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The following are also in the hands of Translators : A SHORT PROTESTANT COMMENTARY ON THE NEW TESTAMENT ; including Introductions to the Books by Lipsius, Holsten, Lang, Pfleiderer, Holtzmann, Hilgenfeld, and others. SCHOLTEN. ON THE GOSPEL OP Si. JOHN. As a means of increasing the number of Subscribers, it has been suggested to us that many of the present supporters will probably be able to furnish us with lists of persons of liberal thought, to whom we would send the Prospectus. We shall thankfully receive such lists. WILLIAMS & NOKGATE. 14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON, W.C. DR. FRIEDRICH BLEEK'S LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. EDITED BY LIC. TH. HOSSBACH, MORNING AND ASSISTANT PKEACHKR IN THE JERUSALEM CHURCH IN BERLIN. TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN. EDITED BY SAMUEL DAVIDSON, D.D. WILLIAMS AND NOKGATE, 14, HENRIETTA STREET, CO VENT GARDEN, LONDON; AND 20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH. 1875. LONDON I PRINTED BY C. GREEN AND SOJf, 178, STRAND. PKEFACE OF THE EDITOR AFTER the publishing house of G-. Reimar has issued Bleek's Introductions to the Old and New Testament, his Lectures on the Apocalypse now appear. The Editor undertakes the com- mission entrusted to him the more willingly, as he is enabled by it to pay publicly a part of the gratitude which he owed his affectionate teacher, who had been to him a fatherly friend. He had certainly many scruples about publishing the latter work. Since Bleek had adapted these Lectures only to two hours in the week in the Wintersemester, we cannot expect in them that profundity and fulness of learning which has made his Epistle to the Hebrews an epoch-making book in exegetical science. He had farther to consider that, with a generosity worthy of recog nition and which should put many scholars to shame, Bleek had placed his Heft at the disposal of his former teacher, De Wette, for the latter's labours on the Apocalypse, so that a con- siderable portion of his researches was already contained in the Commentary of this scholar. Besides, he had himself unfolded his views in several Essays in different periodicals. Lastly, immediately after his death, the more comprehensive Com- mentary of Diisterdiek had appeared. Notwithstanding this, the Editor, after obtaining the opinion of those more competent 2000266 iv PREFACE OF THE EDITOR. than himself, still thought that he should no longer retard its publication. In the first place, Bleek himself had frequently expressed a wish to collect, in a connected work upon this book together with a commentary, the scattered results of his re- searches on the Apocalypse already published ; and though such a work, supposing God to have spared him longer to us, might have proved more comprehensive than these Lectures, I still think it will gratify the theological world to have his researches before them even in this form ; so much the. rather, that Apo- calyptic literature, and therefore the Apocalypse of John, was the subject of his continual study from youth, as his first Inquiry into the Sibylline books, in the journal edited by Liicke, De Wette and Schleiermacher, and the Eesearches and Criticisms, afterwards contained in the Studien und Kritiken, testify. More- over, Bleek is so generally esteemed on account of his modera- tion and love of truth in criticism and exegesis, and on account of his clearness of statement, that even though his results are only the same with those already known, the researches being his have their special value for theologians. And in my opinion, although it does not become me to pass sentence on the work itself, it will be found that many things are established more definitely, sharply and clearly, than had been done in his separate treatises on this subject, or by De Wette and Diisterdiek. His "AUgemeine Untersuchungen liber die Apokalypse," is certainly a model of clearness and acuteness, as well as of sobriety of cri- ticism, which even those who do not agree with his results must acknowledge. Bleek read seven times on the Apocalypse ; the last time, in the Wintersemester 1856-57, for thirty-six hours. Since, as is well PREFACE OF THE EDITOR. V known, he wrote out his Lectures, the business of the Editor was confined, at most, to alterations in style, and the correcting of some quotations, together with the deciphering of the manuscript, which was sometimes rather illegible. Here it may be remarked that the section on the history of the use of the Apocalypse, as well as the researches on the book in general, were written almost entirely anew for the last Lecture. The Special Inter- pretation was written for the Lecture in the Wintersemester, 1841-42 ; since which it was enlarged and improved by marginal notes for each following Lecture ; even entirely altered here and there. Among the more important and notable works on the same subject which appeared after Bleek's death, only Diister- diek's Commentary has to be mentioned. But I believed that I should abstain from noticing it by adding to the manuscript. A critical examination of the views of Diisterdiek, on my part, ap- peared to me unsuitable in a work of Bleek's, and even though authorized, I could not do it for want of time. Besides, a mere enumeration of the opinions of this scholar, whether in harmony or not with Bleek, appeared to me the more superfluous, as his fundamental views on the Apocalypse, though differing individu- ally in many respects, are the same as those for which Bleek, as one of the first, prepared the way in his earlier dissertations, and procured general recognition. The second edition of Hengsten- berg's Commentary presents so few deviations from the first, that where he was quoted it was only necessary for me to sup- plement the page of the first edition by adding that of the second. When the printing had already proceeded as far as twelve sheets, and the rest of the manuscript was no longer in my hands, the treatise of Ewald appeared, " Die Johanneischen Vi PREFACE OF THE EDITOR. Schriften ;" the second vol., containing the Apocalypse, presents many variations from his earlier interpretations of single passages. Under these circumstances I was obliged to restrict myself, from the thirteenth sheet onward, in the passages where he is quoted by Bleek, to remarks inserted in brackets [ ], usually, by the addition (earlier), showing that Ewald now proposes another interpretation. Other additions from my hand, chiefly mere references to Bleek's earlier dissertations on the same subject, are likewise marked by brackets. May these Lectures, the last, as far as I know, that will appear of Bleek's legacy, serve to keep the remembrance of the beloved man in honour as a genuine Protestant inquirer, seeking only the truth ; and may they keep awake and animate the spirit of a truly believing, though not always orthodox, criticism and exegesis ! THE EDITOR BERLIN, Augiist, 1862. LIST OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAGE Contents of the Book 4 CHAPTER II. History of the Use of the Apocalypse in the Church . . 24 CHAPTER III. Examination of the Book in general : 1. Chief Purport and Object of the Book . ' . 73 2. Unity and Date . . . . .114 3. Author . . . ' . . .121 4. On the Literary Form of the Book, particularly de- scription in Yisions . . . . . 135 5. Canonicity of the Apocalypse . . . 137 CHAPTER IV. Special Interpretation . . . . 141 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. THESE Lectures will be occupied with the interpretation of the Apocalypse, the last book of the New Testament Canon, and the only one which is entirely concerned with the future of the Church. In the Old Testament Canon, there is, as we know, a whole division which contains prophetic writings. The Old Testament had essentially for its object to prepare humanity, especially a chosen race, for the more perfect future which was one day to be manifested, that is, in the New Testament. The typical and prophetical must therefore have an essential place beside the historical and legal; in other words, references to the finished salvation which was to come one day, as well as to the person of him through whom it should appear, and to the same redemption in the collection of sacred writings which make up the Old Testament Canon and were intended to form a rule of faith and life for the people of the Old Covenant. Circumstances must take another direction after the appearance of Christ, and after the commencement of the New Covenant brought about by him, as announced in the Old Testament. Prophecy was not wanting here also, but prophecy in the more restricted biblical sense, viz. that which is directed to the future development and fulfilment of the kingdom of God. For since the kingdom of God under the New Covenant also, arose in human weakness and temporal limitation, and did not imme- diately accomplish in a perfect manner the proposed conquest B 2 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. and subjugation of the world, neither individually nor generally : the view of the members of the New Covenant must also be directed to the future, to the further development and coming fulfilment of the kingdom of Clod. Accordingly many references to it are to be found in the writings of the New Testament Canon also, both in the words of Christ, especially Matt. xxiv. xxv., &c., and in the Epistles, especially 1 and 2 Thess., 1 Cor. ; in a lesser degree in the others too. Nevertheless, the relation is here different to that under the Old Covenant, because he who alone can lead us to redemption, and to whom we must attach ourselves in believing confidence, in order to be sure that we shall not fail of it, is set before us in the person of the Ke- deemer, in historical manifestation. Thus we are, above all things, directed to look to him, the risen One, by whom alone peace, comfort and happiness can be imparted, and in patient waiting to commit to him the further development and accom- plishment of God's kingdom. Therefore it is plain why the books of the New Testament Canon are so predominantly historical and didactic, and that, in regard to these elements, the prophetic is very much in the background in comparison witli the Old Testament Canon. The Apocalypse alone, as already indicated, forms an exception. Nevertheless, there is no book of the New Testament concerning which so many and such contradictory views have been held always, even up to the present time, as the Apocalypse, both concerning its origin, its value and the credibility belonging to it, besides its aim and its interpretation, as a whole and in particulars. With regard to the composition of the book, it is pretty generally acknowledged that it belongs to the later period of the apostolic age. The question especially is, whether it was written before or after the destruction of Jeru- salem by the Komans. As to the author there were three dif- ferent views in the older Church, and also at a later period : 1, that the Apocalypse is the genuine composition of an apostle ; 2, that of a subordinate disciple of the Lord ; and 3, that it has been supposititiously attributed to an apostle. Partly, but, as LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. 3 we shall see, only partly in connection with it, is the difference of view concerning the value of the Apocalypse and the authority belonging to it ; whether it be a true prophetical writing, resting upon direct divine enlightenment, or only the poetical product of human reflection and fancy ; or whether perhaps there be a middle view. Still greater is the variety of opinions about the proper object of the book, and the meaning of the whole as well as of single parts. That we may be able to answer these ques- tions, especially the latter, satisfactorily, it is proper that we should (1) become better acquainted with the contents of the book in its single parts. For this purpose I shall here give a sum- mary description of these contents, keeping as much as possible to the narrative and form of the book itself. Accordingly I shall (2) give a survey of the external history of the Apocalypse in the Church, its authority and use, and the chief interpretations of it, through different centuries, from the earliest time in which external evidences are to be found concerning its use. (3) We shall add our own inquiries about the book in general, so far as they properly precede the explanation of individual parts, and are necessary for understanding it. These concern the purpose of the book and the meaning of it in whole and in parts, as well as the time of its composition, and its author. Lastly (4), an explanation of the individual parts in succession. B2 I. CONTENTS OF THE BOOK. Ch. iv. 1 xxii. 5, forms the principal part of the book. That which precedes, viz. ch. i. iii., may be regarded as a Prologue ; and what follows, ch. xxii 6 21, as an Epilogue. I. Ch. i. iii Prologue. The first 3 verses (i. 1 3) give as it were the title of the book, or a general indication of its con- tents, as a Revelation of Jesus Christ which God gave him in order to show unto his servants things which must shortly come to pass (a Set yfvea-dai tv Tax)> which Christ signified by his angel unto his servant John, which latter witnessed what he beheld (oo-o, ci8e) ; the word of God and the testimony of Jesus Christ. Blessed are the readers and hearers of the prophecy who keep what is written in it, for the time is at hand (6 yap Koupos eyyvs). To this is appended (verses 4 8) the dedication of the book by John to the seven churches of Asia (that is, proconsular Asia), which are adduced by name later on. Grace and peace are wished for them from God, from the seven spirits before the throne of God and from Christ ; and they are then referred to the certainty of the glorious appearance of Christ, who shall come with the clouds of heaven, so that all shall see him, those also who pierced him, and all kindreds of the eartli shall wail because of him (KO^OVTOU). In the succeeding verses, John (who again names himself as the writer, and indicates himself as the brother of his readers, as their companion in tribulation, in the kingdom and patience of the Lord) relates the vision that appeared to him in the Isle of Patmos, where he was for the word of God and for the testimony of Jesus. CONTENTS OF THE HOOK. 5 He was in the spirit (ev Trvev/narC) on the Lord's-day (V rfi KvpiaKij t'liJ-fpv), and heard behind him a loud voice, which com- manded him to write what he saw and send it to the seven churches, to Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamos, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, Laodicea. As he turns round to see* the voice, he perceives seven golden candlesticks, and in their midst a shining human form (o/xoiov vt dvdpioirov), holding in his right hand seven stars. At this sight he falls as dead at the feet of the appearing one, who, however, lays his hand upon him, and desig- nates himself as the First and the Last, as he who had risen from the dead, and would live for evermore, who had the keys of death and of Hades ; and he commands him to write what he saw, and its interpretation, and what should be hereafter \ypa.\l/ov a (i8f]v, and 666 given as the number of his name. I remark generally that with regard to no other New Testa- ment book is there such a multitude of interpretations as about the Apocalypse, especially among those interpreters who and they are the greater number view it as a pure outcome of immediate divine revelations. This necessarily implies that they took the contents of single visions as definite predictions of historical facts or relations which had already been fulfilled in part in the former history of the church and the world, or were still to be fulfilled in part ; and so they inquired what parts of the book and what visions belonged to the former category, what to the latter ; what was still expected, after comparing what had already been. The whole was viewed as a sort of prophetic calendar, which one need only consult in order to know what epoch it is in the kingdom of God. Thus there was a natural proneness among interpreters of different times and different parties to find precisely their own times and their own struggles in the book, and their adversaries and persecutors depicted in the hostile powers that appear in it. The interpre- tation of the Apocalypse has therefore borne a very subjective character in many ways more than that of any other New Testa- ment book, and has assumed a more objective character only in union with a freer or larger view of its prophetic character or the character of prophecy in general. Concerning the history of the Apocalypse in the Church more at large, consult especially Liicke's Versuch, &c. (ed. 1, 1832), ed. 2, Bonn, 1852, 3443, pp. 516 651 ; the ecclesiastical tradition respecting the author of the book; and 6885, pp. 9521070, a history of the Interpretation of the Apocalypse.* For the last, compare also De "Wette, Kurze Erklarung der Apocalypse (Exegetical Hand- book of the New Testament, Vol. III. Part ii.), Leipzig, 1848 (2nd ed., with a Preface by Liicke, 1855), pp. 14 22. * Compare respecting this work the copious review of Bleek's in the Theolog. Stud, u. Krit., 1854, 4 Heft., and 1355, 1st Heft. USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 25 We shall here combine both points of view in our statement, but must confine ourselves to the most important, the epoch- making and chief representatives of the different opinions. Defi- nite, certain or probable traces of the Apocalypse's use are not to be found among the so-called Apostolic Fathers in their writings that have been preserved. The contrary has been asserted, it is true, namely, with reference to Hermas and Poly- carp, with regard to the latter by Hengstenberg (die Offenbarung des St. Johannes, fur solche die in der Schrift forschen, erlautert, 2 Biinde, the 2nd, in two divisions, Berlin, 1849 1851, Part ii. pp. 97 and following); but in none of the. places quoted from these authors does it appear likely on closer consideration that they could have had in view or copied expressions of the Apoca- lypse (see Liicke, pp. 518 524, 546 and following).* It is a much disputed question whether Papias, Bishop of Hierapolis, is to be considered as a witness in this respect, who belonged to the first half of the second century, and according to the state- ment of Irenseus is said to have heard John (without doubt, the apostle). Two Greek commentators on the Apocalypse, both bishops of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Andreas and Arethas the former of whom lived at the end of the fifth century, the latter not much later speak of Papias as being among those older teachers who testify to the credibility and inspiration of the Apocalypse (TO 0eo7rveixrrov, aio7rrrov). Arethas only follows Andreas in this statement, so that the latter alone is here taken into consideration ; his evidence can only refer to the (lost) writing of Papias (AoyiW KU/H ovofia 'Iwavv^s, cis TWV aTrooToAtov TOV XpicrTov, v aTTOKaXtyfi yevop.v(j avrcJJ \iXia er-rj Troiris VTTO airoa-roXov /ieyaAov yey/aa/^evcov) if lie did not mean our Apocalypse, which was circulated under the name of a generally known and great apostle; but would have mentioned the name of the apostle meant by him. I do not doubt, there- fore, that Caius really thought only of our Apocalypse, so that, in contest with the Moiitanist Proclus, he brings forward the same idea concerning it as those Alogi did in opposition to the Montanists. A list of the canonical books of the N. T., first made known by Muratori (1740), belongs to about the same time as Caius and likewise the Romish Church. In it the Apocalypse is twice spoken of, and in a somewhat different manner ; yet the way in which it is mentioned the second time, in the chief place, is not plain, evidently from a corrupt text. The view of Wiseler (Theol. Stud. u. Krit., 1847, pp. 846 sqq.), according to which it is designated as a work not written by John himself, like the Wisdom of Solomon, but by others in his 32 LECTURES ON TEE APOCALYPSE. name. In no case does the author speak of the origin of the book in such an odious manner as Caius's. (c) Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria (in Eusebius, H.E. vii. 25) speaks of men before his time (rives TWV -n-pb -fj^v) who entirely rejected the Apocalypse, who, going through it chapter by chapter, proved it unintelligible ; holding that it was no revela- tion generally, but that it was concealed under a strong and thick covering of unintelligibleness, not composed by John, or by one of the apostles, or of the ecclesiastical men, but was falsely ascribed to John by Cerinthus. The men, therefore, whom Dionysius has here in view, put forward the same asser- tion about the origin of the book, as did the Anti-montanists of Asia Minor, and the Eomish presbyter Caius, and it is also very probable that he thought of these, particularly the former ; in which case we must admit that they must have explained themselves in writing more at length, concerning the matter and their reasons, than is otherwise known to us. Yet it is possible that Dionysius had others also in view in his own district, who followed those individuals of Asia Minor and Caius in their opinion about the origin of the book, and had tried to prove it more amply. Thus much is evident, that they cannot have relied upon an old tradition. (d) In the Syriac Church. The ecclesiastical translation of the Syrians, the Peschito, has not the Apocalypse, and none of our four Catholic Epistles (2 Peter, Jude, 2 and 3 John) ; and it may also be assumed with safety, that they were wanting to it from the beginning; not, as Hug and others* have supposed, removed from it at a later time. We may further conclude from it, with tolerable certainty, that at the time of making the translation, which falls towards the end of the second, or at the latest at the beginning of the third century, the Apocalypse in the Syriac national Church, whose chief seat was Edessa and * Above all Thiersch, Versuch zur Herstellung des historischen Standpunktes fiir die Kritik des nuen Testaments, p. 428 sqq. USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 33 the surrounding districts, had no canonical authority, and cannot have been viewed as a genuine apostolic writing. Yet it cannot be ascertained with any certainty, whether it may not have had such authority there from the beginning, or whether it lost it through opposition to Montanism, and especially Millenna- rianism, as it did about the same time in some other parts of the Church. Yet the opposition to Montanism and Millennarianism in general, did not universally exercise an influence in lowering the credit of the Apocalypse as a canonical apostolic writing. As we have seen above, that Apollonius brought forward proofs from the Apocalypse in a work against the Montanists, and the Alex- andrian Church-teacher Clemens often quoted it as an apostolic writing ; so Origen also supposes it to be a genuine work of the apostle John, the son of Zebedee, without even expressing a doubt about the origin of the book. See especially the passage from his Commentary upon Matthew, in Eusebius (H. E. vi. 25), fypa^e 8e (the apostle John) KOI rrjv 'A-TTOKaXv^iv, KeAew#is o-to>7r^(rai KCU fir) ypd\l/ai. ras TWV 7rra fipovirwv (/xuvas KT\. Origen was a de- cided opponent of ordinary Millennarianism, and therefore what appeared to favour this notion in the Apocalypse was set aside by spiritual interpretation, which was not so hard for him on account of his entire mystical and allegorical manner of explaining the Scriptures. (See upon this point Lticke, pp. 328 sqq., 968 sqq.) He promises, in his Commentary upon Matt. xxiv. 29, to work at the Apocalypse in a special Commentary ; yet he does not appear to have done it, and therefore we can ascertain his opinions merely from single expressions in other writings. (See upon this point Liicke, pp. 968 sqq., also pp. 328 sqq.) Contemporary with Origen was Hippolytus, a Bishop, and a Novatian, probably in the vicinity of Rome. From a statement on a statue at Rome he had, among other things, treated of the Gospel of John and the Apocalypse. This treatise has not come down to us. But in that on Antichrist, as also in the newly- D 34 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. discovered ov/ieva belonging most probably to Hippolytus, the Apocalypse is expressly cited as sacred, and as a writing of the apostle John. In the former several things are to be found which show us how Hippolytus partly interpreted the Apoca- lypse. For example, by the number 666, he considers it most likely that Aareu/os is meant, and understands the first beast ascending out of the sea as indicating the near destruction of the Romish kingdom (see Liicke, pp. 964 968). Cyprian also makes much use of the Apocalypse, about the middle of the third cen- tury, and employs it in the same manner as other recognized writings of the New Testament, often quoting it under the name of John, doubtless the apostle. As belonging to a somewhat later period we mention Victorinus, Bishop of Petabio (Pettau), in Pannonia, who died as a martyr (about 303). He wrote a Commentary on the Apocalypse, as Jerome already asserts. Such an one, and in the form of scholia, still exists under the name of Vietorinus. Yet it is a disputed point whether it be the genuine Commentary of Victorinus. The most probable opinion is, that it is really his, but was copiously interpolated at an early time, as the work, in the form in which it lies before us, contains much that does not rightly agree. It may be supposed from the state- ment of Jerome that the interpretation of Victorinus Was origin- ally more thorough, and more decidedly millennarian than is now the case, since the millennarian element does not entirely dis- appear, but is very much obliterated, especially in the interpre- tation of the thousand years and of the heavenly Jerusalem. He reckons the thousand years during which Satan is bound from the time of Christ's incarnation to the end of the world, and expresses himself decidedly against the Cerinthian idea of a thousand-years' earthly kingdom. Antichrist (xiii. 16) is ex- plained of Nero to be resuscitated, a circumstance which, with- out doubt, belonged to the original Commentary, as also the hermeneutical principle, that the visions in the Apocalypse do not everywhere form a continuous series and refer to successive USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 35 events, but form a series partly parallel. Thus he refers the con- tents of the seven plague-vials in particular to the same thing which appears in the seven trumpets. Dionysius, of the Greek Church, belonging to a somewhat earlier period as regards his opinions concerning the Apocalypse, must now be noticed. He was Bishop of Alexandria after 248 died about 265. He was a pupil of and like-minded with Origen, and a decided opponent of the milleiinarian mode of thinking. He found this especially prevalent in the region of Arsinoe, where they relied upon the writing of a Bishop Nepos in favour of it : eAeyxos aAAr/yo/aio-Twv, in which the latter defended Millennarian- ism in opposition to Origen's allegorical mode of interpretation, and especially in relation to the Apocalypse. This work was highly applauded in the district ; and a Millennarian party main- tained its position there. On account of the disputes that arose from this, Dionysius was induced (about 255) to go into that country himself, where, after a three days' disputation, he suc- ceeded in so influencing Korakion himself, the then head of the Millennarian party, that he gave up his opinion. After this, Dionysius wrote a treatise in two books, -n-ept ray- yeAiwv, the second of which treated of the Apocalypse. Euse- bius (vii. 25) communicates his opinions on this book at some length. Dionysius shows himself to be a very acute and able critic. He compares the Apocalypse with the Gospel and Epis- tles of John, and believes himself justified in the opinion that the former is not by the same writer as the latter. He adduces (a) the custom of the apostle John not to name himself in his writings, either in the Gospel or Epistles. On the contrary, the author of the Apocalypse sedulously and repeatedly introduces his name John. (5) The difference in statement, thought and expression, in relation to which the Gospel and first Epistle are so very similar, whilst the Apocalypse does not at all contain so many ideas and expressions as occur repeatedly in those writings. Here he adduces individual examples. He remarks besides, that neither in the Epistles is mention made of the D 2 36 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPW:. Apocalypse, nor in the Apocalypse of the Epistles, as one might have expected if both were by the same author, (c) The difference of language, since the Gospel and the Epistles are written in good Greek, in well-turned and correct language ; but the diction of the Apocalypse is full of barbarisms and solecisms. On the other hand, Dionysius will not deny that the Apocalypse is the work of a holy, divinely-inspired man, and of a John, as itself asserts, only not the apostle John, the disciple beloved by the Lord, the brother of James, whose it does not give itself out to be ; nor of John Mark, the travel- ling-companion of Paul and Barnabas, but of another John living in Asia. He then mentions that two tombs of two different Johns are to be found in Ephesus. In the same work, as Euse- bius says, Dionysius had gone through the whole Apocalypse, and had sought to show that it could not be understood literally (Kara. TIJV Trpo-^tpov Sidvoiav) : he attributes to it, accordingly, a spiritual meaning, in the manner of Origen, though he cannot comprehend, as he says, the deeper meaning. A single, yet not exactly a spiritual interpretation of his, has been preserved to us from another writing, the Epistle to Hermannon, by Eusebius (H. E. vii. 10), where he refers (Apocalypse xiii. 15) to the Emperor Valerian and his persecution of the Christians. As to a judgment upon the origin of the book, as well as its canonical value, no certainty or uniformity is to be found in the Church after the third century. The expressions of Euse- bius, of Csesarea, clearly prove this as regards the first half of the fourth century ; and he is the chief witness for the New Testament Canon, in his Church History (written about 326). He says, of the Apocalypse (B. iii. 424), that opinions upon it even then wavered (TTJS 8e uTTOKaAi^ews e (.Ko.Tf.pov eVi vvv irapa. rots TroAXois TTfpif\KfTai ^ S6(i). He promises there to pronounce judgment upon the book at a fit time, according to the testi- mony of the ancients. Yet that was not done subsequently, in a definite manner. In the principal passage on the Canon (ib. ch. xxv.), where he divides into several classes the books which USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 37 belong to the New Testament Canon, or claim to be reckoned among them, he expresses himself as uncertain whether he should regard the Apocalypse as belonging to the first class, the Homo- logumena ; or to the second, the Antilegomena, the latter of which he himself marks as v66a ; he leaves this to the judgment of individuals (eiye ^aveii^) ; saying that some dOtrovo-t this work, others eyKpu/owi TOIS o/jtoAoyoujuevcKs. In Book iii. 39, he points attention to the fact that Papias speaks of a second John besides the apostle and evangelist viz. John the presbyter, and bids us observe this, since it was probable that TOV Seirrepov, el fJ.tj Tt e6e\OL TOV TTpWTOV, TT/V 7r' OVO//.O.TOS (j>epOfJi6Vr)V 'ItottVVOV OTTOKa- X.VI//LV ewpuKevcu. To this supposition, brought forward by Diony- sius, viz. that the Apocalypse was the work of another John different from the apostle and evangelist, Eusebius himself in- clines most favourably, although he does not venture expressly to declare in favour of it ; perhaps he did not find it sufficiently established in older ecclesiastical tradition so far as it was known. Eusebius himself often cites the book as " The Eevela- tion of John ;" nevertheless (H. E. iii. 18) h ry 'lomi^ov A.eyojuei/7/ aTTOKaAt'i/'et ; and it is not unimportant that he does not once quote the Apocalypse in his Interpretations of Isaiah and the Psalms, although there were not wanting opportunities of citing passages from this book ; and he also quotes from nearly all other New Testament writings. The only explanation of this is, partly that Eusebius himself was not certain whether com- plete canonical authority was due to the Apocalypse ; and partly he knew that such was denied to it by many, and therefore its testimony would not be recognized. This was partly the case with regard to the time after Eusebius ; though differently in different parts of the Church, upon which I make the following remarks. (a) The unfavourable opinion which the presbyter Caius, in particular, passed on the Apocalypse, in conflict with the Mon- tanists, in the Latin Church, had no lasting effect. We find indeed that Philastrius, Bishop of Brescia, in Uprer Italy ^fourth 38 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. century, end), Hasres. 