AT LOS ANGELES 
 
 GIFT OF 
 
 -R. CHARLES H. TTTUS
 
 Ck^uM 1^/AJti^ '''r/'f
 
 />
 
 THE 
 FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 BY 
 ANDREW 1). WHITE 
 
 REPRINTED FROM 
 DR. WHITES AUTOBIOGRAl'IIY 
 
 
 BOSTON 
 THE WORLD PEACE FOUNDATION 
 
 1012
 
 COPYRIGHT, 1905, I'.V THK CENTURY COMPANY 
 
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 PREFACE 
 
 \ The meeting of the first Peace Conference at The 
 'v>) Hague, on tlie 18th of May, 1899, marked the opening 
 ^ of a new era in human history. In the world's great 
 ^ peace movement it was an event of such cardinal sig- 
 nificance that the peace workers in all nations have 
 come by common consent to make the anniversary their 
 chief day for the annual celebration and public presen- 
 tation of their cause. The first Hague Conference was 
 in germ the true Parliament of Man. The dream of the 
 ^ prophets and the song of the poets here found their first 
 ■^ partial realization in plain prose. Only twenty-six of 
 "=^ the fifty-nine governments claiming independent sover- 
 ^ eignty in 1899 were represented at the Conference ; but 
 ^ so profound was the influence of the Conference, and 
 . so clearly was it recognized that it represented the 
 ^ world's vitality and commanded its future, that at the 
 second Conference, in 1907, forty -four governments sent 
 w^lelegates, representing practically the whole world. The 
 second Conference made definite provision in its final 
 <^act for the meeting of a third Conference after substan- 
 ^ tially the same interval as that between the first and 
 second Conferences ; and this means a fourth and a 
 fifth — it means that the Conferences will be regular; 
 and that in the lifetime of men now upon the stage the 
 International Congress, composed of the official repre- 
 sentatives of all nations, will assemble at stated times 
 
 iii 
 
 231687
 
 iv THE FIRST HAGUE CONFEREN^CE 
 
 to confer upon the mutual interests of the nations, as 
 the Congress of the United States meets reguhirly to 
 confer upon the mutual interests of the states m the 
 Union. This is what was involved in the memorable 
 meethig of the First Hague Conference in 1899. 
 
 To the history of this unique event the journal of 
 Andrew D. White, which, by the kind consent of The 
 Century Company, is reprinted in the present volume 
 from his Autobiography, bears a unique relation. Mr. 
 White was the head of our American delegation ; and 
 his careful journal, covering the whole period of tlie 
 Conference, is the only similar record which has been 
 published by any of the participants. It thus has a 
 value as an original historical document not unlike in 
 some respects that of Madison's journal in relation to 
 our Constitutional Convention of 1787; and it has the 
 additional value and charm of communicating the im- 
 pression of tlie general social atmosphere and environ- 
 ment of the Conference. It will thus have a hicrh and 
 abiding interest in international history, and its publi- 
 cation in the present form N\'ill certainly find a wide and 
 warm welcome. 
 
 ]Mr. White's own distinguished services at the First 
 Hague Conference are so well known as to require no 
 notice here. His part in IIk; effort for the establishment 
 of the Permanent Court of Arbitration, the fjreatest 
 achievement of the Conference, was preeminent, second 
 oidy to that of Sir Julian Fauncefote ; he made tlie most 
 important speech in the Conference in belialf of tlie im- 
 munity of private property from capture in maritime 
 warfare ; and he stood stanchly and influentially for 
 every great constructive measure of the Conference. He
 
 PREFACE V 
 
 worked no less earnestly in behalf of the measures aim- 
 ing to mitigate the inhumanities of war. The United 
 States has been reproached by humane international 
 men for its oppositioit in the Hague Conferences to 
 the prohibition of asphyxiating bombs in war, an oppo- 
 sition in which at the Second Hague Conference it stood 
 alone. It must not be forgotten that the action of the 
 United States delegation at the first Conference was 
 against the protest of "Sir. White, the leader of the 
 delegation. In no way, perhaps, did Mr. White render 
 a greater service at The Hague than in the part he took 
 in securing the adherence of (jcrmany to the plan for 
 the Permanent Court of Arbitration ; and the pages of 
 his journal devoted to this matter, including the full 
 text of his letter to Baron von BUlow, will always 
 possess a peculiar interest. 
 
 The history of the First Peace Conference at The 
 Hague has been written by Frederick W. Holls, the 
 secretary of the American delegation. This work was 
 published in 1900, the year following the Conference. 
 Soon after the second Conference Dr. James Brown 
 Scott, technical delegate of the United States to the 
 second Conference and therefore stanclmg in a similar 
 relation to the American delegation at that Conference 
 to that in which Mr. Holls stood to the American delega- 
 tion at the first Conference, published his exhaustive and 
 valuable work, " The Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 
 and 1907." The American addresses at the Second 
 Hague Conference have been gathered into a special 
 volume by Dr. Scott, with prefatory surveys of the 
 work of the second Conference by himself and by Hon. 
 .Joseph H. Choate and General Horace Porter of the
 
 vi THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 American delegation at the second Conference. There 
 is also an admirable volume upon '' The Two Hague 
 Conferences" by Professor William I. Hull, who was 
 present at The Hague in a journalistic capacity during 
 the time of the second Conference in 1907, and whose 
 book appeared the following year. In all of these vol- 
 umes will be found the record of Mr. White's part 
 in the first Conference, with reports especially of his 
 address upon the exemption of private property from 
 capture at sea in time of war, the report in Mr. Holls's 
 history being complete. Mr. Holls also gives the full 
 text of the address by Mr. White in honor of Hugo 
 Grotius, in the Great Church of Delft, on July 4, 1899, 
 when, in the presence of all the members of the Peace 
 Conference, the Dutch Government and tlie diplomatic 
 corps accredited to The Hague, and other distinguished 
 visitors, he laid upon the tomb of Grotius a silver 
 wreath in belialf of the government and people of the 
 United States. 
 
 There are of course various valuable European works 
 upon the Hague Conferences, but reference is made 
 here simply to the American works which are easily 
 available, and which together furnish our people with 
 a complete record of the great work in wliich Mr. White 
 was so conspicuous a figure. Bnt among all the works 
 relating to the first Conference, no other can ever possess 
 the peculiar interest or make the strong personal appeal 
 of Mr. White's journal, the careful preparation of which 
 during the very course of the Conference was one of the 
 most fortunate incidents of modern international history. 
 
 E. D. M.
 
 THE FIEST HAGUE COXFEEENCE 
 
 ON the 24th of August, 1898, the Russian Government 
 proposed, hi the name of the Emperor Nicholas II, 
 a conference which should seek to arrest the constantly 
 increasing development of armaments and thus contribute 
 to a durable peace ; and on the 11th of January, 1899, 
 his minister of foreign affairs. Count ^Nluravieff, having 
 received favorable answers to this proposal, sent forth a 
 circular mdicating the Russian view as to subjects of dis- 
 cussion. As to the place of meeting, there were obvious 
 reasons why it should not be the capital of one of the 
 greater powers. As to Switzerland, the number of an- 
 archists and nihilists wh© had taken refuge there, and 
 the murder of the Empress of Austria by one of them 
 shortly before, at Geneva, in broad daylight, had thrown 
 discredit over the ability of the Swiss Government to 
 guarantee safety to the conference ; the Russian Govern- 
 ment therefore proposed that its sessions be held at The 
 Hague, and, this being agreed to, the opening was fixed 
 for the 18th of :\Iay. 
 
 From the first there was a misunderstanding through- 
 out the world as to what the Emperor Nicholas really 
 proposed. Far and near it was taken for granted that he 
 desired a general disarmament, and this legend spread 
 
 1
 
 2 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 rapidly. As a matter of fact, this was neither his pro- 
 posal nor his purpose; the measures he suggested heing 
 designed " to put an end to the constantly increasing 
 development of armaments." 
 
 . At the outset I was skeptical as to the whole matter. 
 What I had seen of the Emperor Nicholas during my 
 stay in Russia had not encouraged me to expect that he 
 would have the breadth of view or the strength of pur- 
 pose to carry out the vast reforms which thinking men 
 lioped for. I recalled our conversation at my reception 
 as minister, when, to my amazement, he showed himself 
 entirely ignorant of the starving condition of the peas- 
 antry throughout large districts in the very heart of the 
 empire. That he was a kindly man, wishing in a languid 
 way the good of his country, could not be doubted ; but 
 the indifference to everything alx>ut him evident in all his 
 actions, his lack of force even in the simplest efforts for 
 the improvement of his people, and, above all, his yield- 
 ing to the worst elements in his treatment of the Baltic 
 provinces and Fhiland, did not encourage me to believe 
 that he would lead a movement against the enormous 
 power of the military party in his vast empire. On this 
 account, when the American newspapers prophesied that 1 
 was to be one of the delegates, my feelings were strongly 
 against accepting any such post. r>ut in due time the 
 tender of it came in a way very different from anything I 
 liad anticipated: President McKinley cabled a personal 
 request that 1 accept a i)osition on the delegation, and 
 private letters from very dear friends, in whose good 
 judgment I had confidence, gave excellent reasons for 
 my doing so. At the same time came the names of my 
 ccilleagues, and this led me to feel that the delegation
 
 THE FIRST IIACIUE CONFERENCE 3 
 
 was to be placed on a higher plane than I had expected. 
 In the order named by the President, they were as 
 follows : Andrew D. White ; Seth Low, President of 
 Columbia University ; Stanford Newel, Minister at The 
 Hague ; Captain Mahan, of the United States navy ; 
 Captain Crozier, of the army ; and the Hon. Frederick 
 W. Holls as secretary. In view of all this, I accepted. 
 
 Soon came evidences of an interest in the confer- 
 ence more earnest and widespread than anything 1 had 
 dreamed. Books, documents, letters, wise and unwise, 
 thoughtful and crankish, shrewd and childish, poured in 
 upon me ; in all classes of society there seemed ferment- 
 ing a mixture of hope and doubt; even the German 
 Emperor apparently felt it, for shortly there came an 
 invitation to the palace, and on my arrival I found that 
 the subject uppermost in his mind was the approaching 
 conference. Of our conversation, as well as of some other 
 interviews at this period, I speak elsewhere.^ 
 
 On the 16th of May I left Berlin, and arrived late in 
 the .evening at The Hague. As every day's doings were 
 entered in my diary, it seems best to give an account of 
 this part of my life ui the shape of extracts from it. 
 
 May 17, 1899. 
 
 This morning, on going out of our hotel, the Oude 
 Doelen, I found lluit suicc my former visit, thirty -five 
 years ago, there had l)een little apparent change. It is 
 the same old town, (piict, picturesque, full of histori- 
 cal monuments a^jd art treasures. This hotel and the 
 neighbormg streets had been decorated with the flags 
 of various nations, including our own, and crowds were 
 
 1 See June 12, pp. 50-57, below.
 
 4 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 assembled under our windows and in the public places. 
 The hotel is in one of the most attractive parts of the 
 city architecturally and historically, and is itself interest- 
 ing from both points of view. It has been a hostelry 
 ever shice the Middle Ages, and over the main entrance 
 a tablet indicates rebuilding in 162.5. Connected with 
 it by interior passages are a number of buildings which 
 were once private residences, and one of the largest and 
 best of these lias l)een engaged for us. Fortunately the 
 present Secretary of State, John Hay, has been in the 
 diplomatic service ; and when I wrote him, some weeks 
 ago, on the importance of proper quarters being secured 
 for us, he entered heartily into the matter, giving full 
 powers to the minister here to do whatever was neces- 
 sary, subject to my approval. The result is that we are 
 quite as well provided for as any other delegation at 
 the conference. 
 
 In the afternoon our delegation met at the house of the 
 xVmerican minister and was duly organized. Although 
 named by the President first in the list of delegates, I 
 preferred to leave the matter of the chairmanship entirely 
 to my associates, and they now unanimously elected me 
 as their president. 
 
 The instructions from the State Department were 
 then read. These were, in effect, as follows : 
 
 The first article of the Russian proposals, relating to 
 the non-augmentation of land and sea forces, is so inap- 
 plicable to the United States at present that it is deemed 
 advisable to leave the initiative, upon this subject, to 
 the representatives of those powers to which it may 
 properly apply. 
 
 As regards the articles relating to the non-cmplo^ment
 
 THE FIRST HAGUP: CONFERENCE 5 
 
 of new firearms, explosives and otlier destructive agen- 
 cies, the restricted use of the existing instruments of 
 destruction, and the prohibition of certain contrivances 
 employed in naval warfare, it seems to the department* 
 that they are lacking in practicability and that the discus- 
 sion of these articles would probably provoke divergency 
 rather than unanimity of view. The secretary goes on 
 to sav that " it is doubtful if wars will be diminished 
 by rendering them less destructive, for it is the plain 
 lesson of history that the periods of peace have been 
 longer protracted as the cost and destructiveness of 
 war have increased. The expediency of restraining the 
 inventive genius of our people in the direction of de- 
 vismg means of defense is by no means clear, and, con- 
 sidering the temptations to which men and nations 
 may be exposed in a time of conflict, it is doubtful if 
 an international agreement of this nature would prove 
 effective." 
 
 As to the fifth, sixth and seventh articles, aiming, in 
 the interest of humanity, to succor those who by the 
 chance of battle have been rendered helpless, to alleviate 
 their sufferings, and to insure the safety of those whose 
 mission is purely one of peace and beneficence, we are 
 instructed that any practicable proposals should receive 
 our earnest support. 
 
 On the eighth article, whicli proposes the wider exten- 
 sion of " good offices, mediation and arbitration," the 
 secretary dwells with much force, and finally says : " The 
 proposal of the conference promises to offer an oppor- 
 tunity thus far unequaled in the history of the world for 
 mitiating a series of negotiations that may lead to im- 
 portant practical results." The delegation is therefore
 
 6 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFEREXCE 
 
 enjoined to propose, at an opportune moment, a plan for 
 an International Tribunal of Arbitration which is an- 
 nexed to tlie instructions, and to use their hifluence in 
 the conference to procure the adoption of its substance. 
 
 And, finally, we are instructed to propose to the confer- 
 ence the principle of extending to strictly private prop- 
 erty at sea the immunity from destruction or capture by 
 belligerent powers analogous to that which such property 
 already enjoys on land, and to endeavor to have this 
 principle incorporated in tlie permanent law of civilized 
 nations. A well-drawn historical resume of the relations 
 of the United States to the question of arbitration thus 
 far is added, and a historical summary of tlie action of 
 the United States, hitherto, regarding the exemption of 
 private property at sea from seizure during war. 
 
 The document of most immediate importance is the 
 plan funiislied us for international arbitration. Its main 
 features are as follows : 
 
 First, a tribunal " composed of judges chosen, on ac- 
 count of their personal integrity and learning in inter- 
 national law, by a majority of the members of the highest 
 court now existing in each of the adhering states, one 
 from each sovereign state participating in the treaty, 
 who shall hold office until their successors are appointed 
 l)y tlie same body." 
 
 Secomlly, tlie ti'ibuiial to meet for organization not 
 later than six inontlis al'tt'i' llie treaty shall have been 
 ratified by nine powers ; to organize itself as a perma- 
 nent court, with such oflicers as may be found neces- 
 sary, and to i\x its own place of session and iviles of 
 procedure. 
 
 The tliird article provides that " the contracting nations
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFEREXCE 7 
 
 will mutually agree to submit to the international tri- 
 bunal all questions of disagreement between them, ex- 
 cepting such as may relate to or involve thek political 
 independence or territorial integrity." 
 
 The fifth article runs as follows : "A bench of judges 
 for each particular case shall consist of not fewer than 
 three nor more than seven, as may be deemed expedient, 
 appointed by the unanimous consent of the tribunal, and 
 shall not include any member who is either a native, sub- 
 ject or citizen of the state whose interests are in litiga- 
 tion in the case." 
 
 The sixth article provides that the general expenses 
 of the tribunal be divided equally among the adherent 
 powers ; but that those arising from each particular case 
 be provided for as may be directed by the tribunal ; also 
 that non-adliei-ent states may bring their cases before it, 
 on condition of the mutual agreement that the state 
 against which judgment shall be found shall pay, in ad- 
 dition to the judgment, the expenses of the adjudication. 
 
 The seventh article makes provision for an appeal, 
 within three months after the notification of the decision, 
 upon presentation of evidence that the judgment contains 
 a substantial error of fact or law. 
 
 The eighth and final article provides that the treaty 
 shall become operative when nme sovereign states, where- 
 of at least six shall have taken part in the conference of 
 The Hague, shall have ratified its provisions. 
 
 It turns out that, ours is the only delegation which 
 has anything like a full and carefully adjusted plan for 
 a court of arbitration. The English delegation, though 
 evidently exceedingly desirous that a system of arbitra- 
 tion be adopted, has come without anything definitely
 
 8 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 drawn. The Russians have a scheme ; but, so far as can 
 be learned, there is no provision in it for a permanent 
 court. 
 
 In the evening there was a general assemblage of the 
 members of the conference at a reception given by Jonk- 
 heer van Karnebeek, formerly Dutch minister of foreign 
 affau^s, and now first delegate from the Netherlands to 
 tlie conference. It was very brilliant, and I made many 
 interesting acquaintances ; but, probably, since the world 
 began, never has so large a body come together in a 
 spirit of more hopeless skepticism as to any good result. 
 Though no one gives loud utterance to this feeling, it is 
 none the less deep. Of course, among all these delegates 
 acquainted with public men and measures in Europe, 
 there is considerable distrust of the intentions of Russia ; 
 and, naturally, the weakness of the Russian Emperor is 
 well understood, though all are reticent regarding it. The 
 only open utterances are those attributed to one or two 
 of the older European diplomatists, who lament being 
 sent on an errand which they fear is to be fruitless. One 
 of these is said to have bewailed this mission as a sad end- 
 ing to his public services, and to have declared that as 
 he had led a long life of devotion to his country and to 
 its sovereign, his family miglit well look upon his career 
 as honorable; but that now lie is probably doomed to 
 crown it with an open failure. 
 
 May 18. 
 
 At two o'clock in the afternoon the conference held its 
 open session at the " House in the Wood." The build- 
 ing is most interesting, presenting as it does the art and 
 general ideas of two hundred and fifty years ago ; it is
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 9 
 
 full of historical associations, and the groves and gar- 
 dens about it are delightful. The walls and dome of the 
 great central hall are covered with immense paintings in 
 the style of Rubens, mainly by his pupils ; and, of these, 
 one over the front entrance represents Peace descending 
 from heaven, bearing various symbols and, apparently, 
 entering the hall. To this M. de Beaufort, our honorary 
 president, the Netherlands minister of foreign affairs, 
 made a graceful allusion in his opening speech, express- 
 ing the hope that Peace, having entered the hall, would 
 go forth bearing blessings to the world. Another repre- 
 sentation, which covers one immense wall, is a glorifica- 
 tion of various princes of Orange : it is in full front of 
 me, as I sit, the Peace fresco being visible at my left, and 
 a lovely view of the gardens, and of the water beyond, 
 through the windows at my right. 
 
 The " House in the Wood " was built early in the 
 seventeenth century by a princess of the house of 
 Orange, the grandmother of William III of England. 
 The central hall under the dome, above referred to, is 
 now filled up with seats and desks, covered with green 
 cloth, very neat and practical, and mainly arranged like 
 those in an English college chapel. Good fortune has 
 given me one of the two best seats in the house ; it being 
 directly in front of the secretaries, who are arranged in 
 a semicircle just below the desk of the president ; at my 
 left are the other members of our delegation, and facing 
 me, across the central aisle, is Count Mlinster, at the 
 head of the German delegation. This piece of good luck 
 comes from the fact that we are seated in the alpha- 
 betical order of our countries, beginning with AUemagne, 
 continuing with Amerique, and so on down the alphabet.
 
 10 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFEREXCE 
 
 The other large rooms on the ruaiu floor are exceed- 
 ingly handsome, with superb Japanese and Chinese hang- 
 ings, wrought about the middle of the last century to 
 fit the , spaces tliey occupy ; on all sides are the most 
 perfect specimens of Japanese and Chinese bronzes, 
 ivory carvings, lacquer work, and the like: these rooms 
 are given up to the committees into which the whole 
 body is divided. Upstairs is a dining hall in ^^•hich the 
 Dutch (tovernment serves, every working day, a most 
 bounteous lunch to us all, and at this tliere is much op- 
 portunity for informal discussion. Near the main hall 
 is a sumptuous saloon, hung round with interesting 
 portraits, one of them being an admirable likeness of 
 Motley the historian, who was a great favorite of the 
 late Queen, and frequently her guest in this palace. 
 
 Our first session was very interesting; the speech by 
 the honorary president, M. de Beaufort, above referred to, 
 was in every way admirable, and that by the president, 
 !\r. de Staal, thoroughly good. The latter is the Rus- 
 sian ambassador to London ; I had already met him in 
 St. Petersburg, and found him interesting and agreeable. 
 He is, no doubt, one of the foremost diplomatists of this 
 epoch ; but he is evidently without much knowledge 
 of parliamentary procedure. Congratulatory telegrams 
 were received from the Emperor of Russia and the 
 Queen of the Netherlands and duly answered. 
 
 3Ia)j 7,9. 
 
 At eleven in the morning, in one of the large rooms 
 of the hotel, the presidents of delegations met to decide 
 on a plan of organization and work ; and, sitting among 
 them, I first began to have some hopes of a good result.
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFEREKCE 11 
 
 Still, at the outset, the prospect was much beclouded. 
 Though a very considerable number of the foremost 
 statesmen in Europe were present, our deliberations ap- 
 peared, for a time, a hopeless chaos : the unfamiliarity of 
 our president, Baron de Staal, with parliamentary usages 
 seemed likely to become embarrassing ; but sundry states- 
 men, more experienced in such matters, began drawing 
 together, and were soon elaborating a scheme to be pre- 
 sented to the entire conference. It divided all the 
 subjects named in tlie Muravieff circular among three 
 great committees, the most important Ijeing that on 
 "Arbitration." The choice of representatives on these 
 from our delegation was made, and an ex-ofticio mem- 
 bership of all three falls to me. 
 
 In the course of the day I met and talked with various 
 interesting men, among them Count Nigra, formerly Ca- 
 vour's private secretary and ambassador at the court of 
 Napoleon III, where he accomplished so much for Italian 
 unity ; Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British ambassador at 
 Washington ; and M. Beernaert, president of the Belgian 
 Chamber. In the evening, at a reception given by the 
 minister of foreign affairs, M. de Beaufort, I made fur- 
 ther acquaintances and liad instructive conversations. 
 
 In addition to the strict duties of the conference, there 
 is, of course, a mass of social business, with no end of 
 visits, calls and special meetings, to say nothing of social 
 functions, on a large scale, at the houses of sundry min- 
 isters and officials ; but these, of course, have their 
 practical uses. 
 
 The Dutch (lovernment is showhig itself princely in 
 various ways, making every provision for our comfort 
 and enjoyment.
 
 12 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 In general, I am considerably encouraged. The skep- 
 tical feeling with which we came together seems now 
 passmg away ; the recent speech of the Emperor William 
 at Wiesbaden has aroused new hopes of a fairly good 
 chance for arbitration, and it looks as if the promise made 
 me just before I left Berlin by Baron von Billow, that 
 the German delegation should cooperate thoroughly with 
 our own, is to be redeemed. That delegation assures us 
 that it is instructed to stand by us as far as possible on 
 all the principal questions. It forms a really fine body, 
 its head being Count Miinster, whom I have already 
 found very agreeable at Berlin and Paris, and its main 
 authority in the law of nations being Professor Zorn, of 
 the University of Konigsberg ; but, curiously enough, as 
 if Ijy a whim, the next man on its list is Professor Baron 
 von Stengel of Munich, wIkj has written a book against 
 arbitration; and next to him comes Colonel Schwartzhoff, 
 said to be a man of remarkable ability in military matters, 
 but strongly prejudiced against the Russian proposals. 
 
 As to arbitration, we cannot make it compulsory, as 
 so many very good people wish ; it is clear that no power 
 here would agree to that ; but even to provide regular 
 machinery for arbitration, constantly in the sight of all 
 nations, and always ready for use, Mould be a great gain. 
 
 As to disarmament, it is clear that nothing effective 
 can be done at present. The (leneva rules for the better 
 care of the wounded on land will certainly be improved 
 and extendt'd to warfare on sea, and the laws of war will 
 doubtless be improved and given stronger sanction. 
 
