a prize of any sort in one of these drawings is about one in thirty, 
 whereas if it were an honest lottery it \vould be* at least one in ten. 
 
 These were the reasons which induced two postmasters general of the 
 United Stats to exclude it from the mails as a fraudulent lottery. What is 
 known as the daily drawing takes place every day except Sunday 313 times 
 per annum. The scheme is based on the ternary combination of the natural 
 numbers from one to seventy-eight and on some days from one to seventy- 
 five, giving in the one case 76,076 and in the other 67,525 different combina- 
 tions of three numbers each. The prizes paid are out of all honest 
 proportion to the cost of the tickets or the chances of winning. For in- 
 stance, for a $i ticket the chances of winning a prize of 85 cents is one in 
 three; winning a prize of $1.70, one in nineteen, and of winning a prize of 
 $4.25 is one in 1237. 
 
 In' addition to these printed tickets written policies or bets on the numbers 
 of the daily drawings are taken at the tancy of the bettor, with a percentage 
 of from 22 to 41 per cent in favor of the lottery. 
 
 There are more than a hundred policy shops in the city of New Orleans 
 where such tickets are written. They are placed at points where they way- 
 lay the wage-earner in his progress to and 'from his work. From the best 
 information -we can get the receipts of these shops average about $30 per 
 diem. They swarm daily with slatternly women, barefooted children, 
 bloused workingmen, youthful clerks and household servants sent to market 
 on some purchasing errand. None but the poor and ignorant enter these 
 direful doors. Some of these shops keep " dream books " and other stimu- 
 lants to aid the superstitious in selecting lucky numbers. 
 
 By daily repetition of play thousands of poor wretches become afflicted 
 with the " lottery craze," and to gratify this theft and embezzlement enter 
 innumerable households. We have the authority of the letter v that 93 per 
 cent of this enormous revenue of $22,000,000 a revenue greater than that 
 of any five average states in this Union comes from the people of this 
 country outside of the State of Louisiana, because its advocates have the 
 effrontery to use this fact as an argument for its recharter by the people of 
 Louisiana. 
 
2Q 
 
 Through the purchase of stock by its stock-holders and friends it has ob- 
 tained control of a large portion of the organized capital of the 
 State. Its strong nand on the financial springs of a commercial 
 community is so masterful as to silence the opposition of the cautious and to 
 attract the support of ihe timid. 
 
 Uv the force and glitter of its money power it has warped the judgment and 
 blunted the conscience of many good people, making them also first apolog- 
 ists for and then desirous of such riches, even though the}' be obtained without 
 honor and in desecration of the "dignity of labor and the long pedigree of 
 toil." It has captured three-fourths of the Louisiana press, either by con- 
 trol of the capital invested, or by purchase of the proprietors. 
 
 In localities where it could not purchase the local press it has started a 
 hireling press of its own. To emphasize this assertion we state the fact that 
 the most blatant anti-lottery papers in the State of a few years ago are to- 
 day violent partisans of the lotteiy. Its iniquitous business is blazoned by 
 advertisements of winnings, often fictitious, all over the country, and it has 
 thus created, and thus it stimulates a gambling thirst in tens of thousands of 
 ignorant and credulous persons from whom it monthly receives its enormous 
 ill-gotten gains. 
 
 While the United States Postoffice Department is the principal instru- 
 ment of its robbery of the people outside of Louisiana, yet the express com- 
 panies also lend material aid. Being itself excluded from the mails as a fraud- 
 ulent lottery, it skulks under the individual name of its President and the 
 name of a national bank chartered by the national government. It is esti- 
 mated that one-third of the whole local mail matter that passes through the 
 New Orleans postoffice is lottery mail, and that $30,000 per diem in postal 
 notes and monev orders are paid to its stalking-horse bank. The temptation 
 to hold on to this power and to continue to amass this wealth has induced 
 these lottery people to violate all their promises and pledges made to the 
 framers of the Constitution and to the people of Louisiana, reiterated again 
 and again, and in pursuance of this broken taith they have precipitated the 
 present conflict by agitating for a renewal of the charter. This agitation has 
 drawn the attention of the good people of the State, hitherto sleeping, to the 
 history and acts of the Louisiana Lottery, and the results of that investiga- 
 tion we have spread before you in this memorial. 
 
 By the Legislature just adjourned an attempt has been made to submit a 
 Constitutional amendment to be voted on by the people in 1898, giving to 
 John A. Morris, a member of the original gambling syndicate of 1863, one 
 ot the original promoters of the Louisiana Lottery Company, and now its 
 lessee and largest stockholder, and his unnamed associates, the practically 
 exclusive privilege of drawing lotteries in Louisiana for twenty-five years, 
 from January i, 1894, in consideration of the payment to the State of $1,250,- 
 ooo per annum. 
 
 The statement of the proposition demonstrates the enormity of the crime 
 involved in it. John A. Morris and his associates, who neither toil nor spin, 
 who take or pay no honest, wage, make no product, till no field, sow no crop 
 reap no harvets, who add nothing to the sum of human wealth or happiness, 
 
30 
 
 are to be authorized by a sovereign State for a paltrv participation in the 
 plunder to convert her territory tor a generation into a gambling snare for 
 the unwary of this whole country and to filch from them by fraudulent lot- 
 tery schemes untold millions. There are no limitations on this proposed 
 grant. There are no penalties for its abuse. It is placed beyond the reg- 
 ulating power of the Legislature. All amendments tending to prevent the 
 drawing of fraudulent lottery schemes were voted down. 
 
 We beseech your aid to help us crush this monster. With- this vast cor-" 
 rupt money power to confront, we know that we have a battle to flght such 
 as no people ever fought before. We shrink not from the contest ; the true 
 sons of Louisiana have never failed her in her hour of need. They are as 
 ready now as ever to spend their fortunes and shed their blood in defense of 
 her honor. 
 
 But this fight is not only ours, but yours also. Aside from the pollu- 
 tion of its presence, a great part of the harm done and to be done by 
 this robber of the people is beyond the borders of this State, among 
 the people of our sister States of the Union. If the taint of a State 
 organized crime could be confined Within the limits of the organizing State 
 the evil might be small and the ground of complaint local, but we protest 
 that it is against the fundamental principles of this Union and violative of 
 the sacred sisterhood of the States that one of their number should, for a pit- 
 tance of revenue, charter a piratical corporation to prey upon the ignorance 
 the credulity and the cupidity of the citizens of all the others, and to station 
 its minions broadcast through the land to violate their laws. 
 
 If any State is so shameless thus to use its at present untrammeled power, 
 it ought to be and must be restrained by the united power of the American 
 people. 
 
 To that end we recommend the immediate adoption of an amendment to 
 the Federal Constitution prohibiting any State from chartering or licensing 
 any lottery or gift enterprise, abolishing those already established, and giv- 
 ing the Congress power to enforce the prohibition by appropriate legislation. 
 
 A proposition to amend the Constitution covering all this ground, except 
 the abolition of existing lotteries, is now before a committee of the United 
 States Senate, having been introduced by Senator Blair, of New Hampshire. 
 
 Such amendment cannot, in the natural order of things, be put in force for 
 some time. Until that time comes, we ask the adoption by the Congress of 
 some appropriate legislation under the existing state of the Constitution 
 aimed at the heart of this devouring dragon. The legislation specially 
 recommended by the President and Postmaster General to exclude lottery 
 business and advertisements from the mails and express companies is aimed 
 in the right direction, and we ask its speedy adoption. 
 
 With a national evil of great magnitude to correct, and with the clear 
 constitutional power to crush that evil effectively, why should the Congress 
 and the American people hesitate to strike? We ask every citizen this 
 country to use his influence with the existing Congress to have the above 
 suggested legislation speedily adopted. 
 
 We ask that all candidates of all parties for the Legislatures of the various 
 States be required to pledge themselves to vote for any amendment proposed 
 
by Congress to the Constitution of the United States, prohibiting and abol- 
 ishing State lotteries. All this we ask in the name of our common citizen- 
 ship of this republic and in behalf of the public honor, the public interest 
 and the public and piivate welfare of the commou wealth of States. 
 
 We further request the free press to give this address the widest publicity. 
 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 EDGAR H. FARRAR, Chairman. 
 
 The report was read by Mr. Farrar, amidst great applause, 
 and at its conclusion there were cries of " Farrar! Farrar! " 
 
 MR. FARRAR 
 
 ascended the rostrum and spoke as follows: 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention I had naturally in- 
 tended to speak to this address, but an exhausting session of five hours con- 
 tinuous sitting over the formulation of these resolutions spent in reaching 
 an agreement as to its various clauses, has brought me to that physical con- 
 dition of hunger and thirst where I do not think I am in any condition to 
 make to such a convention as this any extended remarks; but I am like a gen- 
 tleman who stood on this stand to-da and said that he felt about this lottery 
 question so strongly, that when he took hold of it it took hold of him and 
 ran away with him. 
 
 It takes hold of me, gentlemen, in the same way; and in my opinion it 
 must take hold of every man in the State who posseses the power of reflec- 
 tion: who stops and thinks about what is going to happen to-morrow, the 
 next week and the next year; especially a man who has a family, who has 
 children to bring up and who, naturally in his paternal affection, looks to thtf 
 atmosphere that is going to Surround these children as they grow up in life: 
 still more so, if he is a man born in a free country, a man born a freeman, 
 and who desires to remain one. 
 
 . Now, gentlemen, there are so many sides from which you can look at this 
 lotterv question, that it is useless to discuss the broad ground of its morality 
 or its immorality. God knows that ground is broad enough; but there are 
 plenty of people in this world with whom that sort of argument has no 
 weight. 
 
 It is equally useless to discuss the broad ground of 
 
 THE FCONOMIC CRIME 
 
 involved in a State's attempting to support itself by organizing a widespread 
 system of public gambling, although that ground is broad enough to suit all 
 persons whose intelligence can be reached by an economic argument. 
 
 It is also useless to discuss the question of the local evil that it causes to 
 people \vho are beyond the reach of that local evil. But there is a point, 
 gentlemen, from which this lottery proposition appeals to every man who 
 has a head on his shoulders and a heart in his bosom, and who is entitled to 
 be considered a masculine creature, and that is this : 
 
32 
 
 I believe that the last sentiment which is left in the human heart after 
 every other one is gone, is the sentiment of liberty, the sentiment of personal 
 liberty, and its co-equal sentiment of political liberty. It is found in the 
 man of high class ; it is found in the man of low class. Men have it who 
 have no sense of morality, no sense of political economy, no care or heart for 
 that which will come to others after their own breasts have ceased to heave- 
 Now, let us see how this lottery question is going to bear upon that dear- 
 est thing which outlasts all others with men of all classes personal liberty. 
 Aristotle says that an oligarchy is formed for the purpose of wealth, and 
 that its object is the acquirement of wealth ; but that 
 
 A DEMOCRACY 
 
 s formed for the purpose of freedom, and that its object is the acquisition of 
 individual freedom for its citizens. The result of the principle is that wher- 
 ever you erect in a democracy the object of which is freedom anything 
 which operates contrary to the principles of democracy, you necessarily im- 
 pair the result for which democracy was established freedom. 
 
 If vou attempt to run a democracy and oligarchy together, the oligarchy 
 will swallow up the democracy- It has always been so throughout the his- 
 tory of the world. 
 
 Hence, the principle that, in a free government, the organization of any 
 great centralizing power especially a money power is inimical to the 
 freedom of the people of that community. 
 
 It is bad enough, gentlemen, that the want* of modern life and the pro- 
 gress of modern society should require that we establish great corporations 
 for beneficent purposes. 
 
 I say it is bad enough for our liberty that we should have great corpora- 
 tions spreading over your land like the Pennsylvania railroad spreads over 
 the State of Pennsylvania, and that notoriously dominates its politics, and 
 has done so for years. I might further instance the Standard Oil Company 
 in Ohio and in other localities, and other large corporations engaged in other 
 lines of business. 
 
 Each ot you can take that argument and illustrate it by going into smaller 
 communities and towns in your own neighborhoods, where the rich and pow- 
 erful man or the rich and powerful corporation dominates the political situa- 
 tion of the community. * 
 
 I say . 
 
 IT IS BAD ENOUGH 
 
 for liberty that the wants of civilization and of society result in the establish- 
 ment of agencies of this sort, which, being engaged in necessary and legiti- 
 mate enterprises, are rooted in law and have the protective shield of the Con- 
 stitution of the State and of the United States throwu around them ; but 
 what shall we say when it is proposed to establish here a corporation that is 
 not a business corporation, unless lottery gambling can, through the crime- 
 cloaking euphemism of certain newspapers of this State, be called an honora- 
 ble and legitimate business. 
 
I say, gentlemen, stop and think of it. Here is a corporation, the extent 
 oi whose power and revenue you have heard detailed in the memorial that 
 I have just read ; a revenue greater than the average revenue of any five 
 States in this Union ; a revenue greater than trat of the largest corporations 
 formed for purposes of trade or transportation ; a revenue that goes into the 
 millions upon millions, and how is that corporation rooted ? What are the 
 foundations of its rights? Are they rock-rooted in the Constitution of the 
 United States ? Are they beyond the reach of the public will ? Can any 
 Assembly or Legislature come along and take them away ? Let us examine 
 this. You cannot raid and rob by the public exercise of mere power a rail- 
 road or a bank, or any other corporation. You cannot take my rights away 
 from me. I am protected by the Constitution I am a citizen. I make a 
 contract ; it is valid and can be enforced, and no Legislature can impaii its 
 obligation. But this corporation what is it ? What is the basis of its 
 rights ? We have not got far to go to find that. That has been declared by 
 the highest tribunal in this country. It has been declared by the Supreme 
 Court of the United States. It has been declared by that great court that 
 the granting of a lottery charter is not a contract is not within the domain 
 of contracts, but that it is a mere license, revocable. at the will of the power 
 that gave it. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, figure for yourselves tnis proposition. Here is a corpo- 
 ration with an annual 
 
 REVENUE OF TWENTY-FIVE MILLIONS 
 
 per annum, and its rights rest in the popular breeze. The power that gave 
 them can take them away. The power that sent it into existence can destroy 
 it. Think, gentlemen, a revenue of twenty -five millions per annum standing 
 upon a precarious basis of that sort. What is the result? Why, that cor- 
 poration will bend every energy, and will be compelled to bend every energy, 
 to the bolstering up of that right. If it depends upon the popular breeze it 
 is bound to control the popular breeze. And if that popular breeze makes 
 legislators it is bound to control those legislators, so that it may retain the 
 power of accumulating this enormous annual sum of money. 
 
 What does that lead to ? It leads to this proposition: That you have 
 got, in a free State where men claim to be free citizens; men with noble 
 political ambition ; men, a great many of whom are compelled to go into 
 public service as a means of livelihood you have got a corporation in such 
 a State that is compelled by money, to control at whatever cost, a majority 
 of every Legislature that may assemble in your State. 
 
 I say figure to yourselves the condition of personal freedom that would 
 exist under such a state of affairs. Figure to yourselves the position- that 
 any honorable man will hold in such a State. What is it, gentlemen ? Why 
 I say that he is as abject a slave as ever the sun shone on in its progress 
 around the earth, I say he has nothing on earth to protect him but the des- 
 peration born of despair. 
 
 What can an individual, or collection of individuals, do against 
 
 A MONEY POWER 
 
 which has corrupted the people, corrupted public sentiment, corrupted pri- 
 vate sentiment, as this will do, and put over you and me and every other 
 
34 
 
 honorable man in this State some miserable hireling, some degraucJi wretch, 
 too contemptible for consideration, fitted for the place only by the degree of 
 his subserviency to his corrupt master. 
 
 Mark another result, gentlemen ! You will see another great power that 
 of the press corrupted, as you see it corrupted to-day. 
 
 As vultures swoop to carrion, so will flock to the standard of this rotten 
 power all that army of evil spirits that infest all society, selfish men who 
 seek a personal advantage at any nazard to the public , men with spots on 
 their records, who think they can wipe them out by rushing into office seek- 
 ing ; men with empty pockets, who clamoi to be paid with money or position; 
 boodle ward Losses, political bravos th^ thirsty Greeks of public life, and 
 last, but no- least, those creatures less than men and more than harpies, 
 lower than the misthotoi hired bv the Macedonian to Detrav Athens, baser 
 than the deleters that pandereH to the cruelty of Tiberius, the assassins of 
 honor and of reputation the hireling writers who oly the stiletto pens of 
 public slanderers. [Tremendous applause.] 
 
 Now, gentlemen, I say that is an argument whici. 
 
 APPEALS TO EVERY MAN, 
 
 no matter how high he is, no matter how low he is. You may put it to any 
 man and he cannot get away from it ; b- cannot answer it. He has either 
 got to say tha<- these people will control the Legislature or that they will not. 
 He cannot deny the legal necessity they are under to control it. He cannot 
 deny the power of any Legislature that may assemble to wipe the concern 
 out of existence by calling a Constitutional Convention, which shall take 
 proper action in the matter. A majority of the Legislature can call a Con- 
 stitutional Convention whenever they want to. 
 
 Now I say, inasmuch as these people are unable to deny the necessity Oi 
 protecting themselves from a legitimate exercise of legislative power, are 
 they able to deny, or is any intelligent man able to deny, that the lottery 
 people will protect themselves to the best of their ability that they will con- 
 tinue to corrupt the people and corrupt Legislatures in order to put this 
 enormous sum of monev in their pockets, year by year. 
 
 Put the argument to any intelligent man, and if he can intelligently an- 
 swer it, then you can make a lottery man out of me. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, that's why I believe that some of the people of this State 
 a great many of them, a great many of the good people who are to-day 
 favoring, or pretending to favor this lottery cause, don't understand this 
 question. They have never heard it discussed. They don't appreciate the 
 arguments involved in it. The majority of the press of this State has been 
 all the other way. and most of those people only read that press ; they don't 
 read the press on the other side. They have never heard the argument pre- 
 sented, but they have floated along in this atmosphere of delusion and crime 
 which surrounded not only our last Legislature, but surrounds a great many 
 localities in this State. 
 
 Now we have got 
 
 TO RESCUE OUR FRIENDS 
 
 from their perilous position, and I don't think it's going to do any good to 
 antagonize them and make them angry. My experience with human 
 
35 
 
 nature teaches me that if jou get a man committed against a measure and 
 get him angry you never can get him over on your side, but if you can 
 reach his intelligence with an argument, before he commits himself irrevo- 
 cablv and before he gets angry, why you can very easily win him over to 
 your side. Therefore, I think, gentlemen, that every member of this con- 
 vention ought to convert himself into an amiable proselyter, that we should 
 start out in this campaign intending to proselyte our friends with amiability, 
 if possible. I don't mean to say how long that amiable campaign shall last. 
 [Applause.] 
 
 Of course there is going to be a limit to it and we shall have to change 
 our base in case we don't get along with amiability, and I think that change 
 of base wiH come with the judgment of every man who goes out upon this 
 mission. 
 
 But we have a mission to perform in that respect, and a great one. because 
 we have got a great many friends throughout the State who. though they 
 are not yet with us, believe in the supremacy of our race and in the supre- 
 macy of the Democratic party, and I hope this convention will do nothing 
 to alienate them from us, and that it will do nothing to antagonize them on 
 account of the convictions they have so far reached; when we finish our 
 work, here, and when our good friends on the other side hear of the great 
 strong body of men representing the manhood of Louisiana assembled 
 here, they will begin to think, and as soon as we get them to think, we have 
 got them, because no man can ever think on this subject and come to but 
 one conclusion. I thank you, gentlemen, for your hearing. And now. I 
 move the adoption of the address to the people of the United States pre- 
 pared by your committee, and the accompanying resolutions by a rising 
 vote. 
 