88, where he enumerates the books which should be read in the churches, according to the prescriptions of the apostles, does not mention the Apocalypse among them ; but the reason of this is because he did not consider it suitable for reading public in the churches, on account of the obscurity of its contents, and not from any doubt of its origin or its authority ; as he already, in a previous place (Haeres. 60), reckons those among heretics who did not consider the Gospel and the Apoca- lypse to be the works of the apostle John. We find it every- where used in the Latin Church by the most distinguished teachers, and without hesitation, as a genuine apostolic writing, possessing complete canonical authority ; for example, by Hilary of Poitiers, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, &c. Jerome (Ep. 129 to Dardanus) says of the churches of the Greeks that they did not receive the Apocalypse, contrary to the Latins; and therefore his opinion clearly is that the latter, as far as he knew, received it. And (De Vir. Illustr. c. 9), where he speaks of the apostle John and his writings, he names among the latter the Apoca- lypse also, without once speaking of divergent views as to the origin of the book, though he makes mention of such in relation to the second and third Epistles of John. We find the Apoca- lypse in the different lists of the New Testament Canon received from the Latin Church after the end of the fourth century the first being that of the Council of Hippo Bhegius, in the year 393 directly adduced as an ecclesiastically canonical and apostolic writing. Only Junilius, an African Bishop about the middle of the sixth century, in his treatise De Partibus Legis Divinse (i. 4), does not include the Apocalypse among the pro- perly canonical books which are perfectse auctoritatis, and says that there is much doubt about it still among the Easterns. Yet this statement serves as proof that such scruples on the part of the Latin Church of his time were not known to him. It does not therefore probably refer to the Western Church of the time, when the fourth Synod at Toledo (633 A.D.) speaks of plurimi, who did not accept the authority of the Apocalypse, and USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 3$ refused to preach (predicare) it in the Church of God. Never- theless, the public reading of it in the Church may not regularly have taken place even in the West, from the obscurity of the contents. The above-named Synod itself designates the Apoca- lypse as a work which was declared to be that of the evan- gelist John and one of the sacred books by the help of many councils and synodical decrees of the Eomish Popes ; and excom- municates all who omitted predicare (it) a pascha ad pentecosta- rum tempus in ecclesia. The authority of the book accordingly in the "Western Church experienced no opposition, from the middle ages till the time of the Eeformation, neither on the part of the greater Church, nor on that of the lesser ecclesiastical parties, although both used it for mutual warfare.* (Z>) The Alexandrian Church also, after the fourth century, agrees completely with the Latin Church in its judgment about the apostolic origin and canonical value of the Apocalypse, without the criticism of Dionysius appearing to have exercised any influence upon it. It was unhesitatingly made use of by the Alexandrian Church teachers as a work of the apostle John ; as by Athanasius in the middle of the fourth century, who, in his list of the New Testament Canon in his Epistola festalis, adduces it directly among the canonical books, the only sources of salvation ; as does also the o-vvo^ts T^S Ofias ypa(j>fj; KOI irapa TOIS 0eoa-f.ftf.a-t. We must here remark that Epiphanius in former years had for a long time resided in Egypt. On the con- trary, it is not at all presented among the number of the canonical books of the New Testament in other lists of the Greek Church of this time, although all the other books of the New Testament are, namely, (1) in the Catech. iv. of Cyril, Bishop of Jerusalem (died 386) ; elsewhere in his Catechetics he takes notice of the Apocalypse, but without naming and quoting it, even where the contents gave him occasion to do so, e g. Catech. xv., where he speaks of Antichrist, and does not refer to the Apocalypse, but to Daniel, to Matt. xxv. and 2 Thess. ii. He even appears to reject the testimony of the Apocalypse, as that of an apocry- phal writing : jSao-iXtvo-fi 8e 6 'AvTi'x/oto-ros rpia KCU rf^iio-v \rt] r)6va' OVK e a.TTOKpv(j>(av Aeyo/xev (ApOC. xiv. 14), a A Act /c TOV Aavi^A* (fir/a-l yap K. T. X. (Dan. vii. 25). (2) In that of Gregory of Nazian- zum, in Cappadocia (died 389), in his Carmina, No. 32, where, after he has adduced all the other- books of the New Testament, he concludes : ei n rovrwv IKTOS, OVK (,v -yv-rjo-iois. Nevertheless, he quotes our book among them in his other writings, even as the composition of John. (3) In the lambis ad Seleucum, perhaps by a contemporary of Gregory of Nazianzum, viz. Bishop Amphi- lochius of Iconium ; who adds, however, at the end of the list, TT)V 8' airoKaXv^iv rrjv 'Iwavvov irdXiv Ttves /ACV cyxpivoiKTiv, 01 TrAeiovs 8e ye vodov Xcyowiv. (4) In the 60 Canon of the Council of Laodicea (about 362), where, in the enumeration of the canonical books of the Old and New Testaments, the Apocalypse is not mentioned at all. Likewise (5) in the 85 Canon of the so-called Canones Apos- tolici, which is also of the fourth or fifth century. It is not unimportant that Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople (died 407), Theodore of Mopsuestia in Cilicia (died 429), and Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus in Syria (died in 457), never expressly quote the USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 41 Apocalypse, though they had many occasions for doing so in their exegetical and other writings. Two other distinguished Greek Church teachers of that time, the brothers Basil the Great and Gregory of Nyssa, quote the Apocalypse as a writing of the evangelist John, but both only once or twice ; and the latter thus : the evangelist says ev a7ro/cpix/>ots ; which, however, is pro- bably meant not in the sense of spurious, but only in that of concealed, mystical. From what has been brought forward, it follows that, if we except the Alexandrian Church, Jerome ex- presses himself only a little too strongly when he (Ep. ad Darda- num) says in general, that the ecclesise Grsecorum do not receive the Apocalypse. The opinion about the book in the Greek Church became more favourable after a time, and the opposition to it gradually disappeared ; to which end the example of the Alexan- drian as also the influence of the Latin Church, essentially con- tributed. To the latter time of the fifth and the first half of the sixth century belong the Commentaries of the two Bishops of Caesarea, in Cappadocia, Arethas and Andreas, upon the Apocalypse, which consider it an inspired apostolical writing, and endeavour to give authority to it. The spurious writings of Dionysius Areopagita belong to about the same time, in one of which, namely, " Upon the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy," is to be found a bombastic specifi- cation of the biblical books; and among them the author represents the Apocalypse as TT)V Kpviav KGU ^.WTIKT^V eVoi/'tav rov TWV [J.a.Or]Tcav dya-n-rjTov KCU Becrireviov. Leontius Byzantinus, who last lived as a monk in Palestine (sixth and seventh centuries), in a list of the Old and New Testament books, and Johannes Damascenus (died 755 in a convent at Jerusalem : De Fide Orthod. iv. 17), enumerate the Apocalypse among the canonical books. It is true that in the Stichometry of Nicephorus (Patriarch of Constanti- nople, died 828), a list of the canonical and apocryphal books, which is to be found at the end of his Chronography, the Apoca- lypse is put in the Antilegomena of the New Testament ; biit this, provided the list is really by Nicephorus and was not already 42 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. found by him, is done only with reference to earlier doubts against it which the author had perhaps learned from Eusebius, not with reference to the scruples then prevailing in the Greek Church. And so the fact that Theophylact never cites the Apocalypse has its ground mainly in this, that he did not find it quoted by Chrysostom, on whom he mostly relies. In general, the Apo- calypse was hereafter questioned with regard to its apostolic origin and canonical dignity, as little perhaps in the Greek Church as in the Latin. (d) It was otherwise at a later time in the Syrian national Church. Here indeed we find that Ephraem Syrus (died 378) uses the Apocalypse as an apostolic writing. Yet he arrived at this conclusion only by means of his intercourse with the ortho- dox teachers of other Churches, whose Greek writings, like the Bible in the Greek language, were not unknown to him, although we know that he was not so fluent in Greek as to be able to converse with Greek Church teachers without an interpreter. This had no real influence upon the general practice of the Syrian Church. The circumstance that the ecclesiastical translation, the Peschito, did not contain the Apocalypse, had the effect of causing this book to be little known as a whole, and in general no ecclesiastical use was made of it. Somewhat later, the authority in which Theodore of Mopsuestia, whose follower was Nestorius, stood, may have influenced the Nestorians, who had a learned school at Nisibis, since he too does not appear to have recognized the Apocalypse. But the Syriac-Monophysite Church also agrees in the main. The Monophysites, it is true, came more into contact, especially with the Alexandrian theologians and their theology, nnd therefore their written canon may have influenced the former. Thus we find that a Monophysite Bishop, Jacob of Edessa, whose age, however, is uncertain (see Liicke, p. 646, Eemark), quotes the Apocalypse as a Revelation of one of the Saints, viz. of John the theologian (the place is xvii. 3 6), referring to Hippolytus ; and we know that at the end of the eleventh century a Monophysite Bishop, Dionysius Bar Salibi at Amida, wrote an interpretation USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 43 both of the other books of the New Testament and of the Apo- calypse. But in general the latter was not looked upon as a canonical writing among the Monophysite Syrians. The second Syriac translation of the New Testament, the Philoxenian, made by order of the Monophysite Bishop Philoxenus or Xenaias, in the year 508, does not contain the Apocalypse any more than the Peschito does. The Syriac translation of this book, first published by L. de Dieu (1627), was not improbably made by Thomas of Charkel, who revised the Philoxenian translation about 616, in a monastery at Alexandria, and himself made a translation of the Apocalypse, induced to do so by the authority attaching to this book in Egypt. But the Apocalypse never formed an essential part of the ecclesiastical Syriac translation, neither among the Nes- torians (or the Chaldsean Christians, especially in Persia and Armenia), nor also among the Monophysites (or Jacobites in the Patriarchate of Antioch). To the former belongs Ebed Jesu (Me- tropolitan at Nisibis, died 1318), who, in a list of Syrian authors in rhyme, does not mention the Apocalypse among the New Testament books (ch. ii.). To the Monophysites belonged Abul- pharagius, or Gregory Barhebraus, Monophysite Bishop at Haleb (died 1286), who directly disclaims the Apocalypse as the produc- tion of the apostle John, declaring it to be a work of Cerinthus. Not a single manuscript of the Peschito contains the Apocalypse, and therefore it is not found in the first printed editions of that translation, not in the first of all, which was prepared in Vienna, 1555, by Moses, priest at Merdin, and was sent to Pope Julius III. by the then Jacobite (Monophysite) Patriarch Ignatius. But subsequent editions of the Peschito first in the Paris and London polyglotts included the Apocalypse according to the later trans- lation published by L. de Dieu. Thus the book never had any proper canonical authority in the Syrian national Church, neither among the Nestorians, nor among the Monophysites ; whilst it maintained its credit undis- turbed in the rest of the Church, not merely in the Latin, but 44 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. also in the Greek, during the whole of the middle ages down to the Reformation. As to the interpretation of the book in this period, I make the following brief remarks. After Rome and the Roman empen >rs were converted to Christianity, the fact exercised such an influ- ence on the apprehension of the Apocalypse, that persons no longer referred the hostile powers especially the beast ascending out of the sea, the seven kings and the woman to heathen Rome and the Roman emperors as such, but gave them a more general application, viz. to the kingdoms of the world in general and its chief cities, or to a still future kingdom of Antichrist and its capital, or to the state of the world in general in opposition to the Church. The millennarian mode of interpretation entirely receded ; for Victorinus of Petabio already began the thousand- years' reign with the first appearance of Christ at his incarna- tion or his death, and viewed the thousand years only as a symbolical number in a general way. The first resurrection was referred in part to the rising of the world to a spiritual life, or to the establishment of the Christian Church. With regard to the relation of the different visions or series of visions one to another, the synchronistic mode of apprehen- sion was followed, as it was by Victorinus, so that in many ways the later were referred to the same facts and relations as the earlier; by which means, as was the case in the w r hole treat- ment of the book, much arbitrariness was committed, and no fixed rule followed. As to the Commentaries received by and known to us, the first and properly the only one of the Greek Church to be considered is that already mentioned, Andreas's, who was Bishop of Csesarea and Cappadocia, belonging to the end of the fifth century ; he proceeds in the manner of Origen, distinguishes various senses, and endeavours everywhere to point out the fulfilment of the prophecy. But in doing so he gene- ralizes the concrete. The Commentary of Arethas (sixth cen- tury), which we possess under the name of Oecumenius, is still l'*E OF THE A POCA L YP8E IN THE CHURCH. 45 less worthy of notice ; its relation to the Commentary of Arethas is also very uncertain (see Lit eke, p. 472, Eernark, 991 and fol- lowing). From the Latin Church at this time, an expositio in Apocalypsin, under the name of the Donatist Tichonius, has been preserved to us. It is also certain that this contemporary of Augustine and Jerome wrote a commentary on the book. Yet that cannot be regarded as the work lying before us, which may have proceeded from the former as an extract, with the separation of the Donatist element. Augustine himself and Jerome did not write any commentary on the book ; neverthe- less, intimations are to be found in their writings showing in what manner they apprehended individual parts, especially in Augustine (de Civ. D. xx. 7 17, on Apocalypse xx. xxi.). On the other hand, w r e possess a complete commentary of Primasius's, an African bishop about the middle of the sixth century ; and shorter expositions by his contemporary Cassiodorus (Com- plexiones Actuum apostolorum et Apocalypsis S. Johannis). Both do not depart widely from the mode of interpretation usual at that time ; as also two expositions belonging to the eighth century, a shorter one of the Venerable Bede (died 738) and that of the Gallic presbyter, Ambrosius Ansbertus (after the middle of the eighth century). In the latter period of the middle ages also, the Apocalypse was frequently treated exegeti- cally in the Western Church, but without any of these composi- tions having a scientific value. The usual view of the time was that the thousand-years' kingdom had already begun at the incarnation of Christ or his death, and therefore people expected the end of the world to come at the expiration of the thousand years after Christ. On account of this, the mind of Christendom in the West, towards the end of the tenth, and at the beginning of the eleventh cen- tury, was very much excited in strained and anxious expectation. But when no particular catastrophe happened at the time, the minds of the people gradually became calm, and the opinion prevailed all the more generally that the thousand years are not 46 LECTURES OA T THE APOCALYPSE. to be understood as so many ordinary years according to our mode of reckoning, but in a general way and as some sort of symbolical apocalyptic date. But the relations of the times and party considerations exercised great influence upon the definite interpretation of the hostile powers. After the spread of Maho- metauisni, it was usual to understand the beast with the false prophet (ch. xiii. and following) of Mahomet and Mahometan- ism. So especially at the time of the Crusades, when Pope Innocent III., at the time he ordered a new crusade in 1215, expressly asserted this interpretation, and announced withal that the hostile power of the Saracens would soon be destroyed ; referring the number 666 to so many years after the appear- ance of Mahomet and the continuance of Mahometanism. Ne- vertheless, there were other interpretations, suggested by the relations of the times. Thus in the contests of the Romish Church with the Hohenstaufen, the beast was interpreted of this worldly power by the adherents of the former ; as in the struggle of the Church with the sects and heresies which spread especially after the end of the twelfth century, the false prophet of the Apocalypse was referred to these latter. On the con- trary, the same adversaries of the Romish hierarchy referred pre- cisely to it and to the Pope, the beast full of names of blasphemy and the false prophet ; so Frederick II., and also the heretical parties of the time. This was done in a peculiar manner, in the thirteenth century, by the stricter Franciscans, who attached themselves especially to the interpretation of the Apocalypse* which the Cistercian abbot Joachim of Flora, in Calabria (died about 1201) published. Whether that was originally anti-Papal is not certain (see Engelhardt, der Abt. Joachim, und das ewige Evangelium, in his kirchengeschichtlichen Abhandlungen, 1832, pp. 1 150) ; but it certainly had from the commencement a millennarian character ; and was perhaps still further developed by those stricter Franciscans in an anti-Romish sense. Other * See concerning the interpretation, Liicke, pp. 1066 and following ; De Wette, Commentar zur GfFenbarung Johannes, p. 15. USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 47 anti-Eomish parties also, as the Cathari, Waldenses, Wicklifites and Hussites, made use of the Apocalypse in their polemics against the Romish Church, although the individual sects did it in a very different manner, while believing that the Papacy was prophesied of as Antichristianism : and they thought they were able to prove that the fall of it was near, even the very year, when it should take place. But in recognizing the book as an apostolic and truly prophetical writing, all parties in the Western Church were then agreed. At the time of the Reformation, critical doubts were again pre- valent, as well about several other books of the New Testament, as also about the origin of the Apocalypse. Erasmus, of Rotter- dam, fell into a dispute with the Paris theologians about the Apocalypse, because he maintained that doubts had for a long time prevailed concerning it ; and that not only among heretics, but orthodox theologians also, chiefly with regard to its author, although they received it as a book written by the Holy Ghost. He himself intimates several grounds of doubt without coming to a determination ; but seems pretty clearly to incline to the view that the Apocalypse is not a work of the evangelist and apostle John, and is not quite equal in value to the other canonical books. Carlstadt expresses himself of the same opinion, in two treatises of the year 1520, a Latin and a shorter German one, as to what books are canonical or sacred and biblical. He makes three dif- ferent classes of biblical books, puts the Apocalypse in the third and lowest, describes it as the least of the books of this order, and hints that it was not written by the evangelist John. At the religious conference in Berne, 1528, between Roman Catholics and Reformed theologians, Swiss and South German, when the Roman Catholics appealed to Apocalypse v. 8 on behalf of the doctrine of the intercession of saints, Zwinglius rejected the testi- mony, because the Apocalypse was no biblical book, nor even a work of the evangelist John, but that of another John. Luther before him had already expressed an opinion about the Apoca- lypse much harsher and rougher, in his German translation. He 48 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. gives prominence to a distinction among the New Testament books, between those acknowledged as canonical or right books, and those whose authority is not secure : the latter, in his opi- nion, are the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Epistles of James and Jude, and the Apocalypse. In his translation he assigns to these four books the last place, and distinguishes them from the others by numbering only the latter in the list of books prefixed, from 1 23, and then, after a short pause, he makes these four follow without numbers, just as if they were not at all to be included among the New Testament books. Luther wrote a preface to the Apocalypse in the first edition of the German New Testa- ment (1522), in which he expressed himself very strongly against the book. He said he would allow every one to follow his own opinion with regard to it ; he wished to force his judgment upon no one ; but he could neither hold it to be apostolic nor prophetic, and could not admit that it was prompted by the Holy Ghost ; he held it almost similar to the fourth Book of Esdras, since it has to do with visions throughout, contrary to the manner of the apostolic and other prophetic books, and does not prophesy in clear plain words. He was also offended at the expressions of the book (xxii. 7 9, 18 and following), where those are pro- nounced blessed who keep its words, and blessedness is denied to such as take away aught from its contents, since it is so obscure that no one knows what it really means ; that there are much more noble books which should be maintained. He appeals also to the fact that many of the old Fathers rejected the book. He concludes, "Every one may judge of the book according to his spirit; his own mind cannot adapt itself to the book, and cannot value it highly, because Christ is neither taught nor recognized in it." Instead of this preface, which perhaps may have excited much offence, and is also openly unjust, at least with regard to the last assertion (that Christ is not taught or recognized in the book), Luther afterwards prefixed another preface, not, as is frequently stated (also by Liicke, pp. 898, 1014), first in 1534, but already in the Wittenberg edition of the New USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 49 Testament of the year 1530, which runs more smoothly, although in the main it expresses the same doubts. He says that the book in its past obscurity and uncertainty of interpretation is still a concealed mute prophecy, and without its intended use for Christendom ; that many had tried it, but up to the present day had brought forth nothing certain ; that some had manufac- tured out of their heads much unsuitable stuff, and put it into it. On account of such uncertain interpretation and concealed meaning, he had hitherto left it alone, especially since some old Fathers did not consider the book as the writing of St. John the apostle, as may be seen from Eusebius ; in such uncertainty he would let it remain for his own part, without hindering anybody from holding it to be by St. John the apostle, or whatever he liked. Yet Luther makes an attempt to state the contents of the Apocalypse according to the single visions ; referring indivi- dual images to individual events and epochs in the history of the Christian Church in succession. The bitter-sweet book (x. 10) he refers to the Papacy with its great spiritual appearance. He reckons the thousand years from the time of the composition of the book down to Gregory VII., and fixes upon the number 666 (xiii. 18) as being so many years of the above-mentioned Pope, the time of the anti-christian Papacy. Yet we may easily per- ceive that Luther himself does not attach much weight to these explanations of his. Already two years earlier he had published an old Latin Commentary, sent to him in manuscript out of Poland or Livonia, by an unknown author, but written before the Council of Constanz (Commentarius in Apocalypsin ante centum annos editus ;-Wittenb. 