 Whether we can get our proposals as to private prop- 
 erty on the high seas before the conference is uncertain ; 
 but I think we can. Our hopes are based upon the fact
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFEREXCE 13 
 
 that they seem admissible under one heading of the Mu- 
 ravieff circular. There is, of course, a determination on 
 the part of leadmg members to exclude rigorously every- 
 thing not provided for in the original program, and 
 this is only right ; for, otherwise, we might spend years 
 m fruitless discussion. The Armenians, for example, are 
 pressing us to make a strong declaration in their behalf. 
 Poland is also here with proposals even more inflamma- 
 tory ; so are the Finlanders ; and so are the South Afri- 
 can Boers. Their proposals, if admitted, would simply be 
 bombshells sure to blow all the leading nations of Europe 
 out of the conference and bring everything to naught. 
 Already pessimists outside are prophesyuig that on ac- 
 count of these qiiestions we are doomed to utter failure. 
 
 The peace people of all nations, includmg our own, are 
 here in great force. I have accepted an invitation from 
 one of them to lunch with a party of like mind, includ- 
 ing Baroness von Suttner, who has written a brilliant 
 book, '" Die Waffen Nieder," of which the moral is that 
 all nations shall immediately tln-ow down their arms. 
 ]\Ir. Stead is also here, vigorous as usual, full of curious 
 information, and abounding in suggestions. 
 
 There was a report, on our arriving, that the Triple 
 Alliance representatives are instructed to do everything 
 to bring the conference mto discredit, but tliLs is now 
 denied. It is said that their program is changed, and 
 things look like it. On the whole, though no one is 
 sanguine, there is more hope. 
 
 May 21. 
 
 In the mornmg went with Dr. Holls to a Wliitsunday 
 service at the great old elmrcli here. There was a crowd,
 
 14 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 impressive chorals, and a sermon at least an hour long. 
 At our request, we were given admirable places' in the 
 organ loft, and sat at the side of the organist as he man- 
 aged that noble instrument. It was sublime. After the 
 closing voluntary Holls played remarkably well. 
 
 To me the most striking feature in the service was a 
 very earnest prayer made by the clergyman for the con- 
 ference. During the afternoon we also visited the old 
 prison near the Vijver, where the De Witts and other 
 eminent prisoners of state were confined, and in front 
 of which the former were torn in pieces by the mob. 
 Sadly interesting was a collection of instruments of tor- 
 ture, which had the effect of making me better satisfied 
 with our own times than I sometimes am. 
 
 In the evening, with our minister, ]\Ir. Newel, and the 
 Dean of Ely, his guest, to an exceedingly pleasant " tea " 
 at the house of Baroness Gravensteen, and met a number 
 of interesting people, among them a kindly old gentle- 
 man who began diplomatic life as a British attache at 
 Washington in the days of Webster and Clay, and gave 
 me interesting accounts of them. 
 
 The (|ueer letters and crankish proposals which come 
 in. every day are amazhig. I liave just added to my col- 
 lection of diplomatic curiosities a letter from the editor 
 of a Democratic paper in southern Illinois, addressed to 
 me as ambassador at Mayence, which he evidently takes 
 to be the capital of Germany, asking me to look after a 
 great party of Western newspaper men who are to go up 
 the Rliine this sumuMU" and make a brief stay in the 
 above-named capital of the empire. I also receive very 
 many letters of introduction, which of course make large 
 demands upon my time. The number of epistles, also,
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 15 
 
 which come in from public meetings in large and small 
 American towns is very great, some evidently represent- 
 ing no persons other than the writers. As I write the 
 above, I open mechanically a letter from a peace meeting 
 assembled in Ledyard, Connecticut, composed of " Koger- 
 ine Quakers "; but what a '' Rogerine Quaker " is I know 
 not. Some of these letters are touclnng, and some have 
 a comic side. A very good one comes from May Wriglit 
 Sewall ; would that all the others were as thoughtful ! 
 
 It goes without saying that the Quakers are out in 
 full force. We liave been answering by cable some of 
 the most important communications sent us from Amer- 
 ica ; the otliers we shall try to acknowledge by mail, 
 though they are so numerous tliat I begin to despair of 
 this. If these good people only knew how all this dis- 
 tracts us from the work which we have at heart as 
 much as they, we sliould get considerably more time to 
 think upon the problems before us. 
 
 May 22. 
 
 In the afternoon came M. de Bloch, the great publi- 
 cist, who has written four enormous volumes on war in 
 modern times, summaries of which, in the newspapers, 
 are said to have converted the young Emperor Nicholas 
 to peace ideas, and to have been the real cause of his 
 calling the conference together. I found him interesting, 
 full of ideas, and devoted most earnestly to a theory 
 that militarism is gTadually impoverishing all modern 
 states, and that the next European war will pauperize 
 most of them. 
 
 Just afterward Count Welsersheimb, president of the 
 Austrian delegation, called, and was very anxious to
 
 16 rilH FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 know the line we are to take. I tokl him frankly that 
 we are instructed to present a plan of arbitration, and 
 to urge a resolution in favor of exempting pri-^^ate prop- 
 erty, not contraband of war, from seizure on the high 
 seas ; that we are ready to go to the full length in im- 
 proving the laws of war, and in extending the Geneva 
 rules to maritime warfare; but that we look on the ques- 
 tion of reducing armaments as relating wholly to Europe, 
 no part of it being applicable to the United States. 
 
 As he seemed strongly in favor of our contention re- 
 garding private property on the high seas, l)ut fearful 
 that Russia and England, under a strict construction of 
 the rules, would not permit the subject to be introduced, 
 I pointed out to him certain clauses in the Muravieff 
 circular which showed that it was entirely admissible. 
 
 May 23. 
 
 In the morning came a meeting of the American dele- 
 gation on the subject of telegraphing Washington for 
 further instructions. We find that some of the details 
 in our present instructions are likely to wreck our pro- 
 posals, and there is a fear among us that, by following 
 too closely the plan laid down for us at Washington, we 
 may run full in the face of the Monroe doctrine. It is, 
 indeed, a question whether our people will be willing 
 to have matters of difference between South American 
 States, or between the United States and a South Ameri- 
 can State, or between European and South American 
 States, submitted to an arbitration in which a majority 
 of the judges are subjects of European powers. Various 
 drafts of a telegram were made, but the whole matter 
 went over.
 
 THP: first HAGUE COXFERENCE 17 
 
 At ten the heads of delegations met and considered a 
 plan of organizing the various committees, and tlie list 
 was read. Each of the three great committees to which 
 the subjects mentioned in the Muravieff circular are 
 assigned was given a president, vice president and two 
 honorary presidents. The first of these committees is to 
 take charge of the prelimhiary discussion of those articles 
 in the ^luravieft' circular concerning the non-augmen- 
 tation of armies and the limitation in the use of new 
 explosives and of especially destructive weapons. The 
 second connnittee has for its subject the discussion of 
 humanitarian reforms — namely, the adaptation of the 
 stipulations of the Convention of (leneva of 18(34 to 
 maritime warfare, tlie neutralization of vessels charged 
 with saving: the wounded during maritime combats, and 
 the revision of the declaration concerning customs of 
 war elaborated in 1874 by tlie Conference of lirussels, 
 which has never yet been ratified. The third connnittee 
 has charge of the subject of arbitration, mediation and 
 the like. 
 
 The president of the first committee is M. Heernaert, 
 a leading statesman of Belgium, who has nrade a most 
 excellent impression on me from the first ; and the 
 two honorary presidents are Count Munster, German 
 ambassador at Paris, and myself. 
 
 The president of the second committee is M. de 
 ]Martens, the eminent Russian autliority on international 
 law; and the two honorary presidents. Count Welsers- 
 heimb of Austria-Hungary, and tlie Duke of Tetuan 
 from Spain. 
 
 The third committee receives Us its president M. Leon 
 Bourgeois, who luis held various eminent positions in
 
 18 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFERENCE 
 
 France ; the honorary presidents being Count Nigra, the 
 Italian ambassador at Vienna, and Sir Juhan Paunce- 
 fote, the British ambassador at Washington. 
 
 There was much discussion and considerable difference 
 of opinion on many points, but the main breeze sprang 
 up regarding the publicity of our doings. An admirable 
 speech was made by Baron de Bildt, who is a son of my 
 former Swedish colleague at Berhn, has held various 
 important positions at Washington and elsewhere, has 
 written an admirable history of Queen Christina of 
 Sweden, and is uoav minister plenipotentiary at Rome. 
 He spoke earnestly in favor of considerable latitude in 
 communications to the press from the authorities of the 
 conference ; but the prevailing opinion, especially of the 
 older men, even of those from constitutional states, 
 seemed to second the idea of Russia — that- communi- 
 cations to the press should be reduced to a minimum, 
 comprising merely the external affairs of the conference. 
 I am persuaded that this view will get us into trouble ; 
 but it cannot be helped at present. 
 
 May 24. 
 
 As was to be expected, there has begun some reaction 
 from the hopes indulged shortly after the conference 
 came together. At our arrival there was general skep- 
 ticism; shortly afterward, and especially when the or- 
 ganization of the arbitration committee was seen to be 
 so good, there came a great; growth of hope : now comes 
 the usual fallino- back of many. \\\\\ I trust that this will 
 not be permanent. Yesterday there was some talk whieh, 
 though (piiet, was none'the less bitter, to the effect that 
 the purpose of llussia in calling the conference is only
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 19 
 
 to secure time for strengthening lier armaments ; that 
 she was never increasing het forces at a greater rate, 
 especially in the southwestern part of the empire and in 
 the Caucasus, and never intriguing more vigorously in 
 all directions. To one who stated this to me my answer 
 simply was that bad faith to this extent on the part of 
 Russia is most unlikely, if not impossible ; that it would 
 hand down the Emperor and his advisers to the eternal 
 execration and contempt of mankind ; and that, in any 
 case, our duty is clear: to go on and do the best we 
 can ; to perfect plans for a permanent tribunal of arbitra- 
 tion ; and to take measures for diminishuig cruelty and 
 suffering in war. 
 
 Meeting Count ^limster, who, after M. de Staal, is 
 very generally considered the most important personage 
 here, we discussed the subject of arbitration. To my 
 great regret, 1 found Inm entirely opposed to it, or, at 
 least, entirely opposed to any well-developed plan. He 
 did not say that he would oppose a moderate plan for 
 voluntary arbitration, but he msisted that arbitration 
 must be injurious to Germany ; that Germany is prepared 
 for war as no other country is or can be ; that she can 
 mobilize her army in ten days ; and that neither France, 
 Russia nor any other power can do this. Arbitration, he 
 said, would simply give rival powers time to put them- 
 selves in readiness, and would therefore be a great dis- 
 advantage to Germany. 
 
 Later came another disappointment. M. de ]\Iartens, 
 having read the memorandum which I left with hin^ yes- 
 terday on the subject of exempting private property, not 
 contraband of war, from seizure upon the liigh seas, 
 called, and insisted that it would be impossible, under
 
 20 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 any just eonstruction of the ]\luravieff program, to 
 bring the subject before tlie second committee as we bad 
 hoped to do; that Russia would feel obliged to oppose 
 its introduction ; and that Great Britam, France and 
 Italy, to say nothing of other powers, would do the same. 
 This was rather trying, for 1 had especially desired to 
 press this long-desired improvement in international law ; 
 and I showed him how persistent the United States had 
 been as regards this subject throughout our whole his- 
 tory, how earnest the President and his cabinet are m 
 pressing it now, and how our delegation are bound, under 
 our instructions, to bring it before the conference. I 
 insisted that we should at least have the opportunity to 
 present it, even if it were afterward declared out of order. 
 To this he demurred, saying that he feared it would 
 arouse unpleasant debate. I then suggested that the 
 paper be publicly submitted to our whole body for special 
 reference to a future conference, and this he took into 
 consideration. Under other circumstances, I would have 
 made a struggle in the committee and, indeed, in the open 
 session of the full conference ; but it is clear that what 
 we are sent here for is, above all, to devise some scheme 
 of arbitration, and that anything which comes in the way 
 of this, by provoking ill feeling or prolonging discussion 
 on other points, will diminish our chances of obtainmg 
 what the whole world so earnestly desires. 
 
 During the day our American delegation held two 
 sessions; and, as a result, a telegram of considerable 
 length to the State Department was elaborated, asking 
 permission to substitute a new section in our original 
 instructions regarding an arbitration tribunal, and to be 
 allowed liberty to make changes in minor points, as the
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 21 
 
 development of opinion in the conference may demand. 
 The substitute which we suggested referred especially 
 to the clash between the original instructions and the 
 Monroe doctrine. I was ver}- reluctant to send the dis- 
 patch ; but, on the whole, it seemed best, and it was 
 adopted unanimously. 
 
 In the afternoon, at five, the presidents of all the dele- 
 gations went to the palace, by appointment, and were 
 presented to the young Queen and to the Queen mother. 
 The former is exceedmgly modest, pretty and pleasant ; 
 and as she came into the room, about which were ranged 
 that Ime of solemn, elderly men, it seemed almost pathetic. 
 She was evidently timid, and it was, at first, hard work 
 for her ; but she got along well with Count jSIimster, and 
 when she came to me I soon brought the conversation 
 upon the subject of the " House in the Wood " by thank- 
 ing her for the pains her government had taken in pro- 
 viding so beautiful a place for us. This new topic seemed 
 ta please her, and we had quite a*long talk upon it ; she 
 speaking of her visits to the park, for skatmg and the 
 like, and I dwelling on the beauty of the works of art 
 and the views hi the park. Then the delegates, going to 
 the apartments of the Queen mother, went through a 
 similar formahty with her. She is very stout, but fine- 
 looking, with a kindly face and manner. Both mother and 
 daughter spoke, with perfect ease, Dutch, French, Ger- 
 man, English and how many other languages I know not. 
 The young Queen was very simply dressed, like any other 
 young lady of seventeen, except that she had a triple 
 row of large pearls about her neck. In the evening, at 
 9.30, the entire delegations were received at a great pres- 
 entation and ball. The music was very fine, but the most
 
 22 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 interesting thing to me was the fact that, as the palace 
 was bulk under Louis Bonaparte and Hortense, the main 
 rooms were in the most thoroughgoing style empire, not 
 only in their decorations, but in their furniture. and acces- 
 sories — clocks, vases, candelabra and the like. I have 
 never seen that style, formerly so despised, l)ut now so 
 fashionable, developed as fully. 
 
 After the presentation I met Sir Jolm Fisher, one of 
 the English delegates, an admiral in the British navy, 
 and found him very intelligent. He said that he was 
 thoroughly for peace, and had every reason to be so, since 
 he knew something of the horrors of war. It appears 
 that in one of the recent struggles in China he went 
 ashore witli eleven hundred men and returned with only 
 about five hundred; but, to my regret, I found him 
 using the same argument as regards the sea that Count 
 Mlinster had made regarding the land. He said that the 
 navy of Great Britain was and would remain in a state 
 of complete preparatitn for war ; that a vast deal de- 
 pended on prompt action by the navy ; and that the truce 
 afforded by arbitration proceedings would give other 
 powers time, which they would otherwise not have, to put 
 themselves into complete readiness. He seemed uncertain 
 whether it was best for (ireat Britain, under these cir- 
 cumstances, to support a tlioroughgoing plan of arbitra- 
 tion : but, on the whole, seemed inclined to try it to some 
 extent. Clearly w lial Great Britain wants is a permanent 
 system of arbitration witli the United States; but she 
 does not care much, I thiidc, foi' such a provision as 
 regards other powers. 
 
 Tliere is considerable curiosity among leading mem- 
 bers to know what the United States really intends to
 
 thp: first HAGUE conferp:nce 23 
 
 do ; and during the day Sir Julian Pauncefote and 
 others have called to talk over the general subject. 
 
 The London Times gives quite correctly a conver- 
 sation of mine, of rather an optimistic nature, as to the 
 possibilities and probabilities of arbitration, and the im- 
 provement of the customs of war ; but in another quarter 
 matters have not gone so well: the Corriere della Sera 
 of INIilan publishes a circumstantial interview with me, 
 which has been copied extensively in the European press, 
 to the effect that I have declared my belief in the adoption 
 of compulsory arbitration and disarmament. This is a 
 grotesque misstatement. I liave never dreamed of say- 
 ing anything of the kind ; in fact, have constantly said 
 the contrary ; and, what is more, I have never been in- 
 terviewed by the correspondent of that or of any other 
 Continental paper.
 
 II 
 
 May 2o. 
 
 THIS luorning a leading delegate of one of the great 
 European powers called and gave me a very inter- 
 esting; account of the situation as he sees it. 
 
 He stated that the Russian representatives, on arriv- 
 ing here, gave out that they were not prepared with any 
 plan for a definite tribunal of arbitration ; but that 
 shortly afterward there appeared some discrepancy on 
 this point between the statements of the various mem- 
 bers of their delegation ; and that they now propose a 
 system of arbitration, mediation and examination into 
 any cause of dilificulty between nations. 
 
 In the evening our secretary spoke of the matter to 
 De Staal, the president of the Russian delegation and of 
 the conference, and was told that this plan would, within 
 a day or two, be printed and laid before the whole Ixxly. 
 
 This is a favorable sign. More and more it looks as 
 if the great majority of us are beginning to see the neces- 
 sity of some scheme of arbitration ('inl)ra('ing a court and 
 definite, well-contrived accessories. 
 
 The above-mentioned discrepancy between the various 
 statements of the Russians leads me to think that what 
 Count JMiinster told me some days since may have some 
 truth in it — namely, that Pobyedonostzeff, whom I knew 
 well, when minister to Russia, as the strongest man on 
 moral, religious and social questions in that country, is 
 really the author of the documents that were oViginally 
 
 24
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 25 
 
 given to the world as emanating from the Russian For- 
 eign Office, and that he has now added to them this 
 definite scheme for arbitration. Remembering our old 
 conversations, in which he dwelt upon the great need 
 of money in order to increase the stipends of the Russian 
 clergy, and so improve their moral as well as religious 
 condition, I can understand easily that he may have 
 greatly at heart a plan which would save a portion of 
 the enormous expenditure of Russia on war, and enable 
 him to do more for the improvement of the church. 
 
 Dined at the British legation with the minister, my 
 old friend of St. Petersburg days. Sir Henry Howard, De 
 Martens, the real head of the Russian delegation, being 
 of the l^arty, and had a long talk with the latter about 
 Russia and Russians. He told me that Pobyedonostzeff is" 
 now becoming old and infirm, and it appears that there 
 has been a sort of cleaning out of the Foreign Office 
 and the jNlinistry of the Interior — a procedure which 
 was certaml}^ needed in my time. 
 
 Later in the evening we went to a reception by Baron 
 van Hardenbroek, the grand chamberlain, where I met 
 various interesting persons, especially ^l. Descamps, the 
 eminent Belgian delegate, who, in the fervor of his speech 
 yesterday morning, upset his inkstand and lavished its 
 contents on his neighbors. He is a devotee of arbitration, 
 and is preparmg a summary for the committee intrusted 
 with that subject. There seemed to be, in discussing 
 the matter with various delegates at this reception, a 
 general feeling of encouragement. 
 
 During the day Mr. Loeher, a Berlin sculptor, called, 
 and carried me off to see his plan of a great statue of 
 " Peace " which he hopes to induce the Emperor Nicholas
 
 26 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 to erect in Paris. It seems to me well conceived, all ex- 
 cept the main figure, which I could not induce myself to 
 like. In the anxiety of the sculptor to avoid an}'^ more 
 female figures, and to embody virile aspirations for peace, 
 he has placed this main figure at the summit of the monu- 
 ment in something like a long pea jacket, with an insuffi- 
 cient mantle at the back, and a crown upon its head. 
 
 The number of people with plans, schemes, notions, 
 nostrums, whimsies of all sorts, who press upon us and 
 try to take our time, is enormous ; and when to this is 
 added the pest of interviewers and photographers, life 
 becomes serious indeed. 
 
 May 20. 
 
 At two the conunittce on arbitration met, and, as it is 
 the largest of all, its session was hefd in the main hall 
 under the dome. The Russian plan was presented, and 
 was found to embrace three distinct features : 
 
 First, elements of a plan of mediation ; secondly, a 
 plan for international arbitration : thirdly, a plan for the 
 international examination of questions arising between 
 powers, such examination being conducted by persons 
 chosen by each of the contestants. This last is a new 
 feature, and is known as a, commission inteiniationale 
 (Tcnquite. 
 
 The project for a plan of arbitration submits a inim- 
 })er of minor matters to compulsory arbitration, but the 
 main mass of differences to voluntary arbitration. 
 
 But there was no definite proposal for a tribunal, and 
 there was an evident feeling of disappointment, which 
 was presently voiced by Sir Julian Pauncefote, whd, in 
 the sort of plain, dogged way of a man who does not
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 27 
 
 purpose to lose what lie came for, presented a resolution 
 looking definitely to the establishment, here and now, 
 of an international tribunal of arbitration. After some 
 discussion, the whole was referred to a subcommittee, to 
 put this and any other proposals submitted into shape 
 for discussion by the main committee. In the course of 
 the morning the American delegation received an answer 
 to its telegram to the State Department, which was all 
 that could be desired, since it left us virtually free to 
 take the course which circumstances might authorize, in 
 view of the main object to be attained. But it came too 
 late to enable us to elaborate a plan for the meetmg above 
 referred to, and I obtained permission from the presi- 
 dent, M. Leon Bourgeois, to defer the presentation of 
 our scheme until about the middle of next week. 
 
 Just before the session of the main committee, at which 
 the Russian plan was received, I had a long and very in- 
 teresting talk with Mr. van Karnebeek, one of the lead- 
 mg statesmen of the Netherlands, a former minister of 
 foreign affairs, and the present chief of the Dutch dele- 
 gation in the conference. He seems clear-headed and far- 
 sighted, and his belief is that the conference will really 
 do something of value for arbitration. He says that men 
 who arrived here apparently indifferent have now become 
 interested, and that amour jyropre^ if nothing else, will 
 lead them to elaborate something likely to be useful. He 
 went at considerable length into the value of an interna- 
 tional tribunal, even if it does nothing more than keep 
 nations mindful of the fact that there is some way, other 
 than war, of settling disputes. 
 
 A delegate also informed me that in talking with 
 M. de Staal the latter declared that in his opinion the
 
 28 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 present conference is only the first of a series, and that 
 it is quite likely that another will be held next winter 
 or next spring. 
 
 In the evening I made the acquaintance of Mr. Mar- 
 shall, a newspaper correspondent, who is here preparing 
 some magazine articles on The Hague and the conference. 
 He is a very interesting man on various accounts, and 
 especially at present, since he has but just returned from 
 the Cuban campaign, where he was fearfully wounded, 
 receiving two shots which carried away parts of the ver- 
 tebral column, a bullet being left in his body. He seems 
 very cheerful, though obliged to get about on crutches. 
 
 May 27. 
 
 In the morning, calls from various people urging all 
 kmds of schemes for arbitration and various other good 
 things for the human race, including considerable advan- 
 tages, in many cases, for themselves. 
 
 Best of all, by far, was John Bellows of Gloucester, 
 our old Quaker friend at St. Petersburg, whom I was 
 exceedingly glad to take by the hand : he, at least, is 
 a thoroughly good man — sincere, honest, earnest and 
 blessed with good sense. 
 
 The immber of documents, printed ami written, com- 
 ing in upon us is still enormous. Many arc virtually ser- 
 mons displaying the evils of war, the blessings of peace, 
 and the necessity of falling back upon the Bible. Con- 
 sidering the fact that our earlier sacred books indicate 
 approval by the Almighty of some of the most blood- 
 thirsty peoples and most cruel wars ever known, such 
 a recommendation seems lacking in " actuality." 
 
 This morning we had another visit from Sir Julian
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 29 
 
 Pauncefote, president of the British delegation, and dis- 
 cussed with him an amalgamation of the Russian, British 
 and American proposals for an arbitration tribunal. He 
 finds himself, as we all do, agreeably surprised by the 
 Russian document, which, inadequate as it is, shows 
 ability in devising a permanent scheme both for media- 
 tion and arbitration. 
 