 The address was unanimously adopted by a risinw vote. 
 Hon. F. P. Stubbs said he was directed by the Committee 
 on Resolutions and Address to the People of the State to 
 present the following report, and also to ask the Convention to 
 remit the duty of preparing the address to the people of the 
 State to the Executive Committee, in view of the fact tha so 
 important a document requires great consideration and more time 
 than was at the disposal of the Committee on Resolutions. Mr. 
 Stubbs then submitted a? the result of the labors of the committee, 
 the following 
 
 RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 Whereas, it is meet and proper that this convention, consisting of 959 del- 
 egates, representing fifty-three of the fifty-nine parishes of our State, and 
 representing the Democracy of this commonwealth, should upon this occa- 
 sion give emphatic utterance to its political faith, as well as its opinion of the 
 proposition to fasten upon us by constitutional amendment for twenty -five 
 years the gambling lottery corporation of John A . Morris anJ his asso- 
 ciates; therefore be it 
 
36 
 
 Resolved. That we declare our allegiance to the Democratic party, and 
 reaffirm our faith in its time'honored principles, that equal rights be secured 
 to all and special privileges granted to none; that the State must control its 
 governmental affairs for the welfare and happiness of all its citizens, free 
 from control or interference of monopolies or trusts of anv kind; that it will 
 combat at all times vice and corruption, and will forever oppose its perpetu- 
 ation in our organic law; that, according to all accepted authority, restraint 
 of public gambling in every form is under the police power of the State, and it 
 cannot and should not be made the subject of barter or contract; that it 
 would be disgraceful to continue recognition of lottery gambling in our 
 organic law. 
 
 Resolved further That the acceptance of th^ proposition of John A. 
 Morris would subject our State permanently to the contempt of all our sister 
 States; that as faithful sons of Louisiana and true Democrats, we will by all 
 legitimate means, resist the fastening of such a stigma upon our beloved com- 
 monwealth, to which end we, the members of this Democratic anti-lottery 
 convention of Louisiana, do now solemnly pledge ourselves. 
 
 Resolved. That in our opposition to the continuation of lotteries in this 
 State we are but carrying out the wishes of the people ef Louisiana as ex- 
 pressed in the present Constitution, and reiterating the doctrines proclaimed 
 by the Democratic party of this State, voiced by Governor McEnery in his 
 message to the Legislature in 1882, which was embodied in the platform o<" 
 the party in December. 1883. 
 
 "The Constitution declares gambling to be a vice, yet it encourages that 
 vice in its worst form, not only inciting to 'breaches of faith and embezzle- 
 ment in the effort to get rich on the turn of a wheel, but demoralizing so- 
 ciety, corrupting politics and impeding legislation." 
 
 And by Governor Xicholls, when he said " If the idea recently advanced, 
 that the presence among us of a lottery is a boon and blessing, were enter- 
 tained seriously and really by any large part of our population, we wculd 
 not be entitled to rate very high in the scale of civilization, or of morality, 
 either private or public. That institution ought to be destroyed on both 
 political and moral grounds. Lotteries not only fall under the classification 
 of gambling, but of gambling of the very worst description. 
 
 Resolved, That we pronounce as untrue the statements that the financial 
 condition of the State is such that we cannot support our Government and 
 educate our children , and declare that the public revenues are steadily in- 
 creasing and are larger than at any time for the last decade, and are ample 
 for the maintenance of the Government honestly administered. The aid 
 which is needed to perfect our levee system, we feel assured, will be given by 
 the general Government, and given the more freely and readily if we do not 
 violate our moral obligations by fostering a piratical gambling concern to 
 prev upon the rest of the Union 
 
 Resolved, That we denounce the action of the majority of the Legislature 
 at the session of 1890 in relation to the lottery question. In voting down a 
 resolution to investigate charges of bribery, in persistent efforts to further 
 the ends of the lottery clique headed by John A. Morris, they have forfeited 
 
37 
 
 the confidence of the people and subjected us to the scornful reproaches of 
 the nation. 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of this convention and of the people ot Louis- 
 iana are due to those legislators, who despite all temptations remained true 
 to the people, and did all within their power to uphold the principles af- 
 firmed by this convention. That the action of Governor Francis T. Nicholls 
 in initiating and maintaining opposition to the proposition to recharter lot- 
 tery gambling in this State entitles him to the gratitude of our people and 
 stamns him as a patriot and statesman. 
 
 Resolved, That we denounce the lottery company for having suborned and 
 debauched a large number of the newspapers of this State and we declare 
 that among the many crimes of which it has been guilty this is one ot the 
 most dangerous to the existence of free government and degrading in ihe 
 eyes of the world that we desire on behalf of the Democratic party and the 
 good people of Louisiana to tender thanks to those papers which have 
 scorned the tempter and remained true to the people. 
 
 Resolved, That this convention expresses its appreciation and thanks to 
 the President of the United States, the Postmaster General and Attorney 
 General of the United States for the firm and true stand taken by them in 
 relation to the Louisiana Lottery, which has grown to bp a national evil. 
 
 Resolved, That we recognize with pleasure the emphatic declaration of 
 the organizations, religious and secular, in the State denouncing the exten- 
 sions of the lottery charter, and cheerfully accept the active co operation 
 of all in the good work before us. 
 [Signed.] 
 
 F. P. STUBBS, T. H. LEWIS, 
 
 E. A. PUGH, J. A. TETTS, 
 JOHN DYMOND, H. C. CALHOUN, 
 C. HARRISON PARKER, R. S. PERRY, 
 
 F. McGLOIN J. G. WHITE, 
 J. M. KENNEDY. C. V. PORTER, 
 JAMES McCONNEM,, DR. L. G. PERKINS 
 
 W C. ROBERTS. 
 
 The following was offered, with the approval of the committee: 
 Resolved, That this convention cordially indorses that staunch and able 
 exponent of our cause, the New Orleans NewDelta, andjreturns to the patriotic 
 gentlemen who organized and manage ii the heartfelt thanks of the people 
 of the State; and that in order to strengthen their hands and expand its in- 
 fluence that the president of this convention appoint one member from each 
 delegation here present to solicit subscriptions to stock, with a view to the 
 issuance of a daily morning journal, and that each and every member of 
 this convention pledges his support and influence to increasing its circulation 
 and keeping it advised of the progress of the cause in his parish. 
 The resolutions were unanimously adopted. 
 
 HON. FRANK P. STUBBS, 
 
 of Ouachita, in response to loud and repeated calls from the del- 
 egates, ascended the rostrum and spoke as follows: 
 
38 
 
 Mr. President I believe it is prettv generally known in this State that I 
 am not a politician. Sometimes, on extraordinary occasions, I talk a little 
 to our people at home, but I must admit when I meet such a crowd as this 
 that I do it with a great deal of trepidation. You are tired and I am tired, and 
 you have been hearing brilliant addresses all day long. 
 
 But, Mr. President, there is a time in the history of all people when it be- 
 comes the duty of every son of the State to buckle on his armor and come to 
 her relief. Three times since I have lived in this State, the home of my 
 adoption, has she passed through wonderful crises. We all remember vhe 
 troublous times of 1861. We recollect the troubles and the sufferings of the 
 people, but we did not attempt to redress them in this way. 
 
 Then, again, in 1876, after we had gone through that night of depression, 
 theft, robbery and oppression, the people of Louisiana arose in their might, 
 and every son who was worthy to be called a son of Louisiana came to her 
 assistance. All of us remember the dreadful times through which we passed, 
 but we achieved her deliverance, and there are no regrets upon the part of 
 her sons for the part, no matter how severe, it was necessary for them to 
 perform. 
 
 Now, Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention, in my judgment 
 Louisiana is undergoing to-day the severest trial of her Statehood. I have 
 had but little to do with her politics since 1878. I have never been a candi- 
 date for an office, have never asked the suffrages of the people, but I say 
 that the crisis that is now upon us is such as to command the earnest atten- 
 tion of every son of this State who desires her deliverance from impending 
 destruction. 
 
 Why. sir, when this thing was threatened last winter it came as a whisper. 
 It captured many of vis when it was said that we could get the State debt 
 paid if we would recharter the lottery company. Why, I listened to it, but 
 I found the proposition what ? To sell your honor, to sell your wife and 
 children ; that's what it meant, and from that day, when I reflected upon 
 the effect of the proposition that was made to the people of this State, I 
 have been determined, and I have enlisted for the war and I intent to stay 
 there. 
 
 I did not make much fuss when I came down here on another mission to 
 Baton Rouge. The people of this State can never sufficiently honor the 
 true man who stood true to his manhood ; that noble man whom you have 
 honored this evening with approval of his conduct Governor Nicholls. 
 When I came here before I saw conspicuous on the streets and around these 
 restaurants and saloons the town swarmed swarmed, that's the word, with 
 the emissaries of this lottery concern. It was disgusting. I say that no 
 man could come here, in my judgment, that had his heart in the right place 
 and see what was going on and not condemn it. 
 
 But, gentlemen, I state that Louisiana is now in the greatest throes of her 
 existence. This is no child's play. I consider the question now at issue in 
 this State to be whether Louisiana as a State is to sell her sovereignty, ab- 
 solutely and outright or not. That is the question ; that is the practical 
 question. Would you give her away for $1,250,000 a year to John A. 
 
39 
 
 Morris? It is an absolute sale of Louisiana and r.ii ner interests. That is 
 \vhat it means. I put aside the moral aspect. I say that the past demon- 
 strates the fact that John A. Morris will have and must of necessity have 
 the control of the State, and when he buys it he is entitled to the control of 
 it. [Laughter.] 
 
 Now, gentlemen, are you willing to sell Louisiana? [Cries of " No t 
 No ! "] I have a tamily that I think a good deal of more than I do of anv- 
 body else's family [laughter], but I don't propose to sell it ; and I would con- 
 sider that if we fell in with the proposition of Mr. Morris that we are not 
 only selling the State, but the freedom of her citizens, because you could not 
 pass a law for your protection or for the fostering of any industry that you 
 have without you did it with his consent, lor he makes your legislators, and 
 he perforce will make the people who are to enforce your laws. You are his 
 servants, you and your family for all time ; for I mean if he has it for twentv- 
 five years to come he has it forever. I believe that is the necessarv result 
 That is the mistake that the people of this State will make if they fall into 
 this net that this man has set for them. 
 
 I have no war to make against men who differ with me and think partic- 
 ularly . our friends in the swamp parishes that they cannot get protection 
 unless they call in Mr. Morris. 
 
 I sav to vou, gentlemen, the price you are paying is high. I don't propose 
 to sell out the State for the purpose of getting the protection that the money 
 that he offers possibly may give you. But I make this proposition, and it is 
 echoed in the resolutions which you have adopted to-night. I say that the 
 statement that the State of Louisiana is poverty-stricken to-day is not true. 
 I sav it is untrue and I propose to demonstrate it. In 1884 we had miles on 
 miles of levees down and the mad waters pouring over thousands of acres of 
 our richest lands. In 1890 w r e have, in my section, a few hundred feet, less 
 than a mile, of levees broken, and but a comparatively small area overflowed. 
 The finances of my section are in a better condition than they have been 
 in Louisiana for fifteen years. I can name, parish by parish, from Missis- 
 sippi to the Texas State line, and there is not a parish in the fifth congres- 
 sional district to-day that has not got money in the treasury, and is not 
 levying a lower parish tax than they are permitted to levy by law. The tax 
 throughout North Louisiana is not in excess of six mills. The people do 
 not grumble about paying taxes. If your political corporations are out of 
 debt, every one of them have money in the treasury, then where is ali of this 
 poverty? 
 
 I state it as a lawyer who has had more or less to do with he litigation in 
 my section of the country for the last thirty years, that the litigation is less 
 in my section of the State than it was twenty years ago. What do I infer 
 from that? That the debts don't exist and that the services of lawyers are 
 not required to enforce payments of debts because they don't exist, and I 
 draw the conclusion, therefore, that private individuals are^n a better con- 
 dition than at any other time since I lived in Louisiana. 
 
 I say that the excuse that is offered by these lottery papers and these lot- 
 tery agents to make the people think they are poor, to hoodwink them and 
 
40 . 
 
 justify the sale of the State and its people to this gambling institution is a 
 subterfuge and a lie. 
 
 Well, now, gentlemen, if the consequences of this thing oe so greai. so 
 injurious, so disastrous to you and yours, if indeed I am right in my propo- 
 sition that the acceptance of the Morris proposition is a sale of Louisiana's 
 sovereignty, and the consequent erasure of this bright star from the galaxy of 
 States; if that be so, is it not a serious question for all of us to consider? 
 Don't it justify us in coming here from our homes spontaneously, not tor the 
 purpose of seeking office there is none in sight; not for money, for the 
 money is all on the other side we are too poor! 
 
 Well, then, what did you come here for? You came here to prevent this 
 concern from selling our liberties, from destroying the statehood of our good 
 old mother. Why, gentlemen, I love the State of my adoption as I do the 
 wife of my bosom. The man, sir, that is not true to Louisiana in her distress 
 is not worthy of being called her son. 
 
 I may use strong language. I have no feeling of enmity against any one- 
 Men may differ with me, and differ from me honestly, but how a man can 
 differ honestly on the question that is now agitating the people I can not see. 
 There may be lottery people on principle and there may be lottery people 
 from interest, and so at last it resolves itself into a matter of interest, and 
 principle anyhow. No man can justify it on moral ground or any other 
 ground. 
 
 One more thing and then I am done. All through this agitation I will call 
 it, for it has been a one-sided matter all along, I have never heard a man yet 
 assign one single reason or excuse for I draw a wide distinction between 
 excuse and reason for his support of this lottery proposition. The man is 
 not living that can give a reason for his support ot this lottery. No; it 
 doesn't exist. 
 
 I can speak for the people of the hill country of North Louisiana, and I 
 say to-night from this stand, you can count upon forty-nine fiftieths of the 
 white people of North Louisiana. There is no necessity of going out there to 
 keep the ball roiling. These papers in New Orleans are criticising us for agi- 
 tating the question. "There is no election on hand. What do you want to excite 
 the people for ?" My notion is just this. I start out first with the proposi- 
 tion that the people are essentially honest ; the people are always honest, and 
 if they are made to see the danger ahead you can count upon their doing the 
 right thing every time. That is the basis and the first plank in the Demo- 
 cratic platform that the American people are essentially honest. My 
 notion is that the people ought to be educated up to the dangers that are 
 ahead, and when you once put them into possession of the facts, I have no 
 fear for the result. 
 
 Why did those papers in New Orleans say we were enemies of the Demo- 
 cratic party ? I never proposed to fight this or any other measure outside 
 of the Democracy. I believe that the destiny of Louisiana is in the hands 
 and under the control of its white citizens, and the white citizens of Louis- 
 iana constitute the Democratic party. Now, Mr. President, my notion is to 
 go among the people, and I think that it is the duty of every man to educate 
 
41 
 
 the people, to agitate the subject, so that these people will noi come around 
 under one guise or another with a view of corrupting the honest but simple 
 country folks. Show them their danger. That is the clutv of the hour. I 
 say that the calling of this Convention was a supremely wise act, and I say, 
 Mr. President, further that the patriotism ot the sons of Louisiana, exhibited 
 in this Convention, is the happiest augury of the age, and I feel certain that 
 the effect upon the people who are trying to push this thing through upon 
 the people of the State will be that they must of necessity abandon the race. 
 Morris has not money enough to buy Louisiana. 
 
 [The remarks of the eloquent speaker were frequently greeted 
 with great applause.] 
 
 Mr John Dymond, of Plaquemmes, said there was a prominent 
 gentleman connected with the Farmers' Union o f the State,- 
 
 MR. T. j. GUICE, 
 
 of De Soto Parish present, and moved that he be invited to ad- 
 dress the Convention. Carried. 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention This invitation toad- 
 dress you takes me a little by surprise, having been called right on the spur 
 of the moment, witoout having had a moment's reflection upon the subject, 
 and furthermore, having sat and listened to the flood of eloquence poured 
 out upon this audience by the distinguished gentlemen who have addressed 
 you this evening and the number of resolutions that have been offered and 
 read upon this subject. 
 
 Hence it would be useless fo r me to add anything; more to what has al- 
 ready been said. I would say, however, that it affords me no slight degree 
 of pleasure to present to you the attitude of the Farmers' Union of the State 
 with reference to the lottery subject. 
 
 Mr. President, as the State lecturer of the Farmers' Union of the State of 
 Louisiana and having traveled more than 75,000 miles in connection with 
 this work in the past year or two, I have had the privilege of standing up 
 before many an audience, and I will say this here, that I have never failed to 
 fire a little squib at least at this monster that you have assembled here to- 
 night to inaugurate a campaign against. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, inasmuch as you are tired and it is growing late, I do 
 not wish to tax your patience, but I want to say this, that we, as the Farmers' 
 Union, claim precedence to the Anti-Lottery League, and we ask the Anti- 
 Lottery League to take us by the right hand and we will lead them safely 
 through this contest. 
 
 One year ago we passed resolutions in the Farmers' Union denouncing 
 the lottery in the strongest terms. They were published to the world. The 
 parish unions indorsed the action of the State union, and the subordinate 
 branches of the parish unions indorsed the action of the parish unions and 
 the State union; and I want to say here that every member of the Farmers' 
 Union engraved those resolutions upon his heart, and to-day you may rest 
 assured that the Farmers' Union will stand as a unit when it comes to fight 
 the lottery. 
 
42 
 
 I want to say just here, gentlemen and perhaps many of you are not 
 aware of this fact that the Farmers' Union have means and methods by 
 which it is educating the people. We recognize the fact that the welfare of 
 our people rests on an intelligent exercise of the right of ballot We are 
 educating our people up to that degree that when they exercise their sov- 
 ereign will they will do it intelligently, and every intelligent ballot that will be 
 cast in the coining ages of this country will be cast against every institution 
 that has a semblance like the Louisiana State Lottery Company, i want to 
 say to you, gentlemen, that the Farmer's Union of the State of Louisiana 
 have pledged themselves to their wives, to their children, to their country 
 and to their God, to kill this monster of iniquity the Louisiana State Lot- 
 tery Company. 
 
 Now, let me say to you, gentlemen, that I have been for the past two 
 months traveling in the overflowed districts of the State. A few days ago I 
 came out of Pointe Coupee parish. I was informed while there that three or 
 four, or may be five weeks ago, there' were as many as forty lottery men, 
 pronounced lottery men, in that locality, but when I left there, three or four 
 days ago, owing to the influence that had been brought to bear upon these 
 gentlemen, who I have no doubt were honest in their opinions, but had not 
 been thoroughly informed on the subject, their sentiments had undergone a 
 complete change, and to-day there are but four pronounced lottery men, and 
 when the year 1892 rolls around I doubt that there will be any lottery men 
 left in that parish. 
 
 I have been through the swamps of Catahoula and the Ouachita districts 
 and there I heard it coming from men who have lost their all pretty nearly, 
 with no prospects for a crop this year, that they all to-day stand pledged 
 against the lottery, and I ask in the name of God where can the lottery ex- 
 pect to get sympathy much less support under the circumstances, and I 
 imagine that if John A. Morris and company could look over this intelligent 
 audience, representing the entire interests of the wealth producers and all 
 classes of this great State, he would go off with a backache, if not entirely 
 paralyzed. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, you have heard a great deal upon this subject to-day, 
 and as I said in the beginning I can no" add |loo much to what has be. n 
 already said. In conclusion, however, I want to say this: You need feel no 
 uneasiness whatever as to the Farmers' Union. We had but three or four 
 deserters, but this was before the influence was sufficiently strong, and those 
 that deserted us stand denounced to-day by the Farmers' Union which rep- 
 resents 30,000 intelligent citizens of the State of Louisiana. 
 