1528, 8), and accompanied it with a Preface, in which he himself does not express an opinion on the Apocalypse, but allows that Antichrist in it refers to the Eomish Papacy. Luther's unfavourable opinion about the Apocalypse exercised an influence upon the Lutheran Church for a long time. After his example, people continued to separate those four books from the proper leading ones of the New Testament. Somewhat later, indeed, Martin Chemnitz, in his Examen Concilii Triden- E 50 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. tini (1565), began even to specify these four, to which the three other Antilegomena of Eusebius, 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, were added, as the Apocrypha of the New Testament, i. e. as writings whose origin is not sufficiently certified, and which therefore, though useful for reading and edification, must not be applied in establishing doctrines of faith ; as those to which canonical autho- rity did not properly belong (see upon this, Gesch. des Kanons, in my Einl. i. N. T. pp. 669 sqq., and my Einl. z. Hebr. Br. pp. 449 sqq.). Catholics, as well as Eeformed theologians, did not take part in this proceeding in general ;* nor did Zwdnglius' con- demnatory opinion with reference to the Apocalypse in particular find any following in the Kefonned Church. Calvin makes use of the book, without hesitation, as a canonical writing, even for dogmatic proofs ; a certain shyness prevented him from treating it exegetically in a continuous commentary. Beza, in his N. T., tries energetically to refute objections against the authenticity of the Apocalypse : in his remarks, he limits himself almost exclu- sively to explanations of the meaning of words, abstaining almost wholly from properly prophetic exposition. In the Lutheran Church also, after the first half of the seventeenth century, theo- logians gradually refrained from distinguishing two classes, of different canonical authority, among the New Testament writings, and therefore from questioning the Apocalypse with regard to its apostolic origin, and from lowering it in comparison with other writings. The interpretation of the book in the Protestant Church was in general directed against the Papacy and the Eomish Church ; the representation of the beast, of the false prophet and Babylon, being referred to them. At the same time, no continuous progression in the several visions was assumed, but parallels and recapitulations running beside one another. So, among others, Collado (Lausann. 1551), who assumed a complete parallelism * Yet see upon Musculus in Lucke, 907. The Bernese Government hesitated to permit the printing of a work by Bullinger on the Apocalypse (1557), because he reckoned it among the canonical books, in opposition to Zwingli and the ecclesiastical edition of the Bible. USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 51 between the seals, trumpets and vials of wrath ; partly, also, Paroeus (1618), who, however, only views the seven seals and the seven trumpets as running parallel, referring to the time between Constantine the Great, on the one hand, with Boniface III. and Mahomet, on the other; but the seven vials of wrath, to the time to come, as far as Luther and thence to the end. Farther, the Englishman, Joseph Mede, whose Clavis Apocalyptica ap- peared at the same time with his Commentary upon the Acts, 1627, who finds in the first part of the book as far as the six trumpets, ch. ix. inclusive, the destinies of the kingdom foretold ; in the second part, those of the Church, running parallel with the former ; but in the second part he assumes a number of synchronisms. He places the thousand-years' kingdom, however, at the end, departing from the usual interpretation, which makes it to commence already with the first appearance of Christ, which also was firmly held by most of the Protestant interpreters, in opposition to the fanatical chiliasm of the Anabaptists and others. The interpretations of these expositors individually were very copious, wanting throughout in certainty, and presenting little to promote scientific interpretation. Hugo Grotius (died 1645) departs most from the ordinary mode of interpretation. He assumes in the book different visions, and visions received at different times, of which those in the first part, as far as ch. xi. inclusive, refer to the relations of the Jews ; the following, as far as ch. xx. inclusive, to the relations of the Romans from Claudius to Vespasian ; the remaining chapters to the later relations of the Church, as far as the end. He reckons the thousand years from Constantine the Great to the beginning of the fourteenth century, when the Turks and Mahometanism penetrated into Asia and Greece. Hence Grotius, with whom also Hammond and Clericus agreed, entirely forsook the usual way of the Protestant Church in applying the Apocalypse polemically against the Romish Church, and in finding the destruction of that Church described in it; yet a simple comparison of the contents of the book does not make it at all probable that in his interpretation he E 2 52 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. attained to the proper aim and essential meaning of it, or that lie penetrated into its depths. Of Catholic commentators be- longing to this period, I name here only the three following : (a) In the end of the sixteenth century, Francis Eibeira, pro- fessor in Salamanca (1591), who tries to explain the book by the relations of time as much as possible; for example, he understands the Babylonian whore as heathen Eome, in oppo- sition to the Protestants of the time. (6) Another Spaniard, at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Jesuit Ludwig ab Alcassar, whose copious Commentary (1614) attained great authority in the Eomish Church. In apprehending the economy of the book, he may be viewed, in a manner, as the forerunner of Hugo Grotius ; he interprets v. 11 of the struggle of Christ's church with the Jewish synagogue ; xii. 19, with Eoman hea- thenism, both its worldly power and fleshly wisdom ; xx. 22, of the victory, rest and glorious excellency of the Church, (c) The French bishop, Jacob Benignus Bossuet (died 1701), who as an interpreter of the Apocalypse (Commentaire sur 1'Apoca- lypse; Paris, 1689, 8) also attained to great authority in the Catholic Church, partly too outside the Church. His expla- nation is allied to that of Alcassar and Grotius ; naturally in opposition to the usual interpretation of Protestant expositors against the Papacy and its hostility to the true Church of God. He refers the thousand years (xx. 1 10) to the time of the sovereignty of the Church upon earth; the preceding visions (iv. 19), to the war of Judaism and that of Eomish heathenism (especially under Diocletian) against the Church ; he also refers the number 666 to Diocletian ; the letting loose of Satan at the end of the thousand years, to the spread of the Turks in Europe and to Lutheranism ; the last chapters, to the impending final attack of Satan on the Church, and the general resurrection immediately following it, with the last judgment.* In opposition to Bossuet, appeared on the Protestant side * On Noel Aubert de Verse, see Liicke, 1031 ff. USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 53 the Commentary of a Dutch theologian, Campegius Vitringa, Professor at Franeker (died 1722), AvaKpicm Apocalypseos Joan- nis Apostoli, &c., 1715 (1719 and 1721), a work distinguished for philological erudition and accuracy, as well as its literary and historical apparatus. He adheres in general to the mode of expo- sition usual in the Protestant Church against the Romish, which he seeks to justify against Grotius and Bossuet in particular. Like many commentators of that time, he also understands the Apocalyptic Epistles (ch. ii. iii.) as prophecy, as prophetically showing forth the inner condition of the Christian Church, ac- cording to the succession of the Epistles, in different periods, from the date of the composition of the book up to that time ; what follows, on the contrary, from ch. iv., as a prophecy of' the outward destinies of the Church running parallel to its internal condition, in several divisions again running parallel to one ; another. He refers the seven seals (iv. 8) to the destinies of the Church in general, from Trajan until the end of the world ; viii. 11 he takes as a prophecy concerning Rome, both heathen and papal/ under the figure of Jerusalem. In xii. 19 is more exactly presented the struggle of the true Church of Christ with Romish anti-christianism until its destruction; ch. xx., the condition of the Church in Europe after the destruction of anti- Christian Rome, and its triumphs over new enemies who should arise at the end of the thousand-years' reign ; so that he considers the millennial kingdom, which he understands mystically as one entirely future. In ch. xxi. xxii., the eternal blessedness of the Church triumphing over the whole world is set forth. Vitringa abstains from more exact chronological calculations of the future, of the time of the fall of anti-christianism, &c. But different attempts were made in different quarters, after the beginning of the eighteenth century, to investigate the future more closely, setting out with the idea of discovering the chronological system of the Apocalypse, and herewith the time of the final decisive leading points, and of determining the future 54 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. according to year and day; in doing which the numbers in the Apocalypse were compared with the Old Testament ones, especially with those in the book of Daniel. I mention here only the most famous and influential attempt of the kind by Johann Albrecht Bengel (died 1762) : Erklarte Offenbarung Johannes oder vielmehr Jesu Christi .... libersetzt und durch die prophetischen Zahlen aufgeschlossen ; Stuttg. 1740, 8; again printed 1834, 8 (as also with other writings of Bengel ; see Liicke, p. 1039, f. Anm. a). He believed he was able to discover, by means of several very complicated and artistic combinations, it is true, that a prophetic month amounts to 15| years (namely 6 ~, according to xiii. 18, comp. with verse 5); accordingly a prophetical day consists of nearly half a year ; an apocalyptic S, 1111| years (^f^); the dAt'yos KCU/H* (xii. 12) - 888f years the apocalyptic alwv (xiv. 6) = 2222| years, &c. Accord- ing to Bengel also, the Apocalypse is taken up in great part with a prophetic representation of the struggle of the true Church of Christ with the Papacy and the world. He believes he found the 18th of June, 1836, to be the date of the coming of Christ after the last raging of Antichrist ; from that time Satan should be bound for a thousand years, until 2836 ; the thousand- years' kingdom of the saints in heaven was to begin in 2836, lasting until 3836. This apocalyptic system of Bengel found much acceptance, even admiration and following, in a considerable portion of the Evangelical Church, not merely in Wurtemberg, but also in England and elsewhere, and has been firmly held in its essential features even till later times, until it found its refutation in the historical course of affairs, at least partly; as Bengel himself, with all confidence in the correctness of his manner of interpre- tation, expressed his opinion to the effect, that if the year 1836 should pass without perceptible change, undoubtedly there must be a main fault in his system. Nevertheless, he thinks that even if the disclosure of the numbers given by him should be incorrect, which he is not, however, inclined to grant, still USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 55 the explanation of the things, together with their practical application, will maintain its correctness. But the entire Bengelian and similar modes of treating the Apocalypse rest upon the supposition, not merely of the genuine- ness and apostolic composition of the hook, but also upon its inspiration in the strictest sense, viz. that it was communicated to the apostle in its whole contents by immediate divine reve- lation, and is therefore thoroughly credible in all its prophetic statements, if it is only explained in a right way. Yet this view of the book at the time of Bengel, about the middle of the 18th century, was not the one generally prevalent in the Protestant Church. On the one side, a freer, less strict view of the character of prophecy in general was taken, whence there arose a tendency to interpret the Apocalypse in a simple manner ; and more by the relations out of which the book arose, scruples about the apostolic origin of the book were again rife, and it was soon attacked with great eagerness. The latter attacks and disputes began already about 1730, and in England too, first in the Greek English New Testament pub- lished anonymously and by an unknown writer (The New Testament in Greek and English, &c. ; London, 1729). The editor in his remarks attacks the genuineness of the Apocalypse in a very decided manner, relying mainly upon the criticism of Dionysius of Alexandria. It is further assailed in a treatise that likewise appeared anonymously (A Discourse, Historical and Critical, on the Eevelation ascribed to St. John ; London, 1730). The author is the Genevan librarian, Firmin Abauzit, distinguished for abundant erudition, who with much energy seeks to show that reasons preponderate against the apostolic origin of the book. He wrote the treatise originally in French, and at the inducement of an English friend, in order to coun- teract the assiduous study of apocalyptic chronology ; yet it was at first published in the English translation. A refutation of these two attacks by the English theologian, Leonhard Twells, appeared in the third part of his criticism of 56 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. that Greek-English edition of the New Testament, 1732. The treatise relating to the Apocalypse is somewhat abridged in the Latin translation taken by Wolf into his Curse Philol. et Criticoe on the New Testament, and prefixed to the remarks upon the Apocalypse. Twells knows how to make the most of external as well as internal grounds in favour of the composition of the book by the apostle John, with learning and sagacity, and his defence met with much approbation. The same Abauzit wrote another treatise which belongs to this place (Essai sur 1'Apocalypse, 1730), in which he tries to show that the book was written under Nero, and is in its pro- phecy only a development of the sayings of Christ about the fall of Jerusalem ; that all refers to the destruction of this Jewish capital and the Eoman-Jewish war (ch. xxi. and xxii.) ; to the more extensive spread of the Christian Church after that catas- trophe. Similar is the interpretation of Wetstein (De Interpretatione libri Apocalypseos) in his New Testament, II. 889 and following ; 1752), who refers the main contents to the Eomish-Jewish war and the contemporary civil war in Italy, but understands the thousand years (ch. xx.) as the fifty years after the death of Domitian until the insurrection of the Jews under Bar Cochba, and takes the heavenly Jerusalem as a type of the great spread and rest of the Christian Church after the complete subjection of the Jews. Further, Johann Christoph Harenberg's (Professor at Brunswick, died 1774) Erklarung der Offenbarung Johannis : Es entwickelt sich zugleich die Frage, wo wir jetzt in der Zeit der Anzeigen soldier Offenbarung leben; Braunschw. 1759,4), which refers all to Jerusalem as far as ch. xviii., understanding Babylon as that city ; but the following chapters he refers to the development of the Christian Church till the last day. Semler, on the contrary, in his edition of Wetstein's Libell. ad crisin et interpretationem N. T. (1766), where he (pp. 217 246) gives Observatioiies breves de interpretatione Apocalypseos, considers the book as chiefly directed against the Romans, the USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 57 protectors of idolatry and enemies of the Christian Church, but views the prophetical images as merely borrowed from Jewish Apocalyptic, without imputing to them any special value. In the same treatise, Sernler also expresses doubts about the apostolic origin of the Apocalypse. But the contest respecting it raged far more vigorously in the German Protestant Church a few years later, when Semler published the treatise of a defunct theologian (Georg Ludwig Oeder, Dean at Feuchtwangen in the Ansbach district, died 1760), "Christlich freie Untersuchung iiber die sogenannte Offenbarung Johanuis, aus der nachgelassenen. Handschrift eines frankischen Gelehrten," herausgegeben mit einigen Anmerk. von J. S. Semler ; Halle, 1*769, 8. The treatise is divided into two parts ; in the first, Oeder contests the genuine- ness of the Apocalypse on historical grounds by considering the testimonies of the ancients ; in the second, on dogmatic grounds, from a consideration of its contents. He agrees with the Alogi and Caius that it is a work of Cerinthus. Semler, in his re- marks, almost everywhere approves of the judgment of Oeder. Subsequently, Semler treated of the same subject still farther, with reference to counter works that had appeared meanwhile : (a) in his Abhandlung von freier Untersuchung des Kanons, Thl. i. ; nebst Antwort auf die Tiibingische Vertheidigung der Apokalypse (von Beust), Halle, 1771, 8 ; (6) in his Neuen Untersuchungen iiber die Apokalypse, Halle, 1776, where he seeks to prove that it was not at all known in the Church before the middle of the second century, and that it was first brought to Italy and Gaul by Montanists (in opposition to Knittel) ; and (c) in his theological Epistles, two collections, Leipzig, 1781, 8 (against Hartwig). The spuriousness of the Apocalypse was also sought to be proved (a) by F. A. Stroth : Freymiithige Untersuchungen, die Offenbarung Johannis betreffend (against C. F. Schmidt), mit Vorrede von Semler, Halle, 1771, 8 : the treatise appeared anonymously ; the author studied at that time in Halle, and afterwards became rector in Gotha (died 1785) ; and (6) by Michael Merkel, candi- 58 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. date of theology, in two treatises, Frankf. and Leipzig, 1782 and 1785 (against Hartwig and Storr). The German theologians who sought to justify the apostolic origin of the Apocalypse against these attacks of Semler and his friends, have been already mentioned, for the most part inci- dentally. Here belong (a) the Wiirtemberg Chancellor, Jeremias Eeuss (1767 and 1772) ; (&) the Leipzig, afterwards Wittenberg theologian, Christian Friedrich Schmidt (1771 and 1775) ; (c) the Brunswick General Superintendent, Franz Antony Knittel (1773) ; (c7) the Wiirtemberg theologian, Gottlob Christian Storr (1782 and 1786). One of the most valuable among the apo- logetic treatises of this time in favour of the Apocalypse is the following : Apologie der Apokalypse wider falschen Tadel und falsches Lob. Chemnitz 4 Theile, 1780-83. The writer is Friedrich Gotthold Hartwig, pastor at Grosshartmannsdorf, near Freiberg. The first part of the work, written with much cir- cumspection and calmness, but with too great diffuseness, is chiefly taken up with the investigation of the testimony of the presbyter Caius, and with the refutation of the view that the Apocalypse teaches an earthly kingdom of Christ ; the second part, among others, with the investigation of the testimony of Dionysius of Alexandria ; the third part answers Sender's reply to the two first parts (in his Theolog. Briefe), and then seeks to unfold the plan of the book as a symbolic-dramatic poem in several acts and scenes ; the fourth part treats of (1) the apostolic genuineness of the Apocalypse from internal signs (a) from the seven epistles (ch. ii. and iii.) ; and (Z>) from the exact agreement of the book with the other writings and entire character of John ; giving (2) an answer to the historical grounds of doubt still remaining, including a historical proof of the genuineness of the book. But before this work of Hartwig, there had appeared an exegetical treatise on the Apocalypse by J. G. Herder: " MAPAN A9A," das Buch von der Zukunft des Heirn, des Neuen Testamentes Siegel ; Eiga, 1779 (in Herder's Werken zur Eeligion USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 59 u. Theologie, Thl. xii.). He views the book as a work of the apostle John, but refers the whole contents, as Abauzit among others did, to the destruction of Jerusalem, which he also understands by Babylon, and to the disturbances and wars in Palestine preceding that catastrophe. In his letters on the Study of Theology (1780), Part ii. Br. 21, he expresses himself to the effect that he viewed the entire destruction of Jerusalem only as a sign, pledge, type of the final and greater end of things, and that the proper object oi:' prophecy is to develop this end in such sign and pledge. Yet this point of view does not appear definitely in the interpreta- tion itself. But he gives prominence to the practical particulars whereby the Apocalypse is a book for all hearts and for all times. By means of its warm and enthusiastic character, the Herder- treatment of the Apocalypse obtained much approval in its time, and succeeded in interesting many new friends in the book, at least in directing them to its formal and aesthetic beauties. Hartwig, in the above-mentioned work, attached himself specially to Herder in the historical relations of the Apocalypse. Fully two years later appeared the work of Johann Gottfried Eichhorn, Commentarius in Apocalypsin Joannis, 2 vols., Gott. 1791, 8. He also considers the Apocalypse as a genuine writ- ing of the apostle John, but brings out very little of its pro- phetic character. With regard to its meaning, he agrees essentially with the Strasburg theologian Johann Samuel Her- renschneider (in his Inaugural Dissertation, Tentamen Apocalyp- seos a capite 4 usque ad finem illustrandse ; Strasburg, 1786, 4). Eichhorn takes the whole as a general poetical representation of the victory of Christianity over Judaism which is symbol- ized by Jerusalem; and over heathenism, which is symbolized by Eome designated as Babylon ; referring the phenomena of the fifth and sixth trumpets, exactly in the same way as Herder, to definite historical relations in the Romish-Jewish war which preceded the destruction of Jerusalem. In respect to form, he views the Apocalypse as a drama with different acts and scenes, as Hartwig and David Parseus (1628) did. This mode 60 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. of treatment by Eiclihorn certainly met with opposition in his time ; for example, from Joh. Friedr. Kleuker (Ueber den Ur- sprung und Zweck der Offenbarung Johanuis ; Hamb. 1800), who objected to it on the ground that the properly prophetic charac- ter of the book was done away with. But in general it found much approval. It had the effect of making people more dis- posed to recognize the genuineness and the apostolic origin of the book, even without regard to its prophetic value ; and it also found many followers with respect to the main points of inter- pretation, and the essential character of the whole. So also Joh. Heinrich Heinrichs mostly agrees with the interpretation of Eichhorn, in his Latin work on the Apocalypse, in the N. T. of Koppe, Vol. X. 2 parts, 1818 21, who, however, tries to make out that John the presbyter is the author of the book. Another theologian, Paul Joachim Sigismund Vogel, in Erlangen (died 1834), had tried to prove in seven programmes (1811, 16, 4), that the Apocalypse is the work of two different writers ; that i. 9 xi. 29 was written by the apostle John ; the remainder, probably by John the presbyter. An essay of mine, in the Theolog. Zeitschrift, Heft 2 (Berlin, 1820), pp. 240315, " Beitrage zur Kritik und Deutung der Offenbarung Johannis," the former edited by Schleiermacher, De Wette and Liicke, refers to the two last- named writings, namely, to the first part of Heinrichs' Commen- tary and Vogel's Programmes. Some further contributions by me towards this object are to be found in my Beitrage zur Evangelien-Kritik (1846), especially pp. 182200, 267 fl. 81, as well as in the before-mentioned copious review of the second edition of Liicke's Einl. in die Apok. (Theolog. Stud. u. Krit., 1854, Heft 4, 1855, Heft 1). In the first-named essay, I expressed my opinion that the whole Apocalypse was, without doubt, from one and the same writer, but was partly written before the destruction of Jerusalem, partly (from ch. xii. onwards) after it. This I ex- pressly retracted afterwards (in the Beitrage), and declared myself in favour of the unity of the book, and the composition of the whole not Ions before the destruction of Jerusalem. On the USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. Gl other hand, I have also, at a later period, held firmly other lead- ing points which I sought to make conclusive in the first trea- tise, namely, (a) that the Apocalypse is not a work of the apostle and evangelist John, nor even falsely attributed to him by a later writer, but was composed by another John, the presbyter of Papias; (&) that it is not, according to the view of Eich- horn, merely a general poetical representation of the victory of Christianity over Judaism and heathenism, but has the deter- minate object of comforting and consoling the oppressed Chris- tians of the time, by directing them to the nearness of the second coming of the Lord to earth ; (c) that this advent of Christ is annexed to the fall of anti-christian paganism and particularly of Eome as its chief seat ; that, on the contrary, the destruction of Jerusalem is nothing peculiar in the prophetic representation, and that even the visions in the first part, particularly in ch. ix., contain no references to definite historical events at the time of the Romish- Jewish war, which the author may have had in view. In these points, Ewald and De Wette, among succeeding inter- preters of the Apocalypse, agree with me in the main. Ewald, in his Latin work, by which the interpretation of individual portions is very much advanced : Commentarius in Apocalypsin Joannis exegeticus et criticus ; Gott. 1828, 8. De Wette, in his Einl. in N.T., and his Kurze Erklarung der Offenbarung Johannis (Kurzgefasstes exeget. Handb. liber das N". T., Band III. Thl. ii., Leipzig, 1848, 8 ; 2 Ausg. mit Vorrede von Lticke, 1853). This Commentary is the last work of De Wette (died the 16th June, 1849), closing his literary and theological career in a highly worthy and edifying manner; particularly the Preface, written amid the severe political and social relations of the time. The Commentary itself is, with all its brevity, rich in matter and instructive, both for the interpretation of single parts, as well as for the right understanding of the object and spirit of the whole book.* * De Wette in his Commentary made much use of Bleek's Heft on the Revelation of John, which the latter handed over to him complete. 62 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. A very significant and important work is that of Liicke, already mentioned in its first edition, which appeared a few years after the Commentary of Ewald : Versuch einer Vollstandigen Einleitung in die Offenbarung Johannes und in die gesammte Apokalyptische Litteratur ; Bonn, 1832, 8 ; 2nd edition (Versuch einer Vollstandi- gen Einl. in die Offenb. Job.., oder allgemeine Untersuchungen iiber die Apokalyptische Litteratur iiberhaupt, und die Apokalypse des Johannes insbesondere), Bonn, 1852. This second edition is almost double the size of the first, fully thirty sheets more, and there- fore as good as a complete revision. The work is divided into h ree books : (1) Conception and History of Apocalyptic Lite- rature. (2) Consideration of the Apocalypse of John. (3) Theory and History of the Interpretation of the Book. With reference to the explanation of the Apocalypse, Liicke had already, in an earlier treatise, Theolog. Stud. u. Kritiken, 1829, Heft 2 (Apo- kalyptische Studien, in Beziehung auf Ewald's Commentar), so far approached nearer to Eichhorn, as to believe that not only Eoman paganism but also Judaism is the anti-christianism which is to be overcome, without assuming a definite reference to the destruction of Jerusalem; and he held essentially the same opinion in the work already named, as well as in the second edition, although he admits that Jerusalem is not conceived of in such absolute opposition to the kingdom of Christ, as Eome, the new Babylon (against it, see my remarks in the Beitrage zur Ev. Krit. pp. 187 ff. and Stud. u. Krit. 1855, p. 163). With re- gard to the origin of the book, Liicke decides that it could not be written by the evangelist and apostle John. In the first edition, however, he had sought to make good the conjecture that it was written in the apostle's name by another, not exactly with the intention to deceive, who based it upon a revelation communicated to the apostle, partly corresponding to what the same apostle may have orally expressed, and developed it in his own manner. (Schott, Isagoge in N. T., 116, Not. 5, had already put forward a similar view, that some Aramaic notes, made by the apostle John for his private use, lay at the foun- USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 63 dation of the visions communicated to him, which a pupil of his worked out farther). Yet Llicke at a later period retracted this view, in Theol. Stud. u. Krit, 1836. 