 During the day President Low, who had been asked 
 by our delegation to bring the various proposals agreed 
 to by us into definite shape, made his report ; it was thor- 
 oughlv well done, and, with some slight changes, was 
 adopted as the basis for our final project of an arbitra- 
 tion scheme. We are all to meet on Monday, the 29th, 
 for a study of it. 
 
 In the evening to the concert given to the conference 
 by the burgomaster and city council. It was very fine, 
 and the audience was large and brilliant. There was 
 music by Tschaikowsky, Grieg and Wagner, some of 
 which was good, but most of it seemed to me noisy and 
 tending nowhither ; happily, in the midst of it came two 
 noble pieces, one by Beethoven and the other by Mozart, 
 whicli crave a delio-litful relief. 
 
 Mmj 28. 
 
 Drove with Dr. Holls to Delft, five miles, and attended 
 service at the '' New Church." The building was noble, 
 but the service seemed very crude and dismal, nearly the 
 whole of it consisting of two long sermons separated by 
 hymns, and all unspeakably dreary. 
 
 Afterward we saw the tombs of William of Orange 
 and Grotius, and they stirred many thoughts. I visited 
 them first nearly forty years ago, with three persons very
 
 30 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 dear to me, all of whom are now passed away. More than 
 ever it is clear to me that of all books ever written — not 
 claiming divine inspiration — the great work of Grotius 
 on " War and Peace " has been of most benefit to man- 
 kmd. Our Avork here, at the end of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury, is the direct result of his, at the beginning of the 
 seventeentli. 
 
 Afterward to the Prinzenhof, visiting the place where 
 William of Orange was assassinated. Was glad to see 
 the new statue of Grotius in front of the church where 
 he lies buried. 
 
 Ma^ 29. 
 
 In the morning President Low and myself walked, and 
 talked over various proposals for arbitration, especially 
 our own. It looks much as if we can amalgamate the 
 Russian, British and original American plans into a good 
 arrangement for a tribunal. We also discussed a scheme 
 for the selection, by disagreeing nations, of "seconding 
 powers," who, before the beginning of hostilities, or even 
 after, sliall attempt to settle difficulties between powers, 
 or, if unsuccessful, to stop them as soon after war begins 
 as the honor of the nations concerned may allow. The 
 Germans greatly favor this plan, since it resembles their 
 tribunal of honor (^Ehrengerichf) ; it was origmally sug- 
 gested to us by our secretary. Dr. Holls. 
 
 In the evening, at six, the American delegation met. 
 We had before us typewritten copies of our whole ar- 
 bitration project as elaborated in our previous sessions, 
 and sundry changes having been made, most of them ver- 
 bal, the whole, after considerable discussion, was adopted. 
 
 At ten I left, via Hook of Holland and Harwich, for
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFEREN^CE 31 
 
 London, arriving about ten the next morning, and attend- 
 ing to various matters of business. It was fortunate for 
 me that I could have for this purpose an ahiiost complete 
 lull in our proceedmgs, the first and second committees of 
 the conference being at work on technical matters, and 
 the third not meeting until next Monday. 
 
 In the evening I went to the Lyceum Theater, saw 
 Henry Irving and Ellen Terry in Sardou's " Robes- 
 pierre," and for the first time in my life was woefully 
 disappointed in them. The play is w^'etchedly conceived, 
 and it amazes me that Sardou, who wrote " Thermidor," 
 which is as admu-able as " Robespierre " is miserable, 
 could ever have attached his name to such a piece. 
 
 For the wretchedness of its form there is, no doubt, 
 some excuse in the fact that it has been done into Eng- 
 lish, and doubtless cut, pieced and altered to suit the 
 Lyceum audiences ; but when one compares the con- 
 spiracy part of it with a properly conceived drama in 
 which a conspiracy is developed, like Schiller's " Fiesco," 
 the difference is enormously in favor of the latter. As 
 literature the play in its English dress is below contempt. 
 
 As to its historical contents, Sardou resorts to an ex- 
 pedient which, although quite French in its cliaracter, 
 brings the whole thing down to a lower level than any- 
 thing in wliieh I had ever seen Irving before. The cen- 
 ter of interest is a young royalist who, having been present 
 with his mother and sister at the roll call of the con- 
 demned and the harrowmg scenes resulting therefrom, 
 rushes forth, determined to assassinate Robespierre, but 
 is discovered by the latter to be his long-lost illegitimate 
 son, and then occur a series of mystifications suited only 
 to the lowest boulevard melodrama.
 
 32 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 As to the action of the piece, the only tiling that 
 showed Irving's great ability was the scene in the forest 
 of Montmorency, where, as Robespierre, he reveals at 
 one moment, in his talk with the English envoy, his am- 
 bition, his overestimate of himself, his suspicion of every- 
 body and everything, his willingness to be cruel to any 
 extent in order to baffle possible enemies ; and tlien, 
 next moment, on the arrival of Ids young friends, boys 
 and girls, the sentimental, Rousseau side of his char- 
 acter. This transition was very striking. Tlie changes 
 in the expression of Irving's face were marvelous — as 
 wonderful as those in his Louis XI ; but that was very 
 nearly all. In everything else, Coquelin, as I had seen 
 him in Sardou\s " Thermidor," was infinitely better. 
 
 Besides this, the piece was, in general, grotesquely 
 unhistorical. It exhibits Robespierre's colleagues in the 
 Committee of Public Safety as noisy and dirty street 
 blackguards. Now, bad as they were, they were not at all 
 of that species, nor did their deliberations take place in 
 the manner depicted. Billaud-Yarennes is represented 
 as a drunken vajjabond sitting on a table at the com- 
 mittee and (h'claiming. He was not this at all, nor was 
 Tallien, vile as he was, anything like the blackguard 
 shown ill this piece. 
 
 The linal scene, in which Robespierre is brought under 
 accusation by the Convention, was vastly infci'ior to the 
 same thing in "Thermidor''; and, what was worse, in- 
 stead of paraphrasing or translating the speeches of Bil- 
 laud-Van;nnes, Tallien and liobespiei're, which he might 
 have found in the Moniteur, Sardou, or rather Irving, 
 makes the leading characters yell harangues very much 
 of the sort \\liich would be made in a meeting of drunken
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 33 
 
 dock laborers to-day. Irving's part in this was not at 
 all well done. The nnhistorical details now came thick 
 and fast, among them his putting his head down on 
 the table of the tribune as a sign of exhaustion, and 
 then, at the close, shooting himself in front of the tri- 
 bunal. If he did shoot himself, which is doubtful, it 
 was neither at that time nor in that place. 
 
 But, worst of all, the character of Robespierre was 
 made far too melodramatic, and was utterly unworthy of 
 Irving, whom, in all his other pieces, I have vastly ad- 
 mired. He completely misconceives his liero. Instead of 
 representing him as, from first to last, a shallow Rousseau 
 sentimentalist, with the proper mixture of vanity, sus- 
 picion and cruelty, he puts into him a great deal too 
 much of the ruihan, which was not at all in Robes- 
 pierre's character. 
 
 The most striking scene in the whole was the roll call 
 at the prison. This was perhaps better than that in 
 Sardou's " Thermiclor," and the tableaux were decidedly 
 better. 
 
 The scene at the " Festival of the Supreme Being " 
 was also very striking, and in many respects historical ; 
 but, unless I am greatly mistaken, the performance re- 
 ferred to did not take place as represented, but in the 
 garden directly in front of the Tuileries. The family 
 scene at the house of Duplay the carpenter was exceed- 
 ingly well managed ; old Duplay, smoking his pipe, listen- 
 ing to his daughters playing on a spinet and singing 
 sentimental songs of the Rousseau period, was perfect. 
 The old carpenter and his family evidently felt that the 
 golden age had at last arrived ; that humanity was at the 
 end of its troubles ; and that the world was indebted for
 
 34 THE FIRST IIAGUf] CONFERENCE 
 
 it all to their lodger Robespierre, who sat in the midst 
 of them reading, writing and enjoying the coddling and 
 applause lavished upon him. And he and they were to 
 go to the guillotine witlhn a week ! 
 
 Incidentally there came a little touch worthy of Sardou ; 
 for, as Robespierre reads his letters, he finds one from 
 his brother, in which he speaks of a young soldier and 
 revolutionist of ability whose acquaintance he has just 
 made, whom he very much likes, and whose republicanism 
 he thoroughly indorses — one Buonaparte. This might 
 have occurred, and very likely did occur, very much as 
 shown on the stage ; for one of the charges which nearly 
 cost Bonaparte his life on the Ninth Thermidor was that 
 he was on friendly terms with the younger Robespierre, 
 who was executed with his more famous l)r()ther. 
 
 On the whole, the play was very disappointmg. It 
 would certainly have been hissed at the Porte St. Martin, 
 and probably at any other Paris theater. 
 
 June 1. 
 
 Having left London last evening, I arrived at The 
 Hague early this morning and found, to my great satis- 
 faction, that the subconnnittee of the third committee 
 had unanimously adopted the American plan of " second- 
 ing powers,"" and that our whole general plan of arbitra- 
 tion will be to-day in print and translated into French for 
 presentation. 1 also lind that Sir Julian Pauncefote's 
 arbitration project has admirable })oints. 
 
 The first article in Sir Julian"s proposal states that, 
 with the desire to facilitate immediate recourse to arbi- 
 tration by nations which may fail to adjust by diplo- 
 matic necrotiations differences arising between them, the
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 35 
 
 signatory powers agree to organize a permanent tribunal 
 of international arbitration, accessible at all times, to be 
 governed by a code, provided by this conference, so far 
 as applicable and consistent with any special stipulations 
 agreed to between the contestmg parties. 
 
 Its second provision is the establishment of a permanent 
 central office, where the records of the tribunal shall be 
 preserved and its official business transacted, witli a per- 
 manent secretary, archivist and suitable staff, who shall 
 reside on tlie spot. This office shall make arrangements 
 for the assembling of the tribunal, at the request of 
 contesting parties. 
 
 Its third provision is that each of the signatory powers 
 shall transmit the names of two persons who shall be rec- 
 ognized in their own country as jurists or publicists of 
 high character and fitness, and who shall be qualified 
 to act as judges. 1'hese persons shall be members of 
 the tribunal, and a list of their names shall be recorded 
 in the central office. In case of death or retirement of 
 any one of these, the vacancy shall be filled up ])y new 
 appointment. 
 
 Its fourth provision is that any of the signatory powers 
 desiring to have recourse to the tribunal for the settle- 
 ment of differences shall make known such desire to the 
 secretary of the central office, who shall thereupon fur- 
 nish the powers concerned with a list of the members of 
 the tribunal, from which such powers may select such 
 number of judges as they may think best. The powers 
 concerned may also, if they think fit, adjoin to these 
 judges any other person, although his name may not 
 appear on the list. The persons so selected shall consti- 
 tute the tribunal for the purpose of such arbitration,
 
 36 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 and shall assemble at such date as may be most conven- 
 ient for the litigants. 
 
 The tribunal shall ordinarily hold its sessions at ; 
 
 but it shall liave power to fix its place of session else- 
 where, and to change the same from time to time, as 
 circumstances may suggest. 
 
 The fifth provision is that any power, even though 
 not represented in the present conference, may have 
 recourse to the tribunal on such terms as may be 
 prescribed by the regulations. 
 
 Provision sixth : The government of is charged 
 
 by the signatory powers, on their behalf, as soon as pos- 
 sible after the conclusion of this convention, to name a 
 
 permanent council of administration, at , composed 
 
 of five members and a secretar}^ Tliis council shall or- 
 ganize and establish the central office, which shall be 
 under its control and direction. It shall make such rules 
 and regulations as may be necessary for the office ; it shall 
 dispose of all questions that may arise in relation to the 
 workmg of the tribunal, or which may be referred to it 
 by the central office ; it shall make all subordinate ap- 
 pointments, may suspend or dismiss all employees, and 
 shall fix their salaries and control then- expenditure. This 
 council shall select its president, who shall have a casting 
 vote. The remuneration of the members shall be fixed 
 from time to time by accord between the signatory powers. 
 
 Provision seventh : The signatory powers agree to share 
 among them the expenses pertaining to the aihninistration 
 of the central office and the council of administration ; 
 but the expenses incident to every arbitration, including 
 the I'cnuuieration of the arbiters, shall bo equally borne 
 by the contesting powers.
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFERENCE 37 
 
 From a theoretical point of view, I prefer to tliis our 
 American plan of a tribunal permanently in session : the 
 judges, in every particular case, to be selected from this. 
 Thus would be provided a court of any odd number be- 
 tween three and nine, as the contesting powers may desire. 
 But from the practical point of view, even though the 
 Russian plan of requu'hig the signatory powers to send 
 to the tribunal a multitude of smaller matters, such as 
 those connected with the postal service, etc., is carried out, 
 the great danger is that such a court, sitting constantly 
 as we propose, would, for some years, have very little to 
 do, and that soon we should have demagogues and feather- 
 brained " reformers " ridiculing them as '' useless," " eat- 
 ing their heads off," and " domg nothing " ; that then 
 demagogic appeals might lead one nation after another to 
 withdraw from an arrangement involving large expense 
 apparently useless ; and in view of this latter difficulty 
 I am much inclined to think that we may, under our 
 amended instructions, agree to support, in its essential 
 features as above given, the British proposal, and, with 
 some reservations, the code proposed by the Russians. 
 
 Among the things named by the Russians as subjects 
 which the agreeing powers must submit to arbitration, are 
 those relating to river navigation and international canals ; 
 and this, in view of our present difficulties in Alaska and 
 in the matter of the Isthmus Canal, we can hardly agree 
 to. During the morning Sir Julian came in and talked 
 over our plan of arbitration as well as his own and that 
 submitted by Russia. He said that he had seen M. de 
 Staal, and that it was agreed between them that the latter 
 should send Sir Julian, at the first moment possible, an 
 amalgamation of the Russian and British plans, and this 
 
 23HiH7
 
 38 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 Sir Julian promised that he would bring to us, givuig us 
 a chance to insert any features from our own plan which, 
 in our judgment, miglit be important. He seemed much 
 encouraged, as we all are. 
 
 Returning to our rooms, I found Count Mllnster. As 
 usual, he was very interesting ; and, after discussing sun- 
 dry features of the Russian plan, he told one or two rather 
 good stories. He said that during his stay in St. Peters- 
 burg as minister, early in the reign of Alexander H, he 
 had a very serious quarrel with Prince Gorchakoff, the 
 minister of foreign affairs, who afterward became the 
 famous chancellor of the empire. 
 
 Count jNIiinster had received one day from a professor 
 at Gottingen a letter stating that a young German savant, 
 traveling for scientific purposes in Russia, had been seized 
 and treated as a prisoner, without any proper cause what- 
 ever ; that, while he was engaged in his peaceful botaniz- 
 ing, a police officer, who was takmg a gang of criminals to 
 Siberia, had come along, and one of his prisoners having 
 escaped, this officer, in order to avoid censure, had seized 
 the young savant, quietly clapped the number of the 
 missing man on his back, put him in with the gang of 
 prisoners, and carried him off along with the rest ; so 
 that he was now held as a convict in Siberia. The count 
 put the letter in his pocket, thinking that he might have 
 an opportunity to use it, and a day or two afterward his 
 chance came. Walking on the quay, he met the Enq)eror 
 (Alexander 11), who greeted him heartily, and said, '' I^^t 
 me walk with you." After walking and talking some 
 time, the count told the story of the young German, 
 whereupon the Emperor asked for proofs of its tiiitli. 
 At this Miinster pulled the letter out of liis pocket ; and,
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 39 
 
 both having seated themselves on a bench at the side 
 of the walk, the Emperor read it. On finishing it, the 
 Emperor said : '' Such a thing as this can happen only 
 m Russia." That very afternoon he sent a special police 
 squad, posthaste, all the way to Siberia, ordering them 
 to lind the young German and brhig him back to St. 
 Petersburg. 
 
 Next day Count Miinster called at the Foreign Office 
 on current business, when Gorchakoff came at him in a 
 great rage, asking him by wliat right he communicated 
 directly with the Emperor ; and insisting that he had no 
 business to give a letter dnectly to the Emperor, that it 
 ought to have gone through the Foreign Office. Gor- 
 chakoff reproached the count bitterly for this departure 
 from elementary diplomatic etiquette. At this Miinster 
 replied : "I gave the letter to the Emperor because he 
 asked me for it, and I did not give it to you because I 
 knew perfectly well that you would pigeonhole it and the 
 Emperor would never hear of it. I concede much in mak- 
 ing any answer at all to your talk, which seems to me of 
 a sort not usual between gentlemen." At this Gorcha- 
 koff was much milder, and linally almost obsequious, 
 becoming apparently one of Minister's devoted friends, 
 evidently thinking that, as Miinster had gained the confi- 
 dence of the Emperor, he was a man to be cultivated. 
 
 The sequel to the story was also interesting. The 
 policemen, after their long journey to Siberia, found the 
 young German and brought him to St. Petersburg, where 
 the Emperor received him very cordially and gave him 
 twenty thousand rubles as an indemnity for the wrong 
 done him. The young savant told Miinster that he had 
 not been badly treated, that he had been assigned a very
 
 40 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFERENCE 
 
 pleasant little cottage, and had perfect freedoiu to pursue 
 his scientific researches. 
 
 On nu' talking with the count about certain Russian 
 abuses, and maintaining that Russia, at least in court 
 circles, had improved greatly under Alexander III as 
 regarded corruption, he said that he feared she was now 
 going back, and he then repeated a remark made by the 
 old (rrand Duke Michael, brother (jf Alexander II, who 
 said that if any Russian were intrusted with the official 
 care of a canary he would immediately set uj) and main- 
 tain a coach and pair out of it. 
 
 At six o'clock our American delegation met and lieard 
 reports, especially from Captain Mahan and Captain Cro- 
 zier, with reference to the doings in the subcommittees. 
 Captam Mahan reported tliat he had voted against for- 
 bidding asphyxiating bombs, etc., evidently with the idea 
 that such a provision would prove to be rather harmful 
 than lielpful to the cause of peace. 
 
 Captain Crozier reported that his subcommittee of com- 
 mittee No. 2 had, at its recent meeting, tried to take up 
 the exemption of private property from seizure on the 
 high seas in time of war, but had been declared out of 
 order by the chairman, De ^lartens, the leading Russian 
 delegate, who seems determined to prevent the subject 
 coming before the conference. The question before our 
 American delegation now was. Shall we try to push 
 this American proposal before the subcommittee of the 
 second committee, or before the entire conference at a 
 latci- period? and the general opinion was in favor of 
 the latter course. It was not thought best to delay the 
 arbitration plan l)y its introduction at present. 
 
 In llie evening dined with ^Minister Newel, and had
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 41 
 
 a very interesting talk with A" an Karnebeek, who had 
 already favorably impressed me by liis clear-headedness 
 and straightforwardness ; also with M. Asser, member 
 of the Dutch Council of State, and M. Rahusen, member 
 of the Upper Chamber of the States General, both of 
 whom are influential delegates. 
 
 All three of these men spoke strongly in favor of our 
 plan for the exemption of private property on the high 
 seas, Van Karnebeek with especial earnestness. lie said 
 that, looking merely at the material interests of the Neth- 
 erlands, he might very well favor the retention of the 
 present system, since his country is little likely to go into 
 war, and is certain to profit by the carrying trade in case 
 of any conflict between the great powers ; that, of course, 
 under such circumstances, a large amount of commerce 
 would come to Holland as a neutral power; Init that 
 it was a question of right and of a proper development 
 of international law, and that he, as well as the two 
 other gentlemen above named, was very earnestly in 
 favor of joint action by the powers who are in favor of 
 our propo>ial. He thought that the important thing just 
 now is to secure the cooperation of Germany, which 
 seems to be at the parting of the ways, and undecided 
 which to take. 
 
 In the course of the evening one of my European col- 
 leagues, who is especially familiar with the inner history 
 of the calling of the conference, told me that the reason 
 why Professor Stengel was made a delegate was not 
 that he wrote the book in praise of war and depreciating 
 arbitration, which caused his appointment to be so un- 
 favorably commented upon, but because, as an eminent 
 professor of international law, he represented Bavaria;
 
 42 thp: first iiagup: conference 
 
 and that as Bavaria, though represented at St. Peters- 
 burg, was not invited, it was thought very essential that 
 a well-known man from that kingdom should be put 
 mto the general German delegation. 
 
 On my asking why Brazil, though represented at St. 
 Petersburg, was not invited, he answered that Brazil was 
 mvited, but showed no desire to be represented. On my 
 asking him if he supposed this was because other South 
 American powers were not invited, he said that he 
 thought not ; that it was rather its own mdifference and 
 carelessness, arising from the present unfortunate state 
 of government in that country. On my saying that the 
 Emperor Dom Pedro, m his time, would have taken the 
 opportunity to send a strong delegation, he said, '" Yes, 
 he certainly would have done so ; but the present gov- 
 ernment is a poor sort of thmg." 
 
 I also had a talk Avith one of the most eminent publi- 
 cists of the Netherlands, on the questions dividing parties 
 in this country, telling him that I found it hard to under- 
 stand the line of cleavage between them. He answered 
 that it is, m the mam, a line between religious conserva- 
 tives and liberals ; the conservatives embracing the Roman 
 Catholics and liigh-orthodox Protestants, and the liberals 
 those of more advanced opinions. He said that socialism 
 plays no great part in Holland ; that the number of its 
 representatives is very small compared with that in many 
 European states ; that the questions on which parties di- 
 vide are mainly those in which clerical ideas are more 
 or less prominent ; that the liberal party, if it keeps to- 
 gether, is much the stronger party of tlie two, but that 
 it suffers greatly from its cliques and factions. 
 
 On returning home after dinner, T found a cipher
 
 THE FIRST IIA(a'E COKFERE^X'E 43 
 
 dispatch from the Secretary of State informing us that 
 President McKinley thinks that our American commis- 
 sion ought not to urge any proposal for " secondmg 
 powers " ; that he fears lest it may block the way of the 
 arbitration proposals. This shows that imperfect reports 
 have reached the President and his cabmet. The fact is 
 that the proposal of "seconding powers" was warmly wel- 
 comed by the subcommittee when it was presented ; that 
 the members very generally telegraphed home to their 
 governments, and at once received orders to support it ; 
 that it was passed by a unanimous vote of the subcommit- 
 tee ; and that its strongest advocates were the men who 
 are most in favor of an arbitration plan. So far from in- 
 juring the prospects of arbitration, it has increased them ; 
 it is very generally spoken of as a victory for our delega- 
 tion, and lias increased respect for our country, and for 
 anything we may hereafter present. 
 
 June 2. 
 
 This morning we sent a cipher telegram to the Secre- 
 tary of State, embodying the facts above stated. 
 
 The shoals of telegrams, reports of proceedings of so- 
 cieties, hortatory letters, crankish proposals and peace 
 pamphlets from America continue. One of the telegrams 
 which came late last night was pathetic ; it declared that 
 three millions of Christian Endeavorers bade us " God- 
 speed," etc., etc. 
 
 Durmg the morning De Martens, Low, Holls and my- 
 self had a verj' thoroughgoing discussion of the Russian, 
 British and American arbitration plans. We found the 
 eminent Russian under very curious misapprehensions re- 
 garding some minor points, one of them being that he had
 
 44 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 mistaken the signification of our word " publicist"; and 
 we were especially surprised to find his use of the French 
 word " publiciste" so broad that it would include M. Henri 
 Rochef ort, Mr. Stead or any newspaper writer ; and he was 
 quite as surprised to find that with us it would mclude 
 only such men as Grotius, Wheaton, Calvo and himself. 
 
 After a long and intricate discussion we separated on 
 very good terms, having made, I think, decided progress 
 toward fusing all three arbitration plans into one which 
 shall embody the merits of all. 
 
 One difficulty we found, of which neither our State 
 Department nor ourselves had been fully aware. Our 
 original plan required that the judges for the arbitration 
 tribunal should be nominated by the highest courts of the 
 respective nations; but De Martens showed us that Russia 
 has no highest court in our sense of the word. Then, too, 
 there is Austria-Hungary, which has two supreme courts 
 of equal authority. This clause, therefore, we arranged 
 to alter, though providing that the original might stand 
 as regards countries possessing supreme courts. 
 
 At lunch we had Baron de Bildt, Swedish minister at 
 Rome and chief of the Swedish delegation at the confer- 
 ence, and Baron de Bille, Danish minister at London and 
 chief delegate from Denmark. De Bille declared himself 
 averse to a permanent tribunal to be in constant session, 
 on the ground that, having so little to do, it would be in 
 danger of becoming an object of derision to the press and 
 peoples of the world. 
 