 Now, as the State lecturer of the Farmers' Union, I want to say fo you 
 gentlemen of the Anti-Lottery League, that I pledge to you to-night in be- 
 half of the Farmers' Union in 1892 fifty thousand farmers' votes against the 
 lottery extension. 
 
 The remarks of the speaker were warmly applauded through- 
 out the address. 
 
43 
 
 Mr. J. C. Wickliffe, of Orleans, submitted the following reso- 
 lution, which was unanimously adopted : 
 
 Whereas, the Lottery Company has, through the columns of its subsidized 
 organs, attacked the integrity and reputation of Francis T. Nicholls, Gov- 
 ernor of Louisiana, and Edward D. White, United States Senator-elect ; 
 which attacks were inspired by trrilice, hate and impotent anger ; therefore 
 
 Be it resolved, That this Convention expresses its unshaken confidence in 
 the stainless honor and unblemished integrity of these two noble sons of a 
 grateful State. 
 
 Cries of 
 
 " WICKLIFFE ! WICKLIFFE ! " 
 
 brought this gentleman to his feet, and he spoke as follows : 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention I hardly know -what to 
 say to you in response to this most flattering call. The ground has been so 
 thoroughly covered by the eloquent and able gentlemen who have preceded 
 me that, in the language of the Times-Democrat when referring to Judge 
 White on a former occasion, I fear I will have nothing but -well-ploughed 
 ground to go over, and I only wish that it 'lay in my power to put 
 through that well-ploughed ground such a deep sub-soiler as that gentleman 
 .'an through that paper, its schemes and its masters. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Convention, I don't know how to fight a delicate argu- 
 mentative battle. I was educated to do my fighting with a club, and when 
 you fire me off it is like firing off a cannon you can't do it easy . 
 
 Judge White said to you this evening that this fight reminded him of a 
 four-mile horse race. It reminds me not of a four-mile horse race, but of a 
 quarter-mile dash. The story has-been told of an old gentleman who went 
 out to the race track to see his first quarter-mile race. He said that after 
 sitting on a hard plank in the hot sun for four mortal hours he turned his 
 head to spit, and before he got it around again the race was run, won and 
 lost. So it is, gentlemen, with John A. Morris and his unknown associates 
 who are either ashamed of the lottery or the lottery is ashamed of them, I 
 don't know which. 
 
 They had their plan all cocked and primed and while they turned their 
 heads to spit, before they could get them back, they were whipped and 
 whipped clean out of their boots. 
 
 There is a lesson that I have learned from this Convention ; and it is in 
 the news which comes to me from every quarter of the State. From the 
 hills on the Arkansas line to the marshes on the shore of the Gulf, from the 
 mighty river that bounds our State on the east to the waters of the Sabine 
 on the west, there comes a mighty roar that says that the true sons of this 
 great State, who have never failed her in the hour of danger, will bury this 
 lottery under an avalanche of ballots in 1892. [Great applause.] 
 
 What reasons have \ve to advance against the acceptance of this proposi- 
 tion to recharter this infamous Lottery Company ? Upon what grounds do 
 we oppose it ? There are three the moral, the political and the economic 
 grounds. 
 
44 
 
 On the moral ground, fellow-citizens, may my tongue be paralyzed ere it 
 teaches a doctrine, and mav my arm be palsied ere it deposits in the box a 
 ballot that will teach my children to unlearn the lesson that they were taught 
 at their mother's knee. 
 
 On the political question, what man is there throughout the broad expanse 
 of Louisiana that for one instant will dispute the fact that the Lottery Com- 
 pany interferes in and dominates the politics of the State. Why, fellow- 
 citizens, after a lease of less than twenty-five years we find it absolutely 
 controlling a Legislature. After a lease of twenty-five years we find it with 
 the means and power to make men false and perjured to their solemn vows. 
 After a lease of twenty-five years we find it attacking, through the columns 
 of a subsidized press, the acts of a fearless executive. After a lease of 
 less than twenty-five years the result is whispers and questions to know 
 whether or not the Lottery Company has control of the judiciarv. Should 
 they succeed in extending their charter twenty -five years beyond the present 
 lease, the men of Louisiana will be at the feet of this merciless monster and 
 ruled by the most powerful of all governments a monied oligarchy. 
 
 Now, on the economic question. What economy is there in taking $5 out 
 of vour breeches pocket, and putting 50 cents back in your vest pocket and 
 throwing $4.50 in the river? [Laughter.] Now, that is exactly the propo- 
 sition of the lottery company. It says to the State of Louisiana: " If vou 
 will permit me take away from your people $4,500,000 a year we will give 
 you back $1,250,000 of it." If, in reality, fellow-citizens, the Louisiana Lottery 
 Company were to say, "If you will permit me to take $4,500,000 out of the 
 State treasury and we will put $1,250,000 back," would any business man 
 declare that to be a " business proposition ? " I think not. 
 
 Now if that be not a business proposition, tell me what is the difference 
 between the State of Louisiana sending SDut its tax gatherers, collecting four 
 millions and a half from the people, putting it in the treasurv, and then taking 
 it out of the treasury and giving it to Morris & Co., and permitting Morris 
 & Co. to send out their tax gatherers and collecting four and a half millions 
 directly from the people. 
 
 Is there any difference between the two propositions? Will any one tell 
 me that the State of Louisiana can get rich by accepting such a " business " 
 proposition? No; you might as well tell me that a man can lift himself over 
 a fence by pulling on the straps of the boots on his own feet. 
 
 Now, in reference to one matter that was referred to by the gentleman 
 who has so eloquently addressed you just now. He referred to the fact that 
 there were three or four traitors in the Farmers' Union in this fight. Let me 
 remind him that in the army that struggled for the freedom and the inde- 
 pendence of this country there was one traitor; and even among the twelve 
 disciples selected by the Saviour there was found a Judas Iscariot, and be it 
 said to the credit of the farmers of the State of Louisiana that out of thirty 
 thousand there were only three false to their word. 
 
 And now, fellow-citizens, what is going to be the result of the fight? We 
 find on the one hand arrayed the Louisiana Lottery Company with its 
 money; on the other side we find arrayed the intelligence and manhood 
 virtue and patriotism of the State. We find on the side of honor the business 
 
45 
 
 man, the professional man, the mechanic and the laborer standing shoulder, 
 to shoulder with the farmer. We find the united churches of the country 
 opposing this iniquitous and infamous gambling concern. We find the move- 
 ment to crush it out of existence supported by the Fanner's Union, by the 
 Methodist Church, by the Baptist Church, by the Catholic Church, by every 
 church that has an organized existence in the State of Louisiana. 
 
 Denunciations are thundered at it from the forum and the rostrum, the 
 platform and the pulpit. It is denounced by the whole country. Against 
 this moral iniquity we find arrayed not only the political, but also the moral 
 and religious sentiment of the country. This lottery proclaims its iniquity 
 out of its own mouth. It has condemned itself. It boasts that it makes 
 Louisiana an accomplice in robbing the people of the Union. It boasts that it 
 brings annually to the City of New Orleans and the State of Louisiana 
 millions of dollars. Perhaps it does; but, fellow-citizens, remember what Bill 
 Nye said in reference to the railroads that went to California. Said he: -'The 
 railroads running to California boast that in the last ten years they have 
 brought fifty millions of dollars into the State of California. This is true, but 
 they forgot to divide it up after they got it there." [Laughter.] And so it 
 is \vith the money brought into the State of Louisiana by the lottery com- 
 pany. It goes into the pockets of a few men, and when it comes out it goes 
 to build a twenty-dollar dog fountain on St. Charles avenue in the City of 
 New Orleans, and amillion-and a-half-doll.ir race track in the State of New 
 York. [Laughter and prolonged applause.] 
 
 The great heart of the Louisiana Lottery Company was opened in charity 
 when 
 
 CHARITY MEANT BUSIXKSS. 
 
 The relief boat of the Louisiana Sfate Lottery Company was sent out loaded 
 with lumber, sacks and provisions, to return freighted with a new charter. 
 
 And, fellow-citizens, the charity offered by this uncharitable corporation 
 for the purpose of buying the freedom and the liberties and Statehood of the 
 people is an unpardonable insult to the people to whom it is offered. As 
 well might the libertine claim credit for offering relief to the distressed when 
 he offers a starving w r oman that relief as the price of her virtue. 
 
 This Lottery Company now feels the result of this agitation. Three 
 months ago, when this fight commenced, its stock, of the par value of $100 a 
 share, was quoted at $1400 a share. On yesterday I was informed by a 
 broker in the City of New Orleans that he had some shares for sale at $7150, 
 and he could not get it. The Lottery, fellow-citizens, may not be dead yet, 
 but let me assure you that it is seriously sick. 
 
 Now, the only ground that it has to stand upon, and it claims but one, is 
 the ground that the poverty of the State of Louisiana is such that we, as 
 conservative business men, should accept it. Every fact and figure given 
 you by your sworn officers the very reports made by the men who, just 
 across that rotunda, voted to barter away the honor of this State gives the 
 lie to these claims. I ask you, men of Louisiana, are you paupers ? [Cries 
 of Xo ! No !] I ask you will you enter into this shameful bargain with this 
 leper of civilization, this pariah of morality, this outcast of society ? I ask 
 you do you intend to support your State by the earnings of honest labor and 
 
46 
 
 by taxation imposed for the honest necessities of government, or are you 
 willing to become a partner in the robbery of your sister States, and to sup- 
 port your State with filthy lucre stolen from the market baskets of your 
 neighbors and beguiled out of the pockets of n?gro washerwomen by dream- 
 books ! 
 
 The Louisiana State Lottery Company has made the issue. John A. 
 Morris, Albert Baldwin, P. B. S. Pinchback and P. F. Herwig, those shin- 
 ing lights of Louisiana Democracy, have come before the Democratic party 
 and asked for treatment according to their deserts. 
 
 Fellow-citizens, all I ask of you is to give them only that which they de- 
 serve. They have invoked a trial before the people and we will meet them 
 with the proof. The Louisiana State Lottery Company is now on trial and, 
 fellow- citizens, I impeach that lottery company of high crimes and misde- 
 meanors. I impeach it in the names of the legislators that in the past it has 
 bribed. I impeach it in the name of the people of the commonwealths 
 whom it boasts of robbing. I impeach it in the name of the people of the 
 South to which it is a burning shame and disgrace. I impeach it in the 
 name of the State of Louisiana, whose reputation it has destroyed. I im- 
 peach it in the name of the white men whom it has debauched. I impeach 
 it in the name of the negroes whom it has robbed. I impeach it in the name 
 of the majesty of the law that it has violated and defied; and finally, I im- 
 peach it in the name of the great God of truth, justice, morality, religion and 
 honesty, whose laws and precepts it neither knows nor heeds, and I sum- 
 mon it to the bar of public opinion for its trial, and throw myself confidently 
 upon my country for the result. 
 
 Mr. Samuel L. Gilmore, of Orleans, read the following tele- 
 gram which created much merriment: 
 
 NEW ORLEANS, August 7. To the Chairman of the Democratic Conven- 
 tion: The advent of another and, a bouncing boy, precludes my attendance 
 I am in full accord with the Convention, believing it is the opening of a cam- 
 paign that will give us a grand victory in 1892. J. H. DUGGAN. 
 
 On motion of Mr. John Dymond, of Plaquemines, the Conven- 
 tion adjourned to meet to-morrow morning at ten o'clock. 
 
SECOND DAY'S SESSION. 
 
 BATON ROUGE, August S, 1890. 
 
 Pursuant to adjournment of Thursday the Anti-Lottery Conven- 
 tion was called to order at ten o'clock a. m., President Bell 
 in the chair. 
 
 The President instructed the Secretery to call the roll of vice 
 presidents in order to correct any mistake that might have been 
 made in the names. 
 
 The Secretary read the list, and corrections were made. The 
 list as corrected is as follows : 
 
 VICE PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Acadia Dr. R. R. Lyons. Orleans 
 
 Ascension R. McCall. First Ward J. R. Con way. 
 
 Assumption C. Numa Folse. Second Jerry Lyons. 
 
 Avoyelles Hon. A. .B. Irion. Third M. J. Long. 
 
 BienVille F. G. Hulse. Fourth M. J. Lehman. 
 
 Bossier J. A. Snyder. Fifth J. Israel. 
 
 Caddo N. Gregg. Sixth O. W. Long. 
 
 Calcasieu Gabriel A. Fournet. Seventh Rev. F. Koehle. 
 Cameron J. H. Doxey. Eighth T. O'Brien. 
 
 Catahoula M. D. N.Thompson. Ninth R. L. Schroeder. 
 Claiborne Hon. J. R. Phipps. Tenth Hon. Euclid Borland, 
 DeSoto Wm. Goss. Eleventh A. A. Woods. 
 
 East Feliciana Dr. D. W. Pipes Twelfth Hon. H.C. Miller. 
 East Baton Rouge W. G. Sam- Thirteenth E. R. Chevalley. 
 uels. Fourteenth Hon.J H Duggan 
 
 East Carroll Peter Mathison. Fifteenth Thos. E. Higgins. 
 Franklin A. Sanders. Sixteenth and Seventeenth 
 
 Grant B. C. Dean. Dr. S. L. Henry. 
 
 Iberia J. A. Fargo. Ouachita F. P. Stubbs. 
 
 Iberville J. F. David. Plaquemines John Dymond. 
 
 Jackson Hon.J. T. M. Hancock.. Pointe Coupee D. T. Merrick 
 Lafayette Hon. Overton Cade. Rapides Hon. G. W. Bolton. 
 Lafourche Judge J. M. Howell. Red River Jas. F. Pierson. 
 Lincoln G. M Lornax. Richland Hon. H. P. Wells. 
 
 Livingston John D. Easterley. Sabine L. Barbe. 
 Madison G. L. Boney. St. Bernard H. T. Lawler. 
 
 Morehouse N. W.Johnson. St. Helena Hon. M. A. Strick- 
 Natchitoches M. H. Carver. land. 47 
 
48 
 
 St. James H. Himel. Vermilion H, Powers. 
 
 St. Landry \V. F. Clopton. Vernon Hon.Jno. Franklin. 
 St. Mary L. S. Allemon. Washington W. L. Smith. 
 
 St. Tammany George H. Goss Webster J. T. Watkins. 
 
 and vS. H. Decker. West Baton Rouge Hon. A. 
 
 Tangipahoa Hon. O. P. Amac- Levert. 
 
 ker. West Carroll Hon. H. R. Lott. 
 
 Terrebonne Ennis Williams. West Feliciar.a W. W. Leake. 
 Union Hon W. W. Heard. Winn Hon. J. M. McCain. 
 
 Mr. Cade, of Lafayette, moved that a committee of one dele, 
 gate from each Parish of the State and each ward of the City of 
 New Orleans be appointed to take action in regard to 
 
 THE NEW DELTA, 
 
 in accordance .with the resolution passed on yesterday. 
 
 Colonel F. C. Zacharie, of Orleans, spoke in favor of the 
 motion, saying that it was important that the list should be com- 
 pleted, in order that the committee might accomplish their mis- 
 sion or put themselves in communication with the managers of 
 the New Delta before the Convention adjourned. 
 
 The motion was adopted and the roll by parishes was called, 
 and the following names were sent up and placed on the list as 
 such committee. 
 
 E. N. Pugh, of Ascension, stated that, on behalf of his Parish, 
 he desired to head the list with a subscription of $5000 : 
 
 Acadia W. S. Evans. Lafayette Wm. Clegg. 
 
 Ascension Richard McCall. Lafourche -Prosper R. Tupes. 
 Assumption J. E. Pujol. Lincoln J. M. Lincoln. 
 
 Bienville Thomas Petty. Livingston R. J. Ga^es. 
 
 Bossier B. A. Kelly. Madison H. R. Holmes. 
 
 Caddo N. Gregg. Morehouse C. Newton. 
 
 Calcasieu John G. Gray. Natchitoches M. L. Dismukes. 
 
 Cameron J.,M. Wells. Orleans 
 
 Catahoula B. F. Hewes. First Ward R.W. Longshaw 
 
 Claiborne C. M. McLaurin. Second Hugh Flvnn. 
 
 DeSoto Wm. Goss. Third W. H. Byrnes. 
 
 East Feliciana R. B. Kennedy. Fourth W. \V. Carre. 
 East Baton Rouge J. C. Gayle. Fifth Aug. Doussan. 
 East Carroll John A. Buckner. Sixth V. J. Botte. 
 Grant G. W. Bruce. Seventh E. L. Cope. 
 
 Iberia Robert F. Broussard. Eighth W. G. T. Carver. 
 
 Iherville Joseph E. Grace. Ninth Wm. Hellman. 
 
 Jackson W. R. Womack. Tenth A. E. Morphy. 
 
49 
 
 Orleans St. Landry S. G. Wilson. 
 
 Eleventh A. J. Qiiina. St. Martin Robt. Martin. 
 
 Twelfth Robert H. Marr, Jr. St. Tammany^-Ben Rogers, J, 
 Thirteenth Edward Gauche. H. Murphy and J. H. Decker 
 Fourteenth E.T.Merrick, Jr.Tangipahoa F. P. Mix, 
 Fifteenth Frank Daniels. Tensas Lucian Bland. 
 Sixteenth A. G. Gerry. Terrebonne Wm. McCollom. 
 
 Seventeenth R. H. Lea. Union M. D. Munholland. 
 
 Ouachita F. P. Stubbs. Vermilion M. I. Gordy. 
 
 Plaquemines Robert Espy. Vernon R. B. Payne. 
 
 Pointe Coupee Alb. Provosty. Washington G. M. Burris. 
 
 Rapides J. G. White. Webster J. M. Miller. 
 
 Red River S. A. Hall. West Baton Rouge T.Kirkland 
 
 Sabine John E. Bullett. West Carroll H. J. Cheatham. 
 
 St. Bernard R. H. Dillon. West Feliciana B. Harolson. 
 
 St. Helena A. N. Brown. Winn H. L. Brant 
 
 St. James W. B. Cognolatti. 
 
 While the roll by parishes was being called the President in- 
 formed the Convention that he was admonished that he had not 
 time to stay with the Convention until its adjournment, the train 
 for his home being about to leave. He said that he never dis- 
 liked to leave a convention so much in his life ; that he had but a 
 few words to say and he would then call one of the vice presi- 
 dents to the chair to continue the business of the Convention. 
 
 " In bidding you good-bye I wish to say that I hope you will 
 carry with you to your homes and keep freshly burning the flame 
 of enthusiasm which has been kindled by mutual contact here, 
 and if your iron is hot, strike it while it is hot, and if it is not hot 
 keep striking it until you make it hot." 
 
 The President then called Vice President Murphy J. Foster 
 to the chair. 
 
 COLONEL J. M, HOLLINGSWORTH, OF CADDO, 
 
 moved a further suspension of the calling of the roll in order that 
 he might offer a resolution, and he requested that Mr. Bolton, of 
 Rapides, read the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Bolton read the resolution, which was greeted with ap- 
 plause and unanimously adopted by a rising vote. It read as 
 follows : 
 
 Resolved, That we invite public discussion of the lottery question with 
 those of our fellow-citizens who are its advocates; that we promise them to 
 
50 
 
 grant them a calm and dispassionate hearing, and to avoid irritating person- 
 alities; but we do most solemnly warn the lottery company, John A. Morris 
 and his hirelings that we shall not permit this to be a boodle campaign, and 
 that all distributors t>f money who make appearance in any part of this 
 State will meet with the punishment they deserve. 
 
