UC-NRLF 
 
 HibroRY 
 
 FROM 
 
 CONTEMPORARY WRITERS 
 
 3&S' 
 
 1488-1513 
 
 I«WS 
 
 EDITED BT 
 
 G. GREGORY SMITH 
 
 M» A. 
 
• 6 
 
 OF THK 
 
 Jniversity of California. 
 
 BOUGHT WITH FUND GIVEN BY 
 
 SCOTTISH SOCIETIES OF CALIFORNIA. 
 Class 
 
The series, of which the present volume is one, aims at setting 
 forth the facts of our National Ilistor\-, pohtical and social, in a 
 way not yet systematically tried in thi:i country, but somewhat 
 like that which ^lessrs. Hachettc have successfully wrought out 
 in France under the editorship of MM. Zcllar, Darsy, Luchaire, 
 etc. It is planned not only for educational use but for the 
 general reader, and especially for all those to whom the original 
 contemporary authorities are for various reasons difficult of access. 
 
 To each well-defined period of our history is given a little 
 volume made up of extracts from the chronicles, state papers, 
 memoirs, and letters of the time, as also from other contempo- 
 rary literature, the whole chronologically arranged and chosen 
 so as to give a living picture ot the effect produced upon each 
 generation by the political, religious, social, and intellectual 
 movements in which it took part. 
 
 Extracts from foreign tongues are Englished, and passages 
 from old English authors put into modern sj^elling, but otherwise 
 as far as may be kept in original form. When needed a glossaiy 
 is added and brief explanatory notes. To each volume is also 
 appended a short account of the writers quoted and of their 
 relations to the events they describe, as well as such tables and 
 summaries as may facilitate reference. Such illustrations as are 
 given are chosen in the same spirit as the text, and represent 
 monuments, documents, sites, portraits, coins, etc. 
 
 The chief aim of the series is to send the reader to the best 
 original autliorilies, and so to bring him as close as may be to 
 the mind and feelings of the times he is reading about. 
 
 No definite chronological system of issue is adopted, but it is 
 hoped that the entire period of Mediaeval and Renaissance his- 
 tory may be covered in the ^p.ice of two or three years. 
 
 F. YORK POWELL, 
 
 Editor of the Series. 
 Ch. Ch., Oxford, 1887. 
 
SCOTTISH HISTORY 
 BY CONTEMPORARY WRITERS 
 
 1488— 1513. 
 
Although good Chronicles and Gestes 
 are in favour and please many hearers, yet 
 men, whose attention is occupied by the 
 many pressing duties as well as the ever- 
 present and varied cares of life, cannot 
 without great difficulty give their time to 
 the perusal of heavy tomes— a labour 
 which ofttimes makes them weary, and 
 deadens in their hearts the desire to learn. 
 It is therefore our intention, under cor- 
 rection of those whom it concerns or may 
 in an J' way in time coming concern, to 
 treat briefly and concisely of every matter 
 which is usi'ful antl jirofitable ; and, as it 
 is vanity to do by more words what may 
 be done b\ fewer, to seek out, extract, 
 and arrange, like a honey-bee amid wild 
 flowers, doing them no hurt, whatever 
 seems necessary for the proper telling of 
 the stor}'. 
 
 — From the Book of Pluscakdin, 1461. 
 
vTn * R A ^ 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
Although good Chronicles and Gestes 
 are in favour and please nian_v hearers, yet 
 men, whose attention is occupied by the 
 many pressing duties as well as the ever- 
 present and varied cares of life, cannot 
 without great difficulty give their time to 
 the perusal of heavy tomes— a labour 
 which ofttinies makes them weary, and 
 deadens in their hearts the desire to learn. 
 It is therefore our intention, under cor- 
 rection of those whom it concerns or may 
 in any way in time coming concern, to 
 treat briefly and concisely of every matter 
 which is useful and profitable; and, as it 
 is vanity to do by more words what may 
 be done by fewer, to seek out, extract, 
 and arrange, like a honey-bee amid wild 
 flowers, doing them no hurt, whatever 
 seems necessary for the proper telling of 
 the stor>'. 
 
 — From the Book of Pluscakdin, 1461. 
 
c s 
 
1 
 
 i 
 
 3 
 
 ■>- 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 V 6 
 
 
SCOTTISH HISTORY BY CONTEMPORARY 
 
 WRITERS 
 
 ®:^e ^a^^ of ^anx^^ iilf* 
 
 1488— 1513 
 
 Extracts from the Royal Letters, Polydore Vergil and Hall, 
 Major, Boece, Myln, The State Papers, ^c., <5rV. , <sfc. 
 
 Arranged and Edited by 
 
 G. GREGORY SMITH 
 
 M.A. Edin., B.A. Ox on. 
 
 LONDON 
 DAVID NUTT, 27., 271, STRAND 
 
 1890 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 conciliatory ; hence the almost unanimous loyalty of 
 the nobles who had deprived his father of the Crown. 
 
 These were the golden days of Scottish literature 
 and Ciiivalry and art, the time of Danbar, Gawin 
 Douglas, and the ' .Makars,' of learned men like 
 ILlphinslone and Pantar, whom James gathered round 
 him, to liis own (.Ifdi^dit, and to the glory of the Court 
 winch Ariosto and l-'.rasmiis praised. As a foil to 
 William ElphinsLone, James's good genius, stands 
 Andrew Forman, the representative of the new 
 political spirit a!vJ method which Italy had made 
 popular. 
 
 It is unfo'.tunate that, on account of the nature of 
 the authorities, several interesting items, such as the 
 rebellion of Lennox, and the miessage of the French 
 Queen, are not accessible in contemporary narrative. 
 Much information can be had from the Exchequer Rolls 
 and Treasurer's Accounts, but such material cannot 
 find place in a volume like the present, any more 
 than the fuller versions of writers too late to be con- 
 sidered contemporary. A few quotations from later 
 historians have been given, but the information is 
 vouched for by them, as having been received direct 
 from contemporary voice or record. 
 
 I am especially indebted to Thomas Dickson, Esq., 
 LL.D., of the (General Register House, Edinburgh, 
 for giving access to books and MSS., and for his 
 friendly assistance in the solution of diflicultics. 
 
 Edinhur^]}^ September, 1889. 
 

 OF 
 
 ®Jj^ ^an^ of ^ant^^ iiiU 
 
 \s^ur 
 
 1488, June.— Tlie ilelcl of Gtirling and the Corona- 
 tion of James IV. 
 
 Hall, p. 448. 
 
 When nothing could move or pierce the stony 
 hearts or frosty minds of the nobility of Scotland, 
 in conclusion they met together in a pitched field, 
 where after gicat slaughter of many men the poor 
 wretched {sen') king fled into a mill for succour, 
 whither he was followed, and there shamefully mur- 
 dered, and unreverently, not like a prince or a 
 crowned king. Then the princes of Scotland being- 
 satiated and filled with the blood and slaughter of 
 their sovereign lord and king (thinking that they had 
 well revenged the old displeasures to them done and 
 committed by King James the Third) set up in the 
 throne and estate royal the prince his son, and named 
 him James, the fourth of that name.''' 
 
 * Polycloie Vergil (xxvi. 580) makes no mention of the ^lill 
 and the ' Mmder.' The elaborate details, so often quoted, aie 
 not found in any conteinpora}y V\'riter. We must not forget that 
 Hall's version is tinged by his monarchical ardour. It is difficult 
 to explain the character of James III. and to estimate whether 
 his fall was due to obstinacy or to a weak reserve. His son 
 showed sujicrior wisdom in his conciliatory policy to the nobles, 
 even to tl;osc who had favoured his father's side, and had made 
 a feeble cffoit at insurrection. 
 
6 THE DEBATE ON SAUCHIE. 
 
 1488, Oct. 17.- The Debate and Cause of the Field 
 
 of Stirling. 
 
 Acts of Pari. 
 
 [The declaration by Parliament of the innocence of tlie king 
 and his partisans naturally succeeded the tragedy neai Stirling and 
 the Coronation. James had been forced by political circumstance 
 into a position which, from his continual acts of penance, we 
 know he must have felt most keenly. The following account is 
 interesting as being the first record of a debate in the Scottish 
 Parliament.] 
 
 In this present parliament, our sovereign lord 
 being present together with his three estates of the 
 realm, was proposed the debate and cause of the field 
 of Stirling, in the which the former James King of 
 Scotland, whom God assoil, father to our sovereign 
 lord, happened to be slain ; and the cause and occa- 
 sion being argued among the lords of the three 
 estates, John lord Glammis presented and shewed 
 certain articles subscribed with the said former king 
 James's hand, the tenor of which follows : — 
 
 These are the articles upon the which our sovereign 
 lord shall give commission under his great seal to the 
 lords under written, that is to say, the bishop of 
 Aberdeen, Chancellor, the earl ^){ Htmtlev, Earl 
 Marshall, lord Ghimmis and Alexander Lindsay to 
 commune, conclude, and end with these lords follow- 
 ing, that is to say, the Bishop of Glasgow, llie earls of 
 Angus, Argyle, lord Hailes, and lord Lyle. 
 
 1. That the royal estate be exalted and borne up, 
 that tlie king may exercise justice to al! liis lieges in 
 all parts of his realm. 
 
 2. That his person be at all times in honourable 
 
THE ARTICLES. 7 
 
 security and freedom ; and that there be prelates, 
 lords and others of wisdom, good disposition, and 
 without suspicion, daily about him for the good 
 guiding of his realm. 
 
 3. That all about the king, who in time past have 
 done displeasure to his highness, make honourable 
 amends to him, by the wisdom and discretion of the 
 said lords. 
 
 4. That the king shall give honourable sustentation 
 to the prince his son, at the consideration of the 
 said lords. 
 
 5. That persons of wisdom and good disposition 
 shall be daily about the j^rince for the good govern- 
 ance of him and security of his person in his tender 
 age. 
 
 6. To advise and conclude how the prince shall in 
 all time to come be obedient to his father, and how 
 fatherly love and tenderness shall at all times be had 
 between them. 
 
 7. How the lords about the prince's person shall 
 have the king's favour and hearty forgiveness and 
 their persons to be in security, as best can be desired 
 by the said lords for any displeasure done to the king 
 in any time past. 
 
 8. That the prince shall take into favour all the 
 lords spiritual and temporal, and others who have 
 been with the kins: in council or other service now in 
 this time of trouble. 
 
 9. That all dissensions now standing between the 
 great barons of both sides shall be drawn to unity 
 
8 THE PRINCE'S PARTY, 
 
 and concord, and especially between the earl of 
 Buchan and lord Lyle.* 
 
 The which being read and shewn that the said 
 articles were diverse times granted and broken by 
 the perverse counsel of divers persons being with 
 him for the time, which counselled and assisted him 
 in the inbringing of Englishmen, and to the perpetual 
 subjection of the realm, and under deceit and 
 colour made and refused, and that our sovereign lord 
 that now is ever consented to, for the common good 
 of the realm, for the which the earl of Huntley, the 
 Earl Marshall, the said lord Glammis and others, 
 divers barons and ethers, the K.ng's true lieges left him 
 and his deceitful and perverse council and adhered 
 (anha-dit) to our sovereign lord that now is and his 
 true opinion for the common good of llic realm. 
 The which matter being shewn, communed, examined 
 by the three estates and the whole body of the par- 
 liament, they ripely advised, declared, and concluded, 
 and in their lealty and allegiance each man for him- 
 self declares and concludes, that the slaughters com- 
 mitted and done in the field of Stirling, where our 
 sovereign lord's faiiicr liai)j)encd to be slain and 
 divers others of his barons and lic-ges, were wholly 
 by (allulti'rly in J their default and coloured deceit 
 done by him and his perverse council divers times 
 before the said field : and that our sovereign lord 
 that now is, and the true lords and barons that were 
 with him in the same field were innocent, white, 
 
 ♦ The nine article-, have been slightly curtailed as rejjards the 
 oHjcial and legal phraseology. 
 
THE SEE OF GLASGOW. 9 
 
 and free of the said slaughters, . . . : and that 
 the three estates, bishops, prelates, great barons, 
 and burgesses give their seals hereupon together 
 with our sovereign lord's great seal to be shewn 
 and produced to our holy father the Pope, the 
 Kings of France, Spain, Denmark, and other realms, 
 as shall be seen expedient for the time.'^' 
 
 1489, Jan.— The erection of Glasgow into an 
 
 archbishopric . 
 
 Acts of Pari., ii. 213. 
 
 [The following enactment was the cause of much dispute and 
 jealousy between the sees of St. Andrews and Glasgow.] 
 
 It is concluded and ordained by our sovereign lord 
 
 and his three estates that for the honour and public 
 
 good of the realm the see of Glasgow be erected into 
 
 an archbishopric with such privileges as are according 
 
 to law, and such as the archbishopric of York has in 
 
 all dignities, immunities, and privileges, as use and 
 
 custom is, and as shall be compacted and agreed 
 
 between the said bishop of Glasgow and the prelates 
 
 and barons that our sovereign lord will take with him 
 
 to be advised with : and that none of the king's 
 
 lieges do in the contrary hereof, under the king's 
 
 indignation and pains of breaking of his acts of 
 
 parliament. 
 
 * An embassy was sent to Fiance, England, Burgundy, and 
 to the Emperor to show the Act of Indemnity, in order to clear 
 the king of the suspicion of the murder of his father. In 1491 
 a reward of land in fee and heritage was offered to the discoverer 
 of the murderer of James III. — ' for the eschewing and ceasing 
 of the heavy murmur and voice of the people ' {Acts of Parl.y 
 ii. 230). 
 
lO THE SEA FIGHT OFF DUNBAR. 
 
 1489.— How Sir Andrew Wood defeats the English 
 
 off Dunbar. 
 
 Pitscottie, p. lOO. 
 
 In the same year certain English ships came into 
 our Firth, and spoiled the merchants and our friends 
 that came into our waters. Of this the King and 
 Council thought great ill and desired eagerly {effec- 
 tuouslvj io be revenged thereof upon the said En- 
 glishmen ; hut they could get no man neither masters 
 of ships, mariners nor shippers, that would take in hand 
 to pass forth upon the said enemies ; till at last they 
 sent for sir Andrew Wood, knight of Largo, and 
 desired him to pass fortli upon the said Englishmen, 
 and to that efiect, he should be well furnished with 
 men and artillery, and further, he should have the 
 King's favour greatly, and be rewarded largely for his 
 travel and labours. Of this desire the said sir 
 Andrew Wood was well content, and passed forth to 
 the Firth well manned with two ships to pass upon 
 the said Englishmen, whom he 'foregathered' [joined] 
 withal immediately before the Castle of Dunbar, 
 where they fought long together with uncertain 
 victory. For sir Andrew Wood had but two ships, 
 as foresaid, called the J'e/loiv Carvel and the Flower; 
 the king of F^ngland's ships were five in number 
 with great artiller) . Vet, notwithstanding, the Scottisli 
 ships prevailed at length, and that by the wisdom and 
 manhood of their captain, which took all tlie five 
 English ships and brought them to Leith as prisoners, 
 and delivered their captain to the King's grace and 
 Council. Fur the which victorious and manly act, 
 
STEPHEN BULVS EXPEDTTTON. n 
 
 the captain, sir Andrew Wood, was well rewarded by 
 the King's grace and Council, and holden in great 
 estimation thereafter with the nobility of Scotland. 
 
 1489. — How King- Henry sends Stephen Bull to 
 punish the Scots, and of the great sea fight in 
 which the Scots are again victorious. 
 
 Ihid- 
 
 But soon after the king of England heard tell of 
 the news, and how his ships were so foughten and 
 taken by sir Andrew Wood, as foresaid. [He] was 
 great)}' discontent therewith, and made proclamations 
 through all England, who would pass to the sea and 
 fight with sir Andrew Wood ; and if he happened to 
 take him prisoner, and bring him to him, he should 
 have for his reward a thousand pounds sterling to 
 spend by the year. There were many that refused, 
 because they knew sir Andrew Wood to be such a 
 captain upon the sea, and so chancy in battle, that 
 he ofttimes obtained the victory ; therefore they had 
 the less will to assail him. Notwithstanding, a 
 captain of war, a gentleman named Stephen Bull, 
 took in hand to the king of England to pass to the 
 sea, and to fight with sir Andrew Wood, and bring 
 him prisoner to the king of England, either dead or 
 quick. Upon this the king of England was right 
 glad, and caused (gcirt) provide to the captain 
 Stephen Bull three great ships well manned, well 
 victualed, and well artilleried. 
 
 Soon after this the said captain passed to the sea, 
 and sailed till he came to the Scottish Firth, that is 
 
1 2 MEETING WITH SIR ANDREW WOOD. 
 
 to say, at the back of May, and there lay and watched 
 sir Andrew Wood's home-coming, who was then in 
 Flanders for the time trusting tlien nothing but 
 peace, ^'ct, notwithstanding, this captain Stephen 
 Bull waiting his time at the back of the May, took 
 many of our boats who were travelHng \\\ th.e Firth 
 for fishes to gain their li\ing ; notwithstanding 
 the said Stephen Bull ransomed the shippers, and 
 held many of the mariners j^risoners to that eflect 
 that they should giye him knowledge of sir Andrew 
 Wood, when he came in the Firth. While at the 
 last, upon a summer morning, a little after the day 
 breaking, one of the English slii})pers perceiyed two 
 ships coming under sail by St. Abb's Head. Then 
 this Englishman caused ^( m.e of th( ir Scottish 
 prisoners to ])ass to the to]) of tlie ships, that they 
 might see or s)\y if it was sir Andrew Wood or not. 
 But the Scottishmen had not \\\\\ to shew the yerity, 
 but feigned, and saitl tl;c\- knew them not ; but at 
 last the captain })romie(.Hl iluni their ransom free, if 
 they would tell him that it was he indeed, who 
 certified him that it was he. Then the captain was 
 blithe, and caused ])ierce the wine, and drank about 
 to all his shippers and cajitains that were under him» 
 praying them to take courage, for their enemies were 
 at Jiand ; for the whicli cause he caused order his 
 ships in the order o'i \v.\\\\v (ficr of war), and set his 
 (juarter-masters and captains eyery man in his own 
 room ; then caused his gunners to charge their 
 artillery and j)Ut all in order, and left nothing un- 
 done pertaining unto a got)d captain. 
 
PREPARATIONS FOR THE FIGHT. 1 3 
 
 On the other side sir Andrew Wood came pertly 
 forward, knowing no impediment of enemies to be 
 in his way (gate), till at the last he perceived these 
 three ships under sail, and coming fast to them in 
 order of battle (fierofivar). Then sir Andrew Wood 
 seeing this, exhorted his men to battle, beseeching 
 them to take courage against their enemies of 
 England, who had sworn and made their vows 'that 
 they should make us prisoners to the king of 
 England ; but, God willing, they shall fail of their 
 purpose. Therefore set yourselves in order, every 
 man in his own room ; let the gunners charge their 
 artillery, and the crossbows be made ready, with 
 the lime-pots and fire-balls in our tops, and two- 
 handed sv/ords in your fore-rooms *'; and let every 
 man be stout and diligent for his own part, and for 
 the honour of this realm.' And hereto he caused fill 
 the wine, and every man drank to the other. 
 
 By this the sun began to rise, and shone bright 
 upon the sails ; so the Engl ishmen appeared very 
 awfully in the sight of the Scots, by reason their 
 ships were very great and strong, and well furnished 
 with greater artillery ; yet, notwithstanding, the Scots 
 feared nothing, but cast them to windward of the 
 Englishmen, who, seeing that, shot a great cannon 
 or two at the Scots, thinking they should have 
 stricken sails at their boast. But the Scottishmen, 
 
 * Another version reads ' and let us keep our over-lofts 
 [orlops] with two-handed swords.' See a companion picture 
 in the Complaynt of Scotland, 1 549, p. 41 (ed. Murray); also 
 appendix L. 
 
14 DEFEAT OF STEPHEN BULL. 
 
 nothing afraid therewith came swiftly a-wind\vard 
 upon captain Stephen Bull, and clap)ped together 
 from hand, and fought there from the sun-rising 
 till the sun-setting in the long summer day, while 
 all the men and women that dwelt near the coast 
 came and beheld their fightin g. The night sundered 
 them, that they were for ced to depart from each other, 
 till on the morn that the day began to break fair, 
 and their trumpets to blow on every side, they made 
 them quickly to battle ; who clapped together, and 
 fought so cruelly, that neither the shippers nor 
 mariners took head of their ships, but fighting stdl, 
 till an ebb tide and south wind bore them to 
 Inch Cape, opposite to (foreanejits) the mouth of 
 Tay. The Scottishmen seeing this [so] took 
 courage and hardiment, that they doubled their 
 strokes upon the Englishmen, and there took 
 Stephen Bull, and his three ships, and liad them 
 up to the town of Dundee, and there remainetl till 
 their hurt men were cured and the dead buried ; and 
 then took their captain and had him tt) the King's 
 Grace, and delivered him there as prisoner. And his 
 Grace again received him very gladly, and thanked sir 
 Andrew Wood greatly, and rewarded him richly for liis 
 manhood and labours. Then thereafter [the King] 
 took the English ca})tain ami all his men, and gave 
 them gifts of gold and silver, together with their ships, 
 and sent them home to the king of England as a gift 
 (propynt'J, doing him uiulersiaiul th;it he had as 
 manful men, both by sea and laml, in Scotland, as he 
 had in England. He therefore desired him to send 
 
THE POPE'S DEMAND. 15 
 
 none of his captains in time coming to perturb his 
 men within his waters ; and if he would, they should 
 not be so well treated, nor escape so well in time 
 coming. Notwithstanding, the king of England 
 hearing of this news was not content therewith ; but 
 yet he thanked the king of Scotland for the delivery 
 of his men and the entertainment of them.* 
 
 1490, May.—Of the subsidy demanded by Pope 
 Innocent VIII. for a Crusade. 
 
 James IV. to the Pope. Venet. Papers I., p. 188. 
 
 Towards the end of last March two letters were 
 brought to me from you by Robert, bishop of 
 Glasgow. You thereby exhorted me, for resistance 
 against the Turk, to send, along with the ambas- 
 sadors of other kings, an ambassador of my own to 
 Rome, — as I have done. The bishop also delivered 
 to me, after long delay, another brief, which urges 
 the grant of a pecuniary subsidy for the safeguard of 
 the faith, and that I should forward the same to 
 Rome before the Annunciation. f This it was im- 
 possible for me to do, inasmuch as the letters of 
 your Holiness were brought to me after that day 
 
 * In Buchanan, xiii., 3 and 6, the first action is dated \afi^, 
 the second T490. ' This discrepance of the accounts, yet 
 their general similarity, and the fixed epoch assigned by 
 Buchanan, concur to evince the veracity of the facts.' — 
 Pinkerton. IT. 13 n. ' It is probable that the first action took 
 place some time after the i8th of Feb., 1489.' — Ty tier, iv. 301 n. 
 
 t 25th March. 
 
1 6 THE KING'S ANSWER. 
 
 liad gone by. Moreover, my kingdom, situated 
 as it is to the west and north and at a very great 
 distance from Rome, does not overflow with silver 
 and gold, although it abounds in cAhcr proper 
 commodities. 
 
 Since assuming the crown I have exerted myself 
 much to qnell the disturbances prevailing in my 
 kingdom, and to reduce it to peace and unity. This, 
 in part accomplished, has exhausted the treasure left 
 by my father. Our old enemies of England have also 
 harassed my subjects, whom I have protected against 
 the inroads of their adversaries by my assiduous 
 exertions. 
 
 I will endeavour to obey your commands (although 
 I have no store of gold to send) in such wise as not 
 to be outdone either by my late father or by the 
 other princes of Christendom ; and will strive for 
 the honour of the Apostolic See as stoutly and as 
 lovingly as possible. 
 
 1491, 18 May. —Of Wappinscliawings. 
 
 Acts of Pari. 
 
 It is statute and ordained '^' that each sheriff, 
 steward, or bailie of the realm cause wappinschaw- 
 ings t to be liiade four times in the year in all places 
 convenient williin his baillerie]: in this wise: That 
 
 * C f. enactment of 1429. 
 t The word ]\'apinscha-,v is still used ; lit. an cxhiliition (or 
 shoivinif) of arms. 
 
 \ Bailiwick, jurisdiction. 
 
WAPPINSCHA WING. i 7 
 
 each gentleman having ten pounds worth of land or 
 more, be sufficiently harnessed and ' anarmed ' with 
 basnet,^^sellat,twhite-hat,4; gorgetg or pissane,|| whole 
 leg-harness, sword, spear and dagger : and gentlemen 
 having less extent of lands oriinlanded shall be armed 
 at their goodly power, after the sight and discretion of 
 the sheriffs and bailies and such persons as our sove- 
 reign lord shall depute commissioners thereto : and 
 honest seamen having sufficient power, that like to be 
 men of arms, to be harnessed sufficiently. . . and all 
 other seamen of the realm between sixty and sixteen 
 shall have sufficient bows and sheaves, sword, buckler, 
 knife, spear, or a good axe instead of a bow ; and 
 that all burgesses and indwellers in boroughs of the 
 realm in like manner be " anarmed" and harnessed, 
 and make wappinschawings, as said is, four times m 
 the year. And that the aldermen and bailies be 
 corrected by the chamberlain or his deputies, for the 
 execution of the said things. And that all men of 
 the realm both to borough and to land, spiritual 
 men's servants, and temporal, be well purveyed of the 
 said harness and weapons by the feast of Midsummer 
 next to come. 
 
 * A metal headpiece of globular form (Fr. bassinet). 
 
 t A light headpiece. (Fr. salade). 
 
 + A hat-shaped helmet of steel. 
 
 § Armour for the throat. 
 
 11 ' A part attached to the helmet.'— Meyrick. 
 
1 8 THE BURGHS TO BUILD FISHfNG BOATS. 
 
 1491, May 18.— The people to practise themselves 
 
 in archery.* 
 
 Acts of Pari. 
 
 It is Statute and ordained that in no place of 
 the realm there be used foot-ball, golf, or other such 
 unprofitable sports, for the common good of the 
 realm and defence thereof. And that bows and 
 shooting be practised (hautcd) and bow-marks made 
 [is] therefore ordained in each parish, under the 
 pain of forty shillings to be raised by the .sheriffs and 
 bailies. 
 
 1493, May 8. -Fishing boats to be built and 
 manned by the idle men of the burghs. 
 
 Acts of Pari. ii. 235. 
 
 Anent the great innumerable riches that are lost 
 (tint) in fault of ships and ' busches 'f to be used 
 (disponit) for fishing such like as other realms have 
 that are merchant with the sea, and for the policy 
 and conquest that may be had herein, and to cause 
 idle men and vagabonds to labour for their living for 
 the eschewing of vices and idleness, and for the 
 common profit and univeis.il weal of the realm, — it is 
 thought expedient by the J.oidsof the Articles, and 
 also statute and ordained in this present parlia- 
 ment, that there be ships anil 'busches' made in all 
 
 * Henry VII. liicd In promote Uk- practice of archery amonj; 
 the people, and the policy was fostered by his srccesst)rs, Cf. 
 —Act of Henry VIII, 1541. The crossbow was forbidden on 
 that account.- See Henry VII, 1508, .St. k,. i. 4. 
 
 t Husch or buss, a two or three masted fishinj; boat, identified 
 later with the * fly-boat.'— Sec New Eng. Diet. 
 
T&'E JUSTICE AYRS. 19 
 
 burq-hs "nd towns within the realm. And that the 
 least of the said ships and ' busches ' be of twenty 
 tons, and that towns and burghs have the said 
 sliips and l)usches according to the substance of each 
 town, and to the manner, as after follows, well fur- 
 nished with all necessary equipment for the said ships 
 and busches, and with mariners' nets and with tackle, 
 convenient for the taking of great fish and small. 
 And all ihe said ships and busches to be ready made 
 and furnished to pass to fishing by ' Fastren even,'^' 
 next to come. And in each burgh of the royalty 
 that the officers of the burgh make all the stark 
 idle men within their bounds to pass with the said 
 ships for their wages. And if the said idle men 
 refuse to pass, that they banish them the burgh. 
 
 1493.— Bifiliop Elphinstone goes on an embassy to 
 
 the Emperor. 
 
 Boece : Lives of Bisliops of Murthlac and Aberdeen. 
 
 As King James had no troubles either at home 
 or abroad, he turned his mind, chiefly by the advice 
 of bishop William, to those matters which tended to 
 the public welfare and honour. He restored the 
 legal system (called the justice ayre) which for 
 some years had fallen into abeyance owing to tire 
 disorders of the times, so that proper punishment 
 was meted out to thieves, robbers, murderers, viola- 
 tors, marauders, and all manner of disturbers of the 
 public peace. . . At length when all things seemed 
 peaceful, and faction was either repressed or utterly 
 
 * Shrove-Tuesday. 
 
20 BISHOP E LP in N STONE'S MISSION. 
 
 removed, he called a parliament at Kdinhurgh, 
 which by common consent ciecrccil an embassy 
 to be sent to tlic Kmjieror Maximilian, to demand 
 his daughter Margaret. The young king eagerly 
 sought tl'.at maiden to wife, for lie thought that 
 the royal t>iorv would be increased if he were honoured 
 by a connection with tlic inipeiinl liouse. Thcyco]!- 
 sulted as to whom they should consitler ilic most 
 preferable for this em.bassy ; and the choice of all 
 fell on William. He therefore set out, with certain 
 others of the barons (to whom, with William, tlie 
 business had been committed), to the Emperor Maxi- 
 milian, and would have accomplished the work 
 (although it was arduous and difficult), had not her 
 father already betrothed the maiden iNlargaret to llie 
 prince of Spain. And that he should not appear to 
 have done nothing, he so composed a quarrel of long 
 standing between the inhabitants of Cologne'"' and 
 our nation, by his prudent counsel and service, that 
 no trace of the old discord has remaineth 
 
 1493, June 26. -Concerning- the Contention between 
 the Archbishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow. 
 
 Acts of Pari. ii. 232. 
 
 [IniKJCcnt had in i^<)2 <^i anted (ilasf^ow aichicpiscoj:)al 
 equality with St. Andrews. A quarrel arose between the 
 rival i^relates, whicli James tried to end by his private intluencc. 
 This bein^ unavailinj,', tiie followini,' was enacted.] 
 
 Anent the contention and plea now dejjending in 
 • I'robably some trade dispute ; as with Bremen in 1445. 
 
THE RIVAL ARCHBISHOPS. 2i 
 
 the Court of Rome betwixt the bishops of St. Andrews 
 and Glasgow, of the which pleas the expenses is 
 unestimable damage to the realm, therefore it is 
 thought expedient by the Lords of the Articles, that 
 the king's highness cause write his letters to both 
 the said prelates exhorting and praying them to leave 
 their contentions, strifes {litis), and pleas contrary 
 to others now moved and depending betwixt them 
 in the Court of Rome. And for the cause and 
 motion of their plea, our sovereign lord shall cause 
 be seen and understood what is most profitable 
 to be had and desired for the common good of the 
 realm, and shall send his writing to our holy father 
 the Pope conforming thereto, like as shall be seen 
 expedient to the king and his estates spiritual and 
 temporal, and command the party contrary to cease 
 and not to labour against the thing that shall 
 be seen profitable for the welfare and profit of the 
 realm with certification to the said prelates, that if 
 they will not cease and leave the said pleas in the 
 Court of Rome, and be obedient to the ' devise ' 
 and deliberation of our sovereign lord and liis three 
 estates, his highness will command and charge his 
 lieges within tliis realm tb.at none of them raise 
 money (viake fyuancej, nor pay to tlicm fcims, rents? 
 nor fees {niafcs) to the sustentation of the said pleas 
 and having of tlie money out of the realm. And in 
 likewise certifying them, if any of them have done in 
 times bygone contrary the acts and statutes of this 
 realm and public good of the same, he will make the 
 
2 2 THE LOLLARDS OF KYLE. 
 
 doer thereof be noted, known, and punished, as is 
 proper after the form of this realm.* 
 
 1494. —The Lollards of Kyle. The articles of which 
 
 they are accused. 
 
 Knox. Hist, of Reformation (ed. Laing) i, pp. 6-12. 
 
 For albeit, that in the days of Kings James the 
 Second and Third, we find small question of religion 
 moved within this realm, yet in the time of king 
 James the Fourth, in the sixth of his reign, which 
 was in the year of God 149+, were summoned before 
 the King and his great council by Robert Blackedar, 
 called archbishop of Glasgow, the number of thirty 
 persons, remaining some in Kyle-Stewart, some in 
 Kings-Kyle, and some in Cunningham,! amongst 
 whom, George Campbell of Cesnock, Adam Reid of 
 Barskyming, John Campbell of New Mylnes, Andrew 
 Shaw of Polkemmet, Helen Chalmers lady Polkellie, 
 Marion Chalmers lady Stairs: these were the Lollards 
 of Kvle. They were accused of the articles following, 
 as we have received them forth of the Register of 
 Glasgow : — 
 
 I. That images are not to be had, nor yet to be 
 worshipped. 
 
 * James, wlio was a canon of Glasgow Cathedral, ultimately 
 gave his sympathies to St. Andrews, when, on the death of 
 Schevez, his brother the Duke of Ross was elected. After the 
 duke's death, the king's bastaid ^()n Alexander, pupil of Erasmus, 
 became archbisho]) at the age of sixteen. 
 
 t Ayshire is divided into three portions, Canick, Kyle, and 
 Cunningham. Kyle, which is in the centre ami lies between the 
 DoDuand the Irvine, issubdivided into Kyle-Stewart in the north 
 and Kings-Kyle in the south. 
 
THEIR ARTICLES. 23 
 
 2, That the relics of saints are not to be wor- 
 shipped. 
 
 3- That laws and ordinances of men vary from 
 time to time, and that by the Pope. 
 
 4. That it is not lawful to fight or to defend the 
 faith. ^^ 
 
 5. That Christ gave power to Peter only, and not 
 to his successors, to bind and loose within the Kirk. 
 
 6. That Christ ordained no priests to consecrate. 
 
 7. That after the consecration in the Mass, there 
 remains bread : and that there is not the natural body 
 of Christ. 
 
 8. That tithes ought not to be given to eccle- 
 siastical men. 
 
 9. That Christ at his coming has taken away 
 power from kings to judge. 
 
 10. That every faithful man or woman is a priest. 
 
 1 1 . That the unction of kings ceased at the coming 
 of Christ. 
 
 12. That the Pope is not the successor of Peter, 
 but where he said ' Go behind me, Satan.' 
 
 13. That the Pope deceives the people by his 
 bulls and his indulgences. 
 
 14. That the Mass profiteth not the souls that 
 are in purgatory. 
 
 15. That the Pope and the bishops deceive the 
 people by their pardons. 
 
 16. That indulgences ought not to be granted to 
 fight against the Saracens. 
 
 * Knox here adds the note — ' We translate according to the 
 barbarousness of their Latin and dictament.' 
 
24 THEIR ARTICLES. 
 
 17. That the Pope exalts himself against God, 
 and above God. 
 
 18. That tlie Pope cannot remit the pains of 
 purgatory. 
 
 19. Tliat tlie blessings of the bishops are of 
 none value. 
 
 20. That the excommunication of the Kirk is not 
 to be feared. 
 
 21. That in no case is it lawful to swear. 
 
 22. That priests might have wives, according to 
 the constitution of the law. 
 
 23. That true Christians receive the body of 
 Jesus Christ everyday. 
 
 24. That after matrimony be contracted, the 
 Kirk may make no divorce. 
 
 25. That excommunication binds not. 
 
 26. That the Pope forgives not sins, but only 
 God. 
 
 27. That faith should not be given to miracles. 
 
 28. That we should not pray to the glorious 
 Virgin Mary, but to God only. 
 
 29. That we are no more bound to pray in the 
 Kirk llian in other places. 
 
 30. That we are not bound to believe all that 
 the doctors of tlio Kirk have written. 
 
 31. That such as worship the Sacrament of the 
 Kirk commit idolatrv. 
 
 32. That the Pope is the head of the Kirk of 
 Antichrist. 
 
 33. That the Pope and his ministers are murderers. 
 
THE TRIAL. 2$ 
 
 34. That they which are called principals in the 
 Church are thieves and robbers. 
 
 •^s -ii- % ^ -H- 
 
 Albeit that the accusation of the bishop and his 
 accomplices was very grievous, yet God so assisted 
 his servants, partly by inclining the king's heart to 
 gentleness (for divers of them were his great fami- 
 liars) and partly by giving bold and godly answers 
 to their accusers, that the enemies in the end vrere 
 frustrate of their purpose. For while the bishop in 
 mocking said to Adam Reid of Barskyming, ' Reid, 
 believe ye that God is in heaven ?' he answered, 
 • Not as I do the sacraments seven.' Whereat the 
 bishop thinking to have triumphed said, ' Sir, lo, he 
 denies that God is in heaven.' Whereat the king 
 wondering said, ' Adam Reid, what say ye ?' The 
 other ansvv'ered, ' Please your grace to hear the end 
 betwixt the churl and me.' And therewith he turned 
 to the bishop and said, 'I neither think nor believe 
 as thou thinkest that (iod is in heaven ; but I am 
 most assured that he is not only in the heaven, but 
 also in the earth. But thou and thy faction declare 
 by your works tliat either ye think there is no God 
 at all, or else that he is so slint up in the heaven that he 
 regards not what is done v.VvC) tlie earth ; for if thou 
 firmlv believed that God were in the heaven thou 
 shouldst not make thyself checkmate to the king, and 
 altogether forget the charge that Jesus Christ the Son 
 of God gave to his apostles, which was to preach his 
 evangel, and not to play the proud prelates, as all the 
 rabble of you do this day. And now, Sir, (said he to the 
 
2 6 STATE OF THE CHURCH. 
 
 king) judge ye whether the bishop or I believe best 
 that God is in heaven.' While the bishop and his 
 band could not well revenge themselves, and while 
 many taunts were given them in their teeth, the king, 
 willing to put an end to further reasoning, said to the 
 said Adam Reid, 'Will thou burn thy bill?' He 
 answered * Sir, the bishop and ye will.' W' ith these 
 and the like scoffs the bishop and his band were so 
 dashed out of countenance that the greatest part of 
 the accusation was turned to laughter. 
 
 After that diet we find almost no question for 
 matters of religion the space of nigh thirty years. 
 
 The State of the Scottish Church. 
 
 Mail'. De Gcstis, I. vi. [ZaA] 
 
 [This was publislied by Mair in 15 18, and niav be taken as a 
 picture of the i^aioclual system for some time pieccdinf;.] 
 
 The Scottish Cluircli cannot be compared with that 
 of England. The bishoj)S ordain priests who are 
 unskilled in music, antl who should know at least the 
 (iregorian chant.'*' Somctinu'S thiit\' villages far 
 apart attend the same j)arish church, and thus a 
 village is distant from llu' cluu-ch four or live and 
 sometimes ten miles. Nevertheless thev have an 
 o|)portimit\' of liearing service in the neighbouring 
 chapels of the lords; lor rven the landowner of 
 meanest degree keej)s a chaplain, and the wealthier 
 more aeeoiding to their means ami the si/.e of their 
 
 * Jt seems not to iiave luen so at Aberdeen, thanks to the 
 care of liishop i'.lpliinsloiic— ,.SV^ Boece's Lives of the Bishops 
 of Murthlac and Aberdeen^ j). 54. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ABERDEEN. 27 
 
 household. Hence the livings in Scotland are few 
 but vervrich ; and this wealth is not put to its proper 
 use. It would be better to increase the number of 
 the parishes and to curtail their revenues ; and the 
 bishops should give their attention to this matter. 
 
 Of Land Tenure. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 Besides this, in Scotland the houses of the peasants 
 are mere small thatched huts, and the cause is, that 
 they do not hold their land in perpetuity, but only by 
 rent on a lease of four or five years at the will of the 
 lord ; therefore though there are plenty stones they 
 will not build neat houses, nor will they plant trees, 
 or hedges to the woods, nor will they enrich the soil ; 
 and this is to the no small loss and disgrace of the 
 whole realm. If the lords would give them their 
 lands in perpetuity they would get double or triple 
 the money they now have, because the peasants would 
 cultivate the land incomparably better.'^' 
 
 1495, Feb. 10.— Pope Alexander VI. 's Bull for 
 confirming the Foundation of the University 
 of Aberdeen. 
 
 Fasti Aherd. (Sp. Club) and Nat. MSS. Scot. 
 
 . . Because in the northerly parts of the kingdom 
 
 there are some places separated from the rest of the 
 
 realm by arms of the sea and very steep mountains, 
 
 in which regions dwell men who are uncultivated, 
 
 * Sentiments akin to these on tenure will be found in the 
 contemporary English writing, entitled "Pleasant Poesie of 
 Princely Practice." — Early Eng. Text Society, p. Ixxxviii. 
 
2 8 PER KIN ARRIVES 
 
 and ignorant of letters and almost wild, who on 
 account of the too great distance from seats of learn- 
 ing and tlic dangers of travelling thither are not 
 able to devote themselves to letters, nay, are so 
 ignorant of them, that, n.ot only for preaching the 
 word of God to the people of these parts, but also 
 for the ministration of the church ordinances, fit men 
 are not to be found . . . and as King James 
 eagerly desires that in the city of old Aberdeen 
 and in the northern islands and mountains aforesaid, 
 in which there is a healthy climate and abundance of 
 the necessaries of life and suitable dwellings, there 
 be erected and establislied a university {S/ndiiim 
 Genera !e) .... wherefore the king . . . 
 hath caused us to be humbly petitioned . . . that 
 there be henceforth, to flourish in all time coming, 
 a university of general studv, as well in theologv 
 and canon and civil law. and medicine and the 
 tlie liberal arts, as in every other lawful faculi\-, 
 in which, as at Paris and Bologna and anv otlier 
 universities so privileged, all churchmen holtling 
 whatever ecclesiastical (office, and laymen, masters 
 and doctors, may te;)ch, and at which those desirous to 
 learn, whencesoever tiiey may come, may study aiul 
 profit. . . We therefore, tS:c. 
 
 1495, Nov. 20. Pei-kin Wixrbeck arrives in Scotland 
 
 fro,:i Flanders. 
 
 Hall, p. 473. 
 
 Wlu'n Pcrkin and hi ; cnptaius pt-rceived that there 
 
 was neither i)eo})le, town, nor country in England that 
 
 would associate with them in their fantastical frenzy 
 
AND IS WELL RECEIVED. 29 
 
 which nothing was mitigated, lest that by protracting 
 of time and long space king Henry might fortify all 
 dangerous places and passages with soldiers and men 
 of war, which thing tliey heard say that he neither 
 forgot nor ' forslowed,' and beside that he was not a 
 little afraid ihat his long tarrying should appal and 
 discomfort his privy friends within the realm of Eng- 
 land, — wherefore he gathered together his ungracious 
 company, and determined first to sail into Ireland, 
 there to augment his number, and from thence, if it 
 were possible, to sail into the west parts of England. 
 And if there were any let or obstacle in that place, 
 then he determined to sail straight into Scotland, 
 knowing that seldom or never is j^erfect concord and 
 amity between the Scots and the English nation. 
 When this gentle council was dissolved and wind and 
 weather served, he set up his sails, and having a 
 prosperous gale after his fantasy sailed into Ireland, 
 where he rei:o£;ed hiniself a space. And remember- 
 ing that the hope of victory consisted not whole in 
 the Irish nation, winch being naked men without 
 harness or arm(>ur w( re not able to combat with the 
 Englishmen, v, ],crefore vshen the wind served him he 
 departed from Cork and arrived in Scotland. 
 