 We were all glad to liiid, upon the arrival of the 
 London Times, that our arbitration project seemed to 
 be receiving extensive approval, and various telegrams 
 from America during the day indicated the same thing.
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 45 
 
 It looks more and more as if we are to accomplish 
 somethino-. The only thino' in sio-ht calculated to throw 
 a cloud over tlie future is the attitude of the German 
 press against the whole business here ; the most virulent 
 in its attacks being the high-Lutheran conservative — 
 and religious ! — journal in Berlin, the Kretiz-Zeitung. 
 Still, it is pleasant to see that eminent newspaper find, 
 for a time, some other object of denunciation than tlie 
 United States. 
 
 June 3. 
 
 In the afternoon drove to Schevenincfen and took tea 
 with Count Miinster and his daugliter. He was some- 
 what pessimistic, as usual, but came out very strongly in 
 favor of the American view as regards exemption of pri- 
 vate property on the high seas. Whether this is really 
 because Germany would derive profit from it, or because 
 she thinks this (question a serviceable entering wedge be- 
 tween the United States and Great Britain, there is no 
 telling at present. I am sorry to say that our liopes regard- 
 ing it are to be dashed, so far as the present conference 
 is concerned. Sundry newspaper letters and articles in 
 the Times show clearly that the English Government is 
 strongly opposed to dealing with it here and now ; and 
 as France and Russia take the same position,' there is no 
 hope for any action, save such as we can take to keep 
 the subject alive and to secure attention to it by some 
 future conference.
 
 Ill 
 
 Jvne 4. 
 
 WE have just had an experience which " adds to the 
 gayety of nations." Some days since, representa- 
 tives of what is called " the Yonng Turkish party " ap- 
 peared and asked to he heard. They received, generally, 
 the cold shoulder, mainly because the internal condition 
 of Turkey is not one of the thinos which the conference 
 was asked to discuss ; but also because there is a suspi- 
 cion that these '' Younsc Turks" are enabled to live in lux- 
 ury at Paris by blackmailing the Sultan, and that their 
 zeal for reform becomes fervid whenever their funds run 
 low, and cools whenever a remittance comes from the 
 Bosporus. But at last some of us decided to give them 
 a hearing, informally ; the main object being to get rid of 
 them. At the time appointed, the delegation appeared in 
 evening dress, and, having been ushered into the room, 
 the spokesman began as follows, very impressively : 
 " Your Excellencies, ve are ze Young Turkeys." 
 Tliis \\'as too mucli for most of us, and I think that, 
 during oui^whole stay at Tlie Hague tlius far, we have 
 never undertaken anything more difficult, physically, than 
 to keep our faces straiglit during the harangue which 
 followed. 
 
 Later, we went with nearly all the other members of 
 the conference to Haarlem, in a special train, by invita- 
 tion of the burgomaster and town council, to the " Fete 
 Ilippique" and the "Fete des Fleurs." We were treated 
 
 46
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFEREXCE 47 
 
 very .well indeed, refreshments being served on the 
 grand stand during the performances, which consisted 
 of hurdle races, etc., for which I cai-ed nothing, fol- 
 lowed by a procession of peasants in old chaises of 
 various periods, and in the costumes of the various prov- 
 inces of the Netherlands, which mterested me much. 
 The whole closed with a long train of fine equipages 
 superbly decorated with flowers. 
 
 Discussing the question of the immunity of private 
 property, not contraband of war, on the high seas, I find 
 that the main argument which our opponents are now 
 using is that, even if the principle were conceded, new 
 and troublesome questions would arise as to what really 
 constitutes contraband of war ; tliat ships themselves 
 would undoubtedly be considered as contraband, since 
 they can be used in conveying troops, coal, supplies, etc. 
 
 June 5. 
 
 Having given up the morning of the 5th mainly to 
 work on plans of arbitration, mediation and the like, I 
 went to the meeting, at the " House in the Wood," of 
 the third great committee of the conference — namely, 
 that on arl)itration. 
 
 The session went off satisfactoril}', our duty being to 
 pass upon the report from the subcommittee*\\'hich had 
 put the various propositions into shape for our discussion. 
 The report was admirably presented by M. Descamps, 
 and, after considerable discussion of details, was adopted 
 in all essential features. Tlie matters thus discussed and 
 accepted for presentation to the conference as a whole 
 related : 
 
 (1) To a plan for tendering '' good oftices."
 
 48 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 (2) To a plan for examining into international differ- 
 ences. 
 
 (3) To the " special mediation " plan. 
 
 The last was exceedingly well received, and onr dele- 
 gation has obtained mnch credit for it. It is the plan of 
 allowing any two nations drifting into war to appoint 
 " secondhig nations," who, like '' seconds " in a duel, 
 shall attempt to avert the conflict ; and, if this be un- 
 successful, shall contiiuie acting in the same capacity, 
 and endeavor to arrest the conflict at the earliest moment 
 possible. 
 
 Very general good feeling was shown, and much en- 
 couragement derived from the fact that these prelimi- 
 nary matters could be dealt with in so amicable and 
 businesslike a spirit. 
 
 Before the meetino' I took a lono- ^valk in the o-arden 
 
 >ZD iZJ C^ 
 
 back of the palace with various gentlemen, among them 
 Mr. van Karnebeek, who discussed admirably with me 
 the (juestion of the exemption of private property from 
 s(uzure on the hip'h seas. lie asrreed with me that even 
 it the extreme doctrine now contended for — namely, 
 that which makes shi])s, coal, provisions and very nearly 
 livcrything else, conti-abaiid — be pressed, still a lii'st step, 
 such as the exemption of private property from seizure, 
 would bc^nono the less wise, leaving th(^ subordinate 
 (questions to be dealt with as they arise. 
 
 I aftei'wai-ds called witli Dr. ITolls at the house of the 
 burgomaster of The Hague, and thanked him for his 
 kindness in tendering us the concert last Snturdiiy, and 
 for various other marks of consideration. 
 
 ( )n the whole, matters continue to look encouraging 
 as resjards both mediation and arbitration.
 
 THE FIK.ST HAGUE CONFERENCE 49 
 
 June 6. 
 
 In the mornmg Sir Julian Pauncefote called, and again 
 went over certain details in the American, British and 
 Russian plans of arbitration, discussing some matters to 
 be stricken out and others to be inserted. He declared 
 his readiness to strike out a feature of his plan to which 
 from the first I have felt a very great objection — namely, 
 that which, after the tribunal is constituted, allows the 
 contesting parties to call into it and mix with it persons 
 simply chosen by the contestants ad hoc. This seems to 
 me a dilution of the idea of a permanent tribunal, and a 
 means of delay and of complications which may prove 
 unfortunate. It would certainly be said that if the con- 
 testants were to be allowed to name two or more judges 
 from outside the tribunal, they might just as well nomi- 
 nate all, and thus save the expense attendant upon a 
 regularly constituted mternational court cliosen by the 
 various governments. 
 
 Later in the day I wrote a private letter to the Secre- 
 tary of State suggesting that our American delegation 
 be authorized to lay a wreath of sih'er and gold upon 
 the tomb of Grotius at Delft, not only as a tribute to 
 the man who set in motion the ideas which, nearly three 
 hundred years later, have led to the assemblmg of this 
 conference, but as an indication of our gratitude to the 
 Netherlands Government for its hospitalit/ and the ad- 
 mirable provision it has made for our work here, and 
 also as a sign of good will toward the older govern- 
 ments of the world on the occasion of their first meet- 
 mgf with delegates from tlie New World, in a conference 
 treatmg of matters most important to all nations. 
 
 In the evening to Mr. van Karnebeek's reception, and
 
 50 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFEREXCE 
 
 there met Mr. Raffalovitcli, one of the Russian secre- 
 taries of the conference, who, as councilor of the Russian 
 Empire and corresponding member of tlie French Insti- 
 tute, lias a European reputation, and urged lihn to aid 
 in strikmg out the clause in the plan which admits judges 
 other than those of the court. Mj hope is that it will 
 disappear m the subcommittee and not come up in the 
 general meetmg of the third great committee. 
 
 June S. 
 
 The American delegation in the afternoon discussed at 
 length the proposals relatmg to the Brussels Conference 
 rules for the more humane carrying on of war. Consid- 
 erable difference of opinion has arisen in the section of 
 the conference in which the prelmiinary debates are held, 
 and Captain Crozier, our representative, has been in some 
 doubt as to the ground to be taken between these oppos- 
 mg views. On one side are those who think it best to go 
 at considerable length into more or less minute restrictions 
 upon the conduct of invaders and invaded. On the other 
 side, M. Beernaert of Belgium, one of the two most emi- 
 nent men from that country, and others, take the ground 
 that it would be better to leave the Avhole matter to the 
 general development of humanity in international law. 
 M. de Martei^s insists that now is the time to settle the 
 matter, rather than leave it to individuals who, in time 
 of war, are likely to be more or less exasperated by ac- 
 counts of atrocities and to have no adequate time for 
 deciding upon a policy. After considerable discussion 
 by our delegation, the whole matter went over. 
 
 Ill the evening to a great reception at the house of Sir 
 Henry Howard, British nhnister at this court. It was
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFERENCE 51 
 
 very brilliant, and the whole afforded an example of 
 Jolui Bull's good sense in providing for his representa- 
 tives abroad, and enabling them to exercise a social 
 influence on the communities where they are stationed, 
 which rapidly becomes a political mfluence with the gov- 
 ernments to which they are accredited. Sir Henry is 
 provided with a large, attractive house, means to enter- 
 tain amply, and has been kept in the service long enough 
 to know everybody and to become experienced in the 
 right way of getting at the men he wishes to influ- 
 ence, and of doing the things his government needs to 
 have done. Throughout the whole world this is John 
 Bull's wise way of doing things. At every capital I have 
 visited, includmg Washington, Constanthiople, St. Peters- 
 burg, Rome, Paris, Berlin and Vienna, the British repre- 
 sentative is a man who has been selected with reference 
 to his fitness, kept in the service long enough to give 
 him useful experience, and provided with a good,- commo- 
 dious house and the means to exercise social and, there- 
 fore, political influence. The result is that, although, in 
 every country in the world, orators and editors are al- 
 ways howling at John Bull, he everywhere has his way : 
 to use our vernacular, he " gets there," and can laugh in 
 his sleeve at the speeches against him in public bodies, 
 and at the diatribes against him in newspapers. The 
 men who are loudest in such attacks are generally the 
 most delighted to put their legs under the British am- 
 bassador's mahogany, or to take their daughters to his 
 receptions and balls, and then quietly to follow the gen- 
 eral line of conduct which he favors.
 
 52 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFERENCE 
 
 June 9. 
 
 In the morning an interesting visit from M. de Staal, 
 president of the conference. We discussed arbitration 
 phms, Brussels rules and Gene^'a rules, and, finally, our 
 social debts to the Dutch authorities. 
 
 As to the general prospects of arbitration, he expressed 
 the belief that \\q can, by amalgamating the British, 
 liussian and American plans, produce a good result. 
 
 During the day, many members of the conference hav- 
 ing gone to Rotterdam to see the welcoming of the 
 Queen in that city, I took up, with especial care, the 
 Brussels rules for the conduct of war, and the amend- 
 ments of them now proposed in the conference, some of 
 which have provoked considerable debate. The more I 
 read the proposals now made, the more admirable most 
 of them seem to be, and the more it seems to me that 
 we ought, with a few exceptions, to adopt them. Great 
 Britain declines to sanction them as part of international 
 law, but still agrees to adopt them as a general basis for 
 her conduct in time of war; and even this would be a 
 good thing for us, if we cannot induce our government 
 to go to the length of making them fully binding. 
 
 At six o'clock Dr. Molls, who represents us upon the 
 subcommittee on arbitration, came in with most discour- 
 aging news. It now appears that the German Emperor 
 is determined to oppose the whole scheme of arbitration, 
 and will have nothing to do with any [)lan for a regular 
 tribunal, whether as given in the British or the American 
 scheme, 'iliis news comes from various sources, and is 
 confirmed by the fact that, in the sub(>ommittee, one of 
 the German delegates. Professor Zorn of Konigsberg, 
 who had licconie very earnest in behalf of arbitration, now
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 53 
 
 says that he may not be able to vote for it. There are 
 also signs that the German Emperor is influencing the 
 minds of his allies, — the sovereigns of Austria, Italy, 
 Turkey and Roumania, — leading them to oppose it. 
 
 Curiously enough, in spite of thif, Count Nigra, the 
 Italian ambassador at Vienna and head of the Italian 
 delegation, made a vigorous speech showing the impor- 
 tance of the work in which the committee is engaged, 
 urging that the plan be perfected, and seeming to indi- 
 cate that he will go on with the representatives who 
 favor it. This, comhig from perhaps the most earnest ally 
 of Germany, is noteworthy. 
 
 At the close of the session Sir Julian Pauncefoto in- 
 formed Dr. Holls that lie was about to telegraph his 
 Sfovernment reofarding; the luidoubted efforts of the Ger- 
 man Emperor upon the sovereigns above named, and I 
 decided to cable our State Department, informing them 
 fully as to this change in the condition of affairs. 
 
 At eight went to the dinner of our minister, Mr. 
 Newel, and found there three ambassadors, De Staal, 
 Miinster and Pauncefote, as well as M. Leon Bourgeois, 
 president of the French delegation ; Sir Henry Howard, 
 the British minister ; Baron de Bildt, the Swedish min- 
 ister ; and some leading Netherlands statesmen. Had a 
 long talk with M. de Staal and with Sir Julian Paunce- 
 fote regardijig the state of things revealed this afternonn 
 in the subcommittee on arbitration. M. de Staal has called 
 a meeting of the heads of delegations for Saturday after- 
 noon. Both he and Sir Julian are evidently much vexed 
 by the unfortunate turn things have taken. The latter 
 feels, as I do, that tlie only thing to be done is to go on 
 and make the plan for arbitration as perfect as possible,
 
 54 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 letting those of the powers who are willing to do so sigi. 
 it. I assured him and De Staal that we of the United 
 States would stand by them to the last in the matter. 
 
 Late in the evening went to a reception of M. de Beau- 
 fort, the Netherlands minister of foreign affairs, and 
 discussed current matters with various people, among 
 them Count Nigra, whom I thanked for his eloquent 
 speech in the afternoon, and Baron de Bildt, who feels, 
 as I do, that the right thing for us is to go on, no mat- 
 ter who falls away. 
 
 Jaiw 10. 
 
 This morning I gave to studies of the various reports 
 sent in from the subcommittees, especially tliose on ar- 
 bitration and on tlie Brussels Conference rules. Both 
 have intensely interested me, my main attention being, 
 of course, centered on the former; but the Brussels rules 
 seem to me of much greater importance now than at 
 first, and my hope is that we shall not only, devise a 
 good working plan of arbitration, but greatly humanize 
 the laws of war. 
 
 At four o'clock in the afternoon met the four other 
 ambassadors and two or three other heads of delegations, 
 at the rooms of 1\I. de Staal, to discniss the question of 
 relaxing the rules of secrecy as regards the; proceed- 
 ings of (M)mmittees, etc. The whole original Russian 
 plan of maintaining absolute secrecy has collapsed, just 
 as the representatives from constitutional countries in 
 the beginning said it would. Every day there are pub- 
 lished minute accounts hi Dut(,'h, French and English 
 journals which show tliat, in some way, tlieir represen- 
 tatives obtain enough information to enable them, with
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE So 
 
 such additional things as they can imagine, to make read- 
 able reports. The result is that various gentlemen in 
 the conference who formerly favored a policy of com- 
 plete secrecy find themselves credited with speeches which 
 they did not make, and which they dislike to be considered 
 capable of making. 
 
 After a great deal of talk, it was decided to authorize 
 the chah-man of each committee to give to the press com- 
 plete reports, so far as possible, keeping in the back- 
 ground the part taken by individuals. 
 
 At six the American delegation met, and the subject 
 of our instructions regarding the presentation of the 
 American view of the immunity of private property on 
 the high seas in time of war was taken up. It was de- 
 cided to ask some of the leading supporters of this view 
 to meet us at luncheon at 12.30 on Monday, in order to 
 discuss the best way of overcoming the Russian plan of 
 suppressing the matter, and to concert means for getting 
 the whole subject before the full conference. 
 
 June 11. 
 
 Instead of going to hear the Bishop of Hereford preach 
 on " Peace," I walked with Dr. Holls to Scheveningen, 
 four miles, to work off a nervous headache and to invite 
 Count iNIiinster to our luncheon on ]\Ionday, when we 
 purpose to take counsel together regarding private prop- 
 erty on the high seas. He accepted, but was out of humor 
 with nearly all the proceedings of the conference. He is 
 more than ever opposed to arbitration, and declares that, 
 m view of the original Russian program under which we 
 were called to meet, we have no right to take it up at all, 
 since it was not mentioned. He was decidedly pessimistic
 
 56 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 regarding the continuance of the sessions, asking me 
 when I thought it would all end ; and on my answering 
 that I had not the slightest idea, he said that he was 
 entirely in the dark on the subject ; that nobody could 
 tell how long it would last, or how it would break off. 
 
 June 12. 
 
 At half-past twelve came our American luncheon to 
 Count Mlinster, Mr. van Karnebeek and Baron de Bildt, 
 each of whom is at the head of his delegation, — our 
 purpose being to discuss with them the best manner of 
 getting the subject of immunity of private property at 
 sea, not contraband, before the conference, these gentle- 
 men being especially devoted to such a measure. 
 
 All went off very well, full interchange of views took 
 place, and the general opinion was that the best way 
 would be for us, as the only delegation instructed on the 
 subject, to draw up a formal memorial asking that the 
 question be brought before the conference, and sending 
 this to M. de Staal as our president. 
 
 C'Urious things came out during our conversation. 
 Baron de Bildt informed me that, strongly as he favored 
 the measure, and })repared as lie was to vote for it, he 
 should have to be very careful in discussing it publicly, 
 since his instructions were to avoid, just as far as pos- 
 sible, ail)' clash between the opinions expressed by the 
 Swedish representatives and those of the great powers. 
 Never before have I so thoroughly realized the difficult 
 position which the lesser powers in Europe hold as re- 
 gards really serious questions. 
 
 More surprising was the conversation of Count Mlui- 
 ster, he beinsi" on one side of me and Mr. van Karnebeek
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 57 
 
 on the other. Beaiing in mind that the Emperor Wilham, 
 during his long talk with me just before I left Berlin, 
 in referring to the approaching Peace Congress had said 
 that he was sending Count Miinster because what the 
 conference would most need would be " common sense," 
 and because, in his opinion. Count Miinster had " lots 
 of it," some of the count's utterances astonished me. He 
 now came out, as he did the day before in his talk with 
 me, utterly against arbitration, declaring it a ''humbug," 
 and that we had no riglit to consider it, since it was not 
 mentioned in the first proposals from Russia, etc., etc. 
 
 A little later, something having been said about tele- 
 graphs and telephones, he expressed his belief that they 
 are a curse as regards the relations between nations; that 
 they interfere with diplomacy, and do more harm than 
 good. This did not especially surprise me, for I had heard 
 the same opinions uttered by others; but what did sur- 
 prise me greatly was to hear liim say, when the subject 
 of bacteria and microbes was casually mentioned, that 
 they were " all a modern humbug." 
 
 It is clear that, with all his fine qualities, — and he is 
 really a splendid specimen of an old-fashioned German 
 nobleman devoted to the diplomatic service of his coun- 
 try, — he is saturated with the ideas of fifty years ago. 
 
 Returning from a drive to Scheveningen with Major 
 Burbank of the United States army, I sketched the first 
 part of a draft for a letter from our delegation to INI. de 
 Staal, and at our meeting at six presented it, when it 
 met with general approval. President Low had also 
 sketched a draft which it was thought could be worked 
 very well into the one which I had offered, and so we two 
 were made a subcommittee to prepare the letter in full.
 
 58 THE FIRST IIAGUP] CONFERENCE 
 
 June 13. 
 
 This morning come more disquieting statements re- 
 garding Germany. There seems no longer any doubt that 
 the German Emperor is opposing arbitration, and, indeed, 
 the whole work of the conference, and that he will insist 
 on his main allies, Austria and Italy, going with him. 
 Count Nigra, who is personally devoted to arbitration, 
 allowed this in talking with Dr. Holls ; and the German 
 delegates — all of whom, with the exception of Count 
 Miinster, are favorably inclined to a good arbitration 
 plan — show that they are disappointed. 
 
 I had learned from a high imperial official, before I 
 left Berlin, that the Emperor considered arbitration as 
 derogatory to his sovereignty, and I was also well aware, 
 from his conversation, that he was l)y no means in love 
 with the conference idea; but, in view of his speech at 
 Wiesbaden, and the petitions which had come in to him 
 from Bavaria, I had hoped that he had experienced a 
 '' change of heart." 
 
 Possibly he might have changed liis opinion had not 
 Count Miinster been here, reporting to him constantly 
 against every step taken by the conference. 
 
 There seems danger of a catastrophe. Those of us who 
 are faithful to arbitration plans will go on and do the 
 best we can ; but there is no telling what stumblingblocks 
 Germany and her allies may put in our way ; and, of 
 course, the whole result, without their final agreement, 
 will seem to the world a failure and, perhaps, a farce. 
 
 The immediate results will be that the Russian Em- 
 pcroi' will become an idol of the '' plain })eople " through- 
 out the world, the German Emperor will be bitterly hated, 
 and the socialists, who form the most dreaded party on
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFEREXCE 50 
 
 the continent of Europe, will be furnislied with a thor- 
 oughly effective weapon against their rulers. 
 
 Some days since I said to a leading diplomatist here, 
 " The ministers of the German Emperor ought to tell him 
 that, should he oppose arbitration, there will be concen- 
 trated upon him an amount of hatred which no mmister 
 ought to allow a sovereign to incur." To this he an- 
 swered, " That is true ; but there is not a minister in 
 Germany who dares tell him." 
 
 June 14. 
 
 This noon our delegation gave a breakfast to sundry 
 members of the conference who are especially interested 
 in an effective plan of arbitration, the principal of these 
 being Count Nigra from Italy; Count Welsersheimb, first 
 delegate of Austria ; ]\I. Descamps of Belgium ; Baron 
 d'Estournelles of France ; and M. Asser of the Nether- 
 lands. After some preliminary talk, I read to them the 
 proposal, which Sh" Julian had handed me in the morn- 
 ing, for the purpose of obviating the objection to the 
 council of administration in charge of the court of arbi- 
 tration here in The Hague, which was an important fea- 
 ture of his original plan, but which had been generally 
 rejected as involving expensive machinery. His proposal 
 now is that, instead of a council specially appointed and 
 salaried to watch over and provide for the necessities of 
 the court, such council shall simply be made up of the 
 ministers of sundry powers residing here, — thus doing 
 away enth-ely with the trouble and expense of a special 
 council. 
 
 This I amended by adding the Netherlands minister of 
 foreign affairs as ex-officio president, there being various
 
 60 THE FIRST IIACxUE CONFERENCE 
 
 reasons for this, and among these the fact that, without 
 some such provision, the Netherlands would have no 
 representative in the council. 
 
 The plan and my amendment were well received, and 
 I trust that our full and friendly discussion of these 
 and various matters connected with them will produce 
 a good effect in the committees. 
 
 Count Nigra expressed liimself to me as personally 
 most earnestly in favor of arbitration, but it was clear 
 that his position was complicated by the relations of his 
 country to Germany as one of the Triple Alliance ; and 
 the same difficulty was observable in the case of Count 
 Welsersheimb, the representative of Austria, the thu'd 
 ally in the combination of which Germany is the head. 
 
 In the course of our breakfast. Baron d'Estournelles 
 made a statement which I think impressed every person 
 present. It was that, as he was leaving Paris, Jaurcs, 
 the famous socialist, whom he knows well, said to him, 
 " Go on ; do all you can at The Hague, but you will labor 
 in vain : you can accomplish nothing there, your schemes 
 will fail, and we shall trinniph," or words to that effect. 
 So clear an indication as this of the effect which a failure 
 of the conference to produce a good scheme of arbitra- 
 tion will have in promoting the designs of the great inter- 
 national socialist and anarchist combinations cannot fail 
 to impress every thinking man. 
 