 Mr. Samuel L. Gilmore, of Orleans, moved that before the per- 
 manent chairman, Mr. Bell, leaves the hall, the Convention adopt 
 by a rising vote a resolution of thanks for the able and impartial 
 manner in which he has presided over the deliberations of this 
 body. 
 
 The motion was unanimously adopted, amidst great cheering 
 by a rising vote, Mr. Samuel L. Gilmore having offered three 
 cheers for the distinguished gentleman as the Convention rose to 
 its feet. 
 
 Colonel Zacharie, of Orleans, moved that the gentlemen first 
 named upon the committee do now retire to the Senate chamber 
 for the purpose of meeting in conference the representatives of 
 the New Delta. Carried. 
 
 It was moved that the Secretary, since the parish of St. Martin 
 has organized, communicate with that parish and have name 
 forwarded for appointment on the committee. Carried. 
 
 State Senator Lott presented and moved the concurrence of 
 the Convention in the following resolutions which had been 
 
 adopted by the 
 
 FARMERS' UNION: 
 
 Whereas, the anti-lottery cause has excited the attention and received the 
 hearty support and defense of the women of Louisiana; therefore, be it 
 
 Resolved, That we, the Farmers' State Union of Louisiana, extend our 
 sincere thanks to the good women of our country who have so zealously and 
 fearlessly rendered their assistance and counsel in behalf of the anti-lottery 
 cause, feeling that through their influence we have the key to the proper 
 moral training of the youth of our country to effect the suppression of this 
 monstrous evil. 
 
 Resolved further, That we respectfully request the concurrence of the 
 Anti-Lottery League, of Louisiana, now in convention assembled at Baton 
 Rouge, with the above resolution. 
 
 The resolution was concurred in by a unanimous rising vote. 
 
 Mr. G. W. Bolton, of Rapides then said : 
 
 " Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention, there is one very im- 
 portant thing which should receive our attention. We understand very well 
 that we have before us the longest and possibly the hardest of struggles that 
 the people of this State have ever undertaken. We also understand that this 
 
Convention has met here for the purpose of organizing for this struggle and 
 this fight which we have entered upon, and intend to prosecute to the end; 
 but it is well known that until an organization is effected, and until some 
 means have been adopted by which to raise money for the purpose of defray- 
 ing expenses, our pro >ress will be slow. We have^io money as yet. We 
 have no lottery to draw upon and don't want any. One of the best docu- 
 ments which we can place in the hands of the people of the State of Louisiana 
 will be the proceedings of this Convention if they can be gotten up and pub- 
 lished in pamphlet form and distributed in every home in. the State. In 
 order, therefor?, that this may be done, I will novv move that each delegation 
 upon this floor be requested to hand in the sum ot $i, or more, into the hands 
 of the Secretary of the Convention, Mr. George W. Young, who is also the 
 Secretary of the Anti-Lottery League." 
 
 The motion was unanimously adopted. 
 
 The Vice President stated that he was requested by the 
 President to hand down the following as 
 
 THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
 
 appointed by him : 
 
 Col. W. G. Vincent, Orleans. J. M. Kennedy, East Carroll. 
 
 Charles Parlange, Orleans. Louis Bush, Orleans. 
 
 F. P. Stubbs, Ouachita. John C. Wickliffe, Orleans. 
 
 Price, Lincoln. S.G. Laycock, EastBaton Rouge. 
 
 T. C. W. Ellis, Orleans. Chas. Kilbourne, East Feliciana. 
 
 Branch M. King. Orleans. W. L. Doss, Morehouse. 
 
 C. V. Porter, Natchitoches. J. H. Shepherd, Caddo. 
 
 J. F. Pierson, Red River. Frank McGloin, Orleans. 
 
 John C. Vance, Bossier. J. D. Hill, Orleans. 
 
 R. L. Tannehill, Winn. John Delaney, Orleans. 
 
 T. -A. Clayton, Orleans. Murphy J. Foster, St. Mary. 
 
 Hugh McManus, Orleans. A. L. Ponder, Sabine. 
 
 John Dymond, Plaquemines. C. Harrison Parker, Orleans. 
 Ernest B. Kruttschnitt, Orleans. G. W. Bolton, Rapides. 
 
 F. C. Zacharie, Orleans. 
 
 Judge E. D. White moved that Hon. Charles Parlange address 
 the Convention in French. 
 
 The motion was adopted by a unanimous vote. 
 The Chair introduced the 
 
 HON. CHARLES PARLANGE 
 
 to the Convention. 
 
 Mr. Parlange spoke in the French language. The following 
 '.> a translation : 
 
 Mi. President and Gentlemen of the Convention While French is my 
 mother tongue and is the only language of my childhood, I have had but 
 little experience of its use for public speaking, and this gratifying request of 
 the Convention that I should address it in French takes me by surprise. But 
 
52 
 
 it requires no preparation to say that from all parts of :he commonwealth, 
 from far and near, we have gathered to this spot as the representatives of the 
 white Democrats of the%tate who are determined that Louisiana shall not 
 be sold to a gambling concern, and that the priceless heritage of freedom, or 
 glory and honor, transmitted down to us from the founders of the country, 
 shall be preserved inviolate in the hands of this generation of Louisianians. 
 Remember that 
 
 THE TREMENDOUS STRUGGLE 
 
 upon which we have entered is not for ourselves alone, since many of us must 
 have passed off the stage of life forever within the next quarter of a century* 
 but it is also for our children, that they may not be branded as political serfs 
 and segregated from the great body of American freemen. In that struggle 
 is also bound up the memory of all the good and great men who now sleep 
 the sleep that knows no waking, and who, during all of their lifetime, labored 
 and strove, in peace and war, that Louisiana might be a proud common- 
 wealth, and who beheld her the honorable mother of honorable sons. 
 
 Remember that we are now struggling for the preservation of that funda- 
 mental principle of untrammeled government of the people, by the people 
 and for the people, upon which the American States were built up; and that 
 the question is now put squarely to the people of this State : Are you will 
 ling for a sum of money to sell your proud privilege of being j'our own 
 masters, to half a dozen men of whom only one has the courage to confess 
 his name? Ah! Bear in mind that no State of the American Union has 
 had so much at stake as Louisiana has to-day, since the cannon-roar of 
 Sumter shook this continent. Let this appalling thought be uppermost in 
 the minds of the people all the time, and let them not allow themselves to be 
 turned away from its contemplation by any side issue or by any artifice or 
 stratagem of the enemy. I am convinced that 
 
 THE PEOPLE HAVE AWAKENED 
 
 to the full consciousness of their peril and that every liberty-loving Louis - 
 ianian realizes that a great public danger is impending over us like a 
 thunder cloud, and he will exert all the courage and strength and manhood 
 which God has given him to avert it. 
 
 We cannot be deceived into believing that there is any pos=ible scheme 
 consistent with the essentials of American government and with the organic 
 law of the land by which the lottery can be placed beyond the necessity of 
 struggling to control our politics. We fully understand that the power does 
 not exist which could make an unrepealable pact with the lottery. We know 
 and the lottery knows that the danger of repeal must hang over its head 
 as long as it exists and that when it drew its first breath of corporate life, it 
 was condemned to unceasing struggle. We all know that in order to live 
 whether its life be the result of a simple act of the Legislature or of a consti- 
 tutional amendment its one aim must be to control and own the govern- 
 ment, which may at any time turn upon it and destroy it, Le it never so 
 strongly intrenched, never so warily guarded against attack. 
 
 Nor can they deceive us into believing that Louisiana has been stricken 
 with such 
 
53 
 
 SUDDEN AND INEXPLICABLE POVERTY, 
 
 that she, once so proud, must humbly bend at the fet of a lottery company 
 and piteously beg a morsel of bread wherewith to eK.e out a miserable exist- 
 ence. 
 
 Even if necessity jwere an excuse for the forfeiture of honor, Louisiana does 
 not need the gamblers' alms, and she can and will maintain at all hazards 
 her sovereign station in the sisterhood of States. The Providence which 
 rules over the destinies of States has bestowed upon Louisiana the fairest gifts 
 of climate and scenery ; a soil inexhaustably fertile, capable of producing in 
 abundance and to perfection every- staple known to American agriculture; 
 a thousand industrial resources and possibilities and the grandest commer- 
 cial position in the geography of the world the gateway of the Mississippi. 
 Can it be that such a State, inhabited by such a people as ours, is the pauper 
 of the Union, and can she be reduced to the shameful compulsion of becom- 
 ing the ignoble mate of public vice ? 
 
 We know it is not true. And if it were, we should be the last men on 
 earth so spiritless, so lost to every sense of honor; as to admit it. We know 
 that Louisiana is on the 
 
 HIGH ROAD TO PUBLIC FORTUNE. 
 
 If all other proof had failed, we could show it by the former utterances of the 
 very newspapers that are now engaged in the task of advertising to the world 
 Louisiana's abject poverty and hopeless degradation. We know that to- 
 morrow must see her clothed in the resplendent habiliments of prosperity, 
 and that the day is dawning whose sun must shine down upon greater splen- 
 dors than Louisiana has ever known. 
 
 Never since the war have the finances of our State been in so prosperous 
 a condition as they are now. The proposition is too plain for argument. In 
 1879 on the morrow of the disasters of reconstruction, during which our 
 State credit perished, our State debt accumulated mountain high, our levees 
 vanished, all of our public institutions were brought to the verge of absolute 
 annihilation in 1879, with an assessment of $177,000,000 and a public revenue 
 o f a little over a million, the brave people of Louisiana wiped out the Radical 
 Constitution of 1868 and ordained their own organic law. 
 
 TO-DAY SEES LOUISIANA 
 
 with an assessed wealth of $226,000,000, and a public revenue of over $2,000,- 
 ooo, with an increase of population of over 250,000 souls, with an immense 
 augmentation in the sum total of the price of crops, with a mileage of rail- 
 roads nearly threefold that of 1879, and with the industrial products amount- 
 ing to many millions of dollars yearly. If Louisiana has thriven so wonderfully 
 in the last ten years, if she has made such amazing progress, starting out in 
 the world with nothing but the remnants of her shattered fortune, what in- 
 telligent man can be made to patiently listen to the argument that the Louisi- 
 ana of to-day cannot carry on her government without a tithe of the profits of 
 a gambling business ? Look then at our sister States, many of them less 
 drosperous than Louisiana, none more highly blessed of Providence. They 
 
54 
 
 11 carry on their work without the tainted aid of gambling gains. And shall 
 we say that Louisiana is less strong than they ? 
 And 
 
 WHAT ABOUT OUR LEVEES? 
 
 Stopping at nothing to accomplish its purpose, the lottery seized upon the 
 occasion of the dire distress of our people in the alluvial country to whom 
 levees are the only barriers against the destruction of their all to excite in 
 their minds the fear that the State would be unable to protect her lowlands. 
 Where was the lottery during all the overflows of the past ? Where -was it 
 in 1874, in 1882, in 1884. when my parish sunk out of sight beneath the flood ? 
 Where was the lottery during those years of suffering and distress when the 
 Federal Government and the State and the bounty of thousands of the com- 
 paratively poor, in this State and throughout the Union, came to our rescue? 
 All I own in the world is behind levees and I know whereof I speak. We 
 do not need the lottery's money for our levees. On the contrary, let us shun 
 it as we would a pestilence. Let us not dry up the source f Federal assist- 
 ance to our levees. Even from a base and vile standpoint, let us not .throw 
 away the millions of Congress for the thousands of the lottery. I am mis- 
 taken, indeed, if we can have both. My judgment is worthless if we can hope 
 to receive help from the Nation after we have perpetuated the life of this in- 
 iquity on the distinct ground that it is to prey and fatten upon the Nation. 
 In point of fact, we are fully able to rebuild all the broken levess and to 
 strengthen all the weak ones. No man lives who can remember such a 
 flood as that of 1890, and yet every one who has given *he subject thought 
 knows that we have fewer miles of crevasses than we ever had after any 
 flood. 
 
 IT I NOT TRUE THAT THE OPPOSITION 
 
 iO the lottery monopolists s nothing ...... sentiment. But even if it 
 
 were so, do we not know that life would be worthless without sentiment ; 
 that natural life, State existence, societv and the home circle would be im- 
 possible without it and man would be reduced to the level of the beast ? Bu; 
 there are many most practical reasons why we should oppose them always* 
 We should oppose them because this is an attempt to amend our government 
 into a star chamber plutocracy of half a dozen unnamed men ; because their 
 accumulated millions, in a State in which large individual fortunes are few, 
 will make them all-powerful and irresistible in business as well as in poli- 
 tics. They will make and unmake banks and control all avenues of commerce 
 and tiade at their will. We must oppose them because we are convinced 
 that the prosperity of Louisiana and of the whole South depends on the 
 supremacy of the white over the black race, and we know that no negro law- 
 maker has ever voted against the lottery, a.nd that their gigantic interests 
 must compel them, whenever the exigency may require, to postpone all 
 racial considerations to their own welfare. We must oppose them be- 
 cause good government is impossible with such a powerful demoralizer in 
 our midst, and it is plain that without good government a people cannot 
 prosper materially or otherwise. Me must oppose them because 
 
55 
 
 LOTTERIES ARE DESTROYERS OF PUBLIC RICHES, 
 
 and if persisted in will annihilate the capacity of the people for work which 
 is the only true source of wealth. We should oppose them because a good 
 reputation is pecuniarily valuable to a man in his dealings with others, and 
 such a reputation has a money value to a community as well. The loss of 
 business and money which would inevitably result to this State from our 
 delving the sentiment of this Nation, and proclaiming that we are a people 
 without public morality, would be incalculably greater than any sum the 
 lottery company could pay. 
 
 But I have no fear that such a calamity as the fastening upon us of a 
 gambling oligarchy will ever befall us. The people a,e aroused and deter- 
 mined, with a determination as strong as death, that it shall not be. 
 
 OUR CAUSE IS INVINCIBLE 
 
 and the victory must be ours. The fiery symbols prophetic of their destruc- 
 tion have appeared upon the wails of their banquet hall, but in the intoxica- 
 tion of their wealth and power they reck them not. It is my conviction that 
 before 1892, the storm of Louisiana's indignation and the wrath of -the 
 American nation will sweep every vestige of their existence into nothingness. 
 Then Louisiana will be, as she was of old, free, proud, prosperous and 
 happy. Then we will know that the men who died for Louisiana, who for 
 her sake poured out thei" ^.carts' blood upon a hundred bat le-fields did not 
 die in vain. From their warrior graves they will cry out to us : "Louisian- 
 ians ! Our sons ! Our brothers ! Worthy heirs of our virtues ! You have 
 kept intact that which in the storm of battle we died to save the glory and 
 the honor of the name of Louisiana." Then shall every true Louisianian 
 bend to his task with vigor renewed and putting his shoulder to the wheel,do 
 a man's part in helping to propel our State's triumphal car along the high 
 road of progress. And then we shall be allowed to live out the years which 
 God has allotted to us, without shackles on our wrists, and dying, we shall 
 leave behind us a free posterity. 
 
 Cries of "Avery !" "A very !" from all parts of the hali. 
 
 The chair here stated that it would announce before any fur- 
 ther proceedings that it was all important that the executive 
 committee just appointed should have a session at once, and that 
 at the request of some of the members the committee would meet 
 immediately in the speaker's room. "This is a very important 
 matter, and I trust that the committee will meet before they leave 
 here to-day in order to map out this campaign." 
 
 It was moved that the Anti-Lottery League be requested to 
 publish the speech of Hon. Chns. Parlange in English as well 
 as French, and that it be circulated broadcast over the State. 
 
 Mr. McGloin, of Orleans, said that he was really sorry that 
 every gentlemen upon the floor did not understand French in 
 
56 
 
 order to have appreciated the burning eloquence of Mr. Par- 
 lange, and that he heartily indorsed the proposition to have the 
 speech rendered into English and circulated in both languages. 
 It was a masterpiece ; it was a gem." 
 
 The motion was* unanimously adopted. 
 
 Mr. Bolton, of Rapides, moved that the Executive Committee 
 take the necessary steps to have 10,000 copies of the proceed- 
 ings of the convention printed in pamphlet form and send them 
 to each and every parish of the State. 
 
 Mr. Perry, of Iberia, said: "Mr. President, I come from a 
 section of the State where a large number of inhabitants un- 
 derstand only the French language, and I therefore offer an 
 amendment to the motion made by Mr. Bolton that these pam- 
 phlets, covering the proceedings of this convention, be published 
 likewise in French." 
 
 The motion as amended was adopted, with the understanding 
 that the committee use its own judgment as to the number of 
 French copies to be published. 
 
 Cries of "Avery !" "Avery !" 
 
 HON. J. M. AVERY 
 
 spoke from the rostrum as follows : 
 
 Mr. President and Fellow Democrats It is with a sense of deeply-felt 
 gratitude that I respond to the call to address such an intelligent assembly 
 as meets here to-day in behalf of the cause of Louisiana. 
 
 It has been my good fortune to attend nearly every political convention 
 that has assembled in Baton Rouge since the war, and I am proud of the 
 honor of being a member of this one, from the fact that it is the finest body 
 of men that my eyes ever rested upon. [Applause.] 
 
 I rejoice, fellow-citizens, to see here the true element of God's nobility 
 the farmer ; he who makes the true foundation and rears the true super- 
 structure of society and States ; he who contro.s the destinies of States and 
 nations with the ploughshare, guiding it with his honest hands, [applause] 
 and when I see those honest farmers around, when I see them coining for- 
 ward with such unanimity, I feel that 'they are irresistible, and that any 
 cause attempting to stand against them must inevitably fall. [Applause.] 
 
 You have heard, my fellow-citizens, so many eloquent speeches upon this 
 Lottery question that I am unable to touch upon any point that has not al- 
 readv been presented. But if you will notice, if you will mark it well, the 
 subject that is nearest to the hearts of the people and appeals most-to their 
 attention is that one which the Lottery advocates* always put far in the dis- 
 
57 - 
 
 tance and cover, as with a veil, by personal attacks upon the individual. It 
 is that point that you must never lose sight of, never let go out of your 
 heart. It is 
 
 WHETHER YOU WILL SELI THE HONOR 
 
 and the liberty of Louisiana to any man or any corporation for gold for even 
 a moment. That is the question that must be considered by our people. It 
 is a question that is now agitating the people of our State from the Arkan- 
 sas line to the Gulf, and from the banks of the Mississippi to Texas ; and in 
 1892, when they are thoroughly informed as to the magnitude of this propo- 
 sition ; when they understand how much they are to give up in order to re- 
 ceive this mess of pottage, they will say to these people : Take your gold and 
 leave us our honor and our liberty. [Great applause.] 
 
 We are fully able, fully competent in the strength of our manhood, in the 
 fertility of our soil, and in the consciousness that Divine Providence is al- 
 ways upon the side of those who are right. [Applause.] We intend to pro- 
 tect that honor and take care of our" own institutions witliout the assistance 
 of the gambling wheel. 
 
 It has been said, Mr. President and fellow-citizens, that one reason why 
 we should accept this pittance, as it were, and sell our birthright for this mess 
 of pottage, is that we are unable to build our levees that have been broken. 
 We are able to place them in a better condition than we were before the last 
 terrible catastrophe and still leave a surplus in the treasury. [Applause.] 
 Captain Dan C. Kingman has told us that the levees could be repaired and 
 built for $100,000. He certainly had no interest in this lottery question one 
 way or the other, and consequently had no interest, in his responsible posi- 
 tion as engineer in charge of the government works, in deceiving the people 
 of the levee districts. 
 