 He is welccmed by James, and receives the lady 
 Katharine Gordon in marriage. 
 
 Bernard Andre's Life of Heiiry VII., p. 70. 
 
 There he was received most courteously by the 
 
 King of the Scots. Then the King being deceived, 
 
 as many other most wise princes have been before, 
 
30 A LOVE LETTER 
 
 because Perkin seemed to distrust the Scots, under- 
 took, at his request, to arrange a marriage for him. 
 He was wedded to tlie illustrious lady Katharine 
 Gordon, sprung of honourable lineage and a blood 
 relation of the king himself, and gifted with the most 
 excellent character. 
 
 A letter from Perkin Warbeck to the Lady 
 Katherine Gordon. 
 Spanish Calendars (Bergenroth, i. pp. 78-9 [Za^.]). 
 
 [The following is an interesting specimen of a love-letter 
 of the timci, which shows in strong contrast with Henry VII. 's 
 instructions to his ambassadors about the queen of Naples, 
 and with the spirit of thj Spanish Slate papers, amid which 
 this copy was discovered.*] 
 
 Most noble lady, it is not without reason that all 
 turn their eyes to you ; that all admire, love, and 
 obey you. For they sec your two-fold virtues by 
 which you are so much distinguished above all other 
 mortals. Whilst on the one hand thc-y admire your 
 riches and iminutaMc prosperity, which secure to 
 you the nohilitv of vuur Hueai'e and the loftiness of 
 your rank, they a;e on the otlier hand struck h\ your 
 rather divim' lh;ni human beamy, and believe that 
 you are not l);>rn in utu" days, but desccntled from 
 heaven. f 
 
 All look at yom- face, so bright and serene that it 
 gives splendour to tlie cloudy sky ; all look at xour 
 
 * For a full account of this interesting document, see 
 Bergcnrolh's Spmiish Ca/t/td.irs, i. pji. 78.9. '1 hj Ir.r.islation 
 given here is that of Bergenroth, 
 
 t Katherine Gordon is said to have been exceedingly hand- 
 some, 
 
SENT TO CATHERINE GORDON. 31 
 
 eyes as brilliant as stars, which make all pain to 
 be forgotten, and turn despair into delight ; all look 
 at your neck, Mlnch outshines pearls ; all look at 
 your fine forehead, your ])urple light of youth, your 
 fair hair ; in one word, at the splendid perfection of 
 ycjur person ; and looking at, they cannot choose 
 but admire you ; admiring, they cannot choose but 
 love you ; loving, they cannot choose but obey you. 
 
 I shall, perhaps, be the happiest of all your 
 admirers, and the happiest man on earth, since I 
 have reason to hope you will tliink me worthy of your 
 love. If I represent to my mind all your perfec- 
 tions, I am not only compelled to love, to adore, 
 and to worship you, but love makes me your slave. 
 Whether waking or sleeping, I cannot find rest or 
 happiness except in your affection. All my hopes 
 rest in you, and in you alone. 
 
 IMost noble lady, my soul, look mercifully down 
 upon xne ) our slave, who has ever been devoted to 
 you from the first hour he saw you. Love is not an 
 earthly thing ; it is heaven born. Do not think it 
 below yourself to obey love's dictates. Not only 
 kings, but also gods and goddesses have bent their 
 necks beneath its yoke. 
 
 1 beseech you, most noble lady, to accept for ever 
 one who in all things will cheerfully do your will as 
 long as his days shall last. Farewell, my soul and 
 my consolation. You, brightest ornament of Scot- 
 land, farewell, farewell. 
 
32 THE POLICY OF 
 
 1496, April. — Ferdinand and Isabella deceive James 
 with the hopes of a Spanish alliance, and en- 
 deavour to break his connection with Perkin. 
 
 Ferd. and hah. to De Piicbla, Sj>au. Calcnd. I., p. gi. 
 
 \_SpaTi.'] 
 [Ferdinand's attention to Scotland was not due to any desire 
 on his part for an alliance or marriage, but simj^ly to liel[j the 
 solution of the difficulties connected with Perkin Warbeck and 
 with France. He flattered the Scots by sendin^^ an embassy ; 
 and he persuaded Jauics to abandon Peikin, under the promise 
 of giving him a daughter in marriage. Ferdinand's next move 
 was to suggest that Henry might give one of his daughters to the 
 king of Scots. Henry at first refused because of the unmarriage- 
 able age of Margaret; but lie iinally agreed to the proposal. 
 The mysterious methods of Ferdinand and Isabella (who ke])t 
 the English matrimonial treaty secret) made even Henry suspect 
 that the marriage treaty between Prince Arthur and Katherine 
 might also be mere jiolitical manauvre.] 
 
 It is as true as God is truth tliat wc have no other 
 purpose in our negociations with Scotland than to 
 win over the King of Scots and to make him friends 
 v\'ith the King of England, so tliat he may no longer 
 show favour to him of York, or enter into an alliance 
 with France. At all events we intend to })ut him olT 
 some time longer with vain ho{)es, in order that he 
 may not begin war willi I'jigkmd or join the King of 
 France. Whatever negociations we liave with him 
 are only for tliis purpose. The instructions which 
 our ambassadors took with them were to ]>rocurc 
 peaceor a long truce between Scotland and ICngland. 
 
 We learnt from the doctcn- of Glasgow, who came 
 to us at Tarazona as ambassador from the King of 
 
FERDINAND AND ISABELLA. 33 
 
 Scots, that the King of Scots had some complaints 
 to make against the King of France, and was there- 
 fore willing to enter into alliance with us. He wished 
 to marry wiih [a daughter of] us. It seemed to us that 
 this would be of great advantage to the King of Eng- 
 land, in his difficulties in liis kingdom ; and we cer- 
 tainlv V, ish that when our daughter is married to his 
 son his realms shall enjoy repose. . . ( )ur letters to 
 our ambassadors in Scotland arrived there before they 
 themselves, and fell into the hands of the King of 
 Scots, wlio became suspicious that our embassy was 
 sent at tlie instance of the King of England. That 
 was the reason whv our ambassadors in Scotland did 
 not think it expedient to vvrile much to you, or to 
 receive many letters from you, for they wished to 
 avoid the appearance of the negotiations being 
 carried on from that quarter. But in the affairs 
 between England and Scotland they never spoke or 
 demanded or concluded anything, except in order to 
 induce the King of Scots not to assist him of Ireland, 
 and the King of Scots gave them his solemn promise 
 that he v.-culd not help him of Ireland before the am- 
 bassadors had returned who were coming to us. 
 With these conditions, and with the intention of ask- 
 ing our daughter in marriage, the ambassador has 
 arrived in Spain, but ve have not yet seen him. 
 We shall send back his ambassador without depriving 
 him of the liope he entertains that the marriage 
 v/ill be arranged. But this affair could not remain 
 any longer in suspense, if they v/ere to see that we 
 had disposed of our daughter ; because, if the 
 
34 LAW IN THE ISLES. 
 
 marriage between our daughter and the son of the 
 king of England were publicly concluded, the King 
 of Scots would change his mind, and, we are afraid, 
 give no longer any credit to us with respect to the 
 concerns of the King of England. . . . Although 
 wo have said that we have no daughter to give to the 
 King of Scots, you must tell this to the King of Eng- 
 land alone, and no other person must know it. We 
 must not deprive the King of Scots of his hope of 
 havincr our dauo-hter. On the contrarv, we must 
 amuse him as long as possible. The King of England 
 might, if he likes it, propose to the King of Scots a 
 marriage with one of his daughters, and give her such 
 a marriage portion as would content the King of 
 Scots. We think that would be very desirable. Our 
 ambassadors in Scotland and ourselves will lend ail 
 our assistance to bring about such an arrangement.^"' 
 
 1496.— Of the serving* of summonses in the Lordship 
 
 of the Isles. 
 
 Acta Doniin. Concil , vii , fo 30- 
 
 [The foUowinfj enactment is of iniporlance in the history of 
 
 James's policy in the Hifjhlands and tlie Isles. It is one of the 
 
 many proofs of his vigorous endeavour to iiitiodnce law and order 
 
 in tlie nortli.J 
 
 'i'lic lords ordain llial summonses hv gixi-u lo .ill 
 nianiuT of jKTsons in(l\\<lliiig in llic lordsiiii) ol llic 
 
 * On 25th July, I p>'^, Ayala writes lo I'eidinanil and NalKJla 
 expressing,' his doubts whether they have 'treated the aflairs of 
 Scotland will) thiir wonted caution. I he kinj,' of Scots fnnilv 
 believes that !.<• will marry one of their dau htrrs. ihe rclusal 
 will prol)al)ly otlend him.' The Kn<,'lish were anxious for the 
 Anglo-Spanish marriage, but were jealous of Sci)tland being also 
 
EDUCATION. 35 
 
 Isles to the 26th day of April next to come, if it be 
 lawful, and failing thereof the next lawful day there- 
 after following, in the hour of cause, with continua- 
 tion of days ; and that every headsman of all clans 
 receive the summonses of the party complaining, and 
 makt> execution of the same, and bring them to the 
 said 26th day of April duly served {execute)', and 
 failing- thereof, that they answer to the party com- 
 plaining upon the claim claimed by the party, as the 
 principal party defender should, if he were present 
 in propria persona. 
 
 1496, June 13.— The children of barons and free- 
 holders to be sent to school and college. 
 
 Acts of Pari., ii., 238. 
 
 All barons and freeholders that are of substance 
 put their eldest sons and heirs to the schocls from 
 the time they be eight or nine years of age ; and to 
 remain at the grammar schools till they be compe- 
 tently founded and have perfect Latin ; and thereafter 
 to remain three years at the schools of Art and Law 
 {Jure), that they may have knowledge and under- 
 standing of the laws, through the which justice may 
 reign universally through all the realm, so that they 
 that are sheriffs or judges ordinary under the King's 
 Highness may have knowledge to do justice, that the 
 poor people should have no need to seek our Sovereign 
 Lord's })rincipal Auditors for each small injury. And 
 what baron or freeholder of substance that holds not 
 honoured with a Spanish princess. Henry however, ' as being 
 more intelligent, and not a pure Englishman,' did not share 
 this jealousy. 
 
 3 
 
3b BOTH WELL INFORMS HENRY 
 
 his son at the schools, as said is, having no lawful 
 excuse fessofizej, but fails herein, he shall pay to 
 the King the sum of 20/.^' 
 
 1493, Sept. 8.— Lord Bothwell informs Henry VII. 
 of the preparations of James on belialf of Warbeck. 
 
 Bothwell to Henry VII., Ellis I., i. 25. 
 
 [Bothwell, after his pardon, played the part of spy to Henry. 
 Buchan (who had been forgiven for his conduct at Stirling) 
 seems to have had little to do with the traitorous indenture of 
 Ramsay and Tod in 1491. They used his name to help their 
 plot in Henry's eyes, and probably to get money from him.] 
 
 All this long time I have remained under respite 
 and assurance within the realm of Scotland, and 
 most in the court about the King gave attendance, 
 and making labours to do your Grace the best service 
 I can, and have full oft times solicited the King's 
 Highness, and all the well-advised lords of this realm, 
 to leave the favour and supports they give to this 
 feigned boy, and stand in amity and good love and 
 
 peace with your Highness I understand 
 
 without doubt this instant 15th day of September, the 
 King, with all the whole pe ople of his realm he can 
 make, will be at liWcm kirk, within ten miles of the 
 Marches of Englantl, and Perkin and his company 
 with him, the which are now in number fourteen 
 hundred of all manncT of nations (naccionis ? ) \ and 
 
 * John Major, who wrote about 20 years later, complains that 
 'then:)bles do not educate their children in letters and good 
 manners, which is no small danger to the State. They ought to 
 seek out men learned in history and of good character to teach 
 their sons.' — [Dc G est is Scotofu?n^ I., viii.) 
 
OF JAMES'S PREPARATIONS. 37 
 
 without question has now concluded to enter within 
 this your realm the 17th day of the same month, in 
 the quarrel of the said feigned boy, notwithstanding 
 it is against the minds of nearly the whole number 
 of his barons and people, both for the danger that 
 thereof might follow, and for the inconvenience of 
 the occasion. Notwithstanding, this simple wilful- 
 ness cannot be removed out of the King's mind by 
 no persuasion nor means. I trust verily that he will 
 be punished, by your means, for the cruel consent 
 of the murder of his father. 
 
 Sir, the second day of September the King sent for 
 his lords that were nearest about him, and caused 
 them to pass into the Council chamber, and there- 
 after called Perkin to them ; and they laid many 
 desires to him both anent the restoration of the 
 seven sheriffdoms, the delivery of the castle and 
 town of Berwick, and also for the listing of the 
 King's army, and for charges made upon him and his* 
 company, to bind him to pay one hundred thousand 
 marks within five years after his entry. To this asked he 
 delay till the morn ; and on the morn entered he into 
 the Council . . . ; and after long communing has 
 bound him to deliver Berwick, and to pay for the 
 costs made on his behalf, fifty thousand marks in 
 two years ; and thus is this taken up in writing. 
 Also I passed to St. Andrews with the King, and 
 there saw the receivingof the Lord Concressault;^*and 
 
 * A Freiicli baron of Scottish extraction (Alonypenny), who 
 had been captain of the guard of honour given to Perkin Warbeck 
 by France in 1493. 
 
38 BE EXHORTS HENRY 
 
 I did so much that I read his letter and credence . > 
 bearing in effect . . . that, because of the ten- 
 derness of blood, and also the tender amity he stands 
 in with you both, he prayed the King that he might 
 be an umpire between you to set you at concord. . . 
 And after tliis the King passed to Council and took 
 the Lord Concressault, and shewed how it was moved 
 on the party of England, and how he had lost so 
 many ships, so great plundering of cattle on the 
 Borders ; and after this the Lord Concressault was but 
 right soft in the solicitation of this peace, and, to 
 mine appearance, made but little diligence herein, 
 saying to myself, after I desired him to make diligence, 
 it was no wonder that the King was stirred to unkind- 
 ness. 
 
 He exhorts Henry to attack Scotland. 
 
 Ihid. 
 
 King Edward had never fully the perfect love of 
 his people till he had war with Scotland, and he 
 made so good diligence and provision therein that to 
 this hour he is loved ; and your Grace may as \vell, 
 and have as good a time as he had ; for I take on me 
 the King of Scots has not a hundred pounds ; while 
 now he has coined his chains, his plate, and his 
 cupboards ; and there was never people worse content 
 of the King's governance than they are now. . . 
 There are many of his father's servants would see a 
 remedy of the death of his father ; yet please your 
 (Jracc to send me word what service or other thing I 
 shall do, for T shall be ready to do your Grace's com- 
 mandment ai my power. 
 
TO ATTACK SCOTLAND. 39 
 
 There is come out of Flanders Roderic de Lalane, 
 with two little ships and three score Germans. I 
 stood by when the King received him, in presence of 
 Perkin ; and thus he said in French, ' Sir, I am come 
 here, according to my promise, to do your Highness 
 service, and for none other man's sake am I come 
 here ; for if I had not had your letters of warrant, 
 I had been arrested in Flanders and put to great 
 trouble for Perkin's sake ! ' And he came not near 
 Perkin ; and then came Perkin to him ; and he 
 saluted him, and asked how his aunt did ; and he 
 Said ' Well ' ; and he enquired if he had any letters 
 from her to him ; and he said he durst bring none, 
 but he had to the King. And surely he has brought 
 the King sundry pleasant things for ilic war, both for 
 man and horse. 
 
 Sir, if your Grace have a good army on the sea, 
 you might do a great act, for all the shipping and 
 inhabitants of the haven towns pass with the King by 
 land ; and thus might all their navy be destroyed and 
 haven towns burnt. 
 
 I doubt not but these folks at their entry within 
 four or fi\'e nights be so weary for watching and for 
 lack of victuals, that they shall call on the King to 
 return home ; and thus returning they shall not be 
 fought withal ; that it would please your Grace, after 
 their entry in England, that the folk of North- 
 umberland and the bishopric retired to the head of 
 Northumberland westward, and so come northward, 
 not straight upon the Scots host, but sideways, 
 while these were both alike north and south upon 
 
40 ENGLISH WARSHIPS IN THE FORTH. 
 
 tliem. And then I would these said folks fall upon 
 their backs ; and before them to encounter them [there 
 would be] the power of Yorkshire. And thus, if the 
 others retired, or fled back, they might not escape, but 
 be fought withal. For considering this long night, 
 and the great baggage and carriages, twenty thousand 
 men were as sufficient as one hundred thousand ; and 
 these folks behind them would put them to a greater 
 panic {({Ifray) than twice as many before them. I 
 have heard the disputations of my countrymen, and 
 therefore I write this clause. 
 
 1496.— Henry sends warships to the Firth of Forth. 
 Boece. Lives of Bishops of Murthlac and Aberdeen. 
 James had no sooner received Perkin in his 
 kingdom than Henry in public council ' expressly 
 spurned the Scottish heralds, who had come to 
 demand that he should desist from and make 
 reparation for injuries, according to treaty, 
 Henry perceiving that war was then a necessity 
 — as appeared to his prudent miiul — sent to tlie Forth 
 sixty swift-sailing ships (ct'loccs) and fort\- tran- 
 sports with many troops and everv warlike provision, 
 which should sail round the Scottish shores ; so 
 that the Scots, eager to ])revent llu^ landing of 
 the English forces, would not be able easil\to march 
 into England with the army tlu>\- liad collected. 
 He remained at London with the nobles of the king- 
 dom, being of oj)inion thai this dangerous war should 
 be carried on by prudence rather than by arms, and 
 being not at all forgetful of the attitude of many of 
 the English towards Edward. 
 
PERKIN MARCHES SOUTH. 41 
 
 1496.— The expedition of Perkin "Warbeck. 
 
 Hall, p. 474. Polyd. Verg., xxvi., 597. 
 
 This Perkin, swelling with joy that he after his own 
 phantasy had made the Scots to be his partakers, and 
 to the intent that they should put no diffidence in the 
 sequel of his enterprise, and to encourage them the 
 more, he pronounced surely that he should have 
 great succour and aid of his friends in England, sent 
 even from the farthest part thereof, as soon as ever 
 the trumpet of war was blown. The Scots, although 
 they had but little confidence [in him], and less trust in 
 his words . . , armed themselves in all haste and 
 marched towards the confines and borders of England. 
 Albeit the Scottish King, minding not to be too rash, 
 mistrusted that the Englishmen knowing Perkin to 
 have arrived in Scotland had laid some army for the 
 defence of the frontiers, sent out certain light horse- 
 men to espy and search if the husbandmen of the 
 country were assembled in armour to ward off their 
 enemies. The horsemen ranging over the fields and 
 plains belonging to their enemies and seeing all things 
 quiet returned to their King, and certified him that 
 now was the time most apt and convenient to invade 
 the realm and set on the English nation. Then the 
 Scottish King, marching toward England with all his 
 puissance, first proclaimed openly that all such should 
 only be pardoned that woukl take part and submit 
 themselves to Richard, Duke of York, and fight in his 
 cause and quarrel. And, to the intent to appal and 
 daunt the hearts of the poor commons, so that for 
 
4 2 NORTHUMBERLAND HARRIED. 
 
 very fear they should be enforced and compelled to 
 submit themselves to this new found mammet, they 
 made so cruel and deadly war, that not like men, 
 whose nature is to be satisfied with the slaughter of 
 men and to be merciful to the impotent and sick 
 persons, burnt towns, spoiled houses, and killed men 
 and children, and, allured with the sweetness of 
 spoil and prey, wasted all the country of Northumber- 
 land ; and had gone forth farther, but that they per- 
 ceived no aid or succour to come out of England to 
 attend upon this new duke. And the soldiers, being 
 fully laden with spoil, refused to go one foot farther 
 at that time ; and the country rose on everv part ; 
 which made the King suspect some army to approach. 
 Wherefore he determined rather to return with his 
 assured gain tlian to tarry the nuncupative duke's 
 unsure and uncertain victory ; and so he recoiled 
 again into Scotland. 
 
 How King- James chid a foolish speech 
 made by Perkin. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 It is a world to remember in this place of a certain 
 
 kind of ridiculous mercy and foolish compassion, by 
 
 the which Perkin was so sore moved, that it seemed 
 
 him to regard nothing more than the commodity of 
 
 another man. For, while the Scottish King thus 
 
 vexed and harried the \^oux inhabitants on the 
 
 borders of Northumberland, this new invented duke, 
 
 perceiving that no concourse nor resort of ICnglish- 
 
 men showed themselves to minister to him aid or 
 
yAMBS CHIDES PERKm. 43 
 
 succour, and fearing not a little that the box of his 
 crafty dealing and bag of his secret counterfeiting 
 should be elucidated and set in open glass,"^'' cried out 
 openly, — ** O my stony and hard frozen heart,f which 
 art not once moved nor yet afflicted with the loss and 
 slaughter of so many of thine own natural subjects 
 and vassals." And at that glorious sighing he be- 
 seeched the Scottish King that from thenceforth he 
 would not afflict and plague his people, nor deform 
 and deface his natural realm and country with such 
 fire, flame, and havoc, — as who would say that he, 
 being overcome with the perfect love of his native 
 region, began now to have compassion and to lament 
 the cruel destruction of the same. The Scottish 
 King answered him, — ** Sir, methinketh you take much 
 pain and very much imagine how to preserve the 
 realm of another prince which is not yours ; but my 
 mind giveth me that you be far from obtaining the 
 same . ., considering that you call England your land 
 and realm, and the inhabitants thereof your people 
 and subjects, and yet not one man will once shew 
 himself to aid or assist you in the war begun for your 
 cause and in your name . ." And so the King reproved 
 the lightness of this young fond foundling, and every 
 day more and more neglected and less fancied and 
 gave credit to him, noting well and wisely that neither 
 his words with his deeds, nor the sequel of facts with 
 his promises were neither agreeable nor consonant. 
 
 * Et veritus ne ob id dolus eluceret.— Polyd. Vergil, 
 t O me ferreum. — Ibid. 
 
44 HENRY'S PREPARATIONS. 
 
 1497. — Henry makes preparations for a campaign 
 
 against Scotland. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 The King of Scots, not slipping his matters, because 
 he perceived well that the Englishmen would shortly 
 revencfe their loss and harm, with no less dilicccnce 
 gathered an host and puissant army, that either he 
 might withstand and resist the English power in- 
 vading his realm and country, or else afresh enter 
 upon the Borders, and going forth, spoil, rob, and 
 make havoc again. And so these two valiant princes 
 minded nothing unless the one to hurt and prejudice 
 the other. But the King of England, sore pricked 
 and wounded with the injury to him committed, was 
 so sore moved against the Scottish King that he 
 would not procrastinate nor defer one hour till he 
 were revenged. And so prepared a puissant and 
 vigorous army to invade Scotland, and thereof 
 ordamed for chieftain Giles, Lord Daubeney. 
 
 When the Lord Daubeney had his army assembled 
 together, and was in his journey forward into Scot- 
 land, he suddenly was slaved and revoked again, by 
 reason of a new sedition--' begun within the realm of 
 Kngland for the subsidy, which was granted at the 
 last parliament for llic defence of the Scots, with all 
 diligence and celerily. 
 
 The advance of the Scots. 
 
 Hall, ]>. 4.S0. r. Verg., xxvi,, 602. 
 
 While this business was thus handled in PIngland, 
 the King of Scots, being certified of it by his spies 
 
 • The Cornish rising. 
 
ADVANCE OF THE SCOTS. 45 
 
 that there was no army raised in England either to 
 withstand his power or destroy his country, and hear- 
 ing also that King Henry and his nobles were vexed 
 and sore troubled with the commotion of the Cornish- 
 men, and in a civil discord and dissension amongst 
 themselves, wherefore he thought it necessary to 
 anticipate the war beforehand. For well he knew 
 that, as soon as King Henry had subdued and over- 
 turned his adversaries, that he would with his whole 
 puissance invade his realm and dominions, and 
 therefore he invaded the frontiers of the realm of 
 England, wasting the country, burning the towns, 
 and murdering the people, sparing neither place nor 
 person.* 
 
 1497, Aug.— They attack Norham Castle and retire. 
 
 Hall, p. 480. P. Verg., xxvi , p. 602. 
 
 And while his light horsemen were riding to forage 
 and destroy the bishopric of Durham, and there 
 burned all about, he with another company went 
 about to expugne and assault the castle of Nor- 
 ham, standing on the river of Tweed which divideth 
 England and Scotland. . . . The bishopf from 
 time to time advertised the King of all things that 
 
 * 'James was doubtless oflfended at Parkin's hasty and petulant 
 abandonment of his own enterprise, and, though his high sense 
 of honour forbade him to yield to pressing solicitations and 
 bribes to surrender him, it is obvious that his preparations for 
 the continuance of hostilities had no reference to Perkin's 
 interests.'— Dickson, Treasurer'' s Accounts, I., cxlvii. 
 
 •f Richard Fox, formerly Bishop of Exeter, and afterwards 
 Bishop of Bath and Wells. 
 
46 ATTACK ON NORHAM CASTLE. 
 
 there chanced (\vho then was at London), and sent 
 in all post haste to the earl of Surrey to come to the 
 rescue, who was then in Yorkshire and had collected 
 a ffreat armv and warlike company. When the earl 
 heard of these news, he, perceiving that all things 
 were not void of jeopardy, made no long tarrying, 
 but with all diligence marched forward * .... 
 The number was little less than twenty thousand 
 men, besides the navy, whereof the lord Brooke was 
 admiral. 
 
 When the Scots had divers days assaulted and 
 beaten the castle of Norham to the no little detriment 
 and damage thereof, and could make no battery to 
 enter into the same, they determined of their own 
 mind to raise their siege and return, and that so 
 much the sooner, because they heard say that the 
 earl of Surrey was within two days' journey of them 
 with great puissance. Wherefore King James thought 
 it to small purpose to tarry any longer in besieging 
 the castle, raised his siege, and returned into his own 
 realm. When the earl knew of the King's return, he 
 followed after with all haste possible, trusting surely 
 to overtake him and to give him battle. 
 
 1497.— Surrey's campaign in Scotland. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 When the earl had entered Scotlandf he prostrated 
 
 a:ui defaced the castle of Coldstream, the tower of 
 
 * Both Vergil antl Hall give lists of the chief nobles and 
 knit^hls. All Hall's list is givL-n by Vcr<,'il, and the latter 
 mentions 25 others. Hall alone mentions the Admiral. 
 
 t The followinj^ details of Surrey's campaign are not found in 
 Vergil. 
 
SURREY IN SCOTLAND, 47 
 
 Hetenhall, tlie tower of Edington, the tower of 
 Foiilden ; and he sent Norroy king-at-arms to the 
 captain of Ayton castle, which was one of the 
 strongest places between Berwick and Edinburgh, to 
 (leHver him the castle, which he denied to do, affirm- 
 ing that he was sure of speedy succours and swift aid. 
 Tlie earl, perceiving the denial, laid his ordnance to 
 the castle, and continually beat it from two of the 
 clork till five at night, in such wise that they within 
 rendered up the fortress, their lives only saved. And 
 when the carl had received the Scots, he with his 
 miners razed and overthrew the castle to the plain 
 ground. The Scottish King was within a mile of the 
 siege, and both knew it and saw the smoke, and yet 
 would not once set a foot forward to save his castle. 
 And, while the earl lay at Ayton, the King of Scots 
 sent to him INIarchmont and another herald, desiring 
 him at his election either to fight with whole puissance 
 against puissance, or else they two to fight, person to 
 person, and hand to hand, requiring that, if the victory 
 should fall to the Scottish King, that then the earl 
 should deliver for his ransom the town of Berwick 
 with the Fishgarths of the same. The earl joyously, 
 like a courageous captain, received this message and 
 made answer that he was ready in the plain field to 
 abide the battle with his whole army, praying him to 
 come forward with his puissance ; and after that he 
 thanked him heartily of the honour that he offered 
 him ; for surely he thought himself much honoured 
 that so noble a prince would vouchsafe to admit so 
 poor an earl to fight with him, body to body ; ascer- 
 
48 ARRIVAL OF PEDRO DE AYALA. 
 
 taining him further that the town of Berwick was the 
 King his master's and not his, the which he neither 
 ought nor would lay to pledge nor gage without the 
 King's assent ; but he would put his body in pledge, 
 which was more precious to him than all the towns 
 in the world, promising on his honour that, if he 
 took the King prisoner in the singular combat, that 
 he would release to him all his part of his fine and 
 ransom, and, if it chanced the king to vanquish and 
 apprehend him, he would pay gladly such a ransom 
 as was meet and convenient for the degree of an 
 earl. But the Scottish King, not regarding his offers 
 nor performing his great cracks and boasts, being 
 afraid to cope with the English nation, shamefully 
 and suddenly fled in tlie night season with all his 
 power and company. When the earl knew that the 
 King was recoiled, and had been in Scotland six 
 or seven days, being daily and nightly vexed with 
 continual wind and unmeasurable rain, he could not 
 cause his people to continue in that tempestuous and 
 barren region, with good advice retreated again with 
 his whole army to tiie town of Berwick, and there 
 dispersed his armv, every man into his country, 
 tarrying tiiere iiimsclf till ho knew the pleasure of the 
 King in furtlicring or protracting the wars with Scot 
 land, V>w\. in the meantime one Pedro Ayala, a man 
 oi" no less learning than prudent wit and pregnant 
 policy, was sent ambassador from Ferdinand, King of 
 Spain, unto the King of Scots, to move and entreat a 
 peace and a unity to bi' had between him and the 
 King of England. 
 
e 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 d 
 e, 
 
 of 
 le 
 of 
 
 ^ar 
 
 he 
 
 nst 
 
 es, 
 
 or 
 
 her 
 
 be 
 
 be 
 
 into 
 
 and 
 
 lade 
 
 and, 
 
 the 
 
 ;r be 
 
48 ARRIVAL OF PEDRO DE AYALA. 
 
 taining him further that the town of Berwick was the 
 King his master's and not his, the which lie neither 
 ought nor would lay to pledge nor gage without the 
 King's assent ; but he would put his body in pledge, 
 which was more precious to him than all the towns 
 in the world, promising on his honour that, if he 
 took the King prisoner in the singular combat, that 
 he would release to him all his part of his fine and 
 ransom, and, if it chanced the king to vanquish and 
 apprehend him, he would pay gladly such a ransom 
 as was meet and convenient for the degree of an 
 earl. But the Scottish King, not regarding his offers 
 nor performing his great cracks and boasts, being 
 afraid to cope with tlio English nation, shamefully 
 and suddenly fled in the night season with all his 
 power and company. When the earl knew that the 
 King was recoiled, and had been in Scotland six 
 or seven days, being daily and nightly vexed with 
 continual wind and unmeasurable rain, he could not 
 cause his people to continue in that tempestuous and 
 barren region, with good advice retreated again witli 
 his whole army to the town of Berwick, and there 
 dispersed liis army, every man into his country, 
 tarrying tiiere himself till he knew the pleasure of the 
 King in furthering or protracting the wars with Scot 
 land. But in the meantime one Pedro Ayala, a man 
 oi no less learning tlum {)rutlent wit and pregnant 
 policy, was sent ambassador from Ferdinand, King of 
 Spain, unto the King of Scots, to move and (Mitrent a 
 peace and a unity to be had Ix-tween him <ind the 
 King of England. 
 
Tfe, THE BORDERS. 
 
 .li^J 
 
5. 
 
THE PEACE GF AYTOUN. 49 
 
 1497, 30tli Sept.— The Peace of Aytoun. 
 
 Rymer, xii., p. 673. 
 
 [Henr}' Vv^as really anxious for peace after the troubles in Corn- 
 wall. In July 1497, he made overtures through Bishop Fox. The 
 lengthy instructions will be found in Gairdner, I. p. 104.] 
 
 First, that between the Kings of England and 
 Scotland, their heirs and successors, their vassals, 
 lieges, subjects, now and to be, both ecclesiastic and 
 lay of whatever rank, there be a good, real, sincere, 
 true, and firm truce, and cessation of hostilities by 
 land and sea, to begin at sunrise on the last day of 
 the month of September 1497, and to extend for the 
 next seven years, to the sunset on the last day of 
 September of the said year."^' 
 
 2. Neither of the said princes shall make war 
 cither by himself or by his subjects, nor shall he 
 allow it to be waged by anyone whatsoever against 
 the other of the said princes, his subjects or his lieges, 
 nor shall he give aid, counsel or favour, or make or 
 urge on war of any kind. 
 
 3. That ships, sailors, merchants, and other 
 subjects of both of the said princes ... be 
 treated and received, as they were wont to be 
 treated in time of other truces, before entered into 
 and concluded between the Kings of Scotland and 
 England, and especially according to the treaty made 
 between Edward the Fourth, late King of England, 
 and James the Third, lace King of Sjotland, on the 
 I St day of June, 1464. 
 
 4. That all and every malefactor and pillager be 
 
 *Le., 1504. 
 
50 ARTICLES FOR THE KEEPJNG 
 
 piinislicd after the manner and form following: that 
 notorious and manifest homicides be kept in prison 
 by the Wardens of the Marches for the space of 
 twenty days immediately after the commission of 
 the act of homicide . . , and, if the friends of the 
 murderer do not come to terms concerning the death 
 of the deceased within that time . . . . , then 
 the prisoners shall be handed over to the will of the 
 Wardens. If notorious thieves, robbers or other male- 
 factors be taken in their thefts and other misdeeds, 
 then they shall be handed over to the Wardens of 
 the Marches where they have committed the offences, 
 without further proceeding at law, whether in the 
 kingdom where the crime was committed or in the 
 other kingdom where they were arrested, without 
 any delay whatsoever. And those who violate the 
 present truce, shall be punished more severely than 
 by those forms and laws under which they were wont 
 to be punished of old. 
 
 5. If any of the subjects of the said princes 
 shall have made any foray or attemptate within 
 the March or country of either party, and after such 
 depredation or attemptate he flee again to the 
 ]\Iarchand country on that side of which he is a subject, 
 it shall be lawful for him af::ainst whom the wronor has 
 been done . . , within six days from the committal 
 of the offence, by the authority of the present ordinance 
 and bv other letters of safe-conduct, to pursue the 
 malefactor, ;iml for that j)urj)ose to enter in safety the 
 Marches and country into which the malefactor lias 
 betaken hinuelf, to go to any man of good fame 
 
OF GOOD ORDER JN THE MARCHES. 51 
 
 and unsullied character, who dwells within the March 
 into wliich he has gone, to declare the cause of his 
 entry , . and to describe and specify what goods, 
 cattle, or i)roperty he has lost by plunder, and to 
 require of the same that he accompany him and, 
 wlicn requested, bear testimony as to the truth of 
 his statements. 
 
 6. That if any traitors, rebels, murderers, thieves, 
 notorious freebooters, or other malefactors, who, 
 for any crime committed, or to be committed, 
 have fled into any of the territories of the said 
 princes, neither of the said princes 
 
 shall permit them to be received within their 
 realms . . . ; but they shall hand them over 
 or banish and expel them for ever, or shall order 
 that they be handed over or banished and expelled 
 effectually ; and that neither shall give counsel, aid, 
 or favour in any way whatsoever to notorious rebels, 
 enemies, and foes of either, to the hurt of the other 
 or their realms. Letters of safe-conduct, granted 
 by them or by either of them in the past, by 
 virtue of the present articles shall by no means be 
 evoked, but shall remain in full force and effect. 
 
 7. That the castle and town of Berwick . . stand 
 free from attack from the King of Scots and his 
 subjects ; and that the King of England himself, or 
 his subjects of the town of Berwick, abstain from 
 war on the King of Scots or his lieges and vassals. 
 
 9. I'hat those v/ho flee England and become 
 lieges of the King of Scots be bound on the 
 
 4 
 
52 THE ALLIES OF "JAMES AND HENRY. 
 
 part of the Scots to the observance of this truce . ; 
 and so for the Scots who become lieges of the King 
 of Epgkuul. 
 
 10. If any subject of either of the princes, who 
 has suffered from foray or raid by a subject of the 
 other, shall have made on account of his losses 
 reprisals or distraint of persons or goods, on his o^\n 
 author! t\-, he shall by his act lose his cause, 
 and none the less will be punished according to the 
 measure of his fault. 
 
 11. The lordship of Lome in Scotland and 
 that of the Isle of Lundy in England are not com- 
 prehended in the present truce. 
 
 12. That in the present truce the friends, con- 
 federates, and allies of either prince be compre- 
 hended, if it be their wish, and that they declare 
 their minds within 6 months. 
 
 On the side of the King of England : — The 
 Emperor; the King of the Romans; Charles, King of 
 France ; the Kings of Spain, Portugal, and Naples ; 
 the Dukes of Austria, Burgundy, Venice (Doge), 
 Milan, Ferrara, and Savoy ; and the Hanse Towns. 
 
 On the side of the King of Scotland : — Chrrles, 
 King of France ; John, King of Denmark ; the King of 
 Spain; the King of Naples; the King of the Romans; 
 the Archduke of Austria and of Burgundy ; the Dukes 
 of Gueldres, Milan, and Cleves. 
 
 [Then follow 4 clauses concerning; the administration of the 
 tnice, &c. 
 
 The success of Henry's policy of peace with fames is thus 
 described in a conleniporary poem, probably written in 1497, 
 
THE HUE AND CRY. 53 
 
 entitled ' Les Douze Triomphes de Henry VIII.' James is 
 likened to the fierce Cretan bull— a not unhappy simile for the 
 impetuous warrior. 
 
 This noble King, what has he done } 
 
 Has he not struggled with this bull } 
 
 He has indeed, and the fact shows him to us 
 
 A valiant man full of frankness. 
 
 The King of Scotland by his skill 
 
 He has subdued, and all his party. 
 
 By his good sense he has so arranged 
 
 That he does his will with him in part. 
 
 (See Gairdner's edition. Rolls Ser.) 
 This was written before the peace of 1 502 and the marriage of 
 1503-] 
 
 1498, Feb.— Of the punishment of thieves and 
 sorners, and of the slaughter of wolves. 
 
 Acta Dotnin : Concilii. MS., Register House. 
 'It is proclaimed that whoever brings a thief or a 
 sorner^* or a man at the King's horn to the sheriff, 
 or slays an old wolf and brings his head to the sheriff, 
 shall have of each five houses of the parish that 
 the thief, sorner, or man at the King's horn is taken 
 in, or that the old wolf is slain, a penny; and that the 
 sheriff or bailie of the parish shall cause this duty be 
 paid to the doer. 
 
 . When a thief, sorner, and man at 
 the King's horn, or a wolf comes into any parish or 
 town, that the neighbours of the said town and parish 
 shall incontinent give the cry, and take the said 
 trespasser or slay the said wolf; and if the said 
 trespasser be of more power than the persons of the 
 
 * One who takes free quarters. 
 
54 THE KING'S LEARNING. 
 
 place where they come in, that, after the said cry be 
 made, the whole parish and country about lying 
 follow upon the said trespasser or wolf, and take 
 them or slay them; and of him, who fails and comes 
 not to the said cry in support of his neighbours and the 
 country, that the lord or bailie that has that place in 
 governance take of the said person failing, at the 
 first time, a wether ; the second time, a cow ; the third 
 time, his person to be taken and brought to the 
 sheriff, and punished as the trespassers should have 
 been punished themselves as a favourer and an assister 
 to them. 
 
 The Character of King James IV. 
 
 Pedro de Ayala to Ferdinand and Isabella, 
 25 July, 1498. — ^/rt:;/. Calcnd., i., No. 210. 
 
 The King is 25 years and some months old. He is of 
 noble stature, neither tall nor short, and as handsome 
 in complexion and shape as a man can be. His 
 address is very agreeable. He speaks the following 
 foreign languages : Latin, very well ; French, Ger- 
 man, Flemish, Italian, and Spanish ; Spanish as well 
 as the Marquis, but he pronounces it more distinctly. 
 His own Scottish language is as different from 
 English as Aragonese from Castilian. The King 
 speaks, besides, the language of the savages who 
 live in some parts of Scotland and on the islands. 
 It is as different from Scottish as Biscayan is from 
 Castilian. His knowledge of hinguiigcs is wonderful. 
 He is well read in the Bible and in some o'^^hcr 
 devout books. He is a good historian. He lias read 
 many Latin and French histories, and has profited by 
 
HIS DEVOTION TO THE CHURCH, SS 
 
 them, as he has a very good memory >' He never 
 cuts his hair or his beard. It becomes him very welL 
 He fears God and observes all the precepts of the 
 Church. He does not eat meat on Wednesdays and 
 Fridays. He would not ride on Sundays for any con- 
 sideration, not even to mass. He says all his prayers. 
 Before transacting- anv business he hears two masses. 
 After mass he has a cantata sung, during which he 
 sometimes despatches very urgent business. He 
 gives alms liberally ; but is a severe judge, especially 
 in the case of murderers. He has a great predilec- 
 tion for priests, and receives advice from them, 
 especially from the Friars Observant, with whom he 
 confesses.! 
 
 * An interesting companion picture will be foimd in Erasmus's 
 description of the merits of James's son, the Archbishop of St. 
 Andrews. The father's love of letters and language, and his 
 excellence in music, were continued in the son. " In summa 
 nemo fuit dignior qui ex Rege, et ex illo Rege nasceretur," says 
 Erasmus. He was quite a youth when he perished with liis 
 father at Flodden. (See pp. 74-5 and Appendix.) 
 
 t All the authorities make mention of James's love of the services 
 of the Church and regard for the clergy. His natural tendency 
 was strengthened by the circumstances under Mhich he became 
 King. He was ever haunted by the scene of his father's death ; 
 and he eased his conscience by continualpenance. He were aniron 
 belt, which he made heavier each year ; and he \\ as frequently 
 on pilgrimage to the sepulchre of St. Ninian at \Vhitehorn 
 (Candida Casa), and to the church of St. Duthac at Tain. He 
 intended to make a jouniey to the Holy Shrine at Jerusalem (see 
 \i 104). A curious verification of his liberality to the Church will 
 be found in the long Eleemosynary Lists in the Treasurer's 
 Accounts. He gave much and often, and was nigh becoming — 
 to use the words of his ancestor — ' a sair Sanct for the Crown.' 
 