3, pp. 654 if., and agreed in the opinion that the book is the work of another John, who wrote and published it in his own name. And he expressed still more decidedly the same opinion in the second edition of the Introduction, holding it as most probable that the author was the presbyter of Papias. Very great care and diligence are here applied in proving that the Apocalypse could not be written by the author of the Gospel. Other scholars of later times, who are likewise convinced that the fourth Gospel and the Apocalypse cannot belong to one and the same writer, have decided that the Apocalypse is by the apostle John, but not the Gospel. Thus Dr. Christ. Friedr. Jak. Ziillig, Die Offenbarung Johannis vollstandig erklart, 2 Thle., 1834, 41, 8. The first part is in a popular style, for readers who are not learned ; a form of treatment which is given up in the second part. The author refers the second part of the book, with Herder and others, to Jerusalem and Judaism, and explains Babylon of it also ; he advances besides many sin- gular, unnatural explanations. Still much valuable matter is to be found, especially in his remarks about the distinction between the essential in the prophetic contents of the book and the non-essential that belongs to prophetic form and dress. He places the composition of the Apocalypse earlier than any other of the more modern interpreters, 44 47 after Christ, and ascribes it to the apostle John, though the latter did not write the fourth Gospel. In the same light is the subject viewed still more decidedly by the entire Tubingen school of Baur, which considers it almost an article of faith that the apostle John wrote the Apocalypse. Schwegler first expressed this opinion in his treatise on Montanism (1841), and repeated it in his Nachapos- tolisches Zeitalter, Band II. (1846), pp. 249 sqq., as well as Baur himself (Kritische Untersuchung liber die 4 Kanonischen Evan- gelien, pp. 345 sqq.), Schnitzer, Zeller, &c. These scholars find in the Apocalypse the judaizing standpoint which, as they 64 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. believe, must be pre-supposed in the apostle John, and there- fore think themselves justified in refusing him the fourth Gospel. Ferdinand Hitzig tried to establish another view respecting the author of the Apocalypse : Uber Johannes Marcus und seine Schriften oder welcher Johannes hat die Offenbarung ver- fasst? Zurich, 1843, 8. Dionysius of Alexandria had already mentioned John Mark the evangelist, as one who might be con- sidered the writer of the Apocalypse ; and Beza briefly mentions the assumption. Hitzig, however, asserts decidedly that this very person wrote the Apocalypse ; and is able to give some plausibility to the assumption by his usual acute and confident manner. Weisse agrees with him ; in a review of the book, Neue Jen. A. L. Z. (1843), No. 225 sqq. The supposition is rejected by Llicke, pp. 778 796, as it had been already by Ebrard in his treatise : Das Evangelium Johannis und die neueste Hypothese liber seine Entstehung (1845), pp. 137 217. Ebrard declares himself decidedly in favour of identity of authorship between the fourth Gospel and the Apocalypse, and the composition of both by the apostle John. So also in his ex- planation of the Eevelation of John (in the continuation of Ols- hausen's Bibl. Commentary, Vol. VII.); Konigsberg, 1853. The same has again been asserted in other quarters, in the last twenty or thirty years, for example, by Kolthoff (Apocalypsis Johanni Apostolo vindicata ; Copenhagen, 1834) ; by Dannemann (Wer ist der Verfasser der Offenb. Johannis? mit einemVorwort von Liicke; Hannov. 1841) ; by Guerike (lastly in the second edition of his Introduction to the New Testament); by Hengstenberg (die Offen- barung des h. Johannes, fiir solche die in der Schrift forschen erlautert; Berlin, 1849-51, 2 vols., the second in two divisions; 2nd edition, 1861, without essential alterations), and by others. A revolution in the interpretation of the book and the estimation of its value as a prophetic writing, is connected with the fact of taking the whole, as well as the single visions and images, as absolutely inspired predictions of the fortunes of the Church in USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 65 its struggles with the world, and so rejecting the assumption of a poetic envelope. The political relations of the times exercised a particular influence upon it at the time of the war of freedom, as it had done before during the heavy oppression which weighed on Europe, particularly on Germany ; and afterwards too, when the minds of the people were directed in excited expectation to the farther development of affairs, and were therefore led to seek for disclosures respecting them in the prophetic parts of the Bible,, particularly in the Apocalypse. This had the effect of leading, men to use the book much, and also tended to refer its con- tents in an especial manner to existing temporal relations a& if foretold in it. Accordingly many interpretations of the book appeared, for a long time only of a popular kind, without a proper philological, historical foundation ; and without receiving; particular attention from scientific theologians. I may mention among these only the treatise of Friedr. Sander (Versuch eimer Erklarung der Offenbarung Johannes; Stuttg. 1829, 8), who agrees with Bengel in particular, and finds in many things the relations and occurrences of his times, viewing 1847 as the decisive year when the millennial kingdom should begin, yet without disguising from himself the uncertainty of the calcula- tion, so that he would not look upon it as a sure designation of time. It was not till a somewhat later period that a stricter representation of the prophetic character of the Apocalypse in general prevailed among scientific Protestant theologians; with which idea several attempts at interpretation appeared, which do not, however, refer precisely all the single visions to individual events in the history of the world and of the Church, as did many earlier interpretations ; and do not differ very much in their spirit from one another. I mention, in particular, the following : (1) J. Chr. A. Hofmann : Weissagung und Erfiillung, 2 Ha'lfte (1844), pp. 300 378. He ascribes the Apocalypse to the apostle and evangelist John and the age of Domitian, believing that the F 66 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. book may be best explained from this standpoint of the seer, according to which the destruction of Jerusalem had already happened a considerable time before. He does not assume a continuous series of prophecies, but several series running in part beside one another. For example, he characterizes it as a false supposition that the events introduced by the seven trumpets should follow the opening of the seven seals in temporal succession. The woman (ch. xii.) he interprets as the Hebrew Church ; the wilderness to which she flees, the land of Israel ; but so as to refer the .contents of this chapter to the last time, the last half week of years, assuming that the land of Israel should actually become again the theatre of sacred history. He understands Babylon of Eome, and the seven kings in ch. xvii., not of single Roman emperors, but of seven different forms of worldly power : (1) Asshur with Nineveh, (2) Chaldea with Babylon, (3) Persia with Suza, (4) Greece, (5) Antiochus Epi- phanes ; these are the five which had fallen ; (6) Rome's Caesar. The seventh had not appeared at that time, which he takes to be the Germanic empire, and explains the oXiyov /mi/cu of remaining for a considerable time. The beast ascending out of the abyss lie refers to Antiochus Epiphanes. Many things are not quite clear, as Hofmann properly supposes. (2) Hengstenberg. He also puts the writing of the book under Domitian, towards the end of his reign. In this work, produced under severe illness according to the Preface, he differs from Hofmann in general, in explaining the Apocalypse as a whole and in single visions, by the former history of the world and the Church, viewing it for the most part as already fulfilled, which involves the fact of generalizing very much the interpretation of many single visions, pressing exceedingly the individual contents in other cases as it serves his purpose. He refers the prophecies of the book to the whole time, from the seer's age till the New Jerusalem ; and withal to the external destiny as well as the internal condition of the Church, parti- cularly its struggles with paganism. He assumes in the book USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 67 a number (7) of independent and completed groups, each giving prominence to special particulars, and supplementing one ano- ther. He attributes only a general preparatory character to the first of these seven groups (as far as ch xi. inclusive), i.e. to the phenomena at the opening of the seven seals and at the seven trumpet voices. The beast ascending up out of the sea, with the seven heads, he understands of the world-power, hostile to God in general, with seven phases ; and refers the five heads notified as fallen to five earlier world monarchies (1) the Egyp- tian, (2) Assyrian, (3) Chaldean, (4) Medo-Persian, (5) Grecian. He takes the sixth the head wounded to death as the Roman world-power. He views its apparently deadly wound as having been inflicted upon it by Christ's atonement ; the seventh head and the ten horns he refers to the Germans, their kings and tribes, in round numbers, whose Christianizing (ch. xix.) is repre- sented under the type of their conquest by Christ in battle. He looks upon the thousand-years' kingdom as having already ex- pired, referring it to the period from the Christianizing of the Germanic nations to the expiration of the German kingdom, as the devil was bound during that period, so that he includes in it the period before and after the Reformation. He does not assume any reference to the Romish Church as a power hostile either to Judaism as such, or even to the worship of idols ; but considers the essence of paganism here pictured to be only the fleshly mind with its determined hatred against God, against Christ and his Church. He does not accept the appearance of a personal Anti- christ. He does not take the first resurrection in a literal sense, but refers it to the blessedness which begins to the faithful immediately at their departure from this life. The loosing again of Satan he refers to our present time, especially after 1848, the period of Gog and Magog. His looking at the phenomena of modern times in a moral and religious aspect exercised an un- mistakable influence upon Hengstenberg's interpretation of the Apocalypse. (3) Ebrard. This expositor, according to his own declaration F2 68 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. (p. 29), wishes to make a first attempt, different from all interpreters of the book before him, to separate strictly and throughout the interpretation of prophecy from the question of its fulfilment. Yet the entire character of his interpretation does not exactly produce the impression that he had this end in view through- out, in good earnest. The way in which he interprets the seven epistles (ch. ii. iii.) proves this ; for he believes that types of the Church of later times are to be found in the condition of the Asiatic Churches here represented, as in the four first consecutively, from the apostolic time to the middle ages. He has much in common with Hengstenberg and Hofmann, but differs from them in many points ; amongst other things, in assuming a definite reference to the Eomish Church and the Papacy. He explains the seven heads of the beast as seven monarchies, of which the first is Assyria ; the sixth represented by the head wounded to death the Eomish, which is the beast ascending out of the sea (ch. xiii.), the same as the whore or Babylon (ch. xvii.) ; the ten horns are the Germanic and Slavic peoples of the dispersed nations, which inflict the wound upon the worldly power of the Eomans, and bring it almost to destruc- tion, but again recover, and figure in the new Eoman empire formed with 'Borne into the spiritual centre, which still exists, compounded of Bomish and Germanic elements ; though in it, since the thirteenth century, the Pope, instead of the Emperor, always appears more and more as the real and ideal represen- tative of such power. Of the Papacy itself, the Eoman Chair as a spiritual power, he explains the beast ascending out of the earth (the false prophet). He refers the seventh head to the fact that those ten kingdoms, which first appear at the dispersion of the nations, will one day emerge as an independent power in place of the Eomish ; i.e. in the last time, that of Antichrist, yet only for a short time ; whereupon the three-and-a-half years of the personal Antichrist, Babylon's fearful destruction and Christ's visible advent, will take place (ch. xvii. and following). He understands the 42 months or 1260 days (XL 2, 3, xii. 6, xiii. 5) USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 69 as a mystic sign for the whole period from the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus to the conversion and restoration of the Jewish nation, or until the downfall of the Koman power, in its second phase, after the healing again of the wound that had appeared deadly ; in short, till the appearing of Antichrist, during which time also fleshly Israel, in spite of their present unbelief, will be wonderfully upheld. He understands the two witnesses (ch. xi.) of the law and gospel. The three-and-a-half days (xi. 9, 11) he reckons, like the three-and-a-half times (xii. 14) as three-and-a-half years. (4) Carl August Auberlen : Der Prophet Daniel und die Offenbarung Johannis, in ibrem gegenseitigen Verhaltniss be- trachtet, und in ihren Haupstellen erlautert; Basel, 1854, 2 Aufl., 1857. Auberlen is chiefly concerned with the book of Daniel, starts with it, and interprets the Apocalypse on its basis (from ch. xii. onwards) ; as is also the case with the interpreters already considered (2nd ed. pp. 266 and following). The beast ascending out of the sea he also understands of the world-power in general, and refers the seven heads of the beast to seven universal monarchies, of which the five fallen are, according to him, as well as Hengstenberg, the Egyptian, the Assyrian, Baby- lon, Medo-Persia, Greece ; the sixth, the Romish kingdom ; the seventh, the Germanic-Sclavonic kingdom, is that still continuing. Peculiar to himself is the interpretation of the woman (xvii. 3 and following), whom he holds to be the same as the woman with child (ch. xii.) ; this latter he understands to be the Church of God in its Old Testament and in its New Testament form. The wilderness to which she flies before the dragon (xii. 14), he refers to the taking away of the kingdom of God from the Jews, and its transference to the Gentiles, especially to Rome ; all the time from the destruction of Jerusalem to the coming again of Christ. He holds the great whore (ch. xvii.) to be the same woman that sits upon the beast, understanding that the Church of God in the world has become a whore through apostasy ; that is, the whole of Christendom all over the world ; the Catholic 70 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. Church (the Roman and Greek), in a much deeper sense than the Evangelical ; yet not that or any special single Church or ecclesiastical party. He thinks that the seven hills (xvii. 9) are, at the most, only an incidental allusion to Rome, which should not be considered the proper sense of the passage ; by the hills, great kings, the great world-powers, are much more pro- bably signified ; that the beast slain as it were to death (xiii. 3) points to similarity with Christ (v. 6) and signifies outward Christianizing ; that the death- wound should be referred to the seventh head, the seventh kingdom, which had become a Chris- tian kingdom of the world, since the woman, the whore, allows herself to be carried by the beast. The pointed opposition be- tween world and church is done away with ; both make mutual concessions : secularized Christianity and a Christianized world is the fundamental type of the Christian centuries until the wound of the beast should be healed. The same beast revives, and returns put of the abyss, signifying that the Christian- Ger- manic world should again fall away from Christianity (modem paganism) ; that this healing of the wound of the beast has already begun in our time, in the beastly outbreak of the French Revolution, &c.; the eighth (xvii. 11) is the kingdom of Antichrist, which is to bring the entire world of beastly exist- ences into complete manifestation. Auberlen takes the thousand- years' reign, as well as the first resurrection, in the proper millennarian sense, as still future, yet he leaves it undecided whether that number is intended to denote with chronological precision the continuance of the kingdom. He thinks that it should be especially taken in its symbolical significance ten as the number of world-fullness, potentiated by the divine num- ber three, viz. that the world is then actually penetrated by the divine. I omit here the interpretations of modern Catholic theologians, as well as of non-German Protestants: see Auberlen, pp. 381 and following, on two of the latter ; the Englishman Elliott (Horse Apocalypticse, &c., 4th ed., London, 1851, 4 vols.), and the Gene- USE OF THE APOCALYPSE IN THE CHURCH. 71 vese Gaussen (Daniel le Prophete, edit. 1850, in several volumes). Both interpret in an anti-Eomisli sense (especially Elliott), and adopt far more and exacter references to chronology and the his- torical relations of the Church down to our time than even the last-named German interpreters. [Eemark of the Editor : After Bleek's death there appeared as a worthy conclusion to the Commentary of Meyer on the New Testament, from Dr. Fr. Dlisterdieck, Kritisch-exegetische Hand- buch iiber die Offenbarung Johannis (des Meyer'schen Com- mentars 16. Abtheilimg). Diisterdieck returns to the beaten track of Bleek, De Wette and Llicke. Whilst rejecting, on the one hand, the idea developed by Eichhorn, that the Apocalypse is a poetic description of the victory of Christianity over Judaism and Paganism ; he opposes, on the other, those interpreters who find the most specific predictions of time, from the period of John to the final appearance of the Lord, whether they view the Apocalypse as a prophetic compendium of Church history (as Bengel), or (as Hofmann; Ebrard, Hengstenberg, Auberlen) find described " the great epochs and leading forces of the develop- ment of the kingdom of God in its relation to the world-power." Like Bleek, he finds the object of the Apocalypse to comfort oppressed Christians, by instructing them concerning the ap- pearing of the Lord, wherein the present form of the Romish world-kingdom appears to the author as the last phenomenon of the kind that is to be overthrown by the speedy coming of the Lord. Diisterdieck puts over against Eichhorn's " rationalistic idea of inspiration," as well as Hengstenberg's " magic one," &c., the "ethical" idea, according to which the prophetic vision, which shapes itself by divine inspiration in the soul of the prophet, is conditioned by the whole subjectivity of the man (p. 45). This is pretty much the same view as that expressed by Bleek (Section iii.), " that the visions and prophecies are not an absolutely pure creation of the divine spirit; but that human weakness, worldly or personal individuality, has more or less influenced their form." But whilst it is uncertain to 72 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. Bleek whether the form of representation in the visions is not a mere envelope (see Section iii. 4), Diisterdieck holds firmly that the visions presented themselves to the writer just as he actually describes them, only " that the objects viewed shaped themselves in a moral way, according to the measure of the prophet's human subjectivity/' Diisterdieck also contests decidedly, as did De Wettc, Ewald, Llicke, Bleek, the authorship of the Apocalypse by the apostle John ; and, like them, expresses it as a possible conjecture that the writer is identical with the presbyter John, who wrote the book shortly before the destruc- tion of Jerusalem.] III. GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. WE shall treat in succession : 1. Of its leading meaning and object. 2. Of its unity and time of composition. 3. Of its author. 4. Of its literary form, particularly the visions here presented. 5. Of the canonicity of the book. I. ON THE LEADING SENSE AND DESIGN OF THE BOOK. We have seen how manifold the interpretations of the book are, even with regard to chief points, down to the latest time, and that not merely according to the different theological tendencies of inter- preters, but also among those who take the same point of view in general, especially the stricter one. These latter so far agree, that they suppose the book to contain true disclosures of the future, such as have found or will yet find their actual fulfilment in the history of the Church. Yet we must not proceed at once upon this supposition, even according to the character of pro- phecy in general (upon which Bleek, Alttest. Einl. pp. 409 447) ; here especially, since our judgment upon the origin of the book is not yet established. We must therefore, a priori, suppose it possible that the prophecy contained in the book, or much that is prophesied in it, has not been fulfilled ; and in the manner in which it is announced will not perhaps be fulfilled. We should, therefore, honestly endeavour, a thing which Ebrard justly sets forth as a condition of interpretation, not to be influenced by the 74 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. later history of the Church in discovering the meaning of the Apocalypse as a whole and in single parts. If we have searched out the sense as far as possible from the book itself, we may then direct our attention to this, viz. whether and how far it has already been confirmed in the course of the Church, and how far we are justified, accordingly, in expecting further verifi- cation and fulfilment from the future. Another thing which I w r ish to mention beforehand is this. The key to the under- standing of the Apocalypse has been abundantly sought for in the prophecies of the Old Testament, especially those of Daniel. This appears natural, since so many prophetic representations of the Apocalypse remind one unmistakably of Old Testament descriptions, especially Ezekiel's and Daniel's. But the inter- pretation of Daniel's visions themselves is still disputed in many ways; then it is a main point in using them for the interpretation of the Apocalypse, to know not merely the proper original meaning, for example, of the visions of Daniel, but also, and still more, the way in which they were apprehended, at the time of the composition of the Apocalypse, among the Jews and in the Christian Church. It is at least possible to suppose that, even where the Apocalypse has borrowed certain images and re- presentations from the Old Testament, for example from Daniel, it has them in a different relation and a somewhat different meaning to the Old Testament Scripture. But it is of import- ance, for the proper understanding of the Apocalypse, to compare throughout the religious conceptions and prophetic expectations that prevailed among the later Jews and in the early Christian Church, as we get to know them from other writings of the early Christian Church, particularly the New Testament, and also from those of the later Jewish literature ; since we cannot doubt that these ideas were known to the author, and that he has had respect to them in many ways. If we pass to an examination of the literal leading sense and design of the Apocalypse, we shall have no doubt, after the sur- vey of the contents of the book previously given, that it is a GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 75 prophetic allusion to the future of the Church of the Lord until its completion. As to the economy of the book in general, ch. i. v. readily show that they are an introduction to the prophetic dis- closures of the future communicated in the following chapters. In them the seer is described to whom the revelation is communi- cated ; the churches to which, in the first place, he is to commu- nicate it ; the transporting of the seer into heaven before the divine throne ; the book closed with seven seals, which contains in itself the future; and he who alone is able and worthy to open the book and to loose its seals. In the following chapters the seven seals are successively loosed, and what takes place thereupon is set forth ; a narrative which continues in uninter- rupted succession as far as ch. xi. The seven seals are divided into 4 + 3, or 4 + 2 + 1; the opening of the four first is but briefly described, vi. 1 8 ; more fully is that of the two following, verses 9 17. The opening of the seventh seal is at first somewhat delayed by the preceding description of the servant of Christ with the divine seal, ch. vii. : even after the opening of it, silence takes place in order to fix the attention still more on its weighty contents, which, however, do not appear at once, but in a gradual development attaching itself to the trumpets of the seven angels. At this seven- fold blowing of trumpets, a division into 4 + 3, or 4 + 2 + 1, again takes place, similar to that of the opening of the seven seals. What appears at the four first trumpet-sounds is again specified very briefly and symmetrically (viii. 7 12) ; what was to be expected at the last three is then (verse 13), notified as a three- fold woe to the earth ; the two first woes, which appear at the fifth and sixth trumpet-sounds, are then described somewhat more fully, the former from ix. 13, as far as xi. 14. Hereupon it is again pointed out that the third (therefore last) woe will come quickly, and at the blowing of the trumpet of the seventh angel the mystery of God will be fulfilled (x. 6 and following, xi. 14) ; yet there is at the same time (x. 11) an intimation that the seer had a further commission to prophesy about many kings and nations. It is then related (xi. 15 and following) that the seventh 76 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. angel caused his trumpet to sound. After the preceding, one would expect that a description of the third and last woe would immediately follow, with which agrees also what is notified in heaven (verses 15 19) respecting the impression of this trumpet- sound. Yet we are led away thence by the following visions, from ch. xii. onward, which manifestly do not stand in so close a relation to the preceding, as to contents and form, as the pre- ceding chapters to one another. On the contrary, what follows is closely connected with itself as far as the end, whilst the single visions are closely united to one another, describing the conflict of the Church of the Lord with the powers of the world and of darkness till its complete victory. The last struggle which Satan begins, and which ends for ever with his complete subjugation, is described, xx. 7 10. To it is annexed a description of the general resurrection, the last judgment, and the everlasting glory of the faithful and pious, as well as the place prepared for them after the renewal of heaven and earth. These representa- tions have unmistakably a very poetical character ; and it is clear that they cannot be meant literally, but have mostly a figurative, symbolical sense : yet we may doubt how far this is the case, and therefore such descriptions, particularly that of eternal glory, are sometimes taken spiritually, sometimes more sensuously and materially, according to the peculiar tendency of the times and the interpreters. But there has always been much more dispute in the Church about the meaning of the preceding visions, with which is connected the idea when that everlasting fulfilment of the kingdom of God is to appear, according to the sense of our book, and what sort of catastrophes are to pre- cede it. We now consider the section immediately preceding (xx. 1 6). The seer beholds the devil bound for a thousand years, thrown into the abyss, and so deprived