 Again, 
 
 I FIND FROM THE AUDITOR HIMSELF 
 
 I find from his books that there are two hundred and six thousand and odd 
 dollars in the treasury to the credit of the general levee fund, and that there 
 was only the sum of $50,000 to be paid out under contract, leaving in cash in 
 the treasury over $200,000 to complete the $100,000 work required, according 
 to the report of Captain Kingman. 
 
 We find, also, that from the different sources ; from the general levee tax 
 not the special district tax at all and the sale of public lands, the revenues 
 received by the State will average the sum of $75,000 per year ; and these 
 figures were also given to me" by the auditor ; so that we will have $370,000 
 at the end of this year, before the expiration of 1890, to build the levels and 
 put them in repair. 
 
 Do we need any of Mr. Morris' money to build our levees ? [Cries of 
 "No !" "No !"] 
 
 Why, fellow-citizens, I see in the expression of faces here; I see in the no- 
 ble manhood of Louisiana and their strong muscles that they would go upon 
 our levees, every man of them, and with spade in hand build them up so 
 high as to forever preclude the possibility of an overflow. [Loud applause.] 
 
 Now, fellow-citizens, they come to us with another plea by which they 
 seek to touch that chord of sympathy which vibrates at the lightest touch 
 
58 
 
 in the bosom of every true and good man , they come to us and say : "You 
 need this money because your charities are unprovided for , because your In- 
 sane Asylum is in ruins and is a hovel." I know personally that assertion 
 to be false, because I visited that institution myself, unheralded announced 
 m yself at the door of the asylum, walked in and intrpduced myself to the 
 superintendent, stating to him who I was, and asked him if he would kindly 
 allow me to inspect the institution ; that I had three hours to do it in, as I 
 desired to take the return train. I went through 
 
 THAT INSAXE ASYLUM 
 
 from basement to dome, and saw a magnificent building, one with which this 
 edifice is not comparable. I saw as handsome a building as the eye of man 
 wishes to rest upon ; with spacious halls and every convenience that could 
 be desired by the most fastidious. I had gone there expecting to see a very 
 different state of affairs prevailing ; indeed, I had gone there with what I 
 might call an unpleasant feeling. 
 
 There was no attempt at any special preparations in this, that or the other 
 department. It was a day when the scrubbing and cleansing process was 
 going on. I walked through this building, and I state it as a fact that from 
 cellar to roof in all its appointments, in all of its departments, in its halls 
 and in its rooms, that it was as clean as my own residence at home, and that, 
 I may say, is kept by an excellent housewife. 
 
 After I had inspected the building I was afforded the opportunity of seeing 
 many of the inmates, each with their respective indiosyncracies, come for- 
 ward to meet the doctor. There were no evidences of harsh treatment, for if 
 these people had been subject to harsh and cruel treatment they would not 
 greet the superintendent and keepers in the manner in which they did. 
 
 As the hour for my departure approached I saw that dinner was about to 
 be served to the inmates, and I said to the superintendent, will you kindly 
 allow me to inspect the culinary department, to which he readily assented. 
 Upon entering the kitchen I saw large pots of steaming food of all kinds, all 
 of which was well cooked and most savory. In fact, I tasted the fare and 
 found it to be most excellent. AVnong some of the dishes, I may mention 
 bacon and cabbage, okra, green corn, squash, boiled potatoes, plum pudding, 
 and coffee. I do not think the bill of fare can be surpassed in any institution, 
 and it does not look as if our insane were being improperly cared for. 
 
 Beyond that, fellow-citizens, we had, as shown by the report of the Senate 
 Committee on Chartties; as shown by their books at the termination of the 
 fiscal year, on the ist of July, we had, if I mistake not, a surplus of either 
 rbrtv-three or forty-eight thousand dollars for the maintenance and care of 
 these unfortunate people, whose treatment as far as the attention they re- 
 ceive is concerned, is much better than they could receive at their homes. 
 
 In addition to the surplus mentioned above, the last General Assembly ap- 
 propriated in the general appropriation bill the sum of $10,000, the aggregate 
 of which amounts is simply sufficient to- admit of the immediate construction 
 (and I do not know but that the work has been already begun) of additional 
 buildings sufficient to accommodate i ^o or 200 more people 
 
59 
 
 Another point, fellow-citizens, i wish to call your attention to, is the fact 
 that when I visited this institution there were 488 unfortunates and 242 or 
 248 rooms, I forget which, so that, if a division was made there would only 
 be two in each room; and in those rooms which had more than one bed, the 
 distance between the beds was greater than in any hospital; and there was 
 an air of comfort and cleanliness surrounding these poor people that is not 
 often found in public institutions. 
 
 These people are very fond of scrubbing, and I was told by the superintend- 
 ent that it was a difficult matter to keep them from it. I saw a man, whose 
 room had just been scrubbed, running up and down with a pole with a brick 
 at the end of the pole, and when I asked the doctor what he was doing, he 
 said, " He thinks he is scrubbing ; we have to give them this pole, which has 
 a brick at the end, a soft brick, and they scrub in that way." I tell you, 
 fellow-citizens, that institution is kept as clean as the residence of any gen- 
 tleman in the land. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, the facts which I have just cited refute one of the argu- 
 ments of the Lottery people, but they have another, and that is that we 
 haven't the 
 
 MEANS TO EDUCATE OUR CHILDREN ; 
 
 that the people of our State are growing more and more illiterate because 
 we have not the means to educate the children. The report, if I mistake 
 not, of the Superintendent of Education shows that the session of our public 
 schools averages six and a half months in the year, running up in some of 
 the parishes as high as seven months and a half. I call the attention of this 
 Assembly to the fact that no matter how much money you are willing to pay; 
 no matter to what school you send your children, it is an impossibility, unless 
 you employ a private tutor, to afford them more than eight months of school 
 session during the year. There are generally two months of vacation dur- 
 ing the summer, and then there are Christmas and national holidays, making 
 the aggregate about four months out of the twelve, leaving but eight months 
 during which a pupil can attend any school, while, as I have said, the 
 children of our State receive on the average educational facilities for six and 
 a half months per year. 
 
 Our State is increasing in wealth every day. In one year the assessed 
 value of property in Louisiana has risen $18,000,000. [Applause.] Does 
 that look as if we were getting back into poverty? [Cries of No! No!] 
 Does that demonstrate that we need this Lottery money when we are mak- 
 ing this rapid advance in wealth ? Why, I regard the proposition, gentle- 
 men, as an insult to the intelligence of our people. [Applause.] I know it 
 is useless to appeal to such an intelligent body as this. I know that when 
 we reach the time for the final vote to be cast, our people, educated to this 
 main question, the question of our personal and political liberty, will not 
 hesitate to throw themselves into the breach and tear down this damnable 
 institution. [Applause.] 
 
 The same principle, fellow-citizens, that caused our forefathers to place 
 3000 miles of water between themselves and Great Britain ; [applause] the 
 same principle that cansed our forefathers to take up arms and inaugurate 
 
6o 
 
 the war which resulted in the independence of the United States ; [loud ap- 
 plause] the same principle for which I, as a boy, with the companions I see 
 around me, shouldered our muskets and contended upon so many hard- 
 fought fields, from Manassas to Antietam ; that principle of liberty or death 
 will, in 1892, fire the breasts and actuate every true Louisianian. [Loud 
 applause.] 
 
 In answer to cries of ''Rogers!" "Rogers!" 
 
 HON. WALTER H. ROGERS 
 
 came forward and spoke as follows : 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention This convention rests 
 under very many obligations to the gentlemen composing the Farmers' Al- 
 liance convention. I have been advised that they suspended discussion in 
 the midst of some very important proceedings in order that we might meet at 
 the hour appointed on our adjournment last evening. 
 
 You have been addressed by gentlemen of distinguished character and 
 ability, and of course you do not desire the same grounds to be gone over 
 again and again, but let me almost in a few words suggest one consideration 
 to this convention which has as yet received but little attention. 
 
 You all know the character as well as the genius of our government, 
 founded upon a trinity of power in order that the sovereignty of the State 
 may be exercised and preserved . * On this great question which has pre- 
 sented itself to the people of this State you have heard first from the ex- 
 ecutive of ourcmonwealth the message transmitted under the constitutional 
 powers conferred upon himjio the second branch of government the legisla- 
 tive. You have also heard from the legislative department of the government. 
 Now,gentlemen,you have yet to hear from the judiciary department of the gov- 
 ernment. Then the great body of the people will judge after the completion 
 of the record, which of the three they will sustain, or maybe they will not be 
 called upon to sustain the consecrated action of the third when it has 
 spoken. 
 
 By virtue of the position which I occupy in the government I am*necessa- 
 rily a part of the judiciary system of the government, that which combines 
 with the other two in order that the trinity shall be complete. When that 
 has spoken I must speak. 
 
 Time has passed here honorably and pleasantly. The delegates to this 
 convention can congratulate themselves upon the character of 
 their associates, upon the harmony of the proceedings and upon the uniform 
 courtesy with which the gentlemen called upon to preside over this conven- 
 tion have performed their duties. 
 
 You leave this convention for your homes as treemen of Louisiana, just 
 exactly as you'came here. I will not say to you that you will do your duty. 
 No one who has the honor to be a Louisianian can ever doubt that. [Ap- 
 plause.] 
 
 At this stage of the proceedings State 
 
6i 
 
 SENATOR J. H. DUGGAN, 
 
 of Orleans, appeared in the hall, satchel in hand, having just ar- 
 rived, and his appearance was the signal for a rousing ovation, in 
 which all joined. 
 
 Senator Duggan said that he regretted very much not having 
 been with the Convention yesterday, " but," continued the sena- 
 tor, "as I stated to some of my friends here the arrival of another 
 ' anti ' precluded the possibility of my coming up. But I got a 
 leave of absence from him. I thank you very much for this 
 demonstration, and heartily concur in all that you have done. 
 
 I read with pleasure the proceedings of yesterday's work per- 
 formed here, and I indorse it and believe that all that was said 
 will come true, and I believe that it is the beginning of a cam- 
 paign that will give us a grand victory in 1892. [Applause.] I 
 will not detain the work of the Convention longer, and thank 
 you for your demonstration." 
 
 Mr. Bolton said : 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention It is certainly very in- 
 teresting to us to hear gentlemen discuss the question here which has been 
 stated is the question of all questions before the people of Louisiana to-day, 
 but at the same time we are encroaching on the time, and valuable time, of 
 an organization that has kindly consented to adjourn and give us the use of 
 this hall not only yesterday, but to-day, and we have used it longer than it 
 was expected to be used byus to-day. Therefore, Mr. President, out of 
 respect for them, as many of them are here from all parts of the State, and 
 anxious to transact their business so that they can go home, if there is no 
 further business before the Convention, I move to adjourn. 
 
 Mr. WicklifFe, of Orleans, moved that the 
 
 THANKS OF THIS CONVENTION ' 
 
 be extended to the officers of the Convention for the able man- 
 ner in which they have performed their duties ; to the citizens 
 of Baton Rouge for the hospitable reception that has been ac- 
 corded to the Convention ; to the Farmers' Alliance for the cour- 
 tesies shown to this Convention on each and every occasion 
 where the same could possibly be offered. 
 
 The motion was duly seconded and unanimously adopted by 
 a rising vote. 
 
 Mr. Bolton moved that the Executive Committee be requested 
 to incorporate in the pamphlets to be published of the proceed- 
 
62 
 
 ings the minority report of the committee on this lottery charter 
 in the last Legislature. Carried. 
 
 Mr. E. T. Merrick, Jr., of Orleans, secretary of the committee 
 on newspapers, on behalf of said committee, submitted the fol- 
 owing report : 
 
 "Your committee reports $39,000 of guaranteed stock handed 
 in by the different delegates, and $59,200 as probable stock to 
 be subscribed, with several parishes to hear from." 
 
 It was then, at 11:30 o'clock a. m., moved and seconded that 
 the Convention adjourn sine die. 
 
 The Chair Before we adjourn the Chair :*sks you, gentlemen 
 of the Convention, to light the camp-fires of the good cause upon 
 every hilltop in the parishes, and keep the fires burning upon 
 your-hearth stones until 1892. Is there any objection to the 
 Convention adjourning sine die? The Chair hears none and it is 
 so ordered. 
 
 W. G. YOUNG, 
 
 C. V. PORTER, 
 
 HENRY B. McMURRAY, 
 
 V. GROSJEAN, 
 
 J. D. WALL, 
 
 Secretaries. 
 
THE ROSTER. 
 
 The full list of delegates accredited to the Couvention is given 
 in the report of the Committee on Credentials, which reads as 
 follows : 
 
 To the President and Members of the Anti- Lottery Convention: 
 
 GENTLEMEN Your Committee on Credentials beg leave to 
 
 report the following delegates as members of this Convention ; 
 
 ACADIA. 
 
 G. K. Bradford, 
 
 S. Cart, ' 
 
 John E. Pelton, 
 Dr. E. T. Taylor. 
 
 H. Rarrouse, 
 
 T. P. Pierson. 
 
 Nine delegates. 
 
 
 
 ASCENSION. 
 
 J. E. St. Martin, 
 
 Dr. N. E. Stevens. 
 
 L A. Landry. 
 R. O. Landry, 
 
 L. W. Armitage, 
 T. N. Brown, 
 
 tM. Brand, 
 .McCall, 
 
 J. C, Green, 
 Martin Knox, 
 
 J. Dodd Smith, 
 'Manuel Montecino, 
 
 J. B.-Quinby, 
 H. C. Brand, 
 
 C. Kline, 
 E. N. Pugh, 
 
 Dr. J. R. Fridge, 
 Captain Jos. Gonzales, 
 
 John Solazaris, 
 S. Goette, Jr. 
 Sam St. Martin, 
 
 Adam Brand, 
 J. M. Lusk, 
 Wm. King, 
 
 J. L. Rolling, 
 
 O. A. Balbin. 
 
 R. M. McCulloch. 
 Henry Schaff, 
 S. Landry. 
 Adam N. Martinez, 
 
 J. O. Landry, 
 J. H. Ogrard, Sr., 
 George Boote, 
 Felix Babin, 
 
 Judge Henrv L. Duffel. 
 Henry D. Minor, 
 
 John Tucker, 
 P. E. Dixon, 
 
 John "Blouin, 
 
 
 Fifty -eight delegates. 
 
 
 
 ASSUMPTION. 
 
 W. B. Sharp, 
 
 Dr. T. B. Pugh, 
 
 P. E. Juge,Jr, 
 Walter Guion, 
 
 Owen Templet. 
 P. Savoie, 
 
 C. Numa Folse, 
 
 Tps.'Arcenaux, 
 
 Justitien Gros, 
 C. C. Paston, 
 
 Eugene Lize. 
 Sebastian Hidalgo, 
 
 Magloia Bourgeois, 
 Dr. E. T. Painchaud, 
 
 J. A. Dalferes, 
 Chas. Schreiber, 
 
 Anatole Trahan, 
 
 Ernest L. Monnot, 
 
 John Carier, 
 
 Tavlor P. Himel, 
 
 L. H. Pugh, 
 
 W.'F. Himel, 
 
 Gus. Latarre, 
 
 Leo Cancienne, 
 
 Thirty-six delegates. 
 
 Dr. B. Irion, 
 T. P. Harmason, 
 D. B. Hudson, 
 David Siess, 
 T. D. Weir, 
 A. D. Lafargue, 
 Sam Norwood, 
 Cassius Leigh, 
 Noel Norwood, 
 
 Twenty five delegates. 
 
 AVOYELLES. 
 
 J. A. Tassin, 
 J. H. Rvland, 
 Dr. L. ftabalais, 
 P. A. Couvillon, 
 Dr. E. DeNux, 
 Wm. Hall, 
 Eloi Joffrion, 
 E. J. JortYion, 
 
 Ernest Daigle, 
 W. F. Brooks, 
 W. W.Evans. 
 
 H. P. Percy, 
 P. E. Brand, 
 Jos. Gonzales, Jr. 
 H. T. Brown, 
 John Howell, 
 Alfred Beekner, 
 C. C. Brown. 
 G. M, Garig, 
 S. J. Boote, 
 Ursin Cogreve, 
 Capt. R. Prosper Landry. 
 J. D. Cassard, 
 Alex. Marchand, 
 Wm. Nickens, 
 J. A. Gonzales, 
 A. Gonzales, 
 John Anderson, 
 John Lapellyre. 
 Felix Landry. 
 
 Stephen E. Royer, 
 Frank Hidalgo, 
 J. M. Lescale, 
 Frank Pansano, 
 Capt. E. E. Lauve. 
 W. E. Himel, 
 Hugues Larre, 
 Michel Cazare, 
 N. Blanchard, 
 Oscar Foise, 
 Clauville Delaune, 
 Lenfroid LeBlanc. 
 
 W. R. Perkins, 
 B. B. Joffrion, 
 H. C. Perkins, 
 T. E. Trudeau, 
 J. A. Lemoine, 
 J. A. Morrow, 
 Stephen Fouquier, 
 G. A. Bordelon, 
 
/ 
 
 64 
 
 
 
 BIENVILLE. 
 
 
 W. B. Prothro, 
 H. V. Tooke, 
 
 T. T. Peddy, 
 James Brice, 
 
 T. J. Butler, 
 J. A. Brewer, 
 
 Six delegates. 
 
 
 
 
 BOSSIER. 
 
 
 W. K. Baten, 
 
 A. A. Thompson, 
 
 R. H. Curry. 
 
 John Pickett, 
 
 
 
 Four delegates. 
 
 
 
 
 CADDO. 
 
 
 T. F. Bell, 
 
 N. Gregg, 
 
 R. Kohh, 
 R. A. Gray, 
 
 J. W. Pickins, 
 D. H. Allison, 
 
 J. C. Moncure, 
 W. C. Perrin, 
 T. M. Hollingsworth, 
 W. H. Wise, 
 T. M. Foster, 
 J. C, Beazley. 
 John R. Land, 
 
 N. B. Murff, 
 J. H. Shepherd. 
 Z. Grosjean, 
 The. Barron, 
 D. A. Simpson, 
 J. P. Spearman, 
 Sidney Hall, 
 
 R. N. McKellar, 
 Ed. Holden, 
 Wm. Browning, 
 tB. Newton, 
 . B. Martin, 
 W. C. Vance. 
 
 Twenty-six delegates. 
 
 
 
 
 CALCASIEU. 
 
 
 G. A, Fournet, 
 E. J. Lyons, 
 A. P. Puio, 
 J. W. Rostud, 
 T. J. Carroll, 
 
 J. H. Materne, 
 A. Severance, 
 J. C. Lebleu, 
 J. C. Munday, 
 
 J. L. Ryan, 
 S. P. Read, 
 Thos. Kleinpeter, 
 John G. Gray. 
 
 Thirteen delegates. 
 
 
 
 
 CAMERON. 
 
 
 S. P. Henry. 
 
 
 
 One delegate. 
 
 
 
 
 CATAHOULA. 
 
 
 T. E. Pritchard. 
 
 
 
 One delegate. 
 
 
 
 
 CLAIBORNE. 
 
 
 W. S. Ledbetter, 
 Thomas Price, 
 
 T. A. Richardson, 
 R. A. N. Winn, 
 
 Z, A. Whets, 
 D. A. J. Caruthen, 
 
 J. W. McFarland, 
 A. F. Nelson, 
 
 G. T- Tarrell, 
 E, W." Cox, 
 
 T. R. Phipps, 
 J. C. Moore. 
 
 Twelve delegates. 
 