56 HIS COURAGE AND ACTIVITY. 
 
 Rarely, even in joking, a word escapes him that is 
 not the truth. He prides himself much upon it, and 
 says it does not seem to him well for kings to swear 
 their treaties as they do now. The oath of a king should 
 be his royal word, as was the case in bygone days. 
 He is neither prodigal nor avaricious, but liberal 
 when occasion requires. He is courageous, even 
 more so than a king should be. I am a good witness 
 of it. I have seen him often undertake most 
 dangerous things in the last wars. On such occasions 
 he does not take the least care of himself. He is not 
 a good captain, because he begins to fight before he 
 has given his orders. He said to me that his subjects 
 serve him with their persons and goods, in just and 
 unjust quarrels, exactly as he likes, and that therefore 
 he does not think it right to begin an} warlike under- 
 taking without being himself the first in danger. His 
 deeds are as good as his words. For this reason and 
 because he is a very humane prince, he is much 
 loved. He is active, and works hard 
 
 When he is not at war he hunts in the mountains. 
 I tell your Higlinesses the truth wlun I say that God 
 has worked a miracle in him, for I- have never seen 
 a man so temperate in eating and drinking out of 
 Spain. Indeed, such a thing seems to be super- 
 human in these countries. He lends a willing ear to 
 his counsellers, and decides nothing without asking 
 them ; but in great matters he acts according to his 
 own judgment, and, in my ojjinion, he generally 
 makes a right decision. I recognise him perfectly in 
 the conclusion of the last peace, which was made 
 against the wishes of the majority in his kingdom. 
 
ms LOVE INTRlOunS. $7 
 
 When he was a minor he was instigated by those 
 who held the government to do some dishonourable 
 things. They favoured his love intrigues with 
 their relatives, in order to keep him in their sub- 
 jection. As soon as he came of age, and under- 
 stood his duties, he gave up these intrigues. When 
 I arrived, he was keeping a lady with great state 
 in a castle. . Afterwards he sent her to the house 
 of her father, who is a knight, and married her. He 
 did the same with another lady, by whom he had had 
 a son. It may be about a year since he gave up, so 
 at least it is believed, his love-making, as well from 
 fear of God, as from fear of scandal in this world, 
 which is thought very much of here. I can say with 
 truth that he esteems himself as much as though he 
 were Lord of the world. He loves war so much 
 that I fear, judging by the provocation he receives, 
 the peace will not last long. War is profitable to him 
 and to the country."^' 
 
 Of the Royal Revenue. 
 
 Ihid. 
 
 I will give an account of his revenues. Although 
 I do not know them to a certainty, I do not think 
 that I shall be far wrong. I shall estimate them a 
 little below their real amount. 
 
 He has a revenue from arable and pasture lands, 
 which are let by leases of three years. The farmers 
 
 * Towards the close of this despatch, Ayala says he is afraid 
 his description may seem partial, but that it has been his 
 intention to tell the truth. * James possesses great virtues, and 
 few faults worth mentioning.' 
 
5^ THE ROYAL REVEJSfUB. 
 
 j)ay a fine upon entry. This rent is said to amount 
 lo 50,000 pounds Scots, each pound Scots being worth 
 one Castiliano. I rather believe that it amounts to 
 40,000 ducats. 
 
 Another revenue is that from the customs. The 
 import duties are insignificant ; but the exports yield 
 a considerable sum of money, because there are three 
 principal articles of export, that is to say, wool, hides, 
 and fish The customs are worth about 25,000 ducats 
 a year. They have much increased and will continue 
 to increase. Anotlier revenue is that derived from 
 the administration of ilic law. His predecessors 
 farmed it to certain persons called justices, like our 
 core^idons. This Kintr tloes not like to farm the 
 administration of the law, because justice is not 
 well administered in that way. It is saiil that this 
 revenue amounts to more than 30,000 ducats ; but I 
 will put it down at only 25,000 ducats. 
 
 He has other revenue from his wards, whicli is 
 very considerable, ami which offers good o{)])orumiiies 
 for rewarding his serxiints. ... I am tokl that 
 thisisthe richest source of revenue ; but 1 will estimate 
 it at only 20,000 tlucals. 
 
 He enjoys one year's revenue from the bishoprics 
 and abbacies for the presentation. He likewise 
 receives all the revenues of th' m during tlie vacancy 
 of the see. The same is the case with res])ect to 
 other livings, for they are all in his gift. I <\o not 
 know lo how much this amounts. 
 
 He has a rent from the fislu'iics, not in money, 
 but in kind for his kitchen, and likewise from meat 
 
THE yOURNEYINGS OF THE COURT. 59 
 
 and poultry .... He is in want of nothing, 
 judging from the manner in which he li/es, but he is 
 not able to put money into his strong boxes. '^' . . 
 
 Of the Court. 
 
 Ihid. 
 
 The kings pass their time generally in castles and 
 
 abbeys, where they find lodgings for all their ofiicers. 
 
 They do not remain long in one place. The reason 
 
 thereof is two-fold. In the first place, they move 
 
 often about in order to visit the kingdom, to 
 
 administer justice, and to establish police where it is 
 
 wanted. The second reason is, that they have rents 
 
 in kind in every province, and they wish to consume 
 
 them. While travelling, neither the King nor any of 
 
 his officers have any expenses, nor do they carry 
 
 provisions with them. They go from house to 
 
 house, to lords, bishops and abbots, where they 
 
 receive all that is necessary. 
 
 The Grood Bishop Elphinstone.t 
 
 Boece. Lives of Bishops of Murthlac and Aberdeen. 
 
 He was held in such authority by James the Fourth 
 that as often as he had any business to transact Vv-ith 
 his own subjects, or with foreigners, as often as lie 
 had to make a treaty with other kings, or to make 
 
 * Contrast Henry VII. ' He has no equal in respect of riches. 
 If gold once enter his strong boxes, it never comes out again. 
 He always pays in depreciated coin.' — De Puebla, 26 Mar. 14Q9. 
 
 t Elphinstone was nominated Bishop of Aberdeen about 
 1483. He died in 15 14. 
 
6o BISHOP ELPHINSTONE. 
 
 peace with countries and communities, he always 
 entrusted the matter to Bishop William ; James the 
 Fourth did nothing, nor held counsel on anything, 
 which had not been arranged or considered with the 
 advice of William. William was therefore beloved 
 and respected by the people, dear to the nobles, and 
 acceptable to all. . He was most magnificent in 
 his household ; he scarcely ever supped without the 
 company of manymagnates, and always sumptuously.* 
 He himself was temperate in the midst of these 
 pleasures, cheerful in countenance, delightful in 
 conversation ; he was very hapj)y in the intercourse 
 with the learned, with musicians, and in honest 
 amusements : all vulgarity he loathed. . Though 
 over eighty-three years of age f he discussed with 
 others important matters of state ; nor even up to 
 that age was his intellect or any of his senses 
 impaired. He was always endowed with an active 
 memory, so that what he had learned he never lost. 
 . . . Almost all that which had been committed to 
 writing concerning the exploits of the Scots had 
 perished by the devices of the English, w^hen they 
 laid waste our country while it was foully torn by civil 
 strife. For the Scottish name was so hateful to them 
 that they w^ere always bent on destroying not only 
 the people, but the great fame which they had gained 
 
 by their glorious deeds He searched 
 
 out from many sources the lives of the Saints . . 
 
 * This statement is fully borne out by the many entries of 
 spices and rieh cloths in Ilalyburton's I.cdi^cr (p. 183). 
 
 t There is some difficulty with Boece's dates. 
 
THE NATIONAL PROGRESS. 6 1 
 
 and collected them into one work, which was un- 
 known for a longer time than it should have been. 
 
 The National Improvement. 
 
 Ayala to Ferdinand (as before). 
 
 The Scots are not industrious, and the people are 
 poor. They spend all their time in wars, and when 
 there is no war they fight with one another. It must 
 however be observed that since the present King 
 succeeded to the throne they do not dare to quarrel 
 so much with one another as formerly, especially 
 since he came of age. They have learnt by experience 
 that he executes the law without respect to rich or 
 poor. I am told that Scotland has improved so much 
 during his reign that it is worth three times more 
 now than formerly, on account of foreigners having 
 come to the country and having taught them how to 
 live. They have more meat, in great and small 
 animals, than they want, and plenty of wool and hides. 
 
 Spaniards who live in Flanders tell me that the 
 commerce of Scotland is much more considerable 
 now than formerly, and that it is continually in- 
 creasing. There is as great a difference between 
 the Scotland of old time and the Scotland of to-day 
 as there is between bad and good. 
 
 Of Commerce and Agriculture. • 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 It is impossible to describe the immense quantity 
 of fish. The old proverb says already ' piscinata 
 Scotia.' Great quantities of salmon, herring, and a 
 kind of dried fish, which they call stock fish {stoque 
 
62 PISCINATA SCOTIA. 
 
 fix), are exported. The quantity is so great that it 
 sufiices for Italy, France, Flanders, and England. 
 
 Major. De Gestis Scot., I. vi. 
 
 England exceeds Scotland somewhat in fertility, 
 but Scotland abounds much more in fishes. 
 . . . . Every year an English fleet sails to the 
 island beyond the Arctic Circle for fish,^' and they buy 
 from us salmon as well as other kinds. f In most 
 parts of Scotland you can buy a large fresh salmon 
 for two shillings {}), but in some places for one 
 shilling ; and a hundred little fish in good condition 
 for a liard.^. Ayala to Ferdinand (as before). 
 
 They have so many wild fruits which they eat that 
 
 they do not know what to do with them. There are 
 
 immense flocks of sheep, especially in the savage 
 
 portions of Scotland. Hides are employed for many 
 
 purposes. There are all kinds of garden fruits to be 
 
 found which a cold country can produce. They are 
 
 very good. . . . The corn is very good, but they 
 
 do not produce as much as they might, because they 
 
 do not cultivate the land. Their method is the 
 
 following ; they plough the land only once when it 
 
 has grass on it, which is as high as a man ; then they 
 
 sow the corn, and cover it by means of a harrow, 
 
 which makes the land even again. Nothing more is 
 
 done until llioy cut the corn. I have seen ihe straw 
 
 * It is certainly Iceland that is meant. Tl^.crc are many 
 
 notices of tlic traffi: between Iceland ami l-'n;^lan 1, and it is 
 
 notable that in tlic I5lh and lOlh centuries llie Icelamlic eurremy 
 
 was a lish one. 
 
 t See Ty tier, ii. 187 (ed. iSjiV 
 
 1 An old French copper coin, worth 3 deuiers, or the eij;htieta 
 part of a hvrc. 
 
SUBJECTION OF THE ISLES. 63 
 
 stand so high after harvest that it reached to my 
 girdle. Some kind of corn is sown about the Feast 
 of St. John, and is cut in August. 
 
 Of the Character of the People. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 The people are handsome. They hke foreigners 
 so much that they dispute with one another as to 
 who shall have and treat a foreigner in his house. 
 They are vain and ostentatious by nature. They 
 spend all they have to keep up appearances. They 
 are as well dressed'^' as it is possible to be in such a 
 country as that in which they live. They are 
 courageous, strong, quick, and agile. They are 
 envious to excess. 
 
 Lav/ in the Highlands and the Isles. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 The inhabitants of the islands are very warlike and 
 
 agile. I saw them in the last war. They do not 
 
 know what danger is. The present King keeps them 
 
 in strict subjection. He is feared by the bad, and 
 
 loved and revered by the good like a god. None of 
 
 the former Kings have succeeded in bringing the 
 
 people into such subjection as the present King. He 
 
 went last summer to many of the islands, and presided 
 
 at the courts of law. . . . The islands are half a 
 
 league, one, two, three, or four leagues distant from the 
 
 mainland. The inhabitants speak the language and 
 
 have the habits of the Irish. 
 
 * The Scots that day, I assure you, were not behind, but far 
 above, both in apparel and rich jewels and massive chains ! ' 
 Hall (p. 498), speaking of the retinue at Lamberton Kirk, when 
 Princess Margaret was there. See also Young's Account. 
 
64 
 
 THE WILD FOLK OF THE WEST 
 
 Of the men of the Highlands and the Isles. 
 
 Majoi". De Gestis Scotorum, I., \iii. 
 
 One part of Scotland speaks after the manner of 
 the Irish : the people of that part and of the 
 Isles, we call the wild Scots. In clothing, manner 
 of life, and customs they are less respectable than 
 the other Scots, though not less warlike ; they are by 
 nature much more prone to fighting, as well because 
 they live more to the north, as because they are 
 dwellers in mountains and forests. . . . One 
 portion of these wild folks is rich in cattle, sheep, 
 and horses, and so they, in the fear of losing their 
 wealth, obey the law and the Crown better. The 
 others, who live by the chase, seek their ease . . . 
 obey more speedily their fierce and lazy chief in the 
 doing of evil than in the working of good, and more 
 often choose war than peace. The Kings of the 
 Scots, for the most part, have scarcely been able to 
 curb their violence. From the middle of the thigh 
 to the foot they have no covering, and they clothe 
 themselves with a cloak for an upper garment, and 
 with a shirt dyed a saffron colour. They always carry 
 a bow and arrows, a very broad sword, a small halbert, 
 and under the belt a large dagger, with an edge on 
 one side only, but very sharp. In time of war, they 
 clothe their whole body with a shirt of mail made of 
 iron rings, and in that they fight. The common 
 people of the wild Scots cover their bodies with a 
 linen garment manifoldly sewed and smeared with 
 wax or pitch, and also with deerskins. 
 
 [Major, (VI., xiii., De Gestis Scotorum,) speaking of the clans 
 
THt 
 
 INIVERSITY ) 
 
DOMESTIC LIFE. 65 
 
 Cliattan and Cameron, says : — ' They pass their days merrily 
 in idleness, living upon the goods of the poor.' He also 
 describes their dress in much the same terms as in the preceding 
 passage.] 
 
 Of the Scottish "Women, and of their houses. 
 
 Ayala to Ferdinand (as before) . 
 
 The women are courteous in the extreme. I 
 mention this because they are really honest, though 
 very bold. They are absolute mistresses of their 
 houses, and even of their husbands, in all things 
 concerning the administration of their property, 
 income as well as cxpenditu e. They are very 
 graceful and handsome women. They dress much 
 better than here (England), and especially as regards 
 the head-dress, which is, I think, the handsomest in 
 the world. 
 
 The towns and villages are populous. The houses 
 are good, all built of hewn stone, and provided with 
 excellent doors, glass windows, and a great number 
 of chimneys. All the furniture that is used in Italy, 
 Spain, and France, is to be found in their dwellings. 
 It has not been bought in modern times only, but 
 inherited from ])receding ages. . . . There is a 
 good deal of French education in Scotland and 
 many speak the French language. All the young 
 gentlemen who have no property go to France, and 
 are well received there ; and therefore the French are 
 liked. 
 
66 THE SCOTTISH ARMY. 
 
 Of the Army. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 They are very good soldiers. The King can assemble 
 within thirty days 120,000 horse.'"' . . . Two 
 or three times I have seen, not the whole army, but 
 one-third of it assembled, and counted more than 
 twelve thousand great and small tents. There is 
 much emulation among them as to who shall be best 
 equipped, and they are very ostentatious, and pride 
 themselves very much in tliis respect. They have old 
 and heavy artillery of iron. Besides this, they possess 
 modern French guns of metal, which are very good. 
 King Louis gave them to the father of the present 
 King in payment of what was due to him as co-heir 
 of his sister, the Queen of Scotland. 
 
 1498, July and August.— The difficulties on the 
 
 Borders. 
 
 [The following are extracts from letters of the two rivals, 
 Ayala and De Puebla. Both point to the strained relations 
 on the Borders, and both exonerate James.] 
 
 Ayala to Ferdinand and Isabella, 25 July. 
 
 It has been a very difficult task to conclude the 
 peace between Scotland and England, because the 
 old enmity is so great. It is a wonder the peace is 
 not already broken. The King of Scots has borne 
 the injusti( e committed by the English only because 
 the peac ' lias b;en made by Spain. The English 
 have comuiittt'd new murders and robberies in Scot- 
 land, before satisfaction has been given for the former 
 murders. T'lc King of Scots has sent to England, 
 * Ayala is careful to say that he had not seen the 7C'/w/<' army. 
 
DIFFICULTIES ON THE BORDERS. 67 
 
 and declared, that, if satisfaction be not given without 
 further delay, he will not consider himself any longer 
 bound by the treaty of peace. 
 
 De Puebla to Ferdinand and Isabella, 25 Aug. 
 The peace with Scotland is not yet broken ; it even 
 seems to improve. The King of Scots ' has seen the 
 ears of the wolf,' and is now endeavouring ' to make a 
 bed of roses ' for the King of England. Two or three 
 months ago the English killed a great number of 
 Scots, but King James would not permit the Scots to 
 kill an equal number of English. He only wrote a 
 letter to Henry, full of compliments and courtesy, as 
 though he had been a son writing to his father. The 
 King of England, in consequence of it, sent the 
 bishop of Durham to make reparations. 
 
 1498.— Skirmish before Norham Castle. 
 
 Hall, p. 487. Polyd. Vergil, xxvi. p. 607. 
 [The following is a detailed account of the troubles referred to 
 by the Spanish ambassadors.] 
 
 In this year a sudden chance, yea, a thing of no 
 
 moment nor worthy to be regarded, had almost 
 
 kindled again the old displeasure and grudge between 
 
 Kin;'; Henry and King James. Certain young men 
 
 o^ t^ir- S':ots came armed unto Norham Castle, and 
 
 holicKl it wondrous circumspectly, as though they had 
 
 bf'en desirous to know what was done there within ; 
 
 b'lt when the keepers of the castle could not perceive 
 
 any hostility or damage towards him or his, and 
 
 seeing them depart of their own accord, determined 
 
 it not convenient to move any question to them, nor 
 
 once to stir out. But, when they came again the 
 
68 SKIRMISH BEFORE NORHAM. 
 
 next day and viewed it likewise, the keepers of the 
 said castle, suspecting some fraud to lurk in their 
 looking, demanded of them what was their intent, 
 and why thev viewed and advised so the castle. The 
 Scots answered them proudly with many disdainful- 
 words, insomuch that, after their blustering and 
 blowing answers made, the Englishmen being moved 
 therewithal replied to them with hard and manly 
 strokes; and after many a sore blow given and taken 
 on both parts, and divers Scots wounded and some 
 slain, the Scots, oppressed with the multitude of the 
 English people, fled as fast as their horses would 
 carry them. When they came home and certified 
 the King of the same, he was therewith sore moved 
 and angry, and sware by sweet Saint Ninian that 
 there was nothing to him more inconstant and 
 unsteadfast than the observing of the league by the 
 King of England, and sent word thereof to King 
 Henry in all haste by INIarchmont, his herald. 
 
 The King of England, who nothing more em- 
 braced and desired than quiet tranquillity and perfect 
 love and amity with all ])rinces being his neighbours 
 and borderers, . . made him answer that it was not 
 done through his dofaull,. n(Mth(M- by his counsel 
 nor knowledge, but rather b\- tlu> temerarious folly 
 of the keepers of the castU' ; requiring him for 
 that cause not to think the league infringed; 
 promising on the wonl (^f a king to enquire of the 
 truth, and who were the malefactors; and, if the 
 offence were louml to be begun on the part of the 
 keepers of the castle, he assured him that they should 
 
RICHARD, BISHOr OF DURHAM. 6^ 
 
 for no meed nor favour escape pain and punishment. 
 This answer, although it was more then reasonable, 
 could not mitigate or assuage the Scots' anger and 
 outrageo'.:Fness. For the which cause Richard, Bishop 
 of Durham, who was more heavy than all others 
 because that this discord was renewed again between 
 these two princes by occasion of castle keepers, he 
 therefore thought it best first to assuage and cool the 
 furious rage of the Scottish King, and wrote many 
 letters to him, requiring him of peace and unity. 
 The King, perceiving both the goodwill and constant 
 gravity of the bishop, appeased his fury and answered 
 gently to the bishop's letters by writing again to him, 
 saying that, because he had many secret and privy 
 things in his mind which he would communicate only 
 with him touching the cause now in variance, he 
 therefore required him to take pains to come into his 
 country, trusting that he should think his labour well 
 bestowed. The bishop was very glad and sent word 
 to the King, his master, of King James' desire, who 
 esteemed the request and cause both just and reason- 
 able, and therefore willed him to accomplish the 
 Scottish King's honest desire. 
 
 1499.— The interview at Melrose between James 
 
 and the Bishop of Durham. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 When he came into Scotland, he was received whh 
 all humanity that could be thought of by the King 
 himself at an abbey called Melrose. And there, after 
 that the King for a countenance had complained 
 much of the cruelty and slaughter that was used 
 
yd INTtR VIE W AT MELR OSE. 
 
 towards his men lately at Norham, he easily remitted 
 the offence and pardoned it, and began secretly to 
 commune without any witnesses or arbiters near 
 hand with the bishop alone. And he first declared to 
 him what old and just causes had moved him before 
 this to seek alliance and amity wdth King Henry, 
 which now he desired much more to have confirmed 
 and corroborate for the farther maintenance of love 
 and increase of friendship, — which thing he doubted 
 not but should sort to a fortunate effect and good 
 conclusion, if the King of England would vouchsafe 
 to give to him in matrimony his first begotten 
 daughter, the lady IMargaret ; upon which point he 
 determined not long ago to send his ambassadors 
 into England, which thing he w'ould the sooner do if 
 he knew the bishop's mind and intent ready to 
 further his loving purpose. The bishop answered 
 but few words, saying that when he was returned to 
 the King his master he would do the best in the 
 matter that lay in his power. 
 
 1498-9.— James's home policy after the Peace of 
 
 Aytoun. 
 
 Boece. Lives of the Bishops. 
 [Boece has here veiy accurately summarised the home policy 
 of King James after the first troubles of the reign.] 
 
 When this peace had been concluded, James, by 
 
 the advice of Bishop William, . . in the first 
 
 place repressed the risings of the islemen and 
 
 highlaiulers (for this })eople, unless hindered by the 
 
 royal authority, are wont to be in continual insur- 
 
 rection) ; and thereafter he encouraged by admonition 
 
,A TIME OF PLAGUE. 7 1 
 
 and example the manners of civil life. He built 
 large palaces at Stirling, Edinburgh, and Falkland, 
 and decorated them with much costly furniture. Many 
 followed the example of the King and regulated them- 
 selves by his fashion. He protected the people from 
 injury by the nobles ; and he kept the nobles in 
 harmonious peace, partly by his moderation and 
 liberality, and partly by the fear of punishment. 
 
 1500.— A Year of Plague. 
 
 Lives of Bishops of Dunkeld, p. 40. 
 
 In the year a.d. 1500, a most terrible plague 
 ravaged the realm of Scotland, and, as the story 
 went that the city of Dunkeld had at all time escaped 
 noisome infection by the merit of its patron, Saint 
 Columba, therefore the bishop^' in honour of the 
 same caused mass to be sung at his own expense at 
 the high altar for a whole year, at the second bell for 
 matins. And, because at the close of the year the city 
 and a great part of the surrounding country was not 
 infected by the plague, he made the office perpetual. 
 . . . . As the epidemic spread apace, the Bishop 
 observed how few parish churches there were f, 
 and how accordingly there was a great crowding of 
 burials, which was fraught with danger to the whole 
 land. As his parish of Lhtle Dunkeld was wide and 
 spread abroad and sixteen miles long, he divided it 
 into two parishes, Liftle Dunkeld and Caputh. 
 . . . . The following tale is surprising, yet I 
 
 * George Brown. 
 
 t Cf the statement of Major about the small number of parish 
 churches. 
 
72 COURSE OF' STUDY* 
 
 have thought it should not be passed over. . 
 He visited some of the tenants of the church 
 lands, who were stricken with the plague, and saw 
 to the ministration of the church rites. On the 
 following day he caused a bone of the blessed Columba 
 to be dipped in holy water, and he sent the water by 
 his chancellor to the sick folks to drink. Many partook 
 and were made whole. One fellow wantonly replied 
 to the chancellor, "Why does the bishop send us 
 water to drink ? I would rather he had sent me 
 some of his best ale." But he and the others who 
 would not have the water of S lint Columba perished 
 by the plague, to the number of thirty persons ; and 
 they were buried in ( ne g .ive below the ordinary 
 
 cemetery. 
 
 [In the year 1505 we find the Preceptor of St. Anthony's 
 writing to the General of the Order, that the plague has carried 
 off" all the brethren except the writer and another, that their 
 property has fallen into disorder, and that they cannot be 
 present at the general Chapter. — (Gairdner : /.etters of Richard 
 III. ^c.\\, 199.)] 
 
 1500.— The Course of Study at the University. 
 
 ^luninicnta Univ. Glasg. II., p. 25. 
 
 We appoint and decrcH' certain books — ordinary 
 and extraordinary — Un the purposes of study and 
 e.xamination. The ordinary books are these. In the 
 first place, in the Old Logic (/// I'cicri arte), the book of 
 ■ 'Universals of Porphyrius ; the Prxdicamenta** of 
 Aristotle; two books of the same author I Ir/>/i'/>/u/i'c<'ay(; 
 
 * KftTriyopiat (Pracdicamenta' . Of generic ideas, 
 f Tipl ip/j.rtyn(Xi (De Elocutionc oraioria). Of expression of 
 thought by speech. 
 
AT THE UNIVERSITY. 73 
 
 in the New Logic, two books of the Prior Analytics ; '^' 
 two of the Posteriori ; four at least of the Topics, J 
 namely the first, second, sixth, and eighth; and two 
 of the book on Fallacies. |1 In Philosophy, eight 
 books of the Physics ; three concerning the Heaven § 
 and the Universe ; ^ two on Generation and Corrup- 
 tion ; three books on the Soul ; on Se isc and the 
 Sensible, on Memory and Recollection, on Sleep 
 and Waking ; and seven books of the JMetaphysics. 
 
 The following extraordinary books are to be 
 taken in their entirety, or in part when the Faculty 
 shall so dispense. . . . In Logic, the text of Peter 
 Hispanus with the Categories ; the treatise on Distri- 
 bution ; and the book of the six principles. . . In 
 Philosophy, three books of meteorology ; the treatise 
 on the sphere in full ; six books of the Ethics, if they 
 be chosen ; perspective, arithmetic (algorismiis), and 
 the principles of geometry, if they be chosen. That 
 the zeal of the youths may go on from good to better, 
 even to the highest end, we decree and ordain that 
 the old art be read for six weeks, the Prior Analytics 
 for three, the Posterior for three, and that the Topics 
 and Fallacies be read daily during the same time. . . 
 
 * AvaXuTfxa Ttpovipx (Aiialytica Priora). Of the theory of 
 conclusions. 
 
 t AvatXunxa: vTvipx (Analytica Posteriora). Of demonstrable 
 knowledge (Bk. I.) ; and of the appHcation of conclusions to 
 proof (Bk. II.) 
 
 X ToTTixa (Topica). Of Dialectics. 
 H -Trip (jQpKjTiam Ixijy^m (Elencha). Of Fallacies. 
 § vipl ovpixvov (De Coelo). 
 H vif] KCXJ/J.OV (De Mundo) 
 
74 THE TRAINING OF THE KING'S SON, 
 
 The Faculty leaves the extraordinary books to the 
 discretion of the students. 
 
 The education of the King's son, Alexander Stewart. 
 
 Erasmus, Adagia 1 634, (Ed, 1599.) 
 
 [The following is an extract from the interesting descriplion 
 by Erasmus of King James and his son, the young Archbishop of 
 St. Andrews. Besides being of value as an account of the best 
 liberal education of the time, it will, with our further knowledge 
 of King James, testify to the cultured character of the inner 
 circle of the Scottish court. The extract, to be in strict chrono- 
 logical position, should be entered about ten years later, but it 
 goes suitably with the preceding.] 
 
 I once lived with the King's son in the city of 
 Sens, and I there taught him Rhetoric and Greek. 
 Heavens ! how quick, how attentive, how eager he 
 was ; how many things could he undertake together ! 
 At that time he studied law — a subject not very 
 pleasing, because of its barbarous admixture and the 
 insufferable verbosity of its expounders. He attendeil 
 lectures on Rhetoric, and followed out a prescribed 
 theme, using alike his pen and his tongue, lie 
 learned Greek, and each day construed his stated 
 task in a given time. He gave liis afternoons lo 
 music, to the monochord,''' flute, or lute ; and he 
 sometimes sang while playing on a stringed instru- 
 ment. Even at mealtime he was not forgi'tfiil o{ liis 
 studies. The chai)lain ( sacrificus) always read some 
 good book, such as the Pontifical Decrees, St. Jerome, 
 or St. Ambrose ; nor was the reader interrupted, 
 except when some of the doctors among whom he 
 • See Gawin Douglas's Palice of Hotiour, i. 20 (cd. Small.) 
 
ALEXANDER STEWART. "75 
 
 sat suggested aught, or when he made inquiry about 
 something which he did not clearly understand. On 
 the other hand, he liked tales, when they were brief, 
 and when they treated of literary matters. Hence no 
 portion of his life w^as spent without study, except 
 the hours given to religion and to sleep. If he had 
 any spare time . . he spent it in reading history, 
 for in that he took extreme delight. Thus it was 
 that, though he was a youth scarcely eighteen years 
 old, he excelled as much in every kind of learning 
 as in all those qualities which we admire in a man.* 
 
 1601. Nov.— Debate in the E iglish Council about 
 the betrothal of M£,rgaret to King James. 
 
 Polydore Vergil, xxvi., p. 607, 46. 
 
 Nor had many days passed by before James sent 
 an embassy to seek the King's daughter Margaret 
 in marriage. Henry gave the ambassadors audience, 
 and then laid the matter before his Council. Some were 
 afraid that at a future date it might come about that 
 the inheritance of the kingdom might fall to Margaret, 
 and therefore they judged it wise not to give her in 
 marriage to a foreign prince. But the King's answer 
 to this w^as ' What then ? If this happen, which 
 God forbid, I foresee that our realm will suffer no 
 harm, since it wall not be the addition of England to 
 Scotland, but rather of Scotland to England as the 
 
 * Erasmus, in his lament over the Archbishop's death at 
 Flodden, exclaims— " What hadst thou to do with Mars, of all 
 the gods of the poets the most infatuate, thou, who wert the 
 disciple of the Muses and of Christ r" 
 
7b THE SCOTTISH AMBASSADORS 
 
 most renowned part of the whole island, since it is 
 always the less whicli is joined for p^lorv and honour 
 to that which is greater, just as in days gone by 
 Normandy came under the rule of our English 
 ancestors.' The wisdom of the King was praised, 
 and by a unanimous voice they plighted the maid 
 Margaret to King James. 
 
 1501. Nov. 2i.— The Scottish Ambassadors in 
 
 London. 
 MS. Cott. Vitell. A. xvi ; Laing's Diinhar, I. :;3. 
 
 Upon Saturday following, about one of the clock, 
 came the ambassadors of Scotland in at Bishopsgate, 
 and so rode through Cornhill and Cheapside, and so 
 conveyed with lords and many well apparelled gentle- 
 men unto Saint John's without Smithfield, and there 
 lodged within the place of the Lord of Saint John's. 
 
 And upon the .Monday following was a goodly 
 joust holden, in the palace of Westminster, whereat 
 were present the said Scottish ambassadors ; the 
 which day the Lord INLirquess [of Dorset] . . won 
 the prize, albeit that the Duke [of Buckingham] that 
 day bore him full valiantly, and brake many spears ; 
 but the INIarquess brake the more. 
 
 And during these jousts divers nights were kept in 
 Westminster Hall noble antl costly banquets, with 
 most goodly disguisings, to the great consolation 
 of the beholders .... 
 
 In the Christmas week, the Mayor had to dinner 
 the ambassadors of Scotland, whom accompanied my 
 Lord Chancellor, and other Lords of this realm ; 
 where, sitting at dinner, one of the said Scots giving 
 
ARRIVE IN LONDON. 77 
 
 attendance upon a Bishop Ambassador, the which 
 was reported to be a Protonotary of Scotland * and 
 servant of the said Bishop, made this ballad following : 
 London, thou art of townes A per se, 
 
 Sovereign of cities, seemliest in sight, 
 Of high renown, riches, and royalty; 
 
 Of lords, barons, and many goodly knight; 
 Of most delectable lusty ladies bright ; 
 Of famous prelates, in habits cleiical ; 
 
 Of merchants full of substance and might ; 
 London, thou art the flower of Cities all. 
 
 Above all rivers thy river hath renown, 
 
 Whose beryl streamis pleasant and preclare 
 Under thy lusty wallis runneth down ; 
 
 Where many a swan doth swim with wingis fair ; 
 
 Where many a barge doth sail, and row^ with are;f 
 Where many a ship doth rest with top-royal. 
 
 O ! town of towns, patron:]: without compare: 
 London, thou art the flower of Cities all. 
 Upon thy lusty bridge of pillars white 
 
 Been merchantis full royal to behold ; 
 Upon thy streets goeth many a seemly knight 
 
 [All clad] in velvet gowns and chains of gold. 
 
 By Julius Caesar thy Tower founded of old 
 May be the house of Mars victorial, 
 
 Whose artillery with tongue may not be told : 
 London, thou art the flower of Cities all. 
 * The reference is to William Dunbar. It was Forman, however, 
 who WMs the Protonotary. 
 t Oar. X Pattern. 
 
78 THE FESTIVITIES. 
 
 Thy famous Mavor,*'-' by princely c^overnanco. 
 
 With sword of justice, he ruleth prudently. 
 No lord of Paris, Venice, or Florence, 
 
 In dignity or honour goetli to hinn nigh ; 
 
 He is exampler, loadestar, and guye,! 
 Principal patron and rose original, 
 
 Above all mayors as master most worthy. 
 London, thou art the flower of Cities alLJ 
 
 . . . The 25th day of January, being Saint 
 Paul's Day, was declared at i^aul's by the mouth of 
 the preacher the assurance of the King of Scots and 
 of Dame Margaret, dausrhlor to our Sovereign Lord, 
 King Henry the Vn.; in joying whereof Te Daim 
 was there solemnly sung. And in the afternoon 
 following, in divers places of the city, were made 
 great fires to the number of ten or twelve. And at every 
 fire a hogshead of wine was placed, which in time 
 of the fires burn'ng was drunk by such as would ; the 
 
 which wine was not lonir in drinking. 
 
 [The commission lor coutraclin^ the marriacrewns dated at Stir- 
 ling, 8th October. The contract was signed at Richmond on 24th 
 Jan., 1502 ; and on the foUowing day the betrothal was declared 
 at St. Paul's Cross. Di nbar received from Henry VII. 
 during these festivities £i^. 13. 14 on 31st Dec. 1501, and a 
 like sum eight davs later.] 
 
 1502. -The policy of the Scottish Marriage. 
 
 Hall. p. 403. Polyd. \'orgil, xxvi,p.bio. 
 It is to be ron^idoK (1 lli.it King Henry did not 
 
 * Sir John Shaw, who was luiighlcd on tlio lield by Henry VII. 
 
 t Guide. 
 X Dunbar**; Poems (Scottish Text Society), p. 276. 
 
POLICY OF THE MARRIAGE. 79 
 
 join this affinity with the King of Scots without cause. 
 For he, desiring nothing more than to pass over the 
 remnant of his Hfe in peace, rest, and tranquillity, 
 imagined in himself that by this conjunction and 
 couplement of matrimony no war or hostility here- 
 after should be attempted either against him or his 
 dominions by the Scottish King or his nation, 
 having sure trust that none other of his enemies 
 or of his rebels should hereafter be received or 
 maintained in the dominions and territories of his 
 son-in-law. And amongst all other articles this was 
 concluded and appointed, that no Englishman should 
 enter into Scotland, without letters commendatory of 
 their own sovereign lord or safe conduct of his 
 Warden of the Marches ; and that prohibition was in 
 like manner given to the Scots. 
 
 1502, Jan. 23.— Letter of Andrew Halyburton, 
 Conservator of the Scots Privileges in the 
 Netherlands. 
 
 Halyburton's Ledger, ed. Innes, Pref. p. xxi. 
 [The following is quoted as an interesting specimen of a mer- 
 chant's letter of the day. Some extra notes will be found in the 
 Appendix.] 
 
 Right worshipful sir, — I commend me to you with 
 all my heart. You shall receive, God willing, 
 forth of Gilbert Edmestoun's ship, a butt of Malmsey, 
 marked with your mark ; cost at the first buying 
 5I. I2S. Item, for crane dues, hire of track boat, 
 and labourer's fee, izd. ; sum of this wine with the 
 costs, 5I. 13s. Item, shall you receive forth of the 
 same ship, God wiUing, a ' roundale/ in the first. 
 
8o 
 
 A MERCHANT S LETTER. 
 
 2 pieces {steikis) of Rissilles *' cloth, one brown and 
 one black, of the great seal; cost 17I. Item, a 'steik' 
 of Rouen * tanny,' t which was bartered with a sack 
 of wool of yours ; cost 5s. each ell, holding 31I- ells, 
 ^ an ell to bate ; sum of that * steik ' is 7I. 15s. Item, 
 
 OuvtKSE. Reverse. 
 
 Lion of St. Andrkw or Scottish Crown [Gold). 
 
 2 couple of fustian ; cost 2L 2d. Item, 2 breadths of 
 buckram, one better and one slighter; cost 2I. 12s. 
 Item, 2 'steiks' of lawn ; one cost 36s., the other 21s.; 
 sum of the 2 steiks, 2I. i6s. Item, half a pound of 
 fine gold; cost 19s. Item, 161 ells of canvas; cost 
 24s. the 100; sum of the canvass 37s. 2d. Sum of 
 all the goods in this ' roundale ' at the first buying is 
 35I. 4d. Item, for the * roundale,' nails and packing, 
 26d. Item, for toll in Berry, 8d. ; for the labourer's 
 fee and j^rack l)oat hire to the Vere,J 7d. ; sum of the 
 'roundale' with the costs is 35I. 3s. gd. Sum of the 
 goods you have in this sliip with the butt of Malmsey 
 is 40I. 1 6s. gd. Item, there stand yet 2 sacks of wool 
 
 * Cloth of Lille. Dutch Rysscl. 
 
 t Cloth of a tawnv colour. 
 
 X Canipvcic [iu>\v Veere), 4 miles from Middlcburyh, Netherlands. 
 
TREATY OF PEACE. 8i 
 
 of yours unsold ; and when they are sold I shall send 
 you your reckoning of all things betwixt us. And any 
 other that you have ado in this country, I am at 
 your command. And further please you to wit that 
 here is an evil market, so help me God, except your 
 wool, the best wool that I sold. . . I could not 
 get 2 1 marks for it. Yours have I sold, one sack for 
 22 marks, one other for 23 marks. Hides I trow 
 shall be the best merchandise that comes here at 
 Easter {Pasche), for there are many folks that 
 enquire about them. It were but a sport to you to 
 come over this summer time in this country, and 
 make you blithe, and let us talk of past years, and 
 thereafter make your jubilee ; and then you may pass 
 home at Whitsunday. And our Lord Jesu be your 
 keeper in soul and body. Written at Middleburgh, 
 the 23 day of January, 1502. 
 
 Yours at power, 
 
 Andrew Halyburton. 
 
 1502, Jan. 24. — The Peace "between Scotland and 
 
 England. 
 
 Rymer, xii. p. 793. 
 
 [The following are the clauses of the ' Indenture for Peace and 
 Friendship ' between James and Henry. The legal phrase- 
 ology of the text, which tills eleven columns in Rymer, has been 
 curtailed. The document is interesting as being the first record 
 of pacification between England and Scotland for one hundred 
 and seventy year.-;.] 
 
 I. That between the Kings of Scotland and 
 England, their heirs and successors, their kingdoms 
 and subjects of every dc-rec there be a good, real 
 
82 ARTICLES Oh' TRlEATY. 
 
 sincere, true, sound, and firm peace, friendship, league, 
 and confederation, to last to all time coming. 
 
 2. That neither of the said Kings nor their succes- 
 sors shall make war or cause war to be made 
 against the other and his heirs, nor give aid, 
 either openly or secretly, for the urging on of war. 
 
 3. That neither of the said Kings shall receive, 
 or allow to be received, any rebel, traitor, etc. ; and, if 
 any rebels shall have fled into the other territory, the 
 prince of the same shall neither give nor cause to 
 be given any aid or favour, but shall imprison them, 
 and within twenty days shall hand them ove-r, if 
 requested to do so. 
 
 4. That all letters of safe-conduct given by cither 
 prince, in whatever manner, be recalled and cancelled; 
 nor shall they be renewed unless expressly demanded 
 by the other prince, and then for one year only. 
 
 5. That if any prince, of whatever dignity, attack 
 the realm of one of the aforesaid princes, that prince 
 whose realm has not been attacked shall assist the 
 other with such forces as arc requested, and with all 
 speed, and shall be paid for the same by the other 
 prince ; nor shall any former treaty be allowed as an 
 obstacle to this arrangement. 
 
 6. That the town of Berwick shall remain 
 u^imolested by the King of Scots and his subjects ; 
 and that the King of England's subjects of Berwick 
 shall not attack the King of Scots or liis vassals. 
 
 • •••••••• 
 
 8. That the following allies be included. On 
 the side of England : — The King of the Romans, 
 
ARTICLES OF TREATY. §3 
 
 Louis, King of France, the Kings of Spain, 
 Portugal, and Denmark, the Archduke of Austria, the 
 Doge of Venice, the Dukes of Ferrara and Savoy, 
 and the Hanse Towns. 
 
 On the side of Scotland : — Louis, King of France, 
 John, King of Denmark, the King of Spain, the King 
 of the Romans, the Archduke of Austria, the Dukes 
 of Gueldres, Alsace, and Cleves, and the Marquis of 
 Brandenburg. 
 
 Either king may give aid to his ally, but not by an 
 invasion of the other's territories. 
 
 9. That if anything contrary to this peace be done 
 by the subjects of either, the peace shall not on that 
 account be considered to be annulled; and ifeitlier 
 prince, yet holding by the treaty, neglect to make 
 redress within six months for the wrong done, the 
 other may grant letters of reprisal, according to the 
 extent of the wrong. 
 
 10. That the death of James, King of Scots, or of 
 the Princess Margaret before their marriage shall 
 not invalidate the present treaty of peace, unless 
 either of the Kings or their successors shall within 
 two months signify his withdrawal from the treaty. 
 But even, in such a contingency, the truce of 20th 
 July 1499 shall be in force during the life of the 
 survivor. 
 
 I I . That the successors in either kingdom shall 
 within six months ratify the treaty. 
 
 1 2. That the said princes shall within three months 
 of the marriage of King James and the Princess 
 Margaret swear to observe the treaty. 
 
 6 
 
84 THE SCOTS CONSERVATOR. 
 
 13. That the treaty be sealed and ratified by eithe 
 prince before Christmas, 1502 ; and that letters 
 confirmation be exchanged by the said princes. 
 
 14. That the sanction of the Pope be obtaine( 
 before July ist, 1503; and that he who breaks ih 
 treaty of peace be excommunicated. 
 
 15. That within three months after the conclusioi 
 
 of this treaty the contents be published in the chie 
 
 towns, and in the Marches of both kingdoms. 
 
 [James's oath was given on the 22nd day of February, 1502 
 (Rymer, XII., p. 804.)] 
 
 1503, March. 15. -Of the jurisdiction of the Scot 
 
 Conservator. 
 
 Acts of Pari, y ii., 24^ 
 
 It is Statute and ordained for the weal of mer 
 
 chants and for the great exorbitant expenses mad' 
 
 by them upon pleas in the parts beyond sea, tha 
 
 therefore the Conservator of this realm have juris 
 
 diction to do justice among the said merchants. 
 
 . . And the said Conservator shall not proceed upoi 
 
 any matters among the said merchants, but if ther 
 
 sit six of the best and honest merchants of mos 
 
 knowledge of the realm, that shall sit and have powe 
 
 with liim, if so many can be gotten ; and if there b( 
 
 not to the number of six, that there sit four merchant 
 
 with him at the least, that shall have such like powe 
 
 with him to minister justice Thi 
 
 Conservator of Scotland shall come yearly home, o 
 
 send a responsible procurator for liim yearly, wh( 
 
 shall answer to every man upon all things that the; 
 
 have to say to him on any matters ; and he shal 
 
 make certification to the King and his Council of th( 
 
 sending of the said procurator. 
 