of his destructive influence over the kingdom of God and its members. Farther, he sees that the souls of the faithful who suffered death in confessing their Lord, and did not give themselves up to the wicked one, GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 77 live again in order to reign a thousand years with Christ, whose victorious advent was already described (xix. 11 21), to reign as priests of God and of Christ, and as such not to die any more. Here it is asked, (a) whether the thousand years are meant as pro- per years according to men's usual mode of reckoning, or merely as a symbolical way of counting, and in what sense ; and (6) when the period begins. We have seen, in the latter respect, that many interpreters, in opposition to millennarianism, have been of the opinion that, by the thousand-years' reign of Christ, none other can be understood than that which he established on earth at the time of his incarnation, and which had begun even when the Apocalypse was composed. This is the view which has prevailed in the Catholic Church since the fourth century, which is also to be found in Victorinus of Petabio, in most Protestant inter- preters, as well as in Bossuet, &c. Others date the beginning of the thousand-years' kingdom later, but yet consider it as having not merely begun long since, but as already expired. Thus Grotius (and those who follow him), who reckons the thou- sand years from Constantino the Great on to the beginning of the fourteenth century ; and lately Hengstenberg, who refers them to the time from the Christianizing of the Germanic nations to the expiration of the German empire. But here, first of all, the former assumption, that the thousand years begin with the in- carnation of Christ, is unmistakably against the meaning of our book. A time of undisturbed peace belonging to the kingdom of God is clearly represented, in opposition to the preceding one of affliction and conflict, a time when the devil and his instruments would be powerless to exercise any disturbing influence and power over it, either in general or over individual members. Now the time when the book was written, whether we regard it as early or late, could not well be described in such a way, in contrast with any earlier one. There can be no doubt that this thousand-years' kingdom alludes to a time which had not begun when the book was written, and to one in which the Lord should return to unite his own people with himself in his kingdom. Accordingly we 78 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. find tliis hope almost in the whole Christian Church of the first age, the hope that the Lord would return, and that soon, no longer in the lowly form of a servant, which he had assumed at his first appearance upon earth, but in the complete glory and majesty be- longing to him ; and that he would then join his own people to himself in a kingdom of peace and undisturbed happiness, giving them a share in his glory and power. It is grounded in the essence of the historical manifestation of Christ at his incarnation, that / prophecy revived with new power in his Church, pointing to the /fulfilment of the kingdom of God and its complete victory over the world. Old Testament prophecy had already directed atten- tion to this ; but as the Messianic salvation expected at the first appearance of Christ upon earth was not fully realized by his own ministry or that of his disciples, Christian prophecy was directed very soon in a special manner to a second future of the Son of Man, to his glorious re-appearing. This is found even in the sayings of Christ himself, as they were apprehended and com- municated by the disciples," especially in the three first Gospels, chiefly Matt. xxiv. xxv. In like manner, the same hope is found in most of the New Testament writings, if not always expressly stated, yet clearly lying at the foundation. The raising of the deceased faithful from the dead in order to participate in this kingdom, beginning with the return of the Lord, is not peculiar to the Apocalypse. Already in Dan. xii. 2, we meet with the promise that at the time of the people's re- demption (the Messianic salvation) there would be a resurrection of the dead ; of the pious to eternal life, of the wicked to ever- lasting shame and contempt. In later Jewish theology, this idea was developed into a two-fold resurrection : (a) of the pious, the true people of God, at the appearing of the Messiah, when they should be re-awaked to take part with him in his kingdom ; (Z>) of a later general one, at the last day, for universal judgment. Such distinction of two resurrections following each other closely in time, we do not find definitely expressed in the discourses of Christ. Yet the believers of the first age appear to have partly GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 79 adopted that view, namely, in such a way as to put the first resurrection, that of believers, at the time of Christ's glorious return. So we find it particularly in the apostle Paul, 1 Thess. iv, 14 and following verses, with 1 Cor. xv. 22 and following, 51 and following. Paul, indeed, does not speak expressly of the second resurrection, the general one, since he had no par- ticular motive for doing so according to the object which he there pursues. Yet it is implied unmistakably in 1 Cor. Here, in the Apocalypse, the idea occurs in a more definite shape, according to which true believers rise again that they may participate in the thousand-years' kingdom, which is expressly signified as the first resurrection; whilst the general judgment of all the dead is placed after the expiration of these thousand years. Accordingly we find, and still more definitely, a double resurrec- tion, that of believers at the return of the Lord, and the second general one at the last judgment, separated by different Church teachers of the early centuries, particularly by Tertullian, Metho- dius, Lactantius, &c. Undoubtedly, however, this idea was not quite general even in the middle of the second century, as we see most distinctly from Justin the Martyr (Dial c. Tryph. 80), where he will not allow those to be Christians who denied the resurrec- tion, and assumed that souls immediately after death were taken up to heaven; but remarks that many pious and believing Chris- tians denied a thousand-years' kingdom before the general resur- rection, with whom, however, he does not agree. As to the thousand years, we find opinions about the duration of the Messianic kingdom among the later Jews very different. The idea that seems to have prevailed among them at the time of Christ was that it would be of eternal duration ; comp. John xii. 34, and Eisenmenger, Entd. Judenthum (Konigsberg, 1711, 4) j II. pp. 813 sqq. This idea might also have been founded on ex- press utterances of the Bible. Yet other ideas also prevailed which made the Messiah subject to mortality, and assigned only a finite duration to his sovereignty with all its splendour. These we find expressly in later times ; among others, that of a 80 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. duration of forty years, of seventy years, of four hundred years (so also 4 Esdr. vii. 28), of several thousand years, and also defi- nitely of one thousand years (see Eisenmenger, 1. c. pp. 809 sqq.). The latter duration, according to the assertion of several later Jewish writings (see Eisenmenger, Wetstein ad Apoc. xx. 2), a Rabbi Elieser, son of the Rabbi Jose, the Galilean, is said to have stated, for which he relied upon Isaiah Ixiii. 4, " A day o revenge was resolved upon by me " (^b? DJ73 n^), combining the passage with Ps. xc. 3, " One thousand years are in thy sight but as yesterday," which latter is also applied to the coming of the Lord (2 Peter iii. 8). It cannot indeed be maintained cer- tainly, but it is not unlikely, that the idea in this form was not unknown to the Jews even in the apostolic age, whence it was transferred in the Christian Church to the duration of the king- dom beginning with the return of the Lord. Yet it is also possible that it assumed this form in the Christian Church itself. The combination of that passage in the Psalms with the narrative of the creation of the world might have had some in- fluence, from persons considering the latter as a type of the destinies of the world, and therefore concluding that, as God had created the world in six days and afterwards rested the seventh day, so the world should be completed in six days, that is, six thousand years ; but that the seventh day, that is, the seventh millennium, should become a time of undisturbed rest and Messianic bliss. So it is said expressly (Ep. Barnab. ch. xv.) that God completed the world in six days, meaning that he would complete everything in six thousand years ; since, according to Ps. 1. c., one day is a thousand years ; and he rested on the seventh day, signifying that the Son of God, appearing after the dissolution of the present world -system, would keep a glorious rest on the seventh day (xaXw? KaraTraiWrai). On this, his sabbath, God would cause all things to rest, and then make the beginning of the eighth day, that is, the beginning of a new world. It is manifest that the same idea is found here, in substance, as in the Apocalypse, that the kingdom of the GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE, 81 Messiah should last one thousand years after the second advent of the Lord, and the renewal of the world be annexed to it. When this Epistle was written cannot with certainty be deter- mined ; in any case, later than the Apocalypse. Yet the relation of both writings on this point is not of the kind that would make it probable that the author of that Epistle borrowed the whole conception from the Apocalypse. The brief manner also in which it is stated in the Apocalypse, makes it probable that the idea is not one newly expressed, but such as the author already found, and might pre-suppose as not entirely unknown to his readers ; whether, as already mentioned, it had first taken tliis shape in the Christian Church itself, or had been found by the latter in the Jewish Church. As to the real significance of the thousand years, it is most unlikely, from the probable form of the conception, that any other definite period of time should be meant than that denoted by the common use of language. Yet, on the other hand, it is not probable that the number should be strictly pressed, in the sense of our book, as a measured period of exactly one thousand solar or lunar years ; but it may be assumed with pro- bability, especially if the idea was already developed, at least it may be supposed, that the number here is only retained as a general expression to denote a very long period of undisturbed repose and happiness for believers, beginning at the return of the Lord. We ask further, What does our book teach about the time when the glorious appearing of the Lord will take place and the thousand-years' kingdom begin, as well as the relations under which this will happen ; what is to precede the catastrophe ; and how is the Apocalypse related to the other writings of the New Testament ? The Lord had expressly stated (Matt xxiv. 26 ; Mark xiii. 32), and, according to Acts i. 7, even referred to it after his resurrection, that to know the time and seasons, namely, with regard to the coming of the kingdom of God in its com- pletion, the Father reserved to himself ; and in Matt. xxiv. 14 G 82 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. Mark xiii. 10, the announcement of the gospel throughout the whole world is specified by him as something which must pre- cede. But, on the other hand, he exhorted the disciples to be always ready to receive him worthily. To this the apostle directed their attention primarily, and sought to direct that of other believers, that their looking forward to the coming of the Lord might be of use to them all, as an ever-living incentive, urging them to dedicate all their powers to the Lord and to the furtherance of his kingdom, that they might be found faithful stewards of the talents he had entrusted to them. Yet it can- not be denied that they generally cherished the hope that the glorious appearing of the Lord was near, so that they themselves or many of their contemporaries might perhaps live to see it. This may be recognized by the way in which several discourses of the Lord respecting the future, in the Synoptical Gospels, are re- produced and brought into connection with one another. We cannot but see that with the apostle Paul, especially in some of his earliest Epistles, this point of time to his mind appeared pretty near, so that he hoped to live to see the future advent of the Lord (comp. 1 Thess. iv. 15 17 ; 1 Cor. xv. 51, 52). But the ex- pectation appears to have receded into the background with him at a later period. In James v. 7 11 also, the coming of the Lord (17 irapova-ia TOV Kvpiov) is specified as near ; so also in the Epistle to the Hebrews (see especially x. 37). The same hope may also be discerned in our book, even in the first part of it. For when the Lord (iii. 11) says to the ayyeAos of the church of Laodicea, (pXo/jMi raxv, there can be no doubt, according to New Testament usage as well as our book, that this is meant of the glorious re-appearing of the Lord (see also i. 17). So, too, when it is said immediately at the beginning (i. 3), 6 KCU/JOS eyyvs, there can be no doubt that this refers to the nearness of the time to which the hope of the believer was directed, when the complete inaugura- tion of the kingdom of God should begin with the return of the Lord (comp. Luke xxi. 8 ; Mark xiii. 33 ; comp. also Apoc. x. 6 and following : on xpovos ov/cert co-rat K. A..). GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 83 It appears, however, that our book does not merely specify this catastrophe in general as one which is near, but endeavours to indicate in a still more definite manner the point of its com- mencement. But in what way this is done is very doubtful, depending, as it does, upon the apprehension of the visions pre- ceding the announcement of the thousand-years' reign. In general, especially in the closely-connected visions (ch. xii. xix.), we find the sense easily discernible ; that before the beginning of this reign, the adversaries of Christ and his kingdom, the devil and his associates, should be conquered by Christ and made power- less with respect to the continuance of that kingdom, deprived of all power to disturb its peace and happiness, after they had previously made the most violent efforts against it. The general idea lying at the foundation and confirmed by the whole history is, that an extreme effort of the opposite spirit of evil, falsehood and darkness, precedes every more important development of good and of the kingdom of Christ, the kingdom of truth, of light and of peace, and would all the more precede the completion of Christ's kingdom. Thus we find already in the prophets of the Old Testament, that the announcement of the Messianic salva- tion is usually appended to the most lamentable condition of the people of God and their most violent oppression by enemies. The discourses of the Redeemer also,, communicated in the Synop- tical Gospels, make it obvious that his re-appearing will not take place unless the greatest measure of suffering of all kinds for the people of God shall have been previously filled up. But it may be asked, in what manner, in what particular form, this general idea is individualized in the Apocalypse. Here the de- termination mainly depends upon the view taken of the powers which are introduced as the adversaries and combatants of Messiah and of God's kingdom. They are designated (from ch. xii. onwards) as different beasts, presented to the eye of the seer ; so that the question arises, for what are we to take these beasts ? First of all there appears (in ch. xii.) a great fiery-coloured G2 84 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. dragon, with seven heads and seven crowns upon it, as well as ten horns. The interpretation of this is not doubtful, since he is already (xii. 9) expressly designated as the devil and Satan. Then appear (ch. xiii.) two other beasts, the one ascending out of the sea, the other out of the earth. The former is repre- sented in its outward form as similar to Satan, also with ten horns and seven heads, but with ten crowns ; it is said of him, that Satan has given up his might, his throne and great power to him. He. is denoted as the first beast, and so distinguished (verse 12) from the other one ascending out of the earth (TO irpurov 6i]piov) ; but for the most part simply as the least (TO Ot]pLov). He is un- mistakably the same beast (denied, but wrongly, by Zlillig, Hofmann, Weissagung und Erfiillung, ii. 369, Ebrard) who is again introduced (xvii. 3), where he is likewise described as having seven heads and ten horns ; but where an unchaste woman, de- noted as Babylon, sits upon him. The other beast (xiii. 11 and following) ascending out of the earth has two lamb's horns, but talks like a dragon. He is expressly described, in what follows, as the false prophet (xvi. 13, xix. 20, xx. 10); and his employment is to procure worshippers for the first beast, working for that purpose by signs and wonders. The second beast appears gene- rally as subserving the first. The latter seems, from the whole description, the true counterpart of Christ, and armed with all power by the devil to make the most strenuous exertions in fighting against the kingdom of Christ and of 'God. The descrip- tion of this beast is unmistakably borrowed from the represent- ations given in the book of Daniel about an adversary of the people of God, who endeavours in every way to oppress the latter and to annihilate the worship of the true living God ; who should even put himself in the place of God (see Dan. vii. 8, xx. 21, viii. 23 25, and especially xi. 21 45.) These descrip- tions in the book of Daniel refer, in the first place, to the Syrian king, Antiochus Epiphanes, from whom the Jewish nation, par- ticularly those who held firmly to the worship of Jehovah and the law of their fathers, had so much to suffer. But as in the GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 85 book of Daniel the announcement of the commencement of the Messianic salvation is annexed immediately to the representation of the hostile attempts of that adversary against the worship and people of Jehovah, as well as his final destruction, and is also united to the resurrection of the dead, it was natural to take the prince as the type of a still future adversary of the people of God, immediately preceding the coming of the Messiah, and to regard individual features in the description of his essence and working as a direct prophecy of such an one. How far that was done among the Jews as early as the time of Christ and the apostles cannot perhaps be ascertained. Somewhat later, after the destruction of Jerusalem, the idea of such an Antichrist, under the name of Armillus, is found among them, whose origin and significance is un- certain ; but his appearance is pictured by them in a very fabulous manner, viz. that he should be born at Eome out of a stone pillar- image, claim for himself divine honour, go to Jerusalem, and there slay the first Messiah, the son of Joseph or Ephraim, but should finally be destroyed by the second Messiah, the son of David. This development of the conception certainly belongs to a later time ; but the idea itself, of an Antichrist preceding the appear- ance of the Messiah and to be overcome by him, may have been already known to the Jews at the time of Christ. So much may be regarded as certain, that the idea took shape in the Christian Church somewhat early, and with reference to the time of the glorious appearing of the Lord expected as near ; having been specially borrowed from those passages of the book of Daniel. We find it accordingly in the apostle Paul in one of his earliest Epistles (2 Thess. ii. 3 and following), where he tells his readers that they must not suppose the day of the Lord as too near, as commencing immediately ; for before that, must appear o av$po>7ros T^S u/^aprias, 6 wos TTJS aTrwAetas, 6 dvTiKtt/xevos K. iwre- pcupd/ievos CTTI irtivTo. Xeyopevov Ofuv rj (re/Jour/m, coo-re avrov et's TOV vaov TOV Oeov KaOio-ai aTroSeiKvwra eavruv OTL eortv 0eos (verses 3, 4), the avo/xos, ov Kvptos 'Iiyo-ovs dveAei TW Trvev/JLori TOV cTTO/xaros OVTOV KCU TJ/ 7TK/>avt T^S Trapowias O.VTOV (verse 8), oo corrtv ?y 86 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. Tropovcria KO.T evepyeiav TOV crarava eu Tracry Svvayuct KCU cnj/ieiois KCU Tfpaa-i i/'euSous *. A. Daniel's description lies unmistakably at the foundation of this one. How widely the expectation of such an Antichrist, who should appear before the day of the Lord, was spread among the Christians, at least in the latter time of the apostolic age, appears especially from 1 'John ii. 18, &c., iv. 3, where the apostle John, with undoubted reference to this idea, gives his readers to understand that they had for a sign of the eo-xarr? ci'pa being present, to wait for a single person to appear as Antichrist, since many considered as Antichrists had already appeared; for every one is to be looked upon as such who denies that Jesus is the Christ. The first beast set forth in the Apocalypse, partly with Danielic features, who in vision ascends out of the sea, is unmistakably this Antichrist, either as a single person or as a power and collective personality ; for the appearing of Antichrist was to precede the coming of the Lord, even according to the Pauline description. But this idea of Antichrist appears in the Apocalypse modified in a particular manner, and more definitely developed than in Paul, for example ; so that we are led to direct our view to a precise historical person, single or collective. The question then is, what person we are to think of according to the purport of the book. As, besides this beast who represents Antichrist, a different one is introduced as the false prophet who procures for him adherents and worshippers by his signs and arts, we are led to suppose that Antichrist himself is not meant as a spiritual power in particular, but rather as an outward worldly power which Satan makes use of for oppressing the Church of the Lord. The (10) crowns with which he is adorned intimate this (xiii. 1, xvii. 3), and especially the fact that (xvii. 10 and following) the seven heads and ten horns are expressly interpreted of kings. The question then is, what worldly power is meant ? An index to it was manifestly meant to be given in xiii. 17 and following, when the number of the name of the beast is specified as 666. Here it would be quite unnatural, since the name of the beast is GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 87 the point, to understand, as many earlier interpreters do, the 666 as a number of years during which the sovereignty of the beast should perhaps last. Much rather we may assume with the greatest probability that the single letters with which the name of the beast is written give together, as ciphers, the sum before us. Even here, however, it is disputed which language, the Hebrew or the Greek, be intended ; and whether the determination of the value of the letter is founded upon the one or the other ; besides, as we have already seen, there is a sort of uncertainty in the text by its having, besides 666, another and very old reading, 616. But the usual reading has preponderating testimonies in its favour. As to the former question, several of the most modern interpre- ters who have attempted to decipher the number, believe that they must assume the numeral value of the Hebrew letters. But that is, a priori, improbable in a book written in the Greek lan- guage, and in which we have no reason for supposing that it is a mere translation from a Hebrew or Aramaic original, and which is addressed chiefly to Christian churches in proconsular Asia, where Greek was the only prevailing tongue even among the Jews there. The way also in which the Infinite Eternal One is denoted by aA.s (30 + 1 + 300 + 5 + 10 + 5*0 + 70 + 200). (3) Tem^ T i T a v 300 + 5 + 10 + 300 + 1 + 50). Ireneeus says of the two last names, they have some probability. Yet we cannot take into account the last, Tetrav ; still less, the first, Euavflas. The middle expla- nation, on the contrary, Aaretvos, must appear very suitable, after what has been said ; and even Irenseus would have given it more decidedly the preference, if a certain timidity, arising from the power of Eome, still heathen at the time, had not prevented him from speaking out more decidedly. Hippo- lytus also holds, this interpretation as the most probable (see Liicke, p. 967). It may be assumed, I believe, with great pro- bability, that such interpretation, which is also approved of by many later interpreters (also by Havernick and Elliott, Liicke, ed. 2, pp. 284 and following), is not merely the correct one accord- ing to the purport of the book, but that it has been handed down by a kind of tradition from the time of its composition to the age of Irenseus. Besides the seven mountains of the city, seven kings also are symbolized by the four heads of the beast, according to xvii. 10. We have seen that many interpreters so also Hofmann, Heng- 90 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. stenberg, Ebrard, Auberlen, &c. understand this of kingdoms, of world-monarchies following one another in succession; the first being looked upon either as the Egyptian or Assyrian ; the sixth, as the then existing Roman one. But this interpretation is decidedly at variance with the sense of the book, because, from what has hitherto been said, the Eoman power is the beast itself, not one of its single heads. Hence we are the more in- duced to understand the seven kings of seven Eoman rulers. And without doubt only seven emperors of Rome can be meant. For when it is said (ib.) that five are fallen (01 Trev-re eVeo-av) and one is (6 e?s ea-nv), the other is not yet come (6 aAAos OUTTW ?