 Dined in the eveninsf with the French minister at this 
 court, and very pleasantly. There were present M. Leon 
 Bourgeois, the French first delegate, and the first dele- 
 gates from Japan, Cliina, Mexico and Turkey, with sub- 
 ordinate delegates from other countries. Sitting next the 
 lady at the right of the host, I found her to be the wife
 
 THE FIRST IlACrUE CONFERENCE 61 
 
 of the premier, M. Piersoon, minister of finance, and very 
 agreeable. I took in to dinner Madame Behrends, wife 
 of the Russian charge, evidently a very thoughtful and 
 accomplished woman, who was born, as she told me, of 
 English parents in the city of New York when her father 
 and mother were on their way to England. I found lier 
 very interesting, and her discussions of Russia, as well 
 as of England and the Netherlands, especially good. 
 
 In the smoking room I had a long talk witli M. Leon 
 Bourgeois, who, according to the papers, is likely to be 
 appointed minister of foreign affairs in the new French 
 cabinet. He dwelt upon the difficulties of any plan for 
 a tribunal, but seemed ready to do what he could for 
 the compromise plan, which is all that, during some time 
 past, we have hoped to adopt. 
 
 Ju)ie lo. 
 
 Early this morning Count Miinster called, wishing to 
 see me especially, and at once plunged into the question 
 of the innnunity of private property from seizure on the 
 high seas. He said that he had just received instructions 
 from his government to join us heartily in brhiging the 
 question before the conference ; that his government, 
 much as it inclines to favor the principle, could not yet 
 see its way to commit itself fully ; that its action must, 
 of course, depend upon the conduct of other powers in 
 the matter, as foreshadowed by discussions in the confer- 
 ence, but that he was to aid us in bringing it up. 
 
 I told him I was now preparing a draft of a memorial 
 to the conference giving the reasons why the subject 
 ought to be submitted, and that he should have it as 
 soon as completed.
 
 62 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFERENCE 
 
 This matter being for the time disposed of, we took 
 up the state of the arbitration question, and the conse- 
 quences of opposition bj Germany and her two alhes to 
 every feasible plan. 
 
 He was very much in earnest, and declared especially 
 against compulsory arbitration. To this I answered that 
 the plan thus far adopted contemplated entirely volun- 
 tary arbitration, with the exception that an obligatory 
 system was agreed upon as regards sundry petty matters 
 in which arbitration would assist all the states concerned ; 
 and that if he disliked this latter feature, but would 
 agree to the others, we would go with him in striking it 
 out, though we should vastly prefer to retain it. 
 
 He said, " Yes ; you have already stricken out part of 
 it in the interest of the United States," referring to the 
 features concerning the iNIonroe doctrine, the regulation 
 of canals, rivers, etc. 
 
 " Very true," I answered; " and it" there are any s[)c- 
 cial features which affect unfavorably German policy or 
 interests, move to strike them out, and we will heartily 
 support you." 
 
 He then dwelt in his usual manner on his special hobby, 
 which is that modern nations are taking an entirely false 
 route in preventing the settlement of their difficulties 
 by trained diplomatists, and intrusting them to arbitra- 
 tion by men inexperienced in international matters, wlio 
 really cannot be unprejudiced oi- nniniiuenced ; and he 
 spoke with especial contempt of tlui plan for creating a 
 bureau, composed, as he said, of university professors 
 and the like, to carry on the machinery of the trilmnaL 
 
 Here T happened to have a trump card. 1 showed 
 him Sii' .hilian l'aunccfotc"s plan to substitute a council
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 63 
 
 composed of all the ministers of the signatory powers 
 residing at The Hague, with my amendment making the 
 Dutch minister of foreign affairs its president. This he 
 read and said he liked it ; in fact, it seemed to remove 
 a mass of prejudice from his mind. 
 
 I then spoke very earnestly to him — more so tlian ever 
 before — about the present condition of affairs. I told 
 him that the counselors in whom the Emperor trusted — 
 such -men as himself and the principal advisers of liis 
 Majesty — ought never to allow their young sovereign to 
 be exposed to the mass of liatred, obloquy and oppo- 
 sition which would converge upon him from all mitions 
 in case he became known to the whole world as the sov- 
 ereign who had broken down the conference and brought 
 to naught the plan of arbitration. I took the liberty of 
 telling him what the Emperor said to me regarding the 
 count himself — namely, that what the conference was 
 most likely to need was good common sense, and that he 
 was sending Count ^liinster because he possessed that. 
 This seemed to please him, and I then went on to say that 
 he of all men ought to prevent, by all means, placing 
 the young Emperor in such a position. I dwelt on the 
 gifts and graces of the young sovereign, expressed my 
 feelinsf of admiration for his noble ambitions, for his 
 abilities, for the statesmanship he liad recently shown, 
 for his grasp of public affairs, and for his way of con- 
 ciliating all classes, and then dwelt on the pity of mak- 
 ing sucli a monarch un object of hatred in all parts of 
 the world. 
 
 He seemed impressed by this, but said the calUng of 
 the conference was simply a political trick — the most 
 detestable trick ever practiced. It was done, lie said,
 
 64 THE FIKST IIAGLE CONFEREES CE 
 
 mainly to embarrass Germany, to glorify the young Rus- 
 sian Emperor, and to put Germany and nations which 
 Russia dislikes into a false position. To this I an- 
 swered: '' If this be the case, why not trump the Russian 
 trick ? or, as the poker players say, ' Go them one better,' 
 take them at tlieir word, support a good tribunal of arbi- 
 tration more ethcient even than the Russians have dared 
 to propose ; let your sovereign throw himself heartily 
 into the movement and become a recognized leader and 
 power here; we will all support him, and to him will 
 come the credit of it. 
 
 "Then, in addition to this, support us as far as you 
 can as regards the imnumity of private property on the 
 higli seas, and thus you will gain another great point ; 
 for, owuig to her relations to France, Russia has not 
 dared commit herself to this principle as otherwise she 
 doubtless would have done, but, on the contrary, has 
 opposed any consideration of it by the conference. 
 
 " Next, let attention be called to the fact — and we will 
 gladly aid in making the world fully aware of it — that 
 Germany, through you, has constantly urged the great- 
 est publicity of our proceedings, v/hile certain other 
 powers have insisted on secrecy until secrecy has utterly 
 broken down, and then luive made the least concession 
 possible. In this way you w ill come out of the confer- 
 ence triumphant, and the German Emperor will be looked 
 upon as, after all, the arbiter of Europe. Everybody 
 knows that France has never \^'ish(■(l ai'bit ration, and 
 that Russian statesmen are really, at heart, none too ar- 
 dent for it. Come forward, then, and make the matter 
 thoroughly your own ; and, having done this, maintain 
 your present attitude strongly as regards the two other
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 65 
 
 matters above named, — that is, the immunity from seiz- 
 ure of private property on the high seas, and the throw- 
 ing open of our proceedings, — and the honors of the 
 whole conference are yours." 
 
 He seemed impressed by all this, and took a different 
 tone from any which has been noted in him since we 
 came together. I then asked him if he had heard Baron 
 d'Estournelles' story. He said that he had not. I told 
 it to him, as given in my diary yesterday; and said, 
 '' You see there what the failure to obtahi a result which 
 is really so much longed for by all the [jeoples of the 
 world will do to promote the designs of the socialistic 
 forces which are so powerful in all parts of the Continent, 
 and nowhere more so than in Germany and the nations 
 allied with her.'" 
 
 This, too, seemed to impress him. I tlien went on to 
 say: ''This is not all. P>y opposing arbitration, you not 
 only put a club into the hands of socialists, anarchists 
 and all the other antisocial forces, but you alienate the 
 substantial middle class and the great l)ody of religious 
 people in all nations. You have no conception of the 
 depth of feeling on this subject which exists in my own 
 country, tt) say nothing of others ; and if Germany stands 
 in the way, the distrust of her which Americans have 
 felt, and which as minister and ambassador at Berlin 
 I have labored so hard to dispel, wdl be infinitely in- 
 creased. It will render more and more difficult the main- 
 tenance of proper relations between the two countries. 
 Your sovereign will be looked upon as the enemy of all 
 nations, and will be exposed to every sort of attack and 
 calunmy, while the young Emperor of Russia will be- 
 come a popular idol throughout the world, since he will
 
 m thp: first iiaoue conference 
 
 represent to the popular mind, and even to the minds of 
 great bodies of thinkhig and rehgious people, the effort 
 to prevent war and to solve public questions as much as 
 possible without bloodshed ; while the Emperor of Ger- 
 many will represent to their minds the desire to solve 
 all great questions by force. j\Iind, I don't say this is a 
 just view : I only say that it is the view sure to be taken, 
 and that by resisting arbitration here you are playing 
 
 the game of Russia, as you yourself have stated it 
 
 that is, you are giving Russia the moral support of the 
 whole world at the expense of the neighboring powers, 
 and above all of Germany." 
 
 I then took up an argument which, it is understood, 
 has had much influence with the Emperor, — namely, that 
 arbitration must be in derogation of his sovereignty, — 
 and asked ; " How can any such derogation be possible ? 
 Your sovereign would submit only such cpiestions to the- 
 arbitration tribunal as he thought best ; and,, more than 
 all that, you have already committed yourselves to 
 the principle. You are aware that Bismarck submitted 
 the question of the Caroline Islands for arbitration to the 
 Pope, and the first Emperor William consented to act 
 as arl)iter between tlie United States and Great Britain 
 in the matter of the American northwestern boundary. 
 How coiild ai'bitration affect the true position of the 
 sovereign ? 'I'ake, for example, matters as they now 
 stand between (jermany and the United States. There is 
 a vast mass of petty questions which constantly trouble 
 the relations between the two countries. These little 
 questions embitter debates, whether in your Reichstag on 
 one hand, or in our Congress on the other, and make 
 the position of the Berlin and Washington governments
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFERENCE 67 
 
 especially difficult. The American papers attack me be- 
 cause I yield too much to Germany, the German papers 
 attack Von Blilow because he yields too much to America, 
 and these little questions remain. If Von Blilow and I 
 were allowed to sit down and settle them, we could do 
 so at short notice ; but behind him stands the Reichstag, 
 and behind our Secretary of State and myself stands the 
 American Congress." 
 
 I referred to such questions as the tonnage dues, the 
 additional tariff on I )ounty -promoted sugar, Samoa, the 
 most-favored-nation clause, in treaties between German}"^ 
 and the United States, in relation to the same clause in 
 sundry treaties between the United States and other 
 powers, and said : '' What a blessing it would be if all 
 these questions, of which both governments are tired, 
 and which make the more important questions constantl}' 
 arismg between the two countries so difficult to settle, 
 could be sent at once to a tribunal and decided one way 
 or the other ! In themselves they amount to little. It is 
 not at all unlikely that most of them — possibly all of 
 them — would be decided in favor of Germany ; but the 
 United States would a((juiesce at once in the decision by 
 a tribunal such as is proposed. Antl this is just what 
 would take place between Germany and other nations. 
 A mass of vexatious questions would be settled by the 
 tribunal, and the sovereign and his government would 
 thus be relieved from parliamentary chicanery based, not 
 upon knowledge, but upon party tactics or personal 
 grudges or inherited prejudices." 
 
 He seemed now more mclined to give weight to these 
 considerations, and will, I hope, urge his government to 
 take a better view than that which for some time past
 
 68 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 has seemed to be indicated by the conduct of its repre- 
 sentatives here. 
 
 In the afternoon I went to the five-o'clock tea of the 
 Baroness d'Estournelles, found a great crowd there, in- 
 chidmg the leading delegates, and all anxious as to the 
 conduct of Germany. Meeting the Baroness von Suttner, 
 who has been writintj such earnest books m behalf of 
 peace, I urged her to write with all her might to influ- 
 ence public prmts in Austria, Italy and Germany in 
 behalf of arbitration, telling her that we are just arriv- 
 ing at the parting of the ways, and that everything pos- 
 sible must be done now, or all may be lost. To this she 
 responded very heartily, and I liave no doubt will use 
 her pen with much effect. 
 
 In the evening went to a great reception at the house 
 of tlie Austrian ambassador, M. Okolicsanyi. There was 
 a crush. Had a long talk with Mr. Stead, telling him 
 D'Estournelles' story, and urging him to use it in every 
 wav to show what a boon the failure of arbitration would 
 be to the antisocial forces in all parts of Europe. 
 
 In the intervals during the day I busied myself in 
 completing the memorial to the conference regarding 
 the immunity from seizure of private property at sea. If 
 we cannot secure it now, we must at least pave the way 
 for its admission by a future international conference.
 
 IV 
 
 June 10. 
 
 THIS morning Count ^liinster called and seemed 
 much excited by the fact that he had received a 
 dispatch from Berlin in which the German Government 
 — which, of course, means the Emperor — had strongl}' 
 and finally declared against everything like an arbitration 
 tribunal. He was clearly disconcerted by this too literal 
 acceptance of his own earlier views, and said that he had 
 sent to ]M. de Staal insisting tliat the meeting of the sub- 
 committee on arbitration, which had been appointed for 
 this day (Friday), should be adjourned on some pretext 
 until next Monday ; " for," said he, " if the session 
 takes place to-day, Zorn must make the declaration in 
 behalf of German}' which these new instructions order 
 him to make, and that would be a misfortune."" I \\'as 
 very glad to see this evidence of change of heart in the 
 count, and immediately joined him in securing the ad- 
 journment he desired. The meeting of the subcommit- 
 tee has therefore been deferred, the reason assigned, as I 
 understand, being that Baron d'Estournelles is too much 
 occupied to be present at the time first named. Later 
 Count ]\liinster told me that he had decided to send 
 Professor Zorn to Berlin at once in order to lay the 
 whole matter before the Foreign Office and induce the 
 authorities to modify the instructions. I approved this 
 cottfse strongly, whereupon he suggested that I should 
 do something to the same purpose, and this finally ended 
 in the agreement that Holls should go with Zorn. 
 
 69
 
 70 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 In view of the fact that Von lUilow had agreed that 
 the German delegates should stand side by side with us 
 m the conference, I immediately prepared a letter of in- 
 troduction and a personal letter to Biilow for Holls to 
 take, and he started about five in the afternoon. This 
 letter is as follows : 
 
 (Copy.) 
 (^Persoiial.^ 
 
 June. 16, 1890. 
 Dear Bahon vox Bl'^low : 
 
 I trust that, in view of the kmdly relations which exist 
 between us, succeeding as they do similar relations be- 
 gun twenty years ago with your honored father, you will 
 allow me to write you informally, but fully and frankly, 
 regarding the interests of both our governments in the 
 peace conference. The relations between your delegates 
 and ours have, from the first, been of the kindest ; your 
 assurances on this point have been thoroughly carried 
 out. But we seem now to be at " the parting of the 
 ways," and on the greatest question subinitted to us, — 
 the greatest, as 1 believe, that any conference or any 
 congress has taken up in our time, — namely, the pro- 
 vision for a tribunal of arbitration. 
 
 It is generally said liere that Germany is opposed to 
 the wliole thing, that she is utterly hostile to anything 
 like arbitration, and that she will do all ui her power, 
 either alone or through her allies, to thwart every feasi- 
 ble plan of providing for a tribunal which shall give 
 some hope to the; world of settling some of the many dif- 
 ficulties between nations otherwise than by bloodshed. 
 
 No rational man here expects all wars to be ended by 
 anything done here; no one proposes to submit to any
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFEREXCE 71 
 
 such tribunal questions involving the honor of any na- 
 tion or the inviolaljility of its territory, or any of those 
 things which nations feel instmctively must be reserved 
 for their own decision. Nor does any thinking man here 
 propose obligatory arbitration in any case, save, possibly, 
 in sundry petty matters where such arbitration would be 
 a help to the ordinary administration of all governments ; 
 and, even as to these, they can be left out of the scheme 
 if your government seriously desires it. 
 
 The great thing is that there be a provision made for 
 easily calling together a court of arbitration which shall 
 be seen of all nations, indicate a sincere desire to pro- 
 mote peace, and, in some measure, relieve the various 
 peoples of the fear which so heavily oppresses them all 
 — the dread of an outburst of war at any moment. 
 
 I note that it has been believed by many that the mo- 
 tives of Russia in proposing this conference were none 
 too good, — indeed, that they were possibly perfidious ; 
 but, even if this be granted, how does this affect the con- 
 duct of Germany? Should it not rather lead (lermany 
 to go forward boldly and thoughtfully, to accept the 
 championship of the idea of arbitration, and to take the 
 lead in the whole business here ? 
 
 Germany, if she will do this, will certainly stand be- 
 fore the whole world as the leading power of Europe; 
 for she can then say to the whole world that she has 
 taken the proposal of Russia au serieux; has supported a 
 thoroughly good plan of arbitration ; has done what Rus- 
 sia and France have not been willing to do, — favored 
 the presentation to the conference of a plan providing 
 for the immunity of private property from seizure on the 
 high seas during war, — and that while, as regards the
 
 72 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 proceedings of the conference, Russia has wished secrecy, 
 Germany has steadily, from the first, promoted frankness 
 and openness. 
 
 With these tlu"ee points in your favor, you can stand 
 before the whole world as the great Continental power 
 which has stood up for peace as neither Russia nor 
 France has been able to do. On the other hand, if you 
 do not do this, if you put a stumblingblock in the way' 
 of arbitration, what results ? The other powers will go 
 on and create as good a tribunal as possible, and what- 
 ever failure may come will be imputed to Germany and 
 to its Emperor. In any case, whether failure or suc- 
 cess may come, the Emperor of Russia will be liailed 
 in all parts of the world as a deliverer and, virtually, 
 as a saint, while there will be a widespread outburst of 
 hatred against the German Emperor. 
 
 And this will come not alone from the antisocial forces 
 which are hoping that the conference may fail, in order 
 that thereby they may have a new weapon in their hands, 
 but it will also come from the middle and substantial 
 classes of other nations. 
 
 It is sure to make the relations between Germany and 
 the United States, which have been of late improving, 
 infinitely more bitter than they have ever before been, 
 and it is no less sure to provoke the most bitter hatred 
 of the German monarchy in nearly all other nations. 
 
 Should his advisers permit so noble and so gifted a 
 sovereign to incur this political storm of obloquy, this 
 convergence of hatred upon him ? Should a ruler of such 
 noble ambitions and such admirable powers be exposed 
 to this ? I fully believe that he should not, and that his 
 advisers should beg him not to place himself before the
 
 THE FIRST IIA(;LE CONFERENCE 73 
 
 world as the antagonist of a plan to which millions upon 
 millions in all parts of the world are devoted. 
 
 From the United States come evidences of a feeling 
 widespread and deep on this subject beyond anything I 
 have ever known. This very morning I received a prayer 
 set forth by the most conservative of all Protestant reli- 
 gious bodies — namely, the American branch of the An- 
 glican Church — to be said in all churches, begguig the 
 Almighty to favor the work of the peace conference ; 
 and this is what is going on hi various other American 
 churches, and in vast numbers of households. Something 
 of the same sort is true in Great Britain and, perhaps, in 
 many parts of the Continent. 
 
 Granted that expectations are overwrought, still this fact 
 indicates that here is a feeling which cannot be disregarded. 
 
 Moreover, to my certain knowledge, within a month, 
 a leading socialist m France has boasted to one of the 
 members of this conference that it would end in failure ; 
 that the monarchs and governments of Europe do not 
 wish to diminish bloodshed ; that they would refuse to 
 yield to the desire of the peoples for peace, and that 
 by the resentment thus aroused a new path to victory 
 would be open to socialism. 
 
 Grant, too, that this is overstated, still such a declara- 
 tion is significant. 
 
 I know it has been said that arbitration is derogatory 
 to sovereignty. I really fail to see how this can be said 
 in Germany. Germany has already submitted a great 
 political question between herself and Spam to arbitra- 
 tion, and the Emperor William I was himself the arbiter 
 between the United States and Great Britain m the 
 matter of our northwestern boundary.
 
 74 THE FIRST IIA(UE COXFEREXCE 
 
 Bear in mind again that it is only voluntary arbitration 
 that is proposed, and tliat it will always rest with the 
 German Emperor to decide what questions he will submit 
 to the tribunal and what he will not. 
 
 It has also been said that arbitration proceedings 
 would give the enemies of Germany time to put them- 
 selves in readiness for war ; but if this be feared in any 
 emergency, the Emperor and his government are always 
 free to mobilize the German army at once. 
 
 As "you are aware, what is seriously proposed here now, 
 in the way of arbitration, is not a tribunal constantly in 
 session, but a system under which each of the signatory 
 powers shall be free to choose, for a limited time, from 
 an international court, say two or more judges who can 
 go to The Hague if their services are required, but to be 
 paid only while actually hi session here ; such payment 
 to be made by the litigating parties. 
 
 As to the machinery, the plan is that there shall be a 
 dignified body composed of the diplomatic representa- 
 tives of the various signatory powers, to sit at The 
 Hague, presided over by the Netherlands minister of 
 foreio'n affairs, and to select and to control such secre- 
 taries and officers as may l)e necessary for the ordinary 
 conduct of affairs. 
 
 Such council would receive notice from powers having 
 differences with each other which are willuig to submit 
 the questions between them to a court, and would then 
 give notice to the judges selected by the parties. The 
 whole of the present plan, except some subordinate fea- 
 tures of little account, which can easily be stricken out, 
 is voluntary. There is nothing whatever obligatory about 
 it. Every signatory power is free to resort to such a
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFEREXCE 75 
 
 tribunal or not, as it may think best. Surely a concession 
 like this may well be made to the deep and wide senti- 
 ment throughout the world in favor of some possible 
 means of settling controversies between nations other 
 than by bloodshed. 
 
 Pardon me for earnestly pressing upon you these facts 
 and considerations. I beg that you will not consider me 
 as going beyond my province. I present them to you as 
 man to man, not only in the interest of good relations 
 between Germany and the United States, but of interests 
 common to all the great nations of the earth, — of their 
 common interest in giving sometliing like satisfaction to 
 a desire so earnest and widespread as that whicli has 
 been shown in all parts of the world for arbitration. 
 
 I remain, dear Baron von Billow, 
 
 Most respectfully and sincerely yours, 
 
 ( Sgd.) Andrew D. White. 
 
 P. S. Think how easil}', if some such tribunal existed, 
 your government and mine could refer to it the whole 
 mass of minor questions which our respective parlia- 
 mentary bodies have got control of, and entangled in all 
 sorts of petty prejudices and demagogical utterances ; 
 for instance, Samoa, the tonnage dues, the sugar-bounty 
 question, the most-favored-nation clause, etc., etc., which 
 keep the two countries constantly at loggerheads. Do 
 you not see that submission of such questions to such 
 a tribunal as is now -proposed, so far from being derog- 
 atory to sovereignty, really relieves the sovereign and 
 the Foreign Office of the most vexatious fetters and limi- 
 tations of parliamentarianism. It is not at all unlikely 
 that such a court would decide in your favor ; and if so,
 
 76 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 every thoughtful American would say, " Well and good ; 
 it appears that, in spite of all the speeches in Congress, 
 we were wrong." And the matter Avould then be ended 
 with the good will of all parties. 
 
 ( Sgd.) A. D. W. 
 
 It is indeed a crisis in the history of the conference, 
 and perhaps in the history of Germany. I can only hope 
 that Billow will give careful attention to the considera- 
 tions which Miinster and myself press upon him. 
 
 Later in the day Sir Julian Pauncefote called, evi- 
 dently much vexed that the sitting of the subcommittee 
 had been deferred, and even more vexed since he had 
 learned from De Staal the real reason. He declared that 
 he was opposed to stringing out the conference much 
 longer ; that the subcommittee could get along perfectly 
 well without Dr. Zorn ; that if Germany did not wish 
 to come in, she could keep out ; etc., etc. He seemed to 
 forget that Germany's going out means the departure of 
 Austria and Italy, to say nothing of one or two minor 
 powers, and therefore the bringing to naught of the con- 
 ference. I did not think it best to say anything about 
 Holls' departure, but soothed him as much as I could 
 by dwelling on the success of his proposal that the per- 
 manent council here shall be composed of the resident 
 diplomatic representatives. 
 
 The other members of our conunission, and especially 
 President Low, were at first very much opposed to Dr. 
 Holls' going, on the ground that it might be considered 
 an interference in a matter pertaining to Germany ; but 
 I persisted in sending him, agreeing to take all the re- 
 sponsibility, and declaring that he should go simply as
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 77 
 
 a messenger from me, as the American ambassador at 
 Berlin, to the imperial minister of foreign affairs. 
 