 
 ^*»^/FOR^l^ 
 
 35 
 
 \9' 
 in 
 as 
 of 
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 s; 
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 ^9- 
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 Tie 
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84 THE SCOTS CONSERVATOR. 
 
 13. That the treaty be sealed and ratified by either 
 prince before Christmas, 1502 ; and that letters of 
 confirmation be exchanged by the said princes. 
 
 14. That the sanction of the Pope be obtained 
 before July ist, 1503; and that he who breaks the 
 treaty of peace be excommunicated. 
 
 15. That within three months after the conclusion 
 
 of this treaty the contents be published in the chief 
 
 towns, and in the Marches of both kingdoms. 
 
 [James's oath was given on the 22nd day of February, 1502. 
 (Rymer, XII., p. 804.)] 
 
 1503, March. 15. -Of the jurisdiction of the Scots 
 
 Conservator. 
 
 Acts of Pari., ii., 244. 
 
 It is Statute and ordained for the weal of mer- 
 chants and for the great exorbitant expenses made 
 bv them upon pleas in the parts beyond sea, that 
 tiierefore the Conservator of this realm have juris- 
 diction to do justice among the said merchants. . 
 
 . And the said Conservator shall not proceed upon 
 any matters among the said merchants, but if there 
 sit six of the best and honest merchants of most 
 knowledge of the realm, that shall sit and have power 
 whh him, if so many can be gotten ; and if there be 
 not to the number of six, that there sit four merchants 
 with him at the least, that shall have such like j)Ower 
 
 with him to minister justice The 
 
 Conservator of Scotland shall come yearly home, or 
 send a responsible procurator for him yearly, who 
 shall answer to every man upon all things that they 
 have to say to him on any matters ; and he shall 
 make crrlificatinn to llic King and his Council of the 
 sending of the said procurator. 
 

84 
 
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 15 
 
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 111 
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THE BAIL Y CO UNCIL. 85 
 
 1503, March 20.— The administration of Justice 
 
 in the Isles. 
 
 Acts of Pari. II. p. 249. 
 
 Because there has been great abuse of justice in 
 the north parts and west parts of the realm, such as 
 the North Isles and South Isles, for lack and fault of 
 Justice Ayres,* justices, and sheriffs, through which 
 the people are almost gone wild, it is therefore 
 made, statute, and ordained for the quieting of the 
 people by justice that there be in time to come 
 justices and sheriffs deputed in these parts as after 
 follows, — that is to say, that the justices and sheriffs of 
 the North Isles have their seat and place for adminis- 
 tration of justice in Inverness or Dingwall, as the 
 matters occur to be decerned by the said officers ; 
 and that another justice and sheriff be made and 
 deputed for the South Isles and those parts and 
 have his place and seat for administration of justice 
 in Tarbet or at Loch Kinkeran, at the will and 
 pleasure of the said officers, as the matters occur. 
 
 [Then follow ordinances for the establishment ol Justice Ayres 
 in Argyle, the sheriffdoms of Ross and Caithness and other 
 parts, where 'great enormity and trespasses have grown in default 
 of officers.'] 
 
 1503. March 20.— The Daily Council. t 
 
 Ads of Pari. II. p 249. 
 
 It is advised, statute, and concluded in this 
 
 * Eng. 'Eyre.' 
 t Attempts had been made to establish a court of supreme 
 civil jurisdiction in 1425 and 1457. The Senators of the College 
 of Justice, which was founded in 1532, held the title of Lords of 
 Council and Session. 
 
86 MARGARETS JOURNEY 
 
 present Parliament, because there has been great 
 confusion of summonses at each session, so that 
 leisure nor space at a time of the year might not 
 have been had for the ending of them, and thus 
 poor folk have been delayed and deferred from year 
 to year, through the which they wanted justice, — 
 therefore, for eschewing of the said confusion, that 
 there be a Council chosen by the King's Highness, 
 which shall sit continually in Edinburgh, or where the 
 King makes residence, or where it pleases him, to 
 decide all manner of summonses in civil matters, 
 complaints and causes, daily, as they shall happen to 
 occur ; and shall have the same power as the Lords 
 of Session. And when they shall begin, and in what 
 place, shall be notified to the people by open 
 proclamation at the King's pleasure. 
 
 1503, Aug.— The journey of the Princess Margaret 
 
 to Scotland. 
 
 Young. Leland, IV., 284. 
 [Margaret was married on 25tli Jan., 1502, to James's proxy, 
 the Earl of Bothwell. Henry left his manor of Richmond for 
 Coliweston on June 27, 1503, where he granted j-jcrmission for 
 his daughter's journey to the north in charge of the Earl of 
 Surrey. The bishop of Moray was in the train, which numbered 
 between five and six hundred persons, well horsed and appointed. 
 The itinerary was by Grantham, Newark, Doncaster, Pomfret, 
 Tadcastei, York, Newl)orough, Allcrlon, Hexham, Durham, 
 Newcastle, Morpeth, Alnwick, Bclford, and Berwick, whore she 
 arrived on the 30th of July ; thence by Lambcrton Kirk, Fast 
 Castle, Dunbar, Haddington, and Dalkeith to Edinburgh.] 
 
 The 3rd day of the month (Aug.) thcQtieen departed 
 from the abbey [near Haddington], where she and 
 
TO SCOTLAND. Yi 
 
 her company had great cheer, and in fair array and 
 order passed through the said town of Haddington, 
 where she w^as seen of the people in great mirth. 
 And from that she passed to her lodging to Dalkeith. 
 
 Half a mile nigh to the said town she appointed 
 herself richly, and her ladies and lords and others of 
 her company did the same ; and in f^iir order entered 
 the castle, w^here came before her without the gate 
 the lord of the said place, called the Count of 
 Morton, honestly appointed, and accompanied by 
 many gentlemen in presenting her the keys of the 
 said castle. And she was welcomed as lady and 
 mistress. . . . 
 
 After that she was come and well appointed, and 
 also her lords, ladies, knights, gentlemen and 
 gentlewomen, the King came arrayed in a jacket of 
 crimson velvet, bordered with cloth of roIJ, Ins 
 lewre^* behind his back, his beard something long,t 
 accompanied by the right reverend father in God, my 
 lord the Archbishop of St. Andrews, brother of the 
 said King, and Chancellor of Scotland, and others, 
 to the number of sixty horses. J 
 
 * ' Apparently a kind of hood.' - Piiikerton, II. 433. 
 
 t ' The meaning is, he had neglected to shave, or to cut it close 
 with scissors, as, in the same account, was done on his wedding 
 da}'.' — Pinkerton, II, p. 3, n. 
 
 X Margaret's mother, Ehzabeth of York, died on Feb. 11, 
 1503. Yet we find Henry writing from Richmond to Sir Henry 
 Vernon, Knight of the Body, on iSIoy f) : " Insomuch as it is 
 thought unto us and our Council inconvenient and not meet that 
 any mourning or son'owful clothings should be worn or used at 
 such noble triumphs of maniage, we therefore will and desire 
 
88 HER MEETING 
 
 The meeting of James and Margaret. 
 
 Ihid. 
 
 The King was conveyed to the Queen's chamber, 
 where she met him at her great chamber door, right 
 honourably accompanied. At the meeting he and 
 she made great reverences the one to the other, his 
 head being bare ; and they kissed together, and in 
 Hke wise kissed the ladies, and others also. And he 
 in especial welcomed the earl of Surrey very heartily. 
 
 Then the Queen and he went aside and communed 
 together by long space. She held good manner, and 
 he bareheaded during the time ; and many courtesies 
 passed. Incontinent was the board set and served. 
 They washed their hands in humble reverences ; and 
 after set them down together, where many good 
 devices were rehearsed. 
 
 After the supper they washed again, wilh the reve- 
 rences; minstrels began to blow, whereupon danced 
 the Queen, accompanied of my lady of Surrey. This 
 done, the King took leave of her, for it was late ; 
 and he went to his bed at Edinburgh, very well con- 
 tent of so fair meeting, and that he had found the 
 fair company together. . . 
 
 Next day at four of the clock, af^or dinner, tlie 
 archbishops of York and of Cil.isgow and others 
 went to meet the King, . but the King, Hying as 
 the bird seeks her prey, took another way, and came 
 privily to the said castle, and entered wiiliin the 
 
 you to attend upon our said daus;hter in your best array, as in 
 sucli case it api)ertainelli."— A'/z/A/;/!/ MSS. (llistor. MSS. 
 Qommiss, iith Report. App, Part IV. Vol. I. 1888.) 
 
WITH KING yAMES. 89 
 
 chamber with a small company, where he found the 
 Queen playing at cards ... In communing 
 together, came the same lords ; to whom the King did 
 reverence . After some words rehearsed betwixt 
 them, the minstrels began to play a bass dance, the 
 which was danced by the said Queen and the Countess 
 of Surrey. . Incontinent the King began before 
 her to play on the claricords, and after on the lute, 
 which pleased her very much, and she had great 
 pleasure to hear him. . . . The King took leave 
 of her and went to his horse, on whom he did leap 
 without putting the foot within the stirrup. And the 
 said horse was a right fair courser ; and incontinent 
 the King spurred, follow who might. 
 
 7 August.— The entry into Edinburgh. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 At the entering of the town was made a gate of 
 wood, painted, with two towers and a window in the 
 midst. In the which towers were at the- windows 
 revested angels singing joyously for the coming of 
 so noble a lady ; and at the said middle window was 
 in like wise an angel presenting the keys to the Queen. 
 
 Within the town, nigh to the said gate, came in 
 procession the College of the parish of St. Giles, 
 richly revested, with tne arm of that saint, the which 
 was presented to the King for to kiss ; whereof he 
 did as before"^', and began to sing Te Deuin Laudaimis. 
 
 In the midst of the town was a cross, new painted, 
 and, nigh to that same, a fountain casting forth of 
 wine ; and each one drank that would. 
 */.^. He would not kiss the relic before the Oueenhad done so. 
 
90 THE RECEPTION 
 
 Nigh to that cross was a scaffold made, where were 
 represented Paris and the Three Goddesses, with 
 Mercury, that gave him the apple of gold to give to 
 the most fair of the three, which he gave to Venus. 
 In the scaffold was also represented the salutation of 
 Gabriel to the Virgin. . Further over newly made 
 was another gate, upon which were seated the four 
 Virtues, to wit, — Justice, holding in her right hand a 
 sword all naked and in the other a pair of balances ; 
 and she had under her feet the King Nero: Force, 
 armed, holding in her hand- a shaft; and under licr 
 feet w^as Holofernes, all armed : Temperance, holding 
 in her hand a bit of a horse ; and under her feet was 
 Epicurus • Prudence, holding in her hand a syerge ;•'' 
 and under her feet Sardanapalus. With these were 
 tabrets that played merrily while the noble company 
 passed through. Under was a Unicorn and Grey- 
 hound that held a difference of one thistle nourished 
 and a red rose entrellised. Then the noble company 
 passed out of the town to the church of the Holy 
 Cross,! out of which came the Archbishop of St. 
 Andrews, brother of the King, his cross borne before 
 him, accompanied by the reverend fathers in God, 
 the Bishop of Aberdeen, Lord Privy Seal of Scotland, 
 the Bishops of Orkney, Caithness, Ross, Dunblane, 
 and Dunkeld, and many abbots, all in their pontificals, 
 with the religious and canons richly revested, })re- 
 ceded by their cross. The said Archbishop then 
 
 * Syerge or Cierge, a laiyc w ax candle used in iclij^ious 
 
 ceremonies. The commoner forms were Cerge wwd Serge. (U.K. 
 
 cerge, L. cereus, cera.) 
 
 t Holy rood. 
 
IN EDINBURGH. 9^ 
 
 gave the King a relic to kiss, but he did as he had 
 done before. - 
 
 After this done, each one leapt off his horse and in 
 fair order went after the procession to the Church ; 
 and in the entering of the same the King and the 
 Queen lighted down. And afterwards he took the 
 Queen by the body doing humble reverence, and led 
 her to the great altar, where was a place ordained for 
 them to kneel upon two cushions of cloth of gold, the 
 Lord Chamberlain of the Queen exercising his office 
 as before. But the King would never kneel down 
 first, but both together. And by the said Arclibishop 
 was given him to kiss a rich cross, whereof he did as 
 before without offering ; and at the entering of the 
 said church^^ the choir {chappelle) of the King, and 
 others, began the Te Deiim. 
 
 After all the reverences were done at the church in 
 order as before, the King transported himself to the 
 palace through the cloister, holding always the Queen 
 by the body, and his head bare, till he had brought 
 
 her within her chamber. 
 . 
 
 The town of Edinburgh was in many places hung 
 with tapestry ; the houses and windows were full of 
 lords, ladies, gentlewomen and gentlemen ; and in 
 the streets was so great a multitude of people without 
 number, that it was a fair thing to see ; the which 
 people were very glad of the coming of the said 
 Queen. And in the churches of the said town, bells 
 
 rang fur miith, 
 
 * Ivit. choir [quere]. 
 
92 PR EPA R A 7 10 AS FOR THE 
 
 The Royal Marriage. The morning preparations. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 The 8th day of the said month every man appointed 
 himself richly for the honour of the noble marriage. 
 Between 8 and 9 o' the clock everyone was ready, 
 nobly apparelled; and the ladies came richly arrayed, 
 some in gowns of cloth of gold, others of crimson 
 velvet and black, others of satin and of" tinsel, of 
 damask and of camlet of many colours, with hoods, 
 chains, and collars upon their necks, accompanied 
 by their gentlewomen arrayed honestly after their 
 guise, to hold company with the said Queen. 
 
 After came the Bishop of Moray to fetch my lords, 
 the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of Durham, 
 who were very honestly arrayed in their estate ; as also 
 the Earl of Surrey, who was richly arrayed in a long 
 gown of cloth of gold, with his rich collar of the 
 Garter, accompanied by many lords, . . knights, and 
 gentlemen, richly and honestly arrayed, and wearing 
 good chains. In that manner the lords were brought 
 by the Bishop of Moray to the King, who was within 
 his great chamber upon his feet, and, at tlic coming 
 of the said lords, he made reverence to every man, 
 his bonnet always in his hand. Tlie King then 
 caused them to sit upon a form before him against 
 himself, and desired them to cover ihiir lieatls. The 
 Archbishop was placed at tlic ri,i;ht hand, and ilie 
 Earl of Surrey at the left hand, l^iie King sat in a 
 cliair of crimson velvet, the panels of the same being 
 gilt, under his Cloth of State of blue velvet figured 
 with gold. . . . 
 
MARRIAGE CEREMONY 93 
 
 After silence made and everyone sat in order, 
 Doctor Rawlins, Doctor of Divinity, began the pre- 
 position ; who well and wisely and with good manner 
 demeaned him in his utterance of the same, and at 
 every word requisite made honourable reverence. 
 This done, the King commanded Master Doctor 
 Murehed,^^ his secretary, to give short answer ; the 
 which thing he did very reverently in brief conclu- 
 sion. After those prepositions done, every man did 
 reverence to the King, as did the King likewise 
 to them at his drawing into his own chamber ; and 
 then the Archbishop, his brother, and the Bishop of 
 Aberdeen conveyed the aforesaid lords and com- 
 pany again to the lodging of the Queea 
 
 A little after the Queen was by the said lords and 
 company brought from her chamber to the church, 
 crowned with a very rich crown of gold garnished 
 with pierreryt and pearls. She was led on the right 
 hand by the Archbishop of York, and on the left 
 hand by the Earl of Surrey. Her tram was borne by 
 the Countess of Surrey, a gentleman usher helping 
 her. The Queen was nobly accompanied with her 
 ladies richly arrayed. . It was ordained by the Earl 
 of Surrey that two of the greatest ladies of England 
 s-oins: tooether should take with them two of the 
 greatest ladies of Scotland, and so all four to go 
 together in a row. 
 
 Thus the Queen was conveyed to the said church 
 
 * Richard Murehed, Dean of Glasgow. 
 t Jewels. Fr. pien'eries. 
 
94 THE KING AND HIS BRIDE. 
 
 and placed near to the font — Mistress Denton, her 
 mistress, being always nigh her, and all her noble 
 company standing in order on the left side of the 
 church. Incontinent came the right reverend father 
 in God, my lord the Archbishop of Glasgow, accom- 
 panied with the prelates, all in pontificals, and other 
 notables, folks of the church. 
 
 Then the King was brought by a very fair com pan v 
 consisting of his said brother and the aforesaid lords, 
 his steward, chamberlain, the constable, and the 
 marshall, with all their staffs of their offices, and 
 other nobles, knights, squires, and gentlemen, richlv 
 and honestly arrayed and with good chains. The 
 Lord of Hamilton bore his sword before him. His 
 officers of arms w^ere in their coats, and all his nobles 
 stood in order on the right side of the church. 
 
 The Royal AjDparel. 
 
 Then the King coming near to the Queen made 
 reverence, and she to him very humbly. The King 
 was in a gown of white dama sk, figured with gold 
 and lined with sarsanet. He had on a jacket with 
 sleeves of crimson satin, the cufis of black velvet ; 
 under the same a doublet of cloth of gold, and a 
 pair of scarlet hose ; his shirt embroidered with 
 thread of gold ; his bonnet black, with a rich ruby 
 fbalavj] and his sword about him. TIu- Queen was 
 arrayed in a rich robe like himself, bordered with 
 crimson velvet and lined with the same. She had a 
 very rich collar of gold of j)icMHM\- and ])earls round 
 her neck, and the crown upon her head, her hair 
 

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THE WEDDING SERVICE. 95 
 
 hanging. Betwixt the said crown and the hair was a 
 very rich coif hanging down behind the whole length 
 of the body. 
 
 The Service. 
 Then the noble marriage was performed by the 
 said Archbishop of Glasgow ; and llie Archbishop of 
 York, in presence of all, read the bulls of our Holy 
 Father the Pope of Rome consenting thereto. This 
 done, the trumpets blew for joy, and the King, being 
 bareheaded and holding her by the right hand, was 
 conveyed through the said company to the high 
 altar, before the which was dressed a place for them 
 two to kneel upon rich cushions of cloth of gold. 
 But this the King would never do, previously paying 
 her the most great humility and reverence as possibly 
 might be. After their orisons done, and during the 
 litany, which was sung and said by the Archbishop, 
 the King withdrew himself to his traverse* fringed 
 with blue and red, which stood on the left side, and 
 there set himself in a rich chair. In likewise the 
 Queen into her own traverse of black, which was on 
 the right side, and sat down in a rich chair also. 
 The litany ended, the said Archbishop began the 
 mass, and so they returned into the place where they 
 were before, abiding there during the time of the 
 mass. At the Gospel they made their offering, and 
 before the Saint Canon she was anointed. After 
 which the King gave her the sceptre in her hand. 
 Then was sung Te Deum Laiidamus ; and two prelates 
 
 * A seat within lattice-work. 
 
96 A LETTER FROM THE QUEEN. 
 
 held the cloth upon them during the remainder of the 
 mass. That and all the ceremonies accomplished, 
 there was brought by the lords bread and wine in rich 
 pots and rich cups. 
 
 After the collation each one was put in order 
 according to his birth. And the King leading the 
 Queen as before conveyed her to her chamber, and 
 then departed from her and went to his own, where 
 he held estate royal for that day. 
 
 1508. — Margaret in Scotland. 
 
 Margaret to Henry VII. Ellis, I. i. 42. 
 
 Sir, . . As tor news I have none to send, but 
 that my lord of Surrey is in great favour with the King 
 here, that he cannot forbear the company of him no 
 time of the day. He and the bishop of Moray 
 ordereth everything as nigh as they can to the King's 
 pleasure. I pray God it may be for my poor heart's ease 
 in time to come. They call not my chamberlain to 
 them, who I am sure will speak better for my part 
 than any of them that be of that council. And, if he 
 speak anything for my cause, my lord of Surrey hath 
 such words unto liim that he dare speak no further. 
 God send me comfort to his j^leasure, and that I and 
 mine that be left here with me be well entreated such 
 ways as they have taken. And as for this that 1 have 
 written to your Grace, it is very true ; but I prav God 
 I may find it well for my welfare hereafter. No more 
 to your Grace at this timc>, but our Lord have you in 
 his keeping. Written with the hand of your humble 
 daughter, Margaret. 
 
AN OLD CUSTOM. 97 
 
 1505.— An old lovable Custom in the Burghs. 
 
 Aberdeen Council Register and Analecta 
 Scotica [Maidment), II. 295. 
 
 [The following extract gives an intei'esting reference to the 
 popular dramatic pieces of the time. An Interlude of this 
 reign, in all probabihty the work of Dunbar, entitled the " Maner 
 of the Crying of ane Playe," has been preserved. (See Luing's 
 Select Remains of the Ancient Popular and Romance Poetry of 
 Scotland, p. 296.)] 
 
 It was found by the old lovable custom and rite of 
 the burgh, that, in the honour of God and the Blessed 
 Virgin Mary, the craftsmen of the same, in their best 
 array kept and adorned (decorit) the procession on 
 Candlemas day yearly ; which old and lovable 
 custom the Provost, Bailies, and Council, ripely 
 advised, ratified, and approved, and moreover 
 statute and ordained that the said craftsmen 
 and their successors shall perpetually in time 
 to come observe and keep the said procession as 
 honourably as they can. And they shall, in order 
 to the offering in the Play, pass two and two 
 together, socially ; first, the fieshers, barbers, bakers 
 fbaxterisj, shoemakers fcordinersjy skinners, coopers, 
 Wrights, hatmakers, and bonnetmakers, together; then 
 the fullers (ivalcaris), dyers (Utsiaris), weavers (woh- 
 stan'sj, tailors, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, and hammer- 
 men ; and the craftsmen shall furnish the pageants ; the 
 shoemakers, the messenger ; the weavers and fullers, 
 Simeon ; the smiths and goldsmiths, the Three 
 Kings of Cologne ; the dyers, the Emperor ; the 
 masons, the three Knights ; the tailors, Our Lady, 
 
98 yAMES WARys THE 
 
 Saint Bride, and S:iint Helen ; and the skinners, the 
 two Bishops: and two ofeacli craft to pass with ihe 
 pageant that they furnish, to keep their gear. And if 
 any person happen to fail and break any point before 
 written, and be convicted thereof, he shall pay 
 xl shillings to Saint Nicholas Werk, '*' and the bailies 
 ' unlaw ' unforq-iven. 
 
 [The * Three Kings of Cologne ' was a favourite medixval 
 legend written by John Hildesheim. About this time several 
 English editions were printed by AVynkyn de Worde, viz., in 
 1499 (date omitted), 1511. 1526, and 1530. See Horstmann's 
 edition (Early English Text Society) 1886. 
 
 Each craft by long custom became identified with certain 
 characters in the procession. Thus in an entry of 5th Sept., 1442, 
 we find : — 
 
 Dyers. — Emperor and two Doctors, and as many honest 
 squires as they may. 
 
 Smiths and Ha7n7nerine7i. — Three Kings of Cologne, &c. 
 
 Tailors. — Our Lady, St. Bride, St. Helen, Joseph, and as 
 many squires as they may. 
 
 Skinners. — Two Bishops and Eour Angels, &c. 
 
 Weavers aitd Fn/lers. — Simeon and his disciples, &c. 
 
 Shoemakers. — The messenger and Moses, Sec. 
 
 Fleshers. — Two or four madmen, &c. 
 
 The Brethren of the 6^z7t/.— Knights in harness, and squires 
 honestly arrayed. 
 
 Bakers. — The minstrels. 
 
 1505, April.— James warns the Duke of Gueldres 
 against receiving Edmund de la Pole. 
 
 Epist. Reg. Scot. L, ii. ; Gairdner, II., 192, 
 
 and I., xlvii. 
 [The following letter is interesting a? showing how keenly 
 * I.e. The parish church of Aberdeen. So in lulinburgh 
 some fines were given to the Wark of St. Giles. 
 
DUKE OF GUELDRES. 99 
 
 James watched the movements of the exiled Suffolk, and sought 
 remedy against anything which (in his own words on another 
 occasion) was ' contrary to the possibility of his interest ' in the 
 English succession.] 
 
 . . Beloved kinsman, I may with the more free- 
 dom accuse you of violating your engagements, for 
 you formerly promised us in your letters that you 
 would absolutely deny Edmund de la Pole, late Earl 
 of Suffolk, your dominions, make proclamation every- 
 where against him, and severely punish any contra- 
 vention of it. You allege as your reason for doing 
 so, that, having taken counsel, you expected it would 
 be of great use to you with our father the King of 
 England to admit him within your bounds, so that 
 a condition of peace might be procured by your 
 mediation, for which he promised you full power and 
 authority. What our opinion is, understand in a few 
 words. It is useless excusing yourself to men of 
 experience with a feigned pretext of mediation ; you 
 make but a lame defence of your innocence. Nothing 
 could justify you in departing from your promise for 
 the sake of a perfidious man without consulting me, 
 to whom you had bound yourself, especially when 
 De la Pole's inconstancy was already more than 
 sufficiently known to you ; to whom formerly, though 
 a fugitive suppliant rebel, when he returned to 
 England the King mercifully forgave all his revolt. 
 Therefore I tell you this, as a thing most sure and 
 certain. The King's prudence deigns not now either 
 to recall De la Pole from his error, or to listen to 
 any composition, that rebels by the infliction of the 
 
 7 
 
I DO JAMES WARNS THE 
 
 duo jninishmcnt of treason may lay aside contumacy 
 aiul impiety. . . . Either you have been incon- 
 siderate, or, whaC I fain would rather believe, his 
 cominy; to you was without permission, nor was any 
 assurance given him that it should be witli impunity, 
 but by accident he has escap ed your vigilance. . 
 
 You add that by the agency of De la Pole in 
 Gelderland an armed band of about 6000 foot has 
 often met in your country under leaders, but for what 
 object was unknown. . . . You \vould have done 
 better to have passed over the circumstance in silence, 
 and not allowed a vain hope to carry you through 
 tortuous ways. It is quite absurd in you to pretend 
 nor does it appear probable to us, that a needy man, 
 whom you supply with food, keeps a thousand armed 
 men in his pay. One of two things I think you are 
 attempting, either that the King of England through 
 vain fear shall conciliate De la Pole, or that he shall 
 expect to see him restored by your arms. It is 
 nonsense talking of fear in a king hitherto uncon- 
 quered, whose friendship the greatest princes eagerly 
 embrace, and who by his bravery has repeatedly 
 overcome, with great slaughter, strong bands of 
 enemies. . . . Beware. This Edmund will de- 
 ceive you by too much promising of friends. . . . 
 You treat kindly a rebel of England, an exile from 
 the greater part of Christendom, to the disgust of 
 your friends antl to the complication even of your 
 own affairs, at a time when you ought to be concili- 
 ating princes rather than exasperating them. Is 
 this what has come of our supplications ? Is our 
 
DUKE OF GUELDRES. lOi 
 
 bond of consanguinity at an end ? Have your pro- 
 mises come to this ? Over trustful that I was ! I 
 represented you to my most illustrious father the 
 King of England, as a well-meaning and friendly 
 prince ; you openly declare yourself his enemy, and 
 the sole refuge of his rebels. For these egregious 
 merits, forsooth, you demand that we should come 
 to your succour against the great and powerful Kings 
 of the Romans and Castile, who for our sake ordered 
 this Edmund, whom you cherish, away from their 
 persons and their kingdoms. 
 
 Do not think that we have written to you too harshly; 
 it concerns the surest interest of our most illustrious 
 father, our most serene brother, our most gentle 
 
 wife But the unhappy De la Pole is an 
 
 obstacle to our desires ; so long as he is secure, you 
 will never be conscious of our wealth, or of the wealth 
 of friends. Your hateful guest denies you arms, men, 
 and money. Therefore, Duke and kinsman, as soon 
 as you can, get rid of this unhappy wretch, and strive 
 yet to reconcile yourself to our most benevolent 
 father ; by the same way by which you have offended 
 him, you may study to conciliate him. ... If 
 you abide honourably by your promise, we shall strive 
 to replace our mutual good will, and to moderate the 
 violence offered to you.* 
 
 1506, July 15. — James and the troubles in 
 
 Denmark. 
 James to Christina, Queen of Denmark. Epist. Reg. 
 Scot. I. p. Gg. and Gairdner {Letters), II. p. 215. 
 Most illustrious princess, the letter which you had 
 * See also Calendar (Henry VIII.) No. 3320. See Appendix. 
 
i02 SCOTTISH AID TO 
 
 sealed at your castle of Copenhagen on the 13th of 
 March last was handed to us by Thomas Sieland on 
 the loth of July. You speak of my anxiety about 
 your affairs, while the Swedes were at war with 
 you, and that the offices of a near friend on your 
 behalf have prevailed ; on which account you render 
 us thanks, and will ever remain grateful. You narrate 
 the annoyances of that perfidious people, which you 
 had to endure in a truly heroic manner throughout a 
 six months' siege, while your brave soldiery perished 
 by hunger and disease ; and, in addition, you tell of 
 the most deadly plague which attacked even the most 
 robust.*' Nevertheless you rejoice, that you a woman 
 have overcome so great misfortunes. Truly, most 
 renowned princess, that long siege had moved us 
 deeply (we indeed confess it), and had excited in us 
 great concern : wherefore we sent a fleet of our 
 subjects to Copenhagen, who, having had the less to 
 do, have returned to us more speedily than expected. 
 We should have in no wise tolerated this, nor 
 would they have ever dared to do so, unless they had 
 brought back word that you were safe, and that no 
 danger threatened you. You give thanks for this, 
 and indeed 30U are very courteous ; but 1 seek no 
 gratitude for myself, for to whom will I bo a friend 
 if nut to you and yours } I wished to do some 
 service, and, beyond expectation, the occasion came. 
 
 * yuccn Christina wrote to James on 13th March informing 
 him of a pestilence which had canned otY 900 men at Copen- 
 hagen. See Reports of the Deputy Keeper of Records, Vol. 
 46, App. II., p. 53, and Wegener, p. 53. 
 
QUEEN CHRISTINA. 103 
 
 Who does not admire and who will praise unwillingly 
 you, the heroine of this event, who bore the hard 
 issues of this war ? You have, by this one argument, 
 fully shown the nobility of your blood ; now do what 
 you ha\c determined in your unconquered will, 
 keep yourself in good fortune, and give us your love. 
 Most illustrious Princess, farewell. From Edin- 
 burgh, &c. 
 
 [This letter refers to some episodes in the rebellion of the 
 Swedes under Sten Sture against the Danish King. Between 
 August 1501 and August 1502 James sent two ships and an 
 armed force to assist King John and his ally, the Elector of 
 Brandenburg. Queen Christina had been imprisoned by the 
 Swedish leader in the Castle of Stockholm and afterwards in the 
 convent of Wadstena, James took a great interest in the 
 politics of Denmark, as is shewn by his extensive correspondence 
 with his royal relatives. In 1507 he sent an embassy to Lubeck, 
 and afterwards to Denmark, to investigate the cause of dissension 
 between them He counselled moderation ; and he received 
 hearty thanks, from Lubecii in March, and from King John in 
 April. In July, 1507, Tycho Vincent, Dean of Copenhagen, 
 came from John as ambassador to Scotland; and in April, 1508, 
 James, in answer to a request for assistance against Lubeck, 
 advised peace, but ultimately sent Andrew Barton. James 
 explained his attitude in a letter to Maximihan. {Epist. Reg. 
 Scot., I., 112). See Appendix on the 'Relations with Denmark'.] 
 
 1606. Aug. 13.~The Building of the Scottish Fleet. 
 
 James to Louis XII. Epist. Reg. 
 Scot. I., p. 39. Gairdner, II. 219. 
 
 To the most illustrious, &c. For a long time past 
 
 we have been busy with the building of a fleet for the 
 
 protection of our shores, and to this day we labour at it 
 
 with great zeal. . Since there is a greater abundance 
 
104 PROPOSED PILGRIMAGE. 
 
 of building material in your realm, we have sent our 
 men thither to fetch beams and oakwood from a 
 friendly nation^ and to bring shipwrights to us. The 
 dishonesty of certain of your people disturbed all 
 our arrangements and prevented our purchases ; they 
 attempted to confiscate what was already prepared, on 
 the plea that it was against the law, until your 
 ^Majesty, having been made aware of these matters, 
 removed the obstacles in our favour, restrained those 
 doers of mischief, nay, even gave facilities for the 
 furnishing of our fleet. . . Order this fleet, me 
 and my people, whither you will ; you will find no 
 one readier to obey, either for vow or honour. 
 
 [On 20 iSIar., 15 12, we find James writing to John of Denmark, 
 to say that he has detained his subject, Andrew Jensen, to furnish 
 masts for his fleet, and that he has had to send to Norway for 
 them. Epist. Regnni Scotonwi, I., p. 137.] 
 
 1606, Dec. 21.— The King's intended journey to 
 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 Sanuto's Diaries, {^Venetian Papers I.). [Ital.] 
 
 On the morning of the 21st an ambassador from 
 the King of Scotland came into the College, the Sages 
 for the Orders having been sent to accomi)any him to 
 the audience. 
 
 Presented a letter of credence, and said that his 
 King meant to go to Jerusalem. Requested the 
 Signory to give him either galleys or artificers to 
 build them. Was told that his Majesty's demand 
 should be granted willingly, and good greeting was 
 given him. 
 
 [James states his intentions to visit the Holy Land in a letter 
 to the Cardinal of St. Mark's in 1509 (Gairdner, II, , 278). He 
 
THE POPE'S GIFTS. 1 05 
 
 requests the Pope to release him from the necessity of ^^siting 
 Rome on his way to the East. See also the letter dated May 24? 
 1 5 13. John of Denmark, in a letter of 20th July, 1507, urged 
 Robert Forman to dissuade James from the expedition [a tain 
 acerba peregrinacioue abstineat) — Reports of the Deputy Keeper 
 of Records, p. 54. It is probable that Jam es's desire to preserve 
 the alliance with France, in order that he pass through that 
 kingdom on his pilgrimage, was one of the many causes which 
 produced the rupture with Henry.] 
 
 1507, March.— Pope Julius declares James Protector 
 of the Christian Religion, and sends a hat and 
 sword. 
 
 Boece, Lives of Bishops of Mtirthlac and Aberdeen. 
 At this time Pope Julius the Second proclaimed, 
 by his legates, James the Fourth to be 'Protector of 
 the Christian religion.' He sent legates to offer to 
 him, in the name of the Pontiff, a purple hat 
 variegated with golden flowers, a sword with a 
 golden hilt and a golden scabbard studded with 
 precious stones, and to congratulate him very heartily, 
 because, while the rest of the Christian princes were 
 busy with campaigns and tumults, both abroad and 
 within their domains, he alone stood aloof from war. 
 At that moment the French arms were attacking the 
 Italian cities, of which several had fallen into the 
 hands of Louis, some by storm, others by surrender. 
 
 1507. Mar. 13. — O'Donnel seeks aid from James. 
 
 O'Donnel to James IV. Gairdner, II., 237. 
 
 To the most illustrious James, &c. We make 
 
 known to your excellent Majesty by the tenor of this 
 
 present letter, just as we did some time ago, in the 
 
Io6 LETTER FROM O'DONNEL 
 
 lifetime of our father of beloved memor}', chief of 
 Ulster and your dearest subject, our desire to 
 pay a visit in person to your Highness, — as we have 
 made clear to you in our letters; and to this moment 
 we retain the wish for an opportunity of that kind. 
 Nevertheless the death of our father has stood in the 
 way, and we have been unable to fulfil our wish or bring 
 it to a sure consummation, since from that time we 
 have been at war with many of the Irish nobles, — to a 
 prosperous termination of which we look, with the 
 aid of the Divine mercy. In sooth, in the beginning 
 of this coming summer we intend to advance with 
 determination against our many adversaries because 
 of their great misdeeds ; and for this purpose we hope 
 much from your support by granting us the aid of }oiir 
 subjects. We seek this on account of your royal magni- 
 ficence; and to this extent, that you command Lord 
 John, your chief vassal, son of Alexander IMcHean,* 
 to come to us on the next feast of the Apostles, Pliilip 
 and James, f and to have with him four tliousand men, 
 armed and thoroughly equip})ed for war; and under 
 such penalties as you think fit, for the lieges wliich 
 you have commanded in that part of Scotland which 
 is nearer us, and especially the nobles of the Clan 
 Donnel (Dompnayll), that those of them wliich the 
 
 • John Maclan of Arilnanuuchan. He ap|)velicmleil John of 
 Isla and his four sons in 1494. In 1505 lie was associated with 
 Earls of Arran and Ar^yle and Maeleotl of Harris in the expedi- 
 tion against the Isles. He ])ut to death Sir Alexander of 
 Lochalsh. See (iregor)''s W'cstiiii Highlands^ j:)p. 67, 90, lOl, 
 108, &e. 
 
 t May I. 
 
ASKING AID, 107 
 
 aforesaid Lord jMcHean will bring with him for our 
 comfort will obey and be with us at the time 
 arranged; and that }0u warn also the same lords of 
 the Clan Donnel, under pains which suit your royal 
 benevolence, that none slrdl join with the other 
 lords and nobles of Ireland ag.unst us. 
 
 [James writes to O'Donael on 22 April that there is 
 no time to send tlie troops before the day named. He wishes to 
 know who his enemies are, and what is the cause of quarrel. 
 He commends the fidelity of his father.] 
 
 1507. Sept. 15.— The introduction of Printing. 
 
 Reg. Sec. Si gill, iii., 1 29. 
 
 [The following is the chaiter granted by James IV. to Walter 
 Chepman and Andrew Myllar to set up a press in Scotland.] 
 
 James, &c. To all and sundry our officers, 
 lieges, and subjects whom it concerns, to whose 
 knowledge these our letters shall come, greeting. 
 Know ye that, forasmuch as our loved servants 
 Walter Chepman and Andrew Myllar, burgesses of our 
 burgh of Edinburgh, have at our instance and request, 
 for our pleasure and the honour and profit of our 
 realm and lieges, taken on them to furnish and bring 
 home a press fprenij, with all stuff belonging thereto, 
 and expert men to use the same, for imprinting within 
 our realm of the books of our Laws, Acts of Parlia- 
 ment, chronicles, mass books, and portuus''' after the 
 
 * Portuus, portiiary, &c. (portiforiuin) is a name for the 
 Breviary, referring probably to its portable character. One of 
 the earlie--t specimens of -Scottish jirose, preserved in the Asloan 
 Manuscript, is entitled ' The FortxLus and iSiatyiiis of Nobilnes.' 
 
io8 THE FIRS7' PRESS. 
 
 use of our Realm, with additions and legends of 
 Scottish saints now gathered to be eked thereto, and 
 all other books that shall be seen necessary, and to 
 sell the same for competent prices, by our advice and 
 discretion, their labours and expenses being con- 
 sidered ; and because we understand that this cannot 
 be furnished without right great cost, labour, and 
 expenses, — we have granted and promised to them, 
 that they shall not be hurt nor prevented therein by 
 any others to take copies of any books forth of 
 our realm to cause imprint the same in other 
 countries, to be brought and sold again within our 
 realm, to cause the said Walter and Andrew lose 
 their great labour and expenses ; and also it is 
 devised and thought expedient by us and our Council, 
 that in time coming mass books, manuals, matin 
 books, and portuus books, after our own Scots use, 
 and with legends of Scots saints, as are now gathered 
 and eked by the reverend father in God, and our 
 trusty councillor, William, Bishop of Aberdeen, and 
 others, be used generally within all our realm as soon 
 as the same may be printed and provided ; and that 
 no manner of such books of Salisbury use be brought 
 to be sold within our realm in time coming. 
 
 Wherefore, &:c. 
 
 [It is interestiiif^ to note that ihc first si)ccinicns of the Scottish 
 press ( 1 508) were popular talcs and ballad pieces, although there 
 were such important productions as The Breviary of Abe nieen 
 (15 10) and ]ioccc's Lives of the Bishops. Laing reprinted the 
 earliest Scottish typographical work unilcr the title of 'The 
 Knightly raleof ( iolagrusaml ( iawancand olhci Ancient I'ocnis,' 
 (1827), to the preface of which the leailcr is referred for further 
 
ALCHEMY. 109 
 
 information. It is a common error to suppose that Chepman 
 endowed his mortuary chapel in St. Giles with the money he had 
 made in printing. The new art was as yet a luxury, and Chep- 
 man's means came from his commissions on the silver work, 
 timber, cloth, &c., which he imported, and not from the ' prent ' 
 which he had set up. After the first activity no books were 
 produced for 20 yeais, that is, till the time of Thomas 
 Davidson, Printer to James V.] 
 
 The King's Love of Alchemy, 
 
 James to James Inghs (1508 ?). Epist. Reg. Scot., I. 119. 
 James &:c. . to dear Master James Inglis, 
 greeting. We graciously accept your kindness, by 
 which in a letter brought to us you signify that you 
 have beside you certain books learned in the philo- 
 sophy of the true Alchemy, and that although most 
 worthy men have sought tliem from you, you have 
 nevertheless with difficulty kept them for our use, 
 because you had heard of our enthusiasm for the art. 
 We give you thanks ; . and we have sent our familiar. 
 Master James Merchenistoun, to you, that he may see 
 to the transfer hither of those books which you wish 
 us to have ; whom receive in good faith in our name. 
 Farewell. From our Palace at Edinburgh. 
 
 From the Treasured s Accounts. 
 
 27 Sept. Item, for a pan in Stirling for the quinta 
 
 essencia, and ' potingary ' there. \\.s. 
 
 29 Sept. For aqua vita^^' for the quinta essencia. . 
 
 18 Oct. ii gallons aqua vitae for quinta essencia. 
 
 iii./. \\\].s. 
 
 * Aqua vitae at this time was chiefly valued for its medicinal 
 and experimental uses. 
 
1 10 OF SHIPS A T SEA. 
 
 10 Nov. For four cauldrons to quinta essencia. 
 
 xlv.^. 
 
 24 Dec. V cakes glass for quinta essencia. xxv.^. 
 
 31 Dec. Paid to William Foular, apothecary (/>(?//«- 
 gair), for potingary to the King and Queen, 
 distillation of waters, aqua vitae, and potingary 
 books in English, from the 17 day of December, 
 
 1506. 
 [James, in a letter to the King of Denmark {Epist. I., 119), 
 speaks of one John Haboch, a gokhvasher, who had been in 
 Scotland and woukl give him an account of the minerals of 
 Scotland, and especially of the gold. Note also James's patronage 
 of the Italian, who became Abbot of Tungland. The tirst account 
 is found in Lesley ; it is the subject of a humorous poem by 
 Dunbar, (p. 139, Scottish Text Society's edition).] 
 
 1508, Feb. 15.- Of the overloading of Ships. 
 
 Acta Domin. Codicil. MS.) 
 It is Statute and ordained by our Sovereign Lord and 
 his Lords of Council, that, because there has been 
 g-reat scathe and hurt done in times bvgone to his 
 merchant lieges and to the common weal of his 
 realm, through the overloading of the ships passing 
 forth and coming in his reahn with merchandise 
 (through the which great quantity of goods has been 
 lost and spoilt, and divers ships with the whole mer- 
 chandise and goods liavr pcrislied and been lost"), and 
 for the escliowing of su( li scatlic ami inconvenience 
 in time to conn-, — that no ski[)])er, masliM-, nor owner 
 of any ship carry nor load their ships no furllicr tlian 
 they can goodh bear ; and llial llii'y carry nor store no 
 merchandise above the deck {ovi-rlo/te) of the ships, 
 
WOL SE Y IN SCO TLAND. 1 1 1 
 
 unless they indent with the owner of their goods, 
 and take their writing ; . . . . and if goods be 
 abandoned, no man to have scathe thereof, but he 
 that owns the same, «Sz:c. 
 