 
 
 
 DE SOTO. 
 
 
 Wm: Goss, 
 
 Joshua Billingsley, 
 
 
 Two delegates. 
 
 
 
 
 EAST BATON ROUGE. 
 
 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 
 S. G. Laj'cock, 
 G. L. Vay, 
 
 G. A. Kleinpeter, 
 A. Doherty, 
 
 John R. Nesbitt. 
 H. S. Flvnn, 
 
 A. L. Denham, 
 W. P. Chancy, 
 
 T. W. Nicholson, 
 W. C.Annis. 
 
 I. J. David, 
 J. Simon. 
 
 S. E. Singletary, 
 
 W. G. Samuel, 
 
 
 
 FIRST WARD. 
 
 
 J. C. Gavle, 
 
 H. N. Sherburne, 
 
 T. J. Kernan, 
 
 A. W. Sharp, 
 
 
 
 
 SECON 7 D WARD. 
 
 
 F. M. Brooks, 
 
 W, H. Goodale, 
 
 Isaac Raas, 
 
 Joseph Sanches. 
 
 
 
 
 THIRD WARD. 
 
 
 John L. Walker, 
 
 Thomas B. Brown, 
 
 W. P. Denham, 
 
 E. F. Fleming. 
 
 
 
 
 FOURTH WARD 
 
 
 T. W. YoungJ 
 G. C. Mills, 
 
 R. J. Hummel, 
 
 Charles Wolf. 
 
R. H. Redden, 
 F. W. Nobles, 
 
 John Kleinpeter, 
 J. W. Knox, 
 
 Charles Knowlton, 
 Joseph Achord, 
 
 J. A. Cassagne, 
 M. J. Lopez, 
 
 W. J. Sharp, 
 J. L. Bernard, 
 
 H. W. Wallace, 
 A. J. Fleming, 
 
 Fifty -four delegates. 
 
 EAST BATON ROUGB. 
 FIFTH WARD. 
 
 Joseph Millican, 
 
 SIXTH WARD. 
 
 Dr. J. S. Huguet, 
 
 SEVENTH WARD. 
 
 J. W. Hilhnan, 
 
 EIGHTH WARD. 
 
 J. A. Lopez, 
 
 NINTH WARD. 
 
 W. D. Stokes, 
 
 TENTH WARD. 
 
 Daniel Morgan, 
 
 EAST CARROLL. 
 
 Charles Langham, 
 P. D. Quays, 
 
 W. II Benjamin. 
 
 T. J. Powell, 
 J. A Brooks, 
 
 Seven delegates. 
 
 
 
 EAST FELICIANA. 
 
 D. W. Pipes, 
 
 C. C. Brown, 
 
 Charles Kilbourne, 
 
 Lewis Levy, 
 
 T. S. Adams, 
 
 A. E. Carter, 
 
 James Kilbourne, 
 W. F. Kernan, 
 A. A. Carruth, 
 
 T. J. Fuqua, 
 Jos. Rich, 
 W. E. Benton, 
 
 Frank Lea, 
 
 W. W. Douglass, 
 
 R.J. Pemble, 
 
 J. W. Grippe n, 
 
 W.'O. Hvnes, 
 
 A. P. Regan, 
 
 A. R. Hblcombe, 
 
 B. W. Kernan, 
 
 W. II . Hartner, 
 
 J.S. McAclams, 
 
 G. |. Ramsey, 
 A. B. Pavne", 
 II. Skip with, Sr., 
 
 S. S. Nettle, Jr., 
 Jos. Israel, 
 Calhoun Fluker, 
 
 W. Skipwith, 
 
 T. C. McCowan, 
 
 C. R. Collins, 
 
 R. B. Kennedy, 
 
 John F. McKneely, 
 Henry Skipwith, Jr. 
 
 A. J. Hausey, 
 Henry P. Heath, 
 
 Fifty-four delegates. 
 
 
 
 FRANKLIN 
 
 R. IT. Breaux. 
 
 W. J. Ellis. 
 
 Two delegates. 
 
 
 
 GRANT. 
 
 A. C. Teddle, 
 
 B. C. Dean, 
 
 W. t". Roberts, 
 
 A. J. Dunn, 
 
 I. M. Fletcher. 
 
 B. A. Fortson, 
 
 j. 11. Williams. 
 
 
 Ten delegates. 
 
 
 
 IBERIA. 
 
 C. C. Kramer, 
 
 R. S. Perry, 
 
 T. L. Morse, 
 
 J. D. Broussard, 
 
 R. F. Broussard, 
 
 Aug. Pascal, 
 
 1. M. Satterneld, 
 V. A. Aucoin, 
 
 J. A. Fagot, 
 A. B. Romero, 
 
 ]. R. Davis. 
 V. 0. I.eManc, 
 
 John M. A very, 
 Alcee Baudin, 
 
 I It- in v Koch, 
 T. D. Foster, 
 
 J. W. Callahan, 
 H. B. Bayard, 
 
 Frank Tucker, 
 D. A. Robertson, 
 Lee David. 
 J. O.Lopez. 
 S. W. Booksh. 
 James Bogan, 
 
 J. M. Kennedy, 
 John C Buckner, 
 
 C. D. Smith, 
 A. J. Norwood, Jr. 
 John Y. Reily, 
 J. D. Wall, 
 S. J. Hatcher, 
 A. E. Miller, 
 T. P. East, 
 Thos. Roberts, 
 J. G. Kilbourne, 
 Isidore Mayer, 
 John M. Robins, 
 George J. Reily, 
 E. N. Perkins, 
 J. A. White, Sr., 
 Georg-e White, 
 J. D. Norwood, 
 James Carruth, 
 J. W. Robins. 
 
 G. W. Brace, 
 A. G. Thompson, 
 M. F. Machen, 
 
 J. A. Lee, 
 Ed. Weeks, 
 R. D. Stansbury, 
 Wm. Lowd. 
 Henry Mestayer, 
 H. Decourt, 
 Theo. Miques, 
 W. J. Burke, 
 Hartwell Hart. 
 
 Twenty -seven delegates. 
 
66 
 
 Thos. Supple, 
 G. W McFall, 
 T. F. Davis, 
 John Allsworth, 
 B. C. Deblanc, 
 E. D. Leche. 
 
 Sixteen delegates. 
 
 J. T. M. Hancock, 
 H. C. Wald worth, 
 H. C. Allen, 
 L. M. Hearn. 
 
 Ten delegates. 
 
 IBERVILLE. 
 
 Belfort Mirionneaux, 
 H. R. Slack. 
 P. S. Pastel, Tr., 
 E. B. Talbot, 
 S. T. McCardell, 
 
 JACKSON. 
 
 S. W. Collins, 
 B. F. Smith, 
 J. C.Jones, 
 
 LAFAYETTE. 
 
 M. Hanlon, 
 Louis Barbay, 
 S. Mathews, 
 T. E. Grace, 
 O. G. Brown, 
 
 R. M. Nashet. 
 J. W. Therman, 
 W. R. Womack, 
 
 F. J. Mayer, 
 
 M. L. Lyons, 
 
 J. Massie Martin, 
 
 Harrison Theall. 
 
 Sidney Greig, 
 
 R. Clemill Landry, 
 
 M. A. D. Landry, 
 
 C. H. Bradley. 
 
 Twenty-two delegates. 
 
 C. C. Brown, 
 Jos. Begnaux, 
 Ben. Avant, 
 Arthur C. Mouton, 
 G. W. Krewton, 
 J. Gus. St. Julienue, 
 A. C. Guilbeau, 
 
 R. W. Elliot, 
 Jules Broussard, 
 P. M. Girard, 
 Overton Cade, 
 J. D. Trahan, 
 Z. Dousset, 
 Wm. Clegg, 
 
 LINCOLN. 
 
 A. C. Calhoun, 
 G. M. Lomax, 
 E. F. Warren, 
 J. R. Reivas, 
 
 Twelve delegates. 
 
 Ozeime Naquin, 
 H W. Tabor, 
 Ed. Badeaux, 
 Jos. Oschwold, 
 C. Lagarde, 
 W. Price, 
 J. B. Pitman, 
 
 Twenty delegates. 
 
 T. D. Blount, 
 R. J. Gates, 
 T. J. Nixon, 
 W. H. Bridges, 
 Jaii.esH. Garrison, 
 
 Fifteen delegates. 
 
 George W. Sevier, 
 G. L. Boney, 
 T. J. Turpin, 
 George W. Long, 
 J. G. Hawkes, 
 W. G. Jeffries. 
 
 Sixteen delegates. 
 
 T. A. Tetts, 
 "F. W. Price, 
 T. M. White, 
 E. M. Graham, 
 
 LAFOURCHE. 
 
 L. Keefe, 
 
 John D. Zauche, 
 
 George Dionne, 
 
 Tom Barry, 
 
 Oscar Burg, 
 
 J. Howell, 
 
 J. A. Blanchard, 
 
 LIVINGSTON. 
 
 A. Collins, 
 
 B. B. Singletary, 
 J. B. Easterly, 
 S. S. Dixon, 
 
 J. A. Minton, 
 
 MADISON. 
 
 W. B. Bowers, 
 A. L. Slack, 
 A. C. Monette, 
 Frank S. Roe, 
 H. P. Morancy, 
 
 R. D. Marble, 
 S. N. Stevenson, 
 Jas. Ford, 
 R. V. Whitstone, 
 W. C. Andrews, 
 A. K. Watt, 
 E. Harp, 
 W. Morgan. 
 
 Twenty-two delegates. 
 
 MOREHOUSE. 
 
 Frank Pratt, 
 J. P. Madison, 
 T. W. W.lliams, 
 G. H. Johnson, 
 G. W.'Westbrook, 
 A. W.Jones, 
 T. G. Brigham, 
 
 J. W. Burt, 
 J. Drain, 
 J. F. Mathews, 
 A. H. CaJvin. 
 
 P. Toups. 
 H. Oncle, 
 Sam Blum, 
 Jules Basset, 
 Thomas Kent, 
 Jos. LeBlanc, 
 
 D. W. Felder, 
 J. S. Leftwick, 
 S. G. Peake, 
 Joseph H. Allen, 
 G. L. Minton. 
 
 H. B. Holmes, 
 G. A. Richardson, 
 Stephen Neal, 
 Tom Burton, 
 D. D. Moss, 
 
 G. G. Bufon, 
 C. Newton, 
 A. N. McMeans, 
 Joe Davenport. 
 O. C. Aldrich, 
 W. R. Brinckley, 
 N. W. Johnson, 
 
A. E. Sompayrac, 
 M. L. Dismukes, 
 M. H. Carver, 
 D. Pierson, 
 J. H. Hill, 
 S. G. Louden, 
 H. Pophull, 
 J. O. Maybin, 
 C. E. Grenaux, 
 I). M . Simmons. 
 J. D. Cawthorn, Jr. 
 A. B. Cockrield. 
 A. Marinavich, 
 
 Thirty-seven delegates. 
 
 NATCHITOCHES. 
 
 P. P. Bra/.eale, 
 T. L. Ma this, 
 A. V. Carter, 
 G. A. Kilgore, 
 G. L. Trichel, 
 J. C. Davis, 
 C. V. Porter, 
 J. M. Corli-y, 
 J. H. Stephens, 
 T. R. Weaver, 
 
 G. J. Cook, 
 J. W. Coc 
 
 Cockerham, 
 
 ORLEANS. 
 
 R. B. Williams, 
 
 J. J. Rains, 
 
 H. P.Brazeale, 
 
 R. B. Hollingsworth, 
 
 J. A. Prudhomme, 
 
 H. M. Hyams, 
 
 J. W.Jones, 
 
 M.J. Cunningham, 
 
 W. C. Cox, 
 
 W. B. Butler, 
 
 A. T. Harris, 
 
 R. E. Jackson, 
 
 C. Harrison Parker, 
 Edward Booth, 
 James C. Moise, 
 
 Nine delegates. 
 
 F. A. Monroe, 
 R. A. DeRussy. 
 J. Y. Gil more, 
 T. M. Gill, 
 E. F. Kohnke, 
 
 Fourteen delegates. 
 
 Jos. C. Gilmore, 
 John J. Driscoll, 
 Hugh McManus, 
 Wynne Rogers, 
 Pat Kenrick, 
 Wm. II. Moon, 
 Steve McNamara, 
 F. B. Lee, 
 Jos. M. Rice, 
 Herman Meader, 
 Thos. J. Moran, 
 Terrence Reiley. 
 
 Thirty-four delegates. 
 
 W. W. Carre, 
 Frnnk D. Chretien, 
 D. J. Sadlier, 
 
 Eight delegates. 
 
 Jos. Pasalaqua, 
 J. G. Smith, 
 Sosthene Callier, 
 
 Eight delegates. 
 
 E. D. White, 
 
 F. T- Dreyfus, 
 S. ii. Gilf, 
 
 O. W. Long, 
 
 Eleven delegates. 
 
 Frank Marquez, 
 J. C. Cullen, 
 Albert de Armas, 
 Louis Arnauld. 
 
 Ten delegates. 
 
 FIRST WARD. 
 
 John R. Con way, 
 S. | . Kohlman, ' 
 George W; Roberts, 
 
 SECOND WARD, 
 
 Hugh Flvnn, 
 T. D. Hill, 
 Jeremiah Lyons, 
 Bernard McCloskey, 
 James Midclleton. 
 
 THIRD WARD. 
 
 W. S. Terry. 
 John McCloskey, 
 James Lindsay, 
 
 M. [. Loiiy, 
 
 Win. Sheridan, 
 
 Thos. H. Loftys, 
 
 I. B Cameron", 
 "H. C. Schindler, 
 
 Charles C. Cotting, 
 
 \Vm. II. Byrnes, 
 
 M.J. McFarlane, 
 
 FOURTH WARD, 
 
 Charles Carroll, 
 M.J. Lehman, 
 Dan Rees, 
 
 FIFTH WARD. 
 
 Aug. Doussan, 
 Wm. Ryan, 
 Theo. foto. 
 
 SIXTH WARD. 
 
 Frank C. Zacharie, 
 Ramon Rivet, 
 Jos. Lombard, 
 "H. A. Parra. 
 
 SEVENTH WARD. 
 
 Wm. O. Beckei, 
 
 E. L. Cope. 
 "Stephen J. Derbes, 
 
 R. H. Browne, 
 
 S. S. Prentiss. 
 
 N. W. Longshore, 
 
 JohnJ. O'Connor 
 Bernard Titche 
 E. N. Whittemore, 
 R. L. Tullis, 
 
 Wm. Steinback, 
 
 A. K. Finlay, 
 Wm. Cunningham, 
 Jos. Purcell, 
 Hugh Gilmore, 
 
 B. I'. Moss, 
 Jefl Harnett, 
 Geo. G. Garner, 
 Geo. W. Miller, 
 James J. Woulfe, 
 W. T. Richards, 
 
 W. E. Sewell, 
 Felix Vatcaro, 
 
 ?. Israel, 
 os. St. Donates, 
 
 Victor |. Botto, 
 Edw. M. 11. Eitzcn 
 C. A. Phillippi, 
 
 F. O. Koelle, 
 C. A. Heyland, 
 F. F. Stringer, 
 
68 
 
 Edw. de Armas, 
 Herman Bremmermann, 
 Owen Mallin, 
 
 Seven delegates. 
 
 R. L. Schroeder, 
 Fred. Zengel, 
 Wm. H. Wright, 
 
 Seven delegates. 
 
 W. G. Vincent, 
 Michael Foley, 
 John Kaiser, 
 Dennis McCarthy, 
 C. B. Stafford, 
 J. T. Sawyer, 
 
 Eighteen delegates. 
 
 
 
 Frank McGloin, 
 John C. Wickliffe, 
 Charles Jones, 
 W. J. Pattison, 
 F. L. Richardson, 
 Jos. C. Younnes, 
 
 Sixteen delegates. 
 
 Jordan T. Aycock, 
 Frank B. Th'omas, 
 T. A. Clayton, 
 T. C. W. Ellis, 
 Girault Farrar. 
 
 Fourteen delegates. 
 
 C. F. Alba, 
 Henry Zeller, 
 K. D. Chandler, 
 
 Nine delegates. 
 
 Jos. H. Duggan, 
 David Zable, 
 J. H. Ferguson, 
 
 Nine delegates. 
 
 John Reaney, 
 Frank A. Daniels, 
 
 Five delegates. 
 
 W. R. Ker, 
 W. R. Lyman, 
 
 Six delegates. 
 
 R. H. Lea, 
 
 F. R. Cogswell, 
 
 Five delegates. 
 
 W. H. Rogers, 
 E. H. Farrar, 
 Branch M. King, 
 Lawrence Forno. 
 
 ORLEANS. 
 
 EIGHTH WARD. 
 
 Eugene Munch, 
 Henry C. Colomb, 
 
 NINTH .WARD, 
 
 Frank Zengel, 
 JohnJ. Burnett, 
 
 TENTH WARD* 
 
 Geo. W. McDuff, 
 Euclid Borland, 
 E. K. Skinner, 
 W. B. Bloomfield, 
 Peter Coyle, 
 James McConnell, 
 
 ELEVENTH WARD. 
 
 Thos. Dunn, 
 
 Geo. C. Preot. 
 
 Tames David Coleman. 
 
 Richard Riley, 
 
 B. F. Eshleman, 
 
 TWELFTH WARD. 
 
 H. C. Miller, 
 R. H. Marr,Jr., 
 J. P. McElroy, 
 Geo. W. Young, 
 Ambrose Smith, 
 
 THIRTEENTH WARD. 
 
 W. E. Raymond, 
 F. J. Leche, 
 Wolfred Landry, 
 
 FOURTEENTH WARD. 
 
 Sam'l L. Gilmor?, 
 E. T. Merrick,Jr., 
 B. T. Walshe, 
 
 FIFTEENTH WARD. 
 
 Thos. E. Higgins, 
 Victor Reaud, 
 
 SIXTEENTH WARD. 
 
 A. T. Terry. 
 Charles Lyman, 
 
 SEVENTEENTH WARD. 
 
 \Vm. \V. McLaughlin, 
 S. L. Henry, 
 
 AT LARGE. 
 
 E. Howard McCaleb, 
 N. D. Wallace, 
 S. S. Jones, 
 
 Peter W. Mart. 
 Thos. O'Brien, 
 
 Wm. Hillsman, 
 Ralph Sherwood, 
 
 Wm. Henderson, 
 H. E. Upton, 
 A. E. Morphy, 
 Richard Allen, 
 M. Hinman, 
 F. E. Rainold. 
 
 C. F. Quina, 
 Robert B. Parker, 
 Richard F. Straughan, 
 A. A. Woods, 
 A. G. Quina, 
 
 R. B. Jones, 
 
 A. Semmes BlarTer, 
 
 F. D. VanValkenburgh, 
 
 Chas. E. Babcock. 
 
 Edw. Gauche, 
 Ed. Eisenhauer, 
 E. R. Chevalley. 
 
 Geo. C. Walshe. 
 N. W. Gauche, 
 Lyman S. Widney. 
 
 Dan Twooney, 
 
 James Westerfield, 
 C. W. Lvman 
 
 Henry Pohlmann, 
 
 Louis Bush, 
 
 W. P. McLaughlin 
 
 John C. Vance. 
 
 Ten delegates. 
 
 Total, Orleans, 197 delegates. 
 