 June 17. 
 
 The morning was given largely to completing my draft 
 of onr memorial to the conference regarding the immu- 
 nity of private property in time of war from seizure on 
 the high seas. 
 
 In the afternoon drove to Schevenmgen to make sun- 
 dry official visits, and in the evening to the great festival 
 given by the Netherlands (iovernment to the conference. 
 
 Its first feature was a series of tal)leaux representing 
 some of the most famous pictures in the Dutch galleries, 
 the most successful of all beinc Rembrandt's " Night 
 Watch." Jan Steen's " Wedding Party '" was also very 
 beautiful. Then came peasant dances given, in the midst 
 of the great liall, by persons in the costumes of all the 
 different provinces. These were chai-acteristic and inter- 
 esting, some of them being wonderfully quaint. 
 
 The violinist of the late King, Johannes Wolff, played 
 some solos in a masterly way. 
 
 The music by the great military l)and, especially the 
 hymn of William of Nassau and the Dutch and Russian 
 national anthems, was splendidly rendered, and the old 
 Dutch provincial music played in connection with the 
 dances and tableaux was also noteworthy. 
 
 It was an exceedingly Inilliant assemblage, and the 
 whole festival from first to last a decided success. 
 
 June 18^ Sunday. 
 
 Went to Leyden to attend service at St. Peter's. 
 Both the church and its monuments are interestincr.
 
 78 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 Visited also the church of St. Pancras, a remarkable spec- 
 imen of Gothic architecture, and looked upon the tomb 
 of Van der Werf, the brave burgomaster who defended 
 the town agamst the Spaniards during the siege. 
 
 At the university I was much interested in the public 
 hall where degrees are conferred, and above all in the 
 many portraits of distinguished professors. Lingered next 
 in the botanical gardens back of the university, which 
 are very beautiful. 
 
 Then to the Museum of Antiquities, which is remark- 
 ably rich in Egyptian and other monuments. Roman art 
 is also very fully represented. 
 
 Thence home, and, on arriving, found, pi all men in the 
 world, Thomas B. Reed, Speaker of our House of Repre- 
 sentatives. Mr. Newel, our minister, took us both for a 
 drive to Scheveningen, and JNIr. Reed's conversation was 
 exceedingly interesting ; he is well read in history and, 
 apparently, in every field of English literature. There is 
 a bigness, a heartiness, a shrewdness and a genuineness 
 about him which greatly attract me. 
 
 June 10. 
 
 Called on ]\1. de Staal to show him TIolls' telegram 
 from Berlin, whicli is encouraging. De Staal thinks that 
 we may have to give up the tenth section of the arbitra- 
 tion plan, w])icli includes obligatory arbitration in sundry 
 minor matters ; but while I shall be very sorry to see 
 this done, we ought to make the sacrifice if it will liold 
 Germany, Italy and Austria to us. 
 
 A little later received a hearty telegram from the Sec- 
 retary of State authorizing our ordering the wreath of
 
 THP: first HAGUE CONFERENCE 79 
 
 silver and gold and placing- it on the tomb of Grotius. 
 Telegraphed and wrote Major Allen at Berlin full direc- 
 tions on the subject. I am determined that the tribute 
 shall be worthy of our country, of its object, and of the 
 occasion. 
 
 In the afternoon took Speaker Reed, with his wife and 
 daughter, thi-ough the '' House in the Wood," afterwards 
 through the grounds, which are more beautiful -than 
 ever, and then to Delft, where we visited the tombs of 
 William the Silent and Grotius, and finally the house 
 in which William was assassinated. It was even more 
 interesting to me than during either of my former visits, 
 and was evidently quite as interesting to Mr. Reed. 
 
 At six attended a long meeting of the American dele- 
 gation, which elaborated the final draft of our commu- 
 nication to jNI. de Staal on the immunity of private 
 property on the high seas. Various passages were stricken 
 out, some of them — and, indeed, one of the best — in 
 deference to the ideas of Captain ]\Iahan, who, though 
 he is willing, under instructions from the government, 
 to jom in presenting the memorial, does not wish to 
 sign anything which can possibly be regarded as indi- 
 cating a personal belief in the establishment of such im- 
 munity. His is the natural view of a sailor; but the 
 argument with which he supports it does not at all con- 
 vmce me. It is that during war we should do everything 
 possible to weaken and worry the adversary, in order 
 that he may be the sooner ready for peace ; but tliis 
 argument proves too much, since it would oblige us, if 
 logically carried out, to go back to the marauding and 
 atrocities of the Thirty Years' War.
 
 so THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 June 20. 
 
 Went to the session of one of the committees at the 
 " House in the Wood," and showed Mr. van Karnebeek 
 our private-property memorial, which he read, and on 
 which he heartily complimented us. 
 
 I then made known to him our proposal to lay a wreath 
 on the tomb of Grotius, and with this he seemed exceed- 
 ingly pleased, saymg that the minister of foreign affairs, 
 M. de Beaufort, would be especially delighted, since he 
 is devoted to the memory of Grotius, and delivered the 
 historical address when the statue in front of the great 
 church at Delft was unveiled. 
 
 A little later submitted the memorial, as previously 
 agreed upon, to Count Mimster, who also approved it. 
 
 Holls telegraphs me from Berlin that he has been ad- 
 mirably received by the chancellor. Prince Hohenlohe, 
 and by Baron von Biilow, and that he is leaving for 
 Hamburg to see the Emperor. 
 
 At four P.M. to a meeting of the full conference 
 to receive report on improvements and extension of 
 the Red Cross rules, etc. This was adopted in a happy- 
 go-lucky, unparliamentary way, for the eminent diplo- 
 matist who presides over the conference still betrays a 
 Russian lack of acquaintance with [)arliamentary pro- 
 ceedings. So begins the first full movement of the 
 conference in the ris^ht direction ; and it is a sfood 
 beginning. 
 
 Walked home through the beautiful avenues of the 
 park with Mr. van Karnebeek and Baron d'Estournelles, 
 who is also a charmins' man. He has been a minister 
 plenipotentiary, but is now a member of the French 
 Chamber of Deputies and of the conference.
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 81 
 
 June 21. 
 
 Earl}' i]i the inoriiiug received a report from Holls, 
 who arrived from Hamburg late last night. His talks 
 with Billow and Prince Hohenlohe had been most 
 encouraging. Bulow has sent to the Emperor my long 
 private letter to himself, earnestly urging the acceptance 
 by Germany of our plan of arbitration. Prince Hohen- 
 lohe seems to liave entered most cordially into our ideas, 
 giving Holls a card which would admit him to the 
 Emperor, and telegraphing a request that liis IMajesty 
 see him. I)ut the Emperor was still upon his yacht, at 
 sea, and Holls could stay no longer. Biilow is trying to 
 make an appointment for him to meet the Emperor at 
 the close of the week. 
 
 Early in tlie afternoon went with Minister Newel and 
 Mr. Low to call on ]M. de Beaufort regardmg plans for 
 the Grotlus celebration, on July 4, at Delft. It was in 
 general decided that we should have the ceremony 
 in the great church at eleven o'clock, with sundry 
 speeches, and that at half-past twelve the American 
 delegation should give a luncheon to all the invited 
 guests in the town hall opposite. 
 
 Holls tells me that last night, at the dinner of the 
 president of the Austrian delegation, he met Miinster, 
 who said to him, " I can get along with Hohenlohe, and 
 also with liiilow, but not with those d — d lawyers in 
 the Foreign Office " (^Mlt Hohenlohe kann ich auskommeyi, 
 mit Billow auch, aher mit diesen verdammten Juriaten im^ 
 Auswdrtigen Amt, yacht).
 
 82 THE FIRST I1A(;UE CONFERENCE 
 
 June 22. 
 
 Up at four o'clock and at 'ten attended a session of the 
 first section at the '" House in the Wood." Very interest- 
 ing were the discussions regarding bullets and asphyx- 
 iating bombs. As to the former, Sir Jolm Ardagh of 
 the British delegation repelled earnestly the charges 
 made reg-ardino- the British bullets used in India, and 
 offered to substitute for the original proposal one which 
 certainly would be much more effective in preventing 
 unnecessary suffering and death ; but tlie Russians 
 seemed glad to score a pomt against (Jreat Britain, 
 and Sir John's proposal was voted down, its only sup- 
 port being derived from our own delegation. Captain 
 Crozier, our military delegate, took an active part in 
 supporting Sir John Ardagh, but the majority agamst 
 us was overwhelming. 
 
 As to asphyxiating bombs, Captain Mahan spoke at 
 length against the provision to forbid them : his ground 
 being that not the slightest thing had yet been done look- 
 ing to such an invention ; that, even if there had been, 
 their use would not be so bad as the use of 'torpedoes 
 against ships of war ; that asphyxiating men by means of 
 deleterious gases was no worse than asphyxiatmg them 
 with water; indeed, that the former was the less dan- 
 gerous of the two, since the gases used might simply in- 
 capacitate men for a short time, while the blowing up of 
 a ship of war means death to all or neai'ly all of those 
 upon it. 
 
 To this it was answered — and, as it seemed to me, with 
 force — that asphyxiating bombs might be used against 
 towns for the destruction of vast numbers of noncombat- 
 ants, iiicludhig women and children, while torpedoes at
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 83 
 
 sea are used only against the military and naval forces 
 of the enemy. The original proposal was carried by a 
 unanimous vote, save ours. I am not satisfied with our 
 attitude on this (juestion ; but what can a layman do 
 when he has against him the foremost contemporary 
 military and naval experts ? My hope is that the United 
 States will yet stand with the majority on tiie record. 
 
 I stated afterwards in a bantering way to Captain 
 Mahan, as well as others, that while I could not sup- 
 port any of the arguments that had been made in favor 
 of allowing asphyxiating bombs, there Avas one which 
 somewhat appealed to me — namely, that the dread of 
 them might do something to prevent the rush of the 
 rural population to the cities, and the aggregation of the 
 poorer classes m them, which is one of the most threaten- 
 ing thmgs to modern society, and also a second argu- 
 ment that such bombs would bring home to warlike 
 stay-at-home orators and \A-riters tlie realities of war. 
 
 At noon received the French translation of our memo- 
 rial to De Staal, Ijut found it very imperfect through- 
 out, and in some parts absolutely inadmissible ; so I 
 worked with Baron de Bildt, president of the Swedish 
 delegation here, all the afternoon in revising it. 
 
 At six the American delegation met and chose me for 
 their orator at the approaching Grotius festival at Delft. 
 I naturally feel proud to discharge a duty of this kmcl, 
 and can put my heart into it, for Grotius has long been 
 to me almost an object of idolatry, and his mam works 
 a subject of earnest study. There are few men in his- 
 tory whom I so deeply venerate. Twenty years ago, 
 when minister at Berlm, I sent an eminent American 
 artist to Holland and secured admirable copies of the
 
 84 THE FIRST HACxUE COXFERENCE 
 
 two best portraits of the great man. One of these now 
 hangs in the Law Library of Cornell University, and 
 the other over my work table at the Berlin Embassy. 
 
 June 23. 
 
 At work all the morning on letters and revising final 
 draft of memorial on immnnity of private property at sea, 
 and lunched afterwards at the ''House in the Wood" 
 to talk it over with Baron de Bildt. 
 
 At the same table met M. de ^h^rtens, who has just 
 returned by night to his work here, after presiding a 
 day or two over the Venezuela arbitration tribunal at 
 Paris. He told me that Sir Richard Webster, in opening 
 the case, is to speak for sixteen days, and De Martens 
 added that he liimself had read our entire Venezuelan 
 report, as well as the other documents on the subject, 
 which form quite a large library. And yet we do not 
 include men like him hi " the working classes " ! 
 
 In the evening to a reception at the house of ]\L de 
 Beaufort, minister of foreign affairs, and was cordially 
 greeted by him and his wife, both promising that they 
 would accept our invitation to Delft. I took into the 
 buffet the wife of the present Dutch prime mmister, 
 who also expressed great interest in our proposal, and 
 declared her uitention of being present. 
 
 Count Zanini, the Italian minister and delegate here, 
 gave me a comical account of two speeches in the session 
 of the first section this morning ; one being by a delegate 
 from Persia, ]Mirza liiza Khan, who is minister at St. 
 Petersburg. His Persian Excellency waxed eloquent 
 over the noble qualities of the Empci'or of Pvussia, and 
 especially over his sincerity as shown by the fact that
 
 THE FIRST PIAGUE CONFERENCE 85 
 
 when his Excellency tumbled from his horse at a re- 
 view, his Majesty sent twice to inquire after his health. 
 The whole effect upon the conference was to provoke 
 roars of laughter. 
 
 But the great matter of the day was the news, which 
 has not yet been made public, that Prince Hohenlohe, the 
 German chancellor, has come out strongly for the arbi- 
 tration tribunal, and has sent instructions here accord- 
 ingly. This is a great gain, and seems to remove one 
 of the worst stumbling-blocks. But we will have to pay 
 for this removal, probably, by giving up Sec. 10 of 
 the present plan, which includes a system of obligatory 
 arbitration in various minor matters, — a system which 
 would be of use to the world in many Avays. While the 
 American delegation, as stated in my letter which Holls 
 took to Biilow, and which has b'^en forwarded to the 
 Emperor, will aid in throwing (jut of the arbitration plan 
 everything of an obligatory nature, if Germany insists 
 upon it, I learn that tlie Dutch Government is mu(;h 
 opposed to this concession, and may publicly protest 
 against it. 
 
 A curious part of the means used in bringing about 
 this change of opinion was the pastoral letter, elsewhere 
 referred to, issued by the Protestant Episcopal bishop 
 of Texas, calling for prayers throughout tlie state for 
 the success of the conference in its efforts to diminish 
 the horrors of war. This pastoral letter, to which I re- 
 ferred in my letter to ^Minister von Billow, I intrusted to 
 Holls, authorizmg him to use it as he thought fit. He 
 showed it to Prince Hohenlohe, and the latter, although 
 a Roman Catholic, was evidently affected by it, and es- 
 pecially by the depth and extent of the longing for peace
 
 86 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 which it showed. It is perhaps an interesting example of 
 an indirect "answer to prayer," since it undoubtedly 
 strengthened the feelings in the prince chancellor's mind 
 which led him to favor arbitration. 
 
 June 24. 
 
 Sent to M. de Staal, as president of the conference, the 
 memorial relating to the exemption of private property, 
 not contraband of war, from capture on the high seas. 
 Devoted the morning to blocking out my Grotius address, 
 and afterwards drove with Holls to Delft to look over the 
 ground for our Fourth of July festival. The town hall 
 is interesting and contains, among other portraits, one 
 which is evidently a good likeness of Grotius; the only 
 difficulty is that, for our intended luncheon, the rooms, 
 though beautiful, seefti iu adequate. 
 
 Thence to the church, and after looking over that part 
 of it near the monuments, with reference to the Grotius 
 ceremony, went into the organ loft with the organist. 
 There I listened for nearly an hour while he and Holls- 
 played finely on that noble instrument ; and as I sat and 
 looked down over the church and upon the distant monu- 
 ments, the old historic scenes of four hundred years ago 
 came up before uie, with memories almost overpowering 
 of my first visit thirty -five years ago. And all then with 
 me are now dead. 
 
 June 25. 
 
 At nine in the morning off with Holls to Rotterdam, 
 and on arriving took the tram through the city to the 
 steamboat wharf, going thence by steamer to Dort. Ar- 
 rived, just before the close of service, at the great
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE. 87 
 
 tr 
 
 church where various sessions of the synod were held. 
 The organ was very fine ; the choir stalls, where those 
 wretched theologians wrangled through so many sessions 
 and did so much harm to their own country and others, 
 were the only other fine things in the church, and they 
 were much dilapidated. I could not but reflect bitterly 
 on the monstrous evils provoked by these men who sat 
 so long there spinning a monstrous theology to be substi- 
 tuted for the teachings of Christ himself. 
 
 Thence back to The Hague and to Scheveningen, and 
 talked over conference matters with Count INUinster. 
 Received telegrams from Count von Billow in answer 
 to mine congratulatmg him on his promotion, also one 
 from Baron von Mumm, the German minister at Lux- 
 emburg, who goes temporarily to Washington. 
 
 June 26. 
 
 At work all the morning on my Grotius address. 
 Lunched at the " House in the Wood," and walked to 
 town with sundry delegates. In the afternoon went to a 
 " tea " at the house of INIadame Boreel and met a num- 
 ber of charming people ; but the great attraction was the 
 house, which is that formerly occupied V)y John I)e Witt 
 — that from which he Avent to prison and to assassi- 
 nation. Here also Motley lived, and 1 was shown the 
 room in which a large part of his history was written, 
 and where Queen Sophia used to discuss Dutch events 
 and personages with him. 
 
 The house is beautiful, spacious and most charmingly 
 decorated, many of the ornaments and paintings having 
 been placed there in the time of De Witt.
 
 88 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 June 27. 
 
 At all sorts of work during the morning, and then, on 
 iiivitation of President Low, went with the other mem- 
 bers of the delegation to Haarlem, where we saw the 
 wonderful portraits by Frans Hals, which impressed me 
 more than ever, and heard the great organ. It has been 
 rebuilt since I was there thirty -five years ago ; but it is 
 still the same great clumsy machine, and very poorly 
 played, — that is, with no spirit, and without any effort 
 to exhibit anything beyond the ordinary effects for which 
 any little church organ would do as well. 
 
 In the evening dined with Count Zanini, the Italian 
 mmister and delegate, and discussed French matters with 
 Baron d'Estournelles. He represents the best type of 
 French diplomatist, and is in every way attractive. 
 
 Afterwards to Mr. van Karnebeek's reception, meeting 
 various people in a semisatisfactory way. 
 
 June 20. 
 
 In the morning, in order to work off the beginnings of 
 a headache, I went to Rotterdam and walked until noon 
 about the streets and places, recalling my former visit, 
 which came very vividly before me as I gazed upon the 
 statue of Erasnnis, and thought upon his life here. No 
 man in history has had more persistent injustice done 
 him. If my life were long enough I would gladly use 
 my great collection of Krasmiana in ilhistrating his serv- 
 ices to the world. 'I'o say nothing of other things, the 
 modern " higher criticism " has its roots in his work. 
 
 June 30. 
 
 Engaged on the final revision of my Grotius speech, 
 and on various documents.
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 89 
 
 At noon to the " House in the Wood " for lunch, and 
 afterwards took a walk in the grounds with Beldiman, the 
 Roumanian delegate, who explained to me the trouble in 
 Switzerland over the vote on the Red Cross Conference. 
 
 It appears that whereas Switzerland initiated the Red 
 Cross movement, has ever since cherished it, and has 
 been urged by Italy and other powers to take still fur- 
 ther practical measures for it, the Dutch delegation re- 
 cently interposed, secured for one of their number the 
 presidency of the special conference, and thus threw out 
 my Berlin colleague. Colonel Roth, who had been pre- 
 viously asked to take the position and had accepted it, 
 with the result that the whole matter has been taken out 
 of the hands of Switzerland, where it justly belonged, and 
 put under the care of the Netherlands. This has provoked 
 much ill feeling in Switzerland, and there is especial 
 astonishment at the fact that when Beldiman moved an 
 amendment undoing this unjust arrangement, it was by 
 some misunderstanding lost, and that therefore there has 
 been perpetuated what seems much like an injustice 
 against Switzerland. I promised to exert myself to have 
 the matter rectified so far as the American delegation 
 was concerned, and later was successful in doing so. 
 
 In the evenino- dined at Minister Newel's. Sat between 
 Minister Okolicsanyi of the Austrian delegation, and 
 Count Welsersheimb, the chairman of that delegation, 
 and had interesting talks with them, with the Duke of 
 Tetuan and others. It appears that the Duke, who is 
 a very charming, kindly man, has, like myself, a passion 
 both for cathedral architecture and for organ music ; he 
 dwelt much upon Burgos, which he called the gem of 
 Spanish cathedrals.
 
 90 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFEREXCE 
 
 Thence to the final reception at the house of M. de 
 Beaufort, minister of foreign affairs, who showed me a 
 contemporary portrait of Grotius which displays the traits 
 observable in the copies which Burleigh painted for me 
 twenty years ago at Amsterdam and Leyden. Talked 
 with Sir Julian Pauncefote regarding the Swiss matter ; 
 he had abstained from voting for the reason that he had 
 no instructions in the premises. 
 
 July 2. 
 
 ■ In the morning Major Allen, military attache of our 
 embassy at Berlin, arrived, bringing the (Irotius wreath. 
 Under Secretary Hay's permission, I had given to one 
 of the best Berlin silversmiths virtually carte blanche, and 
 the result is most satisfactory. The wreath is very large, 
 being made up, on one side, of a laurel brancli with leaves 
 of frosted silver and berries of gold, and, on the other, of 
 an oak branch with silver leaves and gold acorns, both 
 boughs being tied together at the bottom by a large knot 
 of ribbon in silver gilded, bearing the arms of the Neth- 
 erlands and the United States on enameled shields, and 
 an inscription as follows : 
 
 To the Memory of Hugo Grotius ; 
 
 In Iveverence and Gratitude, 
 
 From the United States of America; 
 
 On the Occasion of the International Peace Conference 
 
 of Till! Hague. 
 July 4tli, 1.S99. 
 
 It is a superb piece of work, ami its ebony case, with 
 silver clasps, and bearing a silver shield with suitable 
 inscription, is also perfect: tlie whole thing attracts most 
 favorable attention.
 
 V 
 
 July 4. 
 
 ON this day the American delegation invited their 
 colleagues to celebrate our national anniversary at 
 the tomb of Grotius, first in the great church, and after- 
 wards in the town hall of Delft. Speeches were made by 
 the minister of foreign affairs of the Netherlands, De 
 Beaufort; by their first delegate. Van Karnebeek; by Mr. 
 Asser, one of their leading jurists ; by the burgomaster of 
 Delft ; and by Baron de Bildt, chairman of the Swedish 
 delegation and minister at Rome, who read a telegram 
 from the King of Sweden referring to Grotius' relations 
 to the Swedish diplomatic service ; as well as by Presi- 
 dent Low of Columbia University and myself : the duty 
 being intrusted to me of la^-ing the wreath upon Gro- 
 tius' tomb and making the address with reference to it. 
 As all the addresses are to be printed, I shall give no 
 more attention to them here. A very large audience was 
 present, embracing the ambassadors and principal mem- 
 bers of the conference, the Netherlands ministers of state, 
 professors from the various universities of the Nether- 
 lands, and a large body of other invited guests. 
 
 The music of the chimes, of the organ and of the royal 
 choir of one hundred voices was veiy fine ; and, althougli 
 the day was storm}-, with a high wind and driving rain, 
 everything went off well. 
 
 After the exercises in the church, our delegation gave 
 a breakfast, which was very satisfactory. About three 
 
 91
 
 92 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 hundred and fifty persons sat down to the tables at the 
 town hall, and one hundred other guests, including the 
 musicians, at the leading restaurant in the place. In 
 the afternoon the Americans gathered at the reception 
 given by our minister, JNIr. Newel, and his wife, and in 
 the evening there was a large attendance at an ''Ameri- 
 can concert " given by the orchestra at the great hall in 
 Scheveningen. 
 
 July o. 
 
 Early in the morning to the second committee of the 
 conference, where I spoke in behalf of the Beldiman 
 resolution, doing justice to Switzerland as regards the 
 continuance of the Red Cross interests in Swiss hands ; 
 and on going to a vote we were successful. 
 
 Then, the question of a proper dealing with our memo- 
 rial regarding the immunity of private property on the 
 high seas coming up, I spoke in favor of referring it 
 to the general conference, and gave the reasons why it 
 should not simply be dropped out as not coming withm 
 the subjects contemplated in the call to the conference. 
 Though my speech was in French, it went off better than 
 I expected. 
 
 In the afternoon, at the full conference, the same sub- 
 ject came up ; and then, after a preface in French, asking- 
 permission to speak in English, I made my speech, which, 
 probably, three quarters of all the delegates understood, 
 but, at my request, a summary of it was afterwards given 
 in French by Mr. van Karnebeek. 
 