 1508, April.— Wolsey in Scotland. The opposition 
 of the Bishop of Moray. 
 
 Wolsey to Henry VII. (Pinkerton. 
 II. App., p. 455.) 
 
 [Wolsey was sent to Scotland to secure the English alliance. 
 The dispatch, from which the following is an extract, is interest- 
 ing as being perhaps the earHest specimen of Wolsey's work as 
 an ambassador.* After refening to the dispute about the 
 detention of the earl of Arran and others in England,t Wolsey 
 proceeds as under.] 
 
 As touching the renewing of the old league between 
 Scotland and France, your son saith, that, as long as 
 you be to him loving, kind, and like his good father, 
 he shall never break with you, nor renew the old 
 league ; . and that neither fear, nor yet possibility 
 of succession, shall move or cause him to keep the 
 amity, but only love and kindness on your part. . 
 Your son thinketh also that you take him not as your 
 son, nor yet tiusteth him accordingly ; and that your 
 Grace hath had mistrust, and very ill report of him, 
 or else you would never have dealt with him so sharply 
 as you have done. Notwithstanding all this, from 
 henceforth, if your Grace be to him as his father, he 
 
 * The despatch is printed in Pinkerton II , App. 445. It is 
 there said to be by Nicolas West ; but JNIr. Gairdner has shown 
 {Letters Rii h. III.. &^f., i. Ixi.) that the handwriting is Wolsey's. 
 
 t They had ]:)assed ihrou-^h En<;land to France with Henry's 
 safe-conduct, Li.l had bqen detained on the return journey. 
 
112 A HIGHLAND GRANT. 
 
 should be to you in all things as your loving son . . 
 All the whole body of Scotland, as well the commons 
 as the noblemen, saith boldly that the King doth to 
 them all express wrong, if he renew not this old 
 league. And all his, the Bishop of Moray except, 
 daily calleth upon him for the same. There be no 
 more that sticketh in this matter, but only the King, 
 the Queen, and the Bishop of JNIoray. As he saith, 
 there was never man worse welcome to Scotland than 
 I ; forasmuch as they think I am come for to let 
 the renewal of the league betw^een Scotland and 
 France. They keep their matters so secret here, that 
 the wives in the market knoweth every cause of my 
 coming. 
 
 1508. April 11.— The bettering of the Highlands. 
 
 Collectanea de Rebiis Albanicis (Grampian Club) I., p. 22. 
 [The following grant is one of the many interesting proofs 
 which we have of the wise and generous policy pursued by James 
 regarding the Highlands and Isles. It follows naturally upon 
 the decree of tlie Lortls of Council and the enactments of the 
 Parliament of 1503-4 already quoted.] 
 
 A letter of gift made to Kanoch Williamson, during 
 
 the King's will, of all and whole the lands of the 
 
 terunga* of Kilmartine, and the half of the 
 
 terunga of Baramosmor in Trouternes,f with their 
 
 ))ertinents, extending yearly to six merks of old 
 
 extent, lying in the lordshi}) of the Isles, to hold 
 
 the said Kanoch at the schools, to learn and 
 
 study the King's laws of Scotland, and afterwards to 
 
 * ' Terunga ' of land -^ about four merk land ol old extent. 
 
 t Trotlernish. 
 
THE BISHOP OF GLASGOW. 113 
 
 exercise and use the same ^villlill the bounds of the 
 Isles, &c. At Stirling, the xi. day of April, 1™ v^ and 
 viii. years, and of the King's reign the xxi. year. . 
 
 1508, May- July. — The Pilgrimage of the Bishop 
 
 of Glasgow. 
 
 Venetian Papers, I. p. 329. 
 
 On the morning of the i6th May the ambassadors 
 from France, Milan, and Spain came into the College, 
 and a Bishop of Scotland, dressed in purple camlet, 
 accompanied by Lorenzo Orio, Doctor, Marco 
 Gradenigo, Doctor, and Jacomo IMoro and Magio 
 ]\Iachiel of the Catavero^' office. 
 
 He is lodged in Canaregio at Ca Frizier, and has 
 come with a number of persons to go to Jerusalem. 
 Has a revenue of 2000 ducats. On entering the 
 College sat near the Doge ; presented letters of 
 credence and recommendation to the Signory from 
 his King, and from the King of France ; and made a 
 Latin oration in praise of the State and of the Doge, 
 and of the good will between his King and the 
 Signory. 
 
 He said he would consult about going either by 
 the Jaffii galley or by a ship. The Doge spoke him 
 graciously as usual. 
 
 On Ascension Day, the ist of June, the Doge went 
 as usual, with the Ambassadors and others invited to 
 the dinner, in the Bucintor beyond the two castles of 
 S. Andrea and S. Nicolo, to espouse and bless the sea. 
 There were present the ambassadors of France, Spain, 
 
 * Exchequer. 
 
iH JUSTICE IN 
 
 Milan, and Ferrara, and also a Bishop of Scotland, 
 who is going on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. 
 
 [Nov. 14] In these days the Jaffa galley, Jacomo 
 INIichiel, master, returned, and the ship belonging 
 to the INIarconi, on board of which out of 36 pilgrims 
 27 had died, including the rich Bishop of Scotland, 
 the King's relation, who was treated with distinction 
 by the Signory.* 
 
 1509, July 15. —The Administration of the Borders. 
 
 Acta Domin. Concil. (MS.). 
 All men shall keep their own bond from the 
 misrule of Scotsmen, or from the incoming of Eng- 
 lishmen or rebels within the bond ; and, if any come 
 in, that they pass and follow upon them, as they will 
 answer to the King : That no man pass . . and 
 reive or steal in England under the pain of treason ; 
 and that they resist the Englishmen and rebels, if 
 they come in Scotland, under the pain of treason, 
 and do their diligence in the apprehending of them, 
 under the same pains, and that the Warden and 
 headmen advise where the frequented passage is, that 
 the Englishmen and rebels come in at, and put the 
 watches nightly for the resistance of them at all 
 ])laces needful. 
 
 1510, Nov. 24.— The ' Ayre ' of Jedburgh. 
 
 Pitcairn, I., 69. 
 [The f()llf)\ving may serve as a specimen of the work which 
 had to he done at a liorder Eyre.] 
 
 Joliii Dalgk'ish produced a signature of remission 
 * Robert Hlacadei died 011 the 28th July, 1508. 
 
THE BORDERS. 
 
 ^15 
 
 for art and part of the theft of xvi. cows and oxen 
 from John Scot : Item, for traiteroiis intercommuning 
 with Simon Turnbidl and his accomj^Hces, English- 
 men, in treasonable manner: Item, for resetting of 
 \\'illiam Dalgleish, common tliief, in his thefts, and 
 specially during the time of the theft of eighty sheep 
 from Thomas IMurray : Item, for treasonable in- 
 bringing of Black John Ror.clesche and his acconv 
 plices, traitors of Leven, to the burning of Branxholm, 
 and the plunder {Jicrcschip) of horses, oxen, grain, 
 and other goods, extending to six hundred marks, 
 and for the treasonable intercommuning with the 
 Armstrongs at the time of the burning of Ancrum, 
 
 Seal 01- John Armstrong. 
 
 8 
 
/ 
 
 / 
 
 / 
 
 Ii6 THE BUILDING OF 
 
 and at other times: Item, for theft and concealing of 
 XX. oxen and cows from Jolin Scot forth of North- 
 house : Item, for resetting the said rebels, at the time 
 of the theft of four horses from Phili;) Faulo and his 
 neighbours forth of Whitchester-linlm : Item, for 
 resetting William Dalgleish and Simon Dalgleish, 
 thieves and traitors of Leven, in their thefts and 
 treasonable deeds : Item, for common treason, 
 common theft, and common reset of theft, before the 
 date of his remission. — And because he could not 
 find sureties to satisfy the parlies, judgment was given 
 that he should be warded by the sheriff' forty days ; 
 and, if he could not find sureties in the meantime, 
 that he should be hanged. Nov. 24 (Sabbath Day, 
 the sixth of the ayre). 
 
 [A full account of the Ayies of Selkirk (1494, 1502, : 5,10) will 
 be found in Craij,'- Brown's History of Selki/'kshire, 1, pp. 109 -- 
 123. Pitcairn's accounts are condensed. The above Avrc of 
 Jedburgh is belter known in the words of Lesley: 'The Kin<; 
 rode forth from Kdinbur<.,di the 8th of November, well accom- 
 panied, to the water of Koullc, wh^re he took divtrs bioken 
 men, and brou<,'ht them to Jedburgh ; of whom some weiejustified*; 
 and theprinci|ials of the troublescame in linenclothes,wilh naked 
 swords in their hands, and hnlters about their necks, and put them 
 in the King's will ; who were sent to divers castles in ward, 
 with sundry others of lliat country men also; wheieat the 
 Borders were in greater (juielness thereafter.' 
 
 1611. -The Great Michael. 
 
 Pitscottie, p. 107. 
 
 In this same year, the King of Scotland built 
 a great .shij) calletl the Great Michael, which was 
 
 ♦ Jixecuted. 
 
THE GREA T MICHAEL. 1 1 7 
 
 the greatest ship and of most strength that ever 
 sailed in England or France ; for this ship was of so 
 great stature, and took so much timber, that, except 
 Falkland, she wasted all the woods in Fife, which 
 were oakwood, over all the timber that was gotten 
 out of Norway. For she was so strong, and of so great 
 length and breadth (all the wrights of Scotland, yea, 
 and many other strangers, were at her device by the 
 King's commandment, who wrought very busily in 
 her ; but it was year and day ere she was complete) — 
 to wit, she was twelve score feet in length and thirty- 
 six feet within the sides. She was ten feet thick in the 
 wall, and had cut ribs of oak in her wall, and boards 
 on every side, so strong and so thick, that no cannon 
 could go through her. This great ship cumbered 
 Scotland to get her to sea. When she was afloat, and 
 her masts and sails complete, with ropes and anchors 
 belonging thereto , she was counted to the King to be 
 thirty thousand pounds of expenses by her artillery, 
 which was very great and costly to the King, and by all 
 the rest of her orders.'^' She bare many cannons,! six 
 on each side ; with three great bassils, two behind in 
 her dock, and one before ; with three hundred shot of 
 small artillery, that is to say, myand, and battert- 
 falcon, and quarter-falcon, slings, pestilent serpentens, 
 and double-dogs, with hagtor and culverin, cross- 
 * Ssc Nicolas West to Henry VIII (Ellis I., i, p. 69.) 'The 
 King said that she shot xvi. pits of great ordnance on every side, 
 and that he had more great ordnance in her than the French 
 King ever had to the siege of any town ; which methought to be 
 a great crack.' 
 
 t See Appendix. 
 
il8 THE QUEEN'S VISIT 
 
 l)Ows and hand-bows. She had three liundrcd 
 mariners to sail her ; she had six score of gunners to 
 use her artillery; and she had a thousand men of war, 
 besides her captains, skippers, and quartermasters. 
 
 When this sliij) ))assed to the sea, and was lying 
 in llic roads, the King caused shoot a cannon at 
 her, to essay her if she were strong {zvighl) ; bul 1 
 heard say, it damaged {(/eared) her not, and did her 
 little scathe. And if any man believe that this 
 descrij)ti()n of the ship be not of verity, as wc have 
 written, let him pass to the gate of Tullibardin, and 
 there, before the same, he will see the length and 
 breadth of her planted with hawthorn by the wright 
 that heli)ed to make her. As for the other properties 
 of her. Sir Andrew Wood is my autlior, who was 
 quartermaster of her, and Robert Barton, who was 
 master skipj)er. 
 
 This ship lay still in the roads; and the King every 
 day took pleasure to pass to her, and to dine and 
 sup in her with his lords, letting them see the order 
 
 of his ship. 
 
 [The (ireal Michael was bouf,'ht by Louis XII. on the 2nd 
 April, 1 5 14, for 40,000 livres. It liad remained in France since 
 Annn's expedition in the jircvious year. See Epist. Kegum 
 Scot. I., p. 214.] 
 
 1511, May 10. Preparations for the dueen's visit 
 
 to Aberdeen. 
 Alnniirn Council Register. (Spalding Club). 
 [This was (Jut-en .Mar<,Micl's lirst visit. The passajjc f^ivcs u-^ 
 a ^'iinipsc of tlie sl.ile ol the streets in these days.]* 
 
 • ( /. also Aberdeen ( 'oinicil Register, April 30, I 5 1 1 . Di.nbar 
 in his ' S:iiiri- on Ldinliur^^h,' }^'i\es many hints as lo th.e str.tc qf 
 
TO ABERDEEN. i 19 
 
 It was statute and ordained, that all persons 
 dwellinsr bevond the Hisrh street in the back stairs, 
 so many as shall be warned and charged thereto and 
 indicted by the provost and bailies, furnish and dress 
 {graith) the stairs of the High street with arras work 
 daily, as is becoming, . for the receiving of our 
 sovereign lady the Queen. 
 
 Also that no swine being within this burgh, young 
 nor old, be kept beyond the top of the High street 
 for fifteen days, under pain of slaughter of the said 
 swine, escheating of them, and banishing of them 
 that own the same ; and also that all the town be 
 cleared of the swine sties [cniffis). 
 
 Also that all manner of persons that bring any 
 birch boughs, holly, grass, herbs, or any other green 
 flowers, have common passage, and shall have free 
 money and ready silver for the same. 
 
 1511, May.— William Dunbar's description of the 
 
 Visit to Aberdeen. 
 
 Poemsy (Scot. Text. Society) p. 251. 
 
 And first her met the burghers of the town, 
 Richly arrayed, as became them to be, 
 
 Of whom thev chose out four men of renown, 
 In gowns of velvet, young, able and lusty, 
 To bear the pall of velvet cramase* 
 
 Above her head, as the custom has been ; 
 
 the streets of the old capital. (Scottish Text Society's edit., 
 p. 261.) It may also be compared with the order of the Privy 
 Council to the Magistrates of Edinburgh a centurj- later. 24th 
 December, 16 16. 
 
 * Crimson (Fr. cramoisi). 
 
120 THE GAY THRONG 
 
 Great was the sound of the artillery: 
 Be blithe and blissful, burgh of Aberdeen. 
 
 A fair procession met her at the Port,* 
 
 In a cap of gold and silk, full j)leasantly ; 
 Synef at her entry, with many fair disport 
 
 Received her on streetVs lustily ; 
 
 Where first the salutation honourably 
 Of the sweet Virgin goodly might be seen ; 
 
 The sound of minstrels blowing to the sky : 
 Be blithe and blissful, burgh of Aberdeen. 
 
 And svne thou caused the Orient KingVs three 
 
 Offer to Christ, with benign reverence, 
 Gold, sence,| and myrrh, with all humility, 
 
 Showing him King with most magnificence; 
 
 Syne how the angel, with sword of violence, 
 Forth of the joy of paradise put clean 
 
 Adam and Eve for disobedience : 
 Be blithe and blissful, burgh of Aberdeen. 
 
 And syne the Bruce, that ever was bold in stour,|| 
 Thou gart as roy§ come riding under crown, 
 
 Right awful, strong, and largo -/f portraiture, 
 As noble, dreadful, mighty cliampion : 
 
 The noble Stewarts syne of groat renown 
 
 Thou gart upspring, with brauolifs new and green, 
 So gloriously, till gladdcul all lh(> town : 
 
 Be blithe and blissful, buri'li of Aberdeen. 
 
 * ('.ate 
 t Then. 
 X Frankincense. 
 
 II I'ifTlU. 
 § Caused as king. 
 
IN THE STREETS. 121 
 
 Syne came there four and twenty maidens young, 
 All clad in green, of marvellous beauty, 
 
 With hair (letrcssit'% as threads of gold did hang. 
 With white hats all broidered right bravely. 
 Playing on timl)rels, and singing right sweetly; 
 
 That seemly sort, in order well beseen. 
 Did meet the (jueen, saluting reverently : 
 
 Be blithe and blissful, burgh of Aberdeen. 
 
 The streets were all hung with tapestry ; 
 
 Great was the press of people dwelt about ; 
 And pleasant pageants played prettily ; 
 
 The lieges all did to their lady lout,t 
 
 Who was convoyed with a royal rout 
 Of great barons and lusty ladies sheen ; % 
 
 ' Welcome, our Queen !' the commons gave a 
 shout : 
 Be blithe and blissful, burgh of Aberdeen. 
 
 At her coming great was the mirth and joy, 
 For at their Cross abundantly ran wine ; 
 
 Unto her lodging the town did her convoy; 
 Her for to treat they set their whole ingyne ;|| 
 
 A rich present they did to her propyne,§ 
 
 A costly coup,^ that large thing would contain, 
 Covered and full of coined gold right fine : 
 
 Be blithe and blissful, burgh of Aberdeen. 
 
 * Unfastened. 
 
 t Bow. 
 
 + Bright. 
 
 II Mind, (genius). 
 
 § Give as an offering. 
 
 ^ Bowl. 
 
122 FIGHT OFF THE DOWNS. 
 
 1511, August.— The brave fight off the Downs. 
 Death of Andrew Barton. 
 
 Hall (ed. i8oq), p. 525. 
 
 In June the King of England being at Leicester, 
 tidings were brought to him that Andrew Barton, a 
 Scottish man, and a pirate of the sea, saying that the 
 King of Scots had war with the Portuguese, did rob every 
 nation, and so stopped the king's streams that no 
 merchants ahiiost could pass ; and when he took the 
 Englishmen's goods he said they were Portuguese 
 goods ; and thus he haunted and robbed at every 
 haven's mouth. The king, moved greatly with tins 
 craftv pirate, sent Sir Edmund Howard, lord Admiral 
 of England, and lord Thomas Howard, son and heir 
 to the earl of Surrey, in all haste to the sea ; who 
 hastily made ready two ships, and without any more 
 abode took the sea ; and by chance of weather they 
 were severed. The lord Howard lying in the Downs 
 perceived where Andrew was making towards Scot- 
 land ; and so fast the said lord chased him, that he 
 overtook him, and there was a sore battle. The 
 Englishmen were fierce, and the Scots defended them 
 manfully, and ever Andrew blew his whistle to 
 encourage his men ; yet for all that the lord Howard 
 and his men l)y clean strength entered the main deck. 
 Tlu-n the Englishmen entered on all sides, ami the 
 Scots fought s(>r( on the liatches ; luil in conclusion 
 Andrew was taken, who was so sore woundeil that 
 he died ihcic"-'". Then all the remnant of the Scots 
 
 * Amlicu liailoii \\..s sliol by a boNMiiaii named J lustier (not 
 Horsclcy as in tin. lialla! . Sec Lanibc's /'"/ct/t/tv/ Field, notes, 
 
DEA TH OF ANDRE W BAR TON. i 2 3 
 
 were taken, with their ship called the Lion. 
 
 All this while was the lord Admiral in chase of the 
 bark of Scotland, called Jenny Pirwyn, which was 
 wont to sail with the Lion in company, and so much 
 did he with the other, that he laid him on board, and 
 fiercely assailed him ; and the Scots, as hardy and 
 well stomached men, them defended. But the lord 
 Admiral so encouraged his men that they entered the 
 bark and slew many, and took all the others. 
 
 Thus were these two ships taken, and brought to 
 Black Wall, the second day of August; and all the 
 Scots were sent to the bishop's place of York, and 
 there remained at the king's charge, till other direc- 
 tion was taken for them. 
 
 [The King of England afterwards pardoned them and bade 
 them depart into Scotland within 20 days ] 
 
 The King of Scots, hearing of the death of Andrew 
 Barton and the taking of his two ships, was wonderful 
 wroth, and sent letters to the King of England, 
 requiring restitution, according to the league and 
 amity. The King of England wrote with brotherly 
 salutations to the Kinir of Scots of the robberies and 
 evil doings of Andrew Barton ; and that it became 
 not one prince to lay a breach of a league to another 
 prince, in doing justice upon a pirate or thief ; and 
 
 p. 5. Andrew Barton was the son of John Barton, who had been 
 killed by the Portuguese in the preceding reign. He had two 
 brothers, who with him received letters of marque from James 
 IV., to avenge their father's death and their loss of property. 
 John, the youngest, sailed with a fleet to France in 1513 (Nov.) ; 
 but having fallen sick near Kirkcudbright, he landed and there 
 died. 
 
124 BIRTH 01' A PRINCE. 
 
 that all the other Scots that were taken liad deserved 
 to die by justice, if lie had not extended his mercy. 
 And with this answer, the Scottish herald departed 
 home.* 
 
 1512 April 10.— Birth of Prince James. 
 James IV. to King of Denniaik. Epist. Reg. Scot. I. 141. 
 
 On holy Kaster Eve, our most beloved spouse 
 was delivered of a son, who was presented at the 
 font oil the very day of the Feast of the Lord's 
 Resurrection, and received the sign of baptism from 
 the priest. He gives promise of health and of suc- 
 ceeding after us. It seemed proper for us to 
 inform your Majesty by this present letter, inasmuch 
 as he will none the less be — provided he be spared — 
 a source of strength and a help to you and to us. 
 
 1512. -The state of European politics. 
 
 Epist. Reg. Scot. I., 146. 
 
 [riic following is from the articles tlcliveieil to Canick Herald, 
 which lie wa > to announce to the King of Denmark. James 
 gives a survey of the state of European polities.] 
 
 Announce the summoning of the General Council, 
 and rcfv-r to the ri^'iucsL of the Most Christian King, 
 that the Kiiiij- of Denmark and tlu' King of Scots 
 
 * Aadrew lluloa, it will he remembereil, hatl hecn sent by 
 Jinv^ to ai'l John of Fenmark. We learn from a letter of the 
 Danish King to Henry VIII. that he had left his service without 
 leave, and had taken away with him a ship which James had sent 
 as a gift. John understands that the ship has fallen into Henry's 
 hands after the fight, and levjue^ts it to he sent hack to Dcn- 
 maik. Reports of the Deputy Keeper of the Records, Vol. 45. 
 [1884.] 
 
E UR OPE A N POLITICS. 1 2 5 
 
 shoil.l art in common and liave one and the same 
 policy. I\rake mention of the fact that we have 
 exerted ourselves strenuously for a reconciliation of 
 the Most Christian King with his Holiness, and 
 that, for that purpose, our ambassador, the Bishop of 
 jMoray, has crossed the Alps twice, and has laboured 
 for it in the years gone by ; but that the new 
 treaty made between the Pope and the King of 
 Aragon and the Venetians has hindered peace and 
 
 amity Tell that the most illustrious 
 
 King of England has collected a fleet and equipped 
 it, and that he holds an army ready to make a 
 sudden attack, when he wishes ; and explain that 
 there is danger of the English King attacking our 
 territory and kingdom, because he has delayed 
 giving redress for the damage done to us (although 
 we requested our due), and for the death of Andrew 
 Barton. You will tell that the King of France is in 
 danger from the English, because the Most Serene 
 King of Aragon, father-in-law of the English King, 
 has declared open war on him ; and that the King of 
 Aragon, it is said, expects armed aid from his son- 
 in-law. Also, vou will make known that the Most 
 Christian King of France has requested us and our 
 uncle and ally the King of Denmark, and has sought 
 us, by the offices of our ambassador, the Bishop of 
 Moray,'*' to inform him with all speed, wdiich side our 
 uncle and we shall take in the event of England in- 
 vading France ; and also you will learn from our uncle 
 
 * The Treaty with Fiance was confirmed on July lo, 1512. 
 (Calend Hen. VIII., No. 3303). 
 
126 EUR OPE A N POL I TICS. 
 
 his intention, if the King of England should advance 
 
 against us. If aid be given to the Most Christian 
 
 King, not only will all expenses be repaid, but in 
 
 future greater support will be given in return by the 
 
 French King against our enemies. Wherefore on the 
 
 present occasion it has seemed good to us to offer 
 
 friendshi}), and to show to the world the treaty, struck 
 
 in days of (^Id, that the royal house of France may 
 
 remember our uncle the King and us, and be a help 
 
 to us in time of need, and send succour to withstand 
 
 our foes. 
 
 [On the 28th May [Epist. Reg. Scot., p. 148). James writes to 
 the King of Denmark, asking what aid he can give, as Henry 
 has declared war on France, ' and seeks occasion to attack us.'] 
 
 1512. — The same. Later.* 
 
 Epist. Reg. Scot. I, 170. 
 
 We have offered to our brother the King of England 
 to pardon all the damage whicli has been done to 
 us and our kingdom by his folk, the capture of 
 merchant ships, the slaughter and imprisonment of 
 our subjects, the laying waste of the country, and 
 all such losses — yea, to forget them all, and to 
 renew the broken peace with him, on tliis one con- 
 dition, that he will endeavour after and maintain the 
 universal concord of the Church. . . And, lest 
 we sliould raise suspicion in the arrangement of this 
 
 * The fo]K)\vi!ig extract is from the Idler entiuUod to a Dane, 
 Magnus lieildc, who was returning to Denmailc at the close of 
 the year Tlie wliole is a restatement of the poHcy which had 
 been explained in .1 letter sent by a messenger, John Wliite, 
 before the return of Carrick Herald. 
 
NICOLAS WEST. 127 
 
 business, we instantly requested that he should 
 treat for peace with the aid of your Majesty who are 
 neutral. Our brother the Most Serene King of 
 England, however, scorned all these proposals, and, 
 as we have been informed, lately determined in Par- 
 liament to advance his arms, not only against the Most 
 Christian King and the realm of France, but also 
 against us. He urges as his excuse that he cannot 
 invade France in safety, if we be left to ourselves. 
 Nor is there any doubt but that, if France were con- 
 quered, Scotland would be attacked by those folks, 
 who now, by the daily increase of injuries, heed not the 
 breach of the peace, nor choose to make restitution. 
 
 [James addresses Julius in much the same strain (Feb. 12, 
 1513), and earnestly hopes for the peace of Christendom.] 
 
 1513, March.— Nicolas West arrives in Scotland. 
 
 Polydore Vergil, xxvii. p. 629. 
 
 James, King of Scots, ever the closest ally of the 
 French, was, in arms as soon as he heard that war 
 had broken out in Aquitaine, for he deemed it unwise 
 to let slip tlie occasion. But, when he learned that 
 the English had made no attempt [in Aquitaine], he 
 returned, hoping to keep Henry in ignorance of his 
 action. Henry nevertheless was suspicious, and sent 
 an r.iiibassador to him, Nicolas West, priest and 
 jurisconsult, to discover his inclination, and to learn 
 his plans. 
 
1 2 8 JVES T\S INTER VIE U ' 
 
 1513, April 1.— His conveisaticii with Queen 
 
 Margaret. 
 
 West to Henry. Cott. Calig. B vi., 63 B.M. and 
 Stevenson's llhist. of Scottish History* 
 
 On Sunday 1 dined with the Queen ; and all the 
 dinner she passed the time very joyously with 
 honourable eommunication of your Grace , and 
 speeiallv she inquired of your stature and goodly 
 personage, witli the g^reat pain and labour that your 
 Grace took in preparing your army for the sea, 
 whereof she was right joyous to hear. And after 
 dinner she set her down in a chair and had long 
 communication w^ith me ; when I showed her that 
 your Grace would pass the sea with your royal arm}- 
 into France ; wherewith she was right heavy. 
 Moreover I said that she was married into Scotland 
 as a means to entertain perpetual peace betwixt both 
 realms. Wherefore I prayed her to be a means at 
 this time to the King her husband that he would 
 keep the peace in your absence, according to the 
 treaty ; and she said she would do so to the best of 
 her power, and she doubted not but he would so do, 
 so that he might have justice. And therewith she 
 asked me if your Cjrace had sent her legacy; and I 
 said *Yea,' which I was ready to deliver to her, so 
 that the King would promise to keep the treaty of 
 peace. And she asked, * And not else.'^'; and I saitl 
 'No'; for if he would make war your Grace would 
 not only withhold that, but also take from them the 
 
 • Stevenson gives the old pagination (f. 56), and Bicwci ilic 
 new (f. 63). 
 
WITH THE QUEEN. 129 
 
 best towns they had. And before I had fully 
 finished this sentence, the King came upon us, and 
 so we broke communication for that time ; and, after 
 some communication for a pastime had, he went to 
 the sermon ; and that done, I departed for that night. 
 
 1513, April 1.— Of Nicolas West's interview with 
 James at Stirling ; and of the King's refusal to 
 give a written agreement. 
 
 Cott. Calig. B. vi., 63 B.M. 
 
 On Monday Sir John Ramsey accompanied me to 
 the Court ; and before High Mass the King sent for 
 me to his traverse,* and there he showed me the 
 briefs monitoryf and the bull executorial]: that is come 
 into England, laying all the fault thereof to the 
 Cardinal of York, — howbeit he said it was by 
 information given by your Grace and your Council. 
 And I said it was not so, but the Pope did it of his 
 own mere motion, by reason of such bruit as was made 
 there, — howbeit I said by reason of the same bruit the 
 Cardinal helped it forward. And then he said he would 
 appeal from it, and send the bishop of Moray to 
 Rome for the same, and to do his obedience to the 
 n? .V Pon^.jl . . ' . 
 
 Me Slid that if he were disposed to make your 
 (irace war he would not tarry for the Pope's 
 monition; but he saith he will never make you war 
 
 * A seat within lattice- work. 
 t One to James ; another to the Bishopof Moray ; and a third 
 to the King of Denmark. 
 
 i Renewed ])y Leo X. 
 II Julius II. died 20-21 Feb., 15 13. 
 
130 WEST'S ENDEAVOURS 
 
 without he warn yo'i before hv his herald, so that vou 
 shall have time enou.L',ii, though you were in France, 
 to come and defend your own. And I said I was sure 
 that there was no senUiice given against him, but 
 under condition that if he broke the peace ; 
 and therefore tliere was nothing innovate hI that 
 should need any such ai)pt>al. And also I said 1 knew 
 not to whom he shouKl appeal ; and he answered, 
 laughing, that he would appeal to Prester John. . . 
 
 On Wednesday before noon, because I saw they 
 began to trifle nic foith, I went to the Court unsent 
 for ; and, as soon as ilic King knew that I was come 
 into the chapel, he sc nt for me into his traverse, and 
 said he was about to send the Secretary down to me ; 
 and so fell into conversation of his voyage to 
 Jerusalem,^"' and commanded the Secretary to fetch 
 such writings as he had of the French King for that 
 puri)ose, that I might see what promise he had of 
 him. And he brought forth a little book of four sheets 
 of pa[)er, sewed together, and signed at the end with 
 the French King's hand, and sealed wi'.h his signet; 
 wlierein were made, by articles in French, all such 
 answers as tin' French King made to the bishoji of 
 M():a\- when he was there, wherein, amongst others, 
 he granteth him a whole tenth tliroughout all his 
 realm and over this side and beyond the mountains, 
 to be levied by the King of Scots . . within a 
 year after the peace is made. Also he granteth him 
 a number of men of aims and footmen, and shipping 
 
 * Frc<iuciit allu-ion to tin's inttndcd journey will he louiul in 
 the Epistolac. Ai!i- pp. 104-5. 
 
WITH KING JAMES. 1 3 1 
 
 convenient for the number of men that he will have 
 with him. . . Wherefore he prayeth him to employ 
 himself to the best he can to make the peace, and he 
 will abide all conditions reasonable, and more than 
 reasonable. And this read, the King said to me, ' Now 
 you see wherefore I favour the French King, and 
 wherefore I am loath to lose him ; for if I do, I shall be 
 never able to perform my journey.' And I answered 
 that he had made him fair promises to send him 
 forth, but he would never perform them. . . 
 
 After noon I prayed him to answer me expressly 
 whereunto I should stand ; and, when he saw my 
 importunate labour, he withdrew him into a closet 
 apart and called the Secretary and me to him ; and 
 there he said to me that he would keep the peace, so 
 that your Grace would do likewise and do him justice. 
 And I answered him, that, as for justice, your Grace 
 was as well minded to it as he ; and, if this should be 
 his final answer and no other, I prayed him to write 
 it to your Grace. And he said he would not, for you 
 should have no letter of his, nor no new bond to 
 shew in France, whereby he might lose the French 
 King. ... I showed him what inconvenience 
 might ensue according to mine instructions ; then 
 he said to me eftsoons that he knew his mind 
 well enough. I answered him that if I had gone 
 I had known him and his mind both, but now 
 I said I perceived that I knew neither of them both ; 
 wherewith he was sore nioved and chafed mightily. 
 And after a little pause I prayed him to give me a 
 determinate answer in writing. And he said he had 
 
132 WEST AND KING JAMES. 
 
 but a letter of credence from you, and he would give 
 me his answer by credence again ; and I said I was 
 not his ambassador, wherefore I would not bear 
 his credence. . . After a little conversation 
 he came somewhat to himself, and said if I would 
 put that that I demanded in writing. And, to the intent 
 he should so do, I said I would, and so departed. 
 
 [West was put off on the next day (Thursday, 3 1 March) ; and 
 on the Friday (April i) he received a hke refusal in the presence 
 of the Lords of Council.] 
 
 Then I devised him that I might write it and read 
 
 it before him for my discharge ; and he said I should 
 
 not, for he trusted me well enough ; and therewith the 
 
 lords drew apart. And then he said very familiarly 
 
 between him and me, and as it appeared very lovingly, 
 
 these words : ' You know what promise the French 
 
 King hath made me ; wherefore I will in nowise lose 
 
 him. Therefore I speak sharply before my lords, for 
 
 if I should do otherwise or write anything . . my 
 
 lords would certify it into France, and so I should 
 
 lose the French King.' . . Moreover he said, 
 
 if your Grace would make him the same promise that 
 
 the French King hath done, he cared not to keep 
 
 him. . . And therewith he called his Secretary, 
 
 and commanded him to make up my letter that I 
 
 might see the minutes of them, and be delivered at 
 
 afternoon. . . Moreover I prayed him, if he 
 
 would send any ambassador to your Grace, to send 
 
 some substantial man . . ; and he said that, if 
 
 he so did, he was sure he should lose the French 
 
 King. . . . Whether there be any craft in this 
 
HENR Y IN RE A DIN ESS. 1 3 3 
 
 foresaid demeanour and answer I remit it to the 
 great wisdom of your Highness and of your CounciL 
 . . I had lever your Grace had commanded 
 me to tarry so long in Turkey, this country is so 
 miserable (viysere), and the people so ungracious ; and 
 over that I shall have scant money to bring me home, 
 the country is so dear."^' 
 
 1513, April. — Henry in readiness. 
 
 Polydore Vergil, xxvii. 629. 
 So James refused, saying that it was not proper 
 for him to explain his policy in a letter which 
 might be intercepted, since it was his business to 
 keep alive the friendship and intercourse with 
 France. But the King of England was not to be 
 deceived, for, imagining that care was necessary, he 
 instantly sent Thomas, Earl of Surrey, to Yorkshire, 
 where he should enlist an army and keep it in readi- 
 ness to offer resistance, if there should be any sudden 
 attack from the north. He diligently did as he had 
 been instructed ; but, afterwards finding that all was 
 quiet within the Scottish border, he left garrisons at 
 convenient places and returned to London. 
 
 * In a second letter, dated Edinburgh, April 13, West tells 
 Henry that the letter which James had given him contained no 
 answer to the proposal about peace, but was altogether about 
 wrongs done to him and his lealm. He importuned again ; but 
 Jamesrefused, because he would not endanger the French alliance, 
 and because Henry had said that ' his words and deeds agreed not.' 
 Moreover the brief sent to Henry by Julius II. 'had done more 
 harm . . than all the ambassadors that had ever come out of 
 France.' He Iclis us that Jatnc.i gave lii'.n his dismissal 'with 
 goodwill.' (See Ellis, I , i ( 5 ) 
 
1 3+ MARGARET AND HER BROTHER. 
 
 1513, April 11.— dueen Margaret's letter to Henry 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Ellis, I., i. 64. 
 
 [This letter followed as a consequence of West's conversation 
 with Queen Margaret.] 
 
 Right excellent, right high and mighty prince, our 
 dearest and best beloved brother, we commend us 
 unto you in our most hearty wise. Your ambassador 
 Doctor West delivered us your loving letters, in 
 which you show us, that, when you heard of ou 
 sickness, you took great heaviness. Dearest brother 
 we are greatly rejoiced that we see you have 
 respect to our disease ; and therefore we give you 
 our hearty thanks, and your writing is to us good 
 comfort. We cannot believe that of your mind or by 
 your command we are so friendly dealt with in our 
 father's legacy, whereof we would not have spoken 
 nor written, had not the Doctor now spoken to us of 
 the same in his credence. Our husband knows it 
 is withheld for his sake, and will recompense us so 
 far as the Doctor shewed him. We are ashamed 
 therewith, and would God never word had been 
 thereof. It is not worth such estimation as is in 
 your divers letters of the same; and we lack nothing. 
 Our husband is ever the longer the beller to us, as 
 knows God, who, right high and miglity i)rince, our 
 dearest and best beloved brother, liave you in 
 governance. Given unck-r our signet at our Talace 
 of Linlithgow, the nth day of April. 
 
 Your loving sister, 
 
 jNIargaret. 
 
NAVAL PREPARATIONS. 135 
 
 1613, April 13.— The Scottish naval preparations, 
 
 West to Henry VIII. Ellis, I., i. 67. 
 
 On Monday, because I had no business, for a 
 pastime I went down to Leith, to the intent to see 
 what ships were prepared there ; and wlien I came 
 thither I found none but nine or ten small topmen,^ 
 amongst which the ship of Lynn was the biggest, and 
 other small balangersf and crayers,:]: and never one of 
 all these was rigged to the war, but one little topman 
 of the burden of three score tons. And from thence 
 I went to the New Haven ; || and there lieth the 
 Margaret, a ship nigh of the burden of the Christ of 
 Lynne, and many men working upon her, some setting 
 on her maintop, and some calking her above water, 
 for under water she was new tallowed. There was 
 also upon the stocks a little galley in making, about 
 fifty feet long as I suppose, which they said the King 
 made to row up and down upon the water to and 
 from Stirling : there is never a board yet upon her, 
 
 * Ships with tops, i.e. of largest size. 
 
 t Balanger or balinger {Bale/igier, Froissart) a species of sloop 
 without forecastle. Lit. a whale-ship (O.F. baleiner) from 
 baleine, a whale. Cf. Dunbar, ' Builders of barks and balingars,' 
 &c., p. 220. {Scot. Text Soc. Edit) 
 
 \ Crayer, crear, or kreyer = a bark 01 lighter. 
 
 II James IV. erected a dock at Newhaven for shipbuilding. 
 The water was deep and gave good anchorage. On account of 
 the great number of workmen engaged at the new arsenal, a 
 chapel was erected, dedicated to the Virgin and St. James, 
 which was known as St. James's Chapel. 
 
136 JAMES'S LETTER ABOUT 
 
 nor never a man wrought upon her when I was there.* 
 
 1618, May 24. — James's endeavour to procure 
 
 universal peace. 
 
 James to Henry VIII. Ellis, I., i. 76. 
 [The Spanish treaty to which James refers, was, as shown 
 above, a piece of mere policy on the part of Ferdinand, who was 
 now preparing the great league against France. The letter may 
 be read in connection with those addressed to Denmark towards 
 the end of 15 12. Henry's answer has not been preserved.] 
 
 Right Excellent, &c. Our brother the Most 
 Christian King of France, has lately written unto us 
 that he and the Catliolic Kingof Aragon have taken, 
 on the I St day of April last, truces to endure a 
 whole year from the conclusion thereof for their 
 realms on this side the mountains, as we doubt not 
 you are informed and have the tenor of the same long 
 before now ; the copy whereof sent unto us, our 
 herald, the bearer, has with him ; in which the 
 Emperor and you, for the part of the King of Aragon, 
 and, for our brother of France's part, the Duke of 
 Gueldres and we, as his kinsman, be expressed, if you 
 and we like to stand comprehended at a certain day 
 in the said truces prefixed, as is contained in them. 
 Whereupon our brother of France has desired us to 
 
 • See Dacre to Hen. VIII. 24 Feb. 1513 (No. 3751) for a 
 description of the preparations in Edinburgh Castle and on the 
 Forth. Dacre learned that at Leith there were 13 great ships of 
 3 tops, 10 small ships, and the Ship of Lynn ; and at New- 
 haven, two great ships, the Margaret and the James. John 
 Ainslow, Governor of Norham Castle, in a letter to the Bishop 
 of Durham (Sept. II, 1512), mentions that the King of Scots 
 can raise only 16 ships with tops. 
 
THE E UR OPE AN TR UCE. 1 3 7 
 
 enter in the said truces, if ye enter in the same. 
 Wherefore we have sent unto you, as well to have 
 knowledge if you enter in these truces or not, as to 
 have your advice what you think we should do for our 
 part ; prayingyou, if you accept the same, to advertise us 
 hastily, that we may help to treat a further amity and 
 peace, as we have been always ready to do for 
 universal peace in Christendom, and that we may 
 cause our trusty councillor and ambassador, the Bishop 
 of Moray, now in the parts beyond sea, do his utter 
 business, the foresaid truces pending, for universal 
 peace and expedition against the infidels. And 
 surely, dearest brother, we think more loss is to you 
 of your late admiral** who deceased to his great 
 honour and laud, than the advantage might have been 
 of the winning of all the French galleys and their 
 equipage. The said late valiant knight's service 
 and that of other noblemen, that must on both 
 the sides apparently be perished, if war continue, 
 were better applied upon the enemies of Christ. . 
 
 Praying you, dearest brotlier, to take our writings 
 in good part, as our mind is, &c. 
 
 1513.— The Debate in the Scottish Council on the aid 
 requested by France. 
 Boece. Lives of Bishops of Miirthlac and Aberdeen. 
 By an edict of King Henry the VIII. war was 
 declared on the French ; and Louis sent ambas- 
 sadors to James the Fourth, to ask for aid against 
 the English in the coming war, and to take up arms 
 * Sir Edmund Howard, son of the Earl of Surrey, killed 
 April 25, 1513. 
 
1 3 8 THE DEB A TE IN CO UNCIL. 
 
 against the ancient and common enemy, according to 
 the treaty, which had stood for so many centuries, and 
 had been confirmed by the deeds and autliority of 
 both nations. He imagined that when this would 
 be accompHshed, the strengtli of Henry (who, as he 
 knew for certain, would cross very soon into France 
 with a large army) would be more easily withstood. 
 