/A$ev), this can only mean that just then, at the time of writing the Apocalypse, or when the revelation communicated in it was re- ceived, the sixth of the kings symbolized by the seven heads was reigning, which can only be meant of a Roman emperor. By the five, who in contrast with the sixth one still existing, are denoted as ot TTCVTC, and as such reo-av, we can only understand, in like manner, five Roman emperors, namely, those who preceded the sixth, in immediate succession, in the government then exist- ing ; we cannot doubt, also, that we have to commence the series of these kings with him who was considered the first of the Roman emperors, namely, with Augustus. It would indeed be- possible to begin the series with Caesar, and then the sixth would be Nero. Yet it is, as already said, more likely in itself that the series begins with him who is actually recognized, like his successors, as an independent ruler, as a king or emperor, viz. with Augustus ; and that such is the meaning of our book can be still less doubted for other reasons which will soon appear. Hence the five first, who had fallen and were no longer living and reigning, were the following : (1) Augustus, (2) Tiberius, (3) Caligula, (4) Claudius, (5) Nero. The efs, of whom it is said that he is (lo-nv), that is, then alive and reigning, would then be the successor of Nero, who died A.D. 68, on the llth June. Galba followed Nero, and we must think of him as the then reigning emperor. But as he reigned for so short a time GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 91 (died AD. 69, January) and was not acknowledged in all domi- nions of the Eoman empire, still less were Otho (died 69, the 16th April) and Vitellius (died 69, the 20th December), we may >t least suppose that these three are not counted here, and that Vespasian, if he reigned at that time, may be reckoned the sixth. Meanwhile we will leave this undetermined, as we must return to it again later on. Of the seventh king it is said (ib.) that he (6 aAAos, that is, the one still remaining of the seven) had not yet come, and that when he com.es he will only remain a short time. With him the number seven of the kings, symbolized by the heads of the beast, would then be completed. But an eighth is spoken of (xvii. 11). We may suppose, a priori, of .this one, because he passes beyond the number seven, that he has a special significance. We are led to this when it is said the beast which was and is not (o ?]v Kal OVK eWtv), is both the eighth and also of the seven, e/c TWV OTTCI eo-Tiv, which, according to the contrast, cannot well mean anything else than that he has already been one of the seven. It appears to be signified that the character of the beast, the idolatrous Eomanism and anti-christianism, would manifest itself in a single emperor in such a manner as to appear concentrated and personified in him, so that he may be viewed as embodied anti-christianism. Accordingly he is de- scribed, on the one hand, as a future one, as the eighth, therefore as the second successor of the ruler then reigning ; on the other hand, as already existing in the person of one of the seven, without doubt as one of the five first that had already fallen. This may be understood in a two-fold sense, either that in the eighth the wickedness and whole anti-christian mind of the beast, which had already appeared in one of the earlier kings in an especial manner, should be repeated, so that he might so far be considered a repetition of that earlier one ; or that after the seventh, the earlier one should really return in person. That the latter interpretation is the correct one, is show r n by other passages of the book itself, particularly xiii. 3. It is said there, namely, at the first appearance of the beast, the seer saw 92 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. one of its heads wounded as if to death (u>s eo- 0aVarov) ; yet its (the beast's) deadly wound is again healed, to the astonishment of the whole world ; with this comp. ib. verse 12 (TO Oripiov TO TT/DWTOV, ov Wepairevdij y irXrjyr) TOV Oa.vo.rov avrov), Verse 14 (T$ 6ripiu>, o e^ei rrjv TrX'Tjyrjv Trjs p.a.ya.ipa.77Twv KCU ayuov fvpeOrj /ecu TravTcov TCJV layju,vwv eVi TTJS Now it is not improbable that the Christians believed that the time had come, even during this persecution, when, according to divine decree, the kingdom of evil and of darkness should lead on to the last and extreme battle against the kingdom of God, resulting in its destruction; and that they already recognized Antichrist in the cruel author of these sufferings, after whose de- struction they hoped that the fulfilment of the kingdom of God should take place. It might happen all the more readily, since, on the one hand, after the disappearing of Nero, an essential change in the outward relations of the Christian Church to the world did not directly appear; and, on the other hand, the popular belief considered him as still alive, expecting that he would soon return with renewed strength. This idea shaped itself among the Christians in such a way that he would still more manifest himself in his essence as the bodily Antichrist. The idea may be found very frequently re-appearing in the Sibylline Oracles ; already in the fourth book, written about A.D. 79, 80, according to clear signs. Here it is said, first of all (verses 116 and follow- ing), with reference to Nero, that after the murder of his mother and the accomplishment of many other abominable deeds, he would flee invisibly out of Italy, as a fugitive, beyond the Eu- phrates. After the destruction of the Temple and desolation of the Jewish land has been spoken of, and the earthquake in Italy (under Titus, A.D. 79) is described, we read (verses 132 and fol- lowing) : "Then shall they discern the anger of God, because they killed the innocent race of the pious (Christians) ; towards even- ing war will arise, and the great fugitive of Rome (Nero) will raise the sword, and with many myriads of men ride through the Euphrates (return over the Euphrates)." Thiersch indeed (Ver- such zur Wiederherstellung des historischen Standpunktes fur die Kritik der neutestamentlichen Schriften, 1845, pp. 324 ff., 410 ff.), will not admit my acceptation of the Sibylline passage ; he 96 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. refers it (so also Hengstenberg, Apok. ii. 1, pp. 107 ff.) to a past historical fact, to the historical appearance of that false Nero under Titus ; and he places the writing of these forty-two books of the Sibyllines in a later period, in the second century, after Trajan (see also Liicke, Nachtrage, p. 1071). But that conception of the Sibylline passage with reference to an occurrence long since past is certainly false ; and the view of the time of the composition maintained by me is most probably the correct one (see Stud. u. Krit. 1854, 4, pp. 977 ff.). More frequently does the same idea about Nero occur again in other parts of these Sibylline writings, which were composed somewhat later, especially in the fifth and eighth books, of which the former in its present form and extent was composed by a Jewish Christian living in Egypt in the begin- ning of the reign of Hadrian ; but the latter seems to have been written, for the greatest part, towards the end of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, about A.D. 170 180. So Book v. 28 and follow- ing, where it is said of Nero, that he, 8tvos o0r/ ev TW ovpaviS, even not without the KCU. There can be no doubt that the second part was originally written with reference to the first, and by the same author. I put forward the conjecture in my treatise in the Theologische Zeitschrift, &c., that the Apo- calypse, according to its original sketch, may have had another conclusion, in which the prophecy after ch. xi. may have con- tinued to its end in the same manner as it did before, but that the author himself afterwards changed that original ending for the present second part (ch. xii. xxii.), in which the prophecy commences over again and is continued to its end, the completion of the kingdom of God, on a somewhat different plan. Instead of this, one might suppose it thus : that the writer originally carried out his prophetic description only as far as the end of ch. xi., and may have been prevented by some accident from adding the termination immediately. Here it may be conceived that, when he returned to it later, he continued and completed his work in a manner somewhat different from the original plan. In the treatise already named, I found a confirmation of this assumption in the marks of date presented by both parts, 118 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. according to which the first must have been written before the de- struction of Jerusalem; the second part probably later and after that catastrophe. But I subsequently retracted this assumption of the composition of both at different times (Beitrage z. Evangel. Krit. p. 81); and I believe, too, that no sufficient ground exists for it. As to the first part, there can be no doubt in my mind that it was written before the destruction of 'Jerusalem, which is now admitted by many interpreters and critics ; for ch. xi. pre-supposes not merely the existence of the city and Temple, but contains the hope also that the latter would remain unprofaned and unhurt, and that the inhabitants of the former should repent after the punishment inflicted on a part of them, and so escape destruc- tion. From other passages, especially vi. 9 11, it follows that the Christians had then suffered from the world, and doubtless the heathen world, bloody persecutions ; and that no small num- ber of them had died as martyrs for their belief. This refers most probably to the persecution by Nero (after A.D. 64). Ac- cordingly the composition of the first part would fall between 64 70, since the persecution appears to have begun some time a few years after 64, and at least some time before the de- struction of the city, perhaps between 66 70, between the last years of Nero and the beginning of Vespasian's reign. As to the second part, it pre-supposes still more plainly that Eome had then persecuted the Christians in a bloody manner ; Eome is de- scribed as drunk with the blood of the saints and the witnesses of Jesus (xvii. 6). Compare with this, xviii. 24, where it is said that in it the blood of the prophets and saints and of all slain upon the earth was found ; and xviii. 20, where the saints, the apostles and the prophets, are addressed as the inhabitants of heaven, as those whose blood God has avenged by the fall of Babylon. This implies that several apostles had already died in or by Rome ; or at least, after having been persecuted by it, were now no longer alive. Yet these passages do not point directly to a later time than that of Nero or the one immediately following ; since in Nero's persecution the apostles ^Paul and Peter, at least, GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. HQ died at Eome. But the chief passage which determines the date of the second part is xvii. 10, in connection with what precedes and follows. Hence we may safely assume, in my opinion, as we have already seen, that it was written after the death or disappear- ance of Nero, under his successor as the sixth of the Roman emperors. It only remains uncertain whether Galba or Vespasian is to be considered this successor. I declared in favour of the latter assumption in the treatise before referred to ; for the former there are, among more modern interpreters, Ewald, Llicke, 1st ed., De Wette, Credner, Guericke, Introd. 2nd ed. Anything decisive, either for or against the one or other, cannot, I believe, be main- tained. Yet to me the probability of the latter outweighs that of the former. Liicke, 2nd ed., also judges that the composition falls most probably in the first time of Vespasian; as also Lie. E. Bohmer (Ueber den Verfasser und die Abfassungszeit der Johann. Apokalypse, und zur bibl. Typik ; Halle, 1855). I believe it may well be conceived that a writer living in Asia Minor at the time of Vespasian, might regard and describe him as the sixth of the Roman emperors, as the successor of Nero, without reckoning Galba, Otho and Vitellius, the first of whom reigned scarcely seven months, and was generally recognized as emperor even a shorter time, while the two others never got general recognition at all, at least in the East. Suetonius (Vespas.), too, speaks of the reign of these three only as a rebdlio trium principum. But the most decisive reason for not putting the date under Galba, is the circumstance that the idea of Nero returning as Antichrist appears as one universally known and spread abroad, so that it is at least probable that some time had elapsed since his death. One may say also that, if the composition took place immediately after the disappearance of Nero, he would not be described as fallen (xvii. 10), but as still living; and his successor also would not in any case be counted in the list. But if the writing did not actu- ally take place till Vespasian, and the latter is meant by the sixth Roman king then reigning, it agrees with the fact that the work was composed before the occupation and destruction of Jerusalem 120 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. with its Temple. And that Jerusalem still continued at the time of the writing of the second part, is probable from the manner in which (xx. 9), even after the expiration of the thousand years, the abode of the saints, which the troops of Antichrist should attack, is described directly as the beloved city ; whilst the New Jeru- salem which descends from heaven is not spoken of till later, after the renewal of heaven and earth (xxi. 9 sqq.); so that it is at least very probable the writer had in view, in using that expression, the earthly Jerusalem still standing. Here also, as in ch. xi., the hope is involved that the city would be preserved until the coming of the Lord, and form a local centre of the kingdom of God. See also xiv. 20 (KCU ^I> Aoyov TOV Oeov K. rrjv p-aprvpiav 'I^crou Xpicrrov, 6'cra eiSe does not refer to an earlier activity of the author as an eye-witness of Christ in spreading the gospel by doctrine or writing, but to the attestation of the contents of the Apocalypse itself that follow. It is undoubtedly more probable in verse 9, where the seer says, he, John, was in the isle of Patmos for the word of God and the testimony of Jesus, and received the revelation there. That agrees with an old tradition about the apostle John, which we find in 124 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. ecclesiastical writers after the end of the second century, that he was banished to this desert island by the Eoman emperor on ac- count of his confession. A closer consideration, however, of the accounts of the ancients themselves, shows clearly that anything decisive and certain about such banishment was not known. Their statements are somewhat ambiguous, particularly with re- spect to the emperor under and by whom the thing is said to have happened ; and therefore it may be assumed with great proba- bility that the whole tradition rests merely upon this passage of the Apocalypse, which might easily lead to the assumption, by the way it is worded, that the seer John was banished to Patmos on account of his Christian confession. It was therefore natural, when once this John was assumed to be the apostle, that the fact should soon fix itself in the form of a tradition about him, although it referred originally to another witness of the same name ; that which happened to one John might easily be trans- ferred to another, to an apostle more distinguished and better known. Whether the passage, when viewed by itself, independ- ently of that later tradition, really implies a banishment of the seer to that island, or at least a residence on it at the time of the recep- tion of the visions and the writing of the book, may be seen ad h. 1. What appears in the book itself to speak against an apostle as author, is the passage (xxi. 14), K. TO rei^ * T *7 S ^oAews fx ov 0/*eAi'ovs dwSeKO, KCU 7r' avrwv 8w8e/ca ov6fj.a.Ta TMV Sw^eKa uTrocrToAwv TOV dpviov. This makes it much more probable that the seer and writer did not himself belong to the number of the twelve apostles than that he was one of them. On the other hand, if we consider how so specific a value is put in this passage upon the rank of the apostles, we are justified in supposing that, had the author be- longed to their circle or wished to be considered one of it, he would not have omitted, particularly in i. 1, to designate himself expressly as such. A comparison of the other writings which we have received from him also pronounces against the apostle John, particularly the Gospel and first Epistle. We proceed on the supposition that these writings are genuine works of the GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 125 apostle John, the son of Zebedee, the "beloved" disciple of the Lord, in which, I believe, we are justified most decidedly (see my Beitr. z. Ev. Krit. u. Vorles. iiber neutestam. Einl.). And it may be asserted with the greatest probability that the same disciple cannot be the writer of the Apocalypse. It cannot, indeed, be denied that the Apocalypse presents great affinity to the other writings of John, in idea, style and diction ; a fact that must not be lost sight of, that we may be able to decide rightly about the similarity of the works to one another. It may be granted that the Apocalypse on the one hand, and John's other writings on the other, are related to no other New Testament works so closely as those two, i. e. to one another ; and that the reason of this lies not improbably in a certain dependence of the one writer upon the other, so that the author of the later writing or writings made use of the earlier. But it is not of the kind to prove unity of authorship, any more than the many cognate things presented, for example, by the Epistle to the Hebrews and the first Epistle of Peter to Paul's Epistles prove that the apostle Paul wrote the former. What is still more important in our case than relationship, is the dissimilarity which the writings before us present in their entire character. This is such as cannot be easily explained if we accept the writer's identity. First of all, (a) as to style. In the Apocalypse, the whole structure of the language is incomparably rougher, harder, more disconnected, more hebraizing : greater grammatical incorrectness prevails in it than in any other book of the New Testament. On the contrary, the language of the Gospel, though not indeed pure Greek, is yet, without comparison, more correct in a grammatical point of view. Pionysius of Alexandria, 1. c. (Euseb. vii. 25), rightly pointed attention to the difference ; he says that whilst the Gospel and the (first) Epistle are written faultlessly, as far as the Greek language is concerned, the language of the Apocalypse, on the contrary, is in no wise aK/u/Jws e\.\rjvi(ovo-a; but that the author of it uses barbarous idioms and even solecisms in abundance. To refer to single instances of such grammatical errors, there are, 125 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. i. 4, aTTo 6 wv /cat 6 rjv KCU 6 tp^ofJievos', ii. 20, TTJV yvvatKa crow 'le q A.yovo-a K. A.; ill. 12, T>)S KCUV^S 'lepovtraXrjiJL, fj Kara/JatVovcra, and many others of the kind, such as cannot be shown in other writ- ings of John. Even apart from such incorrectnesses, the Apo- calypse presents many peculiarities in the use of language which are not found in the other writings of John ; whilst many singular modes of expression in the Gospel and Epistles are wanting in the Eevelation. To such things Dionysius of Alexandria has re- ferred (see on this, Ewald, pp. 66 74; De Wette, 189; Credner, 266 ; Liicke, 2nd ed. pp. 662680). The difference in this re- spect is recognized even by most of those who attribute all the works to one and the same author, the apostle John ; they believe that it arises either from a difference of time in composition, or from the elevated and poetical character of the prophetic discourse in the Apocalypse. Ebrard and Hengstenberg, in particular, look at it in the latter light. Hengstenberg supposes that John wrote the Gospel and Epistles in the condition of his ordinary con- sciousness ; the Eevelation, on the contrary, when he was in the Spirit, which spoke through him ; and this explains why he avoids expressions which had assumed a permanent character in the Christian use of language at his own time, even such as be- longed to the characteristic peculiarities of his usual diction, as, for example, wi) cuowos and Tria-Teveiv, so frequent in the Gospel ; besides that the language of the Apocalypse, conformably to the poetical character of prophetic discourse, adopts the full-sounding and emphatic ; in which Hengstenberg includes the usual ISov, whereas the Gospel, on the contrary, has i'Se ; as also the hebraiz- ing, the rough, the abrupt. He has carried out and extended this in a manner that borders on the absurd, and does not require refu- tation; nor, indeed, is it capable of one. After the same fashion Ebrard says, in the Gospel John attempted, standing freely above his materials, to write as good Greek as possible for his readers, and therefore he wrote better than was his wont ; whilst in the Apocalypse he was overpowered by the remembrance of the visions he had had, and could find no other language to express GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 127 such wonders than that of the old prophets. Hence he willingly deals in a prophetic, antique, strongly hebraizing form of language, and makes use of crudities intentionally, as i. 4, ii. 20. However one may judge with respect to the visions of the Apocalypse (see after), the matter cannot be looked at in such a light as that the seer wrote them down in the shape they are now in, and the whole book in the moment of his rapture, but later ; and even the eyevo/zTyv . . eV liar/A^ (i. 9) leads with great probability to the sup- position that at the time of writing he was no longer in Patmos. The composition took place, therefore and the same holds good of the visions and other prophecies in the Old Testament pro- phets not in the state of rapture, but of thoughtful conscious- ness. Though it be granted that the remembrance of what was seen in ecstacy, and the subject generally, might exercise some influence on the linguistic character of the book, it could not do so to such degree, particularly in a grammatical respect, as to account for the difference between the Apocalypse and the Gospel. As to the other mode of explanation, by difference in time of writing, it is undoubtedly in the highest degree probable that the Gospel and first Epistle of John were not written till after the destruction of Jerusalem, therefore later than the Apocalypse ; and therefore one might suppose that the apostle John in the interval had acquired a greater facility and correctness in Greek writing by long intercourse with the Greeks in Asia. This explana- tion entirely falls away if, with Ebrard, Hengstenberg and others, we place the composition of the Apocalypse under Domitian, on the basis of Irenseus's testimony. But even on our hypothesis, the apostle John, at the time of writing the Apocalypse, must have been considerably advanced in years, to the age of at least sixty or more ; and it is scarcely likely that his whole Greek style should have changed its character so essentially according to time, as it must have done if he, the author of the Gospel and Epistles, was also the author of the Apocalypse. We may add, what Liicke pertinently remarks (2nd ed. pp. C64), that the language of the Apocalypse, in point of fact, has in itself nothing of the 128 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. bungling and the accidental, which proceed from a beginner ; but something very constant, even, intentional, unfettered and usual ; in short, a definite type, which scarcely permits transformation and progress into the linguistic type of the Gospel and Epistles. (V) Dionysius of Alexandria, in the passage already quoted, directs attention to the fact, that the Apocalypse repeatedly names John as the seer and author, whilst the apostle does not name himself expressly either in the Gospel or the first Epistle. On the contrary, it has been urged, as already by Eichhorn, that the express mentioning of the name is conformable to prophetic usage. This, indeed, is not absolutely correct, since it may be admitted with tolerable safety that many prophecies were de- livered, even by the Old Testament prophets, without mention of their name, and were therefore attributed at a later time to others than those they belonged to. Such a phenomenon is not without importance in leading us to suppose, along with other phenomena, that the apocalyptic John is different from the apostle, the writer of the Gospel and Epistle or Epistles. But one cannot view it as decisive, since it may be supposed that the apostle, in a treatise written at another and earlier time, followed a different method than his subsequent one in the Gospel and Epistles. (c) Of greater importance, and to be considered decisive, is the difference of the two writings in regard to the ideas con- tained in them, in relation to the whole spirit and character, the entire picture, of their author and his position, which meet us in reading them. Both the author of the Apocalypse and the evangelist John appear as belonging to the Jewish nation, and as Hebrews, inhabitants also of Palestine, since both are ac- quainted with the sacred writings of their people, even in the original language, and quote sentences from the Old Testament not usually according to the LXX., but from their own transla- tion of the Hebrew text itself. But the internal position of both towards Judaism and the Jewish people seems very dif- ferent, as we have already seen (p. 113). The author of the GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 129 Apocalypse is closely connected with Judaism, Jewish worship and the Jewish people throughout, so that he seems to cherish the hope that Jerusalem the holy and beloved city (xi. 2, xx. 9) though experiencing a divine visitation, would still continue with its sanctuary till the coming of the Lord, and, during the thousand-years' kingdom, would be the central-point of the people and worship of the true, living God. He describes those members of the Jewish people who obstinately rejected or persecuted the gospel as not really Jews, but persons who falsely appropriated the name (ii. 9, iii. 9). On the contrary, the Gospel of John uses the appellation ol 'louScuoi as a desig- nation of the Jews who resisted the truth, particularly the chiefs of the Jewish nation who were hostile to the Redeemer. One might, at all events, suppose that the apostle John should have got, through the destruction of Jerusalem, to the point of hoping that the city would be the centre of the future Messianic king- dom ; not that the internal character of his sentiments should have been so revolutionized against the Jewish people, on the occasion of an event which certainly claimed his entire sympathy, as we must suppose it to have been, had the author of the Apocalypse written the Gospel also subsequently, at most ten or twenty years later. (d) Reference to the approach of the glorious coming of the Lord, as conqueror of the hostile powers, and for the inaugura- tion of the kingdom of God upon earth, forms the central and leading point in the contents of the Apocalypse. Though this kingdom itself, the thousand-years' one, is but briefly described, yet all that preceded only serves as a preparation for it, just as what follows appears its farther completion. We find this ex- pectation, it is true, in other New Testament writings, and it is not foreign to the apostle John; doubtless 1 John ii. 18, 28, is to be so explained. But in the Gospel, apart from xxi. 22 in the Appendix, there are no express or definite statements about it, which is always no unimportant fact. Had the apostle John, even forty years after the death and ascension of Christ, K 130 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. nourished this hope in such energetic liveliness and develop- ment as we find it in the Apocalypse, we are justified in assuming that he would have also maintained it at a later time ; and that it would even appear through his historical re- presentation of the Lord's life. If we regard him as the writer of the Apocalypse, we might either think that he had conceived these expectations in their present form in consequence of the revelations wMch the Apocalypse itself brings before us; or that he had cherished them in essence, even before the reception of these visions, in consequence of the way in which he appre- hended the discourses of Christ concerning the future develop- ment of the kingdom of God, the last judgment, his union with his own people after being taken away from the earth, &c. But in the latter case, we should have expected that he would communicate such discourses of the Lord in his Gospel also, especially if he had held these expectations strongly for forty years, in the way the Apocalypse shows them. Discourses of a similar kind are certainly to be found in the three first Gos- pels, but not, as already mentioned, in that of John, where the utterances of Christ relating to the future all bear either a more general or a decidedly spiritual character. Had the apostle first arrived at Jus expectations in the apocalyptic form by the visions imjparted to him, according to our book, we should infer that they would not have generalized themselves so much at a later time, and receded into the background. The destruc- tion of Jerusalem, that took place meanwhile, might perhaps have helped to modify somewhat the state of these hopes ; not, however, to such a degree as would have been the case were the author of the Apocalypse and of the Gospel the same, for we find eschatological ideas in the same form essentially as that which they have in the Apocalypse. (e) It is true that 1 John ii. 18 sqq., iv. 1 sqq., speaks of Anti- christ as the forerunner of the last day (the ea-xa-rrj ^pa). But this is only regarded here, as we remarked already, as an idea spread through Christendom, to which the apostle gives a more GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 131 general application than that which already prevailed, especially as found in the Apocalypse. The apostle expressly exhorts his readers not to look for a single individual coming as Antichrist, because many Antichrists had already gone out into the world, every one who denies that Jesus is the Christ being regarded as such. Rather does a gentle polemic appear there against such an idea of Antichrist as we find in the Apocalypse, and also in 2 Thess., viz. as a definite future person, in whom should be con- centrated, as it were, the sum of all evil and destruction. This also is no unimportant ground against the idea that the Apoca- lypse might have been written by the apostle John, the author of the Epistles, since it is improbable that the latter would have given up and generalized, as is done in the letters, the very idea of Antichrist definitely set forth in the Apocalypse in so de- cided a way ; especially as we find it firmly held by other parties in the Church long after the destruction of Jerusalem, and after the expiration of the apostolic age in general, and that too in the apocalyptic form and shape. (/) Many other individual differences, both in the eschato- logical department and in others not immediately connected with it, between the Apocalypse on the one hand, and the writings of John on the other, may be pointed out, leading more or less to the assumption of different writers ; compare Llicke, 2nd ed. 48, 49. Of still greater importance in favour of this conclusion is the fact that the Apocalypse betrays an entirely different culture on