Frank P. Stubbs, 
 W. T. Theobold, 
 Geo. W. Bolton, 
 D. W. Faulk, 
 Alex. Myatt, 
 
 Thirteen delegates. 
 
 John Dvmond, 
 
 \Vilkinson, 
 M. Cognevich. 
 
 Seven delegates. 
 
 OUACHITA. 
 
 T. H. Flournoy, 
 Franklin Garrett, 
 SairTl Whited, 
 A. S. Helmick, 
 
 PLAQJJEMINES. 
 
 F. S. Gencrcs, 
 G. A. Hayes, 
 
 D. T. Mcrrick, 
 J. T. Quinn, 
 
 W. T. Pouncey, 
 J. !'. Gayle, 
 
 Twelve delegates. 
 
 Joseph Torras, 
 Geo. W. Reagan, 
 G. P. Ferguson, 
 S. W. Turpin. 
 
 Ten delegates. 
 
 O. Lacour, 
 
 J. G. Batchelor, 
 
 G. T. Causey, 
 
 Nine delegates. 
 
 C. A. Adams, 
 W. D. RogilHo. 
 
 Four delegates. 
 
 James Vignes, 
 Alfred Lindsley, 
 
 Five delegates. 
 
 E. Guerin, 
 
 P. V. Rougon, 
 J. A. Rougon. 
 
 Eight delegates. 
 
 C- H. I.ebeau, 
 
 Antoine Gosserand, 
 Wm. Hurst. 
 
 Eight delegates. 
 
 L. B. Bailey, 
 Two delegates. 
 Total, Pointe Coupee, 
 
 F. Seip. 
 E. G. Hunter, 
 C. R. Ilayworth, 
 B. H. Randolph, 
 
 W. Polk, jr., 
 W. P. Ford, 
 J. C. Barron, 
 J. E. Collins, 
 J. D. Philips, 
 
 Twenty-six delegates. 
 
 POINTE COUPEE. 
 
 FIRST WARD. 
 
 W. B. Thompson, 
 D. I. Addison, 
 Joe Sterling, 
 A. J. Norwood, 
 
 SECOND WARD. 
 
 C. Segliers, 
 Nat. P. Phillips, 
 J. D. Nelson, 
 
 THIRD WARD. 
 
 P. T. Strieker, 
 D. A. Caldwell, 
 F. E Davis, 
 
 FOURTH WARD. 
 
 A- Vignes, 
 
 FIFTH WARD. 
 
 M. Thompson, 
 Fred. Jewell. 
 
 EIGHTH WARD. 
 
 P. Berthier, 
 E. P. Denis, 
 M. G. Hewes, 
 
 NINTH WARD. 
 
 C. F.Janis, 
 Joseph Sanson, 
 O. O. Provost v. 
 
 TENTH WART. 
 
 C. L. Andrews. 
 
 fifty -eight delegates. 
 RAPIDES 
 
 G. W. Bolton, 
 T. G. White, 
 .1. ]. Swan, 
 V.~ M . Carruth, 
 Wm. Harris, 
 Sam F.lum. 
 A. G. Compton, 
 J. W. Tex a da, 
 Z. P. Squires. 
 
 Walter Head, 
 D. M. Sholars, 
 J. Greyton, 
 John T. Morris, 
 
 Roselius Perez, 
 L. F. Jack, 
 
 J. H. Smith, 
 J. F. Collins, 
 S. R. Harmanson. 
 John M. Pickett. 
 
 J-:. II . Smith, 
 J. D. Goode, 
 Stanhope Cain. 
 
 E. E. Kohnbacher. 
 J. T. Phillips, 
 A. J. Lacour. 
 
 F. A. Beauvais, 
 
 Alvin Provosty, 
 
 Geo. Joor, 
 Charles Parlangc, 
 
 Thoma* Mix, 
 R. M. Calruth, 
 
 S. F. Meeker, 
 R. L. Lncket, 
 C. M. Shaw, 
 
 B. Y. Leu is. 
 
 C. I. Uarstowc, 
 
 I. P. Hickman, 
 
 II. H. White. 
 W. A. Wilson, 
 
T. F. Pierson, 
 P. L. Collins, 
 
 Five Delegates. 
 
 E. M. McDonald, 
 McG. Bromby. 
 Four delegates. 
 
 RED RIVER. 
 
 S. G. Hollingsworth, 
 D. M. Giddens. 
 
 RICHLAND. 
 R* H. Brown, 
 
 SABINE. 
 
 John E. Bullard, 
 J. W. Taylor, 
 T. J. Brown. 
 W. T. Hopkins, 
 
 J. F. Lucius, 
 H. M. Gandy, 
 W. J. Salter, 
 H. S. Ellzey, 
 
 T. A. Tramel, 
 J. M. Franklin, 
 J. W. Conerly, 
 L. J. Nash, 
 
 J. R. Parrott, 
 W. M. Webb, 
 A. Litton, Sr., 
 R. G. Brown, 
 
 W.'S. Brown, 
 
 L. Reddick, 
 
 Twenty -seven delegate 
 
 is. 
 
 
 ST. BERNARD. 
 
 H. T. Lawler, 
 
 P.V. Relimpio, 
 
 C. W. Harper, 
 
 H. L. Turner, 
 
 Thomas H. Dillard. 
 
 
 Seven delegates. 
 
 H. S. Newsom, 
 A. X. Brown, 
 E. D. Harold, 
 
 Seven delegates. 
 
 J. J. Jacob, 
 
 "H. L. Ferchaud, 
 
 A. A. Robert, 
 
 P. M. Lambremont, Jr., 
 
 W. P. Cagnolatti, 
 
 R. Esterbrooks, 
 
 Geo. Gagnier, 
 
 O. D. Bfllou. 
 
 A. J. Billou, 
 
 H. A. Himel, 
 
 J. K. Tucker, 
 
 T. P. Cockaran, 
 
 Thirty-six delegates. 
 
 E. T. Lewis, 
 R. M. Littell, 
 T. S. Fontenot, 
 G. G. Thompson, 
 S. Jos. Wilson, 
 
 Fifteen delegates. 
 
 ST. HELENA. 
 
 W. Butterworth, 
 A. W. Carruth, 
 
 M. J. Foster, 
 
 1 
 
 Loret, 
 . N. Pharr, 
 
 M. Rogers, 
 . M. Burgiere, 
 I.D. Smith, 
 A. C. Allen, 
 T. D. Saint, 
 D. Caffery, 
 
 Twenty-five delegates 
 
 Geo. Keopp, 
 Clay Elliot, 
 George H. Gause, 
 W. E. Talley, 
 J. R. Dunham. 
 J. H. Murphy, 
 
 Sixteen delegates. 
 
 ST. LANDRY. 
 
 R. M. Heath, 
 "W. F. Clopton, 
 B. F. Vanoy, 
 Richard Heatherton, 
 D. W. Helm, 
 
 ST. MARY. 
 W. P. Kemper, 
 M. W. Bosworth, 
 T J. Foster, 
 M. Bell, 
 J. A. O'Neill, 
 J. B. Glvnn, 
 G. J. McBride, 
 O. P. Going, 
 
 ST. TAMMANY. 
 
 Charles Talley, 
 Alf. LeBlanc, 
 Ben Rogers, 
 Ben C. Williams, 
 John A. Ernest, 
 
 B. W. Marston, 
 
 W. H. Todd, 
 
 W. W. Edwards, 
 Dan Vandegaer, 
 W. R. Alford, 
 R. A. Forbis, 
 J. H. Caldwell, 
 AmosL. Ponder, 
 E. F. Presley, 
 Leo Vaudegaer, 
 A. Severance. 
 
 Ferd. Colomb, 
 J. W. Dautrive, 
 
 M. A. Strickland, 
 W. W. Mathews, 
 
 ST. JAMES. 
 
 
 L. Folse, 
 
 E. Gravois, 
 
 Folger Green, 
 
 O.Jacob, 
 
 L. A. Pellerin, 
 
 L. S. Webre, 
 
 T. Lambert, 
 
 E. D. Barton, 
 
 A. Donaldson, 
 
 E. H. Barton, 
 
 L. Thibodeaux, 
 
 A. P. Tregre, 
 
 tB. Dubourg, 
 . Keller, 
 
 D. T. Morgan, 
 R. McCreery, 
 
 A. Arcenaux, 
 
 R. M. Ellis, 
 
 Henry Steib, 
 
 T- L. Brand, 
 
 D. LeBlanc, 
 
 John Tregre, 
 
 V. Roine, 
 
 C. Lambert. 
 
 R. L. Hawkins, 
 G. T. Hawkins, 
 Sam 1 ! H. Faulknet. 
 T. H. Lewis, 
 Jones P. Smith. 
 
 C. M. Smith. 
 K. C. Cross, 
 J. C. Murphy, 
 W. T. Tones, 
 S. S. Hine, 
 A. M. Underwood, 
 J. A. Pelerman, 
 E. D. Martin, 
 
 E. P. Robert, 
 R. J. Taylor, 
 J. W. Decker, 
 E. Robert, 
 A. W. Bens, 
 
TANGIPAHOA. 
 
 O. P. Amacker, 
 L. II. Bowden, 
 F. P. Mix, 
 John Pierce; 
 Joseph Breland. 
 
 Thirteen delegates. 
 
 N. S. Williams. 
 
 One delegate. 
 
 J. J. Shilling, 
 G. D. Lewis, 
 S. D. Ellis, 
 Daniel Edwards, 
 
 TERREBONNE. 
 
 UNION. 
 
 W. H. McClendon, 
 John Vining, 
 A. R. Draughon. 
 T. E. Warner. 
 
 James A. Manning-, 
 S. K. Nolan, 
 J. H. Oshurn, 
 J. A. Peak. 
 
 Eleven delegates. 
 
 Minor T. Gordey. Jr. 
 W. L. Vanslyke. 
 
 Four delegates. 
 
 D. W. Ilollis, 
 J. M. Dawkins, 
 R. C. Murphy, 
 J. M. Gore. " 
 
 VERMILION. 
 J. Abshire,Jr. 
 
 VBRNON, 
 
 J. D. Hamilton, 
 R. M. Gill, 
 R. F. Terry, 
 
 Howard Hophauer, 
 
 Lee McAlpin, 
 Two delegates. 
 
 P. B. Carter. 
 
 W. V.Broomneld. 
 
 Five delegates. 
 
 G. L. P. Wren, 
 Three delegates. 
 
 II. R. Lott, 
 
 Three delegates. 
 
 Any:. Levert, 
 John Hill, Jr., 
 Win Gassie. 
 
 L. Kirkland, 
 
 A. Dauthier. 
 
 Fifteen delegates. 
 
 Thomas Butler, 
 Robert Daniel, 
 Duiu-an Stewart, 
 
 W. ] Fort, 
 
 M. S. Williams, 
 
 Sixteen delegates. 
 
 Louis Lara se . 
 
 WASHINGTON. 
 
 J. M. Burris, 
 
 E. W. McClendon, 
 
 WEBSTER. 
 J.J. Stewart, 
 
 WEST CARROLL. 
 M. C. Cooper, 
 
 WEST BATON ROUGE. 
 
 T. J. Reames, 
 C.K Schwinjr, 
 Gaudin Caix.es, 
 Emile Gassie, 
 Chas. Aubert. 
 
 WEST FELICIANA. 
 
 J. B. McGehee, 
 *Wm. Stewart, 
 W. W. Leake, 
 
 las. P. Mowman, 
 C. E. Do 
 
 cker, 
 
 W. L. Smith, 
 
 J. E. Burch. 
 
 H. J. Cheatham. 
 
 J. M. LeBlanc, 
 II. S. Wilkinson, 
 W. 15. Chamberlin, 
 T. Mary, 
 C. M. Flyun. 
 
 B. Harralson, 
 
 J. G. Wa.ie. 
 
 Hubert McMontgomeiy, 
 
 Jas. L. Golson. 
 
 S. McC. Lawrison. 
 
 T. B. McGehee. 
 
 K. S. Tannehill, 
 \\ . 15. liailey. 
 
 Six delegates. 
 
 G. P. Lone, 
 Ed. Eagle's, Jr., 
 
 H. L. Briant, 
 Geo. A. Keller. 
 
MINORITY REPORT OX THE LOTTERY BILL. 
 
 AN ABLE DOCUMENT, PRESENTING CONCLUSIVE REASONS 
 AGAINST THE GREAT GAMBLING JOB. 
 
 The Minority Report of the Committee of the House of Rep- f 
 resentatives on the Lottery Bill, presented on June 16, reads as 
 follows, and was directed by the Convention to be republished 
 with these proceedings : 
 
 To the Speaker and Members of the House of Representatives: The 
 undersigned, members of the Special Committee to which was referred House 
 Bill No. 214, proposing to amend the Constitution by inserting therein an 
 article entitled, "An Article on Levees, Schools, Charities, Pensions and 
 Lotteries," beg leave to dissent from the report of the majority on said bill, 
 and to file this their minority report, setting up their objections to the sa:iie 
 and their reasons for recommending its rejection by your honorable body. 
 
 The importance of this proposition can scarcely be overestimated. It will 
 affect the destinies of Louisiana for good or evil for the next generation, and 
 upon its adoption or rejection will depend, in a great measure, the prosperity 
 and happiness of the sons and daughters to coma after us. 
 
 It behooves us then to bring to its consideration the most thorough and 
 conscientious research and our most mature judgment, and above all to be 
 actuated by the most unselfish devotion to the interest and the welfare and 
 the honor of our beloved State. 
 
 THE PROPOSITION 
 
 js to grant to an individual, and his associates and successors, the exclusive 
 privilege of establishing and maintaining a lottery in Louisiana for twenty- 
 five years, from January i, 1894, and in return for this exclusive privilege 
 the State is to receive the sum of $25,000,000, payable in installments as set 
 forth in the bill, and distributed to the levees, schools, charities, pensions, 
 drainage and sanitation of the City of New Orleans, as therein stated, and it 
 is not denied that the individual named is an alter ego for the Louisiana 
 State Lottery Company, and that this is in effect merely an application on 
 the part of that company for an extension of its charter. 
 
 We have no hesitancy in saying that this proposition should be rejected; 
 rejected as vicious in morals, unsound in economy, and corrupting and dan- 
 gerous in politics. 
 
 As we view it, stripped of the false pretenses with which it is presented, of 
 the lalse livery in which it is clothed, it is nothing but a bare offer 
 
 TO BUY A STATE 
 
 and to bribe its people to enter into an infamous bargain. 
 
 The pretense that it is in aid of such worthy objects as levees, schools, 
 charities, etc., will deceive no one; the hypocrisy is too apparent; the private 
 
73 
 
 fortunes of the promoters of the scheme and not those worthy public objects 
 are to be its beneficiaries. 
 
 If the promoters of this lottery scheme had said to us that they wanted a 
 lottery for the purpose of making money for themselves, and they would 
 pay a good round price for it, they would at least have rescued themselves 
 from the charge of insincerity and been entitled to be accorded the virtue of 
 candor, however shocking the proposition might be to t he moral sense. 
 
 That the maintenance and operation of a lottery is immoral, few have the 
 hardihood to deny. It is admitted to be a species of 
 
 GAMBLING. 
 
 and no one contends that gambling is a virtuous or worthy occupation. 
 
 That lottery gambling is the most pernicious of all the varied forms of this 
 vice, because more wide-spread and far-reaching, is equally true. 
 
 We need to refer only to one authority, and that of such eminence that its 
 importance is acknowledged at once. The Supreme Court of the United 
 States, over forty years ago, in the case of Phalen vs. State of Virginia, said; 
 
 " Experience has shown that the common forms of gambling are compara- 
 tively innocuous when placed in contrast with the widespread pestilence of 
 lotteries. The former are confined to a few persons and places, but the lot- 
 tery infects the whole community; it enters every dwelling; it reaches every 
 class; it preys upon the hard earnings of the poor; it plunders the ignorant 
 and the simple." 
 
 We take it, then, that no one denies the immorality of a public lottery 
 Shall we then sanction this immorality, imbedded in our organic law, and 
 place the seal of our public approbation upon it ? 
 
 THE PEOPLE OF THIS STATE, 
 
 after declaring in their Constitution that gambling was a vice, laid their in- 
 junctions upon us to "enact laws for its suppression." Shall we now obey 
 that injunction by proposing to this same people, not to suppress, but to 
 establish and protect this, the most baneful of all gambling. Such a course 
 would seem to us not only a disregard of this plain injunction of the people, 
 but little less than a contempt of their expressed wishes. 
 
 In what an inconsistent and pitiable attitude we would place ourselves by 
 adopting this proposed amendment, with one article of the Constitution de- 
 claring the viciousness of gambling and directing the General Assembly to 
 suppress it, while another legalized, adopted and protected it in its worst 
 form ! But such is the unenviable position we are invited to occupy before, 
 the thinking and enlightened world. 
 
 But not only are we inviied to legalize gambling, but we are solicited to 
 share in its spoils. We are asked to become, if not a partner in terms, at 
 least 
 
 A BENEFICIARY OF THE VICE, 
 
 and to support ourselves largely by its proceeds. To this we might say that 
 a state thus supported and sustained would not only deserve, but would as- 
 suredly receive the contempt and derision of its sister states of this American 
 Union, and of good men everywhere. As the estimation in which an indi- 
 vidual professional gambler is held by society, so would it be with Louis- 
 
74 
 
 iana in the society of statehood. In no other State of this Union does such 
 an institution exist. On the contrary, in more than half lotteries are pro- 
 hibited by constitutional enactments and almost all have laws leveled against 
 them. Surely such a consensus of opinion of our brother Americans, just 
 as enlightened, as virtuous and as devoted to the public weal as we, and 
 with State governments just as free, and in many instances far more pros- 
 perous than ours, should receive consideration at our hands. In this fair 
 sisterhood shall Louisiana be degraded ? And as she passes along be 
 shunned as unclean and the withering cry go up of "Room for the leper; 
 room !" 
 
 It is claimed that 
 
 WE CANNOT SUPPRESS LOTTERY GAMBLING 
 
 and therefore we ought to regulate it and receive what revenues we can from 
 it. But when we come to examine this regulation we find that it increases 
 the powers of the evil instead of restricting them. 
 
 That lottery tickets will be sold surreptitiously in spite of laws to the con- 
 trary is admitted ; but where there would be f>ne sold in that case, there 
 would be hundreds if not thousands sold where lottery gambling is protected 
 by law. There is no comparison between the two evils, and if we are not 
 able to suppress crime entirely, it is our duty, and the part of wise statesman- 
 ship, to suppress it as far as possible. Besides, this argument proves too . 
 much ; for it applies equally to most if not all public evils and crimes. 
 
 Many of these readily suggest themselves to the dullest mind. For the 
 same reason we should have no laws against carrying concealed weapons, 
 against theft, against burglaries, against assaults and so on down the cat- 
 egory of recognized crime. And for the same reason we should throw the 
 protecting aegis of the law over such immoralities, the bare proposition to 
 license which would be received with universal indignation. 
 
 But it is claimed by the advocates of this measure that it should be re- 
 garded from an economic standpoint alone, 
 
 " AS A MERE BUSINESS PROPOSITION," 
 
 say they. 
 
 Waiving for the time the enormity of classing a proposition to legalize 
 gambling " as a business proposition," and of placing it upon the same plane 
 as the ordinary and useful occupations of life, yet this proposition should be 
 rejected upon economic grounds also. 
 
 The first proposal it makes is to create a monopoly, to exclude competi- 
 tion and confine the benefits to a limited few. In our system of free govern- 
 ment monopolies are odious. They are created and conducted for the benefit 
 of the few at the expense of the many. They are undemocratic and hostile 
 to the settled policy and traditions of this country. 
 