 James received the French ambassadors with regal 
 pomp, and gave them a courteous audience. A 
 council was summoned, and the demands of Louis 
 were openly discussed. Some thought that ambas- 
 sadors should be sent to Henry to intimate to 
 him that he must abstain from attacking their 
 French allies and from every injury against that 
 nation, and, if they could not effect this purpose, 
 to declare war on the iMiglisli because of the 
 covenant [with the French] ; others, of whom the 
 chief was Bishop William, fully aware of the dis- 
 advantages of war at this time, gave it as their 
 opinion that they should not be headstrong in a 
 matter of such great imjxjrtance. and that there was 
 need of great deliberation iii such a crisis, lest 
 Henry, a young king abounding {cxumiavs) in his 
 father's wealth (which was ww great), and ruling a 
 people eager for war and inii)alient of inaction, and 
 whose riches had been increased bv the long peace, 
 . would turn against the Scots all the warlike pre- 
 parations which he had made against the French. 
 Neither had the French such claims on the Scots, nor 
 had the English done such injury, that they should take 
 the field on behalf of the French against the English, 
 
BISHOP WILLIAM'S ADVICE 139 
 
 a nation both wealthy and warlike. They urged that 
 an embassy should be sent rather to dissuade him as 
 far as they could from a war against the French, a 
 friendly people ; and that they should wait the answer 
 of Henry. Whereupon so great a clamour arose from 
 those, who, having no experience of the disadvan- 
 tages of war, were enthusiastic about the campaign 
 yet to be tried, that order was with difficulty main- 
 tained. Much abuse was thrown openly on Bishop 
 William . . because he had spoken, like a crazy 
 old man, stupidly and imprudently, against the 
 public interest, and against the inviolable treaty and 
 ancient promise. The former opinion was therefore 
 agreed upon, William with the smaller but better part 
 of the nobles of the kingdom making protest. 
 
 1513, May.*— The King at Linlithgow. 
 
 Pitscottie, p. III. 
 
 The King came to Linlithgow, where he happened to 
 
 be for the time at the Council, very sad and dolorous, 
 
 making his devotion to God to send him good chance 
 
 and fortune in his voyage. There came a man 
 
 clad in a blue gown in at the kirk door, and 
 
 belted about him in a roll of linen cloth, with a pair of 
 
 brotikins f on his feet to the great of his legs, with 
 
 all other hose and clothes conform thereto ; but 
 
 he had nothing on his head but long fsyde) red 
 
 yellow hair behind, and on his temples (Jiaffits) which 
 
 reached {ivan down) to his shoulders, and his forehead 
 
 * See the Treasurer's Accounts, 
 t Buskins or half-boots. (Fr. brodequin.) 
 
140 THE WARNING IN 
 
 was bald and bare. He seemed to be a man of two 
 and fifty years, with a great pike-staff in his hand ; 
 and he came first forward among the lords, crying 
 and asking for the King, saying he desired to 
 speak with him. At last he came where the 
 King was sitting in the desk at his prayers ; but 
 when he saw the King he made him little reverence 
 or salutation, but leaned down grovelling on the desk 
 before him, and said to him in this manner, as after 
 follows. ' Sir King, my mother hath sent me to you, 
 desiring you not to pass at this time, where thou art 
 purposed ; for if thou dost, thou wilt not fare well in 
 thy journey, nor none that passcth with thee. 
 Further, she bade thee meddle with no woman, 
 nor use their counsel, nor let them touch thy body, 
 nor thou theirs ; for if thou do it, thou wilt be 
 confounded and brought to shame.' 
 
 By the time this man had spoken these words unto 
 the King's Grace, the evensong was near done ; and 
 the King paused on these words, studying to give him 
 an answer ; but in the meantime, before the King's 
 eyes, and in the presence of all the lords that were 
 about him for the time, this man vanished away, and 
 could no ways be seen nor comprehended, but 
 vanished away as he had Ihhmi a blink of the sun, or 
 a whip of the wliirlwind, and could no more be seen. 
 I heard say Sir David i,\ndsa\, l,\on Herald, and 
 John Inglis, the Marshal, who wrri^ at that time 
 young men, and special servants to the King's Grace, 
 were standing then beside the King, who thought 
 to have laid hands on this man tliat lla-y might have 
 
LINLITHGOW CHURCH. 141 
 
 sought further tidings from him ; but all for 
 nought ; they could not touch him, for he vanished 
 away betwixt them, and was no more seen. 
 
 ['What rendered the occurrence more astonishing was, that of 
 all those who stood nearest him, and who had observed him 
 and were desirous of putting many questions to him, no one 
 perceived how he disappeared. Among these was Sir David 
 Lyndsay of the Mount, a man of unsuspected probity and 
 veracity, attached tohterature, and during life invariably opposed 
 to falsehood, from whom unless I had received the story, as 
 narrated, vouched as true, I had omitted to notice it, as one 
 of the commonly reported fables.' — Buchanan, Bk. XIII., ch. 31. 
 The tale is used by Scott in Marmion, Canto IV. (' Sir David 
 Lyndsay 's Tale.') This episode has been explained as a device 
 of the Queen to stay her husband from setting out for England. 
 The other and less authentic occurrence given by Pitscottie 
 concerning the summons of Platcok may receive a like explana- 
 tion.] 
 
 James will not yet break with Henry, but sends a 
 Herald to him at Terouenne. 
 
 Polydore Vergil, xxvii. p. 639. 
 
 Meantime James, King of Scots, who had promised 
 to give succour to France not only as far as 
 conscience permitted, "" as the saying hath it, but 
 even a little way beyond, if occasion so demanded, 
 when he heard that Henry had marched into France, 
 by degrees got ready an army for the succour of 
 his ally. The King of England, learning this through 
 spies, straiglitway reminded James, by letters from 
 himself and from Leo the Roman Pontiff, of his 
 friendship and relationsliip and likewise of his oath ; 
 and asked him to avow there and then whether he was 
 
 * Auxilio juvare Francum non modo usque ad aras, 
 
141 yAMES SENDS A HERALD 
 
 a. friend or a foe. He declared himself a friend to 
 Henry, although chiefly restrained by the binding 
 character of the covenant, on the one hand, and by 
 his own and his people's profit, on the other, which 
 he saw was daily increasing by the French connec- 
 tion. He therefore did not wish to lay bare his 
 plans on such an important topic without good 
 reason, and hoped that he should by no means be 
 forced to stand in the way of his oath or his interest. 
 Henry accordingly, on hearing this profession, con- 
 tinued more boldly the war which he had begun ; but 
 so little faith did he put in the words of James, that 
 he forthwith sent Thomas, Earl of Surrey, to York to 
 hold the district and to preserve it from attack, while 
 he brought the French war to an end. . . But 
 King Louis, despairing of his own troops, began to 
 urge, exhort, and beseech James by frequent mes- 
 sengers to make an attack on his English neighbours, 
 and thus draw off the enemy from the hurt of his 
 own realm, and force Henry to return home. James 
 was moved by the request of his ally, but, that he 
 might do things advisedly before undertaking an 
 unjust war, he straightway sent a herald to Henry. 
 
 16L3, Aug. 11.— His arrival in the English camp. 
 
 Hall, i^. 545. 
 
 [Henry's army was at this time lyin<^ before Terouonnc. He 
 had just had a slate interview with the l-jiij^eror ^faxiniilian at 
 Aire, a shf)rt distance to the east of l\'roiK'iine.] 
 
 After the King was returned lo his caiii]), within a 
 day or twain there arrivcil in the annya king-of-arms 
 
TO TEROUENNE. 143 
 
 of Scotland, "^^ called Lyon, with his coat-of-arms on 
 his back, and desired to speak with the King, who 
 in short time was by Garter, chief king-of-arms, 
 brought to the King's presence ; where he, being 
 almost dismayed seeing the King so nobly accom- 
 panied, with few words and meet good reverence 
 delivered a letter to the King, who received the 
 letter and read it himself. 
 
 James's Letter of Complaint. 
 
 Calig. B. vi., 57 : Hall, p. 545. 
 Cal, Henry VIII., No. 4351. 
 
 Right excellent, &c., We have received from Ross 
 Herald your letters, whereunto you approve and allow 
 the doings of your commissioners lately being with 
 ours at the Borders of both the realms for making of 
 redress. . . Also you write, slayers by sea ought 
 not to appear personally, but by their attornies. And 
 in your other letters with our herald Islay you ascertain 
 us, you will not enter into the truce between the Most 
 Christian King and your father of Aragon, because 
 you and others of the whole league neither should 
 nor may take peace, truce, nor abstinence of war with 
 your common enemy, without consent of all the 
 confederates ; and further have denied safe conduct 
 upon our request that a servitor of ours might have 
 resorted to your presence . . Right excellent, &c. 
 the said meeting of our and your commissioners at the 
 Borders was peremptorily appointed between you and 
 us, after divers diets for reformation before continued 
 
 * See Taylor's Diary, Calend. Hen. VIII., No. 4284, p. 624. 
 
144 JAMES RECOUNTS THE 
 
 to the commissioners' meeting, to the effect that due 
 redress should have been made at the said meeting ; 
 Hke as for our part our commissioners offered to have 
 made that time. And for your part no malefactor was 
 then arrested to the said diet. And to gloss the 
 same you now write that slayers by sea need not 
 appear personally, but by their attorneys, which 
 is against the law of God and man. And, if in 
 criminal action all slayers should not appear 
 personally, no punishment should follow for slaughter; 
 and then vain it were to seek further meetings for 
 redress. And hereby appears, as the deed shows, 
 that you will neither keep good ways of justice and 
 equity nor kindness with us. The great wrongs and 
 unkindness done before to us and our lieees we 
 ponder over, which we have suffered this long time, — as 
 in holding of the bastard Heron with his accomplices 
 in your country who slew our Warden"^ * under trust 
 of days of meeting for justice ' ; . withholding of 
 our wife's legacy, promised in your divers letters, for 
 despite of us ; slaughter of Andrew Barton by your 
 own command, who then had nought offended you 
 nor your lieges unredressed, and breaking of the 
 amity in that behalf by your deed ; and withholding 
 of our ships and artillery to your use. Whereupon 
 after our divers requisitions to your Wardens, 
 * Sir Robert Kcr, Warden of tbe Middle Marches. He was 
 murdered by Jolin Heron the Bastard, Lilburn, and Starhed. 
 William Heron of Ford (the Bastard's brother) and Lilbura were 
 handed over to James, who imprisoned them in Fastcastle. 
 The Bastard and Starhed lived on in England— the former till 
 1524, when he was slain in a foray. 
 
\ 
 
 WRONGS DONE BY HENRY. 145 
 
 commissioners, ambassadors, and yourself, you wrote, 
 and as shewn by others unto us, that full redress should 
 be made at the said meeting of commissioners ; and 
 so were in hope of reformation, or at least that you for 
 our sake would have desisted from the invasion of 
 our friends and cousins within their own countries 
 that have not offended you, as we first required of 
 you in favour of the Duke of Gueldres, whom to 
 destroy and disinherit you send your folks. . . And 
 so we lately desired for our brother and cousin the 
 Most Christian King of France, whom you have 
 caused to lose his country of Milan, and now invade 
 him, who is with us in second degree of blood, and 
 has been unto you kind without offence, and more 
 kinder than to us. Notwithstanding, in defence 
 of his person we must take part ; and therefore you, 
 because of others, have given occasion to us and 
 to our lieges in time past, neither doing justly 
 nor kindly towards us, proceeding always to the 
 utter destruction of our nearest friends, who must do 
 for us when it shall be necessary. . . And you say 
 unto our herald that we give you fair words 
 and think the contrary. Indeed such it is ; we 
 gave you words as you did us, trusting you should 
 have made amendment, and should not have stopped 
 our servitors' passage to labour peace, that they 
 might as the Pope's Holiness exhorted us by his 
 briefs to do. And we were contented to have 
 overseen our harms, and to have remitted the same, 
 though other information was made to our holy 
 father Pope Julius by the Cardinal of York your 
 
-146 THE ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE. 
 
 ambassador.''" And since ye have now put us from 
 all good belief . , and especially in denying of 
 safe conduct to our servants to resort to your 
 presence, as your ambassador Doctor West instantly 
 desired we should send one of our Council unto you 
 upon great matters . . for fiirtherino;- of peace if we 
 might between the Most Christian King and you, (we 
 never lieard to this purpose safe conduct denied 
 between infidels), — therefore we write to you this time 
 at length plainness of our mind, that we require and 
 desire you to desist from further invasion and utter 
 destruction of our brother and cousin the Most 
 Christian King, to whom . . we are bounden and 
 obliged for mutual defence the one of the other, like 
 as you and your confederates be obliged for mutual 
 invasions and actual war ; certifying you we will take 
 l)art in defence of our brother and cousin the Most 
 Christian King. And we will do what thing we 
 trust may cause you to desist from pursuit of him ; 
 and for denird and posponed justice to our lieges we 
 must give letters of marque according to the amity 
 l)elween you and us, whereto you have little regard 
 in lime past, as we have ordained our herald the 
 bearer hereof to say, if it like you to hear him and 
 ;;:ive him credence. Riglil excellent, right high and 
 mighty Prince, our drarest brother and cousin, the 
 'I'rinity l)a\<' \ou in keej)ing. Given under our 
 signet at KdiM!)uigh, tiie zOth day of July. 
 
 * Christopher Baiiibridge. 
 
HENRY'S ANSWER. 147 
 
 1 
 
 1518, Aug. 11.— Henry's Defiance. 
 
 Hall, p. 547 ; Rymer, xiii., 312 ; Brewer, 
 No. 4397, from Calig., B vi., 49 B. M. 
 
 Right excellent, &c. . . We have received your 
 writing . . , wherein , after rehearsal and accu- 
 mulation of many surxniscd injuries, griefs, and 
 damages, done by us and our subjects to you and 
 your lieges, the specialities whereof were superfluous 
 to rehearse, remembering that to them and every one 
 of them in effect reasonable answer founded upon 
 law and conscience hath before been made to you 
 and your Council,^' you not only require us to desist 
 from further invasion and utter destruction of vour 
 brother and cousin the French King, but also certify 
 us that you will take part in defence of the said King, 
 with many contrived occasions and communications 
 by you causelessly sought and imagined. . . . We 
 cannot marvel, considering the ancient accustomed 
 manner of your progenitors, who never kept longer 
 faith and promise than pleased them. . . The 
 Pope and all Christian princes may well note in you 
 dishonourable demeanour, when you lying in wait 
 seek the ways to do that in our absence, which you 
 would have been well advised to attempt, we being 
 within our realm and present. And for the evident 
 approbation hereof we need no other proofs nor 
 
 witness but your own writings heretofore to us sent, 
 * On the 20th March, 15 13, Henry wrote to West that, 
 as regards redress of grievances, England had sustained three 
 times as much damage as Scotland, and deserved greater com- 
 pensation ; ' so that our Warden and Commissioners have 
 sufficient grounds to content the Scots with reason.' 
 
 10 
 
14B HENRY'S DEFIANCE. 
 
 we being within our realm, wherein you never made 
 mention of taking part with our enemy the French 
 King, but passed the time with us till after our 
 departure from our realm. And now perchance you, 
 supposing us so far from our realm to be destitute of 
 defence against your invasions, have uttered the old 
 rancour of your mind which in covert manner you 
 have long kept secret. Nevertheless we, remembering 
 the brittleness of yourpromis'^, and suspecting, though 
 not wholly believing, such unsteadfastness, thought it 
 right expedient and necessary to put our said realm in 
 readiness for resisting of your said enterprises, having 
 firm trust in our Lord God, and the right witness of 
 our cause. Witli the assistance of our confederates and 
 aUies, we sliall be able to resist the malice of all 
 schismatics and their adherents, being by the General 
 Council expressly excommunicated and interdicted. 
 . . . And, if the example of the King of Navarre 
 being excluded from his realm for assistance given to 
 the French Kinq- cannot restrain vou from this 
 unnatural dealing, we suppose you shall have like 
 assistance of the said French King, as the King of 
 Navarre hath now, who is a King without a realm* ; 
 and so the French King {)eaceably sufTereth him to 
 continue, whereunto good regard would be taken. 
 . As touching your requisition to desist from 
 fartlier attempting against our enemy the French 
 * So Skclton [Ai^^aiftste the Scottes) : — 
 
 Of the kyiif^'c of Navernc ye mijjht take liecd, 
 Un^naeiously howe he dothc sj^eedc 
 An ch)uble dealyii^^e ; so lie dycl dreanie 
 That he is kyuj^'e, withoule a reame ; &c. 
 
SKIRMISH A T MILLFIELD. 1 49 
 
 King, we know you for no competent judge of so 
 high authority to require us in that behalf; wherefore, 
 God willing, we propose with the aid and assistance 
 of our confederates and allies to prosecute the same ; 
 and as you do to us and our realm, so it shall be 
 remembered and acquitted hereafter, by the help of 
 our lord and our patron, Saint George, — who, right 
 excellent, &c. Given under our signet in our camp 
 before Terouenne, the 1 2th day of August. 
 
 1513, August.— The 111 Road. 
 
 Hall, p. 556., Cf. Ruthal to Wolsey in 
 Cal. Hen. VIII. Nos. 4457 and 4460. 
 
 [This skirmisli took place before Surrey had received the 
 letter from Henry about James's challenge at Pomfret. Sun-ey, 
 after parting with Henry at Dover, pushed northward ; and, 
 when he arrived at Doncaster, he ordered Sir William. Bulmer 
 forward to the Scottish Marches.] 
 
 After Sir William Bulmer was come to the Borders, 
 one day in August, the Lord Chamberlain and Warden 
 of Scotland, with seven or eight thousand men with 
 banner displayed, entered into England, and burnt and 
 harried a great prey in Northumberland. That hearing. 
 Sir William Bulmer called to him the gentlemen of 
 the Borders with his archers; and all they were not a 
 thousand men. And, when they were assembled, they 
 brought themselves into abroom field, called Millfield, 
 where the Scots should pass. And, as the Scots 
 proudly returned with their prey, the Englishmen 
 broke out ; and the Scots on foot like men them de- 
 fended, but the archers shot so wholly together, that 
 they made the Scots give place, and five or six hundred 
 
150 THE SCOTS ENTER ENGLAND 
 
 of them were slain, and four hundred and more taken 
 prisoners, and the prey rescued, besides a great 
 number of geldings that were taken in the country ; 
 and the lord Home, Lord Chamberlain, fled, and his 
 banner was taken. This was the first open token of 
 war shewed by the Scots, who call this journev the 
 111 Road. 
 
 Aug:. 22.— James enters England. The Sack of 
 Norh.am. Castle. Surrey's Advance. 
 
 Hall, p. 556. Polyd.Veri,Ml., xxvii., 640. 
 MS. 'Batayli\' p. 143. 
 
 After the King of Scots had sent his defiance to 
 the King of England before Terouenne, he daily 
 made his musters, and assembled his people over all 
 his realm, whereof the bruit was that they were two 
 hundred thousand — but for a surety they were an hun- 
 dred thousand good fighting men at the least * — and 
 with all his host and power entered into England and 
 threw down piles, the 22nd day of August, and planted 
 his siege before the castle of Norham, and sore 
 abated the walls. The Earl of Surrey heard tidings 
 thereof on the five and twentieth day of August, being 
 St. Bartholomew's Day.f 
 
 Then he wrote to all the gentlemen of the shires, to 
 be with liim at Newcastle, the first day of September 
 next, witli all their retinue according to the certificate. 
 On the morrow he with his five hundred men came to 
 
 * This is an aniplilicatioii of rolyiloio V'cr^Ml's statistics. He 
 fjivc-s the minihcr as 6o,oco. The tilK- pa;,'c of MS. ' Bntaylc'' 
 hears the numhcr ^'ivcn l)y I hill, 
 t See Taylor's Diary. Caknd. ILn. VI II., No. 4284, p. 625. 
 
AND SA CK NORHAM CASTLE. 1 5 1 
 
 York, and on the 26th day he went towards Newcastle ; 
 and, notwithstanding that he had the foulest day and 
 night that could be, and the ways so deep, in so much 
 that his guide was almost drowned before him, yet 
 he never ceased, but kept on his journey, to give 
 example to them that should follow. He being at 
 Durham was advertised how the King of Scots with 
 his great ordnance had raised the walls of the Castle 
 of Norham, and made three great assaults three days 
 together ; and the captain valiantly defended him, but 
 he spent vainly so much of his ordnance, bows, and 
 arrows, and other munitions, that at the last he 
 lacked, and so was at the sixth day compelled to 
 yield him simply to the King's mercy. This castle 
 was thought impregnable, if it had been well fur- 
 nished ; but the Scots, by the indiscreet spending 
 of the captain, took it in six days. This chance was 
 more sorrowful to the Earl than to the Bishop, the 
 owner of the same.*^' All the night the wind blew 
 courageously : wherefore the Earl doubted lest the 
 lord Howard's son, great admiral of England, should 
 perish that night on the sea, who promised to land at 
 Newcastle with a thousand men, to accompany his 
 father ; which promise he accomplished. 
 
 1513, Aug". 24.— The Parliament at Twiselhaugh. 
 
 Acts of Pari, of Scotland^ II., 278. 
 
 At Twiselhaugh, in Northumberland, the 24th day 
 
 of August, 15 13, it is statute and ordained by the 
 * Thomas Ruthal, Bishop of Durham, in his letters to Almoner 
 Wolsey, nevertheless speaks of ' his great sorrow and pensive- 
 ness,' which the news of the sack of his castle had caused. 
 
1 5 2 PRE PARA TIONS FOR BA TTLE. 
 
 King's Highness, with the advice of all his lords being 
 there for the time in his host, in this form as after 
 follows, that is to say, if any man he slain or hurt to 
 death in the King's army and host by Englishmen, or 
 dies in his army during the time of his host, his heirs 
 shall have his ward, relief, and marriage of the King 
 free, dispensing with his age whatever age that 
 he be of ; and ordains the King's letters to be 
 directed hereupon to the effect aforesaid. 
 
 1513, Sept. 7. — Preparations for Battle. 
 
 Hall, p. 560. MS. ' Batayle,^ p. 144. 
 Cal. Henry VIII. No. 4439. 
 [Surrey sent Rouge Croix Herald to the Scottish army with 
 certain instructions. He was detained by James, and Islay 
 Herald was sent in return to the English camp where he had 
 an interview with Surrey at the village near by, on the 
 morning of the 6th of September. He promised that his master 
 would agree to the proposition of the English leader 'to abide 
 for battle between that and Friday next.' Meanwhile as Rouge 
 Croix had not returned Islay was lodged with York Herald in the 
 village.] 
 
 Then the Earl joyous of the King's answer 
 returned to his camp, and set forward five miles, to a 
 place called Woolerhaugh, in such ordcM- of battle as 
 even then he should liave fought, and there lodged 
 for that night, three little miles from the King of 
 Scots; and between the King and him was a 
 goodly and large cornfield called MillicKl, which was 
 a convenient and fair ground for two hosts to fight on, 
 that each host might perceive the other 
 
 The morrow being Wednesday, the 7th day of the 
 pionth, the King of Scots caused his great ordnance 
 
THE ARMIES A PPR OA CH. 153 
 
 to be shot at the English army ; but it hurt neither 
 
 man nor beast. When the King of Scots saw that 
 
 Islay was detained, he sent away Rouge Croix to the 
 
 Earl, by whom and others of the Borders the Earl was 
 
 advertised that the King lay upon the side of a 
 
 high mountain, called Flodden, on the edge of 
 
 Cheviot, where was but one narrow field for any man 
 
 to ascend up the said hill to him, and at the foot of the 
 
 hill lay all his ordnance. On the one side of his 
 
 army was a great marsh, and compassed with the hills 
 
 of Cheviot, so that he lay too strong to be approached 
 
 of any side, except that the Englishmen would have 
 
 temerariouslyrun on his ordnance. Which matter well 
 
 considered by the Earl and his son and others of the 
 
 Council there, they called to them Rouge Crosse, and 
 
 sent him the next day to the King of Scots, willing 
 
 him to shew the King, that the said Earl, with divers 
 
 of the King's nobles and subjects, had advanced 
 
 themselves to give battle to his Grace, trusting that 
 
 according to his promise he would advance himself 
 
 and his army to join the battle, which as yet he hath 
 
 not done. 
 
 Then the Englishmen removed their field on the 
 water of Till, and so forth over many hills and 
 narrow passes [streytes) marching toward the Scots 
 on another side ; and in their sight the Scots burned 
 certain poor villages on the other side of the marsh. 
 
 The Englishmen, always leaving the Scottish army 
 on the left hand, took their field under a woodside, 
 called Barmoorwood, two miles from the Scots. And 
 
154 THE ENGLISH PASS over TWYSELL BRIDGE. 
 
 between the two armies was the river of Till ; and 
 there was a little hill that saved the Englishmen from 
 the gunshot, on which hill the Lord Admiral perfectly 
 saw and discovered them all 
 
 On Friday the ninth day, the Lord Admiral like a 
 valiant knight passed over Twysell Bridge with the 
 vanguard, marching towards his enemies ; like 
 diligence was made by the Earl for passing over at 
 Millfield with the rear 
 
 The King of Scots, perceiving the Englishmen 
 marching toward Scotland, thought that they would 
 have entered into Scotland to burn and foray the 
 plentiful country called the March, for so was he made 
 believe by an Englishmen named Giles IMusgrave,* 
 who was familiar with the King of Scots, and did it 
 for a policy to cause him to come down from the hill. 
 Wherefore the said King caused his tents to be 
 removed to another hill in great haste, lest the 
 Englishmen should have taken the same hill ; and at 
 their departing they set fire to their litter and other 
 filthy ordure according to their custom, and of the 
 fire and smoulder did rise such a smoke so thick and 
 so dark that the one host could not perceive the other, 
 — for the wind did drive the smoke between the two 
 armies — i1k> Scots ever keeping the height of the hill 
 on the cili^i- of tJK^ Cheviot; and the Englishmen 
 passed roiwanl still in the low ground, and ever in 
 
 * This (tIIls tlic ' <,Hiileful Greek' (if the verses entitled 
 * Fiodclcn J'ieUr-may have been related ti) Mrs. Musgraefle 
 (wife of Sir John Mus^rave), one of Oueen Margaret's En<,'lish 
 ladics-in-\vaitinj^, deserihed in Dunbar's * Danee in the C^)ueen's 
 Chalnier.' [Siot. 'J'cxt. Soc. edit. j). 200). 
 
THE SCOTS ON BRANXTON HILL. 155 
 
 the covert of the smoke, insomuch that both the hosts 
 were very near together within the space of a quarter 
 of a mile, before one of them could perceive another 
 for the smoke. Then when the Englishmen had 
 passed a little brook called Sandyford, which is but a 
 man's step over, and that the smoke was passed, 
 and the air fair and clear, each army might plainly 
 see one another at hand. Then the Lord Admiral 
 perceived four great battalions {battles) of the Scots, 
 all on foot with long spears like Moorish pikes, 
 which Scots furnished them warlike, and bent them 
 to the vanguard f/oriuardj, which was conducted by 
 the Lord Admiral, who perceiving that sent to his father 
 the Earl of Surrey his Agnus Dei that hung at his 
 breast, that in all haste he would join battle, even with 
 the brunt or breast of the vanguard, for the forward 
 alone was not able to encounter the whole battle of 
 the Scots. The Earl, perceiving well the saying of his 
 son, and seeing the Scots ready to descend the hill, 
 advanced himself and his people forward, and 
 brought them equal in ground with the forward on 
 the left hand, even at the brunt or breast of the same 
 at the foot of the hill called Branxton. The English 
 army stretched east and west, and their backs north : 
 and the Scots in the south before them on the 
 foresaid hill called Branxton. 
 
 1513, Sept. 9.-Floddeii Field. 
 
 Ibid. MS. 'Batayle,' p. 147. 
 
 Then out burst the ordnance on both sides with 
 
 fire, flame, and hideous noise ; and the master gunner 
 
156 FLO D DEN FIELD. 
 
 of the English part slew the master gunner of Scot- 
 land, and beat all liis men from tlifir ordnance, so 
 that the Scottish ordnance did no harm to the English- 
 men ; but the Englishmen's artillery shot into the 
 midst of the King's battle and slew many persons, — 
 which seeing, the King of Scots and his noblemen 
 made the more haste to come to joining ; and so all 
 the four battles in manner descended the hill at 
 once. And after the shot was done, which they 
 defended with pavishes,"' they came to hand-strokes ; 
 and they were encountered severally, as you shall 
 hear.f 
 
 First, on the English side next the west, was Sir 
 Edmund Howard, knight. Marshal of the host, chief 
 captain of a wing on the right hand of our vanguard; 
 and he was encountered bv the Chamberlain of 
 Scotland with his battle of spears on foot, to the 
 number of ten thousand at the least, which fought 
 valiantly, so that I hey by force caused the little wing 
 to fly. And tlie same Sir Edmund was three times 
 felled to I he ground, and was left alone, save his 
 standartl bearer, and two of his servants ; to whom 
 came John Heron, the Bastard, sore hurt, saying 
 * there was never noble man's son so like to be lost as 
 you be this day: for all my hurts I shall here live and 
 
 * The |)avish was \\ Lir^^o shklil. Other forms of the word 
 were pavis and pavail (pavcsium) The diinin. was pavoisine. 
 The Bohemians had alon^ shield, with a ridj^'e down their whole 
 Jen<,'th to receive the arm, called poiut'za, wliieh was said to 
 have been the invention of Ziska. See Mevrick, II., 244. 
 
 t II ill },Mves a much more detailed account of the battle than 
 I'olydorc Vergil. 
 
Sword of James IV. carried at Flodde 
 Preserved in the Heralds' College, London. 
 
FLODDEN FIELD. 157 
 
 die with you.' And there the said Sir Edmund 
 Howard was in a great danger and jeopardy of his 
 life, and hardly escaped ; and yet, as he was going to 
 the body of the vanguard, he met with David Home,* 
 and slew him with his own hand, and so came to the 
 vanguard. 
 
 Secondly, eastward from the said battle was the 
 Lord Admiral of the vanguard, with whom were 
 encountered the Earls of Crawford and Montrose, 
 accompanied by many lords, knights, and gentle- 
 men, all with spears on foot ; but the Lord Admiral 
 and his company acquitted themselves so well, and 
 that with pure fighting, that they brought to ground 
 a great number ; and both the earls were slain. 
 
 Thirdly, eastward from the Lord Admiral was the 
 Earl of Surrey, captain general, to whose standard the 
 King of Scots in his own person marched, being 
 accompanied with many bishops, earls, barons, 
 knights, and gentlemen of the realm, with a great 
 number of commons, all chosen men, with spears on 
 foot, who were the most assuredly harnessed that 
 hath been seen, and that the tallest and goodliest 
 personages withal ; and they abode the most danger- 
 ous shot of arrows, w liich annoyed them sore , and 
 yet, except it hit them in some bare place, it did 
 them no hurt. After the shot ended, the battle was 
 cruel ; none spared the other, and the King himself 
 fought valiantly. O what a noble and triumphant 
 courage was this for a king to fight in a battle as a 
 mean soldier. But what availed his strong harness, 
 * Brother of the Chamberlain, 
 
158 THE KING IN THE FIGHT 
 
 the puissance of his mighty champions with whom he 
 descended the hill, in whom he so much trusted, that 
 with his strong people and great number of men he 
 was able, as he thought, to have vanquished that 
 day the greatest prince of the world, if he had been 
 there as the Earl of Surrey was, or else he thought to 
 do such an high enterprise himself in his person, 
 that should surmount the enterprises of all other 
 princes ! But howsoever it happened that God gave 
 the stroke, and he was no more regarded than a poor 
 soldier, for all went one way."^* So that of his own 
 battle none escaped, but Sir William Scot, knight, his 
 Chancellor, and Sir John Forman, knight, his sergeant 
 porter, who w^ere taken prisoners, and with great 
 difficulty saved. This may be a great mirror to all 
 princes, how that they adventure themselves in such 
 a battle. 
 
 Fourthly, eastward was Sir Edward Stanley, knight, 
 captain of the left wing with the said Earl, who 
 clamb up to the top of the hill called Branxton ere 
 the Scots wist, and with them encountered the 
 Earls of Huntley, Lennox, and Argyle, with a great 
 number of Scots who were sore fought withal, — 
 which perceiving the earl of Huntley took a horse 
 and saved himself. If he had tarried he had been 
 likely to have gone with his company. Such as fled 
 the said Sir Edward and his people followed them 
 over the same ground, where the Earl's battle iirst 
 
 * ' He thus paid a heavier penalty for bis perfidy than wc 
 would have wished.'— Heury VIII. to Max. Sforza, Sept. 16. 
 See Brown's Venet. Papers, Vol. II. 
 
THE ROUT. 
 
 159 
 
 joined, and found there the Scots, who were by the 
 Earl's battle slain before, and suddenly left the 
 chase, and fell a spoiling, and spoiled the King of 
 Scots, and many that were slain in his battle ; but they 
 knew him not, and found a cross and certain things 
 
 Dagger of James TV. cvurikd at Flodden. 
 {Preseived in the HeraLW College, London.') 
 
 of his. By reason whereof some said that he was slain 
 by that wing, which could not be true ; for the 
 prisoners of Scotland testified that the King's battle 
 fought only with the Earl's battle. But for a truth 
 this wing did very valiantly ; wherefore it was thought 
 that the said Sir Edward might that day not have 
 been missed. 
 
 All these four battles in manner fought at one 
 time, and were determined in effect, little in distance 
 
1 6o THE SCOTTISH DEAD. 
 
 of the beginning and ending of any of them one 
 before the other, saving that of Sir Edward Stanley, 
 which was the last that fought; foi he came up to the 
 top of the hill, and there fought with the Scots 
 valiantly, and chased them down the hill over that 
 place where the King's battle joined. Beside 
 these four battles of the Scots were two other 
 battles, which never came to handstrokes. 
 
 With the said King were slain"^" — 
 
 The Archbishop of St. Andrewsf ; the Bishop of the 
 Isles ; the Abbots of Inchaffray and Kilwinning 
 (Kyiweny)\ the Earls of Montrose, Crawfurd, Argyle, 
 Lennox, Glencairn fGlencarreJ, Caithness, Cassillis 
 (Castellis), Bothwell, Erroll (Constable of Scotland), 
 Addill,:}: Athol, and Morton ; the Lords Lovat, Forbes, 
 Elveston, Ross (Ross of Halkhead), Inderby (Thomas 
 Stewart of Innermath), Sinclair (Henry, Lord Sin- 
 clair), Maxwell and his four brethern, Darnley, 
 Sempill, (John, Lord Semple), Borthwick, Bogony, § 
 Arskyll [_Roh ert, Lord Er skin e'?\ Blacader, and Cowny; 
 and these Knights and Gentlemen, Sir John Douglas, 
 
 * See MS. 'Batayle,' p. 149. 
 
 t The King's natural son by Mary Boyd (see Appendix). 
 The young prelate had shown himself an apt pupil under Pante»' 
 in Scotland and Erasmus on the Continent. (See pp. 74 and 75). 
 See also Epistolae Rei^utn Scotonim, and Gairdner, II., 266. 
 
 \ Probably a corruption of Athol. 
 
 II William, 3rd Lord Rorthwick. 
 
 § Bargeny in the Poem of ' Flodden Field.* 
 
AFTER THE BATTLE. i6l 
 
 Cuthbert Home of Fastcastle, Sir Alex. Seton, Sir 
 David Home, Master John Grant, Sir Duncan 
 Caufelde (Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurchy), 
 Sir Saunder Lauder, Sir George Lauder, Master 
 Marshall, Master Keye, Master Elliot, Master Cowell,* 
 the Dean of Ellester, f MacKean, \ MacLean 
 {Lauchlan Maclean o/Dowa/i), and other gentlemen || 
 who be unkno\vn,| because no officer of arms of Scot- 
 land would come to make search for them. And if 
 the day had been longer by three hours (for 
 it was four of the clock at afternoon before the 
 battles joined), or if the Englishmen had had 
 victuals, so that they might have bidden still 
 together, they had not only made the greatest 
 distress of Scots by death and taking, that the 
 like hath not been seen in one day, but also 
 within a little while might have put the realm of 
 Scotland in such a misery and trouble, that for ever 
 they should have been ware how to enter the realm 
 of England, and specially the King being absent. For 
 
 * Clerk of the Chancery (in the Gazette— l^e Sr. de Colwyn). 
 
 t Perhaps Dean of Glasgow, who fell at the battle. 
 
 X Sir Malkin Kean in ' Flodden Field ' ; in the Gazette 
 Illakeen. 
 
 II Lorenzo Pasqualigo, in a letter to his brother in Venice, Oct. 
 I3> I5I3> looks at the losses in another way. 'These are the 
 names of the only four lords remaining alive in Scotland : — the 
 Lord Treasurer, Lord Hamilton, Earl of Murray (?), and Lord 
 Herries (?).' — See Brown's Venetian Papers, vol. II. 
 
 \ The Earls of Huntley, and Rothes were slain ; including 
 
 them, 13 earls fell at Flodden. The Bishop of Caithness, and the 
 
 French Ambassador De la Motte also perished. 
 
 n 
 
1 62 THE FINDING OF THE BODY 
 
 the Englishmen wanted no good-will,* for of the 
 Scots they slew twelve thousand at the least of the 
 best gentlemen and flower of Scotland ; and of the 
 English side were slain and taken not fifteen hundred 
 men, as it appeared by the book of wages when the 
 soldiers were paid. . . . 
 
 After that the field was fought and the Scots fled, 
 many Englishmen followed them into Scotland, and 
 were so far that they wist not which way to return, 
 and so were taken prisoners by the Scots that were in 
 the two battles that fled first and never fought. 
 Also divers were taken by the Lord Chamberlain of 
 Scotland, who fought with the wing of Sir Edmund 
 Howard, and were carried with him, to the number of 
 sixty. Of the Scots that fled, some passed over the 
 water of Tweed at Coldstream ford, and others by the 
 dry marches, during the time of the fight ; and, the 
 night after, many men lost their horses, and such 
 stuff as they left in their tents and pavilions, by the 
 robbers of Tynedale and Tweeddale. 
 
 The finding of the King's body. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 This King had divers deadly wounds, and in 
 especial one with an arrow, and another with a bill, 
 as appeared when he was naked. After that the 
 body of the King of Scots was found and brought to 
 Berwick, the Earl showed it to Sir William Scott, 
 his Chancellor, and Sir John Forman, his Serjeant 
 porter, who knew him at the first sight, and made 
 great lamentation. Then was the body disembowelled^ 
 ♦ See Ruthal's letter, p. 175. 
 
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 wMv^i'i^Mi'^Af^;^^/^^. 
 
OF KING JAMES. 1 6 3 
 
 embalmed, and cered,* and secretly amongst other 
 stuff conveyed to Newcastle. And the same day the 
 Lord Admiral came to the field, and there some Scots 
 appeared on a hill; but William Blackenall, who 
 was the chief doer and ruler of all the ordnance, shot 
 such a peal, that the Scots fled, or else the Lord 
 Admiral had been in great jeopardy. t . . Then the 
 Earl brought the body to Richmond.]: 
 
 1513, Sept. 9.— Another Account. 
 
 [The following is taken from the State Papers of Henry VII L 
 relating to Scotland^ vol. IV. p. I. It is entitled : 'Articles of 
 the Battle between the King of Scots and the Earl of Surrey in 
 Brankston Field, the 9th day of Sept.' A French version is 
 printed in Pinkerton II., p. 456.] 
 
 First, when both the armies were within three 
 miles together, the Earl sent Rouge Cross to the 
 King of Scots, desiring him of battle ; and he 
 answered he would abide him there till Friday at 
 noon. 
 
 The lord Howard at 1 1 of the clock the said 9th 
 day passed over the bridge of Twyssell with the 
 
 * Covered wdth wax. 
 
 +• Cf. Queen Catherine's letters to Henry and Wolsey (Ellis, 
 I. i. 88 et seq). 
 
 X * Then it was carried to London, to the monastery of the 
 Carthusian monks at Bethlehem.' Polyd. Verg., xxvii., p. 642. 
 Leo. X. in a letter to Henry VIII, 29th Nov. 15 13 \Cotton. 
 Vitell. B. 2, 54] gave permission for the interment in holy ground 
 at St. Paul's Cathedral ; but nothing seems to have been done. 
 Stow in his Survey of London, p. 539, says that since the 
 dissolution of the house of Shene in the reign of Edward VI. 
 the body lay ' lapped in lead ' in a waste room amongst 
 old timber and rubble. ' Since the which time, workmen there, 
 
J 64 ANOTHER ACCOUNT OF 
 
 vanguard and artillery, and the said Earl following 
 with the rear. The army was divided into two battles ;* 
 and to either battle two wings. 
 
 The King of Scots' army was divided into five 
 battles, and every battle an arrow shot from the 
 other, and all like farness from the English army, in 
 great ' plumpes,'f part of them quadrant, and some 
 pikewise ; and they were on the top of the hill, being a 
 quarter of a mile from the foot thereof. 
 
 The lord Howard caused his vaward to stay in a 
 little valley, till the rear were joined to one of the 
 wings of his battle ; and then both wards \ in one 
 front advanced against the Scots, and they came down 
 the hill, and met with them in good order, after the 
 German manner, without speaking of any word. 
 
 The carls of Huntley, Errol, and Crawfurd, with 
 their host of 6000 men, came upon the lord Howard ; 
 and shortly their backs were turned, and the most part 
 of them slain. 
 
 The King of Scots came with a great puissance 
 upon my lord of Surrey, having on his left hand my 
 
 for their foolish pleasure, hewed off his head ; and Lancelot 
 Yovmg, master glazier to Queen Elizabeth, feeling a sweet savour 
 to come from thence, and seeing this same ilried from all moisture, 
 and yet the form remaining, with the hair of the head and 
 beard red, brought it to London, to his house in Wood Street, 
 where for a time he kept it for its sweetness, but in the end 
 caused the sexton of that church [St. Michael's], to bury it 
 amongst other bones taken out of their charnel.' 
 
 • Battahon, scjuadron. 
 t The French version has ' trouppeaulx.' 
 X I.e. rearguard and vanguard. 
 
FLODDEN FIELD. 1 6 5 
 
 lord Darcy's son; which two bare all the brunt of the 
 battle ; and there the King of Scots was slain within 
 a spear length from the said Earl of Surrey, and many 
 noblemen of the Scots slain more, and no prisoners 
 taken in those two battles. And in the time of this 
 battle the earls of Lennox and Argyll with their 
 puissances joined with Sir Edward Stanley, and they 
 were put to flight. 
 
 Edmund Howard had with him 1000 Cheshire 
 men, and 500 Lancashire men, and many gentlemen 
 of Yorkshire, on the right wing of the lord Howard ; 
 and the lord Chamberlain of Scotland"^' with many 
 lords, did set on him ; and the Cheshire and Lancashu'e 
 men never abode stroke^ and feiv of the gentlemen of 
 Yorkshire abode, but fled. Mr. Gray and Sir Humphrey 
 Lyle be taken prisoners, and SirWynchard Harbottle 
 and Maurice Berkeley slain. And the said Edmund 
 Howard was thrice felled ; and to his relief the lord 
 Dacre's son came with 1500 men, and put to flight 
 all the said Scots, and had about eight score of his 
 men slain ; in which battle a great number of Scots 
 were slain. 
 
 The battle and conflict began betwixt 4 and 5 
 in the afternoon ; and the chase continued three miles 
 with marvellous slaughter ; and 10,000 more had been 
 slain if the Englishmen had been on horseback. 
 
 The Scots were 80,000, and about 10,000 of them 
 were slain ; and under 400 Enghshmen were slain. f 
 
 * Alexander, Lord Home, 
 t The following passage is scored out in the text : — The 
 Borderers not only stole away, as they lost, four or five thousand 
 
1 66 A MINSTREL'S STORY 
 
 The English and Scottish ordnance is conveyed, 
 by the good help of the lord Dacre, unto Etal castle. 
 