 The occasion of this speech was my seconding the mo- 
 tion, made in a \Qvy friendly manner by M. de Martens, 
 to refer the matter to a future conference ; but 1 went
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 93 
 
 into the merits of the general subject to show its claims 
 upon the various nations, etc., etc., though not, of course, 
 as fully as I would have done had the matter been fully 
 under discussion. My speech was very well received, 
 and will, I hope, aid in keeping the subject alive. 
 
 In ihe afternoon drove to Ryswyck, to the house of 
 M. Cornets De Groot, the living representative of the 
 Grotius family. The house and grounds were very pleas- 
 ant, but the great attraction was a collection of relics of 
 Grotius, including many manuscripts from his own hand, 
 — among these a catechism for his children, written in the 
 prison of Loewenstein ; with official documents, signed 
 and sealed, connected with the public transactions of his 
 time ; also letters wliich passed between him and Oxen- 
 stiern, the great Swedish chancellor, some in Latin and 
 some in other languages ; besides sundry poems. There 
 were also a multitude of portraits, engravings and 
 documents relating to Olden-Barneveld and otliers of 
 Grotius' contemporaries. 
 
 The De Groot family gave us a most hearty reception, 
 introducmg their little girl, who is the latest-born de- 
 scendant of Grotius, and sliowing us various liousehold 
 relics of their great ancestor, including cups, glasses and 
 the like. JNIr. De Groot also gave me some curious infor- 
 mation regarding him which I did not before possess ; 
 and, among other things, told me that when Grotius' 
 body was transferred, shortly after his death, from Ros- 
 tock to Delft, the coffin containing it was stoned by a mob 
 at Rotterdam ; also that at the unveiling of the statue 
 of Grotius in front of the church at Delft, a few years 
 ago, the high-church Calvinists would not allow the chil- 
 dren from their church schools to join the other children
 
 94 THI<: FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 in singing hymns. The old bitterness of the extreme 
 C'alvinistie party toward their great compatriot was thus 
 still exhibited, and the remark was made at the time, by 
 a member of it, that the statue was perfectly true to life, 
 since '' its back was turned toward the church " ; to which 
 a reply was made that " Grotius' face in the statue, like 
 his livmg face, was steadily turned toward justice," This 
 latter remark had reference to tlie fact that a court is 
 held in the city hall, toward which the statue is turned. 
 
 In the evening to a dinner given by Mr. Piersoon, min- 
 ister of finance and prime minister of the Netherlands, 
 to our delegation and to his colleagues of the Dutch min- 
 istry'. Everything passed off well, Mr. Piersoon propos- 
 ino' a toast to the health of the President of the ITnited 
 States, to which I replied in a toast to the Queen of the 
 Netherlands. In the course of his speech Mr. Piersoon 
 thanked us for our tribute to Grotius, and showed really 
 deep feeling on the subject. There is no doubt that we 
 have struck a responsive chord in the hearts of all liberal 
 and thoughtful men and women of the Netherlands ; 
 from every quarter come evidences of this. 
 
 A remark of his, rcgardmg arbitration, especially 
 pleased us. He said that the arbitration plan, as it 
 had come from the great committee, was lilie a baby: 
 — apparently helpless, and of very little value, unable 
 to do nuu.'h, and requiring careful nursing; but that it 
 had one great merit : — it would yrotv. 
 
 This I believe to be a very accurate statement of the 
 situation. The general feelmg of the conference becomes 
 better and better. More and more the old skepticism has 
 departed, and in place of it has come a strong ambition 
 to have a share in what we are beginning to believe may
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 95 
 
 be a most lionorable contribution to the peace of the 
 world. I have never taken part in more earnest discus- 
 sions than those which during the last two weeks have 
 occupied us, and especially those relating to arbitration. 
 I think I may say, without assuming too much, that our 
 Grotius celebration has been a contribution of some value 
 to this growth of earnestness. It has, if I am not greatly 
 mistaken, revealed to the conference, still more clearly 
 than before, the fact that it is a historical body intrusted 
 with a matter of vast importance and difficulty, and that 
 we shall be judged in history with reference to this fact. 
 
 July G. 
 
 At 5.80 P.M. off in special train with the entire con- 
 ference to Amsterdam. On arriving, we found a long 
 train of court carriages which took us to the palace, the 
 houses on each side throughout the entu-e distance being 
 decorated with flags and banners, and the streets crowded 
 with men, women and children. We were indeed a brave 
 show, since all of us, except the members of our Ameri- 
 can delegation, wore gorgeous uniforms with no end of 
 ribbons, stars and insignia of various offices and orders. 
 
 On reaching our destination, we were received by the 
 Queen and Queen mother, and shortly afterwards went in 
 to dinner. With the possible exception of a lord mayor's 
 feast at the Guildhall, it was the most imposing thing of 
 the kind that I have ever seen. The great banqueting 
 hall, dating from the glorious da3^s of the Dutch Republic, 
 is probably the largest and most sumptuous in contmental 
 Europe, and the table furniture, decorations and dinner 
 were worthy of it. About two hundred and fifty persons, 
 including all the members of the conference and the
 
 96 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 higher officials of the kingdom, sat down, the Queen and 
 Queen mother at the head of the table, and about them 
 the ambassadors and presidents of delegations. jVly own 
 place, being very near the Majesties, gave me an ex- 
 cellent opportunity to see and hear everything. Toward 
 the close of the banquet the young Queen arose and 
 addressed us, so easily and naturally that I should have 
 supposed her speech extemporaneous had I not seen her 
 consulting her manuscript just before rismg. Her man- 
 ner was perfect, and her voice so clear as to be heard 
 by every one in the hall. Everything considered, it was 
 a remarkable effort for a young lady of seventeen. At 
 its close an excellent reply was made by our president, 
 M. de Staal ; and soon afterwards, when we had passed 
 into the great gallery, there came an even more striking 
 exhibition of the powers of her youthful Majesty, for she 
 conversed with every member of the conference, and with 
 the utmost ease and simplicity. To me she returned thanks 
 for the Grotius tribute, and in very cordial terms, as did 
 later also the Queen mother ; and I cannot l)ut believe 
 that they were sincere, since, three months later, at the 
 festival given them at Potsdam, they both renewed their 
 acknowledgments in a cordial way which showed that 
 their patriotic hearts were pleased. Various leading men 
 of the Netherlands and of the conference also thanked 
 us, and one of tliem said, " You Americans have taught 
 us a lesson ; for, histead of a mere display of fireworks 
 to the rabble of a single city, or a ball or concert to 
 a few officials, you have, in this solemn recognition of 
 Grotius, paid the highest compliment possible to the 
 entire people of the Netherlands, past, present and to 
 come."
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFEREXCE 97 
 
 July 7. 
 
 In the moriiiiig to the great hall of the " House in 
 the Wood," where the " editing committee " (comite de re- 
 daction) reported to the third committee of the conference 
 the whole arbitration plan. It struck me most favorably, 
 — indeed, it surprised me, though I have kept watch of 
 every step. I am convinced that it is better than any of 
 the plans originally submitted, not excepting our own. 
 It will certainly be a gain to the world. 
 
 At the close of the session we adjourned until Monday, 
 the 1 7th, in order that the delegates may get instructions 
 from their various governments regarding the signing of 
 the protocols, agreements, etc. 
 
 July 8. 
 
 In tlie evening dined with M. de Mier, the Mexican 
 minister at Paris and delegate here, and had a very in- 
 teresting talk with M. Raffalovitch, to whom I spoke 
 plainly regarduig the only road to disarmament. I told 
 him that he must know as well as any one that there is 
 a vague dread throughout Europe of the enormous growth 
 of Russia, and tliat he must acknowledge that, whether 
 just or not, it is perfectly natural. He acquiesced in this, 
 and I then went on to say that the Emperor Nicholas had 
 before him an opportunity to do more good and make a 
 nobler reputation than any other czar had ever done, 
 not excepting Alexander II with his emancipation of 
 the serfs ; that I had thought very seriously of writing, 
 at the close of the conference, to M. Pobyedonostzeff, pre- 
 senting to him the reasons why Russia might well make 
 a practical beginning of disarmament by dismissing to 
 their homes, or placmg on public works, say two hundred
 
 98 TIIK FIIIS'I' HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 thousand of her soldiers ; that this would leave her all 
 the soldiers she needs, and more ; that he must know, as 
 everybody knows, that no other power dreams of attack- 
 ing Russia or dares to do so ; that there would be no 
 disadvantage in such a dismissal of troops to peaceful 
 avocations, but every advantage ; and that if it were 
 done the result would be that, in less than forty years, 
 Russia would become, by this husbanding of lier re- 
 sources, the most powerful nation on the eastern continent, 
 and able to carry out any just policy which she might 
 desire. I might have added that one advantage of such 
 a reduction would certainly be less inclination by the war 
 party at St. Petersburg to plunge into military adven- 
 tures. (Had Russia thus reduced her army she would 
 never have sunk into the condition in wliich she finds 
 herself now (1905), as I revise these lines. Instead of 
 sending Alexeieff to make war, she would have allowed 
 Witte to make peace — peace on a basis of justice to 
 Japan, and a winter access to the Pacific, under proper 
 safeguards, for herself.) 
 
 Raffalovitch seemed to acquiesce fully in my view, ex- 
 cept as to the numl)er of soldiers to be released, saying 
 that fifty or sixty thousand would do perfectly well as 
 showing that Russia is in earnest. 
 
 He is one of the younger men of Russia, but has very 
 decided ability, and this he has shown not only in his 
 secretaryship of the conference, but in several of his 
 works on financial and other public questions published 
 in Paris, which have secured for him a corresponding 
 membership of the French Institute. 
 
 It is absolutely clear in my mind that, if anything is to 
 be done toward disarmaincnt, a pi'actical beginning nnist
 
 THE FIRST HAGUP: CONFERENCE 99 
 
 be made by the Czar ; but tlie unfortunate thing is that 
 with, no doubt, fairly good intentions, he is weak and ill 
 informed. The dreadful mistake he is making in violat- 
 ing the oath sworn by his predecessors and himself to 
 Finland is the result of this weakness and ignorance ; 
 and should he attempt to diminish his overgrown army 
 he would, in all probability, be overborne by the military 
 people about him, and by petty difficulties which they 
 would suggest, or, if necessary, create. It must be con- '-s 
 fessed that there is one danger in any attempted disarma- 
 ment, and this is that the military clique might, to 
 prevent it, plunge the empire into a war. 
 
 The Emperor is surrounded mainly by inferior men. 
 Under the shade of autocracy men of independent 
 strength rarely flourish. Indeed, I find that the opinion 
 regarding Russian statesmen which I formed in Russia 
 is confirmed by old diplomatists, of the best judgment, 
 whom I meet here. One of them said to me the otlier day : 
 '' There is no greater twaddle than all the talk about 
 farseeing purposes and measures by Russian statesmen. 
 They are generally weak, influenced by minor, and espe- 
 cially by personal, considerations, and inferior to most 
 men in similar positions in the other great governments 
 of Europe. The chancellor, Prince Gorchakoff, of 
 whom so much has been said, was a weak, vain man, 
 whom Bismarck found it generally very easy to deal 
 with." 
 
 As to my own experience, I think many of those 
 whom I saw were far from the best of their kind with 
 whom I have had to do. I have never imagined a 
 human being in the position of minister of the interior 
 of a great nation so utterly futile as the person who held
 
 100 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 that place at St. Petersburg in my time ; and the same 
 may be said of several others whom I met there in liigh 
 places. There are a few strong men, and, unfortunately, 
 Pobyedonostzeff is one of them. Luckily, Witte, the 
 minister of finance, is another. 
 
 July 10. 
 
 The evil which I dreaded, as regards the formation of 
 public opinion in relation to the work of our conference, 
 is becoming realized. The London Spectator, just re- 
 ceived, contains a most disheartening article, ''' The Peace 
 Conference a Failure," with an additional article, more 
 fully developed, to the same effect. Nothing could 
 be more unjust ; but, on account of the Spectator s 
 " moderation," it will greatly influence public opinion, 
 and doubtless prevent, to some extent, the calling of 
 future conferences needed to develop the good work 
 done in this. Fortunately the correspondent of the 
 Times gives a better example, and shows, in his excel- 
 lent letters, what has been accomplished here. The New 
 York Herald, also, is thus far taking the right view, and 
 maintaining it with some earnestness. 
 
 July 77. 
 
 This morning, at ten, to the " House in the Wood" to 
 hear Mr. van Karnebeek's report on disarmament, check- 
 ing invention, etc., before the session of ccmnnittee 
 No. L It was strongly attacked, and was left in shreds: 
 the whole subject is evidently too immature and com- 
 plicated to be dealt with during the present conferenc-e. 
 
 In the afternoon came up an especially interesting 
 matter in the session of the arbitration committee, the
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 101 
 
 occasion being a report of the subcommittee. Among 
 the points which most interested us as Americans was 
 a provision for an appeal from the decision of the arbi- 
 tration tribunal on the discovery of new facts. 
 
 De Martens of Russia spoke with great force against 
 such right of a})peal, and others took ground with him. 
 Holls really-distinguished himself by a telling speech on 
 the otlier side - — which is the American side, that feature 
 having been present in our original instructions; Messrs. 
 Asser and Karnebeek both spoke for it effectively, and 
 the final decision was virtually in our favor, for INIr. 
 Asser's compromise was adopted, which really gives us 
 the case. 
 
 Tlie Siamese representatives requested that the time 
 during which an appeal might be allowed should be six 
 instead of three months, which we had named ; but it 
 was finally made a matter of adjustment between the 
 parties. 
 
 July 18. 
 
 The American delegation met at ten, when a cable 
 message from the State Department was read authoriz- 
 ing us to sign the protocol. 
 
 July 19. 
 
 Field day in the arbitration committee. A decided 
 sensation was produced by vigorous speeches by my Ber- 
 lin colleague, Beldiman, of the Roumanian delegation, 
 and by Servian, Greek and other delegates, agamst the 
 provision for commusioyis cVenquete, — De Martens, Des- 
 camps and others making vigorous speeches in behalf 
 of them. It looked as if the Balkan states were likely
 
 102 THE FIRST 1IA(;UE CONFERENCE 
 
 to withdraw from the conference if the commissioyi cCen- 
 quete feature was insisted upon : they are evidently 
 afraid that such " examining commissions " may be sent 
 within their boundaries by some of their big neighbors — 
 Russia, for example — to spy out the land and start 
 intrigues. The whole matter was put over. 
 
 In the evening to Count Miinster's dinner at Scheven- 
 ingen, and had a very interesting talk on conference mat- 
 ters with Sir Julian Pauncefote, iinding that in most 
 things we shall be able to stand together as the crisis 
 approaches. 
 
 Juhi 20. 
 
 ¥ov several days past I have been preparing a pos- 
 sible speech to be made in signing the protocol, etc., 
 wliich, if not used for that purpose, may be published, 
 and, perhaps, aid in keeping public opinion in the right 
 line as regards the work of the conference after it has 
 closed. 
 
 In the afternoon to the '''' House in the Wood," the 
 committee on arbitration meeting again. More speeches 
 were made by the Bulgarians and Servians, who are still 
 up ill arms, fearing that the commwsion cCenquete means 
 intervention by the great states in their affairs. Speeches 
 to allay their fears were made by Count Nigra, Dr. Zorn, 
 Holls and Leon l>ourgeois. Zorn spoke in German with 
 excellent effect, as did Holls in English ; Nigra was really 
 impressive; and Bourgeois, from the chair, gave us a 
 specimen of first-rate French oratory. He made a most 
 earnest appeal to the delegates of the Balkan states, show- 
 ing them that by such a system of arbitration as is now 
 propos(Hl the lesser [)owers would be the very first to
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 103 
 
 profit, and he appealed to their loyalty to humanity. 
 The speech was greatly and justly applauded. 
 
 The Balkan delegates are gradually and gracefully 
 yielding. 
 
 July 21. 
 
 In the morning to the '' House in the Wood," where a 
 plenary session of the conference was held. It was a 
 field day on explosive, flattening and expanding bullets, 
 etc. Our Captain Crozier, who evidently knows more 
 about the subject than anybody else here, urged a dec- 
 laration of the principle that balls should be not more 
 deadly or cruel than is absolutely necessary to put sol- 
 diers hors de combat; but the committee had reported a 
 resolution which, Crozier insists, opens the door to worse 
 missiles than those at })resent used. iNlany and earnest 
 speeches were made. I made a short speech, moving to 
 refer the matter back to the committee, with instructions 
 to harmonize and combine the two ideas in one article — 
 that is, the idea which the article now expresses, and 
 Crozier's idea of stating the general principle to which 
 the bullets should conform — namely, that of not making 
 a wound more cruel than necessary ; but the amendment 
 was lost. 
 
 Julj/ m. 
 
 Sir Julian Pauncefote called to discuss with us the 
 signing of the Acte Final. There seems to be general 
 doubt as to what is the best manner of signing the con- 
 ventions, declarations, etc., and all remains in the air. 
 
 In the morning the American delegation met and Cap- 
 tain Mahan threw in a bomb regarding Art. 27, which
 
 104 THE FIRST IIAIJLK COXFEREXCE 
 
 requires that when any two parties to the conference are 
 drifting into war, the other powers should consider it a 
 duty; (devoir') to remind them of the arbitration tribunal, 
 etc. He thinks that this infringes the American doctrine 
 of not entanghng ourselves in the affairs of foreign states, 
 and will prevent the ratification of the convention by 
 the United States Senate. This aroused earnest debate, 
 Captain Mahan insisting upon the omission of the word 
 devoir, and Dr. Holls defending the article as reported 
 by the subcommittee, of which he is a member, and con- 
 tendmg that the peculiar interests of America could be 
 protected by a reservation. Finally, the delegation voted 
 to insist upon the insertion of the qualifying words, 
 autant que les circonstances permettent, but this decision 
 was afterwards abandoned. 
 
 Jidi/ 23. 
 
 Met at our Minister Newel's supper Sir Henry How- 
 ard, who told me that the present Dutch ministry, with 
 Piersoon at its head and De Beaufort as mmister of foreign 
 affairs, is in a very bad way ; that its " subserviency to 
 Italy," in opposition to the demands of the Vatican for 
 admittance into the conference, and its difficulties with 
 the socialists and others, arising from the police measures 
 taken against Armenian, Finnish, New Turkish and 
 other orators who have wished to come here and make 
 the conference and tlie city a bear garden, have led both 
 the extreme parties — that is, the solid Roman Catholic 
 party on one side, and the pretended votaries of liberty 
 on the other — to hate the ministry ecpiall}-. lie thinks 
 that they will join hands and oust the ministry just as 
 soon as the conference is over.
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 105 
 
 Some allowance is to be made for the fact that Sir 
 Henry is a Roman Catholic : while generall}' liberal, he 
 evidently looks at many questions from the point of 
 view of his church.^ 
 
 July 24. 
 
 For some days — in fact, ever since Captain Alahan 
 on the 22d called attention to Art. 27 of the arbitration 
 convention as likely to be considered an infringement 
 of the Monroe doctrine — our American delegation 
 has been greatly perplexed. We have been trying to 
 induce the French, who proposed Art. 27, and who are 
 as nnu'li attached to it as is a hen to her one chick, to 
 give it up, or, at least, to allow a limiting or explanatory 
 clause to be placed with it. Various clauses of this sort 
 have been proposed. The article itself makes it the duty 
 of the other signatory powers, when any two nations 
 are evidently drifting toward war, to remind these two 
 nations that the arbitration tribunal is open to them. 
 Nothing can be more simple and natural ; but we fear 
 lest, when the convention comes up for ratification in 
 the United States Senate, some oversensitive patriot may 
 seek to defeat it by insisting that it is really a violation 
 of time-honored American policy at home and abroad — 
 the policy of not entangling ourselves in the affairs of 
 foreign nations, on one side, and of not allowing them 
 to interfere in our affairs, on the other. 
 
 At twelve this day our delegation gave a large lunch- 
 eon at the Oude Doelen — among those present being 
 
 1 As it turned out, he was right : the ministry was ousted, but not so soon 
 as he expected, for the catastrophe did not arrive until about two years later. 
 Then came in a coalition of high Calvinists and Roman Catholics which 
 brought in the Kuyper ministry.
 
 106 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 Ambassadors de Staal, Count Nigra and Sir Julian 
 Pauncefote, Bourgeois, Karnebeek, Easily, Baron d"Es- 
 tournelles. Baron de Bildt and others — to discuss means 
 of getting out of the above-mentioned difficulty. A most 
 earnest effort was made to induce the French to allow 
 some such modification as has been put into other articles 
 — namely, the words, autant que possible, or some limit- 
 ing clause to the same effect ; but neither Bourgeois nor 
 D'Estournelles, representing France, would think of it 
 for a moment. Bourgeois, as the head of the French 
 delegation, spoke again and again, at great length. 
 Among other things, he gave us a very long disquisi- 
 tion on the meaning of devoir as it stands in the article 
 
 a disquisition which showed that the Jesuits are not 
 
 the only skillful casuists in the world. 
 
 I then presented my project of a declaration of the 
 American doctrine to be made by us on signing. It had 
 been scratched off with a pencil in the morning, hastily ; 
 but it was well received by Bourgeois, D'Estournelles 
 and all the others. 
 
 Later we held a meeting of our own delegation, when, 
 to my project of a declaration stating that nothing con- 
 tained in any part of the convention signed here should 
 be considered as requiring us to intrude, mingle or en- 
 tangle ourselves in European politics or internal affairs. 
 Low made an excellent addition to the effect that nothing 
 should be considered to require any abandonment of the 
 traditional attitude of the United States toward ques- 
 tions purely American ; and, with slight verbal changes, 
 tills combination was adopted.
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 107 
 
 July 25. 
 
 All night long I have been tossing about in my bed 
 and thinking of our declaration of the Monroe doctrine 
 to be brought before the conference to-day. We all fear 
 that the conference will not receive it, or will insist on 
 our signing without it or not signing at all. 
 
 On my way to The Hague from Scheveningen I met 
 M. Descamps, the eminent professor of international law 
 in the University of Lou vain, and the leading delegate 
 in the conference as regards hitricate legal questions 
 connected with the arbitration plan. He thought that 
 our best way out of the difficulty was absolutely to in- 
 sist on a clause limiting the devoir imposed by Art. 27, 
 and to force it to a vote. He declared that, in spite of 
 the French, it would certamly be carried. This I doubt. 
 M. Descamps knows, perhaps, more of international law 
 than of the temper of his associates. 
 
 In the afternoon to the '' Mouse in the Wood," where 
 the " Fmal Act " was read. This is a statement of 
 what has been done, summed up in the form of tliree 
 conventions, with sundry declarations, voeux, etc. We 
 had taken pains to see a number of the leading delegates, 
 and all, in their anxiety to save the main features of the 
 arbitration plan, agreed that they would not oppose our 
 declaration. It was therefore placed in the hands of 
 Raffalovitch, the Russian secretary, who stood close be- 
 side the president, and as soon as the " Final Act " had 
 been recited he read this declaration of ours. This was 
 then brought before the conference in plenary session by 
 M. de Staal, and the conference was asked whether any 
 one had any objection, or anything to say regarding it. 
 There was a pause of about a mmute, which seemed to
 
 108 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 me about an hour. Not a word was said, — in fact, there 
 was dead silence, — and so our declaration embodying a 
 reservation in favor of the Monroe doctrine was duly 
 recorded and became part of the proceedings. 
 
 Rarely in my life have I had such a feeling of deep 
 relief ; for, during some days past, it has looked as if 
 the arbitration project, so far as the United States is 
 concerned, would be wrecked on that wretched little 
 Art. 27. 
 
 I had before me notes of a speech carefully prepared, 
 stating our reasons and replying to objections, to be used 
 in case we were attacked, but it was not needed. In the 
 evening I was asked by Mr. Lavino, the correspondent 
 of the London Times, to put the gist of it into an " in- 
 terview " for the great newspaper which he serves, and to 
 this I consented ; for, during the proceedings this after- 
 noon in th(; conference, Sir Julian Pauncefote showed 
 great uneasmess. He was very anxious that we should 
 withdraw the declaration altogether, and said, '' It will 
 be charged against you that you propose to evade your 
 duties while using the treaty to promote your interests"; 
 but I held firm and pressed the matter, with the result 
 above stated. I feared that he would object in open con- 
 ference ; but his loyalty to arbitration evidently deterred 
 him. However, he returned to the charge privately, and 
 I then promised to make a public statement of our rea- 
 sons for the declaration, and this seemed to ease his 
 mind. The result was a recasting of my proposed speech, 
 and this Mr. I^avino llirew into the form of a long tele- 
 fjram to the Times.
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFEREXCE 109 
 
 July 26. 
 