 But if this 
 
 MONOPOLY 
 
 is better for the state than to throw the "business" open to competition, why 
 not create a monopoly of other businesses the whisky business, for instance 
 the dealing in any other article of commerce ? 
 
75 
 
 Immense sums would be paid for these special exclusive privileges. But 
 we hear no such propositions; they would not be entertained a moment 
 for it would be death to all legitimate enterprises. 
 
 It is said that the sum offered is very large. Then the franchise must be 
 proportionately valuable, and if so if we are to "drive a bargain," and es- 
 pecially if that bargain is to be with a soulless gambling corporation let us 
 throw it open to competition to the highest bidder, and drive as hard a bar- 
 gain as we can. 
 
 But we are happy to state that few of the advocates of the lottery have the 
 hardihood to place lottery gambling upon the same high plane with the hon- 
 est and worthy callings of life. 
 
 THEY ADMIT THAT IT BELONGS TO THE LOW ORDER OF THINGS, 
 
 not calculated to improve the tone of human society. But they justify its 
 existence and their acceptance of the present propositions upon the ground 
 of necessity. 
 
 The State, say they, is too poor to reject this large sum upon merely sen- 
 timental grounds; that our public charities are suffering; our levees down 
 and no means of rebuilding them; our schools suffering for lack of funds, 
 etc., etc. 
 
 If this were so, it would be a humiliating fact for Louisianians, a fact that 
 should make them hang their heads wich shame, and especially this would 
 be so with 
 
 THE PARTY NOW IN POWER 
 
 in the State, which, after thirteen years of complete and uninterrupted con- 
 trol of the government had brought us " to this complexion " at last. It 
 would be a confession of inability to support our institutions, to fulfil our 
 most sacred obligations, and oui consequent want by just that much of the 
 qualities of self-government. As well put by one of the leading daily news- 
 papers of one of the large cities of this Union, " it is a confession not only 
 of present and pressing poverty, but worse, it is an admission that for twenty- 
 five years to come the necessities of the State are likely to be such that 
 money raised by means that are repugnant to the moral sense of the people 
 of the Union will be needed to pay for the education of the children, to 
 maintain the eleemosynary institutions and build and keep the public levees 
 in repair." 
 But is it so? 
 
 IS LOUISIANA POOR, 
 
 or is she likely to become so ? No, Louisiana, thank God, is rich; rich in her 
 fertile soil and balmy climate, rich in the product of her farms and shops, 
 rich in the strong arms and honest hearts of her sturdy sons, wringing riches 
 from the sweat of toil, and ready to cast out the dishonest temptations of 
 the gambler ; rich in the purity and devotion of her fair daughters, ever 
 strengthening, supporting and leading us in the paths of honesty, virtue and 
 honor, and rich in mental, moral and material worth which millions cannot 
 count. Nor is she likely to become a pauper unless in an evil day she suc- 
 cumb to the allurements of the tempter, and her people become the slaves of 
 the sloth and heedless idleness engendered by lottery gambling. 
 
 f 
 
 i 
 
7 6 
 
 ACCORDING TO THE LAST CENSUS 
 
 Louisiana was richer per capita than most of her Southern sisters. Richer 
 than Georgia, than Mississippi, than North Carolina and South Carolina 
 and Tennessee, and yet we hear of no lotteries to save any of those States 
 from bankruptcy and financial ruin. We are prospering ; our prosperity is 
 increasing in value yearly, and our population is growing greater. For the 
 year 1889 our total assessed valuation was the sum of $226,392,288.17, an 
 increase over that of 1888 of 18,315,274.17 as shown by the auditor's report. 
 The 6-mill tax on this, together with the licenses collected, which amounted 
 to $385,505.54, and some other small incomes, gave the State alone a reve- 
 nue of a million and three-quarters in round numbers. 
 
 As shown by the treasurer's report, there will be a large surplus carried 
 over from the general fund of 1889 to that of 1890; and as stated by the audi- 
 tor, if economical appropriations are made, the State will be on a cash 
 basis. 
 
 WHEN HAS THIS BEEN THE CASE BEFORE 
 
 for the past twenty-five years? Do these figures show poverty, or do they 
 suggest the necessity for a lottery? 
 
 It has been persistently and loudly asserted that our charitable institutions 
 have suffered, that our insane, blind, deaf and dumb, and indigent sick have 
 not had the care and attention they need, and that these institutions are in 
 bad condition. 
 
 In answer to this it is only necessary to refer to the reports of the superin- 
 tendents and officers of these various institutions to show the utter falsity 
 of any such claims. These reports all show these institutions to be in 
 excellent condition and a credit to the State. 
 
 THE INSANE ASYLUM 
 
 at Jackson, which has received the most denunciation, not only shows that 
 it had ample funds from the State, but exhibits a large balance on hand after 
 paying all expenses. 
 
 The institute for the Deaf and Dumb and the Blind, the Charity Hospitals 
 and the Soldiers' Home have all been well provided for. By the appropria- 
 tion bill which has passed your honorable body and is now before the Sen- 
 ate the appropriations for these institutions have been increased and provis- 
 ions made for the erection of a new building at Jackson which will accommo- 
 date all the indigent insane in the State ; likewise increased appropriations 
 have been made for the Charity Hospital at Shreveport, for the agricultural 
 and experimental stations, the -Louisiana State University and Agricultural 
 and Mechanical College, the Southern University and the State Normal 
 School. 
 
 And with all these increased appropriations we are told there will yet be 
 a surplus with which the State can likely settle most if not all the valid 
 floating claims against her, many of which came down to us as a costly leg- 
 acy of reconstruction days. 
 
 In the face of this the claim that we are unable to care for our educa- 
 tional and charitable institutions and that a lottery is necessary for that pur- 
 pose, rapidly falls away. 
 
77 
 
 It Is said that we will be unable to close the breaks in 
 
 OUR LEVEES 
 
 caused by the recent floods, and to rebuild and enlarge and strengthen them 
 so as to protect our lands and homes from ruin and destruction, unless the 
 offer of the lottery company is accepted. 
 
 We have no desire to, nor do we for one moment, underestimate the dam- 
 ages and devastation wrought by the flood, nor are we indifferent to or 
 careless to the great privations and sufferings of our fellow-citizens following 
 them. In common with all good men we deplore this deeply and stand 
 ready to aid in all legitimate means whereby security can be had, but in our 
 judgment the damages and loss following the breaking of barriers erected 
 against the flood of waters, great as they are, would be insignificant when 
 compared with the incalculable devastation and ruin to the material and 
 moral interest of society and our State, when once the barriers of public 
 opinion against immorality and crime are swept away and the devastating 
 floods of corruption let in. 
 
 BUT IT IS NOT TRUE THAT WE ARE UNABLE TO BUILD OUR LEVEES. 
 
 After the disastrous floods of 1882 and 1884 we rebuilt, repaired and 
 strengthened them when we had five times the amount of levees down that 
 we have now, and when our resources were far below what we can command 
 at this time. 
 
 If we could rebuild then why not do so now, when we have less to build 
 and more means to do it with? 
 
 We now have in the treasury to the credit of the general engineer and 
 levee and drainage fund, and the several levee districts except the fifth and 
 the Tensas basin districts, the sum of $238,664.05, against which there are 
 liabilities amounting to $150,415.50, leaving a cash balance of $88,248.55. In 
 the $150,415.50 is included the sum with which to rebuild the Raleigh levee 
 in the fifth district, and the engineer's report that the balance to our credit 
 will rebuild the other broken levees in the State at the usual price of building 
 levees. 
 
 WE HAVE ALSO AVAILABLE 
 
 for levee building the first of June, 1891, all of the $300,000 just appropriated 
 by the House that may be collected and the taxes that have been levied by 
 the levee districts of the State, exclusive of the fifth and Tensas basin districts. 
 
 The Board of engineers estimate that 75 per cent of which will amount to 
 $315,147. Besides that, the treasurer estimates that the sum which will prob- 
 ably be available from the sale of swamp lands will amount to about $75,000, 
 making a total of $478,395.55 with which to close breaks, repair and enlarge 
 levees for the next twelve months, excluding the Raleigh crevasse, which has 
 already been provided for. 
 
 The Tensas basin levee district has on hand $30,420.25, $50,000 of bonds 
 worth almost their face value and all the lands donated to it by the State, 
 and owes no debts for levee work. The fifth district has on hand $8228.91, 
 about $325,000 in bonds and most of the lands donated to it, and she raises 
 by taxation net about $112,500, and her liabilities will probably not exceed 
 $100,000. 
 
 It is ADMITTED ON ALL HANDS 
 
 that it is necessary for complete and permanent protection, that the General 
 Government should build and maintain the levees and take charge of the 
 whole system, and we loudly assert, and truthfully too, that it is its duty to 
 do so, as the Mississippi river is the great highway of internal commerce in 
 this country and receives the waters from two-thirds of the States. We all 
 fervently hope for such a consummation and are bending our energies to that 
 end. We should not, then, place any obstruction or interpose the least ob- 
 stacle to the accomplishment of this purpose, which is admittedly the only 
 ultimate solution of the levee problem. 
 
78 
 
 Is the establishment of this lottery scheme liable or calculated to advance 
 this universally desired consummation ? On the contrary, will it not be a 
 very serious draw back and cause its postponement for long years, if not pre- 
 vent it entirely during the continuation of its charter ? Such is our opinion. 
 
 We establish in our midst a gambling institution, one purpose of which is 
 to build our levees, and one argument urged in its favor by its supporters is 
 that while it may injure others, we are not damaged ; that it draws ninety- 
 seven per cent of its unhallowed gains from the people of other States, and 
 returns to us more than the three per cent taken from our population. 
 
 DOES IT LIE IN OUR MOUTHS 
 
 while we are drawing money from them for this purpose, by means repug- 
 nant to the inoral sense of the whole people of the Union, except ourselves, 
 and reprobated by the laws of most all their States, to ask them to contribute 
 to this same purpose in the usual and ordinary manner? 
 
 W,ill we not be told to build our levees with our lottery, and that a peo- 
 ple cannot legitimately be called upon to contribute to a purpose for which 
 they are in effect robbed ? Such we feel would be the effect upon this great 
 hope which we all cherish. 
 
 But again, if this lottery is a mere business proposition, how does the State 
 stand in the bargain proposed ? a loser or a gainer ? We think it clear that 
 she would be a loser. Here is a company to be organized, the capital stock 
 of which is to be $5,000,000, divided into 50,000 shares of $100 each ; and in 
 consideration of the privilege of carrying on a lottery for twenty-five years, 
 and a total exemption from all tax and contribution of every kind upon all 
 its property, is to pay the State the sum of $1,00.0,000 per annum. This sum 
 appears large, but it is deceiving, and is really much less than should be paid 
 under the revenue laws as they now exist, and 
 
 LESS THAN WHAT IS PAID BY LEGITIMATE CALLINGS 
 
 with a like amount of capital. The shares of the Louisiana State Lottery 
 Company, which will go out of existence in less than four years, are quoted 
 at $1200. It is reasonable to suppo&e that the shares of the new company, 
 with twenty-five years to run, will be worth at least as much. Therefore, 
 50,000 shares at $1200 per share represents $60,000,000. 
 
 The State tax of 6 mills on this would be $360,000 
 
 The city tax of the city of New Orleans at 2.02 per cent 
 
 (which is the amount now levied) would be 1,212,000 
 
 And the license predicated on the gross receipts, which is, say, 
 $30,000,000 per annum, and taking for basis the kindred 
 business of whisky selling, would exceed the sum of 200,000 
 
 Total taxes and licenses $ i ,772,000 
 
 Or about three-quarters of a million more than the amount now offered for 
 the franchise. And thus the State would be a loser by that amount. 
 Again, viewing this act in its relation to 
 
 OTHER ARTICLES OF THE CONSTITUTION, 
 
 we find that it is in direct conflict with article 207, which prescribes what 
 property shall be exempt from taxation and none other. 
 
 It supersedes article 234, which provides that all corporations shall hold 
 their charters subject to provisions of the constitution. 
 
 It supersedes article 235, which declares that "the exercise of the police 
 power of the State shall never be abridged or so construed as to permit cor- 
 porations to conduct their business in such a manner as to infringe the equal 
 rights of individuals or the general well-being of the State," in this that it 
 grants to this corporation a monopoly not permitted to other corporations or 
 to individuals and it exempts this corporation from the payment of all taxa- 
 tion license a duty exacted from every other class of citizens. 
 
 It supersedes article 238 in this, that it permits the issuance of stocks on 
 the payment of not less than 20 per cent, of the capital, allows the corpora- 
 
79 
 
 tion to do business on a capital of $100,000 when the capital is fixed at 
 $5,000,000. 
 
 It places the grant in the citizen of another State not subject to the juris- 
 diction of our courts. 
 
 It fixes no domicile for the corporation, and although pretending to organ- 
 ize a corporation, divests our courts of an/ jurisdiction over it, because, 
 granted in the first place to an alien, there is no prohibition against his re- 
 granting toother aliens, and in this article 236 is directly superseded. 
 
 And lastly this proposition should be rejected, because it is 
 
 DANGEROUS AND CORRUPTING IN OUR POLITICS, 
 
 and its adoption would be a constant menace to free and pure government 
 in Louisiana. 
 
 No government largely, supported by a corporation, and especially by a 
 gambling corporation, can be clean or can subserve the ends for which it was 
 created. 
 
 In the necessity of things the very objects and purposes of government 
 will be perverted, and instead of serving as the guardian of the people it be- 
 comes the instrument in the hands of the corporation of its own protection 
 and aggrandizement. 
 
 We are told by our constitution that the only legitimate end of government 
 is "to protect the citizen in the enjoyment of life, liberty and property," and 
 that "when it assumes other functions it is usurpation and oppression." 
 
 Let this gambling corporation once 
 
 BECOME A PART OF OUR STATE 
 
 government by being imbedded in the constitution, with the alimonv of the 
 State largely drawn from its coffers, and it would necessarily turn its im- 
 mense money power towards fortifying, perpetuating and aggrandizing itself 
 at the expense of whatever stood in its way, even should that be the welfare 
 and liberties of the people ; and this government would become, in the 
 words of the constitution, "usurpation and oppression." 
 
 The claim that the lottery company would have no reason to interfere and 
 therefore would not interfere in politics when once they were secured bv a 
 constitutional enactment, is not tenable for a moment. It has been held by 
 the highest court in the land that no contract could be made establishing a 
 lottery, which was not revocable. 
 
 If this be true, or even if it be an open question as some contend, then the 
 lottery would be compelled to enter and to remain in politics for the protec- 
 tion of its very existence, it would be subject to constant attacks from two 
 widely different classes of men actuated by widely different motives the 
 honest, who would endeavor to destroy it as a corruptor of virtue, a destroyer 
 of morality and a breeder of crime ; and the blackmailer, who would assail 
 it for the corrupt purpose of selling his place. Thus 
 
 ITS CREATURES WOULD BE FOUND 
 
 in every department of the government in the executive chair of the State, 
 taking care, indeed, " that the laws be faithfully executed, but in the interest 
 oj the lottery company ; on the bench, construing the laws carefully indeed, 
 that no harm should eome to the lottery ; and on the floor of both houses of 
 your general Assembly pledged and bound indeed to shape legislation and 
 enact laws, not in the interest of the State, but in that of the lottery. 
 
 And it would even be forced to enter the halls of Congress to pro- 
 tect its nefarious traffic from attacks which would surely come from 
 national legislation. Being solely a moneye 1 enterprise with no object 
 but individual gain, it would have no motive but interest, and no politics 
 but that which had its beginning and end in itself. It would act with 
 all parties, and equally oppose all as its interests dictated. A friend of 
 Democracy to-day, it would be a supporter of Republicanism to-morrow, and 
 would be equally the enemy of both should occasion arise to profit by such 
 hostility. 
 
8o 
 
 It would and could recognize no standard of public preferment but devo- 
 tion to its interests, or at least, indifference to its aggrandizement, and the 
 corresponding depletion of the people. Aspiring men would seek its favors 
 and court its smiles, and the road to political advancement would not be 
 through the gateway of honesty, ability and devotion to the public weal, but 
 through the doors of the lottery company. 
 
 As legislators 
 
 WE CANNOT AVOID THE RESPONSIBILITY 
 
 that is thrown upon us by voting to submit this proposition to the people. 
 The argument that a legislator in so doing expresses no individual opinion, 
 gives no individual endorsement, is fallacious in the extreme, and not tena- 
 ble for a moment. 
 
 On the contrary, as he is a legislator by the belief and confidence of the 
 people in his more than ordinary intelligence, ability and judgment, just so 
 much the more will his vote be regarded with more weight and force than 
 that of the ordinary citizen. He is sent to the halls of legislation for the 
 very purpose of determining what measures are good for the welfare of the 
 people. They charge him with this commissioH and do not expect him to 
 shirk the responsibility or throw it back upon them. 
 
 SUCH A COURSE WOULD BE COWARDLY ; 
 
 and its suggestion is an imputation upon the intelligent conception of his 
 duty as a legislator or his moral courage as a man. The constitution of the 
 State charges him with this duty, and so carefully has it guarded the sub- 
 mission of amendments that not only must a majority approve of such a 
 proposition, but that majority must be two-thirds before it is submitted to 
 the people. Article 256 of the constitution provides that "propositions for the 
 amendment of this constitution maybe made by the General Assembly, at any 
 session thereof, and if two-thirds of all the members elected to each house 
 shall concur therein, etc." Concur in what? Not in the proposition to submit the 
 matter to the people, but in the proposition itself to amend the Constitution; 
 agree together that it is such a change in, or addition to, the fundamental 
 law, as in their own opinion, ought to be made; and when a legislator votes 
 for a- proposition to amend, he thereby makes the proposition himself, so far 
 as he individually can; and when two-thirds of them vote for it, it is made, in 
 the language of the Constitution, " by the General Assembly." When a 
 legislator votes for such a proposition he thereby places the stamp of his ap- 
 proval and recommendation upon it, and should he contend otherwise he 
 would be met with the universal truism that " actions speak louder than 
 words." 
 The 
 
 APPEAL TO SHIFT THE RESPONSIBILITY 
 
 upon the people is "nothing more or less," in the words of our worthy Execu- 
 tive, in his warning message to this General Assembly, than an appeal to 
 give the lottery company the opportunity to go into the next campaign (for- 
 tified, as it will be, by the approval of this General Assembly), and by and 
 through an immense corruption fund, mass all the bad elements in the State 
 white and black, and by their united vote endeavor to ride rough-shod over 
 the respectable and worthy people of this State. Let no man deceive him- 
 self, and let no man be deceived by others in this matter. 
 
 For all the foregoing reasons we respectfully dissent from the report of the 
 majoritv of vour committee, and earnestly recommend that the proposition 
 be rejected/ Respectfully submitted. J. M. KENNEDY, 
 
 H. P. WELLS, 
 FELIX J. DREYFOUS. 
 
THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE 
 STAMPED BELOW 
 
 AN INITIAL FINE OF 25 CENTS 
 
 WILL BE ASSESSED FOR FAILURE TO RETURN 
 THIS BOOK ON THE DATE DUE. THE PENALTY 
 WILL INCREASE TO 5O CENTS ON THE FOURTH 
 DAY AND TO $I.OO ON THE SEVENTH DAY 
 OVERDUE. 
 
 REC'D LC 
 
 LD 21-100m-12, '43 (8796s) 
 
VC 23415 
 
 M154355 
 
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