 The King of Scots' body is brought to Berwick. 
 There is no great man of Scotland returned home but 
 the Chamberlain. Jt is thought that few of them be 
 left alive. 
 
 A Minstrel's Story. 
 
 [A companion picture to the preceding accounts is found in 
 a contemporary Cheshire aUiterative poem,' The Scottish Field,' 
 preserved among the Lyme MSS. Ahhough the extant MS. 
 dates no further back than 1570, there is reason to believe that 
 the original was penned about 151 5. For the historical value of 
 the composition see the introduction to the poem in the 2nd 
 volume of the Chetham Miscellanies. '\ 
 
 Then full boldly on the broad hills 
 we bushed* with our standards ; 
 And on a soughf us beside 
 there saw we our enemies, 
 Were moving over the mountains ; 
 to match us they thought, 
 As boldly as any burnesj 
 that born were of mothers. 
 And we eagerly with ire 
 
 horses, but also they took away the oxen that drew the ordnance ; 
 and came to the pavilions, and took away all the stuff therein, and 
 killed many that kept the same. (Brewer, I. 4441., p. 008. n.) 
 See Ruthal's letter, p. 176. 
 
 ♦ Pushed. 
 
 t Shaw, thicket ."^ 
 
 X Warriors. 
 
OF THE FIGHT. 167 
 
 atylde* them to meet. 
 
 Then trumpets full truly 
 
 they trident together ; 
 
 Many shalms in that shaw 
 
 with their shrill notes ! 
 
 Heavenly was their melody, 
 
 their mirth to hear ! 
 
 How they sang with a shout 
 
 all the shaws over. 
 
 There was a gurding forth of guns 
 
 with many great stones ; 
 
 Archers uttered out their arrows 
 
 and eagerly they shot. 
 
 They proched j us with spears, 
 
 and put many over, 
 
 That the blood out burst 
 
 at their broken harness ! 
 
 There was swinging out of swords, 
 
 and swappingll of heads. 
 
 We blanked§ them with bills, 
 
 through all their bright armour, 
 
 That all the dale dinned 
 
 of their derf^ strokes. 
 
 Then betide a check 
 
 * Addressed ourselves, prepared, 
 t An alliterative and onomatopoetic word for which it is 
 difficult to find a modern equivalent. 
 
 \ Approached. 
 II Striking. 
 \ Perhaps ^disconcerted, 
 f Strong. 
 
1 68 A MINSTREVS STORY 
 
 that Cheshire men befell.* 
 In wing with those wees f 
 was my lord Dacrcs ; 
 He fled at the first brade,J 
 and they followed after : 
 When their Captain was away, 
 their comfort was gone ; 
 They were wont at all wars 
 to wait upon the Stanleys ; 
 They never failed at no forward 
 that time that they were 
 Now lost is their loss ; 
 our Lord it amend ! 
 
 When the Scots and the Caterans |I 
 
 saw our men scatter, 
 
 They had great joy of their joining, 
 
 and jolily came downward. 
 
 Then the Scottish King 
 
 calleth to him a herald, 
 
 Biddeth tell him the truth, 
 
 and tarry no longer — 
 
 Whose were the banners of the burns 
 
 that bode in the valley. 
 
 ** They are standards of the Stanleys, 
 
 that stand by themselves." 
 
 • •••••• 
 
 ♦ Orig. ' felden'=felled. For the episode referred to in the 
 
 text see p. 165. 
 
 t Men. 
 
 X Onset. 
 
 II Orig. Kctlerickes. 
 
OF THE FIGHT. '69 
 
 Then the Scottish King 
 
 carped these words : 
 
 " I will fight with yonder freakes* 
 
 that are so fierce holden. 
 
 If I beat those burns, 
 
 the battle is ours." 
 
 Then he moved towards the mountains, 
 
 and manly came downwards. 
 
 We met him in the midway, 
 
 and matched him full even. 
 
 Then there was dealing of dents, 
 
 that all the dales rung. 
 
 Many helms with heads 
 
 were hewn all to pieces ! 
 
 This layke f lasted on the land 
 
 the length of four hours. 
 
 Yorkshire like yorne % men 
 
 eagerly they fought ; 
 
 So did Derbyshire that day, 
 
 dered many Scots ; 
 
 Lancashire like lions 
 
 laid them about 1 
 
 All had been lost, by our Lord, 
 
 had not these lads been.|l 
 
 But the case of the Scots 
 
 increased full sore • 
 * A contemptuous epithet. See Gawin Douglas. -Prologue 
 to the 8th Book of the ^neid. 
 
 t Strife. Lit. sport (O.E. lac). 
 + Eager ? 
 11 Compare this with the preceding account. 
 
170 OF THE ADVANTAGES 
 
 For the King was down knocked, 
 and killed in their sight. 
 
 • ' • • • • • 
 
 Then they fetilde * them to fly, 
 
 as fast as they might ; 
 
 But that served not, forsooth, 
 
 who so truth telleth, 
 
 Our Englishmen fully eagerly 
 
 After them followed, 
 
 And killed them like caitiffs 
 
 in clowesf all about. 
 
 • •••••• 
 
 All the Scots that were scaped 
 were scattered far asunder. 
 They removed over the moor 
 upon the next morning, 
 And their stood like stakes, 
 and stir durst no further ; 
 For all the lords of their land 
 were left them behind ! 
 Beside Branxton in a brook 
 breathless they lie. 
 Gaping against the moon ; 
 their ghosts went away ! 
 
 The advantages on the side of the Scots. 
 
 Thomas Kulhal, Bishop of Durham, to Wolsey. 
 
 20 Sept., 15 13. Nat. MSS. of England, vol. II. 
 
 . . ( )ii the (>lli day of this instant month of 
 
 Septeiiibrr, alirr a marvellous great conflict and 
 
 * Got ready, 
 t Cleughs, ravines. 
 
ON THE SIDE OF THE SCOTS. l'\ 
 
 terrible battle, the King of Scots with the greatest 
 part of the lords and nobles of his realm were in 
 plain battle vanquished, overthrown, and slain. . . 
 Specially remembering the multitude of their enemies, 
 being far in number above the King's army ; con- 
 sidering also the great number of marvellous large 
 pieces of ordnance, as curtaulds, culverins, sacres, 
 and serpentines, amounting in the whole to 17 
 great pieces, besides much other small ordnance ; 
 regarding also the great and strong personages of 
 the Scots, being as well furnished with goodly harness, 
 weapons, and other habiliments of war as ever men 
 were, with their abundance of victuals, wines of all 
 sorts, bread, beer and ale, tents and pavilions, far 
 above our estimation, and not lightly credible, unless 
 it had been seen, tasted, and viewed by our folks to 
 their great refreshing ;-'* and over that the hardiness 
 and sharp setting on of the said Scots, with the 
 discomfort and feebleness of our people, being 
 destitute of victuals, and having nothing to drink but 
 only water for the space of three days, and much 
 scarcity of that, with the marvellous great pain and 
 labour that they took in going 8 miles that day on 
 foot by dangerous and painful passages over 
 hills and dales, and yet, most danger of all, in 
 ascending and climbing an high and steep hill to en- 
 
 * See also 2nd letter to Wolsey, Sept. 20th, 15 13. The 
 account given in the Proceed. Antiq. {Scot), VII., 151, says: 
 < Albeit that our army, doubting that the said victuals had 
 been poisoned for their destruction, would not save but utterly 
 them destroyed.' 
 
172 OF THE HEROIC 
 
 counter and give battle to the K in q; of Scots, being there 
 encamped, and his ordnance set to his most advantage 
 and annoyance of our army ; and the said Scots 
 having the hill, the wind, and the sun with them . ; 
 it is to be thought this victory proceedeth more by 
 the very hand of God, with the help and merits of the 
 glorious Confessor, Saint Cuthbert. . . For, besides 
 the King of Scots, all the lords of Scotland, except 
 five, and the most part of the noblemen of the same 
 which that day died, there were ten thousand Scots 
 slain ; and, as some of them affirm, they lack fifteen 
 thousand in the whole, to the utter confusion of all 
 Scotland. 
 
 Of the heroic fighting- of the Scots. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 The said Scots were so surely harnessed with 
 complete harness, German jacks {Jackes almayn)* 
 rivets,! splents,j: pavishes,|| and other habiliments, 
 * Leather tunics. (O. Fr. jaque ; Dutch, jakke.) 
 t ' Moveable rivets, first made in Germuuy, whence the armour 
 to which they were applied was so called . . In order that 
 the head might remain steady, notwithstanding the force of any 
 blow that might be given on the breast-plate or helmet, it was 
 usual for the armourers to attend and close the rivet up which 
 came through the bottom of the tilting helmet.' — Cf. Shakes- 
 peare's Henry V. iv. i. 
 
 The armourers accomplishing the knights 
 With busy hammers closing rivets up. 
 See Meyrick, II., 263. 
 
 X Splculs were composed of little plates that ran over each 
 other and defended the inside of ihe arm. MejTick, II., 292, n. 
 J licy were put on the leg as well as, the arm. 
 
 II See p. 156. 
 
FIGHTING OF THE SCOTS. \-]% 
 
 that shot of arrows in regard did theni no harm ; and 
 
 when it came to hand strokes of bills and halberds, 
 
 they were so mighty, large, strong, and great men 
 
 that they would not fall when four or five bills struck on 
 
 one of them at once. Howbeit our bills quitted them 
 
 very well, and did more good that day than bows, for 
 
 they shortly disappointed the Scots of their long 
 
 spears wherein was their greatest trust ; and when 
 
 they came to hand stroke, though the Scots fought 
 
 sore and valiaaitly with their swords, yet they could 
 
 not resist the bills that lighted so thick and so sore 
 
 upon them.* 
 
 The Same. 
 
 * Batayle' MS., Proceed, of Antiq. (Scot.), vii. 501. 
 
 It is not to be doubted but the Scots fought man- 
 fully, and were determined either to win the field or 
 to die. They were also as well appointed as was 
 possible at all points with arms and harness, so that 
 few of them were slain with arrows ; howbeit the 
 bills did beat and hew them down with some pain 
 and danger to Englishmen. 
 
 The said Scots were so plainly determined to abide 
 
 battle and not to flee, that they put from them their 
 
 horses, and also put off their boots and shoes, and 
 
 fought in the vampsf of their hose, every man for 
 
 * Cf. Poem of ' The Scottish Field,' ante p. 167. 
 
 t * Vampy— the bottoms of hose or gaiters attached to the hose 
 covering the feet. Grose has vampers = stockings.'— Halliwell. 
 O.F.Vant-pie. Cotgrave, avant-pied (Morris.) Cf.AncrenRiwle. 
 ' Ine sumer ye habbeth leave uorto gon and sitten baruot, and 
 hosen withuten vampes.' The Scots doffed their boots rather 
 because of the softness of the ground after the great rain than on 
 account of the blood, as is sometimes stated. 
 
174- -57: CUTHBERT'S BANNER. 
 
 the most part with a keen and a sharp spear five 
 yards long, and with a target before him. And when 
 their spears failed and were spent, then they fought 
 with great and sharp swords, making little or no 
 noise, without that for the most part, except when 
 any of them would desire to be saved.* 
 
 The Banner of St. Cuthbert. 
 
 Ruthal to Wolsey (cont.) 
 There were that day many good and toward cap- 
 tains who did their parts right well : howbeit the 
 lord Howard was the first setter on, and took most 
 pain in conducting the vaward of the English 
 army, to whom joined Saint Cuthbert's banner with 
 the whole retinue of the bishopric ; and albeit the 
 Scots had most disrespect to the said banner and set 
 most fiercely upon it, } et what by the grace of God, 
 
 ♦ In the old poem of Flodden Field, which contains some 
 minute and valuable information, mention is made of leaden 7nelU 
 or mallets, e.g. 
 
 The one Craufurd called, the other Montrose, 
 Who led twelve thousand Scottismen strong, 
 Who manfully met with their foes. 
 
 With leaden mells, and lances long. 
 There battering blows made sallet sound ; 
 There many a sturdy stroke was given ; 
 And many a baron brought to ground ; 
 And many a banner broad was riven. 
 
 (p. 1 08, ed. Weber.) 
 The English archers used mallets in the time of Louis XII. — 
 Manjuis dc Fleurange, quoted by Mcyrick, II., p. 284. In 
 the Treasurer' s Accounts there arc references to ' plumbis ' 
 or ' Icdin mellis.' 
 
\ 
 
 THE SHEDDING OF BL 00 D. 175 
 
 the assistance of St. Cuthbert to his banner, and the 
 valiantness of the captains and others being under 
 the same, there got they no advantage but great loss 
 and damage of their folks ; and yet few or none being 
 under the same banner were slain, though many 
 hurt. Thus with great honour is Saint Cuthbert's 
 banner returned again to his church, bringing with 
 it the King of Scots' banner, which for a memorial 
 now standeth beside the shrine there. And the 
 said King was not far from his banner when he was 
 slain. 
 
 The great shedding of blood by the English.* 
 
 bid. 
 
 And besides this all the great ordnancef of Scotland 
 is taken and resteth at Berwick with divers prisoners, 
 but not many, for our folks, intending to make all 
 things sure, took little regard in taking of prisoners, 
 but rid all that came to hand, both King, bishops, 
 lords, knights, nobles, and others, whatsoever came. 
 They were no sooner slain, but forthwith despoiled 
 of their harness and array, and left lying naked in the 
 field, where men might have seen a marvellous 
 number of goodly men well fed and fat, among which 
 
 *Cf. Hall's account above. See slso ^Batayle^ MS., Proceed, 
 of A?itiq. {Scot.) vii. 150. 
 
 t Ruthal's 3rd letter to Wolsey (Sept. 20th, 1513).— *I 
 supposed the ordnance of the King of Scots had been 
 conveyed to Berwick, but I here say it is yet at Etall ; wherein 
 must be some danger, notwithstanding that the Lord Dacre hath 
 enterprised the surety of that matter. For it were too great a 
 loss if it should miscarry, as God defend. B is the fairest and 
 best that lately hath been seen^ 
 
 12 
 
1 76 THE BORDERERS SPOIL THE ENGLISH. 
 
 number was the King of Scots' body found, having 
 many wounds and naked ; and the same was brought 
 to my Lord Treasurer then being in Berwick, in whose 
 keeping the same body yet resteth.* 
 
 The English. Camp plundered. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 And yet, when our captains and folk had thus well 
 acquitted themselves, great displeasure was done 
 unto them, for, in their absence from their tents, they 
 being occupied with the Scots, all their goods, horses, 
 and necessaries were cleaijy taken away. But whether 
 it were done by Scots or Borderers I cannot say ; but 
 the bruit is that the Borderers did full ill. I pray 
 God amend them, for by this dealing our folks were 
 worse discouraged at their departing thence, than by 
 all the harm done to them by the Scots. . . If it were 
 God's pleasure and the King's, I would all the horse- 
 men on the Borders were in France with you, for 
 there should they do much good ; whereas here they 
 do none, but much harm, for they never lighted from 
 their horses ; but, when the battles joined, then fell 
 they to rifling and robbing, as well on our side as of 
 the Scots. . . . And they took divers prisoners 
 of ours, and delivered them to the Scots ; so that our 
 folks as much fear the falsehood of them as they do 
 
 * la the third letter to Wolsey (No. 4462 Cal.), Sept. 20, 1513: 
 'My lord Treasurer hath the body of the King of Scots with him 
 to York, and I could in no wise induce him to leave it here at 
 Durham, howbeit my folks under St. Cutbbert's banner brought 
 his banner, his sword, his cuisses (qwyschys) , that is to say, the 
 harness lor hib thighs, which be in St. Cuthbert's Church.' 
 
FORM AN' S KESPOXSIBILITY. 177 
 
 the Scots, and this I fear will be the stop of the 
 good matter. 
 
 Of the Bishop of Moray. 
 
 Ibid. 
 
 . . And for a truth I have spoken with divers 
 prisoners of Scotland, as Sir William Scot, who is 
 here with Sir William Bulmer, my sheriff, and divers 
 others ; and they say that, after the King of Scots 
 meddled with Norham, 20,000 of his men went away 
 from him, thinkingverily that a mischief would follow 
 upon that act, wishing that they had never meddled 
 with the said castle.*' The said Sir William affirmeth 
 and confesseth alsothat this invasion of the King of 
 Scots proceeded from his own sensual mind by the 
 instigation of the Bishop of Moray, contrary to the 
 minds of all the nobles of Scotland ; insomuch as he 
 supposeth the said Bishop will never come into Scot- 
 land, for, if he do, he is in danger. He saith also 
 that in the said Bishop there is neither wisdom, 
 learning, nor virtue, but lying, dissimulation, bribery, 
 and all untruth, whose false reports hath brought the 
 King of Scots and his realm to this danger, and also 
 the nobles of that realm, who, for dread of the King's 
 displeasure, durst not otherwise do but come to the 
 
 field with him sore against their wills. f 
 
 * Presumably because they had offended St. Cuthbert. 
 t ' Of the Frenchmen, who served in the Scottish army, some 
 fell in the engagement, and others were cut to pieces by the Scots, 
 who reproached the French with being the cause of their 
 destruction.' — Spinelly, ambassador with the Lady Margaret, to 
 Cardinal Bainbridge, 20th Sept., 1513. {Calend. Henry VIII. , 
 No. 4459.) Concerning the influence of Forman with James see 
 Spinelly again, No. 3651. See also Appendix, 
 
178 HOME'S CONDUCT IN THE BATTLE. 
 
 The conduct of tlie Lord Chamberlain in the Battle. 
 
 Polyd. Vcrg., xxvii., (41, U;, 
 Although Alexander Home, the LordChcimbcrlaiii,'^ 
 who commanded a part of the army, saw his country- 
 men perishing and hemmed in both in front and in 
 the rear by the enemy, nevertheless he took no thought 
 of sending succour, and did not move even a foot 
 from the place where he was standing. When the 
 rashness of the King became manifest, a stupor 
 clouded the minds of all, just as some unwonted sleep 
 will enchain the limbs. Each man, viewing his 
 neighbour, stood motionless, and despaired, after the 
 King had fallen, of being able to win the glorious 
 victory, which, by some strange chance, had fallen, as 
 it were, from their hands. Some attached the blame 
 to Alexander Home alone, because he did not 
 give the word to make an onslaught ; but there 
 need be no amazement, for so it pleased God that 
 King James should suffer fit punishment, either for 
 the oath which he had lately broken or for his 
 impiety. . . If James had fought cautiously, or 
 if the Scots had been filled with a fierce desire to 
 revenge the slaughter of their prince, as was justifiable, 
 without doubt they would have gained the victory ; 
 for what could the smaller number thoroughly tired 
 out do against the greater and more vigorous force. 
 
 ♦Alexander Home was made Lord lli^di Cliamberlain 
 in 1507. He was in f;ivourduiin<j[ tlic minority of James V., until 
 hi-; opposition to Albany forced him into exile. On his return 
 ni 15 16 he was tried for treason, and was executed Oct. S. flic 
 statements made against his conduct in the battle of I'lixUlen 
 were highly coloured by partisan writers. 
 
PROCLA MA TION A T EDINB UR GH. 1 7 9 
 
 Wherefore the English, very mindful of the Divine 
 mercy, say that they owed the victory to God. . 
 On the following night, the Scottish army, ravaging 
 as it went, returned homewards; and, when it reached 
 Scotland, it heard on all sides the unwelcome words, 
 that it had been unreasonable and unpatriotic of them, 
 neither to have avenged the death of the King, nor 
 to have seen to the succour of their perishing country- 
 men ; and that thus their country was branded with 
 everlasting disgrace. But they condemned Alexander 
 Home much more for this general calamity, as one 
 who had acted not as a leader, but rather as an enemy. 
 [Rutha], Bishop of Durham, in his letter to Wolsey (20 Sept., 
 1 513), speaks of the general helplessness of England, and of its utter 
 inability to resist the Scots had they advanced southwards. He 
 refers to the Lord Treasurer's desire to arrange a peace as the 
 only policy possible to England.] 
 
 1513. Sept. 10.— The Proclamation in Edinburgh 
 
 after the Battle. 
 
 Burgh Register. 
 
 [News from Flodden Field must have reached the capital 
 speedily, for the following proclamation was made on the day 
 after the battle. The Provost and Baihes, before setting out with 
 the King for England, had appointed (Aug. 19) George of 
 Tours* as President, and four others, as interim Bailies, to manage 
 the affairs of the capital.] 
 
 We do you to wit, forasmuch as there is a great 
 rumour now lately risen within this town, touching 
 our Sovereign Lord and his army, of which we 
 understand there is come no verity as yet, w^herefore 
 we charge strictly and command, in our said Sovereign 
 * The correspondent of Andrew Halyburton. 
 
i8o OF THE RELATIONS BETWEEN 
 
 Lord the King's name, and in that of the Presi- 
 dents for the Provost and BailHes within this burgh, 
 that all manner of persons, townsmen {ficighbours) 
 within the same, have ready their arms of defence 
 {/enable get'r) and weapons for war, and appear 
 therewith before the said Presidents at the tolling 
 of the common bell, for the keeping and defence 
 of the town against them that would invade the 
 same. 
 
 And we also charge, that all women, and especi- 
 ally vagabonds, that they pass to their labours, and 
 be not seen upon the street clamouring and cryinr, 
 under the pain of banishing of their persons without 
 favour . and that the other women of better sort pass 
 to the kirk and pray, when time requires,* for our 
 Sovereign Lord and his army, and the townsmen who 
 are with the army ; and that they hold them at their 
 private labours off the street within their houses, as 
 becometh. 
 
 Of the relations between the Scots and the English. 
 
 Major. De Gestis Scot., I. c. vii. 
 [Sentiments like the following were rare. Skeltou's ribald 
 verse was more consonant with the English feeling of the time, 
 and doubtless the majority of the Scots reciprocated it.] 
 
 I have read in English annals that the Scots are the 
 basest of traitors, and that this fault is inborn in them. 
 . On the other hand, the Scots call the English 
 cowards, and say that tlicy will not contend with 
 bravery or arms, but will accomplish all things by 
 fraud and cunning I am not accustomed to give 
 
 • At the stated times. 
 
SCOTLAND AND ENGLAND. i8i 
 
 much faith either to the common Scots in their 
 denunciation of the Enghsh, or to the EngHsh in 
 their condemnation of the Scots. . . I venture 
 to think that the EngHsh and Scots consult the 
 interests of their monarchs badly, if they do not 
 always arrange marriages among them, seeing that 
 from both kingdoms they might make one realm of 
 Britain. A man, who is an enemy, or absorbed in 
 private interests, and caring little for the public good, 
 will oppose this peaceful union. It may be that some 
 Scottish or English critic will say that marriages have 
 often been contracted, and yet by that means they 
 have not had peace. To these I reply, that though they 
 did not by them attain to that state which our ancestors 
 fabled concerning the blessed Margaret of England, 
 yet the Scots have never had more famous kings 
 than those born of English mothers, as is evident in 
 the case of the children of the blessed Margaret, who 
 were kings of renown and of the best character. The 
 same is to be noted about James the Second, who had 
 English blood. Of James the Fifth, the grandson 
 of Henry the Seventh of England, it is as yet 
 impossible to make remark ; but I pray God that he 
 will imitate his father, his great-grandfather, and his 
 great- great-grandfather, in honesty of purpose and 
 good life. 
 
 Of Kingship. 
 
 Major. De Gest. Scot., IV., xvii. 
 [While James and Henry were talking of the duties of 
 kings in rather high-sounding terms,— often proved meaning- 
 less by subsequent actions, — John Major was seeking for a 
 
1 82 OF THE RIGHT OF KINGS. 
 
 deeper pnuosopny of politics, a philosophy which neither monarch 
 could be expected to understand. The following extract from this 
 active miuded contemporary will stand out in marked relief; and 
 so will the succeedini,' paragraph on ' Excommunication,' in the 
 light of our knowledge of the trouble about the burial in England 
 of the body of the excommunicated King ] 
 
 The free people first gives power to the king, and 
 
 his power is dependent on the whole people. Fergus, 
 
 the first king of the Scots, had no other law ; and so 
 
 it is everywhere, and was so generally from the 
 
 beginning of the world. . If you say to rne that 
 
 Henry the Eighth holds his right from Henry the 
 
 Seventh, I shall refer you to the first King of the 
 
 English, and ask you from whom did he have his 
 
 right of rule ? And so I shall ask, in the case of 
 
 whatsoever nation you will. . The people can expel 
 
 a king and his house for their misdeeds, just as at 
 
 first it had the right to appoint them. . Regarding 
 
 kingship, it may be said, that that should be done 
 
 which best suits the interests of the commonwealth. 
 
 If the state be so placed that it be invaded by an 
 
 enemy, and the king A cannot defend it, and consents 
 
 to its subjugation, but B protects it, and wrests it 
 
 from the grasp of the enemy, and keeps it safely, then 
 
 A ought to be deposed and B should be put in his 
 
 place. 
 
 Of Excommunication. 
 
 Major. De Gest. Scot., IV., vii. 
 
 An unjust excommunication is no more an excom- 
 
 mimication than a dead man is a man. I may sav in 
 
 passing, that, not only in Ikitain, but in many j)arts, 
 
 they involve men too readily in ecclesiastical censures. 
 
OF EXCOMMUNICATION. 183 
 
 No one, unless by reason of some mortal sin, should 
 be excommunicated, neither by the canon nor by 
 man ; and sentence should be withheld from a man 
 for a single offence. If he will not hear the Church, 
 the truth will speak, and he Avill become as a Gentile 
 and a publican. If he will hear the Church, why 
 should he be cast forth from the congregation of 
 the faithful as a heathen ? Wherefore I think that 
 many who are excommunicated are in grace. Neither 
 will a false sentence hurt a man in his spiritual life, 
 whether he be buried in consecrated or unconsecrated 
 ground ; nor will every man, who dies under a cen- 
 sure justly pronounced, be damned, if he have suffi- 
 ciently laboured for his absolution. 
 
 Description of a Border Raid. 
 
 [This maybe taken as a specimen of the border warfore which 
 James had attempted to put down. Flodden undid all his 
 hard efforts. The extract is from a letter of Dacre to Henry, 
 13 Nov., 1514.I 
 
 On Thursday last past, I assembled your subjects 
 in Northumberland to the number of a thousand 
 horsemen, and rode in at Gallespeth, and so to the 
 water of Kale, two miles within Scotland, and there 
 set forth two forays ; my brother Philip Dacre with 
 three hundred, who burnt and destroyed the town of 
 Rewcastle with all the corn in the same and there- 
 about, and took two towers in it, and burnt both 
 roof and floors ; and Sir Roger Fenwick with three 
 hundred men burnt the town of Lanton, and destroyed 
 a-U the corn therein. . . . And I came with an 
 ambush to a place called the Dungeon, a mile from 
 
1 84 DESCRIPTION OF A 
 
 Jedburgh, and so went to the Sclater Ford on the 
 
 water of Bowset; and there the Scots pursued us right 
 
 sore, there bickered with us, and gave us hand 
 
 strokes. There come three standards to back them, 
 
 . . . with the number of seven hundred men or 
 
 more. The laird of Wauchope w^as hurt there with 
 
 an arrow, and his horse slain. Mark Turnbull was 
 
 stricken with a spear, and the head left in him ; his 
 
 horse was taken, and divers Scots were hurt there. 
 
 And so we came forward, where we saw my brother 
 
 Sir Christopher Dacre with his host arrayed at a place 
 
 called the Bellyng, which was to us no little comfort. 
 
 . . . We had not ridden above the space of one 
 
 mile, when we saw the Lord Chamberlain appear in 
 
 our sight with two thousand men and four standards. 
 
 The other three standards resorted to him, and so the 
 
 country drew fast to them. We put us in array, and 
 
 came homeward, and rode no faster than our sheep 
 
 and swine that we had taken would drive, which 
 
 was of no great substance, for the country was 
 
 warned of our coming, and the beacons burnt from 
 
 midnight forward. And when the Scots had given 
 
 us over, we returned home. 
 
 [The following, which is from an earlier letter of Dacre (to the 
 English Council, May 17, 15 14) may serve, to show wo/v /"«//>' the 
 ruthless character of this warfare. It is an inventory rather than 
 an account.] 
 
 . . . For one ox taken by the Scots, we have 
 taken, won, and l)rought away out of Scotland, one 
 himdred; and, for one sheep, two liundred of a surety. 
 And, as for townships and houses burnt in any of the 
 East, Middle, and West Marches, within my rule, from 
 
BORDER RAID. 1 85 
 
 the beginning of the war unto this day, as well when- 
 
 as the late King of Scots lay in the same East Marches 
 
 as at all other times, I assure your lordships for truth, 
 
 that I have, and have caused to be burnt and destroyed, 
 
 six times more towns and houses, within the West 
 
 and Middle Marches of Scotland, in the same season, 
 
 than ij done to us, as I may be trusted, and as I shall 
 
 evidently prove. . And upon the West Marches of 
 
 Scotland I have burnt and destroyed 
 
 [Here follow the names of 34 townships, together with * the 
 water of Esk for six miles.'] 
 
 Whereas there were, in all times past, four hundred 
 ploughs and above, they are now clearly wasted, and 
 no man dwelling in any of them at this day save only 
 in the towers Annan, Stepill, and Wauchope. And 
 so I shall continue my service with diligence, from 
 time to time, to the most annoyance of the Scots. 
 
 \_Cf. also the description of the campaign of 1523 in Wolsey's 
 own words. — Calendar, Hen. F///.,30th Aug., 1523. See also 
 the first volume of the Hamilton Papers, 
 
 Sir Thomas More, in his ' Utopia,' refers covertly to this Border 
 policy : ' They never lay their enemies' country waste, nor burn 
 their corn ; and even in their marches they take all possible care 
 that neither horse nor foot may tread it down, for they do not know 
 but that they may have use of it themselves,' &c. Utopia was 
 written in 1515-16.] 
 
 A Lament for King- James the Fourth.. 
 
 Lyndsay, ed. Laing, I, p. Ti. 
 
 [The following verses, taken from the Complaynt of the 
 
 Papyngo of Sir David Lyndsay, written about 1530, sketch the 
 
 work of the reign and the causes of Jame/s ruin. Lyndsay was 
 
 connected with the court during the last years of James's life.] 
 
1 86 A POET'S LAMENT 
 
 Alas ! where be that right redoubted roy,* 
 
 That potent prince, gentil King James the FierdPf 
 
 I pray to Christ his soul for to convoy : 
 A greater noble rang j: not into the eird.§ 
 O Atropus ! warye || we may thy weird ;^ 
 
 For he was mirror of humility, 
 
 Lodestar and lamp of liberality. 
 
 During his time, so justice did prevail, 
 The savage Isles trembled for * terrour ;' 
 
 Eskdale, Evisdale, Liddisdale, and Annandale 
 Durst not rebel, doubting his dyntis dour;ff 
 And of his lords had such perfect favour ; 
 
 So for to show, that he a- feared no fone,i % 
 
 Out through his realm he would ride him alone. 
 
 And of his court through Europe sprang the fame, 
 Of lusty lords and lovesome ladies ying,|||| 
 
 Triumphant tourneys, jousting, and knightly game, 
 With all pastime, according for a king : 
 He was the glore §§ of princely governing, 
 
 Who, through the ardent love he had to France, 
 
 Against England did move his ordinance.^ ^ 
 
 Of Flodden Field the ruin to revolve, 
 Or that most dolent day for to deplore, 
 
 ] nill,'^""'"' for dread that dolour you dissolve, 
 
 Siiow how that jMincc in his triumjihant glore §§ 
 Dcstroyiid was, — whai ncedeth process more ? 
 
 Not by the virtue of I'jigHsh ordinance, ^^ 
 
 Jjiit by his own wilful misLi^overnance. 
 
 * King. t Fourth, \ Reigned. \ Earth. i| Revile. 
 1j Fate. +t Blows ((1)11115), severe (dour). ;| Foes. 
 
 Ijll Young. ^J Glory. HH Ordnance. ♦♦ Will not. 
 
FOR THE DEAD KING. 
 
 187 
 
 Alas ! that day had he been counselable, 
 He had obtained laud, glore, and victory ; 
 
 Whose piteous process be so lamentable, 
 I nilF' at length it put in memory. 
 I never read in tragedy nor story. 
 
 At one journey! so many nobles slain, 
 
 For the defence and love of their sovereign. 
 
 \Cf. Erasmus. — ' He had a wonderful force of intellect, an 
 astounding knowledge of everything, an invincible magnanimity, 
 the dignity of a true king, the greatest courtesy, and the most 
 abounding liberality. ' [Adagia, 1634, edit. 1599.)] 
 * "Will not. t Day's work. 
 
 Seal of Gawin Douglas, Rifhop of Dunkrld, 
 {Pfcsirz'fd ill I/.M. Record Office.) 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 A.— THE AUTHORITIES. 
 
 1. — The Royal Letters. 
 
 "We have perhaps the most valuable source of information for 
 this period in the " Letters of James IV.," a huge mass of 
 correspondence between the King of Scots and almost every 
 Court and power in Europe, supplying us with details of policy, 
 and notes of the life of the time, such as no other collection can 
 afford. They were chiefly composed in excellent Latin by 
 Patrick Panter (1470 ?-i5i9), tutor of James IV.'s son Alex- 
 ander Stuart, who became Royal Secretary in 1505, and 
 Abbot of Cambuskenneth in 15 10. A considerable portion 
 of this collection was published at Edinburgh in 1722 by 
 Thomas Ruddimann, under the title Epistolae Jacohi Quarti, 
 jfacobi Quinti, et Mariae, Regiim Scotorum . . ah anno 1505 
 ad annum 1545 (2 vols. 8vo). Ruddimann used only the 
 MSS. in the Advocates' Library. Mr. Gairdner, in the second 
 volume of The Letters and Papers of the Reigns of Richard 
 III. and Henry VII. (R. S.) 1863, has given some further 
 letters which are preserved in the MS. in the Royal 
 Library in the British Museum, and in a MS. in the Advocates' 
 Library, of which Ruddimann seems not to have been aware. 
 As many of the letters of this voluminous correspondence lie yet 
 unprinted, a complete edition is much to be desired in the 
 interests of Scottish historical research. 
 
 Patrick Panter must not be confused with his nephew David 
 Panter, who died in 1558. David succeeded his brother as 
 Secretary. Most of the letters of Ruddiman's second volume 
 were written by him. 
 
igo 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 iJ.~Polydore Vergil. 
 Polydori Vergilii Vrhinatis Historia Anglica. 
 
 Polydoie Vergil, a native of Urbino in Italy, was sent to Eng- 
 land by Pope Alexander VI., in 1 501-2, along with his kinsman, 
 Cardinal Adrian de Castello, for the collection of Peter-Pence. 
 In 1503 he was presented to the rectory of Church Langton in 
 Leicestershire; and in 1508 he was nominated to the archdeaconry 
 of Wells. In 1 5 10 he was natmahzed, and later obtained 
 further Church preferment. 
 
 Before 1508 he was requested by Henry VII. to write a 
 History of England ; andhe began in that year to collect materials. 
 He was fortunate in his friends in England, numbering among 
 I hem Sir Thomas More, Pace, Linacre, Tunstal, Latimer, 
 :;nd Gawin Douglas, the poet Bishop of Dunkeld. The 
 History, which was divided into twenty-six books, was pubhshed 
 in a folio volume at Basel in 1534, and was dedicated to Henry 
 VIII. The text of the original edition ended at the year 
 1 501 ; the third and later editions were continued to 1538. He 
 seems to have died in 1555, still engaged in his literary and 
 historical studies. 
 
 'This was the first of our histories,' says Sir Henry Ellis, ' in 
 w hich the writer ventured to compare the facts and weigh the 
 statements oi his predecessors' ; and it has a full contemporary 
 ■ alue because its author knew many of the leading actors.* 
 It is of chief importance to us when dealing with the relations 
 of Scotland and England. In 1509 Vergil sent a letter to 
 James IV., requesting him to send a catalogue of the Scottish 
 Kings, and to give what information his Highness might be 
 willing, in order that his History might be as complete 
 and fair as possible. He concludes his ejnstle as follows : — 
 ' Since this island is one, I have made it my intention to 
 recount with equal care the history of the Scots, which is also 
 very famous; but I cannot carry out my plan in strict order, 
 
 • Polydore was very well informed, and seems to have had access to the 
 documents and State papers. C/. his account of West's embassy to 
 Scotland with West's own dispatch to Henry Vlll., anh- p. 129. 
 
APPENDIX. 1 9 X 
 
 as I know of tio author to serve as model. I have often spoken 
 on the subject to Sir Gilbert, your Majesty's chaplain, and have 
 urged him to give me information of at least the names of the 
 Kings of Scotland, that each might, as I desire, have his place in 
 my History; but as yet to no piurpose. I therefore pray y.ur 
 Majesty, who knows no less how to do than to say a good thing, 
 to deign to send to me either the annals (if there be any) or the 
 names of flae Kings written in proper order ; and more especially 
 that you will inform me of your own deeds, or those illustrious 
 actions which you will yet do , and all these will be inscribed in 
 my History. And although I have not the genius, nor am 
 endowed with learning enough to make memorial of the affairs of 
 your Majesty's realm, nevertheless, in all truth I shall study 
 that nothing sounding to its honour or glory shall by my 
 ignorance or carelessness be forgotten ; and your Majesty will 
 clearly discern this, when I have finished my labours. London, 
 13 Dec , 1509.' James sent no reply; but Gawin Douglas, 
 Bishop of Dunkeld, gave the desired information, when he met 
 the historian during his sojourn in England. {Hist., Bk. III., 
 
 P- 52.) 
 
 The references are to the Basel edition of 1570- 
 
 3.— Edward Hall. 
 
 The Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Famelies of Lan- 
 castre and Yorke . . . . [By Edward Hall]. 1548. 
 
 Hall's History is for the most part a vigorous translation of 
 Polydore Vergil's great work. This is especially the case in the 
 reign of Henry VII . When therefore I have found any important 
 passage from Vergil reproduced in Hall, I have used the latter's 
 translation in preference to a more modern one His version 
 is not very far from being a strictly contemporary English 
 narrative. Hall moreover has a value of his own. He is in 
 many cases much more detailed than Vergil and other vmters, 
 and shows by the nature of the information which he gives that 
 he was thoroughly conversant with the events of the time. The 
 State Papers and Royal Letters afford ample corroboration. 
 
 13 
 
792 APPENDIX. 
 
 Hall is useful too as a corrective to Polydore Vergil, whom 
 Mr. Brewer has sometimes convicted of wilful misrepresentation 
 of character ; though he is not really required in this capacity until 
 after the close of the period with which we are dealing. Hall 
 himself shows that he had a bias, which was common to all the 
 lawyers of his time, in being an enthusiastic supporter of the 
 New Monarchy. A foil to him will be found in John Major, 
 the Scottish historian. Altogether Hall is a very accurate 
 writer, and wonderfully fair in his treatment of the Scottish 
 episodes during this period. His list of authorities at the 
 beginning is an auguiy of the new methods of historical 
 composition ; though he fails to satisfy modern demands, when 
 he abruptly closes his list with the statement, that he used 'other 
 divers pamphlets, the names of which are to most men unknown.'* 
 
 I have used the London Reprint of 1809, 4to. [pp. 868], 
 which is an edition ' carefully collated with those of 1548 and 
 
 1550-* 
 
 4. — Bernard Andre of Toulouse. 
 
 Historia Regis Henrici Septi/ni, a Bernardo Andrea Tholosate 
 conscripta . . Edited by James Gairdner, 1858. (Rolls 
 
 Series.) 
 
 Bernard Andre of Toulouse was attached to the Court of 
 Henry VH., and, besides being Poet Laureate, was a tutor, first 
 at Oxford, and later to Prince Arthur. He died about 152 1. His 
 reputation as an author was great in his day. Tlie chief value 
 of the Chronicle is that it \% -^ stn'ctly contemporary account, 
 written in the reign of the King whom it commemorates ; and 
 this merit will go far to compensate for its meagreness and 
 omissions, even in those portions where his intimate knowledge 
 of the Court might have been used to better advantage. 
 
 5. — Pedro de Ayala. 
 
 In the first volume of 7'he Calendar of Letters, ^c. 
 between England and Spain, edited by Mr. Rergonroth( 1862-8), 
 there is a most important letter from l*edro de Ayala, the 
 
 • Hall died in 1517. 
 
APPENDIX. 193 
 
 Spanish Ambassador in Scotland, from which the extracts in 
 the preceding pages have been made. TJie Embassy was sent 
 to Scotland with the ostensible purpose of arranging a maniage 
 for James, and of making peace between him and Henry. 
 
 Ayala was a personal friend of James IV. ; so much so, 
 that Ferdinand's schemes seemed at times unlikely to prosper. 
 * Possessed of a keen determination,' says Bergenroth, 'he had 
 a thorough insight into the characters of those with whom he had 
 to deal.' As he was accredited likewise to the Court of Eng- 
 land, he was in a position to form an opinion which is of value 
 to us. Londono and the Sub- Prior of Santa Cruz wrote to 
 Ferdinand and Isabella that ' he knows England well, but Scot- 
 land better. He is in fact the only man who knows Scotland, 
 all others looking on the Scots only as their enemies, and 
 flying into a passion as soon as the name of Scotland is pro- 
 nounced.' (Bergenroth. No. 204). His account will be read with 
 interest as the next important relation by a foreigner after that 
 of ^neas Sylvius ; and it is a truer one, with none of the personal 
 element of rheumatism, nei-vous irritation, and hard penance. 
 
 The justice of the verdict of Ayala is seen when we compare 
 his letters vnth those of another Spanish emissary of the time, 
 De Puebla, who entertained a great dislike for the ApostoHc 
 and Imperial Protonotary. De Puebla' s reading of character 
 may be judged by extracts from two letters, datedi; July and 25 
 Aug., 1498. In the former he says * It is more difficult to marry 
 such a king as the King of Scotland than to bring him up,' and in 
 the latter ' It is easier to marry a man like the King of Scots than 
 to guide him.' 
 
 Much of Ayala's report is restated by Francesco Capello, 
 known as the earliest Venetian ambassador to England, ' And 
 here I must mention,' he says, ' that if I should state anything 
 concerning Scotland which your Lordships should not believe on 
 nn- report, I appeal to the authority of the most worshipful Don 
 Pedro de Ayala, from whom, by means of the friendship I formed 
 with his secretary, M. Parsamonte, in London, I collected many 
 particulars.' {A relation of the Island of England (about 1500). 
 Camden Society, 1847). 
 
1^^ APPENDIX. 
 
 6.— Hector Boece. 
 
 Lives of the Bishops of Murthlac and Aberdeen (1522). 
 Reprinted by the Bannatyne Club, 1825 
 
 This work, by the author of the well-known History of 
 Scotland, gives us an interesting account of the life of Bishop 
 Elphinstone, and of the new University which he founded a 
 Aberdeen.* In 1494 Boece was invited by the Bishop toj. 
 become Principal, f The Lives, which was probably an ex- 
 pression of gratitude to the Bishop, is free from the ex- 
 travagance which makes portions of the History so unreliable. 
 As the latter does not go beyond the death of James III., all 
 the information which we have about this period comes from the 
 Lives. 
 
 7.— Alexander Myln. 
 