the part of the author from the Gospel and the Epistles. The writer exhibits far more learning than the evangelist, not merely a relatively different, but another kind of education, both in theological and other departments, so that he appears to be a man who had been occupied with other branches of science from an early period and in a wholly different manner from the evan- gelist ; one who is inclined to a certain artificiality of represen- tation and to rabbinic-cabalistical studies. It is not probable, according to Acts iv. 13, where it is related, the Sanhedrists had heard that Peter and John were avOpwiroi dy K 2 132 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. , that the apostle John should possess the very education and learning which the Apocalypse manifests ; whose counterpart is not found in the other writings of John. Hengstenberg, in- deed, will not admit this ; he asserts that the learned and arti- ficial character which the Apocalypse is said to have is partly not in it ; that it is partly and in a like degree in the other writings of John also, so that he takes into them many profound references in a highly arbitrary way. See a fundamental refu- tation of his views in Liicke, 2nd ed. 48. If, after all this, we consider ourselves justified in supposing that the Apocalypse cannot be a work of the author of the Gospel and Epistles, therefore not of the apostle John, and if, on the other hand, from what has been before advanced, the same work is not spuriously attributed to the apostle, in whose name it might have been written by a later person, it only remains for us to assume, with Dionysius of Alexandria and others, that it is the work of a different John. We have seen that Hitzig asserts John Mark to be the author, the same who wrote the second Gospel. But the grounds urged for this are not reliable, and the supposition is in itself improbable, as has been sufficiently proved by Ebrard, and especially by Liicke, 1. c. ; so that I do not think it necessary to enter here into a farther dis- cussion of the matter. Nor has this view met with approval and assent in any quarter, except from Weisse. It is not likely that this evangelist, who is constantly named Marcus at a later period, should have described himself as John in the Apo- calypse addressed to the Asia Minor churches, since he was doubtless known to them as Mark. Ecclesiastical tradition also knows nothing of the fact that Mark had his sphere of activity in Asia Minor in later years, viz. in proconsular Asia. For we must assume of the John of the Apocalypse, that he resided in Asia Minor at the time of the composition of the book, and was thought highly of as a teacher by the Asiatic churches to which the seven Epistles are addressed, and for which the book was chiefly written ; so that they were led to GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 133 think precisely of him and none else from the manner in which he characterizes himself and speaks to them. The existence in these regions of such a John, different from the apostle, is known to us from unsuspected witnesses. Papias, in his 6^y?;o-ets Aoyiwv Kiyna/cwv (Ap. Euseb. iii. 39), speaks ex- pressly of a second John, besides the apostle, whom he desig- nates the presbyter, 6 7rpes/3irre/jos, in distinction from the apostle, and speaks besides of a certain Aristion ; so that he undoubt- edly separates both from the apostles, while describing them as those who had heard the Lord (/za#7?Tcts TOV Kvpiov). Guericke, indeed, has tried to prove, in his treatise, Hypothese vom Pres- byter Johannes (1831), that Papias does not speak of two dif- ferent Johns, but only of one, the apostle ; he has repeated the same thing also, with less confidence, in the first edition of his Einl. i. N. T. p. 262, Anm. 4 ; and Hengstenberg has expressed the same opinion, ii. 2, pp. 112 sqq. 2nd ed. ii. 387. But Guericke himself, in the 2nd ed. pp. 147 sqq., confesses that there is more in favour of the existence of the presbyter than against it. An un- prejudiced consideration of the words of Papias leaves no doubt that he really speaks of a second John, the presbyter, different from the apostle ; and, indeed, he names him without any refer- ence to the author of the Apocalypse, whereby the testimony in regard to his actual existence is all the more unsuspicious. Hence from the very mention, we may suppose with great pro- bability that this presbyter John, and Aristion named with him, had lived and worked in the district where Papias resided, that is, in Asia Minor. Hierapolis, where Papias was bishop, lay near (only six Eoman miles north) to Laodicea, one of the seven churches addressed in the Apocalypse. Eusebius, in the place already mentioned, is inclined to attribute the Apoca- lypse to this presbyter John ; but not, as is usually and falsely assumed, Dionysius of Alexandria, who does not mention him directly. Eusebius also remarks that some said two persons of the name of John had lived in Asia, Christian teachers, viz. of the apostolic age, and two monuments were then shown at 134 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. Ephesus, both dedicated to a John a fact which Dionysius of Alexandria also cites. If it were the case that the other John lived and taught as a preshyter in the district where the apostle was working in his later years, we may well conceive that the two Johns were early confounded with one another ; that this or that thing was transferred from the presbyter to the apostle so well known in the Church, and thus a literary work which belonged to the one might be attributed to the other; which was undoubtedly the case with the Apocalypse about the middle of the second century, as we see from Justin Martyr. Yet the assumption of a presbyter John being the author of our book would not be without difficulty had the apostle John lived beside him in those regions at the time of its writing ; for in that case the presbyter would not readily have designated himself, as here, simply as John, servant of Jesus Christ, without definite sepa- ration from the apostle of that name. But there is nothing to prevent us from assuming, rather is it not unlikely on other grounds, that the settlement of the apostle John in these parts did not take place till after the writing of the Apocalypse (see my Beitrage zur Evangelien-Kritik, pp. 194 sqq.). In that case the presbyter John might very well call himself simply 6 'Iwaw^s, addressing the churches standing in close connection with him, in whose midst or the immediate neighbourhood he lived ; as he would know that they could not remain a moment doubtful as to his person. If, therefore, the Apocalypse and the fourth Gospel are related to one another in the manner indicated in these remarks, as far as the persons of their authors are con- cerned, as well as the time and place of writing ; it must be con- sidered very improbable, a priori, that the Apocalypse should have been unknown to the apostle John when he wrote the Gospel. And since, with all the essential difference of stand- point between the two writings a fact which does not permit us to attribute them to one and the same author there is nevertheless, as already before intimated, a certain analogy and relationship between them in individual descriptions and phrases, GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 135 the foundation of this cannot be in imitation of the Gospel by the writer of the Apocalypse, as many have supposed ; but it must rather be referred to the evangelist's use of the Apocalypse. That such a thing has taken place, and exercised some influence individually on the descriptions, we may well suppose, although 1 the assumption is not exactly necessary. IV. ON THE LlTEKAKY ENVELOPE OF THE BOOK, ESPECIALLY THE MODE OF DESCBIPTION IN VISIONS. The Apocalypse immediately at the beginning, from i. 9 on- wards, consists in the relation of visions presented to the seer ; and even the contents of the apocalyptic Epistles to the seven churches (ch. ii. iii.) were dictated to him by the Lord who ap- peared in vision. Here one may ask, how we are to consider this : merely as a literary envelope, a form chosen by the writer with poetical license to present in a vivid and lively manner to his Christian readers the sum of his prophetic hopes ; or as a historical account of visions actually vouchsafed to him in the manner and succession here adduced ? The same question may also be put in reference to the visions of the Old Testament prophets, as they are brought forward in their writings. As re- spects individual ones, it cannot be decided with any certainty ; it is not unlikely in general that with the later prophets it is in part only a literary envelope, a form of composition which they made use of to imitate the descriptions of older prophets, a more vivid way of adducing what they wished to prophesy; whilst in general, especially in the older prophets when nar- rating the visions they beheld, there is no ground for doubting that they were actually communicated to them, that the pro- phetic intuitions were presented to them in visions, mostly with a symbolic character (see Einl. ins. A. T. pp. 422 sqq.). We know from authentic New Testament witnesses belonging to the Church of the apostolic age, that visions were communi- cated to the apostles Peter and Paul in particular when put into 136 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. an ecstatic condition, in which symbolical images were brought before their spiritual eye for the revelation of religious truth (see Acts x. 10 sqq., xvi. 9 ; 2 Cor. xii. 1 sqq.). The same may have been the case with them and other Christian teachers of the time, more frequently than we find expressly stated. Hence we need not hesitate to assume that such visions were communi- cated to the writer of the Apocalypse also, though he did not belong exactly to the number of the apostles. Yet we must take into consideration the following particulars. In the first place, we cannot think that the writer wrote down the entire book and all the visions just as they are now in it, during the ecstacy itself ; this cannot be assumed even of the visions in the prophetic writings of the Old Testament. Still less can it be said of a series of connected visions so comprehensive as those in the Apocalypse. Besides, the introductory historical narrative, ch. i. clearly shows that the whole must have been written down afterwards in its present form ; and, as is highly probable from verse 9, written when the seer was no longer in the isle of Patmos. We may therefore assume, at all events, that the writer did not note down the visions previously communicated to him till afterwards, and as they presented themselves to his memory. But we cannot well imagine, from the number and extent of the visions and images, that the writer could have reproduced them all most exactly, or all that was spoken to him in ecstacy, verbatim ; we may rather take it as certain that, in the later reproduction of the materials, the writer's own reflec- tion involuntarily exercised some influence on the form and combination of particulars, without our being able to discover the extent of such influence. But we may go perhaps still farther. It is difficult to imagine how such a number of images and visions should have passed before the seer, after one another immediately, as would appear from the description of the book. In many of these individual images, it is not probable, from their nature and from the mode in which they are carried out, that they could have presented themselves in vision as actual phe- GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 137 nomena. In that case, instead of appearing sublime and bene- ficent, they would be rather monstrous and repulsive ; for example, the image of the Son of Man, i. 13 sqq. &c. Besides, not to men- tion the fact that most of the images attach themselves more or less closely to Old Testament descriptions, especially to those of Daniel and Ezekiel whence they are borrowed, we see the artistic and artificial in the connecting of the visions, and in the putting together of the whole book. From a consideration of all these particulars, it is very probable that we must either look upon the whole representation in visions merely as a free literary en- velope, such as is often found in Jewish and Christian writers of that and later times ; occurring, for example, in the book of Enoch, in the fourth book of Ezra, in the Apocryphon of Isaiah, &c. ; or we must suppose, if visions were actually communicated to the author with symbolic images referring to the future and ulterior development of the kingdom of God, that he carried them out afterwards with poetic freedom in individual parts, and their connection with one another. In either case, it is understood that the writer is not constant in the mode of representation by visions, but uses the future tense for prophecy several times; soon returning, however, to another mode, where the future pre- sents itself as present to his eye. So ch. xi., xx. 7 sqq. V. CANONICITY OF THE APOCALYPSE. We have seen how the canonical authority of the Apocalypse was assailed or doubted at different times, as early as the second century, and in the Greek Church for a longer period (in the Syrian Church permanently) ; then at the Eeformation, and again later ; suspicions and attacks of this kind having always gone hand in hand with doubts and views about its origin, design and chief meaning (see New Testament Introduction, pp. 671 sqq., and my Essays on the Old Testament Apocrypha in the Theolog. Stud, u. Krit. 1853, ii. pp. 283 298, upon the conception of the New 138 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. Testament Canon, as well as the requirements of a writing in order to vindicate its canonicity, and the gradational differences which must be admitted in this particular subject). Accord- ingly, we cannot reckon the Apocalypse among canonical books of the first class, if the results of our previous inquiry be correct, but only (with many Greek Church writers and the older Lutheran theologians) among the second class, both as to its origin and contents. In regard to the former; among the writings of the first times of the Christian Church, besides those which merely relate the history of Christ with the origin and early fortunes of the Church ; among such as are of a didactic kind, the writers themselves appearing in them as teachers ; we can attribute full canonical authority only to those which were confessedly written by apostles, and to others merely a subordi- nate authority as deutero-canonical writings. To this series the Apocalypse belongs in regard to its author, if, according to our view, it is the genuine work of a man who belonged, indeed, to the number of the Lord's disciples, as he had heard the Lord himself according to the assertion of Papias, but was not one of the apostles. As to the book itself and its contents, we have not to consider its aesthetic value in order to its right estimation ; nor the artificiality in plan and details, with the great poetic beauties by which it is distinguished, but only the religious- moral, the dogmatic-ethical contents. Here we perceive that a strong Christian thought may be recognized in the Apocalypse, especially a believing, living confidence in the power of the Spirit of the Lord, and in the certain final victory of his king- dom over the world and all hostile powers ; so that it is not in- ferior in this respect to the apostolic writings. But the prophetic character of the book itself, a constant reference to the future of the Church and the world, to the fulfilment of the kingdom of God and the conflicts and catastrophes preceding it, lead to this result that the Apocalypse cannot have for us a normative and proper canonical authority, in the sense and degree which most other books of the New Testament have, the historical as well as GENERAL INQUIRIES INTO THE APOCALYPSE. 139 the doctrinal, for the reason already before specified ; because all prophetic matter, and that of the New Testament also, bears more or less a poetic dress, and therefore it is difficult to separate with any certainty the properly dogmatic before its fulfilment, from the poetic and symbolic investiture. That is the case with the Apocalypse, and in a special degree. We are accustomed in general to distinguish the apocalyptic from the simply prophetic, according to a late usus loquendi that pro- ceeded from our book itself, although the difference is only a very fluctuating one, not firm or determinate. The apocalyp- tic is always prophetic, but all prophetic is not apocalyptic. In general, the apocalyptic presents the future more in con- crete vivid images, individually, and so pronounces upon future developments something more and more definite than the power for doing so properly by a true divine inspiration warrants. This is the general character of apocryphal-apocalyptic lite- rature as a whole, and of that also in the Bible Canon which may be designated as apocalyptic ; so in the Old Testament, especially the book of Daniel, and undoubtedly Ezekiel xl. xlviii. ; in the New Testament, our present book. The Apocalypse, as we have seen, has tried to give a closer determination of time to the future coming of the Lord and the glorious appearance of his kingdom upon earth. Any inquiry into such matters does not correspond with the mind of the Lord, who, even after his resurrection, declares that to know the time and the hour has been reserved by the Father to himself alone ; and disclaims the knowledge of it even for himself and the angels of heaven (Matt. xxiv. 36 ; Mark xiii. 32 ; Acts i. 7). The designation of time given in our book has not been verified, as we have seen, by the result ; so, too, other special announcements con- nected with it. Hence we are not justified by analogy in ex- pecting that they will be fulfilled in the future in the manner here announced. These grounds, affecting the contents and apocalyptic character of the book, induce us not to place the Apocalypse in the series of New Testament writings of the first 140 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. rank these have in themselves full canonical normative au- thority ; hut to include it in writings of the second rank, possessing a more limited and subordinate authority, as a sup- plementary treatise of the New Testament Canon, which has not in itself sufficient value to make one draw Christian doctrines from it, except so far as it appears to agree with and rest upon canonical books of the first rank. In no case, however, are we justified in putting it so low as is done by Luther, or in ex- cluding it from the collection of New Testament books. Eather does it form right well a conclusion of the whole. IV. SPECIAL INTEBPBETATION. CL i. 1, 2. A GENEEAL announcement of the contents of the book. Revelation of Jesus Christ. The genitive after a.iroKa\v^i. the genitive is that of subject, standing for the testimony which Jesus makes known to John in this revelation ; comp. xxii. 20, where Jesus in the same connection is described as 6 papTvpuv ravTa; xxii. 16, i. 5, where he is called 6 p,dprvs 6 TTIO-TOS. The oo-o. Se refers to the phenomena which presented them- selves to John in vision ; and this is much better, especially after a comparison of i. 19 (ypdif/ov ovv a e?Ses), than to refer it to the actions and events of the life of Jesus as witnessed by the author, where one would rather expect ewpaKe or cwpaKfi, as in 1 John i. 2, 3. It is very unnatural when Vitringa and Ewald apply this member (with the reading re) to the prophetic intuitions ; and on the contrary, the Aoyov T. 6. K. p-apr. 'I. Xp. to the testimony already given in the Gospel. Even with the reading re the two-fold de- signation would be quite inadmissible; much more with the reading without re. In the interpretation here followed, we have manifestly an appropriate connection of ideas as well as progres- sion. Verse 1 describes him that is the first principle of the revelation God the Father him that is the first mediator, Christ, whom the former made use of as his instrument the angel and the person to whom he communicated it through the latter, i. e. John. Verse 2 then states that John made known to the other servants of God the revelation he received, through the testimony given in this book ; and verse 3 suitably con- cludes with the blessedness of those readers to whom the reve- lation comes through John. Arethas, Andreas, Beza, Bengel, rightly understand it in this manner ; and so also Liicke (Theolog. Stud. u. Krit. 1836, 3. 655 sqq.), Ziillig, De Wette, Hofmann (ii. 303). The aorist fpaprvprjo-e, for which Wolf and Ebrard sup- pose the present must have been put in that case, Bengel rightly explains by the epistolary style ; compare, for example, Philemon 19 (eyw nai~Aos lypa^a ry f^rf ^eipt). SPEC I A L INTERPRET A TION. 145 Verse 3. Verse 3. Blessed is he who reads, and those who hear the words of the prophecy, and keep what is written in the same, keep it in their hearts, have it continually in view. The latter participle, TypovvTes, applies to both at the same time, the avayivwo-Kwv and the aKoiWres. These expressions refer to the fact that such holy books were wont to be read in the synagogues as well as in Christian assemblies, which was done by one, whilst the others listened. Therefore the one in the singular, the others in the plural. For the time is near, the time of fulfilment, namely, of the glorious appearing of the Lord. Compare Luke xxi. 8, Mark xiii. 23, and the remarks in the Introduction. Verses 4 8. After this general designation of the contents, there follows a special greeting of the apostolic churches of Asia, for which the work is chiefly intended, with reference to the certainty of the splendid and terrible future of the Lord. Verse 4. John to the seven churches of Asia. 'Ao-ia stands here, and in the New Testament generally, not as a designation of a division of the world (Liicke, 420 sqq., Stud. 55, pp. 168 sqq.), but of the west part of Asia Minor (Asia propria or proconsu- laris), which the Komans obtained as a province by the testa- ment of the King of Pergamus, Attalus III. Philometor in the year 133 B.C. It properly comprehended Mysia, Lydia, Phrygia and Caria ; yet the word appears in the New Testament to have sometimes a more restricted sense. The seven churches are named in verse 11 ; and in ch. ii. iii. special epistles of exhortation are addressed to them. As it is said here at once, " to the seven churches of Asia," we may perhaps suppose that these were the only ones at that time in the province which had any importance. Yet we may assume, on the other hand, judging from the part which the sacred number seven generally plays in our book, that the writer attempted with a certain design to trace back the L H6 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. Christian churches precisely to this number; so that it may have been from a desire not to exceed this number, he did not include a church of the district which he would otherwise have noticed ; not reckoning, for example, Colossae, Hierapolis ; or a city where perhaps but a small number of Christians existed. The ancients themselves viewed the number seven only as a symbolical or mystical designation of the collective congregations of the Chris- tian Church. So the Fragment of Muratori : Et Johannes enim in Apocalypsi, licet septem ecclesiis scribat, tamen omnibus dicit. Andreas ad h. 1. : 810, TOT; fftSofj-aTiKov dpiOp-ov TO /MXTTIKOV a.iravTa.)(rj c/CK/V^o-iwv x. The first-lorn of the dead. The e* of the received text before rtov veitpwv, is wanting in A. B. C. 40 cursive, as well as Copt. Vulg.; left out by Bengel, Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, &c. Doubtless it is a later insertion from Col. i. 18, 6's fa-nv apx*], TTpwTOTOKos IK Twv vtKpwv. Christ is often designated in several relations in the New Testament as the First-born (see my Com- mentary on Heb. i. 5, p. 127). The description is borrowed per- SPECIAL INTERPRETATION. 149 haps from Ps. Ixxxix. 28, but was applied in various ways ; here and Col. 1. c. he is called the first-born of the dead, or from the dead, as he arose the first from the dead, born as it were to a new life, in such a manner that he is no more subject to death ; COmp. 1 Cor. XV. 20, Xpio-ros ty^yeprai IK And ike ruler of the Icings of the earth ; comp. Ps. Ixxxix. 1. c., Who loves us and has washed us from our sins in his Uood. Instead of dyairrjo-avTi, Bengel, Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, have ayaTTwvrt, according to A. B. C. 38 cursive. Undoubtedly the aorist would be quite suitable, who loved us, namely, has shown his love to us in giving himself up for us, and has purified us with his blood; yet the preponderance of Greek manuscripts leads to the present, which was changed to the aorist out of regard to the following participle being in the same tense. In- stead of Xova-avTt,, Lachmann has Aw-avn (which Mill approves) after A. C. 5 cursive, Syr. Primas, &c. Yet the other is decidedly more probable from internal evidence ; comp. vii. 14, where be- lievers are described as those who have made their garments white in the blood of the Lamb (1 John i. 7 ; Heb. ix. 14 ; com- pare also Acts xxii. 16). Verse 6. And has made us kings, priests to his God and Father ; /3ao-iAeiav, te/aets, so we should read with the Compl., Bengel, Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, &c. (instead of the received /3ao-iA.eis /ecu te/seis), and according to A.C. 40 cursive, Syr. Ar, Pol., Aeth. Copt. Areth. Lactant, Victorin, &c. ; the received reading came from it as an emendation. The question is, how to explain it. The expression, Exod. xix. 6, lies at the foundation, where Jehovah says to the Israelites, Ye shall be to me D^nb rQ^pp, a kingdom of priests, a kingdom in which all are individual priests. Accordingly many interpreters have understood it as Wetstein does, instead of ftacnXeiav iepcwv. Yet this is scarcely permissible, since it would be a too ungrecian mode of expres- 150 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. sion, which has no parallel even in the Apocalypse, namely, that the noun standing in the genitive-relation after a noun governing should experience no change in the form of the ending, according to the Hebrew mode. Eather must we suppose that the writer, according to another conception of that passage in Exod., took D^pns as an apposition to np^pE, and so had the two-fold idea that the people of God were made by the Saviour priests, as well as a kingdom whose citizens should reign with their Lord ; COmp. V. 10, 7roi^cras airrous . . . /3a(riAe?s K. tepeis, for which, with Lachmann, read /foo-i/Xeiav KCU te/aeis. But Lachmann has besides, instead of ^//.as, ed. minor, adopted ^/A?V, according to A. 4 cursive (according to Wetstein the Syr. Copt. also). The ed. maj. has ^wv according to C. and the probably genuine text of the Vulgate ; yet here the received text is probably the genuine one. To him be the majesty and power to all eternity, Amen ! Such doxologies in reference to Christ in the New Testament are found several times ; for example, Eom. xvi. 27 ; 2 Tim. iv. 18 ; 1 Pet. iv. 11 ; 2 Pet. iii. 18 ; and in reference to God and Christ at the same time, Apoc. v. 13. Verse 7. Here the leading tendency of the whole Apocalypse is expressed : Behold, he comes with the clouds,- as if attended by them ; in the same manner the glorious appearance of the Son of Man at his coming is described in Dan. vii. 13, "333TDy spyi ^n nn tt?3$ nn? *# Comp. Matt. xxiv. 30, /ecu TOTE KO^OVTCU Tracrcu cu (vAcu T^S yijs /cat OI/WTGU TOV vlov TOV avOpuTrov tpyoptvov CTTI TWV vexr0ai is frequently used in the Apocalypse, as well as in the other writings of the New Testament, in relation to the future glorious appearing of Christ (see my Commentary on Heb. x. 37, p. 713). And every eye shall see him, in his wonder-exciting glory ; also those who pierced him, or have pierced. An allusion to Zech. xii. 10, where, in depicting the deep repentance which would one day penetrate the royal house of David and the inhabitants of Jerusalem, it is said, sni^ -i$rn$ ^?8 ^?n), literally, " And SPECIAL INTERPRETATION. 151 they look (repentant and full of anguish) upon me (or upon him) whom they have pierced." Accordingly the evangelist John quotes the passage, John xix. 37, where he speaks of the piercing the side of the crucified Lord, and with the same Greek verb as here (oi/'ovrat ets 6V e^e/cev-njo-av), whilst the LXX. Zech. render quite differently by Kcn-wpx 7 ? " 011 " 1 " - This agreement has been prominently urged by Hengstenberg on the place, and by others, as a proof of the Apocalypse having been written by the author of the Gospel. Yet two writers, entirely independent of one another, might easily translate the verb "i|TT by the Greek eK/cevretv, which Aqu. Symm. Theod., and in other passages the LXX. too, have also put for it. Nor is there com- plete agreement here, since the verb h. 1. is connected with the simple accusative ; in the Gospel of John with ets. Besides, the writer undoubtedly thought of all who had shown themselves hostile to the Eedeemer during his life, and had helped to deliver him over to death. And shall lament, beat their breasts, in anguish and mourning (KO^OVTCU ; see Matt. 1. 