 At ten to a meeting of our American delegation, when 
 another bombshell was thrown among us — nothing less 
 than the question whether the Pope is to be allowed to 
 become one of the signatory powers ; and this question 
 has now taken a very acute form. Italy is, of course, 
 utterly opposed to it, and Great Britain \A'ill not sign if 
 any besides those agreed upon by the signatory powers 
 are allowed to come in hereafter, her motive being, no 
 doubt, to avoid trouble in regard to the Transvaal. 
 
 Mr. Low stated that in the great committee the pre- 
 vailing opinion seemed to be that the signatory powers 
 had made a sort of partnership, and that no new part- 
 ners could be added without tlie consent of all. This is 
 the natural ground, and entirely tenable. 
 
 I would have been glad to add the additional require- 
 ment tliat no power should be admitted which would 
 not make arbitration reciprocal^ — that is, no power which, 
 while aiding to arbitrate for others, would not accept ar- 
 bitration between itself and another power. This would, 
 of course, exclude the Vatican ; for, while it desires to 
 judge others, it will allow no interests of its own, not 
 even the most worldly and trivial, to be submitted to 
 any earthly tribunal. 
 
 The question now came up in our American delegation 
 as to signing the three conventions in the Acte Final — 
 namely, those relating to arbitration, to the extension of 
 the Geneva rules, and to the laws and customs of war. 
 We voted to sign the first, to send the second to Wash- 
 ington without recommendation, and to send the third 
 with a recommendation that it be there signed. The 
 reason for sending the second to Washington without
 
 110 THE IMIIST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 recommendation is that Captain INIahan feels that, in its 
 present condition, it may bring on worse evils than it 
 prevents. He especially and, I think, justly objects to 
 allowing neutral hospital ships to take on board the 
 wounded and shipwrecked in a naval action, with power 
 to throw around them the safeguards of neutrality and 
 carry them off to a neutral port whence they can again 
 rcGfain their own homes and resume their status as com- 
 batpaits. 
 
 The reason for submitting the third to WashinQfton, 
 with a recommendation to sign it there, is that consider- 
 able W(jrk will be required in conforming our laws of 
 war to the standard })roposed by the conference, and that 
 it is best that tlie Washington authorities look it over 
 carefully. 
 
 I was very anxious to sign all tlnee conventions, but 
 the first is the great one, and I yielded my views on the 
 last two. 
 
 The powers are to have luilil the ^Ust of December, if 
 they wish it, before signing. 
 
 July 27. 
 
 Early in the morning to a meeting of our American 
 delegation, Mr. van Karnebeek being present. We agreed 
 to sign the arbitration convention, attaching to our signa- 
 tures a reservation embodying our declaration of 'Tuly 25 
 regarding the maintenance of our American policy — 
 the Monroe doctrine. A telegram was received from the 
 State I)e})artment aii[)r()ving of this declaration. 
 
 The imbroglio regarding the forcing of the Pope into 
 the midst of the signatory powers continues. 'Y\\v nl- 
 tramontanes are pushing on various delegates, especially
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFEREXCE 111 
 
 sundry Austrians and Belgians, wlio depend on clerical 
 support for their political existence, and, in some 
 cases, for their daily bread ; and the result is that M. 
 Descamps, one of the most eminent international lawyers 
 in Europe, who has rendered great services durmg tlie 
 conference, but who holds a professorship at the Univer- 
 sity of Louvain, and can hold it not one moment longer 
 than the Jesuits allow him, is making a great display of 
 feeling on the subject. Italy, of course, continues to take 
 the strongest ground against the proposal to admit his 
 Holiness as an Italian sovereign. 
 
 Our position is, as was well stated in the great com- 
 mittee by Mr. Low, that the contracting parties must all 
 consent before a new party can come in ; and tliis under 
 one of the simplest principles of law. We ought also 
 to add that any power thus admitted shall not only con- 
 sent to arbitrate on others, Ijut to be arbitrated upon. 
 This, of course, the Vatican monsignori will never do. 
 They would see all Europe deluged in blood before they 
 would submit the pettiest question between the kingdom 
 of Italy and themselves to arbitration by lay powers. All 
 other things are held by them utterly subordinate to the 
 restoration of the Pope's temporal power, though they 
 must know that if it were restored to him to-morrow 
 he could not hold it. He would be overthrown by a revo- 
 lution within a month, even witli all the troops which 
 France or Austria could send to support him ; and then 
 we should have the old miserable state of things again 
 in Italy, with Tjloodshed, oppression and exactions such 
 as took place throughout the first half of this centur}-, 
 and, indeed, while I was in Italy, under the old papal 
 authority, in 1856.
 
 112 THE FIRST HAGUE rOXFEREXCE 
 
 In the afternoon to tlie ''' House in the Wood " to go 
 over documents prelimuiary to signing the " Fmal Act." 
 
 Juli/ 28. 
 
 In the afternoon in plenary session of the conference, 
 hearing the final reports as to forms of signing, etc. 
 
 To-day appears in the London Times the interview 
 which its correspondent had with me yesterday. It de- 
 velops the reasons for our declaration, and seems to give 
 general satisfaction. Sir Julian Pauncefote told Holls 
 that he liked it much. 
 
 The committee on forms of the ''Final Act," etc., has at 
 last, under pressure of all sorts, agreed that the question 
 of admitting nonsignatory powers shall be decided by 
 the signatory powers, hereafter, through the ordinary 
 medium of diplomatic correspondence. This is unfor- 
 tunate for some of tlie South American republics, but it 
 will probably in some way inure to the benefit of the 
 Vatican monsignori. 
 
 July 29. 
 
 The last and culminating day of the conference. 
 
 In the morning the entire body gathered in the great 
 liall of the " House in the Wood," and each delegation 
 was sumnioiu'd tlience to sign the protocol, conventions 
 and declarations. Tliese were laid out on a long table in 
 the dinuig room of the palace, which is adorned with 
 very remarkable paintings of mythological subjects imi- 
 tating bas-reliefs. 
 
 All these documents had the places for each signature 
 preparcil Ix'forehand, and our seals, in wax, already 
 placed upon the pages adjoining the place where each
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFERENCE 113 
 
 signature was to be. At the request of the Foreign 
 Office authorities for my seal, I had sent a day or two 
 beforehand the seal ring which Goldwin Smith gave me 
 at the founding of Cornell University. It is an ancient 
 carnelian mtaglio which he obtained m Rome, and bears 
 upon its face, exquisitely engraved, a Wmged Victory. 
 This seal I used during my entire connection with Cornell 
 University, and also as a member of the Electoral Col- 
 lege of the State of New York at General Grant's second 
 election, when, at the request of the president of that 
 body. Governor Woodford, it was used in sealing certifi- 
 cates of the election, which were sent, according to law, 
 to certain high officials of our government. 
 
 I affixed my signature to the arbitration convention, 
 writing in, as agreed, the proviso that our signatures 
 were subject to the Monroe doctrine declaration made 
 in open session of the conference on July 25. The other 
 members of the American delegation then signed in 
 proper order. But the two other conventions we left 
 unsigned. It was with deep regret that I turned away 
 from these ; but the majority of the delegation had de- 
 creed it, and it was difficult to see what other course we 
 could pursue. I trust that the Washington authorities 
 will rectify the matter by signing tliem both. 
 
 We also affixed our signatures to the first of the 
 " declarations." 
 
 At tlu'ee P.M. came the formal closmg of the conference. 
 ]\I. de Staal made an excellent speech, as did Mr. van 
 Karnebeek and' M. de Beaufort, the Netherlands min- 
 ister of foreign affairs. To these Count Miinster, the 
 presiding delegate from Germany, replied in French, and 
 apparently extemporaneously. It must have been pain
 
 114 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 and grief to him, for he was obhgecl to speak respectfully, 
 in the first place, of the conference, which for some weeks 
 he had affected to despise ; and, secondly, of arbitration 
 and the other measures proposed, which, at least dur- 
 ing all the first part of the conference, he had denounced 
 as a trick and a humbug ; and, finall}", he had to speak 
 respectfully of M. de Staal, to whom he has steadily 
 shown decided dislike. He did the whole quite well, all 
 thmgs considered ; but showed his feelings clearly, as 
 regarded M. de Staal, by adding to praise of him greater 
 praise for Mr. van Karnebeek, who has been the main 
 managing man in the conference in behalf of the Nether- 
 lands Government. 
 
 Then to the hotel and began work on the draft of a 
 report, regarding the whole work of the conference, to 
 the State Department. I was especially embarrassed by 
 the fact that the wording of it must be suited to the 
 scruples of my colleague, Captain Mahan. He is a man 
 of the highest character and of great ability, whom I 
 respect and greatly like ; but, as an old naval officer, 
 wedded to the views generally entertained by older mem- 
 bers of the naval and military service, he has had very 
 little, if any, sympathy with tlie main [)uri)oses of the con- 
 ference, and has not hesitated to declare Iiis disbelief in 
 some of the measures which we were especially instructed 
 to press. Ill his books he is on record against tlic im- 
 munity of private property at sea, and in drawing up 
 our memorial to the conference regarding this latter 
 matter, in making my speech with reference to it in the 
 conference, and in preparing our report to the State 
 Department, I have been embarrassed by this fact. 
 It was important to have unanimity, and it could not be
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE COXFEREXCE 115 
 
 had, so far as he was concerned, without toning down 
 the whole thing, and, indeed, leavmg out much that in 
 my judgment the documents emanating from us on the 
 subject ought to contain. So now, in regard to arbitra- 
 tion, as well as the other measures finally adopted, liis 
 feelings must be considered. Still, his views have been 
 an excellent tonic; they have effectively prevented any 
 lapse hito sentimentality. When he speaks the millen- 
 nium fades and this stern, severe, actual world appears. 
 I worked until late at night, and then went to Scheven- 
 ingen almost in despair. 
 
 July 30. 
 
 Returned to The Hague early in the morning, and 
 went on again with the report, working steadily through 
 the day upon it. For the first time in m}^ life I have 
 thus made Sunday a day of work. Although I have no 
 conscientious scruples on the subject, it was bred into 
 me in my childhood and boyhood that Sunday should be 
 kept free from all manner of work ; and so thoroughly 
 was this rule inculcated that I have borne it in mind 
 ever since, often resisting very pressing temptation to 
 depart from it. 
 
 But to-day there was no alternative, and the whole 
 time until five o'clock in the afternoon was given to 
 getting my draft ready. 
 
 At five P.M. the American delegation came together, 
 and, to my surprise, received my report with every ap- 
 pearance of satisfaction. Mr. Low indicated some places 
 which, in his opinion, needed modification ; and to tliis 
 I heartily agreed, for they were generally places where 
 I was myself in doubt.
 
 ik; the first hague coxfekence 
 
 My draft having thus been presented, I turned it 
 over to Mr. Low, who agreed to bring it to-morrow 
 morning with such modifications, omissions and addi- 
 tions as seemed best to him. The old proverb, " 'T is 
 always darkest just before daylight," seems exemplified 
 in the affairs of to-day, since the kind reception given 
 to my draft of the report, and the satisfaction expressed 
 regardmg it, form a most happy and unexpected sequel 
 to my wretched distrust regardhig the whole matter 
 last night. 
 
 July 31. 
 
 The American delegation met at eleven in the morn- 
 ing and discussed my draft. jNIr. Low's modifications and 
 additions were not many and were mainly good. But he 
 omitted some things which I would have preferred to 
 retain : these being in the luitare of a plea in behalf of 
 arbitration, or, rather, an exhibition of the advantages 
 which have been secured for it bv the conference ; but, 
 betAveen his doubts and Captain ^Lilian's opposition, I 
 did not care to contest the matter, and several pages 
 were left out. 
 
 At six in the afternoon came the last meeting of our 
 delegation. The reports, duly engrossed, — namely, the 
 special reports, signed by Captain JNLihan and Captain 
 Crozier, from the first and second committees of the con- 
 ference ; the special report made by myself, Mr. Low 
 and Dr. I lolls as members of the third committee ; and 
 the general report covering our whole work, drawn al- 
 most entirely by me, l)ut signed by all the members of 
 the connnission, — were presented, re-read and signed, 
 after which the delegation adjourned, %ine die.
 
 THE FIRST iia(;l:j-: CUXFEKENCE 117 
 
 Augud 1. 
 
 After some little preliminary work on matters con- 
 nected witli the winding up of our commission, went with 
 my private secretary, Mr. Vickery, to Amsterdam, visit- 
 ing the old church, the palace, the Zoological Gardens, 
 etc. Thence to Gouda and saw the stained-glass windows 
 in the old church there, which 1 have so long desired to 
 study. 
 
 Auguat 3. 
 
 At 8.30 left The Hague and went by rail, via Cologne 
 and Ehrenbreitstein, to Homburg, arriving in the evening. 
 
 August h. 
 
 This morning resumed my duties as ambassador at 
 Berlin. 
 
 There was one proceeding at the final meeting of the 
 conference which I have omitted, but which really ought 
 to find a place in this diary. Just before the final speeches, 
 to the amazement of all and almost to the stupefaction of 
 many, the president, M. de Staal, handed to the secretary, 
 without comment, a paper which the latter began to read. 
 It turned out to be a correspondence which had taken 
 place, just before the conference, between the Queen of 
 the Netherlands and the Pope. 
 
 The Queen's letter — written, of course, by her min- 
 isters, in the desire to placate the Catholic party, which 
 holds the balance of power in the Netherlands — dwelt 
 most respectfully on the high functions of his Holiness, 
 etc., etc., indicating, if not saying, that it was not the 
 fault of her government that he was not invited to join 
 in the conference.
 
 lis THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 The ansAver from the Pope was a masterpiece of Vati- 
 can skill. In it he referred to what he claimed was his 
 natural position as a peacemaker on earth, dwelling 
 strongly on this point. 
 
 The reading of these papers was received in silence, 
 and not a word was publicly said afterwards regarding 
 them, though in various quarters there was very deep 
 feelinp-. It was felt that the Dutch (Tovernment had 
 taken this means of forestalling local Dutch opposition, 
 and lluit it was a purely local matter of political parti- 
 sanship that ought never to liave been intruded upon a 
 conference of the whole world. 
 
 I had no feelmg of this sort, for it seemed to me well 
 enough that the facts should be presented ; but a leading 
 representative of one of the great Catholic powers, who 
 drove home with us, was of a different mind. This eminent 
 diplomatist from one of the strongest Catholic countries, 
 and himself a Catholic, spoke in substance as follows : 
 " The Vatican has always been, and is to-day, a storm 
 center. The Pope and his advisers have never hesitated 
 to urge on war, no matter how bloody, when the slight- 
 est of their ordinary worldly purposes could be served by 
 it. The great religious wars of Europe were entirely stirred 
 u[) and egged on by them ; and, as everybody knows, the 
 Pope did everything to prevent the signing of the treaty 
 of Mi'mster, which put an end to the dreadful Thirty 
 Years' War, even oroiufj so far as to declare the oaths 
 taken by the plenipotentiaries at that congress of no effect. 
 
 " All througli tlu; Middle Ages and at the Renaissance 
 period the Popes kept Italy in turmoil and bloodslied for 
 their own family and territorial advantages, and they 
 kept all Europe in turmoil, for two centuries after the
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 119 
 
 Reformation, — in fact, just as long as they could, — in 
 the wars of religion. They did everything they could 
 to stir up the war between Austria and Prussia in 1866, 
 thinking that Austria, a Catholic power, was sure to win ; 
 and then everything possible to stir up the war of France 
 against Prussia in 1870 m order to accomplish the same 
 purpose of checking German Protestantism ; and now 
 they are doing all they can to arouse hatred, even to 
 deluge Italy in blood, in the vain attempt to recover the 
 temporal power, though they must know that they could 
 not hold it for any length of time even if they should 
 obtam it. 
 
 " They pretend to be anxious to ' save souls,' and es- 
 pecially to love Poland and Ireland ; but they have for 
 years used those countries as mere pawns in their game 
 with Russia and Great Britain, and would sell every 
 Catholic soul they contain to the Greek and English 
 churches if they could tliereby secure the active aid of 
 those two governments against ltul\ . The}' have obliged 
 the Italian youth to choose between patriotism and C'hris- 
 tianity, and the result is that the best of these have 
 become atheists. Their whole policy is based on stir- 
 ring up hatred and promotmg conflicts from which they 
 hope to draw worldly advantage. 
 
 " In view of all this, one stands amazed at the cool 
 statements of the Vatican letter." 
 
 These were the words of an eminent Roman Catholic 
 representative of a Roman Catholic power, and to them 
 I have nothing to add. 
 
 In lookmg back calmly over the proceedings of the 
 conference, I feel absolutely convinced that it has 
 accomplished a great work for the world.
 
 120 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 The mere assembling of such a body for such a pur- 
 pose was a distinct gain ; but vastly more important is 
 the positive outcome of its labors. 
 
 First of these is the plan of arbitration. It provides 
 a court definitely constituted ; a place of meeting easily 
 accessible ; a council for summoning it always in session ; 
 guarantees for perfect independence ; and a suitable 
 procedure. 
 
 ('losely connected with this is the provision for " in- 
 teriuitional connnissions of inquiry," which cannot fail 
 to do much m clearing up issues likely to lead to war 
 between nations. Thus we may liope, when there is 
 danger of war, for something better than that which 
 tlie world has hitherto heard — the clamor of interested 
 parties and the shrieks of sensation newspapers. The 
 natural result will be, as in the Venezuelan difficulty 
 between the United States and (xreat Britain, that when 
 a commission of this sort has been set at work to ascer- 
 tain the facts, the howling of partisans and screaming 
 of sensation mongers will cease, and the finding of the 
 commission be calmly awaited. 
 
 So, too, the plans adopted for mediation can hardly 
 fail to aid in keeping off war. The plans for " special 
 mediation" and ''seconding powers," which emanated 
 entirely from the American delegation, and which were 
 adopted uiiuiiiniously l)y tlie gi-eat committee and b}' the 
 conference, seem likely to [)ro\ c in s(Mne cases an effective 
 means of preventhig hostilities, and even of arresting 
 them after they have begun. Had it been in operation 
 during our recent war with Spain, it would probably 
 have closed it immediately after the loss of Cervera's fleet, 
 and would have saved manv lives and much treasure.
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 121 
 
 Secondly, the extension of the Geneva rules, hitherto 
 adopted for war on land, to war also on the sea is a 
 distinct gain in the cause of mercy. 
 
 Thirdly, the amelioration and more careful definition 
 of the laws of war must aid powerfully in that e\'olution 
 of mercy and right reason which has been going on for 
 hundreds of years, and especially since the great work 
 of Grotius. 
 
 In addition to these gains may well be mentioned the 
 declarations, expressions of opinion and utterance of 
 wishes for continued study and persevering effort to 
 make the instrumentalities of war less cruel and de- 
 structive. 
 
 It has been said not infrequently that the conference 
 missed a great opportunity when it made the resort to 
 arbitration voluntary and not t)bligatory. Such an ob- 
 jection can come only from those who have never duly 
 considered tlie problem concerned. Obligatory arbitra- 
 tion between states is indeed possible in various petty 
 matters, but in many great matters absolutely impossible. 
 While a few nations were willing to accept it in regard 
 to these minor matters, — as, for example, postal or 
 monetary difficulties and the like, — not a single power 
 was willing to bind itself by a hard-and-fast rule to sub- 
 mit all questions to it — and least of all the United States. 
 
 The reason is very simple: to do so would be to m- 
 crease the chances of war and to enlarge standing armies 
 throughout the world. Obligatory arbitration on all 
 questions would enable any power, at any moment, to 
 bring before the tribunal any other power agamst which 
 it has, or thinks it has, a grievance. Greece might thus 
 summon Turkey : France might summon Germany ; the
 
 122 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 
 
 Papacy, Italy ; England, Russia ; China, Japan ; Spain, 
 the United States, regarding matters in which the deepest 
 of liuman feelings — questions of religion, questions of 
 race, questions even of national existence — are concerned. 
 To enforce the decisions of a tribunal in such cases would 
 require armies compared to which those of the present 
 day are a mere bagatelle, and plunge the world into a sea 
 of troubles compared to which those now existing are as 
 nothing. What has been done is to provide a way, always 
 ready and easily accessible, by which nations can settle 
 most of their difficulties with each other. Hitherto, secur- 
 ing a court of arbitration has involved first the education 
 of public opinion in two nations ; next, the action of two 
 national legislatures ; then the making of a treaty ; then 
 the careful selection of judges on both sides ; then delays 
 by the jurists thus chosen m disposing of engagements 
 and duties to which they are already pledged — all these 
 matters requiring mucli labor and long time; and this 
 just when speedy action is most necessary to arrest the 
 development of international anger. Under the system 
 of arbitration now presented, the court can be brought 
 into session at short notice — easily, as regards most na- 
 tions, within a few weeks at the farthest. When to these 
 advantages are added the provisions for delaying war 
 and for improving the laws of war, the calm judgment of 
 mankind will, I fully believe, decide that the conference 
 has done a work of value to the world. 
 
 There is also another gain — incidental, but of real and 
 permanent value ; and this is the inevitable development 
 of the Law of Nations l)y the decisions of such a court 
 of arbitration composed of the most eminent jurists from 
 all countries. Thus far it lias been evolved from the
 
 THE FIRST HAGUE CONFERENCE 123 
 
 writings of scholars often conflicting, from the decisions 
 of national courts biased by local patriotism, from the 
 practices of various powers, on land and sea, more in 
 obedience to their interests than to their sense of justice ; 
 but now we may hope for the growth of a great body 
 of international law under the best conditions possible, 
 and ever more and more in obedience to the great im- 
 pulse given Ijy Grotius in tlie direction of right reason 
 and mercy.
 
 THE MATERIAL IX THIS BOOK CONSISTS OF 
 FIVE CHAPTERS FROM 
 
 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF 
 ANDREW D. WHITE 
 
 Illustrated loith Jive photogravure portraits of the author 
 
 This autobiography is a living, inspiring record, not alone of a life 
 which has been a powerful factor for good in American growth and 
 progress, but of the people and events which have shaped American 
 history and thought in the last half century. Dr. White has led a 
 life filled to overflowing with active usefulness in many causes — 
 education, politics, statecraft, diplomacy and literature. 
 
 The book is interestingly divided into eight parts, as follows : 
 
 PART I. 
 PART II. 
 PART III. 
 PART IV. 
 PART V. 
 PART VI. 
 PART VII. 
 PART VIII. 
 
 ENVIRONMENT AND EDUCATION 
 POLITICAL LIFE 
 AS UNIVERSITY PROFESSOR 
 AS UNIVERSITY PRESIDENT 
 IN THE DIPLOMATIC SERVICE 
 SUNDRY JOURNEYS AND EXPERIENCES 
 MISCELLANEOUS RECOLLECTIONS 
 RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT 
 
 A work of great historical ami liter- 
 ary interest and charm. — /irnnlrli/n 
 Eagle. 
 
 The most readable, as well as the 
 mo.st valuable, work of its kind which 
 has appeared for years. The more 
 closely one reads it, the greater will 
 be his respect for the great services of 
 the author to American education, as 
 well as admiration for his breadth of 
 mind and liis ripe scholarship in many 
 fields of knowledge. — San Francixco 
 ( 'hronicle. 
 
 An unexampled picture of human 
 activity during the last half of tlie 
 nineteenth century. — Boston Tran- 
 script. 
 
 Among the old, the work will revive 
 memories of events that thrilled the 
 world, and the newer generation will 
 find in it abundant material for the 
 enrichmentof theirniinds.— /'t/^s/y)t7Y//j 
 ('Itronicle Telegraph. 
 
 It will live as a record not of a single 
 life, but of a great era of American 
 history. — Siiracuse Post-Standard . 
 
 No one who aspires to keep in touch 
 with the broader aspects and applica- 
 tions of world politics can afford to 
 deny himself the pleasure of its peru- 
 sal.'— London /'all .Mall Oazetft. 
 
 No more interesting book has been 
 published in many decades. — Current 
 Literature. 
 
 Royal octavo, 2 volumes: of r,oo puf/e-s each, containing sixty-one chapter.'^, 
 with full index. Price, $7. .50 net, carriage extra. 
 
 NEW YORK : THE CENTURY COMPANY 
 
 125
 
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