 Vitce Dunkeldensis Ecclesice Episcoporiim. . ab Alexandro Myln. 
 
 Alexander ISIyln was a Canon of the Cathedral Church of 
 Dunkeld at the beginning of the i6th centuiy. In 1505 he became 
 rural Dean ; and in 1517 he succeeded Patrick Panter as Abbot of 
 the monastery of Cambuskcnneth. He seems to have died in 
 154S. The Lives of the Bishops of Dunkeld goes down to 
 the year 15 15. The MS. in quarto is preserved in the Advocates' 
 Library ; and from it a beautiful edition was printed for the 
 Bannatyne Club in 1823. It contains several passages of general 
 interest, and includes a short notice of Floddeu, which is one of 
 the very few Scottish accounts. 
 
 8. -John Young. 
 
 The description of Queen Margaret's journey to Scotland is 
 from the pen of John Young, Somerset Herald, who accom- 
 panied the Princess on that occasion. He is fond of detailing, 
 
 • See pp. 6i-6j, &c. of the Lives. 
 t Muncribus et pollicitutiouibus ad se allexit (p. 60). 
 
APPENDIX. .19 s 
 
 in the spirit of his office, the ' bravery ' of the princess and her 
 companions. The counterpart will be found in W. Ogilby's 
 Panegyric on Henry VII., where the riches of her mind are 
 fully displayed. Young's narration is extracted from the fourth 
 volume of Leland's Collectanea. 
 
 9.— Walter Ogilvy. 
 
 The Panegyric on Henry VII., which exists only in MS., is 
 preserved in the Advocates' Library (MS S. 33, 2, 24). It is a 
 thin quarto volume of 18 leaves written in a bold hand. It has a 
 considerable contemporary interest, as it was composed (probably 
 about 1502*) by one Walter Ogilby, who was a teacher of 
 Hector Boece at Paris. It is mentioned by Boece in his Lives of 
 the Bishops of Aberdeen. The marriage of Margaret Tudor is 
 described (fol. 3) by one who had seen or known about the 
 event ; but even here the value is lessened by the abundance of 
 interjections, adjectives in the superlative degree, and classical 
 allusions. 
 
 10.— Andrew Halyburton, &c. 
 
 The Ledger of Andrew Halyburton, Conservator of the 
 Privileges of the Scotch Nation in the Netherlands (1492 — 1503). 
 Edited by Cosmo Innes, 1867, (published under the direction of 
 the Lord Clerk Register of Scotland). 
 
 Little is known of Andrew Halyburton, beyond the fact 
 that he was Conservator, and resided at the staple town. In 
 the 15th centuiy Bruges was the Scottish staple, but in 1444, 
 on account of the marriage of Mary of Scotland to Wolfred, 
 Lord of Campvere (henceforth Earl of Buchan), it was removed 
 to Campvere. In 1539 it changed to Antwerp, and in 1541 to 
 Middleburgh ; but soon after it returned to Campvere, where it 
 remained till the French Revolution. 
 
 • See Gairdner's Memorials of Henry VII, (Preface.) 
 
196 APPENDIX. 
 
 The nature of the Ledjjer does not admit of many extracts in 
 a book hke the present, but it is nevertheless a most valuable 
 aid to the student of the period. 
 
 There are two other books, which are of even greater value, 
 but which, on account of their character, cannot supply material 
 to these pages. 
 
 In the Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland 
 (1473.1498), edited by Thomas Dickson, LL.D., of the General 
 Register House, Edinburgh, we have much infoniiation about 
 the movements of tlie Court, the progress of the campaigns, &:c., 
 as well as the business of the Lord High Treasurer. The 
 volume is preceded by a most exhaustive and valuable Preface. 
 
 The other is The Exchequer Rolls of Scotland (vols, x., 
 xi., and xii. 1488—1507), edited by the late George Burnett, 
 J.L.D., Lyon King-at-Arras. Each volume contains an His 
 lorical Introduction. 
 
 11.— Account of the Battle of Flodden. 
 
 In 1809 Mr. Haslewood reprinted in facsimile a contemporary 
 tract, entitled ' Hereafter ensue the treive Encounter or Batayle 
 lately don between Englande and Scotlande. . . Emprynted 
 by me, Richard Faques, dicellyng in Ponies Churchycrde,^ 
 (no date). Dr. David Laing increased the interest in this print 
 by publishing in the Proceedings of the Society of Antiqviaries 
 of Scotland (vol, vii , pp. 141 —152) an account of a MS, which 
 had fallen into his hands, and which supplemented the imperfect 
 printed tract. The text will be found at length in the 
 Pioceedings, from which the extracts in this volume ba^ e been 
 
 made. 
 
 There is very little material to be found in this contemporary 
 account which does not already exist in the history of Hall or 
 in th'-.' earlier letters of th • Bishop of Duiham. The name of tlie 
 author of the tract is unknown. There seems some reason to 
 beUevc that it may have been coniiMlril Un tlie press from the 
 official reports which a: :ivcd froni tlie Jiekl, or from the notes 0/ 
 
APPENDIX^ 197 
 
 the eye-witness Ruthal. The description of the battle, of the 
 movements, and of the fighting between the different squadrons, 
 and the hst of the slain, follow so closely on the hnes of Hall, 
 (who was careful in studying authentic documents), and of the 
 official despatch already quoted, that some connection between 
 these various documents is obvious. I have quoted it chiefly 
 to corroborate some interesting statements of the Bishop of 
 Durham. It is referred to it under the title MS. Batayle. 
 
 12.— John Major, or Mair. 
 
 The selections from the History of Scotland (written in 1 5 18) 
 by the famous John Mair or Major (1469 [?]— 1550) are taken 
 chiefly for the purpose of illustrating the social state of the 
 country, and the new ideas in politics and rehgion, which 
 found their fuller expression in the pages of Buchanan and the 
 men of his time. Major's histoiy is perhaps best known because 
 of the attitude which he took up concerning the early fabulous 
 history of Scotland, and because of the later controversy which 
 it provoked ; but it is chiefly valuable to us for its allusion to 
 contemporary customs. It is prefaced, after the manner of the 
 times, with a long geographical account of doubtful value. 
 
 No Enghsh version of the history has been published ; though 
 the Scottish History Society is at present passing through the 
 press a translation from the pen of Mr. A. Constable, with a 
 preface by Dr. ^neas Mackay. For further specimens of 
 Major's pohtical theories and the sentiments of the University 
 of Paris on church government, see his ' De auctoritate 
 Concilii,' and his Exposition of St. Matthew, from which a few 
 extracts are given in M'Crie's 'Life of John Knox,' p. 309 
 ,ed., 1855.) 
 
 13.— John Kqox. 
 
 The extract from Knox's 'History of the Reformation,* 
 though written in the latter part of the i6th century, is yet of 
 peculiar contemporary value. The Articles of the Lollards are 
 
iqg APPENDIX. 
 
 taken, as Knox informs us, from the Register of Glasgow, and, 
 from the manner in which they are given, are uudoubtedly 
 authentically transcribed. ' This Register,' says- "Dr. Laing, 
 ' was probably the Court-Book of the Official of Glasgow, an 
 office usually held by one of the canons of the diocese. No 
 registers of the kind are kno\vn to be preserved.' The extract is 
 from pp. 6-12 of Vol. I. of Dr. Laing's edition, printed for the 
 Wodrow Society. The reader is referred to that volume for 
 copious notes concerning the persons mentioned in the passage 
 given above. 
 
 14.— Lindsay of Pitscottie. 
 
 Robert Lindsay of Pitscottie, in like manner, is not a con- 
 temporary authority, but, in the few cases in which he has been 
 quoted, he appears as one giving information derived directly 
 from friends who were contemporary with the events. Pitscottie's 
 History ( 1 436- 1 565), charming to read, but sometimes too extra- 
 vagant, is certainly rehable in the extracts given, as the perusal 
 of them will show. 
 
 The references are to the folio edition, Edinburgh, 1728. 
 Occasional reference has been made to DalyeU's edition (2 vols.) 
 where the text was obscure. 
 
 15.— Calendars, Record Publications, &c. 
 
 Calendar of State Papers relating to Scotland, preserved in 
 the Pubhc Record Office. Edited by M. F. Thorpe, 1858. 
 
 Vol. I., 1509— 1589. 
 
 Calendar of Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of 
 the Reign of Henry VIII. Edited by J. S. Brewer, 1862. 
 
 Vol. I., 1509— 1514. 
 
 Calendar of Letters, Despatches, and State Papers relating to 
 the negotiations between England and Spain. . . Edited by 
 G. A. Bergenroth. 
 
 Vol. 1., 1485—1509 ; Vol. II., 1509— 1525 ; and Supplements. 
 
APPENDIX. 199 
 
 Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts relating to English 
 affairs, presented in the Archives of Venice, &c. . . Edited 
 by Rawdon Brown. 
 
 Vol. I., 1202 — 1509 ; Vol. II. 1509— 1519. 
 
 Foedera, Conventiones, Litterae, &c., edited by Th. Rymer. 
 Vols. XII. and XIII. 
 
 Acts of the ParUaments of Scotland. Edited by Thos. 
 Thomson and Cosmo Innes. 
 
 Council Registers, (Edinburgh, Aberdeen, &c.) 
 
 Acta Dominorum Concilii (MS. preser\'ed in the General 
 Register House, Edinburgh). There is also a partial transcript 
 of the MS. in the same place. 
 
 Original Letters, illustrative of English History. Edited by 
 Heniy Ellis. London, 1825. Three Series. 
 
 In the Appendix to the 2nd Vol. of Pinkerton's ' History of 
 Scotland ' wiU be found transcnpts of several important docu- 
 ments, notably the dispatch from Wolsey, given on p. iii. 
 
 B.— GENEALOGICAL TABLES. 
 
 1.— Blood Relationship of James and Margaret. 
 
 James and Margaret stood within the forbidden degrees ; and 
 a special dispensation from Rome was necessary before the 
 marriage could take place. The document, which is dated 28 
 July, 1500, is reproduced in Rymer, XII., p. 765. Margaret is 
 there referred to as being within the fourth degree of consan- 
 guinity. 
 
 The table on the following page will show the common 
 ancestry of James and his consort. 
 
200 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
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APPENDIX. 201 
 
 2.— The Royal Family and its connectioni. 
 
 
 
 
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202 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 3.— Children of Jamef IV. 
 
 Jamks IV.=Margaret Tudor. 
 
 James V. 
 Only surviving legitimate son of James IV. 
 
 Alexander (postb :) 
 ob. aetat. 2. 
 
 James IV. 
 
 Margaret Boyd, d. of 
 Archibald Royd of Bonshaw. 
 
 Alexander 
 Archbp. of St. Andrews, 
 1495-1513- 
 
 Catberine, m. James, 
 
 Earl of Morton, 
 
 ob. 1553. 
 
 Janet Kennedy, d. of 
 Jobn, Lord Kennedy, 
 
 James, Earl of !Moray. 
 
 .Margaret Drummond.t 
 d. of Lord Druramond. 
 
 Margaret, m. Jobn, Lord Gordon 
 n. 1497. ob. 1517. 
 
 —^ Isabel Stewart, 
 d, of Earl of Buchan. 
 
 Jean, m. Malcolm, Lord Fleming. 
 
 + The King, while only in his sixteenth year, has been represented as 
 living openly in profligate splendour, 'holding high revel' at Linlithgow 
 with Margaret Drummond, who was still younger than himself, and a 
 luxurious picture has been conjured up of ' splendid shows and presents 
 Kivished upon his mistress,' ' theatrical entertainments got up for the solace 
 of the youthful lovers, dances and masked balls at night, and hunting 
 parties during the day' (Tytlcr. in.,444. Strit kland's Queens, \., 20). For 
 all this there is no other authority than a few misapprehended entries in 
 the Treasurer's accounts, some of which relate merely to the simple 
 amusements of the King himself, and the rest to items of dress and other 
 allowances given to the lady Margaret Stewart, the King's aunt, who 
 .ippears as the recipient uf similar allowances when the King was still in 
 his cradle. The romantic tale, which carries back the King's courtship o* 
 ^L•lrgaret Drniniuond to a period interior to his accession, is prob.ably 
 altotji-ther lanLiliil, and there is no good reason to suppose that she lired 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 203 
 
 4. — The Lords of the Isles. 
 
 John of Isla =(i) Amie Macmari. 
 'The Good John,' 
 istLord of the Isles. 
 
 John ob. 1369. Godfrey, Ranald. 
 
 I Lord of Uist. 
 
 A.ng^s ob. s.p. 
 
 =(2) Margaret, d. of Robert, High Steward 
 of Scotland, afterwards Robert II. 
 
 Donald, = Mary Leslie, 
 
 and Lord of the Isles 
 Earl of Ross 
 
 John, 
 
 afterwards Countess 'JohnMor.' 
 of Ross. 
 
 Alexander 
 
 Lord of 
 
 Lochaber. 
 
 Alexander, = Elizabeth, d. of Alex. Seton, 
 
 3rd Lord of the Isles, 
 Earl of Ross. 
 
 Lord of Gordon and Huntly. 
 
 Angus, 
 
 Bishop of the 
 
 Isles. 
 
 John,. 
 
 I 
 
 4TH Lord of the Isles. 
 Surrendered title of Earl of 
 
 Ross to Crown in 1476. 
 Title of Lord of Isles for- 
 feited in 1493. 
 
 Celestine. 
 
 Angus, 
 
 m. d. of Earl of Argyle, 
 
 ob. ante 1490. 
 
 Donald Dubh. 
 
 John, 
 ob. s.p. 
 
 Alexander 
 of Lochalsb. 
 
 Donald, 
 'The Foreigner.' 
 
 C— THE PARLIAMENTS OF THE REIGN. 
 
 1488 October 6 At Edinburgh. 
 
 1489 January 14 ,, 
 
 1489 June 26 ,, 
 
 openly as his mistress till June, 1496, when she came to reside at Stirling 
 Castle under the care of Lady Lundy. . . This is in accordance with 
 the statement of Don Pc-dro de Ayala {anfe p. 57). — Dickson. Pre/ace 
 to Treasurer^ s Accuunis, cxxxii. 
 
»» 
 
 204 APPENDIX. 
 
 1489 September 18 At Stirlinp;. 
 
 1490 February 3 At Edinburgh. 
 
 1 49 1 April 28 \ 
 May 14 / 
 
 1492 February 6 , „ 
 
 1492 May 7 „ 
 
 1493 May 8 „ 
 
 1496 June 13 I 
 
 June 23 / '* 
 
 1503 March II »« 
 
 1504 June 4 . . . . 
 October 3 . , 
 December 31 ^ " 
 
 1505 January 7 . . 
 
 1505 July 3, 12 
 
 November 4, 18, 20, 21, 24, 26 
 December 1,15 } „ 
 
 1506 Januaty 20. 
 February i6 
 
 1506 November 24 „ 
 
 1509 March 8 „ 
 
 1509 May 8 „ 
 
 1513 August 24 At Twiselhaugh. 
 
 D.— THE SEES. 
 
 St. Andrews. 
 
 (ArchbishopricJ . 
 Wilham Schevez, 1478— 1497. 
 
 James Stewart, Duke of Ross, br. of James IV., 1497— 1503. 
 Vacant, 1503-9 
 Alexander Stewart, nat. son of James IV., 1509 15 13. Slain 
 
 at Flodden. 
 Andrew Forman, 1514. — 
 
 Aberdeen. 
 William Elphinstonc, 1484 — 1514. 
 
 Moray. 
 An Ircw Stewart, son of the Black Knight of Lorn, 1482 — I50i« 
 Ainlrew Forman, 1501 — 1514. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 i05 
 
 Glasgow. 
 Robert Blacader, 1484-1508. I<aised to an ArchbishopHc. 
 James Betoun, 1508—1522. 
 
 DUNKELD. 
 
 George Brown, 1484—1515- (?) 
 
 Brechin. 
 
 John Balfour, 1470— 1500 (?). 
 Walter Meldrum, I500(?)— 1517 (?)• 
 
 Dunblane. 
 
 James Chisholm, i486— 1527. 
 
 Ross. 
 John Frazer, 1485—1507- 
 Robert Cockburn, 1508— 152 1. 
 
 Caithness. 
 Vacant 
 Andrew Stewart, 1490— 1518. 
 
 Orkney. 
 Andrew , 1478— ^^) 
 
 Edward Stewart, 151 1— 
 
 Galloway. 
 
 Ninian Spot (?) 1459— 
 
 George Vans, 1489 -1508. 
 
 James Betoun, 1508— (Elect.) 
 
 David Arnot, 1509— 1526. 
 
 Argyle. 
 
 Robert Colquhoun, 1473— 149^ (?)• 
 John 1499— 
 
 David Hamilton, 1505— 1520. 
 
 Isles. 
 
 Robert 1492- 
 
 John 149 -1509- 
 
 George Hepburn, 1510—1513- 
 
 E -ANDREW FORMAN, BISHOP OF MORAY. 
 
 The following are the chief diplomatic notices of Andrew 
 Forman, Bishop of Moray, who has the chief shave of responsi- 
 biUty fo the war which ended in the disaster at Hodden. 
 
2o6 APPENDIX. 
 
 30 July, 1500. — A letter of credence from James IV. to 
 Henry VIII., for Forman ' formerly ambassador between Henry 
 VII. and us.' 
 
 15 Oct., 1510. — Licence to Forman to procure any bulls from 
 the Pope. His mission to the Pope is referred to in letters of 
 James to the Cardinal of Ancona and the Marquis of Mantua, in the 
 former of which James says of Forman, ' He brings all things to a 
 successful issue, as he is by far the most prosperous of 
 negotiators.' [Epist. Rcgiim Scot. p. 126.) 
 
 6 May, 151 1. -Julius, in a letter to James, says 'We had 
 conceived a high opinion, from your Highness's letters, of 
 the Bishop of Moray, whom you have sent to us as your am- 
 bassador to the Holy See. But after he came himself to us, 
 and began to treat your business and ours, we have formed a far 
 higher opinion.' James thanks Julius for these words, and for 
 the honour which he intends to bestow on his ambassador 
 (31 Jan., 1512). 
 
 16 Feb., 1512.— James, in a letter to Julius, refers to the 
 Bishop's sojourn in P>ance, and shows himself ignorant of the 
 meaning of the manoeuvring, by which this plausible person 
 brought about his ruin in the following year. * We have heard 
 from tlie Bishop of Moray . . that he has remained for some 
 time with the most Christian King of France for the purpose of 
 promoting an accommodation ; and we hope he may be suc- 
 cessful, and that the King may prove himself an obedient son 
 to your Holiness, and you a grateful father to the House of 
 France, which has so often deserved well of the Roman Church. 
 We have heard of the Council, but nothing of the mind and 
 wishes of your Holiness. We expect to be informed by your 
 ambassador, who is delaying in the hope of making peace. . .' 
 
 In a letter of James V. to Leo X., 4th March, 1514, we have 
 the charge of treason laid against Forman for his attitude during 
 the preceding reign. 
 
 F.— THE RELATIONS WITH DENMARK. 
 
 The preceding pages alTord scvckiI prcuo of the intimate con- 
 nection between Scotland and Denmark — a natural outcome of 
 
APPENDIX. 207 
 
 the close relationship between the Royal Houses, which began 
 by the marriage of Margaret, daughter of Alexander III., with 
 King Eric, and continued even past the present period to the 
 time when the last distinct King of Scotland espoused Anne 
 of Denmark. The history of the connection is indeed a large 
 chapter in Scottish history, and no small part of it falls in 
 the reign of James IV. The reader will find the chief items of 
 this portion of the story gathered together in an interesting 
 paper by Dr. ^neas Mackay on The Relations letween Scotland 
 and Denfnark in the reigns of James IV. of Scotland and Hans 
 of Denmark, about to be pubHshed as a Note in the concluding 
 part of his edition of the Poems of Wilham Dunbar {Scottish 
 Text Society^. I am much indebted to Dr. Mackay for drawing 
 my attention to a rare tract by Bekker, entitled De Rebus inter 
 Danios, Gallice, Scotioeque Reges Actis, 151 1 -14 {1834). This 
 little book and Mr. Macray's accounts in the 45th, 46th, and 
 47th Reports of the Deputy Keeper of the Records form a 
 valuable adjunct to the Royal Letters refeired to in a foregoing 
 section of the Appendix. Mr, C. F. Wegener has printed an 
 interesting manuscript known as Kong Han^s Brev-log (1506- 
 15 12), which was the copybook of Ove Bilde, the Chancellor of 
 King John. It will be found in the Appendbc of the ist 
 volume of Aarsheretninger fra det Kongetlige Geheime Archiv. 
 (1852-s). In this connection too the reader may be referred to 
 Kong Hansis Kronicke (1481-1513) by Arrild Huitfeldt, pub- 
 lished at Copenhagen in 1599. It forms a part of the second 
 volume of that writer's Chronicles of Denmark. 
 
 G. -JAMES'S RELATIONS WITH GUELDRES. 
 
 On page 98 (April, 1505) will be found an interesting letter 
 from James to the Duke Charles, wherein he reproves his kinsman 
 for giving an asylum to the fugitive Edmund de la Pole (Earl of 
 Suffolk) . The letter is couched in strong terms ; yet it is the 
 letter of a friend. 
 
 That James was anxious to preserve the old friendly relations, 
 despite Duke Charles's impolitic act, is shown in later corres- 
 pondence. On July 8, 1506 (Gairdner, 11. p. 206) James, in 
 
 Z4. 
 
20^ APPENDIX. 
 
 answer to complaints from the Duke of Gueldres that he was 
 attacked by the Emperor and others, promised his good 
 services as mediator, and other intervention if necessary. On 
 Jan. 8, 1507, James, in a letter to Henry VII., took up a 
 decided attitude. Maximilian, he said, was harassing Gueldres 
 again, and it would not be to the honour of the English King 
 to join against Duke Charles. He was bound to Gueldres by 
 treaty as well as blood, and he should have to be considered 
 Henry's enemy, if the latter were so badly advised as not to heed 
 the warning {Epist. Reg. Scot., T. 40). James's influence with 
 France and his letter to Henry so affected the schemes of the 
 House of Austria, that thirty years had to pass before it 
 acquired the coveted territory of the Duke Charles. 
 
 H. THE LOLI.ARDS. 
 The protomartyr ofthe Reformation in Scotland was James 
 Resby, who was burned at Perth in 1406-7 (see Bower, XV., 20.) 
 The Church seems to have become aware of the giowing 
 heterodoxy, as is proved by the following facts. In the oath 
 of the University of St. Andrew (1416) it is said: < Jurabitis 
 quod ecclesiam defendetis contra insultam Lollardorum.' In the 
 Parhament, 12th March, 1425, held at Perth, an act was passed 
 'Anent Heretics and Lollards.' In 1432, Laurence of Lindores, 
 rector of Creich, was known by the title of ' Inquisitor for the 
 Kingdom of Scotland.' He was succeeded in that office in 
 September, 1437, by George Newton, Provost of the Collegiate 
 Church of Bothwell. Paul Craw, a Bohemian, was burnt at St. 
 Andrews in July 143 1, for holding heretical doctrines. In 1471 
 Patrick Grahame, Archbishop of St. Andrews, was deposed, 
 under sentence of heresy, because he had proposed some neces- 
 sary refornis in the Church. In the Flyting of Dunbar and 
 Kennedy, tlic former is branded with the epithets 'Judas, jew, 
 juggler, Lollard laureate,' and 'Lamp Lollardorum' (Scot. Text 
 Soc. Edit. pp. 2S-9.) Dr. Laing has quoted a couplet from 
 Kennedy's Praise of Age — 
 
 The schij) of Faith, tempestuous wind and rain, 
 Drives in the sea of Lollardy that blawis. 
 See Laing'b Edit, of Knox's History (Wodrow Society). 
 
APPENDIX. 209. 
 
 I.— THE SCOTTISH CONSERVATOR. 
 
 The following extracts from Halyburton's Ledger, besides 
 giving us some interesting economic information, tell us n A a 
 Httle about the varied duties of the Scottish Conservator. 
 
 fa) 
 
 ITEM the same night that Robert Rynd passed to Calais, I 
 sent Rowll after him with a bill to warn him of the 
 Lombard that was set to arrest him in Gravelines ; the which 
 Rowll cost me 5s. Paid to the barber's son to convey him by 
 night, I2d. Item given 6d. for drink silver to let them out at 
 the gates (ports) of Bruges after 10 hours of the night. 
 Sum in all of this parcel ... 6s. 6d. 
 
 January 1493 (f. 37). 
 
 ITEM, in November, bought in Berry, and packed in a cask 
 (rondall), and laid in the 'Gilbert Edmonston,' in the 
 first, 6 lb. almonds; cost I2s. 6d. Item 50 lb. rice, cost 7s. ; 
 4 dozen of pepper, cost i8|d. the lb. Item 2 dozen of ginger, 
 cost 22d. the lb. Item 4 lb. saffron, cost 9s. 6d. Item 4 lb. 
 long cinnamon [canelV), cost 5s. 6d. the lb. Item 3 lb. mace, 
 cost 4s. 8d. the lb. Item 2 lb. cloves, cost 4s. 2d. the lb. 
 Item 2 lb. of sandalwood {sandry), cost i6d. the lb. Item 
 3 lb. truss [trousell), cost i6d. the lb. Item 24 lb. confections 
 {scrozatis), cost 6d. the lb ; 13 lb. fine sugar, cost 6d. the lb. 
 Item lii; ells canvas, cost 25s. the C, 12/. i8s. 7d. Item for 
 the cask (rondal), i5d. Item nails and packing, and labourer's 
 {pynour) fee, 4d. Item toll and hire of track-boat [schout 
 hire) . 
 
 Sum of this ' tondall ' with the costs is 13/. is. 3d. 
 
 Item, at that same time, bought in Middleburgh, and shipped 
 in the ' Juhan,' 320S lb. iron, holding 131 ends, cost 4s. 4d. 
 each C. Item for extra expense foncostis), weighing, packing, 
 and 'schout hire,' 3s. 6d. 
 
 1497 (f- S3). 
 
 ITEM shipped . . to the Archdeacon 2 tombstones 
 (throTvys), one for my Lady Ross, and one for Sir Alex- 
 
210 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ander Scot : each piece (st^'k) cost 7/. If em for packing, each 
 
 stek 6s. Item labourer's fee, each stek, i8cl. Item for 
 
 toll, each stek 4s. Item ' schout hire ' of these two are 
 
 reckoned with the great stone. 
 
 Sum of costs of these two, except * schout hire ' . .15/. 3s. 
 
 Item paid for p -rtage of 2 great masses of letters from Rome, the 
 
 which were directed to the Archdeacon, and to Thomas 
 
 Hakerston, 5 crowns of gold, the which I send home with James 
 
 Homill, . . . i/. 7s.6d. 
 
 149S (f. 132). 
 
 rdj 
 
 These are the costs that I laid out on the man of Horn. 
 Item, in the first, given to make his costs, and the man's 
 
 costs when he fetched him 5s. 
 
 Item paid for their freight in Gorton's ship 8s. 
 
 Item given the man in his purse in English groats and 
 
 other money, and to buy his breeches ipreks) with 
 
 and spend in the Vere 9s. 
 
 Item paid for his freight in the ship that they passed in. . 8s. 
 
 Item sent to his wife when he was in Scotland \l. 
 
 Item given himself when he came out of Scotland .... 3/. 6s. 
 
 Sum of these expenses 6/. 6s. 
 
 1502 (f. 261). 
 
 K.— THE COINAGE. 
 
 The coinage of the period was in Gold, Silver, and Billon. 
 
 Gold : — The chief pieces in circulation were -. — The Unicorn 
 (so called from having a unicorn on the obverse) value iSs. to 
 20s., and the Half Unicorn (value 9s. to los.^ ; the Rider (having 
 
 OuVliKSli. 
 
 Unicorn Pibcb {^olJ.) 
 
 KUVHRSU. 
 
APPENDIX. 2 1 1 
 
 on the obverse the King on horseback galloping to the left), 
 value 22S. to 23s., and the Half Rider {lis. 6d ) ; the -5^. 
 Andrew, or Lio?t, or Scottish Crown (with the Saint on the cross 
 between two fleur de lys) in value about 14s. — though it frequently 
 varied, the T2V0 Thirds Lion, and the One Third Lio7i ; the Demy 
 (value 14s., and equal to half an English or Hariy noble), and 
 the Half Demy (7s). It is doubtful whether the Crown ever 
 existed in the form of struck money. The famous Six A ngel Piece 
 (unique) now in the British Museum is, according to Bums, a 
 pattern piece. It weighed, strictly speaking, more than 6 
 English nobles. Several foreign gold coins were in circulation, 
 one variety, the French Crown (varying in value from 12s. 6d. 
 to 15s.), being the most common gold piece in Scotland. Other 
 foreign coins were the Flemish Rider (15s. to i6s.) ; the 
 English Harry (26s. 8d. to 32s.), and the Half Harry ; the 
 English Angel Noble (24s.), and the Half Angel Noble (12s ) ; 
 the English Rose Noble (36s.) ; the French Lew (about i8s.) ; 
 and the French Half Crown (7s. 6d.) 
 
 Silver: — Groats [\2d\..). Half Groats (6d.), and Thirds. 
 
 Billon : — Placks and Pennies. 
 
 £1 was equivalent to 6s. EngHsh. The Merk (13s. 4d.) and 
 the Schilling (i2d.) were mere money on account, and had no 
 metal equivalents. 
 
 For further information the reader is referred to the standard 
 works of Burns, Cochrane-Patrick, and Wingate, and to the 
 numismatic portions of the glossary in Dr. Dickson's Accounts 
 of the Lord High Treasurer. 
 
 L.— THE ARTILLERY OF THE PERIOD. 
 
 The reader will have noticed in the foregoing extracts how 
 varied were the names and forms of the artillery of the period. 
 It is difficult, and in some cases impossible, to understand 
 the terms appHed to the cannon of the time. The leading 
 varieties were:- the /a/cow, a cannon of 3 inches calibre, with 
 smaller sizes known as the half falcon and quarterfalcon ; the 
 slang (Germ, schlange), perhaps the same as the sling, a 
 
2 1 2 APPENDIX. 
 
 long thin cannon, originally a hand-gun, 3 feet, long ; the 
 serpenten, and the culverin, (Fr. couleuvrine, It. colubrina); 
 moyen, moya?t, or 7nyatid, a medium sized cannon ; hagtor, 
 probably a misreading of haghot or hagbut, a gun with a 
 crooked butt * ; dogg, maybe the same as the dagg, a horse- 
 carbine or hand-gun, which after successive modifications was 
 in the 17th century a kind of horse-pistol.t The large siege 
 cannon were known as bombards [e.g. Mons Meg). 
 
 Other names, such as aspic, basilisk, bastard, hattard, 
 berse, carthoun, will be found in the New English 
 Dictionary ; and the terms culverine, bastard, saikyr or 
 sacre (called after a kind of hawk), + murderess, curtail^ 
 pasuolans (Fr. passevolans), &c., \vill be found in an inte- 
 resting passage in the Complaynt of Scotland (pp. 41, 42), 
 edited by Dr. Murray for the Early EngUsh Text Society. The 
 concluding lines are interesting, because they explain the different 
 calibre of the guns, as far as onomatopoetic description can. ' I 
 heard the cannons and guns make many hideous crak, duf, duf, 
 duf, duf, duf, duf; the berses and falcons cried tirduf, tirduf, 
 tirduf, tirduf, tirduf, tirduf; then the small artillery cried tik tak, 
 tik tak, tik tak, tik tak.' 
 
 The Scottish artillery taken at Flodden is thus described by 
 Hall : ' Five great curtals, two great culverines, four sacres, and 
 six serpentines, besides other pieces. ' Roth Hall and Ruthal 
 speak of the gieat beauty of this artillery. Of special merit was 
 the set known as the Seven Sisters, mentioned in the Venetian 
 accounts and elsewhere, which was cast by Robert Borthwick, 
 the Master of Artillery. His cannons bore the legend — 
 Machina sum Scoto Borthwic fabricata Roberto. 
 The making of brass cannon in Scotland seems to have preceded 
 that art in England. Stow tells us that John Owen was the first 
 
 • The smaller sort were called doini-hajjs. — Meyrick, II., 240. 
 
 + 1 am indebted for the foregoing information to Dr. J. A. H. Murray 
 of Oxford. 
 
 % Notf how tho Soqjont and F;il( on l.ave suppliod most of the names 
 the cannon of tliis jjcriod. The niuskit, tlio descendant of the old 
 ' muschitc,' takes its najne from the sparrow-hawk. 
 
APPENDIX. *I3 
 
 to forge brass ordnance in England, in the year 1521, {Chron., 
 p. 5 -2). Some of the Scottish cannon were of French make, and 
 had been sent as a present to James ; yet the Scottish arsenals 
 were justly famed for this work. In an indenture of 1539, (Jan. 
 20) for the delivery of Berwick Castle and its stores by Sir 
 Thomas Clifford to Sir William Ewers, there are several entries 
 of cannon ' of Scottyshe makinge.' 
 
 For further information on the artillery of the period, and 
 especially on naval cannon, see Meyrick's Inquiry into Ancient 
 Armour, II., p. 289. and Dickson's Preface to the Accounts of 
 the Lord High TrecLSurer, ccxvii., &c. 
 
 M.-HIGHLAND COSTUME AND ARMOUR (Page 64). 
 The illustration is taken from a drawing by Albert Diirer 
 (1521) preserved in the British Museum. Though we learn 
 from the notes at the head of the engraving that the men repre- 
 sented are Irish, there can be no hesitation in taking the picture 
 as a faithful sketch of the Highland warriors of the period. The 
 statements of Major given in a previous portion of this book could 
 not have been better illustrated ; and the picture itself wiU be 
 found to be quite in keeping with the outlines on the tombstones 
 of the West of Scotland. The quilted tunic of the figure to the 
 left is the same as the garb on the sculptured stones ; and the 
 two-handed sword, the plates, and chained pieces are quite 
 Scottish. In two respects perhaps the dra^ving must be modified 
 to make it completely Scottish. The bascinet is somewhat 
 different in shape and detail ; and the saffron-dyed garment is 
 somewhat longer than is generally found on the stone effigies. 
 
 The three figures in the rear illustrate the poorer class of 
 warriors, who have no armour on their bodies, and are clad each 
 one after his own rough fancy. They correspond very accurately 
 with the description at ihe foot of page 64. 
 
 The costume of the Highlanders, as Major saw it, seems to have 
 undergone little change from the time, five centuries before, when 
 Magnus Olafson, on his return from the expedition to the 
 Hebrides, 'went about,' according to the Saga, * barelegged, 
 
214 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ha\ing short tunics (kyrtlu) and upper garments ; and 
 so men called him Barelegs.' Compare also the description 
 in Bower, the continuator of Fordun (II. 420.) ; and the later 
 account of the ' rough-footed Scots ' in the ' Proposal for uniting 
 Scotland and England, by John Elder, Clerk and Redshank,''' 
 1542-3. (Bann. Miscellany). 
 
 See Skene's Highlanders of Scotland, their Origin, History, 
 and Antiquities ; Appendix to Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis 
 (lona Club) ; Drummond's Ancient Scottish Weapons and The 
 Sculptured Mojiuments of lona and West Highlands ; Stuart's 
 Sculptured Stones of Scotland (Spalding Club) ; and Lord 
 Archibald Campbell's Waifs and Strays of Celtic Tradition 
 (Argyllshire Series). 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Field of Stirling and the Coronation of James IV 5 
 
 The Debate and Cause of the Field of Stirling 6 
 
 The Archbishopric of Glasgow 9 
 
 Sir Andrew Wood defeats the English lo 
 
 The fight with Stephen Bull " 
 
 The subsidy demanded by the Pope for a Crusade i5 
 
 Of Wappinschawings ^" 
 
 The practice of archery •• ^^ 
 
 Fishing to be encouraged by the Burghs i8 
 
 Bishop Elphinstone goes on an Embassy to the Emperor 19 
 
 The rival Archbishops 20 
 
 The Lollards of Kyle 22 
 
 The State of the Scottish Church 26 
 
 Of Land Tenure 27 
 
 Foundation of Aberdeen University 27 
 
 Arrival of Perkin Warbeck 28 
 
 His welcome and marriage 29 
 
 A letter from Perkin to Lady Gordon 3° 
 
 Fredinand and Isabella and a royal marriage 32 
 
 Law in the Lordship of the Isles 34 
 
 The children of barons, &c., to be sent to school and college ... 35 
 
 Lord Bothwell's information to Henry VII. 3^ 
 
 He exhorts Henry to attack Scotland 38 
 
 Henry sends warships to the Forth 4° 
 
 The Expedition of Perkin Warbeck 4i 
 
 James chides Perkin 4* 
 
 Henry's preparations for a Scottish Campaign 44 
 
 The advance of the Scots 44 
 
 Sack of Norham Castle 45 
 
1 6 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 If the royal revenue 57 
 
 'f the Court 59 
 
 he good Bishop Elphinstone 59 
 
 he National improvement 61 
 
 |( Commerce and Agriculture 61 
 
 f the character of the people 63 
 
 aw in the Hif^hlands and Isles 63 
 
 he Highlanders and Islesmen 64 
 
 f the Scottish women, and of their houses ... ... 65 
 
 if the .Army 66 
 
 •ifficultics on the Borders (1498) 66 
 
 kirmish betore Norham Castle 67 
 
 iter\'iew between James and the Bishop of Durham 69 
 
 ames's home policy after the Peace of Aj-toun 70 
 
 he Plague 71 
 
 tudy at the Universities 72 
 
 ducation of Alexander Stewart 74 
 
 lebate in the English Council about the proposed Marriage 
 
 between James and IMargaret 75 
 
 he Scottish Ambassadors in London 76 
 
 he policy of the .Scottish Marriage 78 
 
 etter of the Scots Conservator... ... 79 
 
 he Peace between Scotland and England 81 
 
 f the Jurisdiction of the Scots Conser\'ator 84 
 
 jstice in the Isles 85 
 
 he Daily Council 85 
 
 he Journey of Margaret to Scotland 86 
 
 he Meeting of James and Margaret 88 
 
 he Entrj- into Edinburgh ... ... 89 
 
 reparations for the Marriage 92 
 
 he royal apparel 94 
 
 he Ser\ice .. ... ... ... 95 
 
 [argaret in Scotland 96 
 
 n old custom in the Burghs ... ... ... ... 97 
 
 imes warns the Duke of ("meldres against Edmund de la Pole ... 98 
 
 imes and the troubles in Denmark loi 
 
 he Building of the .Scottish Fleet 103 
 
 imes's intended journey to Jerusalem ... ... 104 
 
 ope Julius II. 's presents to the King 105 
 
 'Donnel's request for troops 105 
 
 he introduction of Printing ... 107 
 
 he King's love of Alchemy 109 
 
 f the overloading of Ships ... ... ... ... no 
 
 folscy in Scotland : Opposition of the Bishop of Moray iii 
 
CONTENTS. 217 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The bettering of the Highlands ... 112 
 
 The Pilgrimage of the Bishop of Glasgow 113 
 
 The Administration of the Borders 114 
 
 The Ayre of Jedburgh 114 
 
 The Great Michael... ... 116 
 
 Preparations for the Queen's visit to Aberdeen 118 
 
 Dunbar's description of the visit 119 
 
 Fight off the Downs : Death of Andrew Barton 122 
 
 Birth of Prince James 124 
 
 The state of European politics 124 
 
 The same : Later 126 
 
 Nicholas West iirrives in Scotland 127 
 
 His conversation with Queen Margaret 128 
 
 West's interviev,' with James at Stirling 129 
 
 Henry in readiness ... 133 
 
 Queen Margaret's letter to Henry i34 
 
 Scottish naval preparations 135 
 
 ]ames endeavours to procure peace 136 
 
 Debate in the Scottish Council 137 
 
 James at Linlithgow i39 
 
 A Scottish herald sent to Terouenne 141 
 
 His meeting with Henry 142 
 
 The letter of complaint i43 
 
 Henry's answer ^47 
 
 The 111 road i49 
 
 James enters England 15° 
 
 Parliament at Twiselhaugh 15^ 
 
 Preparations for Battle ^52 
 
 Flodden Field , ^55 
 
 The Scottish dead 160 
 
 The finding of the King's body 162 
 
 Another account of the Battle 163 
 
 A Minstrel's Story 166 
 
 The advantages on the side of the Scots 170 
 
 Their heroic fighting 172 
 
 The Banner of St. Cuthbert i74 
 
 The slaughter by the English rys 
 
 The English carap plundered ... ... 176 
 
 The Bishop of Moray's responsibility r77 
 
 Conduct of the Lord Chamberlain 178 
 
 Proclamation at Edinburgh i79 
 
 Of the relations between the Scots and English 180 
 
 Of Kingship 181 
 
 Of Excommunication 182 
 
2l8 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Surrey's Campaign in Scotland 46 
 
 The Peace of Aytoun 49 
 
 Of the punishment of thieves and somers ... 53 
 
 The character of James IV 54 
 
 Description of a Border Raid 183 
 
 A Lament for King James the Fourth 185 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 The Authorities. 
 
 1. The Royal Letters 189 
 
 2. Pol3dore Vergil 190 
 
 3. Edward Hall 191 
 
 4. Bernard Andre 192 
 
 5. Pedro de Ayala 192 
 
 6. Hector Boece 194 
 
 7. Alexander Myln 194 
 
 8. John Young ^ 194 
 
 9. Walter Ogilvy 195 
 
 10. Andrew Halyburton, &c 195 
 
 11. Account of the Battle of Flodden 196 
 
 12. John Major 197 
 
 13. John Knox 197 
 
 14. Lindsay of Pitscottie X98 
 
 15. Caleniars, Record Publications, &c 198 
 
 Genealogical Tables. 
 
 1. Blood Relationship ni James and Margaret 199 
 
 2. The Royal Family and its connections 201 
 
 3. Children of James 1\ 202 
 
 4. Lords of the Isles 203 
 
 The Parliaments of the Reign 203 
 
 The Sees 204 
 
 Andrew Forman 205 
 
 The Relations with Denmark 20b 
 
 James's Relations with Gueldres 207 
 
 riie Lollards ... ... 208 
 
 The Scottish Conservator 2o<-» 
 
 The Coinage 210 
 
 The Artillery of the Period 211 
 
 Highland Costume and Armour 213 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 219 
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND 
 
 Portrait of Bishop Elphinstone 
 
 Highlanders and Weitcrn Islesnien (after Durer) 
 Ivion of St. Andrew or Scottish Crown... 
 
 James IV. and Margaret Tudor 
 
 Seal of John Armstrong 
 
 Sword of James IV"., carried at Flodden 
 
 Dagger of James IV., carried at Flodden 
 
 Standard of the Earl Marshal, carried at Flodden 
 
 Seal of Gavin Douglas, Bishop of Dunkeld 
 
 Unicorn Piece 
 
 MAPS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 ... Frontispiece. 
 
 ...to face p. 64 
 80 
 
 ...to face p. 05 
 
 "5 
 
 to face p. 156 
 
 159 
 
 to face p 162 
 
 187 
 
 210 
 
 Map of the Borders... 
 Map of the Isles.., 
 
 ••• §■• ••• •■• 
 
 •!■ ••• ••• Ctt ••• *•• 
 
 to face p. 49 
 to face p. 85 
 
 
 
 
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