1.), over him appearing in such majesty ; all races of the earth, the people who proved disobedient to him hitherto ; yea, Amen ! Verse 8. / am the A and the 0, says God the Lord, who is, who was, and who is to come, the Almighty. What the received text has after TO w, viz. dp^ K . reAos, is to be considered a gloss, which Bengel, Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, &c., have left out, as already the Compl., &c., according to testimonies which preponderate. By Alpha and Omega, God is designated as the First and the Last, that is, as the Eternal One, who was from the beginning and will be to eternity = Is. xliv. 6, pttfbn \?N. Tnny ^Sft; comp. xli. 4. Among the later Jews, the whole extent of a thing is often expressed by the first and last letters of the alphabet, s and n ; for example, Abraham observed the law from N to n, or God blesses the Israelites from N to n, &c. (see Schottgen, ad h. 1.) Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, &c., as already the Compl., Bengel, instead of the received 6 152 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. which would be understood of Christ, have KV/JIOS 6 0eos, accor- ding to A. B. C. upwards of 40 cursive, Syr. Copt. Arm. Vulg. ; Hippol. Andr. Areth. aL The reference to Christ would not in itself be unsuitable, from the way in which he is spoken of else- where in our book (see verse 17, xxii. 13). Ewald holds to the received text, but external evidences preponderate in favour of the other reading. Verses 920. Narrative of John respecting the vision communicated to him, in which he is directed to write down and send to the seven churches of Asia the prophetic intuitions introduced by what follows. Verse 9. /, John, your brother and companion in affliction and in the kingdom, a citizen of the kingdom of God, and, as such also affected by the calamities inflicted upon the confessors of the Lord upon earth. This passage confirms the fact that in verse 6, the /foo-iAeiav is to be taken as a peculiar conception. And patience of Jesus Christ, that is, the patient constant waiting for the Lord, namely, his future coming and the ful- filment of his kingdom ; so 2 Thess. iii. 5, May the Lord direct your hearts into the love of God and cts TT/V VTTO/AOV^V TOV X/Dwn-or. Comp. 1 TheSS. i. 3, rrjs vrrojaovrjs rrys eXiriSosTOv Kvpiov r^nav I. X/3. ApOC. iii. 10, errjprjo-as TOV Xoyov TT)S VTTO/AOV^S fJ-ov. In our passage, however, this is not the reading. Instead of 'I^a-ov Xp., others read with a preposition cv vn-opovy V Xprr 'I^o-ov, or V 'Irjo-ov, or e'v Xpio-ry. That means, patience, steadfast endurance in Jesus, or which has its foundation in him. Was on the island which is called Patmos,for the word of God and the testimony of Jesus. The second 8ta is .probably not genuine. It is wanting in A.C. 8 cursive. Copt. Arm. Vulg ; Dion. Al. Andr. 1. Areth. Primas., left out by Erasmus (ed. 1 3), Bengel, Lach- mann, Tischendorf, &c. "We have already spoken of this pas- sage in the Introduction, and remarked that it is referred almost universally to the seer's banishment to Patmos, in which case SPECIAL INTERPRETATION. 153 there is a proof of the identity of this John and the apostle and evangelist, inasmuch as ecclesiastical tradition mentions his banishment to Patmos by the Eoman emperor. The thing established itself in later tradition ; and many legends attached themselves to it on the island in question. The latter is one of the Sporades in the ^Egean Sea, situated between Samos and Naxos, now called Palmosa or Patmo ; according to Pliny, thirty thousand paces or thirty Eoman miles in circumference. It is usually thought to be waste and unfruitful. It is undoubtedly a rocky island, without woods; but now, at least, it has gardens and vines, fruit-trees and corn, especially wheat and barley ; its wine is very fiery and pleasant to the taste. It has a large harbour and two inhabited districts ; the lower small harbour town, La Scala, and the town proper on the heights, built round the con- vent of Saint Christodulos ; the number of inhabitants consists at the present time of 4000 5000, far preponderating in women, since the men are mostly abroad and in foreign ships. Sideways from the road leading to the upper town is a grotto enclosed in a little church, which is supposed to be the place where the apostle John resided, and beside it a school ; many legends are still related on the island of miracles which the apostle is said to have performed in different places (see Schubert, Eeise in das Mor- genland, 1836-37, Bd. iii. pp. 425 443). Meanwhile it is very probable, as already remarked, that the entire hypothesis of the banishment of the apostle John arose out of this passage of the Apocalypse, and rests upon no tradition independent of it. All that the oldest Church writers give concerning it is very indefinite, or decidedly false so far as it is not borrowed from this passage. As to the time of banishment, the oldest ecclesiastical writers who ex- press an opinion upon it place it in the reign of Domitian; Irenseus is among these, Adv. Haeres. v. 20, 7 sqq. (Euseb. iii. 18), although he does not speak very decidedly of the banishment of the apostle, but of the time of his receiving the revelation ; Victorin, Eusebius iii. 18, and in his Chronic. ; Hieronym. vir. illustr. v., and others. Probably also Clem. Al. Quis. dives salvetur, xlii., 154 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. and Origen, in Mattli. Tom. xvi., thought of Domitian. They mention, indeed, no name, but speak of a certain tyrant and Roman king, under whom John was banished to Patmos, and after whose death he returned thence to Ephesus. Tertullian, also, as is not improbable if one compares Apologet. v. (that Domitian tried to imitate Nero's tyranny, but soon discontinued it and re- called those who were banished) with Prsescript. adv. Haeret. xxxvi., says that the apostle John, after he and that at Borne was dipped in boiling oil without being hurt, was banished in insulam. But it may be asserted in the most positive manner, from the contents of the Apocalypse, as we have seen, that it could not have been written under Domitian, but either under Galba, or at the latest under Vespasian ; therefore, if it were the work of the apostle John, and the passage referred to his banishment, it is impossible that it could have happened under Domitian. If the banishment of the apostle were really a fact which had reached the Church Fathers independently of the Apocalypse, by actual tradition, one would expect that clearer particulars about it would have come to them in some credible form ; particularly the true state of the case with regard to the Roman emperor under whom it should be placed. That the apostle John was not actually banished by Domitian, may be inferred from the silence of the oldest Church historian, Hegesippus, who lived at Rome under Marcus Aurelius, about 170. He expressly relates that Domitian sent for some of the grandsons of Judas, the brother of the Lord, but directly after set them at liberty again, and by his own edict abolished all persecutions against the Christians. If anything of a banishment that happened to the apostle John had been known to Hegesippus, he would certainly not have omitted to relate it on this occasion. And Eusebius, where he speaks of this banishment, would have referred to Hegesippus for it ; a writer whom he often quotes for the older Church history. But if nothing was known to the older Church concerning this banishment in a historical way, farther than what was believed to be contained in the passage, it may be easily explained SPECIAL INTERPRETATION. 155 how the thing could come to be put in the time of Domitian, viz. because this emperor actually punished individual Jews and Christians with banishment, though probably merely out of Borne, which may be inferred from Tertullian, Apol., and Euseb. iii. 10 ; Dio Cassius, Ixvii. 14, Ixviii. 1. A later assumption we find in Epiphanius (Haer. li. ch. 33), that both the banishment and recal of John happened under Claudius (A.D. 41 53) ; which, however, can be as little historical as the other. But if the entire hypothesis of the apostle's banishment does not rest in all probability upon a tradition independent of the Apocalypse, having taken shape merely in accordance with this passage, we are then by no means dependent upon the tradi- tion for its interpretation. The question is, in the first place, whether the passage, viewed by itself, leads us actually to a banishment, if not of the apostle, yet of the John who wrote the Apocalypse. The words undoubtedly allow of such refer- ence ; COmp. XX. 4, rots ^v^as TWV 7r7reAe/ eK/cA^o-ias), and in verses 8, 18; it would be harsh grammatically, which speaks for its originality. Yet in the remaining letters he has retained T^S, since TW has in its favour no external witnesses of importance. Thus speaks he who holds the seven stars in his right hand (i. 16), who walks in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks (i. 13). Verse 2. / know thy works ; chiefly, perhaps, sacrifices for the gospel ; and thy labour, KOTTOS; not merely toil, hardships, but also exertion in the work itself; and thy patience; perseverance in striving for, as well as in the hope of rest in, God's kingdom. And that thou canst not bear them which are evil : that these become, as it were, too irksome to thee, so that thou shakest them off, repellest them from thee. And thou hast tried, carefully proved, them which say they are apostles and are not (anacoluthon), and hast found them liars ; hast therefore rightly perceived what condition they are in, and hast not been blinded by their pretences. Who these were can- not be determined with certainty : not, as Ziillig thinks, such Jewish teachers as did not at all belong to the Christian Church ; nor also John's disciples, as Eichhorn supposes. Ewald thinks they were the strictly judaizing teachers whom Paul had so often to encounter elsewhere. But it is more probable that the writer thought of the heads of those whom he (verse 6) designates as Nicolaitanes ; to whom Hengstenberg also refers it. Besides, as we shall see, we must also think of antinoinian teachers, a ten- dency which proceeded from abuse of the Pauline doctrine of the Christian's freedom from the law, to which might be joined a predilection for subtle speculations of different kinds. Against these persons Paul already warns Timothy (2 Tim. ii. 16 sqq.). When it is said here besides, they pretend to be apostles, it does not imply that they really belonged to the circle of those who heard the Lord himself, or merely asserted it. Verse 3. And hast patience, and hast laboured for my name's 166 LECTURES ON THE APOCAL YPSE. sake : in confessing me, thou hast suffered, to wit, all oppressions and persecutions which were inflicted upon thee for this reason ; and hast not fainted ; without being weary. This forms an in- tentional play of words along with verse 2, where both /3ao-Tdav and KOTTOS stand in another relation ; e/3acrrao-as here corresponds to ov OVVQ fjao-rdfav KOKOVS, as OVK J/coTriWas Corresponds to TOV KOTTOV o-ov, or better, as Lachmann has it, ov Ke/coin'aKas (according to A. C., &c.). The received text has KCKOTrtaxas /ecu ov Ke/cp?Kas, which would mean, hast laboured and art not become weary. Yet predominant external testimony favours that shorter reading, which is also recommended by internal grounds, because it is in itself probable even by the play of words, with regard to the /3ao-Taaj/, that KOTTidfav is here used in another reference than in verse 2.* Verse 4. Nevertheless I have somewhat against thee, that thou hast left thy first love; hast abandoned, let it go ; the first love = such a one as thou hast cherished and shown in the earlier time, when thou didst first devote thyself to my service. This love, according to the context, cannot mean love to Christ (as, for example, Ziillig takes it) or to God (comp. Jeremiah ii. 2), but only love to the brethren, as proved chiefly by assistance and charity to the needy, which Paul recommends to the Ephesian elders (Acts xx. 35). The TO, Trpu>ra epyo, TTot^o-ov in verse 5 also leads to this sense. Compare Matt. xxiv. 12, KCU Sia TO ir\i]6vv- 07jvat rr)v dvo/uav i/'vyTyo-erat r/ dydwny ru>v TroAAwv. It is decidedly incorrect when Eichhorn finds in it a reproach against the Ephesian Christians, that they treated the heretics too severely, and no longer with previous mildness. Verse 5. Remember, therefore, from whence thou art fallen ; that is, what was the high standpoint which thou didst occupy before in love to the brethren, and hast now lost, from which thou hast sunk down. For the formula iroOcv 7rrno/cas (approved of by Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, and by Bengel and Wetstein, * ow KtK/ijjKttr was brought in by Erasmus ; compare Delitzsch, Handschriftl. Funde i. p. 24. SPECIAL INTERPRETATION. 167 instead of the received eKTreTrrw/cos ; according to preponderating external evidence). Comp. Cicero, ad Attic, iv. 16, non recorder unde ceciderim, sed unde resurrexerim. And repent and do the first works = such as thou didst to the brethren in the first time of love, or if not /AeravoTjorjs is easily supplied here, but at the end edi/ p) /neravor/cr^s is again added somewhat pleonastically I will come unto thee = to punish thee, quickly (ra-^v left out by Lachmann, Tischendorf, according to A. C. Copt. Aeth. Vulg. ; the omission is also approved of by Mill and Bengel). And will remove thy candlestick out of its place, except thou repent; the candlestick is the symbol of the church, according to i. 20 ; hence the removing of the candlestick denotes that the candle- stick henceforth will no longer be seen in this place ; the removing of the church itself so that it will no longer be recognized as belonging to the Lord ; its place in the kingdom of God will be given to others. Compare, for the meaning, Matt. xxi. 43, dpO-^- crercu a< vp-tav r/ /3ao-iA,eia TOV deov K. 8o^^s avTijs. Upon the formula, Kiveiv * TOV TOTTOU, comp. Apoc. VL 14, K. Trav opes K. VTJCTOS CK rdv TOTTWV avrwv eKiv^ijcrav. Verse 6. But this thou hast, the praiseworthy, the good, that thou hatest tlie deeds of the Nicolaitanes, which I also hate; comp. verse 15 (Pergamos), OUTCOS X ets KC " "^ Kparovvra2 to destroy, to abolish (in Syriac and Arabic also = vincere), and D37 people, like Ni/coAaos of vt/cav and Aaos ; as if, conqueror of the people, destroyer of the people. Yet it is not probable that the writer of the Apocalypse was the first to make this appellation. From the way the Nicolaitanes are here spoken of at first (verse 6), he appears to pre-suppose the name as one already known to his readers. So also Ewald, Jahrb. viii. 1856, pp. 117 sqq. It may therefore be assumed that the appellation of Nicolaitanes, to designate those who resembled Balaam, was already current for the anti-Jewish and antinomian party in these circles. The transference would be of course still more easily explained if a Nicholas stood at the head of the party in that district, which is possible enough in itself, but not at all certain nor necessary. Verse 7. He that hath an ear, let him hear; comp. xiii. 9 (similarly Christ, 6 ex wv ^ Ta a^ovo-ora), Matt. xi. 15), What the Spirit saith unto the churches ; the spirit of prophecy, through which the Lord who speaks here, communicates with the seer, and through him, to the churches. To him that overcometh will I give to eat of the tree of life, which is in the midst of the Paradise of (my) God. 6 n/3v is he who steadfastly perse- veres in all struggles for the kingdom of God and the pure, simple gospel ; who does not allow himself to be drawn away by hostile powers or heretics. The formula, gvXov T^S (o^s, is borrowed from Gen. iii. 22, D^nn y??, which the LXX. trans- late in the same manner. It is a designation of the tree in Paradise, whose fruit imparts the possession of eternal life, so that the eating of it is put for the possession of eternal life ; comp. the description of eternal blessedness, xxii. 2 ; similarly ib. verses 14, 19. So also among the later Jews; for example, Jalkut Kubeui, xix. 2 ; Quando Deus judicat judicium veritatis, 170 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. tune animam deducit in paradisum eique gustandum prsebet arborem vitse ; see Schb'ttgen, ad h. 1. At the foundation of the expression the idea lies that Paradise, in which man was placed at creation, still exists, with the tree of life ; man is now excluded from it only on account of the fall, and will again have access to it in the kingdom of Christ. 2. Verses 8 11. Epistle to Smyrna. This city was one of the most distinguished and beautiful of the commercial towns of antiquity, and is so still, situated in Ionia, on the ^Egean Sea, about eight miles north of Ephesus. It became very rich by commerce, but the sensual morals of Smyrna were proverbial. It is not known by whom the Chris- tian church was founded in the city. The epistle shows that the followers of the Lord belonged especially to the poorer class ; and that they had much to suffer from the unbelieving Jews. Precisely on that account the gospel had maintained itself among them purer than in other churches. Subsequently, Polycarp was bishop there, a disciple of the apostle John, whom Irenseus had seen in his youth, and who, when an old man, suf- fered death as a martyr ; burnt, circ. 167, chiefly, as appears, at the instigation of the Jews. In Eusebius, there is an Epistle to the church of Smyrna respecting him (Eusebius, iv. 15). Among the Epistles of Ignatius, there is also one to the church at Smyrna, as well as one to Polycarp. The town now numbers about 120,000 inhabitants, and doubtless, besides Turks, many (over 10,000) Jews and Christians (probably about 30,000) of all confessions, mostly Greeks. Verse 8. These things saith the first and the last, which was dead and is alive. That is, l^o-ev = who has again returned to life. Upon this designation of Christ, see i. 17, 18, from which it is borrowed. Christ is described in this aspect with regard to verse 10, where he promises to give the crown of life to him who serves faithfully unto death. Verse 9. / know thy works, TO. l/jya o-ov, as verses 2, 5. Ben- SPECIAL INTERPRETATION. 171 gel, Lachmann and Tischendorf, however, have omitted the words TO, e'pya /cat, according to A. C. 2 cursive, Copt. Aeth. Vulg. Primas. Andr. in comm. Mill also approves of the omission. And thy tribulation, in reference to persecutions, and thy poverty, neediness in earthly things (but thou art rich in the true abiding treasures which are reserved in heaven ; comp. Matt. vi. 20 ; 2 Cor. VI. 10, ws TTTW^OI, TroAAous Se TrAoirrt^ovTes, o>s pjSev CXOVTC?, KCU TravTd Karexovres, ib. viii. 2) ; and I know the blas- phemy of them which say they are Jews and are not, but are of the synagogue of Satan. Bengel, Griesbach, Lachmann, Tis- chendorf and others, have accepted the IK after /3Aao-#??/uav, from testimony which preponderates. The blaspheming persecutors of the Christians are also designated (iii. 9) in the same man- ner as here. They were unbelieving Jews, very hostile to the gospel. The writer himself belonged to the Jewish nation and was attached to it (see Introduction) ; those who opposed the kingdom of God he views as persons who unjustly assumed the honourable name of Jews, since they proved that they did not at all belong to the people of God, the covenant people, for whom the promises given to the fathers were to be fulfilled in Christ. Far from being a congregation of Jehovah, of the Lord, crwaywyr) TOV Kvp[ov, Hji'T rn? or "IP, as Moses calls the Israelitish people (Numb. xxxi. 16), and as the rebellious Israelites called themselves (ib. xvi. 3, xx. 4), they were much more a congrega- tion of Satan the enemy of God and his kingdom. Compare John viii. 44, fy^eis eK TOV Trar/aos TOV 8ia/36Xov rre. Verse 10. Instead of pjSev, Lachmann and others have ap- proved of p), according to A B. C. 2 cursive. In the received text, priStv would be accus. of the object, and a jueAAeis iraa-^iv an apposition to it ; fear none of these things which thou shalt suffer, which sufferings will be inflicted upon thee because of thy belief and confession. Behold the devil, the enemy of God, and his people, will by his servants, particularly those false Jews, cast into prison some of you that ye may be tried ; comp., for example, Matt, xxiii. 34, ! omov aTroKrevare K. A. Such is the divine 172 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. intention in inflicting these miseries upon you, that you may have an opportunity of becoming upright and keeping your belief. Hence TmpaoyAoi is frequently used in the Bible in reference to outward afflictions. And ye, shall have tribulation ten days, can only be meant here in an indefinite sense, for a round number, meaning a short time; comp. Gen. xxiv. 55 ; Numb. xi. 19 ; Dan. i. 14. Be ihou faithful unto death, so that thou shunnest not death itself, art even ready to suffer death ; comp. Philip, ii. 8, yevdyuevos VTT^KOOS p-tXP 1 ^vdroOj Oavdrov Se crravpov. And I will give thee a crown of life, Genit. expl. Eternal life as a crown of victory, a reward of battle ; comp. especially James i. 12, paKapios dvrjp os VTrop-tvu Treipaurfiov' cm SOKI/XOS yevofJLevos AI^CTCU TOV crre^avov rrjs {toyjs, oV eTr^yyeiAaro (6 Kuptos) rots ayairwo-iv awov. Here 017 is put opposite flavaros. Precisely out of death itself, suffered for the sake of the Lord, wilt thou have life. But it is hardly right when Zullig interprets, " I shall give thee kingly dignity in the life of Olam Habba," under- standing this of a special, the highest dignity in it, to which martyrs particularly laid claim. Verse 11. He that overcometh shall not be hurt of the second death. The second death will not harm him. The idea lying at the foundation is explained by its further development in ch. xx. xxi. The faithful followers of the Lord, who have fallen asleep in him, will be raised at his appearing, in order to reign with him in the thousand-years' kingdom (xx. 4). These shall then live for ever, and shall also remain unharmed at the general judgment ; whilst the wicked, raised at the general re- surrection, will be thrown into the lake of fire, into which death and Hades were previously thrown, and which is called the second death (xx. 14, xxi. 8). Therefore it is also said in xx. 6, /wxKapios KCU aytos 6 e^wv /*epos v ry avacrrao-ei ry vrpwry' ri TOVTCOV o Sfvrfpos 6dva.Tos OVK fx l eowi'av ', comp. Tharg. Hieros. in Deut. xxxiii. 6, vivat Euben in hoc seculo nee moriatur morte secunda, qua moriuntur impii in mundo futuro. Tharg. in SPECIAL INTERPRETATION. 173 Ps. xlix. 11, Quoniam videbit sapientes impios qui morte secunda moriuntur et adjudicantur Gehennse. For other pas- sages among later Jews on the second death, see Wetstein. 3. Verses 12 17. Epistle to Pergamos. This town lay north of Smyrna, in Mysia Major, on the northern bank of the river Caicus, distant about four miles from the sea, formerly the residence of the kings of the race of Attalus. It was also one of the most beautiful towns of Asia, a seat of the arts and sciences ; it had a splendid library, which was added to, especially by King Eumenes II., so that it is said to have contained 200,000 volumes ; but Antony carried it away to Egypt, and presented it to Cleopatra. Parchment took its name from this town. There was in it a famous temple of ^Esculapius, which god is therefore called by Martial the God of Pergamos, Pergameus Deus. It was also the birth-place of Galen. We find the first trace of a Christian church here in the Eevelation. From the epistle we see that the Church at that time had already suffered bloody persecutions ; besides that, the freer, anti-Jewish and antinomian tendency was predominant in it, together with a more decided and firmer adherence to the gospel Subsequently, under Marcus Aurelius, persecutions were again inflicted upon the Christians ; and Eusebius (iv. 15) names several martyrs belonging to the Church. At present the town is called Pergarno ; many ruins of the old one still remain. Besides the Turkish inhabitants, it contains a small Christian congregation of about 250 souls, who built for themselves a new church some time ago. Lindsay, agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society in London, who visited this region in 1816, states the number of Christians there to be several thou- sands, of whom both the Greeks and Armenians had a church. Many were killed in the Greek war of freedom, when the Turks landed there in the year 1823 (comp. Winer, E. W. B.; Eosen- muller, Bibl. Alterthumsk. Band i. ThL ii. pp. 175 sqq., 221 sqq.; Schubert, i. pp. 316, 318) 174 LECTURES ON THE APOCALYPSE. Verse 12. These things saith he which hath the sharp sword with two edges, after i. 16. This aspect of the Lord's person is made prominent in the present epistle because the Lord will make use of the sword of his mouth in combat with the seducers ; see below verse 16. Yerse 13. I 'know thy works. Bengel, Lachmann and Tischen- dorf, have omitted the words rot l/oya o-ov /ecu here, according to A. C. cursive, Copt. Aeth. Vulg. Patr. lat. Arethas and Andreas, too, do not take any notice of the words in their Commentaries ; and Mill supposes them spurious, which is not unlikely ; then the passage runs thus : I know where thou dwellest (namely) where Satan's throne is. Andreas and Arethas refer this to the idolatry practised in the town. So also most later interpreters, who find in it a special allusion to the worship of ^Esculapius. Such is not improbable, ^sculapius was formed and so he was found in the temple at Pergamos sitting upon a throne, with a rod in his hand, round which a serpent twined itself. As the serpent was the symbol of Satan among the Jews of that time, and as Satan is also designated in our book the old serpent (xii. 9, xx. sqq.), the town, on account on its worship and temple of ^Esculapius with such a symbol, might readily be described by writers as a seat of Satan. Others as Ewald, De Wette, Heng- stenberg, Ebrard refer it merely to the severe persecutions which the Christians in the town had to suffer from its inhabitants. But the former reference may perhaps be connected with this, if the persecution came from the worshippers of idols, who resented the despising of a God esteemed so holy by them ; it is always probable that the 6 Opovos TOV a-arava. has a more special reference to the worship of ^Esculapius there. Zullig absurdly thinks that it refers merely to the most northerly situation from Per- gamos of all the churches here mentioned, because Jewish tradi- tion made Satan inhabit the north. And thou Jwldest fast my name, dost not allow the confession of me to be taken from thee. And hast not denied my faith ( = in me), even (such here is SPECIAL INTERPRETATION. 175 KCU) in those days wherein Antipas was my faithful martyr, wJio was slain among you where Satan dwelleth. There is here an anakoluthon at least in the received text, from carelessness in the mode of writing; since another relative sentence is joined to the relative sentence Iv ols K. A., without the latter having a finite verb: os cnre/crav^/. It would be more regular if the os were not put. Lachmann, on the contrary, has omitted ev ous, according to A. C. Copt. Vulg. cursive (in other witnesses ev is wanting) ; then 'AvnVas would be considered as the genitive instead of 'AvrtVa ; it would be treated as indeclinable ; and 6 jjLapTvs K. A. would stand as an apposition to the genitive, as in i. 4. That may perhaps be genuine : in the days of Antipas, my true witness, who, &c. As to the Antipas mentioned here, it appears from our passage itself that he must have suffered death as a martyr at Pergamos, perhaps not long before, in the time of Nero. The older Church writers do not know anything special about him. At all events the statement of a very late martyrology is incorrect, unknown even to Arethas, that he suffered under Domitian, having been burnt in a brazen bull made red-hot on account of his testimony to Christ. His bones are said to have rested in a church which now bears the name of Saint Sophia (Schubert, I.e. p. 317). The assumption of Hengstenberg is quite arbitrary, that the name 'AvrtVas is symbolical = who is against all against the world, and that Timothy is designated. Verse 14. But I have against thee oXiyo. a few things, something ; it is not many things which are blamed, although this is a heavy offence. (That) TJwu hast there (and sufferest) them who hold the doc- trine of Balaam, firmly adhere to it, who taught Balak. Instead of the received TOV BaAa*, we must read, with Bengel, Gries- bach, Lachmann and Tischendorf, r